15229	----	[Illustration: FRONTISPIECE.--WASHINGTON'S NEW CAPITOL BUILDING. (Photo Engraved from a Drawing.) CONSTRUCTION OF THE NEW CAPITOL TO BE ERECTED ON THE FOUNDATION ALREADY LAID AT OLYMPIA WAS AUTHORIZED AT THE 1909 SESSION OF THE LEGISLATURE.] [Page 1] A REVIEW OF THE RESOURCES AND INDUSTRIES OF WASHINGTON 1909 * * * * * PUBLISHED UNDER AUTHORITY OF THE LEGISLATURE, FOR GRATUITOUS DISTRIBUTION BY THE BUREAU OF STATISTICS, AGRICULTURE AND IMMIGRATION I. M. HOWELL. _Secretary of State_ _Ex-Officio Commissioner_ GEO. M. ALLEN, _Deputy Commissioner,_ [Page 2] OFFICE OF THE BUREAU OF STATISTICS, AGRICULTURE AND IMMIGRATION, OLYMPIA, WASHINGTON, JUNE 1, 1909. _To His Excellency M. E. Hay, Governor of Washington:_ We have the honor to transmit herewith the Biennial Report of the Bureau of Statistics, Agriculture and Immigration for the year 1909, dealing with the various resources and industries of Washington. Very respectfully, I. M. HOWELL. _Secretary of State_, _Ex-Officio Commissioner_. GEO. M. ALLEN, _Deputy Commissioner,_ [Page 3] INTRODUCTION OFFICE OF THE BUREAU OF STATISTICS, AGRICULTURE AND IMMIGRATION, OLYMPIA, WASHINGTON, JUNE 1, 1909. This publication represents an effort to place before the general public, and particularly the visitors at the Alaska-Yukon-Pacific Exposition, a brief description of the principal resources and industries of the State of Washington. Its imperfections may be accounted for largely by reason of the fact that funds for the purpose did not become available until the first day of April of the current year. This necessitated unusual haste in securing and preparing the material upon which the pamphlet is based. However, we have endeavored to deal conservatively and fairly with the various subjects under consideration, and to present all the information possible within the limits of the space at our disposal. Our purpose has been to supply the reader with an outline of the salient facts which account for the marvelous growth and development which the commonwealth is enjoying. To go largely into detail within the scope of a pamphlet of this size would be, manifestly, an impossibility. We might readily exhaust our available space in dealing with one industry or in describing a single county. Details, therefore, have been necessarily and purposely avoided. We have sought to bring the entire state within the perspective of the reader, leaving him to secure additional facts through personal investigation. Along this line, attention is called to the list of commercial organizations and local officials presented [Page 4] in the statistical portion of this report. Nearly all the larger communities of the state maintain organizations, equipped to supply detailed facts relating to their particular locality. Much valuable information may be obtained on application to these organizations or to local officials. An expression of appreciation is due those who have assisted us by supplying information and collecting photographs for use in this publication. Without such aid the completion of the pamphlet would have been materially delayed. [Illustration: Plate No. 1.--Fruit Farm Adjoining Town of Asotin, Asotin County.] [Illustration: Plate No. 2--Asotin County Views.] [Page 5] GENERAL OUTLINE OF THE RESOURCES AND INDUSTRIES OF WASHINGTON. The State of Washington as now constituted, was, prior to 1853, a portion of the Territory of Oregon. During the year mentioned, a new territory was carved from the old Oregon boundaries, which the statesmen of that day evidently believed was marked by destiny for the achievement of great things, for they conferred upon it the name of Washington. That our state, thus highly distinguished, has already demonstrated itself worthy of the exalted name, so happily bestowed upon it, the most carping critic must admit. With a population now reaching up toward a million and a half, and with all the forces that make for industrial, commercial and agricultural supremacy in full swing, and gathering new momentum yearly, Washington is moving onward and upward toward a position among the very elect of our great sisterhood of states. As briefly as the story may be told, the fundamental facts which underlie the marvelous advancement made by the state during recent years will be set forth in the pages of this pamphlet. NATURAL DIVISIONS OF THE STATE. By virtue of its varied topography, Washington is naturally divided into a number of districts or sections, each possessing its own particular characteristics. Olympic Peninsula. The first of these districts may be described as consisting of that section of the state including the Olympic mountains and extending westward from them to the Pacific ocean. Within the limits of this Olympic peninsula, as it is ordinarily termed, there is standing one of the largest and most valuable tracts of virgin timber yet remaining in the United States. [Page 6] Puget Sound Basin. The second district includes the territory lying between the Olympic and Cascade mountains, the chief physical feature of which is the great inland sea known as Puget Sound. The shore front of this important waterway exceeds 2,000 miles, and its length is broken by numerous bays and harbors, upon which are located Seattle, the state's metropolis, and the growing cities of Tacoma, Everett, Bellingham and Olympia. The climate of this section is mild in winter and cool in summer, extremes in either season being practically unknown. Deep sea shipping enters the port of Puget Sound from every maritime country on the globe, and the industrial and commercial interests of this section are expanding with extraordinary rapidity. The Cascade Mountains. The Cascade mountains constitute the third of these natural divisions. This range extends in a broken line across the width of the state, at a distance of about 120 miles from the Pacific ocean. These mountains, their rugged peaks capped with a mantle of eternal snow, their sides covered with a heavy timber growth, and their valleys carrying numerous sparkling mountain streams, with illimitable possibilities for the development of power, are one of the important assets of the state, the value of which has not as yet even been estimated. The mineral wealth of the Cascades, only a slight knowledge of which has as yet been secured, will ere long contribute largely to the prosperity of the state, while the more moderate slopes of the mountains serve a valuable purpose for the pasturage of numerous flocks and herds. Okanogan Highlands. The fourth district is known as the Okanogan highlands, and occupies that portion of the state lying north of the Columbia river and east of the Cascade mountains. This section of the state contains valuable timber and mineral wealth in addition to presenting many attractive opportunities to the farmer and horticulturist. It has been hampered thus far by [Page 7] lack of adequate transportation facilities, and for this reason land may be had at exceptionally reasonable figures. Columbia River Basin. The Columbia river basin is by far the largest natural division of the state, and, generally speaking, includes the section drained by that river and its tributaries. Within the confines of this district are the great irrigated and grain-growing sections of the state, which are a source of constantly increasing wealth. This great "Inland Empire," as it has come to be called, has made thousands of homeseekers independent, and is largely responsible for the rise to commercial greatness of the splendid city of Spokane. Other cities of growing importance lying within the Columbia river basin are Walla Walla, North Yakima, Ellensburg and Wenatchee, while scores of smaller communities are annually adding to their population with the continued development of the districts of which they are the immediate distributing centers. The Southeast. The Blue mountains form the chief natural characteristic of the extreme southeastern section of the state, which constitutes the sixth division. This is comparatively a small district, but one that is highly favored by climatic and soil advantages, and it is well timbered and watered. The Southwest. The southwest is the seventh and final division of the state. It comprises an extensive district, fronting on the Columbia river and the Pacific ocean. It is heavily wooded and its chief industries are based upon its timber wealth. The taking and canning of fish and oyster culture are also important industries, while fruit growing and general farming are carried on upon a constantly increasing scale. [Page 8] NATURAL RESOURCES OF WASHINGTON. Probably few other states in the Union excel Washington in the great variety, abundance and value of the natural gifts prepared and ripe for the hand of man within its borders. Preceding races were content to leave its wealth to us, being themselves satisfied to subsist upon that which was at hand and ready for consumption with no effort but the effort of taking. The impenetrable forests were to them a barrier to be let alone. For the minerals within the mountains they had no use, and to gather wealth from the tillage of the soil needed too much exertion. Fish and game and fruits all ready to gather were all they sought, and the state had enough of these to attract and hold a large population. But the vision of the white man was different. His eye scanned the peaks of the Cascades with its great eternal white Rainier having its head thrust up among the clouds, and he realized that around and beneath them must be a vast hoard of the precious metals. His eye caught the dazzling grandeur of the white-capped Olympics, but he realized that they held in reserve something more substantial to his needs than scenery and hunting grounds. The impenetrable barriers of the forest-covered foothills were to him a treasure worth the struggle for an empire. He scanned the glittering waters of the bays and inlets of Puget Sound and its great open way to the Pacific Ocean and realized that it meant more to him and to his children than a place to catch a few fish. He viewed the vast plains of "barren" land within the great winding course of the Columbia river and believed it worth more than pasturage for a few bands of ponies. The thousand tumbling water-falls that hastened the course of the rivers toward the sea meant more than resting places for the chase. No wonder the hardy pioneers whose vision saw the grandeur of Washington and comprehended its meaning dared a mighty journey, vast hardships and trying and dangerous hazards to save this empire to Uncle Sam. Washington, saved by the energy and foresight of a few, has become the [Page 9] delightful home of a million and more, and their possession is one that Alexander or Napoleon would have coveted, had they known. [Illustration: Plate No. 3.--Chehalis County Timber.] [Illustration: Plate No. 4.--The Logging Industry in Chehalis County.] [Illustration: Plate No. 5.--View of Harbor, Aberdeen, Chehalis County.] [Illustration: Plate No. 6.--Limb Cut from a Chelan County Peach Tree.] [Illustration: Plate No. 7.--Six-Year-Old Winesap Apple Tree on Farm of Blackmont Bros., Chelan County.] [Illustration: Plate No. 8.--Farm of Wm. Turner, Chelan County. From Sage Brush to Bearing Orchard, Showing How Living Is Made While Orchard Is Coming Into Bearing.] FORESTS. From British Columbia to the majestic Columbia river and from the Cascade mountains westward to the ocean a vast forest of magnificent timber stretches out over mountain and hill and valley, covering the whole landscape of western Washington in a mantle of living green. The majestic fir trees, which, as small evergreens, adorn the lawns of other climes, here stretch their ancient heads 300 feet heavenward and give the logger a chance to stand upon his springboard and, leaving a fifteen foot stump, cut off a log 100 feet in length and 7 feet in diameter free from limbs or knots. Side by side with these giants of fir are other giants of cedar, hemlock and spruce crowded in groups, sometimes all alike and sometimes promiscuously mingled, which offer to the logger often 50,000 feet of lumber from an acre of ground. But these great forests of western Washington are not all the forests within the state. The eastern slope of the Cascade mountains well down toward the lands of the valleys is mostly covered with timber. A belt from 30 to 50 miles wide stretching clear across the north boundary of eastern Washington is mostly a forest, while a large area in the southeastern corner of the state, probably 24 miles square, is also forest covered. To estimate the amount of timber which can be cut from these vast forest areas is difficult; estimates are not accurate, yet it is probable that the lumber made will in time far exceed any estimate yet placed upon this chief source of the wealth of the State of Washington. Of the fir the estimate has been made that shows still standing enough timber to make 120 billion feet; for the cedar the estimate is 25 billion feet, while the same amount of 25 billion feet is credited to hemlock; 12 billion feet of spruce are claimed, 12 billion feet of yellow pine and probably 6 billion feet of other woods, including maple, alder, oak, yew, ash and many others, together forming the great mass of 200 billion feet of lumber. Where forest areas are cut off, the [Page 10] sun and air at once start to life seeds which lie dormant in the shade and a new crop at once starts and the old ground is in a few years reforested in nature's prodigal way, a thousand seeds sprouting and growing where only one giant can ultimately stand. Of these timbers, the fir, largest in quantity, is also largest in usefulness. For bridge work, shipbuilding, the construction of houses, etc. it is unsurpassed. Cedar is lighter and more easily worked and for shingles chiefly and many other special uses is superior. Spruce is fine grained, odorless and valuable for butter tubs, interior finish, shelving, etc. The hemlock is valuable not only for the tannin of its bark, but as a wood for many purposes is equal to spruce. The yellow pine, where it is plentiful is the main wood used in house construction and for nearly all farm purposes. The yellow pine is the chief timber in all eastern Washington. The harder woods, maple, alder, ash, etc., are used where available in furniture construction and for fuel, as are also all the other woods. COAL. Not content with covering half the surface of the state with forests for fuel, the Creator hid away under the forests an additional supply of heat and power sufficient to last its future citizens an indefinite period. The white man was not slow to find and locate the coal measures in many counties, notably in Kittitas, King, Pierce, Lewis, Whatcom and Thurston, and to put it to the task of driving his machinery. The coal measures of these counties are of vast extent, and, although little developed yet, there are 3,000,000 tons of coal mined annually in Washington. Other counties are known to have coal measures beneath their forests, but as yet they have not been opened up for commerce. The coal already mined includes both lignite and bituminous varieties and furnishes fuel for the railroads, steamboats and power plants, giving very satisfactory results. Much of the bituminous coal makes an excellent article of coke and provides this concentrated carbon for the various plants about the state engaged in smelting iron and other metals. [Page 11] The fixed carbon of the coal ranges from 48 to 65 per cent. and the total values in carbon from 64 to 80 per cent. and the ash from 3 to 17 per cent. The coal measures underlie probably the great bulk of the foothills on both sides of the Cascades and some of the Olympics, the Blue mountains of the southeast and some of the low mountains in the northeastern part of the state. Besides these coals already mentioned, it is known that veins of anthracite coal exist in the western part of Lewis county, the extent and value of which have not been fully determined, and, owing to the absence of transportation, are not on the market. MINERAL ORES. The general topography of the state suggests at once the probability of deposits of ores of the precious metals, and the cursory prospecting already done justifies the outlook. Practically the entire mountain regions are enticing fields for the prospector. Substantial rewards have already been realized by many who have chanced the hardships, and there are now in operation many mining enterprises which are yearly adding a substantial sum to the output of the wealth of the state. The ores occur chiefly in veins of low grade and great width and known as base on account of the presence of sulphur, arsenic and other elements compelling the ores to be roasted before smelting. There are, however, some high grade ores in narrow fissures and in a few localities free milling ores and placer deposits are found. In most cases the free milling ores are the result of oxidation and will be found to be base as water level is reached in the mining process. Mining of precious metals is being prosecuted in Whatcom, Skagit, Snohomish, King, Pierce, Lewis, Skamania, Cowlitz, Okanogan, Chelan, Kittitas, Yakima, Klickitat, Ferry and Stevens counties. Of the metals the mines of the state are producing gold, silver, lead, copper, quicksilver, zinc, arsenic, antimony, molybdenum, [Page 12] nickel, cobalt, tungsten, titanium, bismuth, sulphur, selenium, tellurium, tin and platinum. There are also iron mines, and quarries of marble, granite, onyx, serpentine, limestone and sandstone--beds of fire clay, kaolin, fire and potter's clays, talc and asbestos and many prospects of petroleum. Mining is suffering for the lack of transportation for the low grade ores, but prospects are excellent for relief in this regard in the near future. The era of wildcat exploitation has been relegated to the past and legitimate mining is now getting a firmer hold in the state, and we look for results within the next five years which will astonish many who think themselves well informed. FISHERIES. A glance at the map of the state will disclose a remarkable combination of salt and fresh waters within the jurisdiction of the state of such a character as to amaze one not familiar with it, but learned in the habits of the finny tribe in general. The ocean is the great feeding ground. Out of its mysterious depths the millions of fish come into fresh waters fat and rich from the salt water vegetation. [Illustration: Plate No. 9.--Chelan County Views.] [Illustration: Plate No. 10.--Farm and Dairy Scene Common to Clallam County.] The great Columbia river in the south, Willapa harbor, Grays harbor, the majestic straits of Fuca and the equally majestic straits of Georgia on the north are all great open highways from the sea, not only for merchandise laden ships, but for myriads of salt water food fishes which annually traverse their bottoms. Into these open mouths flows a great network of fresh water rivers and streams, draining the entire area of the state and providing the spawning waters for the fishes from the sea not only, but for millions of strictly fresh water fishes. Not only these, but late years have proven the shore waters of the state to produce also great numbers of oysters, clams, crabs and shrimp. Nor is this all, because the proximity of the state to the ocean gives it a great advantage in profiting from the fishing industry among that class of the finny hosts who refuse to leave their salt water homes. So that from the whales of Bering sea to the speckled beauties that haunt the mountain [Page 13] streams, through the long list of delectable salt and fresh water food, the fisherman of Washington has an enticing and most profitable chance to satisfy his love of sport and adventure not only, but to increase his bank account as well. SOILS AND LANDS. Washington is particularly blessed in having a diversity of soils, all admirably adapted to some department of agriculture and giving the state the opportunity of great diversity in the occupations of its people. The central plateau of eastern Washington, made up of level stretches and undulating hills, is all covered with a soil composed of volcanic ash and the disintegration of basaltic rocks which, together with some humus from decayed vegetation, has made a field of surpassing fertility for the production of the cereals with scant water supply; but under the magic touch of irrigation it doubles its output and makes of it not only a grain field but an orchard and garden as well. Underneath the forests of eastern Washington, along the northern border of the state and in its southeastern corner there is added a large proportion of clay, a necessary element for perpetual pasturage, and widening the field for fruit growing. In western Washington, upon the bench lands and on the hills and foothills the forests are supported upon a gravelly soil, intermixed with a peculiar shot clay which disintegrates with successive tillage so that when the forests are removed the soil becomes ready for all the grasses and grains and fruits. In the valleys more silt and humus make up the soil, and when the cottonwoods, alders and maples are gone there is left a soil deep and strong for the truck gardener and general farmer, which will endure successive tillings for ages. At the deltas of the rivers are large reaches of level lands, some of which have to be diked to prevent the overflow of the tides, which have had added the fertility of the salts of the ocean and are probably the richest lands in the state fit for cereals and root crops, not omitting the bulbs which have made the deltas of Holland famous. There are also extensive peat beds which, scientifically [Page 14] fertilized, will produce abundant returns to the intelligent farmer. LANDS. The lands of the state are owned, some by Indian tribes, some by the general government, some by the state, but largely by individual citizens and corporations. Indian Lands. Of the Indian lands most of them have been "allotted" and the balance will soon be thrown open to settlement. Of these the largest in western Washington are the Quinault and Makah reservations and in eastern Washington the great Colville reservation. This latter will in time make two or three counties of great value, being adapted to general farming, dairying, fruit growing and mining, and having an abundance of forest area for fuel and building purposes. Those in western Washington are timbered areas at present. Government Lands. The remnant of government lands are chiefly among the more barren areas of eastern Washington and the poorer forest lands of western Washington. The method of obtaining title to government lands is generally known, and if not, can be obtained from the general land offices, one of which is in Seattle, Olympia, Vancouver, Spokane, Waterville, Walla Walla and North Yakima. The government still holds title to nearly six million acres, and, while the best has been acquired by others, the diligent searcher can still find homesteads and desert claims worth energy and considerable expense to secure. State Lands. A recent estimate of the value of the state lands still in possession makes them worth 56 million dollars. They include nearly 3,000,000 acres, a large portion of which is heavily timbered. These lands may be obtained from the state through the state land commissioner by purchase outright on very easy terms, or may be leased for a term of five to ten years at a low rental, the lessee receiving virtually a first right to purchase. These state lands are as good as any in the state and offer to the homeseeker a splendid opportunity for a start. [Page 15] In this state there are also numerous tide lands, oyster lands, and shore lands to be obtained at various prices, both from the state and from private individuals who have already acquired title from the state. WATER POWER. It is probable that no state in the Union is better equipped for creating power than the State of Washington. Numerous waterfalls of magnitude are already successfully utilized. Among these the most noted are the Spokane falls, capable of producing 400,000 horse power; the Snoqualmie falls, with a sheer descent of 250 feet, with a capacity of 100,000 horse power; Puyallup river at one place is furnishing about 20,000 horse power; the Cedar river has a capacity of 50,000 horse wer; the Nooksack falls with 15,000 horse power already generated; Tumwater falls with 4,000 horse power, with Chelan falls, the Meyers falls and the falls of Asotin creek all in use to limited extent. The waters of the Yakima river are also in use in part for power purposes, but more extensively for irrigation. Besides these there are many minor streams already harnessed. But the unused water powers of the state far exceed that portion now developed. All its streams are mountain streams, excepting perhaps, the Snake and Columbia rivers. These mountain rivers in a flow of 50 to 200 miles make a descent of 2,000 to 5,000 feet in reaching sea level, providing innumerable opportunities to use the falls already created by nature, or to divert the waters and produce artificial falls. No heritage of the state is of greater value and none more appreciated than this water power. Since the introduction of electricity as a lighting and motive force, its creation by water power looms into immense importance. The exhibition of its achievements to be seen in Washington today is amazing to the men whose vision of light and power was first with the tallow dip and four-footed beasts, and later with kerosene and steam. Electricity, created by our water falls, lights our cities and farm homes, draws our street cars and some railroad cars--pushes most of the machinery used in manufactories, to the great satisfaction and profit of our citizens. [Page 16] GAME. The State of Washington was once a paradise for the sportsman in its every corner. Its desert lands were full of jack rabbits and sage hens; over its mountains and foothills roamed herds of elk, mountain goats, deer, and many bear, cougar and wild cats. In its timbered valleys were pheasants and grouse in plenty. Upon its waters and sloughs the wild ducks and geese were in vast flocks, while its waters teemed with salmon in many varieties, and several families of the cod tribe, sole, flounders, perch, mountain trout and other fish. While these conditions cannot now be said to exist in full, yet at certain seasons, and in some places, the same game, animals, birds and fishes are in abundance, and the sportsman, while he may not have his "fill," may satisfy a reasonable amount of his craving for the excitement of the frontier. The state has deemed it wise to restrict the time and place within which its game can be taken and the amount a single individual shall kill. These regulations suffice partly to preserve the game from extinction and help replenish the state's treasury, and are considered wise and reasonable. SCENERY. If Washington is mighty in forest possession, provided with fuel for centuries in its coal beds, rich in precious metals, with great open waterways full of fish roads from the ocean and millions of fishes in its inland waters, with game upon its thousand hills and its vast plains loaded with waving grains and red with luscious fruits, still its crowning glory is its matchless scenery. Towering above the clouds, with its head crowned with eternal snows, its sides forever glistening with icy glaciers till their feet touch the green tops of its foothills, near the center of the state, stands in imposing grandeur the highest mountain of the states--grand, old Mount Rainier. [Illustration: Plate No. 11.--Fish Cannery at Port Angeles, Clallam County.] [Illustration: Plate No. 12.--A Forest Scene in Clallam County.] [Illustration: Plate No. 13.--North Bank Bridge Over the Columbia River at Vancouver, Clarke County.] [Illustration: Plate No. 14.--U. S. Army Post, Vancouver, Clarke County.] [Illustration: Plate No. 15.--Stock-Raising in Clarke County.] [Illustration: Plate No. 16.--A Clarke County Fruit Ranch.] Through its center north and south the Cascade mountains in a zigzag course lift their clustered peaks and mountain passes from four to eight thousand feet above the sea, while Mount Olympus and his colleagues higher still poke their inspiring [Page 17] front heavenward. Between these two white and green clad mountain ranges, protected from the blizzards of the southwestern plains and from the hurricanes from the ocean, lie in safety the placid waters of Washington's great inland sea, matchless Puget Sound. Where else upon the globe is such a diversified stretch of tranquil water, upon whose shores the ocean tides ebb and flow, upon whose surface the navies of the world could maneuver to their heart's content, while visible from shore to shore are the vast evergreen forests, interlaced with winding waters and stretching gently upwards till they reach the visible mountain peaks a hundred miles away, thousands of feet skyward? Scarcely less enchanting is the view eastward from the Rainier's lofty height--a vast stretch of hill and plain almost surrounded by green mountain sides, through whose gray and green fields flow the great winding courses of the mighty Columbia and the lazy Snake rivers, while a multitude of smaller streams gleam through the forest sides of the mountains over innumerable waterfalls. Here within the foothills you gaze upon the largest lake within the state, a beauty spot to enchant alike the artist and the sportsman. Deep within its rocky sides and full of speckled beauties lying like a mirror in the stretch of green hills about it, lies Lake Chelan, and on its unruffled bosom a fleet of boats ply for fifty miles beyond its outlet till reach the mining foothills of the mountains. A hundred miles eastward, still among the scattered pines of northeastern Washington, the Spokane river tumbles in masses of foam and spray over a succession of rocky falls on its way to the Columbia, while still further on the Pend d'Oreille and upper reaches of the Columbia river flow close up among the mountains and foothills and present a series of beautiful combinations of rock, trees, hills and valleys, of forests and waterfalls of magnificent beauty. Washington in its scenery is magnificent in proportions, wonderful in its variety, grand and imposing in form and feature--picturesque--enticing--"a thing of beauty and a joy forever." [Page 18] PRINCIPAL INDUSTRIES OF WASHINGTON. LUMBERING. The description of the resources of a state naturally suggests what its industries are. The forests of western Washington inevitably lead to the lumber industry and the fertile soil of eastern Washington point as unerringly to agriculture. These are the two great industries of the state. The lumberman and the farmer are in the majority. Already there are sawmills enough in operation to cut up all the standing timber in the state within fifty years. They employ probably 100,000 men. This includes those engaged in logging and the subsidiary industries. Of the trees the fir is pre-eminently useful, and more than half of the forests of the state are fir trees. It is of greater strength than any of the others and hence is used for all structural work where strength is of special importance. It is rather coarse grained, but when quarter sawed produces a great variety of grains very beautiful and capable of high finish and is extensively used for inside finishings for houses as well as for frame work. Its strength makes it ideal for the construction of ships. The yellow pine is strong, medium grained and well fitted for general building purposes, and is very extensively used in eastern Washington. Cedar is very light and close grained and is chiefly used for shingles, and for this purpose has no superior. The cheaper grades are also used for boxes and sheathing for houses and many other purposes. The spruce furnishes an odorless wood especially useful for butter tubs; for shelving and similar uses it is superior to either the fir or cedar. It is a white, close grained lumber, and appreciating in value. The hemlock, whose bark produces tannin for the tanneries, is also a close grained light wood coming more and more into [Page 19] general use, for many purposes, especially where it will not be exposed to the weather. Logs frequently seven feet in diameter require big saws, and big carriers 50 to 100 feet long, and hence Washington has probably the largest sawmills in the world. Our lumber is used at home and shipped all over the world to make bridges, ships, houses, floors, sash, doors, boxes, barrels, tubs, etc. Factories for the manufacture of wood products are scattered all over the state. Most of the sawmills and some factories are driven by steam made by burning sawdust, slabs, and other refuse of the mills. Coal and electricity, however, are both in use. COAL MINING. The mining of coal for foreign and domestic purposes is one of the most important of Washington's industries. The annual output of the mines is about three million tons, worth about eight million dollars; Fifty thousand tons of coke are made annually, worth at the ovens about $300,000. The coal mining industry gives employment to 6,000 men. The production of coal for 1907 was distributed as follows: Kittitas County, tons 1,524,421 King County, tons 1,446,966 Pierce County, tons 612,539 Lewis County, tons 101,275 Thurston County, tons 33,772 Whatcom County, tons 3,160 Clallam County, tons 300 The coke nearly all comes from Pierce county. Nearly forty different corporations and individuals are engaged in coal mining. The coals thus far commercially mined are chiefly lignite and bituminous. These coal measures lie along the base of the foothills, chiefly of the Cascade mountains. Higher up are some mines of anthracite coals, not yet on the market for lack of transportation. As far as discovered they are chiefly near the headwaters of the Cowlitz river in Lewis county. Coal forms the largest factory in furnishing steam for the mill roads. Some of the railroads, notably the [Page 20] Northern Pacific and Great Northern, own their own mines and mine the coal for their own engines and shops. It is also the main fuel supply for domestic uses, although fir and yellow pine cordwood is extensively used when the cost of transportation is not too great. Coal is also the chief fuel used in steamboats, both those plying over inland waters and the ocean-going boats as well. Here also, however, the fir wood proves a good substitute and is used to some extent by local steamers on the Sound. Coal is also used to create both steam and electricity for most of the large heating plants in the cities and in many factories and manufacturing plants, flour mills, elevators, etc. The fact that vast coal measures lie within 50 miles of the seaports of Puget Sound is a very important factor in insuring the construction of manufacturing establishments and the concentration of transportation in these ports. Coal is also used in all the large cities for the manufacture of illuminating gas and as a by-product of this industry coke, coal tar, and crude creosote are produced. The coke from the ovens goes chiefly to the smelters for the reduction of ores, both of the precious metals and iron. METAL MINING. The mining industry other than coal is quite rapidly reaching importance among our industries. There are in the state three large smelters, whose annual output of precious metals far surpasses in value the output of our coal mines. The ores for these values, however, do not all come from the mines of this state. Other states, British Columbia, Alaska, and some foreign countries help furnish the ores. But Washington has within its borders a great mineralized territory, not yet thoroughly prospected and very little developed, yet which materially assists in supplying these smelters with their ores. [Illustration: Plate No. 17.--Ocean-Going Raft, Built at Stella, Cowlitz County, by the Oregon Rafting Company.] [Illustration: Plate No. 18.--COWLITZ COUNTY TIMBER. This Stick Was 301 Feet Long and 36 Feet in Circumference at Stump.] The smelter at Everett receives a steady supply of arsenical ores of copper, lead, gold, silver and zinc from the mines of Snohomish county which are of magnitude sufficient to make profitable the railroad which has been built to Monte Cristo [Page 21] purposely for these ores. This smelter has a special plant for saving the arsenic in these ores, which materially adds to the value of its output and is said to be the only one of its kind in the nation. Besides the mines at Monte Cristo, there are copper mines being successfully worked at Index, whose ores are shipped both to Everett and Tacoma. At Tacoma is located one of the largest smelting and refining plants in the nation, which draws its ores from all parts of the world. At North Port in Stevens county is a smelter which is chiefly supplied with ores from this state, supplemented by those of British Columbia. At Republic in Ferry county are mines producing gold and silver ores of such extent as to have induced the building of a branch line of railroad to carry their ores to this smelter. There are also in Stevens county large deposits of silver-lead ores, which will be large producers as soon as better transportation is secured. This last statement is also true regarding many mines in other counties. FISHING INDUSTRY. The business of catching, preserving and selling fish gives employment probably to more than 10,000 men in this state and adds probably four million dollars annually to its wealth production. The fishes include salmon, which is the chief commercial species, cod in many varieties, halibut, salmon trout, perch, sole, flounders, smelt, herring, sardines, oysters, clams, crabs and shrimp from its salt waters, and sturgeon, trout, perch, black bass, white fish and many others from the fresh water. Great quantities of salmon and halibut are shipped in ice-packed boxes, fresh from the waters, to all parts of the nation. Of these fish, many salmon, halibut and cod are caught in Alaskan waters and brought into this state to be cured and prepared for the market. The salmon are chiefly packed in tin cans after being cooked; the cod are handled as are the eastern cod, dried and salted. The business of handling the smelts, herring, etc., is in its infancy, as is also that of the shellfish. [Page 22] The propagation of oysters, both native and eastern, is assuming great importance in many places in the state. In Shoalwater bay, Willipa bay, Grays harbor, and many of the bays and inlets of Puget Sound, oysters are being successfully grown. In some instances oyster farms are paying as much as $1,000 per acre. The state has sold many thousand acres of submerged lands for this purpose. It has also reserved several thousand acres of natural oyster beds, from which the seed oysters are annually sold at a cheap price to the oyster farmers, who plant them upon their own lands and market them when full grown. The native oysters are much smaller than the eastern oysters and of a distinct flavor, but command the same prices in the market. AGRICULTURE. Cereals. The largest and most important industry in the state is without doubt the cultivation of the soil. The great variety of the soils and climatic conditions has made the state, in different parts, admirably adapted to a large variety of farm products. Vast fields of wheat cover a large proportion of the uplands of eastern Washington, the average yield of which is greater than that of any other state in the Union. The diked lands of western Washington produce oats at the rate of 100 to 125 bushels per acre. In some counties in southeastern Washington barley is more profitable than any other cereal, on account of the large yield and superior quality. Corn is successfully raised in some of the irrigated lands, but is not as profitable as some other crops and hence is not an important factor in Washington's grain supply. Rye, buckwheat, and flax, are successfully grown in many localities. In western Washington, particularly, peas form an important ration for stock food and are extensively raised for seed, excelling in quality the peas of most other states. [Page 23] Hops. Hops are a large staple product in many counties of the state. They are of excellent quality, and the yield is large and their cultivation generally profitable. The chief drawback is in the fluctuations of the market price. Grass and Hay. Grass here, as elsewhere, is very little talked about, although it is one of the large elements that make the profits of agriculture. Saying nothing of the vast amount of grass consumed green, the state probably produces a million tons of hay annually, averaging $10 per ton in value. Western Washington is evergreen in pasturage as well as forests and no spot in the Union can excel it for annual grass production. East of the mountains a very large acreage is in alfalfa, with a yield exceeding six tons per acre. Potatoes. On the alluvial soils of western Washington and the irrigated lands of the eastern valleys, potatoes yield exceedingly heavy crops of fine tubers, often from 400 to 600 bushels per acre. All other root crops are produced in abundance. Beets. Extensive experiments have proved that the sugar beet can be raised profitably in many counties and sugar is now on the markets of the state, made within its borders from home-grown beets. Truck Gardening. Garden stuff is supplied to all the large cities chiefly from surrounding lands in proper seasons, but much is imported from southern localities to supply the market out of season. The soils utilized for this purpose are the low alluvial valley lands and irrigated volcanic ash lands. The yield from both is astonishing to people from the eastern prairie states, and even in western Washington, with its humid atmosphere and cool nights, tomatoes, squashes and sweet corn are being generously furnished the city markets. The warm irrigated lands of eastern [Page 24] Washington produce abundant crops of melons, cucumbers, squashes and all other vegetables. HORTICULTURE. The conditions for successful fruit growing are abundant, and peculiarly adapted to produce excellence in quality and quantity in nearly all parts of the state, but some localities have better conditions for some particular fruits than others, e. g., western Washington excels in the raising of raspberries and other small fruits of that sort, its climate and soils being suited to the production of large berries and heavy yields. Certain localities in eastern Washington excel in the yield of orchard fruits, chiefly on irrigated lands. Owing to the abundant sunshine, the fruits of eastern Washington are more highly colored than those of other sections of the state. Taking the state as a whole, horticulture is rapidly assuming vast importance. Thousands of acres are yearly being added to the area of orchards, and remarkable cash returns are being realized from the older plantings now in full bearing. This is true of all the common orchard fruits, apples, pears, peaches, plums, cherries, etc. In western Washington large plantings of the small fruits are growing in favor, some of the new fruits receiving especial attention. One plantation of thirty acres is devoted exclusively to Burbank's phenomenal berry. Grapes are being grown on both sides of the mountains, the eastern side, however, giving this fruit much more attention. Cranberries are being produced in quantities on some of the bog lands near the sea coast. Nuts have been planted on both sides of the mountains in an experimental way, and it has been found that walnuts, chestnuts, and filberts are profitable. In the southeastern section of the state, nut growing bids fair to develop into a considerable industry. [Illustration: Plate No. 19.--Royal Anne Cherry Tree, Owned by J. H. Rogers, Lexington, Cowlitz County. Circumference of this Tree Below First Limb, 72-3 Feet. Yield in 1907, 1,500 pounds.] [Illustration: Plate No. 20.--Dairy Herd on Ranch of T. D. Dungan, Kelso, Cowlitz County.] [Illustration: Plate No. 21.--Douglas County Fruit.] [Illustration: Plate No. 22.--Douglas County Wheat at Tram Waiting Shipment on Columbia River Boats.] STOCK RAISING. The glory once enjoyed by this industry is rapidly changing color. Formerly, a predominating feature of the state was its [Page 25] big herds feeding gratuitously on government lands. This condition still exists to an extent, the forests being utilized, under regulations by the government, but the herds are limited. Individual farms and small herds are now the order of the day and, incidentally, better breeds are developing. This is true of horses, cattle and sheep. The demand for horses is chiefly for the heavy draft animals for use in the logging camps and on the streets of the cities, and the demand is fairly well supplied, chiefly in eastern Washington. Good cows and fat steers are always in demand, and Washington's market for them is not fully supplied from the home farms. The same is true regarding sheep and hogs. The phenomenal growth of the seaport towns on Puget Sound and the difficulty in clearing the lands in western Washington combine to make the consumption exceed the home grown supply, and many are imported from neighboring states. There is abundant room for expansion in stock raising in the state. Conditions are admirable. Grass is abundant for pasturage, hay is a prolific crop, the climate is mild, no pests afflict the cattle, and the markets are at the door and always hungry. THE DAIRY. There are few states in the Union equal to Washington in its possession of natural conditions suited to make dairying profitable. In all of western Washington, in the western part of eastern Washington, and in both the northeastern and southeastern sections of the state, the climate and soil conspire to make ideal grazing. Particularly is this true in the western part of the state. All the grasses grow in luxuriance, and with proper care and forethought there may be secured almost twelve months of green feed annually. The crops best adapted for use as ensilage grow well, making large yields. Timothy, clover hay and alfalfa are the standbys for winter feed so far as the coarse feed is concerned, and while mill stuffs and all grains are high in price, so are correspondingly the products of the dairy. Butter ranges from 25 cents to 40 cents per pound, and milk sells in the coast cities for 10 cents per quart. [Page 26] POULTRY. Perhaps no part of agriculture is more profitable to the wise farmer than his barnyard fowls, and in Washington this is exceptionally true. Eggs retail in the coast towns at 25 cents to 60 cents per dozen. Turkeys at Thanksgiving time are worth from 25 cents to 30 cents per pound dressed, and other fowl in proportion. Conditions can be made as ideal for poultry raising in this state as anywhere, and with the market never satisfied, the poultry raiser has every essential to success in his favor. BEE CULTURE. Bee culture among the orchards and alfalfa fields of eastern Washington is a side line which should not be neglected by the farmer or horticulturist. Many are fully alert to the favorable conditions, and Washington honey is on sale in the late summer in most of the cities and towns until the supply is exhausted, and then that from other states comes in to meet the demand. Pasturage for bees is also abundant in many parts of the western half of the state, and many a rancher among the forest trees has upon his table the products of his own apiary. MANUFACTURING OTHER THAN LUMBER. The State of Washington has natural products either within its own borders or nearby, to foster many manufacturing industries, besides those having lumber for their raw material. In the Puget Sound basin are vast deposits of lime rock, which is manufactured into commercial lime, supplying the home market not only, but is being shipped also to foreign ports. These are chiefly on San Juan island. Considerable granite of fine quality is used in building and cemetery structures, from quarries in Snohomish and Skagit counties. Sandstone is being used for building purposes and is of splendid texture. Onyx of great variety and beauty is extensively quarried in Stevens county. Marble of good quality is being sawed up to limited extent. Quarries in southeastern Alaska furnish rather a better quality and are more extensively worked. [Page 27] Clays of great variety, including fire clays and those suitable for terra cotta, are abundant, and large factories in King county are turning out common and pressed brick of many colors and fine finish, vitrified brick for street paving, terra cotta, stoneware, drain tile, sewer pipe and other kindred products. At Concrete, a town of 1,200 people in Skagit county, two factories, employing 500 men, are daily turning out 1,400 barrels of Portland cement of fine quality, which is finding ready market in all the large cities. At Irondale, in Jefferson county, a large plant has been in operation turning out pig iron. It is now in process of being turned into a steel plant and within a few months will be turning out steel bars and pipes for sewer, gas and other purposes. The ores are obtained from Whatcom and Skagit counties, some bog iron in the immediate vicinity and additional ores from Vancouver island. More than a half million dollars has already been invested and this will probably reach a full million when the plant is in complete operation. Although iron ores are present in the state in large quantities, no other serious effort is being made to supply the state with home made pig iron or its products. Here is a vast field awaiting brains and capital. The above represent only a few of the many lines of manufacturing that have been successfully developed in Washington. TRANSPORTATION. Commerce and transportation are two affinities, ever seeking each other. They have found on Puget Sound an ideal trysting place. Here the ships of the ocean reach immense placid waters, not duplicated on either side of the continent, and for this reason the railroads have come from the interior to meet them. From foreign ports all over the world ocean carriers are bringing in great loads of merchandise and passengers, and the railroads coming from the Atlantic coast across the entire continent bring like loads of merchandise and human freight, and here they are exchanged. Teas from China and Japan for cotton from Galveston and cotton goods from Massachusetts; [Page 28] rice and silk, hemp, matting, tin, copper and Japanese bric-a-brac are exchanged for grain, flour, fish, lumber, fruit, iron and steel ware, paper, tobacco, etc. Merchandise of all sorts from Asia, the Philippines, South America and Australia is here exchanged for different stuffs raised or made in every part of the American continent and some from Europe. This commerce, however, is in its infancy. The Northern Pacific and Great Northern railways have fattened on it for years. All their rivals have looked on with envious eyes till now a mad rush is on among them all for vantage ground. The Milwaukee, Canadian Pacific and Burlington systems already run their trains here, while the Union Pacific and others are rushing for terminals on Puget Sound tide water. And while thus racing for the great long haul prizes, they are incidentally giving to the state a complete system of transportation in all its parts and for all its multitudinous productions. Of almost equal importance to the state is its great fleet of local steamers which ply its inland waters, and the numerous electric lines that are rapidly uniting its cities and villages and giving a new and cheap method of migration. From the city of Spokane and radiating in every direction, electric lines are in operation and more are in course of construction, bringing the most distant points of the great "Inland Empire" into close touch with its metropolis and great distributing center. On the west side the same thing is true, only in less degree. Between these two groups of transportation facilities, and the commerce which the union of rail and tidewater has created, the citizens of Washington have found innumerable opportunities of employment. These opportunities are increasing and broadening every year with the continued development of the state and in multiplied and varied form they await the newcomer who possesses the ability to rise to the demands of the situation. [Illustration: Plate No. 23.--FERRY COUNTY VIEWS. Plant of Karamin Lumber Co., Karamin, Ferry County. (1) Track of Spokane & B. C. Railway. (2) Track of Spokane Falls & Northern Ry.] [Illustration: Plate No. 24.--Helphrey Ranch, Curlew, Ferry County.] [Page 29] OPPORTUNITIES IN WASHINGTON. Washington is a land of widely diverging natural conditions. Its topographical characteristics vary from the low southern exposures of the inland river valleys, where strawberries mature as early as April, to the mountain summits of the Cascades and Olympics, where winter reigns supreme the year round. Between these extremes may be found every range of climate known to the semi-tropical and temperate zones. For the Homeseeker. Our lands include those suitable for the successful raising both of the more tender, as well as the hardier fruits. Every grain, other than corn, yields splendid results, while the truck gardener, small fruit grower, dairyman, stock raiser and, in fact, every man who aims to secure a living and a competence from some form of farm industry will find, if he looks for it, a spot within the confines of this state that will meet his most exacting requirements. To insure success in any of the above lines requires pluck, energy, stick-to-it-iveness, a determination to secure desired results, and some capital. But given these, the man who is looking to Washington as a favored location for the establishment of his household gods need have no fear of the outcome. Land may be secured suitable for any of the different purposes mentioned, and with proper care it may be made to yield beyond the most sanguine expectations. A market is ready and waiting to absorb every class of product at profitable prices. Transportation facilities are already excellent and the millions now being expended in new railway construction through the state give some idea of what the future holds forth in this particular. [Page 30] For the Business Man. To the business man a new state, developing as is the State of Washington, naturally offers numerous and attractive opportunities. New communities are springing up along the lines of the Milwaukee, the Portland & Seattle, and other railways now in process of construction, each demanding its quota of commercial enterprises, while the older cities and towns are continually absorbing new additions to their population, thus paving the way for new business facilities. For the Investor. The investor will find an attractive field of action in Washington, and with the exercise of caution and prudence may anticipate far better returns than he has been accustomed to, without undue risk of the impairment of his capital. Raw lands, timber lands, improved farms, irrigated lands and city and town property are exhibiting a steady increase in value and undoubtedly will continue to do so for years to come. The capitalist may take his choice of any of these forms of investment, or he may turn to private, industrial or municipal securities which are constantly being offered on excellent terms and based upon unimpeachable assets. For the Manufacturer. To the manufacturer this state offers all the conditions that may be classed as prerequisite to success. Cheap electric power is available in nearly every community of any size in the state, while millions of horse power remain still undeveloped in the rivers and mountain streams. Raw material is here, in abundance, and the markets of the world are accessible through rail and water transportation. The principal manufactured products of the state consist of lumber and lumber products, flour, feed and various cereal foods, butter, cheese, evaporated milk, crackers and candy, baking powder, soda, fruit extracts, clothing, boots and shoes, baskets, bags, beer, ice, brick and other clay products, iron products, wagons and agricultural implements, turpentine, leather products, cordage, saws, boilers, asbestos, water pipes, tin cans, railway equipment, ships and [Page 31] boats, canned fruits and vegetables and a variety of other products. Desirable locations are frequently offered free to those who will establish manufacturing industries. For the Wage Earner. The wage earner who comes to this state sufficiently fortified to maintain himself and family for a period may usually expect to find satisfactory employment at good wages. Washington has never been exploited as a poor man's paradise, but there is a tremendous development in progress throughout the state in every line of industry and there is a steady demand for mechanics and laborers of all classes. The foregoing is intended to present in brief form an outline of the opportunities that await the enterprising newcomer in this state. Success is being achieved in all of the various lines touched upon, by thousands who have located here in the past few years, and as yet the resources of the state have scarcely been touched. The future of Washington is big with promise, based upon results already achieved, and in that future the newcomer may expect to participate in proportion to the effort he expends. [Page 32] WASHINGTON'S EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM. The importance of a complete and well rounded public educational system has not been overlooked at any stage in the growth and development of this commonwealth. From kindergarten to university no link is wanting to supply the ambitious boy or girl with the very best training that modern educational experts have evolved. The common school system of the state is based upon the theory that every child must be educated, and that the state must provide the facilities for the accomplishment of this purpose. This theory has been carried out so thoroughly and intelligently that there is scarcely a child in the state of school age who does not live within easy reach of a school house. Moreover, attendance is compulsory and no child is excused unless satisfactory reasons are presented to the proper authorities. EDUCATIONAL ENDOWMENT. Upon admission of Washington to statehood a land endowment was granted to the state by the federal government for common school purposes which in round numbers totals nearly two and one-half millions of acres. This land is offered for sale or lease by the state, through the office of the state land commissioner, and the proceeds constitute a permanent and irreducible fund to be invested for educational purposes. In addition to the foregoing lands, the state university has an endowment of 100,000 acres; the agricultural college, 90,000 acres; the scientific school, 100,000 acres, and the state normal schools, 100,000 acres. As yet only a small portion of these lands has been disposed of. The expense of maintaining our schools, therefore, is met almost entirely by taxation. [Illustration: Plate No. 25.--View of the Country Near Curlew, Ferry County.] [Illustration: Plate No. 26.--Three-Year-Old Orchard, Near Pasco, Franklin County.] [Illustration: Plate No. 27.--Combined Harvester Operating in the Wheat Fields of Franklin County. This Machine Cuts, Threshes and Sacks the Grain, Depositing the Filled Sacks on the Ground as it Moves Through the Field.] [Illustration: Plate No. 28.--(1) A Jefferson County Country Home. (2) A logging Railroad, Jefferson County. (3) Prize Products, Jefferson County.] [Illustration: Plate No. 29.--JEFFERSON COUNTY RURAL VIEWS. Field of Oats and Vetch Yielding 5 Tons Per Acre. Herd of High-Grade Holstein Dairy County.] [Illustration: Plate No. 30.--View of Waterfront, Port Townsend, Jefferson County.] HIGHER INSTITUTIONS. The University of Washington occupies a campus of 350 acres, located entirely within the limits of the city of Seattle. [Page 33] The buildings of the university consist of the administration building, science hall, chemistry building, engineering building, power house, dormitories for men and women, and other smaller buildings. In addition to the foregoing, the university will come into the possession of a number of commodious structures at the conclusion of the Alaska-Yukon-Pacific Exposition. For the current year, the enrollment of students at the university is 1,838. The faculty consists of 115 members and for the ensuing biennial period the legislature appropriated the sum of $673,000 for the support of the institution. The State College of Washington is located at Pullman, in Whitman county. This institution emphasizes technical and scientific education and in its agricultural departments has accomplished remarkable results. It is annually giving the state a number of highly trained experts in modern agricultural science, and the farming interests of the state have been greatly assisted by the work of the college. Instruction is given in civil engineering, mechanical and electrical engineering, geology, botany, chemistry, zoology, economic science and history, modern languages, domestic economy, besides the practical operation of a dairy farm and other branches of agricultural industry. The institution, in addition to its land endowment, receives annual assistance from the federal government and a biennial appropriation from the state legislature. The state also maintains three normal schools, located respectively in the cities of Bellingham, Ellensburg and Cheney. These institutions have a combined attendance of about 850 and are the recruiting ground for securing instructors in the public schools. At Vancouver is the State School for the Deaf and Blind. The defective youth of the state are cared for in a well equipped institution located at Medical Lake, in Spokane county, and at Chehalis is the state training school for incorrigibles. [Page 34] LOGGED-OFF LANDS. The problem of making a home and providing a competency for old age upon the lands in western Washington is somewhat different and more difficult than doing the same upon the prairie lands of the east. As they come to the hands of the would-be tiller of the soil, they present a forbidding and disagreeable aspect. The loggers have left them with considerable standing timber, with the tops of the giants of the forests lying where they fell, scattered over the land and covering it with an almost impenetrable mass of great limbs and brush and dead logs. If seen in the summer, there is added the view of a mass of green vegetation, rank and to a large extent covering up the mass of dead stuff left by the loggers with the huge stumps sticking up through it all, mute monuments of the lost wealth of the forest. In some instances this is somewhat relieved by the fact that, either by accident or design, the fire has been there and swept through it all, leaving nothing but blackened and smouldering emblems of its prior greatness. In this case, however, only the lighter part of the refuse has been destroyed. The great stumps of fir and cedar are there still, blackened and perhaps with their dead hearts burned out. Great and small decaying logs are there, some too wet to burn, some with the bark alone burned off, and some with the dead centers burned out, scattered about or piled in crisscross masses as they had fallen during the ages of the forest's growth. In either case it looks different from the smooth surface of the sagebrush plains about to be converted into irrigated farms or the clean face of the prairie lands covered with grass and ready and longing for the plow. But with all their forbidding aspects, black with a portentous cloud of hard labor and long waiting, their known hidden wealth lures on the hardy pioneer to the task. He throws off his coat, rolls up his sleeves, gathers together his tools, and with the indomitable courage of the Anglo-Saxon [Page 35] tackles the problem, works and fights and rests by turns till within a few years he finds himself triumphant. Eventually, beneath his own orchard trees laden with fruit, and in the comfort and delight of his big home fireplace, he contemplates the rewards of his struggle, as he sees his cows complacently chewing their cuds in his green pastures and listens to the neigh of his fat horses, and at his table, laden with all the bounty of his rich lands, thanks his Maker for the successful completion of a hard struggle and the enjoyment it has brought to him and his family. MODERN METHODS. Having thus presented the picture in perspective, we will now work out some of the details which help to rob it of its difficulty and add to its attractiveness. If the lands have not been burned off, and in many instances where this has been done, the rancher will find a lot of cedar logs, perhaps partially burned, and possibly long black stubs that it will be wise to save. Cut into proper lengths and put into piles for preservation, they will make his raw material for fencing, barns, etc. The cedar is straight-grained, splits easy, and true, and to the rancher is very valuable, taking the place of sawed lumber for a great many farm purposes. Having carefully saved the cedar, the rancher will fire his clearing, thus getting rid of a large share of the logger's waste with practically no labor. To the task of disposing of the remaining logs and stumps he will bring modern tools and methods into action. The axe and shovel and hand lever have given place to gunpowder, the donkey engine, derrick and winch. Stump powder puts all the big stumps into pieces easily. The modern stump-puller lifts out the smaller stumps with ease. The donkey engine and derrick pull together and pile the stumps and logs into great heaps, and once more the friendly fire helps out; and while the dusky woodlands are lighted up with passing glory the rancher sleeps to wake up and find his fields almost ready for his plow, nor has the task had half the hard labor nor consumed half the time that years ago would have been expended in clearing the same amount of oak and maple and hickory land in the valley [Page 36] of the Mississippi. It should be said, however, that what is gained in time and saved in labor costs money. The expense of clearing the logged-off land by these modern methods and tools will run from $40 to $150 per acre, dependent upon various conditions, number and size of stumps, etc. There are in western Washington thousands of acres which are being pastured and tilled, from which the large stumps have not been removed. In these instances the same methods can be used, handling all the small logs and stumps and litter, and after the first burning, carefully repiling and burning the refuse and then seeding to grass. In the ashes and loose soil, grass seed readily starts, and a single season will suffice to provide fairly good pasturage, which will annually grow better. COST OF LABOR AND MATERIAL. The following table, taken from the report of a government inspector, will give an idea of the cost of the different materials and labor used in clearing logged-off land: Cost of removing stumps from 1 foot to 4 feet in diameter from 120 acres of land in 1907: ========================================================================== | | | | | Labor. MONTH. | Powder,| Fuse, | Caps, | Stumps, |-------------------- | lbs. | ft. | No. | No. | Hours. | Dollars. -----------------|--------|--------|-------|---------|--------|----------- June | 13,700 | 10,100 | 2,400 | 2,135 | 2,380 | $650.00 July | 1,750 | 2,050 | 400 | 239 | 260 | 87.00 August | 2,750 | 2,700 | 700 | 445 | 324 | 114.90 September | 1,950 | 2,160 | 500 | 383 | 324 | 126.37 October | 1,250 | 1,000 | 300 | 237 | 198 | 77.53 November | 2,350 | 3,100 | 800 | 378 | 283 | 114.97 |--------|--------|-------|---------|--------|----------- Total | 23,750 | 21,100 | 5,100 | 3,818 | 3,709 | $1,170.77 Av. pr. Stump | 6.22 | 5.52 | 1.33 | | 0.987 | 0.3006 Av. Cost, cents | 19.76 | 2.37 | .87 | | | -------------------------------------------------------------------------- The average cost of the removal of each stump is shown below: _Cents._ Powder 49.76 Fuse 2.37 Caps .87 Labor 30.66 ----- Total 83.06 The average cost of the materials used was as follows: Powder, per pound, 8 cents; fuse, per 100 feet, 43 cents; caps, per 100, 65 cents. [Illustration: Plate No. 31.--View of Second Avenue, Seattle, During Parade of Marines from Atlantic Fleet, May 26, 1908.] [Illustration: Plate No. 32.--A Corner of the Seattle Public Market. Truck Gardeners Find Ready Sale for Their Wares Here the Year Round.] [Page 37] There are probably two and one-third million acres of logged-off lands in the state, of which only half a million are under tillage or pasturage. The same report shows the distribution of these lands as follows: =========================================================================== | Acreage | Acreage | Acreage in | Total | Per cent. COUNTY. |merchantable| logged |cultivation.| acreage. | suitable for | timber. | off. | | | agriculture. -----------|------------|-----------|------------|-----------|------------- Chehalis | 583,200 | 112,748 | 11,216 | 807,432 | 90 Clallam | 296,611 | 195,933 | 11,784 | 504,329 | 75 Clarke | 190,000 | 108,661 | 51,570 | 350,231 | Cowlitz | 500,000 | 25,000 | 20,000 | 704,000 | 75 Island | 8,013 | 99,866 | 9,317 | 117,196 | 75 Jefferson | 186,647 | 59,427 | 4,657 | 254,385 | 50 King | 640,000 | 110,000 | 74,857 | 1,243,000 | Kitsap | 45,429 | 171,364 | 7,978 | 224,771 | Lewis | 543,995 | 160,425 | 47,059 | 884,050 | 65 Mason | 240,211 | 150,430 | 7,540 | 398,181 | Pacific | 367,827 | 62,720 | 23,042 | 453,139 | Pierce | 413,044 | 150,000 | 27,915 | 658,052 | 75 San Juan | 10,000 | 80,000 | 4,000 | 95,684 | Skagit | 306,759 | 149,923 | 45,605 | 502,287 | 25 Snohomish | 258,005 | 270,422 | 20,908 | 558,336 | Thurston | 291,200 | 120,000 | 13,680 | 428,005 | Wahkiakum | 74,564 | 67,337 | 3,642 | 145,544 | 50 Whatcom | 78,405 | 258,302 | 35,059 | 371,766 | -----------|------------|-----------|------------|-----------|------------- Total | 5,033,911 | 2,352,109 | 428,829 | 8,700,388 | --------------------------------------------------------------------------- There are a great many acres of these lands that can be slicked up and burned over and prepared for seeding, not disturbing the stumps, at an expense of about $10 per acre. Thus treated, good pasturage can be secured cheaply. In time some of the stumps will rot out and be easily removed. When the stumps are not too thick, the lands can be successfully prepared and planted to orchards without removing the stumps, and their unsightly appearance can be turned into a thing of beauty and great profit by planting evergreen blackberries and loganberries about them, using the stumps for trellises. These berries in the climate of western Washington are wonderfully prolific and find a greedy market. COMPENSATIONS. There are several facts about making farms out of logged-off lands which should not be lost sight of, because they largely compensate for the labor spent in the undertaking. One of these is that the problem of fuel is solved for a lifetime and for the coming generation. Five acres can be left untouched as a reserve and in a remarkably few years it will re-forest itself. [Page 38] The growth of trees under the humid atmosphere of western Washington is astonishing, and a very few years will suffice to provide one with a wood lot to last a generation. Meanwhile some of the fir logs and alder and maple trees will be preserved from the fire and piled up to provide fuel for the years until the wood lot furnishes a fresh green supply. Then, too, as has already been suggested, the fence question, no small item in a prairie country, is satisfactorily answered with no expenditure but for labor. The cedar logs, splitting with ease, can be turned into rails or boards or posts--preferably the former--and the rails put on top of each other between two posts fastened together at the top make as good a hog-tight and cattle-proof fence as can be desired, and these rails will last in the fence for a century. For the house, doubtless more satisfaction can be had by patronizing the nearest saw-mill, although many houses made out of split cedar timbers and boards are in the state, proofs at once of the usefulness of this timber and the hardihood and ingenuity of the rancher. But for the barn and stable, pig-stye, hennery, chicken-coop and fruit boxes, and a great many other things, the rancher patronizes his reserve log pile instead of the lumber yard, and saves time and labor in so doing. Another fact which compensates the rancher in western Washington in the struggle for a home which will provide a safe and generous support in his old age is that during all the labor and waiting he is enjoying a delightful climate, in which no blizzard drives him from his work. No cyclone endangers his life and fortune. No snakes lurk in the underbrush. No clouds of dust blind his eyes. No sultry summer suns make him gasp for breath, and no intense cold freezes his face or feet. He can work if he wishes as many days as there are in the year, and know that every stroke of his axe or mattock is a part of his capital safely invested that will pay back an annual dividend for a lifetime. No soil will respond to his energy more quickly or more generously. There is one more possible compensation. Fir logs and stumps and roots and bark are all full of pitch. Factories are now in operation that are turning this wood into charcoal and [Page 39] saving and refining all the by-products, particularly turpentine, wood alcohol, pitch and tar. These factories are successful and paying dividends, but are on a large scale and permanently located. It is probable that some genius will soon evolve a movable plant, capable of serving the same purpose, which can go from one ranch to another. When this is done, it will be found that the refuse left by the logger is worth several times more than the cost of getting it off the land with powder and fire, and, instead of being a burden upon the land of $100 per acre, will become a matter of merchandise to be sold for much more and removed from the land with no expense to the owner. As a final word, it should be remembered that, after these lands are put under good tillage, every acre can be made to return more than the cost of clearing annually. Western Washington has never been able to produce enough to feed its wonderfully increasing population. Meats, vegetables, fruits, poultry, eggs, etc., are all constantly coming in from outside to supply the markets. This condition keeps prices high. It has been so for twenty years, and will be for twenty years to come. From $100 to $500 per acre per year can be had from fruits and vegetables. The same can be realized from poultry, nor will the dairy fall far behind when the scrub cow is abandoned and a choice thoroughbred animal takes its place and the soil is intensely tilled and fertilized. The logged-off lands when first looked at are black and big labor and difficulties. When the problem is intelligently understood--undertaken with comprehension and some capital and plenty of grit--the solution is easy and the rewards ample and gratifying. [Page 40] IRRIGATION IN WASHINGTON. The lands which require irrigation in the state are chiefly the lower lands in the valleys of the rivers east of the Cascade mountains. The winds from the Pacific, though heavily laden with moisture, are forced to surrender the greater portion to western Washington, as they meet the cold heights of the mountain ranges. The mountains themselves receive a very heavy fall of snow in winter, which fills the lakes and sources of the rivers on the eastern side, providing a large amount of water available for irrigation purposes, for lands not too far distant. Within fifty miles from the mountain peaks there is a drop of about 4,000 feet. The sides of the valleys in the main are gradual slopes. These conditions make irrigation very feasible. Its wonderful results have been seen and the process of irrigation has found a wide field within the past few years. THE IRRIGATION AREA. Not only the Yakima valley, where this method of farming had its beginning in the state, but many other places, are now being made productive which were once thought wholly worthless on account of their aridity. Among these are the Wenatchee valley, the Entiat, the Methow, the Chelan, and the Okanogan--all on the slope of the Cascades. The immediate low lands of the Columbia and Snake rivers and considerable of the narrow valleys of the small streams emptying into them have in many instances been irrigated. [Illustration: Plate No. 33.--King County Rural Views.] [Illustration: Plate No. 34.--HOW THE HILLS MAKE WAY FOR THE SKYSCRAPERS IN SEATTLE. 1907--Last of Hotel Washington. 1908--New Hotel Washington.] [Illustration: Plate No. 35.--A Portion of the City of Seattle Overlooking the Harbor.] [Illustration: Plate No. 36.--Torpedo-Boat Destroyer in Government Drydock at Navy Yard, Puget Sound, Kitsap County.] [Illustration: Plate No. 37.--Steamship Dakota in Government Drydock at Navy Yard, Puget Sound, Kitsap County.] [Illustration: Plate No. 38.--A Kittitas County Apple Tree.] WORK OF THE GOVERNMENT. The work of reclaiming the arid lands has been wonderfully accelerated and widened in scope by the national government. The projects of the reclamation service now include practically all of the available waters of the Yakima valley for irrigating the lands therein. In Yakima county alone there are probably [Page 41] 260,000 acres now under ditch, and probably 50,000 more will be reclaimed this season. This is probably not more than half the lands in the county capable of irrigation. The fact that the general government is in control of these projects insures as wide and just a distribution of the available waters as possible. The cost of irrigation, which is from $50 to $60 per acre, is paid by the owners of the land in ten annual payments. There is also an annual charge for maintaining the canals from $1.25 to $1.50 per acre. These projects of the government cover the lands in Benton and Kittitas counties also--both of these counties being in the Yakima valley. The government is also engaged in managing an extensive project in the southern part of Okanogan county, where probably 50,000 acres will be reclaimed. There is a large acreage in Franklin and Walla Walla counties, about the junctions of the Snake and Columbia rivers, to which Pasco is central, which is arid. The government has once turned this project down, but is now reconsidering it, and it is reported that these lands will soon be put under ditch by the joint action of the government and the Northern Pacific railway, which owns a large portion of the lands. Meanwhile private enterprises are reclaiming extensive tracts in Klickitat county, and in fact nearly all the counties bordering on the Columbia and Snake rivers in eastern Washington. It is probable that there are more lands capable of irrigation in the state than can be irrigated with available waters. This fact adds to the importance of the question of what to do with arid lands when no water can be put upon them. METHODS OF IRRIGATION. There are three methods in use in supplying water to the arid lands. The first and the one most generally adopted for obvious reasons is the gravity system. The waters are impounded in lakes or artificial reservoirs and carried thence in large main canals, winding about the hills so as to secure a low uniform grade. Once established, no other force is needed but the usual flow of the water. [Page 42] Another method resorted to when the gravity system is impossible is to pump the water from the big rivers into smaller reservoirs leading to the canals, the pumps being kept busy only during the months in which the water is needed. This method is quite successful, but requires a somewhat larger annual expenditure. It is being used in some extensive projects, the water being taken out of the Columbia river. The third method is in securing the water by means of artesian wells. This method is naturally limited to small areas, the projects being undertaken by individual private owners. Several spots have been found in the arid belt where this method is successful. SOILS. The soils over the entire areas of eastern Washington on the arid lands is a volcanic ash mixed with disintegrated basaltic rocks and some humus, varying in depth and in the amount of sand it contains. The low lands are usually more sandy and warmer and earlier in season. The depth of this soil is in some places 80 feet and generally so deep as to insure great permanency to its fertility. It readily absorbs and holds moisture, and is admirably adapted to artificial watering. In some spots there is an injurious surplus of alkali. It is generally covered with sagebrush and has the appearance of sterility, but upon cultivation under irrigation, produces wonderful results in quantity and quality of grains and grasses and fruits and vegetables. GRAINS. Wheat, oats and corn are successfully grown, but not in large acreage, because larger profits can be realized from other crops. HOPS AND POTATOES. Hops, for example, which can be produced at a cost of 7-1/2 cents per pound, yield from 1,500 to 2,000 pounds per acre, and potatoes, yielding from 300 to 500 bushels per acre, and receiving the highest market price, are both more profitable than wheat or oats. [Page 43] ALFALFA. Alfalfa, yielding from eight to ten tons per acre, and commanding from $6.00 to $12.00 per ton, is a very profitable crop. Much wheat and oats are cut when in the milk and sold for hay, and yield better returns than when matured and threshed. FRUITS. The smaller fruits are very profitable under irrigation, yielding from $300 to $500 net per acre, while apples, pears, peaches, grapes, etc., often far exceed these figures, sometimes yielding as much as $1,000 per acre net. DAIRYING. Dairying is extensively followed on the irrigated lands, particularly in Kittitas county, where the cool atmosphere is very favorable, and the farmers find that turning timothy and clover, alfalfa and grain hay into butter fat is more profitable than wheat-raising. PREPARATION OF LAND. There is a good deal of this arid land which will have to be freed from the sagebrush and smoothed over before it will be fit for irrigation. This expense, together with building headgates and lateral ditches, building flumes and seeding to alfalfa, will cost from $15.00 to $20.00 per acre, depending upon the character of the surface, the size of the sagebrush, and amount of flumes, etc. Some, however, very smooth lands can be prepared for seeding at less expense. DISPOSITION OF CROPS. The hay crops are in large part sold on the ground and fed to cattle and sheep which have summered in the mountain ranges and are carried through the winters on the farms in the valleys. What is left after supplying this demand is baled and shipped by rail to the markets on Puget sound, Portland or Spokane. The Sound country is also the chief purchaser of the fruits, although many winter apples, on account of their superior quality, are shipped to eastern markets. [Page 44] Potatoes and other vegetables usually go west, although an occasional season finds the eastern market depleted, and then the shipments go to the best market. Hops are sold to be delivered at railroad stations and go east, many even to Europe. VALUE OF LANDS. The irrigated lands are yearly appreciating in value, mindless of the large acreage annually added to the supply. This is largely due to the fact that they are bought up and held for speculative purposes. However, there are still many farms in the hands of first purchasers from the government, and others still to be had directly from the government and others from the Northern Pacific company, not yet under ditches, which may ultimately be reclaimed. These latter can be had from $7.00 to $25.00 per acre. The lands already under ditch, or which will soon be irrigated certainly, are held from $50 to $100 raw and from $125 to $200 with water rights paid for. Much land is on the market, already planted or to be planted to orchards, and cared for, for a term of years until the orchards are in bearing, which can be purchased on easy terms, ranging in price from $200 to $500 per acre. TRANSPORTATION. Nearness to transportation is a valuable factor in determining the price of lands--whether under irrigation or otherwise. The lands being irrigated in eastern Washington are, for the most part, adjacent to competing railways and water craft on both the Columbia and Snake rivers. Projects are in contemplation by the government and state to remove all obstructions from the Columbia river and give a great navigable stream from Kettle Falls to the mouth of the river. This will add to the shipping facilities by increasing the number of boats which will ply the river and be of great help to all farmers holding lands adjacent. Numerous trolley lines are already running in many directions--and more are projected--among the irrigated farms connecting with the cities of Spokane, North Yakima, [Page 45] and Walla Walla. These add greatly to the facility and cheapness of transportation. CLIMATE. The character of the climate is well suggested by the crops which can be harvested. They include peaches, apricots, grapes, figs, tomatoes, peanuts, sweet potatoes, and other things which require a warm summer and warm soil. Very little moisture comes upon the land in the summer. The winters are moderately cold, with some snow, which is joyfully hailed by the farmers, for all moisture is quickly absorbed by the soil and held for summer's use. The spring season is two or three weeks earlier than in the Puget sound basin. Moderate winds prevail during the summer months, coming from the east and west by turns, and prevent excessive sultry weather. OCCUPATIONS. Aside from the ordinary agricultural pursuits suggested by the foregoing, which includes grain-growing, horticulture, dairying and truck gardening, should be mentioned stock-raising, particularly of sheep, many thousands of which are yearly wintered in the valleys and summered on the ranges. Bee culture and poultry-raising are also both becoming important. In closing, it should be said that the activity of the government and private investors together has given a great impetus to the settlement of these arid lands, and the population is rapidly increasing, being made up of a miscellaneous assortment of Uncle Sam's energetic, wideawake, industrious citizens, building homes and making fortunes more rapidly, probably, than in any other part of irrigated regions in his domain. The doors are open, too, for the newcomers, for ten times the population now there can well be made prosperous. [Page 46] THE COUNTIES AND MORE IMPORTANT CITIES AND TOWNS OF WASHINGTON ADAMS COUNTY LOCATION. Adams county is in the center of southeastern Washington, cut out of the once great desert plateau, covered with sage brush. It has developed into one of the most important food-producing counties of the state. It has a population of about 13,000 and covers 1,908 square miles of territory. CLIMATE. Its climate is not different from that of the balance of the district in which it is situated, and, although some days in winter are severely cold and some in summer hot, its dry atmosphere softens the asperity of its cold, and its generous crop yields are full compensation for the heat of the summer's sun. Its mean temperature ranges from 30 degrees to 40 degrees in winter and from 50 to 74 degrees in summer. Its usual coldest days are 20 degrees to 25 degrees and its hottest ranging above 100 degrees. Its rain and snow give about 12 inches of water. It has one small stream, a tributary of the Palouse river. TRANSPORTATION. The Northern Pacific railway cutting the county diagonally from northeast to southwest and the Oregon Railroad & Navigation railway across its southeast corner and near its south and west borders furnish good facilities for handling its generous wheat crops. To these are soon to be added the Chicago, Milwaukee & St. Paul, the Portland & Seattle, and the North Coast roads, giving the county very superior railroad facilities. INDUSTRIES. Wheat is its great staple crop, and the last year out of a crop acreage of 275,000 gave to the world nearly 6,000,000 bushels, an average of upwards of 20 bushels to the acre. When this average is compared with that of the wheat fields of the Mississippi valley, it is no wonder that the value of its realty has increased for the purposes of taxation more than 300 per cent. in the past six years. Horses, cattle, hogs and sheep are to a limited extent raised on the farms, and are important adjuncts to its prosperity. [Page 47] PRINCIPAL CITIES AND TOWNS. RITZVILLE is the county seat, and has a city hall, electric lights and water system, flour and feed mills, and is the chief distributing center of the county. LIND will be one of the important points on the Chicago, Milwaukee & St. Paul railway, now building across the county. WASHTUCNA also is to have another outlet for its wheat over the Portland & Seattle railway, projected and building. All these towns have good schools, churches, warehouses, mercantile establishments, and all enjoy an abundance of prosperity from the marketing of the crops. ASOTIN COUNTY LOCATION. Asotin county occupies the extreme southeastern corner of the state, being separated from Idaho on the east by the Snake river and from Oregon on the south by the state boundary. Its population is about 7,500, its area 640 square miles. It takes in a portion of the Blue mountains, from which numerous small streams furnish abundant water for all domestic farm purposes and for irrigating quite a large area of lands, which makes the county ideal for the stock-raiser and fruit-grower. INDUSTRIES. The irrigation of the low lands has had a wonderful effect in stimulating the fruit industry, and resulted in a great advance in land values, particularly about Clarkston and Cloverland, while the cool water of the mountain streams and their grassy slopes make the dairy business especially profitable. General farming, however, is still the standby of the bulk of the population. At Clarkston the lands irrigated and planted to orchards have reached in many instances a value of $1,000 per acre, the waters being taken out of Asotin creek. About Cloverland, waters from George creek have wrought almost an equal increase in values. Cloverland is on a plateau about 2,500 feet above sea level, and the lands irrigated and planted to winter apples are paying handsome dividends to their fortunate owners. On ordinary farm lands wheat yields 25 to 50 bushels per acre and barley from 40 to 60 bushels per acre. TRANSPORTATION. The transportation is limited to the power of steamboats on the Snake river and the Oregon Railroad & Navigation railway, which is reached at Lewiston, across the river from Clarkston. PRINCIPAL CITIES AND TOWNS. ASOTIN, the county seat, situated about seven miles south of Clarkston, on the Snake river, has about 1,500 people within its borders. It [Page 48] has a flour mill, warehouses, churches, schools, public library, light and water systems, and is a prosperous, thriving town. CLARKSTON, an important commercial center, is situated on the flats of the Snake river, in the northeast part of the county. Its population somewhat exceeds that of Asotin. It has all the business institutions of a thriving town, is the main distributing point for a large area, and is rapidly growing. CLOVERLAND, CRAIGIE AND ANATONE are thriving smaller towns. BENTON COUNTY Benton county is bounded north, east and south by the Columbia river and west by Yakima and Klickitat counties. It has an area of 1,600 square miles and a population of about 9,000 people. TOPOGRAPHY. The Yakima river traverses the center of the county in a very crooked course, through the valley of which the Northern Pacific railroad winds its way to the top of the Cascades. Both north and south of the valley of the Yakima are extensive hill and plateau lands, which are being rapidly utilized for general farming. The valley lands are arid and useless without irrigating water. IRRIGATION. Extensive irrigation projects are in successful operation and projected to bring a very large portion of the valley lands into successful use, for these lands, when irrigated, are of unsurpassed fertility. Lands capable of irrigation have rapidly risen in value during the past few years because of the immense yields of all crops under irrigation. TRANSPORTATION. The Northern Pacific railway through its center, the Portland & Seattle around its southern and eastern border and the North Coast coming into the Yakima valley from the northeast and the southeast, together with the shipping on the Columbia river, give abundant means of marketing its products, while several local electric roads are projected to connect its towns and help to open up the newly developed portions of the county. IMPORTANT INDUSTRIES. General farming on the uplands, truck-gardening and fruit-raising on the irrigated lower lands are the chief occupations. On account of the great fertility of the volcanic soils and the early springs, Benton county is able to supply the large towns with fruits and vegetables some two weeks earlier than most other sections, giving it quite an advantage in prices. The county is rapidly growing in population and prosperity. [Illustration: Plate No. 39.--Stacking Hay in Kittitas County.] [Illustration: Plate No. 40.--New Training School, Ellensburg, Kittitas County.] [Illustration: Plate No. 41.--Sheep-Raising in Klickitat County.] [Illustration: Plate No. 42.--Wheat-Raising in Klickitat County.] [Illustration: Plate No. 43.--Eighty-Acre Orchard in Klickitat County.] [Illustration: Plate No. 44.--Manufacturing Scenes, Chehalis, Lewis County.] [Page 49] PRINCIPAL CITIES AND TOWNS. PROSSER, its chief town and county seat, is on the Yakima river and Northern Pacific railway in the western central part of the county, and has about 2,000 population. It is the chief distributing center of the county. It has three weekly newspapers, six churches, good water supply, banks, stores, warehouses, lumber yards, etc. KENNEWICK, at the easterly center of the county, on the Northern Pacific and Portland & Seattle railroads and on the Columbia river, is a town of much importance, having about 1,500 people. It is noted for the remarkable earliness of its fruits and vegetables. It has the usual business, church and school establishments, including an ice and cold storage plant. KIONA, on the Yakima river, midway between Prosser and Kennewick, CARLEY AND PETERSON, in the southern portion of the county, on the Columbia river, are all growing and prospering smaller towns. CHEHALIS COUNTY Chehalis county is central among the counties bordering on the Pacific, the towns about Grays Harbor being its seaports. It has an area of 2,600 square miles and a population of 35,000. RESOURCES. Its industries arise out of its vast timber belts, its fertile low lands, and its fisheries. It is said to have 800,000 acres of magnificent timber lands, the great bulk of it unmarketed. Logging and the manufacture of wood products make up its chief occupation, though general farming and fruit-raising is rapidly gaining. The lands of the county when reclaimed from the forests are fertile and respond generously to the labor of the husbandman. In 1906, 15,000 apple trees were planted in the county. The fishing industry, including the canning of salmon, sardines, clams and oysters, is a thriving industry and destined to develop into much larger proportions. TRANSPORTATION. Grays Harbor is open to the ocean, but is splendidly protected and has safe anchorage. It is the largest lumber shipping port in the state. The Humptulips and Chehalis rivers empty their waters into the bay, and are both navigable for some distance. In addition, the Northern Pacific railroad skirts both sides of the bay and a logging railroad from Shelton, in Mason county, has nearly reached the ocean, going through the county from east to west. Other railroads have surveying parties in the field, and a conflict is on to share the vast lumber-carrying trade of the county with the Northern Pacific, which has till now monopolized it. Chehalis county is one of the most important counties in the state, and offers an abundant opportunity for Yankee energy to exercise itself [Page 50] in almost every avenue of business. Its opportunities and resources are numerous and vast. The newcomer may look long and find no better place for his talents. PRINCIPAL CITIES AND TOWNS. MONTESANO is the county seat, located at the head of navigation on the Chehalis river, and on the Northern Pacific railway. It has a population of about 3,500. It has sawmills, sash and door factories, and is surrounded by a prosperous farming community, dairying being very remunerative. ABERDEEN is the commercial metropolis of the county. Nearly $15,000 is daily paid out to wage-earners. Much commerce from the ocean is centering here, 736 vessels clearing from Grays Harbor in 1907. Seven hundred and seventy-seven thousand dollars has been appropriated by congress for the improvement of the harbor. The city has terminal rail rates, and the Northern Pacific and Chicago, Milwaukee & St. Paul railroads are hustling after its trade. The business portion of the city is built of stone, brick or cement. It has eleven large sawmills, many shingle mills and various other factories for utilizing the products of its timber, besides fish and clam canneries and other factories. Its population, now about 15,000, is rapidly growing. HOQUIAM, Aberdeen's nearby neighbor, has a population crowding 11,000, and is a hustling manufacturing and commercial center, not different in its general business from Aberdeen. ELMA, twelve miles east of Montesano, is a town of 2,700. COSMOPOLIS, south of the river from Aberdeen, has about 1,200, and is a sawmill town. OAKVILLE, MAKRHAM and SATSOP are small growing towns on the Northern Pacific railway. Many other embryo towns will in time grow into prosperous business centers. CHELAN COUNTY Chelan county is one of picturesque beauty and abundance of both developed and undeveloped wealth. It faces the Columbia river eastward, while its back rests against the peaks of the Cascades, 5,000 to 6,000 feet above the sea. Lake Chelan is the largest fresh water body in the state, fifty miles long and one to four wide, and lies 400 feet higher than the Columbia river. Chelan county has 2,000 square miles, much of it mountainous and full of minerals. Its population is at present about 14,000. RESOURCES. Horticulture, agriculture, lumbering, stock-raising, mining and dairying all flourish on the bountiful natural fitness of the county for these occupations. The climate is attractive. It is a sunshiny county. [Page 51] TRANSPORTATION. Steamers ply up and down the Columbia river. The Great Northern railway crosses the county through the valley of the Wenatchee river and the Washington & Great Northern railway is projected along the western boundary of the Columbia river. PRODUCTS. All kinds of temperate zone fruits mature here in wonderful perfection and abundance. The valleys run with water from the mountains to irrigate the lands, and furnish vast power, much of it undeveloped. Hills in the western part of the county are timbered and all the vacant lands are grass covered. Over 1,000,000 fruit trees have been planted in the last three years in the county. The mountain foothills are full of mineral veins of copper, gold, silver, lead and molybdonite. Some have been producing for twenty years. Trout in the streams and game on the hills add to its attractiveness. PRINCIPAL CITIES AND TOWNS. WENATCHEE is the county seat and largest town, having about 3,500 people. It is located on the Columbia river near where the Great Northern railway crosses it. It is the chief distributing center for the county and much other territory, chiefly north of it. LEAVENWORTH, westward of Wenatchee, and also on the railroad, has a population of 1,200 and is a division point. CHELAN, at the foot of Lake Chelan, has about 700 people. CASHMERE, on the railroad, is of about equal size. LAKESIDE, PESHASTIN and ENTIAT are smaller towns, all thriving and growing. CLALLAM COUNTY Clallam county occupies 2,000 square miles of the northwestern part of the Olympic peninsula, having 35 miles of shore land on the Pacific and 90 miles on the straits. The Olympic mountains and foothills cover the southern half mostly, while the northern half is made up of lower hills and valleys. Several large lakes nestle among the mountains; one of them, Lake Crescent, is a famous summer resort. Lake Crescent is known as the home of the celebrated Beardslee trout. The eastern and southern parts have a rainfall sometimes nearing 100 inches annually, while in the eastern northerly part it is about 20 to 25 inches only. An important section of the county is that known as Sequim Prairie This is a level district of about 5,000 acres, located three miles back from Port Williams. Most of it is under irrigation, and the soil thus treated produces marvelous crops. [Page 52] RESOURCES. Lumber, fish, agricultural products and coal comprise its chief resources. The timber of the county is very vast and very little exploited. Its proximity to the ocean makes it very advantageous for all fishing industries. Its valleys are noted for the fertility of their soils, and many a farmer has grown wealthy from their cultivation. TRANSPORTATION. Facilities for getting about are limited to boats and wagons. A splendid boat service is maintained with Seattle and other Sound ports, and a system of public roads is now in process of construction that will be unexcelled in the state. Several surveying parties are now in the woods and it is believed that Grays Harbor and the Straits of Juan de Fuca will be soon united with railroad iron and Clallam county will come to its own. PRINCIPAL TOWNS AND VILLAGES. PORT ANGELES, located about 60 miles from the ocean on the Straits of Fuca, is the largest town and county seat. It has a splendid harbor, with fine anchorage, furnishing a safe refuge for ships when the storms rage outside. DUNGENESS and SEQUIM, three miles from PORT WILLIAMS, are important farming centers, both noted for their dairy products, and contribute largely to make Clallam the second county in the state in the value of its dairy products. QUILLAYUTE, FORKS, BEAVER, BLYN and GETTYSBURG are other small settlements waiting for the railroads to open up the country and render their natural resources available for the good of the world. CLARKE COUNTY Clarke county lies on the north shore of the Columbia river, opposite Portland, Oregon. It has 600 square miles of territory. It was one of the earliest settled parts of the state, and its timber as yet uncut is large. It is extremely well watered. The Columbia and Lewis rivers border it on three sides with navigable waters. It has a mild climate, very fertile soil, and splendid markets at its doors, abundant rainfall, and agriculture is successfully carried on without irrigation. TRANSPORTATION. The Northern Pacific railway connects its various towns with both Portland and Seattle, and the North Bank and Oregon & Washington railroad, paralleling the Northern Pacific, will add greatly to the facility and cheapness of its transportation. From Vancouver northeasterly a road is in operation nearly across the county, headed for North Yakima and the East. [Illustration: Plate No. 45.--Mt. St. Helens and Reflection in Spirit Lake, Lewis County.] [Illustration: Plate No. 46.--LEWIS COUNTY SCENES. Dairy Farm and Hop Field. A Valley Ranch.] [Page 53] INDUSTRIES. Much of the southern part of the county is devoted to fruit-raising, prunes being a very prominent factor in the county's output. General agriculture, with dairying, are very profitable, and to these are to be added fishing, lumbering and mining. PRINCIPAL CITIES AND TOWNS. VANCOUVER has a population of about 8,000, and is rapidly growing. It is the county seat, and is connected with Portland, Oregon, by a trolley line. The Northern Pacific, Union Pacific, Oregon Railroad & Navigation and North Bank railroads all compete for its traffic. It is the central distributing point of the county, and is the United States military headquarters for Washington, Oregon and Alaska. It is well represented in business establishments, including barrel factory, fruit cannery, ship yard, iron foundry, shoe factory, and others. LA CENTER, ETNA, NACOLT, AMBOY and BRUSH PRAIRIE are smaller towns, all holding out an inviting hand to the newcomer, and offering desirable opportunities for new business in both merchandising and agriculture, as well as in lumbering and its kindred industries. Clarke county is one well worth investigating by intending settlers, both on account of its latent possibilities and because of its peculiarly desirable climatic conditions, and its abundant competing transportation facilities, both by rail and water. COLUMBIA COUNTY Columbia county is one of the four counties in southeastern Washington, lying on the Oregon state line and south of the Snake river. A forest reserve in the Blue mountains covers much of the southern portion of the county, which is heavily timbered. The Northern part of the county is made up of rolling prairie lands, of great fertility on account of the large proportion of clay added to the volcanic ash, which composes most of the soils of eastern Washington. Irrigation is here unnecessary, and abundant crops reward the agriculturist. The climate is mild, healthful and vigorous, inclining to much outdoor life the year around. PRODUCTS. Columbia county is essentially an agricultural county, but of late years is branching out into fruit-raising and dairying with marked success. Apples and pears predominate among the fruits, though all others do well. Wheat is, however, still its great product, and both the Northern Pacific and Oregon Railroad & Navigation railroads are in operation through the northern part of the county to carry away its rich grain harvests. The citizens of Columbia county are among the most prosperous of the state, its average of per capita wealth being exceeded by only three other counties. [Page 54] PRINCIPAL TOWNS. DAYTON, the county seat, has a population of about 3,500 people, is situated about in the center of the county, and is the chief town for the county's exports, as well as the distributor of its merchandise. It is a substantially built city, with flour and feed mills, and general mercantile establishments of importance. All the public interests, including schools and churches, are generously provided for. Its chief exports are grain, fruit, livestock and wool. STARBUCK, in the northern part of the county, is a shipping point of no mean importance on the Oregon Railroad & Navigation railway. COWLITZ COUNTY Cowlitz county lies immediately north of Clarke county, bordering about 40 miles on the Columbia river. It has about 1,100 square miles of territory, and about 13,000 people. The southwestern portion is largely composed of level valley lands, while its northeastern part is occupied by the foothills of Mount St. Helens. The drainage is all westerly and southerly into the Columbia river. Cowlitz river is navigable as far as Castle Rock, and is an important factor in the transportation problem. RESOURCES. Timber is the great source of industry at present, the county having about two-thirds of its area heavily covered and unexploited. About 40 saw and shingle mills are engaged in disposing of its logs. Agriculture follows close on the heels of the lumberman everywhere in western Washington, and nowhere are better results in general farming and dairying obtained than in Cowlitz county. Cowlitz coal fields have not yet been largely utilized, but will be extensively developed in time. TRANSPORTATION. Aside from the river navigation, this county is well supplied with transportation facilities by rail. The valley of the Cowlitz river affords the natural highway for roads between the Columbia river and Puget sound, and is already traversed by the Northern Pacific, while the Union Pacific systems and the North Coast road are projected over practically parallel lines through the county. From Kalama all three systems extend south to Portland and Vancouver. PRINCIPAL CITIES AND TOWNS. KALAMA, on the bank of the Columbia river at the ferry crossing of the Northern Pacific railway, is the chief town and county seat. There are here extensive electric power plants and a gravity water system. The chief industries grow out of the lumbering and fishing interests. It has about 1,250 people, but is just now rapidly growing, owing to its superb transportation facilities by both rail and water. [Page 55] KELSO and CASTLE ROCK are both important towns on the railroads and Cowlitz river, each having about 1,500 people. At Kelso, which is near the Columbia river, considerable fish are caught and packed, yet the timber furnishes the chief industry. Fruit and dairying and general agriculture provide a large part of the support for the town merchants. OSTRANDER, CARROLTON, CATLIN, ARIEL and LEXINGTON are smaller towns, all prospering and being built up into substantial business centers by the steadily increasing development of the latent resources of the county. This county offers many opportunities for business to the newcomer in either merchandising, manufacturing or farming. DOUGLAS COUNTY Douglas county occupies the big bend of the Columbia river, having about 1,800 square miles of territory. Formerly there were 4,500 square miles. The last legislature carved the county in two, giving Grant county the southeastern part, about 2,700 square miles of territory, and leaving 1,800 to the northeastern part, with the old name. The bend of the Columbia on the northeast and Grant county on the southeast, compose its boundary. This division boundary follows the northeastern bank of the Grand coulee, and following its general direction meets the Columbia river where the Great Northern railroad touches its valley, thus putting all of that railroad in this new county, excepting only a few miles of the railroad along the banks of the river in the southeastern corner of Douglas county. Douglas county is essentially a high plateau, some of it 1,500 feet above the main bank. Waterville is the county seat, and considerable land along the valley of the Columbia is being irrigated and proving to be of great value for fruit and grain growing. In the southeastern part of the county are some lands covered with black basaltic rocks, but the great bulk of the lands are rich in a volcanic ash soil, and produce large crops of grain without irrigation. A wrong view of the county can easily be impressed upon the traveler by rail; he will see so many of the basaltic rocks from the car windows but once up out of the canyon which the railroad follows, he will find himself in view of an expanse of wheat fields so vast and rich as to astonish him. RESOURCES. As already indicated, this county is essentially a grain producer. Wheat and oats are marketed in large quantities. Fruit-growing and stock-raising are important adjuncts to the county's wealth. It is comparatively new, and lands can be had at very reasonable prices. TRANSPORTATION. As now constituted, Douglas county will rely wholly upon the steamboat crafts on the river to get its grain to market. Its trade, however, [Page 56] is too vast to be passed by, and already two lines of railroad, the Washington & Great Northern and North Coast, are projecting into the very center of its vast wheat fields. With these roads completed as projected, Douglas county will have easy access to both water and rail transportation, and renewed importance will be given to its farming industries. CITIES AND TOWNS. WATERVILLE is its chief town and county seat. It is among the wheat fields, in a broad plain, about seven miles east of the Columbia river, to which it is connected by good roads for stages and freight wagons. It has one of the U. S. general land offices. It has good schools and churches, water and electric lighting systems, both owned by the city. It has a population of about 1,200 people, and is well supplied with business houses, flour and feed mills, a brick yard, bank, etc. BRIDGEPORT, a town of some 400 people, is situated in the northern part of the county on the Columbia river east of its junction with the Okanogan river, and is an important wheat-shipping point, having a regular steamboat service. A bank, flour mill, warehouses and general stores are serving the community, but other industries await the newcomer. DOUGLAS, FARMER, JAMESON, MANSFIELD and HOLLISTER are growing agricultural centers. FERRY COUNTY Ferry county is about in the center of the northern part of eastern Washington, stretching from the northern boundary of the state to the Columbia river, which marks its southern and southwestern boundary. The southern half of the county is within the Colville Indian reservation, and is therefore wholly undeveloped. The lands, however, have in fact been allotted and the remainder will be thrown open for settlement in the near future. Altogether it has an area of 2,200 square miles, and a population of 5,000. It is principally composed of low mountains, well timbered, with valleys furnishing fine grazing. CLIMATE. The climate of the county is such as prevails generally in northeastern Washington--a couple of months of snow in winter, affording plenty of sleighing, skating, etc. Summers are very pleasant, and spring and fall delightful. [Illustration: Plate No. 47.--A Ranch Scene in Lincoln County.] [Illustration: Plate No. 48.--Harvest Time in Lincoln County.] [Illustration: Plate No. 49.--View of Spokane River in Lincoln County, Showing Possibility of Power Development.] [Illustration: Plate No. 50.--Mason County Timber.] [Illustration: Plate No. 51.--Dairy Scene in Mason County.] [Illustration: Plate No. 52.--Oyster Beds in Mason County.] RESOURCES. The bulk of the resources of this county are yet dormant. The mountains are full of minerals; timber is abundant; grassy hillsides are tempting to the sheep and cattle, while the soil is rich, and when tilled will be found to produce excellent crops. The county has a fine future for wealth from all these sources, and, while the mines are [Page 57] first to be made productive, without doubt the fruits and cereals will come into their own in time and furnish much of its wealth. TRANSPORTATION. Two railroads reach the center of the northern half of the county, terminating at Republic, the county seat. These railroads have pushed in here after the precious metals mined in the vicinity. The Columbia river is navigable most of its course on the county boundary, barring some obstructions which the national government will remove and thus open up to river navigation to the ocean the fruits of toil in Ferry county. CITIES AND TOWNS. REPUBLIC, the county seat, is the only large town in the county, and has a population of about 1,250 people. It is the distributing point for supplies for the mines and ships out much ore for the smelters. Ferry county altogether offers exceptional opportunities for the homeseeker in a variety of occupations, as already indicated. FRANKLIN COUNTY Franklin county occupies the basin formed by the junction of the Columbia and Snake rivers, being bounded east, south and west by them. The southern portion of the county is scarcely 300 feet above sea level, and the soil is fine and sandy. The northern part of the county is somewhat higher and composed of successive benches till they reach an altitude of 1,000 feet. It is only a few years since these lands were all considered barren and useless. Yet in 1906 these bench lands in this county added 1,500,000 bushels of wheat to the world's supply and in the following season nearly doubled that output. There are no forests, the land being covered with bunchgrass and sagebrush. IRRIGATION. Along the rivers some farmers have irrigated small parcels of land by pumping water, but the bulk of the irrigable lands are awaiting the action of the U. S. Reclamation Service, which it is thought will ultimately be engaged in an extensive irrigation problem to reclaim thousands of acres now arid and barren. The warm climate of these low Bandy lands has already been proven to be immensely advantageous to the gardener and fruit-grower, and the lands wonderfully productive when the magic influence of plenty of water renders the sources of plant life soluble. The wheat crops now being produced come from the bench lands without irrigation. TRANSPORTATION. The Northern Pacific railway passes diagonally through the county and crosses the Columbia river near Pasco. The Oregon Railroad & [Page 58] Navigation railway taps the wheat belt in the northern part of the county and the North Coast is projected through it, while the Portland & Seattle follows the north bank of the Snake river along its southwestern boundary, thus giving the county four systems of railroad, besides the Columbia river steamboats. PRINCIPAL CITIES AND TOWNS. PASCO is the county seat, in the extreme southern portion of the county, near the Columbia river, and is more noted as a railroad center than as a shipping point, on account of the fact that the surrounding lands are as yet unirrigated. It has a population of about 1,800, and is just now enjoying new vigor and much building in anticipation of its future usefulness as a commercial center for distribution of both merchandise and agricultural products. CONNELL, in the northern part of the county, is a shipping point of importance, and has two railroad lines and a third one coming. In addition to the cereals, many sheep and horses are being raised and shipped out of the county from this vicinity. GARFIELD COUNTY Garfield county is the second from the southeast corner of the state, and extends from the Snake river on the north to the state boundary on the south. It has 627 square miles of territory and a population of about 7,000. The southern portion is included in the Wenaha forest reserve, and is quite heavily timbered. The northern portion is an extremely prolific farming region, made up of undulating lands with deep rich soil, composed of clays and volcanic ash. No irrigation is necessary, and very heavy crops of grain are annually matured. RESOURCES. As already intimated, the chief source of income for the county comes from the tillage of the soil. Of the crops raised, barley is in the lead, having furnished 1,800,000 bushels in 1907, which places this county second of all counties in the state in the production of this cereal. Wheat and oats are also largely produced. Stock-raising in the southern ranges of the county is very profitable, and much fruit is of late years being produced. Indeed, Garfield county is well up to the front in the per capita wealth of its citizens. PRINCIPAL TOWNS. POMEROY is the county seat and chief distributing center of the county. It is situated in the north central part of the county, on the Pataha river and the Oregon Railroad & Navigation railway. It has a population of nearly 2,000. It is lighted with electricity, has a gravity water system, and all the machinery for doing all the business naturally coming to a town [Page 59] of its size. It has a fine high school and graded schools, churches, newspapers, banks, warehouses, big stocks of goods, fire department, cet. GRANT COUNTY Grant county occupies about 2,700 square miles of what was formerly Douglas county, comprising the lands southeast of the Grand and Moses coulees, bordering on the southwest on the Columbia river, with Adams and Lincoln counties on its eastern border. Ephrata is the county seat, on the Great Northern railway. The northern part of the county is traversed by the Great Northern railroad, and has developed into a vast region of grain production without irrigation, although originally supposed to be valueless for cereal-raising. The southern part is new and comparatively undeveloped, but is crossed by the Chicago, Milwaukee & St. Paul railway, just now giving this new county great impetus. The southern portion of the county has long been a grazing ground for herds of cattle and horses, but it is thought now it will be turned into a prosperous region of small farms. While the county is cut by several coulees, it is chiefly composed of large areas of bench lands, comparatively level, barring a range of hills in its southwestern corner called Saddle mountains. There is considerable water in the county, Moses lake being quite a large body of water with bordering swampy lands, about in the center, and Wilson creek, in the northern and Crab creek, in the southern part, furnishing considerable stock water. LANDS. The lands tributary to the Great Northern railway already produce great quantities of grain and livestock, and these will continue to be its staple crops until irrigation may come in and stimulate fruit production, for which it is thought much of the lands will be suitable. TRANSPORTATION. Both the Great Northern and Northern Pacific railway systems are in the grain fields of the northern part of the county. The Milwaukee road crosses the southern part, the N. & S. is projected along its western border, paralleling the Columbia river, which is navigable, thus affording all the county, excepting the central portion, good facilities for marketing its products. As the county develops, beyond question branch lines will penetrate this portion, and Grant county will become as well supplied as any other portion of the state with facilities for commerce. CITIES AND TOWNS. EPHRATA, the county seat, is a small village on the Great Northern railway about midway of the county and the center of a large wheat-growing section. Its transformation into an important town is rapidly [Page 60] going on, the new county government calling for a variety of new occupations to center here. WILSON CREEK, near the eastern border of the county, is a larger town whose chief industry is marketing grain. It is an important distributing point, with prospects of larger growth. QUINCY is a station on the Great Northern and is also an important wheat-shipping point. SOAP LAKE, on a lake of the same name, is noted as a resort for the rheumatic. BACON, COULEE CITY, and HARTLINE are stations on the Northern Pacific railway in the northeastern part of the county. Grant county is new, but has large undeveloped resources, and is awaiting the newcomer with abundant offerings for his energy and labor. ISLAND COUNTY Island county is entirely composed of a group of islands in Puget sound, the largest two being Whidby and Camano. It has a land area of 227 square miles and a population of about 5,000. RESOURCES. Lumber, agricultural products and fish make up the county's resources. Considerable of the timber, particularly from Whidby island, has been removed, and wheat, oats, hay, potatoes, fruits, poultry, butter, eggs, etc., are now shipped out to the splendid nearby markets at the chief seaport towns on Puget Sound. The soils in the northern part of Whidby island are of remarkable fertility, some of them producing as much as 100 bushels of wheat per acre and immense crops of potatoes. In season the waters of the county abound in salmon and other salt water fish, and many of the citizens of the county find profitable employment in connection with the fishing industry. PRINCIPAL TOWNS. COUPEVILLE is a town of some 400 people and the county seat, situated on a beautiful bay in the northern part of Whidby island. It is chief distributing point for the county, has a sawmill, shingle mill, fruit-drying establishment, stores, churches, schools, a newspaper, etc. OAK HARBOR, further north, is the center of a large farming and logging district. Two canneries are in successful operation. UTSALADY, SAN DE FUCA, CAMANO, CLINTON, and LANGLEY are smaller villages gradually becoming summer resorts for people from the large cities of the sound. Steamboats furnish good transportation from all parts of the county. [Illustration: Plate No. 53.--An Okanogan County Orchard in Bloom.] [Illustration: Plate No. 54.--A View of the Country Along the Okanogan River in the Vicinity of the Okanogan Irrigation Project.] [Page 61] JEFFERSON COUNTY Jefferson county is the second county south of the entrance of Puget sound, stretching from the Pacific ocean eastward over the peaks of the Olympic mountains to Hood's canal, and turning north gets a long waterfront also on Puget sound, and taps the Straits of Fuca. It has a population of 11,000 people and 2,000 square miles of territory. RESOURCES. The resources of this county are largely undeveloped, and yet it is one of the oldest settled counties in the state. Originally its entire area, barring a few small patches, was heavily timbered, and it is estimated that the county still has twenty billion feet of standing timber. Its soil is remarkably fertile, and the products of its farms have long been famous. The Olympic mountains contain veins of precious metals, iron and manganese, none of which have as yet been thoroughly developed. Fishing for salmon, sardines, shrimps, clams and crabs is a very important industry. SOILS, CLIMATE AND PRODUCTS. The soils of the county are largely sedimentary, having been washed down from the mountains for ages, assisted by the decomposition of vegetable matter accumulated through centuries. In the valleys, where most of the farming is being done, these soils produce remarkable crops under the influence of the charming climate the county affords. The rainfall in the eastern part of the county is moderate, but ample for all purposes; the average rainfall is about 20 inches. The temperature rarely exceeds 80 degrees in summer, while the winter months average about 45 degrees. Such soils and such climatic conditions combine to force wealth upon every industrious tiller of the soil. Clover yields from four to six tons per acre. Oats and vetches for ensilage purposes yield five to seven tons per acre. Fifty to seventy-five tons of cabbage or mangles per acre are not uncommon, and onions and potatoes produce from six to ten tons. The fruit trees, particularly cherries, apples, and pears, produce wonderful crops. Cattle can graze ten months in the year or more, and the products of the dairies of Jefferson county cannot be excelled. Because of the light rainfall and moderate weather, this county is admirably suited to poultry-raising. Green food can be had twelve months in the year. Runs can always be open, and with proper care hens can be made to pay $3.00 per year each. PRINCIPAL CITIES AND TOWNS. PORT TOWNSEND, at the entrance of Puget sound, is the county seat and chief commercial center of the county. It has a population of [Page 62] about 6,000. It is the headquarters for many government institutions, including the U. S. customs service, U. S. revenue cutter service, marine hospital service, hydrographic service, quarantine service, and U. S. artillery for the Puget sound district. Three great forts; Worden, Flagler, and Casey, are located here, forming the chief defense to Puget sound. Fort Worden joins the city limits. The present garrison force is 2,000. The scenery from the city is grand and beyond compare. Its business interests are varied and extensive. Two canneries for salmon and sardines are here located, boiler works, a machine shop for building electric and gasoline engines, a shipyard, sash and door factory, lumber mills, and shingle mills, a by-product plant producing wood alcohol, turpentine, etc. The city is substantially built and its homes are artistically created. The harbor has twenty-five miles of waterfront and fine anchorage of from nine to eighteen fathoms, and is an ideal refuge for all seagoing craft. The city has gas and electric lights, paid fire department, fine churches, splendid schools, and a magnificent gravity water system furnishes the town of Irondale, Hadlock and Forts Worden and Flagler, having plenty of water to spare for thousands mote. IRONDALE is practically a suburb of Port Townsend, having the only pig iron plant in the state. It is an extensive and growing concern, using bog iron from the vicinity and other ores from different sources. PORT LUDLOW, DUCKABUSH, BOGACHIEL, PORT DISCOVERY, QUILCENE, and CHIMACUM are small villages scattered about the county and are centers of agricultural activity. KING COUNTY King county is distinguished by having Seattle for its county seat. The county is an empire in itself, stretching from the shores of Puget sound to the peaks of the Cascade mountains, and containing more than 2,000 square miles of territory. It also includes Vashon, one of the large islands of the sound. RESOURCES. King county's sources of revenue are varied and extensive. Its lumber industry, growing out of the vast forests within its borders not only, but from the cutting of logs brought in from other sections of the state, is immense. Its agricultural lands are not surpassed in fertility by any, and include not only the alluvial deposits in its river bottoms, but great areas of shot clay and other soils splendidly adapted to fruit culture. Its mining industries include not only very great acreage of coal measures, which have been producing coal for commercial purposes for local and foreign trade for thirty years and are scarcely scratched as yet, but also fissure veins of the precious metals--gold, silver, lead, [Page 63] copper, antimony, arsenic, and also iron, asbestos, fire clays, kaolin, granite, sandstones, lime ledges, and others. Its fishing industries in its own waters and from the ocean give employment to a large number of men and its fish are shipped even as far east as Boston, Massachusetts. Its power capacity, in addition to its wood and coal, includes great falls and rapids and many large streams which are already harnessed, but only in part, and driving vast quantities of machinery in this and adjoining counties. In commercial possibilities King county is unrivaled. Its combination of lakes, rivers and salt water harbors have no superior on the globe, and the fact of its supremacy is demonstrated by the tabulated statistics of state officers, which show that King county possesses one-fifth of the population of the state and has more than one-quarter in value of taxable property of the state, and pays one-fourth of taxes collected within the state borders. In scenery, which is no mean asset of the county, it is also unsurpassed. Vast ranges of mountains, sheets of fresh and salt water, rivers, hills and plains, forests, and grassy fields combine and interlace in a thousand directions to entrance and delight the artistic eye. In game, including bear, deer, mountain goats, cougar, grouse, pheasants, quail, mountain trout, salmon and other fishes, make many a paradise for the sportsman. TRANSPORTATION. In addition to its salt waterways, with 75 miles of shore lands, and its navigable fresh water lakes, there are centering in the county coming in from all directions seven transcontinental lines of railroads, making King county and its metropolis a great distributing center for the commerce between the American continent and the continents of Asia and the islands of the Pacific. Besides these steam roads, electric trolley lines are making a network of inter-communication between all parts of King county not only, but reaching out into the adjoining counties. CITIES AND TOWNS. SEATTLE is the county seat and great metropolis of King county and the state, with a population crowding, if not exceeding, 275,000 people. It covers the hills and lowlands surrounding Elliot bay, an indentation of Puget sound, and a part of the land between the sound and Lake Washington, a freshwater lake of great beauty paralleling the sound for 23 miles and from one to three miles wide. It also includes two smaller lakes, whose sloping shores are covered with the homes of its citizens. From its hills the snow-capped mountains of the Cascade and Olympic ranges and Mount Rainier's towering peak are visions of surpassing beauty. A constant stream of coming and going water craft from all quarters of the globe frequent its harbor. Its business buildings of brick, stone, iron and concrete tower heavenward over four avenues, and many cross streets and miles of its low lands are [Page 64] covered with railroad tracks, warehouses and manufacturing plants. Its grammar schools, high schools, and State University are equipped with magnificent buildings and grounds. Its streets and homes are brilliantly lighted with electricity from its own power plants, while the purest water, sufficient for a million people, flows through its water mains, all owned and controlled by the city. A multitude of factories are providing a small part of the merchandise and composes the groundwork of her commerce. The shores of Elliot bay are lined with wharves accommodating the largest sea-going ships. Its last assessed valuation of property was $203,168,680, and its tax to be raised $975,210. More than 150 miles of street-car tracks are within her borders and a nickel pays for a 15-mile ride. GEORGETOWN, in the southern part of Seattle, but not a part of it as yet, has a population of about 5,000, and is an important manufacturing center. Here are the car shops of Seattle Electric Company, gas works, foundries, breweries, machine shops, brick and tile works and many other industries. RENTON, ISSAQUAH, RAVENSDALE, BLACK DIAMOND, and NEW CASTLE are coal mining towns. KENT, AUBURN, KIRKLAND, VASHON, NORTH BEND, TOLT, FALL CITY, and MAPLE VALLEY are agricultural towns of importance. KITSAP COUNTY Kitsap county is nearly surrounded by the waters of Puget sound and Hood's canal, forming the larger part of the great peninsula which these waters would make an island were a six-mile ridge in Mason county opened up to them. It has extensive and numerous bays and inlets, with magnificent anchorage, and contains in its center the great Port Orchard navy yard, destined to become one of the largest seats in the United States for Uncle Sam's naval activities. RESOURCES AND INDUSTRIES. The chief resource of the county is in the lumber. Some of the largest mills of the state are located within its borders. It is estimated that there are yet 200,000 acres of uncut timber in its borders, and its mills are turning out 600,000 feet of lumber daily, besides vast quantities of shingles. The fishing industry now includes oyster culture, which is rapidly becoming very important. About the county are located many villages supported by the tillage of the soil from its reclaimed forest lands. TRANSPORTATION. Kitsap county has no railroads, but its waterways are so vast and intricate that all its corners are reached by steamers, and travel is cheap and freight conveniently handled in all parts of the county. [Illustration: Plate No. 55.--An Okanogan County Valley, Palmer Lake.] [Illustration: Plate No. 56.--McGowan Seining Grounds, Sand Island, Pacific County.] [Illustration: Plate No. 57.--Oyster Culture in Willapa Harbor, Pacific County.] [Illustration: Plate No. 58.--View of the Waterfront at Raymond, Pacific County.] [Illustration: Plate No. 59.--A View of a Portion of Tacoma's Harbor, Showing Ships Waiting to Load Lumber and Wheat for Foreign Ports.] [Illustration: Plate No. 60.--Railroad Yards and a Corner of the Business Section, Tacoma.] [Page 65] PRINCIPAL TOWNS. PORT ORCHARD, the county seat, is on the bay of the same name and opposite the navy yard. It is the chief distributing point for a larger part of the cultivated lands of the county, and exports not only agricultural products, but also shingles. The surrounding lands are well suited for dairying, fruit-growing and poultry-raising, which is also true of the entire county. BREMERTON, adjoining the navy yard, is the largest town in the county, having about 4,000 people and rapidly growing. It has a fire department, electric light and water systems, newspapers, banks, about 1,000 or more wage-earners and is a hustling town. CHARLESTON is another smaller town adjoining the navy yard on the west and rapidly growing. PORT BLAKELEY is an important milling and shipbuilding town of nearly 2,000 people, opposite Seattle. Its lumber goes to all parts of the world. PORT GAMBLE is a sawmill town of importance contributing to swell the large output of lumber shipped out of the county. CHICO, TRACYTON, KEYPORT, PAULSBO, SEABECK, CRYSTAL SPRINGS, COLBY, BANGOR, BURLEY, PORT MADISON, and OLALLA are all small villages, making progress as agricultural centers and as furnishing summer homes for business men. KITTITAS COUNTY Kittitas county is located about in the center of the state, and takes in the upper reaches and most of the watershed of the Yakima river. It has a population of about 20,000 in an area of 2,400 square miles. On its northwestern side it is bordered by two ranges of the Cascade mountains, while its southwestern side lies on the Columbia river. Among the sources of the Yakima river are three large lakes, Keechelus, Kachess and Cle-Elum, most beautiful bodies of mountain water and the sources of the great irrigation systems now fathered by the national government and making the Yakima valley a veritable garden pot of orchards and vegetables, grasses and flowers. RESOURCES. The central portion of the county is a valley comprising 250,000 acres, about one-fourth of which is under irrigation, and has long been noted for its prolific crops of hay and many herds of dairy cows. The foothills of the mountains have precious metals, coal and iron. The streams abound in trout and much game is in the mountains. TRANSPORTATION. The Northern Pacific and Chicago, Milwaukee & St. Paul railroads, coming into the county from the south and west, cross at Ellensburg [Page 66] and then follow the valley of the Yakima to the crest of the Cascades giving abundant facilities for making markets east and west to all parts of the country. PRINCIPAL TOWNS. ELLENSBURG, the county seat, is situated on a level bench in the Yakima valley and on the railroads. It is a town of upwards of 5,500 people, and is substantially built, chiefly of brick. There are creameries, flourmills, sawmills, and warehouses, banks, breweries newspapers, electric lights, and gravity water system, churches, schools, among which is one of the state normal schools. It is also a division point on the Northern Pacific railway, and is the chief distributing point in the county for farm products and merchandise. ROSLYN is the chief coal-mining town, situated on the railroad well up in the foothills of the mountains. It has about 4,500 people. It has gravity water and electric lights, and is a substantial, thriving and growing town. From the coal mines in the vicinity the best coals of the state are mined in large quantities and shipped all over the state. CLE_ELUM is another coal mining town, on the Northern Pacific railway, with a population of about 2,500. Tributary to Cle-Elum is a wide mining territory, for which it is the chief distributing point. THORPE is a smaller village likely to develop into an important trading point. KLICKTAT COUNTY Klickitat county is central among the southern tier of counties of the state, bordering 80 miles on the Columbia river, with an average width of 20 miles. It has a population of about 14,000 and an area of 1,800 square miles. There is a great variety in its climate, the elevation varying from 100 to 3,500 feet above the sea level. The soil is chiefly volcanic ash, disintegrated basalt and alluvium. It is deep and much of it sub-irrigated. The principal crops are wheat, barley, rye, oats, and corn. The wheat lands yield from 15 to 40 bushels per acre. Among the fruits raised are apples, peaches, pears, cherries, English walnuts, almonds, plums, prunes, grapes, apricots, and all the small fruits. Wheat lands vary in price from $10 to $50 per acre. It is estimated that 7,000 acres will be planted to fruit and nut trees this current year, while last year 75,385 apple trees, 14,675 peach trees, and 17,345 grape vines were planted. RESOURCES. As already indicated, the strength of the county is in its soil and agriculture is its great source of wealth. Stock-raising is a chief industry, the slopes of the mountains on its northern boundary furnishing [Page 67] abundant pasturage. The southeastern part is fast developing into a fruit-growing region, while agriculture and grain-growing is more general in the central and southern portion. TRANSPORTATION. The Columbia river, with a railroad on each side of it and numerous ferries, makes ample provision for transportation, while the Goldendale branch reaches well up into the center of the county. CITIES AND TOWNS. GOLDENDALE, the county seat and metropolis, is located in the center of the county, 120 miles east of Portland. It is the terminus of the Goldendale branch of the Spokane, Portland & Seattle railway, making connection with the main line at Lyle. It is located in the heart of a splendid agricultural section and at the edge of the great timber belt. WHITE SALMON, located in the splendid fruit section, is a thriving town. It is an important railroad point on the North Bank and is the outlet for the products of an extensive fruit, timber and dairying region. CLIFFS, the division point of the Spokane, Portland & Seattle railway, is the trading center of many square miles of territory. The best nut land in the county is located near here. BICKLETON, the trading point of an extensive wheat section, is in the eastern part of the county. An electric road has been surveyed, which will, when completed, give this town railway connection. LYLE, ROOSEVELT, COLUMBUS, BINGEN, and CENTERVILLE are growing trading points. LEWIS COUNTY Lewis county is one of the largest counties in western Washington, having an area of 2,593 square miles of territory and about 40,000 people. It occupies a large part of the drainage basins of two large rivers, the Cowlitz and Chehalis--one emptying its waters into the Columbia river and the other into Grays harbor. It reaches from the peaks of the Cascades 100 miles toward the ocean, but is cut off 30 miles from the coast, and is about 30 miles wide. Mount Rainier is just north of its extreme eastern portion and about one-fourth of the county is within the Rainier forest reserve. RESOURCES. At present the chief industry of the county consists of manufacturing its forests into the various forms of lumber and its products, the lumber cut aggregating four hundred million feet and two hundred million shingles. Next in importance probably are the precious metal and coal deposits of the county, which have, however, been but little developed. The coal measures include bituminous, lignite and anthracite, and are of great extent in the foothills of the eastern part of the county. Two systems of railroads have been projected into these fields, and the nearest, carrying lignite and bituminous coals, are being commercially developed. [Page 68] Agriculture, including especially dairying and fruit culture, takes the place of the forests as they are removed and bids fair to reach in importance, in time, the lumber and coal resources. To this end, the soil fertility, the mild climate and cool mountain waters conspire. TRANSPORTATION. Lewis county is in the path of all railroads coming in from the south or through the Columbia gap in the Cascades. Already the Northern Pacific railway and the Union Pacific railway cross the county, and the North Coast contemplates traversing the entire Cowlitz valley, while the Tacoma Eastern is already into the northwestern part of the county on its way toward the same goal. The county cannot be too well supplied, for its vast treasures when developed will furnish immense products for transportation. CITIES AND TOWNS. CHEHALIS and CENTRALIA are the two twin cities of the county--less than five miles apart and of about equal importance. From Chehalis the Northern Pacific railway branches off, following the upper reaches of Chehalis river and ending on Willapa bay, while from Centralia the same road branches, following the lower Chehalis river, to Grays harbor. CHEHALIS is the county seat, with a population of 5,000 and rapidly growing, and has electric lights, sanitary sewerage system, paved streets, fine business blocks, and a large and growing trade. Near the city is located the State Training School. CENTRALIA has a population of about 7,000 people, chiefly engaged in running sawmills, shingle mills, sash and door factories, and other woodworking plants. It has a large city hall, ten churches, fine schools, banks, business houses, water systems, fire department, and is a hustling, thriving town. WINLOCK is a town of 1,200 people on the railroad in the southern part of the county, and a distributing point of much importance. PE ELL is a town of 1,000 people on the South Bend branch of the Northern Pacific railway, chiefly engaged in milling and agricultural pursuits. MCCORMICK, LITTELL, KOSMOS, LITTLE FALLS, ADNA, DRYAD, DOTY, and KOPIAH, are all centers of industry in various parts of the county. Lewis county as a whole offers wonderful opportunities for newcomers in all pursuits--commercial, agricultural, and mining. [Illustration: Plate No. 61.--Tacoma High School and Stadium. Rose Arbor in Point Defiance Park, Tacoma.] [Illustration: Plate No. 62.--A Red Raspberry Field in the Puyallup Valley, Pierce County.] [Page 69] LINCOLN COUNTY Lincoln county, adjoining Spokane county on the west, is one of eastern Washington's great granaries. Its northern boundary is defined by the Columbia and Spokane rivers. The bulk of its lands are rolling prairies of great fertility. It has about 2,300 square miles of territory and about 25,000 people. TOPOGRAPHY. The bulk of the county consists of the rolling prairie land characteristic of the great wheat belt of the state. There are some mineral lands in the northern part of the county and here and there will be found considerable stretches of timber. In its northern portion the county is well watered by the Columbia and Spokane rivers, while in the southwestern section and elsewhere numerous small creeks and lakes occur. RESOURCES. The great resource of Lincoln county is its wheat fields, which in 1907 produced to exceed 8,000,000 bushels. Other cereals and hay are important crops. Along its northern part, particularly on the bottom lands of the rivers, much fruit is grown, including peaches and all the small fruits. Diversified farming is growing in favor among the farmers. Compared with other counties of the state, Lincoln county ranks as follows in the number of its stock: Horses, second place; hogs, second place; cattle, sixth place. The county also stands fourth in the number of its school houses and spends annually $100,000 for school support. In wealth per capita, Lincoln county leads the state, showing for assessment purposes an average holding of real estate of $1,163 and $226 in personalty. TRANSPORTATION. The county is traversed from west to east its entire length by the Great Northern and the central Washington branch of the Northern Pacific railroads, some distance from its side lines, so that very little of the county is more than 12 miles from a railroad shipping point. There are 170 miles of railroad tracks in the county. CITIES AND TOWNS. DAVENPORT, the county seat and largest town in the county, is situated on the central Washington branch of the Northern Pacific railway near the middle eastern portion of the county, and has a population of about 2,800 people. Its business blocks are chiefly built of brick. It owns its own water system, is lighted with electricity, has fine school buildings and churches. Its court house cost about $80,000. It is surrounded by splendid farms and annually ships out about 1,250,000 bushels of wheat. [Page 70] WILBUR, a town of 1,500 people, on the Northern Pacific railway, is a very important shipping and distributing center. It has large flour mills, warehouses, five churches, and schools, electric lights, and water system, bank, newspaper, parks, and important commercial institutions. ALMIRA, in the western part of the county, on the Northern Pacific railway, is another prosperous and growing grain center with about 600 people. HARRINGTON, on the Great Northern railway, is a town of some 1,200 people. It has a beautiful location, commands the trade of a large farming county, ships grain and livestock, and is a prosperous and growing town. CRESTON, EGYPT, and BLUESTEM are smaller growing commercial centers. MASON COUNTY Mason county lies on the upper reaches of Puget sound, having the Olympic mountains at its north, where about one-fourth of the county is in the Olympic forest reserve. Its total area is about 900 square miles, and it has a population of about 6,000. Hood's canal penetrates well into the center of the county in its great bend, giving it a very long salt-water shore line. From the Olympic mountains numerous streams flow into the Puget sound, while others empty their waters into Gray's harbor. The county is a great forest of splendid timber, which has been only to a limited degree cut out. The soil of the foothills and valleys Is composed chiefly of shot clays and alluvial deposits, making good farming, stock-raising and fruit-growing lands. RESOURCES. Logging and its allied industries constitute the main industries of the county, Much of the logs are shipped out of the county to feed sawmills in other parts of the Sound. Raising and marketing oysters is an important source of wealth to the county. There is already considerable acreage for farming and stock-raising, stock finding pasturage the year round. This industry will grow as the land is cleared. The county affords splendid hunting and fishing in season. TRANSPORTATION. The county is so cut into by the inlets and bays of the sound that it has splendid transportation facilities by steamer to all the sound ports. The Northern Pacific railway reaches its southern boundary. No other railroads traverse the county but its logging railroads, which can give only a limited service. [Page 71] PRINCIPAL TOWNS. SHELTON is the county seat, situated on an arm of the sound at the terminus of the logging railroad, and has about 1,200 inhabitants. Steamers from its wharves reach all the parts of the sound directly or by connection with others. The logging industry, manufacturing lumber, cultivating oysters, fishing and farming are the chief industries of its people. It has four churches, good schools, a newspaper, good stocks of goods, volunteer fire department, electric lights, gravity water system. The logging industry, which centers here, employs 2,000 men and pays out $120,000 a month. LAKE CUSHMAN is a summer resort in the mountains famous for its big trout catches. ALLYN, on an arm of the sound, is central to much oyster lands, logging camps and fruit orchards. ARCADIA, also on the sound, is central to considerable stock-raising and lumbering. DETROIT is a prosperous village, proud of the grapes grown on some of its logged-off lands. MATLOCK is a town on the logging railroad and central to large logging operations. OKANOGAN COUNTY. Okanogan, the largest county in the state, lies on the northern boundary just east of the Cascade peaks. It has an area of 4,500 square miles and a population estimated at 13,000. About one-fourth of the county, a district of great latent resources, is still within the Colville Indian reservation, but is soon to be thrown open to settlement. RESOURCES. This county is endowed with great natural resources and a delightful climate, and is destined to become thickly populated. The mountains and their foothills have large and numerous veins of metals and are covered also with extensive forests. The rolling hills of the south and center are rich in agricultural possibilities, suitable for stock, and great crops of cereals and fruits. The Okanogan river and its branches drain the greater portion of the county, rising in British Columbia and flowing south through the center of the county and joining the Columbia river on the south boundary. The Methow river drains a large portion of the western part and makes a paradise for the frontiersman along its sloping sides. TRANSPORTATION. Until now the rivers and wagon roads are the only paths of commerce. But into this blossoming empire the railroads are looking with longing eyes. The Great Northern, however, has already tapped the [Page 72] northern boundary and projected a line down the Okanogan and Columbia rivers to Wenatchee. Other railroads will follow, as the prize is too great not to be divided. PRINCIPAL TOWNS. CONCONULLY, the county seat, is situated among the foothills and mines west of the Okanogan river. In addition to the mining industry, the raising of sheep and cattle is followed by the citizens. The town has a population of about 500 people. OROVILLE is the chief town on the railroad, near the northern border, and is the terminus of the road. It has about 500 people and is growing. It is an important ore-shipping point, surrounded also by good fruit-raising and agricultural lands, yet unirrigated. BREWSTER, at the junction of the Columbia and Okanogan rivers, has a population of about 200, and is an important grain and fruit-shipping point. OKANOGAN is on the river of the same name, about midway between Brewster and Conconully, and to this point the steamers ply in the higher waters of the river. TWISP is a growing village in the Methow valley, devoted chiefly to fruit-growing and mining. It is an important distributing center. PATEROS has steamer connection with Wenatchee, and is an importing, growing center. BECK, BONAPARTE, ANGLIN and BODIE are other new and growing commercial centers. CHESAW, in the northern part, and NESPELIM, in the southeastern part, are important locations. PACIFIC COUNTY. Pacific county is the extreme southern county, which borders on the ocean at the mouth of the Columbia river. Although a small county with only 900 square miles, it has about 100 miles of salt-water frontage. Willapa harbor, at the northwest, is capable of being made accessible to all ocean ships, while Shoalwater bay, a body of water 20 miles long and separated from the ocean by a long slim peninsula, furnishes probably the best breeding ground In the state for oyster culture. The county at large is an immense forest, in the center of which is a range of hills dividing the watershed so that some of the streams flow into the Columbia river at the south, some west into Willapa harbor, and others, through the Chehalis river, reach Grays harbor. [Illustration: Plate No. 63.--Modern Sanitary Dairy Barn, on Farm of Hon. W. H. Paulhamus, Sumner, Pierce County.] [Illustration: Plate No. 64.--Views in Rainier National Park, Reached by Railroad and Driveway from Tacoma.] [Illustration: Plate No. 65.--San Juan County Views.] [Illustration: Plate No. 66.--Purse Seiners' Camp at Eagle Gorge, San Juan County.] RESOURCES. As already indicated, its timber and its fisheries are the great sources of wealth for the county, although stock-raising, dairying, fruit-growing and general farming are constantly growing in importance. [Page 73] The county probably has eleven billion feet of standing timber, and daily cuts with its 64 sawmills about 775,000 feet of lumber and one million shingles. Both native and cultivated oysters are largely marketed, as are also clams, crabs, shrimp and fish. A splendid market for all farm products is afforded by the mills and lumber camps and summer campers on the beach. TRANSPORTATION. The Northern Pacific railway reaches Willapa harbor, cutting the county centrally east and west. On the long ocean beach from the mouth of the Columbia river northward is a railroad about 20 miles long, made profitable by the extensive patronage of the summer campers. Added to these are the water crafts which frequent the harbor and the Columbia river, and altogether make access to all parts of the county easy. CITIES AND TOWNS. SOUTH BEND, the county seat, situated near the mouth of the Willapa river, is a rapidly growing town of 3,000 people and destined to become an important ocean port. The harbor is capacious, well protected, has fine anchorage, and is handicapped only by a few feet of mud at the bottom, which Uncle Sam will soon remove. At low tide there is now from 20 to 30 feet of water in the channel of the river and at South Bend it is 1,000 feet wide. South Bend is the terminus of the Northern Pacific railway. It has electric lights, water works, good schools, fine churches, bank, sawmills, planing-mills, sash and door factories, fish canneries, newspapers, etc., and is about to build a $50,000 courthouse. RAYMOND, a new manufacturing town on the harbor and railroad, a few miles from South Bend, has 2,500 people and is rapidly growing in importance. Raymond is not yet five years old; has a monthly payroll of $100,000; sawmills and factories representing an invested capital of $4,900,000, employing 1,200 men; an electric light plant; a city telephone system, owned by local capital; a salt-water fire protection system; is about to build two bridges, costing $30,000 each, and is adding new manufacturing plants at the rate of one a month. The city gives free factory sites, and has both rail and ocean transportation from factory locations to the markets of the world. ILWACO is a fishing post of importance near the southwest shore of the county, with 900 population. CHINOOK, FRANKFORT and KNABTON are other fishing points on the Columbia river of importance. NAHCOTTA is an ocean summer resort. [Page 74] PIERCE COUNTY. Pierce county, though not the largest, is one of the most important counties in the state. Its area of 1,800 square miles occupies much of the upper reaches of Puget sound on both sides and extends southeasterly, taking in the Rainier National Park of 2,225,000 acres, and Mount Rainier (Tacoma) 14,526 feet above sea level and less than 60 miles from salt water, covered with eternal snow, an endless scene of majestic grandeur, giving the county a greater variety of elevations and more beautiful and startling scenery than any other county in the United States. Its northeastern boundary is the White river, its southwestern boundary the Nisqually river. It has about 125 miles of salt-water shore lands, with innumerable bays and inlets and several important islands. Originally one vast forest, much of it now is covered with fruitful fields of grain, grass and orchards. Its climate is mild and salubrious, its soils of great variety and fertility, and its mountains and foothills full of coal and precious metals. RESOURCES. The resources of Pierce county are varied and of great value. Its central part is one great coal field, covered with forests, producing annually about 1,000,000 tons of coal. Gold, silver and copper are among its precious metals, but not extensively mined as yet. Its rivers possess almost immeasurable water power. One plant on the Puyallup river at Electron has an ultimate capacity of 40,000 horse-power, 20,000 horse-power of which is now in use. The city of Tacoma is engaged in the construction of a plant on the Nisqually for municipal use, the capacity of which will be 20,000 horse-power. The 12,000 horse-power plant at Snoqualmie Falls also furnishes current for city lighting, street railway and manufacturing purposes in Tacoma. All the cereals are successfully raised; dairying is one of the most important industries; fruit-growing, particularly in small fruits, such as strawberries, raspberries, blackberries, cherries, etc., is very profitable and is engaging a great deal of attention. Fish are caught in quantities and shipped to eastern markets, but Pierce county's greatest natural wealth is in its vast forests. An idea of the value can be had when it is said that $6,000,000 worth of lumber was cut in 1908 in Tacoma alone. In addition to these great natural resources, Pierce county's commercial industries are so great as to place it in the front rank of counties of the Northwest. The great sawmills, woodworking plants and factories of various kinds in the city of Tacoma alone employ 11,800 people, and the value of their output last year amounted to over $43,000,000.00. TRANSPORTATION. Pierce county is fast becoming a network of transcontinental railroads centering in Tacoma, which, coupled with the steamboat traffic on the Sound, gives the county splendid traffic facilities. Pierce county [Page 75] for years was a non-competitive railroad point, the Northern Pacific being the only road to enter its vast fields of wealth. Within the last two years, however, the Chicago, Milwaukee & St. Paul, the Union Pacific system, and the Great Northern, realizing the wealth of the county and the importance of Tacoma as a manufacturing center, the value of her perfect harbor for shipping, the vastness of her great stretch of level tidelands for factory sites and terminal yards, and the low cost at which freight can be transferred from the rails to the sails or _vice versa_, have entered the field and are now spending $11,000,000 on construction and terminal work in the city of Tacoma. The addition of these new roads means a wonderful impetus to the trade of Tacoma. The Tacoma Eastern railroad, a beautiful scenic route, beginning at Tacoma, runs in a southeasterly direction through a wonderfully fertile country and vast forests of splendid timber, to Rainier National Park and Mount Rainier (Mt. Tacoma). Several trolley lines are in operation, reaching all the near-by towns and connecting Tacoma and Seattle. In addition to these lines, many steamboats and crafts of all kinds, plying the waters of Puget Sound and the Pacific ocean, find abundant wharfage and anchorage in the harbor of Tacoma. The products of the world in large quantities pass through Tacoma in process of distribution. A constant stream of small crafts, running about the waters of the county, accommodate the local traffic. CITIES AND TOWNS. TACOMA, with a population of about 125,000, is the county seat of Pierce county, and situated on Commencement bay. Its harbor, one of the finest in the world, and its railroad terminals, unexcelled on the Pacific Coast, as already indicated, are the center of a vast commerce by rail and water. At its door is an immense amount of water power, already developed, driving her street cars and the machinery in many of her factories. Coal and coke are in abundance within a few miles of the city, the coal being used extensively for steam and conveyed from the trains to the boats by immense electric bunkers. The coke is largely utilized in the largest lead and copper reduction plant on the coast. The great Guggenheim smelter at Tacoma reduces and turns out annually lead, copper, gold and silver worth about $10,000,000. Along her wharves are immense elevators, grain warehouses and flouring mills. Tacoma yearly ships out more grain than any other city on Puget sound. In and around the city are large saw and shingle mills, which last year cut 527,604,000 feet of lumber and 434,000,000 Shingles. Her factories and shops have $24,000,000 invested and employ 11,800 wage-earners, and her large flour mills ship their products to all parts of the world. Her packing-house products amounted to $5,000,000 in 1908. The largest car shops west of the Mississippi are located here. Her downtown streets are lined by large business blocks; she has 185 miles of street and suburban railway, and over 75 miles of paved streets. [Page 76] There are four daily newspapers, 8 banks, 1,120 acres in parks, and many beautiful and expensive public buildings. The city hall cost $200,000; the court house, $500,000; her high school building, the most beautiful on the coast, cost a half million dollars, and the United States government is completing a $500,000 federal building. PUYALLUP is one of Pierce county's prosperous towns, having about 7,000 population, in the wealthy Puyallup valley. This is the center or a great fruit-growing district, in which the farmers have combined and market their crops through an association, sending their berries in patent refrigerator cars into far-away markets. It is also quite a large manufacturing center, with a payroll of $45,000 per month. BUCKLEY, with a population of 1,500, is the center of large sawmilling, farming and mining industries. ORTING is a town with 800 people, chiefly engaged in gardening and farming. The State Soldiers' Home is located near, and adds considerable trade to the town. SUMNER has a population of 1,000, is located in the Puyallup valley, and its people form a part of the farmers' association, engaged in fruit-growing, dairying and gardening. STEILACOOM is one of the most beautiful little summer resort towns on Puget sound and is connected with Tacoma by two electric lines. SYLVAN, GIG HARBOR, ROSEDALE, ELGIN, LONG BRANCH, BLANCHARD, and BEE are very prosperous villages of Pierce county, and are located on the shores of Puget sound. SPANAWAY, EATONVILLE, ALDERTON, ELBE, MERIDIAN, KAPOWSIN, and MCMILLAN are villages in the interior, on the railroads. WILKESON, SOUTH PRARIE, CARBONADO, FAIRFAX, PITTSBURG, and MELMONT are coal-mining towns of importance. SAN JUAN COUNTY. San Juan county is a group of islands lying between the waters of the Straits of Fuca and the Gulf of Georgia, off the southeast shore of Vancouver island. It has about 200 square miles of territory and about 4,500 people. There are three large islands and several smaller ones. The islands are covered with soil and timber not different from the main land adjoining. Heavy timber in the forests, fine clay loams in the bottom lands, shot clay on the hillsides, big ledges of lime rock and other minerals and great shoals of fish in the waters are the foundations for prosperity for the citizens of the county. RESOURCES. The soils of the islands yield generously to good tillage, and wheat, oats, barley, potatoes and hay yield large crops. Dairying is profitable. Poultry-raising and fruit-growing, are especially attractive. Sheep and [Page 77] cattle find splendid pasture. Great quantities of salmon and other fish are taken in the waters, and game-deer and wild fowl--are abundant. [Illustration: Plate No. 67.--Two Views of the Lime Works at Roche Harbor, San Juan County.] [Illustration: Plate No. 68.--A Typical Farm Scene in Skagit County.] TRANSPORTATION. There is no transportation save by water, but the islands are in the way of traffic from so many different directions that all parts are well served by steamboats. ISLANDS AND TOWNS. SAN JUAN ISLAND is the largest of the group, and its chief industries are farming, raising stock, salmon-fishing, and manufacturing lime. FRIDAY HARBOR, on this island, is the county seat and largest town, with about 500 people. A telephone system is in operation throughout the island. ROCHE HARBOR is the home of great lime kilns. ORCAS ISLAND is the leading fruit-growing district of the county. EAST SOUND, near the center of the island, at the foot of Mount Constitution, is a picturesque and charming fruit-growing section and summer resort. ORCAS is an important center of the fruit and sheep raising industries. LOPEZ ISLAND is a beautiful stretch of fertile agricultural land, much of it under tillage, and is the home of a prosperous community of farmers and stock-growers. LOPEZ is the chief commercial center, with a cannery and creamery. SKAGIT COUNTY. Skagit county is the next county to the northwest corner of the state, stretching from Rosario straits to the peaks of the Cascades--about 100 miles east and west and 24 miles north and south. Its area is 1,800 square miles, with a population of about 35,000. It is a county of great diversities in climate, topography and resources. The Skagit river and its branches drain nearly the entire county from the mountains to the saltwater. Its deltas are great flat fields of wonderful fertility. Its valleys also, where cleared of forests, are very rich alluvial lands. Its upper lands carry a great burden of forests and are full of hidden treasures. RESOURCES. The resources of the county are its forests and minerals, its agricultural products, and fishes. Its great cereal crop is of oats; hops, fruits, hay and barley follow in the order named in importance, while the products of the dairy are rapidly multiplying. Its minerals include the precious metals, iron, lead, coal, marble, limestone, granite, sandstone, etc. [Page 78] TRANSPORTATION. Aside from its water transportation, the Great Northern and the Northern Pacific railways cross its westerly end and send a branch line through the valley of the Skagit river well up towards the mountains and to the salt water at Anacortes. And other roads are building, while there are 168 miles of modern graveled wagon roads. The facilities for getting about are excellent. PRINCIPAL CITIES AND TOWNS. MT. VERNON is the county seat, with about 4,000 people. It is on the Great Northern railway, on the navigable Skagit river, and is a city of much commercial importance to the agricultural district around it. The soil in the vicinity is renowned for its great fertility and astonishing crops of oats, hay and grass. Creameries and a milk-condensing plant are supported profitably to all concerned. ANACORTES is the chief town of the county, on the salt water. It has about 6,000 people, and is a center of lumbering and fishing. Factories for drying, salting, and canning salmon, halibut, and cod are increasing industries. There is also a fertilizing plant and a plant producing charcoal and the by-products of combustion, wood alcohol, turpentine, etc. SEDRO-WOOLLEY, on both the Northern Pacific and Great Northern railways, has a population of 4,000, engaged in lumber industries, fruit, and vegetables, canning, dairying and gardening. It has a monthly payroll of $125,000. BURLINGTON, on the Great Northern railway, has 1,800 people, and factories for making various wood products, concrete blocks, lumber, shingles and condensed milk. LA CONNER is a great oat and hay shipping point. It is at the mouth of the Skagit river and on tide water, and has 800 people. HAMILTON, at the head of navigation on the Skagit river, is a mining and lumbering town of 300 people. BAY VIEW, SAMMISH, MINKLER, PRAIRIE, FIR, and BIRDSVIEW are other shipping points. BAKER, on a branch of the Great Northern railway, has 400 people, and is a center of cement factories. [Page 79] SKAMANIA COUNTY. Skamania county, in the south central part of the state, has its southern boundary on the Columbia river, with Lewis county to the north. It is chiefly within the forest reserve, and includes Mount St. Helens on the west and Mount Adams on its eastern border. Altogether it has an area of 1,636 square miles, chiefly mountainous, and about 3,000 people. The north fork of the Lewis river drains the most of the mountainous region, while a lot of small streams drain the southern part, emptying into the Columbia river. The climate is a mean between that of eastern and western Washington, and is very mild and salubrious. The soil of the valleys in the region of the Columbia river is very fertile. RESOURCES. The chief resource of the county is in its timber and lumber, yet its mineral and agricultural wealth is becoming better known and appreciated yearly. The fruit raised in its valleys is of excellent flavor, early in season, and the soil is generous in its yield. Splendid pasturage in the foothills encourages stock-raising, and fishing in the Columbia river is profitably followed by some of the citizens. TRANSPORTATION. Boats on the Columbia river and a railroad on each side of it are the means of transportation, and ample for the residents of the county in its southern portion. The coming of the North Bank railroad has given a decided stimulus to the growth of the county. DEVELOPMENT. Skamania county has developed slowly and the bulk of its natural wealth is still practically untouched. Its minerals, well known to be valuable, are attracting the attention of prospectors, while the forests, fisheries and farming lands will furnish a competence to hundreds of additional familles. The scenery, combined with the fishing and hunting afforded, are additional attractions that will prove alluring to many newcomers. PRINCIPAL TOWNS. STEVENSON, a small town on the Columbia river and railroad, is the county seat and has a population of about 450. Tributary to Stevenson is considerable improved land, and the people are engaged in stock-raising, fruit-growing and farming. BUTLER is a town of about 300 people on the railroad and river. CARSON, CAPE HORN, MT. PLEASANT and BEAR PRAIRIE are smaller villages, destined to become centers of commercial distribution. [Page 80] SNOHOMISH COUNTY. Snohomish county extends 36 miles in width from the Sound to the peaks of the Cascade mountains, adjoining King county on the north. It has an area of some 2,500 square miles of territory, a population of about 63,000 people, and a great storehouse of wealth in its natural resources. It is one of the largest and richest counties in the state, with a mild and healthful climate, magnificent scenery, great diversity of landscape, innumerable water falls and plenty of game. RESOURCES. The forests of Snohomish are very extensive and but little depleted. Fir, cedar, hemlock and spruce are its chief trees. Nearly one-half of the area of the county is heavily mineralized with veins of gold, silver, copper, lead, nickel, iron, and other ores. There are also vast ledges of marble, granite and other building stones. In diversified agricultural possibilities, few counties can excel Snohomish. Its general soils in its valleys are alluvial, and produce astonishing crops; about the deltas of its rivers, the riches of the salt water and the mountains have combined to make a soil that will endure for ages and annually astonish the husbandman with its generosity. Upon its uplands, its clay and decaying herbage have combined for ages to create a soil wonderfully adapted to produce grass and fruits, and the industrious are luxuriating in nature's prodigality. Rainfall is abundant, but not excessive, and crops of the cereals and fruits are never failures. TRANSPORTATION. This county is splendidly provided with transportation facilities; many steamboats ply its salt waters and part way up the three great rivers that flow into the Sound. Two transcontinental railroads cut the western part of the county in two. The trunk line of the Great Northern follows the valley of one river from the southeast to the coast, while two branch lines run up the other two great valleys, past the center of the state, toward the mountains, while a dozen spurs and short logging and coal roads act as feeders to the main lines, thus giving all the towns of the county access to all the Sound markets, and those of the east and the ports of the Pacific ocean. PRINCIPAL CITIES AND TOWNS. EVERETT, situated upon a fine harbor on the shores of Puget Sound near the mouth of the Snohomish river, is the county seat and metropolis of the county. It has a population of 35,000, and is fast developing into a commercial and manufacturing center of importance. The largest steamers afloat can find wharfage at her docks and safe anchorage in her waters. It has upwards of 3,000 men employed in its factories and mills, with a monthly payroll aggregating $230,000. [Illustration: Plate No. 69.--Codfish and Salmon Packing Plants at Anacortes, Skagit County.] [Illustration: Plate No. 70.--Plant for the Manufacture of Portland Cement, Located in Skagit County.] [Illustration: Plate No. 71.--Snohomish County Views.] [Illustration: Plate No. 72.--Snohomish County Industrial Scenes.] [Illustration: Plate No. 73.--Street Scene in Stanwood, Snohomish County. A Pony Farm at Everett, Snohomish County.] [Illustration: Plate No. 74.--City and Town Views, Snohomish County.] [Page 81] They are engaged in the manufacture of lumber, shingles, sash and doors; in railroad shops, pulp and paper mills, and smelters; in running tug boats, driving piles, making iron castings, and tanning hides; packing meats and fish; making turpentine, charcoal, flour, butter, and many other commodities. Its banks have $4,000,000 on deposit. Its paper mills produce 26 tons of paper daily. Its smelter is a constant producer of the precious metals and their by-products. The city is substantially built, having all the conveniences of a modern city, with wide streets and wide sidewalks; has both gas and electricity for lights, and a good water system. Some of its streets are paved with preserved wooden blocks and some with asphalt. Everett is a sub-port of entry of the Puget sound country. The United States has spent half a million dollars improving the mouth of the Snohomish river for a fresh-water harbor. SNOHOMISH is a city of 4,000 people, on the Snohomish river, which is navigable, and is connected with Everett by a street car line. It is also on the Northern Pacific and Great Northern railways, and is the distributing center for a large agricultural district. It has a number of shingle and sawmills, and is headquarters for a good deal of the mining industry of the county. STANWOOD is a town of about 800 people, on the Sound and railway, in the northwestern part of the county. It is a center of farming interests and lumber industries. ARLINGTON is a mining and lumbering town on the Northern Pacific railway, well up toward the mountains. It has a population of 2,000 and is growing. MONROE is a town of 2,400 people, on the line of the Great Northern railway, in the center of a large farming and milling industry. EDMONDS, a town of 2,000 people, is on the Sound and Great Northern railway, near the King county line; chiefly engaged in sawing lumber and making shingles. SULTAN, GRANITE FALLS, GOLD BAR, DARRINGTON, and MONTE CRISTO are all centers of mining and other industries. MARYSVILLE, MUKILTEO, SILVANA, GETCHELL, and PILCHUCK are centers of lumbering and farming. SPOKANE COUNTY Spokane county lies in the extreme eastern section of the state. The area of the county is 1,680 square miles. TRANSPORTATION. The transportation facilities are the best of the Inland Pacific Northwest. Three transcontinental railroads--the Northern Pacific, Chicago, Milwaukee & St. Paul, and Great Northern--traverse the County from east to west; a fourth transcontinental line, the Oregon Railway & Navigation company, enters from the southwest, and a fifth transcontinental road, the Spokane International (C. P. R.), enters [Page 82] the county from the northeast and terminates at Spokane. The Spokane Falls & Northern extends north into British Columbia and to Republic and Oroville, Wash. Electric trolley lines connect Spokane with the outlying towns in every direction. The total railway mileage in the county is approximately 429 miles. TOPOGRAPHY AND INDUSTRIES. The northern portion of the county is somewhat mountainous, and is covered with a fine growth of pine and tamarack timber; much of this section is suitable for agriculture, while all is adapted to grazing. The central part of the county is rolling and is traversed by the Spokane river; the central section to the west of the city of Spokane is fine agricultural land, while to the east of Spokane is the Spokane valley, which is rapidly being brought into a high state of cultivation by means of irrigation. There are about 40,000 acres in this valley capable of irrigation; 3,000 acres are now irrigated and under cultivation. The southern portion of the county is rolling, and comprises some of the finest agricultural land in the state. Large areas of this section are utilized for wheat-raising, while here are grown the finest sugar beets in the world. Lumbering is a considerable industry, while stock-raising and dairying are also extensively engaged in. Over 1,000,000 bushels of wheat are grown annually. The flour mills of the county have a combined capacity of 3,600 barrels daily. In fruit-growing Spokane is one of the leading counties of the state. The value of the fruit produced in the county amounts to nearly $3,000,000 annually. The following table shows the distribution of the five important fruits. _Trees planted_ 1908-- _Total._ [*]Apples, 253,630 713,567 Pears, 15,470 39,232 Peaches, 59,323 94,769 Cherries, 56,405 106,909 Plums and Prunes, 11,815 29,128 Miscellaneous 2,910 10,000 ------- --------- 399,553 Total planted 1,003,615 [Footnote *: Is 25 percent. of the total number of apple trees planted in the state in 1908.] SCHOOLS. There are 165 school districts in the county and eighteen towns where graded schools are maintained. The total valuation of assessed property with improvements (1908) is $77,120,360; personal property, $10,527,030. [Illustration: Plate No. 75.--(1) Spokane Club Building, Spokane. (2)Riverside Avenue, Looking East from Post Street, Spokane.] [Illustration: Plate No. 76.--Spokane River and Bridge at Spokane, Showing Fill for New Concrete Structure to Cost $500,000.] PRINCIPAL CITIES AND TOWNS. SPOKANE, situated on the Spokane river, is the county seat of Spokane county, and is the metropolis of eastern Washington, having a [Page 83] population estimated at 120,000. Spokane is the center of a great wheat-raising section and is the principal mining and commercial center between the Cascades and the Rocky mountains. A conservative estimate of the total value of manufactured products for 1908 is $17,000,000. There are over 12,000 wage-earners, receiving over $10,000,000 annually. The principal industrial establishments are lumber mills, flour mills, machine shops, agricultural machinery, brick plants, iron works, foundries, pottery, cereal food, furniture, etc. The industrial prosperity of the city is due largely to the mines in the vicinity, the great agricultural resources of the surrounding country, and to the extensive water power which offers special inducements to manufacturers. The Spokane river here has a total fall of 132 feet, which furnishes a minimum of 33,000 horse-power, of which 15,000 horse-power is developed. There are four national banks, with a combined capital of $3,425,000. The city owns its own water works, from which an annual revenue of more than $325,000 is derived. The educational facilities are excellent. There are twenty-three public school buildings, constructed of brick and stone, and costing $1,450,000. There are three daily newspapers, having a combined circulation of 45,000. Here is located the U. S. circuit court; the headquarters of the U. S. district court, eastern division; U. S. military post (Fort Wright); the government headquarters of the postal inspector service, known as the Spokane division, which includes the states of Washington, Montana, Idaho, Oregon, and the territory of Alaska, and a U. S. land office. Postoffice receipts for 1908 amounted to $360,504. CHENEY, 10 miles southwest of Spokane, is a town of 1,500 people. Here is located one of the state normal schools, having about 400 students. MEDICAL LAKE is an important town, having the Eastern Washington Hospital for the Insane near-by, It is a noted health resort. ROCKFORD is an important agricultural town of 1,200 people. HILLYARD is an important place of 1,500 people, having the car shops of the Great Northern railway as its chief business. STEVENS COUNTY Stevens county, in the extreme northeastern corner of the state, has an area of 4,500 square miles and a population of about 24,000. It is a county of great and diverse resources, is splendidly watered with large rivers, the Columbia bounding it on the west, and the Spokane on part of its southern line. Three ranges of low mountains extend across the county nearly north and south. Between these the Colville river and the Pend d'Oreille flow generally northerly through grand and beautiful valleys. [Page 84] RESOURCES AND PRODUCTIONS. Agriculture in all its branches, lumbering and kindred pursuits, and the mining of precious metals and building stones make up its chief sources of wealth. AGRICULTURE. The farms in the Colville valley are noted for their heavy hay crops, producing abundantly all the cereals, including corn, the clovers, timothy and alfalfa. Dairying and stock-raising are important industries. To these the climate and soils are well adapted. Some lands have been irrigated with great benefit, but the bulk of the farming is successful without irrigation. Fruit-raising is receiving deep interest of late, and the county bids fair to compete for honors with the very best localities in the state for the hardier fruits. Lumbering and saw-milling engage the attention of a large number of the people, the product of the mills finding a ready market in the farming region, large cities and mining camps. Mining of the precious metals is a growing and an attractive industry. The ores include gold, silver, lead, copper, tungsten and iron, while quarries of limestone, marble, onyx, fire-clay, etc., abound. TRANSPORTATION. In addition to the navigable waters of the Columbia and Pend d'Oreille rivers, which traverse the outskirts of the county, the Great Northern railway through the Colville valley from the southern to the northern boundary, reaches most of the agricultural and mining centers and renders good service. The western part of the county, comparatively undeveloped, deserves much more attention. PRINCIPAL CITIES AND TOWNS. COLVILLE is both the county seat and principal town in the county, having a population of 1,600 people, and is a growing town, a distributing center on the railroad, surrounded by prosperous farming communities. NORTHPORT is the center of much mining activity and has a large smelter for the reduction of ores of the precious metals. It has a population of 1,200. CHEWELAH is a center of agriculture, mining and lumbering industries in the center of the county, having about 1,000 people. NEWPORT, in the southeastern part of the county, is an important agricultural distributing center. A dozen other smaller towns offer great opportunities to the homeseeker. [Illustration: Plate No. 77.--Raising Potatoes in Young Orchard, Spokane County.] [Illustration: Plate No. 78.--Basalt Columns, Spokane River at Spokane.] [Illustration: Plate No. 79.--STEVENS COUNTY VIEWS. "Where the Elephant Drinks," a Remarkable Crag on the Bank of the Pend d'Oreille River. A Typical Fruit Ranch. Flume Creek Falls.] [Illustration: Plate No. 80.--Stevens County Timber. Cedar Forest. White Pine Forest. Yellow Pine Forest.] [Page 85] THURSTON COUNTY Thurston county is known as having the state capital, Olympia, within its borders, and as including the extreme southern reaches of Puget sound. It is a county of wooded hills and valleys with a few open prairies well watered by mountain streams, chief of which is the Nisqually, which forms its dividing line from Pierce county, and the Des Chutes river, which makes a splendid waterfall of some 85 feet, a few miles south of Olympia. It has an area of about 700 square miles, 100 miles of salt-water shore, a population of about 20,000, and a delightful climate and magnificent scenery of lofty mountains; great expanse of inland salt water, and green-clad islands and fields in every direction. RESOURCES. The county is one of the oldest settled portions of the state, and has a great variety of natural resources, among which are its timber areas, its agricultural fields, its coal mines, its fisheries, including clam and oyster beds, gray sandstone quarries, and a great variety of clays. INDUSTRIES. The sawmills of the county are still a very important industry and shiploads of lumber are sent out from its wharves. All the cereals and grasses yield abundant crops; root crops are extensive; fruit of great variety and fine flavor is very prominent. Dairying is flourishing, the county having more dairies than any other in the state. Coal mining is in its infancy, but has progressed far enough to demonstrate the existence of vast areas of lignite coal, having some six veins and having a combined thickness of 61 feet of coal. About 50,000 sacks of oysters are annually marketed. TRANSPORTATION. The Northern Pacific railway connects Olympia with all the important Sound ports and the east, and all the transcontinental roads coming to the Sound from the south will pass through the county. Together with its salt-water deep harbors, these give the county splendid competition and variety of commercial facilities. PRINCIPAL CITIES. OLYMPIA, the chief town of the county, at once the county seat, state capital and county metropolis, is situated on one of the deep-water inlets of Puget sound. Its population is about 12,000. While it has a beautiful sandstone structure, now used for capitol purposes, the state is about to erect a new capitol building, to cost $1,000,000. The foundation is already built. Olympia has one of the U. S. land offices and the U. S. surveyor-general's office. It is lighted and furnished with power for street-car and other purposes from the power of Tumwater falls. The city is a beautiful one of fine homes, shaded streets and parks, surrounded by a very prosperous agricultural community, [Page 86] producing great quantities of fruit, dairy and poultry products. Several other smaller towns on the railroads are local centers of commercial activity. WAHKIAKUM COUNTY Wahkiakum is a small county, having only 275 square miles of territory, located on the Columbia river in the southwestern corner of the state, near the ocean. Its population is about 4,000. The county is heavily timbered and well watered. In many parts of the county the soil is exceptionally fertile. The climate is mild, but somewhat humid. In the northern part are some low mountains, from which the drainage is south through the county to the Columbia river. RESOURCES. The resources of the county consist in its timber, its fertile soil, and the fish in the river and ocean. INDUSTRIES. Logging, saw-milling, and industries growing out of these; agriculture, dairying, and fishing are the chief occupation of its people. There are several logging concerns in the county and large saw-mills. Fish canneries dot its river shores; several creameries and dairies are manufacturing butter, while its farms produce hay, potatoes, fruits, cattle, hogs, poultry, eggs, and other products, chiefly for the Portland market. Many of its citizens are fishermen and some make considerable sums trapping fur animals in the winters. TRANSPORTATION. The Columbia river is the great highway of the county; no railroads are within its borders or near. Owing to the small area of the county, this condition is no great drawback, as all the people have ready access to the river wharves. PRINCIPAL TOWNS. CATHLAMET, on the Columbia, is the county seat, with about 500 people, and is the chief distributing center of the county. ROSBURG, DEEP RIVER, BROOKFIELD, ALTOONA, and SKAMOKAWA are centers of industry. This county offers exceptional opportunities for the frontiersman. WALLA WALLA COUNTY Walla Walla is the county of many waters. It is the most western of the southeastern counties of the state, and is bounded north and west by the Snake and Columbia rivers. It has 1,296 square miles and a population of about 30,000. The elevation varies from 350 feet at the Columbia river to 2,500 feet along its eastern border. It is a succession of plains and rolling hills, covered with bunch-grass, with some trees along the streams. Its soil varies from quite sandy volcanic ash in the low lands near the Columbia to a [Page 87] heavier clay loam in the eastern parts. In common with much of eastern Washington, these lands increase in fertility with successive cultivations. The climate is mild, healthful and vigorous. [Illustration: Plate No. 81.--Farm Scene Near Colville, Stevens County.] [Illustration: Plate No. 82.--View of Calispell Valley and Pend d'Oreille River, Stevens County.] RESOURCES. Walla Walla county is essentially agricultural. Its chief resource is its soil fertility. This is such that few farmers can be found who have not bank accounts. PRODUCTS. The annual production of wheat in Walla Walla county is about 5,000,000 bushels. Barley is also a profitable crop. Oats and some corn are also raised. Large crops of alfalfa hay are annually marketed, chiefly from irrigated lands. Fruit of all kinds is abundant. There are 2,500 acres devoted to orchards. Market gardening is an important and growing industry. TRANSPORTATION. There are 310 miles of railroads in this county, both the Northern Pacific and Oregon Railroad & Navigation Company railroads competing for the traffic. In addition to the railroads, steamboats are plying the rivers around the edge of the county, giving additional facilities for transportation. PRINCIPAL CITIES AND TOWNS. WALLA WALLA, the county seat, has a population of about 22,000 and is the commercial center for the southeastern part of the state. Its streets are paved. The city owns its own system of water, at a cost of $600,000. It is lighted with electricity and gas, has large banks and business houses, U. S. land office, U. S. courts, U. S. cavalry post, an Odd Fellows' home, and a Home for Widows and Orphans. There are manufacturing industries employing 400 men, turning out $2,000,000 of productions annually. An electric system of street cars traverses the streets and is projected into several other near-by towns. WAITSBURG is an important agricultural town of about 1,600 people, in the western part of the county, having both railroad systems, and ships great quantities of grain. It has large flouring mills, warehouses, fine schools and churches, and is a prosperous, thriving town. A large number of shipping points on both systems of railroads are growing commercial centers. WHATCOM COUNTY Whatcom county lies on the boundary of British Columbia, stretching from the Straits of Georgia to the peaks of the Cascade mountains--24 miles wide and 100 miles long, The eastern half or more of the county is included in the national forest reserve, with Mount Baker, 10,827 feet high, in the center of the county. It is one of the important counties on tide water, and has an area of 2,226 square miles and a population of about 70,000. [Page 88] The climate is not different from the general Puget sound climate being mild and healthful. There are no severe storms, no sultry heat and no severe cold. RESOURCES. It is estimated that Whatcom county has three billion feet of standing timber. This is its greatest source of wealth. The western half of the county, outside of the lumbering, etc., is blessed with a wealth of soil responding to the farmer's labor generously. The eastern half of the county is essentially a mountainous, forest-covered mining region, and has in store many veins of nearly all the metals. Game of great variety of animals and fowls and fish are abundant. INDUSTRIES. The people of Whatcom county are engaged in lumbering and running saw-mills, one of the largest of the state being in this county; manufacturing of various kinds from the raw products in the county, including shingle mills and shingle machinery factory, salmon canneries, planing mills, barrel factories, Portland cement factory, and many others. Of no small importance is farming, fruit-growing and dairying. Prospecting and mining engage the attention and labor of a large number of citizens. TRANSPORTATION. Aside from having a long salt-water coast, open to traffic from the ocean, with splendid harbors, the county is traversed in all its agricultural half by a network of railroads, by the Northern Pacific, Great Northern, B. B. and B. C. railroads. These furnish exceptional means of traffic to all industries excepting the mining. The county has also an admirable system of wagon roads, some planked, some graveled and some graded and drained, covering about 700 miles. [Illustration: Plate No. 83.--Products of Thurston County Waters.] [Illustration: Plate No. 84.--Thurston County Stick. 14,000 Feet. Sandstone Quarry, Tenino, Thurston County. Logging with Oxen. Early Days in Thurston County.] [Illustration: Plate No. 84.--Five Combined Harvesters at Work on a Walla Walla County Wheat Farm.] [Illustration: Plate No. 86.--Ploughing the Ground for Wheat-Growing, Walla Walla County.] [Illustration: Plate No. 87.--Bird's-Eye View of a Portion of Bellingham, Whatcom County.] [Illustration: Plate No. 88.--Typical Farm Scenes in Whatcom County.] PRINCIPAL CITIES AND TOWNS. BELLINGHAM, on a salt-water bay of the same name, is the county seat, and commercial metropolis not only for this county but much other territory. It has a population of about 40,000 people. Into it all the railroads center, while the harbor is one of the best in Washington. It is largely a manufacturing town, having plants for the production of sash, doors, columns, tin cans, boilers, engines, flour and feed, canned fish, condensed milk, and many others. It is a substantial, live business community of wide-awake people, and growing rapidly. It has a gravity water system, electric lights, and gas plant. BLAINE is a city of about 3,000 inhabitants, situated close to the Canadian line and on the Great Northern railway. Timber and lumber manufactures are the chief sources of its prosperity. Fishing and the canning of salmon are also important industries. The railroad [Page 89] company has recently expended considerable sums in improving its facilities. Blaine is a growing community. SUMAS, on the Canadian border, is a lumbering town of 1,100 people. LYNDEN is an agricultural center of 1,200 citizens. FERNDALE is a lumber center of 1,000 people. Besides, there are a dozen smaller business centers in the county, growing and prosperous. WHITMAN COUNTY Whitman county is one of the chief agricultural counties of the state, lying immediately south of Spokane county and on the Idaho state line, having the Snake river for its southern boundary. The county is a plateau of rolling prairie lands, a large portion of which is farmed, watered by a number of streams, which are utilized for irrigation purposes in some of the bottom lands--although the rainfall is sufficient to mature crops, and no irrigation is had on the great bulk of the farms. The area is about 2,000 square miles. The population is about 40,000. The soil is a strong mixture of volcanic ash and clay of great fertility and permanence. Twenty years of wheat-growing still leaves the soil able to produce from 25 to 50 bushels per acre. RESOURCES. All the resources of the county originate in this splendid soil. For growing all the cereals and fruits and vegetables it has no superior. The county is well settled, and probably no county can excel Whitman county in the per capita wealth of its farmers. The products of the county are varied, and include wheat, oats, barley and hay, all giving splendid yields--wheat from 30 to 50 bushels, oats 60 to 100 bushels, barley from 50 to 80 bushels, and hay from 4 to 6 tons per acre. Potatoes, sugar beets and other vegetables produce fine crops. The hardier fruits, such as apples, pears, plums and cherries, are successfully raised in all parts of the county, while on the bottom lands, along the Snake river, peaches, melons, etc., are produced in abundance. Seventy-five carloads of fruit go out annually from one orchard. Wheat gives up five and one-half million bushels to the farmers each year. Oats one and three-fourths million and barley about one-half million bushels. Whitman county has more banks than any county in eastern Washington besides Spokane. TRANSPORTATION. Whitman county is as well, or better, provided with railroads than any agricultural county in the state. The Northern Pacific, O. R. & N., Chicago, Milwaukee & St. Paul and the S. & I. railroads are all interlaced about its grain-fields. These all connect with Spokane, and give access to all eastern and western markets. [Page 90] PRINCIPAL TOWNS. COLFAX, the county seat, situated near the center of the county, on the railroads and Palouse river, is the largest town in the county, with about 3,600 population. The town owns its own water system, has electric lights, fine court-house, banks, mills, warehouses, etc. PULLMAN is a town of 3,000 people, near which is located the Washington State College, a large educational institution supported by the state, having about 1,000 students. It is an important grain-shipping point. It has a public water system, electric lights, and is a thriving and growing commercial center. PALOUSE is a railroad center of 2,500 people, a large shipping point for grain, live stock, fruits and pottery. OAKESDALE is a town of 1,500 people, having three railroads, and is an important shipping point. TEKOA has a population of about 1,400, is a railroad center, and is a large shipper of fruits and grain. GARFIELD has a population of 1,000, and ships much grain and other produce. ROSALIA has 1,000 population, and is an important grain center. This county has a dozen other shipping points where from 300 to 700 people are supported by the business originating on the tributary farms. YAKIMA COUNTY Yakima county is one of the large and important counties in the state, having the Yakima Indian reservation included within its boundaries. Its area is 3,222 square miles and it has a population of about 38,000. It is watered by the Yakima river and its tributaries, and through its valleys the railroads from the east find their easiest grade toward the Cascade passes. It is a county of level valleys and plateaus, having a soil made up chiefly of volcanic ash and disintegrated basaltic rocks, of great depth, which yields fabulously in cereal and grass crops, fruits and vegetables with the magic touch of irrigation. Artificial watering is 30 years old in this valley, and yet only a very small area was thus treated until the matter was taken up by the national government. But now vast areas are being provided with water, and the consequent growth and development of the county is wonderful. A series of lakes in the mountains are being utilized as reservoirs, and from these lakes the waters are being distributed in many directions in the large irrigating canals. When the projects now under way are completed, more than 200,000 acres will be under ditches. RESOURCES. Yakima's wealth consists in the combination of its soil and water and climate. The county, lying east of the Cascade mountains, in [Page 91] large part at a low elevation, receives somewhat severe heat in the summer, which gives the opportunity successfully to ripen the less hardy fruits--peaches, apricots, grapes, etc. The county has half a million bearing trees and two and one-half million young trees growing in its orchards. INDUSTRIES. Naturally the industries of the county consist in exploiting its natural resources, and so we find Yakima citizens busy in raising fruits, hay, grain, and garden vegetables, to supply the big cities of the Sound. Its last year's contribution will probably exceed ten million dollars in value. Of the items which compose this large sum, fruit is probably chief in importance. Alfalfa and grain-hay is an important item, as is also the crop of melons and potatoes. The combined fields of alfalfa and orchards make ideal bee pasturage, and Yakima honey is a constant factor of barter in the Sound cities. The upland farms produce quantities of all grains--wheat, oats, and barley--and some field corn is successfully raised in the warmer parts. Sheep, cattle and horses are also exported. Hops are a large crop. PRINCIPAL CITIES AND TOWNS. NORTH YAKIMA is at once the county seat and chief metropolis of the entire Yakima valley, having a population of about 12,000. It is situated on the Northern Pacific railway and Yakima river, and is the distributing center for both merchandise and farm products for a large surrounding territory. The State Fair, supported by the state, holds annual exhibits here. It has extensive fruit canneries, flour mills, lumber mills, other woodworking factories, large warehouses, paved streets, big business blocks, fine churches, schools, banks, newspapers, etc. SUNNYSIDE, a town built up among the irrigated farms, has a population of 1,500. Here are a cannery, pulp mill, creameries, etc. TOPPENISH and MABTON are commercial centers of importance of about 700 inhabitants each, and growing. [Page 92] STATISTICAL APPENDIX. STATISTICS OF THE INCORPORATED CITIES AND TOWNS OF WASHINGTON. ======================================================================= NAME. | County. | Mayor. | Clerk. -------------|-------------|------------------|------------------------ Aberdeen | Chehalis | E. B. Benn | P. F. Clarke Almira | Lincoln | J. C. Johnson | Peter Wallerich Anacortes | Skagit | W. V. Wells | M. C. Baker Arlington | Snohomish | Peter Larson | Homer L. Huddle ASOTIN | Asotin | J. B. Jones | J. P. Fulton Auburn | King | L. C. Smith | Geo. C. Meade BELLINGHAM | Whatcom | J. P. De Mattos | F. B. Graves Blaine | Whatcom | T. J. Quirt | J. W. G. Merritt Bremerton | Kitsap | L. E. Mallette | Paul Mehner Buckley | Pierce | D. S. Morris | W. B. Osbourn Burlington | Skagit | P. M. Moody | I. A. Marchant Camas | Clarke | John Cowan | F. B. Barnes Cashmere | Chelan | C. A. Huston | A. J. Amos Castle Rock | Cowlitz | T. W. Robin | G. F. McClane CATHLAMET | Wahkiakum | J. T. Nassa | T. M. Nassa Centralia | Lewis | J. P. Guerrier | W. H. Hodge Charleston | Kitsap | N. A. Palmer | M. M. Bausman CHEHALIS | Lewis | Wm. West | W. A. Westover Chelan | Chelan | C. C. Jackson | W. M. Emerson Cheney | Spokane | L. Walter | J. W. Minnick Chewelah | Stevens | W. H. Brownlow | T. L. Montgomery Clarkston | Asotin | D. B. Parks | E. A. Bass Cle Elum | Kittitas | L. R. Thomas | S. E. Willis COLFAX | Whitman | Wm. Lippitt | H. Bramwell Colton | Whitman | W. H Renfro | L. F. Gibbs COLVILLE | Stevens | L. B Harvey | A. B. Sansburn CONCONNULLY | Okanogan | C. H. Lovejoy | Wm. Baines Cosmopolis | Chehalis | L. B. Hogan | W. S. McLaughlin Coulee City | Grant | F. W. McCann | A. Kirkpatrick Creston | Lincoln | F. A. Duncan | D. F. Peffley Cunningham | Adams | F. W. Parker | A. J. Haile DAVENPORT | Lincoln | W. C. Graham | Lee Odgers DAYTON | Columbia | H. C. Benbow | R. O. Dyer Deer Park | Spokane | W. D. Phillips | R. G. Cole Edmonds | Snohomish | Jas Brady | G. M. Leyda Elberton | Whitman | R. A. Cox | J. W. Berkstresser ELLENSBURG | Kittitas | W. J. Peed | J. J. Poyser Elma | Chehalis | C. E. Gouty | E. S. Avey Endicott | Whitman | C. L. Wakefield | M. A. Sherman, Jr. EPHRATA | Grant | Dr. Chaffee | Lee Tolliver EVERETT | Snohomish | Newton Jones | C. C. Gilman Fairfield | Spokane | C. A. Loy | M. Walser Farmington | Whitman | E. E. Paddock | C. H. Bass Ferndale | Whatcom | J. B. Wilson | C. Kelley Garfield | Whitman | H. S. McClure | J. L. Rogers Georgetown | King | John Mueller | John Beek GOLDENDALE | Klickitat | Allen Bonebrake | J. R. Putman Granite Falls| Snohomish | C. E. Willoughby | C. T. Smith Hamilton | Skagit | H. I. Bratlie | S. H. Sprinkle Harrington | Lincoln | A. G. Mitchum | W. W. Gwinn Hartline | Grant | E. A. Whitney | T. E. Jenkins Hatton | Adams | J. M. Batten | W. C. Sallee Hillyard | Spokane | M. H. Gordon | J. L. Cramer Hoquiam | Chehalis | Dr. T. C. Frary | Z. T. Wllson Ilwaco | Pacific | W. P. Rowe | J. A. Howerton Index | Snohomish | H. L. Bartlett | H. F. Wilcox Kahlotus | Franklin | E. R. Doughty | E. L. Chittenden KALAMA | Cowlitz | A. L. Watson | E. N. Howe Kelso | Cowlitz | M. J. Lord | Max Whittlesey Kennewick | Benton | L. E. Johnson | G. N. Calhoun Kent | King | M. M. Morrill | L. E. Price Kettle Falls | Stevens | H. L. Childs | A. R. Squire Kirkland | King | R. H. Collins | J. S. Courtright LaConner | Skagit | J. F. Dwelley | J. S. Church Lakeside | Chelan | Jos. Darnell | S. B. Russell Latah | Spokane | W. H. Taylor | Chas. White Leavenworth | Chelan | Lewis J. Nelson | G. A. Hamilton Lind | Adams | J. T. Dirstine | Day Imus Little Falls | Lewis | E. C. Brown | G. E. Grow Lynden | Whatcom | Walter Elder | F. W. Bixby Mabton | Yakima | T. W. Howell | W. H. Ashton Marysville | Snohomish | W. H. Roberts | B. D. Curtiss Medical Lake | Spokane | M. J. Grady | R. R. McCorkell Milton | Pierce | C. H. Weekes | W. J. Keller Monroe | Snohomish | J. H. Campbell | Arthur Root MONTESANO | Chehalis | Geo. W. Winemire | R. H. Fleet MT. VERNON | Skagit | Wm. Dale | J. S. Bowen Newport | Stevens | E. S. Appel | Ed Beitton NORTH YAKIMA | Yakima | P. M. Armbruster | J. G. Brooker ========================================================= | Sec'y Commercial | Pop. U. S. | Est. Pop. NAME. | Organization. | Cens. 1900 | 1909 -------------|------------------|------------|----------- Aberdeen | E. Beinfohr | 3,747 | 15,000 Almira | | | 500 Anacortes | Gus Hensler | 1,476 | 6,000 Arlington | Lot Davis | | 2,400 ASOTIN | E. H. Dammarell | 470 | 1,500 Auburn | Geo. C. Meade | 489 | 1,500 BELLINGHAM | L. Baldrey | 11,062 | 41,000 Blaine | J. J. Pinckney | 1,592 | 3,500 Bremerton | R. S. Hayward | | 4,000 Buckley | W. B. Osbourn | 1,014 | 1,500 Burlington | I. A. Marchant | | 1,800 Camas | | | 1,200 Cashmere | C. M. Banker | | 1,000 Castle Rock | G. F. McClane. | 750 | 1,300 CATHLAMET | | | 500 Centralia | F. W. Thomas | 1,600 | 7,000 Charleston | A. F. Shepherd | | 1,000 CHEHALIS | H. C. Coffman | 1,775 | 5,000 Chelan | C. E. Rusk | | 900 Cheney | L. R. Houck | 781 | 1,600 Chewelah | E. D. Germain | | 1,500 Clarkston | R. B. Hooper | | 2,500 Cle Elum | | | 2,500 COLFAX | C. R. Lorne | 2,121 | 3,500 Colton | J. B. Ellsworth | 251 | 500 COLVILLE | L. E. Jesseph | 594 | 2,000 CONCONNULLY | W. S. McClure | | 500 Cosmopolis | | 1,004 | 1,200 Coulee City | G. T. Walter | | 300 Creston | | | 500 Cunningham | A. J. Haile | | 350 DAVENPORT | F. W. Anderson | 1,000 | 2,800 DAYTON | F. W. Guernsy | 2,216 | 3,500 Deer Park | W. D. Phillips | | 1,100 Edmonds | E. M. Allen | 474 | 2,000 Elberton | A. B. Metz | 297 | 600 ELLENSBURG | Wayne Murray | 1,737 | 5,500 Elma | E. S. Avey | 894 | 2,700 Endicott | | | 600 EPHRATA | | | EVERETT | E. E. Johnston | 7,838 | 35,000 Fairfield | O. H. Loe | | 500 Farmington | C. H. Bass | 434 | 780 Ferndale | Percy Hood | | Garfield | F. H. Michaelson | 697 | 1,350 Georgetown | C. A. Thorndyke | | 5,500 GOLDENDALE | C. W. Ramsay | 788 | 1,200 Granite Falls| W. R. Moore | | 800 Hamilton | Thos. Conby | 392 | 500 Harrington | | | 1,200 Hartline | | | 300 Hatton | | | 600 Hillyard | J. L. Cramer | | 2,500 Hoquiam | W. C. Gregg | 2,608 | 11,000 Ilwaco | A. A. Seaborg | 584 | 900 Index | | | 500 Kahlotus | | | 300 KALAMA | E. N. Howe | 554 | 1,250 Kelso | W. M. Signor | 694 | 2,500 Kennewick | S. Z. Hendersen | | 1,500 Kent | B. A. Bowen | 755 | 3,000 Kettle Falls | E. A. Blakeley | | 600 Kirkland | W. R. Stevens | | 750 LaConner | W. E. Schreeker | 564 | 800 Lakeside | | | 400 Latah | Chas. White | 253 | 500 Leavenworth | | | 1,500 Lind | R. S. Hamilton | | 1,400 Little Falls | W. A. Willis | | 800 Lynden | R. W. Green | 365 | 1,500 Mabton | G. T. Morgan | | 1,200 Marysville | P. E. Coffin | 728 | 1,500 Medical Lake | W. H. Mills | 516 | 1,400 Milton | J. S. Williams | | 650 Monroe | L. P. Tallman | | 2,500 MONTESANO | | 1,194 | 3,500 MT. VERNON | Frank Pickering | 1,120 | 4,000 Newport | R. S. Anderson | | 1,500 NORTH YAKIMA | H. P. James | 3,124 | 12,000 ==================================================== NAME. | Transportation Lines. -------------|-------------------------------------- Aberdeen | N. P. Ry. and steamship lines. Almira | Northern Pacific railway. Anacortes | G. N. Ry. and two lines of steamers. Arlington | Northern Pacific railway. ASOTIN | River steamers. Auburn | N. P. and Mil. Rys.; P. S. Elec. Ry. BELLINGHAM | G. N., N. P., B. B. & B. C. railways; | steamers to all Sound ports. Blaine | Great Northern railway. Bremerton | Steamers to Seattle and Tacoma. Buckley | Northern Pacific railway. Burlington | Great Northern railway. Camas | Portland & Seattle Ry.; river st'rs. Cashmere | Great Northern railway. Castle Rock | Northern Pacific railway. CATHLAMET | Steamboats. Centralia | Northern Pacific railway. Charleston | Steamers to Seattle. CHEHALIS | Northern Pacific railway. Chelan | Steamers on river and lake. Cheney | N. P. Ry.; Spokane Electric Ry. Chewelah | S. F. & N. branch G. N. Ry. Clarkston | O. R. & N. and N. P. Rys.; steamers. Cle Elum | Northern Pacific and Milwaukee Ris. COLFAX | O. R. & N.; S. & I. Electricity. Colton | Branch Northern Pacific railway. COLVILLE | Spokane Falls & Northern railway. CONCONNULLY | Stage. Cosmopolis | N. P. Ry. and steamship lines. Coulee City | Northern Pacific railway. Creston | W. C. branch N. P. Ry. Cunningham | Northern Pacific railway. DAVENPORT | Central Washington railway. DAYTON | N. P. and O. R. & N. railways. Deer Park | Great Northern railway. Edmonds | Great Northern Ry. and steamers Elberton | Oregon Railroad & Nav. Co.'s Ry. ELLENSBURG | Northern Pac. and Milwaukee Rys. Elma | N. P. Ry., two branches. Endicott | Oregon Railroad & Nav. Co.'s Ry. EPHRATA | Great Northern railway. EVERETT | N. P. and G. N. Rys. and steamers. Fairfield | Oregon Railroad & Nav. Co.'s Ry. Farmington | O. R. & N. and N. P. railways. Ferndale | Great Northern railway. Garfield | O. R. & N., N. P. and S. & I. Rys. Georgetown | One Interurban, 3 steam railways. GOLDENDALE | Spokane, Portland & Seattle Ry. Granite Falls| Branch of Northern Pacific railway. Hamilton | G. N. Ry.; Skagit river steamers. Harrington | Great Northern railway. Hartline | Northern Pacific railway. Hatton | Northern Pacific railway. Hillyard | Elec. interurb.; G. N. and S. F. & N. Hoquiam | Northern Pacific Ry. and steamers. Ilwaco | O. R. & N. railway and steamers. Index | Great Northern railway. Kahlotus | O. R. & N. and S. P. & S. railways. KALAMA | Northern Pacific Ry. and steamers. Kelso | Northern Pacific Ry. and steamers. Kennewick | N. P. Ry.; P. & S. Ry. and steamers. Kent | N. P. and Mil. Rys.; P. S. Elec. Ry. Kettle Falls | N. P. and O. R. & N. railways. Kirkland | N. P. Ry. and ferry to Seattle. LaConner | Boat and stage. Lakeside | Stage and steamer. Latah | Oregon Railroad & Nav. Co's Ry. Leavenworth | Great Northern railway. Lind | Oregon Railroad & Nav. Co's Ry. Little Falls | Northern Pacific railway. Lynden | B. B. & B. C. railway. Mabton | Northern Pacific railway. Marysville | Great Northern Ry. and steamers. Medical Lake | N. P. and W. W. P. Electric Rys. Milton | Puget Sound Electric railway. Monroe | Great Northern railway. MONTESANO | Northern Pacific railway. MT. VERNON | Great Northern railway. Newport | Great Northern Ry. and steamers. NORTH YAKIMA | Northern Pacific railway. NOTE 1.--County seats in black face type. NOTE 2.--Population estimates for 1909 were supplied by local authorities, the school census, upon which the estimates of this Bureau are usually based, not being available at the time this publication was compiled. [Illustration: Plate No. 89.--Dairying, a Growing Industry in Whatcom County.] [Illustration: Plate No. 90.--Whatcom County Bulb Gardens.] [Page 94] ======================================================================= NAME. | County. | Mayor. | Clerk. -------------|-------------|------------------|------------------------ Oakesdale | Whitman | R. J. Neergaard | F. S. Baer Oakville | Chehalis | J. E. Fitzgerald | J. W. Scott Ocosta | Chehalis | C. C. Flowers | Andrew Wallace Odessa | Lincoln | F. J. Guth | W. M. Nevins Okanogan | Okanogan | H. J. Kerr | T. B. Collins OLYMPIA | Thurston | Mitchell Harris | J. R. Dever Oroville | Okanogan | E. A. McMahon | C. S. Taylor Orting | Pierce | Frank Lotz | C. W. Van Scoyoc Palouse City | Whitman | C. H. Farnsworth | G. D. Kincaid PASCO | Franklin | C. S. O'Brien | L. D. Conrad Pataha | Garfield | D. Evens | Chas. Ward Paulsbo | Kitsap | A. B. Moe | Paul Paulson Pe Ell | Lewis | August Mayer | C. W. Boynton POMEROY | Garfield | H. C. Krouse | H. St. George PORT ANGELES | Clallam | E. E. Seevers | C. W. Fields PT. ORCHARD | Kitsap | R. E. Bucklin | Wm. C. Bading PT. TOWNSEND | Jefferson | Max Gerson | Geo. Anderson Prescott | Walla Walla | Jos. Utter | R. B. Smith PROSSER | Benton | Albert Smith | Lon Boyle Pullman | Whitman | H. V. Carpenter | Geo. N. Henry Puyallup | Pierce | J. P. Melrose | J. L. La Plante Quincy | Grant | F. T. Campbell | R. C. Wightmar Raymond | Pacific | A. C. Little | J. H. Callahan Reardan | Lincoln | W. S. Bliss | W. H. Padley Renton | King | Benj. Ticknor | A. W. Ticknor REPUBLIC | Ferry | Jno. Stack | M. H. Joseph RITZVILLE | Adams | W. R. Peters | J. L. Cross Rockford | Spokane | J. Kindschuh | A. B. McDaniel Rosalia | Whitman | R. P. Turnley | F. S. Chetal Roslyn | Kittitas | J. G. Green | Thos. Ray Roy | Pierce | A. W. Wert | C. W. Elder Ruston | Pierce | J. P. Garrison | V. D. Goss SEATTLE | King | Jno. F. Miller | H. W. Carroll Sedro-Woolley| Skagit | C. E. Bingham | T. J. Morrow SHELTON | Mason | G. W. Draham | F. C. Mathewson Snohomish | Snohomish | C. H. Lamprey | E. Thistlewaite Snoqualmie | King | Otto Reinig | SOUTH BEND | Pacific | W. P. Cressy | C. H. Mills Spangle | Spokane | J. H. Gruenwald | M. H. Sullivan SPOKANE | Spokane | C. H. Moore | C. A. Fleming Sprague | Lincoln | J. W. Shearer | J. V. Muzzy Springdale | Stevens | Jacob Keller | A. E. Bidgood Stanwood | Snohomish | A. B. Klaeboe | G. M. Mitchell Starbuck | Columbia | H. A. Johnson | B. A. Whiting Steilacoom | Pierce | E. Church | M. P. Potter STEVENSON | Skamania | A. Fleischhauer | R. C. Sly St. John | Whitman | W. S. Ridenour | W. S. Mott Sultan | Snohomish | W. W. Morgan | T. W. Musgrove Sumas | Whatcom | R. S. Lambert | L. Van Valkenburg Sumner | Pierce | R. R. White | E. D. Swezey Sunnyside | Yakima | H. W. Turner | H. F. Wright TACOMA | Pierce | J. W. Linck | L. W. Roys Tekoa | Whitman | T. H. Follett | J. S. Woods Tenino | Thurston | L. J. Miller | S. M. Peterson Toledo | Lewis | J. H. Douge | W. H. Carpenter Toppenish | Yakima | C. W. Grant | T. W. Johnston Tukwila | King | Joel Shomaker | E. F. Greene Tumwuter | Thurston | A. Whitemarsh | A. J. Colby Uniontown | Whitman | Peter Friesoh | J. J. Gans VANCOUVER | Clarke | J. P. Kiggins | F. W. Bier Waitsburg | Walla Walla | R. M. Breeze | J. B. Lowndagin WALLA WALLA | Walla Walla | Eugene Tausick | T. D. S. Hart Wuputo | Yakima | J. F. Douglas | H. E. Trimble Washtucna | Adams | G. W. Bassett | C. E. Wilson WATERVILLE | Douglas | J. M. Hunter | J. E. Walker Waverley | Spokane | Fred Dashiell | A. L. Robinson WENATCHEE | Chelan | J. A. Gellatly | S. R. Sumner White Salmon | Klickitat | G. F. Jewett | W. C. Manly Wilbur | Lincoln | W. W. Foley | T. W. Maxwell Wilson Creek | Grant | W. H. O'Larey | F. E. Snedicor Winlock | Lewis | H. A. Baldwin | C. E. Leonard Woodland | Cowlitz | L. M. Love | D. W. Whitlow Yacolt | Clarke | W. J. Hoag | Wm. W. Eaton ========================================================= | Sec'y Commercial | Pop. U. S. | Est. Pop. NAME. | Organization. | Cens. 1900 | 1909 -------------|------------------|------------|----------- Oakesdale | | 928 | 1,200 Oakville | O. H. Fry | | 600 Ocosta | | | 150 Odessa | H. L. Cole | | 1,200 Okanogan | T. B. Collins | | 600 OLYMPIA | John M. Wilson | 4,082 | 12,000 Oroville | F. A. De Vos | | 800 Orting | M. C. Hopkins | 728 | 1,000 Palouse City | G. D. Kincaid | 929 | 3,000 PASCO | W. D. Fales | 254 | 1,800 Pataha | | | 250 Paulsbo | Paul Paulson | | 800 Pe Ell | P. M. Watson | | 1,000 POMEROY | | 953 | 1,800 PORT ANGELES | J. M. Davis | 2,321 | 2,500 PT. ORCHARD | | 754 | 900 PT. TOWNSEND | P. C. Peterson | 3,443 | 5,000 Prescott | T. B. Grumwell | | 650 PROSSER | H. W. Carnahan | 229 | 2,000 Pullman | B. F. Campbell | 1,308 | 3,000 Puyallup | J. P. Leavitt | 1,884 | 7,000 Quincy | Geo. W. Downer | | 400 Raymond | W. R. Struble | | 2,500 Reardan | H. G. Burns | | 800 Renton | P. W. Houser | | 3,000 REPUBLIC | M. H. Joseph | 2,500 | 1,250 RITZVILLE | J. L. Cross | 761 | 2,600 Rockford | J. W. Lowe | 433 | 1,200 Rosalla | A. A. Wonnell | 379 | 1,400 Roslyn | | 2,786 | 4,500 Roy | | | 400 Ruston | | | 800 SEATTLE | C. B. Yandell | 80,671 | 275,000 | Geo. E. Boos | | Sedro-Woolley| M. B. Holbrook | 885 | 3,450 SHELTON | G. C. Angle | 883 | 1,200 Snohomish | W. W. Reed | 2,101 | 4,000 Snoqualmie | | | 400 SOUTH BEND | F. G. McIntosh | 711 | 3,000 Spangle | E. C. Rohweder | 431 | 450 SPOKANE | L. G. Monroe | 36,848 | 120,000 | A. W. Jones | | Sprague | J. S. Freese | 695 | 1,500 Springdale | | | 500 Stanwood | L. Livingstone | | 1,000 Starbuck | J. B. Atkinson | | 750 Steilacoom | Mr. Annis | | 1,000 STEVENSON | R. C. Sly | | 400 St. John | G. W. Case, Jr | | 700 Sultan | T. W. Musgrove | | 500 Sumas | Lars Barbo | 319 | 1,500 Sumner | R. R. White | 531 | 1,000 Sunnyside | J. A. Vince | | 1,600 TACOMA | P. L. Sinclair | 37,714 | 125,000 | O. F. Cosper | | Tekoa | J. P. Burson | 717 | 1,200 Tenino | | | 1,000 Toledo | H. H. Hurst | 285 | 500 Toppenish | J. G. Hillyer | | 2,000 Tukwila | E. F. Greene | | 700 Tumwuter | | 270 | 1,500 Uniontown | W. H. Oyler | 404 | 500 VANCOUVER | H. S. Bartow | 4,006 | 8,000 Waitsburg | W. S. Guntle | 1,011 | 1,600 WALLA WALLA | A. C. Moore | 10,049 | 22,000 Wuputo | | | 500 Washtucna | | | 400 WATERVILLE | Jas. G. Tuttle | 482 | 1,200 Waverley | Jno. Reycraft | | 500 WENATCHEE | D. N. Gellatly | 451 | 5,000 White Salmon | J. M. Lewis | | 600 Wilbur | T. W. Maxwell | | 1,500 Wilson Creek | F. E. Snedicor | | 500 Winlock | C. E. Leonard | | 1,600 Woodland | E. F. Bryant | | 800 Yacolt | C. J. Dorsey | | 500 ==================================================== NAME. | Transportation Lines. -------------|-------------------------------------- Oakesdale | N. P. and O. R. & N. railways. Oakville | Northern Pacific railway. Ocosta | Steamers and railway. Odessa | Great Northern railway. Okanogan | River steamers. OLYMPIA | N. P. Ry.; P. T. & S. Ry.; steamers. Oroville | Great Northern railway. Orting | Northern Pacific railway. Palouse City | Four railroads. PASCO | N. P. Ry.: P. & S. Ry.; steamers. Pataha | Oregon Railway & Nav. Co's Ry. Paulsbo | Steamers to Seattle. Pe Ell | Northern Pacific railway. POMEROY | Oregon Railroad & Nav. Co's Ry. PORT ANGELES | Steamer and stage lines. PT. ORCHARD | Steamers, Seattle and Tacoma. PT. TOWNSEND | P. T. & S. Ry. and Sound steamer. Prescott | Oregon Railroad & Nav. Co's Ry. PROSSER | Northern Pacific railway. Pullman | N. P. and O. R. & N. railways. Puyallup | N. P. and Mil. Rys.; Elec. line Tac. Quincy | Great Northern railway. Raymond | Northern Pacific Ry. and steamers. Reardan | Central Washington railway. Renton | Steam and electric railways. REPUBLIC | Great Northern branch line. RITZVILLE | Northern Pacific railway. Rockford | Oregon Railroad & Nav. Co's Ry. Rosalla | Northern Pacific and Milwaukee Rys. Roslyn | Northern Pacific railway. Roy | Northern Pacific and Tac. East. Rys. Ruston | Northern Pacific Ry. and steamers. SEATTLE | N. P.; G. N.; Mil.; C. P. R.; Bur.; C. | & P. S.; P. S. E. Rys.; S. S. lines. Sedro-Woolley| N. P. and G. N. Rys. and steamers. SHELTON | Steamers to Olympia. Snohomish | G. N., N. P. and C. P. Rys.; steamers. Snoqualmie | Northern Pacific railway. SOUTH BEND | Northern Pacific Ry. and steamers. Spangle | Branch Northern Pacific railway. SPOKANE | N. P.; G. N.; O. R. & N.; P. & S.; Spok. | Int.; W. W. P. and S. & I. Rys. Sprague | Northern Pacific railway. Springdale | Spokane Falls & Northern railway. Stanwood | Rail and steamer. Starbuck | Oregon Railroad & Nav. Co's Ry. Steilacoom | Electric railway and steamers. STEVENSON | Portland & Seattle railway. St. John | Oregon Railroad & Nav. Co's Ry. Sultan | Great Northern railway. Sumas | C. P. Ry.; N. P. Ry. G. N. Ry. Sumner | Northern Pacific railway. Sunnyside | Northern Pacific railway. TACOMA | N. P.; Mil.; T. & E.; U. P. and G. N. | Rys.; Electric and S. S. lines. Tekoa | O. R. & N. and Milwaukee Rys. Tenino | Northern Pacific and P. T. & S. Rys. Toledo | Northern Pacific Ry.; River steamer. Toppenish | Northern Pacific railway. Tukwila | Puget Sound Electric railway. Tumwuter | Port Townsend & Southern railway. Uniontown | Northern Pacific railway. VANCOUVER | N. P., P. & S. Rys. and steamers. Waitsburg | O. R. & N. and N. P. railways. WALLA WALLA | N. P. and O. R. & N. railways. Wuputo | Northern Pacific railway. Washtucna | O. R. & N.; S., P. & S. railways. WATERVILLE | Stage and steamer. Waverley | O. R. & N. and Electric railways. WENATCHEE | Great Northern Ry.; Col. river strs. White Salmon | S. P. & S. Ry., and river steamer. Wilbur | Northern Pacific railway. Wilson Creek | Great Northern railway. Winlock | Northern Pacific railway. Woodland | Northern Pacific Ry. and steamers Yacolt | Northern Pacific railway. [Page 96] STATE OFFICERS, COMMISIONS, BOARDS AND PUBLIC INSTITUTIONS OF WASHINGTON. =========================================================================== OFFICE. | Name. | P. O. Address. -----------------------------|--------------------------|------------------ Governor | M. E. Hay | Olympia. Governor's Private Secretary | Frank M. Dallam, Jr | Olympia. Secretary of State | I. M. Howell | Olympia. Assistant Secretary of State | Ben R. Fish | Olympia. Auditor | C. W. Clausen | Olympia. Deputy Auditor | F. P. Jameson | Olympia. Treasurer | John G. Lewis | Olympia. Deputy Treasurer | W. W. Sherman | Olympia. Attorney General | W. P. Bell | Olympia. Assistant Attorney General | W. V. Tanner | Olympia. " " " | W. F. McGill | Olympia. " " " | Geo. A. Lee | Spokane. Commissioner of Public Lands | E. W. Ross | Olympia. Assistant Comm'r of Public | Frank C. Morse | Olympia. Lands | | Insurance Commissioner | John H. Shively | Olympia. Deputy Insurance Commissioner| S. A. Madge | Olympia. Superintendent Public | Henry B. Dewey | Olympia. Instruction | | Assistant Supt. Public | J. M. Layhue | Olympia. Instruction | | Deputy Supt. Public | F. F. Nalder | Olympia. Instruction | | Adjutant General | Geo. B. Lamping | Seattle. Commissioner of Labor | Chas. F. Hubbard | Olympia. State Librarian | J. M. Hitt | Olympia. Law Librarian | C. W. Shaffer | Olympia. Traveling Library | Mrs. Lou J. Diven, Supt. | Olympia. Board of Control | Eugene Lorton | Walla Walla. | H. T. Jones | Olympia. | H. E. Gilham | Olympia. State Grain Inspector | E. C. Armstrong | Colfax. Dairy and Food Commissioner | L. Davies | Davenport. State Fish Commissioner | Jno. L. Riseland | Bellingham. Commissioner of Statistics | I. M. Howell, Ex-Officio | Olympia. Deputy Commissioner of | Geo. M. Allen | Seattle. Statistics | | Horticultural Commissioner | F. A. Huntley | Tacoma. Coal Mine Inspector | D. C. Botting | Seattle. Inspector of Oils | F. A. Clark | Seattle. Public Printer | E. L. Boardman | Olympia. Bank Examiner | J. L. Mohundro | Seattle. Hotel Inspector | J. H. Munger | Seattle. A.-Y.-P. E. Commission | Geo. E. Dickson. | Ellensburg. | Chairman | | L. P. Hornberger, Sec. | Seattle. | W. A. Halteman, | Seattle. | Exec. Commis. | | M. M. Godman | Seattle. | R. W. Condon | Port Gamble. | J. W. Slayden | Steilacoom. | L. H. Burnett | Aberdeen. Railway Commission | H. A. Fairchild, Chairman| Olympia. Tax Commission | T. D. Rockwell, Chairman | Olympia. Fire Warden and Forester | J. R. Welty | Olympia. Highway Commissioner | J. M. Snow | Olympia. Board of Accountancy | Alfred Lister, Sec'y | Tacoma. Bureau Inspection Public | C. W. Clausen, | Olympia. Offices | Ex-officio Chief | Board of Health | E. E. Hegg, Sec'y | Seattle. Board of Barber Examiners | Chas. W. Whisler | Seattle. Board of Medical Examiners | Dr. J. Clinton McFadden, | Seattle. | Secy. | Board of Pharmacy | P. Jensen, Sec'y | Tacoma. Board of Dental Examiners | E. B. Edgars | Seattle. | | EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS. | | | | University of Washington | Thomas Franklin Kane, | Seattle. | Pres. | State College | E. A. Bryan, Pres. | Pullman. State Normal School | H. C. Sampson, Principal | Cheney. State Normal School | E. C. Mathes, Principal | Bellingham. State Normal School | W. E. Wilson, Principal | Ellensburg. School for Deaf | Thos. P. Clark, | Vancouver. | Superintendent | School for Blind | Geo. H. Mullin, Principal| Vancouver. State Training School | C. C. Aspinwall | Chehalis. | | OTHER STATE INSTITUTIONS. | | | | Soldiers' Home | Gen. Geo. W. T. | Orting. | Tibbetts, Com. | " " | Willis L. Ames, Com. | Port Orchard. Insane Asylum | A. P. Calhoun. Supt. | Fort Steilacoom. " " | J. M. Semple, Supt. | Medical Lake. State Penitentiary | C. S. Reed, Warden | Walla Walla. State Reformatory | Cleon B. Roe, Supt. | Monroe. Institution for Feeble Minded| S. C. Woodruff, Supt. | Medical Lake. [Illustration: Plate No. 91.--Overflow Wheat Warehouse, at Pullman, Whitman County.] [Illustration: Plate No. 92.--A Yakima County Vineyard.] [Illustration: Plate No. 93.--Yakima County Potatoes--600 Bushels to the Acre.] [Illustration: Plate No. 94.--A Yakima County Orchard Scene.] [Page 97] STATEMENT SHOWING AREA OF STATE SCHOOL AND GRANTED LANDS IN EACH COUNTY. AREA SOLD BY DEEDS AND CONTRACTS OF SALE. COMPILED FOR PERIOD UP TO AND INCLUDING SEPTEMBER 30, 1908. ========================================================================== | | | | Total | | Total area | Total | Area | area sold | Remaining COUNTIES. | of school | area | under | by deed | area | and granted| deeded. | contract | and under | unsold. | lands. | | of sale. | contract. | ------------|------------|-----------|-----------|-----------|------------ Adams | 85,632.25 | 1,063.30 | 12,320.00 | 13,383.30 | 72,248.95 Asotin | 26,906.56 | 161.90 | 1,360.00 | 1,521.90 | 25,384.66 Benton | 92,937.68 | 1,626.75 | 8,629.90 | 10,256.65 | 82,681.03 Chehalis | 77,064.41 | 7,883.93 | 1,823.85 | 9,707.78 | 67,356.63 Chelan | 52,526.50 | 212.34 | 1,074.70 | 1,287.04 | 51,239.46 Clallam | 77,514.28 | 2,914.42 | 320.00 | 3,234.42 | 74,279.86 Clarke | 36,972.16 | 3,694.27 | 1,585.85 | 5,280.12 | 31,692.04 Columbia | 24,640.00 | 5,084.00 | 1,620.00 | 6,704.00 | 17,936.00 Cowlitz | 85,373.80 | 6,364.43 | 1,063.73 | 7,428.16 | 77,945.00 Douglas | 313,235.66 | 3,416.62 | 64,211.62 | 67,628.52 | 245,607.14 Ferry | 21,219.51 | | | | 21,219.51 Franklin | 40,731.85 | 101.83 | 3,720.00 | 3,821.83 | 36,910.02 Garfield | 21,298.47 | 2,179.21 | 1,760.00 | 3,939.21 | 17,359.26 Island | 16,202.70 | 4,679.93 | 1,350.25 | 6,030.18 | 10,172.52 Jefferson | 87,358.34 | 12,760.91 | 1,306.77 | 14,067.68 | 73,290.66 King | 86,020.13 | 15,667.80 | 5,195.95 | 20,863.75 | 65,156.38 Kitsap | 27,157.40 | 12,178.10 | 1,794.70 | 13,972.80 | 13,184.60 Kittitas | 129,590.97 | 4,648.01 | 1,840.00 | 6,488.01 | 123,102.96 Klickitat | 77,280.86 | 2,340.84 | 4,143.17 | 6,484.01 | 70,796.85 Lewis | 86,566.86 | 4,328.31 | 2,106.01 | 6,434.32 | 80,132.54 Lincoln | 84,088.45 | 4,818.00 | 12,620.00 | 17,438.00 | 66,650.45 Mason | 48,057.72 | 4,750.53 | 651.98 | 5,402.51 | 42,655.21 Okanogan | 90,517.34 | 399.55 | 12,487.62 | 12,887.17 | 77,630.17 Pacific | 60,529.29 | 2,187.81 | 1,401.90 | 3,589.71 | 56,939.58 Pierce | 62,118.55 | 8,899.98 | 2,056.82 | 10,956.80 | 51,161.75 San Juan | 4,765.63 | 366.35 | 205.25 | 571.60 | 4,194.03 Skagit | 92,191.75 | 4,551.83 | 1,718.17 | 6,270.00 | 85,921.75 Skamania | 44,699.55 | 5,690.08 | 988.50 | 6,678.58 | 38,020.97 Snohomish | 47,937.99 | 7,545.13 | 5,392.45 | 12,927.58 | 35,000.41 Spokane | 67,457.64 | 6,943.59 | 15,360.20 | 22,303.79 | 45,153.85 Stevens | 164,063.72 | 561.19 | 4,748.50 | 5,309.69 | 158,754.03 Thurston | 33,443.79 | 4,286.82 | 1,636.87 | 5,923.69 | 27,520.10 Wahkiakum | 26,053.26 | 1,795.95 | 451.55 | 2,257.50 | 23,795.76 Walla Walla | 50,536.97 | 6,785.98 | 7,219.46 | 14,005.44 | 36,531.53 Whatcom | 41,196.49 | 2,729.50 | 4,591.52 | 7,321.02 | 33,875.47 Whitman | 80,351.82 | 14,583.47 | 21,322.96 | 35,906.43 | 44,445.39 Yakima | 143,102.97 | 3,927.59 | 5,169.50 | 9,097.09 | 134,005.88 |------------|-----------|-----------|-----------|------------ Totals |2,607,343.32|172,130.53 |215,259.75 |387,390.28 |2,219,953.04 NOTE:--The statement of total area of school and granted lands by counties includes only approved indemnity selected, approved granted lands, and school sections 16 and 36 in place. [Page 98] UNAPPROPRIATED FEDERAL LANDS OF WASHINGTON. =========================================================================== | Area unappropriated | LAND | and unreserved | Brief description of DISTRICT |-----------------------------| character of unappropriated AND | | Unsur- | | and unreserved land. COUNTRY. |Surveyed.| veyed. | Total. | -------------|---------|---------|---------|------------------------------- North Yakima:| _Acres._| _Acres._| _Acres._| Benton | 27,062| | 27,062| Rolling prairie, hilly, | | | | grazing. Douglas | 15,003| | 15,003| Grazing, prairie, hilly, | | | | and timber. Kittitas | 149,351| 245,967| 395,318| Grazing, arid prairie, | | | | and timber. Yakima | 126,072| 274,500| 400,572| |---------|---------|---------| Total | 317,488| 520,467| 837,955| |=========|=========|=========| Olympia: | | | | Chehalis | 1,491| | 1,491| Mountainous timbered lands. Jefferson | 860| | 860| Do. King | 560| | 560| Do. Kitsap | 40| | 40| Do. Lewis | 40| | 40| Do. Mason | 2,537| | 2,537| Do. Pacific | 80| | 80| Do. Pierce | 571| | 571| Do. Thurston | 207| | 207| Do. |---------|---------|---------| Total | 6,886| | 6,386| |=========|=========|=========| Seattle: | | | | Clallam | 1,240| 1,840| 3,080| Mountainous and broken; good | | | | supply of excellent timber. King | 680| 11,680| 12,360| Broken and mountainous. San Juan | 324| | 324| Broken, with little timber. Skagit | 2,475| 25,540| 28,015| Broken, heavily timbered, and | | | | mountainous. Snohomish | 320| 5,484| 5,804| Do. Whatcom | 840| 8,923| 9,768| Do. |---------|---------|---------| Total | 5,879| 53,467| 59,346| |=========|=========|=========| Spokane: | | | | Adams | 26,512| | 26,512| Arid lands, valuable for fruit | | | | and grain. Douglas | | l,500| l,500| Arid lands. Ferry | 165,526| 379,732| 545,258| Farming, grazing, timber, and | | | | mineral. Lincoln | 35,632| 4,448| 40,080| Farming and grazing. Okanogan | 13,343| 114,756| 128,099| Farming, grazing, and mineral. Spokane | 2,896| 3,094| 5,990| Do. Stevens | 409,093| 711,981|1,121,044| Mountainous, farming, and | | | | mineral. Whitman | 2,053| | 2,053| Grazing lands. |---------|---------|---------| Total | 655,055|1,215,511|1,870,566| |=========|=========|=========| Vancouver: | | | | Clarke | 4,787| | 4,787| Timbered and agricultural. Cowlitz | 16,703| 7,080| 23,783| Do. Klickitat | 61,553| 2,600| 64,153| Timbered, agricultural, | | | | grazing Lewis | 8,013| 4,995| 13,008| Timbered and agricultural. Pacific | 1,981| | 1,981| Do. Skamania | 7,418| | 7,418| Do. Wahkiakum | 316| | 316| Timbered. |---------|---------|---------| Total | 100,771| 14,675| 115,446| |=========|=========|=========| Walla Walla: | | | | Adams | 15,188| | 15,188| Prairie, farming, and | | | | grazing lands. Asotin | 83,631| 13,293| 96,924| Mountainous, some timber, and | | | | prairie. Benton | 40,395| | 40,395| Desert, grazing, some timber, | | | | prairie, and farming. Columbia | 15,203| 152,279| 167,482| Mountainous, some timber, | | | | and prairie. Franklin | 42,363| | 42,368| Prairie, grazing lands; | | | | no timber. Garfield | 45,468| 44,539| 90,007| Farming, grazing, and timber. Klickitat | 24,926| | 24,926| Grazing and farming; some | | | | timber. Walla Walla| 15,522| | 15,522| Do. Whitman | 15,835| | 15,835| Prairie, farming, and grazing | | | | lands. |---------|---------|---------| Total | 298,531| 210,111| 508,642| |=========|=========|=========| [Page 99] Waterville: | | | | Chelan | 321,518| 9,880| 331,398| Mountainous, timber, farming. Douglas | 435,207| 44,890| 480,097| Prairie, farming, and grazing. Okanogan | 206,990| 218,175| 425,165| Mountainous, timber, and | | | | farming. |---------|---------|---------| Total | 963,715| 272,945|1,236,660| |=========|=========|=========| State total |2,347,825|2,287,176|4,635,001| CLIMATIC SUMMARY FOR WASHINGTON. PREPARED BY GEO. N. SALISBURY, Of the Weather Bureau at Seattle. The following tables represent averages of observations, covering ten years or more. The stations included in the list are so distributed as to indicate the climatic conditions in every portion of the state. SOUTHWESTERN WASHINGTON. STATION: ABERDEEN. ======================================================================== | | | | |_Number of_| | | | _Precip-_| | _days--_| | _Temperature_ | | _itation_| |-----------| | _in degrees_ | | _in_ | | _With Pre-_ MONTH. | _Fahrenheit_ | | _inches._| | _cipitation_ | | | | | Cloudy | |-----------------------| |----------| | Partly | |_Prevailing_ |Highest | Lowest | | | Snowfall | | Cloudy | |_direction_ |---- |----- | | |----- | Clear | | | _of the_ |Mean| | Date| |Date| |Total| | | | | | | _wind_ ----------|----|---|-----|---|----| |-----|----| |--|--|--|--|---------- January |39.9| 61| 1900| 10|1893| |10.56| 4.8| | 3|13|15|19| W February |40.6| 73| 1905| 13|1899| |10.43| 3.5| | 3|11|14|20| SW March |43.7| 82| 1905| 22|1896| | 7.89| 1.6| | 5|19| 7|20| W April |48.2| 88| 1905| 28|1899| | 7.66| T| | 6|16| 8|17| W May |53.0| 91| 1897| 29|1901| | 4.58| 0| | 6|17| 8|15| W June |56.8|100| 1903| 34|1901| | 3.72| 0| | 6|15| 9|13| W July |60.8|105| 1891| 37|1901| | 1.02| 0| | 9|17| 5| 7| W August |62.1| 96| 1898| 40|1902| | 1.06| 0| |11|17| 3| 5| W September |57.5| 88| 1894| 30|1901| | 4.98| 0| | 9|15| 6| 9| W October |52.3| 85| 1891| 29|1893| | 6.71| 0| | 6|14|10|14| W November |45.1| 73| 1904| 22|1900| |15.28| 0.5| | 2|10|18|22| W December |40.9| 60| 1892| 20|1901| |14.66| 0.5| | 4|11|16|20| SW & W |----|---|-----|---|----| |-----|----| |--|--|--|--|---------- Sums | | | | | | |88.55|10.9| | 6|14|10|15| Means or\|50.0|105|July,| 10|Jan.| | | | | | | | | Extremes/| | |1891 | |1893| | | | | | | | | ------------------------------------------------------------------------ [Page 100] PUGET SOUND DISTRICT. STATION: TACOMA AND ASHFORD. ======================================================================== | | | | |_Number of_| | | | _Precip-_| | _days--_| | _Temperature_ | | _itation_| |-----------| | _in degrees_ | | _in_ | | _With Pre-_ MONTH. | _Fahrenheit_ | | _inches._| | _cipitation_ | | | | | Cloudy | |-----------------------| |----------| | Partly | |_Prevailing_ |Highest | Lowest | | | Snowfall | | Cloudy | |_direction_ |---- |----- | | |----- | Clear | | | _of the_ |Mean| | Date| |Date| |Total| | | | | | | _wind_ ----------|----|---|-----|---|----| |-----|----| |--|--|--|--|---------- January |38.0| 64| 1891| 0|1888| | 7.20|11.0| | 4| 6|21|20| SW February |38.9| 66| 1905| 5|1887| | 6.68|12.4| | 4| 7|18|17| SW March |44.4| 74| 1900| 16|1897| | 4.82| 8.0| | 6| 8|17|18| SW April |48.9| 84| 1897| 28|1896| | 4.40| 2.8| | 6|12|12|14| SW May |54.1| 90| 1892| 33|1894| | 4.11| 0.2| | 6|12|13|14| SW June |58.2| 97| 1903| 39|1895| | 2.62| T| | 8|10|12|11| N July |62.0| 99| 1891| 42|1894| | 1.20| 0| |15| 9| 7| 6| N August |61.6| 92| 1898| 40|1895| | 1.28| 0| |15| 8| 8| 5| N September |56.2| 87| 1894| 36|1902| | 2.74| 0| |12| 8|10|10| N October |50.6| 82| 1892| 25|1893| | 4.51| 0| | 8| 8|15|12| SW November |44.2| 70| 1892| 8|1896| | 9.11| 5.2| | 2| 5|23|21| SW December |40.9| 61| 1900| 19|1894| | 9.55| 4.4| | 4| 7|20|18| SW |----|---|-----|---|----| |-----|----| |--|--|--|--|---------- Sums | | | | | | |58.22|44.0| | 7| 8|15|14| Means or\|49.8| 99|July,| 0|Jan.| | | | | | | | | Extremes/| | |1891 | |1888| | | | | | | | | ------------------------------------------------------------------------ EASTERN WASHINGTON. STATION: SPOKANE. ======================================================================== | | | | |_Number of_| | | | _Precip-_| | _days--_| | _Temperature_ | | _itation_| |-----------| | _in degrees_ | | _in_ | | _With Pre-_ MONTH. | _Fahrenheit_ | | _inches._| | _cipitation_ | | | | | Cloudy | |-----------------------| |----------| | Partly | |_Prevailing_ |Highest | Lowest | | | Snowfall | | Cloudy | |_direction_ |---- |----- | | |----- | Clear | | | _of the_ |Mean| | Date| |Date| |Total| | | | | | | _wind_ ----------|----|---|-----|---|----| |-----|----| |--|--|--|--|---------- January |24.5| 55| 1893|-30|1888| | 2.54| 9.4| | 4| 4|23|14| S February |28.5| 59| 1896|-23|1890| | 2.02| 8.1| | 4| 7|17|13| E & SW March |39.7| 72| 1889|-10|1891| | 1.40| 3.0| | 7| 8|16|12| S April |48.0| 86| 1890| 22|1890| | 1.38| 0.2| | 6|10|14| 9| S & SW May |57.0| 95| 1897| 29|1905| | 1.39| T| | 6|10|15|10| S June |62.4| 96| 1896| 34|1891| | 1.67| T| | 9|12|10| 9| SW July |69.0|102| 1890| 39|1893| | 0.71| 0| |15| 8| 8| 5| SW August |69.0|104| 1898| 40|1902| | 0.46| 0| |17| 8| 6| 5| S September |58.1| 98| 1888| 26|1889| | 1.04| 0| |12| 7|11| 7| NE October |48.0| 86| 1892| 12|1887| | 1.39| T| | 8| 9|14| 7| NE November |37.8| 70| 1903|-13|1896| | 1.67| 2.9| | 1| 5|24|15| S December |31.3| 57| 1886|-18|1884| | 2.56| 4.9| | 3| 4|24|13| SW |----|---|-----|---|----| |-----|----| |--|--|--|--|---------- Sums | | | | | | |18.23|29.4| | 7| 8|15|10| Means or\|47.8|104|Aug. |-30|Jan.| | | | | | | | | Extremes/| | |1898 | |1888| | | | | | | | | ------------------------------------------------------------------------ [Page 101] SOUTHEASTERN WASHINGTON. STATION: WALLA WALLA. ======================================================================== | | | | |_Number of_| | | | _Precip-_| | _days--_| | _Temperature_ | | _itation_| |-----------| | _in degrees_ | | _in_ | | _With Pre-_ MONTH. | _Fahrenheit_ | | _inches._| | _cipitation_ | | | | | Cloudy | |-----------------------| |----------| | Partly | |_Prevailing_ |Highest | Lowest | | | Snowfall | | Cloudy | |_direction_ |---- |----- | | |----- | Clear | | | _of the_ |Mean| | Date| |Date| |Total| | | | | | | _wind_ ----------|----|---|-----|---|----| |-----|----| |--|--|--|--|---------- January |32.6| 67| 1902|-17|1888| | 2.17| 6.1| | 3|11|17|12| S February |37.0| 69| 1896|-15|1893| | 1.55| 5.1| | 6|13| 9|12| S March |45.2| 74| 1905| 2|1891| | 1.73| 2.7| | 8|16| 7|13| S April |52.6| 89| 1890| 29|1890| | 1.76| 2| |10|17| 3| 9| S May |60.1|100| 1897| 34|1905| | 1.72| 0| |12|16| 3|11| S June |65.8|105| 1896| 40|1901| | 1.13| 0| |15|14| 1| 8| S July |73.8|108| 1891| 45|1891| | 0.37| 0| |24| 6| 1| 4| S August |73.8|113| 1898| 47|1899| | 0.43| 0| |23| 7| 1| 4| S September |63.6|100| 1888| 36|1900| | 0.97| 0| |17| 9| 4| 7| S October |54.4| 87| 1904| 24|1887| | 1.50| T| |15|12| 4| 8| S November |42.8| 76| 1891| -9|1896| | 2.17| 2.0| | 4|13| 3|13| S December |37.3| 65| 1890| -2|1898| | 2.07| 3.5| | 3|11|17|14| S |----|---|-----|---|----| |-----|----| |--|--|--|--|---------- Sums | | | | | | |17.58|19.6| |12|12| 6|10| Means or\|53.2|113|Aug. |-17|Jan.| | | | | | | | | Extremes/| | |1898 | |1888| | | | | | | | | ------------------------------------------------------------------------ THE IRRIGATED WASHINGTON. STATION: NORTH YAKIMA, SUNNYSIDE, FT. SIMCOE. ======================================================================== | | | | |_Number of_| | | | _Precip-_| | _days--_| | _Temperature_ | | _itation_| |-----------| | _in degrees_ | | _in_ | | _With Pre-_ MONTH. | _Fahrenheit_ | | _inches._| | _cipitation_ | | | | | Cloudy | |-----------------------| |----------| | Partly | |_Prevailing_ |Highest | Lowest | | | Snowfall | | Cloudy | |_direction_ |---- |----- | | |----- | Clear | | | _of the_ |Mean| | Date| |Date| |Total| | | | | | | _wind_ ----------|----|---|-----|---|----| |-----|----| |--|--|--|--|---------- January |30.4| 62| 1899|-16|1899| | 1.82| 9.2| | 7|13|11| 7| W February |35.2| 71| 1901|-22|1893| | 1.14| 5.6| | 8|12| 9| 6| W March |42.5| 78| 1895| 2|1896| | 0.57| 0.4| |12|14| 5| 3| W April |51.1| 90| 1897| 18|1896| | 0.47| T| |12|13| 5| 3| W May |59.1|101| 1897| 24|1896| | 0.74| 0| |11|14| 6| 5| W June |65.4|106| 1896| 30|1901| | 0.32| 0| |15|10| 5| 4| W July |71.6|112| 1896| 36|1905| | 0.11| 0| |24| 5| 2| 2| W August |71.1|109| 1897| 35|1895| | 0.21| 0| |19| 9| 3| 3| W September |61.1| 98| 1896| 24|1891| | 0.44| 0| |17| 8| 5| 4| W October |51.0| 89| 1891| 13|1893| | 0.50| 0| |15|10| 6| 4| W November |39.4| 73| 1897|-23|1896| | 1.56| 4.4| | 4|12|14| 9| W December |32.3| 67| 1898| -8|1895| | 1.47| 6.2| | 7|10|14| 7| SW |----|---|-----|---|----| |-----|----| |--|--|--|--|---------- Sums | | | | | | | 9.35|25.8| |12|11| 7| 5| Means or\|50.9|112|July,|-23|Nov.| | | | | | | | | Extremes/| | |1896 | |1896| | | | | | | | | ------------------------------------------------------------------------ [Page 102] TOTAL ASSESSMENT OF ALL PROPERTY IN THE STATE OF WASHINGTON AS EQUALIZED BY THE STATE BOARD OF EQUALIZATION FOR THE YEAR 1908. ============================================================== | _Total Real and Personal Property,_ |------------------------------------------------- | | | Ratio | | | Assessed | |assessed| | COUNTIES. | value | Actual | to | *Exemp- | | returned | value. | actual | tions. | | by county. | | value. | | ------------|------------|--------------|--------|-----------| Adams | $12,934,270| $32,730,750| $39.51|* $347,380| Asotin | 3,186,570| 6,346,110| 50.21| 73,600| Benton | 5,900,630| 13,967,229| 42.24| 201,105| Chehalis | 14,832,671| 63,320,298| 23.42|* 897,053| Chelan | 7,510,825| 17,903,363| 41.95| 317,510| Clallam | 7,045,161| 14,294,907| 49.28| 148,017| Clarke | 9,548,965| 22,951,958| 41.60|* 552,000| Columbia | 6,677,175| 12,916,674| 51.69| 164,855| Cowlitz | 7,506,911| 18,774,621| 39.98|* 258,305| Douglas | 13,714,378| 32,623,076| 42.03|* 792,735| Ferry | 1,323,524| 2,205,873| 60.00|* 132,674| Franklin | 4,029,979| 12,053,842| 33.43|* 121,309| Garfield | 4,230,446| 9,466,437| 44.68| 123,027| Island | 1,296,572| 3,706,168| 34.98| 100,545| Jefferson | 4,566,042| 9,932,771| 45.96| 92,864| King |*204,852,223| 437,905,564| 46.78| 5,011,716| Kitsap | 4,145,045| 9,133,183| 45.38|* 271,777| Kittitas | 8,853,102| 20,145,643| 43.98| 421,605| Klickitat | 5,869,515| 14,199,834| 41.33| 366,835| Lewis | 17,959,730| 39,028,152| 46.01| 673,137| Lincoln | 18,046,865| 44,933,712| 40.16|* 844,061| Mason | 3,030,375| 10,744,059| 28.20| 97,386| Okanogan | 3,750,417| 6,540,821| 57.33| 421,615| Pacific | 7,036,354| 22,947,129| 30.66| 95,700| Pierce | 76,828,090| 181,499,746| 42.33| 2,903,450| San Juan | 1,553,856| 3,789,892| 41.00|* 126,818| Skagit | 10,867,150| 38,346,941| 28.33| 297,600| Skamania | 4,063,188| 6,375,330| 63.73| 66,300| Snohomish |* 25,699,461| 54,494,192| 47.16| 1,221,570| Spokane | 80,038,409| 154,967,786| 51.64| 2,956,265| Stevens | 6,675,908| 17,811,897| 37.48|* 654,238| Thurston | 8,325,065| 23,882,038| 34.85| 518,971| Wahkiakum | 1,668,376| 4,319,197| 38.62| 69,616| Walla Walla | 19,434,380| 45,866,287| 42.37| 369,000| Whatcom | 19,853,046| 48,038,017| 41.32|* 1,460,250| Whitman | 19,098,175| 60,560,413| 31.53| 1,160,290| Yakima | 23,625,355| 48,428,184| 48.78|* 1,517,390| |------------|--------------|--------|-----------| Totals |$675,578,199|$1,567,152,094| $43.11|$25,902,569| ======================================== _Exclusive of Railroad and Telegraph._ | ------------|-------------|------------| | Aggregate | Aggregate | |value of tax-| value as | COUNTIES. |able property| equalized | | as returned | by state | | by county. | board. | ------------|-------------|------------| Adams | $12,586,890| $13,762,846| Asotin | 3,112,970| 2,662,208| Benton | 5,699,525| 5,820,167| Chehalis | 13,935,618| 26,400,327| Chelan | 7,193,315| 7,400,630| Clallam | 6,897,144| 6,014,517| Clarke | 8,996,965| 9,342,589| Columbia | 6,512,320| 5,403,523| Cowlitz | 7,248,606| 7,835,434| Douglas | 12,921,643| 13,271,073| Ferry | 1,190,850| 818,278| Franklin | 3,908,670| 5,075,102| Garfield | 4,107,419| 3,957,954| Island | 1,196,027| 1,497,184| Jefferson | 4,473,178| 4,189,154| King | 199,840,507| 183,769,507| Kitsap | 3,873,268| 3,665,538| Kittitas | 8,431,497| 8,263,182| Klickitat | 5,502,680| 5,754,713| Lewis | 17,286,593| 16,151,899| Lincoln | 17,202,804| 18,526,862| Mason | 2,932,989| 4,534,378| Okanogan | 3,328,802| 2,398,133| Pacific | 6,940,654| 9,796,807| Pierce | 73,924,640| 75,341,091| San Juan | 1,427,038| 1,507,004| Skagit | 10,569,550| 16,233,766| Skamania | 3,996,883| 2,682,105| Snohomish | 24,477,891| 22,270,886| Spokane | 77,082,144| 63,850,348| Stevens | 6,021,670| 7,024,471| Thurston | 7,806,094| 9,776,576| Wahkiakum | 1,598,760| 1,792,390| Walla Walla | 19,065,380| 19,403,957| Whatcom | 18,392,796| 19,248,939| Whitman | 17,937,885| 24,947,304| Yakima | 22,053,965| 19,306,001| |-------------|------------| Totals | $649,675,630|$649,696,709| ================================================================== |_Railroads._| _Electric_ |_Telegraph._| TOTAL. | | | _Rys._ | | Aggregate | | Value as | Value as | Value as |value as real| | corrected, | corrected, | corrected, |and personal | COUNTIES. |revised and |revised and |revised and | property as | |equalized by|equalized by|equalized by|equalized by | |state board.|state board.|state board.|state board. | ------------|------------|------------|------------|-------------| Adams | $2,445,703| | $10,499| $16,219,048| Asotin | | | | 2,662,208| Benton | 2,595,331| | 5,477| 8,420,975| Chehalis | 798,828| 165,258| 2,212| 27,366,625| Chelan | 2,860,892| | 9,058| 10,270,580| Clallam | | | 4,073| 6,018,590| Clarke | 891,275| | 87| 10,233,951| Columbia | 908,202| | 6,775| 6,318,500| Cowlitz | 1,363,089| | 11,016| 9,209,539| Douglas | 3,703,546| | 9,650| 16,984,269| Ferry | 1,359,278| | | 2,177,641| Franklin | 1,852,025| | 7,975| 6,935,102| Garfield | 144,067| | 555| 4,102,576| Island | | | | 1,497,184| Jefferson | 417,464| | 3,695| 4,610,313| King | 11,882,802| 7,477,860| 38,645| 203,168,680| Kitsap | | | 2,325| 3,667,863| Kittitas | 3,674,706| | 10,194| 11,948,082| Klickitat | 1,108,683| | | 6,863,396| Lewis | 2,050,492| | 12,186| 18,214,576| Lincoln | 4,456,845| | 12,648| 22,996,355| Mason | 7,791| | | 4,542,169| Okanogan | 834,844| | | 3,232,977| Pacific | 418,310| | 1,438| 10,216,555| Pierce | 4,589,415| 1,900,370| 22,077| 81,852,953| San Juan | | | | 1,507,004| Skagit | 2,177,605| | 7,518| 18,418,889| Skamania | 332,926| | | 3,015,031| Snohomish | 8,064,368| 910,195| 18,950| 31,264,399| Spokane | 8,402,563| 2,131,611| 31,075| 74,415,597| Stevens | 1,994,897| | 6,353| 9,025,721| Thurston | 1,561,390| 76,530| 10,096| 11,424,592| Wahkiakum | | | | 1,792,390| Walla Walla | 3,797,744| 131,082| 14,574| 23,347,357| Whatcom | 3,372,306| 630,373| 7,457| 23,259,075| Whitman | 3,296,322| 528,248| 19,897| 28,791,771| Yakima | 3,278,556| 10,000| 6,852| 22,601,409| |------------|------------|------------|-------------| Totals | $84,642,349| $13,961,527| $293,357| $748,593,942| *Exception includes the amount returned by these counties under the item "Moneys on hand" allowed by the Board. [Page 103] ACKNOWLEDGEMENT Distribution of this publication at the Alaska-Yukon-Pacific Exposition has been made possible through financial assistance extended by the State A.-Y.-P. E. Commission. An edition of a few thousand copies only was originally contemplated, but funds provided by the State Commission have enabled us to increase the quantity to 25,000. This help thus given in extending the field of usefulness of this report is herewith gratefully acknowledged. STATE BUREAU OF STATISTICS AND IMMIGRATION. I. M. HOWELL, Secretary of State, _Ex-Officio Commissioner._ GEO. M. ALLEN, _Deputy Commissioner._ [Page 104] INDEX TO DESCRIPTIVE MATTER. Acknowledgment 103 Adams County 46 Agriculture 22 Asotin County 47 Bee Culture 26 Benton County 48 Coal Fields 10 Coal Mining 19 Chehalis County 49 Chelan County 50 Clallam County 51 Clarke County 52 Columbia County 53 Cowlitz County 54 Dairying 25 Douglas County 55 Educational System 32-33 Ferry County 56 Forests 9 Fisheries 12 Franklin County 57 Game 16 Garfield County 58 Government Lands 14 Grant County 59 Horticulture 24 Indian Lands 14 Industries of Washington 18-28 Introduction 3-4 Irrigation 40-41 Island County 60 Jefferson County 61 King County 62 Kitsap County 64 Kittitas County 65 Klickitat County 66 Lands 14 Letter of Transmittal 2 Lewis County 67 Lincoln County 69 Logged-off Lands 33-39 Lumbering 18 Manufacturing 26 Mason County 70 Mineral Ores 11 Natural Division 5 Okanogan County 71 Opportunities in Washington 29-31 Pacific County 72 Pierce County 74 Poultry 26 Resources of Washington 8-17 San Juan County 76 Scenery 16 Skagit County 77 Skamania County 79 Snohomish County 80 Soils 13 Spokane County 81 State Lands 14 Stevens County 83 Stock Raising 24 Thurston County 85 Title Page 1 Transportation 27 Wahkiakum County 86 Walla Walla County 87 Water Power 15 Whatcom County 87 Whitman County 89 Yakima County 90 INDEX TO STATISTICAL APPENDIX. Assessed valuations by counties 102 Climatic tables 99-101 Federal lands, distribution by counties 98-99 State officers, boards and commissions 96 State lands, distribution by counties 97 Statistics of incorporated cities and towns 92-95 
29881	----	generously made available by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.) THE MORALS OF ECONOMIC INTERNATIONALISM By J. A. HOBSON AUTHOR OF "THE INDUSTRIAL SYSTEM," "THE EVOLUTION OF MODERN CAPITALISM," "WORK AND WEALTH," ETC. BOSTON AND NEW YORK HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY The Riverside Press Cambridge 1920 COPYRIGHT, 1920, BY THE REGENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA ALL RIGHTS RESERVED BARBARA WEINSTOCK LECTURES ON THE MORALS OF TRADE This series will contain essays by representative scholars and men of affairs dealing with the various phases of the moral law in its bearing on business life under the new economic order, first delivered at the University of California on the Weinstock foundation. THE MORALS OF ECONOMIC INTERNATIONALISM It ought not to be the case that there is one standard of morality for individuals in their relations with one another, a different and a slighter standard for corporations, and a third and still slighter standard for nations. For, after all, what are corporations but groupings of individuals for ends which in the last resort are personal ends? And what are nations but wider, closer, and more lasting unions of persons for the attainment of the end they have in common, i.e., the commonwealth. Yet we are well aware that the accepted and operative standards of morality differ widely in the three spheres of conduct. If a soul is imputed at all to a corporation, it is a leather soul, not easily penetrable to the probings of pity or compunction, and emitting much less of the milk of human kindness than do the separate souls of its directors and stockholders in their ordinary human relations. There is a sharp recognition of this inferior moral make-up of a corporation in the attitude of ordinary men and women, who, scrupulously honest in their dealings with one another, slide almost unconsciously to an altogether lower level in dealing with a railroad or insurance company. This attitude is due, no doubt, partly to a resentment of the oppressive power which great corporations are believed to exercise, evoking a desire "to get a bit of your own back"; partly to a feeling that any slight injury to, or even fraud perpetrated on, a corporation will be so distributed as to inflict no appreciable harm on any individual stockholder. But largely it is the result of a failure to envisage a corporation as a moral being at all, to whom one owes obligations. Corporations are in a sense moral monsters; we say they behave as such and we are disposed to treat them as such. The standard of international morality, particularly in matters of commercial intercourse, is on a still lower level. If, indeed, one were to press the theoretic issue, whether a state or a nation is a morally independent being, or whether it is in some sense or degree a member of what may be called an incipient society of states or nations, nearly every one would sustain the latter view. We should be reminded that there was such a thing as international law, however imperfect its sanctions might be, and that treaties, alliances, and other agreements between nations implied the recognition of some moral obligation. How weak this interstate morality is appears not merely from the fact that under strong temptation governments repudiate their most express and solemn agreements--to that temptation individuals sometimes yield in their dealings with one another--but also from the nature of the defence which they make of such repudiation. The plea of state necessity, which Germany made for the violation of the neutrality of Belgium, and which was stretched to cover the brutal mishandling of the Belgian people, is unfortunately but an extreme instance of conduct to which every state has had recourse at times, and--still more significant--which every state defends by adducing the same maxim, "_salus reipublicæ suprema lex_". Here is the sharpest distinction between individual and national morality. There are certain deeds which a good and honorable man would not do even to save his life; there are no deeds, which it is admitted that a statesman, acting on behalf of his country, may not do to save that country. It is foolish to try to shirk this disconcerting admission. The Machiavellian doctrine of "reason of state" is, in the last resort, the accepted standard of national conduct. This does not signify that a nation and its government admit no obligation to fulfil their promises, or even voluntarily to perform good offices for other nations, but that there is always implied the reservation that the necessity, or, shall we say, the vital interests, of the nation override, cancel, and nullify all such obligations. And when "necessity" is stretched to cover any vital interest or urgent need, it is easy to recognize on what a slippery slope such international morality reposes. International morality is impaired, however, not only by this feeble sense of mutual obligation, but by the still more injurious assumption of conflicting interests between nations. Nations are represented not merely as self-centered, independent moral systems, but as, in some degree, mutually repellent systems. This notion is partly the product of the false patriotic teaching of our schools and press, which seek to feed our sense of national unity more upon exclusive than inclusive sentiments. Nations are represented as rivals and competitors in some struggle for power, or greatness, or prestige, instead of as coöperators in the general advance of civilization. This presumption of opposing interests is, of course, more strongly marked in the presentation of commercial relations than in any other. Putting the issue roughly, but with substantial truth, the generally accepted image of international trade is one in which a number of trading communities, as, for instance, the United States, Britain, Germany, France, Japan, etc., are engaged in striving, each to win for itself, and at the expense of the others, the largest possible share of a strictly limited objective--the world market. Now there are three fatal flaws in this image. First comes the false presentation of the United States, Britain, Germany, and other political beings in the capacity of trading firms. So far as world or international trade is rightly presented as a competitive process, that competition takes place, not between America, Britain, Germany, but between a number of separate American, British, German firms. The immediate interests of these firms are not directed along political lines. Generally speaking, the closer rivalry is between firms belonging to the same nation and conducting their business upon closely similar conditions. One Lancashire cotton exporter competes much more closely with other Lancashire exporters than he does with German, American, or Japanese exporters of similar goods. So it is everywhere, save in the exceptional times and circumstances in which governments themselves take over the regulation and conduct of foreign trade. For certain purposes it is, no doubt, convenient to have balances and analyses of foreign trade presented separately, so as to show the volumes and values of different goods which pass from the members of one nation to those of another. But the imputation of political significance to these statistics, taken either in aggregate or in relation to separate countries, as if they were themselves indices of public gain or public loss, has most injurious reactions upon the intelligent understanding of commerce. The second flaw is the assumption of a limited amount of market, which carries with it the assumption that the groups of traders, gathered under their national flags, are engaged in a conflict in which they are entitled to embroil their governments. By tariff bargaining and by all sorts of diplomatic weapons each government is called upon to assist its nationals and to cripple or exclude the nationals of other states. Now it is untrue that the world market is strictly limited, with the consequence that every advance of one group of traders is at the expense of another group. The world market is indefinitely expansible, and is always expanding; and commercial experience shows that the rapid expansion of the overseas trade of one country does not preclude the expansion of trade of other countries. I do not, of course, deny that at a particular time and in relation to some particular lucrative opportunity, genuine clashes of interests may arise. But, envisaging the whole range of foreign commerce, one feels that the image of it as a prize which governments can, and ought to win for their traders at the expense of the traders supported by other governments, has been a most fertile source of international misunderstanding. Perhaps the worst of the three fallacies, and in a sense the deepest-rooted, is the concept of export trade as of more value than import trade. This is often traced back to the time when governments deemed it desirable to accumulate in their countries treasures of gold and silver and to this end encouraged the sale of goods abroad and discouraged the payment for them in foreign goods. There are, however, modern supporters of the assumption that it is more important to sell than to buy, although the money received for sales has no other significance or value than its power to buy, and trade can only be imaged truly as an exchange of goods for goods in which the processes of selling and of buying are complementary. The economic explanation of the double falsehood of dividing buying from selling and of imputing a higher value to the latter process, lies beyond the scope of this address. But the injuries resulting from the superior pressure upon governments of organized bodies of producers and merchants who have things to sell, to the detriment of the consuming public who have only buying needs, are too grave matters to be neglected here. It is not too much to say that, if the interests of consumers and the interests of producers weighed equally in the eyes of governments, as they should, the strongest of all obstacles to a peaceful, harmonious society of nations would be overcome. For the suspicions, jealousies, and hostilities of nations are inspired more by the tendency of groups of producers to misrepresent their private interests as the good of their respective countries than by any other single circumstance. This analysis has seemed necessary in order to clear away the intellectual and moral fogs which prevent a true realization of the economic, and therefore the moral, interdependence of nations. For every bond of economic interest involves moral obligation also. If it is true that the fabric of commercial relations is all the time being knit closer between the different peoples of the earth, then the moral isolation and the antagonism which earlier statecraft inculcated, and which still obsess so many minds, must be dissipated and give place to active sentiments of human coöperation. There were, indeed, those who thought that already the web of commerce and finance had been woven strong enough to save nations from the calamity of war. Their miscalculation arose from underestimating the power over the mind and the passions of that false image of trade. But because the modern internationalism of commerce and finance did not prove strong enough to stem the full and sudden tide of war passions fed from the barbarous traditions of a dateless past, we ought not to disparage the potentiality of this internationalism as the foundation of a new and better world order. For, though those bonds of common interest broke under the strain of war, the confusion in which we find ourselves without them is itself a terrible testimony to their value. The enforced sundering of ordinary trade relations between members of different countries has taught two clear lessons. The first is this: that hardly any civilized nation is or can be economically independent in respect to essential supplies or industries. There is no European country that does not rely for the subsistence of its inhabitants upon supplies of goods and raw materials from foreign lands, mostly from countries outside the European continent. While Britain both leaned more heavily upon other countries and contributed most to other countries from her surplus produce, every other country, in larger or less degree--great countries such as France, Germany, Austria, Italy, little ones like Belgium, Holland, Switzerland, Scandinavia, and Denmark--were increasingly dependent upon outside sources for their livelihood. It is true that there remained a very few great backward countries, such as Russia and China, where a life of economic isolation was possible had they been willing to dispense with the higher products of civilized industry and with the fertilizing streams of capital without which progress is impossible. No civilized European country was self-sufficing in the vital factors of a productive and progressive civilization--food, raw materials, machinery, fuel, transport, finance, and adequate supplies of skilled labor. The services which countries near or distant rendered to one another were becoming constantly more numerous, more complex, and more urgent. The obstructions and stoppages of war has driven home the lesson painfully to the inhabitants of every European country, belligerent or neutral. What lesson? That we have erred in permitting ourselves to grow dependent on the industry, goodwill, and intercourse of other nations, and that we should endeavor to hark back to an earlier economic state of national independence? Well, there are even in Britain rhetorical politicians who speak of the necessity of retaining all "key" or "essential" industries within their national control--who propose to reverse the tide of social evolution by some flimsy apparatus of tariffs and subsidies. This is impossible. The war has left the European peoples, one and all, more than ever dependent for their economic livelihood upon one another, and upon the material resources and labor of other continents. The second lesson is that, other things equal, it is the most highly civilized and highly developed countries that are the most dependent upon others. In a word, there is a presumption that economic internationalism is an essential feature of civilization. You will observe that so far I have made no mention of America. And yet all that I have been saying is, in a sense, introductory to the unique problem presented by this country. America is the only civilized country in the world that is virtually self-sufficing as regards the primary requirements of her economic life. Her soil can and does supply nearly all her essential foods, her natural resources include the materials of her great textile, metal, and other basic industries, the heat, light, electricity, and other forms of natural energy which satisfy her national needs. She has access to skilled and unskilled labor sufficient to develop and utilize all these natural resources. Most of her pre-war imports might be placed under four heads: articles of luxury and taste in dress, jewelry, etc.; certain chemical and other scientific products; supplementary supplies of some foods and materials, from other countries of the American continent, for manufactures and export trade; and a number of tropical products, almost all of subsidiary significance in the production and consumption of the American people. This slight dependence upon foreign countries has been considerably reduced as the result of war exigency. The art products of France and Italy, the fine textile goods from Britain, the dye-stuffs, drugs, and scientific instruments from Germany--in a word, the great bulk of the imports from Europe, have either been cut out of American consumption or have been displaced, temporarily, at any rate, by home products. For several generations the main dependence of America upon Europe and particularly upon Britain was for capital to supplement home savings that she might make use of the stream of immigrant labor in the development of her great continent. This dependence upon European capital, of greatly diminishing importance during the last three decades has, of course, now been reversed, and the principal European countries are heavy debtors to the United States. One other important economic lesson war experience has taught, viz., the vast capacity for increased productivity which every industrial nation possesses, and America especially, in better organization and fuller utilization of natural and human resources. It is evident that, far from the age of great inventions and of mechanical development drawing to a close, we are in the actual process of reaching new discoveries in wealth production, which will make the most famous advances of the nineteenth century mean by comparison. But without drawing upon a speculative future, a better and more systematic application of the knowledge which has been already tested--enlarged production, elimination of waste, and improved business methods--is clearly capable of doubling or trebling the output of material wealth without involving any excessive strain upon human effort. Here, as in other ways, America stands in a place of unique vantage by reason of the magnitude and variety of her national resources, and the vigor and enterprise of her people. It is evident that, if any country can afford to stand alone in full economic self-sufficiency, that country is America. It is feasible for America to contract within very narrow limits her commercial and political relations with the rest of the world, or, if she chooses, to confine her commercial and financial relations to this continent, leaving the old world to get on by itself as well as it can. This view is, indeed, conformable with the main tradition of American history up to the close of the last century. Even the Spanish war, with its sequel of imperialism, was but a slight and reparable breach in this tradition. The world war seems at first sight to have plunged America deeper into the European trough. But even this more serious committal is not irretrievable. She can step back to the doctrine and policy of 'America for Americans' and refuse any organic contact with a troublesome, a quarrelsome and, as it seems, a ruined Europe. America's economic status in Europe is not such as to preclude her taking this course. I may be reminded that the indebtedness of Europe to America is a solid economic bond, for it cannot be presumed that America would pursue the policy of liberalism so far as to cancel this debt. But, large as is this credit, it need not constitute a strong or a lasting bond of commerce, compelling America to receive such large imports of goods from Europe as materially to impair her self-sufficiency. A large and increasing part of the interest and capital of this indebtedness would be defrayed by the expenditure of American travellers and residents in Europe, while the importation of objects of art and luxury would not interfere appreciably with the policy of economic nationalism. If America decides to go no further in this business, it will not be too late to draw out. The choice before her is momentous. So far I have presented it as an economic problem. It is also quite evidently a political and moral problem of the first significance, for economic national self-sufficiency is a phase of political independence. But business and politics alike belong to the wider art of human conduct; and the choice before America is primarily a moral choice. By saying this I do not wish to appear to prejudge the issue. I have always felt that a stronger case could be made for the political and economic isolation of America than for that of any other country, partly because, as I have said, she has within her political domain all the resources of national well-being; partly, also, because it is of supreme importance that the great experiment of democracy should not be unduly hampered by excessive inpourings of ill-assimilable foreign blood, and by dangerous contacts with obsolete or inapplicable European institutions. As an economist, steeped in the principles of Cobden and his British school of liberals, my predilections (prejudices if you will) have always been in favor of the freest possible movement, alike of trade and persons, and against fiscal protection and immigrant restrictions. But, when confronted with the special situation of America, I have recognized that a reasoned argument could be addressed to prove that the economy of national security and progress for this country lay along the lines of political, economic and defensive self-containedness. I am convinced that many must be led to support this policy, not on grounds of selfishness, because they desire to conserve for America alone her great opportunities, and not mainly from fear, lest America should be embroiled again in the dangerous quarrels of distant European nations, but because they are animated by that pure desire, which has inspired so many generations of high-minded Americans, that American democracy should grow to its full stature by its own unaided efforts and save the world by its example. I wish to give due respect to the sincerity of this conviction the more because I wish to lay before you some grounds for questioning its ultimate validity. It is no problem of abstract politics or ethics with which I here confront your minds, but one of concrete and immediate urgency. Distinctively economic in its substance, it brings right into the daylight the hitherto obscure issue of the duty of nations as members of an actual or potential society of nations. As a result of the destruction of war a large part of Europe lies today in economic ruin. By that I do not only, or chiefly, refer to the material havoc wrought by the direct operations of war in France, Belgium, Poland, Servia, and elsewhere. I mean the imminent starvation which this winter awaits large populations of those and other countries, both our allies and our late enemies, and the misery and anarchy arising from their utter inability to resume the ordinary processes of productive industry. It is not only food and clothing but raw materials, tools, machinery, transport, and fuel that are lacking over a large part of the European continent. If they are left to their own unaided resources, millions of these people, especially in Russia, Poland, Austria, and sections of the late Turkish Empire, will perish. They cannot feed themselves. The land remains, but large tracts of it have been untilled; large numbers of the peasantry have fallen in the war, or are wandering as disbanded soldiers, far from home; the women and the aged and the children, underfed and broken in health and spirit, are utterly unequal to the task of growing the food for their livelihood. The factories and workshops are idle or are ill-equipped, for materials, tools, and fuel are everywhere lacking; unemployment holds large industrial populations in destitution and despair. Even where plant and materials are present, the physical strength of the workers is so let down that efficient productivity is impossible. Even in countries that are not war-broken, the blockade, and the long stoppage of normal commerce, have caused great scarcity of many important foods and materials, and famine prices bring grievous suffering to the poorer classes. Britain alone among the belligerent countries is not in immediate distress, but only because she has had larger outside resources and larger borrowing powers on which to draw. Even the few neutral nations which are said to have profited by war are severely crippled by the lack of some essentials of their economic life. All in different degrees are economic victims of the havoc and the waste of war. It is not Central Europe only, together with large parts of the Balkans, of Russia, and of Eastern Asia, that is in this evil plight. Europe as a whole is unprovided with the foodstuffs with which to feed its population and the raw materials with which to furnish employment. If there were prevailing among them the best of wills and of coöperative arrangements, the European peoples could not keep themselves alive this winter and make any substantial advance towards reparation of the damage of war and industrial recovery. If human coöperation is to save these weak and desperate peoples, it must be a coöperation of more than the nations of Europe. Only by the better provided nations of the world coming to the rescue can the worse-provided nations survive and recover. It would be foolish to mince words in so grave an issue. We are all acquainted with the main facts of the world situation and are familiar with the place which America occupies in it as the chief repository of those surpluses of foods, materials, and manufactured goods which Europe needs so sorely. The term 'surplus' is, of course, somewhat deceptive. Surplus depends largely on home consumption, itself an elastic condition. But for practical purposes we may take the exportable surplus to mean the product which remains for sale abroad after the normal wants of the home population are supplied. It might mean something more, viz., that the home population would voluntarily keep down or reduce their consumption, in order that more might be available for export. The American people actually did exercise this self-denying ordinance to an appreciable extent, in order to help win the war. Are they willing to do the same in order to help the world in a distress as dire as war itself? It may be said, perhaps truly, that this presumes that America is in the peace as much as she was in the war, that she has decided to link her destiny closely and lastingly with that of Europe, that she definitely accepts a proffered place as a member of the society of nations, and under circumstances which make an immediate call upon her economic and financial resources in a manner in which there can be no direct reciprocity. Now it may reasonably be urged that America is not prepared for such a committal, that such obligations as she undertook, as an associated power, in the conduct of the war, terminate with the making of peace; and that, as regards the future structure of international relations, she proposes to preserve full freedom to coöperate with other nations, or to stand alone, according to her estimate of each occasion. It is here convenient to treat separately two issues which are none the less closely related, viz., the issue of international coöperation for the immediate work of the salvage and restoration of Europe, and the issue of a permanent coöperation or agreement for the equitable use of the economic resources of the world. The urgency for Europe of the first issue has been already indicated. If the weaker European nations are left to the ordinary play of economic laws for the supplies they need, they must lapse into starvation and social anarchy. A lifting of the war blockades and embargoes hardly helps them. The formal restoration of free commerce is little better than a mockery to those who lack the power to buy and sell. Free commerce would simply mean that America's surplus, the food, materials, and manufactured goods she has to sell abroad, would be purchased exclusively by those more prosperous foreigners who have the means to pay in money, or in export goods available for credit purposes. Now the populations and the governments of these broken countries have neither money nor goods in hand. The return of peace has left them with depleted purses and empty stores. If the purchase and consumption of the available surplus of foods, materials, and manufactures from America and other prosperous countries is distributed according to the separate powers of purchase in the European countries, the countries and the classes of population which are least in need will get all, those which are most in need, nothing. How can it be otherwise, if immediate ability to pay is the criterion? In ordinary times the machinery of international finance does tend to distribute surplus stocks according to the needs of the different nations, for the production of the actual goods for export trade with which imports are paid for, the true base of credit, is continually proceeding. But the war broke this machinery of regular exchange. It cannot be immediately restored. America or Argentina cannot sell their surplus wheat in the ordinary way to Poland, Austria, Belgium and other needy countries, because, largely for the very lack of these goods and materials, their industries are not operating, so that the goods they should produce, upon which credit would be built, are not forthcoming. This is one of the most terrible of the vicious circles in which the war has bound the world. The weak nations cannot buy, because they are not producing goods to sell; they cannot produce, because they cannot buy. What are the strong nations, those with surplus goods, the transport, and the credit, going to do about it? It is a question of emergency finance based on an emergency morality. The nations which have surpluses to sell abroad must not only send the goods but provide the credit to pay for them if they are to reach the peoples that need them most. But how, it is said, can you expect the business man in America or any other country to perform such an act of charity? How can you expect them to sell to those who have not credit and cannot pay, instead of selling to those who have credit and can pay? The answer is sometimes stated thus. It is not charity you are asked to perform, but such consideration for customers as a really intelligent sense of self-interest will endorse. We ask you to put up a temporary bridge over the financial chasm in order to afford time for this restoration of the ordinary processes of exchange. If the enfeebled industrial peoples can be furnished now with foods and materials they will set to work, and in the course of time they will be able, out of the product of their industry, to repay your advances and reestablish the normal circle of exchange. In presenting this course as a policy of intelligent self-interest, I am not really disparaging the claims of humanity or of morals. I am merely maintaining the utilitarian ethics which insist that morality, the performance of human obligations, is the best policy, that policy which in the long run will yield the fullest satisfaction to social beings. If I were an American exporter in control of large amounts of food, it would doubtless pay me better personally at the present time to sell it to firms in European countries which have good credit, for consumption by people who are in no great want. As an individual business man, I could hardly do otherwise with any assurance of financial profit. I am not here presenting the issue as a matter of individual morals. If the surplus of economic supplies is to be distributed according to needs, on an emergency credit basis adjusted to that end, it is evident that this can be done only by international coöperation. This shifts the moral problem from the individual to the nation. Rich nations, or their governments, are asked to assist poor nations by making an apportionment of goods and credit which the individual members of the rich nations, the owners of the surplus, would not make upon their own account. The edge of this issue should not be blunted. If the people and government of America were only concerned to let their individual citizens extort the highest prices they could get for their surplus in the best markets, they would let Central and Eastern Europe starve. If, however, they also take into account the social, political, and economic reactions of a starving Europe upon the future of a world in which they will have to live as members of a world society which must grow ever closer in its physical, economic, and spiritual contacts, they may decide differently. The issue arises in the highest economic sphere, that of finance. Are the nations and governments of the world sufficiently alive to the urgency of the situation to enter into an organization of credit for the emergency use of transport and for the distribution of foods and materials on a basis of proved needs? The richer nations, in proportion to their resources, would appear to be called upon to make a present sacrifice for the benefit of the poorer nations in any such pooling of credit facilities. That risk of sacrifice, however, need not be great, and need not be felt at all by the individual members of rich nations, provided that the hitherto unused resources of national credit can be built into a strong structure of mutual support. If America were invited to find adequate credits for Italian or Polish needs at the present time, she might well hesitate. But if a consortium of European governments, including Britain and the richer neutrals, were joint guarantors of such advances, this coöperative basis might furnish the necessary confidence. It is not within my scope to discuss the various forms a financial consortium might take; whether America, as representative of the creditor nations, should enter such a consortium, or should approach the organized credit of Europe in the capacity of a friendly uncle. It must suffice here to indicate the moral test which this grave issue presents to the nations regarded as economic powers. Upon the policy adopted for this emergency will doubtless depend in large measure the whole future of economic internationalism. For not only does confidence grow with effective coöperation, but upon this post-war coöperation between nations for an emergency commerce and finance, or its rejection, will depend not only America's future place in a world society but the structure of that world society in its essential character. For in each great nation of the world the same great choice, the same great struggle of contending principles and policies, is taking place. National self-dependence or internationalism--that is everywhere the issue. It is true that in no European country can that issue be so sharply presented as in America. For economic self-sufficiency in a full sense and, therefore, political isolation, is not possible for any European state. Even a peaceful and reviving Russia must lean upon her more advanced neighbors for the economic essentials of capital and organizing skill. But the several nations can strive to reduce their interdependence and their national aid to the narrowest dimensions, and where they cannot free themselves from extraneous alliances they can restrict the area of economic dependence within a chosen circle. Britain, for example, could set her policy closely and consistently to make her world-wide empire into a self-sufficing system, and if, as is likely, she learned that even the diversified fifth of the entire globe which owns allegiance to her Crown could not satisfy all her wants, she could eke out this inadequacy with some carefully selected and purchased friendships. This harking back to an economic nationalism is a natural reaction of the war, and is fed by a dangerous and precarious peace. Fear, greed, and suspicion prompt the victorious nations to guard their gains by reverting to a close nationalism or a ringed alliance; humiliation, without humility, the bitter pain of thwarted ambitions, resentment at their punishment, dispose the vanquished nations to keep their own company and form if possible, an economic system of their own. A prolonged war, followed by a bad peace, may leave this indelible scar upon the growing economic internationalism of the world. The richly nourished patriotism of war breeds divisions and antagonisms which are easily exploited afterwards by political, racial, religious, and cultural passions, but most of all by economic interests. Before the war internationalism was visibly advancing with every fresh decade. The bonds of commercial and financial intercourse between the peoples of different countries were continually woven closer; the policy of self-sufficiency was continually giving way before the superior economy of specialization on a basis of natural or acquired advantages. Any reversal of this policy would be far costlier than may at present appear, even for those countries best qualified by size and resources to stand alone. For it is not merely the direct sacrifice of the wider world economy of production and exchange, the advantage of a wider over a narrower area of free commerce, that is involved. It is the indirect perils and costs of the policy of close nationalism or restricted economic alliances that count heaviest. For economic nationalism means protective and discriminative tariffs, and a conservation of national, imperial or allied resources within a circle of favored beneficiaries. This is the temptation held out to the British people today by the protectionist interests working upon the animosity of the war spirit and the sentiment of imperialism. The welding of an empire into an independent economic system, the conservation of essential or key industries and the safeguarding of our industries against "dumping," are the ostensible objectives of a policy whose chief driving motive and end is the establishment of strong industrial, commercial and financial trusts and combinations, defended by tariff walls, and endowed with the profits of monopoly. There are two difficulties in such a course of action, which, though especially urgent in the case of Britain, beset every great country that chooses the same path, and not least, America. The first is the fomentation of a class war, based upon divisions of interests between capital and labor, producer and consumer, protected and unprotected industries. The initial skirmishes of such a conflict are already visible in every country where wages, prices, and profiteering are burning issues. I would most earnestly appeal to thoughtful citizens in this as in my own country to pause before heaping fuel on these fires. For the policy of national self-sufficiency or isolation means nothing less than this. Not merely does it strengthen the power of capitalistic combinations and thereby incite labor unions to direct action, blackmailing demands, and sabotage. Not merely does it let loose upon the business world all sorts of ill-considered governmental interferences for the fixation of prices or subsidies to consumers. It keeps alive and feeds the habit and the spirit of strife. For it was no accident that the great international war left as its legacy smaller international class wars in European countries. Remove from a nation the economic supports it formerly received from other nations, markets wherein to buy and sell, and you starve that nation; and starvation breeds class war and anarchy. Can any one doubt this with the terrible examples of Russia and Hungary before their eyes? But it is not a matter of war conditions alone. Carry through a policy of economic nationalism, under which all the large and well-equipped nations and empires conserve for their exclusive uses the national resources they command, and what happens? The smaller and the poorer nations, however free in the political sense, become their economic bond slaves, at the mercy of the master states for their foods and other necessaries of life. Take the case of Austria under the new conditions, with a thick population concentrated in a great political capital suddenly deprived of all free access to its former sources of supply and the markets it used to serve. For her it is a sentence of economic strangulation. Here is an extreme instance of the effect of economic isolation on a weak country. But the dangerous truth may be more broadly stated. A very few great empires and nations today control the whole available supplies of many of the foods, fabrics, and metals, the shipping and finance, that are essential to the livelihood and progress of every civilized people. Are Britain, America, France, and Japan--and especially the two greatest of these powers--going to absorb or monopolize for their exclusive purposes of trade or consumption these supplies which every country needs, or are they going to let the rest of the world have fair access to them? I think this to be upon the whole the most important of the many urgent issues that confront us. For, if close nationalism or imperialism should prevail, the weaker placed nations could not acquiesce. Close economic nationalism is not for them a possibility. They must win access to the world's supplies, peacefully if possible, or else by force. The fatality of the great choice is thus evident. Nations must and will fight for the means of life. Close economic nationalism or imperialism on the part of the great empires must, therefore, compel the restricted countries to organize force for their economic liberation. This in turn will compel the great empires to maintain strong military and naval defences. It is impossible for the other nations of the earth to leave the essential supplies of metals, foods, and oils, and the control of transport in the exclusive possession of one or a few close national corporations or a permanent "Big Four." Under such conditions the sacrifices of the great war would have been made in vain. Nothing would have been done to end war, or to rescue the world from the burden of militarism. The pre-war policy of contending alliances and of competing armaments, draining more deeply than ever the surplus incomes of each people, would be resumed. And it would bring no sense of security, but only the postponement of further inevitable conflicts in which the very roots of western civilization might perish. The renewed and intolerable burdens of such a militarism, with its accompaniments of autocracy, must let loose class war in every nation which has gone through the agony of the European struggle and has seen the great hope of a peaceful internationalism blighted. It is predominantly upon America and Britain that this great moral economic choice rests, the choice on which the safety and the progress of humanity depend. A refusal by either of these great powers can make any league of nations and any economic internationalism impossible. The confident consent of both can furnish the material and moral support for the new order. If these countries in close concerted action were prepared to place at the service of the new world order their exclusive or superior resources of foods, materials, transport and finance--the economic pillars of civilization--the stronger pooling their resources with the weaker for the rescue work in this dire emergency, this political coöperation would supply that mutual confidence and goodwill without which no governmental machinery of a League of Nations, however skilfully contrived, can begin to work. I have spoken of Britain and America as the two countries upon whose choice this supreme issue hangs. But the act of choice is not the same for the two. The British imperial policy (apart from that of the self-governing dominions) has been conducted on a basis of free trade or economic internationalism. A reversion to close imperialism would be for her a retrogression. The United States, on the other hand, has practised a distinctively national economy, and the adoption of a free internationalism would be a great act of faith, or--as some would put it--a leap in the dark. I prefer the former term as indicative of the new truth which is dawning on the world, the conviction that just as an individual can only fully realize his personality in a society of other individuals, that is, a nation, so nations cannot rise to the full stature of nationalism save in a society of nations. For only thus can nationality, either in its economic or its spiritual side, make full use of its special opportunities for the development of a distinctive national character. The supreme challenge is, therefore, not to the continental European nations, not even to Britain, but to America. For her alone the choice has the full quality of moral freedom. For she alone is able to refuse. Other great western nations might seek to stand alone for economic life and for defence. They could not long succeed; they are too deeply implicated in one another's destinies. Even Britain with her vast extra-European territories could not hope to disentangle herself from the affairs of her near neighbors. America could do this, at any rate for some considerable time to come. True she has economic committals in Europe. She has loaned European governments and peoples some ten milliards of money. She is still lending her credit to support the large surplus supplies of foods and other goods she is selling Europe. If this business is to continue, it will implicate her even closer in European affairs. Europe in its present case can hardly be presented as a safe business proposition. If America proceeds along this path, it will be because she looks beyond the immediate risks to the wider future of a safer and more prosperous world. She could now draw out; she could cut the present economic losses of her European loans; she could divert her attention from the European markets to the development of the American continent as the principal area for the disposal of her surplus goods and energies. It is open to her to take this course. Prudence may seem to dictate it. The reckless mismanagement of European governments, the wild unsettlement of peoples, the badness of the peace, are, indeed, strong arguments for America cleaving to her old ways. Europe has no rightful claim upon America, either for the urgent work of economic rescue, or for participation in the permanent project of a society of nations. America not only has the right to refuse; it is probably to her immediate interest to refuse. But, at the risk of misinterpretation, as an officious outsider, I will venture to present an appeal to the wider and deeper interests of Americans. The refusal of America not only shuts the gate of hope for millions of war-broken, famine-ridden people in Central and Eastern Europe, it removes the keystone for the edifice of a society of nations. For effective international coöperation in economic resources and opportunities is the indispensable condition of such a society. No League of Nations can survive its infancy without this economic nourishment. The world's wealth for the world's wants: unless this maxim can in some effective way be realized, no such escape has been made from the pre-war policy of greed and grab as will furnish a reasonable hope for a world redeemed from war--a world clothed and in its right mind. Is it not the larger and the longer hope and interest of America to live as a great partner in such a society of nations, rather than to live a life of isolated prosperity, perhaps the sole survivor in the collapse of western civilized states? I make this appeal in the language of Edmund Burke, in his great plea for conciliation with America, when he reminded his hearers that "Magnanimity in politics is not seldom the truest wisdom." This, I venture to say, is the true appeal of Europe to America today. Burke's words, I feel, must kindle conviction in every generous heart, for in the last resort it is the desire of the heart and not the calculation of the intellect that governs and should govern human conduct. For morality among nations, as among individuals, implies faith and risk-taking, not recklessness, indeed, but dangerous living, a willingness and a desire to take a hand in the largest game of life and continually to "pluck out of the nettle, danger, safety"; but this safety itself only as a momentary resting-place in the unceasing urge of nations to use their nationality, not for the achievement of some selfish separate perfection, but for the ever advancing realization of national ends within the wider circle of humanity. _The Riverside Press_ CAMBRIDGE · MASSACHUSETTS U · S · A 
39715	----	generously made available by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.) Transcriber's Note: Obvious typos have been amended. Variations in spelling in the original text have been retained, except where usage frequency was used to determine the common spelling. These amendments are listed at the end of the text. Minor printer errors have been amended without note. * * * * * PUBLICATIONS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MANCHESTER ECONOMIC SERIES--No. IX. GARTSIDE REPORTS ON INDUSTRY AND COMMERCE. NO. 6 _The Argentine as a Market_ SHERRATT & HUGHES Publishers to the Victoria University of Manchester Manchester: 34 Cross Street London: 60 Chandos Street, W.C. [Illustration: (graph of imports, exports, and population)] The Argentine as a Market A REPORT _To the Electors to the Gartside Scholarships on the Results of a Tour in the Argentine in 1906-7_ BY N. L. WATSON, B.A. _Gartside Scholar_ MANCHESTER AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS 1908 UNIVERSITY OF MANCHESTER PUBLICATIONS No. XXXIII. THE GARTSIDE REPORTS. The Gartside Reports are the reports made by the Gartside Scholars at the University of Manchester. The Gartside Scholarships were established in 1902 for a limited period, by John Henry Gartside, Esq., of Manchester. They are tenable for two years and about three are awarded each year. They are open to males of British nationality who at the date of the election shall be over the age of eighteen years and under the age of twenty-three years. Every scholar must enter the University of Manchester for one Session for a course of study approved by the electors. The remainder of the time covered by the Scholarship must be devoted to the examination of subjects bearing upon Commerce or Industry in Germany or Switzerland, or in the United States of America, or partly in one of the above-mentioned countries and partly in others, but the electors may on special grounds allow part of this period of the tenure of the Scholarship to be spent in study and travel in some other country or countries. It is intended that each scholar shall select some industry, or part of an industry, or some business, for examination, and investigate this comparatively in the United Kingdom and abroad. The first year's work at the University of Manchester is designed to prepare the student for this investigation, and it partly takes the form of directed study, from publications and by direct investigation, of English conditions with regard to the industrial or commercial subjects upon which research will be made abroad in the second year of the scholarship. Finally, each scholar must present a report, which will as a rule be published. The value of a Scholarship is about £80 a year for the time spent in England, £150 a year for time spent on the Continent of Europe, and about £250 a year for time spent in America. EDITOR'S NOTE. MR. N. L. WATSON's sudden departure to fill a commercial position in the East has prevented him from seeing this Report through the press himself. TABLE OF CONTENTS. PAGE. Chapter I. The Economic Basis of the Argentine 1 " II. The Railways 6 " III. Industries and the Labour Question 12 " IV. Foreign Capital and Public Debt 16 " V. Argentina from the Immigrant's Standpoint 20 " VI. English Trade. Its Position and Prospects 25 " VII. The Tariff 41 Statistical Appendix 53 CHAPTER I. THE ECONOMIC BASIS OF THE ARGENTINE. The first thing that strikes the new arrival in the Argentine, and the last thing that he is likely to forget when he leaves the country, is the extraordinary inflation of prices. With the exception of meat, and perhaps bread, there is no article of common consumption which does not cost considerably more than in England, every allowance being made for freight and tariff charges. The reason for this excess is doubtless to be found in the concentration of trade in the capital. All imports, for reasons that will be dealt with later, pass through the hands of the large houses in Buenos Aires, who act as sole agents for the whole of the Republic north of the Rio Negro. [While, owing to the precarious nature of all business, dependent entirely on the grain and cattle yield, much higher prices are charged in fat years than would be justified if these times of prosperity were regarded as permanent.] Because of this concentration of business in the capital, and in the centre of the town in particular, rents have risen to an immense extent, greatly increasing all establishment charges, and in turn the price of commodities sold--a cause which acts again of course in retail trade and neutralises the freight charges to outlying districts. But the essential fact in Argentine Economics, and one which seems more than obvious, but apparently escapes the comprehension of Argentine legislators, is that the country is naturally, and must remain for some considerable time, a producer of raw material exclusively. The country is still considerably under-populated for the development of its natural resources, while only a small portion of the settled area is yet producing even half the yield of which it is immediately capable. Immigration of a certain class--capable agriculturalists with some capital--is still required. But with a strange perversity politicians have persistently advocated a high protective tariff for the purpose of fostering industrial development. The result has been that certain industries have cropped up under this system, which are quite incapable of independent existence, and, while satisfying neither the employers nor their men, constitute a very heavy drain on the national purse. The chief objection, however, to the policy is that it invites a class of immigrant who is really not required in the country and who has taken to settling in the capital instead of scattering into the camp. The immigrant required is the "colonist," to whom the country is already beginning to owe much of its prosperity. There are two distinct types of colonist--the one who buys his land on a permanent colony, and builds a decent house, and the temporary tenant whose economic principle is to break the soil of new land, and moves to a new district at the end of his term. The latter owes his origin to the cultivation of "alfalfa," the wonderful clove-like plant that will grow on sand, and requires no rain, but thrives on the surface water which abounds in the country's flat, low-lying plains. Alfalfa will not grow in hard unbroken ground, and where the land is such, cereal cultivation is necessary for three years to reduce it to a fit condition. This work requires labour which is not available among the gauchos, the horsemen who act as hands on the estancias, and the estanciero himself probably does not possess the knowledge requisite for the cultivation of grain. A contract is therefore made with colonists, usually Piedmontese or Basques, to break the soil and grow cereals for three, or more usually five, years, either at a fixed rent or for a percentage of the crop, the stipulation being that with the last year's seed alfalfa is sown as well. When the last crop has been cut, the latter grows through the stubble. The growth of this plant is such that as alfalfa is more cultivated, the stock-bearing capacities of the country will easily be trebled. The main supports of the country are, therefore, cereals and cattle, the latter being undoubtedly the more profitable investment, but requiring a much larger capital. By Argentine, as by French, law property at death is compulsorily divided, and this tends to split up the now immense tracts of land occupied by individuals. Whatever the social advantages of such a system may be, it is not conducive to the most economic working, nor yet to the breeding of the finest strains of stock, for which a large capital is required. A form of evasion, however, has been found in the formation of limited liability companies, often private, to run big estancias. These have everything to recommend them from the economic point of view. A capable manager is put in charge of the work on the spot, and, as capital is usually forthcoming, the estancias are run in such a way as to yield the greatest possible return. They are usually well-maintained, up-to-date in management and fittings, and supplied with good home-bred strains. There are, however, other natural sources of wealth in the Argentine; notably, the forests of hard-woods (of the acacia order) which abound in the Chaco, in Corrientes and Entre Rios, and are also found in the province of Córdoba and elsewhere; the sugar industry in the north-west (of which more will be said under "The Tariffs"); the hitherto undeveloped fruit cultivation in all parts of the country (this in the sub-tropical and central provinces would be especially liable to suffer from the depredations of locusts); perhaps, too, cotton growing in the Chaco, where, however, the supply of labour is much questioned, and some pests peculiar to the cotton-bole are reported as existing; and, lastly, the minerals, as yet wholly undeveloped. Although these are undoubtedly much more scarce than in Bolivia and Chile, the absence of an impartial geological survey has rendered the flotation of bogus companies easy, and practically prevented any genuine development, in spite of their greater accessibility than in the former country. The recent boom and collapse in gold ventures was the result of stock exchange transactions, probably fraudulent, as, with the exception of the sea-bed to the very south of the country (where it cannot be recovered), gold is probably one of the few minerals which does not exist to a workable extent. A curious feature in the Argentine is the absence of navigable rivers. With the exception of the treacherous Paraná and the Uruguay, enclosing the provinces of Entre Rios and Corrientes, there is not a single waterway, natural or artificial. The result of this has been an enormous network of railways spreading over the central provinces with isolated offshoots north and west. The consequent great influx of capital would naturally have encouraged a large import trade; but the prohibitive tariff has succeeded in retaining the money in the country, while the revenue derived has, almost without exception, been uneconomically employed. The result is that, apart from an occasional monopoly that has succeeded, the only large gainers from this policy have been the town property holders. A large part, however, of the province of Buenos Aires is liable to periodic inundation, and, to obviate this, an extensive system of drainage has been planned, a work of great difficulty owing to the small difference of altitude between the land and the sea. Some canals, however, are in course of construction of which advantage might possibly be taken, if they were made of sufficient depth, for local transport. If this were done, a large and important part of the country would be provided with a cheaper alternative to the railway. In a volume descriptive of the Republic (published, in English, by the Department of Agriculture) this possibility is foreshadowed, stress being laid on the slight fall from the Andes to the coast, and a scheme, chimerical on the face of it, of a system of trans-continental canals is vaguely outlined. But, being so wildly improbable, it seems to have no existence, even problematical, outside the pages of that advertisement. CHAPTER II. THE RAILWAYS. The prosperity of the Argentine Republic would undoubtedly have been impossible without the enormous investments made by British financial houses in its railway development. For many years--in fact, until quite recently--the influx of capital was welcomed and encouraged. Concessions were lavished on anyone ready to take them up, and, far from irksome conditions being imposed, valuable privileges were granted to the _concessionnaires_. Moreover, the national and provincial governments were only too eager to get rid of such lines as they themselves owned, and invariably worked at a loss, and to transfer them to European concerns. That the railways were financed from motives of promiscuous philanthropy is improbable, but that the English financiers were almost alone in their confidence in the future of the country is not only true, but it is a truth which the most respected and able Argentines fully realise. There exists, however, at the present moment a very powerful feeling of opposition to the "Empresas," as they are called--the "concerns" that practically control the country--and (so say their opponents) exploit it entirely for their own ends. Apart from the fact that a railway, in order to pay, must humour its traffic, and would be attempting suicide were it really guilty of the exorbitant overcharging and mismanagement of which some lines are accused, there is little or no cause for these complaints. In a country where a mortgage on land pays 8 per cent. interest, and where other investments are expected to give a proportionate return, the 7 per cent. of a railway dividend is far from being excessive, especially when it is remembered that locusts and drought may at any time absorb practically the whole year's profits of a whole system. The motive of this hostile spirit, or what may be behind it, is difficult to discover. That jealousy of foreign--especially English--influence exists in a certain section of the people is undoubted. But, considering that the true Argentine population--supposing that such a thing exists or could be defined--is very small compared with the foreign element, and that of itself it is absolutely incapable of developing the country, some other reason must exist to justify the position. But, discreditable as such jealousy is to the people concerned, it is without doubt a very powerful factor. Fortunately, these opinions are not shared by the Government, nor, probably by the people generally, who, although always complaining of high freights, delay in transport, and all the other grievances for which every railway under the sun is blamed, seem to dread the alternative of Government control. The official members of the Government are on the whole considered to be sincere, industrious men, with a genuine desire to do their best. But Government management invariably means peculation, among subordinates especially, and the introduction of petty politics into business. It is from this element that the opposition springs. Concessions requested by capitalists, permission for extensions required by existing concerns, although of undoubted advantage to the country and approved by Government, are blocked in Congress. The tone and quality of Congress may be judged from the fact that the only measure of any importance passed during a whole session was that authorising an increase in the salaries of the deputies. For weeks on end no meeting can be held, be the measures to be discussed ever so important, because, from carelessness or deliberate intention, sufficient members do not appear to form a quorum. Several deputies, indeed, never sit from the beginning of the session to the end. Thus, even if there is no opposition to a railway bill, it often happens that it is as effectually blocked by the sheer slackness of individual congressmen. That the railways themselves are not blameless in every respect stands to reason. And, although this is almost certainly not the origin of the present obstruction to their demands, they would command a much greater share of sympathy--after all, a considerable asset--if they would realise their own faults. Having had, and still having, a practical monopoly in their own districts, the various companies have adopted a somewhat despotic attitude towards new and outside enterprise, and, sometimes a disregard for the requirements of their customers, as well as for the true needs of the country. Railway affairs centre in River Plate House, and any attempt on the part of outsiders to establish themselves in the Argentine is viewed with great suspicion by the financial ring that rules there. Concessions put forward have been blocked times out of number by the influence which the ring could exert in Congress. If by any chance--and this has been more frequent of late--the concessions have been secured in spite of its opposition, every obstacle is placed in the way of raising the requisite capital in London--opposition which the ring is in a peculiar position to make effective. Only recently a very sound project was floated with the greatest difficulty, even the debentures failing to realise more than 90 per cent., because one of the existing lines considered the proposal a trespass on its especial preserves. Moreover, there seems to be every reason to anticipate the rapid failure of the new line owing to the rate war which the existing one will undoubtedly declare. This apparent disregard of the needs or desires of their customers is, perhaps, attributable partly to the unreasonable nature of the demand, partly to an occasional pursuit of some pet theory of management, but, in all probability, more largely to the division and conflict of authority. The management is separated from its central board, not only by the Atlantic, but by the local board sitting in Buenos Aires. And, although on the home board there are men whose knowledge of the country was intimate some years previously, their aspect of the working of a railway naturally undergoes considerable modification upon their transference from the executive to the directorate; while the local board, who are often appointed merely to secure local support and influence, are rather apt to exercise their power in a vexatious and capricious manner--more to show their authority than to further the interests of the railway. As regards the actual working of the lines, in some cases complaints are made that too much confidence is placed in the long-haul, long-train theory. There are only a few lines on which there is any opportunity for or advantage in the very long train, the agricultural districts centring round the various ports. Owing to the lack of warehouse accommodation along the line, grain has often to be loaded into the trains straight from the growers' carts, thus causing endless delay when trains of immense length stand to be filled. It often happens, too, if the harvest proves at all good, that, in spite of Government orders, the rolling stock is quite inadequate for the traffic, the result being that with the accumulation of work in the docks, a crop is sometimes kept locally for a whole year before it can be removed to a port. Considerable inconvenience is caused, and will continue to be caused for some time, by the congestion at the port of Buenos Aires. Control there has been exercised by half a dozen different boards with no central authority. The wharfage and warehouse accommodation are quite inadequate, even if the great savings possible in time and space were realised. And, lastly, although there is already sufficient confusion with a one gauge system, there is an immediate prospect of the introduction of two other gauges. The existing lines there are 5 ft. 6 in. But preparations are already being made for the continuation of the Central Córdoba (metre gauge) into the port, and possibly of the Entre Rios (4 ft. 8½ in.) extension as well. The solution to the difficulty is at present very doubtful. Increased accommodation to a limited extent is quite possible in Buenos Aires itself, and with an immense outlay of capital an entirely new set of docks might be constructed there--though this is highly improbable. The more reasonable course would undoubtedly be to construct new ports or develop existing ones elsewhere, a course that is already being adopted by the Southern at Bahia Blanca, and the Entre Rios line at Ibicuy. There is also a new project floated for the construction of a large port in the Bay of Samborombon (also on the Southern system), but this scheme does not meet with much approval in the country, while, for some reason, the port of La Plata has never succeeded, in spite of every encouragement. At some time a port will have to be constructed at Mar del Plata, where the only rock foundation on the whole coast is to be found. Mar del Plata is the Argentine Brighton, and any commercial development there is certain of an unfavourable reception. But as sand and mud are the only base from Santa Fé to Bahia Blanca--in some cases there being not even firm sand--and as dredging is exceptionally expensive, no other solution seems reasonable. On the Uruguay River, and on the Eastern Bank of the Paraná, in the South of Entre Rios there is deep water. But as this only affects the lines of that province and of Corrientes it has no bearing on the general question of Argentine transport. As a last word, it must be remembered that the present boom in the country is extremely recent. Argentine has developed in an extraordinarily rapid manner, and some confusion is excusable. That the railway and the country will realise and overcome their difficulties there can be little doubt. And in any case the natural wealth of the country is so great that in the end it will force a way out, in spite of obstacles. Statistics relating to railways will be found in Chapter VI. CHAPTER III. INDUSTRIES AND THE LABOUR QUESTION. The labour question in the Argentine Republic is one of great difficulty. There is really no native labour, certainly none for industrial purposes. The Gaucho,[1] now degenerated into the peon,[2] is only available for stock-raising. Agriculture is carried on almost entirely by colonists of various nationalities, and industries by Italian immigrants only. There is one exception, the sugar industry of the north. There conditions are so very different from those in the centre and the south, that it must be treated as almost a separate country. While the north-east--the Chaco district--is still in so uncivilised a state that its possibilities are very hazy. The Quebracho trade yields very large returns with Indian labour, but Indian labour is an unknown quantity. Uncivilized Indians still cause considerable trouble there, and opinions differ considerably as to the possibility of employing them successfully for cotton growing and other new enterprises. [1] The descendents of the original Spanish settlers, often showing marked traces of Indian blood. [2] Peon is the name applied to all labourers. The more important question is that relating to labour for factories, workshops, and railways in the central part of the Republic, and in the towns themselves. That a country situated so far from the great centres of production should continue to import nearly all its necessities as well as luxuries seems incredible. Yet the tendency is certainly more in the direction of increased importation than of home manufacture. There is a tariff of exceptional severity on every conceivable article, but even this fails to develop industries in the country. Breweries, flour mills and repairing shops seem to be the only successful growths, with a few isolated instances, such as canvas shoe factories and similar works. Even the production of such essentially native goods as "ponchos"[3] has lapsed in favour of German and Italian wares. While the manufacture of matches--in the hands of a powerful monopoly, bolstered up by privileges and an exorbitant duty--was so seriously jeopardised by a strike last year, that the threat was made--whether seriously or not, cannot be said--of closing down the works and importing immediately from England and Sweden. (It is satisfactory to note in this connection that an English firm promptly stepped forward and made an offer to the Government that if a reduction was made in the duty, it would undertake to place on the market, within little more than a month, some millions of boxes of matches). [3] "Ponchos" are the peculiar rugs with a central slit to admit the head when the "poncho" is used as a cloak. They are used universally in the country. Even those industries, however, that flourish, do so in spite of their labour. They are all, it will be observed, concerned with the production of goods that are either expensive or difficult to transport, and only the direst necessity could prevent their home manufacture. In the course of last year there were two general strikes (in Buenos Aires and Rosario) besides numerous small ones. Dock labourers seem to be continually in partial ferment, and even the most generous treatment does not prevent railway employees from stopping work occasionally. The causes of this instability are fairly apparent, though the same cannot be said of the remedy. For various reasons industrial labour is entirely supplied by Italian immigrants, mostly Neapolitans. The other nationalities who come into the country engage for the most part in agricultural work, either as colonists, buying their land, or as tenant farmers on short leases. Skilled English and other European labour is also employed in factories, but only for the higher grades of work, and in positions of some responsibility. Thus the available labour is recruited from the lower class of immigrants, and from a race not remarkable for stability. In the second place, living in the capital is extremely dear, not least being the price of house accommodation. Although an Italian can satisfy his requirements at a much lower rate than an Englishman could his, yet even he can scarcely make both ends meet, while the excess of expenditure over receipts is particularly galling in the land of promise. Recently, too, additional grievances have been introduced by the wholesale eviction of tenants owing to the purchase by syndicates of whole blocks of buildings, and the subsequent re-letting of them at immensely increased prices. In the first six months of last year there were more than eleven thousand petitions for evictions before the justices. With a discontented and excitable working population, therefore, as a field for their activities it is not surprising that the agitators, of whom there is no lack, should be so successful. Attempts are being made by various large concerns to supply reasonable accommodation for their employees, and more than one railway has been particularly liberal in this respect. But it was only a short time ago that a strike of very serious dimensions was declared in the workshops of one of the most generous, on the most ridiculous pretext. The great danger in all labour troubles in the Argentine lies in the fact that they are apt to become general and paralyse trade. It is usually impossible to secure "blacklegs," a circumstance which the workmen fully realise. Moreover, owing to the peculiar economic conditions of the country, a strike on the part of the workmen in one industry means that all the workmen in that industry stop work; and, as trade is usually in a state of congestion, the difficulties created are enormous. A dock strike in Buenos Aires is doubly serious, because the port is already overcrowded, and there is no alternative port suitable. A match strike, with the present tariff, causes a match famine. A railway strike is sure to break out only when the year's harvest must be negotiated. And should any single strike show signs of missing fire, in all probability the result is a sympathetic strike on the part of all workmen, including cab-drivers and bakers. The problem before the Government is very serious, if, indeed, it is not a question which it would be wise for the parties concerned to work out for themselves. Considerable success is reported to have attended the efforts of the Western Railway, who have instituted a conciliation board for the mutual consideration of difficulties with their employees. But unless by some means the cost of living is reduced, it is difficult to see how satisfactory conclusions can be attained. If prices continue to rise as, in all probability they will, a rise in wages will be imperative. This, in the case of railways would mean an increase in rates, as there are few who are earning more than a reasonable dividend, while an increase in rates would cause great dissatisfaction to the whole agrarian population; after all by far the most important in the country. It is even doubtful whether cereals could stand any heavier rates than they bear at present. The root of the labourer's dissatisfaction lies, as has been said, in the high cost of living. Unless this can be lowered, there can be no hope of a final settlement. And the only means of lowering it is a reduction in the tariff and a greater mobility of trade in the interior. CHAPTER IV. FOREIGN CAPITAL AND PUBLIC DEBT. It is not the intention to deal in this work with the market fluctuations, the arrangements made between provincial banks and their creditors, nor with any of the financial aspects which these questions have recently assumed. Such a course would not only be out of place, but would be of little interest or value, owing to the unstable state in which the negotiations are at present. The object will be rather to indicate the part that foreign capital has played in the development of the country and that played by politics in finance. An important fact to realise is that the liberation of the country from the Spanish colonial system is comparatively recent, and that a people unfitted in every way for political independence was suddenly put in possession of a country of quite exceptional richness but absolutely undeveloped and almost unpopulated. Men with no political experience nor education found the road open to responsible positions requiring statesmanlike qualities in an unusually high degree--not only financial, but diplomatic and administrative ability combined with absolute integrity. It is sufficiently well known how far they came up to the requirements. For it is only at the present day that political morality has found a place in the national executive. In provincial administration and in the ranks of the deputies it is doubtful whether it will ever predominate. It is a favourite complaint of Argentines that their country is regarded in Europe as a hot-bed of revolution. They are never weary of complaining that their claim to be a civilized power is disregarded. In the absence of a definition of civilization the question must be left open. But as regards revolutions the European idea is substantially correct. Argentines have undoubtedly not yet realised a sane conception of government. If those in power fail to convince the country of any sincerity or appreciation of their responsibilities, the people themselves do not treat the authority of government with the respect that alone permits the growth of those qualities of statesmanship whose absence is so very obvious. One improvement, however, must be noted, an improvement of the very greatest importance. Whereas in former years little respect was paid to non-partisans, the people have now learnt that it is to everyone's interest to confine political differences to the actual disputants--to fight their battles in their own garden, and to leave neighbours at peace. Capital, therefore, is tolerably safe, especially as the federal executive is a body which, if not possessed in every branch of the greatest intelligence or even honesty, is at least controlled by men who realise their position and have sympathies and knowledge beyond the limits of their country. The considerations just mentioned bear more especially on capital sunk in land and its immediate connexions, or in industrial concerns. As regards public debt, the question is more involved. The laxity of public morality has here the disastrous tendency of making a party temporarily in power regard the actions of its predecessors as invalid. The temptation is certainly great. When a foreign loan has been contracted in the name of a municipality or provincial government, at the expense of the people at large, but is used purely for party or even private ends, it is at least comprehensible that an opposing party should regard the loan as an unwarrantable exploitation of the public, and should think it justifiable to allow the creditors to suffer instead of their own countrymen, who were no party to the transaction. The policy and ethics of such a view are another matter. And it is, as usual, the honest who suffer. For, if the succeeding party are possessed of higher views in the sphere of political morality, owing to the necessity of regarding their predecessors' really fraudulent contracts as binding on themselves for fulfilment, the profit goes to the malefactors, while the odium incurred in realising the money to cancel the obligation falls on the unoffending upholders of honesty. The extraordinary feature that impresses itself on the mind when looking through the history of Argentine loans is the readiness with which London financiers responded to the invitations. No more remarkable case, probably, could be found in the whole history of finance than that of the Buenos Aires Provincial Bank, its absolutely reckless mismanagement and of the inevitable collapse which followed--resulting, as everyone knows, in the failure of Messrs. Baring. This catastrophe set back Argentine progress several years, and it is only now that the recovery is at all complete. But it can scarcely be emphasised too strongly that the recovery is complete. Argentine national credit is as sound as that of any civilised power. Indeed, the fact that the national Government undertook the responsibility of so great a part of the debts of the provinces is in itself sufficient indication of the Government's policy. With regard to municipal loans, it must be admitted that as these are regarded nowhere as other than a highly speculative investment, future irregularities would fall on the heads of people who had full knowledge of their risks. But the risks are extremely small compared with those which existed formerly; and the national executive seems inclined to exert pressure on recalcitrant bodies, compelling them to adhere to their agreements. In a recent case, indeed, intervention was necessary, not in the interests of the financiers, but in that of the municipality, the extraordinary exactions of the French port-concessionnaires at Rosario, having had very disastrous effects on that town's development. For once the municipal authorities were not the only gainers and the people themselves were the sufferers. Before presenting figures of Argentine loans in detail it may be of interest to show the proportion which was taken up in London. Of the total raised by the Republic from its emancipation in 1822 until 1904, amounting to £152,326,460, Great Britain supplied nearly four-fifths, namely, £125,082,710. This total is made up of the National, Provincial and Municipal external debts, which amount severally to $540,770,156, $202,067,716, $24,868,480 gold, or roughly £108,000,000, £40,000,000 and £4,500,000 sterling, of which England provided approximately six-sevenths, two-thirds and of the last, all. When it is remembered that of the capital invested in the country commercially three-quarters (or 250 out of 326 million pounds sterling) are also British, the influence which this country has had on Argentine progress cannot be over-estimated. It is a point, by the way, that a preference on colonial produce would be a preference against these interests of ours in the Argentine as well as against the 30,000 people of British extraction resident there, of whom at least one-half must be engaged or interested in the rearing or exporting of cattle. In grain they would be affected but little. In estimating the meaning of this tremendous debt it must be remembered that much of it is repetition. Not only were many of the loans issued for conversion of floating and other existent debt, but it will be noticed that a considerable part of the national debt was contracted to liquidate the various indebtedness of different provinces. CHAPTER V. ARGENTINA FROM THE IMMIGRANT'S STANDPOINT. It seems to be the ambition of every new country to secure immigration at all costs, regardless of the prospects that really exist there, and also of the true interests of the country. The result of this policy at its best leads only to a boom, with its inevitable reaction. The wiser plan of letting the country gradually develop itself, admitting cheerfully the adventurous spirits who are ready to come without invitation or advertisement rarely seems to commend itself to colonial politicians. Argentina at one time seemed more than likely to compete with Australia and Canada in this respect, trying to allure colonists with impossible promises of free land and gigantic crops, and only the untiring efforts of the Englishmen already established there have prevented that country realising the inevitable consequence. The present Argentine Government admit the unsuitable nature of the country for impecunious Englishmen, and confine their attentions to attracting Italians and other foreigners, for whom the climate and conditions of labour are certainly more adapted. But even these are beginning to discover that expectations and fulfilments do not always coincide. The truth is that, as is heard from all parts of the world, special knowledge or capital is indispensable in every new country, but that with these the chances of success in life are considerably greater than at home. To the Englishman, however, in the Argentine, there is the additional difficulty of the language--a difficulty which were he not an Englishman would be almost negligible, for Spanish is an easy language of which to acquire a working command. It is the firm belief of every Englishman, apparently, that certain skill in athletics of necessity qualifies him for cattle farming. Although he is physically well enough suited to camp life, the whole truth is apt to be a disillusionment. The market for athletic young men is already glutted, and though many estancieros take on an additional overseer or apprentice to please a friend, in many cases they do not in the least appreciate bestowing the favour. It must not be supposed that Englishmen are not wanted on estancias. On the contrary, even Argentines usually prefer an English manager. The only difficulty is that the supply of raw material exceeds the demand. The young man who goes out to seek his fortune is usually one with no qualification but an agreeable manner and a good physique, desirable enough assets, but not such as to entitle the holder to an extravagant salary. The wisest plan, therefore, that an immigrant of this sort can pursue is to go to an estancia as an apprentice for a nominal salary of twenty or thirty pounds a year, on a three or four year's contract. Work is very hard, though often the actual conditions of life are extremely comfortable, but the education required is thorough and qualifies for a position of majordomo at the end of the contract. Many men who possess some capital, or expect to possess it, also go through this training as it enables them to invest their money wisely, and later to work it economically. There are many, however, who find the work and conditions of life trying, especially on an inferior estancia, and take the first opportunity offered to change their occupation. The usual change is to a bank or a railway. Both are regarded as a last resource, because, although the pay (anything from £100 a year) is considerably higher than in camp life, expenses are considerably more so; while there is less chance of promotion because the better positions naturally fall to men with a special railway training who enter the service from home under contract. For a really able man there are undoubtedly good prospects on Argentine railways, and the difference in salary between that of an employee there and that of one in a similar position at home more than compensates for the increased cost of living. In Banks the salaries are much the same as on railways to begin with, but chances of promotion are said to be less, while the work does not give so many opportunities of seeing the country, and to many is intrinsically less interesting. In business houses there is never a chance of employment, except, of course, through personal influence. English clerks are employed very little, and there are no positions corresponding to the large book-keeping staffs of banks and railways, nor to the assistants, and secretaries to chiefs of departments, the inspectors and superintendents of the latter. For the Englishman it is very fortunate that the lethargic, and often untrustworthy character of Latin races requires constant surveillance. But for the same reason it is obviously impossible for employers to choose their overseers at random, and a personal introduction is almost indispensable. In giving this short sketch of the prospects open to the English immigrant no mention has been made of the immigrant labourer or artisan. The reason of this is that in this respect Argentine must be regarded almost as a tropical country, where English labour is out of the question. Italian and English labour cannot work together, not only from incompatibility of temperament but because the Italian can work for considerably less than the Englishman. In addition, the climate in summer is far too hot for the latter. There are exceptions to be found, notably in the case of butchers at the freezing works, and that of some engine drivers, and engine-shop artificers. But, as the drivers are compelled by law to speak and understand Spanish, they are not numerous. In any case, there is absolutely no opening for a labourer or artisan, unless he comes to the country to take up a definite vacancy that has been offered him. Regarded, however, as a country for the Italian immigrant the prospects are certainly better, although not so dazzling as he is led to believe in his own country. Such popular phrases as "immense zones which merely await the strong arm of the colonist for their development" fall, unfortunately, rather short of the truth. The tendency is to lay all land possible under alfalfa, only such as is incapable of growing it being sold for agriculture. Large tracts, nevertheless, are being formed into colonies by land development companies, and in the past have been so divided by government, a system which gives good returns to the farmer. The latter, however, is rather inclined to work his land to death, often without rotation, and, though actual exhaustion is very remote, the rest afforded by a year's fallow and leguminous crops is rendered impossible for a variety of reasons. A mischievous result of the financial standing of many of the colonists is their frequent lapse into the power of the local store-keeper. There are no branch banks in the camp towns and often no grain dealer apart from this accommodating tradesman. In return for very elastic credit, based on crop expectations, he buys the whole yield at his own price, and, as he has a monopoly of the retail trade as well, he secures a large profit on both transactions. In his defence it must be admitted that he runs a very great risk indeed in the credit which he is compelled to give, and is justified to a great extent in recouping himself when the opportunity occurs. But the undeveloped economic system, and the encouragement of settlers without a sufficient backing of capital, are much to be deplored. In recent years the agriculture of a whole province threatened to come to an abrupt termination owing to the complete inability of the colonists to buy or borrow from the merchants seed for their year's sowing. It was only rescued by the prompt and wise action of the local railway company who supplied the grain, on the easiest of terms and without security. The result was, although, of course, an immediate loss to the company, the salvation of the province, and the railway's ultimate gain. Owing to the enterprise of various people there seems to be a possibility that the colonist's conservative partiality to cereals may be overcome. Not only have the possibilities of chicken-farming been demonstrated, but the co-operative working of a large dairy and ice-producing plant has already proved a success. The co-operative movement may indeed open a field, especially in the South, for other labour besides that of Latin origin. It is true that the Boer Colony has not been an unqualified success. But the Welsh have thrived in Chubut, and of the newly opened regions about Nahuel-Huapi residents speak enthusiastically. Unfortunately there does not seem to be much land available, and, hitherto, there have been no railway facilities. There is a paper dealing with the Welsh Colony, published by the Foreign Office in London. But, apart from the accounts of sporting and scientific expeditions, there is little available literature. It is much to be deplored, and in default of an independent work in English the translation of existing works in other languages would be very welcome. CHAPTER VI. ENGLISH TRADE. ITS POSITION AND PROSPECTS. It is always difficult to entice commercial men into giving information of any value regarding their affairs. The seeker after more material and solid things than figures--after instances and facts rather than theories--is very apt to be disappointed. The value of the opinions gleaned was rather impaired when experience showed that success and complacency, despondency and comparative failure, usually went together. It is pleasant to be told not to bother about British Trade, that "British trade is all right." But it is not entirely reassuring when such lessons as can be derived from statistics and the opinions of less successful men are largely opposed to this view. Some more definite information was, however, available, and from conversation with people directly concerned with general trade, both English and Argentines, it was possible to supplement to some extent the statements, extremely valuable as they are, of our consuls in the country, as well as the deductions from official statistics. With regard to consular reports a word must be said. These are often abused by men of position in trade, and, though their brevity is to be deplored, a word of protest must be uttered against the inconsiderate and disdainful criticism to which they are subjected. Moreover, one of the greatest authorities on Argentine affairs, Dr. Francisco Moreno, an Argentine delegate on Col. Holditch's arbitration expedition on the Chilian Frontier, was emphatic in his approval of these reports, even going so far as to say that he trusted their statements and figures in preference to those of his own government. On every hand there were indications leading to two conclusions, namely that British trade is losing, or has lost considerable ground, and that the greater part of the blame is due to the producer or merchant at home. A superficial glance at import statistics would seem to give the lie direct to any such assertion. Such strong influences, however, are at work, that it is only after a careful study of all the circumstances that anything like a true estimate can be formed. Before, therefore, pronouncing judgment upon its present position and its future, a short examination of the development of our trade viewed in conjunction with the economic conditions of the country and with the various interests in competition with ours, is necessary both to explain how our conclusions were reached, and to assist in the formation of a juster appreciation of our commercial relations with the country. The following statistics give in brief the course of trade in the Argentine according to official returns for the years 1890, 1895, and 1900 to 1905 inclusive:-- IMPORTS AND EXPORTS FROM AND TO DIFFERENT COUNTRIES. 1890 1895 1900 1901 1902 1903 1904 1905 $1000 $1000 $1000 $1000 $1000 $1000 $1000 $1000 Gold Gold Gold Gold Gold Gold Gold Gold Antilles: Imports ... 86 19 43 106 373 571 505 Exports 975 1,616 438 366 470 164 282 420 Belgium: Imports 10,986 7,441 8,430 8,688 5,484 5,448 9,069 8,727 Exports 12,003 15,417 17,980 13,457 13,760 20,143 17,566 20,780 Bolivia: Imports 85 72 122 138 122 125 108 126 Exports 296 591 578 541 600 450 392 539 Brazil: Imports 3,354 4,095 3,741 4,386 4,583 5,350 6,032 5,328 Exports 8,442 8,096 6,185 9,702 8,368 8,545 10,727 13,039 Chili: Imports 51 41 124 111 213 200 469 669 Exports 2,188 3,067 870 568 684 1,170 1,440 1,510 France: Imports 19,875 9,116 10,897 9,959 9,243 12,708 17,109 21,248 Exports 26,683 20,337 19,007 28,637 29,587 34,294 30,596 37,594 Germany: Imports 12,301 11,162 16,635 16,724 13,229 17,009 24,926 29,083 Exports 11,566 13,323 20,070 21,479 22,939 26,812 29,522 37,058 Holland: Imports 850 103 173 573 622 790 1,007 1,288 Exports 160 92 3,906 1,753 2,834 4,546 3,500 3,761 Italy: Imports 8,663 10,363 14,924 14,736 12,265 14,702 19,127 20,284 Exports 3,194 3,518 4,304 4,318 4,215 4,338 4,344 6,468 Paraguay: Imports 1,724 1,824 1,860 1,767 1,469 1,059 1,569 1,616 Exports 336 100 161 216 213 173 216 330 Portugal: Imports 110 58 78 68 89 213 271 300 Exports 456 138 369 7 113 101 88 23 South Africa: Imports ... ... ... ... 4 62 126 34 Exports ... 8 3,240 2,891 8,285 9,170 4,941 5,524 Spain: Imports 4,302 2,575 3,691 3,912 3,166 3,574 4,797 5,726 Exports 2,083 1,311 2,699 2,131 2,025 2,035 1,923 2,334 United Kingdom: Imports 57,816 39,524 38,682 36,460 36,995 44,826 64,517 68,391 Exports 19,299 14,694 23,890 29,920 35,084 35,600 36,445 44,826 United States: Imports 9,301 6,686 13,438 15,533 13,303 16,684 24,473 28,920 Exports 6,066 8,947 6,882 9,296 10,037 8,126 10,214 15,717 Uruguay: Imports 5,885 736 520 679 744 760 862 1,023 Exports 5,506 3,290 2,302 3,710 3,673 4,188 5,020 6,705 Other Countries: Imports 6,932 1,207 141 175 1,393 7,314 12,265 11,870 Exports 1,557 25,516 41,711 38,715 36,593 61,119 107,233 126,208 TOTAL --------------------------------------------------------------- IMPORTS 142,240 95,096 113,485 113,959 103,039 131,206 187,305 205,154 EXPORTS 100,818 120,067 154,600 167,716 179,486 220,984 264,157 322,843 While a similar table (calculated in Spanish dollars) gives the following figures for the principal exporting countries in the year 1822:-- United Kingdom $5,730,952 France 820,109 Germany, Holland, Sweden and Denmark 552,187 Gibraltar, Spain, and Sicily 848,363 United States 1,368,277 Brazil 1,418,768 China 165,267 Havana 248,625 Chile and Peru 115,674 ----------- TOTAL $11,267,622 The contrast between the two tables is sufficiently remarkable; but before dealing with either, it is necessary to have clearly in mind the growth and nature of demand. For this reason the immigration returns and tables showing the development of the railway system are given at this point:-- ARRIVAL OF IMMIGRANTS IN THE REPUBLIC FROM 1857 TO 1905. Years. Number. 1857-60 20,000 1861-70 159,570 1871-80 260,613 1881-90 846,568 1891-1900 648,326 1901-1905 536,030 --------- 2,461,107 Nationalities. Italians 1,488,084 Spaniards 507,853 French 176,670 British 37,537 Austrians 42,983 Germans 33,686 Swiss 26,690 Belgians 19,990 Others 127,614 --------- 2,461,107 Arrivals in 1905. Italians 88,950 Spaniards 53,029 French 3,475 British 1,368 Austrians 2,793 Germans 1,836 Swiss 576 Belgians 263 Other nationalities 24,827 ------- 177,117 The development of Argentine Railways is shown in following table[4]:-- Extent of Capital Passengers Freight Receipts Expenditure Lines in $1,000,000 No. in 1,000 $1,000 $1,000 Years kilometres Gold thousands tons Gold Gold 1857 10 ·3 56 2 19 12 1865 240 5·3 747 71 563 438 1870 732 18·8 1,948 274 2,502 1,356 1875 1,956 40·9 2,597 660 5,178 3,009 1880 2,516 62·9 2,751 772 6,560 3,072 1885 4,502 121·7 5,587 3,050 14,298 8,616 1890 9,432 321·1 10,069 5,420 26,049 17,585 1895 14,116 485·3 14,573 9,650 26,394 13,846 1900 16,563 531·3 18,296 12,659 41,401 23,732 1901 16,907 538·3 19,689 13,988 43,866 24,128 1902 17,677 560·9 19,815 14,030 43,272 22,975 1903 18,404 573·0 21,025 17,024 53,569 27,766 1904 19,428 588·5 23,312 20,123 62,558 33,216 1905[5] 19,793 [6]626·3 26,634 22,283 71,341 39,155 [4] Direccion General de Vias de Communicacion. [5] Approximate figures. [6] £125,274,000 approximately. The relative importance of the various lines with their nationalities is as follows:-- Length of line Special 1904. (Kilometres) Engines Coaches Vans Waggons Waggons _State-owned Railways:_-- Andine (5ft. 6in.) 339 18 16 16 504 5 Central Northern (Metre) 1,122 85 51 43 1,418 74 North Argentine (Metre) 563 15 26 13 250 27 ---------------------------------------- TOTAL 2,024 118 93 72 2,172 106 Southern (5ft. 6ins.) 3,980 290 344 261 9,533 426 Buenos Aires Western 1,197 129 136 148 3,711 -- B. A. Rosario 1,997 146 188 154 4,982 111 Central Argentine 1,785 162 208 109 5,199 76 B. A. Pacific 1,261 100 80 60 2,523 15 Great Western (5ft. 6ins.) 714 90 54 37 1,258 56 Bahia Blanca and N.W. (5ft. 6ins.) 385 20 8 8 286 3 East Argent. (4ft. 8½ins.) 161 14 21 8 279 5 N.E. Argent. 662 36 42 16 340 7 Entre Rios 758 30 38 19 492 -- Prov. Santa Fé (French) (Metre) 1,392 81 112 47 1,852 48 Centr. Córdoba (N.) 885 80 76 56 1,606 74 " " (E.) 210 13 20 12 654 -- Córdoba and Rosario 289 29 55 32 654 21 N.W. Argentine 196 20 14 8 520 2 Córdoba and N.W. 153 9 12 4 86 -- Transandine 175 14 10 10 130 8 Central Chubut 70 2 6 3 57 -- ----------------------------------------- TOTAL 16,270 1,265 1,424 998 34,162 852 In "The Review of the River Plate" the growth of British-owned Railways is given as follows:-- Kilometres. 1864 25 1874 860 1884 1,748 1894 10,785 1904 15,315 For the total kilometrage of the year 1904 the same authority gives 18,412 kilometres, a considerable discrepancy from the official figures. Of the two authorities the government statistics are generally regarded as the less trustworthy. But whatever the true figures may be, the proportion owned by British interests will not be lessened by the total of the more optimistic estimate, which is based largely on unrealised concessions. And in any case, the economic point to be emphasised is not weakened, namely the overwhelming preponderance of British influence in this direction. Moreover, not only has this influence been increasing relatively to that of competitors, but, absolutely, the increase is exceedingly great. We have, then, in this department of industry a market for goods of proportions that quite exceed those of any other in the country, the greatest impetus to its development being given by the admission into the country of all railway material duty-free. In any estimate therefore, of the true position of any country's trade, this privileged demand must be considered. And in estimating future conditions, the tendency noted in the chapter on railways must be borne in mind, viz., the tendency to discourage the continuance of the quasi-monopoly of one country. Turning next to the immigration returns, the predominating position held by the Latin races, and, especially, of the Italian, is at once apparent. Although in many cases the special requirements of these people can only be satisfied by the goods produced in their own several countries, the greater part of the demand for imported goods is for clothing, and, in the case of the country portion, for agricultural materials. In both these departments the market is open. On the other hand, while the greatest attention seems to have been paid to this market by foreign merchants, the wants of the inhabitants of British and other Northern extraction living in the far South have not been studied at all. In this context the following extract from a recent consular report is of interest. Writing from Puerto Gallegos in Patagonia the Acting Consular Agent declares:-- "German and French exporters are gradually securing the best part of the trade in consequence of the greater attention shewn by them to the large importing houses in Gallegos. It is said that the merchant prefers to order British goods to suit the taste of their farmer clients but so little attention is shewn to them by the British exporters that they are obliged to place their orders on the Continent. Many British firms refuse to attend to orders in Spanish, and their catalogues and price-lists are almost invariably printed in English." From the same report comes a remark of the Vice-Consul at Bahia Blanca emphasising the energy with which the Hamburg South American Company fosters the coasting trade. The Pacific Steam Navigating boats pass to and from the West Coast, but the local trade is scarcely touched by them. Although a German line does not imply nothing but German trade, the tendency must, of necessity, be in its favour. The question of the nature of demand cannot be over-emphasised. It is owing to neglect of this that the greatest mistakes are made both in practice and in argument. Up to 1880 the nation's demands were those of any immature nation. Subsequently to that date the country began to boom and the whole economic condition was altered. Whereas previous to that date the market was for articles for private use, whether domestic, agricultural, or personal, subsequent to the national awakening private needs became insignificant compared with those of public bodies. Not only was the construction of railways commenced in earnest but national and municipal contracts were issued broadcast. Harbours, sewage and water-works, lighting, tramways, and every other form of public enterprise, were initiated from that time onward. But, whereas the earlier works were largely executed by English firms, of recent years foreign (in particular Belgian) contractors have secured the concessions. The methods employed by the latter, however, have been such as rather to disgust the country with its experiment. The case which has been causing intense excitement is that of the Rosario Port-works. The French _concessionnaires_ made a bad job there of a difficult undertaking. That, however, was little compared with the terms which by some means they managed to insert into their concession, terms by virtue of which they were enabled to make the most extraordinary exactions from everyone who entered the port, regardless of the fact that many of the wharves were the property of other concerns. On the other hand, the English firm that constructed the Rosario sewage system, and constructed it with the greatest thoroughness, were treated to a series of vexatious interferences culminating in a refusal on the part of the municipality to pay for the work. Besides the above mentioned work, ports have been constructed at Bahia Blanca, La Plata, Buenos Aires, San Nicolas, Santa Fé, Paraná (not yet completed) and other places, so that some two hundred million sterling have been invested in works of public utility in a country with a population at the present time of about five million inhabitants. Apart from the importance of this development of public enterprises as regards the nature of imports, its importance is obviously no less in the matter of their extent. Adding to the capital of public undertakings the capital employed in trade, the total of commercially invested money was estimated at the end of 1904 at 326 million sterling; but, if national provincial and municipal loans are taken into account, the grand total of foreign capital in the country probably exceeds £450,000,000. This immense influx of capital naturally caused imports greatly to exceed exports, but the excess is not perhaps so large as might have been expected, owing to the high tariff which probably increased the import of bullion. Recently, since the investments have begun to give returns, the balance of trade has turned, and, whereas in 1890 the sale of exports (in dollars gold) was to that of imports as 100·82 millions to 142·24, in 1905 the former had risen to 322·84 millions, and the latter only to 205·15. Even then it is hardly credible that exported interest should have equalled, much less exceeded, the new capital invested, and the alternative of gold shipments must be admitted. We have then a rising tendency in the price of commodities, or a depreciation of money (quite irrespective, of course, of the depreciation of paper). The theory of rising prices is, as is well known a favourite in the States. But in this, as in almost every other case, the application of an economic theory is rendered very nearly impossible owing to conflicting influences. To return once more to the details of Argentine trade, we found that the predominating demand had been that of the railways, and that of the railways by far the greater part is British. Apart from inclinations of sentiment or personal partiality, it is only natural that engines and other material should be imported from England, as being of a type to which English engineers are accustomed. A very large proportion of our trade comes under this heading, and, it must be admitted, the market here is not free. Even so, however, the superiority or greater suitability--whether in material, construction, or price--of foreign work in some directions has ousted the British product. For example, in steel rails England's quota went down one thousand tons in 1905, while that of the States went up fifty-three thousand. So, too, in such goods as axes and small tools the latter hold the market. On the other hand, American locomotives have not proved a success--the English system of running not being that for which they are designed. English engineers seem to prefer a solid, well-finished engine, which can stand accidents, and innumerable repairs. The Baldwin engine is cheap, but apparently of indifferent finish, and is built on a rigid frame. The slightest accident to this incapacitates the whole machine, and, in any case, the locomotive is built for hard use over a short period, with subsequent scrapping. Neither the traffic nor the capital of Argentine railways justify such a course. The actual figures of imports of locomotives for 1905 are--United Kingdom 91, U.S.A. 16, Belgium 9, Germany 46--increases of 27, 8, 7, and 22 respectively. English engines are the most expensive. The German engines are largely those employed in construction. In railway material (not specified) although England exported to the value of $384,342 gold the increase over 1904 was $703,548 gold, yet America with an export of only $470,527, shows an increase of $411,876. Thus even in the privileged domain of the railway market, there are signs of very keen competition appearing. This may not prove effective for some time, the connection between the home contractors and the London board being intimate, and there is a danger of its possibility being overlooked. Another important demand is that for tramway material. In this it is satisfactory to see that there is a favourable tendency in favour of English goods. Previously, no doubt, the greater knowledge and experience in the States enabled them to supply cars and material more readily than in England, and the possession by Germany of the Buenos Aires electric works favoured its exportation of the latter. But recently some Preston cars have been put on the road which give the greatest satisfaction. The increase in electric traction in England ought to furnish the experience necessary for the successful development of this branch of trade. In Agricultural machinery the market is absolutely open, and where there is any opportunity, English firms have undoubtedly succeeded. It is unreasonable to expect that we should be able to compete with the States in sowing, reaping, ploughing, and similar machinery, provided as they are with an experimental field with conditions similar to those prevalent in the Argentine. But in traction engines the Lincoln firms outstrip all their competitors. Rushton, Proctor and Co., Clayton and Shuttleworth, Ransomes, Sims and Jefferies, are names that may be seen all over the country. The genuine solidity of construction in their engines, combined with adaptability to the country's requirements, has for once overcome the overwhelming attraction of cheapness. Considerable success has also attended their threshing machines, in spite of their comparatively greater expense and of various other factors in favour of American machines. The case of Agricultural implements is curious. While in axes the United States have increased their already large export, though under the heading of spades, picks, &c., their export of 680 tons in 1905 is 8 tons greater than in 1904, the value is £1900 less, while the English 590 tons is 167.5 tons more than in the previous year with an increase in value of £8080. In cotton goods there is again a natural monopoly--the preponderating Italian influence among the working classes encouraging the trade with that country in the special line of goods which appeals to them. But perhaps the most important factor in international trade is the nationality of the importers. In 1823 nearly all the merchants in Buenos Aires were Scotch, and the preponderance of British houses continued until recent years. Then, however, for various reasons--the development, perhaps, of the wool trade on the Continent and the allurements of finance, owing to which many British merchants invested in land and other enterprises, in preference to the less congenial uncertainties of trade--a large number of foreign, especially German, houses appeared, turning the current of trade more in the direction of that country. Whatever the reasons may have been, at the present moment Germany is firmly established in the country, and its trade is continually increasing. It must be added, that although German firms have a natural preference for dealing with their own country, they are always ready to do business with English houses provided that the latter make it profitable for them to do so. It will be convenient to deal here with the complaints made by importers in the Argentine, of English exporters, and the faults that the latter have to find with the conditions of trade in that country. Briefly, the chief complaint made of the English manufacturer and merchant is lack of adaptability--the well-worn objection that appears in every Consular report, and is repeated even by tradesmen in this country. The ways in which he shows his stubbornness may seem trifling, but their importance is sufficiently great in practice. Price-lists published solely in English, with those measures and prices which are a continual nightmare to the foreigner, get-up packing that do not quite meet local taste, all these are apparently trivial, but they affect the balance of trade nevertheless. In cutlery, English goods have been entirely ousted from the popular market. The large British population in the country, however, as well as the wealthier Argentines themselves, who as a rule are extremely partial to English goods, from socks to agricultural machinery, still insist on Sheffield blades, which in the best shops are often the only ones procurable. But the popular demand is for a cheaper article, often manufactured in the country. This the English manufacturer has consistently refused to supply, his reasons being, firstly, that he does not make it, and secondly, that if he did, it would ruin his reputation for good work. The plan adopted abroad of not fixing the maker's name to an inferior article would safeguard the reputation which the English producer undoubtedly does possess. In this connection it is a strange anomaly that the impression still holds good in England, and seems to prevail even in other countries, that German goods are of inferior quality. This erroneous idea does not, of course, apply to such things as armour plates and machinery. But in the popular mind the impression created by toys "made in Germany" has spread to all small articles emanating from that country. If the work of any country deserves this stigma it is that of America. The undeniable ingenuity and neatness of American products is, unfortunately, very often combined with bad workmanship. In Argentine, according to some authorities, disappointed buyers of American goods are returning to more solid work. Undoubtedly the field for cheap goods is favourable in that country, the moneyless colonists being compelled to buy them irrespective of quality. Besides, there is a delight, to which the Italian is peculiarly susceptible, in always having something new. A bright and new thing pleases most people more than a solid article many years old. And in many directions the yearly improvements and inventions soon reduce the latter to a position of economic inferiority. Turning to the exporters' complaints, there are two which must be admitted reasonable. In the first place, the economic conditions of the country as well as the inclinations of the people require exaggerated credit. Nothing, apparently, will alter this, and the merchant who refuses to take business on these terms must expect to lose it altogether. The other is one that is capable of removal. The English merchant frequently complains that he cannot come into touch with his ultimate customers. The taxes levied on commercial travellers are exorbitant, each province vying with the other in preventing their entrance. From this it follows that few firms can afford to send representatives further afield than Buenos Aires or Rosario, and practically all business is conducted through the larger importing houses of the capital. This is an absolutely prohibitive system that is bound to have the most disastrous effects on the expansion of trade. The intention is no doubt protective. But in a country that is naturally incapable of any industrial development, the policy cannot be considered as anything but unwise. As regards the travellers sent out by English firms, they are often inadequately equipped for the work they have to perform. Knowledge of the language, coupled with knowledge of the article whose sale they have come to promote, and an ability to quote credit terms offhand in terms of dollars and kilos, are important. Too much reliance is often placed on written matter which a busy merchant has no time to read. A descriptive pamphlet or book is an extremely valuable adjunct to an obvious price list and an intelligent traveller. But by itself it is of little value. A further point, and one of some importance, is that Argentines expect immediate delivery of orders. Recently a large English motor car firm opened an agency in Buenos Aires. The cars were much admired, and as they were well boomed at an opportune moment, a great many orders were secured. Owing, however, to considerable delay in delivery, these were withdrawn, and the orders were transferred to French firms. Finally, a word must be said of proprietary articles. In these no fault can be found with British manufacturers. Soap, lime juice, whisky, mustard, jam, and even soda water and ginger beer, are among the special products that may be seen almost anywhere throughout the country, and this branch of trade is capable of even greater development with judicious advertising. In particular, jam is invariably liked by Argentines of all classes, and were it pushed a very large consumption might follow. At present there is only one firm of any note whose products are seen in the shops. The same may be said of biscuits, although both in this and in the former case, the high tariff (about 50% to 60% of the value) would be a great restriction. CHAPTER VII. THE TARIFF. Argentina is professedly a protectionist country. It is also professedly Republican, with a philosophic ideal of the greatest good of the greatest number. The two ideas, however, have not achieved a complete harmony. This was perhaps inevitable. Curiously enough, the vital industries of the country have not been favoured in any way by the fiscal system, which has been used to foster exotics and economic growths hardly suited to the conditions of the country. In the Argentine there can be no question of "Back to the Land"; there has never been any departure. But until the present chief of the Department of Commerce began his campaign for a rational tariff, there seems to have been a tacit assumption that factories constituted wealth. That the country should remain permanently agricultural was never advised. It was assumed that it must manufacture, and on this assumption the national policy was directed. As a matter of fact, there was probably no reasoned determination at all. Some industries existed originally before communication was established on the present great scale with the rest of the world. As time went on these suffered from outside competition, and protection was invoked and secured. Other industries were then started speculatively and for them similar protection was granted. If prevailing opinion is of any value, it was even impossible for an industry to succeed except by political jobbery. Even now the evil appears to be very far from removed, and the difficulties experienced by the English Railway companies are partly attributable to this cause. These have consistently refused to bribe, and it may be said that almost without exception they have adhered to this rule. The nearest approach to this form of persuasion is the nomination of influential Argentines to the local board of the company, and the retention of prominent lawyers for nominal services at a fixed yearly fee. Except for this no attempt is made to secure support in congress, and in all probability no payment has ever been made or promised by an English company in return for particular support for a definite proposal. The great privileges which the railways enjoy, especially in the matter of tariff, were granted in pursuit of a declared policy of encouragement to railway enterprise--a policy which no one there has reason to regret, as without it the country would never have emerged from its former lethargy. With the exception of railway material, which for the most part, comes in duty free, all manufactured articles pay a very heavy duty indeed. But, whereas in almost every other country of note, some portion at least of the raw material is procurable locally, or at least from no great distance, in the Argentine the most elementary of basic materials have to be imported. With the exception of wool, grain, cattle, a special quality of timber, and sugar, there are no raw materials at all available for industrial purposes. There are no minerals; cotton is a negligible quantity at present; and fuel is as expensive as labour. Coal does not exist (at least to a workable extent, if at all); petroleum, though reported in parts of the Cordillera, is non-existent for all practical purposes; while wood is found in any quantity only in the forests in the North, North East, in Entre Rios, and in parts of Córdoba and San Luis. The expense of carrying this to the capital would be prohibitive except by boat from the riverine forests. And, in any case, the wood being slow-growing and intensely hard, it would be manifestly uneconomical to use anything but the trimmings as firewood. We have, then, a country with a highly protective tariff compelled to import by far the greater part of its fuel, which, though admitted free, is necessarily burdened with freights prohibitive to economic industrial development. The Argentine, indeed, may be said to be placed, geographically, in the worst position possible for such a purpose. Keeping, then, the question of fuel in mind, the possible advantage (from the purely economic point of view) must be examined of reducing at home to the state of finished commodities the raw materials mentioned above. In every case of manufacture, the two obvious economic reasons are either the ability to produce better or the ability to produce cheaper. The former is out of the question in the Argentine, because there is no hereditary or traditional skill, nor special climatic conditions as in Manchester; the latter, for the same reason, can only be a question of freight. Any article to be consumed at home, and produced mainly from native raw material should, _prima facie_, be capable of production at home for that consumption, granted an adequate supply of labour. But, for export, general conditions being at best only equal to those in the importing countries, the only circumstances which could render home-manufacture profitable would be greater liability to deterioration in transit in the raw material than in the finished article, or a great saving in bulk or weight in the latter. Taking the raw materials, therefore, in the order given above, the wool produced or procurable in Argentina is greatly in excess of the present local requirements. What skill there is in the country for spinning and weaving is insignificant for practical purposes, the articles produced being either extremely crude, or quite exceptionally fine, and consequently expensive. Both are the work of Indians, or half-castes--who are rapidly becoming a smaller and smaller proportion of the total population. Passing by as inconsiderable, therefore, the advantage of home production on the score of special skill, there remains the question of cheapness. For some goods, special lines of purely local popularity, which European houses would not make for other customers, there are points in favour of local production. But in such things as socks and articles of general clothing, that command a universal market (with differences only in design), it is found cheaper to import. It must be added that there is comparatively little demand for woollen goods at all in the Argentine itself. Though the tariff, therefore, does not impose a great burden on the people, from its protective aspect it is encouraging an unprofitable industry. The duties are as follows: On spun wool about 1½d. per lb., valued at about 7d. per lb., on washed wool 1s. 7d. per lb., the customs valuation being 7d.; on stockings and socks (all classes) about 50%, on woollen cloth (pure) about 40%, and on wool and cotton mixed, over 30%. Passing over grain, the main manufactured product of which, flour, is not imported at all, and cattle, which in the frozen meat trade and its attendant industries form one of the main items of export, there are left wood and sugar. Of the former, the country produces little for constructional and industrial purposes, all the natural timber being employed either for railway sleepers, fencing posts, or for tanning extract. It is an extremely important business, but there could be no question of importation, except for intermediate fencing bars (those not planted in the ground) and for sleepers. Even so the only circumstances which could render it possible are the inability of the home supply to cope with the demand, and the consequent rise in price. Recently poplar has been planted on the islands of the Tigre near the mouth of the Paraná with great success. But the available space is limited there, though it is quite possible that planting might be continued on the Paraná and Uruguay rivers. The duty on imported soft woods is comparatively small. The one article of home-production left, which was open to foreign competition, is sugar. The erratic development of this industry in conjunction with the tariff has been so eventful, and so instructive from the economic point of view, that a rather lengthy review may be pardoned. This is practically a paraphrase and condensation of the extremely interesting, though, at times, somewhat exclamatory article written by M. Ricardo Pillado, the head of the Division of Commerce in the Argentine Ministry of Agriculture, 1906. Unfortunately, in attempting to follow some of the author's calculations it has been found quite impossible to verify his results or to see how he arrived at them. In some cases the figures are so obviously impossible in the light of the data that the only explanation seems to be a misprint. In order not to sacrifice the continuity of his account, these figures have been given as they stand. The fact that the article in question appears in a collection, derived from various sources, and republished officially at the Ministry of Agriculture, seemed to give additional justification for its presentation here without emendation. Writing at end of 1903, when the Brussels Convention had just condemned Bounties, and when the original heavy import duties and export drawbacks were still in force, he makes this preface to a general discussion of the whole working of the exaggerated protection of the Sugar Industry. "The fiscal protection of the Sugar industry, instituted in the year 1883, and maintained up to the present moment in all its intensity, has been the source of the gravest evils to the Republic, not merely through its immediate effect and its having admitted and secured the maintenance of an economic system so detrimental to the country, but also, in the sphere of credit, through the complications of which it has been the indirect cause. Every effort, therefore, tending to destroy to their very foundations the fallacies which have been the mainspring and origin of its birth and continuance up to the present day ought to be considered, in my opinion, as an act of patriotism and duty." M. Pillado is far from being a free-trader in the accepted English sense. "The protection which reasonably may be and, I will even say, ought to be afforded to national industries cannot," he goes on to say, "be identified with the favours which were lavished on the sugar industry." Although he is in favour of a moderate and strictly protective Tariff, he cannot reconcile the prevailing system with any economic theory whatever. The Sugar plantations and refineries are situated in the remote North West of the country, and the latter were practically in the hands of two powerful concerns. Owing to the expense of rail transport, under no circumstances could the sugar be transported to the coast to compete on equal terms with the imported ocean-borne article, and certainly not, with the additional freight, in European markets. The initial error lay in the assumption that these Northern Districts round Tucuman were especially adapted by climate and other conditions to the cultivation of cane. No such natural privilege exists. The origin of the industry, on the contrary, is to be found in that very distance from a port which renders its present condition anomalous. Sugar-cultivation was instituted solely with a view to the satisfaction of local requirements, and the idea of competition with foreign produce in the capital was probably never dreamed of. This view is the more probable when it is remembered that Tucuman lies nearly a thousand miles from Buenos Aires, while railway communication was not established until 1888 or even later. At that time, however, protection was already in full force. Although full communication was not established until 1892, and till then goods had to be transported by cartage, or whatever means the state of the roads (such as they were) permitted, so early as 1883 the duty was raised from the existing rate of 25% _ad volorem_, to a specific tax of 5 cents per kilo, at a time when there was only one currency. The impost being irrespective of quality, the actual burdens resulted as follows: On refined Sugar valued by the customs at 19 c. the kilo, 26½%; on white or granulated with a valuation of 14 c., 35¾%, on raw of 11½ c. per kilo, 43½%. It is obvious says the writer, that the greatest burden fell on the lower grades, the only ones which the local refineries were in a position to produce and to offer in competition with imported sugars. The year 1885 marked the next stage in the development. Owing to facilities of transport being absent, Tucuman was in no better position than before, while the issue in the same year of the decree authorising a paper currency with the consequent premium upon gold, resulted in a natural increase in the restrictions on importation. The increase in the duty was nominally from 5 to 7 c. per kilo irrespective of quality. But the actual increase resulted in a total of 90% on refined sugar and 108% on the lower grades. The third increase took place three years later, in 1888, when the import charge was raised to 9 c. gold per kilo on refined sugar, other qualities being taxed at the old figure. On M. Pillado's estimate this meant a difference of 268% between the cost of that sugar in bond and its price to the importer.[7] [7] The percentage seems to work out at 219, while the premium on gold in that year (1888), as given in another official publication of 1906, was in reality 150 roughly, which would mean 184%. But the absence of reliable data makes an amateur result untrustworthy. The foregoing is a brief account of the course of taxation introduced for purposes of protection as described by M. Pillado. At this point he takes occasion to moralise on the iniquity of the system, and exclaims that it is a matter of congratulation that the promoters of the industry did not think fit to produce even further from the great centres, somewhere on the borders of Bolivia. In emphasising these existing burdens, however, the writer is merely making a dramatic pause preparatory to enlarging on the further excess in the institution of bounties on export. The immediate result of this tariff was naturally an immense rise in the price of all sugar, and subsequently the practical exclusion of the imported article. The figures cited in the work speak for themselves. In 1884 the total imports of sugar of all classes were 35,000 tons. In 1902 they had fallen to 155 tons. While the next year saw an importation of some hundred tons of refined sugar, the other grades were represented by a total of about 300 lbs. We now come to the real interest of the question--the effect namely which this policy had upon the industry itself and the devices which the latter adopted to regulate prices. In the first instance an unparalleled boom took place. In 1884 the production was 75,000 tons. In 1895 it was 109,000. In the following year the sum of 134,417 tons was reached--a production quite in excess of the country's requirements. The result was that in the words of M. Pillado, "the refiners began to cry to heaven and to earth for any solution whatever to rescue them from the asphyxiation which threatened to overwhelm at one and the same time themselves and their system." For the planters, however, Tucuman had become a veritable Eldorado. Two years sufficed to give a net return four times as great as the capital invested. As a natural consequence it followed that labour and capital flowed into the Sugar districts, creating an unprecedented boom and denuding the other agricultural industries not only of the province but of the rest of the republic as well of their very necessities of existence. The effect was felt, apparently even in the capital, so that "lawyers deserted their profession, workmen their tools, to throw themselves with a regular fever into an occupation so full of promise." Works sprang up as if by magic. Palaces were constructed to house the staffs. Capital was lavished on the industry by individuals and banking houses alike. No one, in short, took the slightest pains to investigate the stability of the trade, and investments were made with complete recklessness. While fortunes were being created in the cultivation of sugar cane, orchards, orange-groves, pasturage, arable land--everything else, in short--were being either transformed or neglected, and the public generally was compelled to pay an exorbitant price for its sugar. The moment had, therefore, arrived for a reduction in the import duties, and in the price of the article. That, however, was not the view of the interested parties. "If," they said, "by any misfortune this year's harvest should prove so good as the last" a worse evil would befall. Considering that private mortgages amounted to some five million dollars and that the total indebtedness of the industry, in spite of its abnormal prosperity, was no less than twenty million, the gravity of the situation was not exaggerated. A bad harvest would be insufficient to satisfy the claims of creditors. A good harvest would cause a tremendous fall in prices and consequent disaster. It is not surprising that there was formed in 1895 the "Union Azucavera," or Sugar Trust, with the avowed object of taking over the entire production of all the refineries and determining prices for home consumption and export. Unfortunately, however, for the success of the venture, some concerns were not in the precarious state to which the majority had been reduced. By dint of better management and through other causes they still succeeded in maintaining substantial returns. These refused to enter the Trust--or Kartel more strictly--and the result was a more or less complete failure. Two combines were instituted, nevertheless, the above mentioned "Union" (in a modified form, no doubt) and a body known as the "Centro Azucarevo." These concerns devoted themselves with energy to the solution of the problem of the surplus, and, as was to be expected, the easiest seemed to be that supplied by political means, the president of the "Union" being also president of the Chamber of Deputies. So successful were their efforts that in 1897 a bounty of 12 c. per kilo was sanctioned, raised for the next year to 16 c. To pay for this bounty an Inland Revenue tax of six cents paper per kilo was declared on all sugar home or imported. As in countries nearer home, the bounty system was an attempt, a costly attempt, to market a commodity which in normal circumstances was absolutely incapable of meeting its competitors. Argentine sugar under the most favourable conditions could not, and never was expected to, compete in the open market with that of other countries. In the circumstances it must be admitted that the whole scheme was merely an organised exploitation of the public in the interests of a weak industry and certain speculative financiers. "What public interests," exclaims Mr. Pillado, "what benefit for the community could be cited to warrant a contribution from the country at large of $40,000,000 in five years as a gift to the exporters of sugar?" Of the $39,850,000 levied, $25,250,000 were given as a free gift to the exporters, only $14,600,000 finding their way into the exchequer. Statistical Appendix. IMPORTS, UNDER PRINCIPAL HEADS--VALUE IN $1000 GOLD. 1890. 1895. 1900. 1905. Live-stock 400 611 364 1,307 Food stuffs Animal foods } 984 1,755 2,242 Vegetable foods and fruits } 539 633 960 Spices and condiments } 1,053 590 866 Legumes and cereals } 1,607 1,701 2,556 Substances for infusions and } 16,411 hot beverages } 5,801 5,335 6,093 Flour, macaroni, fancy breads, } fecula } 428 436 820 Tobacco and applications 2,554 2,293 3,147 4,455 Drinks--Wines } 7,304 5,637 6,596 Spirits and liquors } 12,990 1,301 1,284 2,159 Sundries } 211 356 411 Textiles, raw and manufactured Silk } 1,254 2,485 2,602 Wool } 7,650 7,141 10,967 Cotton } 30,024 20,309 19,536 27,066 Sundries } 8,238 8,433 5,582 Oils--Vegetable, mineral, etc. -- 3,193 4,194 5,556 Chemical, medicinal, and pharmaceutical substances and products } 3,875 2,429 3,760 6,275 Paints and dyes -- 789 865 1,441 Timber: In bulk } 3,295 5,500 11,799 Wrought } 7,399 739 1,540 2,368 Paper and applications Paper and pasteboard } 1,335 1,924 2,272 Applications } 3,628 678 1,001 1,861 Leather and applications 1,704 641 1,244 1,796 Iron and applications Raw material } 5,696 9,088 14,814 Machinery and agricultural } 48,109 implements } 1,202 1,861 -- Iron and steel manufactures } 4,701 8,104 11,357 Agriculture -- -- -- 16,532 Locomotion and Conveyances -- -- -- 23,362 Other metals Unwrought -- 594 1,262 1,896 Manufactured -- 846 2,080 3,998 Stone, clay, glass Raw material } 6,375 7,120 14,355 Manufactured } 10,385 1,102 1,772 3,111 Electrical supplies -- -- -- 2,034 Sundry articles and manufactures 4,955 1,881 3,321 5,428 ------- ------ ------- ------ Totals 142,402 95,096 113,485 205,154 EXPORTS, UNDER PRINCIPAL HEADS--VALUE IN $1000 GOLD. 1890. 1895. 1900. 1905. Live-stock products } 74,620 71,253 141,042 Live-stock } 9,052 5,942 7,189 Meat, hides, wool, etc. } 61,306 60,352 61,084 122,026 Manufactured animal products } 4,367 3,568 10,148 By-products } 857 659 1,642 Agricultural products } 41,448 77,426 170,235 Raw material } 39,085 73,045 161,188 Manufactured products } 34,590 1,960 2,952 5,584 By-products } 402 1,428 3,462 Woodland products 1,413 2,161 3,508 7,125 Products of the chase 346 272 990 790 Mineral products 673 338 262 261 Other products and sundries 2,488 1,316 1,158 3,388 ------- ------- ------- ------- Totals 100,818 120,067 154,600 322,843 EXPORTS OF FROZEN MEAT AND JERKED BEEF. Other frozen and Preserved Meat JERKED BEEF. FROZEN BEEF. FROZEN MUTTON. and Tongues. Value Value Value Value Years. Tons. $1000 Tons. $1000 Tons. $1000 Tons. $1000 gold. gold. gold. gold. 1896 45,907 3,217 2,997 119 45,105 1,804 3,288 356 1897 36,238 2,466 4,241 169 50,894 2,035 2,414 255 1898 22,242 2,116 5,867 234 50,833 2,393 3,154 313 1899 19,164 2,038 9,079 950 56,627 2,265 3,322 334 1900 16,449 1,979 24,590 2,458 56,412 4,512 3,175 415 1901 24,296 2,879 44,904 4,490 63,013 5,041 3,047 391 1902 22,304 2,647 70,018 7,001 80,073 6,405 4,729 496 1903 12,991 1,542 85,520 8,151 78,149 6,251 7,354 720 1904 11,726 1,391 97,744 9,774 88,816 7,089 7,249 704 1905 25,288 3,738 152,857 15,285 78,351 6,268 8,488 760 EXPORTS OF CATTLE, SKINS, AND WOOL. CATTLE. SHEEPSKINS. Value 1000 Value Years. 1000's. $1000 gold. Tons. $1000 gold. 1896 382 6,543 36 4,061 1897 238 5,018 37 4,094 1898 359 7,690 42 6,194 1899 312 6,824 41 9,308 1900 150 3,678 37 7,472 1901 119 1,980 41 7,339 1902 118 2,848 41 8,487 1903 181 4,437 41 10,132 1904 129 2,852 37 8,676 1905 262 5,160 30 9,483 SALTED CATTLE DRY CATTLE WOOL. HIDES. HIDES. 1000 Value 1000 Value 1000 Value Years. tons. $1000 gold. tons. $1000 gold. tons. $1000 gold. 1896 187 33,516 29 4,598 21 6,600 1897 205 37,450 27 4,605 29 8,596 1898 221 45,534 29 5,171 23 6,887 1899 237 71,283 28 5,334 23 8,001 1900 101 27,991 26 5,285 24 8,159 1901 228 44,666 28 5,281 26 8,848 1902 197 45,810 35 6,384 26 8,822 1903 192 50,424 28 5,360 23 7,787 1904 168 48,355 29 5,267 22 8,256 1905 191 64,312 49 9,147 24 9,929 EXPORTS OF WHEAT, MAIZE, AND LINSEED. WHEAT. MAIZE. LINSEED. 1000 Value 1000 Value 1000 Value Years. tons. $1000 gold. tons. $1000 gold. tons. $1000 gold. 1896 523 12,830 1,570 15,594 229 6,856 1897 101 3,470 374 5,478 162 4,996 1898 645 22,368 717 9,274 158 5,420 1899 1,713 38,078 1,116 13,042 217 7,402 1900 1,929 48,627 713 11,933 223 10,674 1901 904 26,240 1,112 18,887 338 16,513 1902 644 18,584 1,192 22,994 340 17,840 1903 1,681 41,323 2,104 33,147 593 21,239 1904 2,303 66,947 2,469 44,391 880 28,359 1905 2,868 85,883 2,222 46,537 654 26,233 THE DEVELOPMENT OF AGRICULTURAL INDUSTRY 1895-1905. CULTIVATED AREA IN THOUSAND HECTARES.[8] Other Years. Wheat. Linseed. Maize. Hay. cultivations. Total. 1895 2,049 387 1,244 713 497 4,892 1896 2,500 360 1,400 800 510 5,570 1897 2,600 350 1,000 900 522 5,372 1898 3,200 332 850 1,067 533 5,983 1899 3,250 355 1,009 1,268 545 6,427 1900 3,379 607 1,255 1,511 557 7,311 1901 3,296 782 1,405 1,631 567 7,683 1902 3,695 1,307 1,801 1,730 580 9,114 1903 4,320 1,487 2,100 2,172 606 10,685 1904 4,903 1,082 2,287 2,503 648 11,424 1905 5,675 1,022 2,717 2,983 682 13,081 [8] One hectare = 2·47114 acres. THE CULTIVATED AREA IN THE YEARS 1895-1905 COMPARED. Census, Agricultural 1895. Statistic, 1905. Increase. Products. 1000 hectares. 1000 hectares. % Wheat 2,049 5,675 176·9 Linseed 387 1,022 164·0 Maize 1,244 2,717 118·4 Barley 54 58 7·7 Hay 713 2,983 318·4 Tobacco 15 19 22·7 Sugar cane 61 65 7·3 Vineyards 33 53 59·0 Cotton 1 4 397·4 Pea nut 13 29 119·0 Potatoes 21 40 91·0 Beans 20 24 18·3 Vegetables } 39 } Tapioca } 48 5 } 1·8 Spurge } 3 } ---- ---- Rice } 3 } Oats } 51 } Common rye } 2 } Canary-seed} 156 21 } 57·4 Coffee } 0 } Forests } 166 } Fruits 71 87 21·9 Sundries -- 3 -- ----- ------ ----- Total 4,892 13,081 167·4 Index A Agricultural implements: Importation of English, 36 United States, 36 Agricultural machinery: English importation of, 36 United States importation of, 36 Agriculture, Effects of undeveloped economic system on, 23, 24 'Alfalfa,' Cultivation of, 2 Antilles, Trade with, 27 Axes and small tools, U.S. importation of, 34 B Bahia Blanca, 33 Bahia Blanca, Docks at, 10 Banks, Employment in, 22 Belgium, Trade with, 27 Boer colony, 24 Bogus companies, 4 Bolivia, Trade with, 27 British houses, Decrease in the number of, 37 Breweries, 13 Buenos Aires, 1, 10, 33 Congestion of port of, 9 Province of, 4 Business Houses, Employment in, 22 Brazil, Trade with, 27, 28 British and Northern immigrants: their wants not studied, 31 British exporters, Slackness of, 32 C Canals, 4 Capital, Influx of foreign, 33 Cereals, growth of, 2 Chaco district, 12 Chaco, The, 3 Chicken farming, 24 Chili, Trade with, 27 China, Trade with, 28 Chubut, Welsh colony in, 24 'Colonists,' 2 Concentration of Trade in Buenos Aires, 1 Congress, Tone of, 7 Consular reports, Moreno, Dr. Francisco on, 25, 26 Córdoba, Province of, 3 Corrientes, 3 Cotton goods, Italian importation of, 36 Cotton growing, 3 Credit, exaggerated, 38 Credit, Soundness of National, 18 Cultivated area in Argentina, Amount of, 56 Cutlery, English loss of market for, 37 D Drainage system, 4 E 'Empresas,' The, 6 Englishmen, Prospects for, 20, 21, 22 Entre Rios, 3 Estancias, 2, 3 Estancias, employment on, 21 Estancieros, 2 Exports, Value of, 54, 55 F Flour mills, 12 Foreign capital, Important part played by, 16 Foreign influences, Jealousy of, 7 France, Trade with, 27, 28 Fruit cultivation, 3 Fuel, Scarcity of, 42, 43 G Gaucho, The, 12 Gauchos, 2 Gauges, Diversity of, on Argentine railways, 10 German houses, Increase in the number of, 37 Germany, Trade with, 27 Gold in the Argentine, Scarcity of, 4 Government management, character of, 7 Government, want of stability of, 17 H Hard-woods, growth of, 3, 42, 44 Havana, Trade with, 28 Holland, Trade with, 27 Housing-accommodation, 14 I Immediate delivery, Expectation of, 39 Immigrants, Attempts to attract, 20 Immigrants, Nationalities of, 28 Immigration of agriculturalists with capital needed, 2 Immigration, Preponderance of Latin races, 31 Importation, Tendency in the direction of increased, 12 Imports, Value of, 53 Inadequacy of rolling stock, 9 Interests, Rates of, 6 Inundations of the Argentine, 4 Italian immigrants, attempts to attract, 20 Prospects for, 23 Their employment in industries, 12, 13 Italy, Trade with, 27 J Jobbery, Political, its necessity for success of any enterprise, 41, 42 L Literature, Scarcity of, on the Argentine, 24 La Plata, 33 Loans, Argentine, easily raised, 18 Their distribution, 19 Their size, 19 Locusts, 3 M Mar del Plata, 10 Matches, Manufacture of, a monopoly, 13, 15 Monopolies, Railway, Effect of, 8, 9 Morality, Public, low standard of, 16 Municipal loans, a speculative investment, 18 N Non-partisans unmolested, 17 P Paraná, 33 Paraguay, Trade with, 27 Paraná, River, 4 Peon, The, 12 Piedmontese and Basque 'colonists,' 2 Pillado, M., his disagreement with present economic policy, 46 his estimate of amount of tax on sugar, 47 of its effects on the sugar industry, 48, 49, 50 'Ponchos,' Importation of, 13 Ports, Construction of, 33 Portugal, Trade with, 27 Precarious nature of business in the Argentine, Effect of, 1 Preference on colonial produce as affecting the Argentine, 19 Prices, Inflation of, in the Argentine, 1 Property, Division of, 3 Proprietary articles, British trade in, 39 Protective tariff, Origin of, 41 Public debt, Laxity of morality as regards, 17 Its causes, 18 Public works, Demands of, 32 Mistakes in connexion with, 33 Q Quebracho trade, employment of Indian labour in the, 12 R Railways, Dividends of, 6 Railways, Employment on, -- Railways, Growth of, 29 Relative importance of, 30 Railways, Growth of British owned, 30, 31 Railway material, Importation of English, 34, 35 United States, 34, 35 Railway system, 4 Raw material, Argentine naturally exclusively a producer of, 7 Raw materials, Scarcity of manufactures, 42 Rents, Rise of, in Buenos Aires, 1 Rivers, Absence of navigable, 4 S Samborombon, Bay of, project of new port in, 10 San Nicolas, 33 Santa Fé, 33 Shoe-factories, canvas, 13 South Africa, Trade with, 27 Spain, Trade with, 27 Store-keepers, Power of the, 23 Strikes, 13, 14, 15 Cause of frequency of, 15 Sugar industry, The, 3 Sugar, manufacture of, 45, 46, 47 Sugar Trust, The, 49, 50 T Tariff, Effect of high protective, 3, 12 Timber, Production of, 44 Traction engines, Supremacy of Lincoln firms in, 36 Trade, British, losing of ground, 26 Trade, Difficulty of obtaining information about British, 25 Tramway material, Importation of English, 35 United States, 35 Travellers, Exclusion of, 38, 39 Travellers, Inadequate equipment of English, 39 Tucuman, Centre of sugar manufacture, 46 U Under-population of the Argentine, 2 United Kingdom, Trade with, 27, 28 United States, Trade with, 27, 28 Uruguay, River, 4, 10 Uruguay, Trade with, 27 W Wealth, Natural, of the country, 11 Welsh Colony, 24 Wool manufacture, 43, 44 * * * * * Transcriber's Note: The following amendments were made to the text: Page Original Word(s) Amendment ---- ---------------- --------- 2 the the the 4 Parana Paraná 10 Parana Paraná 23 accomodating accommodating 23 monoply monopoly 26 1896 1895 29 Commuuicacion Communicacion 31 emphasiased emphasised 33 Santo Santa 34 that the that of the 36 monoply monopoly 41 industuries industries 42 Cordoba Córdoba 49 mortages mortgages 49 sitnation situation 60 Cordoba Córdoba 62 Parana Paraná 63 Santo Santa 
26935	----	[Illustration: _Nat'l Ass'n Audubon Societies_ The passenger pigeon, an extinct species.] CONSERVATION SERIES CONSERVATION READER BY HAROLD W. FAIRBANKS AUTHOR OF "HOME GEOGRAPHY, STORIES OF OUR MOTHER EARTH," "ROCKS AND MINERALS," "THE WESTERN UNITED STATES," "PRACTICAL PHYSIOGRAPHY," "GEOGRAPHY OF CALIFORNIA," ETC. ILLUSTRATED WITH PHOTOGRAPHS AND WITH REPRODUCTIONS OF PAINTINGS IN COLOR YONKERS-ON-HUDSON, NEW YORK WORLD BOOK COMPANY 1920 WORLD BOOK COMPANY THE HOUSE OF APPLIED KNOWLEDGE Established, 1905, by Caspar W. Hodgson YONKERS-ON-HUDSON, NEW YORK 2126 PRAIRIE AVENUE, CHICAGO The need for education in the principles of conservation is imperative. As Henry Fairfield Osborn states the matter, "We are yet far from the point where the momentum of conservation is strong enough to arrest and roll back the tide of destruction." The movement for the preservation of natural resources can succeed only with the establishment of an enlightened public sentiment on the subject. To create and maintain such a sentiment is the proper work of the schools. In making this _Conservation Reader_ available for school use, author and publishers have had in mind the great and lasting service that such a text might render. The publishers believe that this little volume and others forthcoming in the Conservation Series will rank high among "Books That Apply the World's Knowledge to the World's Needs" Copyright, 1920, by World Book Company Copyright in Great Britain _All rights reserved_ INTRODUCTION The wave of enthusiasm for the conservation of our national resources must reach the children or it will expend much of its force uselessly. It is from the education of the children in right ways of looking at Nature that everything is to be expected in the years to come. If they learn to understand the value of the things about them, as well as to appreciate their beauties, the carrying on and enlarging of the conservation program which is now so well under way can be safely left to their care. The West, although it has already been ruthlessly exploited, has lost less of its natural wealth than have the longer-settled Eastern states. In the newer parts of our country we can reasonably hope to save most of the forests and most of the wild life, and pass them on down to our children and grandchildren in something of their primeval beauty and richness. In the East we can hope to arouse a stronger sentiment for preserving what remains of the forests as well as for extending their areas, for proper forestation will lessen the danger of erosion of the soil and of floods, and will encourage the return of the wild creatures that are of so much economic importance and add so much to the joy of life. A book bringing out in a simple and interesting manner the principles of conservation has long been needed, for there has been little that could be placed in the hands of pupils. It is with the earnest hope of furnishing something which will answer in part the present need that this _Conservation Reader_ has been prepared. Acknowledgments are due the publishers of _American Forestry_ and the _Century Magazine_ for courteous permission to reprint poems taken from those publications. For their help in supplying photographic subjects to illustrate the book, thanks are extended to the persons to whom the various illustrations are accredited in immediate connection with their use in the text. The reproductions in color of two bird subjects have been secured through the friendly coöperation of Mr. T. Gilbert Pearson, Secretary of the National Association of Audubon Societies. CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE 1. HOW OUR FIRST ANCESTORS LIVED 1 2. HOW OUR NEEDS DIFFER FROM THOSE OF THE FIRST MEN 9 3. THE EARTH AS IT WAS BEFORE THE COMING OF CIVILIZED MEN 18 4. NATURE'S UNEQUAL DISTRIBUTION OF HER GIFTS 25 5. THE LAND OF THE POOR PEOPLE 32 6. WHAT THE MUDDY RIVULET HAS TO SAY 39 7. HOW FAR WILL NATURE RESTORE HER WASTED GIFTS? 44 8. THE SOIL--THE MOST IMPORTANT GIFT OF NATURE 51 9. THINGS OF WHICH SOIL IS MADE 57 10. HOW THE SOIL IS MADE 61 11. HOW VEGETATION HOLDS THE SOIL 67 12. WHAT HAPPENS WHERE THERE IS NO PROTECTING CARPET OF VEGETATION 73 13. THE USE AND CARE OF WATER 81 14. COULD WE GET ALONG WITHOUT THE TREES? 89 15. WHERE HAS NATURE SPREAD THE FOREST? 96 16. WHAT ARE THE ENEMIES OF THE TREES? 104 17. HOW THE FORESTS ARE WASTED 112 18. HOW THE FORESTS SUFFER FROM FIRES 119 19. EVILS THAT FOLLOW THE DESTRUCTION OF THE FORESTS 125 20. HOW OUR GOVERNMENT IS HELPING TO SAVE THE FORESTS 130 21. OUR FOREST PLAYGROUNDS 139 22. WHAT IS HAPPENING TO THE WILD FLOWERS 144 23. NATURE'S PENALTY FOR INTERFERING WITH HER ARRANGEMENTS 150 24. WHAT SHALL WE DO WHEN THE COAL, OIL, AND GAS ARE GONE? 155 25. NEED FOR PROTECTION OF CREATURES THAT LIVE IN THE WATER 162 26. MAN MORE DESTRUCTIVE THAN THE OTHER ANIMALS 171 27. WHAT IS HAPPENING TO THE ANIMALS AND BIRDS 176 28. THE TRAGEDIES OF MILADY'S HAT AND CAPE 183 29. THE COURT OF THE ANIMALS AND BIRDS 188 30. THE BIRDS OUR GOOD FRIENDS AND PLEASANT COMPANIONS 195 31. HOW TO BRING THE WILD CREATURES BACK AGAIN 203 INDEX 213 CONSERVATION READER CHAPTER ONE HOW OUR FIRST ANCESTORS LIVED Before these fields were shorn and tilled Full to the brim our rivers flowed; The melody of waters filled The fresh and boundless woods; And torrents dashed, and rivulets play'd, The fountains spouted in the shade. WILLIAM CULLEN BRYANT, quoted in _American Forestry_, XIV. 520 The earth is our home. It is a great treasure house filled with the most wonderful things. Although people have lived on the earth for many thousands of years, they have been very slow in learning the secrets of their treasure house. This is because early men were much like the lower animals. During all these years their minds have been slowly growing. Now we can learn and understand many things which our ancestors of long ago could not. In habits and appearance the first men that roamed the earth were little different from the other animals except that they walked upright. When they had enough to eat and a home safe from enemies, they seemed perfectly happy and contented. These early men lived in the same wonderful treasure house as we do, but they did not know how to make use of its riches. In truth, their wants were so few that they would have had no use for the things that now seem so necessary to us. The rich fields about them lay untilled. The gold, silver, copper, and iron in the earth remained undiscovered; and the animals and birds that we now use in so many ways then served them mainly for food. Since they had no furry coats to keep them warm as do the animals of the cold regions, and had not learned to make clothing, their homes must have been in the warm parts of the earth. While they were without weapons to defend themselves against the lion and tiger, yet they were sharp witted and very quick in their movements and thus were usually able to escape their more powerful enemies. Although these early ancestors of ours seemed so much like the other animals, they were in reality very different. They had the same keen senses of sight, hearing, and smell, but they were more intelligent. When the dog and cat have had enough to eat, they lie down perfectly happy and contented. But when early men had had enough to eat, they were often not satisfied. They had other longings which finally led them to make discoveries about the uses of things around them and how to make their lives more comfortable. The little bear cub, for example, as it grows up learns from its mother just what it should do on all occasions. It learns what its mother knows and that is all. But among the early people of whom we are speaking the children not only learned all that their parents knew, but a little more. In this way each generation of children came to know more about the world. Thus after many years had passed people came to understand something of the wonderful world in which they lived. They were no longer at the mercy of wild animals, storms, heat, cold, hunger, and disease. The first people, like the other animals, used only their hands and teeth in hunting and in fighting their enemies. Finally some of the brighter ones discovered that a stick or club served better than the bare hands. The use of flint knives may have been brought about through some one cutting himself accidentally upon a piece of flint sticking out of the ground. If he happened to be very bright, he would at once see the value of such a piece of stone tied on the end of an arrow or club. By such means, perhaps, implements of wood, bone, and stone came into use. We have discovered the sites of many of the villages as well as the caves in which the ancient inhabitants of the earth lived. The implements of bone and stone which we have dug up in such places enable us to learn a great deal about their lives. There was a time when people did not know the use of fire. What a fearful thing fire must have seemed to them, at first. Their knowledge of it probably came from lightning or from hot lava flowing from a volcano. After they had learned to control fire, and to make it by rubbing two sticks together, they must have felt rich indeed. The discovery of fire was one of their greatest triumphs. It kept the cold, damp cave warm and dry, even though it filled their eyes with smoke. It was a means of keeping them safe from the dangerous wild beasts when they had to sleep out in the open. It was useful in cooking their food, and by and by it was to prove valuable in still other ways, when they began to _make_ things as well as to _find_ things. They began, by and by, to build rude shelters,--huts and wigwams, low houses of dried mud, and dugouts in the hillside. They learned to weave simple coverings out of the fibers of certain plants, or hair or wool, to protect their bodies against the cold and the wet. They learned, somehow, to tan the skins of animals, so that they would not first stretch and grow slippery. They learned to hold things together by sewing, using sharp bones for needles and the sinews of animals or fibers of plants for thread. [Illustration: _American Forestry Association_ The Laplander of the far North uses the reindeer to pull his sled, its flesh for food, its skin for clothing, and its horns for various purposes.] How did men discover that they could travel on the water? Some one may at first have made use of a log to cross a river and, afterwards, have tied several logs together, making a raft. When they had learned how to make a canoe out of a log, by burning or hewing it out with rude axes, they could then take long journeys on the water to new lands. Since paddling was very tiresome, some one, brighter than the rest, probably thought of making a sail of bark or skins and so letting the wind push the canoe along. We do not know how the metals were discovered. Perhaps fire melted some of the copper in a vein of ore. Perhaps pure copper was found, for Nature sometimes leaves it in this form. Copper could be easily hammered into various useful articles, but it was too soft for many needs. After tin was discovered, it was learned that by melting it and copper together a new and very hard metal, known as _bronze_, was formed. Next, we think, came the discovery of iron, which has become so important that we could not get along without it. Think what this must have meant for them! To get firewood, to make rude boats and simple houses, to fight wild animals, now became easier. After iron they discovered gold and silver, and began to take an interest in making beautiful as well as useful things. It is easy to see how, once these new ways of using the earth were found, men could move into other regions than the belt where it was always warm. They could store up food for the winter, they could build warm shelters and get warm clothing, and they could sit by a fire. Sometimes when the first people were out hunting, instead of killing the young animals that they caught, they took them home and cared for them. So the little creatures became quite tame and grew up about the camps. The wild jungle fowls were the ancestors of the domestic hens which we find so useful. The wild cow was tamed in like manner, and made to supply milk in addition to food and clothing. The colts of wild horses and donkeys were captured and used for carrying loads. Sheep and goats were tamed in the same manner, and became the most valued possessions of some of the ancient peoples as they are of some peoples today. When they had learned to weave the wool of these animals into clothing and blankets, they had taken another step upon the long road which leads from ancient times down to us. Did these early people live entirely upon meat? If they had done so, we should never have had the wonderful variety of fruits and vegetables that we now enjoy so much. We must not suppose that Nature grew these things wild just as they are found in our gardens today. Our ancestors grew them for many generations, gradually improving their size and flavor. By selecting the best and carefully cultivating them, we are still continuing to make them better. The horse, donkey, cow, and camel proved valuable in another way to the people who were learning to cultivate the ground. When harnessed to a crooked and sharpened stick they aided in breaking up the ground in which the young plants were growing. And so the long years passed while the early people were discovering and making use of the things around them. They came to building better and more permanent homes, because they did not have to move from place to place in search of food. Where there were forests, wood served for their buildings. Where there were few trees, stone or mud bricks were used. The brighter people learned to understand Nature more quickly than those who were dull. Each discovery of some new way of doing things aided them in making others, and in this way people finally came to have all the comforts of today. Those people less quick to learn the secrets of Nature, or those who lived in countries to which Nature had given little, gained few comforts and even now remain savage. After our ancestors had learned to cultivate the soil, to use the minerals and the forests, and had tamed the animals and birds, they were still unsatisfied. They attempted to make the forces of Nature work for them. For a long time people made flour by crushing grain in a mortar. Next, two flat stones were used, one being made to turn upon the other by a handle. After that some animal, such as an ox or a horse, was harnessed to larger stones which, as they slowly turned, ground the grain. This was a great deal of work, and so some one thought of making the water tumbling over a ledge of rock grind the grain for them. The water was made to go over a water wheel. This wheel then made the millstones go around. It was a great deal easier. [Illustration: The wild home of early men. _H. W. Fairbanks_] Where there was no water power, wind was made to do the same work. A crude windmill gathered the power of the rapidly moving air. After wind and water had been forced to serve them, some one who had seen the lid of a tea kettle dancing up and down, thought of using steam. Then electricity, which in the form of jagged lightning had seemed so fearful a thing to the early people, was harnessed and made the greatest servant of all the forces of Nature. The discovery of powder led to the making of guns so destructive that dozens of birds could be killed at one shot. Some people became greedy and used all these wonderful discoveries to rob Nature. It seemed as if in some places all the wild life would be destroyed. Fires were allowed to burn the forest unhindered. The soil was made to produce crops until it grew poor. If we become selfish and indifferent and neglect to care for the treasures which Nature has placed in our hands, very serious things will happen to us, as they have happened to other people. How to use the storehouse of Nature without wasting or destroying these treasures is what we mean by _conservation_. CHAPTER TWO HOW OUR NEEDS DIFFER FROM THOSE OF THE FIRST MEN We have seen that the first men, like the other animals, depended upon the food that Nature supplied them, and when this was lacking they went hungry. When men had learned the use of fire they took the first step in making Nature serve them better than she did the lower animals. Today she works for us in so many ways that we can hardly name them all. After the use of fire the next thing that men learned was to make better homes, to tame some of the wild animals, and to raise a part of their food supplies, instead of depending entirely upon what they could pick up here and there. As the number of people increased, the question of securing food became more and more important. Would it not seem pretty hard to have to go out and hunt for your breakfast in the woods, or fields, or along the water? If you were alone you might find enough to eat, but if there were thousands of other people doing the same thing, you would probably go hungry. For this reason people began to cultivate berries, fruits, roots, and grains, and to take better care of their herds. Living as they did, in those parts of the world where the climate was warm, they usually found an abundance of food. But when these places became too crowded, and some of them had to move to new regions, they often found less food and a climate not always comfortable. In this way people spread into the colder and drier parts of the earth. The need for things which they did not have there sharpened the wits of these people. It led to one discovery after another. New needs were felt and new ways of satisfying them were sought. They kept finding out more about Nature and how she works. After many years they knew much more and were also far more comfortable than those people who continued to live where Nature supplied everything. There are now so many more people on the earth than there were long ago that to furnish them all with food is a very great task. Besides, there are now many people engaged in work other than farming, hunting, and fishing. All such people have to be provided for by those whose business it is to get food. People of the great cities are dependent upon those in the country for all that they eat! We can picture to ourselves the suffering that would follow if for only one week every one had to get his own food. We need many things that the first people thought nothing about, because their manner of life was so much simpler than ours. Let us see now what they are. We live in tightly closed houses, and so have less trouble in keeping warm and dry. But we do not always get the supply of fresh air that we need. Many of us are sickly and weak because of this. Our ancestors lived in the open air, which is always pure and fresh. A supply of pure air, then, is one of the things that we must now provide for. People once gave no thought to the purity of the water that they drank. When there were few people, water did not easily become impure. One could drink water wherever one found it and there was small risk of harm. Now in many places there are so many thousands of people gathered together that they have to take the greatest care about drinking water, in order to keep in good health. To get pure water it is often necessary to bring it many miles from mountainous regions where no one lives. Clothing is another thing that concerns us very much. Our ancestors were not troubled about their clothing. In the warm countries they went almost naked. Where it was cold the skins of animals served very well. Changes of fashion did not disturb them and cause them to throw away warm covering. To supply ourselves now with clothing we call upon Nature for many things. As she cannot, without our help, furnish what we need, we have to keep a great number of flocks, for their wool and skins, and cultivate vast fields of cotton and flax. When Nature raised in her own way the berries, grains, and roots that the first men ate, no thought was given to the soil in which these things grew. In truth, it was not necessary to pay any attention to the soil. Nature is very careful in her way and never makes the soil poor by growing more plants than it can support. In her own gardens she always renews the foods in the soil which the plants require as fast as they take them away. The needs of men have increased so fast that the soil has often been forced to grow more than it ought. Men have been a long time in learning that they cannot keep on growing the same crops on the same soil year after year without supplying to the soil extra foods, or _fertilizers_, as we call them. The care of the soil is another thing to which we have to give attention, but which did not worry our ancestors. Nature clothes the earth with a carpet of grasses, bushes, or trees. When the rain falls on the ground, their roots hold the soil so firmly that it usually washes away only very slowly. When men first began to cultivate the soil, they paid no attention to the fact that water washes away the loose earth very easily. In this loose earth at the top of the ground is stored most of the food which the plants require. Care of the surface of the ground is, then, another thing which we have to keep in mind. Men at first made shelters for themselves from anything that was at hand, such as bark, skins, rock, or earth. When they learned to make sharp-edged tools, they began to use trees. Where it is cold, much wood is required to build warm houses. As the numbers of men increased, they used greater and greater quantities of wood. Wood also proved to be most useful for many other purposes than house building. In order to plant larger fields the trees were cut down or burned off, without thought of doing any harm. In time trees became scarce in many parts of the world and men began to realize that care must be used or the supply of wood might fail them. Coal was finally discovered and men said, "Now we have something that will last always, for there must be an inexhaustible amount in the earth beneath our feet. All that we shall have to do is to dig it out." When men grew wiser they learned that coal must not be used carelessly any more than the other gifts of Nature; otherwise the supply may give out and leave them with nothing to take its place. Hunting and fishing continued to be the business of many. They invented destructive weapons with which they were able to kill such large numbers of wild creatures that some kinds disappeared entirely. Fish, also, of which people thought the sea and the rivers contained a never failing supply, became scarcer. They did not know that fish live mostly in the shallow waters along shores, and that the great ocean depths contain very few. [Illustration: _George J. Young_ Sierra junipers above Tuolumne Meadows, near the Yosemite Valley, showing how roots will force their way in apparently most unfavorable places.] Thus, as the earth became thickly settled with men and their wants increased, they discovered that they had to treat Nature in a very different way from that of their early ancestors. Because of our great numbers we have to be careful not to use the earth in such a way as to lessen its fertility and productiveness. Where people have been careless, famine has often resulted. Poverty and suffering have come to many parts of the earth, as we shall learn farther along in this little book. THE CITY ON THE PLAIN Strange indeed were the sounds I heard One day, on the side of the mountain: Hushed was the stream and silent the bird, The restless wind seemed to hold its breath, And all things there were as still as death, Save the hoarse-voiced god of the mountain. Through the tangled growth, with a hurried stride, I saw him pass on the mountain, Thrusting the briers and bushes aside, Crackling the sticks and spurning the stones, And talking in loud and angry tones On the side of the ancient mountain. The tips of his goatlike ears were red, Though the day was cool on the mountain, And they lay close-drawn to his horned head; His bushy brows o'er his small eyes curled, And he stamped his hoofs,--for all the world Like Pan in a rage on the mountain. "Where are my beautiful trees," he cried, "That grew on the side of the mountain? The stately pines that were once my pride, My shadowy, droop-limbed junipers: And my dewy, softly whispering firs, 'Mid their emerald glooms on the mountain? "They are all ravished away," he said, "And torn from the arms of the mountain, Away from the haunts of cooling shade, From the cloisters green which flourished here-- My lodging for many a joyous year On the side of the pleasant mountain. "The songbird is bereft of its nest, And voiceless now is the mountain. My murmurous bees once took their rest, At shut of day, and knew no fear, In the trees whose trunks lie rotting here On the side of the ruined mountain. "Man has let in the passionate sun To suck the life-blood of the mountain, And drink up its fountains one by one: And out of the immortal freshness made A thing of barter, and sold in trade The sons of the mother mountain. "Down in the valley I see a town, Built of his spoils from my mountain-- A jewel torn from a monarch's crown, A grave for the lordly groves of Pan: And for this, on the head of vandal man, I hurl a curse from the mountain. "His palpitant streams shall all go dry Henceforth on the side of the mountain, And his verdant plains as a desert lie Until he plants again the forest fold And restores to me my kingdom old, As in former days on the mountain. "Long shall the spirit of silence brood On the side of the wasted mountain, E'er out of the sylvan solitude To lift the curse from off the plain, The crystal streams pour forth again From the gladdened heart of the mountain." MILLARD F. HUDSON, in _American Forestry_, XIV. 42 [Illustration: _Pillsbury's Pictures, Inc._ "'Where are my beautiful trees,' he cried, 'That grew on the side of the mountain?'"] CHAPTER THREE THE EARTH AS IT WAS BEFORE THE COMING OF CIVILIZED MEN For ages, on the silent forest here, Thy beams did fall before the red man came To dwell beneath them; in their shade the deer Fed, and feared not the arrow's deadly aim. Nor tree was felled, in all that world of woods, Save by the beaver's tooth, or winds, or rush of floods. WILLIAM CULLEN BRYANT, _A Walk at Sunset_ The earth has not always been as it is now. Those parts now possessed by the more civilized peoples have been very greatly changed. If we could look back and see some of the countries as they were long ago, we should hardly know them. In certain lands the forests have been cut down, the wild creatures driven away, and the soil so carelessly cultivated that it has become poor. In other lands Nature's gifts have been carefully used; even the barren deserts have been turned into green fields and blooming gardens for hundreds of miles. Let us try to picture to ourselves how our own country looked when white men first found and explored it. A few hundred years ago it was the home of wild animals and Indians only. We have been given our freedom in one of the richest of Nature's gardens, and, like so many children, have tried to see who could gather the most treasures from it. We have given little attention to keeping up the garden. If you have been in some part of the country that is still wild and unsettled, it will help you to form a picture of how the entire land once looked. If you have been in one of our great natural parks, this will be a better help. In these parks everything remains just as Nature made it. There the animals, birds, and plants are free to live their lives unmolested. Is it not a good thing that our government has been wise enough to have large tracts of land left in just the condition in which the whole country was when our ancestors first came? We will think of our whole land, then, as a great wild park, rich in all kinds of animal and plant life. It was not an altogether happy family that lived in this park, for all were struggling for food, drink, and sunshine. But as none were possessed of such deadly weapons as those of civilized man, no one kind of animal was able to kill off all of any other kind. Neither the Indians in their wigwams, nor the wild animals in their lairs, nor the birds singing in the trees, nor the ducks quacking in the marshes dreamed of the change that was coming to their homes. They did not dream of civilized man with his terrible weapons and his many needs, who was to change the whole appearance of the country and nearly or quite exterminate many of them. The life of the Indians was almost as simple as that of the lower animals. Their clothing required little care. Their homes were easily made. Some of them had learned to cultivate the soil, but they depended mainly upon food obtained by hunting, and such roots, berries, and nuts as the women could collect. If we could have looked down on our land as the bird does, we should have seen little sign of human inhabitants. There were no roads or bridges, and only indistinct trails led from one village to another. In the far Southwest there were people quite different from those of whom we have been speaking. They were called the Pueblo Indians. In Mexico there were similar people called the Aztecs. All these Indians still live in permanent stone villages, as they did a thousand years ago. They learned more about Nature than the wandering Indians, but we do not believe they would ever become civilized if left to themselves. The only animal that the Indians had tamed was the wolf. They made little use of the wolf-dog except in the far North, where it drew their sleds over the snow. Some of the Indians of our country once knew of the use of copper, but it had been forgotten when white men first came. All about the Indians was the same world that surrounds us. In truth, it was a richer world in some ways, for since then many of its treasures have been lost through greed and waste. The rich soil of the valleys was almost undisturbed. The forests were uncut save for an occasional tree used in making a canoe or a rude cabin. The forests suffered only at the hands of the insects, storms, and fires. The flowers that covered the ground in spring went ungathered. The vast grassy prairies were disturbed only by the feeding of such animals as the buffalo, elk, deer, and antelope. A single great forest spread over all the mountains and valleys of the eastern part of our country. Now you can travel for many miles in the more thickly settled portions of this region and see not a single tree of the original forest. To the west of the forest came the prairies and plains. Still farther west came lofty mountains and desert valleys. On these Western mountains were other forests with trees of wonderful size. [Illustration: _American Forestry Association_ The elk once roamed the valleys.] This great natural park, with its long seacoasts, rivers, lakes, marshes, dense woods, and open plains, was a paradise for wild creatures of every description, and the Indian was contented to leave it so. Grizzly and black bears roamed the thickets. Elk wandered through the mountains and valleys. Deer were abundant everywhere. The antelope raced over the plains, mountain goats and sheep lived among the rocks, and moose filled the Northern woods. Great herds of buffalo darkened the surface of the plains. When the first railroad was built across the plains, less than fifty years ago, the trains were sometimes stopped by herds of buffalo crossing the track. Most of the songbirds that filled the country then are still with us, for they were of little commercial value to the hunter. No other land has richer bird music than ours. Many of the birds that are valuable for food are, however, nearly extinct. Now we have laws for their protection, but these laws went into effect too late to save some species. The passenger pigeon is one of our greatest losses. The cutting down of the vast forests that once covered the Eastern states, and the cultivation of fields, has helped to drive many of the wild creatures away. We are just beginning to learn how poor our country would be if we lost them all. Refuges are being established in many places, where those birds and animals most in danger of extinction may live safe from the hunter. The coast waters, lakes, and streams of our country were once alive with fish. The Indians made use of them, but their rude traps did not catch enough to affect the number seriously. We have fished with every kind of trap that the brightest fisherman could think of. Many important food fishes are now very much reduced in numbers. The fur seal and sea otter are so nearly gone that only the most watchful protection will save them from extinction. The land, as the Indian knew it, was beautiful, and was filled with everything that one could wish. But the Indian did not know how to use it. He lived a poor life, suffering from cold and hunger. We came into the possession of a land unspoiled by its primitive inhabitants. It was just as Nature made it. In a few short years we have almost exterminated the Indian. We have swept away a large part of the forests. We have almost destroyed many of the species of animals and birds. We have robbed the soil and injured the flow of the rivers. Some of this loss we could not help, for when many millions of people occupy a land there must be many changes. But for the losses that we have needlessly and carelessly caused we shall sometime be sorry. [Illustration: _Pillsbury's Pictures, Inc._ "Such beautiful things in the heart of the woods! Flowers and ferns and the soft green moss."] Do you not think we are wise in seeking how to take better care of this land of ours? IN THE HEART OF THE WOODS Such beautiful things in the heart of the woods! Flowers and ferns and the soft green moss; Such love of the birds in the solitudes, Where the swift winds glance and the treetops toss; Spaces of silence swept with song, Which nobody hears but the God above; Spaces where myriad creatures throng, Sunning themselves in his guarding love. Such safety and peace in the heart of the woods! Far from the city's dust and din, Where passion nor hate nor man intrudes, Nor fashion nor folly has entered in. Deeper than hunter's trail hath gone Glimmers the tarn where the wild deer drink; And fearless and free comes the gentle fawn, To peep at herself o'er the grassy brink. Such pledges of love in the heart of the woods! For the Maker of all things keeps the feast, And over the tiny flowers broods With care that for ages has never ceased. If he cares for this, will he not for thee-- Thee, wherever thou art today? Child of an infinite Father, see; And safe in such gentlest keeping stay. MARGARET E. SANGSTER, in _American Forestry_, XIV CHAPTER FOUR NATURE'S UNEQUAL DISTRIBUTION OF HER GIFTS Pure, fresh air is free to all of us, for, like an ocean, it surrounds the whole earth. We need pure water just as much as we do pure air, but it is not always easy to get. A large part of the earth is buried beneath water so salt that we cannot use it. Other parts of the earth are so dry that if we venture into them we may die of thirst. The solid land on which we make our homes is not all of the same value. Thousands of square miles are so rocky or so cold or so dry that they support no living thing. Other thousands of miles of the earth have been so favored by Nature that they are fairly alive with every sort of creature. We say that a country is rich in natural resources when it has an abundance of those things that men need or can make use of for their pleasure and comfort. A country is poor when it has few of these things. The first men were poor, although they lived in a rich part of the earth. They did not know how to make use of what lay around them. If civilized men are poor now, it is because they have wasted Nature's gifts or because they live in a country upon which she has bestowed little. When we say that the far North where the Eskimos live is a dreary, desolate region, we mean that it lacks most of those things necessary to make men comfortable and happy. When we read of the life of the wandering Arabs in the desert of Arabia, we think of a country to which Nature has not given its share. When we speak of Spain as poor, we have in mind a country once favored by Nature, but no longer prosperous because its resources have been wasted. Our own land is now rich and prosperous because of the abundance of its natural resources. We should guard these well lest we meet a fate similar to that of the people of Spain. [Illustration: _H. W. Fairbanks_ Where Nature has supplied little rain; desert sand dunes.] If we journey over our own land, we shall discover that Nature has been very partial to certain parts, giving them more than they need. Other parts have been left with little. We shall also discover what wonderful things men are doing to make up for the failures of Nature, and to make habitable many of those places which she left uninhabitable. The forests of the eastern half of the country have been thinned out. West of the Mississippi River there are thousands of square miles of prairies where there are almost no trees. In such places the first settlers had difficulty in getting firewood, and had to build their houses of earth or stone. Upon the northwest coast there is fog and rain and little sunshine. There the forests grow so dense that it is difficult to travel through them. In the deserts of the Southwest the sun shines out of a cloudless sky almost every day in the year. The ground becomes very dry and the living things found there have strange and curious habits. In the Central and Eastern states there is much coal; and because of this, millions of people have gathered there to engage in manufacturing. In California coal is scarce and has to be brought from other parts of the earth. The vast prairies of the Mississippi Valley are covered with fields of waving grain, much of which is shipped to distant regions. In New England much of the soil is rocky and not enough grain is raised there to supply the needs of the population. [Illustration: _U. S. Office of Farm Management (J. S. Cotton)_ A farming scene in the fertile valley of the Missouri River.] The work that people do in different places is determined by the way in which Nature has distributed her resources. The farmers are mostly found in the valleys where the soil is best. Cattle are pastured on those lands not suited to farming. The miners go to the mountains, where they can more easily find the minerals they are after. The lumberman finds his work where the climate favors the growth of forest trees. The manufacturer seeks the waterfalls, where there is power to turn his mills. Now let us try to discover in how far we can change Nature's plan and make habitable those places which she left uninhabitable. There are some things which we cannot do. We cannot make the air warmer or colder. We cannot cause rain to fall even though the fields are parched with drought. We cannot stop the rain falling, and we cannot stop the winds blowing. [Illustration: _H. W. Fairbanks_ The prickly pear in its desert home.] While we cannot stop the water falling from the clouds, we can drain the lowlands and marshes and so make them fit for the farmer. We can raise great dikes or embankments along the rivers and so shut out the flood waters. The people of Holland have saved thousands of acres from the sea by building dikes and pumping out the water from the inclosed fields. While we cannot make it rain where not enough rain falls, we can do that which is just as good or better: we can carry water by ditches and pipes to the land that needs it. Much of the soil of the great deserts in the southwestern part of our country is rich in plant food. All that it lacks is water. The Indian roamed over the rich lands of the great delta of the Colorado River. He often went hungry and thirsty. He did not think of taking the water out of the river in a ditch and allowing it to flow over and wet the rich soil. The white man came and turned the river out of its channel and spread the water over hundreds of square miles of the richest land on the earth. Now, where once you would have died of thirst and hunger, there are green fields and growing crops as far as you can see. [Illustration: The Owens River aqueduct, through which water is carried to Los Angeles from a source more than two hundred miles distant.] The city of Los Angeles is situated in a dry region where there is not water enough for the needs of a great city. There has now been completed a great aqueduct which brings a river of water through deserts and mountains from the Sierra Nevada Mountains, over two hundred miles away. There is now sufficient water for hundreds of thousands of people. When it rains too much, many rivers rise and overflow their banks. The farmer's crops are destroyed, his cattle drowned, and his buildings washed away. We can lessen the danger from these floods, which are very bad in such river basins as those of the Ohio and Mississippi, by building reservoirs in the highlands where the rivers take their start. If when summer comes these rivers are too shallow for safe navigation, the reservoirs can be opened and the streams supplied with this stored water. The lack of trees upon the prairies was once a serious matter for the settler. We must not think, however, that because Nature placed no trees on the prairies that trees will not grow there. She may not have had handy the seed of the kind suitable for such dry lands. Our government has found in the dry regions of other countries trees that will grow upon our prairies. In their own home these trees had become used to a dry climate like that of our prairies. Steep cañons and cliffs of rock once kept people, living on the opposite sides of mountain ranges, from becoming acquainted with one another. Our ancestors were afraid to venture out on the boundless oceans with their small, frail boats. Because of this the continent that we live on long remained unknown. Those who first found it, the ancestors of the present Indians, came here by accident. Storms probably blew their boats across the North Pacific Ocean, and thus they found a new home. Now railroads enable us to cross the deserts in perfect comfort. Tunnels have been made through the mountains, so that we can go easily from one valley to another. Boats of giant size carry us safely and quickly across the stormy oceans. Nature did not intend us to fly through the air or swim beneath the water, but we are learning so much about her laws that we shall soon be almost as much at home in the air and the sea as the birds and fish are. CHAPTER FIVE THE LAND OF THE POOR PEOPLE My squandered forests, hacked and hewed, Are gone; my rivers fail; My stricken hillsides, stark and nude, Stand shivering in the gale. Down to the sea my teeming soil In yellow torrents goes; The guerdon of the farmer's toil With each year lesser grows. ROBERT M. REESE, _The Spendthrift_; quoted in _American Forestry_, XIV. 269 This is the story of a land of plenty that became almost a desert. Long ago there dwelt in this land a people wise in all the things that concerned their home. Through many hard years of toil and struggle they had learned to take the very best care of what Nature had given them. Although Nature seemed to them to be wasteful, she punished waste in her children. As long as they obeyed, they had comfortable homes, fertile fields, and sleek herds. The country of which we are speaking was very beautiful. There were lofty mountains and broad, fertile valleys. Many streams, fed by clear, cool springs, flowed through the land. There were also green meadows and deep, dark forests. The forests contained many wild animals, for in the forests the animals found both food and protection. Birds of every sort abounded, and their music filled the air. Trees overhung the streams, shading them from the hot sun, so that they did not dry up in the summer. The springs never failed, for the carpet of leaves and decaying vegetation underneath the trees of the forests held much of the rainwater from running away, so that it sank into the ground. Instead of making floods in the rivers, it fed the springs gradually and steadily through the long, dry summers. The people of this land had learned the secrets of the growing plants and how these plants could be made better by cultivation. They had also learned to tame the wild animals and make them useful. The farms were managed with great care so that they never grew poor. The soil never refused to grow their crops. The people had learned during their earlier years of struggle that they must not clear the forests from the hillsides, for, if they did, the soil would begin to wash away. They had learned that they must leave the forests on the mountains in order to save the springs. Rain did not always come when it was needed for the crops, and at other times it rained too much. Reservoirs were built to hold the surplus water for use in time of drought. Canals were dug to carry it to the fields. The wild animals and birds bothered the crops, and the first thought of the people was to kill them. But it was soon discovered that this was not wise. Those who destroyed the wild creatures about their farms began to suffer from rats, mice, rabbits, and a multitude of little insects that all but devoured the crops. It did not take these people long to learn that Nature was not to be trifled with. If they took too much from the earth one year, she made them pay for it the next. They not only became wise enough to take care of every good thing that Nature had given them, but improved upon many things that she had left unsuited to their use. Thus the land was kept beautiful and fertile. The inhabitants became rich, and, instead of fearing Nature as they once did, they came to love the rocks, the woods, the streams, and the wild creatures. Let us now leave this rich and fertile land and come back to it after hundreds of years have passed. We find a new people living there and the country so changed that we can hardly believe it is the same land. Yet it must be the same, for there are the very mountains that were there long ago. To be sure, they do not look just as they did. When we last saw them they were covered with forests, but now they are barren and scarred with many gulches. Here is the same river, but it also looks different. While it was once overhung with trees and its waters were so clear that we could see the fish in the bottom, it now has a broad, sandy bed; the trees are gone, and the water is shallow and muddy. The new inhabitants of this land have a tired and discouraged appearance. They have a hard struggle to get enough to eat. The soil is rocky, and it takes much labor to raise the scanty crops. They never seem able to gather all the rocks from the fields, for the soil washes away and new ones are constantly uncovered. Where are the forests that once grew here? We find in their stead only a few stunted trees and bushes. There is little grass and almost no flowers, even in spring. Sheep and cattle wander far for their forage and do not have the sleek appearance they once did. There are few wild creatures of any sort, for since there are no woods there are few hiding places. Neither do we see any birds, and we listen in vain for a song or note of any kind. [Illustration: _H. W. Fairbanks_ The women carry home the fuel.] The houses are made of mud or stone and look cold and cheerless. The people must suffer from cold in winter. The only wood they have is small brush which the women and children gather upon the far hills and bring home in huge bundles upon their backs. In the towns of this country the only fuel now to be had is charcoal. This is brought upon the backs of burros from the distant mountains, where the few remaining trees give work to charcoal burners. The charcoal is peddled through the streets and sold in tiny quantities at each door. The people are too poor to buy much at a time and are very careful in its use. It is burned in a metal or earthen dish called a brazier, and a double handful may last a family a whole day. Rains still fall in this country of the Poor People, as they did long ago. But the waters gather quickly upon the unprotected slopes and run off in muddy torrents, taking along some of the soil. Thus each succeeding year there is less plant food for the crops. [Illustration: _H. W. Fairbanks_ The rocky land of the poor people.] How did this country, once rich and fruitful, become so barren? We are sure from what we know of Nature's ways that she is not the cause of the trouble. Through greed and ignorance of how to take care of their land the present inhabitants have wasted and squandered its wealth until it has become almost a desert. We can do things with Nature, and direct many of her forces so that they will work for our good. We cannot, however, as we have learned, change the amount of rain that falls, nor can we make it warmer or colder. How, then, are these poor people to blame for the condition of their country? The troubles which overtook them came from two things. In the first place they did not know how to take care of their rich land, and in the second place they were greedy and wanted to become wealthy faster than they ought. Why does the rain, which once made this country fruitful, now wash away the soil and make it barren? It is because in those earlier times much of the land was covered with cool forests. The rain then fell more gently because of the forests. More of it soaked into the ground and the springs were larger. Now the rains are delayed by the hot air of the thirsty land until, when they finally do come, the water falls in torrents. Such rains or cloudbursts, as we often call them, carry away the unprotected soil faster than Nature can renew it. [Illustration: _Bailey Willis_ The shallow, rock-filled river along whose banks the trees have been destroyed.] The strangers in the land, under whose rule it became poor, thought they knew better than Nature. They did not look upon her as the great wise mother of them all. Soon after these people came into possession of the land, they found that in other places there was a demand for their grain, cattle, and wool. They began to increase their fields and herds. To do this it was necessary to cut down the forests which had stood so long. It seemed to them too bad to leave valuable land covered only with trees. The people began to look askance at the birds, for they thought they were eating too much grain. Because they did not know what good the little creatures were doing, they killed them. Since most of the birds nested in trees, they got rid of them faster by cutting down the trees. The steep hillsides were finally cleared of trees and the soil began to wash, and the rocks soon appeared. No plant food was given to the soil to replace that taken by the growing plants, and the crops soon began to show the effect of starvation. The cattle began to suffer for lack of food. They ate the grass down so closely that much of it was killed. The rainwater, instead of feeding the springs, now ran swiftly away. The clear, steady rivers turned to muddy floods during the rainy season. They swept through the valleys, washing away houses and crops. In the summer they dried up so that the fish died. When these people at last discovered their mistake, they strove by hard labor to repair the damage which they had done through years of ignorance and greed. This was such slow, difficult work that the land still remains a dreary place in which to live. It is known as the Land of the Poor People. CHAPTER SIX WHAT THE MUDDY RIVULET HAS TO SAY Would you like to know something about what I am doing? Would you like to know why my waters are yellow with mud? I am accused of being a noisy, roistering fellow, of robbing people of their wealth and of doing all sorts of wicked deeds. But, worst of all, I am accused of carrying away the tiny particles of soil in which the plants find their food and of dropping them in the depths of the sea. Perhaps, when you really understand my work, you will say that I have no evil intentions at all. I am only one of Nature's servants. Each one of us has a work to do. Sometimes we have to do things that seem to be bad, but that is because some one on the earth has broken Nature's laws. Nature has many servants. To each one of us is given a different kind of work. I am the great leveler of the land. No mountain is too great or too high for me to tear down. I can carry it all away grain by grain and leave it in the lowlands or in the sea. Many mountains I have destroyed so completely that you would hardly believe they ever existed. Long before there were any animals and men on the earth I was busy, and I shall be busy when they are all gone. The farmer believes me his enemy, but if I do injure his fields it is because I cannot help it. The work that has been given me to do is the carrying away of the loose earth wherever I can find it. If the farmer does not want his hillsides made poor, he should take care of them. The farmer does not know that he has me to thank for the richest of his lands, those lands where the soil is deep and dark, and filled with plant food. I and my brother rivulets have been thousands of years in collecting the soil which forms the fertile lowlands in the valleys through which we flow. We all unite to form the mighty river which finally ends in the sea. [Illustration: _H. W. Fairbanks_ Because some farmer was careless, a rivulet has nearly destroyed this rich valley.] Upon all the slopes which drain toward the river we rivulets are at work. Other servants of Nature are working here. Some of them are making the rocks soften and fall apart. Others are bringing seeds of the grasses and trees that they may take root in the crumbling rock. It is their business to make a carpet of plants over the earth and thus stop my work. But wherever the slopes are steep we rivulets have our way. We pick up and carry away the particles of sand and clay so that only the bare, hard rocks remain. When the steep slopes become gentle, and we can no longer carry away all the particles of crumbled rock, then the carpet of plants spreads over the surface. Now our waters become clear. We seem like different beings. Once in a while, when the rains fall very heavily, some of us break through the protecting carpet and dig great hollows and gullies into the earth. Would you like to know how we rivulets get rid of the load we carry from the mountain slopes? When we are muddy and swollen with the heavy rains, we turn the river into a flood. The river then breaks its banks and spreads out over all the lowlands along its course. Now the river flows more slowly and drops a part of the sand and mud which we rivulets brought to it. Finally, when the storm is over and the river goes back into its channel, there is left on the surface of the valleys a layer of earth rich in plant food. We brought the river the finest of the rock particles, together with the leaves and stems of plants that lay in our way. [Illustration: _H. W. Fairbanks_ The rivulets have united to form the broad, shallow river loaded with the soil from the farms along its upper course.] As year after year we made the river overflow, the soil of the lowlands grew deeper and deeper until it became as you see it today. Now the slopes about the head of the river are not so steep as they were once. Our waters do not run away so rapidly and the river seldom overflows. Thus the farmer can use the land for his crops, which grow so luxuriantly that he is envied by his less fortunate neighbors who live upon the hills. [Illustration: _U. S. Office of Farm Management_ The soil of this valley has been washed to its present location by flood waters.] Upon the slopes about the valleys we rivulets did not leave so much soil. The farther one goes up the slopes the thinner one finds the soil, until at the top the bare rock may appear. But our work, says the muddy rivulet, was not finished with the making of the fertile valley lands. We carried a part of our load of sand and mud on to the mouth of the river. Here in the bay into which the river empties we began another great task. It seemed hopeless at first to try to turn the bay into dry land, but year after year we kept at work, through a time so long that I have forgotten when we began. At last we succeeded in bringing so much material to the bay that the waters became shallow. Then the soft mud began to show itself when the water was low. At last the water was replaced by dry land, which appeared much like the lowlands which we had made along the river. Now you who think we muddy rivulets do only harm see what we have accomplished. We have built a great delta of the richest land that extends away on every hand as level as a floor and almost as far as you can see. The soil of the delta is hundreds of feet deep and the richest to be found on the whole earth. It is on such river deltas that the first civilized men made their homes, and became rich and powerful. Now I have told you what Nature has appointed the muddy rivulets to do. Is not the good that we do far greater than the harm? When we do harm it is because people have not learned how, or have not tried, to obey Nature's laws. If we make people poor, it is their own fault. We still find much to do upon the earth. Nature is still making mountains which we have to tear down. We are still building deltas which will sometime be inhabited by rich and prosperous people. We do not willingly spoil the lands of the farmers on the hills and make them labor hard for a living. In those happy lands where people understand Nature we rivulets have a different kind of work to do. We become pure and clear. We furnish a home for the fish, drink for the thirsty flocks, and a never-failing power to turn the mill wheels. Our waters are of service to every living thing. CHAPTER SEVEN HOW FAR WILL NATURE RESTORE HER WASTED GIFTS? The natural wealth of our country is its soil, water, forests, minerals, animal and bird life, and, finally, its climate and scenery. Of all these, _climate_ and _scenery_ are the only ones which we can use and enjoy as much as we like without any danger of their ever failing us. The sun will shine through the blue sky, the winds will blow, and the storms will come just the same, no matter what we may do. Did you ever think how long a time it has taken to make the wonderful world in which we live, and place upon it the mountains and valleys, lakes and oceans? Did you ever think how long a time it has taken to make the rocks and store away in them gold, silver, copper, and iron? Did you ever think how long a time it has taken to cover the rocks with soil, and spread over the surface the flowers and trees and to stock it with uncounted numbers of animals and birds? Nature usually works very slowly, but she never rests. The earth and all things on its surface, have always been changing, but changing so slowly that we do not ordinarily notice what is going on. When there is an earthquake, or a slide of rock on a mountain side, or an eruption of a volcano, we are astonished and often terrified. Stories that have come down to us from the distant past tell us that the earth looked then much the same as it does now. If we could look away back to a time long before the first men lived, when even the animals and plants were different from those around us, we should discover that the surface of the earth was quite different from that of today. We should then see mountains and hills where now we find valleys, and dry land where now lies the blue ocean. Nature has been such a long time making the beautiful world in which we live, that we ought to treat it with great consideration. It is also a wise thing for us to be heedful of her requests, for, if we will work with her, the earth with all its treasures will be at our command. Shall we not now seek to learn which of the natural resources of our land will never be replaced if we squander them? Let us also learn which may be made good again by Nature, if we are willing to wait long enough, as well as to assist her in her slow work. Each year the growing plants take certain substances from the soil. It is necessary for us to put back like substances if we would keep up the fertility of the soil. If we are neglectful of this law, or allow water to wash the soil away until only the bare rocks remain, poverty will be our lot for many years. Nature will, however, if we give her a chance, renew the soil. The rocks will crumble and, by and by, seeds will sprout and tiny plants obtain a foothold. But it may take a whole lifetime, or hundreds of years, even, for a new and fertile soil to come again. During the early years of placer mining in California thousands of acres of rich lands in the foothills were destroyed. Only boulders were left. Now fifty years have passed and a new soil is being formed, but it will be a long time yet before it will be as good as it was in the first place. Upon the Western prairies only grain has been raised for so many years that in many places the soil will scarcely grow a crop worth gathering. Many farmers have never thought of this, but the wise ones understand that they must frequently add plant food to the soil to replace that taken by crops. They understand also that it is a good thing to change the crops grown upon any particular field from year to year, since different plants take different substances from the soil. [Illustration: _H. W. Fairbanks_ The miner in his search for gold ruins the beautiful valley, leaving it a mass of boulders.] Water goes through a ceaseless round. It rises from the sea and lakes to form the clouds, falls as rain or snow, and then flows back down the slopes to the sea. Although we have learned that we cannot change the quantity of rain that falls in any place, we can influence the way in which it runs back to the sea. This in turn affects the lives of people. We can store water in reservoirs, and by building canals have it to use on the land during the summer. We can also keep it from flowing back to the sea as rapidly as it otherwise would, by leaving uninjured the covering of vegetation which has been spread over the mountain slopes. The water will run from bare rocks and bare soil much more quickly than it will from soil that is covered with leaf mold and held by plant roots. Do you not see, then, that we have almost as much control over water and its distribution as though we could increase or decrease the rainfall? What about the forests? If we cut them down, will they ever come back? All through the eastern part of our country and in the mountains of the West are lands once forested which have been cleared and turned into farms. Many of these farms, when abandoned, have in a few years been covered with a growth of young trees. The scattering trees that had been left in the vicinity of the clearings furnished the seed. The winds and the birds carried the seed to the open fields and so the forests began again. [Illustration: _H. W. Fairbanks_ But Nature, after a lapse of fifty years, has spread a new carpet of soil over the valley.] It will be hundreds of years before the trees are as large and valuable as those of the first forest. The "big trees" of the Sierra Nevada Mountains are found nowhere else in the world, for they are the last of their race. Some of these trees are more than 4000 years old. They stood here when our forefathers were still savages and lived in trees or caves. Much of the region where these trees are found has now been reserved as a park. If the lumberman had been allowed to get at them, they would have soon been gone forever. [Illustration: _George J. Young_ Uncle Sam has preserved both forests and water power.] It is far more difficult to destroy completely most of the species of forest trees than it is to destroy the species of animals and birds. We can cut down the trees and in some cases they will grow again from sprouts. Many will hide away in remote places and furnish seed for new forests. The animals as well as the plants have had a long history. They have had a harder struggle than the plants, because many of them prey upon one another. We often dig up the skeletons of strange animals unlike any now living. These must have all been killed long ago. Each species or kind of animal now living must have come off victorious in the struggle with its enemies. Does it not seem a heartless thing for us, who call ourselves civilized, to destroy so completely any species of animal or plant that not one of its kind remains alive? No species which we destroy will ever come back again, and its place will always remain empty. There are a few predatory animals and birds that destroy vast numbers of useful ones. We should keep these in check by every means in our power, but for our thoughtless destruction of the valuable ones the world will always be poorer. What of the mineral treasures hidden away in the earth? Will these be replaced when once they have all been used up? It took Nature a very long time to make coal out of the vegetation which had gathered in some ancient swamp. It took her fully as long to make the oil and gas from the bodies of the little organisms that once lived in the sea. The bodies of the little creatures from which oil is made are still gathering upon the bottom of the sea, and there are many swamps where we find vegetation and peat accumulating. But it is a long story from these substances to oil and coal. I am afraid we should get tired of waiting for Nature to make a new supply. Gold, silver, copper, and other minerals, so useful to us, are found in very small quantities scattered throughout most of the solid rocks of the earth. It would be impossible for us to obtain these from rocks, because there is so little in any one place. But Nature has collected a part of them in veins in the rocks. We sink shafts upon these veins and mine the ores. It will be a long time before we shall have mined all there is of these minerals. Because they are so hard to get we are not likely to waste them. But it is quite certain that there is a limit to the supply of mineral treasures, and equally certain that they can be renewed either very, very slowly, or not at all. Shall we cause our remote descendants to suffer for our carelessness? CHAPTER EIGHT THE SOIL--THE MOST IMPORTANT GIFT OF NATURE An ancient story tells us that men were made from the dust of the earth. This dust under our feet, which soils our shoes, this dust which the wind sometimes sweeps along in blinding clouds, is indeed precious. The delicate tissues of our bodies are made from the food we eat. If it be plant food, it comes directly from the soil. If it be meat or eggs or milk, it comes from animals which live upon the plants, that in turn got their nourishment from the soil. This soft, dark substance which covers the rocky skeleton of the earth we call the _soil_. How common and cheap it looks when it is placed by the side of a piece of gold! But how much more wonderful it would seem if we could know all about it. The soil is far more necessary to our comfort and prosperity than gold. Gold, silver, or precious stones cannot keep us alive. They are of little worth to us compared with food and clothing. The soil, then, is the real wealth of the world. The farmer, who tills the soil, is the one worker we could not possibly do without. All the wealth of the world, all the comforts which we have, all the luxuries brought from far corners of the earth, come in the first place from the soil. We do not have to journey far over the earth to learn that there are many lands where the fields are not fruitful, and yet such lands are often rich and prosperous. How can this be if the soil is so necessary? Let us go to New England and ask the people living there if they can tell us why rich people sometimes inhabit lands which do not raise enough for them to eat. [Illustration: _H. W. Fairbanks_ These jagged rocks are formed of once molten lava. By and by they will crumble and be covered with a layer of soil.] Much of New England is hilly and has a poor, rocky soil. The farmers who first settled there toiled hard, working early and late, and yet got few of the comforts of life. Most of the farmers did not know how to improve the soil or even to keep it in as good condition as it was when they first cleared away the forests and began cultivating it; so many left their farms to seek a living elsewhere. There are now many abandoned farms that are growing up to forests again. In spite of this poor land, the New England states form one of the most wealthy and prosperous parts of our country. There are many great cities containing hundreds of thousands of people in this territory. The inhabitants enjoy luxuries of every kind sent from all parts of the world. The farmers of New England certainly do not produce this wealth from their rocky soil. Where, then, does it come from? Industries of almost every sort except farming are carried on in the cities of New England. All these people have to be fed and the farms of this region would hardly support them even if the soil were very productive. So much food is needed every day that if the supply were cut off for only a short time, there would be great suffering. Somewhere there must be farmers at work raising food supplies for the people of the great cities. The many beautiful and wonderful things made by the workers in the cities must be exchanged with the farmers for the real necessities of life. Somewhere there must be vast fertile fields which produce much more than their owners require. We will journey westward to the prairies of the Mississippi Valley. Here for hundreds of miles we can see hardly anything but fields of waving wheat and corn. Here are hundreds of granaries and flour mills. Upon the rivers and lakes there are many boats, and upon the land railroads, all carrying flour and other farm products to feed the people of New England. Here are great stock ranches with thousands of cattle and hogs, which, when fattened upon the grain, are also shipped to New England to help feed the people there. [Illustration: A field of wheat on one of the Western prairies.] We must conclude, then, that if it were not for the vast fields with their deep, rich soil, where the farmers are able to grow much more than they need for themselves, it would not be possible for the people of New England to become wealthy by working at other things than farming. The articles which they are making add to their own comfort and pleasure as well as to that of the farmers, but they have to have the products of the soil to keep alive. If the farmers of the Mississippi Valley and of all the other valleys that help support the city people are careful of their soil and keep up its fertility, our country will remain prosperous. But we are sorry to say that the farmers have not always been careful. Many have wanted to make more than they should from their lands. The plant food with which Nature has filled the soil has been taken away year after year faster than she has been able to renew it. Many fields do not produce the crops they once did. The smaller the yield becomes, the higher the prices the produce brings. This makes it more difficult for the workers in the cities to live comfortably. The less abundant the supply of food becomes, the less prosperous is the country. There are countries, such as England, that have neglected agriculture but have, in spite of this, become rich and powerful through devoting their time to manufacturing articles to sell to other people. But those who work in the factories of England have to be fed, and so they must depend upon other countries to supply much of their food. If, for any reason, they were cut off from trade with these countries, not only would their manufacturing be ruined, but they would be in danger of starvation. To the first men, who lived entirely upon hunting and fishing, the soil was of little consequence. Now things are different. The wild game has mostly gone and we have to depend upon the products of the soil. [Illustration: _H. W. Fairbanks_ At the top of the bank we see a layer of dark, rich soil.] The people of those lands where the climate is unfavorable and the soil poor and rocky lack most of the comforts of life, unless they are able to obtain them through trade. It does not follow, however, that people living in lands favored by Nature are always happy and prosperous. You must remember that when the first men increased in numbers over the earth, the soil was fresh from the hand of Nature. Although they had everything about them that could be asked for, yet they were poor. There are men living today on the rich deltas that we have learned about who have few of the comforts that we have. This is because they are lazy and ignorant, and do not make proper use of this valuable gift, the rich soil. We conclude, then, that the soil forms the real wealth of the world. All our comforts and luxuries come in the first place, as we have seen, from the soil. The more crowded people become upon the earth, and the greater the number that engage in manufacturing and trade, the more important becomes the care and cultivation of the soil. If we do not take the best of care of the soil, there may come a time when there will not be food enough for us all. CHAPTER NINE THINGS OF WHICH SOIL IS MADE Let us take a spadeful of soft, dark earth from the garden and see if we can find of what it is made. We will first put the earth in a dish of water and stir it thoroughly. We notice that the water at once becomes muddy and that little particles of a dark substance rise to the surface. These particles appear to be pieces of stems and leaves. This crumbling vegetation is _peat_, a substance which fills many swamps and, when cut into blocks and dried, is used for fuel. When scattered through the earth peat has a very different use. As the leaves and stems of plants die and slowly mingle with the earth, they give it the dark color, which usually extends down for two or three feet. As this vegetation changes, or decays, as we usually say, it furnishes a number of substances which supply food to the roots of growing plants. One of the most important of these is _nitrogen_, an invisible gas. The decaying vegetation which we find mixed with the soil has other uses. It holds water and so helps to keep the soil moist. It makes the soil loose and more easy to cultivate. It absorbs heat from the sun and so helps to warm the soil. This vegetable matter, when it is completely decayed, we call _humus_. Soils that are rich in humus are usually very fertile. We will now turn the muddy water into another dish, pour more clear water upon the material that remains in the bottom of the dish, and wash it again, repeating the work until the water is no longer muddied. We will set aside the dish containing the muddy water and examine what remains in the bottom of the dish that once contained the earth or soil. This is mostly sand, but with it are rough fragments of rock which can be crumbled in the hand. The greater number of the little sand grains are _quartz_. Some of them are clear like glass, others are reddish. In this quartz sand are a few grains of _iron_ which the magnet picks out, and a number of scales of yellow _mica_. After standing a few hours the muddy water has become clear, and a deposit of a yellowish substance has collected in the bottom of the dish. We will carefully pour off the water and examine what remains. This fine soft mud we call _clay_. As it dries and becomes hard it shrinks and cracks, and thus breaks up into little pieces. Clay forms a greater or lesser part of all soil. Clay soil is very sticky when it is wet, as you will be sure to remember if you have tried to walk over it. When soil is formed largely of clay we speak of it as a _heavy soil_. In the West it is called _adobe_ and is sometimes used in making houses. When adobe soil dries, great cracks form in it. These cracks are sometimes large enough for small animals to fall into. When there is a large amount of sand, we speak of the soil as _light_ or _sandy_. A soil composed of sand and clay is sometimes called _loam_. If it is nearly all clay it is a _clay loam_; if there is much sand it is a _sandy loam_. Soils found in low, swampy places are sometimes formed almost wholly of decaying vegetable matter. Such soils are known as _peat soils_. They are usually very fertile. We have now learned about three things that the soil contains that are bulky and easy to discover: decaying vegetation, sand, and clay. These are, however, far from being all that compose the soil. There are still many other things, some of which are invisible to the unaided eye and difficult to find. We will next take the clear water that remained after the mud settled. We will pour it into a dish, place the dish over a fire, and let the water boil slowly until it has all evaporated. There will remain in the bottom of the dish a thin white coating. Moisten this with a drop of vinegar or other weak acid and it will disappear in a mass of little bubbles. Such behavior teaches us that the white substance is probably a mixture of _lime_ and _soda_. Besides these there are tiny particles of _potash_ and _phosphorus_, which we cannot distinguish by the means we have used. Some soils contain a great deal of lime, and because they have been formed from limestone, are called _limestone soils_. Plants need a little soda, but when there is much in the soil it will kill them. Soils rich in soda are known as _alkali soils_. They were formed in the bottom of lakes the waters of which contained soda. Salt is another harmful thing found in the soil. You can sometimes see faint whitish deposits of soda and other salts on the soil in flower pots. There is one more thing that the soil contains that we must not forget, for it is one of the most important of them all. This is a living organism so small that we cannot see it with the unaided eye. Many thousands of these organisms are contained in a bit of earth such as you could take up on the point of a small knife blade. We have named them _bacteria_. Plants cannot make use of most of the substances in the soil without the aid of these organisms. The bacteria live upon the materials of the soil and change them into such form that plants can digest them. Soil may be supplied with all kinds of plant food in just the right amount and yet, if it is packed hard and is not watered, no living thing can take root in it and grow. Plants drink their food and so we must supply water. They also require oxygen, as do other living things. For this reason we must leave the soil loose, so that the air can enter it and the roots get the oxygen which it contains. Thus we learn how wonderfully the soil is made. We learn that it contains many things required by plants. In order that the plants may be thrifty, there must be enough but not too much of these different things. CHAPTER TEN HOW THE SOIL IS MADE The substances which we found in the soil teach us that it was formed from the rocks. If we could take the sand, clay, potash, soda, lime, and iron that we found in the soil and put them together as Nature knows how to do, we should have rock again. But if we should take a piece of rock and crush it to a fine sand, that would not be soil, because soil cannot be made in that way. It takes Nature many, many years, as the rocks slowly crumble and decay, to change the materials of which they are composed into true soil with its swarms of bacteria and its plant food. If we should dig down through the soft earth under our feet, we would at last come to solid rock. This is the rough and jagged crust of the earth on which rests the carpet of soil. In the mountains where the slopes are steep the rocks stick up through the soil. The outer parts of this solid rock are, however, always crumbling. Little particles, as soon as they become loosened, either fall by their own weight or are washed away. Some of the rock fragments collect upon the gentler slopes and finally turn to soil. This soil is not rich and it dries out quickly, because it is shallow. The soil in the valleys, as we have already learned from the muddy rivulet, is deep and rich. Nature is slowly spreading her mantle of soil over the earth. In some parts of the earth one can travel for hundreds of miles and see no rocks. One might think that in time Nature's work would be finished. But before the mountains in one place have crumbled and been washed away, she raises up new ones somewhere else so that the tearing-down work begins again. [Illustration: _H. W. Fairbanks_ Little by little the great rocks break in pieces and crumble finally to form soil.] Let us, in imagination, sit down by the side of a rock, prepared to stay there many years, that we may learn just how Nature makes the soil. It will be a long, long time before we can see any change in the rock. Each bright day the sun warms the cold rock and makes it expand a very little. At night the rock grows cold and shrinks. In this way minute crevices are finally formed between the grains of the different minerals that make up the rock. When it rains, water creeps into the tiny crevices. The water carries with it a little carbonic acid which the raindrops took from the air. This substance aids in dissolving some of the rock materials. If the nights are very cold, the water in the crevices freezes and opens them a little wider, for ice, as you know, takes up a little more room than it did when it was water. Plants also aid in breaking the rock. Often seeds are dropped by the wind, and the rootlets of some of these seeds, when they sprout, may find a crevice large enough and deep enough for them to push their way into the rock. In these crevices they find a little food and slowly grow larger and stronger. By and by some of the roots are strong enough to push apart large pieces of rock. If the rock which we are studying is granite, we shall after a time be able to pick out the different minerals of which it is composed. We can tell the grains of quartz, because they look glassy and remain very hard. Other grains, which we call _feldspar_, soften and change into clay, which makes the water muddy as it runs over the rocks. We see also little scales of yellow mica, sometimes called "fool's gold," and a few grains of iron. There are tiny quantities of other things which we shall not be able to see, for the rainwater dissolves them and carries them away. As the rock slowly crumbles to sand and clay, the bacteria begin to make their home in it. Hardy plants, that are not particular about what they grow in, get a foothold, and when they die their stems and leaves decay and mix with the rock particles until at last this material begins to look like soil. It has become dark in color and rich in plant food. Then, many other plants that require a good soil take root there. The rock has at last completely disappeared under the layer of soil and its carpet of vegetation. Suppose, now, that we dig down and find how deep the soil is and what lies below it. When we have gone down two feet the soil is harder and of a lighter color, for there are fewer plant remains in it. This poorer, lighter-colored soil we call _subsoil_. If we dig a little deeper, we shall find pieces of rock in the subsoil. Below these we come to soft, crumbling rock and last of all the solid rock. The soil that is found resting on the rocks from which it was formed is known as _residual soil_. This name is given to such soil, because it is what remains after long years of rock decay during which the rains have washed away a part of the finer material. What has become of the soft earth that the water washed away? The muddy rivulet has already told us its interesting story. We have learned that a part of this earth (or soil) is borne to the distant ocean. There it is forever lost unless the sea bottom should some day become dry land. Stranger things than that have happened on this ancient earth of ours. The part of the soil which the water carried away to form the rich valley lands and deltas is known as _alluvial soil_. [Illustration: _U. S. Department of Agriculture_ A flood plain, where alluvial soil has been deposited by the river.] Long ago the northern part of our country was covered with a sheet of ice. This ice crept slowly southward, and as it moved along it tore off all the soil and loose rocks on the surface of the earth over which it passed. When it melted it left them spread roughly over the country. Such material forms _glacial soil_. It is often deep but not very rich. [Illustration: _U. S. Geological Survey_ Soil brought by a glacier and deposited as the ice melted.] There is another kind of soil, formed by the wind. If you have ever been in a dust storm you have seen the fine, powdery substance that settles over everything and creeps into the smallest cracks. In some countries where there are strong winds and not much rain there is little vegetation on the surface to hold the soil. Year after year the winds pick up particles of the dusty soil, whirl them high in the air, and do not let them down again until they have been carried many miles. In some far-off land where the winds go down the dust particles settle again to the earth. After a long, long time, enough dust collects to form a thick layer of the richest soil. This is called æolian soil, from the word _Æolus_, meaning the "wind." There is one more kind of soil which we ought to know about; that is _peat soil_. It is found in marshy or swampy lowlands and is formed largely of plant remains. When lands with such soil are drained, they prove very rich. CHAPTER ELEVEN HOW VEGETATION HOLDS THE SOIL [Illustration: _H. W. Fairbanks_ What the rivulets did to the hillside pastures where the grass was destroyed.] A walk up the mountains on a rainy day is not a pleasant one. There are mud and water under our feet, and overhead are the dripping branches which, if touched, send down a shower of drops. But if we keep our eyes open we shall learn something which will be of great value to us. We shall learn how it is that Nature holds the soil on the slopes--the wonderful soil which it takes her so long a time to make and which is the source of all our wealth. Our way up the mountains is by a winding road. We first pass the foothills upon which there are scattered oaks. The rain is steadily pouring down and rivulets loaded with mud are eating little gullies all over the slopes. Along the roadside, where they have united, the rivulets form a torrent which is making a deep ditch that threatens to render the road impassable. These slopes were once covered with grass and the rivulets ran down them without doing any harm. But so many sheep were pastured here that the grass was killed. The roots, which once formed a thick protecting sod, are now decaying. How quickly the rivulets have taken advantage of the unprotected slopes! The road leads still upward until it brings us to where there were once pine forests. The lumbermen cut off all the trees, and then fire came and burned the decaying vegetation which once lay spread over the ground. Now all that remains is bare earth and blackened stumps. What are the raindrops doing here? They gather in rivulets just as they do on the once grassy hillside; but because there are so many roots still remaining in the ground they have not done much work. They are not loitering, however, and by and by, when the roots have rotted, they will seize their chance and begin tearing away the soil from the mountain side. But this is not the end of the road. Farther up we come to the primeval forests, where the giant trees stand just as they did before men came. Here we can see how the slopes are protected, for in making the road the workmen cut deep into the hillside. They first removed a layer of pine needles and decaying branches. Then they cut through a layer of soil about two feet thick which was completely filled with little roots of trees and bushes. Below this they came to the soft subsoil, which contained only a few roots, and at the bottom they reached the solid rock. The layer of roots and soil at the top of the bank, you can see from the picture, now overhangs the road, because the raindrops which beat against the bank have washed away all that they could reach of the unprotected earth at the bottom. How plainly we can see the network of roots. What a hard task it must be for the water to get at the soil in which these roots are growing. [Illustration: _H. W. Fairbanks_ The layer of roots holds the soil on the mountain side.] We will now leave the road and, although it is still raining hard, we will walk a distance through the forest and see if there is anything more that we can learn. We are soon in the deep woods where, perhaps, no one has ever been before. Around us are trees of all ages and sizes, from little seedlings to great giants six feet through. Among them are the crumbling stumps of trees long dead. Their trunks lie on the ground, and many are so soft and rotten that we can kick them to pieces with our feet. As we walk our feet never touch the real earth. It is always on the soft, yielding leaves and crumbling branches that we step. These leaves and branches form a thick layer completely hiding the soil. But the strangest thing is that, although the rain is still falling, we can discover no rivulets. What, then, becomes of the water? The soft, decaying vegetation on which we are walking and the rotting stumps and logs act like a great sponge. As long as this sponge can take up the falling drops, none have a chance to run away. If it rains a very long time and the sponge becomes saturated, the drops that creep away and finally unite in rivulets in the hollows do no harm to the soil, for they cannot get at it. [Illustration: _H. W. Fairbanks_ The roots of the tree grip the soil like the fingers of a great hand.] Long after the storm has passed, the earth underneath the trees remains wet, while the ground out in the open has become dry. A part of the water held by the decaying vegetation evaporates. Another part creeps down through the earth to the crevices in the rocks and feeds the springs. Let us now put aside our storm clothes and journey, in imagination, far away to where it seldom rains--to that land which we call the desert. Here the bare rocks of the mountain slopes are burned brown by the hot sun. Here there is little soil and only a few little bushes that somehow manage to live. Why does not the soil gather over the rocks as it does in other places? The rocks are surely crumbling, for we can crush some of the pieces in our hands. Once in a long time it rains in this desert. Then the drops descend furiously. The water gathers in rivulets and these turn to torrents which sweep down the slopes. They carry away the particles of sand and clay which would in time, if there were plant roots to hold them, turn to soil. The winds also help keep the desert rocks bare and free of soil. Have you ever been in a dust storm or have you read of caravans caught in such storms in the Sahara Desert? The fierce wind picks up the particles of sand and clay from the bare earth and sweeps them along as it does the snow in winter, or it whirls them in clouds high in the air. The dust clouds are often so dense that they hide the sun and all landmarks by which the traveler can guide his way. But have any of us ever seen the winds pick up much dust from the green fields where the vegetation protects the surface? [Illustration: _H. W. Fairbanks_ The vegetation prevents the wind from blowing the sand away, so that wherever the roots obtain a hold there a little mound is formed.] If we turn now to a very wet country, such as that upon our northwest coast, where often nearly eight feet of rain falls in a year, we shall find the vegetation so dense that it hides both soil and rocks. Here water can do little in wearing away the soil, even upon the steepest slopes, while the wind cannot get a peep at the earth. Does it not seem strange that where little rain falls the earth washes a great deal faster than where it rains very heavily? The reason is that the more it rains the more dense becomes the carpet of vegetation. If we wish to preserve the soil, we must preserve the natural growth on the hillsides. CHAPTER TWELVE WHAT HAPPENS WHERE THERE IS NO PROTECTING CARPET OF VEGETATION Not all of the muddy streams are due to the carelessness of men. It is the business of some of the servants of Nature, as we have already learned, to tear down the mountains and fill up the hollows in the earth. It is the business of others to spread a carpet of vegetation over the surface, and wherever they have already succeeded in their work the waters run clear most of the time. Where it is dry so much of the time that few plants can live, the destructive servants have their own way when the occasional rains come. Where there is a warm sun and frequent rains, a green carpet is spread over all the slopes. But when men destroy the carpet and take no care of the soil underneath, the raindrops are able to do as much damage as they do during the cloudbursts in the deserts. The Colorado is one of those rivers in the basin of which few people live. Much of its journey is through a land in which there is little vegetation. Here, the waters from the melting snows upon the lofty mountains about the basin and those of the occasional heavy rains have things their own way. They are always yellow with mud. The amount of mud which this river carries has been measured. You will hardly believe me when I tell you that it amounts to sixty-one million tons every year. This is enough to cover 164 square miles one foot deep. We might call this the cream of the soil from all the slopes of the great basin of the Colorado River. In other parts of our land, where abundant rains fall, the streams tell a different story. Before men came the water of these streams was clear throughout the greater part of the year. It was only when the rains were very heavy that the soil washed away, for the vegetation held it well. Now the gullies on the hillsides and along the roads tell us as plainly as though they could speak that our country is losing wealth here. [Illustration: _H. W. Fairbanks_ The roots of the tree form a wonderful network underground from which the water cannot tear the soil.] The soil is our most valuable possession. The people of many lands are suffering from poverty today because their forefathers did not take care of the soil as they should. In such lands the people who live on the mountain sides are poor, because the best of their soil has been washed away. Those who live in the valleys are often poor because of the sands and gravels which floods have spread over their fertile fields. While it is raining, let us fill a bottle from some muddy stream and allow it to stand until the water settles. In the bottom will then appear a layer of fine mud, or _silt_ as it is usually called. How much soil do you suppose the rivulets washed from my garden and from yours during the last severe storm? How much do you suppose all the rivulets which make up the rivers of your state washed from all the gardens and fields during the same storm? Make a guess and then multiply your answer by the number of storms in one year and that by fifty years, and you will get a quantity greater than you would believe possible. This is the way Nature takes her toll for our carelessness. So quietly does she do it that often the farmer does not have any idea of what is happening. She is like a thief that comes and steals his goods while he is sleeping. [Illustration: _Bailey Willis_ The soil on the hillsides of China is being washed away because of the thoughtlessness of the people.] When the farmer finally awakes and begins to wonder why his crops grow smaller each year, he has already lost the cream of his soil. He must at once stop plowing the steep hillsides and leaving the ground bare for the winter rains to wash it away. To save the slopes he can either terrace them or he can sow grass or clover, which will form a sod and hold the soil. If the farmer can get peas, beans, alfalfa, or clover to grow upon his wasted lands, they will make it fertile again, for these plants have the wonderful power of taking nitrogen from the air and storing it in the soil. [Illustration: _American Forestry Association_ The farmer who owns this land will soon be made poor because of his carelessness in destroying the covering of the soil.] More earth has been washed from the hillsides of our country during the last fifty years than during thousands of years before white people came. The farm lands have been injured, the bays have been made shallower, and many river channels have been so filled up that it is more difficult to navigate them now than it was in the early days. The farmer, the stockman, the lumberman, and the miner has each been selfishly doing his share in the destruction of the soil. Each one has thought only of how he could make the most money in the shortest time. It has not occurred to them that they are making it difficult for their children and grandchildren to live. In the Southern states thousands of acres are being gullied by the rains, and the soil destroyed. The floods of spring have become worse in late years, because of the destruction of the forest cover in the Appalachian Mountains. Buildings and bridges are frequently carried away, and gravel and boulders are washed over the rich bottom lands. In the mountains of far-away Italy the soil is poor, and so are the people. They have cut down nearly all the trees and for hundreds of years the brush and grass have been eaten so closely by the sheep and goats that few roots remain to hold the soil. It does not need to rain heavily there to cause the rivers to become muddy and swollen. The soil which once covered the slopes has been carried to the bays, and now there is land where ships floated two thousand years ago. [Illustration: _U. S. Forest Service_ Terraces of rock built by natives of China to aid in holding the soil.] In Spain so much of the best soil has been lost that the people now do not raise enough food to support themselves, and much has to be imported from other lands. France is a rich country still, in spite of the cutting of so much of the forest and the careless pasturing of the mountain slopes. The people are industrious and hard working and thus make a living in spite of the loss which they are suffering. The Montenegrins are among the bravest people of Europe, but their land is barren and they enjoy few luxuries. Their country consists largely of limestone mountains, from which they have been cutting the trees for hundreds of years. There is but little soil and that is to be found in the hollows of the rocks. This soil is so precious that every bit, be it ever so small, is carefully cultivated. In the mountains of Palestine and Syria the people have so completely destroyed the trees and grasses which Nature once planted there that it is difficult for them to raise enough to live upon. The rivers are muddy after every rain, and even the water from the melting snows picks up some of the soil and flows away with a dirty, yellow color. When we reach China and Korea, we find that there the people have been most severely punished for their carelessness. The mountain sides have been torn by the rains and deeply gullied. The once smooth slopes upon which grew trees and grasses are now a mass of sharp ridges and deep hollows of bare earth. The water falling upon these mountains runs off in torrents, carrying even large boulders as it does in our Western deserts. Here and there the natives have built terraces of rock to aid in holding the soil, but many parts of the country are almost wholly deserted. The waters run off the mountains so quickly that they often form vast floods which spread over the lower valleys and plains. The floods destroy the crops and drown the people. Eastward of China there is an arm of the Pacific Ocean known as the Yellow Sea. Why do you suppose this name was given to the sea? One of the great rivers of China, the Yangste-kiang, empties into it. The river rises in the barren mountains of which we have just been speaking, and it is continually bringing so much mud and sand that a whole sea is being filled. Long before a ship comes within sight of the land the waters are seen to be of a muddy, yellow color. In the smaller valleys of Korea the natives build dikes along the rivers to keep the mountain floods from spreading sand and gravel over their rice fields. Every year they have to make the dikes higher as the river beds fill up. Thus we see that all over the world people are suffering because they have not obeyed the laws which Nature has made for the protection of the soil. CHAPTER THIRTEEN THE USE AND CARE OF WATER The ocean is the home of the water. The water would always remain in the ocean if it could, but the sun and air are continually at work stealing little particles away and sending them on long journeys. The water particles are so small as they rise from the ocean that we cannot see them. By and by they crowd together and make the clouds that float across the sky. As soon as the clouds meet colder air, the little water particles rush together and thus become larger and larger until they grow so heavy that they can no longer float in the air, but must fall. Some of them fall into the ocean again, but others drop upon the land. The raindrops that reach the land have many sorts of stories to tell before they again get back to the ocean. Some of them are at once snatched up again and are started upon another journey. The thirsty air, whether over the ocean or over the land, is ever in search of water particles. If the air is very cold, the clouds turn to snow instead of rain. The feathery flakes fall slowly through the air and form a soft white mantle over the earth. Those that fall on lofty mountains form great banks which may not entirely melt and turn to water until late in the summer. The raindrops that fall where the slopes are steep, where Nature has grown little vegetation, or where men have destroyed the earth cover, have little to detain them and are soon on their way back to their home. In their hasty journey they do much damage to the unprotected soil. If the drops fall upon gentle slopes, or where there are marshes and lakes, or upon the forest with its decaying vegetation, or upon deep beds of gravel and sand, they are a long time getting back to the ocean. [Illustration: _George J. Young_ The cool and shady stream before men came and cut the trees away so that the hot sun could get at it.] We can in no way change the amount of rain that falls upon any part of the earth. We cannot call up a storm when we wish it, nor can we send it away when there has been rain enough. But there are many ways in which we can hasten or delay the return of the water to the ocean. Nature shows us some of these. The spongelike carpet underneath the forest holds the water until it has had time to soak into the earth from which it later emerges as springs. Nature forms basins on the heads of the rivers where a part of the water, instead of immediately flowing away, collects in the form of lakes. From these lakes the water runs away slowly instead of in torrential floods. [Illustration: _H. W. Fairbanks_ The rotting tree trunks take up the rainwater like a sponge.] Only a few places in our country have more rain than is really needed. One of these is the region about the mouth of the Mississippi River upon the Gulf of Mexico. Another is upon the Northwest coast. Throughout the central part of the country the summer rains are sometimes too light to afford a full harvest. The rainfall upon the plains and valleys of the Southwest is so small that the only plants that can live there are those strange and curious forms that have become used to desert conditions. The only way in which these lands can be made useful to the farmer is by means of irrigation. To obtain water for irrigation we have either to go to the distant mountains and build reservoirs to collect the rains which fall there and then dig canals to carry the water to the desert valleys, or to make use of some river flowing through them, if they are fortunate enough to have such a river. Can you think of any rivers that are used in this way? [Illustration: _Brown Brothers_ The great Roosevelt Dam, in the Salt River irrigation project, Arizona.] Although water sometimes seems the greatest blessing that we have, yet it may prove a curse if it is not looked after. If you give the water a chance to make gullies in your fields, you lose not only the water but the best of the soil also. If you cultivate your fields with care, most of the water will soak into the ground. If you are a wise farmer you know also that cultivation of the soil helps to hold the water, for it cannot escape through loose soil as it can through compact soil. Thus if you know how to handle both the water and the soil, you can, with only a little rain, accomplish a great deal. [Illustration: Scene below an irrigation reservoir near Richfield, Idaho, showing a field irrigated by means of canals and ditches.] We can, then, hold or _conserve_ the water, first, by leaving the steeper slopes covered with vegetation; second, by keeping the soil loose; and, third, by building reservoirs to hold the floods. We can make use of the conserved water by carrying it in pipes or ditches to those regions where it is needed. We can get rid of too much water by draining the swamps, and building dikes to protect lowlands from river floods. Let us now learn something of the different uses of water. Every one of our homes has its water supply. In the city the water comes through pipes from some distant reservoir. In the country the homes are so far apart that it is difficult to supply them in this way. The water in the streams is often not suitable for drinking, and if there are no springs near by it has to be obtained by some other means. Nearly everywhere in the earth under our feet water can be found by digging or boring a well. Sometimes we have to go only a few feet, at other times many hundreds of feet. This water in the earth, or _ground water_, is of very great importance. It enables us to build our homes where we wish. Spring water is that which finds its way to the surface through some tiny crack or fissure in the rocks. How delicious is the pure, cold water that comes out of the shady hollow in the hills! You can form in your minds a picture of the rain falling on some distant mountain, of its soaking into the ground and finally reaching the little crevices in the rocks. Along these crevices it may have crept for days and perhaps years until at last it found an outlet in some spring. The great river flows by so quietly that we often forget in how many ways it is serving us. It serves not only those upon its banks but those who live hundreds of miles away and who, perhaps, have never seen it. It was the first and easiest means of travel used by our forefathers before there were any roads or railroads through the wilderness. It now aids in carrying on trade between different regions. If large and deep enough, it permits boats from all parts of the world to reach the very heart of our country. Canals might be called artificial rivers. They serve an important purpose in nearly level countries where Nature has placed no navigable river. Although canal boats usually move slowly, yet they can carry goods cheaper than railroads can. The Erie Canal, in connection with the Great Lakes and the Hudson River, makes it possible for us to go all the way by water from the heart of the continent to New York City. The Erie Canal has helped make New York City the greatest city in our country. The canal across the Isthmus of Panama saves ships a journey of many thousand miles around South America. Rivers serve us in yet another way by affording water for irrigation. A great river like the Colorado flows through regions of many different climates. Some rivers become so small in the summer that it is necessary to build great reservoirs at their headwaters in order to insure a supply when the crops need it. But in the case of the Colorado this is not necessary. The headwaters of this river are among lofty mountains, where the melting snows and summer showers make the waters of the river higher in the early summer than at any other season of the year. Thus its great delta, the Colorado Desert, has become the home of many thousands of people. Another use which we make of rivers is by putting the water to turning mill wheels. If you will turn to your geographies, you will find that nearly all the great manufacturing cities of our country have grown up around rapids or waterfalls, where some river tumbles over a ledge of rocks. Once we had to build our mills close to the rivers to use the water power, but this is no longer necessary. Now we build electric-power plants by the rivers and carry electric energy more than a hundred miles to any place where we wish to use it. Electricity made from the distant mountain waterfall will do any kind of work for us wherever we carry it. Thus we see that the river works for us in more than one way. After it has created power for our factories, it can be turned on to the thirsty fields, where it will serve us equally well. [Illustration: _Great Western Power Company of California_ Electric-power plant on north fork of the Feather River, California, for generating electricity which is carried to distant places.] CHAPTER FOURTEEN COULD WE GET ALONG WITHOUT THE TREES? We have come to depend upon trees to supply so many of our wants that we could not possibly do without them. We can no more spare the trees than Nature can. She needs them in her work of protecting the soil on the steep slopes and of holding back the raindrops that they may keep the springs alive. She needs them to form nesting places for the birds, and she needs the dark forest so that the wild creatures may find shelter and a home. It would be strange if we did not love the trees; for they are not only useful, but add so much to the beauty of our homes. Our early ancestors may at times have made their homes in the trees, as some of the wild people do now. They certainly lived among the trees, for the myth stories that they have given us speak of the deep, dark forests and of the mysterious people supposed to inhabit them. We feel pity for the people who live in treeless deserts. The few articles of wood which they possess have to be brought a long distance at great cost. The Eskimos of the frozen North are more helpless than the desert people, for before the coming of explorers they had no communication with forested regions. They were not wholly without wood, however, for the ocean waves occasionally washed pieces upon their shores. From the time when the earliest man found a club a better weapon than his bare fists, wood has been used for an ever-increasing number of purposes. Wood fires kept the early people warm. Wood was used in making their bows and spears; bark and pieces of branches served to make their rude homes. The inner bark of the cedar and birch was used by the Indians in weaving baskets and mats. From the inner bark of the birch tree they made canoes that were so light that they could be carried from one stream to another. Where there were no birch trees, great cedars were cut or burned down and made into canoes, for traveling by water was much easier than over rocky ground or through dense forests. Some tribes of Indians learned to split the cedar logs into rude boards which they used in making their houses. The Indians also learned to boil down the sweet sap of the maple until it turned to sugar. The eating of nuts and fruits furnished by certain kinds of trees came as natural to early men as it does to the other animals. They shared with the birds the wild fruits, and divided with the squirrels the many kinds of nuts. So highly do the Italians still value the wild chestnut that this tree, almost alone of all the forest trees that once covered their country, has been saved. The most important uses of trees in our country are for lumber, for fuel, and for the edible fruits and nuts which they bear. There are several purposes to which logs are put without being sawed into lumber, such as for telegraph poles and for piling for the support of great buildings and for wharves. Long ago nearly all our houses were made of logs. There was then an abundance of clear, straight trees but very few sawmills. It was easy to cut the logs, peel and notch them at the ends, and then lay them up in a house of just the size that was wanted. From the logs that split easily rough boards and shingles were made, as well as chairs and tables. Blocks of wood were set in the openings cut for windows, because of the scarcity of glass. [Illustration: _H. W. Fairbanks_ A giant sugar pine in a National Forest in the Sierra Nevada Mountains.] Our forefathers had all the wood they wanted just for the cutting, and so they warmed their houses by means of fireplaces large enough to hold great logs. They made of wood every tool and household convenience for which this substance could be used. Indeed, they had more wood than they wanted. Trees covered so much of the land that the ground could not be cultivated until they had been cut away. Now we wish that we had the oak, hickory, black walnut, and other kinds of trees, that the pioneers of our country burned in order to get them out of the way, for they have become very valuable. Now, partly because wood is becoming scarce, and partly because our large buildings must be made very strong and safe from fire, we are using other materials for them. Stone, brick, and concrete, when tied together with iron beams, are more suitable material for great buildings. Our land now contains so many people, and so many new homes are needed every year, that the lumber required for houses alone is almost more than we can believe. The forests are now disappearing so fast that unless we use wood more carefully we may have to give up our attractive wooden homes and cheery fireplaces and live in houses of stone or concrete. In many parts of the world people have so completely destroyed the forests that they have not only to make their homes of mud bricks or stone, but have little wood left for fuel and other purposes. We cannot mention all the purposes to which wood is put in our homes and in our industries. It would take a whole page in this book merely to make a list of them. What we ought to remember, however, is that it is not so much the amount of wood that we actually _use_ as it is the wood that is _wasted_ that is likely to bring us to want. Two thirds of the wood of the trees cut throughout our country is wasted in its manufacture into lumber and other objects. Besides this, as much wood is burned every year in needless forest fires as is cut by the lumberman. The waste of trees that are cut merely for their bark which is used in tanning leather is a wrong for which Nature will sometime call us to account. In Switzerland, where the forests are given the care that we bestow upon a garden, not a particle of wood is allowed to go to waste. The branches are all picked up and saved. Even the sawdust is made use of in the manufacture of wood alcohol, which has an important use as fuel. There are many kinds of trees the sap of which has great value. If care is used in tapping the trees, they are not greatly injured and will live for years. Sap of the maple affords delicious maple sugar. The sticky sap of the coniferous trees is obtained by making a cut in the bark. Canada balsam, thus obtained, is a clear liquid from a fir tree of the same name. It is the finest of all the turpentines and is used for many purposes in the arts. Enormous quantities of turpentine are obtained from the yellow pines. The pine forests of the Southern states supply nearly all our turpentine. From this by a process of distillation is obtained resin and spirits of turpentine. The rubber tree found in the tropical forests has become one of the most necessary of trees. Rubber made from the sap of this tree is now used for many purposes for which we have been able to find no other material. We sometimes forget how valuable trees are for various substances used in medicine. Our lives may depend on having such medicines within reach. Quinine made from the bark of the cinchona tree is perhaps the most important. Camphor gum is furnished by another tropical tree. The acacia supplies gum arabic. The poison, strychna, comes from a nut tree. The eucalyptus, birch, and other trees too numerous to name, supply various other medicinal products. [Illustration: _Arthur D. Little, Inc., "The Little Journal"_ When this beautiful long-leaf pine tree is cut we manage to save only about one third of it. From the wasted two thirds of this and other pine trees we could obtain many thousand tons of paper, great quantities of resin, and other products.] While we are trying to find other substances to replace wood as far as is possible, so as to keep the forests from being used up, we are requiring more and more for the manufacture of paper. The spruce forests are fast disappearing in pulp mills, from which the blocks of wood emerge as sheets of paper. Perhaps after a time we shall find something to take the place of wood in the manufacture of paper. The one use to which we put the trees, which does not destroy or injure them in the slightest, is growing them for their fruit and nuts. We take great care of such trees, selecting the best varieties and cultivating, trimming, and spraying them in order to keep them healthy and strong. The better the care that we give them, the finer and larger become their fruits. Trees are valuable to us in so many ways and appeal so deeply to our love of the beautiful things in Nature that we should all be interested in them. If we give the trees a chance, they will do their share toward making our lives comfortable and happy. CHAPTER FIFTEEN WHERE HAS NATURE SPREAD THE FOREST? Our forefathers who came across the water to America found forests stretching away from the water's edge into an unknown wilderness. The settlements spread very slowly into the pathless woods, for there lurked danger from the Indians and wild animals. The Allegheny Mountains also held the settlers back for a long time. The pioneers found the country, as far as the Ohio River and beyond, still forest covered; but by and by openings or _prairies_ began to appear. By the time they had crossed the Great River the forests had been left behind, except for fringes of trees upon the lowlands along the streams. From this point westward the open prairies stretched away to the horizon. Antelope, deer, and buffalo were often seen feeding on the rich grasses. The adventurous pioneers pushed on across the fertile prairies, coming at last to a drier and higher region which we have called the _Great Plains_. On these plains the Rocky Mountains came in sight. These mountains gradually became higher as the travelers approached, until they rose before them like a mighty wall. Here they again met vast forests, which covered all the higher slopes. Beyond the Rocky Mountains they crossed a broad land of deserts where little rain fell. The vegetation was so scanty and springs so far apart that many of their horses and cattle died. The dreary and barren deserts were followed by another lofty range of mountains. Entering these mountains, the pioneers came upon the most magnificent forest that had yet been seen upon our continent. After traveling for some days over rugged mountains, they at last emerged from the forests upon the Great Valley of California. [Illustration: A forest of great trees in the Sierras, near the Yosemite Valley.] Scattered over portions of the valley were oak trees, giving it the appearance of a park. When the valley had been passed the pioneers climbed the last mountain range, and from this range looked down upon the waters of the Pacific Ocean. Here they found forests again, some of the trees being of enormous size. Thus we see that the eastern part of the continent was nearly all forested, but that in the West the forests grew chiefly on the mountains, because there is not enough rainfall upon the plains and in the valleys. The trees that make up most of the forests of our country are of two very different kinds. There is one kind that has narrow or needle-like leaves which they keep through the winter. These we commonly call _narrow-leaved_ trees or _conifers_. The most important of the narrow-leaved trees are the pines, firs, spruces, and hemlock. Such trees form the forests of the greater part of the highlands of the northern and northeastern parts of our country. The pines also find a congenial home upon the lowlands of the Southern states. Trees of the second kind have broad leaves, and usually their wood is rather hard. Hence we call them _broad-leaved_ or _hardwood_ trees. Since most of these trees drop their leaves in winter, we often speak of them as _deciduous_ trees. By far the larger part of the lands of the Eastern states that are now cultivated were found by the first settlers to be covered with hardwood trees. We are familiar with many of the hardwoods through their use in furniture and various household utensils and farm implements. The most important varieties are the walnut, hickory, chestnut, beech, maple, ash, oak, elm, locust, and linden. There are not many broad-leaved trees in the forests of the West. The children of the West miss all the nut trees that the boys and girls of the East enjoy. But to make up for this lack there are some in the West that are not found in the East. The sugar pine, the piñon pine, and the digger pine afford delicious nuts which once formed an important article of food for the Indians. In the West the broad-leaved trees do not form dense forests. They are scattered among the pines on the lower mountain slopes, in the valleys, and along the streams. The most important of these trees are oaks of many kinds, soft maple, alder, cottonwood, sycamore, and laurel. The dense forests of the Western mountains consist almost wholly of narrow-leaved trees. Among them are the pines and firs of different kinds, spruce, cedar, redwood, and "big trees." The redwoods and "big trees" are both known as sequoias; they grow to an immense size upon the mountains of California. The coniferous forests of which these trees form a part are among the most wonderful and interesting ones on the earth. If you will take a forest map of our country and place it beside a rainfall map, you will quickly discover why the forests are found where they are. You will see that the forests are found where there is more than thirty inches of rain each year, except in the far North, where it is very cold. You can say, then, that the climate is the chief thing that determines where the forests shall grow. If the climate is warm and the rainfall heavy, the forest vegetation is so dense and rank that you can hardly travel through it. Such forests are found in the tropical parts of the country. Where little rain falls there is scanty vegetation, as upon the deserts of the Southwest. But where it is very cold, even if there is much snow or rain, you will find no trees. [Illustration: _George J. Young_ Mountain hemlocks, which John Muir considered the most beautiful of all conifers.] We must not forget that there is another thing that affects the growth of trees, and that is the soil. Pines like a sandy soil, while most other trees do not. Certain cedars and cypresses like swampy places where no other trees will grow. Many beautiful meadows and prairies have no trees, because the soil is not well drained. It is very easy to understand why trees cannot grow where it is dry, but how shall we learn of the effect of cold upon them? Shall we have to take a journey of thousands of miles into the far North, until we finally come to the land called the _Barren Lands_ or _tundras_, where the trees become stunted and at last disappear--a land where they cannot longer fight against the cold and live? Fortunately such a long journey is not necessary. All we have to do is to climb a great mountain range, like the Sierra Nevadas, to pass through all the different climates which we would experience on a long journey to the arctic regions. It is only a few miles from the hot San Joaquin Valley, at the base of the Sierras, where it is so dry that irrigation is necessary, to the summit of the range, where the winter climate is as cold as it is in the arctic regions. In going up the mountains we first come to the foothills, where there is a little more rain than in the valley. Here we find oak trees growing. Farther up there is still more rain and we come to the pines. Soon we reach the most wonderful coniferous forest in all the world. Here not only is there a great variety of trees, but because of the favorable climate they grow to a great size. As we approach the summit of the mountains the trees become smaller, and at an elevation of about two miles they shrink to the size of little bushes and finally disappear. They can no longer stand the fierce winds and cold storms of this arctic region. [Illustration: _George J. Young_ East Vidette, King's River Country, California, showing how, as we approach the summit of the mountains, the trees become smaller.] We have learned now that the trees do not grow haphazard over our country, but that the rain, the temperature, and the soil determine where they can live. Within the heart of the forest the trees will come again if we cut them down, but upon its borders, where the air is drier, it is more difficult for them to spring up anew. If we cut them down carelessly and allow fires to burn over the surface, and the water to wash away the soil, they may never come back. It is important, then, that we understand why trees grow in some places and not in others, in order that we may know how to take care of them. CHAPTER SIXTEEN WHAT ARE THE ENEMIES OF THE TREES? Every living thing is engaged in a struggle for air to breathe and for something to eat. Those that make their homes on the land also have to struggle for water. The stronger rob the weaker; for, among all of them except man, might always makes right. Men are learning that unselfishness is the better way, although they do not always practice it. In this struggle the animals have an advantage over the plants, for if food fails in one place they can move to another. Among the animals also the mother tries to protect her children; and, in the case of some,--the wolf, for example,--a number will hunt together for the common good. It is quite different with the plants. They must grow where the seeds take root. If there is little sunlight or water or the soil is poor, they must make the best of what they have. The plants have to struggle not only with such enemies as insects, winds, fire, and browsing animals, but with each other, for every tree is the real or possible enemy of every other tree. Brother seeds sprouting under the same parent maple struggle with each other for the food and moisture in the soil and for the best place in the sunlight. The one that gets the most of these will grow the faster and choke some of its weaker brothers. [Illustration: _Edward S. Curtis_ Trees that struggle with cold and storm.] In yonder grove of pines there are trees of all ages and sizes. The older ones have much the advantage and take a part of the food and sunlight that the smaller ones require. How the little ones stretch up and grow tall and slender in their attempt to get the sunlight! But in spite of all their efforts some of them must die. Some kinds of trees grow faster than others. Where a number are springing up together, the slow-growing ones will stand less chance of ever becoming great trees. In this way the yellow pine sometimes chokes out the cedar, and the fir gets the advantage of the sugar pine. The bright, warm sun is the enemy of the tree that loves the shady hillsides. The swamp is the enemy of the tree that must have loose, dry soil. The cold is the enemy of the tree that is used to a hot climate. Is it not strange that what is good for one tree is an enemy of another? Many kinds of trees have their own particular insect enemies which attack them and no others. Some of these insects live upon the leaves, others eat the sapwood under the bark, while a few attack the roots. Certain insects burrow in and eat the heartwood. Although this does not always kill the tree, it weakens it and makes the wood unfit for use. The cedar and the hickory are among the trees injured in this manner. The foliage of the broad-leaved trees is the delight of many insects. They sometimes eat the leaves so closely that the tree is killed; for the trees breathe through their leaves and can no more do without them than they can without their roots. The gypsy moth, which did no great harm in its European home, was brought to this country and accidentally set free. It at once began to attack the leaves of the elm, that beautiful tree of the old New England villages. Now it is destroying other trees and, notwithstanding the fight which we have made against it, we have not yet been able to exterminate it. [Illustration: _American Forestry Association_ Insects are destroying the trees of this forest.] The chestnut tree, which every Eastern child loves for its nuts, is now being destroyed by a fungus which may kill every one of these trees in the country. The white-pine blister, also brought over from Europe, is now threatening all the white pines and the related trees of our country. This disease has already such a start in the East that we may not be able to stop it. The dainty mistletoe, about which there are so many pretty Christmas legends, is a deadly enemy of many trees. The seed of this fungus is carried, by the birds or by the wind, from one tree to another. When it sprouts, tiny roots go down through the bark to the sap, on which it feeds until the tree is killed. All our fruit trees have their deadly enemies which cause a loss of many millions of dollars every year. Among the worst of these is the San José scale, which was carelessly brought into the country from China. [Illustration: _Pillsbury's Pictures, Inc._ A dwarf white pine which has found a foothold in the rocks on a mountain top.] The pear blight has destroyed whole orchards of pear trees in the Western states. The citrus canker is now threatening the orange orchards of the Southern states. For years we have been searching over the world for new and better varieties of fruit trees. With the shipments of such trees we have brought some of the worst of the diseases that we have just mentioned. We should have all foreign trees most carefully inspected before admitting them to the country. We should also be very careful about shipping fruit or other trees from one part of our country to another. Diseases are often carried in this way into places which otherwise they could not reach. Field mice, gophers, and rabbits eat the bark of young fruit trees and kill those which are not carefully protected. In some parts of our country the apple and peach tree borers are a serious menace to young orchards. Grasshoppers occasionally come in dense swarms and eat the leaves from every tree or plant in their path. The valuable sugar pine of the Western mountains is not seeding itself as rapidly as it should, and we fear it will become extinct. The beautiful silver-gray squirrel loves the nuts of this pine, and it is said that he eats so many that few are left to sprout and make new trees. For this reason some people would like to make it lawful to kill all the gray squirrels that one wished. This would be too bad, for we do not believe the gray squirrel is the cause of the trouble. It is more likely that the lack of young sugar pines is due partly to its struggle in the forest with more rapidly growing trees and partly to the less frequent occurrence of forest fires to burn off the humus on the ground. We know that the seeds of certain trees find difficulty in sending their roots down through the humus to the soil beneath. [Illustration: _H. W. Fairbanks_ An avalanche has passed through this forest.] The narrow-leaved or cone-bearing trees, which are the main source of our lumber, also have other enemies. The most destructive of these are the little pine beetles which lay their eggs in the bark of the yellow pine, sugar pine, and tamarack pine. From these eggs there hatch worms which burrow under the bark until they cut off the flow of the sap. This kills the trees. The trees that are young and strong are sometimes able to pour out enough sap into the wounds to drown the insects, but many thousands of trees in the Western mountains are destroyed every year by these insects. Wind and lightning are both enemies of the forests. Hundreds of forest fires are set every summer by thunder storms, but the rangers usually discover such fires soon enough to put them out before they have done much harm. The pasturing of forests by stock does great injury, because of the browsing and trampling underfoot of the young trees. Sheep and goats are the worst of all the animals and should be kept out of those forests where the surface particularly needs protection and where the young trees require all the encouragement that Nature can give them in order to make a successful start in life. We have learned something about the many enemies of the trees, but the worst one has not yet been mentioned. Can you guess what it is? This terrible enemy is man,--not savage man or Indian, but civilized man. Although man has more need for forest trees than has any other animal, he is at the same time more ruthless in his treatment of them. Man destroys more trees every year, as a result of fires which he sets and of his wasteful methods of lumbering, than all the other enemies of the trees put together. The forest area of the world is constantly growing smaller, and we must soon learn to treat the trees with more care or they may, like many of the wild creatures, nearly disappear from parts of the earth where they are most needed. CHAPTER SEVENTEEN HOW THE FORESTS ARE WASTED O forest home in which the songbirds dwell! The squirrel and the stag shall miss the spell Of thy cool depths when summer's sun assails, Nor more find shelter in thy shadowed vales. * * * * * All will be silent; echo will be dead; A field will lie where shifting shadows fled Across the ground. The mattock and the plow Will take the place of Pan and Satyr now. The timid deer, the spotted fawns at play, From thy retreats will all be driven away. Farewell, old forest; sacred crowns, farewell! Revered in letters and in art as well; Thy place becomes the scorn of every one, Doomed now to burn beneath the summer sun. All cry out insults as they pass thee by, Upon the men who caused thee thus to die! Farewell, old oaks that once were wont to crown Our deeds of valor and of great renown! O trees of Jupiter, Dordona's grove, How ingrate man repays thy treasure trove That first gave food that humankind might eat, And furnished shelter from the storm and heat. PIERRE DE RONSARD, translated by BRISTOW ADAMS; _American Forestry_, XVI. 244 When our grandfathers came to America they found the country so covered with forests that they had to cut and burn the trees in order to obtain the ground on which to raise their crops. The Eastern states could not have been settled without clearing the land, and we cannot blame the pioneers for doing under those circumstances that which today would be very wrong. [Illustration: _H. W. Fairbanks_ The farmer wastes the trees by girdling them and then allowing them to rot.] There is now enough land so that it is no longer necessary to destroy the trees in order to raise our food supplies. The forests constitute one of the great natural resources of our country and men should not be allowed to waste them for private gain. Although the need for more land has long passed, the habit of reckless tree cutting still continues. There are now parts of the East where none of the primeval forest remains and very little of the second growth. Firewood is expensive and many a farmer has to buy coal, who, if he and his ancestors had been careful, might have a woodlot to supply not only fuel, but lumber for his buildings. Many of the lands once cleared were found not suited to farming and have been left to grow up to brush. If the farmer were wise he would replant some of these lands with such trees as spruce, hickory, walnut, or maple. Although his ancestors toiled early and late to get these trees out of the way, a few acres of them now would be a fortune. There are parts of our country, particularly in the South and West, where the settlers are still cutting the trees to get them out of their way. In distant mountain valleys where there is no market for lumber, men are chopping down the great pines. They would make fine lumber, for they are tall and straight, but instead of being put to some useful end their fate is the bonfire. It makes no difference to these men that they are wasting what it has taken Nature hundreds of years to produce nor that in other parts of the country timber is scarce and expensive. In Germany and Switzerland the forest resources are carefully looked after. As fast as the grown trees are cut from a field, young trees are planted in their places. The keeping of a certain part of the land in forest is held to be of advantage to all the people. For this reason men are not allowed to cut trees upon their own land without permission from the forest officer. Many years ago, when lumbering became an important industry and the mills began to turn out immense quantities of boards and beams of every sort needed by the growing population of our new country, it was believed that the supply would never be used up. Only the best and clearest logs were sawed into lumber, and a large part of each tree was left on the ground to rot or to feed the first fire that occurred. Now lumber is scarce and expensive; and the poorer grades also are in much demand. Have you ever seen the giant sugar pines on the slopes of the Western mountains? Next to the sequoias they are the largest of our American trees. A single tree has furnished lumber enough for a house. Sugar pine has now become so valuable that it is used only for such purposes as window sash, doors, and similar articles. We have taken no care of these wonderful trees until recently, but have allowed them to be cut and wasted in the most reckless fashion. If you could go through the sugar-pine forests, you would find hundreds and even thousands of these mighty trees lying on the ground rotting. This is the work of the shake or shingle maker. He has been as thoughtless in his cutting of these giants which have been hundreds of years growing as is the farmer of the stalks of grain that springs up and ripens its seed in one season. The shingle maker must have material which splits well. He hunts for the straightest and cleanest trees. At most he does not use over fifty feet of the trunk, and if the tree does not split to suit him, then all, or nearly all, of the tree is left to rot. [Illustration: _H. W. Fairbanks_ In turning this giant sequoia into lumber more than half the tree is wasted.] The waste of the lumberman is not so great, but it is enough to open our eyes to one of the reasons for the rapid disappearance of our forests. On the average only about one third of the wood of every tree cut is actually used. The rest is lost in the logging operations and during the various processes through which it passes before it reaches our hands. In addition to the waste of the trees actually cut, there is the loss of the young trees due to careless logging. Too often the lumbermen do not care in what condition the logs leave the forest. They want only the trees now fit for lumber, and they want to get them in the easiest way possible. Instead of going through the forest and picking out only the ripe or mature trees and leaving the rest for a later cutting, the lumbermen usually take everything that has any present worth. Trees that are less valuable for lumber, such as the firs, are used for skidways and bridges, and when no longer needed for these purposes are left on the ground. No care is taken to see that the great trees fall with the least possible damage to the young growth. Upon the preservation of the young trees, which almost everywhere occupy the open spaces between the large ones, rests our hope of a future forest. When the work of lumbering in any particular region is finished, the sight is such as must make Nature weep, for it almost brings tears to our eyes. The young trees are broken and crushed to the ground, branches and fragments of the trunks lie scattered about, while above the ruin rise those trees not considered worth cutting. The once beautiful and majestic forest is now ready for fire. Some passer-by may drop a lighted match or cigarette, and you can easily form a picture in your mind of what happens. [Illustration: _H. W. Fairbanks_ The shake maker wastes the larger part of a great sugar pine that has been a thousand years in growing.] In the countries of Europe lumbermen are very careful; not a particle of the cut tree goes to waste. The logs are sawed without removing what we call "slabs." The sawdust is saved and used in the manufacture of wood alcohol. If we saved all the present waste in the logging and milling of our pines, we could make all the turpentine needed in our country. If we saved what is now wasted of the poplar and spruce, we should have material enough to make all the paper we use. There are still large and valuable forests in the Southern Appalachian Mountains, in the Rocky Mountains, the Sierra Nevada-Cascade Range, and the Coast Ranges. These regions were settled later than the Eastern states, and parts of them are yet remote from markets. Our wise lumbermen are beginning to understand that it is better to cut over the forest carefully, so that by and by there will be another crop. Nature is doing all she can to keep up the supply of trees, and, if we give her half a chance, there will be timber enough both for us and for those that come after us. The forest crop is like any other crop, except that it cannot be cut every year. Every one should understand that he has an interest in the forest. Although he may not own a foot of land, yet his prosperity depends in part on how the forests are managed. If the forests are not taken care of, there will sometime be a wood famine. If the mountain slopes are stripped of their trees, the streams will no longer run clear and the low streams in summer will lead to a water famine, which in turn might easily cause a bread famine. CHAPTER EIGHTEEN HOW THE FORESTS SUFFER FROM FIRES He who wantonly kills a tree, All in a night of God-sent dream, He shall travel a desert waste Of pitiless glare, and never a stream, Nor a blade of grass, nor an inch of shade-- All in a wilderness he has made. O, forlorn without trees! He who tenderly saves a tree, All in a night of God-sent dream, He shall list to a hermit thrush Deep in the forest by mountain stream, With friendly branches that lead and shade, All in a woodland that he has made. O, the peace of the trees! He who passionately loves a tree, Growth and power shall understand; Everywhere he shall find a friend. Listen! They greet him from every land, English Oak and the Ash and Thorn, Silvery Olive, and Cypress tall, Spreading Willow, and gnarled old Pine, Flowering branches by orchard wall-- Sunshine, shadow, and sweetness of glade-- All in a Paradise he has made. O, the joy of the trees! _The Dryad's Message_ Have you ever seen a forest fire? It is a terrible sight to see the flames sweep up a mountain side. They run along the ground licking up the leaves and dead branches. They leap from tree to tree, and then with a roar the sheet of flame goes to the top of a tall pine. The air is like the breath from an oven and is filled with sparks and with suffocating smoke. The birds and animals flee away in every direction. [Illustration: _American Forestry Association_ The forest fire sweeps everything in its path.] It is no wonder that those whose homes are in the forest gather quickly to fight the fire, for if they cannot control it, they may lose everything that they possess. If there is a wind blowing, the fire will probably sweep over many miles of country. At night, though, when the air becomes cooler and more quiet, the men can get the advantage of it. You can understand, of course, that it is impossible to use water against such a fire, for water is not to be had throughout most parts of the forests. Instead of using water, the men fight fire with fire. Taking shovels, hoes, and rakes to a suitable place some distance ahead of the fire, they rake away the dead litter on the ground, making a broad, clean path through the forest. Then they set "back-fires" along that side of this clean path which lies toward the coming fire. These back-fires burn slowly toward the main fire, and when they meet both must die out for lack of fuel. For many years forest fires have caused as much damage as the lumbermen; but now most of the forests are patrolled by rangers during the summer, and there are fewer serious fires. How do the fires start in the forest? It is supposed that long ago the Indians set many fires to keep the woods open for their hunting. Lightning has always been a frequent cause of forest fires. As many as a dozen fires are known to have started during a single thunderstorm. But such fires are not as serious as they once were, because the rangers are on the watch for them and put them out before they get well started. [Illustration: _H. W. Fairbanks_ Fires destroyed the forest that once covered this region and its place is now mostly occupied by small bushes.] Aside from those due to lightning, most forest fires are now either set purposely or come from engine sparks or from somebody's carelessness. Many fires are set purposely by stockmen who think by this means to clear away the brush and thus obtain better feed for their cattle and sheep. These men often care nothing for the forests or for the preservation of the summer water flow. They would, indeed, be pleased to see all the forests burned away if by that means they could increase their feed. If you could travel through some of the mountainous portions of the Southwest, you would see how much harm has been done in this way to the trees, the streams, and the soil. It is a hot summer day and two men are riding along a mountain road. One of them thoughtlessly throws away a lighted cigarette, which falls upon some dry pine needles. In a few moments the pine needles are ablaze. The fire spreads with incredible rapidity and a great column of smoke rises above the treetops. Before any one can reach it, the fire is sweeping up the mountain side, and it may not be stopped before it has destroyed thousands of acres of valuable timber. All this terrible loss is due to one careless man who, in the first place, should not have been smoking cigarettes, and in the second place should have known better than to throw a spark into the forest powder magazine. Some campers, enjoying the summer in the mountains, go away leaving their fire burning. By and by a stick burns outward until the fire reaches the leaves, or a gust of wind comes along and carries a spark to them. In the hot sun the leaves and needles are almost as easy to ignite as powder, and in a few moments another fire is making headway into the surrounding forest. A farmer clearing land thinks he can get rid of the brush and young trees more easily by burning. But the undergrowth is drier than he thought, and, the wind coming up unexpectedly, the fire is soon beyond his control. It may destroy his own fences and buildings and, sweeping on, ruin those of his neighbors also. [Illustration: _H. W. Fairbanks_ The dead stubs of a once beautiful forest.] Few people have perished from fires in the West, for there the forest regions are generally thinly inhabited, but in some of the Eastern and Northern states there have been terrible fires that have destroyed whole villages together with their inhabitants. In many mountain regions of our country there are large areas now covered with useless brush where there were once valuable forests. In regions where the lumbermen have not utterly destroyed the forests, but have left some seed trees, the forests will come back again, but in these large burned areas conditions are not favorable. The destruction of the humus as well as the trees has been so complete that the seeding of a new forest is slow work. It may be hundreds of years before the trees will spread over and again take possession of the waste land. A single fire often destroys more timber than would be destroyed by a whole camp of loggers working for years. In the Northwest there are many sad and desolate pictures of the destruction caused by forest fires. We may travel for miles through forests of tall, dead stubs, the remains of once noble trees. Where they have fallen the trunks lie piled many feet high and trails had to be cut through an almost solid mass of timber. Here is wood enough to supply thousands of people with pleasant winter fires. But there are, alas, no people living near these vast woodpiles and often no road to them. The logs must lie there and rot. Now let us see if we can state the chief reasons why we should be exceedingly careful about setting fires in the woods: 1. Fires destroy an enormous amount of valuable timber every year. 2. Between fires and lumbermen our forests are disappearing faster than they are growing. 3. Fires destroy the young trees, and if they happen often enough will keep them from growing up to replace the mature trees. 4. Fires do not permanently help the cattle ranges, but injure them by burning the humus and grass seeds. 5. Fires leave the ground bare, so that it will dry out quickly. 6. Fires leave the soil unprotected, so that it will wash away quickly. 7. Fires destroy property and endanger lives. CHAPTER NINETEEN EVILS THAT FOLLOW THE DESTRUCTION OF THE FORESTS We have already learned something about the poverty of the people in those lands where the forests have been destroyed. This poverty is due not so much to lack of wood for fuel and other purposes, but to a whole series of troubles which the removal of the forests has brought upon them. The burning of the humus, when a fire sweeps the forest, is the next greatest loss to that of the timber itself. Where there has been no fire, the ground under the trees is covered with decaying leaves and stems which are slowly mixing with the soil and becoming a part of it. The more there is of this humus in the soil, the more thriftily plants will grow. Many people purposely burn over their pasture lands in the fall, believing that this will make the grass better the following year. They should know that every time this is done the soil is made poorer, and that it kills the seeds lying on the ground ready to sprout when the warm spring days come. Instead of a better pasture there is more likely to be a crop of almost worthless weeds. The ground is full of worthless seeds which are always ready to take the place of the grasses when they have a chance. Before the fire came, the roots of trees, bushes, and grasses kept the earth from washing; and the humus helped to hold the rainwater from running away rapidly, so that more of it had time to soak into the ground. How well this is shown on yonder hills which were once covered with brush. A fire swept over these hills and burned every living thing. What a barren appearance they presented after the heavy winter storms! The slopes were completely covered with little furrows and gullies where the rainwater had done its work. It will be a long time before vegetation will again gain a foothold there and stop the washing of the earth. When a fire occurs in the dense forests of the Cascade Range, all the trees are killed and the thick layer of decaying vegetation underneath is burned. The spruce, which is one of the most important lumber trees of this region, does not at once spring up again. Its seeds may be scattered there, but the soil is not now in a condition to nourish them. In its place springs up the tamarack pine, which, because it can grow in poor soil, has the whole burned area to itself. If we should return to the same place perhaps one hundred years after the fire, we should find that the tamarack pines had formed a thick forest. The lumbermen have little use for the tamarack and so have passed it by. In looking carefully through the tamarack forest, we find that other trees are now springing up. They are already struggling for the food, the moisture, and the sunlight which the tamaracks are making use of. During the many years that have passed since the fire swept this region, decaying vegetation has been slowly accumulating and forming humus again. Now at last the seeds of the spruce find the soil rich enough again to sprout and grow. Here and there are thrifty young trees which will in a few years grow up and choke out the tamarack. Thus the tamarack, though of so little value itself, has done a great work in preparing the soil for a new growth of the valuable spruce. Upon the drier slopes of the Western mountains shrubs, such as the manzanita and chaparral, spring up and cover the surface after a forest fire. Nature does not seem to want the surface left bare and usually has something at hand, even though it be nothing better than brush, with which to clothe it again. As the years pass humus begins to collect upon the ground and finally restores it to much the same condition it had before the fire. Now, if by any means seeds can reach such places, scattering trees will first spring up in favored spots and, after a time, the trees will become thick enough and large enough to shade the ground and the brush will be killed out. [Illustration: _American Forestry_ The work of the water where the forest has been cut away.] The cutting of the forests, especially from the steeper mountain slopes, has in many parts of the world changed water, one of Nature's most valuable gifts, into an agent of destruction. Throughout the Eastern and Southern states the floods are higher in spring and lower in summer than they used to be, because of the removal of so large a part of the forests that once covered this whole region. In the West it is even more necessary that the forest cover be disturbed as little as possible. One reason is that the greater part of the forests are found upon the lofty mountains in which the streams rise. If we deforest these steep slopes, water is going to injure them much more than it would the gentler slopes of the lower lands, if they had been deforested. Another reason is that since little rain falls in the summer in this region, we must do nothing to lessen the summer flow of the streams, which is so much needed for irrigation. [Illustration: _American Forestry Association_ This beautiful valley in the Southern Appalachian Mountains has been ruined by the floods due to cutting off of the forests upon the headwaters of the river.] The more water that can be held back in the mountains of the West for summer use, the more prosperous the farmers are. There is nothing that helps to hold the water better than the forests. They help to equalize the flow of the streams so that the floods are not so high in the spring nor the water so low in the summer as they would be if there were no forests. One of the first questions asked by a man who is thinking of buying a farm is about the water supply. He wants to know whether there are wells, springs, or living streams on the place. Almost everything depends upon the water supply. If there is an abundance, the farmer is likely to be prosperous. When he is prosperous all the rest of us are prosperous, no matter what our business is. Are you not ready now to say that the Swiss are right in not permitting tree cutting upon any land except under the supervision of a forester? The careless removal of the forests from the mountain slopes may affect the farmer in the valley fifty miles away. Do you not think that this farmer is very much interested in the management of the forest, although he does not own a foot of it? Trouble always follows the destruction of the forests on the headwaters of the streams. CHAPTER TWENTY HOW OUR GOVERNMENT IS HELPING TO SAVE THE FORESTS As long as the forest shall live, The streams shall flow onward, still singing Sweet songs of the woodland, and bringing The bright, living waters that give New life to all mortals who thirst. But the races of men shall be cursed. Yea, the hour of destruction shall come To the children of men in that day When the forest shall pass away; When the low woodland voices are dumb; And death's devastation and dearth Shall be spread o'er the face of the earth. Avenging the death of the wood, The turbulent streams shall outpour Their vials of wrath, and no more Shall their banks hold back the high flood, Which shall rush o'er the harvests of men; As swiftly receding again. Lo! after the flood shall be dearth, And the rain no longer shall fall On the parching fields; and a pall, As of ashes, shall cover the earth; And dust-clouds shall darken the sky; And the deep water wells shall be dry. And the rivers shall sink in the ground, And every man cover his mouth From the thickening dust, in that drouth; Fierce famine shall come; and no sound Shall be borne on the desolate air. But a murmur of death and despair. ALEXANDER BLAIR THAW, _The Passing of the Forest_; in _Century Magazine_, June, 1907 For many years it was thought the forests were inexhaustible and needed no special care. The national government encouraged people to acquire forest land and practically gave away 160 acres to every one who would build a cabin upon the land and live there for a short time. Suddenly some of the wise people among us awoke to a realization of what was going on. They discovered that the forests were going very fast and that soon we should have none if something were not done. Between the fires that swept them every year and the wasteful lumbering, the forests were in a fair way to leave us as they had the wasteful and careless peoples of other parts of the world. How fortunate it is that some of us did look ahead before it was too late; for, although the Eastern forests have largely disappeared, there still remain millions of acres of government-owned forests in the West. These forests have now been withdrawn from sale and are to be held for the use and benefit of all. They are not to be permitted to pass into the hands of a few, to be cut and sold for private gain. Our government is acting like a wise father who is interested in the welfare of his children, and who understands the need of taking care of their treasures until they are wise enough to manage them for themselves. We are all concerned in many ways in the welfare of the forests. Whether we own any forest land or not, we are affected by the way in which the trees are managed. Because we are all dependent more or less upon the forests, they should be regarded as the property of us all, just as the air and water are. But because some of us do not yet know how, or do not care, to protect them, it is best that the government should do so for us. [Illustration: _American Forestry Association_ These men are replanting a mountain slope from which fire once swept the forest.] It may be that you live in a brick, or stone house and burn coal in your stoves. You think that it makes no difference to you whether or not there are any forests. But stop and think a moment. Are you sure that you are really independent of them? How many things do you use every day that are made of wood? The list is surely a long one. If wood is rare and expensive, the articles which are made of it add to your cost of living and allow you less money for other things. Let us suppose for a moment that you have no use for wood in any form. Will this take away all interest that you may have in the forests? In any event you are dependent upon the fertility of your fields for the food that you require. Now, if there is a lumber company stripping the mountains at the head of the river upon which your home is situated, and as a result of clearing the timber from the slopes the floods become worse, your garden is buried beneath gravel and sand, and your orchard washed away, will you not think it _does_ make a difference to you in what way the forests are treated? The timbered lands which the government is holding and caring for are known as National Forests. About two thirds of the forests yet remaining in the West are included in them. These lands are mostly mountainous and not suited to agriculture. In the East the government has no lands except those which it buys. Because of the great damage which is being done to the streams and valleys of the Appalachian Mountains by careless lumbering, a great tract of land is being acquired by purchase. This is called the Appalachian Forest. The timber in this region will be carefully cut and those areas from which it has been stripped will be replanted. In the White Mountains of New Hampshire, with Mt. Washington as the center, is a remnant of a once beautiful forest, which has been acquired by the government. This is known as the White Mountain Forest. It will be enlarged as the years pass and carefully guarded. It will serve for all time as a beautiful pleasure and camping ground. It is not the government's plan that the National Forests shall remain unused, but they are to be used wisely, so as to be of the greatest permanent good to the greatest number of people. The men who have been placed in charge of these lands are called "forest rangers," and their duties are of many kinds. The rangers supervise the sale and cutting of the mature or ripe trees as they are needed for lumber, mining timbers, or posts. They see that the waste parts of the cut trees are piled so as to lessen the danger from chance fires. During the long summers the forests become as dry as tinder and the loss from fire amounts to millions of dollars every year. It is the chief duty of the rangers at this time to patrol the roads and trails leading through the forests and keep a sharp lookout for fires. Stations have been established upon high points from which there is a view over a wide extent of country. In each of these stations there is a man constantly on watch for columns of smoke which indicate the beginning of a forest fire. When smoke is seen a message is telephoned to the ranger station nearest the fire, and from this station men are sent as quickly as possible with the object of putting out the fire before it spreads beyond the power of control. The forests are now watched so carefully that hundreds of fires are thus stopped before there has been any serious loss of timber. +-------------------------------------------------------------------+ | STOP | | Forest Fires | | | | They are a Curse to the People | | of Pennsylvania | | | | FOREST Existing Forests | | FIRES Possibility of Future Forests | | DESTROY Possibility of Labor | | Beauty of a Region | | Comfort | | Homes | | Lives | | Prosperity | | | | Protected Forests Increase in Value | | | | They Furnish Labor, Promote Industry, Afford Recreation and | | Sport, Make a Region Beautiful, Make Home Safe and Comfortable, | | Make Life Worth Living, and a Prosperous State | | Inhabited by a Contented and Industrious People. | | | | Which Would You Rather Have | | | | FOREST FIRES } { GREEN FORESTS | | FLOODS } { PURE WATER | | DISEASE } OR { HEALTH | | DESTRUCTION } { THRIVING INDUSTRIES | | DEVASTATION } { PROSPERITY | | | | For Information Respecting Pennsylvania Forests and | | Tree Planting, write to | | | | COMMISSIONER OF FORESTRY, | | | | Harrisburg, Pennsylvania | +-------------------------------------------------------------------+ [Illustration: This large poster, printed on sheets 14 by 22 inches, has been of excellent service in Pennsylvania.] [Illustration: _American Forestry_ The seed trees left by the lumberman are giving rise to a new forest.] In convenient places the rangers store boxes of tools, which include axes, picks, shovels, and rakes to be used in fighting any near-by fire. They also have at hand provisions and camp outfits, so as to be able to live anywhere in the woods. In some parts where there is a great deal of small timber and brush, "fire lines" are cut along the ridges where it is easiest to stop a fire, should one occur. Our forests are so vast that it is not possible to remove the dead wood as is done in Europe and thus lessen the danger of fire. The forest rangers also wage a warfare against insect pests. In regions where the bark beetles carry on their destructive work among the pines, the rangers sometimes cut down and burn thousands of trees. Another duty of the rangers is that of replanting burned or logged-off areas. In this way many thousands of acres which would otherwise remain waste land for years, not being suitable for agriculture, are made in a short time to produce a new forest. A limited number of cattle and sheep are allowed in those forests which can be pastured without doing injury to the young trees or affecting the flow of the streams. The rangers have charge of this work and collect the rent. A part of the money derived from the sale of timber and for pasturage rights is expended in the improvement of the roads and trails in the forests and in making the forests more safe from fire. [Illustration: _H. W. Fairbanks_ A beautiful grassy meadow in the Sierra Nevada Mountains.] The National Forests are open to all for pleasure and recreation, but under strict regulations about the cutting of trees and the care of camp fires. Violators of these rules are severely punished. Visitors to the forests are expected to take care in the selection of places for their camp fires so that there will be no danger of the fire spreading. When the camp is left, the fire must be put out with water or covered with earth. Many states have forest services of their own, and some have conservation commissions. It is the business of these organizations to look after various natural resources, including the forests, water, soil, minerals, and wild game. All forest rangers as well as state fire wardens are authorized to aid in the enforcement of the game laws. We should assist the foresters and wardens in every way possible. Most of these men love the woods, the birds, and the animals. They are doing their best to protect the forest and its wild life for the good and happiness of us all. CHAPTER TWENTY-ONE OUR FOREST PLAYGROUNDS What does he plant who plants a tree? He plants the friend of sun and sky; He plants the flag of breezes free; The shaft of beauty, towering high; He plants a home to heaven anigh For song and mother-croon of bird In hushed and happy twilight heard-- The treble of heaven's harmony-- These things he plants who plants a tree. What does he plant who plants a tree? He plants cool shade and tender rain, And seed and bud of days to be, And years that fade and flush again; He plants the glory of the plain; He plants the forest's heritage; The harvest of a coming age; The joy that unborn eyes shall see-- These things he plants who plants a tree. What does he plant who plants a tree? He plants, in sap and leaf and wood, In love of home and loyalty And far-cast thought of civic good-- His blessing on the neighborhood Who in the hollow of His hand Holds all the growth of all our land-- A nation's growth from sea to sea Stirs in his heart who plants a tree. H. C. BUNNER, _The Heart of the Tree_; in _Century Magazine_, April, 1893 Our National Parks and Forests form the grandest summer playgrounds that any people have ever had. The National Forests, we have learned, were set aside for the direct purpose of preserving the timber supply and regulating the flow of the mountain streams. The National Parks were created for the purpose of preserving for all time the most beautiful and attractive scenic features of our country. Among the most important of these are the Yellowstone, Grand Cañon, Yosemite, Rainier, and Crater Lake parks. They include many thousands of square miles of forested mountains, cliffs, lakes, waterfalls, and rivers, which are open to all of us with no restrictions except that we do not injure them. How delightful it is to have these wild and picturesque parts of our country left unspoiled and just as Nature made them, and to be able to wander through them at will! In the parks we can become acquainted with the flowers, trees, birds, and animals as they were before the country was discovered and settled by white men. Here the wild creatures are protected from the hunters. The deer no longer fear the sight of men, and the mother grouse can raise her brood in safety from them. When summer comes we feel a strange and mysterious longing to get out of doors and live in the forests with the wild creatures. The parks offer just the opportunity to satisfy this longing, for in them we can get away from the worries and perplexities of our everyday life. We feel the "call of the wild," perhaps, because long ago our savage ancestors dwelt in the forests among the hills. They were a part of Nature and lived much as the animals do in caves in the hillsides, or in homes of the rudest sort made of the bark of trees or the skins of animals. Our ancestors spent nearly all of their time out of doors in the pure, fresh air. Their eyes and ears were trained to every sign of the forest, for upon the sharpness of their senses their very lives depended. [Illustration: _George J. Young_ A forest playground on Virginia Creek in the Yosemite country, California, in one of Uncle Sam's forest reserves.] We have lived in houses so long, where the air is often close and impure and where we have no need of sharp senses for protection, that we have lost some of the strength and sturdy self-reliance of our wild ancestors. We have become partly dulled to the beauty out of doors, because we have been so constantly employed by the business of making a living. But the forest playgrounds are calling us to return for a little time each year to the wilds that were once our home, and to renew our acquaintance with the trees, the streams and the rocks, and with the wild creatures that live among them. To be able to make our beds on the leaves under the trees, and to build a fire of sticks and cook our own food, seems quite natural and like old and familiar times. The stories and legends that have come down to us about the forests and the imaginary people who lived in them were believed to be true by the people of long ago. The deep, dark woods once covered nearly all Europe where our ancestors lived. To be lost in the woods was to be in danger of meeting the strange and mysterious people who were thought to live in their depths. Among these beings, some of whom were good and others bad, were fairies, nymphs, gnomes, and ogres. When people ceased to believe so much in these stories, they began to lose their fear of the woods. Among some of these people there grew up a love and fascination for the trees which they believed were the dwelling places of spirits or divinities. If in our great forest playgrounds we can lead this out-of-door life for a few weeks each year, it will make us healthier, stronger, and happier. We no longer fear any mysterious creatures in the woods or the forces of Nature as shown in the lightning, the winds, and the waterfalls; but year by year we are finding more to love and admire in the wild scenery of the woods and mountains and in their animal and plant inhabitants. The wild woods call many of us on jaunts and picnics when, if it were not for them, we should stay at home shut up in stuffy rooms. In time may not the love of the forest wilds come back to us all? May not the time come when each one of us shall be able to look at a beautiful tree and not think only of how much lumber it would make? May not the time come when we may hear the grouse drumming its call and not feel the desire to kill and eat it? If the time does come in which we think as much of our beautiful mountains as the people of Europe do of the Alps, we shall then guard them with far more jealous care than we do today. In spite of the fact that the Alps are wet and cold and that no one thinks of sleeping out of doors there, yet the people of Europe love their mountains almost passionately. Our mountains are much more attractive summer playgrounds than the Alps. We can wander at will over a far greater number of untrodden ways than Europeans can in the Alps. We can make our beds under the trees with rarely a thought of the weather. The air is always balmy and the skies are almost always blue. CHAPTER TWENTY-TWO WHAT IS HAPPENING TO THE WILD FLOWERS How eagerly we have looked forward to the coming of spring, and now it is here! The sun is shining brighter and warmer each day. The birds are returning from their winter home in the South. The buds on the trees are swelling and, in the warm nooks, some of the wild flowers have already opened their delicate petals. Who will find the first _spring beauty_ in the Eastern woods? Who will find the first of the _purple trilliums_ that open their dark flowers in the shady groves, or the _golden poppies_ on the warm hillsides of the West? The spring air affects us as it does the plants and wild creatures. We long to get away from school, and taking our lunches, to spend the delightful days wandering through the fields and woods. There is no place like the open country when all Nature is waking. We feel like running and frisking as the young lambs do. Can it be wrong to gather all that we wish of the beautiful flowers with which the earth is carpeted? Has not Nature grown them in her great garden in such abundance that all we pick will make no difference to her? Let us go with the children on their rambles after flowers and learn if Nature does take any account of their innocent raids on her treasures. Here is a party of children chasing across the fields. Each one is searching for the flowers that have bloomed since last they were out, and each is trying to get more than his companions. The children have learned that some kinds of flowers grow in the woods, others in the marshy places, and still others on the dry hillsides. They know where to go for each kind, and not a spot escapes their sharp search. Here they find a patch of violets, and all are quickly picked. There are some baby-blue-eyes, and yonder dry field is brilliant with the colors of many others. In the gathering of the flowers some of them are pulled up by the roots, but the children do not think of the harm this does. They wander on and on until many have more in their hands than they can carry. Some of those picked first are already wilted, and, to make their burdens lighter, the children throw these away. At last a tired but happy band turns toward home. [Illustration: _H. W. Fairbanks_ The wild oxalis loves the moist, shady places.] What will be done with all the flowers that have been picked? In each home the vases are filled and the tables decorated. There is no room for all of them and some are thrown out. These flowers, once so fresh and bright as they nodded in the breeze, now lie crushed and wilted on the ground. Another spring returns and the children are out again looking in the familiar places for the flowers they know so well. But there seems to be something wrong, for there are not so many as there used to be. The children have to go farther and search more carefully to get their arms full. Still a third spring comes and the children are just as ready for the happy excursions and just as anxious to get the flowers. They hunt the fields over, but in the places where the flowers used to be so thick there are only a few scattering ones. They cannot understand what is wrong, but Nature could tell them if they would ask her. The year before she was short of seed, but this year it is much worse, for she had hardly any to plant in her garden. She is short of bulbs also, and of many other plants that grow from year to year, for the children carelessly pulled these up. [Illustration: _H. W. Fairbanks_ Wild asters cover the mountain meadows.] The children do not want to go home with only a few flowers, and so they wander farther into the country than they have ever been before. Here they find them as abundant as they used to be near home. The children do not stop to think that at the base of the bright, fragrant blossoms grow the seed that will make the flowers of the next year. Nature can spare the seed of a part of the blossoms, for she grows many more than she needs; but if we pick them all, what can she do for the coming year? The wild flowers are living things struggling for a place in the world, just as are the animals and birds. We cannot abuse and destroy too many of them if we would have them stay and add to the beauty of our homes. Should we not take just as much pleasure in gathering the flowers if we did not bring home more than we needed? Would it not be better to be satisfied with smaller bouquets and leave enough in the fields to go to seed and gladden us next year? The reckless gathering of wild flowers has gone on so long and they have been picked so closely about many of our towns and cities, that they are disappearing. When there are no longer wild flowers within reach of the children who live in the cities, they will have lost a great joy out of their lives. There are besides the flowers of which we have been speaking other low plants of beautiful foliage with which we love to decorate our homes. We must take care that these are not gathered too closely or they also will become scarce. We cannot go out into the woods and pull up ferns by the roots year after year and expect Nature to keep up the supply. The huckleberry is one of the many beautiful shrubs which we admire for its delicate leaves and colors. It is cut and brought in from the country in huge bundles to supply the florists. The time will come when these decorations can no longer be had if the men are allowed to cut all they can find. Just as in the case of the flowers, seekers for them will be obliged to go farther each year and by and by the shrubs will be so scarce and high priced that we shall be obliged to do without them. [Illustration: _Pillsbury's Pictures, Inc._ Nature has grown flowers in abundance, but we should not pick or destroy too many of them.] We hunt far and wide for the beautiful "holly berries" with which to decorate our homes at Christmas. When we have found a berry-laden bush, we eagerly break off the branches and bear them home in triumph. The bush, once so gay with berries, is a sad-looking thing when we are through with it. The branches are broken so far back that next year it will bear few berries and we shall have to seek another. We treat the beautiful earth on which we have been placed in a most thoughtless manner. We think only of what we want _now_, and forget that another year is coming in which also we shall want some of the earth's treasures. If we take only the surplus which each year produces, there will always be enough for us and for the people who live after us. CHAPTER TWENTY-THREE NATURE'S PENALTY FOR INTERFERING WITH HER ARRANGEMENTS Nature seems very prodigal in her ways. She is continually creating on the earth a great multitude of living things, far more than there is room for. Each one of these, if it would live, must have a certain amount of air, sunshine, and food. As there is not enough of these things to supply every one, there arises a struggle. Those that are weakest die, because they are not able to get what they need. To us this seems hard, but it is Nature's way. And further, since many of the animals feed on the flesh of other animals, the latter have, in addition to the struggle for their food, to watch constantly for their lives. Every organism is in one sense the enemy of every other one. We do not mean that they often try to kill each other because of hate, as men do, but that they are after food to satisfy their hunger. Some of the higher animals as well as men fight for mastery, in addition to struggling for food. We hope that among men the unnecessary fighting will sometime cease, and that kindness and unselfishness will rule. The struggle for life is ceaselessly going on around us, but so quiet is it that we are not often aware of the countless tragedies that take place. This struggle extends from the plants and animals in the pond, so small that we cannot see them with the unaided eye, upward through all the larger animals. The struggle among all living things helps us to understand the necessity for Nature's prodigality. If the plants and animals that serve as food for others were not produced in great numbers, they would soon become extinct. It is seldom that any one kind of plant or animal, because of its many enemies, has an opportunity to spread and obtain more than its share of food and sunshine. According to Nature's arrangements, each organism does its share in keeping down the numbers of the others. This we call the "balance of Nature." Sometimes the balance of Nature is disturbed and one particular kind of animal gets the start of its enemies and increases until it becomes a _plague_. This may be caused by a favorable season or by the decrease of its enemies on account of disease among them. We have read of the plagues of grasshoppers which have sometimes visited the Western states and eaten up every green thing. Plagues of rats and field mice have been known to do a great deal of damage. In such cases their natural enemies, the hawks, owls, and coyotes, may be attracted to the region from far around, because of the extra food supply. After a time they may succeed in reducing the numbers of these pests. This balance among the animals, which comes from one living upon another, is a strange and wonderful thing. No one kind can long overrun its fellows. If one does get a start and increases until it becomes a pest or plague, some enemy is sure sooner or later to spring up to destroy it. We use this method in fighting some of the insect pests which are injuring our trees. Men have searched in various parts of the world from which such pests as the gypsy moth and the San José scale have come to find some of their enemies and bring them to this country to feed on these insects. When men came upon the earth, they soon began to upset Nature's arrangements, and from that time until now matters of this kind have been growing worse. We have killed large numbers of the beneficial animals and birds that kept the harmful ones in check. We have carried others from the homes given them by Nature, where they were doing little harm, to new homes where they have become terrible plagues. The killing of large numbers of hawks and owls, all the species of which many people have wrongfully thought to be harmful, has been followed by a great increase in the numbers of rats and mice. We have killed off most of the coyotes, the chief food of which was rabbits and ground squirrels. The two latter animals have now become a serious pest. They do enormous damage to the crops, and we spend thousands of dollars fighting them. The common rabbit has in most parts of its native country so many enemies which are always on the lookout for a good meal, that it cannot increase enough to do much harm. Years ago a number of rabbits were taken to Australia, where there were none. Here they found a favorable climate and few enemies. They have now increased so that they overrun much of the continent and are a terrible pest which the farmers are unable to control. Some years ago the gypsy moth and the browntail moth were introduced by accident into the New England states. Finding there a congenial climate and few enemies, they increased rapidly. They soon began to strip the leaves from the beautiful elms which make the streets and parks of this region so attractive. Now these moths have turned their attention to the white pine and are doing an ever-increasing amount of damage; and although they are being fought by every means in our power, we are not certain that we can ever control them. The codling moth, whose larva is the little apple worm, causes an immense loss in our fruit orchards. The cotton-boll weevil, which destroys so much of the cotton, is, like the codling moth, an insect imported from another country. The San José scale reached California from China and has now spread throughout our country. It has a special fondness for the sap of fruit trees, and, being so small, was not noticed until it had got beyond control. This scale causes more loss than any other of the tree insects. The Hessian fly, introduced from Europe more than one hundred years ago, causes during certain seasons a very great loss to the wheat crop. The Argentine ant has been brought to us from South America and is proving a most destructive pest. The Norway rat was brought to our country on sailing vessels and causes more loss than most of us realize. The English sparrow has spread over much of the country and is driving many of the native birds from their homes, because of its quarrelsome disposition. It makes itself a nuisance on all our city streets. The mongoose, in its home in India, is a great rat killer, but does not there increase so as to do much harm. Wherever it has been carried for the purpose of using it as a rat killer, this little four-footed animal has become a terrible scourge. After it destroys the rats it goes after the snakes. Then it attacks the other small animals and birds. Finally it begins upon the chickens, and even the vegetables in the garden are not safe from its voracious appetite. Men are now watching at every port to see that no more dangerous insects and animals are brought into the country. They are particularly on the watch for the Mediterranean fruit fly and for the mongoose. When we upset the balance of Nature, we start a whole chain of troubles. What can we do to escape the consequences of our ignorance and carelessness? In the first place we can protect the birds, for they eat enormous quantities of the harmful insects. In the second place we can see that no more of these dangerous pests are allowed to land on our shores. In the third place we shall have to fight, by every means that we can discover, those that are already here. CHAPTER TWENTY-FOUR WHAT SHALL WE DO WHEN THE COAL, OIL, AND GAS ARE GONE? If coal, oil, and gas were suddenly taken away, all the nations would become poor and many of their industries would cease. Just think for a moment of the amount of work these things do for us and what an effort there would be made to find something to take their place! Wood once formed the chief fuel. It was used only to cook our food or to keep us warm. Now fuel is required for so many different purposes that with the decrease of the forests wood has been found insufficient. Peat is one of those substances that has been used in parts of Europe to take the place of wood, but it is used so little in our own country that many have never seen it. Peat is dug from bogs or marshes. We might say that a peat marsh is the beginning of a coal bed. Peat is the partly decayed vegetation which has slowly accumulated in wet places. In the colder countries it is formed largely of moss and similar water-loving plants, but where the climate is warm other kinds of marsh vegetation, and even trees, aid in forming peat. Sometimes floods bring earth and deposit it in the marshes, in which case the peat is less suitable for fuel, but forms a rich and productive soil instead. In many of the vast swamps of long ago, when there were no men nor even the higher animals upon the earth, vegetation grew very rank. It is believed that at that remote time the air contained more carbonic acid, a substance which promotes the growth of plants. Thus the plants in the warm, moist parts of the earth grew more densely and luxuriantly than they usually do today. In the decay of this vegetation deposits similar to the peat marshes were formed, but they differed in being much thicker and more extensive. If the story of these ancient peat marshes had stopped here, we should never have had any coal. Fortunately it did not, for some of the swamps sank beneath the water of a lake or ocean and thick beds of gravel, sand, or clay were deposited over them. While buried deep in the earth, the decaying vegetation was heated and pressed together by the great weight of the earth above, and was finally changed to shining, black coal. After the coal was made, but before men came to the earth, parts of the sea bottom with its buried treasures were raised to form hills and mountains. Then the rainwater began its work upon the slopes, and after a time washed away so much of the overlying material that the coal was exposed at the surface. At last through some accident, such as lightning perhaps, men learned that this black substance would burn. Coal was little used, however, as long as there was an abundance of wood and the needs of people were few. As manufacturing and the use of the steam engine increased, coal grew in value. The business of mining coal finally became one of the great industries. The mining operations were carried on as carelessly as though the supply in the interior of the earth were inexhaustible. In the underground working it is customary to leave about one quarter of the coal in the form of pillars for the purpose of supporting the roof. At a little more expense other materials could be substituted for these pillars and all the coal could be taken out. In using the coal we waste about another quarter. Stoves and furnaces are usually built so poorly that a large part of the value of the coal escapes as gas and smoke. In large cities and manufacturing districts the smoke becomes a great nuisance. In the making of coke from coal, enormous quantities of coal tar and gas have been lost. Most engines consume a far greater amount of coal than they should in doing a given amount of work. Most of us do not know how to use coal economically in our homes, and thus aid not only in wasting the coal supplies but in making the cost of living higher than it should be. All together, in the handling of coal we lose fully half of it. The coal supply of the earth is disappearing very fast, and at the rate at which its use is now increasing it may not last more than one hundred years. If we cannot use coal without wasting so much, would it not be wiser for us to turn our attention more fully to the sources of power in the streams which are flowing down all our mountain sides? The use of this power when turned into electricity would enable us to save a large part of the coal, oil, and gas that are now used, and so make them last longer. It is far easier to waste oil and gas than coal, for, when we have drilled holes in the earth, unless we are very careful the gas will escape into the air and the oil will become mixed with water, so that it will be difficult for us to get it. Oil and gas are confined under great pressure hundreds and often thousands of feet below the surface. To make clear how easy it is to waste them, we might compare them to the compressed air in an automobile tire. If the tire is punctured by a nail, the air issues suddenly with a sharp, whistling sound until the pressure inside is gone and no more will come out. For many years we have been puncturing the crust of the earth, where oil has been discovered, and letting the oil and gas escape. We have saved most of the oil, but nearly all the gas has been wasted. The gas will finally stop coming out when the pressure is gone, just as the air did in the automobile tire. On the opposite page is a picture of a "gusher" in the Sunset oil field, California, which tells the story of how we are permitting the valuable substances within the earth to be wasted. In drilling this well the oil men suddenly struck a deposit of oil and gas under great pressure. The drilling tools were blown out of the well and a column of oil and gas shot up 150 feet. For a time the well flowed forty thousand barrels of oil each day, and an unknown quantity of gas. Much of the oil was scattered around the surrounding country, and all the gas was lost. Men worked for weeks making reservoirs of earth in an attempt to save the river of oil. Another well a few miles distant struck an enormous quantity of gas. It blew off for days with a roar like that of the steam from a giant engine. Then it took fire, and the column of flame at night was a fearful sight. There was gas enough lost from this one well to light a city for months. Gas has been escaping during many years from hundreds of wells in the Pennsylvania, Ohio Valley, Oklahoma, Texas, and California oil fields. The gas from all these wells together has been estimated to be equal in value to a river of oil flowing several hundred thousand barrels each day. In many districts the gas was nearly gone before people discovered its great value. It is impossible for us to realize the waste which this represents. [Illustration: _Myrl's Studio, Bakersfield, California_ A "gusher" in a California oil field wasting great quantities of oil and gas.] It has taken Nature a long time to make the oil and gas which we are losing. When she began this work, the oil regions which have been mentioned were beneath the sea. In its waters lived countless numbers of minute organisms, as well as fish of many kinds. As they died, their bodies accumulated in beds which finally became thousands of feet thick. Then the currents of the water changed and sand and mud were washed over these beds, burying them deeply. Finally the bottom of the sea was lifted and became dry land. The movement squeezed and folded the rocky layers made of the skeletons of the animals and plants. The soft parts of their bodies held in these rocky layers produced a greenish or brownish oil and gas. The gas tried to escape from the rocks, for they were hot and it wanted more room. In some places it found openings through the rocks and escaped to the surface, usually bringing some of the oil with it. The gas was lost, but a part of the oil remained, forming deposits of tar. In other places the oil and gas could not reach the surface, but found porous, sandy rocks into which they went and remained until the oil driller found them. The tar springs, or "seepages," indicate to the oil prospector where deposits of oil may possibly be found. He examines the country about and, selecting a favorable place, drills a well. If he is successful, he will strike oil-bearing rocks. The oil may be a few hundred feet below the surface, or it may be a mile below. In the latter case it takes months to drill the well. If a robber came and attempted to take by force the coal, oil, and gas which we are daily losing through our carelessness and indifference, even though he might put it to better use than we put it, there would at once go up a great cry. We would raise an army and fight for our property, and perhaps suffer great loss in defending it. But, day by day, without making any serious objection, we are letting these natural resources go to waste. Perhaps in some far distant future, after we have used up the stores of fuel in the earth, we may discover something to take its place; but wise and thoughtful people should make the most of what they have. CHAPTER TWENTY-FIVE NEED FOR PROTECTION OF CREATURES THAT LIVE IN THE WATER Perhaps you think it is absurd to talk about caring for the creatures that live in the water, since they can so easily hide away in its depths where we cannot follow. Perhaps you think that because the ocean is so great it would be impossible ever to catch all the fish that live in it. It is easy to understand how all the fish might be caught out of the creeks, rivers, and shallow lakes, since fish are hungry and we put before them such attractive bait; but with the ocean it seems different. It stretches so many thousands of miles and is so very deep that there does not appear to be any danger of exterminating the animals of the ocean as we have some of those of the land. Is it true, however, that all the vast waters of the ocean are full of fish, or are they found only in certain parts? The fishermen can tell us about this matter. They know where to set the hooks and nets, and where they are most likely to get a good catch. They do not go far out where the water is deep but seek, instead, the shallow waters near the shore or about the reefs and islands. They know that the deep water of the ocean contains very few fish and none that are of any value as food. Each kind of fish has become adapted to certain parts of the ocean, for both the food supply and the pressure of the water differ with different depths. Fish caught in deep water are often dead before reaching the surface, because of the decrease in the water pressure. One reason why fish are not numerous far out in the ocean is because there is little food to be had there. The reason no fish are found in the very deep parts of the ocean is because the water there contains no air particles. Strange as it may seem, although fish breathe water, they cannot live unless it contains oxygen from the air. The fish, then, that interest us because of their value for food, are found only in the shallow waters usually near the shore and in the lakes and rivers. Because of this fact it is possible, as we have learned from experience, to set so many traps and use so many nets and hooks as entirely to destroy certain species. The fish have their natural enemies, and there is warfare among them just as there is among the land animals. The larger and more powerful live upon the smaller ones, but, seemingly to make up for this, Nature has given the small fish quickness of movement--which the large fish do not possess--to aid them in escaping. They have also the power of increasing very rapidly. The little herring, which is the chief food of many of the large fish, maintains its countless numbers against all its enemies except the fishermen. The Indians, with their crude traps, hooks, and spears, could obtain but few fish at a time and did not reduce their numbers. But civilized man, with his cunningly contrived hooks and nets, has the same advantage over the fish that the hunter, with his repeating gun, has over the land animals. Nature, not foreseeing how destructive man would be, has armed neither the creatures of the land nor the creatures of the water against him. The fisherman does his work just as thoughtlessly as the hunter whose business it is to supply the market. He seems to think no more about the effect upon next season's supply, of his stretching a net across a river and catching all the fish going up to spawn, than does the market hunter who would, if he could, shoot the last duck. Is it not strange that many fishermen will do anything in their power to evade the laws governing the catching of fish when by doing so they injure their own business? [Illustration: _Edward S. Curtis_ A rocky island in the Pacific Ocean, used by seals as a sunning place.] We have already nearly destroyed the mammals that live in the ocean. Among them are the whales, which were once numerous in the arctic regions. Few whaling ships now arrive with profitable cargoes of oil or whalebone. The sea otter, the fur of which is more highly prized than that of any other animal, and the walrus, valuable for its oil, are also nearly extinct. No more cruel hunting was ever carried on than was that of the seal mothers in the open ocean where they go in search of food. When the mothers are killed the young ones, left in the rookeries upon the Pribilof Islands, soon die of starvation. The fur seal has thus been so reduced in numbers that it was threatened with extinction. Now Russia, Japan, England, and the United States have agreed to stop all killing of the fur seal for a number of years. As a result of the great demand for fish, and the careless methods used by the thousands of men engaged in catching them, Nature unaided cannot keep up the supply. For the purpose of assisting her, strict laws have been passed in many states. These laws prohibit fishermen from stretching their nets or weirs across the streams so as to block the passage of the fish when going to their spawning grounds. They also prohibit the taking of undersized fish and in some cases allow none at all of some kinds to be taken for a given time. Our government is now doing a great deal to save the food fishes of the country, but some varieties are still decreasing. [Illustration: _H. W. Fairbanks_ An Indian fish trap.] The little herring is the most valuable of all the sea fish. Enormous numbers are captured in nets, and still greater numbers form the food of other fish. The herring has so many enemies that it must increase rapidly in order to hold its place in the sea. Nature has arranged that this fish should produce twenty thousand or more eggs at each spawning season. It is thought that if only two eggs out of this great number hatch and grow up, the supply of herring will be maintained. This estimate does not, however, take into account the present terrible waste of herring in the Chesapeake and other bays on the Atlantic coast, where it is taken in nets and used for making land fertilizer. Is it any wonder that the herring is now decreasing in numbers? The oyster was once hunted so closely that it would have disappeared from our coast waters if the young had not been taken and raised artificially. Is it not interesting to know that we plant young oysters on oyster farms, and raise oyster crops, all below the level of high tide? The greatest oyster farms in the world are upon Chesapeake Bay. There are also oyster farms in other bays upon the Atlantic seaboard, and lately the oyster has been transplanted to the bays upon the Pacific Coast. The lobster was trapped so industriously that it also began to grow scarce. Finally the government took up the matter of protecting it. The eggs and the young were guarded, and now it is increasing in numbers. Once the sturgeon was very plentiful in the lakes and rivers of our country. For a long time it was thought to be of no value and was thrown away when caught in nets set for other fish. Then it was discovered that its flesh was delicious, and its eggs, known as _caviar_, became a very fashionable dish. After this there followed a period of most destructive fishing, and now sturgeon are quite scarce and high priced. Herring, shad, and salmon are migratory fish. By this we mean that they spend a part of their lives in the ocean but enter the bays and streams at the spawning season. You can readily understand that if the bays are blocked with nets the fish cannot reach the spawning grounds and their numbers must decrease. Chesapeake Bay contains such a maze of nets, many of them extending out ten miles from the shore, that it is a wonder that any fish get past them. [Illustration: _H. W. Fairbanks_ A fish wheel on the Columbia River, in which salmon are caught on their way to the spawning grounds.] The waters of New England were once filled with striped bass, smelt, salmon, and shad, but now these fish are almost gone. The shad are rapidly decreasing all along the Atlantic Coast. The nets in Lake Erie extend out sometimes ten miles from shore, and the whitefish as well as the sturgeon have been greatly reduced in numbers there. When the Pacific Coast was first settled, the "salmon run" in the Sacramento, Columbia, and other rivers was a wonderful sight. The waters were fairly alive with these huge fish. Hydraulic mining so muddied the waters of the Sacramento that their numbers greatly decreased. Then came the fishermen and stretched their nets across the rivers, so nearly blocking the channels that the salmon were rarely seen on their old spawning grounds. Now salmon fishing is carefully regulated and salmon are increasing. The shallow waters of San Francisco Bay, the ocean for some miles out from shore, and the waters about the islands of Southern California form very valuable fishing grounds, which, if they are taken care of, will furnish much larger supplies of fish than are now obtained. The interesting discovery has been made that the waters around the islands of Santa Catalina and San Clemente form important spawning grounds for many food fish, including the great tuna. These waters were fished so destructively that many of the fish were found to be decreasing. This has led to the establishment of a fish preserve for three miles about Santa Catalina Island. Within this area no fish are allowed to be taken except with a hook and line. Some of the most valuable fish, which were almost gone, are now becoming more numerous. The fact that the fish stay close about the island where the water is shallow makes the establishment of the preserve possible. The salmon and halibut fisheries of the Alaskan waters have long been the source of much profit. This region, owing to the many bays and islands, fairly swarms with fish of many kinds. Protection will soon be needed here if this great storehouse of fish is to be kept filled. The cod fisheries of the Newfoundland banks are among the most valuable in the world, and are almost the only ones where fishing has long been carried on and where the supply is not decreasing. The "banks" are formed by a great flat reef four hundred miles long, over which the water is shallow enough to offer a fine home for cod. Hatcheries have been established in many parts of our country for the purpose of collecting and hatching fish eggs. These are used for restocking those waters that have been fished out. After the eggs have hatched and the young fish have reached a certain stage, they are shipped to the streams where they are needed. The United States fishery on the McCloud River, California, has distributed rainbow trout all over the United States. Shad and striped bass have been brought from Eastern fisheries and planted in Pacific Coast waters, where they are now rapidly increasing. Thus we learn that valuable food fish live within certain narrow bounds instead of being distributed all through the waters of the globe. It is as easy, with our many ingenious devices of net and weir, to destroy the inhabitants of the water as it is to destroy those of the land with guns. CHAPTER TWENTY-SIX MAN MORE DESTRUCTIVE THAN THE OTHER ANIMALS We have learned something about the struggle among the plants and animals for food and for room on the earth. We must not think, however, that this struggle is at all like the war that is carried on between different nations. Wars are usually unnecessary and do more harm than good, for they result in the loss of the strongest and best men. But the struggle among the animals and plants has resulted in good, for it has crowded out the weakest and those less fitted to live. The struggle among all living things for food and a share of the sunshine has covered the earth with a far greater variety than there would otherwise be. Because so many more are born than there is room for, they crowd and elbow each other. Many are forced to make their homes in regions which they would not have chosen if they had been free to do as they pleased. It is partly because of this crowding that some of the animals which once lived on the ground became changed into birds and made their homes in the trees. A number of the mammals found more freedom in the water and finally became whales, seals, and walruses. Many moved into deserts and, in learning to live with very little water, developed curious bodies and habits. Some have found a home in the cold North, where they have become suited to a climate which would quickly kill those which had held their ground in the warm and moist tropical regions. Nature has thus filled the earth with an infinite variety of living things, each of which is doing its part in making the world beautiful and attractive. Man is Nature's last and most wonderful creation. He has learned to fly like the birds, to swim under the sea like the fish, and to harness Nature's forces and make them work for him. But man, with all his wisdom, has too often forgotten that he is really a brother to the lower creatures. The inhabitants of the air, the land, and the water could, if they were able to talk, tell the most pitiful tales of man's cruel treatment of them. Of course we have to eat, as do all other living creatures, but for thousands of years people have supplied their wants largely from agriculture and from the domestic herds. Although very few of us now have to hunt for our food, and these few are those who live far out on the borders of newly settled regions, yet we have not forgotten the hunting instincts of our ancestors. Our ancestors of long ago, like the savages on the earth today, seldom killed game unless they needed it for food. We, who think ourselves far better than they, now kill wild life for the pleasure of the chase. The professional hunter who seeks the glossy coats of the fur-bearing animals or the beautiful plumage of certain birds gives no thought to the wasted bodies that he leaves behind. Since men have become civilized and their needs have become so many, Nature's arrangements have been seriously disturbed. She has not armed the wild creatures against men, who, with all kinds of marvelous weapons, are able to take advantage of them. The wild creatures discover very quickly that they can find little protection against this new enemy, no matter how quick and sharp their senses are. The blue jay has only his sharp eyes to help him when he seeks the cunningly hidden nest of another bird with the hope of being able to dine upon eggs. The breakfast of the wolf depends alone upon his quickness in catching a rabbit. The mountain lion depends upon his stealthiness when stalking a deer. The Indian relies upon his skill in imitating the call or the appearance of an animal when he tries to approach near enough to use his bow and arrow. Civilized men have lost much of the keenness of sight and hearing they once had, but they have far more than made up for this through their ingenuity in making deadly weapons. We depend no longer upon the hunt for each day's supply of food. But the instinct to hunt which still remains we use to amuse ourselves while upon our camping trips. Some people even made a living by hunting for the market, although, fortunately for the wild creatures, little of this kind of hunting is now permitted. The desire to get out of doors and live for a time each year among the wild mountains is another instinct which comes to us from our savage forefathers. This is a beneficial instinct, for life in the fresh air gives us new strength. The hunting instinct is not wrong in itself. It is the manner in which we hunt that is wrong. But how much finer it would be if, instead of using an outing as an excuse to destroy the wild creatures, we should use it to learn about them and their curious ways. How much more real pleasure there is in studying the habits of the denizens of the woods and fields than there is in killing them! Many a boy wants to carry a gun, because he has read lurid stories of Indians and robbers, or of hunting in the jungles where lions and tigers abound. This often leads to the killing of harmless birds for the lack of bigger game. Boys should be taught either at home or in school the sacredness of life, and a feeling of pity and love for the wild creatures that are surrounded by enemies on every side. They should be taught that animals have feelings and that they want to live. They should be taught how wrong it is to destroy life uselessly. The nest of eggs or helpless young left to their fate through the thoughtless killing of a mother bird is a sight which must arouse the sympathy of every boy who has been taught what it means. [Illustration: _Eastman Kodak Company_ The only right way to hunt birds' nests--with a camera.] The killing of the mothers is the surest way to destroy a species. The laws in most of our states now regulate hunting during the breeding season and limit the number of wild animals or birds that may be taken in a given time. Whenever the numbers of any species become so reduced that it is in danger of extinction, all hunting of that species should be prohibited for a number of years. We should feel sorry for those men who live in a civilized land and get the benefit of its advantages and yet are worse than savages at heart. If these men who are so wasteful of wild life could be stripped of their destructive weapons and sent into the wilds to make their living as savages do, they would soon learn to be more careful. The animals prey upon each other because it is their nature to do so and because their lives depend upon it. Savages hunt because they must have food. We do not need to hunt, but, because of our higher intelligence, our hunting methods are far more destructive than are those of either animals or savages. CHAPTER TWENTY-SEVEN WHAT IS HAPPENING TO THE ANIMALS AND BIRDS Nature has done more for our land than for almost any other. She has given it vast forests, fertile soil, favorable climate, enormous water power, many minerals, and a wonderful variety of animal life. During all the centuries that the Indians lived here before the coming of white men, wild game furnished them their chief food, but in spite of this, the amount of game was not decreased. When our forefathers landed upon this continent, it fairly swarmed with animals and birds. With the clearing away of the forests and the settling of the prairies men could not help depriving many wild creatures of both their shelter and their food, but this was not the chief cause for their rapid decrease in numbers. Hunters followed them persistently into the wilder hills and mountains, and many, not needed for food, were killed for their furs. [Illustration: "There is no recovery of an extinct species. Conservation or devastation--which shall it be? Common sense demands the regulation of hunting in such a way that our wild life will persist as a permanent asset." _Western Wild Life Call_, published by the California Associated Charities for the Conservation of Wild Life.] Now we may travel for days through the remote and still unsettled parts of our country and see very little life of any kind except birds and the smaller animals, such as squirrels. Occasionally we may start up a deer that flees away from us like the wind. Still more rarely we come upon a bear and are fortunate if we get even the merest sight of him before he is gone. The fear of man has spread among all the wild creatures. There is good reason for this fear, because man has completely exterminated some species and so reduced the numbers of others that careful protection will be needed to save them. Travelers tell us that in those lands where man rarely goes the wild creatures have little fear of him. [Illustration: _L. A. Huffman, Miles City, Mont._ Why the buffalo have nearly disappeared from the land.] The story of the slaughter of the buffalo is known to us all. Once this noble animal roamed from the Alleghenies to the Rocky Mountains. Countless thousands were killed merely for their hides, and other thousands were killed for sport. Finally, when they were almost gone, people awoke to the importance of saving them. Several small herds, not more than a few hundred in number, that had escaped the hunters were placed under protection and now they are slowly increasing. [Illustration: _American Museum of Natural History_ A group of Roosevelt elk.] The grizzly, king of bears, was once abundant in parts of the Rocky Mountains and upon the Pacific slope, but now he is found only in the Yellowstone Park region. The man who killed the last specimen in California is proud of his great achievement. Of all the elk which once spread over the western part of our country, only a few remain outside of the Yellowstone region. A protected herd exists in the San Joaquin Valley, California, and another small herd roams through the wilder parts of the northern Coast Ranges. The antelope, so common on the plains only a few years ago, are all gone except for small, scattered herds in the more remote parts of the West. Of the many fur-bearing animals which once inhabited the Northwest, beavers were the most widespread and abundant. Their pelts were so valuable that they were used as money. For many years the trapping of these little animals was an important industry, until at last they were practically exterminated in every stream throughout the western half of the country. A few beaver are known to remain in the Yellowstone Park, where they are of course carefully protected. In Oregon a few escaped and have been carefully protected for some years. In certain places they are now quite abundant. In parts of New England and Canada they are now increasing under the protection of the game laws. The sea otter, now extremely rare, is so highly valued for its fur that it soon may become extinct, although completely protected by law. [Illustration: _New York Zoölogical Society_ A beaver and its lodge.] The passenger pigeon, whose flights almost covered the sky at times not more than forty years ago, and whose numbers seemed so great that no one believed it possible of extermination, is now gone forever. The extinction of these birds was due chiefly to their being slaughtered at their roosting places. The California condor, one of the largest of birds, is almost extinct. The prairie chicken has disappeared from the prairies and plains. Certain species of grouse, and especially the sage grouse, mountain quail, and others, which inhabit sparsely settled regions, are thought to be still holding their ground, but should be more carefully protected. The valley quail is, however, much reduced in numbers; while ducks, geese, and smaller shore birds are decreasing with each succeeding year. Even in the jungles of far-away Africa, where we would think the animals are exposed to little danger of extinction, some of them, such as the elephant, are in urgent need of protection. In the far North the great polar bear will not long survive unless rigidly protected. What terrible scourge has so suddenly come upon the birds and animals that once adorned our country? How is it that in the short space of fifty years many of them have almost disappeared from their ancient haunts? We feel like hiding our faces in shame, for it is the same man scourge that for many hundreds of years has been destroying the forests, the animals, and the birds of many other countries. [Illustration: _Finley & Bohlman_ A California condor.] The helplessness of all the wild creatures before man's destructive weapons should arouse our sympathy, if nothing else does. Leaving out of account a few predatory animals that destroy large numbers of other animals, we should most earnestly try to protect those that remain. The beauty of the birds, their sweet music, the companionship which they afford, and, last but not least, their great value to the farmer and fruit grower, should arouse our earnest efforts in their behalf. In our country alone an army of five million men and boys go out to hunt wild creatures every year. The animals are so defenseless against man's weapons that it is not a fair fight, in which the quicker or sharper escape, but a slaughter. If these hunters were savages armed only with bows and arrows, then the wild creatures would have a chance for their lives. Besides, savages do not kill for sport, nor do they purposely destroy Nature's most valuable gifts to them. The forest that has been cut down will grow again. The soil that has been made poor will, if let alone, sometime become fertile again. But those species of birds, animals, and fish which we have completely destroyed will never be restored to us. [Illustration: _Nat'l Ass'n Audubon Societies_ The sage grouse, which is in danger of extinction.] CHAPTER TWENTY-EIGHT THE TRAGEDIES OF MILADY'S HAT AND CAPE Our savage ancestors depended largely for food upon animals, birds, and fish which they obtained. They used the skins and furs for clothing and the plumes for decorating themselves. They allowed no part of the bodies of the animals they killed to go to waste. We do not now have to depend upon the wild creatures for food, because our flocks and herds supply all that we require. But Dame Fashion has decreed that furs and feathers are still the proper thing to wear. Thus it has come about that those animals that have soft, furry coats and those birds that have bright plumage are hunted more eagerly now than they were long ago when food was the most important thing. The demand for furs has always been great and the trapping industry has employed thousands of men ever since our land was discovered, but in recent years feathers have become almost as important. No region where fur-bearing animals have their lairs, or birds of beautiful plumage have their nests, is too far away or too difficult for the hunters and trappers to go and hunt. The business of killing wild creatures for money makes beasts out of men and has led to most heartless cruelties. The savage, hunting for food, kills his prey at once; but the fur trapper with a circuit which takes sometimes a week to cover often has to leave his prey, tortured in the traps, until it starves to death. If the wearer of that handsome warm fur coat could know what was, perhaps, the story of the wild creature to which it once belonged, would she enjoy it so much? Could the wearer of that gay hat, for the making of which not only a mother bird, but perhaps a whole family of little ones, gave up their lives, take so much pleasure in it if she knew the history of its plumes? It is not the desire for warm furs about our necks or for beautiful feathers in our hats that is wrong. It is the needless suffering that those who hunt and trap cause the wild creatures that we should be ashamed of and insist upon having stopped. The work of the trapper and hunter is nearly done. These men have despoiled for money the life of a whole continent in a few short years. The fur-bearing animals, if hunted in moderation, would have continued to people the wilds for all time to come. But neither the wearer of furs nor the hunter has given one thought to their preservation. In the getting of bird plumage for millinery purposes we find cruelties practiced which are almost beyond our belief. The lowest savage that ever lived on the earth could be no worse than many of our bird hunters. Birds have habits which make them easier to kill than fur-bearing animals. Although the modern fashion for feathers began less than fifty years ago, the birds that afford bright and graceful plumage have already been nearly exterminated. Now most of them are protected in our country, and the sale of feathers from other countries is prohibited in our markets. But there are some places where the law is not enforced, as well as many other countries where there are no laws, and thoughtless women still wear plumes. To supply the demands of fashion all the remote lands as well as islands of the sea are being searched. [Illustration: _Finley & Bohlman_ Young great blue herons in their nest.] The slaughter began with the bright-colored songbirds, terns, gulls, herons, egrets, and flamingos. Then it extended to other sea birds, including the albatross, to bright-colored tropical birds, and to the wonderful birds of paradise. How true is the following statement made in a millinery store: "You had better take the feather for twelve dollars," said the clerk, "for it is very cheap at that price. These feathers are becoming scarce and very soon we shall not be able to secure them." Here is milady's beautiful cape glistening with all the colors of the rainbow. Of what is this gorgeous thing made? Would you believe it possible that it is formed entirely of humming birds' skins, with the heads and long, slender bills? Perhaps a thousand of the tiny birds were sacrificed that some woman might have a beautiful cape. Does it seem possible that any gentlewoman could wear this cape, who had any realization of the tragedies that had to take place in humming-bird life in order that it might be made? Could she wear this cape if she knew of the forsaken nests and the hundreds of dying young ones waiting for the mothers that never returned? [Illustration: _Finley & Bohlman_ Forster's tern or sea swallow on its nest. The wings and tail of this bird are used for millinery purposes.] But more terrible, if anything, than the story of the humming-bird cape is the story of the delicate egret plumes on yonder hat. They once adorned the mother bird at nesting time in some far marsh. The feathers are almost perfect at this time, and to get them the bird must be killed. Each bunch of egret feathers represents a family tragedy,--a nest of little birds left to die, because the mother has been sacrificed to satisfy the demands of fashion. The plume hunters invade the nesting places of the egrets, herons, and flamingos, often leaving not a single bird in what were once happy colonies, except the starving little ones. Millions of these plumes have been obtained along our seacoasts and about the interior lakes and marshes. Is it any wonder that the egrets are nearly extinct as a result of this merciless slaughter? Now, when it is almost too late, protection has been given these beautiful birds. Bird refuges have been established at different favorable points along the South Atlantic and Gulf coasts and in the Klamath and Malheur Lake regions of Oregon. These refuges are watched over by wardens, and we hope that the birds inhabiting them will thus be enabled to increase and again fill the almost forsaken marshes. In our plea for the protection of the birds of attractive plumage, we must not forget those of the tropical jungles. Remote as many of these jungles are, the plumage hunter is devastating them already. The bird of paradise, found in the East India islands, will soon be extinct unless protected. CHAPTER TWENTY-NINE THE COURT OF THE ANIMALS AND BIRDS Once upon a time, not very long ago, the birds and animals were brought into court to be tried on the charge of committing all sorts of misdeeds. Some of their accusers wanted to shoot them for food. Others said they did much harm and should be destroyed, while still others envied their beautiful coats of fur or feathers. To settle the matter fairly, the judge decided that each prisoner should be tried by itself. The first case called was that of the English sparrow, who made such a noisy disturbance that the bailiff had to call for silence. All witnesses asserted that the bird was a foreigner and did not belong in this country. They further testified that the sparrow was a meddlesome, gossiping neighbor, always fighting the other birds and driving them away. The sparrow looked around, but not a single friend could he find. The court decided that he should be driven out and made the lawful prey of every one. He cautioned all present, however, always to be very careful to distinguish between the English sparrow and the other sparrows. The latter birds must on no account be molested, for they were without any exceptions most useful citizens. In regard to the linnet the judge hardly knew what to say. The bird was shown to be a sweet singer, but very destructive of fruit. It was finally decided that a census of the linnets must be taken occasionally. Whenever their number was found to be so great as to endanger the fruit crop in any particular place, the farmers were to be allowed to dispose of a certain number. The bobolink had many friends as well as enemies present. Every one that knew the bobolink in its summer home in the North insisted that this beautiful singer must be protected. But the people from the South, where it spends the winter, wished the privilege of shooting it. They said that its flesh formed a delicious morsel and also that in the rice fields, where it was known as the "rice bird," it did a great deal of harm. The judge refused to listen to the plea of the hunters and said that this attractive bird must be protected in both its winter and summer homes. The turn of the blue jay came next. Every one wondered what the charge against this bird with the beautiful blue plumage could be. Some thought that he was on trial for his discordant screeching, which alarmed all the inhabitants of the woods. The charge against the jay was, however, far more serious. He had been caught while making his breakfast of some baby birds which a mother robin had just hatched. The quail and every other small bird present called for vengeance on this ruthless destroyer of their homes. The gardener also added that the bird ate his cherries and apples. The jay now presented a strong defense, saying that most of his food was made up of harmful insects and worms. He proved that he did almost as much good as harm. The judge, knowing what a wise bird the jay was, told him to go but that he must thereafter look out for himself. The family of hawks was next examined. There were many witnesses who declared that they were the most destructive of neighbors and lived entirely upon small birds and chickens. The songbirds all raised their voices against hawks, saying that when they left their nests to hunt for food for their children, they were never sure of finding them alive upon their return. The judge inquired carefully as to the truth of these complaints, but found that only a few of the hawks were guilty as claimed. These included the peregrine falcon, sharp-shinned hawk, and Cooper's hawk. The other hawks proved that they were the farmers' best friends, for they waged endless war upon mice, rats, ground squirrels, gophers, and rabbits, and only occasionally caught other birds. They had evidence also that in those places where their numbers had been much reduced by the hunters, the small rodents increased enormously. [Illustration: _Finley & Bohlman_ Full-grown young red-tailed hawks.] The court had to be held at night to accommodate the owls and give them justice. The judge decided from the evidence that, in this family as in the last, there were good members as well as bad and he could not condemn them all to death. The owls proved that they were of even more benefit to the farmers than were the hawks, because of the large number of rats which they ate. The great horned owl and the barred owl only were singled out for punishment. [Illustration: _Finley & Bohlman_ The screech owl at home. This is a well-known bird, of great economic value because it catches so many mice.] The case of the meadow lark was called next. An old farmer complained that this bird had destroyed his young grain. Then the hunters made the plea that the meadow lark was really a game bird and that they ought to be allowed to shoot it. In defense of these birds the stomachs of many of them that had been killed were shown in court. It was proved that two thirds of all their food was made up of harmful insects and that the farmers ought to be glad to have them about. It was further shown that if the insects killed by the meadow larks in one day in the San Joaquin Valley, California, were loaded on the cars and hauled away, it would take a train of twenty cars of ten tons each. The meadow lark, upon this showing, was allowed to go unmolested and at once began a happy carol. [Illustration: _Finley & Bohlman_ A coyote, one of the keenest-witted animals of the Western plains.] The grizzly bear had been summoned, but could not be found, for all of his species had been killed except a few in the Yellowstone Park. But the black bear was brought in and accused of eating young calves and colts. The stockmen asked that all the black bears be killed. The judge decided, however, that as there are so few left, and they are so timid and rarely do any harm, and are, besides, among the most interesting of the citizens of the woods, they should go free and be protected from the hunter. The coyote was next dragged in and accused of all manner of evil deeds. He pleaded in defense that he helped to keep down the numbers of the rabbits and ground squirrels, and that if it were not for his tribe, these little animals would eat up everything. The judge decided that the coyote was on the whole a rather unpleasant neighbor and refused to afford him any protection. Every one knew, however, that the coyote was so sharp and keen that he was a match for most of the enemies about him and would get along very well. [Illustration: _Finley & Bohlman_ A weasel in its summer coat.] Those sly little animals, the skunk, weasel, coon, and mink, destroyed a great many birds, especially those that nested on or near the ground, according to the report of most of those present in court. But the skunk had some good friends who showed that his chief food was insects and worms, and that he did more good than harm. It was further proved that the fur of all these animals was so valuable that, while trapping them would be permitted, they must not be exterminated. In regard to the weasel, the testimony showed that he was a badly slandered animal. Most of his food appeared to be rats and mice, and only rarely did he kill chickens. The judge added that these poor animals had too often been condemned offhand. Although they occasionally ate chickens, no one had tried to find out the good which they did. To hear the complaints against the great California sea lion, the court adjourned to the seashore. The fishermen declared that the sea lion ate the fish upon which their livelihood depended, and also broke their nets. They demanded that all the sea lions be killed. Careful search in the stomachs of some of them that had been taken for that purpose made it very clear that the fishermen were wrong. The sea lions ate almost no fish, but lived upon squid and other sea animals not valuable to the fishermen. As a result, these interesting animals were given full protection. The oyster farmers complained most indignantly to the court about the conduct of the wild ducks. They said that the ducks ate a large part of the young oysters on their oyster farms. They wanted the ducks shot without delay, for their business was almost ruined. This matter was carefully looked into, and it was proved that the ducks really ate very few oysters. The judge remarked as he adjourned court that if all the accusations were true, hardly a wild creature would be left. He said further that each one was entitled to fair treatment at the hands of men unless it was wholly bad. CHAPTER THIRTY THE BIRDS OUR GOOD FRIENDS AND PLEASANT COMPANIONS As we lie partly awake on some bright spring morning, we hear through the open window such a chorus of music that it seems almost as though we must be in some enchanted land. This music, however, is the songs of the birds that nest about our homes. We can distinguish in the chorus the notes of many different birds. From the treetop come the sweet songs of the oriole and robin. Upon a low bush sits a black-headed grosbeak that never seems to weary of his refrain. From various hidden places in the dense foliage come the notes of the song sparrow and the lazuli bunting. From its perch upon some fence post the meadow lark adds to the cheerfulness of the morning. If your home is far enough south, you may hear the mocking bird pouring forth its melody in endless variation. Rising above all other sounds, as the morning advances, are the cheery calls of the quail who seems to say: "Where are you? Where are you? Stay right there; stay right there." Both in the morning and in the evening the almost heavenly music of the thrush echoes through the deep woods. In the quiet night the hoot of the owls is most entertaining. Would you for anything have the birds leave us? Would you for anything lose these airy creatures whose music, bright plumage, and graceful movements not only add so much to the pleasure of our daily lives but also serve us in so many ways? The woods, fields, and waters would be lonely without them. Did you ever think that it is possible, that it is indeed likely, that many of these beautiful creatures will leave us for all time if we do not treat them kindly and give them every protection in our power? Did you ever think of all the enemies that are constantly on the watch for the birds,--the thoughtless boy who robs their nests, the angry farmer who mistakenly believes they injure him, the hunter who thinks only of how good they taste, the sleek cat lying so innocently by your fireside, which loves a bird above everything else, and last of all, the blue jay, butcher bird, and some of the hawks and owls? To realize how our home would seem without birds, let us take an imaginary journey far across the water to "sunny Italy." Here you will rarely hear bird music upon spring mornings, unless it be that of some poor caged creature. If you will walk through the country, you will see few birds where once they must have been abundant. But upon every holiday you will see the fields filled with hunters, who with keen eyes are watching for any stray birds that have happened to stop on their journey across the country to rest and to hunt worms or taste a bit of fruit. The Italian does not know the good the birds do his garden and that it would be the part of wisdom for him to let them have a little of his corn and fruit. We will now journey to Spain and learn something about the treatment of our bird friends there. This country was once rich and prosperous. From it came many of the early explorers of our own land. The people of the central highlands of Spain never loved to hear the birds sing, because they were always thinking of the grain which the birds took. Thinking to save their crops, they not only killed and scared away all the birds they could, but they also cut down the trees so that the birds would have no places to nest. Thus the people freed themselves from the birds, but what was the harvest that they reaped? When the trees were gone they had no fuel, the soil dried out more quickly, and the insects increased until they destroyed far more of the grain and fruit than the birds could possibly have done. The people are now very poor and just manage to live from one harvest to another. Now let us learn a little about our own birds and what they are doing for us. We ought to know the habits of all the common birds that frequent our gardens and be able to tell each by its note. This would add greatly to our pleasure when out of doors and make us appreciate the services they are rendering. Go where you will through the open fields or among the trees and bushes, you will find different kinds of birds and all of them busily engaged. They are searching over every bit of ground as well as over the trunks, branches, and leaves of the trees. Some are after the seeds of different kinds of weeds. Others are getting the worms and insects that infest the trees. Watch a flock of the little titmice going carefully over all the leaves and branches of an oak tree. When they have finished, there are few insects or their eggs left upon it. How anxious are some of our farmers as well as the sportsmen to have the meadow lark classed as a pest or as a game bird. Would that the farmers knew how much good this bird does them! The stomachs of many of these larks have been carefully examined in order to find out what they really do eat. The contents show that more than half of the food of the meadow lark is made up of harmful insects, including beetles, grasshoppers, crickets, Jerusalem crickets, cutworms, caterpillars, wireworms, bugs, bees, ants, wasps, flies, spiders, and many others. These birds also eat large quantities of the seeds of weeds and at times damage the grain fields. The good that they do, however, far outweighs the evil. [Illustration: _Finley & Bohlman_ A young meadow lark.] Woodpeckers belong to another class of birds that are very useful to us. How often have we heard them hammering upon a dead tree as they drill holes in search of the worms and beetles that are hidden under the bark or in the heart of the wood. It has long been the habit of hunters to shoot woodpeckers just for sport, although no one eats them nor are they known to do any harm. With a decrease in their numbers there has been an increase in insect pests which are now destroying so many trees in all parts of our country. The woodpeckers in the Sierra Nevada Mountains are worth almost their weight in gold, for they destroy millions of beetles that are killing the great sugar pines and yellow pines. Here and there you will find a tree, attacked by the beetles, from which the woodpeckers have almost stripped the bark in their search for these insects. The food of the martins and swallows is wholly made up of insects. We have all seen them in their graceful flight and have noticed how they seize their insect prey while on the wing. The martins are of little value for food, and yet, in some parts of our country they have become almost extinct because of the pursuit of them by pot hunters. [Illustration: _Finley & Bohlman_ A barn swallow.] [Illustration: _Finley & Bohlman_ A least sandpiper or snipe, one of the shore birds.] The shore birds form a group of very great value. They include those long-legged birds with slender bills which are found, usually along the shores of the ocean and of lakes and small bodies of water, but sometimes in the interior away from the water. The food of these birds is almost wholly insects, which are harmful in various ways. Among these insects are grasshoppers, army worms, cutworms, cabbage worms, grubs, horseflies, and mosquitoes. So cruelly and relentlessly have the shore birds been pursued by men who call themselves "sportsmen;" that many species are nearly extinct. We hope that the Migratory Bird Law will be enforced and that with the protection this gives them they will again increase and fill their old haunts. But we must ever be on the watch, for there will still be greedy hunters trying to evade the law until all our boys grow up with love and appreciation for the birds. The killdeer, snipe, and other plovers, whose habits make them the most interesting of the shore birds, especially need our protection. We have all seen these birds in our walks along the shore. Small and delicate their bodies are; each one would make scarcely a mouthful, and yet the pot hunters have seemed determined to kill them all. How many people ever think of the quail in any other light than as a delicious morsel to be served up on toast for dinner? The quail is not only useful because of the insects which it destroys, but is a most wonderfully interesting and attractive bird. If you have ever disturbed a mountain quail with a brood of young, you will never forget what an interesting sight the mother presented as she strutted back and forth on a log, warning her little ones to keep out of sight. [Illustration: _Finley & Bohlman_ A white heron.] Quail eat over a hundred kinds of insects, and happy should be that farmer who can get them to come about his home. Can you find it in your heart to shoot the father bird, as, perched upon some sightly point, he watches for danger while the mother just off the nest with her little brood feeds trustfully under his care? The hunting of quail for market is now prohibited by law. But before protection came market hunters were known to carry out the most cruel methods in order to bag the quail in large numbers. In the drier parts of our country, the springs where quail came to drink were covered until the thirsty birds gathered in large numbers. In this way the hunters were able to obtain all they wanted. [Illustration: _Finley & Bohlman_ Gulls and terns on their resting ground.] Let us henceforth show by our kindness and good will to the living things around us that we are not merciless savages, thinking only of something to eat, but rather that we appreciate their presence and the great good that they do. CHAPTER THIRTY-ONE HOW TO BRING THE WILD CREATURES BACK AGAIN In the preceding chapters we have learned something of the destructive warfare that men have carried on against wild creatures. We have learned that some species are already extinct and that many others have been so reduced in numbers that they are threatened with the same fate. Nothing that we can do will bring back those that are gone, but we can save those that are left. Throughout our own country as well as many foreign countries, people are waking up to the necessity of protecting wild life. Thousands of men and women are spending their time and money trying to save birds and other animals. Among the things they are doing is the establishing of refuges and game preserves, working for better laws, and teaching boys and girls to be careful of life and not wantonly to destroy it. The most important thing that we can do to bring wild creatures back again is to let them alone. Man is their worst enemy, and, if he can be kept from hunting, nearly all will be able to take care of themselves and increase in numbers. We can help Nature by supplying them with food when it is scarce and by protecting them from a few predatory animals and birds. The worst of these are the cougar or mountain lion, wild cat, lynx, wolves, and coyotes; the blue jay, butcher bird, and several of the hawks and owls. The cougar is the worst of all, for it has been estimated that one of these animals kills on the average fifty deer a year. Many of the states offer bounties for the killing of the mountain lion and coyote. Ordinarily birds are able to secure their own food; but sometimes during long, snowy winters those that do not fly away South need food. There are also many trees which bear fruit that is not much used by us but which is very attractive to the birds. The planting of such trees aids in bringing birds to our homes and encourages their increase. [Illustration: We can help to conserve bird life by providing safe nesting places for our feathered friends.] The settlement of the lands suitable to farming has deprived some of the hoofed animals, such as the elk, of their natural feeding grounds. The elk that are found in the summer in the meadows of the Yellowstone Park migrate in winter to the lower valleys outside of the park. These valleys are mostly fenced up, and to keep the elk from getting into trouble with the farmers it is often necessary for the government to buy hay and feed them. In order to make sure that the wild animals shall be free to live and increase safe from the hunter, we have established great game preserves in different parts of the country. These are usually regions that are wild and unsettled and not useful for other purposes. All the great National Parks which we are trying to keep in their natural condition with their animals, birds, and plants are now game preserves. Among them are the Yellowstone, Yosemite, Rainier, and Crater Lake parks. Visitors to these preserves are not allowed to carry any guns, and wardens constantly patrol them. The life of the Yellowstone Park is wonderfully interesting. Here we find droves of many of the animals that were in danger of becoming extinct. Among them are the buffalo, elk, and antelope. Here the grizzly and all the lesser bears are safe from the hunter. They have almost lost their fear of man and come about the camps and hotels for food, as the domestic animals do. In the park are some colonies of beaver, too, which will never again be disturbed by the fur hunter. On the higher peaks are a few Rocky Mountain sheep. Another way in which we are protecting the wild animals is by making it legal to hunt them during only a short time each year. This is called the "open season." In the case of some of the animals that are nearly extinct we have made a "closed season" extending through a number of years. With this protection we are hoping that they will be saved and sometime become numerous again. All our states have made game laws which give more or less protection to the deer, elk, moose, antelope, squirrel, and other animals. In the case of some of these animals the females are absolutely protected, and the number of the males--as of the deer, for example--that may be killed in a season is often as small as two, and in two states it is only one. A heavy fine is imposed upon any one killing the protected animals or having their meat in his possession. We are trying to protect the birds in much the same manner as the wild animals. But because of their migrations this is much more difficult. Many kinds of birds travel with the changing seasons from north to south across different countries. If the people of one country protect them and those of another do not, they may easily become exterminated. Some species have become extinct in the last fifty years, and others have been reduced to a few pairs in regions where they were once seen in thousands. There are three things that have brought about this slaughter of the birds. The first is hunting them for food. This was not so serious until the market hunters began their work. Then the small game birds that were salable quickly began to disappear. In most of our states the sale of game birds in the market is now prohibited. Another cause for the decrease in the birds is the wanton shooting of some just for sport, and the hunting of others that are mistakenly supposed to be harmful. We cannot wholly stop this until we teach people to respect the birds, to love them for their music, and to appreciate the great good which many of them do by their destruction of insects and small animal pests. Many of the birds which we have too often tried to kill or drive away are among the best friends we have. When we have learned all about their habits and their food, we shall find that only a very few are really harmful, and that the others abundantly repay the toll that they take of our produce. The farmer and the fruit grower should be particularly interested in protecting and encouraging the birds. If the birds pull up the sprouting seeds in your garden, do not kill them but protect the plants with wire screens. It is likely that these very birds feed largely upon the insects that are so harmful to your crops. If the children in our schools could spend a little of their time in the interesting study of bird life, we are sure that when they grow up the wanton destruction of birds will almost cease. The Boy Scouts and the Camp Fire Girls are learning to love and respect life in the wilds and would not for anything injure its inhabitants. The children of the Agassiz Associations and the Junior Audubon Societies can also be proud of the work they are doing. They are not only saving the birds about our homes but are attracting others by putting out food, planting trees that bear attractive fruit, and making nesting places for the birds. [Illustration: _American Forestry Association_ The boys who are going to see that our wild life is protected.] The third important thing which has been bringing about the decrease of the birds is hunting them for their plumes. For fifty years the demand for plumes for millinery purposes has been growing. The trade has spread until it now reaches the most remote islands of the sea. No bird, be its home in the most remote and inaccessible jungles, has until recently been safe from the plume hunter. Now some of the foremost nations have passed laws for the protection of many of the water and jungle birds, which, unfortunately for themselves, are so beautiful that milady longs to have them for her bonnet. Nearly all the states of our own land offer more or less protection to birds of beautiful plumage. There is, however, much yet to be done, for in parts of our country birds that should be protected are still at the mercy of the plume hunter. The Migratory Bird Law recently passed by Congress is one of the most important things which we have ever done for the birds. This law protects the multitude of water birds as well as land birds, that migrate with the changing seasons. It is especially important that all such birds be protected in the regions where they nest. In the case of the water birds the nests are often grouped in colonies in certain places and not scattered singly here and there as with most land birds. Thus when a colony, say of the heron, tern, or flamingo, is found it is very easy for the hunter to break it up and destroy all the birds. Among the water birds the gulls, terns, grebes, herons, egrets, osprey, flamingos, and pelicans have been so hunted for their plumes that some of them are almost extinct. Several of these species love the rocky coasts, where their nests are found upon the almost bare ledges of the cliffs. Others establish colonies about the marshy lagoons of the Gulf and South Atlantic coasts and about the marshy shore of the lakes of the interior. During recent years many bird refuges have been established in various parts of the country. Such refuges are now scattered all along the Atlantic and Gulf coasts, as well as at various other localities throughout the country which are favorite nesting places for the birds. Some of these refuges have been established and are guarded by the government; others have been donated by wealthy persons who love birds and want to see them preserved. [Illustration: _E. R. Sanborn, N. Y. Zoölogical Society_ A flock of wild duck.] The most beautiful of the water birds have been so relentlessly hunted by the plume gatherers that at the time of the establishment of the refuges some of them were almost extinct and it was feared the birds would not be able to survive. But in most cases the effect of protection was magical. The bird refuges in the Southern coast islands and marshes which were almost deserted are now alive again with birds. Here we can get some idea of the wonderful richness of life before the bird hunters began their work. Even now, in spite of the watchful patrols, the hunters sometimes succeed in getting at the colonies. In order to insure full protection the refuges must be extended and more patrols employed, for such is the value of the plumes that desperate men will undergo great risks for the sake of obtaining them. In order fully to stop this work, all those countries where plumes are in demand must forbid their sale. Only when there is no more demand can we get rid of the hunters. In our efforts to protect bird life, we must not forget to take into account the instincts of our friend Pussy. It hardly seems as though the quiet house cat could do much harm, but if you will watch one out of doors when the birds are around you will be convinced that Pussy is one of the worst enemies that small birds have. Cats destroy many thousands of birds throughout the country. It is believed that they each average at least fifty birds killed every year. If you will multiply this number by the number of cats in your neighborhood, you will get some idea of the great losses among the birds due to the cats. We must choose between Pussy and the birds. Arbor Day and Bird Day in our schools help call to mind the claims Nature has upon us. We might celebrate them by planting trees which furnish food that the birds like, for the trees and birds go together. How pleasant it will be when that happy time comes in which the wild creatures will cease to regard man as their worst enemy! How pleasant it will be to go out through the fields and woods and along the shores and find that they look upon us as friends! THE PRECEPTOR'S PLEA FOR THE BIRDS Plato, anticipating the Reviewers, From his Republic banished without pity The Poets; in this little town of yours, You put to death, by means of a Committee, The ballad-singers and the Troubadours, The street musicians of the heavenly city, The birds, who make sweet music for us all In our dark hours, as David did for Saul. The thrush that carols at the dawn of day From the green steeples of the piny wood; The oriole in the elm; the noisy jay, Jargoning like a foreigner at his food; The bluebird balanced on some topmost spray, Flooding with melody the neighborhood; Linnet and meadow lark, and all the throng That dwell in nests, and have the gift of song. You slay them all! and wherefore? for the gain Of a scant handful more or less of wheat, Or rye, or barley, or some other grain, Scratched up at random by industrious feet, Searching for worm or weevil after rain! Or a few cherries, that are not so sweet As are the songs these uninvited guests Sing at their feast with comfortable breasts. Do you ne'er think what wondrous beings these? Do you ne'er think who made them, and who taught The dialect they speak, where melodies Alone are the interpreters of thought? Whose household words are songs in many keys, Sweeter than instrument of man e'er caught! Whose habitations in the treetops even Are halfway houses on the road to heaven! Think, every morning when the sun peeps through The dim, leaf-latticed windows of the grove, How jubilant the happy birds renew Their old, melodious madrigals of love! And when you think of this, remember too 'Tis always morning somewhere, and above The awakening continents, from shore to shore, Somewhere the birds are singing evermore. Think of your woods and orchards without birds! Of empty nests that cling to boughs and beams As in an idiot's brain remembered words Hang empty 'mid the cobwebs of his dreams! Will bleat of flocks or bellowing of herds Make up for the lost music, when your teams Drag home the stingy harvest, and no more The feathered gleaners follow to your door? What! would you rather see the incessant stir Of insects in the windrows of the hay, And hear the locust and the grasshopper Their melancholy hurdy-gurdies play? Is this more pleasant to you than the whir Of meadow lark, and its sweet roundelay, Or twitter of little fieldfares, as you take Your nooning in the shade of bush and brake? You call them thieves and pillagers; but know They are the winged wardens of your farms, Who from the cornfields drive the insidious foe, And from your harvests keep a hundred harms; Even the blackest of them all, the crow, Renders good service as your man-at-arms, Crushing the beetle in his coat of mail, And crying havoc on the slug and snail. HENRY W. LONGFELLOW, _The Birds of Killingworth_ INDEX Abandoned farms, 52. Acacia tree, gum arabic made from, 95. Adobe soil, 58. Æolian soil, 66. Africa, need for protection of animals in, 180. Agassiz Associations, work of, 207. Air, importance of pure, 10. Alaska, protection of fish in waters about, 170. Alkali soil, 59. Alluvial soil, 64. Animals, the first domestic, 5; careless destruction of, 12, 49; court of birds and, 188-194; predatory, 203. Antelope, disappearance of, 179; in Yellowstone Park, 205. Appalachian Forest, the, 133-134. Arabs, life of the, 25. Arbor Day, celebration of, 210; Argentine ant, a plague, 153. Australia, rabbits as pests in, 152. Aztec Indians, 20. Bacteria in soil, 59-60. Balance of nature, 151; effects of upsetting, 151-154. Barren Lands, 101. Bears, in early times, 21; in Yellowstone Park, 205. Beaver, trapping of, 179; protection of, 205. Big trees of California, 49, 99. Bird Day, observance of, 210. Bird of paradise, nearly extinct, 187. Bird refuges, 187, 208-209; patrols for, 209-210. Birds, 21; extinct species of, 22; destruction of, 49, 176-182; hunting of, for millinery purposes, 183-187; court of the, 188-194; our good friends and pleasant companions, 195-202; predatory, 203; national protection of, 205-206. Black bears, case of the, 192-193. Blue jays, 189. Bobolink, friends and enemies of, 189. Bone, implements of, 3. Boy Scouts, love of, for wild creatures, 207. Broad-leaved and narrow-leaved trees, 98. Bronze, making of, 5. Browntail moth, 152. Buffaloes, 21; slaughter of, 177; in Yellowstone Park, 205. California, forests of, 49, 98; "big trees" of, 99. California condor, disappearance of, 180. Camp Fire Girls, love of, for wild creatures, 207. Camping parties, forest fires started by, 122. Canada, beaver in, 179. Canada balsam, 93. Canals, use of water for, 87. Cats, killing of birds by, 210. Chesapeake Bay, fisheries of, 167. Chestnut-tree blight, 107. China, results of destruction of vegetation in, 79-80. Christmas decorations, 149. Cigarettes, forest fires caused by, 122. Citrus canker, 109. "City on the Plain, The," 14. Clay, a part of soil, 58. Clay loam, 58. Closed season for hunting, 205. Coal, care necessary in use of, 12; unequal distribution of, 27; deposits and mining of, 155-156; waste connected with, 156-157. Cod fisheries, 170. Codling moth, 153. Colorado River, mud carried by, 73; use of water of, for irrigation, 87. Cone-bearing trees, 98; enemies of, 110. Conservation, meaning of, 8. Conservation commissions, 138. Coon, arguments for and against the, 193. Cotton-boll weevil, 153. Cougar, a predatory beast, 203. Coyotes, killing of, 152; defense of, 193. Crater Lake National Park, 140. Deer, killed by cougars, 203. Deltas of rivers, 43, 55; alluvial soil in, 64. Desert, results of lack of vegetation in the, 70-71. Digger pines, 99. Ducks, complaints of oyster farmers against, disproved, 194. Egrets, killing of, 185, 187. Electricity, harnessing of, 8; use of water for making, 88. Elephant, urgent need of protection of, 181. Elk, 21; hunting of, 179; feeding grounds of, 204. English sparrow, 153; should be driven out, 188. Erie Canal, 87. Eskimos, the, 25; wood lacking among, 89. Farmers, great value of work of, 51. Feldspar, rock grains called, 63. Fertilizers, 11; use of herring for, 167. Field mice, plagues of, 151. Fire, ignorance of early people concerning, 3; discovery of, 3. _See_ Forest fires. Fish, caring for, 14; protection needed by, 162-165. Fish preserves, 169-170. Fish traps, 22, 165-169. Flamingos, killing of, 187. Flowers, destruction of, 144-149. Fool's gold, 63. Forest fires, 110-111, 119-124; steps taken by national government to prevent, 131-138. Forest rangers, work of, 134-137. Forests, effect of cutting down of, on birds, 22; unequal distribution of, 26-27; destruction of, 34; effect of destruction of, on soil, 37-38, 40-42; possible restoration of, 47-49; importance of, to man, 89-95; location of, 96-103; special sources of damage to, 104-111; various methods by which wasted, 112-118; government protection of, 131-138; National Parks and Forests as playgrounds, 139-143. France, cutting of forests and careless pasturing in, 79. Fruit trees, enemies of, 107, 109. Fuel, use of wood for, 90; use of peat for, 155. Fur seals, destruction of, 165. Game preserves, 204-205. Gas, waste connected with, 157-161. Glacial soil, 65. Goats, forests injured by, 111. Grand Cañon National Park, 140. Grasshoppers, plagues of, 109, 151. Great plains, 96. Grizzly bears, destruction of, 179, 192; in Yellowstone Park, 205. Gusher in California oil field, 158, 159. Gypsy moth, 106-107, 151. Hardwood trees, 98. Hawks, arguments for and against, 189-190. "Heart of the Tree, The," 139. Hens, early ancestors of, 5. Herons, hunting of, for their plumage, 185. Herring, waste in capture of, 166-167. Hessian fly, 153. Houses, the first, 3. Huckleberry shrub, cutting of, 147, 149. Humming birds, use of skins of, for capes, 186. Humus, in soil, 57; destruction of, by forest fires, 123, 125. Indians, life of, 19-23; uses found by, for wood, 90; fishing methods of, 163. Insect enemies of trees, 106, 109, 110, 152-154; warfare waged against, by forest rangers, 136-137; eaten by birds, 197-202. "In the Heart of the Woods," 24. Iron, found in quartz sand, 58. Irrigation, storage of water for, 84, 85, 87. Italy, results of destruction of forests in, 77, 79; wild chestnuts valued in, 90; scarcity of birds in, 196. Jays, arguments for and against, 189. Jungle fowls, wild, 5. Junior Audubon Societies, work of, 207. Klamath Lake, bird refuge about, 187. Korea, results of destruction of vegetation in, 79-80; dikes built along rivers in, 80. Lightning, an enemy of the forest, 110-111; fires started by, 121. Limestone soils, 59. Loam, clay and sandy, 58. Lobsters, protection of, 167. Los Angeles, water supply of, 29-30. Lumber, an important use of trees, 90. Lumbering, waste of trees in, 114-118. Malheur Lake, bird refuge about, 187. Maple sugar, 93. Martins, insects eaten by, 199. Meadow larks, 191-192. Medicinal products from trees, 93, 95. Metals, discovery of, 4-5. Mica, in quartz sand, 58. Migrations of birds, 205-206. Migratory Bird Law, 200, 208. Mills, the first, 7. Mineral resources, destruction and new supply of, 49-50. Mink, points against and in favor of, 193. Mississippi Valley, rich prairies of, 53-54. Mistletoe, an enemy of trees, 107. Mocking bird, song of, 195. Mongoose, as a pest, 153, 154. Montenegro, results of destruction of soil in, 79. National Forests, 133-139. National Parks, 19, 139-143; are game preserves, 204-205. Nets, catching of fish in, 167, 169. New England, soil of, 51-53; gypsy and browntail moths in, 152; beaver in, 179. Newfoundland banks, fisheries of, 170. Nitrogen, in soil, 57; stored in soil by plants, 77. Norway rat, 153. Oil, waste connected with, 157-161. Open season for hunting, 205. Orange orchards, citrus canker in, 109. Oregon, protection of beaver in, 179; bird refuges in, 187. Owens River aqueduct, 29. Owls, good and bad points of, 190-191. Oysters, raised on oyster farms, 167. Palestine, destruction of vegetation in, 79. Panama Canal, 87. Passenger pigeon, extermination of, 22, 180. "Passing of the Forest, The," 130. Pear blight, 109. Peat, crumbling vegetation called, 57; use of, for fuel, 155. Peat soils, 58, 59, 66. Phosphorus in soil, 59. Pine beetles, 110. Piñon pines, 99. Plant food, 45, 60. Plants, enemies of, 104-111. Plumage, hunting of birds for, 183-187, 207-208. Polar bear, protection needed by, 181. Potash in soil, 59. Powder, discovery of, 8. Prairie chicken, disappearance of, 180. "Preceptor's Plea for the Birds, The," 211-212. Pueblo Indians, 19-20. Quail, need for protection of, to preserve from extinction, 180; cheery call of, 195; value and attractiveness of, 201; insects eaten by, 202. Quartz, in sand grains, 58. Quinine, made from cinchona tree, 95. Rabbits, as pests, 152. Rainier National Park, 140. Rats, plagues of, 151. Redwood trees, 99. Refuges for birds, 22. Residual soil, 64. Rocks, soil made from, 58, 61-66. Rocky Mountain sheep, in Yellowstone Park, 205. Rubber trees, 93. Sage grouse, need for protection of, 180. Salmon fisheries, 169-170. San Joaquin Valley, 101. San José scale, 109, 151, 153. Santa Catalina Island, fish preserve about, 169. Sea lions, 194. Sea otter, destruction of, 22, 165; protection of, by law, 179. Seals, fur, 22; hunting of, 165. Sequoias, 99, 115. Shad, decrease in numbers of, 169. Sheep, damage done to forests by, 111. Shingle makers, waste of trees by, 115. Shore birds, value of, 200. Sierra Nevadas, "big trees" on, 49; changes in climate in ascent of, 101, 103; usefulness of woodpeckers in, 199. Silt, 75. Skunks, friends and enemies of, 193. Soda in soil, 59. Soil, care of the, 11-12; effect of destruction of forests upon, 37-38, 40-42; renewal of, by nature, 45; story of formation of, 51-56; real wealth of world formed by, 56; things of which made, 57-60; plant food in, 60; how made, 61-66; how vegetation holds, 67-72; our most valuable possession, 74; evil effects upon, of no protecting carpet of vegetation, 74-80; effect of, on growth of trees, 101. Songbirds, hunting of, for their plumage, 185. Southern states, destruction of soil in, 77; turpentine from pine forests of, 93. Spain, waste of resources of, 25-26; results in, of loss of soil, 79; treatment of birds in, 196. Spruce forest, destruction of, by forest fires, 126. Squirrels, nuts of trees eaten by, 109; ground, as pests, 152. Stone, implements of, 3. Sturgeon, destructive fishing of, 167. Subsoil, 64. Sugar pines, 99; nuts of, eaten by squirrels, 109; careless cutting of, 115. Swallows, insects eaten by, 199. Switzerland, care of wood in, 93, 114. Syria, destruction of vegetation in, 79. Tamarack forests, use of, 126. Trees, destruction of, 12; importance of, to man, 89-95; distribution of, in United States, 96-103; enemies of, 104-111; the careless wasting of, 111-118. Tundras of far North, 101. Turpentine obtained from yellow pines, 93. Valley lands, 40, 42; fertility of, 53; alluvial soil in, 64. Vegetation, holding of soil by, 67-72; results of lack of, 73-80. Walrus, nearly extinct, 165. Water, obtaining of pure, 10-11; home of, the ocean, 81; use and care of, 81-88. Water creatures, need for protection of, 162-170. Water power, use of, 157. Water supply, effect upon, of cutting of forests, 127-129. Weasels, defense of, 193. White Mountain Forest, the, 134. White-pine blister, 107. Wild flowers, necessity for care of, 144-149. Wind, effect of, on soil, 65-66; an enemy of the forests, 110. Wood alcohol, 117. Woodpeckers, usefulness of, 198. Yangtse-kiang, soil carried away by, 80. Yellow Sea, reason for name, 80. Yellowstone National Park, 140; a game preserve, 204-205; animal life in, 205. Yosemite National Park, 140. _NEW-WORLD SCIENCE SERIES_ _Edited by John W. Ritchie_ TREES, STARS _and_ BIRDS A BOOK OF OUTDOOR SCIENCE By EDWIN LINCOLN MOSELEY _Head of the Science Department, State Normal College of Northwestern Ohio_ The usefulness of nature study in the schools has been seriously limited by the lack of a suitable textbook. It is to meet this need that _Trees, Stars, and Birds_ is issued. The author is one of the most successful teachers of outdoor science in this country. He believes in field excursions, and his text is designed to help teachers and pupils in the inquiries that they will make for themselves. The text deals with three phases of outdoor science that have a perennial interest, and it will make the benefit of the author's long and successful experience available to younger teachers. The first section deals with trees, and the discussion of maples is typical: the student is reminded that he has eaten maple sugar; there is an interesting account of its production; the fact is brought out that the sugar is really made in the leaves. The stars and planets that all should know are told about simply and clearly. The birds commonly met with are considered, and their habits of feeding and nesting are described. Pertinent questions are scattered throughout each section. The book is illustrated with 167 photographs, 69 drawings, 9 star maps, and with 16 color plates of 58 birds, from paintings by Louis Agassiz Fuertes. It is well adapted for use in junior high schools, yet the presentation is simple enough for pupils in the sixth grade. _Cloth, viii + 404 + xvi pages. Price $1.60_ WORLD BOOK COMPANY YONKERS-ON-HUDSON, NEW YORK 2126 PRAIRIE AVENUE, CHICAGO [Illustration] ELIZABETH V. BROWN'S NATURE AND INDUSTRY READERS These books draw upon the world's best literature, and present well-selected nature material and stories of industry. They are adapted for use either as readers, or to supplement nature, geography, and history lessons. STORIES OF WOODS AND FIELDS Alluring stories of animals, with chapters on our national holidays For fourth and fifth grades. Cloth. 192 pages. Illustrated in _colors_. Price 72 cents. WHEN THE WORLD WAS YOUNG A fascinating story of the development of modern means of communication, transportation, agriculture, etc. Affords material for supplementary history lessons. For fifth or higher grades. Cloth. 160 pages. Illustrated. Price 64 cents. STORIES OF CHILDHOOD AND NATURE Stories of unusual interest, by some of the greatest and most gifted authors. Much of the material is of pronounced geographic value. For fifth and sixth grades. Cloth. 222 pages. Illustrated. Price 68 cents. WORLD BOOK COMPANY YONKERS-ON-HUDSON, NEW YORK 2126 PRAIRIE AVENUE, CHICAGO 
18032	----	THE CANADIAN COMMONWEALTH by AGNES C. LAUT Author of Lords of the North, Pathfinders of the West, Hudson's Bay Company, etc. Indianapolis The Bobbs-Merrill Company Publishers Copyright 1915 The Bobbs-Merrill Company CONTENTS CHAPTER I NATIONAL CONSCIOUSNESS II FOUNDATION FOR HOPE III THE TIE THAT BINDS IV AMERICANIZATION V WHY RECIPROCITY WAS REJECTED VI THE COMING OF THE ENGLISH VII THE COMING OF THE FOREIGNER VIII THE COMING OF THE ORIENTAL IX THE HINDU X WHAT PANAMA MEANS XI TO EUROPE BY HUDSON BAY XII SOME INDUSTRIAL PROBLEMS XIII HOW GOVERNED XIV THE LIFE OF THE PEOPLE XV EMIGRATION AND DEVELOPMENT XVI DEFENSE XVII THE DOMAIN OF THE NORTH XVIII FINDING HERSELF INDEX THE CANADIAN COMMONWEALTH CHAPTER I NATIONAL CONSCIOUSNESS I An empire the size of Europe setting out on her career of world history is a phenomenon of vast and deep enough import to stir to national consciousness the slumbering spirit of any people. Yet when you come to trace when and where national consciousness awakened, it is like following a river back from the ocean to its mountain springs. From the silt borne down on the flood-tide you can guess the fertile plains watered and far above the fertile plains, regions of eternal snow and glacial torrent warring turbulently through the adamantine rocks. You can guess the eternal striving, the forward rush and the throwback that have carved a way through the solid rocks; but until you have followed the river to its source and tried to stem its current you can not know. So of peoples and nations. Fifty years ago, as far as world affairs were concerned, Japan did not exist. Came national consciousness, and Japan rose like a star dominating the Orient. A hundred years ago Germany did not exist. Came national consciousness welding chaotic principalities into unity, and the mailed fist of the empire became a menace before which Europe quailed. So of China with the ferment of freedom leavening the whole. So of the United States with the Civil War blending into a union the diversities of a continent. When you come to consider the birth of national consciousness in Canada, you do not find the germ of an ambition to dominate, as in Japan and Germany. Nor do you find a fight for freedom. Canada has always been free--free as the birds of passage that winged above the canoe of the first voyageur who pointed his craft up the St. Lawrence for the Pacific; but what you do find from the very first is a fight for national existence; and when the fight was won, Canada arose like a wrestler with consciousness of strength for new destiny. II Go back to the beginning of Canada! She was not settled by land-seekers. Neither was she peopled by adventurers seeking gold. The first settlers on the banks of the St. Lawrence came to plant the Cross and propagate the Faith. True, they found they could support their missions and extend the Faith by the fur trade; and their gay adventurers of the fur trade threaded every river and lake from the St. Lawrence to the Columbia; but, primarily, the lure that led the French to the St. Lawrence was the lure of a religious ideal. So of Ontario and the English provinces. Ontario was first peopled by United Empire Loyalists, who refused to give up their loyalty to the Crown and left New England and the South, abandoning all earthly possessions to begin life anew in the backwoods of the Great Lakes country. The French came pursuing an ideal of religion. The English came pursuing an ideal of government. We may smile at the excesses of both devotees--French nuns, who swooned in religious ecstasy; old English aristocrats, who referred to democracy as "the black rot plague of the age"; but the fact remains--these colonists came in unselfish pursuit of ideals; and they gave of their blood and their brawn and all earthly possessions for those ideals; and it is of such stuff that the spirit of dauntless nationhood is made. Men who build temples of their lives for ideals do not cement national mortar with graft. They build with integrity for eternity, not time. Their consciousness of an ideal gives them a poise, a concentration, a stability, a steadiness of purpose, unknown to mad chasers after wealth. Obstinate, dogged, perhaps tinged with the self-superior spirit of "I am holier than thou"--they may be; but men who forsake all for an ideal and pursue it consistently for a century and a half develop a stamina that enters into the very blood of their race. It is a common saying even to this day that Quebec is more Catholic than the Pope, and Ontario more ultra-English than England; and when the Canadian is twitted with being "colonial" and "crude," his prompt and almost proud answer is that he "goes in more for athletics than esthetics." "One makes men. The other may make sissies." With this germ spirit as the very beginning of national consciousness in Canada, one begins to understand the grim, rough, dogged determination that became part of the race. Canada was never intoxicated with that madness for Bigness that seemed to sweep over the modern world. What cared she whether her population stood still or not, whether she developed fast or slow, provided she kept the Faith and preserved her national integrity? Flimsy culture had no place in her schools or her social life. A solid basis of the three R's--then educational frills if you like; but the solid basis first. Worship of wealth and envy of material success have almost no part in Canadian life; for the simple reason that wealth and success are not the ideals of the nation. Laurier, who is a poor man, and Borden, who is only a moderately well-off man, command more social prestige in Canada than any millionaire from Vancouver to Halifax. If demos be the spirit of the mob, then Canada has no faintest tinge of democracy in her; but inasmuch as the French colonists came in pursuit of a religious ideal and the English colonists of a political ideal, if democracy stand for freedom for the individual to pursue his own ideal--then Canada is supersaturated with that democracy. Freedom for the individual to pursue his own ideal was the very atmosphere in which Canada's national consciousness was born. In the West a something more entered into the national spirit. French fur-traders, wood-runners, voyageurs had drifted North and West, men of infinite resources, as much at home with a frying-pan over a camp-fire as over a domestic hearth, who could wrest a living from life anywhere. English adventurers of similar caliber had drifted in from Hudson Bay. These little lords in a wilderness of savages had scattered west as far as the Rockies, south to California. They knew no law but the law of a strong right arm and kept peace among the Indians only by a dauntless courage and rough and ready justice. They could succeed only by a good trade in furs, and they could obtain a good trade in furs only by treating the Indians with equity. Every man who plunged into the fur wilderness took courage in one hand and his life in the other. If he lost his courage, he lost his life. Indian fray, turbulent rapids, winter cold took toll of the weak and the feckless. Nature accepts no excuses. The man who defaulted in manhood was wiped out--sucked down by the rapids, buried in winter storms, absorbed into the camps of Indian degenerates. The men who stayed upon their feet had the stamina of a manhood in them that could not be extinguished. It was a wilderness edition of that dauntlessness which brought the Loyalists to Ontario and the French devotees to Quebec. This, too, made for a dogged, strong, obstinate race. At the time of the fall of French power at Quebec in 1759 there were about two thousand of these wilderness hunters in the West. Fifty years later by way of Hudson Bay came Lord Selkirk's Settlers--Orkneymen and Highlanders, hardy, keen and dauntless as their native rock-bound isles. These four classes were the primary first ingredients that went into the making of Canada's national consciousness and each of the four classes was the very personification of strength, purpose, courage, freedom. III But Destiny plays us strange tricks. When Quebec fell in 1759, New France passed under the rule of that English and Protestant race which she had been fighting for two centuries; and when the American colonies won their independence twenty years later and the ultra-English Loyalists trekked in thousands across the boundary to what are now Montreal and Toronto and Cobourg, there came under one government two races that had fought each other in raid and counter-raid for two centuries--alien and antagonistic in religion and speech. It is only in recent years under the guiding hand of Sir Wilfred Laurier that the ancient antagonism has been pushed off the boards. The War of 1812 probably helped Canada's national spirit more than it hurt it. It tested the French Canadian and found him loyal to the core; loyal, to be sure, not because he loved England more but rather because he loved the Americans less. He felt surer of religious freedom under English rule, which guaranteed it to him, than under the rule of the new republic, which he had harried and which had harried him in border raid for two centuries. The War of 1812 left Canada crippled financially but stronger in national spirit because she had tested her strength and repelled invasion. If mountain pines strike strong roots into the eternal rocks because they are tempest-tossed by the wildest winds of heaven, then the next twenty years were destined to test the very fiber of Canada's national spirit. All that was weak snapped and went down. The dry rot of political theory was flung to dust. Special interests, pampered privileges, the claims of the few to exploit the many, the claims of the many to rule wisely as the few--the shibboleth of theorists, the fine spun cobwebs of the doctrinaires, governmental ideals of brotherhood that were mostly sawdust and governmental practices that were mostly theft under privilege--all went down in the smash of the next twenty years' tempest. All that was left was what was real; what would hold water and work out in fact. It is curious how completely all records slur over the significance of the Rebellion of 1837. Canada is sensitive over the facts of the case to this day. Only a few years ago a book dealing with the unvarnished facts of the period was suppressed by a suit in court. As a rebellion, 1837 was an insignificant fracas. The rebels both in Ontario and Quebec were hopelessly outnumbered and defeated. William Lyon MacKenzie, the leader in Ontario, and Louis Papineau, the leader in Quebec, both had to flee for their lives. It is a question if a hundred people all told were killed. Probably a score in all were executed; as many again were sent to penal servitude; and several hundreds escaped punishment by fleeing across the boundary and joining in the famous night raids of Hunters' Lodges. Within a few years both the leaders and exiles were permitted to return to Canada, where they lived honored lives. It was not as a rebellion that 1837 was epoch-making. It was in the clarifying of Canada's national consciousness as to how she was to be governed. Having migrated from the revolting colonies of New England and the South, the ultra-patriotic United Empire Loyalists unconsciously felt themselves more British than the French of Quebec. Canada was governed direct from Downing Street. There were local councils in both Toronto and Quebec--or Upper and Lower Canada, as they were called--and there were local legislatures; but the governing cliques were appointed by the Royal Governor, which meant that whatever little clique gained the Governor's ear had its little compact or junta of friends and relatives in power indefinitely. There were elections, but the legislature had no control over the purse strings of the government. Such a close corporation of special interests did the governing clique become that the administration was known in both provinces as a "Family Compact." Administrative abuses flourished in a rank growth. Judges owing their appointment to the Crown exercised the most arbitrary tyranny against patriots raising their voices against government by special interests. Vast land grants were voted away to favorites of the Compact. Public moneys were misused and neither account given nor restitution demanded from the culprit. Ultra-loyalty became a fashionable pose. When strolling actors played American airs in a Toronto theater they were hissed; and when a Canadian stood up to those airs, he was hissed. Special interests became intrenched behind a triple rampart of fashion and administration and loyalty. Details of the revolt need not be given here. A great love is always the best cure for a puny affection--a Juliet for a Rosalind; and when a pure patriotism arose to oust this spurious lip-loyalty, there resulted the Rebellion of 1837. The point is--when the rebellion had passed, Canada had overthrown a system of government by oligarchy. She had ousted special interests forever from her legislative halls. In a blood and sweat of agony, on the scaffold, in the chain gang, penniless, naked, hungry and in exile, her patriots had fought the dragon of privilege, cast out the accursed thing and founded national life on the eternal rocks of justice to all, special privileges to none. Her patriots had themselves learned on the scaffold that law must be as sacredly observed by the good as by the evil, by the great as by the small. From the death scaffolds of these patriots sprang that part of Canada's national consciousness that reveres law next to God. Canada passed through the throes of purging her national consciousness from 1815 to 1840, as the United States passed through the same throes in the sixties, but the process cost her half a century of delay in growth and development. While the union of Upper and Lower Canada put an end to the evils of special privileges in government, events had been moving apace in the far West, where roving traders and settlers were a law unto themselves. Red River settlers of the region now known as Manitoba were clamoring for an end to the monopoly of the Hudson's Bay Fur Company over all that region inland from the Great Northern Sea. The discovery of gold had brought hordes of adventurers pouring into Cariboo, or what is now known as British Columbia. Both Red River and British Columbia demanded self-government. Partly because England had delayed granting Oregon self-government, the settlers of the Columbia had set up their own provisional government and turned that region over to the United States. We are surely far enough away from the episodes to state frankly the facts that similar underground intrigue was at work in both Red River and British Columbia, fostered, much of it, by Irish malcontents of the old Fenian raids. Once more Canada's national consciousness roused itself to a bigger problem and wider outlook. Either the far-flung Canadian provinces must be bound together in some sort of national unity or--the Canadian mind did not let itself contemplate that "or." The provinces must be confederated to be held. Hence confederation in 1867 under the British North American Act, which is to Canada what the Constitution is to the United States. It happened that Sir John Macdonald, the future premier of the Dominion, had been in Washington during one period of the Civil War. He noted what he thought was the great defect of the American system, and he attributed the Civil War to that defect--namely, that all powers not specifically delegated to the federal government were supposed to rest with the states. Therefore, when Canada formed her federation of isolated provinces, Sir John and the other famous Fathers of Confederation reversed the American system. All power not specifically delegated to the provinces was supposed to rest with the Dominion. Only strictly local affairs were left with the provinces. Trade, commerce, justice, lands, agriculture, labor, marriage laws, waterways, harbors, railways were specifically put under Dominion control. IV Now, stand back and contemplate the situation confronting the new federation: Canada's population was less than half the present population of the state of New York; not four million. That population was scattered over an area the size of Europe.[1] To render the situation doubly dark and doubtful the United States had just entered on her career of high tariff. That high tariff barred Canadian produce out. There was only one intermittent and unsatisfactory steamer service across the Atlantic. There was none at all across the Pacific. British Columbians trusted to windjammers round the Horn. Of railroads binding East to West there was none. A canal system had been begun from the lakes and the Ottawa to the St. Lawrence, but this was a measure more of national defense than commerce. Crops were abundant, but where could they be sold? I have heard relatives tell how wheat in those days sold down to forty cents, and oats to twenty cents, and potatoes to fifteen cents, and fine cattle to forty dollars, and finest horses to fifty dollars and seventy-five dollars. Fathers of farmers who to-day clear their three thousand dollars and four thousand dollars a year could not clear one hundred dollars a year. Commerce was absolutely stagnant. Canada was a federation, but a federation of what? Poverty-stricken, isolated provinces. Not in bravado, not in flamboyant self-confidence, rebuffed of all chance to trade with the United States, the new Dominion humbly set herself to build the foundations of a nation. She did not know whether she could do what she had set herself to do; but she began with that same dogged idealism and faith in the future which had buoyed up her first settlers; and there were dark days during her long hard task, when the whiff of an adverse wind would have thrown her into national bankruptcy--that winter, for instance, when the Canadian Pacific had no money to go on building and the Canadian government refused to extend aid. Had the Kiel Rebellion of '85 not compelled the Dominion government to extend aid so that the line would be ready for the troops every bank in Canada would have collapsed, and national credit would have been impaired for fifty years. Meanwhile, a country of less than four million people set itself to link British Columbia with Montreal, and Montreal with Halifax, and Ottawa with Detroit, and the Great Lakes with the sea. The story is too long to be related in detail, but on canals alone Canada has spent a hundred millions. Including stocks, bonds, funded debt and debenture stock, the Dominion railways have a capital of $1,369,992,574; and the country that had not a foot of railroads, when the patriots fought the Family Compact, to-day possesses twenty-nine thousand miles of trackage,[2] three transcontinental systems of railroads and threescore lines touching the boundary.[3] Five times more tonnage passes through the Canadian Soo Canal than is expected for Panama or has passed through Suez; but consider the burden of this development on a people whose farmers were scarcely clearing one hundred dollars a year. It is putting it mildly to say that during these dark days property depreciated two-thirds in value. Land companies that had loaned up to two-thirds the value of farm property found themselves saddled with farms which could not be sold for half they had advanced on the loan. Three times within the memory of the living generation Canadian delegates sought trade concessions in Washington; and three times they came back rebuffed, with but a grimmer determination to work out Canada's own destiny. Is it any wonder, when the fourth time came and Canada was offered reciprocity that she voted it down? During the twenty dark years Canada lost to the United States one-fourth her native population.[4] During the last ten years she has drawn back to her home acres not only many of her expatriated native born but almost two million Americans. In ten years her population has almost doubled. Uncle Sam has boasted his four billion yearly foreign trade from Atlantic ports. Canada with a population only one-twelfth Uncle Sam's to-day has a foreign trade of almost a billion. V Take another look at Canada's area! All of Germany and Austria spread over Eastern Canada would still leave an area uncovered in the East bigger than the German Empire. England spread out flat would just cover the maritime provinces. Quebec stands a third bigger than Germany, Ontario a third bigger than France; and you still have a western world as large again as the East. Spread the British Isles flat, they would barely cover Manitoba. France and Germany would not equal Saskatchewan and Alberta; and two Germanies would not cover British Columbia--leaving undefined Yukon and MacKenzie River and Peace River and the hinterland of Hudson Bay, an area equal to European Russia. If areas in Canada had the same population as areas in Europe, the Dominion would be supporting four hundred million people. It would be assuming too much stoicism to say that Canadians are not conscious of a great destiny. For years they stuck so closely to their nation-building that they had no time to stand back and view the size of the edifice of their own structure, but all that is different to-day. When four hundred thousand people a year flock to the Dominion to cast in their lot with Canadians, there is testimony of worth. Canadians know their destiny is upon them, whatever it may be; and they are meeting the challenge half-way with faces to the front. In the words of Sir Wilfred Laurier, they know that "the Twentieth Century is Canada's." What will they do with it? What are their aims and desires as a people? Will the same ideals light the path to the fore as have illumined the long hard way in the past? Will Canada absorb into her national life the people who are coming to her, or will they absorb her? [1] Canada's area is 3,750,000 square miles. The area of Europe is 3,797,410 square miles. [2] Canada's railway mileage at the end of 1913 was 29,303.53. The land grants to Canadian railroads, Dominion and provincial, stand 55,256,429 acres. Cash subsidies to railroads in Canada up to June 30, 1913, stand thus: from the Dominion, $163,251,469.42; from the provinces, $36,500,015.16; from the municipalities, $18,078,673.60. [3] The tonnage through both Canadian and U. S. canals at the "Soo" in 1913 was 72,472,676, of which 39,664,874 went through the Canadian canal. [4] The U. S. Census reports place the number of Canadians in the United States at one and a quarter million; but this is obviously far below the mark. Canada's loss of people shows that. For instance, from 1898 to 1908, Canada was receiving immigrants at a rate exceeding 200,000 a year, yet the census for this decade showed a gain of only a million. It was not till 1914 her census showed a gain of two million for ten years. Her immigrants either went back or drifted over the line. Port figures show that few went back to Europe. CHAPTER II FOUNDATION FOR HOPE I Canada at the opening of the twentieth century has the same population as the United States at the opening of the nineteenth century.[1] Has the Dominion any material justification for her high hopes of a world destiny? Switzerland possesses national consciousness to an acute degree. Yet Switzerland remains a little people. What ground has Canada for measuring her strength with the nations of the world? Having remained almost stationary in her national progress from 1759 to 1859, what reason has she to anticipate a progress as swift and world-embracing as that which forced the United States to the very forefront of world powers? It takes something more than high hopes to build empire. Has Canada a foundation beneath her high hopes? No nation ever had a more passionate patriotism than Ireland. Yet Ireland has lost her population and retrogressed.[2] Why will the same fate not halt and impede Canada? It may be acknowledged here that Canadians have no answers for such questions and short shift for the questioner. They are too busy making history to talk about it. It is only the woman insecure of her social position who prates about it. It is only the nation uncertain of herself that bolsters a fact with an argument. Canada is too busy with facts for any flamboyant arguments. It is an even wager that if you ask the average well-informed business man in Canada how many miles of railways the Dominion has, he will answer on the dot "almost thirty thousand." But if you ask if he knows that Germany, for instance, with nine times denser population has barely twice as much trackage--no, your Canadian business man doesn't know it. He is too busy building his own railroads to care much what other nations are doing with theirs. Likewise of the country's trade increasing faster almost than the Dominion can handle it. He knows that imports have increased one hundred and sixty-three per cent. in ten years, and that exports have increased almost fifty per cent.; but he doesn't realize in the least that the Dominion with seven million people has one-fourth as large a foreign trade as the United States with a hundred million people.[3] He knows that immigration has in ten years jumped from 49,000 a year to 402,000; but does he take in what it means that his country with only five million native born is being called on to absorb yearly a third as many immigrants as the United States with eighty million native born?[4] He has been so busy handling the rush of prosperity that has come in on him like a tidal wave that he has not had time to pause over the problems of this new destiny--the fact, for instance, that in two more decades the newcomers will outnumber the native born. II Unless the edifice be top heavy, beneath it all must be the rock bottom of fact. Beneath the tide is the pull of some eternal law. What facts is Canada building her future on? What pull is beneath the tide of four hundred thousand homeseekers a year? What has doubled population and almost doubled foreign trade? It is almost a truism that the farther north the land, the greater the fertility, if there be any fertility at all. There is first the supply of unfailing moisture, with a yearly subsoiling of humus unknown to arid lands. Canada is super-sensitive about her winter climate--the depth and intensity of the frost, the length and rigor of her winters; but she need not be. It should be cause of gratitude. Frost penetrating the ground from five to twelve feet--as it does in the Northwest--guarantees a subterranean root irrigation that never fails. Heavy snow--let us acknowledge frankly snow sometimes banks western streets the height of a man--means a heavy supply of moisture both in thaw and rain. There is second the long sunlight. An earth tilted on its axis toward the sun six months of the year gives the North a sunlight that is longer the farther north you go. When the sun sets at seven to eight in New York, it sets at eight to nine in Winnipeg, and nine to ten in Athabasca, and only for a few hours at all still farther north. It is the long sunlight that gives the fruit of Niagara and Quebec and Annapolis its "fameuse" quality; just as it is the sunlight that gives western fruit its finest coloring, the higher up the plateau it is grown. It is the long sunlight that gives Number One Hard Wheat its white fine quality so indispensable to the millers. So of barley and vegetables and small fruits and all that can be grown in the short season of the North. What the season lacks in length it gains in intensity of sunlight. Four months of twenty-hour sunlight produce better growth in some products than eight months of shorter sunlight. These two advantages of moisture and sunlight, Canada possesses.[5] What else has she? It doesn't mean much to say that Canada equals Europe in area and that you could spread Germany and France and Austria and Great Britain over the Dominion's map and still have an area uncovered equal to European Russia. Nor does it mean much more to say that in Canada you can find the climate of a Switzerland in the Canadian Rockies, of Italy in British Columbia, of England in the maritime provinces and of Russia in the Northwest. Areas are so great and diverse that you have to examine them in groups to realize what basis of fact Canada builds from. Girt almost round by the sea are the maritime provinces--Nova Scotia, Prince Edward Island, New Brunswick--in area within sixty-seven square miles of the same size as England, and in climate not unlike the home land.[6] Your impression of their inhabitants is of a quiescent, romantic, pastoral and sea-faring people--sprung from the same stock as the liberty-seekers of New England, untouched by the mad unrest of modern days, conservative as bed-rock, but with an eye to the frugal main chance and a way of making good quietly. They do not talk about the simple life in the maritime provinces because they have always lived it, and the land is famed for its diet of codfish, and its men of brains. Frugal, simple, reposeful living--the kind of living that takes time to think--has sent out from the maritime provinces more leaders of thought than any other area of Canada. It is a land that leaves a dreamy memory with you of sunset lying gold on the Bras d' Or Lakes, of cattle belly-deep in pasture, of apple farms where fragrance of fruit and blossoms seem to scent the very atmosphere, of fishermen rocking in their smacks, of great ships plowing up and down to sea. You know there are great coal mines to the east and great timber limits to the north; you may even smell the imprisoned fragrance of the yellowing lumber being loaded for export, but it is as the land of winter ports and of seamen for the navy that you will remember the maritime provinces as factors in Canada's destiny. When gold was discovered in the Yukon and a hundred million dollars in gold came out in ten years, the world went mad. Yet Canada yearly mines from the silver quarries of the sea a harvest of thirty-four million dollars, and of that amount, fifteen million dollars comes from the maritime provinces.[7] Conservationists have sung their song in vain if the world does not know that the fisheries of the United States have been ruthlessly depleted, but here is a land the area of England whose fisheries have increased in value one hundred per cent. in ten years. It is not, however, as the great resource of fisheries that the maritime provinces must play their part in Canada's destiny. It is as the nursery of seamen for a marine power. No southern nation, with the exception of Carthage, has ever dominated the sea; partly for the simple reason that the best fisheries are always located in temperate zones, where the glacial silt of the icebergs feeds the finny hordes with minute infusoria; and the fisherman's smack--the dory that rocks to the waves like a cockleshell, with meal of pork and beans cooking above a chip fire on stones in the bottom of the boat, and rough grimed fellows singing chanties to the rhythm of the sea--the fisherman's smack is the nursery of the world's proudest merchant marines and most powerful navies. Japan knows this, and encourages her fishermen by bounties and passage money to spread all over the world, and Japanese to-day operate practically all the fisheries of the Pacific. England knows this and in the North Sea and off Newfoundland protects her fishermen and draws from their ranks her seamen. Japan dominates seventy-two per cent. of the commerce of the Pacific, not through chance, but through her merchant marine built up from rough grimed fellows who quarry the silver mines of the sea. England dominates the Seven Seas of the world, not through her superiority man to man against other races, but through her merchant marine, carrying the commerce of the world, built up from simple fisher folk hauling in the net or paying out the line through icy salty spray above tempestuous seas. No power yet dominates the seas of the New World. The foreign commerce of the New World up to the time of the great war was carried by British, German and Japanese ships. Canada has the steel, the coal, the timber, the nursery for seamen. Will she become a marine power in the New World? It is one of her dreams. It is also one of England's dreams. No country subsidizes her merchant liners more heavily than Canada[8]--in striking contrast with the parsimonious policy of the United States. It is Canada's policy of ship subsidies that has established regular merchant liners--all liable to service as Admiralty ships--to Australia, to China, to Japan and to every harbor on the Atlantic. Whether heavy subsidies to large liners will effect as much for a merchant marine for Canada as numerous small subsidies to small lines remains to be seen. The development of seamen from her fisheries is one of the dreams she must work out in her destiny, and that leads one to the one great disadvantage under which Canada rests as a marine power. She lacks winter harbors on the Atlantic accessible to her great western domain, whence comes the bulk of her commerce for export. True, the maritime provinces afford those harbors--Saint John and Halifax. A dozen other points, if need were, could be utilized in the maritime provinces as winter harbors; but take a look at the map! The maritime provinces are the longest possible spiral distance from the rest of Canada. They necessitate a rail haul of from two to three thousand miles from the west. What gives Galveston, New Orleans, Baltimore, Buffalo preeminence as harbors? Their nearness to the centers of commerce--their position far inland of the continent, cutting rail haul by half and quarter from the plains. Montreal has this advantage of being far inland; but from November to May Montreal is closed; and Canadian commerce must come out by way of American lines, or pay the long haul down to the maritime provinces. There can be no doubt that this disadvantage is one of the factors forcing the West to find outlet by Hudson Bay--where harbors are also closed by the ice but are only four hundred miles from the wheat plains. There can also be no doubt that the opening of Panama will draw much western commerce to Europe by way of the Pacific. III When one comes to consider Quebec under its new boundaries, one is contemplating an empire three times larger than Germany, supporting a population not so large as Berlin.[9] It is the seat of the old French Empire, the land of the idealists who came to propagate the Faith and succeeded in exploring three-quarters of the continent, with canoes pointed ever up-stream in quest of beaver. All the characteristics of the Old Empire are in Quebec to-day. Quebec is French to the core, not in loyalty to republican France, but in loyalty to the religious ideals which the founders brought to the banks of the St. Lawrence three centuries ago. Church spire, convent walls, religious foundations occupy the most prominent site in every city and town and hamlet of Quebec. From Tadousac to Montreal, from Labrador to Maine or New Hampshire, you can follow the thread of every river in Quebec by the glitter of the church spires round which nestle the hamlets. No matter how poor the hamlet, no matter how remote the hills which slope wooded down to some blue lake, there stand the village church with its cross on the spire, the whitewashed house of the curé, the whitewashed square dormer-windowed school. Outside Quebec City and Montreal, Quebec is the most reposeful region in all America. What matter wars and rumors of wars to these habitants living under guidance of the curé, as their ancestors lived two hundred years ago? They pay their tithes. They attend mass. At birth, marriage and death--the curé is their guide and friend. He teaches them in their schools. He advises them in their family affairs. He counsels them in their business. At times he even dictates their politics; but when you remember that French is the language spoken, that primary education is of the slimmest, though all doors are open for a promising pupil to advance, you wonder whether constant tutelage of a benevolent church may not be a good thing in a chaotic, confused and restless age. The habitant lives on his little long narrow strip of a farm running back from the river front. He fishes a little. He works on the river and in the lumber camps of the Back Country. He raises a little tobacco, hay, a pig, a cow, a little horse and a family of from ten to twenty. When the daughters marry--as they are encouraged to do at the earliest possible age--the farm is subdivided among the sons; and when it will subdivide no longer, there is a migration to the Back Country, or to a French settlement in the Northwest, where another curé will shepherd the flock; and the habitant, blessed at his birth and blessed at his marriage, is usually blessed at his death at the ripe age of ninety or a hundred. It is a simple and on the whole a very happy, if not progressive, life. Some years ago, when hard times prevailed in Canada and the manufacturing cities of New England offered what seemed big wages to habitants, who considered themselves rich on one hundred dollars a year--a great migration took place across the border; but it was not a happy move for these simple children of the soil. They missed the shepherding of their beloved curé, and the movement has almost stopped. Also you find Jean Ba'tiste in the redwoods of California as lumber-jack, or plying a canoe on MacKenzie River. The best fur-traders of the North to-day are half-breeds with a strain of French Canadian blood. If you take a look at the map of Quebec under its new boundaries up into Labrador--it seems absurd to call a region three times the area of Germany "a province"--you will see that only the fringe of the river fronts has been peopled. This is owing to the old system of parceling out the land in mile strips back from the river--a system that antedated the railroads, when every man's train was a paddle and the waterfront. Beyond, back up from the rivers, lies literally a no-man's-land of furs plentiful as of old, of timber of which only the edge has been slashed, of water power unestimated and of mineral resources only guessed. It seems incredible at this late date that you can count on one hand the number of men who have ascended the rivers of Quebec and descended the rivers of Labrador to Hudson Bay. The forest area is estimated at one hundred and twenty million acres; but that is only a guess. The area of pulp wood is boundless. Along the St. Lawrence, south of the St. Lawrence and around the great cities come touches of the modern--elaborate stock farms, great factories, magnificent orchards, huge sawmills. The progress of Montreal and the City of Quebec is so intimately involved with the navigation of the St. Lawrence route and the development of railroads that it must be dealt with separately; but it may be said here that nearly all the old seigneurial tenures--Crown grants of estates to the nobility of New France--have passed to alien hands. The system itself, the last relic of feudal tenure in Canada, was abolished by Canadian law. What, then, is the aim of Quebec as a factor in Canada's destiny? It may be said perfectly frankly that with the exception of such enlightened men as Laurier, Quebec does not concern herself with Canada's destiny. In a war with France, yes, she would give of her sons and her blood; in a war against France, not so sure. "Why are you loyal?" I asked a splendid scholarly churchman of the old régime--a man whose works have been quoted by Parkman. "Because," he answered slowly, "because--you--English--leave us--alone to work out our hopes." "What are those hopes?" I asked. He waved his hand toward the window--church spires and yet more spires far as we could see down the St. Lawrence--another New France conserving the religious ideals that had been crushed by the republicanism of the old land. Let it be stated without a shadow of doubt--Quebec never has had and never will have the faintest idea of secession. Her religious freedom is too well guaranteed under the present régime for her to risk change under an untried order of independence or annexation. The church wants Quebec exactly as she is--to work out her destiny of a new and regenerate France on the banks of the St. Lawrence. A certain section of the French oppose Canada embroiling herself in European wars. They do this conscientiously and not as a political trick to attract the votes of the ultramontane French. One of the most brilliant supporters Sir Wilfred Laurier ever had flung his chances of a Cabinet place to the winds in opposing Canada's participation in the Boer War. He not only flung his chances to the winds, but he ruined himself financially and was read out of the party. The motive behind this opposition to Canada's participations in the Imperial wars is, perhaps, three-fold. French Canada has never forgotten that she was conquered. True, she is better off, enjoys greater religious liberty, greater material prosperity, greater political freedom than under the old régime; but she remembers that French prestige fell before English prestige on the Plains of Abraham. The second motive is an unconscious feeling of detachment from British Imperial affairs. Why should French Canada embroil herself and give of her blood and means for a race alien to herself in speech and religion? The Monroe Doctrine forever defends Canada from seizure by European power. Why not rest under that defense and build up a purely Canadian power? The third motive is almost subconscious. What if a European war should involve French-Catholic Canada on the side of Protestant England against French-Catholic France, or even Catholic Italy? Quebec feels herself a part of Canada but not of the British Empire; and it is a great question how much Laurier's support of the British in the Boer War had to do with that partial defection of Quebec which ultimately defeated him on Reciprocity; for if there is one thing the devout son of the church fears more than embroilment in European war, it is coming under the republicanizing influence of the United States. Under Canadian law the favored status of the church is guaranteed. Under American law the church would be on the same footing as all other denominations. IV When one comes to Ontario, one is dealing with the kitchen garden of the Dominion--in summer a land of placid sky-blue lakes, and amber-colored wooded rivers, and trim, almost garden-like farms, and heavily laden orchards, and thriving cities beginning to smoke under the pall of the increasing and almost universal factory. Under its old boundaries Ontario stood just eighteen thousand square miles larger than France. Under its new boundaries extending to Hudson Bay, Ontario measures almost twice the area of France. France supports a population of nearly forty millions; Ontario, of barely two and a half millions. Both Ontario and France are equally fertile and equally diversified in fertility. Along the lakes and clustered round Niagara is the great fruit region--vineyards and apple orchards that are gardens of perfection. North of the lakes is a mixed farm region. Parallel with the latitude skirting Georgian Bay begins the Great Clay belt, an area of heavily forested lands about seven hundred miles north to south and almost a thousand diagonally east to west. On its southern edge this hinterland, which forms the watershed between Hudson Bay and the St. Lawrence, seems to be rock-bound and iron-capped. For years travelers across the continent must have looked through the car windows across this landscape of windfall and fire as a picture of desolation. Surely, "here was nothing," as some of the first explorers said when they viewed Canada from Labrador; but pause; not so fast! Here lay, if nothing else, an area of timber limits seven hundred by one thousand miles; and as the timber burned off curious mineral outcroppings were observed. When the railroad was graded through what is now known as Sudbury, there was a report of a great find of copper. Expert after expert examined it, and company after company forfeited options and refused to bond it. Finally a shipment was sent out to a smelter across the border. The so-called "copper" was pronounced "nickel"--the greatest deposit of the metal needed for armor plating known in the world. In fact, only one other mine could compete against the Sudbury nickel beds--the French mines of New Caledonia. Here was something, surely, in this rock-bound iron region of desolation, which passing travelers had pronounced worthless. The discovery of silver at Cobalt came by an almost similar chance. Grading an extension of a North Ontario railroad projected purely for the sake of prospective settlers, workmen came on surface deposits of "rose" silver--almost pure metal, some of it; and there resulted such a mining boom and series of quick fortunes as had made Klondike famous. And Cobalt and Sudbury are at only the southern edge of the unexplored hinterland of Ontario. Old records of the French régime, daily journals of the Hudson's Bay Company fur-traders, repeatedly refer to well-known mines between Lake Superior and James Bay; but fur-traders discouraged mining; and this region is less known to-day than when coureur de bois and voyageur threaded river and lake and leafy wilderness. Ontario, like Quebec, is only on the outer edge of realizing her own wealth. V We sometimes speak as though Canada had had her boom and it was all over. She has had her boom, and the boom has exploded, and it is a good thing. When inflation collapses, a country gets down to reality; and the reality is that Canada has barely begun to develop the exhaustless mine of wealth which Heaven has given her. Ontario, complacent with a fringe of prosperity along lake front, is an instance; Quebec, with only a border on each bank of her great rivers peopled, is another instance; and the prairie provinces are still more striking illustrations of the sleeping potentialities of the Dominion. In our dark days we used to call those three prairie provinces between Lake Superior and the Rockies "the granary of the Empire." I am afraid it was more in bravado, hoping against hope, than in any other spirit; for we were raising little grain and exporting less and receiving prices that hardly paid for the labor. That was back in the early nineties. To-day, what? One single year's wheat crop from one only of those provinces equals more gold in value than ever came out of Klondike. If Britain were cut off from every other source of food supply, those three provinces could feed the British Isles with their surplus wheat. To be explicit, credit Great Britain with a population of forty-five millions. Apportion to each six bushels of wheat--the per capita requirement for food, according to scientists. Great Britain requires two hundred and eighty to three hundred million bushels of wheat for bread only--not to be manufactured into cereal products, which is another and enormous demand in itself. Of the wheat required for bread, Great Britain herself raises only fifty to sixty million bushels, leaving a deficit, which must come from outside sources, of two hundred million bushels. In 1912 Canada raised one hundred and ninety-nine million bushels of wheat. In 1913, of grain products, Canada exported one hundred and ten million bushels; of flour products, almost twenty million dollars' worth. Under stress of need or high prices these totals could easily be trebled. The figures are, indeed, bewildering in their bigness. In the three prairie provinces there were under cultivation in 1912 for all crops only sixteen and one-half million acres.[10] At twenty bushels to the acre this area put under wheat would feed Great Britain. But note--only sixteen and one-half million acres were under cultivation. There have been surveyed as suitable for cultivation one hundred and fifty-eight million acres. The land area of the three prairie provinces is four hundred and sixty-six million acres. If only half the land surveyed as suitable for cultivation were put in wheat--namely seventy-nine million acres; and if it yielded only ten bushels to the acre (it usually yields nearer twenty than ten), the three prairie provinces of Canada would be producing crops equal to the entire spring wheat production of the United States. Grant, then, two bushels for reseeding, or one hundred and fifty-eight million bushels, and six bushels for food, or fifty million bushels, the three prairie provinces would still have for export more than five hundred million bushels. All this presupposes population. Granting each man one hundred and sixty acres, it presupposes 493,750 more farmers than are in the West; but coming to Canada yearly are four hundred thousand settlers; so that counting four out of every five settlers children, in half a decade at the least, Western Canada will have five hundred thousand more farmers--enough to feed Great Britain and still have a surplus of wheat for Europe. In connection with wheat exports from the West one factor should never be ignored--the influence of the Great Lakes and the Soo Canal in reducing freight to the West. Great Lakes freight tolls are to-day the cheapest in the world, and their influence in minimizing the toll on the all-land haul must never be ignored. Freight can be carried on the Great Lakes one thousand miles for the same rate charged on rail rate for one hundred miles.[11] And wheat is not the only product of the three prairie provinces. On the borderland between Manitoba and Saskatchewan are enormous deposits of coal which have not yet been explored. Canoeing once through Eastern Saskatchewan and Northern Manitoba, I saw a piece of almost pure copper brought down from the hinterland of Churchill River by an Indian, from an unknown mine, which no white man has yet found. On the borderland between Alberta and British Columbia is a ridge of coal deposits which such conservative experts as the late George Dawson estimated would mine four million tons a year for five thousand years. These coal deposits seem almost nature's special provision for the treeless plains. It is well known that the decrease in white fish in the Great Lakes for the past ten years has been appalling. Northward of Churchill River is a region of chains of lakes--the Lesser Great Lakes, they have been called--and these are the only untouched inland fisheries in America. To the exporter they are ideal fishing ground. The climate is cool. The fish can be sent out frozen to American markets. Of Canada's thirty-four million dollars' worth of fish in 1912, one and one-half million dollars' worth came from the three prairie provinces. Under the old boundaries, the three prairie provinces compared in area respectively Manitoba with Great Britain; Saskatchewan with France; Alberta, one and a half times larger than Germany. Under the new boundaries extending the province to Hudson Bay, Manitoba is fifty-two thousand square miles larger than Germany; Saskatchewan extended north is fifty thousand square miles larger than France; and Alberta extended north is fifty thousand square miles larger than Germany. And north of the three grain provinces is an area the size of European Russia. We talk of Canada's boom as "done," but has it even begun? Strathcona used to say that the three prairie provinces would support a population of one hundred million. Was he right? On the basis of Europe's population the three provinces would sustain three times Germany's sixty-five millions. VI In British Columbia one reaches the province of the greatest natural wealth, the greatest diversity in climate and the most feverish activity in Canada. East of the mountains is a climate high, cold and bracing as Russia or Switzerland. Between the ranges of the mountains are valleys mild as France. On the coast toward the south is a climate like Italy; toward the north, like Scotland. Of Canada's entire timber area--twice as great as Europe's standing timber--three-quarters lie in British Columbia. Fruit equal to Niagara's, fisheries richer than the maritime provinces, mines yielding more than Klondike--exist in this most favored of provinces. While the area is a half larger than Germany, the population is smaller than that of a suburb of Berlin.[12] Of Canada's thirty-four million dollars' worth of fish, thirteen million dollars' worth come from British Columbia; and of her products of forty-six millions of precious and fifty-six millions of non-metallic minerals in 1911 easily half came from British Columbia.[13] Instead of that repose which marks the maritime provinces, one finds an eager fronting to the future that is almost feverish. If Panama is turning the entire Pacific into a front door instead of a back door, then British Columbia knows the coign of vantage, which she holds as an outlet for half Canada's commerce by way of the Pacific. It is in British Columbia that East must meet West and work out destiny. [1] In 1800, the United States population was 5,308,483; in 1901, the Canadian population was 5,371,315. [2] Ireland lost one-half her population from 1840 to 1900, Her population dropped in round numbers from eight millions to four millions. [3] Total foreign trade of Canada, 1912, $1,085,264,000; of United States, $4,538,702,000. [4] This presupposes immigration to the United States at a million and a quarter, as before the war. [5] Speaking generally, there are few sections of the Northwest where the average rainfall is scanty. [6] The areas of all the Canadian provinces except the maritime ones have been extended in recent years--Quebec to include Labrador--except the East Shore, which is under Newfoundland; Ontario to James Bay; Manitoba and Saskatchewan to Hudson Bay; Alberta to MacKenzie River. Northern British Columbia is not yet surveyed, which explains why its northern area is largely a matter of guess--closest estimates placing the whole province including Yukon as twice Germany; without Yukon as about one and two-thirds the area of Germany; but this is rough guesswork. [7] Canada's fisheries for 1912 yielded $34,667,872. [8] Canada's subsidies to steamships vary from year to year, but I do not think any year has much exceeded two millions. [9] This is including Labrador. [10] Under crop in Manitoba, Saskatchewan and Alberta 16,478,000 acres. Area surveyed available for cultivation 158,516,427 acres; land area, 466,068,798 acres. [11] The rate from the head of the Lakes to Montreal is usually four to five cents. It has been as low as one cent, when grain was carried almost for ballast. [12] British Columbia's population in 1912 was 392,480. [13] Canada, mineral production for 1911 stands thus: copper, $6,911,831: gold, $9,672,096; iron, $700,216; lead, $818,672; nickel, $10,229,623; silver, $17,452,128; other metal, $322,862; total, $46,197,428. Non-metallic production 1911: coal $26,378,477; cement, $7,571,299; clay, $8,317,709; stone, $3,680,361; in all, $56,094.258. CHAPTER III THE TIE THAT BINDS I It is easy to understand what binds the provinces into a confederation. They had to bind themselves into a unity with the British North America Act or see their national existence threatened by any band of settlers who might rush in and by a perfectly legitimate process of naturalization and voting set up self-government. At the time of confederation such eminent Imperial statesmen as Gladstone and Labouchère seriously considered whether it would not be better to cut Canada adrift, if she wanted to be cut adrift. The difference between the Canadian provinces and the isolated Latin republics of South America illustrates best what the bond of confederation did for the Dominion. The _why_ and _how_ of confederation is easy to understand, but what tie binds Canada to the Mother Country? That is a point almost impossible for an outsider to understand. England contributes not a farthing to Canada. Canada contributes not a dime to England. Though a tariff against alien lands and trade concessions to her colonies would bring such prosperity to those colonies as Midas could not dream, England confers no trade favor to her colonial children. There have been times, indeed, when she discriminated against them by embargoes on cattle or boundary concessions to cement peace with foreign powers. Except for a slight trade concession of twenty to twenty-five per cent. on imports from England--which, of course, helps the Canadian buyer as much as it helps the British seller--Canada grants no favors to the Mother Country. In spite of those trade concessions to England, in 1913 for every dollar's worth Canada bought from England, she bought four dollars' worth from the United States. Certainly, England sends Canada a Governor-General every four years; but the Cabinet of England never appoints a Governor-General to Canada till it has been unofficially ascertained from the Cabinet of the Dominion whether he will be persona grata. Canada gives the Governor-General fifty thousand dollars a year and some perquisites--an emolument that can barely sustain the style of living expected and exacted from the appointee, who must maintain a small viceregal court. The Governor-General has the right of veto on all bills passed by the Canadian government; and where an act might conflict with Imperial interests, he would doubtless exercise the right; but the veto power in the hands of the Imperial vicegerent is so rarely used as to be almost dead. Veto is avoided by the Governor-General working in close conference with the prevailing Cabinet, or party in power; and a party on the verge of enacting laws inimical to Imperial interests can be disciplined by dismissal from office, in which case the party must appeal to the country for re-election. That means time; and time allows passion to simmer down; and an entire electorate is not likely to perpetrate a policy inimical to Imperial interests. In practice, that represents the whole, sole and entire power of England's representative in Canada--a power less than the nod of a saloon keeper or ward boss in the civic politics of the United States. Officially, yes; the signature of the Governor-General is put to commissions and appointments of first rank in the army and the Cabinet and the courts. In reality, it is a question if any Governor in Canada since confederation has as much as suggested the name of an applicant for office. On the other hand, Canada's dependence on England is even more tenuous. Does a question come up as to the "twilight zone" of provincial and federal rights, it is settled by an appeal to the Privy Council. Suits from lower courts reversed by the Supreme Court of Canada can be appealed to England for decision; and in religious disputes as to schools--as in the famous Manitoba School Case--this right of appeal to Imperial decision has really been the door out of dilemma for both parties in Canada. It is a shifting of the burden of a decision that must certainly alienate one section of votes--from the shoulders of the Canadian parties to an impartial Imperial tribunal. If there be any other evidence of bonds in the tangible holding Canada to England and England to Canada--I do not know it. II What, then, is the tie that binds colony to Mother Country? Tangible--it is not; but real as life or death, who can doubt, when a self-governing colony voluntarily equips and despatches sixty thousand men--the choice sons of the land--to be pounded into pulp in an Imperial war? Who can doubt the tie is real, when bishops' sons, bankers', lawyers', doctors', farmers', carpenters', teachers' and preachers'--the young and picked heritors of the land--clamor a hundred thousand strong to enlist in defense of England and to face howitzer, lyddite and shell? Why not rest secure under the Monroe Doctrine that forever forefends European conquest? It is something the outsider can not understand. President Taft could not understand it when his reciprocity pact was defeated in Canada partly because of his own ill-advised words about Canada drifting from United States interests. Canada was not drifting from American interests. In trade and in transportation her interests are interlinking with the United States every day; but the point--which President Taft failed to understand--is: Canada is _not_ drifting because she is sheet-anchored and gripped to the Mother Country. We may like it or dislike it. We may dispute and argue round about. The fact remains, without any screaming or flag waving, or postprandial loyalty expansions of rotund oratory and a rotunder waist line--Canada is sheet-anchored to England by an invisible, intangible, almost indescribable tie. That is one reason why she rejected reciprocity. That is why at a colossal cost in land and subsidies and loans and guarantees of almost two billions, she has built up a transportation system east and west, instead of north and south. That is why for a century she has hewn her way through mountains of difficulty to a destiny of her own, when it would have been easier and more profitable to have cast in her lot with the United States. What is the tie that binds? Is it the hope of an Imperial Federation, which shall bind the whole British Empire into such a world federation as now holds the provinces of the Dominion? Twenty years ago, if you had asked that, the answer might have been "Yes." Canada was in the dark financially and did not see her way out. If only the Chamberlain scheme of a tariff against the world, free trade within the empire, could have evolved into practical politics, Canada for purely practical reasons would have welcomed Imperial Federation. It would have given her exports a wonderful outlet. But to-day Imperial Federation is a deader issue in Canada than reciprocity with the United States. No more books are written about it. No one speaks of it. No one wants it. No one has time for it. The changed attitude of mind is well illustrated by an incident on Parliament Hill, Ottawa, one day. A Cabinet Minister was walking along the terrace above the river talking to a prominent public man of England. "How about Imperial Federation?" asked the Englishman. "Do you want it?" The Canadian statesman did not answer at once. He pointed across the Ottawa, where the blue shimmering Laurentians seem to recede and melt into a domain of infinitude. "Why _should_ we want Imperial Federation?" he answered. "We have an empire the size of Europe, whose problems we must work out. Why should Canadians go to Westminster to legislate on a deceased wife's sister's bills and Welsh disestablishment and silly socialistic panaceas for the unfit to plunder the fit?" It will be noticed that his answer had none of that flunkeyism to which Goldwin Smith used to ascribe much of Canadian pro-loyalty. Rather was there a grave recognition of the colossal burden of helping a nation the area of Europe to work out her destiny in wisdom and in integrity and in the certainty that is built up only from rock bottom basis of fact. Has flunkeyism any part in the pro-loyalty of Canada? Goldwin Smith thought it had, and we all know Canadians whose swelling lip-loyalty is a sort of Gargantuan thunder. It may be observed, parenthetically, those Canadians are not the personages who receive recognition from England. "Sorry, Your Royal Highness, sorry; but Canada is becoming horribly contaminated by Americanizing influences," apologized a pro-loyalist of the lip-flunkey variety to the Duke of Connaught shortly after that scion of royalty came to Canada as Governor. The Duke of Connaught turned and looked the fussy lip-loyalist over. "What's good enough for Americans is good enough for me," he said. An instance of the absence of flunkeyism from the Dominion's loyalty to the Mother Country occurred during the visit of the present King as Prince of Wales to the Canadian Northwest a few years ago. The royal train had arrived at some little western place, where a contingent of the Mounted Police was to act as escort for the Prince's entourage. The train had barely pulled in when a fussy little long-coat-tailed secretary flew John-Gilpin fashion across the station platform to a khaki trooper of the Mounted Police. "His Royal Highness has arrived! His Royal Highness has arrived," gasped the little secretary, almost apoplectic with self-importance. "Come and help to get the baggage off--" "You go to ----," answered the khaki-uniformed trooper, aiming a tobacco wad that flew past the little secretary's ear. "Get the baggage off yourself! We're not here as porters. We're here to execute orders and we don't take 'em from little damphool fussies like you." Yet that trooper was of the company that made the Strathcona Horse famous in South Africa--famous for such daring abandon in their charges that the men could hardly be held within bounds of official orders. He is of the very class of men who have forsaken gainful occupations in the West to clamor a hundred-thousand strong for the privilege of fighting to the last ditch for the empire under the rain of death from German fire. "How can Canadians be loyal to a system of government that acknowledges some fat king sitting on a throne chair like a mummy as ruler?" demanded an American woman of a Canadian man. "Well," answered the Canadian, "I don't know that any 'fat king' was ever quite so fat as a gentleman named Mammon who plays a pretty big part in the government of all republics." He drew a five-dollar bill from his pocket. "As a piece of paper that is utterly worthless," he explained. "It isn't even good wrapping paper. It's a promise to pay--to deliver the goods, that gives it value. It's what the system of government stands for, that rouses support--not this, that, or the other man--" "But what does it stand for?" interrupted the American; and the Canadian couldn't answer. It roused and held his loyalty as if of family ties. Yet he could not define it. He might have explained that Canada has had a system of justice since 1837 never truckled to nor trafficked in, but he knew in his heart that the loyalty was to a something deeper than that. He knew that many republics--Switzerland, for instance--have as impartial a system of justice. He might have descanted on the British North America Act being to Canada what the Constitution is to the United States, only more elastic, more susceptible to growth and changing conditions; but he knew that the Constitution was what it was owing to this other principle of which law and justice were but the visible formula. He might easily have dilated on excellent features of the Canadian parliamentary system different from the United States or Germany. For instance, no party can hold office one day after it lacks the support of a majority vote. It must resign reins to the other party, or go to the country for re-election. Or he might have pointed to the very excellent feature of Cabinet Ministers sitting in the House and being directly responsible to Commons and Senate for the management of their departments to the expenditure of a farthing. A Cabinet member who may be quizzed to-day, to-morrow, every day in the week except Sunday, on the management of affairs under him can never take refuge in ambiguous silence or behind the skirts of his chief, as secretaries delinquent have frequently taken refuge behind the spotless reputation of a too-confiding President. But the Canadian explained none of these things. He knew that these things were only the outward and visible formula of the principle to which he was loyal. III A few years ago the mistake would have been impossible; for there was, up to 1900, practically no movement of settlers from the British Isles to Canada; but to-day with an enormous in-rush of British colonists to the Dominion, a superficial observer might ascribe the loyalty to the ties of blood--to the fact that between 1900 and 1911, 685,067 British colonists flocked to Canada. Not counting colossal investments of British capital, there are to-day easily a million Britishers living on and drawing their sustenance from the soil of Canada. And yet, however unpalatable and ungracious the fact may be to Englishmen, the ties of blood have little to do with the bond that holds Canada to England. This statement will arouse protest from a certain section of Canadians; but those same Canadians know there are hundreds--yes, thousands--of mercantile houses in the Dominion where employers practically put up the sign--"No Englishman need apply." "I've come to the point," said a wholesale hardware man of a Canadian city, "where I won't employ a man if he has a cockney accent. I've tried it hundreds of times, and it has always ended the same way. I have to break a cockney's neck before I can convince him that I know the way I want things done, and they have to be done that way. He is so sure I am 'ownley a demmed ke-lo-neal' that he is lecturing me on how I should do things before he is in my establishment ten minutes. I don't know what it is. It may be that coming suddenly to a land where all men are treated on an equality and not kicked and expected to doff caps in thanks for the insolence, they can't stand the free rein and not go locoed. All I know is--where I'll employ an Irishman, or a Scotchman, or a Yorkshireman, on the jump, I will not employ a cockney. I don't want to commit murder." And that business man voiced the sentiment of multitudes from farm, factory and shop. I'll not forget, myself, the semi-comic episode of rescuing an English woman from destitution and having her correct my Canadian expressions five minutes after I had given her a roof. She had referred to her experience as "jolly rotten"; and I had remarked that strangers sometimes had hard luck because "we Canadians couldn't place them," when I was roundly called to order by a tongue that never in its life audibly articulated an "h." IV Before digging down to the subterranean springs of Canadian loyalty, we must take emphatic cognizance of several facts. Canada, while not a republic, is one of the most democratic nations in the world. Practically every man of political, financial or industrial prominence in Canada to-day came up by the shirt-sleeve route in one generation. If there is an exception to this statement--and I know every part of Canada almost as well as I know my own home--I do not know it. Sifton, Van Horne, MacKenzie, Mann, Laurier, Borden, Foster, the late Sir John Macdonald--all came up from penniless boyhood through their own efforts to what Canadians rate as success. I said "what Canadians rate as success." I did not say to affluence, for Canadians do not rate affluence by itself as success. Laurier, Foster, Sir John Macdonald--each began as a poor man. Sifton began life as a penniless lawyer. Van Horne got his foot on the first rung of the ladder hustling cars for troops in the Civil War. MacKenzie of Canada Northern fame began with a trowel; Dan Mann with an ax in the lumber woods at a period when wages were a dollar and twenty-five cents a day; Laurier with a lawyer's parchment and not a thing else in the world. Foster, the wizard of finance, taught his first finance in a schoolroom. And so one might go on down the list of Canada's great. Unless I am gravely mistaken the richest industrial leader of Ontario began life in a little bake shop, where his wife cooked and he sold the wares; and the richest man in the Canadian West began with a pick in a mine. I doubt if there is a single instance in Canada of a public man whose family's security from want traces back prior to 1867. But the richest are not rated the most successful in Canada. There is an untold and untellable tragedy here. There is many a city in Canada which has a Mr. Rich-Man's-Folly in the shape of a palatial house or castellated residence which failed to force open the portals of respect and recognition for himself. Folly Castle has been occupied in an isolation that was almost quarantine. Why? Because its foundations were laid in some financial mud, which Canada never forgets and never forgives. Instances could be multiplied of brilliant politicians retired to private life, of moneyed men who spent fortunes to buy a knighthood, a baronetcy, an earldom--and died disappointed because in early life they had used fiduciary funds or trafficked in politics. It may impart a seeming snobbery to Canadian life, an almost crude insolence; but it keeps a title from becoming the insignia of an envied dollar bill. It keeps men from buying what their conduct failed to win. It does more than anything else to keep down that envy of true success which is the curse of many lands. Canadian papers rarely trouble to chronicle whether a rich man wears the hair shirt of a troubled conscience, or the paper vest of a tight purse. They are not interested in him simply because he is rich. If he loots a franchise and unloads rotten stocks on widows and orphans and teachers and preachers, they call him a thief and send him to jail a convict. Three decades ago the premier's own nephew misused public funds. It could have been hushed by the drop of a hat or the wave of a hand. The party in power was absolutely dominant. The culprit was arrested at nine in the morning and sentenced to seven years in the penitentiary by six that day; and he served the term, too, without any political wash to clear him. Instances are not lacking of titled adventurers ostracized in Winnipeg and Montreal going to Newport and capturing the richest heiresses of the land. These instances are not mentioned in invidious self-righteousness. They are mentioned purely to illustrate the underlying, unspoken difference in essential values. V Set down, then, two or three premises! Canada is under a monarchy, but in practice is a democratic country. Canada is absolutely impartial in her justice to rich and poor. Have we dug down to the fountain spring of Canadian loyalty? Not at all. These are not springs. They are national states of mind. These characteristics are psychology. What is the rock bottom spring? One sometimes finds the presence of a hidden spring by signs--green grass among parched; the twist of a peach or hazel twig in answer to the presence of water; the direction of the brook below. What are the signs of Canada's springs? Signs, remember; not proofs. Of proofs, there is no need. Perfectly impartially, whether we like it or dislike it, without any argument for or against, let us set down Canadian likes and dislikes as to government. These are not my likes and dislikes. They are not your likes and dislikes. They are facts as to the Canadian people. Canadians have no faith in a system of government, whether under a Turkish Khan or a Lloyd George Chancellor, which delegates the rule of a nation to butchers and bakers and candlestick-makers and "the dear people" fakers. They do not believe that a man who can not rule his own affairs well can rule the nation well. They regard government as a grave and sacred function, not as a grab bag for spoils. If a party makes good in power, they have no fear of leaving that party in power for term after term. The longer their premier is in office the more efficient they think he will become. They have no fear of the premier becoming a "fat" tyrannical king. Long as the party makes good, they consider it has a right to power; and that experience adds to competency. Instantly the party fails to make good, they throw it out independent of the length of its tenure of office. Canadians do not believe that "I-am-as-good-as-you-are-and-a-little-better." They will accept the fact that "I-am-as-good-as-you-are" only when I prove it in brain, in brawn, in courtesy, in mental agility, in business acumen, in service--in a word, _in fact_. They are comparatively untouched by the theoretical radicalism of the French Revolution, by the socialism of a Lloyd George, by the war of labor and capital. They are untouched by theory because they are so intent on fact. The "liberty, equality and fraternity" cry of the French Revolution--they regard as so much hot air. Canadians since 1837 have had "liberty, equality, fraternity." Why rant about it? And when they didn't have it, they fought for it and went to the scaffold for it, and got it. The day's work--that's all. Why posturize and theorize about platitudes? Canadians are not interested in the Lloyd George theory of the poor plundering the prosperous, because every man or woman who tries in Canada can succeed. He may hoe some long hard rows. Let him hoe! It will harden flabby muscle and give backbone in place of jawbone! Help the innocent children--yes! There is a child saving organization in every province. But if the adult will not try, let him die! If he will not struggle to survive, let him die! The sooner the better! No theoretical parasites for Canada, nor parlor socialism! "Take off your coat! Roll up your shirt-sleeves! Stop blathering! Go to work!" says Canada. "But I think--" protests the theorist. "_Thinks_ don't pass currency as coin. _Go to work, and pass up facts_," says Canada. VI It may be objected that all this means the survival of the fit, the rule of the many by the few. That is exactly what it means. That is the fountain spring of Canada's national idea, whether we like it or hate it. That is the belief that binds Canada's loyalty to the monarchical idea--though Canada would as soon call it the presidential idea as the monarchical idea. She does not care what name you tag it by so long as she delegates to the selected and elected few the power to rule. She believes the selected few are better than the unwinnowed many as rulers. She would sooner have a mathematical school-teacher as finance minister than a saloon keeper or ward heeler. She believes that the rule of the select few is better than the rule of the thoughtless many. She delegates the right and power to rule to those few, lets them make the laws and bows to the laws as to the laws of God, as the best possible for the nation because they have been enacted by the best of her nation. If that best be bad, it is at least not so bad as the worst. She never says--"Pah! What is law! I made the law! If it doesn't suit me, I'll break it. I am the law." Canadians acknowledge they have delegated power to make law to men whom they believe superior to the general run. Therefore, they obey that law as above change by the individual. In other words, Canadians believe in the rule of the many delegated to the superior few. Those few do what they deem wise; not what the electorate tell them. They exceed instructions. They lead. They do not obey. But if they fail, they are thrown to the dogs without mercy, whether the tenure of office be complete or incomplete. It is the old Saxon idea of the Witenagemot--the council of a few wise men ruling the clan. There is the fountain spring of Canadian loyalty to the monarchical idea. It is not the fat king. It is not any king. It is what the insignificant personality called "king" stands for, like the five-dollar bill worthless as wrapping paper but of value as a promise to deliver the goods. CHAPTER IV AMERICANIZATION I "The Americanizing of Canada" is a phrase which has been much in vogue with a section of the British press ever since the attempt to establish reciprocity between the United States and the Dominion. It is a question if the glib users of the phrase have the faintest idea what they mean by it. It is a catchword. It sounds ominously deep as the owl's wise but meaningless "too-whoo." English publicists who have never been nearer Canada than a Dominion postage stamp wisely warn Canada against the siren seductions of Columbia's republicanism. If the phrase means that reciprocity might lead to annexation, Canada's repudiation of reciprocity is sufficient disproof of the imputation. If it means increased and increasing trade weaving a warp and woof of international commerce--then--yes--there is an "Americanizing of Canada" as there is a Canadianizing of the United States through international traffic; but the users of the phrase should remember that the country doing the largest trade of all countries with the United States is Great Britain; and does one speak of the "Americanizing" of Great Britain? If it means that in ten years two-fifths as many Americans have settled in Western Canada as there are native-born Canadians in the West--then--yes--Canada pleads guilty. She has spent money like water and is spending it yet to attract these American settlers; and they, on their part, have brought with them an average of fifteen hundred dollars a settler, not counting money invested by capitalists. If in the era between 1900 and 1911, 650,719 American settlers came to Western Canada, and from 1911 to 1914, six hundred thousand more--or say, with natural increase, a million and a quarter in fifteen years; to counterpoise that consideration remember that in the era from 1885 to 1895 one-fifth of Canada's native population moved to the United States. There is not the slightest doubt that within ten years the balance of political power in Canada has shifted from the solidarity of French Quebec to the progressive West; but that can hardly be considered as of political import when two out of four western provinces rejected reciprocity. What, then, is meant by the phrase "Americanizing of Canada"? Consider for a moment what is happening! Twenty years ago the number of American and Canadian railroads meeting at the boundary and crossing the boundary numbered some six. Ten years ago in the West alone there were sixteen branch lines feeding traffic into one another's territory across the border. To-day, if you count all the American railroads reaching up from trunk lines north to Canada, and all the Canadian spurs reaching south from trunk lines into the United States, and all the great trunk lines having subsidiaries like the South Shore and "Soo" crossing the border, and all the lines having international running rights over one another's roadbed, there are more than sixty railroads feeding Canadian traffic into the United States and American traffic into Canada. This explains why of all the export grain traffic from the Northwest forty-four per cent. only goes from Canada by all-Canadian routing, while fifty-six per cent. comes to seaboard over American lines; and all this is independent of the enormous American traffic through the Canadian "Soo" by the Great Lakes, in some years, reaching a total five times as large as the traffic expected through Panama. One can not contemplate this constant interchange of traffic without recalling the metaphor of the warp and the woof, of the shuttle weaving a fabric of international commerce that ignores dead reciprocity pacts and an invisible boundary. Yet England does three-fourths of the carrying trade for the United States across the Atlantic. Spite of high tariff on one side of the ocean and no tariff on the other side, spite of eagle and lion rampant, British ships weave like busy shuttles across the silver lanes of the sea an invisible warp and woof that are stronger than cables of steel, or political treaty. So much for lines of traffic between Canada and the United States! What of the traffic carried? American imports to Canada have doubled in three years; or increased from two hundred sixteen million dollars' worth in 1910 to four hundred fifteen million dollars' worth in 1913; and instead of the war causing a falling off, it is likely to cause an increase; for Canada's purchases from Europe have been cut off and must be supplied by the United States. Of the imports to Canada, two-thirds are manufactured articles--motors, locomotives, cars, coffee, cotton, iron, steel, implements, coal. At time of writing exports from the United States now rank the United Kingdom first, Canada second, Germany third. When you consider that Canada's purchasing power is that of seven million people, where the United Kingdom's is forty-five and Germany's sixty-five million, the significance of these comparative ranks is apparent. From Canada to the United States, exports increased from $95,000,000 in 1910 to $120,000,000 in 1913, not because Canada's producing power is so much smaller than her buying power, but because she is growing so fast that she consumes much of what she produces. To put it another way, of all Canada exports, the United States takes four-fifths of the coal, nine-tenths of the copper, four-fifths of the nickel, ten-elevenths of the gold, two-fifths of the silver, four-fifths of other minerals, one-third of the fish, one-third of the lumber, one-fourth of the animals and meat, one-tenth of the grain. It need not be told here that the other portions of Canada's farm, mine and lumber exports go almost entirely to Great Britain. II It has been estimated that half a billion of American capital is invested in Canada. A moment's thought reveals how ridiculously below the mark are these figures. Between 1900 and 1911 by actual count there entered Canada 650,719 American settlers. Averaging up one year with another by actual estimate of settlers' possessions at point of entry, these settlers were possessed of fifteen hundred dollars each in cash. This represents almost a billion, and almost as many more American settlers have entered Canada since 1911. This represents not the investments of the capital class but of small savings. It takes no account of the nickel mines, the copper mines, the smelters, the silver mines, the coal lands, the timber limits, the fisheries, the vast holdings of agricultural lands in the West held for speculative purposes--for all of which spot cash was paid down in large proportion. The largest steel plant in the East, the largest coal areas in the West, the only nickel mines in America, three-quarters of all the copper and gold reduction works of the West are financed by American capital. To be more explicit, when the MacKenzie-Mann interests bought one large coal area in British Columbia, the Hill interests of St. Paul bought the other large coal area. This does not mean there are not large coal areas owned by Canadian capital. There are--colossal areas; but for every big area being worked by Canadian capital there are two such being worked by American. Before a single Canadian railroad had wakened up to the fact there were any mines in East and West Kootenay and the Slocan, American lines had pushed up little narrow-gauge lines to feed the copper and gold ores into Butte and Helena smelters. By the time Canadian and British capital came on the scene in Kootenay the cream had been skimmed from the profits, and the mines had reached the wildcat stage of beautifully gilded and engraved stock certificates taking the place of real profits--of almost worth-nothing shares in worthless holes in the ground selling on a face value of a next-door profit-yielding neighbor. The American is without a peer as pioneer on land, in mine, in forest; but the boomster, who invariably follows on the heels of that pioneer, is also the most expert "houn' dawg" to rouse the wildcatter. Canadians have too often wakened up only at the wildcat stage, and British capital has come in to reorganize inflated and collapsed properties on a purely investment basis. The American pioneer does nothing on an investment basis. He goes in on a wild and rampant dare-devil gamble. If he loses--as lose he often does--he takes his medicine and never whines. If he wins, the welkin rings. What happened in Kootenay was largely repeated ten years later in Klondike and ten years yet later in Cobalt, and it must not be forgotten that when Canadian capital refused to bond the nickel mines of Sudbury, it was American capital that dared the risk. What happened in the mining booms was only a faint foreshadowing of the furore that broke to a madness in real estate when American settlers began crossing the boundary in tens and hundreds of thousands a year. Canadians knew they had wonderfully fertile farming land. Hadn't they been telling themselves so since confederation, when they pledged the credit of Canada to build a transcontinental? They knew they had the most fertile wheat lands on earth, but what was the use of knowing that when you could not sell those lands for fifty cents an acre? What was the use of raising forty bushels of wheat to the acre, when you burned it in the stack or fed it to cattle worth only ten dollars a head, because you could get neither wheat nor cattle to market? You really believed you had the best land on earth, but what good did the belief do you? Sons and daughters forsook the Canadian farmstead for the United States. Between the early eighties and the early nineties, of Canada's population of five millions, over a million--some estimates place it at a million and a half--Canadians left the Dominion for the United States. You find the place names of Ontario all through Michigan and Wisconsin and Minnesota and the two Dakotas; and you find Jean Ba'tiste drifting from the lumber woods of Quebec to the Upper Peninsula of Michigan and to the redwoods of California and to the yellow pine uplands of the Southwestern Desert. I have met men who worked for my brothers in the lumber woods of Wisconsin down among the yellow pines of the Arizona Desert. All that was back in the decrepit and languid and hopesick nineties. It was then you could see the skies of Southern Manitoba luridly aflame at night with wheat stacks it didn't pay to thresh. Came a turn of the wheel! Was it Destiny or Providence? We talk mistily of Cause and Effect, but who drops the Cause that turns the Wheel? Who of us that witnessed the crazy gold stampede to Kootenay and the crazier stampede to Klondike could guess that the backwash of those foolish tidal waves of gold-mad humanity would people the Northwest? Why, we were mad with alarm over the gold stampede! Men pitched their homesteads to the winds and trekked penniless for the mines. Women bought mining shares for a dollar that were not worth ten cents. Clerks, railroad hands, seamstresses, waitresses--all were infected by the mania. In vain the wheat provinces pointed out that one single year's wheat crop would exceed in value all the gold mined in the North in fifty years. Nothing could stem the madness. You could pave Kootenay with the fortunes lost there or go to Klondike by the bones of the dead bleaching the trail. But behold the unexpected Effect! Adventurers from all the earth rushing to the gold mines passed over unpeopled plains of seeming boundlessness. Land in the western states was selling at this time at from seventeen dollars in the remote sections to seventy-five dollars an acre near markets. Here was land in these Canadian plains to be had for nothing but the preemption fee of ten dollars and three years' residence. "I didn't take up a homestead meaning to farm it," said a disappointed fortune seeker to me on the banks of the Saskatchewan. "I did it because I was dead broke, and it seemed to me the easiest way to make three thousand dollars. I could earn three dollars a day well-driving, and then at the end of my homestead term sell this one hundred and sixty acres for three thousand dollars." Do you appreciate the amazing optimistic confidence of this bankrupt argonaut? We could not sell that land for fifty cents an acre. To use the words of a former Minister of the Interior, "We could not bring settlers in by the scruff of the neck and dump them on the land." (There had been fewer than two thousand immigrants the year that minister made that apology for hard times to an audience in Winnipeg.) But this penniless settler had seen it happen in his own home state of Iowa. He had seen land increase in value from nothing an acre to ten dollars and twenty dollars and seventy-five dollars and one hundred dollars, and he sat him down on the bare prairie in a tar-papered shanty to help the same process along in Canada. He never had the faintest shadow of a doubt of his hopes materializing. He had gambled on the gold and he had lost; and behold him casting another throw of the dice in the face of Fate, and gambling on the land; and please note--he won out. He was one of the multitude who won out of the land what they had lost on gold--who plowed out of the prairie what they had sunk in a hole in the ground in a mine! Another twist of the capricious Wheel of Fate! We didn't send Clifford Sifton down from the West to boom Canada. We didn't know a boom was coming. Nobody saw it. Clifford Sifton was one of the youngest Cabinet Ministers ever appointed in Canada. There was a fight on between the Province of Manitoba and the Dominion government as to the right of the province to abolish separate schools. Had the province exceeded its rights? The dispute was non-religious at first, but finally developed into a bitter Catholic versus Protestant controversy. Not all Protestants wanted non-religious schools; but when Catholic Quebec said that Protestant Manitoba should not have non-religious schools, a furious little tempest waxed in a furious little teapot. The entrenched government of Sir John Macdonald, who had died some few years previously, went down in defeat before Laurier, the Liberal, the champion of Quebec and at the same time the defender of Manitoba rights. Cardinal Merry del Val came from Rome, and the dispute was literally squelched. It was never settled and comes up again to this day; but the point was the champion of Manitoba, Clifford Sifton, entered the Dominion Cabinet just as the Klondike boom broke. He saw the backwash of disappointed gold seekers. He realized the enormous possibilities of free advertising for Canada, and he launched such a campaign of colonization for Canada as the most daring optimist hardly dreamed. Agents were appointed in every hamlet and city and town in the western states--especially those states like Iowa and Illinois and Minnesota and Wisconsin, where land was becoming high priced. The personal testimony of successful farmers was bill-posted from station platform to remotest barb-wire fence. The country was literally combed by Sifton agents. Big land companies which had already exploited colonization schemes in the western states pricked up their ears and sent agents to spy out the land. Those agents may have deluded themselves that they went to Canada secretly; it is a safe wager that Sifton's agents prodded them to activity at one end and Sifton's agents caught and piloted and plied them with facts at the other end. I know of land that English colonization companies had failed to sell at fifty cents an acre that was sold at this time to these American companies at five dollars and resold by them at fourteen dollars to thirty dollars. Such profits are the best advertisement for a propaganda. There followed a land boom compared to which the gold boom had been mild. American settlers came in special cars, in special trains, in relays of special trains. Before Canada had wakened up to it fifty thousand American settlers had trekked across the border. You met them in Peace River. You met them at Athabasca. You met them on far reaches of the Saskatchewan. And land jumped in value from five dollars to fifteen dollars, from fifteen dollars to thirty dollars an acre. When Canada's yearly immigration reached the proportions of four hundred thousand--half Americans--it is not exaggerating to say the prairie took fire. Villages grew into cities overnight. Edmonton and Calgary and Moose Jaw and Regina--formerly jumping-off places into a no-man's-land--became metropolitan cities of twenty-five to fifty thousand people. If every American settler averaged fifteen hundred dollars on his person at this period--as customs entries prove--it may be confidently set down that his value as a producer and worker was another fifteen hundred dollars. Wheat exports jumped to over one hundred million dollars a year. Flour mills and elevators financed by western American capital strung across the prairie like beads on a string. If this was an "Americanizing of Canada," it was not a bad thing. Every part of Canada felt the quickened pulse. Two more transcontinental railroads had to be built. All-red routes of round-the-globe steam ships were established; all-red round-the-world cables were laid. The quickened pulse was Canada's passing from hobble-de-hoy adolescence with a chip on the shoulder and a tremor in the throat to big strong, silent, self-confident manhood. John Bull is a curious and dour foster father in some of his moods. He never really wakened up to Canada as a desirable place for his numerous family to settle till he saw Jonathan's coat tails going over the fence of the border--till somebody began to howl about "the Americanizing of Canada." Then, in the words of the illustrious Governor-General, "what was good enough for Americans was good enough" for him. Clifford Sifton's agents had been combing the United Kingdom as they had combed the western states. British immigration jumped from almost nothing to a total of 687,067 in ten years--with accelerating totals every year since. If this was "the Americanizing of Canada," it was a good thing for the Dominion. III There was another feature to the tidal wave of four hundred thousand immigrants a year. The American is a born pioneer, a born gambler, a born adventurer. The Englishman is a steady-going, dogged-as-does-it plodder. The American will risk two dollars on the chance of making ten dollars; he often loses the two dollars, and he often makes the ten dollars; from his general prosperity, I should say the latter results oftener than the former; but the American never in the least minds blazing the trail and stumping his toe and coming a hard fall. John Bull does. He takes himself horribly seriously. He will never risk two dollars to gain ten dollars. He will not, in fact, spend the two dollars till he is sure of four per cent. on it. Four per cent. on two dollars and ten dollars on two dollars do not belong to the same category of investment. Jonathan makes the ideal pioneer; John Bull, the ideal permanent settler who comes in and buys from the pioneer. If this, too, be "the Americanizing of Canada," it has been a good thing for the country. To be sure, there have been hideous horrible abuses. The real estate boom reached the proportions of a fevered madness before it collapsed. Americans bought r_an_ches for five dollars an acre and resold them as r_awn_ches for fifty dollars to young Englishmen who will never make a cent on their investment; chiefly because fruit trees take from five to ten years to come to maturity, and because fruit must be near a market, and because only an expert can succeed at fruit. If ever wildcat flourished in a gold camp or gambling joint, and that wildcat did not hie to Canada when the real estate boom broke loose, the wildcat species not in evidence was too rare to be classified. Property in small cities sold at New York and Chicago values. Suburban lots were staked out round small towns in areas for a London or a Paris, and the lots were sold on instalment plan to small investors, many of whom bought in hope of resale before payments could accrue. City taxes for these suburban improvements increased to a great burden. Fortunes were made and lost overnight. Railroad bonds were guaranteed plentifully enough to pave the prairie. All this applies chiefly to city real estate. Inflation beyond investment basis never touched farm lands; but as a prominent editor remarked, "No fool thing that ever failed was half as improbable as the fool things that have succeeded. Men have literally been kicked into fortunes; and the carefulest man has often been the biggest fool by not biting till the last." The boom, of course, burst of its own inflation; but it is worthy of note that the year the boom collapsed immigration reached its highest figure--four hundred thousand. Whether the boom was good or bad for Canada is hard to determine. It left a great many fortunes in its wake and a great many wrecks; but naturally it did for the country what years of hope, years of dogged silent work, years of self-confidence could not do--it jolted Canada and the world into a consciousness of the Dominion's possibilities. It is like the true story of the finding of coal on Vancouver Island--a miner stubbed his toe and lo, a clod of earth split into a seam of shining worth! Practically the very same story of the advent of American energy and daring and optimism into the lumber industry of Canada could be told; but it is the same story as of the mines and the land, except that the Canadians on the ground first reaped larger profits. A few years ago scarcely an acre in British Columbia was owned by interests outside the province. To-day as far north as Prince Rupert the great lumbermen of the United States own the timber limits. Canadians bought these lands round four dollars and five dollars an acre. They sold at from one hundred dollars to one thousand dollars. One understands why American lumbermen to-day demand low tariff on Canadian lumber. East of the Rockies from Edmonton to Port Arthur the fringe of timber along the great rivers and lakes is owned by operators of Wisconsin and Louisiana. In Quebec the most valuable pulp wood limits--the last of the great pulp wood limits on the continent--are owned by New York interests. Undoubtedly all this means "the Americanizing of Canada" industrially. Will it result in the entrance of Big Business into politics? That is hard to answer. The door is not wide open to Big Business in politics for reasons that will appear in an account of how Canada is governed. If Americans have entered so powerfully into Canadian industrial life, why was reciprocity rejected? That, too, is an interesting story by itself. There is one subject on which Canada's inconsistency regarding "Americanizing influences" is almost laughable. It is the subject of the influence of periodical literature. Canadians are great lip-loyalists, but in all the history of Canada they have never accorded support to a national magazine that enabled that magazine to become worthy of the name. Facts are very damning testimony here. Very well--then--let us have the facts! There is one American weekly which has a larger circulation in every city in Canada than any daily in any city in Canada. Of the American monthlies of first rank, there is hardly one that has not a larger circulation in Canada than any Canadian magazine has ever enjoyed. Even Canadian newspapers are served by American syndicates and press associations. The influence of this flood of American thought in the currents of Canadian thought can not be exaggerated. It is subtle. It is intangible. It is irresistible. What Americans are thinking about, Canadians unconsciously are thinking, too. The influence makes for a community of sentiment that political differences can never disrupt, and it is a good thing for the race that this is so. It helps to explain why there is no fort between the two nations for three thousand miles. It may also be added that no Canadian writer can get access to the public in book form except through an American publisher. Unless the author assumes the cost or risk of publication, the Canadian publisher will rarely issue a book on his own responsibility. He sends the book to New York or to London, and from New York or London buys plates or sheets. This compels the Canadian book to have an Imperial or an American appeal. In literature, the modus operandi works; for the appeal is universal; but one might conceive of conditions demanding a purely national Canadian treatment, which New York or London publishers would not issue, when Canada would literally be damming the springs of her national literature. Canada considers her population too small to support a purely national literature. Not so reasons Belgium of smaller population; nor Ireland; nor Scotland. The fault here is primarily in the copyright law. A book published first in the United States gains international copyright. A book published first in Canada may be pirated in the United States or England; and on such printed editions no payment can be collected by the author. The profits in England and the United States were lost to authors on two of the most popular books ever published by Canadians. [1] [1] Charles Gordon's _Black Rock_, pirated from his own publisher, sale half a million; Kirby's _Chien d'Or_, sale one million. CHAPTER V WHY RECIPROCITY WAS REJECTED I If American capital and American enterprise dominate Canadian mines, Canadian timber interests, Canadian fisheries; if American elevators are strung across the grain provinces and American flour mills have branches established from Winnipeg to Calgary; if American implement companies and packing interests now universally control subsidiaries in Canada--why was reciprocity rejected? If it is good for Canada that American capital establish big paper mills in Quebec, why is it not good for Canada to have free ingress for her paper-mill products to American markets? The same of the British Columbia shingle industry, of copper ores, of wheat and flour products? If it is good for the Canadian producer to buy in the cheapest market and to sell in the highest, why was reciprocity rejected? Implements for the farm south of the border are twenty-five per cent. cheaper than in the Canadian Northwest. Canadian wheat milled in Minneapolis enjoys a lower freight rate and consequently a higher market than Canadian wheat milled in Europe, as sixteen and twenty-two are to forty and fifty cents--the former being the freight cost to a Minneapolis mill; the latter, the freight cost to a European mill. Why, then, was reciprocity rejected? From 1867, Canada had been intermittently seeking reciprocity with the United States. Now, at last, the offer of it came to her unsolicited. Why did she reject it by a vote that would have been unanimous but for the prairie provinces? Though the desire for reciprocity with the United States was exploited politically more by the Liberals--or low-tariff party--than by the Conservatives--the high-tariff party--both had repeatedly sent official and unofficial emissaries to Washington seeking tariff concessions. Tariff concessions were a plank in the Liberal platform from the days of Alexander MacKenzie. They were not a plank in the platform of the Conservative party for the sole reason that the high tariff on the American side forced a high tariff in self-defense on the Canadian side. Close readers of Sir John Macdonald's life must have been amazed to learn that one of his very first visits to Washington--contemporaneous with the Civil War period, when the United States were just launching out on a high-tariff policy--was for the purpose of seeking tariff favors for Canada. Failing to obtain even a favorable hearing, he observed the high-tariff trend at Washington, took a leaf out of his rival's book and returned to Canada to launch the high-tariff policy that dominated the Dominion for thirty years. Alexander MacKenzie, Blake, Mowat, George Brown, Laurier, Cartwright, Fielding--all the dyed-in-the-wool ultra Whigs of the Liberal party--practically held their party together for the thirty lean years out-of-office by promises and repeated promises of reciprocity with the United States the instant they came into office. They never seemed to doubt that the instant they did come into office and proffered reciprocity to the United States the offer would be accepted and reciprocated. It may be explained that all these old-line Liberals from MacKenzie to Laurier were free-traders of the Cobden-Bright school. They believed in free trade not only as an economic policy but as a religion to prevent the plundering of the poor by the rich, of the many by the few. One has only to turn to the back files of the _Montreal Witness_ and _Toronto Globe_ from 1871 to 1895--the two Liberal organs that voiced the extreme free-trade propaganda--to find this political note emphasized almost as a fanatical religion. The high-tariff party were not only morally wrong; they were predestinedly damned. I remember that in my own home both organs were revered next to the Bible, and this free-trade doctrine was accepted as unquestionably as the Shorter Catechism. II Well--Laurier came to power; and he gathered into his Cabinet all the grand old guard free-traders still alive. As soon as the Manitoba School Question was settled Laurier put his Manchester school of politics into active practice by granting tariff concessions on British imports. The act was hailed by free-trade England as a tribute of statesmanship. Laurier and Fielding were recognized as men of the hour. The next step was to carry out the promises of reciprocity with the United States. One can imagine Sir John Macdonald, the old chieftain of the high-tariff Conservatives, turning over in his grave with a sardonic grin--"Not so fast, my Little Sirs!" When twitted on the floor of the House over a high tariff oppressing farmers and favoring factories, Sir John had always disclaimed being a high-tariff man. He would have a low tariff for the United States, if the United States would grant Canada a low tariff--he had answered; but the United States would not grant Canada any tariff concessions. And the grand old guard of Whigs had jeered back that he was "a compromiser" and "a trimmer," who tacked to every breeze and never met an issue squarely in his life. If the Liberals had not been absolutely sincere men, they would not have ridden to such a hard and unexpected fall. They would, like Sir John, have trimmed to the wind; but they believed in free trade as they believed in righteousness; and they furthermore believed all they had to do was to ask for it to get it. Blake had retired from Canadian politics. George Brown of the _Globe_ was dead; Alexander MacKenzie had long since passed away; but the old guard rallied to the reciprocity cry. International negotiations opened at Quebec. They were not a failure. They were worse than a failure. They were a joke. High tariff was at its zenith in the United States. Every one of the American commissioners was a dyed-in-the-wool high-tariff man. It would be an even wager that not one man among them had ever heard of the Cobden-Bright Manchester School of Free Trade, by which the Laurier government swore as by an unerring Gospel. They had heard of McKinley and of Mark Hanna, but who and what were Cobden and Bright? What relation were Cobden and Bright to the G. O. P.? The negotiations were a joke to the United States and a humiliation to Canada. They were adjourned from Quebec to Washington; and from Washington, Fielding and Cartwright returned puzzled and sick at heart. They could obtain not one single solitary tariff concession. They found it was not a case of theoretical politics. It was a case of quid pro quo for a trade. What had Canada to offer from 1893 to 1900 that the United States had not within her own borders? Canada wanted to buy cheaper boots and cheaper implements and cheaper factory products generally. She wanted a higher market for her wheat and her meat and her fish and her crude metals and her lumber. She would knock off her tariff on American factory products, if the United States would knock off her tariff against Canadian farm products. One can scarcely imagine Republican politicians going to American farmers for votes on that platform. What had Canada to offer? She had meat and wheat and fish and timber and crude metals. Yes; but from 1893 to 1900 Uncle Sam had more meat and wheat and fish and timber and crude metals than he could digest industrially himself. Look at the exact figures of the case! You could buy pulp timber lands in the Adirondacks at from fifty cents to four dollars an acre. You could buy timber limits that were almost limitless in the northwestern states for a homesteader's relinquishment fee. Kansas farmers fed their wheat to hogs because it did not pay to ship it. Texas steers sold low as five dollars on the hoof. Crude metals were such a drug on the market that the coinage of free silver was suggested as a panacea. Canada hadn't anything that the United States wanted badly enough for any quid pro quo in tariff concessions. This was the time that Uncle Sam rejected reciprocity. Fielding, Laurier and Cartwright came home profoundly disappointed men; and--as stated before--old Sir John may have turned over in his grave with a sardonic grin. When Sir John had launched the Canadian Pacific Railroad to link Nova Scotia with British Columbia, when his government to huge land grants had added cash loans, when he had offered bonuses for factories and subsidies for steamships--no one had sent home such bitter shafts of criticism as these old-guard Liberals hungry for office. Why give away public lands? Why push railroads in advance of settlement? Why build railroads when there were no terminals, and terminals when there were no steamships? Why subsidize steamships, when there were no markets? Was it not more natural to trade with neighbors a handshake across the way than with strange nations across the ocean? I have heard these barbed interrogations launched by Liberals at Conservatives with such bitterness that the wives of Conservative members would not bow to the wives of Liberal members met in the corridors of Parliament. Now mark what happened when the free-trade Liberals found they could obtain no tariff concessions from the United States! They had gibed Sir John for committing the country to one transcontinental railroad. They now launched two more transcontinental railroads--east and west, not north and south. Subsidies were poured into the lap of steamship companies to attract them to Canadian ports; and thirty-eight millions in all were spent improving navigation in the St. Lawrence. Wherever Clifford Sifton sent agents to drum up settlers trade agents were sent to drum up markets. Then--as Sir Richard Cartwright acknowledged--the Liberals were traveling in the most tremendous luck. An era of almost opulent prosperity seemed to come over the whole world. Gold was discovered in Klondike. Germany opened unexpected markets for copper ores. Number One Hard Wheat became famous in Europe. Canadian apples, Canadian butter, Canadian meats began to gather a fame of their own. Canada was no longer dependent on American markets. There was more demand for Canadian products in European markets than could be filled. Then came the tidal wave of colonists. This created an exhaustless market for farm produce within Canada's borders, and within three years--in spite of the tariff--imports of manufacturers from the United States doubled. American factories and flour mills and lumber mills sprang up on the Canadian side by magic. In this era Canada was actually importing ten million dollars' worth of food a year for one western province, and the cost of living in ten years increased fifty-one per cent. III Came a turn in the wheel! The wheel has a tricky way of turning up the unexpected between nations. A new era had come to the United States. Kansas was no longer feeding wheat to hogs. In fact, the decrease in wheat exports had become so alarming that men like Hill of Great Northern fame and James Wilson, Secretary of Agriculture, actually predicted that there would come a day of bread famine in the United States. The population of the United States had grown faster than the country's production of food. There was an appalling decrease of meat animals. American packers were establishing branch houses all through Canada. As for metals, with the superabundance of gold from Yukon and Nevada, there did not seem any limit to the world's power to absorb what was produced. The almost limitless timber lands of the northwestern states passed into the hands of the great trusts. Buyers of print paper in the United States became alarmed at the impending shortage of wood pulp. It was not unnatural that the same thought came to many minds in the United States at once. "If we had free trade, we could bring Canada's raw products in and build up our factories here instead of in Canada," was the gist of the manufacturer's argument. "If we had free trade, it would reduce the cost of living," was the gist of the city consumer's argument. Canadian lumber, Canadian meat, Canadian wheat could be brought across and manufactured on the American side. For the first time the American manufacturer became a free trader. Practically there was only one section in the United States opposed to reciprocity with Canada; that was the American farmer, and his opposition was more negative than positive. It is hard to say who voiced the desire for reciprocity first. Possibly the buyers of print paper. At all events, there was at Ottawa a Governor-General of the Manchester School of Free Trade. There was editing the _Toronto Globe_--the main Liberal organ--a worthy successor of George Brown as an exponent of the Manchester School of Free Trade. Shortly after this editor--a man of brilliant forceful character--had met President Taft and Joe Cannon in Washington, the Governor-General of Canada was the guest of Governor Hughes at Albany and there met President Taft. Of the old guard of free traders, there were still a few in Laurier's Cabinet, and Laurier himself was as profoundly and sincerely a free trader in power as he had been out of office. Enemies aver that the Laurier government now launched reciprocity to divert public attention from criticism of the railroad policy, in which there had undoubtedly been great incompetency and gross extravagance--an extravagance more of a recklessly prosperous era than of dishonesty--but this motive can hardly be accepted. If Laurier had launched reciprocity as a political dodge, he would have sounded public opinion and learned that it was no longer with him on tariff concessions; but because he was absolutely sincere in his belief in the Cobden-Bright Gospel of Free Trade, he rode for a second time to a humiliating fall. A trimmer would have sounded public opinion and pretended to lead it while really following. Laurier believed he was right and launched out on that belief. IV There was probably never at any time a more conspicuous example of politicians mistaking a rear lantern for a headlight. I had come East from a six months' tour of the northwestern states and Northwestern Canada. I chanced to meet a magazine editor who for twenty years had been the closest exponent of Republican politics in New York. The Canadian elections were to be held that very day. In Canada a party does not launch a new policy like reciprocity without going to the country for the electorate's approval or condemnation. The editor asked me if I would mind reading over a ten-page advance editorial congratulating both countries on the endorsation of reciprocity. I was paralyzed. I was a free trader and had been trained to love and revere Laurier from childhood; but I knew from cursory observation in the West that there was not a chance, nor the shadow of a chance, for reciprocity to be endorsed by the Canadian people. The editor would not believe me. He was in close touch with Taft. He sat up overnight to get returns from Canada, and the next night I left for Ottawa to get the views of Robert Borden, Canada's new Conservative Premier, as to why it had happened. It had happened because it could not have happened otherwise, though neither President Taft nor Premier Laurier, neither the editor of the _Globe_ nor the free-trade Governor-General seemed to have the faintest idea what was happening. Canada rejected reciprocity now for precisely the same reason that Uncle Sam had rejected reciprocity ten years before--because Uncle Sam had no quid pro quo, no equivalent in values to offer, which Canada wanted badly enough to make trade concessions. Said Canada: you have exhausted your own lumber; you want our lumber; pay for it. You want it so badly that you will ultimately put lumber on the free list without any concession from us. Meanwhile, for us to remove the tariff would simply lead to our lumber going across the line to be manufactured. It would build up your mills instead of ours. The higher you keep the tariff against our lumber the better pleased we'll be; for you will have to build more and more mills on our side of the line. We are even prepared to put an export duty on logs to compel you to keep on building mills on our side of the line. This was the argument that swayed and won the vote in British Columbia and Quebec. A similar argument as to wheat and meat swayed the prairie provinces and Ontario. From Montreal to Vancouver there is hardly a hamlet that has not some American industry, packing house, lumber mill, flour mill, elevator, machine shop, motor factory, which operates on the Canadian side of the border because the tariff wall compels it to do so. These industries have doubled and trebled the populations of cities like Montreal, Hamilton, Winnipeg, Vancouver, Calgary, Moose Jaw. Would removal of the tariff bring more industries to these cities or move them south of the border? The cities voted almost to a man against reciprocity. Allied with the cities were the great transportation systems running east and west. Reciprocity to divert traffic north and south seemed a menace to their receipts. To a man these systems were against reciprocity. You have forced us to work out our own Destiny, said Canada. Very well--now that we are at the winning post, don't divert us from the goal! We love you as neighbors; we welcome you as settlers; we embrace you as investors; but when we came to you, you rejected us. Now you must come to us! Deep beneath all the jingoism these were the economic factors that rejected reciprocity. It is all a curious illustration of the difference between practical and theoretical politics. Theoretically both parties have been free traders in Canada. Practically free trade had thrown them both down. Theoretically Canada rejects reciprocity. Practically trade across the boundary has increased one hundred per cent. since she rejected reciprocity. Theoretically Canada was protecting her three transcontinental systems when she rejected reciprocity. Practically the growth of lines with running rights across the boundary has increased from _sixteen_ to _sixty-four_ in ten years. When American industries have become rooted in Canadian soil beyond possibility of transplanting, no doubt the fear will be removed; and at the present rate of the increase of trade between the two countries the tariff wall must become an anachronism, if it be not worn down by sheer force of trade attrition. Comical incidents are related of the Canadian fear in individual cases. There was a Scotch school trustee in Calgary. He had voted Whig-Liberal-dyed-in-the-wool free trade for forty years--from the traditions of reciprocity under Alexander Mackenzie. A Canadian flag was flying above the fine new Calgary school. The Scotchman was going to the polls by street-car. An excursion of American home seekers had just come in, and one of the variety to essay placing an American flag on the pyramids had taken a glass too much. He began haranguing the street-car. "So that's the old Can-a-dáy flag," said he. "You jus' wait till to-morrow and, boys, you'll see another flag above that thar school 'ouse!" Now a Scotchman is vera' serious. The Scotch trustee gave one glowering look at that drunken prophet; and he rang the street-car bell; and he went at the patter of a dead run to the polling place; and for the first time in his life he voted, not Whig, not free trade, not reciprocity and Laurier, but Tory and high tariff. [1] It should be added here that the tariff reductions on food under President Wilson have justified Canada's rejection of reciprocity. Canadian farm products have gained freer access to the American market without a quid pro quo. [1] Opponents of reciprocity in the United States made skilful use of Canadian touchiness on such matters, and not all such expressions as that quoted above were spontaneous.--THE EDITOR. CHAPTER VI THE COMING OF THE ENGLISH For a hundred years England's colonies have been distinctively dependencies--self-governing dependencies, if you will, in the case of Canada and Australia--but distinctively dependent on the Mother Country for protection from attack by land and sea. Has the day come when these colonies, are to be, not lesser, but greater nations--offshoots of the parent stock but transcending in power and wealth the parent stock--a United Kingdom of the Outer Meres, becoming to America and Australasia what Great Britain has been to Europe? Ten years ago this question would have been considered the bumptious presumption of flamboyant fancy. It isn't so considered to-day. Rather than a flight of fancy, the question is forced on thinking minds by the hard facts of the multiplication table. Between 1897 and 1911 there came to Canada 723,424 British colonists; and since 1911 there have come half a million more. At the outbreak of the war settlers of purely British birth were pouring into Canada at the rate of two hundred thousand a year. A continuation of this immigration means that in half a century, not counting natural increase, there will be as many colonists of purely British birth in Canada as there are Americans west of the Mississippi, or as there were Englishmen in England in the days of Queen Elizabeth. It means more--one-fourth of the United Kingdom will have been transplanted overseas. If there be any doubt as to whether the transplanting be permanent, it should be settled by homestead entries. In one era of something less than three years out of 351,530 men, women and children who came, sixty thousand entered for homesteads. In other words, if each householder were married and had a family of four, almost the entire immigration of 351,530 was absorbed in permanent tenure by the land. The drifters, the floaters, the disinherited of their share of earth became landowners, proprietors of Canada to the extent of one hundred and sixty acres. From 1897 to 1911 the Canadian government spent $2,419,957 advertising Canada in England and paying a bonus of one pound per capita to steamship agents for each immigrant; so that each colonist cost the Dominion something over three dollars. I have heard immigration officials figure how each colonist was worth to the country as a producer fifteen hundred dollars a year. This is an excessive estimate, but the bargain was a good one for Canada. In 1901, when Canada's population was five millions, there were seven hundred thousand people of British birth in the Dominion; so that of Canada's present population of 7,800,000, there are in the Dominion a million and a half people of British birth.[1] Averaging winter with summer for ten years, colonists of British birth have been landing on Canada's shores at the rate of three hundred a day. Canada's natural increase is under one hundred thousand a year. British colonists are to-day yearly outnumbering Canada's natural increase. Only two other such migrations of Saxon blood have taken place in history: when the Angles and Jutes and Saxons came in plunder raids to English shores at the dawn of the Christian Era; when in the seventeenth century Englishmen came to America; and both these tides of migration were as a drop in an ocean wave compared to the numbers of English born now flooding to the shores of Canada. Knowing the Viking spirit that rode out to conquer the very elements in the teeth of death, it is easy to look back and realize that these Angles and Jutes and Saxons were bound to found a great sea empire. So, too, of the New England Puritans! Men who sacrificed their all for a political and religious belief were bound to build of such belief foundation for a sturdy nation of the future. It is easy to look back and realize. It is hard to look forward with eyes that see; but one must be a very opaque thinker, indeed, not to wonder what this latest vast migration of Saxon blood portends for future empire. The Jutes and Angles and Saxons poured into ancient Albion for just one reason--to acquire each for his own freehold of land. Look at the ancient words! Freehold of land! For what else have a million and a half British born come to the free homesteads of Canada? For freehold of land--land unoppressed by taxes for war lords; land unoppressed by tithes for landlord; land absolutely free to the worker. That such a migration should break in waves over Canadian life and leave it untouched, uninfluenced, unswerved, is as inconceivable as that the Jutes and Angles and Saxons could have settled in ancient Albion and not made it their own. II For years Canada was regarded chiefly in England as a dumping ground for slums. "You have broken your mother's heart," thundered an English magistrate to a young culprit. "You have sent your father in sorrow to the grave. Why--I ask you--do you not go to Canada?" That such material did not offer the best fiber for the making of a nation in Canada did not dawn on this insular magisterial dignitary; and the sentiments uttered were reflected in the activities of countless philanthropies that seemed to think the porcine could be transmogrified into the human by a simple transfer from the pig-sty of their own vices and failure to the free untrammeled life of a colony. Fortunately Canada has a climate that kills men who won't work. Men must stand on their own feet in Canada, and keep those feet hustling in winter--or die. It is not a land for people who think; the world owes them a living. They have to earn the living and earn it hard, and if they don't earn it, there are neither free soup kitchens nor maudlin charities to fill idle stomachs with some other man's earnings. "Why do you think so many young Englishmen fail to make good in Canada?" I asked a young Yorkshire mill hand who had come to Canada with his five brothers and homesteaded nearly a thousand acres on the north bank of the Saskatchewan. The house was built of logs and clay. There was not a piece of store furniture in it except the stove. The beds were berths extemporized ship-fashion, with cowhides and bear-skins for covering. The seats were benches. The table was a rough-hewn plank. These young factory hands had things reduced to the simplicity of a Robinson Crusoe. They had come out each with less than one hundred dollars, but they had their nine hundred and sixty acres proved up and wintered some ten horses and thirty head of cattle in a sod and log stable. They had acquired what small ready cash they could by selling oats and hay to newcomers. The hay they sold at four dollars a ton, the oats at thirty cents a bushel. The boy I questioned had all the characteristics of the overworked factory hand--abnormally large forehead, cramped chest, half-developed limbs. Yet the health of outdoor life glowed from his face, and he looked as if his muscles had become knotted whipcords. "Why do I think so many young Englishmen fail to make good settlers?" he repeated, changing my question a little. "Because, up to a few years ago, the wrong kind of people came. The only young Englishmen who came up to a few years ago were no-goods, who had failed at home. They were the kind of city scrubs who give up a job when it is hard and then run for free meals at the soup kitchen. There aren't any soup kitchens out here, and when they found they had to work before they could eat, they cleared out and gave the country the blame. Men who are out of work half the time at home get into the habit of depending on charity keeping them. When you are a hundred miles from a railroad town, there isn't any charity to keep you out here; you have to hustle for yourself. But there is a different class of Englishmen coming now. The men coming now have worked and want to work." And yet--at another point a hundred miles from settlement I came on a woman who belonged to that very type that ought never to emigrate. She was a woman picked out of the slums by a charity organization. She had presumably been scrubbed and curried and taught household duties before being shipped in a famous colony to Canada. The colony went to pieces in a deplorable failure on facing its first year of difficulties, but she had married a Canadian frontiersman and remained. She wore all the slum marks--bad teeth, loose-feeble-will in the mouth, furtive whining eyes. She was clean personally and paraded her religion in unctuous phrase; but I need only to tell a Canadian that she had lived in her shanty three years and it was still bare of comfort as a biscuit box, to explain why the Dominion regards this type as unsuitable for pioneering. The American or Canadian wife of a frontiersman would have had skin robes for rugs, biscuit boxes painted for bureaus, and chairs hand-hewn out of rough timber upholstered in cheap prints. But the really amazing thing was the condition of her children. They were fat, rosy, exuberant in health and energy. They were Canadians. In a decade they would begin to fill their place as nation makers. Back in England they would have gone to the human scrap heap in hunger and rags. Ten years of slums would have made them into what their mother was--an unfit; but ten years of Canada was making them into robust humans capable of battling with life and mastering it. The line is a fine one and needs to be drawn with distinction. Canada does not begrudge the down-and-outs, the failures, the disinherited, the dispossessed, a chance to begin over again. She realizes that she has room, boundless room, for such as they are to succeed--and many more; but what she can not and will not do is assume the burden of these people when they come to Canada and will not try and fail. What she can not and will not do is permit Europe to clean her pig-sties of vice and send the human offal to Canadian shores. Children, strays, waifs, reforms--who have been taken and tested and tried and taught to support themselves--she welcomes by the thousands. In fact, she has welcomed 12,260 of them in ten years, and the cases of lapses back to failure have been so small a proportion as to be inconsiderable. In the early days, "the remittance man"--or young Englishman living round saloons in idleness on a small monthly allowance from home--fell into bad repute in Canada; and it didn't help his repute in the least to have a title appended to his remittance. Unless he were efficient, the title stood in his way when he applied for a job, whether as horse jockey or bank clerk. Canadians do not ask--"_Who_ are you?" or "_What_ have you?" but "_What can you do?_" "What can you do to add to the nation's yearly output of things done--of a solid plus on the right side of the yearly balance?" It is a brutal way of putting things. It does not make for poetry and art. It may be sordid. I believe as a people we Canadians, perhaps, do err on the sordid side of the practical, but it also makes for solidity and national strength. Ten years have witnessed a complete change in the class of Englishmen coming to Canada. The drifter, the floater, the make-shift, rarely comes. The men now coming are the land-seekers--of the blood and type that settled England and New England and Virginia--of the blood and type, in a word, that make nations. Hard on the heels of the land-seekers have come yet another type--the type that binds country to country in bonds tighter than any international treaty--the investors of surplus capital. III It is possible to keep a record of American investments in Canada; because possessions are registered more or less approximately at ports of entry and in bills of incorporation; but the English investor has acted through agents, through trust and loan companies, through banks. He is the buyer of Canada's railway stocks, of her municipal, street railway, irrigation and public works bonds. Of Canadian railroad bonds and stocks, there are $395,000,000 definitely known to be held in England. Municipal and civic bonds must represent many times that total, and the private investments in land have been simply incalculable. The Lloyd George system of taxation was at once followed by enormous investments by the English aristocracy in Canada. These investments included large holdings of city property in Montreal and Winnipeg and Vancouver, of ranch lands in Alberta, town sites along the new railroads, timber limits in British Columbia and copper and coal mines in both Alberta and British Columbia. The Portland, Essex, Sutherland and Beresford families have been among the investors. It does not precisely mean the coming of an English aristocracy to Canada, but it does mean the implanting of an enormous total of the British aristocracy's capital in Canada for long-time investment. It would be untrue to say that these investments have all been wisely made. One wonders, indeed, at what the purchasing agents were aiming in some cases. I know of small blocks in insignificant railroad towns bought for sixty thousand dollars, for no other reason, apparently, than that they cost ten thousand dollars and had been sold for twenty thousand dollars. The block, which would yield twenty per cent. on ten thousand dollars, yields only three per cent. on sixty thousand dollars. Held long enough, doubtless, it will repay the investor; or if the investor is satisfied with three per cent., where Canadians earn twenty per cent.--it may be all right; but Canadians expect their investments to repay capital cost in ten years, and they do not buy for profits to posterity but for profits in a lifetime. Similarly of many of the r_an_ches bought at five dollars an acre by Americans and resold as r_awn_ches at twenty-five dollars to forty dollars to Englishmen. If the Englishmen will be satisfied with two and three per cent., where the American demands and makes twelve to twenty per cent.--the investment may make satisfactory returns; but it is hard to conceive of enormous tracts two and three hundred miles from a railroad bought for fruit lands at twenty-five dollars an acre. Fruit without a market is worse than waste. It is loss. When questioned, these English investors explain how raw fruit lands that sold at twenty-five dollars an acre a few years ago in the United States to-day sell for five hundred dollars and one thousand dollars an acre. The point they miss is--that these top values are the result of exceptional conditions; of millionaires turning a region into a playground as in the walnut and citrus groves of California; or of nearness to market and water transportation; or of peculiarly finely organized marketing unions. If the rich estates of England like to take these risks, it is their affair; but they must not blame Canada if their investment does not give them the same returns as more careful buying gives the Canadian and American. Not all investments are of this extravagant character. Hundreds of thousands of acres and city properties untold have been bought by English investors who will multiply their capital a hundredfold in ten years. I know properties bought along the lines of the new railroads for a few hundred dollars that have resold at twenty thousand and thirty thousand and fifty thousand. It is such profits as these that lure to wrong investment. Horse and cattle ranching has appealed to the Englishman from the first, and as great fortunes have been realized from it in Canada as in Argentina. However, the day of unfenced pasture ground is past; and in reselling ranches for farms, many English investors have multiplied their fortunes. In the outdoor life and freedom from conventional cares--there has been a peculiar charm in ranch life. In no life are the grit and efficiency of the well-bred in such marked contrast with the puling whine and shiftlessness of the settler from the cesspool of the city slums. I have gone into a prairie shanty where an Englishwoman sat in filth and rags and idleness, cursing the country to which she had come and bewailing in cockney English that she had come to this; and I have gone on to an English ranch where there presided some young Englishman's sister, who had literally never done a stroke in her life till she came to Canada, when in emergency of prairie fire, or blizzard, or absent ranch hands, she has saddled her horse and rounded to shelter herds of cattle and droves of ponies. She didn't boast about it. She probably didn't mention it, and when winter came, she would go off for her holiday to England or California. Having come of blood that had proved itself fit in England, she proved the same strain of blood in Canada; and to this class of English Canada gives more than a welcome. She confers charter rights. Lack of domestic help will long be the great drawback for English people on the prairie. You may bring your help with you if you like. If they are single, they will marry. If they are married, they will take up land of their own and begin farming for themselves. It is this which forces efficiency or exterminates--on the prairie. Let no woman come to the prairie with dolce far niente dreams of opalescent peaks, of fenceless fields and rides to a horizon that forever recedes, with a wind that sings a jubilate of freedom. All these she will have; but they are not ends in themselves; they are incidental. Days there will be when the fat squaw who is doing the washing will put all the laundry in soap suds, then roll down her sleeves and demand double pay before she goes on. Prairie fires will come when men are absent, and women must know how to set a back fire; and whether the ranch hands are near or far, stock must never be allowed to drive before a blizzard. The woman with iron in her blood will meet all fate's challenges halfway and master every emergency. The kind that has a rabbit heart and sits down to weep and wail should not essay adventures in the Canadian West. IV I said that England's colonies depended on the Mother Country for protection from attack by land and sea. Of the vessels calling at Canadian ports, three-fifths are British, one-fifth foreign, and one-fifth Canadian. Whore England is the great sea carrier for Europe, Canada has not wakened up to establish enough sea carriers for her own needs. Canada's exports to the whole British Empire are almost two hundred millions a year.[2] Her aggregate trade with the British Empire has increased three hundred per cent. since confederation, or from one hundred and seven to three hundred and sixteen millions. With the United States, her aggregate trade has increased from eighty-nine to six hundred and eight millions. For one dollar's worth she buys in England, she buys four dollars' worth in the United States. Here trade is not following the flag, and the flag is not following trade. Trade is following its own channels independent of the flag. V What is the future portent of the great migration of Englishmen of the best blood and traditions to Canada? There can be only one portent--a Greater Britain Overseas, and Canada herself has not in the slightest degree wakened to what this implies. She knows that her railroads are a safe and shorter path to the Orient than by Suez; and in a cursory way she may also know that the nations of the world are maneuvering for place and power on the Pacific; but that she may be drawn into the contest and have to fight for her life in it--she hardly grasps. If you told Canada that within the life of men and women now living her Pacific Coast may bristle with as many forts and ports as the North Sea--you would be greeted with an amused smile. Yet all this may be part of the destiny of a Greater Britain Overseas. With men such as Sir John Macdonald and Laurier and Borden on the roster roll of Canada's great, one dislikes to charge that Canadian statesmen have not grown big enough for their job. The Aztec Indians used to cement their tribal houses with human blood. Canada's part in the Great War may be the blood-sign above the lintel of her new nationality. [1] I have variously referred to Canada's population as five million, seven million, and over seven million. Five million was Canada's population before the great influx of colonists began. The census figures of 1911 give Canada's population as 7,204,838. Add to this the immigration for 1912, and you get the Department of Labor figures--7,758,000. If you add the immigration for 1913 the total must be close on 8,000,000. [2] The figures are from the official _Trade and Commerce Report_, Part I, 1914: They tabulate the trade of 1913 thus: Imports from United Kingdom, $138,741,736; imports from United States, $435,770,081. Average duty imports United Kingdom, 25.1. Average duty imports United States, 24.1. Per cent. of goods from U. K., 20.1; per cent. of goods from U. S., 65.1. Exports to United Kingdom, $177,982,002; exports to United States, $150,961,675. Percentage goods exported U. K., 47.1; percentage goods exported U. S., 40.1. CHAPTER VII THE COMING OF THE FOREIGNER So far scarcely a cloud appears on the horizon of Canada's national destiny. Like a ship launched roughly from her stays to tempests in shallow water, she seems to have left tempests and shallow water behind and to have sailed proudly out to the great deeps. In '37 she settled whether she would be ruled by special interests, by a plutocracy, by an oligarchy. In '67 she settled forever what in the United States would be called "states' rights." That is--she gathered the scattered members of her fold into one confederation and bound them together not only with the constitution of the British North America Act, but with bands of iron and steel in railways that linked Nova Scotia with British Columbia. By '77 she had met the menace of the American high tariff, which barred her from markets, and entered on a fiscal system of her own. By '87 her system of transportation east and west was in working order and she had begun the subsidizing of steamships and the search for world markets which have since resulted in a total foreign trade equal to one-fourth that of the United States. By '97 she was almost ready for the preferential tariff reduction of from twenty-five to thirty-three per cent. on British goods which the Laurier government later introduced, and she had established her right to negotiate commercial treaties with foreign powers independent of the Mother Country. By 1907 she was in the very maelstrom of the maddest real estate boom and immigration flood tide that a sane country could weather. In a word, Canada's greatest dangers and difficulties seem to have been passed. The sea seems calm and the sky fair. In reality, she is close to the greatest dangers that can threaten a nation--dangers within, not without; dangers, not physical, but psychological, which are harder to overcome; dangers of dilution and contamination of national blood, national grit, national government, national ideals. These are strong statements! Let us see if facts substantiate them! Canada's natural increase of population is only one-fourth her incoming tide of colonists. In a word, put her natural increase at eighty to one hundred thousand a year, and it is nearer eighty than one hundred thousand. Her immigration exceeds four hundred thousand. If that immigration were all British and all American there would be no problem; for though there are differences in government, both people have the same national ideal--utter freedom of opportunity for each man to work out the best in him. It is an even wager that the average Canadian coming to the United States is unaware of any difference in his freedom, and the average American coming to Canada is unaware of any difference in his freedom. Both people have fought and bled for freedom and treasure it as the most sacred thing in life. But this is not so of thirty-three per cent. of Canada's immigrants who do not speak English, much less understand the institutions of freedom to which they have come. If they had been worthy of freedom, or capable of making right use of it, they would have fought for it in the land from which they came, or died fighting for it--as Scotchmen and Irishmen and Englishmen and Americans have fought and bled for freedom wherever they have lived. A people unused to freedom suddenly plunged in freedom need not surprise us if they run amuck. II "This is mos' won'erful country," writes Tony to his brother in Italy. "They let us vote and they pay us two dollars to do it." "Yah, yah," answered a foreign mother in North Winnipeg to a school-teacher, trying to recall why her young hopeful had played truant. "Dat vas eelection--my boy, he not go--because Jacob--my man--he vote seven time and make seven dollar." (The whole family had been on a glorious seven-dollar drunk.) "Does this man understand for what he is voting?" demanded the election clerk of a Galician interpreter who had brought in a naturalized foreigner to vote. "Oh, yaas; I eexplain heem." "Can he write?" An indeterminate nod of the head; so the voter marks his ballot, and his vote counts for as much as that of the premier or president of a railroad. For years Canadians have pointed the finger of scorn at the notorious misgovernment of American cities, at the manner in which foreigners were herded to the polls by party bosses to vote as they were paid. The cases of a Louisiana judge impeached for issuing bogus certificates of citizenship to four hundred aliens and of New York courts that have naturalized ignorant foreigners in batches of twenty-five thousand in a few months have all pointed a moral or adorned a tale in Canada. Yet what is happening in Canada since the coming of hordes of ignorant immigrants? I quote what I have stated elsewhere, an episode typical of similar episodes, wherever the foreign vote herds in colonies. An election was coming on in one of the western provinces, where reside twenty thousand foreigners almost en bloc. The contest was going to be very close. Offices were opened in a certain block. Legally it requires three years to transform a foreigner into a voting Canadian subject. He must have resided in Canada three years before he can take out his papers. The process is simple to a fault. The newcomer goes before a county judge with proof of residence and two Canadian witnesses. He must not be a criminal, and he must be of age. That is all that is required to change a Pole or a Sicilian or a Slav into a free and independent Canadian fully competent to apprehend that voting implies duties and fitness as well as rights. The contest was going to be very close. A few of the party leaders could not bear to have those newcomers wait a long three years for naturalization. They got together and they forged in the same hand, the same manipulation, the signatures of three hundred foreigners, who did not know in the least what they were doing, to applications for naturalization papers--foreigners who had not been three months in Canada. If forgery did not matter, why should perjury? The perpetrators of this fraud happened to be provincial and of a stripe different politically from the federal government then in power at Ottawa. The other party had not been asleep while this little game was going on. The party heeler neither slumbers nor sleeps. The papers with those three hundred forged signatures--names in the writing of foreigners, who could neither read, write, nor speak a word of English--were sent down to the Department of Justice in Ottawa; and everybody waited for the explosion. The explosion did not come. Those perjuries and forgeries slumber yet, secure in the Department of Justice. For when the provincial politicians heard what had been done to trap them, they sent down a little message to the heelers of the party in power: If you go after us for _this_, we'll go after you for _that_; and perhaps the pot had better not call the kettle black. The chiefs of each party were powerless to act because the heelers of both parties had been alike guilty. It may be said that the fault here was not in the poor ignorant foreigner but in the corrupt Canadian politicians. That is true of Canada, as it is of similar practices in the United States; but the presence of the ignorant, irresponsible foreigner in hordes made the corruption possible, where it is neither possible nor safe with men of Saxon blood, with German, Scandinavian or Danish immigrants, for instance. III It is futile to talk of the poor and ignorant foreigner as a Goth or a Vandal--to talk of excluding the ignorant and the lowly. The floating "he-camps"--as these floating immigrants are called in labor circles--are to-day doing much of the manual work of the world. Canadian railways could not be built without them. Canadian industrial and farm life could not go on without them. They are needed from Halifax to Vancouver, and their labor is one of the wealth producers for the nation. And do not think for a moment that the wealth they produce is for capital--for the lords of finance and not for themselves. When Montenegrins, who earn thirty cents a day in their own land, earn eleven dollars a day on dynamite work constructing Canadian railroads, it is not surprising that they retire rich, and that the railroad for which they worked would have gone bankrupt if the Dominion had not come to its aid with a loan of millions. Likewise of Poles and Galicians in the coal mines. When Charles Gordon--Ralph Connor--was sent to investigate the strike in these mines he found foreigners earning seventeen dollars a day on piecework who had never earned fifty cents a day in their own land. I have in mind one Galician settler who has accumulated a fortune of $150,000 in perfectly legitimate ways in ten years. Even the Doukhobors--the eccentric Russian religious sect--hooted for their oddities of manner and frenzies of religion--are accumulating wealth in the Elbow of the Saskatchewan, where they are settled. From the national point of view Canada needs these foreign settlers. She needs their labor. Every man to her is worth fifteen hundred dollars in productive work. The higher wages he earns on piecework the more Canada is pleased; for the more work he has done. But at the present rate of peopling Canada these foreign born will in twenty years outnumber the native born. What will become of Canada's national ideals then? In one foreign section of the Northwest I once traveled a hundred miles through new settlements without hearing one word of English spoken; and these Doukhobors and Galicians and Roumanians and Slavs were making good. They were prospering exceedingly. Men who had come with less than one hundred dollars each and lived for the first years in crowded tenements of Winnipeg or under thatch-roof huts on the prairie now had good frame houses, stables, stock, modern implements. The story is told of one poor Russian who, when informed of the fact that the land would be his very own, fell to the earth and kissed the soil and wept. Such settlers make good on soil, whatever ill they work in a polling booth. Except for his religious vagaries, the Doukhobor Russian is law abiding. The same can not be said of the other Slav immigrants. Crime in the Northwest, according to the report of the Mounted Police, has increased appallingly. The crimes are against life rather than against property--the crimes of a people formerly kept in order by the constant presence of a soldier's bayonet run amuck in Canada with too much freedom. And the votes of these people will in twenty years out-vote the Canadian. These poverty-stricken Jews and Polacks and Galicians will be the wealth and power of Canada to-morrow. If you doubt what will happen, stroll down Fifth Avenue, New York, and note the nationality of the names. A Chicago professor carefully noted the nationality of all the names submitted in Chicago's elections for a term of years. Three-quarters of the names were of nationalities only one generation away from the Ghetto. Man to man on the prairie farm, in the lumber woods, your Canadian can out-do the Russian or Galician or Hebrew. The Canadian uses more brains and his aggregate returns are bigger; but boned down to a basis of _who_ can save the most and become rich fastest, your foreigner has the native-born Canadian beaten at the start. Where the Canadian earns ten dollars and spends eighty per cent. of it, your foreigner earns five dollars, and saves almost all of it. How does he do this? He spends next to nothing. Let me be perfectly specific on how he does it: I have known Russian, Hebrew, Italian families in the Northwest who sewed their children into their clothes for the winter and never permitted a change till spring. Your Canadian would buy half a dozen suits for his children in the interval. Your foreigner buys of furniture and furnishings and comforts practically nothing for the first few years. He sleeps on the floor, with straw for a bed, and he occupies houses twenty-four to a room--which is the actual report in foreign quarters in the north end of Winnipeg. Your Canadian requires a house of six rooms for a family of six. When your foreigner has accumulated a little capital he buys land or a city tenement. Your Canadian educates his children, clothes them a little better, moves into a better house. When the foreigner buys a block, he moves his whole family into one room in the basement and does the janitor and scrubbing and heating work himself or forces his women to do it for him. When the Canadian buys a block, he hires a janitor, an engineer, a scrub woman, and if he moves into the block, he takes one of the best apartments. It does not take any guessing to know which of these two will buy a second block first--especially if the foreigner lives on peanuts and beer, and the Canadian on beefsteak and fresh fruit. Nor does it take any guessing to know which type stands for the higher citizenship--which will make toward the better nation. IV The question is--will Canada remain Canada when these new races come up to power? And Canada need not hoot that question; or gather her skirts self-righteously and exclusively about her and pass by on the other side. The United States did that, and to-day certain sections of the foreign vote are powerful enough to dictate to the President. Take a little closer look at facts! Foreigners have never been rushed into Canada as cheap labor to displace the native born, so they have not, as in great American industrial centers, lowered the standard of living for Canadians. They have come attracted by two magnets that give them great power: (1) wages so high they can save; (2) land absolutely free but for the ten-dollar preemption fee. In 1881 there were six hundred and sixty-seven Jews in Canada. In 1901 there were sixteen thousand. To-day it is estimated there are twenty thousand each in Montreal, Toronto, Winnipeg. These Jews have not gone out to the land. They have crowded into the industrial centers reproducing the housing evils from which they fled the European Ghetto. There are sections of Winnipeg and Montreal and Toronto where the very streets reek of Bowery smells. When they go to the woods or the land, these people have not the stamina to stand up to hard work. Yet in the cities, by hook or crook, by push-cart and trade, they acquire wealth. On the charity organization of the cities they impose terrible burdens during Canada's long cold winter. In one section of the western prairie are 150,000 Galicians. Of Austrians and Germans--the Germans chiefly from Austria and Russia--there are 800,000 in Canada, or a population equal to the city of Montreal. Of Italians at last report there were fully 60,000 in Canada. In one era of seven years there took up permanent abode in Canada 121,000 Austrians, 50,000 Jews, 60,000 Italians, 60,000 Poles and Russians, 40,000 Scandinavians. When you consider that by actual count in the United States in 1900, 1,000 foreign-born immigrants had 612 children, compared to 1,000 Americans having 296 children, it is simply inconceivable but that this vast influx of alien life should not work tremendous and portentous changes in Canada's life, as a similar influx has completely changed the face of some American institutions in twenty years. Immigration to Canada has jumped from 54,000 in 1851-1861 to 142,000 in 1881-1891, and to 2,000,000 in 1901-1911. It has not come in feeble rivulets that lost their identity in the main current--as in the United States up to 1840. It has come to Canada in inundating floods. Chief mention has been made of the races from the south of Europe because the races from the north of Europe assimilate so quickly that their identity is lost. Of Scandinavians there are in Canada some fifty thousand; of Icelanders, easily twenty thousand; and so quickly do they merge with Canadian life that you forget they are foreigners. I was a child in Winnipeg when the first Icelanders arrived, and their rise has been a national epic. I do not believe the first few hundreds had fifty dollars among them. They slept under high board sidewalks for the first nights and erected tar-paper shanties on vacant lots the next day. In these they housed the first winter. Though we Winnipeggers did not realize it, it must have been a dreadful winter to them. Their clothing was of the scantest. Many were without underwear. They lived ten and twenty to a house. The men sawed wood at a dollar and a half a day. The women worked out at one dollar a day. In a few weeks each family had bought a cow and rudiments of winter clothes. By spring they had money to go out on their homesteads. During winter some of the grown men attended school to learn English. Teachers declared they never witnessed such swift mastery of learning. To-day the Icelanders are the most prosperous settlers in Manitoba. The same story could be told of German Mennonites driven from Russia by religious persecution and of Scandinavians driven abroad by poverty. Of course, the weak went to the wall and died, and didn't whine about the dying, though some mother's heart must have broken in silence. I recall one splendid young fellow who walked through every grade the public schools afforded, and then through the high school, and was on the point of graduating in medicine when he died from sheer mental and physical exhaustion. This type of settler will build up Canada's national ideals. It is the other type that gives one pause. V Well--what is Canada going to do about it? Bar them out! Never! She needs these raw brawny Vandals and Goths of alien lands as much as they need Canada. She needs their hardy virility. They are the crude material of which she must manufacture a manhood that is not sissified, and one must never forget that some of the most honored names in the United States are from these very races. One of the greatest mathematicians in the United States, the greatest copper miners, the richest store keepers, one of the most powerful manufacturers--these sprang from the very races that give Canada pause to-day. It is on the school rather than on the church that Canada must depend for the nationalizing of these alien races. Nearly all the colonists from the south of Europe have brought their church with them. In one foreign church of North Winnipeg is a congregation of four thousand, and certainly, in the case of the Doukhobors, the influence of the foreign priest has not been for the good of Canada. But none of these races has brought with them a school system, and that throws on the public school system of Canada the burden of preserving national ideals for the future. Will the schools prove equal to it? I wish I could answer unequivocally "yes"; for I recall some beautiful episodes of boys and girls--too immature to realize the importance of their work--"baching" it in prairie shanties, teaching at forty dollars a month; amid the isolation of Doukhobor and Galician and Ruthenian settlement preserving Canada's national ideals for the future; little classes of foreigners in the schools of North Winnipeg reading lessons in perfect English with flower gardens below the window kept by themselves--the little girls learning sewing and housekeeping in upper rooms, the boys learning technical trades in the basement. All this is good and well; but how about the recognition Canada gives these teachers who manufacture men and women out of mud, who do more in a day for the ideals of the nation than all the eloquence that has been spouted in Houses of Parliament? In Germany, they say--once an army man always an army man; for though the pay is ridiculously small, social prestige and recognition are so great that the army is the most desirable vocation. Canada's teachers in the schools among foreigners are doing for the Dominion what the German army has aimed to do for the empire. Do the Canadian teachers receive the same recognition? The question needs no answer. They receive so little recognition that the majority throw aside the work at their twenty-first year and crowd into other over-crowded professions. Meanwhile time moves on, and in twenty years the foreign vote will outnumber that of the native born. CHAPTER VIII THE COMING OF THE ORIENTAL I If the coming of the foreigner has been Canada's greatest danger from within, the coming of the Oriental has been one of her most perplexing problems from without. It is not only a perplexity to herself. It is a perplexity in which Canada involves the empire. Take the three great Oriental peoples! With China, Great Britain is in friendly agreement. With Japan, Great Britain is in closest international pact. To India, Great Britain is a Mother. Yet Canada refuses free admission to peoples from all three countries. Why? For the same reason as do South Africa and Australia. It is only secondarily a question of labor. The thing goes deeper than that. Consider Japan first: Panama is turning every port facing west into a front door instead of a back door. Within twenty years, the combined populations of American ports on the Pacific have jumped from a few hundreds of thousands at San Francisco and nothing elsewhere to almost two million, with growth continuing at an accelerated rate promising within another quarter of a century as many great harbors of almost as great population on the Pacific as on the Atlantic. The Orient has suddenly awakened. It is importing something besides missionaries. It is buying American and Canadian steel, American and Canadian wool, American and Canadian wheat, American and Canadian machinery, American and Canadian dressed lumber. Ship owners on the Pacific report that the docks of through traffic are literally jammed with goods outward bound--"more goods than we have ships," as the president of one line testified. When the reason for building Panama has been shorn of highfalutin metaphors, it concentrates down to the simple bald fact that the United States possessions on the Pacific had grown too valuable to be guarded by a navy ten thousand miles away around the Horn. True, Roosevelt sent the fleet around the world to show what it could do, and the country howled its jubilation over the fact. But the Little Brown Brother only smiled; for the fleet hadn't coal to steam five hundred miles without hiring foreign colliers to follow around with supply of fuel. "Fine fleet! To be sure we have the ships," exploded a rear admiral in San Diego Bay a few years ago; "but look here!" He pointed through the port at an insignificant coaling dock such as third-rate barges use. "See any coal?" he asked. "If trouble should come"--it was just after the flight of Diaz--"we haven't coal enough to go half-way up or down the coast." II Sometimes we can guess the game from the moves of the chess players. With facts for chessmen, what are the moves? It was up in Atlin, British Columbia, a few years after the Klondike rush. Five hundred Japs had come tumbling into the mining camp, seemingly from nowhere, in reality from Japanese colonies in Hawaii. The white miners warned the Japs that "it wouldn't be a healthy camp," but mine owners were desperate for workers. Wages ran at from five to ten dollars a day. The Japs were located in a camp by themselves and put to work. On dynamite work, for which the white man was paid five to ten dollars, the Jap was paid three and five dollars. Still he held on with his teeth, "dogged as does it," as he always does. Suddenly the provincial board of health was notified. There was a lot of sickness in the Jap camp--"filthy conditions," the mine owners reported. The board of health found traces of arsenical poisoning in all the Jap maladies. The Japs decamped as if by magic. Simultaneously there broke out from Alaska to Monterey the anti-Jap, anti-Chinese, anti-Hindu agitation. California's exclusion and land laws became party planks. British Columbia got round it by a subterfuge. She had the Ottawa government rush through an order-in-council known as "the direct passage" law. All Orientals at that time were coming in by way of Hawaii. Ships direct from India were not sailing. They stopped at Hong Kong and Hawaii. The order-in-council was to forbid the entrance of Brown Brothers unless in direct passage from their own land. That effectually barred the Hindu out, till recently when a Japanese line, to test the Direct Passage Act, brought a shipload of Hindus direct from India to Vancouver. Vancouverites patrolled docks and would not let them land. A head tax of five hundred dollars was leveled at John Chinaman. That didn't keep John Chinaman out. It simply raised his wages; for the Chinese boss added to the new hand's wages what was needed to pay the money loaned for entrance fee. A special arrangement was made with the Mikado's government to limit Japanese emigration to a few hundreds given passports, but California went the whole length of demanding the total exclusion of Brown Brothers. Why? What was the Pacific Coast afraid of? When the State Departments of the United States and Canada met the State Department of the Mikado, practically what was said was this. Only in very diplomatic language: Whiteman: "We don't object to your students and merchants and travelers, but what we do object to is the coolies. We are a population of a few hundred thousands in British Columbia, of less than three million in the states of the Pacific. What with Chink and Jap and Hindu, you are hundreds of millions of people. If we admit your coolies at the present rate (eleven thousand had tumbled into one city in a few months), we shall presently have a coolie population of millions. We don't like your coolies any better than you do yourself! Keep them at home!" This conversation is paraphrased, but it is practically the substance of what the representative of the Ottawa government said to a representative of the Mikado. Brown Brother: "We don't care any more for our coolies than you do. We don't in fact, care a hoot what becomes of the spawn and dregs of no-goods in our population. We are not individualists, as you white men are! We don't aim to keep the unfit cumbering the earth! We don't care a hoot for these coolies; but what we do care for is this--we Orientals refuse to be branded any longer as an inferior race. We'll restrain the emigration of these coolies by a passport system; but don't you forget it, just as soon as we are strong enough, in the friendliest, kindest, suavest, politest, most diplomatic way in the world, we intend not to be branded any longer as an inferior race. We intend to stand shoulder to shoulder with you in the management of the world's affairs. If we don't stand up to the job, throw us down! If we stand up to the job--and we stood up moderately in China and Russia and Belgium--we don't intend to ask you for the sop of that Christian brotherhood preached by white men. We intend to force recognition of what we are by what we do. We ask no favors, but we now serve you notice we are in to play the game." Neither is this conversation a free translation. Shorn of diplomatic kotowing and compliments and circumlocutions, it is exactly what the Mikado's representative served to the representatives of three great governments--Uncle Sam's, John Bull's, Miss Canada's. If you ask how I know, I answer--direct from one of the three men sent to Japan. Can you see the white men's eyes pop out of their heads with astonishment? They thought they were up against a case of labor union jealousy, and they found themselves involved in a complex race problem, dealing with three aggressive applicants for places at the councils of rulers governing the world. California was ordered to turn on the soft pedal and do it quick, and officially, at least, she did for a time. Canada was ordered to lay both hands across her mouth and never to speak above a whisper of the whole Brown Brother problem; and England--well--England openly took the Jappy-Chappy at his word--recognized him as a world brother and entered into the famous alliance. And the coming of coolies suddenly stopped to the United States and Canada. It didn't stop to South America and Mexico, but that is another play of the game with facts for chessmen. Chinese exclusion, Japanese exclusion, Hindu exclusion suddenly became party shibboleths--always for the party _out_ of power, never for the party _in_ power. The party in power kept a special Maxim silencer on the subject of Oriental immigration. The politician in office kept one finger on his lip and wore rubber-soled shoes whenever an almond-eyed was mentioned. With that beautiful consistency which only a politician has, a good British Columbia member, who rode Oriental exclusion as his special hobbyhorse, employed a Jap cook. In the midst of his stump campaign against Orientals he found in the room of his cook original drawings of Fort Esquimalt, of Vancouver Harbor and of Victoria back country. I was in British Columbia at the time. The funny thing to me was--all British Columbia was so deadly in earnest it didn't see the funny side of the inconsistency. III I was up and down the Pacific the year the Mikado died, and chanced to be in San Diego the month that a Japanese warship put into port because its commander had suicided of grief over the Emperor's death. The ship had to lie in port till a new commander came out from Japan. Japanese coolies were no longer coming; but the Japanese middies had the run and freedom of the harbor; and they sketched all the whereabouts of Point Loma--purely out of interest for Mrs. Tingley's Theosophy, of course. Diaz's ministry had been very hard pressed financially before being ousted by Madero. Some Boston and Pacific Coast men had secured an option from the Diaz faction of the sandy reaches known as Magdalena Bay in Lower California. The Pacific Coast is a land of few good natural harbors; especially harbors for a naval station and target practice. Suddenly an unseen hand blocked negotiations. Within a year Japan had almost leased Magdalena Bay, when Uncle Sam wakened up and ordered "hands off." Nicaragua has never been famous as a great fishing country. Yet Japanese fishermen tried to lease fishing rights there and may have, for all the world knows. In spite of exclusion acts, they already dominate the salmon fishing of the Pacific. Coaling facilities will be provided for the merchantmen of the world at both ends of Panama. Yet when England and France began furbishing up colonial stations in the Caribbean, Japan forthwith made offers for a site for a coaling station in the Gulf of Mexico. But it was in South America and Mexico that the most active colonization proceeded. There is not an American diplomat in South America who does not know this and who has not reported it--reported it with one finger on both lips and then has seen his report discreetly smothered in departmental pigeon-holes. Up to a few years ago Mexico and South America were enjoying marvelous prosperity. Coffee had not collapsed in Brazil. Banks had not blown up from self-inflation in Argentina. Revolution at home and war abroad had not closed mines in Mexico. All hands were stretched out for colonists. Japan launched vast trans-Pacific colonization schemes. Ships were sent scouting commercial possibilities in South America. To colonists in Chile and Peru, fare was in many cases prepaid. Money was loaned to help the colonists establish themselves, and an American representative to one of these countries told me that free passage was given colonists on furlough home if they would go back to the colony. There is no known record outside Japan of the numbers of these colonists. And Japan asks--why not? Does not England colonize; does not Germany colonize; does not France colonize? We are taking our place at the world board of trade. If we fail to make good, throw us out. If we make good, we do not ask "by your leave." IV When a shipping investigation was on in Washington a year ago, many members of the committee were amazed to learn that Japan already controls seventy-two per cent. of the shipping on the Pacific. Ask a Chilean or Peruvian whether he prefers to travel on an American or a Japanese ship. He laughs and answers that American ships to the western coast of South America would be as tubs are to titanics--only until the new registry bill passed there were hardly any ships under the United States flag on the Southern Pacific. Each of these Japanese ships is so heavily subsidized it could run without a passenger or a cargo; high as one hundred thousand dollars a voyage for many ships. Its crews are paid eight to ten dollars a month, where American and Canadian crews demand and get forty to fifty dollars. In cheapness of labor, in efficiency of service, in government aid and style of building no American nor Canadian ships can stand up against them. And again Japan asks--why not? Atlantic commerce is a prize worth four billions a year. When the Orient fully awakens, will Pacific commerce total four billions a year? Who rules the sea rules the world. Japan's ships dominate seventy-two per cent. of the Pacific's commerce now. So when the war broke out, Japan shouldered not the white man's burden but the Brown Brother's and plunged in to police Asia. Again--why not? As Uncle Sam polices the two Americas, and John Bull the seas of the world, so the Mikado undertakes to police the sea lanes of the Orient. The Jappy said when he met the diplomats on the subject of coolie immigration that he would prove himself the partner of the white man at the world's council boards--or step back. Is it a menace or a portent? Certainly not a menace, when accepted as a matter of fact. Only the fact must be faced and realized, and the new chessman's moves recognized. Uncle Sam has the police job of one world, South America; Great Britain of another--Europe. Will the little Jappy-Chappy take the job for that other world, where the Star of the Orient seems to be swinging into new orbits? The Jappy-Chappy isn't saying much; but he is essentially on the job for all he is worth; and Canada hasn't wakened up to what that may mean to her Pacific Coast. CHAPTER IX THE HINDU I Is it, then, that Canada fears the growth of Japan as a great world power? No, the thing is deeper than that. We have come to the place where we must go deeper than surface signs and use neither rose water nor kid gloves. The question of the Chinese and the Japanese is entirely distinct from the Hindu. If you think that shutting your eyes to what you don't want to know and stopping your nostrils to the stench and gathering your garments up and passing by on the other side ever settled a difficult question, then the Pacific Coast wishes you joy to your system of moral sanitation; but don't offer the people of the Pacific Coast any platitudinous advice about admitting Asiatics. They know what they are doing. You don't! Theoretically the Asiatic should have the same liberty to come and go with Canada as Canadians have to come and go with the Orient. Theoretically, also, the colored man should be as clean and upright and free-and-equal and dependable as the white man; but practically--in an anguish that has cost the South blood and tears--practically he isn't. The theory does not work out. Neither does it with the Asiatic. That is, it does not work out at close range on the spot, instead of the width of half a continent away. Canada is being asked to decide and legislate on one of the most vital race problems that ever confronted a nation. She is also being asked to be very lily-handed and ladylike and dainty about it all. You must not explore facts that are not--"nice." You must not ask what the Westerner means when he says that "the Asiatic will not affiliate with our civilization." Is it more than white teeth and pigments of the skin? Is it more than skin deep? Had the Old Book some deep economic reason when it warned the children of Israel against mixing their blood with aliens? Has it all anything to do with the centuries' cesspools of unbridled vice? Is that the reason that women's clubs--knowing less of such things--rather than men's clubs--are begged to pass fool resolutions about admitting races of whose living practices they know absolutely nothing? If it isn't the labor unions and it isn't the fear of new national power that prejudice against the Oriental--what is it? Why has almost every woman's club on the Pacific passed resolutions against the admission of the Oriental, and almost every woman's club in the East passed resolutions for the admission? Why did the former Minister of Labor in Canada say that "a minimum of publicity is desired upon this subject"? What did he mean when he declared "that the native of India is not a person suited to this country"? If the native Hindu is "not a person suited to Canada"--climate, soil, moisture, what not?--why isn't that fact sufficient to exclude the Oriental without any legislation? Italians never go to live at the North Pole. Nor do Eskimos come to live in the tropics. You may ask questions about Hindu immigration till you are black in the face. Unless you go out on the spot to the Pacific Coast, the most you will get for an answer is a "hush." And it would not be such an impossible situation if the other side were also going around with a finger to the lip and a "hush"; but the Oriental isn't. The Hindu and his advocates go from one end of Canada to the other clamoring at the tops of their voices, not for the privilege, but for the right, of admission to Canada, the right to vote, the right to colonize. At the time the first five or six thousand were dumped on the Pacific Coast, twenty thousand more were waiting to take passage; and one hundred thousand more were waiting to take passage after them, clamoring for the right of admission, the right to vote, the right to colonize. Canada welcomes all other colonists. Why not these? The minute you ask, you are told to "hush." South Africa and Australia "hushed" so very hard and were so very careful that after a very extensive experience--150,000 Hindus settled in one colony--both colonies legislated to shut them out altogether. At least South Africa's educational test amounted to that, and South Africa and Australia are quite as imperial as Canada. Why did they do it? The labor unions were no more behind the exclusion in those countries than in British Columbia. The labor unions chuckled with glee over the embarrassment of the whole question. II Each side of the question must be stated plainly, not as my personal opinions or the opinions of any one, but as the arguments of those advocating the free admission of the Hindu, and of those furiously opposing the free admission. A few years ago British Columbia was at her wit's ends for laborers--men for the mills, the mines, the railroads. India was at her wit's ends because of surplus of labor--labor for which her people were glad to receive three, ten, twenty cents a day. Her people were literally starving for the right to live. It does not matter much who acted as the connecting link,--the sawmill owners, the canneries, the railroads, or the steamships. The steamship lines and the sawmill men seem to have been the combined sinners. The mills wanted labor. The steamship lines saw a chance to transport laborers at the rate of twenty thousand a year to and from India. The Hindus came tumbling in at the rate of six thousand in a single year, when, suddenly, British Columbia, inert at first, awakened and threatened to secede or throw the newcomers into the sea. By intervention of the Imperial government and the authorities of India a sort of subterfuge was rigged up in the immigration laws. The Hindus had been booked to British Columbia via Hong Kong and Hawaii. The most of the Japs had come by way of Hawaii. To kill two birds with one stone, by order-in-council in Ottawa, the regulation was enacted forbidding the admission of immigrants except on continuous passage from the land of birth. Canada's immigration law also permits great latitude in interpretation as to the amount of money that must be possessed by the incoming settlers. Ordinarily it is fifty dollars for winter, twenty-five dollars for summer, with a five hundred dollar poll tax against the Chinaman. The Hindus were required to have two hundred and fifty dollars on their person. One wonders at the simplicity of a nation that hopes to fence itself in safety behind laws that are pure subterfuge. The subterfuge has but added irritation to friction. What was to hinder a direct line of steamships going into operation any day? As a matter of fact, to force the issue, to force the Dominion to declare the status of the Oriental, a Japanese ship early in 1914 did come direct from India with a cargo of angry armed Hindus demanding entrance. Canada refused to relent. The ship lay in harbor for months unable to land its colonists, and a Dominion cruiser patrolled Vancouver water to prevent actual armed conflict. When the final decision ordered the colonists on board deported, knives and rifles were brandished; and Hopkinson, the secret service man employed by British authorities, was openly shot to death a few weeks later in a Vancouver court room by a band of Hindu assassins. "We are glad we did it," declared the murderers when arrested. Hopkinson himself had come from India and was hated and feared owing to his secret knowledge of revolutionary propaganda among the Vancouver Hindus, who were posing as patriots and British subjects. The fact that many thousands of Sikhs and Hindus had just been hurried across Canada in trains with blinds down to fight for the empire in Europe added tragic complexity to an already impossible situation. The leaders of the Hindu party in Canada had already realized that more immigration was not advisable till they had stronger backing of public opinion in Canada, and a campaign of publicity was begun from Nova Scotia to the Pacific Coast. Churches, women's missionary societies, women's clubs, men's clubs were addressed by Hindu leaders from one end of Canada to the other. It did not improve the temper of some of these leaders posing in flowing garments of white as mystic saints before audiences of women to know that Hopkinson, the secret agent, was on their trail in the shadow with proofs of criminal records on the part of these same leaders. These criminal records Hopkinson would willingly have exposed had the Imperial government not held his hand. When I was in Vancouver he called to see me and promised me a full exposure of the facts, but before speaking cabled for permission to speak. Permission was flatly refused, and I was told that I was investigating things altogether too deeply. I can see the secret agent's face yet--as he sat bursting with facts repressed by Imperial order--a solemn, strong, relentless man, sad and savage with the knowledge he could not use. Without Hopkinson's aid, it was not difficult to get the facts. Canada is a country of party government. One party had just been ousted from power, and another party had just come in. While I was waiting for permission from Ottawa to obtain facts in the open, information came to me voluntarily with proofs through the wife of a former secret agent. It did not make things easier for Hopkinson that the whole dispute as to Hindu immigration was relegated into that doubtful resort of all ambiguous politics--"the twilight zone"--or the doubtful borderland where provincial powers end and federal powers begin and Imperial powers intervene. England was shoving the burden of decision on the Dominion, and the Dominion was shoving the burden on the Province of British Columbia, and to evade responsibility each government was shuttling the thing back and forward, weaving a tangle of hate and misunderstanding which culminated in Hopkinson's assassination in 1914. As "the twilight zone" between provincial and federal rights comes up here, it should be considered and emphasized; for it is the one great weakness of every federation. _Who_ is to do _what_--when neither government wants to assume responsibility? Who is to enforce laws, when neither government wants to father them? It was this gave such passion to Vancouver's resentment in Hindu immigration. Indeed this very question of "a twilight zone" gives pause to many an Imperial Federationist. In a dispute of this sort, involving the parts of the empire, could England give force to an exclusion act without losing the allegiance to her British Empire? Every conceivable argument has been used in this Hindu dispute. I want to emphasize--they are _arguments_, used for argument's sake--not reasons. The plain brutal bald reasons on each side of the dispute are British Columbia does _not_ want the Hindus. The Hindus want British Columbia. Simultaneously with the campaign for publicity action was taken: (1) to force the resident Hindu on the voters' list; (2) to break down the immigration laws by demanding the entrance of wives and families; (3) to force recognition of the status of the Oriental by bringing them in the ships of Japan--England's ally. If the resident Hindu had a vote--and as a British subject, why not?--and if he could break down the immigration exclusion act, he could out-vote the native-born Canadian in ten years. In Canada are five and one-half million native born, two million aliens. In India are hundreds of millions breaking the dykes of their own national barriers and ready to flood any open land. Take down the barriers on the Pacific Coast, and there would be ten million Hindus in Canada in ten years. The drawing of Japan into the quarrel by chartering a Japanese ship was a crafty move. Japan is the empire's ally. Offense to Japan means war. III The arguments from both sides I set down in utter disinterest personally. Here they are: We need room for colonization--says the Hindu. Let England lose India, and she loses five-sixths of the British Empire. By refusing admission to the Hindu, Canada is endangering British dominion in India. Moral conditions there are appalling, of course; but say the missionaries--give these people a chance, and they will become as good as any of us. Are we not sprung from the same Aryan stock? British Columbia has immense tracts of arable land. Why not give India's millions a chance on it as colonizers? There is not so much sedition among the Hindus of British Columbia as among Canadian-born Socialists, who rant of the flag as "the bloody rag." The vices of the Hindu are no worse than the vices of the low whites. They are British subjects and have a right to admission. Admission is not a privilege but a right. How can we expect good morals among three to five thousand men who are forcibly separated from wives and children? Admit their wives to prevent deterioration. This argument was used by a Hindu addressing audiences in Toronto. What right have Canadians to point the finger of scorn at the reproach of the child wife when the age of marriage in one province is twelve years? In the days of the mutiny the Sikh proved his loyalty. To-day the Indian troops are proving their loyalty by fighting for the empire in Europe. Many of the Canadians now denouncing the Hindu made money selling them real estate in Vancouver, and expropriation is behind the idea of exclusion. The admission of the Hindu would relieve British Columbia's great need for manual laborers. Canadian missionaries to India are received as friends. Why are the Hindus not received as friends in Canada? Why should a Sikh not marry a white woman as one did in Vancouver? This question was asked by the official publication of the Sikhs in Vancouver. If Canada shuts her doors to the Hindus, let the Hindus shut doors to Canadians. These are not my arguments. They are the arguments of the people advocating the free admission of people from India to Canada. To these arguments the Pacific Coast makes answer. Likewise, the answer is not mine: We know that you as a people need room for colonization; but if we admit you as colonists, will your presence drive out other colonists, as it has done in Australia and South Africa; as the presence of colored people prevents the coming of other colonists to the southern states? If we have to decide between having you and excluding Canadians, or excluding you and having Canadians, we can not afford to hesitate in our decision. We must keep our own land for our own people. Australia and South Africa have excluded the Hindu--South Africa's educational test amounts to that--and that has not imperiled British dominion in India. Why should it in Canada? The very fact there are millions ready to come is what alarms us. Morals are low--you acknowledge--and your people would be better if they had a chance; but would the chance not cost us too dearly, as the improvement of the blacks has cost the South in crime and contaminated blood? We are sorry for you, just as we are sorry for any plague-stricken region; but we do not welcome you among us because of that pity. There may not be so much sedition among the Hindus of British Columbia as among Canadian-born Socialists, who rant of the flag as "a bloody rag"; but our Socialistic seditionists have never yet been accused of collecting two million dollars to send home to India to buy rifles for the revolution. Canadian Socialists have never yet collected one dime to buy rifles. These are not my accusations. They are accusations that have been in the very air of Vancouver and San Francisco. If they are true, they ought to be proved true. If they are untrue, they ought to be proved untrue; but in view of the shoutings over patriotism and of Hopkinson's assassination, they come with a rude jar to claims grounded on loyalty. Could Hindus who landed in British Columbia destitute a few years ago possibly have that amount of money among them? At last census they had property in Vancouver alone to the amount of six million dollars, held collectively for the whole community. Their vices may be no worse than the vices of the low whites, but if immigration officials find that whites low or high have vices, those whites are excluded, be they English, Irish, Scotch, or Greek. The Hindus are British subjects, but Canada does not admit British subjects unless she wants them--unless they can give a clean bill of health and morals. Canada does not regard admission as a right to any race, European, Asian, African. She considers her citizenship a privilege and reserves to herself the right to extend or not to extend that privilege to whom she will. That separation from families will excuse base and lewd morals is a view that Canada will never admit. Her sons go forth unaccompanied by wives or sisters to lumber camps and mines and pioneer shacks, and in ninety-nine cases out of a hundred come back clean as they went forth, and manlier. That women should be victims on an altar of lust is an argument that may appeal to the Asiatic--the sentiment all draped in wisteria and lilies, of course; but it isn't an argument that will prove anything in Canada but the advocate's unfitness for citizenship. What reason have Canadians to point the finger of reproach at the institution of the child wife, when the age of marriage in one province is low as twelve? And that brings up the whole question of the child wife. Because one province has the marriage age criminally low does not prove that that province approves of marriages at twelve. In the whole history of that province marriages at that age have been as rare as the pastime of skinning a man alive, and that province has no specific law against skinning a man alive. It has no such law because that type of crime is unknown. But can it be said that the institution of child marriage is an unknown or even a rare crime in India? The Hindu wives for whom loud outcry is being made are little girls barely eight years of age, whom before marriage the husbands have never seen, men of thirty-five and forty and forty-eight. Does Canada desire the system of the child wife embodied in her national life? Suppose one hundred thousand Hindu colonists came to the vacant arable lands of British Columbia. As the inalienable right of a British subject, the colonist must be allowed to bring in his wife. What if she is a child to whom he was married in her infancy? The colonist being a British subject is to be given a vote. How would Canada abolish the child wife system if Hindu votes outnumbered Canadian votes? Forget all about the rifle fund--the discovery of which was paid for in Hopkinson's life! Forget all about labor and mill owner and color of pigments! You know now why the Oriental question is more than skin-deep. Go a little deeper in this child-wife thing! Don't balk at the horror of it! The Pacific Coast wants you to know a few medical facts. Hundreds of thousands of children in India, age from nine to twelve, are wives actually living with husbands; and the husbands are in many cases from thirty to eighty years of age. Anglo-Saxons regard these unions as criminal. One-third of all children born of mothers under sixteen years of age die in infancy because of the tortures to the mother's body, compared to which the tortures of the Inquisition were merciful. Does Canada want that system embodied in her national life? Under Canadian law such crimes are treated to thirty-nine lashes: under American law to Judge Lynch. Twenty-five per cent. of the women of India die prematurely because of the crimes perpetrated through child marriage. Twenty-five per cent. become invalids from the same cause. Nine million girl wives in India are under fifteen years of age; two million are under eleven. I asked a British Columbia sawmill owner why the Hindu could not speed up with a Pole or Swede. "No stamina," he answered. "Too many generations of vice! Too many generations of birth from immature mothers; no dower of strength from birth." The advocates of Hindu colonization in Canada glibly advise "prohibiting child wives." To bar out child wives sounds easy. How are you to know they are child wives and not daughters? If one thing more than another has been established in Vancouver about Hindus, not excepting the leaders, it is that you can not believe a Hindu under oath. Also British law does not allow you to bar out a subject's wife unless she be diseased or vicious. If you let down the bar to any section of the Hindu, teeming millions will come--with a demand to vote. That Canada's continuous passage law is immoral and intolerable no one denies. It is a subterfuge and a joke. The day the Japanese steamship tested the law by bringing passengers direct from land of birth the law fell down and Canada had to face squarely the question of exclusion. As the world knows, the shipload of human cargo after lying for months in Vancouver Harbor was sent back, and Hindu leaders proved their claims of a right to citizenship by assassinating Hopkinson. To the claim that the Sikhs are loyal, Canada answers--"for their own sake." If British protection were withdrawn from India to-morrow, a thousand petty chiefs would fly at one another's throats. The idea that expropriation is behind exclusion could be entertained only by an Oriental mind. Expropriation is possible under Canadian law only for treason. Imperial unity is no more threatened in Canada by exclusion than it was threatened in South Africa and Australia. The Hindus are adapted to the cultivation of the soil, but if they come in millions, will any white race sit down beside them? Why does immigration persistently refuse to go to the southern states? Because of a black shadow over the land. Does Canada want such a shadow? The missionary argument can hardly be taken seriously. Missionaries do not go to India to colonize. They do not introduce white vices. They go at Canada's expense to give free medical and social service to India. "Why should a Sikh not marry a white woman?" There, again, you are up against a side of the subject that is neither violet water nor pink tea; but--it is a vital side of the subject. For the same reason that the South objects to and passes laws against mixed unions of the races. These laws are not the registration of prejudice. They are the registration of terrible lessons in experience. It is not a matter of opinion. It is a matter of fact. What is feared is not the marriage of a Sikh who is refined to a white woman who knows what she is doing. What is feared is the effect of that union on the lewd Hindu; the effect on the safety of the uncultured white woman and white girl. Any one on the Coast who has lived next to Asiatics, any one in India or the Philippines knows what this means in terms of hideous terrible fact that can not be set down here. Vancouver knows. "I'll see," said an officer in the Philippines of his native valet, "that the--dog turns up missing;" and every man present knew why; and when the officer set out on an unnamed expedition with his valet, the valet did "turn up missing." There are vices for which a white man kills. "Have not the English carried vices to India?" a Hindu protagonist asked me. Yes, answered British Columbia, but we do not purpose poisoning the new young life of Canada to compensate the vices of English soldiers who have gone to pieces morally in India. As to shutting Canadians out of India, Canada would accept that challenge gladly. When Canadians carry vices to India--says Canada--shut them out. These are the reasons given for the Pacific Coast's aversion to the Hindu, and even with the arguments stated explicitly, there is a great deal untold and untellable. For instance, some of the leaders talking loudest in Eastern Canada in the name of the Sikh are not Sikhs at all, and one at least has a criminal record in San Francisco. For instance again, when the coronation festivities were on in England, there was a very peculiar guard kept round the Hindu quarters. It would be well for some of the eastern women's clubs to inquire why that was; also why the fact was hushed up that two white women of bad character were carried out of that compound dead. Said a mill owner, one who employs many Hindus, "If the East could understand how some of these penniless leaders grow rich, they would realize that the Hindu has our employment sharks beaten to a frazzle. I take in a new man from one of these leaders. The leader gets two dollars or five dollars for finding this fellow a job. I have barely got the man broken in when the leader yanks him off to another job and sends me a new man, getting, of course, the employment agent fee for both changes." "But why not let them come out here and work and go back?" asks the East. Because that is just what the Hindu will not do. When he comes, he fights for the franchise to stay. That is the real meaning behind the fight over cases now in the courts. "They are curious fellows, poor beggars," said a police court official to me. "They have no more conception of what truth means than a dog stealing a bone. We had a Hindu come in here as complainant against another man, with his back hacked to beef steak. We had very nearly sent the defendant up for a long term in the 'pen,' when we got wind that these two fellows had been bitter enemies--old spites--and that there was something queer about the complainant's shanty. We sent out to examine. The fellow had stuck bits of glass all over the inside of his shack walls and then cut his own back to pay an old grudge against the other man. Another fellow rushed in here gesticulating complaint, who was literally soaked in blood. We had had our experience and so sending for an interpreter, we soused this fellow into a bathtub. Every dab came off and there was not a scratch under." "You say the Hindu is the negro problem multiplied by ten, plus craft," said a life-long resident of India to me. "That is hardly correct. The Hindu is different from the negro. He is intellectual and spiritual as well as crafty and sensuous. You will never have trouble with the Hindu, if you keep him in his place--" "But do you think a democratic country can what you call 'keep a race in its place'? The very genius of our democracy is that we want each individual to come up out of his place to a higher place." "Then you will learn a hard lesson here in Canada." What kind of a lesson? Again, let us take facts, not opinions! A clergyman's wife in Vancouver, full of missionary zeal for India, thought it her duty to accord the Hindu exactly the same treatment as to an American or English immigrant. She took a man as general house servant and treated him with the same genial courtesy she had treated all other help in her home. You know what is coming--don't you? The man mistook it for evil or else failed to subdue the crimes of the centuries in his own blood. Had he not come from a land where a woman more or less did not matter, and hundreds of thousands of little girls are yearly sacrificed on the altars of Moloch? I need not give details. As a matter of fact, there are none. Asiatic ideas about women collided violently with facts which any Canadian takes for granted and does not talk about! No Anglo-Saxon (thank God) is too ladylike not to have a bit of the warrior woman left in her blood. The Hindu was thrown out of that house. Then the woman reasoned with the blind persistence peculiar to any conscientious good woman, who always puts theory in place of fact! There are blackguards in every race. There are scoundrels among Englishmen in India. Why should she allow one criminal among the Hindus to prejudice her against this whole people? And she at once took another Hindu man servant in the house. This time she kept him in the kitchen and garden. Within a month the same thing happened with a little daughter. This Hindu also went out on his head. No more were employed in that house. That woman's husband was one of the Pacific Coast clergymen who passed the resolution, "that the Hindus would not affiliate with our Canadian civilization." Personally I think that resolution would have been a great deal more enlightening to the average Easterner if the ministerial association had plainly called a spade a spade. IV With the Chinaman conditions are different. In the first place, since China obtained freedom from the old cast-iron dynasty, Chinamen have not wanted to colonize in Canada. The leaders of the young China party laid their plots and published their liberty journals from presses in the basement of Vancouver and Victoria shops, but having gained their liberty, they went back to China. The Chinaman does not want to colonize. He does not want a vote. He wants only to earn his money on the Pacific Coast and hoard it and go home to China with it. The fact that he does not want to remain in the country but comes only to work and go back has always been used as an argument against him. Neither does he consider himself your equal. Nor does he want to marry your daughter, nor have you consider him a prince of the royal blood in disguise--a pose in which the little Jap is as great an adept as the English cockney who drops enough "h's" to build a monument, all the while he is telling you of his royal blue blood. If you mistake the Chinaman for a prince in disguise, the results will be just what they were with a poor girl In New York four or five years ago. The results will be just what they always are when you mistake a mongrel for a thoroughbred. All the same, dismiss the idea from your mind that labor is behind the opposition to Chinese immigration! A few years ago, when Oriental labor came tumbling into British Columbia at the rate of twelve thousand in a single year--when the Chinese alone had come to number fifteen or sixteen thousand--labor was alarmed; but a twofold change has taken place since that time. First, labor has found that it can better control the Chinaman by letting him enter Canada, than by keeping him in China and letting the product of cheap labor come in. Second, the Chinaman has demonstrated his solidarity as a unit in the labor war. If he comes, he will not foregather with capital. That is certain! He will affiliate with the unions for higher wages. "If the Chinaman comes in here lowering the price of goods and the price of labor," said the agitator a few years ago, "we'll put a poll tax of five hundred dollars on and make him pay for his profit." The poll tax was put on every Chinaman coming into Canada, but do you think John Chinaman pays it? It is a way that unjust laws have of coming back in a boomerang. The Chinaman doesn't pay it! Mr. Canadian Householder paid it; for no sooner was the poll tax imposed than up went wages for household servant and laundryman and gardener, from ten to fifteen dollars a month to forty and forty-five and fifty dollars a month. The Italian boss system came in vogue, when the rich Chinaman who paid the entrance tax for his "slaves" farmed out the labor at a profit to himself. The system was really one of indentured slavery till the immigration authorities went after it. Then Chinese benevolent associations were formed. Up went wages automatically. The cook would no longer do the work of the gardener. When the boy you hired at twenty-five dollars had learned his job, he suddenly disappeared one morning. His substitute explains he has had to go away; "he is sick;" any excuse; with delightful lapses of English when you ask questions. You find out that your John has taken a job at forty dollars a month, and you are breaking in a new green hand for the Chinese benevolent association to send up to a higher job. If you kick against the trick, you may kick! There are more jobs than men. That's the way you pay the five hundred dollars poll tax; comical, isn't it; or it would be comical if the average white householder did not find it five hundred dollars more than the average income can spare? So the labor leaders chuckle at this subterfuge, as they chuckle at the "continuous" passage law. For a time the indentured slavery system worked almost criminally; for if the newcomer, ignorant of the law and the language, got wise to the fact that his boss was doing what was illegal under Canadian law, and attempted to jump his serfdom, he was liable--as one of them expressed it--"to be found missing." It would be reported that he had suicided. Among people who did not speak English, naturally, no details would be given. It seems almost unbelievable that in a country wrestling with the whole Asiatic problem the fact has to be set down that the government has no interpreter among the Chinese who is not a Chinaman, no interpreter among the Japanese who is not a Jap. As it chances, the government happens to have two reliable foreigners as interpreters; but they are foreigners. Said Doctor Munro, one of the medical staff of the Immigration Department: "Even in complicated international negotiations, where each country is jockeying to protect its rights, Canada has to depend on representatives of China or Japan to translate state documents and transmit state messages. Here we are on the verge of great commercial intercourse with two of the richest countries in Asia, countries that are just awakening from the century's sleep, countries that will need our flour and our wheat and our lumber and our machinery; and we literally have not a diplomatic body in Canada to speak either Chinese or Japanese. I'll tell you what a lot of us would like to see done--what the southern states are doing with the Latin-Spanish of South America--have a staff of translators for our chambers of commerce and boards of trade, or price files and lists of markets, etc. How could this be brought about? Let Japan and China send yearly, say twenty students to study international law and English with us. Let us send to China and Japan yearly twenty of our postgraduate students to be trained up into a diplomatic body for our various boards of trade, to forward international trade and help the two countries to understand each other. "When trouble arose over Oriental immigration a few years ago," continued Doctor Munro, "I can tell you that it was a serious matter that we had to have the translating of our state documents done at that time by representatives of the very nations we were contesting." Unless I am misinformed, one of the men who did the translating at that time is one of the Orientals who has since "suicided," and the reason for that suicide you might as well try to fathom as to follow the windings of a ferret in the dark. Certain royal clans of Japan will suicide on order from their government for the good of their country. "The trouble with these foolish raids on Chinatown for gambling," said an educated Chinaman in Vancouver to me, "is that the city police have no secret service among the Chinese, and they never raid the resorts that need most to be cleaned out. They raid some little joint where the Chinese boys are playing fan-tan for ten cents, when they do not raid up-town gambling hells where white men play for hundreds of dollars. If the police employed Chinese secret service, they could clean out every vice resort in a week. Except in the segregated district, which is white, there would not be any vice. They need Chinese police or men who speak Chinese, and there would be no Chinese vice left in this town." To go back to the matter of the poll tax and the system of indentured slavery, the bosses mapped out every part of the city and province in wage areas. Here, no wages under twenty-five dollars, to which green hands were sent; here, a better quarter, no wages under forty dollars; and so on up as high as sixty dollars for mill work and camp cooking. About this time riots turned the searchlight on all matters Oriental; and the boss system merged in straight industrial unionism. You still go to a boss to get your gangs of workmen; but the boss is secretary of a benevolent association; and if he takes any higher toll than an employment agent's commission, the immigration department has never been able to detect it. "I have no hesitation in saying," declared an immigration official, "that for four years there has not been a case of boss slavery that could be proved in the courts. There has not been a case that could be proved in the courts of women and children being brought in for evil purposes. Only merchants' wives, students, and that class can come in. The other day an old fellow tried to bring a young woman in. We suspected he had left an old wife in China; but we could not prove it; so we charged him five hundred dollars for the entrance of this one and had them married on the spot. Whenever there is the slightest doubt about their being married, we take no chances, charge them five hundred dollars and have the knot tied right here and now. Then the man has to treat the woman as a wife and support her; or she can sue him; and we can punish and deport him. There is no more of little girls being brought in to be sold for slavery and worse." All the same, some evils of the boss system still exist. The boss system taught the Chinaman organization, and to-day, even with higher wages, your forty-five dollars a month cook will do no gardening. You ask him why. "They will cut my throat," he tells you; and if he goes out to mow the lawn, he is soon surrounded by fellow countrymen who hoot and jeer him. "Would they cut his throat?" I asked a Chinaman. "No; but maybe, the benevolent association or his tong fine him." So you see why labor no longer fears the Chinaman and welcomes him to industrial unionism, a revolution in the attitude of labor which has taken place in the last year. Make a note of these facts: The poll tax has trebled expenses for the householder. The poll tax has created industrial unionism among the Chinese. The poll tax has not kept the Chinaman out. How about the Chinese vices? Are they a stench to Heaven as the Hindu's? I can testify that they certainly are not open, and they certainly are not aggressive, and they certainly do not claim vice as a right; for I went through Vancouver's Chinatown with only a Chinaman as an escort (not through "underground dens," as one paper reported it) after ten at night; and the vices that I saw were innocent, mild, pallid, compared to the white-man vices of Little Italy, New York, or Upper Broadway. We must have visited in all a dozen gambling joints, two or three midnight restaurants, half a dozen opium places and two theaters; and the only thing that could be remotely constructed into disrespect was the amazement on one drunken white face on the street that a white woman could be going through Chinatown with a Chinaman. Instead of playing for ten and one hundred dollars, as white men and women gamble up-town, the Chinese boys were huddling intently over dice boxes, or playing fan-tan with fevered zeal for ten cents. Instead of drinking absinthe, one or two sat smoking heavily, with the abstracted stare of the opium victim. In the midnight restaurants some drunken sailors sat tipsily, eating chop suey. Goldsmiths were plying their fine craftsmanship. Presses were turning out dailies with the news of the Chinese revolution. Grocery stores, theaters, markets, all were open; for Chinatown never sleeps. CHAPTER X WHAT PANAMA MEANS I It now becomes apparent why British Columbia was described as the province where East meets West and works out Destiny. On the other side of the Pacific lies Japan come to the manhood of nationality, demanding recognition as the equal of the white race and room to expand. Behind Japan lies China, an awakened giant, potent for good or ill, of half a billion people, whose commerce under a few years of modern science and mechanics is bound to equal the commerce of half Europe. It may in a decade bring to the ports that have hitherto been the back doors of America an aggregate yearly traffic exceeding the four billion dollars' worth that yearly leave Atlantic ports for Europe. Canada is now the shortest route to "Cathay"; the railroads across Canada offer shorter route from China to Europe than Suez or Horn, by from two to ten thousand miles. Then there is India, another awakened giant, potent for good or ill, of three hundred million people--two hundred to the square mile--clamoring for recognition as British subjects, clamoring for room to expand. The question is sometimes asked by Americans: Why does Canada concern herself about foreign problems and dangers? Why does she not rest secure under the aegis of the Monroe Doctrine, which forever forfends foreign conquest of America by an alien power? And Canada answers--because the Monroe Doctrine is not worth the ink in which it was penned without the bayonet to enforce the pen. Belgium's neutrality did not protect her. The peace that is not a victory is only an armed truce--a let-live by some other nation's permission. Without power to enforce the Monroe Doctrine, that doctrine is to Canada but a tissue-paper rampart. To add to the complication involving British Columbia comes the opening of Panama, turning the Pacific Ocean into a parade ground for the world's fleets both merchantmen and war. Commercially Panama simply turns British Columbia into a front door, instead of a back door. What does this mean? The Atlantic has hitherto been the Dominion's front door, and the Canadian section of the Atlantic has four harbors of first rank with an aggregate population of nearly a million. Canada has, besides, three lake harbors subsidiary to ocean traffic with an aggregate population of half a million. One may infer when the Pacific becomes a front door, that Vancouver and Victoria and Port Mann and Westminster and Prince Rupert will soon have an aggregate population of a million. Behind the Atlantic ports, supplied by them with traffic, supplying them with traffic, is a provincial population of five millions. Behind the Pacific ports in British Columbia and Alberta, one would be justified in expecting to find--Strathcona said a hundred million people, but for this generation put it at twelve million. Through the Atlantic ports annually come two hundred and fifty thousand or more immigrants, not counting the one hundred and fifty thousand from the United States. What if something happened to bring as many to the Pacific, as well as those now coming to the Atlantic? Then a century of peace has a sleeping-powder effect on a nation. We forget that the guns of four nations once boomed and roared round old Quebec and down Bay of Fundy way. If the Pacific becomes a front door, the guns of the great nations may yet boom there. In fact, if Canada had not been a part of Greater Britain four or five years ago when the trouble arose over Japanese immigration, guns might easily have boomed round Vancouver long before the Pacific Coast had become a front door. Front door status entails bolt and strong bar. Front door means navy. Navy means shipbuilding plants, and the shipyards of the United States on the Atlantic support fifty thousand skilled artisans, or what would make a city of two hundred and fifty thousand people. The shipyards of England support a population equal to Boston. In the United States those shipyards exist almost wholly by virtue of government contracts to build war vessels, and in Great Britain largely by virtue of admiralty subsidies. Though they also do an enormous amount of work on river and coastal steamers, the manager of the largest and oldest plant in the United States told me personally that with the high price of labor and material in America, his shipyard could not last a day without government contracts for war vessels, torpedoes, dredges, etc. Front door on the Pacific means that to Canada, and it means more; for Canada belongs to an empire that has vaster dominions to defend in Asia than in Europe. But isn't all this stretching one's fancy a bit too far in the future? How far is _too_ far? The Panama Canal is open for traffic, and there is not a harbor of first rank in the United States, Atlantic, Pacific, or Gulf of Mexico, that does not bank on, that is not spending millions on, the expectation of Panama changing the Pacific from a back into a front door. Either these harbors are all wrong or Canada is sound asleep as a tombstone to the progress round her. Boston has spent nine million dollars acquiring terminals and water-front, and is now guaranteeing the bonds of steamships to the extent of twenty-five million dollars. New York has built five new piers to take care of the commerce coming--and the Federal government has spent fifty million dollars improving the approaches to her harbor. Baltimore is so sure that Panama is going to revive shore-front interests that she has reclaimed almost two hundred acres of swamp land for manufacturing sites, which she is leasing out at merely nominal figures to bring the manufacturers from inland down to the sea. In both Baltimore and Philadelphia, railroads are spending millions increasing their trackage for the traffic they expect to feed down to the coast cities for Panama steamers. Among the Gulf ports, New Orleans has spent fifteen million dollars putting in a belt line system of railroads and docks with steel and cement sheds, purely to keep her harbor front free of corporate control. This is not out of enmity to corporations, but because the prosperity of a harbor depends on all steamers and all railroads receiving the same treatment. This is not possible under private and rival control. Yet more, New Orleans is putting on a line of her own civic steamships to South America. Up at St. Louis and Kansas City, they are putting on civic barge lines down the rivers to ocean front. At Los Angeles twenty million dollars have been spent in making a harbor out of a duck pond. San Francisco and Oakland have improved docks to the extent of twenty-four million dollars. Seattle attests her expectation of what Panama is going to do on the Pacific by securing the expenditure of fifteen million dollars on her harbor for her own traffic and all the traffic she can capture from Canada; and it may be said here that the Grand Trunk Pacific of Canada--a national road on which the Dominion is spending hundreds of millions--has the finest docks in Seattle. Portland has gone farther than any of the Pacific ports. Portland is Scotch--full of descendants of the old Scotch folk who used to serve in the Hudson's Bay Company. If there is a chance to capture world traffic, Portland is out with both hands and both feet after that flying opportunity. Portland has not only improved the entrance to the Columbia to the extent of fifteen million dollars--this was done by the Federal government--but she has had a canal cut past bad water in the Columbia, costing nearly seven millions, and has put on the big river a system of civic boats to bring the wheat down from an inland empire. There is no aim to make this river line a dividend payer. The sole object is to bring the Pacific grain trade to Portland. Portland is already a great wheat port. Will she get a share of Canada's traffic in bond to Liverpool? Candidly, she hopes to. How? By having Canadian barges bring Alberta wheat down the Columbia. II And now, what is Canada doing? Canada is doing absolutely nothing. Canada is saying, with a little note of belligerency in her voice--What's Panama to us? Either every harbor in the United States is Panama fool-mad; either every harbor in the United States is spending money like water on fool-schemes; or Canada needs a wakening blast of dynamite 'neath her dreams. If Panama brings the traffic which every harbor in the United States expects, then Canada's share of that traffic will go through Seattle and Portland. Either Canada must wake up or miss the chance that is coming. Two American transcontinentals have not come wooing traffic in Vancouver for nothing. The Canadian Pacific is not double tracking its roadbed to the Coast for nothing. The Grand Trunk has not bought terminals in Seattle for nothing. Yet, having jockeyed for traffic in Vancouver, the two American roads have recently evinced a cooling. They are playing up interests In Seattle and marking time in Vancouver. Grand Trunk terminals in Seattle don't help Vancouver; but if Canada doesn't want the traffic from the world commerce of the seas, then Portland and Seattle do. One recalls how a person feels who is wakened a bit sooner than suits his slumbers. He passes some crusty comments and asks some criss-cross questions. The same with Canada regarding Panama. What's Panama to us? How in the world can a cut through a neck of swamp and hills three thousand miles from the back of beyond, have the slightest effect on commerce in Canada? And if it has, won't it be to hurt our railroads? And if Panama does divert traffic from land to water, won't that divert a share of shipping away from Montreal and St. John and Halifax? There is no use ever arguing with a cross questioner. Mr. Hill once said there was no use ever going into frenzies about the rights of the public. The public would just get exactly what was coming to it. If it worked for prosperity, it would get it. If it were not sufficiently alert to see opportunity, it certainly would not be sufficiently alert to grasp opportunity after you had pointed it out. Your opinion or mine does not count with the churlish questioner. You have to hurl facts back so hard they waken your questioner up. Here are the facts. How can Panama turn the Pacific Coast into a front door instead of a back door? Almost every big steamship line of England and Germany, also a great many of the small lines from Norway and Belgium and Holland and Spain and Italy, have announced their intention of putting on ships to go by way of Panama to the Orient and to Pacific Coast ports. Three of those lines have explicitly said that they would call at Pacific ports in Canada if there were traffic and terminals for them. The steamers coming from the Mediterranean have announced their intention of charging for steerage only five to ten dollars more to the Pacific Coast ports than to the Atlantic ports. It costs the immigrant from sixteen to twenty-five dollars to go west from Atlantic ports. It can hardly be doubted that a great many immigrants will save fare by booking directly to Pacific ports. Of South-of-Europe immigrants, almost seven hundred thousand a year come to United States Atlantic ports, of whom two-thirds remain, one-third, owing to the rigor of winter, going back. Of those who will come to Pacific ports, they will not be driven back by the rigor of winter. They will find a region almost similar in climate to their own land and very similar in agriculture. Hitherto Canada has not made a bid for South-of-Europe immigrants, but, with Panama open, they will come whether Canada bids for them or not. They are the quickest, cheapest and most competent fruit farmers in the world. They are also the most turbulent of all European immigrants. We may like or dislike them. They are coming to Canada's shores when the war is over, coming in leaderless hordes. The East has awakened and is moving west. The West has always been awake and is moving east. The East is sending her teas and her silks to the West, and the West is sending her wheat and her lumber to the East. When these two currents meet, what? If two currents meet and do not blend, what? Exactly what has happened before in the world, impact, collision, struggle; and the fittest survives. This was the real reason for the building of the Panama Canal--to give the American navy command of her own shores on the Pacific. Now that Panama is built it means the war fleets of the whole world on the Pacific. Canada can no more grow into a strong nation and keep out of the world conclave assembling on the Pacific than a boy can grow into strong manhood and keep out of the rough and tumble of life, or a girl grow to efficient womanhood and play the hothouse parasite all her life. Fleets, naval stations, coaling stations, dry docks, whole cities supported by shipyards are bound to grow on the Pacific just as surely as the years come and go. The growth has begun already. Nothing worth having can be left undefended and be kept. Poor old China tried that. So did Korea. We may talk ourselves black in the face over peace and pass up enough platitudes to pave the way to a universal brotherhood of heaven on earth, but in the past good intentions and platitudes have paved the way to an altogether different sort of place. In the whole world history of the past (however much we might wish this earth a different place) the nation most secure against war has been the nation most prepared against war. Canada can't dodge that fact. With Panama open come the armaments of the world to the Pacific! How about a merchant marine for Canada? This question was important to the maritime provinces, but the maritime provinces are well served by British liners. On the Pacific seventy-two per cent. of the carrying trade is already controlled by Japan. Now Canada can buy her ships in the cheapest market, Norway or England. She can herself build ships as cheaply as any country in the world. She can operate her ships as cheaply as any country in the world. She has no restrictions as to the manning of her crews and, as far as I know, has never had a case of abuse arising from this freedom which her laws permit. Except for the St. Lawrence after October, there is no foreign discrimination in the insurance of her ships. Canada can go into the race for world-carrying trade unhampered. She has yet another advantage. With only two or three exceptions--a fishing bounty, one or two mail contracts--the United States has not given and may never give government aid to ships. The Canadian government does and does wisely! Ocean traffic may be as requisite to prosperity as rail traffic, and you can't give land subsidies to the sea. III It is when one comes to consider Panama's influence on rail traffic that it becomes apparent the Canal may divert half the Dominion's traffic to seaboard by Pacific routes. Why do you suppose that the big grain companies of the Northwest want to reverse their former policy? Formerly the biggest elevators were built east, the medium-sized at the big gathering centers, the smaller scattered out along the line anywhere convenient to the grower. To-day, as far as Alberta is concerned, the biggest elevators are going up farthest west. Why? Why do you suppose that the big traction companies of Birmingham, Alabama, the big wire companies of Cleveland and Pittsburgh are looking over the Canadian West for sites? One Birmingham firm has just bought the site for a big plant in Calgary. Why do you suppose that the Canadian Pacific Railway is building big repair shops at Coquitlam, and the Canada Northern at Port Mann? Why are both these roads also stationing big repair plants at inland points, one at Calgary, the other supposed to be for Kamloops? It is not to help along the townsite lot booms in these places. No one deprecates these town lots running out the area of Chicago more than the railroads do. "Wild oats" hurt trade more than they advertise the legitimate opportunities of a new country. Take a look at them! From Fort William to Alberta is one thousand two hundred miles, to Calgary one thousand two hundred eighty, to Edmonton one thousand four hundred fifty-one miles. From Alberta to Vancouver is slightly over six hundred miles. Port William navigation is open only half the year. The Pacific harbors are open all the year. Manitoba and Saskatchewan wheat may be rushed forward in time for shipment before the close of navigation. Because Alberta is farther west and must wait longest for cars, very little of her wheat can be rushed forward in time; so Alberta wheat must go on down to St. John, another one thousand two hundred miles. Look at the figures--six hundred and fifty miles from Alberta to the seaboard at Vancouver, two thousand four hundred miles from Alberta to sea-board at St. John! In other words, while a car is making one trip to St. John and back with wheat, it could make four trips to Vancouver. One year the crop so far exceeded the rolling stock of all the railroads in America that millions of dollars were lost in depreciation and waste waiting for shipment. This state of affairs does not apply to wheat alone nor to Canada alone. It was the condition with every crop in every section of America. I saw twenty-nine miles of cotton standing along the tracks of a southern port exposed to wet weather because the southern railroads had neither steamers nor cars to rush shipments forward for Liverpool. In New York State and the belt of middle west states thousands of barrels of fruit lay and rotted on the ground because the railroads could not handle it. In an orchard near my own I saw two thousand barrels lie and go to waste because there were no shipping facilities cheap enough to make it worth while to send the apples to market. Hill has said that if all the fruit orchards set out in western states come to maturity, it will require twenty times the rolling stock that exists today to ship the fruit out in time to reach the market in a salable condition. The same of wheat, especially in the West, where wheat is raised in quantities too great for any individual granary. A few years ago, when the northwestern states had their banner crop, piles of wheat the size of a miniature town lay exposed to weather for weeks on Washington and Idaho and Montana railroads because the railroads had not sufficient cars to haul it away. The same thing almost happened in Canada one fall, though conditions were aggravated by the coal strike. Now, then, where does Panama come into this story? What if the railroads did not carry the crop two thousand four hundred miles to seaboard in order to ship forward to Liverpool? What if they carried some of the big crops only six hundred miles west to sea-board on the Pacific? They would have four times as many cars available to handle the crop, or they could make just four times as many trips to Vancouver with the same cars as to the Atlantic seaboard after the close of navigation in the East. It is apparent now why the Pacific ports have gone mad over the possibilities from Panama and are preparing for enormous traffic. Of course there are features of this diversion of traffic to new channels which the lay mind will miss and only the traffic specialist appreciate. For instance, there is the question of grade over the mountains. The Canadian Pacific Railroad meets this difficulty with its long tunnel through Mount Stephen. The Grand Trunk declares that it has the lowest mountain grade of all the transcontinentals. The Great Northern uses electric power for its tunnels, and Los Angeles will tell you how its new diagonal San Pedro road up through Nevada puts it in touch with the inland empire of the mountain states by running up parallel with the mountains and not crossing a divide at all. IV Take a look at the subject from another angle! At the present rate of homesteading in the West, within twenty years the three prairie provinces will be producing seven to nine hundred million bushels of wheat a year. Possibly they will not do so well as that, but suppose they do; the three grain provinces of Canada will be producing as much as the wheat produced in all the United States. Now, the United States to take care of its crop has practically seven transcontinentals and a host of allied trunk lines like the Illinois Central, the New York Central and the Pennsylvania; but when a big crop comes, the United States roads are paralyzed from a shortage of cars. Canada has only three big transcontinentals and no big trunk lines to take care of a crop that may be as large as the whole United States crop. Panama promises, not a menace, but the one possible avenue of relief to the railroads. Of course eastern cities may fight a diversion of traffic to the seaboard of the West, but they can not stop it. Portland is already one of the big grain shippers and will bid for a share of Canada's west-bound grain, if Vancouver and Prince Rupert do not prepare for the new conditions. Not only terminals but elevators must be prepared on the Pacific. Terminals mean more than railroad company tracks. They mean city-owned trackage, so that the tramp steamer seeking cargo at cheap rates shall have every inducement and facility for getting cargo. They mean free sites for manufacturers, not sky-rocket boom prices that keep new industries out of a city. Elevators and terminals have been announced time and again for Vancouver, but up to the present the announcements have not materialized. Regular grain steamers must be put on, steamers good for cargo of three hundred thousand and four hundred thousand bushels, as on the lakes, and with devices for such swift handling as have made Montreal one of the best grain ports in the world, in spite of high insurance rates and half-season. As long as there are no elevators at Vancouver, grain must be sacked. Sacking costs from five to six cents extra a bushel, and more extra in handling. The remedy for this is for the Pacific ports to build elevators; and even when they haven't elevators, the saving in rates over and above the extra sacking has already been from eight to fourteen cents a bushel on grain billed for Liverpool via the one hundred ninety miles of rail over Tehuantepec, or via the Panama railroad, where bulk need not be broken twice. An objection is that in the humid Pacific Coast winter climate there is danger of grain heating. This has been overcome at Portland, and against this must be set the incalculable advantage that Pacific Coast ports are open all the year round. One year, of 65,000,000 bushels of grain from the prairie provinces that passed over the Great Lakes forty-three per cent. went out by way of Buffalo to American ports. Why? Because the glut was so great, the facilities so inadequate for the enormous crop, the insurance so high, that the grain could not be rushed seaward fast enough before close of navigation. Through Vancouver during this very period there passed only 750,000 bushels of wheat. Why not more? No facilities. "We could have shipped millions of bushels of wheat to Liverpool by way of Vancouver," said the head of one of the largest grain companies in Calgary, "but there were simply no facilities to take care of it. On 16,000 bushels, which we shipped by way of Vancouver and Tehuantepec, we saved eight cents a bushel, as against Atlantic rates. You know how much handling the Tehuantepec route requires. Well, you can figure what we should save the farmer when Panama opens and the cargo never breaks bulk to Liverpool from our shore." Rates, not heating nor sacking, are the real cloud in the Canadian mind regarding Panama; and if Canada continues to stand twiddling her hands over rates when she should be hustling preparations, the inevitable will happen--Portland, which sends millions of bushels of her own wheat to Liverpool, is ready to take care of Canada's traffic; so is Seattle. There is nothing these cities hope more than that Canada will continue to shun the question of rates. V Let us look at this question of rates! Ordinarily the rate on wheat from Chicago to New York is about ten to twelve cents a bushel; from New York to Liverpool about three to seven cents. That is, for one thousand miles (roughly) the rate by rail is ten cents. For three thousand miles the rate by water is three cents. That is, one cent buys the shipper one hundred miles by rail. One cent buys him one thousand miles by water. Get out a chart and figure out for yourself what the saving means on wheat via Panama to Liverpool on a crop--we'll say--of one hundred million bushels, Alberta's future share alone, leaving Saskatchewan and Manitoba crops to continue going to Liverpool by Fort William and Montreal. You can figure the distance to Liverpool via Panama twice or even three times as far as via Atlantic ports, long as water rates are to rail, as one to ten, the saving on a one-hundred-million-bushel crop for a single year is enough to buy terminals, build elevators and run civic ships as Boston and New Orleans and St. Louis and Kansas City and Portland are doing. Via Tehuantepec the saving was eight cents a bushel. At that rate your saving in a year would be eight million dollars for Alberta wheat alone, not counting dairy products, which are bound to become larger each year, and coal, which will yet bring the same wealth to Alberta as to Pennsylvania, and lumber, on which the saving is as one to four. Please note one point! It is a point usually ignored in all comparisons of water and rail rates. While sea and lake are the cheapest method of transportation in the world, canals (unless some other nation builds them as the United States built Panama) are not so cheap as sea and lake. When you add to the cost of canals, the interest on cost, the maintenance, and charge that up against traffic--for it doesn't matter, though the government does maintain canals; you pay the bill in the end--canal rates come higher than rail rates. But in Canada's use of Panama, Canada is not paying for the building of the canal; and the Lord pays the upkeep of the canal of the sea. Take this question of Vancouver rates, from which Canada is standing back so inertly! Take the latest rates issued! These are subject to change and correction, but that does not affect final conclusions. It costs Manitoba and Saskatchewan from twelve to nineteen cents a hundred weight to send grain to Fort William, then during open navigation from four to five cents to reach seaboard at Montreal. It costs Alberta, being farther west, twenty-five cents to reach Fort William; but, as a matter of fact, her wheat can seldom reach Fort William before the close of navigation; so she must pay twenty-five cents more to send her wheat on down to St. John, and five to six cents from St. John to Liverpool, or in all fifty-five cents. The Alberta rate is twenty-two cents plus a fraction to Vancouver, or forty-five cents to Liverpool. Now, Alberta wants to know: Why is she charged twenty-two and a fraction cents for six hundred fifty miles west, and only twenty-five cents for one thousand two hundred miles east? There is the nub and the rub and the hub of the whole thing, and the discrimination bears just as vitally on fruit and dairy products and lumber and coal as on wheat. It is a question that has to be settled in Canada within the next few years, or her west-bound traffic will build up Portland and Seattle instead of Vancouver and Prince Rupert. The whole problem of the effect of Panama is so new in Canada that data do not exist to make comparisons; but details have been carefully gathered by American ports, and the cases are a close enough parallel to illustrate what Panama means in the world of traffic to-day. Freight on a car of Washington lumber to New York is from three hundred ninety-five to four hundred eleven dollars; by water, the freight is from one hundred to one hundred and seventy-five dollars. To bring a car of Washington fir diagonally across the continent to Norfolk costs eighty-five cents a hundred weight. To bring it round by Panama costs twenty cents, or to ship the very same cargo from Norfolk to England--which many southern dealers are now doing--costs twelve to fifteen cents, including the handling at both ends. Dry goods from New York to Texas by water cost eighty-nine cents; by rail, one dollar and eighty-two cents. Oranges by rail from the Pacific to the Atlantic cost twenty-three dollars a ton; by water before the canal opened, breaking bulk twice, ten dollars, and through the canal, when bulk is not broken, will cost only five to eight dollars. On oranges alone California will save twenty million dollars a year shipping via Panama. The Balfour-Guthrie firm of Antwerp can ship a ton of groceries from Europe to Los Angeles round the Horn for the same amount the Southern Pacific ships that ton from Los Angeles to San Francisco--namely, six dollars plus. The rail rate on salt in Washington is eight dollars seventy cents for eighty-eight miles; the river rate one dollar fifty cents. I could give instances in the South where cotton by rail costs two dollars a bale; by water, twenty-five cents. If Panama works this great reduction, this revolution, in freights, will that not hurt the railroads? Ask the railroads whether they make their profit on the long or the short haul. Ask them whether high rates and sparse population or dense population and low rates pay the better dividends! Compare New York Central traffic receipts and Southern Pacific on the average per mile! Now ships that are to use Panama plan pouring twenty million people into the Pacific Coast in twenty years. Will Canada share the coming tide of benefits? Only two things can prevent her: first, lack of preparation--too much "hot air" and not enough hustle; too much after-dinner aviating in the empyrean and not enough muddy mess out on the harbor dredge with "sand hogs" and "shovel stiffs"; then, second, lack of adequate labor to prepare. After-dinner speeches don't make the dirt fly. Canada wants fewer platitudes and a great deal more of good old-fashioned hard hoeing. CHAPTER XI TO EUROPE BY HUDSON BAY I It must have become apparent to the most casual observer that transportation has been to Canada more than a system of exploitation by capital. Transportation has been to Canada an integral part of her very national life--which, perhaps, explains how with the exception of extravagance incident to a period of great prosperity her railroad systems have been founded on sound finance from bed-rock up. In spite of huge land grants--in all fifty-five million acres--and in the case of one railroad wild stock fluctuations from forty-eight to three hundred dollars--it is a question if a dollar of public money has ever been diverted from roadbed to promoters' pockets. Certainly, in the case of the strongest road financially in Canada, no director of the road has ever juggled with underground wires to unload worthless securities on widows and orphans. Railroad stocks have never been made the football of speculators. Charters in the old days were juggled through legislatures with land grants of eight and twelve thousand acres per mile; but at that time these acres were worthless; and the system of land grants has for the last ten years been discontinued. Because railroads are a necessary part of Canada's national development, state aid of late has taken the form of loans, cash grants and guarantee of bonds by provincial and federal governments. This has given Canada's Railway Commission a whip handle over rates and management, which perhaps explains why railroads in Canada have never been regarded as lawful game by the financial powers that prey. Including municipal, provincial and federal grants, stocks and bonds, Canada has spent on her railroads a billion and a half. Including capital cost and maintenance, Canada has spent on her canals $138,000,000. On steamship subsidies, Canada's yearly grants have gradually risen from a few hundred thousands to as high as two millions in some years. Nor does this cover all the national expenditure on transportation; for besides the thirty-eight millions spent on dredging and improving navigation on the St. Lawrence, twelve millions have been appropriated for improving Halifax Harbor; and only recently federal guarantee for bonds to the extent of forty-three millions was accorded one transcontinental. This road was so heavily guaranteed by provincial governments that if it had failed it would have involved four western provinces. Its plight arose from two causes--the extravagant cost of labor and material in an inflated era, and the depression in the world money markets curtailing all extension. Workmen on this road were paid three to seventeen dollars a day, who would have received a dollar and a half to four dollars ten years ago. In fact, the owners of the road themselves received those wages thirty years ago. Sections cost one hundred thousand dollars a mile which would formerly have been built for thirty thousand; and prairie grading formerly estimated at six to eight thousand dollars a mile jumped to twenty and thirty thousand dollars. In coming to the aid of the Canada Northern, the government did no more than Sir John Macdonald's government did for the Canadian Pacific Railroad in 1885, and the prosperity of the Canadian Pacific Railroad has amply justified that aid. Canada's transportation system has been a national policy from the first. Her first transcontinental she built to unify and bind confederation. Her second two transcontinentals she launched to carry commerce east and west, because the United States had built a tariff wall which prevented Canada moving her commerce north and south. Her canal system to cut the distance from the Great Lakes to the seaboard and to overcome the rapids at "the Soo," at Niagara and on the St. Lawrence--has simply resolved itself into an effort to move seaboard inland, on the principle that the farther inland the port the shorter the land haul and the lower the traffic toll. Owing to the enormous increase in the cargo capacity of lake freighters in recent years, grain ships reach Buffalo carrying three hundred thousand bushels of western wheat, and Canada's Welland Canal has worked at a handicap. Until the Canal is widened, the big cargo carriers can not pass through it, and the necessity to break bulk here is one explanation of more than half Canada's western traffic going to seaboard by way of Buffalo instead of Montreal. For years the proposal has been under consideration to connect the Great Lakes with the St. Lawrence by way of a canal from Georgian Bay through Ottawa River. This would be a colossal undertaking; for the region up Mattawa River toward Georgian Bay is of iron rock, and to build a canal wide enough for the big cargo carriers would out-distance anything in the way of canal construction in the world. Both parties in Canada have endorsed what is known as the Georgian Bay Ship Canal; and estimates place the cost at one hundred and twenty-five millions; but traffic men of the Lakes declare if the big cargo carriers are to have cheap insurance on this route, the canal will have to be wide enough to guarantee safe passage; and the cost would be twice this estimate. On no section of her national transportation has Canada expended more thought and effort than improving navigation on the St. Lawrence. This, in its way, has been as difficult a problem for a people of seven millions as the construction of Panama for a people of ninety millions. Consider the geographical position of the St. Lawrence route! It penetrates the continent from eight hundred to nine hundred sixty miles. Montreal, the head of navigation on the St. Lawrence, is the farthest inland harbor of America with the exception of two ports--Galveston on the Gulf of Mexico and Port Nelson on Hudson Bay. Galveston is seven hundred miles from the wheat fields of Kansas. Port Nelson is four hundred miles from the wheat fields of Manitoba. Montreal is--roughly--a thousand miles from the head of the Lakes, one thousand five hundred miles from the wheat fields of Manitoba, two thousand two hundred miles from the wheat fields of Alberta. Montreal's great advantage is in being situated so far inland. Her disadvantages are from the nature of the St. Lawrence. First, the port is closed by ice from November to April. Second, the St. Lawrence is the drainage bed of inland oceans--the Great Lakes. Third, it passes into the Atlantic at one of the most difficult sections of the coast. South of Newfoundland are the fogs of the Grand Banks. North of Newfoundland the tidal current beats upon an iron coast in storm and fog. To save detour, St. Lawrence vessels, of course, follow the route north of Newfoundland through the Straits of Belle Isle. When Canada began dredging the St. Lawrence in 1850, the channel averaged a depth of ten feet. By 1888, the channel averaged twenty-seven and one-half feet at low water. To-day a depth of thirty to thirty-one feet has been attained. At its narrowest points the St. Lawrence has a steamship channel four hundred and fifty feet wide and thirty feet deep from side to side. In the days when high insurance rates were established against the St. Lawrence route, there was practically not a lighthouse nor channel buoy from Tadousac to the Straits of Belle Isle. To-day between Montreal and Quebec are ninety-nine lighted buoys, one hundred and ninety-five can buoys; between Quebec and the Straits, three light ships, eighty gas buoys, one whistling buoy, seventy-five can buoys, four submarine bell ships, and a line of lighthouses. Telegraph lines extend to the outer side of Belle Isle, and hydrographic survey has charted every foot of the river. In spite of these improvements, insurance rates are four to six per cent. for lines to Canada, where they are one and one-half to two and one-half to American ports. II What with three transcontinentals, a complete canal system from seaboard to the Great Lakes and an outlet for western traffic through Panama, one would think that Canada had made ample provision for transportation; but she has only begun. If she is to be the shortest route to the Orient, she must keep traffic in Canadian channels and not divide it with Panama and Suez. If she is to feed the British Empire, she must establish the shortest route from her wheat fields to the United Kingdom; and if she is to overcome the disadvantage of harbors open only half the year, she must secure to herself some other advantage--such as access to the harbor having the shortest land haul and therefore the lowest freight rates in America. There is another consideration. If when Canada is raising less than three hundred million bushels of wheat her transcontinentals are glutted with traffic and her harbors gorged, what will happen when her wheat fields raise eight hundred million bushels of wheat? So Canada has cast about for a shorter route to Europe by Hudson Bay, and both parties in Dominion politics have backed the project. At a time when the food supply of Great Britain must be drawn almost solely from her colonial possessions and the United States and Argentina, when her very national existence depends on the sea lanes to that food supply being kept open--a route which shortens the distance to that food supply by from one thousand five hundred to three thousand miles becomes doubly interesting. Take a mental look at the contour of North America! All the big export harbors of the Atlantic Coast are situated at the broadest bulge of the continent--Halifax, St. John, Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore are all where the distance across the continent from the grain fields is widest. That means a long land haul. Take another look at the map--this time at a revolving globe! Any schoolboy knows that a circle round a top is shorter at the ends than around its middle. The same of the earth. East and west distances are shorter the nearer you are to the Pole, the farther you are from the Equator. To England from Eastern Asia by Suez is fourteen to eighteen thousand miles. To England from Asia by San Francisco is eleven thousand miles, by Seattle ten thousand miles, by Prince Rupert and Hudson Bay seven to eight thousand miles--representing a saving by the northern route of almost half round the world. Another point--take a compass! Stick the needle on Hudson Bay and swing the leg down round New York and up through the wheat plains of the Northwest. Draw lines to the center of your circle--to your amazement, you find the lines from the wheat plains to New York are twice and thrice as long as the lines from the wheat plains to Hudson Bay. In other words, Mr. Hill's wheat empire is one thousand miles nearer tidewater to Hudson Bay than to New York. The three prairie provinces of Northwestern Canada are from four hundred (for Manitoba) to eight hundred miles (for Alberta) distant from ocean front on Hudson Bay. They are from one thousand two hundred to two thousand four hundred miles distant from tidewater at Montreal and New York and Philadelphia. That is--if land rates were the same as water rates--the Hudson Bay route to Europe would cut rates to England from the Orient by half, and from the wheat plains by the difference between one thousand two hundred miles and four hundred, and two thousand four hundred miles and eight hundred. But land rates are not water rates. From Alberta to the Great Lakes is roughly one thousand two hundred miles. From the Great Lakes to tidewater is roughly another one thousand two hundred miles--either by way of Chicago-Buffalo, or Lake Superior-Montreal. For the one thousand two hundred miles from Alberta to the Great Lakes, grain shippers at time of writing pay a rate of twenty-two to twenty-five cents a bushel. For the one thousand two hundred miles from the head of the Lakes to Buffalo, the rate is three cents, from the head of the Lakes to Montreal five to six cents. In other words, the rate by land is just five to eight times higher than the rate by water. To the argument--shorter distances by half by the northern route--is added the argument cheaper rates as eight to one. That is why for twenty years Canada has gone sheer mad over a Hudson Bay route to Europe. For obvious reasons the ports in Eastern Canada have fought the idea and ridiculed the whole project as "an iron tonic from rusting rails" for the cows. That has not stopped the West. Grading is under way for the railroad to Hudson Bay from the grain plains. The Canadian government is the backer and the builder. Construction engines, dredges, steamers now whistle over the silences of the northern inland sea; and Port Nelson, which for three centuries has been the great fur entrepôt of the wintry wastes, now echoes to pick and hammer and blowing locomotive intent on the construction of what is known as the Hudson Bay Railroad. Should the war last for years as wars of old, and Port Nelson become a great grain port as for three centuries it has been the greatest fur port of the world, the navies of Europe may yet thunder at one another along Hudson Bay's shallow shores, as French and English fought there all through the seventeenth century. III The Hudson Bay railroad hung in mid-air for almost a quarter century. It was regarded by the East as one of the West's mad impossible "boom" projects. Hadn't Canada, a country of seven million population, a railroad system of 29,000 miles? Hadn't the Dominion spent $138,000,000 on canals heading traffic to the St. Lawrence? Why divert half that traffic north to Hudson Bay? Surely three great transcontinental systems for a country with a population not larger than New York State were enough. So argued the East, and a great many conservative people in the West. Better make haste slowly, especially as it was becoming more and more evident that Canada would have to come to the aid of two of the transcontinentals or see them go bankrupt. Then something happened. In fact, two or three things happened. The population, which had remained almost stationary for half a century, jumped two million in less than ten years. Immigrants began pouring in at the rate of four hundred thousand a year--they were coming literally faster than the railroads could carry them. It sometimes takes an outsider's view of us to make us realize ourselves. Do you realize--they asked--that your three grain provinces alone are three times the area of the German Empire? Here is a grain field as long as from Petrograd to Paris and of unknown width north and south. You have 480,000,000 acres of wheat lands. (The United States plants only 50,000,000 acres a year to wheat.) You are cultivating only 16,000,000 acres. If there is a grain blockade now, what will there be when you cultivate 100,000,000 acres? Yes--we know--you may send Alberta grain west by Panama to Liverpool; but even with half going by Panama, can the Great Lakes-St. Lawrence route take care of the rest? We hear about a constant shortage of cars; of elevators bulging with grain every September; of miles of lake cargo carriers waiting to get in and out of their berths every October before navigation closes. Do you know--they asked--that you have five times more traffic--seventy-two million tons--going through your canals than is expected for Panama? Do you know your rail traffic has jumped from 36,000,000 tons in 1900 to 90,000,000 tons in 1912? If you sent 200,000,000 bushels of wheat abroad in 1912 and 158,000,000 bushels in 1914--a poor year--what will you send in 1920 with twice as much land under wheat? Two other comparatively unpondered facts were the hammers that drove the argument for a Hudson Bay route home and forced the Canadian government, irrespective of party, to back the project. The two facts were these--of Canada's agricultural exports eighty per cent. went to Great Britain. In spite of Canada spending a billion on her transportation system, look at the fact well--it is a poser--only from thirty-two to forty per cent. of her export trade went out by Canadian routing. Why was that? The Department of Railroads and Canals in its annual report explains elaborately that sixty per cent. of Western Canadian grain went out by the Duluth-Buffalo route instead of Ft. William-Montreal because the lake rate of the former was cheaper as three to six cents a bushel; but there is nothing in this argument because Montreal is tidewater. Buffalo is not. To the cheaper Buffalo rate you must add five cents to New York, proving the American routing really two cents a bushel higher. Yet sixty per cent. of Western Canadian wheat went out by the costlier routing. Why? For the same reason that if you jam a bag too full it bursts. Because the Canadian trans-continentals simply could not take care of the traffic blockading tracks and ports and elevators. So in spite of the funny man's jokes about a Hudson Bay route being "iron tonic for the cows," Canada launched on another all-red, to-the-sea railroad project. IV What of the road itself? I camped in the region a few years ago when the venture was still in air. The wheat plains terminate just west of Lake Winnipeg in an interminable swamp region that has been the home of small furs from the beginning of time. Saskatchewan River here literally widens to seventy miles of swamp, where you can barely find foot room dry soled except in winter, when the marsh turns to iron ice twelve feet thick. Through this swamp country runs a ridge of rock northeasterly to Hudson Bay. Down this ridge run Nelson and Hayes and Churchill Rivers in a succession of rapids and lakes, wild rough barren country, where you can paddle in summer or course by dog-train in winter for four hundred miles without sight of arable land or human dwelling. Along this ridge the railroad runs from the wheat plains. It is a route destined for the present to be barren of local traffic, but that also is true of the stretches along Lake Superior, or across the desert of the Southwest. Back from the ridge coal deposits have been found, and traces of copper, the mines of which have not yet been located. I myself saw chunks of pure copper from the Churchill River region the size of one's hand, but the veins from which the Indians brought it have not yet been located. In time these great deposits may be worked as oil and coal and gold and silver have been taken from the American Desert, but for the near future the Hudson Bay Railroad will carry little traffic but that received at its terminals. The western terminal connecting with the wheat railroads is the Pas, an old, very old fur post of the French wood-runner days, on the Saskatchewan west of Lake Winnipeg. Here the railroad touches the Canada Northern and will doubtless later connect with the Canadian Pacific Railroad and Grand Trunk. To any one who knows the region well it seems almost a pity that the western terminus could not have been Grand Rapids just northwest of Lake Winnipeg. Here is a fine wooded high park country with the unlimited water power of nine miles of a continental river walled into a canyon half a mile wide. But the country west of Lake Winnipeg is as yet untouched by a railroad, though one can hardly conceive of a city not some day springing up at this the head of Manitoba navigation. Eastward from the Pas to Hudson Bay it is four hundred miles plus. Construction presents no great difficulties except bridging, and that can hardly be compared to the difficulties of canyons in the Rockies and drouth in the desert. For years there was sharp contest whether the terminus on the Bay should be Nelson or Churchill. Churchill is one of the best harbors in the world, land locked, rock protected and fathomless; and Nelson is probably one of the worst--shallow, with sand bars caused by the confluence of the two great rivers emptying here, exposed to open sea. But the balance of favor on the Bay is how long can navigation be kept open. Navigation is open a month earlier and a month later at Nelson than at Churchill; so the Dominion dredges have gone to work to make Nelson a fit harbor. How long is navigation open on the Bay? The Dominion government has sent three expeditions to ascertain this, though data might have been obtained from the Archives of the Hudson's Bay Fur Company covering the record of over two hundred years. Both the Archives and the official expeditions record the same--navigation opens between the middle of May and the first of June, and closes about the end of October. Seasons have been known when navigation remained open till New Year's, but this was unusual. So as far as the opening and closing of navigation is considered, the Hudson Bay route is not far different from the Great Lakes. Hudson Bay itself is in area about the size of the Mediterranean. Because it is so far north the impression prevails that it is afloat with ice. This is a false impression. Hudson Bay lies in the same latitude as the North Sea and the Baltic, which are freighted with Russian and German commerce, but the climate, of course, is colder. The ice, which has given the great inland sea its ill repute, comes from the Pole and goes out through the Straits, seldom coming down the Bay in the season of navigation. The Straits are the real crux of the Hudson Bay route to Europe, and there is no narrow neck of land to cut a way of escape through to open sea as at Kiel and Cape Cod. The Straits have been navigated by fur-traders since 1670, but the fur-traders could take a week or a month to the four hundred and fifty miles of Straits. They could afford the time to float back and forward with the ice packs for six weeks, and as many as seven vessels have been wrecked in ten years. To this tale of wreckage in the Straits, friends of the Hudson Bay route answer as follows: First, the fur-traders' vessels were little discarded admiralty vessels of small tonnage and rickety construction. Give us ice jammers such as the Russians use on the Baltic, built narrow and high of oak, not steel, to ride and crush down through the ice; and we can take care of high insurance rates. Second, the Straits are still an utterly uncharted sea four hundred and fifty miles long and from seventy to one hundred and fifty wide. This is not so long as the passage up the St. Lawrence. In such an inland sea as these Straits there must exist safe as well as unsafe channels, shelters, smooth reaches. Let us get the Straits charted and marked with buoys, with telegraph and cable points, and we shall navigate these four hundred and fifty miles. The questions of lighthouses need not bother the Straits, for the season of navigation is also the season of long daylight. V Three advantages must be put on the credit side of the Hudson Bay route: Distances to tidewater cut by half. Distances to Europe cut by a third. Rates reduced on grain as eight to one. Against these advantages must be placed three handicaps: The danger of an uncharted sea in the Straits. High insurance. Necessity for enormous elevator and storage room. Mr. Hill's wheat country may begin wheat cutting in July. The Canadian Northwest is lucky if it cuts before the eighth of August. Consider the area of the big wheat farms! The whole of August is taken up with cutting and threshing. It is September or October, before the wheat is hauled to market, and it is November before it reaches seaboard. In November navigation on the Bay closes, and one hundred, perhaps two hundred million bushels of wheat must be held by the farmers, or the elevators, till May. This means interest on money out of the farmer's pocket for six months, or storage charges. On the other hand, there will be no danger of stored wheat "heating" on the Bay. The cold there is of too sharp a type, but this is a danger in many of the all-the-year-round open harbors. For twenty years the Hudson Bay railroad has been a project up in air. It is now a project on graded roadbed. Before these words are in print Hudson Bay Railroad will be on wheels and tracks. Then the real difficulty of the Straits will be faced, and probably--as Russia has overcome the difficulties of the Baltic--so will the Canadian Northwest overcome the difficulties of this hyperborean sea. CHAPTER XII SOME INDUSTRIAL PROBLEMS I The contest between capital and labor in Canada has never become that armed camp divided by a chasm of hatred known in other lands. This for two reasons: First, the labor of yesterday is the capital of to-day, and the labor of to-day is the capital of to-morrow. Second, from the very nature of Canada's greatest wealth--agricultural lands--the substantial proportion of the population consists of land owners, vested righters, respecters of property interests because they themselves are property holders. The city dweller in Canada has been from the very nature of things the anachronism, the anomaly, the parasite, the extraneous outgrowth on the main body of production. To take the first reason why capital and labor has not been divided in hostile camps in Canada, because the labor of yesterday is the capital of to-day--I am not dealing with speculative arguments and opinions. I am trying to set down facts. The owner of the largest fortune west of the Rocky Mountains in Canada began life with a pick and shovel. The owner of the richest timber limits in British Columbia began at a dollar and twenty-five cents a day piling slabs. The wealthiest meat packer east of the Rocky Mountains was "bucking" and "breaking" bronchoes thirty years ago at twenty-five dollars a month. The packer who comes next to him in wealth began life in Pt. Douglas, Winnipeg, loading frozen hogs. The richest newspaper man in Canada began life so poor that he and his father hauled the first editions of their paper to customers on a hand sled. The four men who are to-day the greatest powers in the railroad world of the Dominion began life, one as a stone mason, another as a lumber-jack, a third as a store keeper, a fourth as a telegraph operator. I do not think I am wrong in saying that the richest wholesaler in Canada reached the scene of his present activities with his entire earthly possessions in a pocket handkerchief and a tin lunch pail. Of two of the most powerful men who ever came out of the maritime provinces, one swept a village store for his living at a dollar and fifty cents a week; another reached St. John, New Brunswick, from his home in the backwoods, dressed in a home-made suit, which his mother had spun and carded from their own wool. The fact that the door of opportunity is open to the talented tends to prevent the opening of a chasm of hatred between capital and labor, though it must be admitted that the warfare of capital and labor in the States was developing in the era when Rockefeller and Carnegie were lifting themselves from penury to the heights of financial power. Infinitely more important is the second reason. For a long time at least the stanchest, strongest and stablest part of Canada's people must be rooted to the soil. Up to the present half her population has been rural, and less than three per cent. absorbed by the factory, the railway, the labor union. Of her population of 7,800,000, only 176,000 workers belong to labor organizations, and ninety per cent. of these have never been on strike. These figures alone explain why class hatred has never widened into a chasm dividing society in Canada. Why Big Business has never dominated government in Canada will be dealt with in a later chapter, but if Big Business can not violate law with impunity at one end of the social scale, it may be safely said that anarchy will never violate law at the other end of the scale. At the same time there are symptoms appearing in the industrial conditions of Canada as gravely dangerous as anything in her immigration problems. These need only be stated to be apparent. Where wages have increased only ten per cent. in a decade, the cost of living has increased fifty-one per cent.--according to an official commission appointed by the Ottawa government to report. Though Canada is an agricultural country, in food products alone, she pays ten million dollars duty yearly. In one farming province ten million dollars' worth of food is yearly imported. Why is this? Why is Canada not producing all the food she consumes? Because in certain sections only one settler goes out to the farm for four that live in the town. In the West, if you add up the population of all the cities, you will find that one-fourth as many people live in the cities as in the country. In one province you will find that out of half a million population, three hundred thousand are living in cities and towns. This is the province that imports such quantities of food. It is also the province that has more labor trouble than all the other sections of the Dominion put together. Demagogues harangue the city squares for "the right to work," "the right to live;" and mill owners, farmers, ranchers, railway builders go bankrupt for lack of men to work. It is the province where the highest wages in the world are paid for every form of labor. It is also the province where the greatest number of people are idle, and neither you nor I nor anybody else, can convince the idle stone mason who demands eight dollars a day that he keeps himself idle by not accepting half that figure. He is not dealing with "the robber baron" capitalistic class. He is dealing with the humble householder who wants to build but can not afford workmen at eight dollars to five dollars a day, when he could afford workmen at four dollars to a dollar and fifty cents a day. In 1800 only four per cent. of the United States population was urban, and ninety-six per cent. was rural. By 1910 only fifty-three per cent. of the population was rural. Similarly of France and Great Britain. Sixty-five per cent. of France's population is rural, and France is prosperous, and her people are the thriftiest and most saving in the world. They with their tiny savings are the world's bankers. In the United Kingdom, the rural population has decreased from twenty-eight per cent. to twenty-three per cent. of the total population. How about Canada? In 1891 thirty-two per cent. of Canada's people lived in towns and cities. By 1901 thirty-eight per cent. were town dwellers. By 1914 the proportion in towns and cities is almost fifty per cent. The entire movement of population from country to city is reflected in the astounding growth of the cities. In 1800 Montreal had a population of seven thousand; in 1850, sixty thousand; by 1914, almost half a million. Similarly of Toronto, of Winnipeg, of Vancouver. From nothing in 1800, these cities have grown to metropolitan centers of three hundred thousand, and their growth is the subject of fevered civic pride. It ought to be cause of gravest alarm. In the history of the world, when men began to hive in a crowded cave life, those nations began to decline. The results are always the same--an extortionate rise in the cost of food, the long bread line, charity where there ought to be labor and thrift, food riots, terrible tragic contrasts of the very rich and the very poor, all the vices that go with crowded housing. When charity workers investigated in Toronto and Montreal and Winnipeg, they found foreigners living forty-three in five rooms, twenty-four and fifteen and ten in one. Wherever such proportions exist as to rural and urban population, ground rentals and values ascend in price like overheated mercury. Men begin to build perpendicularly instead of latitudinally. The cave life of the skyscraper takes the place of the trim home garden, and so greed of gain--interest on extortionate real estate values--takes its toll of human life and virtue, clean living and clean thinking. In one section of Canada during ten years, where there had been an increase of 574,878 in the country population, there was an increase of 1,258,645 in the city population. Between 1901 and 1911, where 39,951 newcomers settled in the country districts of Quebec, 313,863 settled in the cities. For one who chose life in the open, eight chose the tenement and the sweatshop. In 1901 Canada had 3,349,516 people living in the country, and 2,021,799 living in the cities. By 1911 there were 3,924,394 living in the country, and 3,280,440 living in the cities. All this signifies but one thing to Canada--a swift transition from agricultural status to industrial life; and whether such an artificial transition bodes good or ill for a land whose greatest wealth lies in forest and mine and farm remains to be seen. For the time it has resulted in a cost of living almost prohibitive to the very poor. The sweatshop, the tenement, the Ghetto, the cave life hovel of Europe have been reproduced in the crowded foreign quarters of Canadian cities. It means more than physical deterioration and moral contamination and degeneration of national stamina. It means if Canada is to become a great manufacturing country, feeding the human into the hopper of the machine that dividends may pour out, then she, the youngest of the nations, must compete against the oldest and the strongest--Germany, England, France, the United States; but if she is to be a great agricultural country, then she has few peers in the whole world. Neither need she have any fear. The nations of the world must come to her, as they went down to Egypt, for bread. The man on his own land, be his work good or ill owns his own labor and takes profit or loss from it and can blame no one but himself for that profit or loss. With the renting out of a man's labor to some other man for that other man's profit or loss come all the discontent and class strife of industrial warfare. Of industrial strife, of labor riots, of syndicalism, of social revolution, of the few plundering the many, and the many threatening reprisal in the form of legislation for the many to plunder the few--of this dog-eat-dog, internecine industrial strife--Canada has hitherto known next to nothing; but she is at the parting of the ways. The day that a preponderance of her population becomes urban instead of rural, that day a preponderance of her population must ask leave to live from some other man--must ask leave to work for some other man, must ask leave to put the collar of the industrial serf on the neck as the sign of labor owned by some other man. That day the preponderance of Canada's population will cease owning their own vested rights and will begin attacking the vested rights of other men. That day plutocracy will begin plundering democracy, and the unfit will begin plundering the fit, and the many will demand the same rewards as the few, not by winning those rewards and rising to the plane of the few, but by expropriating those rewards and pulling the few down to the level of the many. To me it means the sickling over a robust nationhood with the yellowing hue of a dollar democracy, the yellowing hue of gnashing social jealousy, the yellowing hue of moral putridity and decadence and rot. Hitherto every man has stood on his own legs in Canada. There has been no weak-kneed, puling greedy mob bellowing for pap from the breasts of a state treasury--demanding the rewards of industry and thrift which they have been too weak and shiftless and useless to earn. But Canada is at the parting of the ways. The day more men live in the cities demanding food than live on the soil producing it--which God forfend--that day Canada goes down in the welter of industrial war and social upheaval. Hitherto no statesman has arisen in Canada who remotely sensed the impending evil, much less made an effort to avert the doom that has come like a cloud above the well-being of every modern country. The man who makes it a national policy in Canada to attract the settler to the soil rather than to the city hovel will in the future annals of this great nation be rated above a Napoleon or a Bismarck.[1] This to me is the crux of the very greatest and most acute problem confronting the Dominion's future destiny. II In a country where organized labor numbers only 176,000 out of 7,800,000, labor problems can hardly be set down as acute. They do not split society asunder as they do elsewhere. I am glad of it. I am glad that in Canada up to the present labor is only capital in the inchoate. I should be sorry if the day ever came when labor was the serf, and capital the robber baron, as--let us frankly acknowledge--it is elsewhere. In this connection three points should be emphasized. Whether they should be praised or blamed I do not know; but the points are these: The Senate in Canada being appointed for life has acted as a breakwater of adamant and reinforced concrete against all labor or capital legislation that has arisen from the passions of the moment. More than once when labor or capital, holding the whip handle in the Commons, would have forced through hasty legislation as to compensation, as to liability, as to non-liability--the leaders in the Commons have said frankly in caucus to the Senate: We are dependent on the vote for our places here. You are not. We are letting this fool bill through, but we are letting it through because we know you will kill it. Kill it! In the next place, "the twilight zone" between federal and provincial power in matters of labor has proved an unmitigated curse. When the syndicalists of Europe, known in America as the Industrial Workers of the World, succeeded in tying up railroad construction and almost ruining the contractors of two transcontinental systems in British Columbia a few years ago, endless delay in terminating an impossible situation occurred through the province trying to throw the burden of dealing with the matter on the Dominion, and the Dominion trying to throw the burden on the province. Both province and Dominion were afraid of the labor vote. The losses caused during that three months' strike in the construction camps indirectly afterward fell on the Canadian people; for the embarrassed transcontinentals had to come to the Dominion government for aid; and the Dominion government is, after all, the people. "I pray God," said a Cabinet Minister in Ottawa to me at the time, "that Imperial Federation may never come; if it adds to our woes another 'twilight zone' as to Dominion and Imperial powers." III It seems almost ungracious in this connection to say that Canada's far-famed Arbitration Act has been overrated. That it has accomplished some good and settled many controversies no reasonable person will deny, but it is not a panacea for all ills. Here is the difficulty as to arbitration. It is not unlike the situation of Belgium regarding Germany in the great war. Arbitration depends on "a scrap of paper." What if some one tears up "the scrap of paper"? What if one side says there is nothing to arbitrate? Twenty years ago--yes--wages, hours, conditions of labor--could have been arbitrated; but to-day the contest in the industrial world is often not for wages and hours of labor. "Demand three dollars a day for an eight-hour day, to-day," I heard an Industrial Worker of the World shout in a Vancouver strike. "Demand four dollars a day to-morrow, till you secure four dollars a day for a four-hour day--till your ascending wages expropriate capital--take over capital and all industry to be operated for labor." In the great struggle between the railroads and the I. W. W.'s in British Columbia, Canada's Arbitration Act fell down hopelessly simply because there was nothing to arbitrate. Labor said: We shall paralyze all industry, or operate all industry for labor's profit solely. Capital said--you shall not. There the two tied in deadlock for months, and there all arbitration acts must often tie in deadlock in industrial warfare. That is why I hope industrial warfare will never become a part of Canada's national life. That is why I hope and pray every Canadian settler will become a vested righter by owning and operating his own acres till Death lays him in God's Acre. IV In a country where the public debt is only $350,000,000 or forty-five dollars per head, and the national income is $1,500,000,000 from farm, factory, forest and mine--or two hundred dollars per head and that fairly well distributed--for the present there is little to fear of social revolution. It is not the social revolution that I fear for Canada. It is the canker of social hate and jealousy preceding revolution. If fifty per cent. of the population can be kept owning and operating their own land, that social canker will never infect Canada's national life as a whole. [1] Thomas Jefferson desired such a rural future for the United States and deplored the day of cities and industrialism. It came, nevertheless.--THE EDITOR. CHAPTER XIII HOW GOVERNED I Reference has been made to the facts that Big Business has up to the present been unable to get control of the reins of government in Canada, that the courts have been kept comparatively free of political influence and that the doors of underground politics are not easily pried open by corruption. Why is this? Canadians would fain take unction to themselves that it is owing to their superior national integrity, but this is nonsense. Exuberant forest growth is always characterized by some fungus and dry rot. How has Canada escaped so much of this fungus excrescence of representative government? To get at the reason for this it is necessary to trace back for a little space the historic growth of Canada's form of government. We speak of Canada's constitution being the British North America Act. As a matter of fact, Canada's constitution is more than an act--more than a dry and hard and inflexible formula to which growth must conform. Rather than plaster cast into which growing life must fit itself, Canada's constitution is a living organism evolved from her own mistakes and struggles of the past and her own needs as to the present. Canada's constitution is not some pocket formula which some doctrinaire--with apologies to France--has whipped out of his pocket to remedy all ills. Canada's constitution is like the scientific data of empirical medicine; it is the result of centuries' experiments, none the less scientific because unconscious. One need not trace the growth of government to the days prior to English rule. When England took over Canada by the Treaty of Paris in 1763, the main thing to remember is that the French-Canadian was guaranteed the free exercise of his religion. This--and not innate loyalty to an alien government--was the real reason for Quebec refusing to cast in her lot with the revolting American colonies. This was the reason for Quebec remaining stanch in the War of 1812, and this is the reason for Quebec to-day standing a solid unit against annexation. We must not forget what a high emissary from Rome once jocularly said of a religious quarrel in Canada--Quebec was more Catholic than the Pope. Following the military régime of the Conquest came the Quebec Act of 1774.--Please note, contemporaneous with the uprising of the American colonies, Canada is given her first constitution. The Governor and legislative council are to be appointed by the Crown, and full freedom of worship is guaranteed. French civil law and English criminal law are established; and the Church is confirmed in its title to ecclesiastical property--which was right when you consider that the foundations of the Church in Quebec are laid in the blood of martyrs. Just here intervenes the element which compelled the reshaping of Canada's destiny. When the American colonies gained their independence, there came across the border to what are now New Brunswick and Nova Scotia and Ontario some forty thousand Loyalists mainly from New England and the South. These Loyalists, of course, refused to be dominated by French rule; so the Constitutional Act was passed in 1791 by the Imperial Parliament. The people of Canada were represented for the first time in an assembly elected by themselves, The Governor-General for Quebec--Lower Canada--and the Lieutenant-Governor for Ontario--Upper Canada--were both appointed by the Crown. The Executive, or Cabinet, was chosen by the Governor. The weakness of the new system was glaringly apparent on the surface. While the assembly was elected in each province by the people, the assembly had no direct control over the Executive. Downing Street, England, chose the Governors; and the Governors chose their own junta of advisers; and all the abuses of the Family Compact arose, which led to the Rebellion of '37 under William Lyon MacKenzie in Ontario and Louis Papineau in Quebec. Judges at this time sat in both Houses, and Canada learned the bitter lesson of keeping her judiciary out of politics. As the power of appointment rested exclusively with the Governor and his circle, it can be believed that the French of Quebec suffered disabilities and prejudice. Hopelessly at sea as to the cause of the continual unrest in her colonies and undoubtedly sad from the loss of her American possessions, England now sent out a commissioner to investigate the trouble; and it is to the findings of this commissioner that the United Kingdom has since owed her world-wide success in governing people by letting them govern themselves. People sometimes ask why England has been so successful in governing one-fifth of the habitable globe. She does not govern one-fifth the habitable globe. She lets much of it govern itself; and it was Lord Durham, coming out as Governor-General and high commissioner at this time, who laid the foundations of England's success in colonizing. His report has been the Magna Charta and Declaration of Independence of the self-governing colonies of the British Empire. First of all, government must be entrusted to the house representing the people. Second, the granting of moneys must be controlled by those paying the taxes. Third, the Executive must be responsible not only to the Crown but to the representatives of the people. It is here the Canadian system differs from the American. The Secretary, or Cabinet Minister, can not hold office one day under the disapproval of the House, no matter what his tenure of office. The Act of 1840 resulted from Durham's report. Upper and Lower Canada were united under one government--which was really the forerunner of confederation in '67. The House was given exclusive control of taxation and expenditure. Nothing awakened Canada so acutely to the necessity of federating all British North America as the Civil War in the United States, when the States Right party fought to secede. Red River and British Columbia had become peopled. The maritime provinces settled by French from Quebec and New England Loyalists were alien in thought from Upper and Lower Canada. The cry "54-40 or fight," the setting up of a provisional government by Oregon, the Riel Rebellion in Manitoba, the rush of California gold miners to Cariboo--all were straws in a restless wind blowing Canada's destiny hither and whither. Confederation was not a pocket theory. It was a result born of necessity, and the main principles of confederation embodied in the British North America Act had been foreshadowed in Durham's report. Durham himself suffered the fate of too many of the world's great. He had come out to Canada to settle a bitter dispute between the little oligarchy round the royal Governor and the people. He sided with neither and was abjured by both. The sentences against the patriots he had set aside or softened. The royalists he condemned but did not punish. Both sides poured charges against Durham into the office of the Colonial Secretary in England, Durham died of a broken heart, but his report laid the foundation of England's future colonial policy. II By the British North America Act of 1867, passed by the Imperial Parliament, Ontario, Quebec, Nova Scotia and New Brunswick came into the Union. Later Prince Edward Island, Manitoba, the Northwest Territories and British Columbia joined. Up to the present Newfoundland has stood aside. Under the British North America Act, Canada is ruled to-day. There is first the Imperial government represented by a Governor-General. The commandant of Canada's regular militia is also an Imperial officer. There is second the federal government with executive, legislative and judicial powers; or a cabinet, a parliament, a supreme court. There are third the provincial governments with executive, legislative and judicial powers. Details of each section of government can not be given here; but several facts should be noted; for they explain the practical workings of Canada's system. The Witenagemot--or Saxon council of wise men--stands for Canada's ideal of a parliament. It is not so much a question of spoils. It is not so much a case of "the outs" ejecting "the ins." I have never heard of any party in Canada taking the ground, "Here--you have been in long enough; it's our turn." I have never heard a suggestion as to tenure of office being confined to "one term" for fear of a leader becoming a Napoleon. If a leader be efficient--and it is thought the more experienced he is, the more efficient he will be--he can hold office as long as he lives if the people keep on electing him. The Cabinet--or inner council of advisers to the Governor-General--must be elected by the people and directly responsible to the House. At its head stands the Premier. Within her own jurisdiction Canada's legislature has absolute power. If her treaties or acts should conflict with Imperial interests, they would be disallowed by the Imperial Privy Council as unconstitutional, or ultra vires. Likewise of the provinces, if any of their acts conflicted with federal interests, they would be disallowed as ultra vires. Should the Governor-General differ from the Cabinet in office, he must either recede from his own position or dismiss his advisers and send them to the country for the verdict of the people. Should the people endorse the Ministry, the Governor-General must either resign or recede from his stand. I know of no case where such a contingency has arisen. A Governor-General is careful never to conflict with a Ministry endorsed by the electorate. Once a man has received an appointment to a position in the civil service of Canada he must keep absolutely aloof from politics. This is not a law but it is a custom, the violation of which would cost a man his position. The Parliament in the Dominion consists of the Commons and the Senate. The Commons are elected by the people. The Senators are appointed by the Governor-General, strictly under advice of the party in office, for life. Senators must be thirty years of age and possess property over four thousand dollars in value above their liabilities. The Senator resides in the district which he represents. The Commoner may represent a district in which he does not reside, and, on the whole, this is more of an advantage than a disadvantage. It permits a district that has special needs to choose a man of great character and power resident in another district. If he fails to meet the peculiar needs of that district, he will not be reelected. If he meets the needs of the district which he represents he has the additional prestige of his influence in another electoral district. A Senator can be removed for only four reasons: bankruptcy, absence, change of citizenship, conviction of crime. At a time when the United States is so generally in favor of the election of Senators by direct vote, when England is trending so preponderately in favor of curbing the veto power of the House of Lords, it seems remarkable that Canada never questions the power of the Senator appointed for life. Though officially supposed to be appointed by the Governor-General, the Senator is in reality never appointed except on recommendation of the prevailing Cabinet which means--the party in power. The appointments being for life and the emolument sufficient to guarantee a good living conformable with the style required by the official position, the Senator appointed for life--like the judge appointed for life--soon shows himself independent of purely party behests. He is depended upon by the Commoners to veto and arrest popular movements, which would be inimical to public good, but which the Commoner dare not defeat for fear of defeat in reelection. For instance, a few years ago a labor bill was introduced in the Commons as to compensation for injuries. In theory, it was all right. In practice, it was a blackmail levy against employers. The Commoners did not dare reject it for fear of the vote in one particular province. What they did was meet the Senate in unofficial caucuses. They said: We shall pass this bill all three readings; but we depend on you--the Senate--to reject it. We can go to the province and say we passed the bill and ask for the support of that province; but because the bill would be inimical to the best interests of other provinces, we depend on you, the Senate, to defeat it. And the Senate defeated it. When older democracies are curtailing the strength of veto power in upper houses, it is curious to find this dependence of a young democracy on veto power. Instead of the life privileges leading to an abuse of insolence and Big Business, up to the present in Canada, life tenure independent of politics has led to independence. The appointments being for life guarantees that many of the incumbents are not young, and this imparts to the Upper House that quality of the Witenagemot most valued by the ancient Saxons--the council of the aged and the experienced and the wise. Active, aggressive power, of course, resides chiefly with the Commons. Representation here is arranged according to the population and must be readjusted after every census. "Rep. by Pop." was the rallying cry that effected this arrangement. No property qualification is required from the member of the House of Commons, but he must be a British subject. He must not have been convicted of any crime, minor or major. Franchise in Canada is practically universal suffrage. At least it amounts to that. Voters must be registered. They must be British subjects. They must be twenty-one years of age. They must not be insane, idiots or convicts. They must own real property to the value of three hundred dollars in cities, two hundred dollars in towns, one hundred and fifty dollars in the country; or they must have a yearly income of three hundred dollars. A farmer's son has the right to vote without these qualifications, evidently on the ancient Saxon presumption that a free-holder represents more vitally the interests of a country than the penniless floater, who neither works nor earns. In other words, the carpet-bag voter does not yet play any part in Canadian politics. Bad as the corruption is in some cases among the foreigners, when votes are bought at two dollars to five dollars, the point has not yet been reached when a carpet-bag gang of boarding-house floaters and saloon heelers can be transferred from a secure ward to a doubtful ward and so submerge the political rights of permanent residents. Judges can not vote in Canada. In fact, they can take no part, direct or indirect, by influence or speech, in politics. This was one of the things fought out in the '37 Rebellion and forever settled. Canada could not conceive of a man who had been a judge being nominated for the premiership or as Governor. Of course, when Liberals are in power, as advisers of the Governor-General, they recommend more Liberals for judgeships than Conservatives; and when Conservatives are in power, they recommend for judgeships more Conservatives than Liberals. I think of attorneys who were penniless strugglers in the Liberal ranks of my childhood days in Winnipeg who are to-day dignified judges; and I think of other attorneys, who were penniless strugglers in Conservative ranks who have been advanced under the Borden regime to judgeships; but the point is, having been so advanced, they pass a chasm which they can never retrace without impeachment--the chasm is party politics. They are independent of popular favor. They can be impeached and displaced. They are forever disgraced by defalcation in office. By observing the duties of office, they are secure for life and held in an esteem second only to that of the Governor-General. You will notice that it is all more a matter of public sentiment than a law; of custom than of court. That is what I mean when I say that Canada's constitution is a vital, living, growing thing, not a dead formula by which the Past binds and impedes the Present and the Future. There must be a session of the Dominion Parliament once every year. Five years is the limit of any tenure of office by the Commons. Every five years the Commoners must go to the country for reelection. Usually the government in power goes to the country for reendorsement before the term of Parliament expires. Laws on corrupt practices are very strict and what is more--they are generally enforced. The slightest profit, direct or indirect of a member, vacates his seat. Corruption on the part of underlings, of which they have known nothing, vacates an election. A member of Parliament can not participate directly or indirectly in any public work benefiting his district. He is not in it for what he can get out of it. He is in it for what he can give to it. Expenses of election to a postage stamp must be published after election. The methods of conducting business in Parliament need not be discussed here, except to say that any member can introduce a bill, any member can present a petition from the humblest inhabitant of the commonwealth, and any member can speak on a motion provided he gains the floor first. Judges are appointed and paid by the Dominion government, not by the provincial. Decisions by provincial judges--appointed by the Dominion government--can be appealed to a Supreme Court of Canada. Judges can be removed only on petition to the Governor-General for misbehavior. Dominion taxes in Canada are indirect--on imports. As stated elsewhere, the main power in Canada is vested in federal authorities. Only local affairs--education, excise, municipal matters, drainage, local railroads, etc.--are left to the provinces. Every man in Canada is supposed to be liable for military training if called on, but the number of men annually drilled is about fifty thousand. Hitherto a man appointed from the Imperial Forces has been the commanding general in Canada. It need scarcely be said that if Canada is to hold her own in Imperial plans, if she is to become a power in the struggle for ascendency on the Pacific, her equipment both as to land forces and marine are ridiculously inadequate. They are the equipment of a member in Imperial plans who is skulking his share. Provincial courts are, of course, administered by provincial officers; but these are appointed by the Governor-General advised by the Cabinet of the federal party in power. The Lieutenant-Governor of the province is appointed by the Governor-General advised by the party in power. He is paid by the Dominion. Judges of superior courts must be barristers of ten years' good standing at the bar of their provinces. All judges and justices of the peace must have some property qualification. Rascals with criminal records are not railroaded into judgeships in Canada. I know of a judge in San Francisco who until the advent of the woman vote literally held his position by reason of his alliance with the white slavers. I know of another judge in New York who held his position in spite of a criminal record by reason of the fact he could get himself elected by the disreputable gangs. These things are virtually impossible under the Canadian system. In the future the system may prove too rigid. At the present time it works and keeps the courts clear of political influence. Juries are not so universal in Canada as in the United States. In civil cases, where the points of law are complicated, the tendency is to let the judge guide the verdict of the court. III There is one feature of Canadian justice which sentimentalists deplore. It is that the lash is still used for crimes of violence against the person and for bestiality. This is not a relic of barbarism. It is the result of careful thought on the part of the Department of Justice--the thought being that it is useless to speak to a man capable of bestiality in terms not articulate to his nature; and the fact remains that criminals of this class seldom come back for second terms of punishment for the same sort of crimes. If you ask why few homicides are punished in the United States, and few escape in Canada--I can not answer. Political expediency, party heelers, technicalities--the dotting of an i, the crossing of a t, the omission of a comma--have no effect whatsoever on Canadian justice. The courts are never defied, and the law takes its course. The law not only takes its course relentlessly but the pursuit of crime literally never desists. This feature of Canadian justice is a rude sharp shock to the unruly element pouring in with the new colonists. A Montana gunman blew into a Canadian frontier town and in accordance with custom began "to shoot up" the bar rooms. In twenty-four hours he awakened from his spree under sentence of sixty days' hard labor. "Let me out of this blamed Can-a-day," he cursed. "Who'd 'a' thought of takin' any offense from touchin' up this blamed dead town?" A Texas outlaw succeeded in inducing a young Englishman of the verdantly bumptious and moneyed sort to go homestead hunting with him. The Indians saw the two ride into the back country. In spring only the Texan came out. I forget what his explanation of the Englishman's disappearance was. In any other country under the sun, who would have ridden two hundred miles beyond nowhere to investigate the story of an outlaw about a young fool, who had plainly been a candidate for trouble? But an old Indian chief meandered into the barracks of the nearest Mounted Police station, sat him down on the floor and after smoking countless pipes let drop the fact that two settlers had "gone in" and only "one man--he come out." That was enough. Two policemen were detailed on the case. They rode to the abandoned homesteads. In the deserted log cabin nothing seemed amiss, but some distance away on a bluff a stained ax was found; yet farther away a mound not a year old. Beneath it the remains of the Englishman were found with ax hacks in the skull. It was now a year since the commission of the crime and the murderer was by this far enough away. Why put the country to the expense of trailing down a criminal who had decamped? Those two young Mounted Policemen were told to find the criminal and not come back till they had found him. They trailed him from Alberta to Montana, from Montana to the Orient, from China back to Texas, where he was found on a homestead of his own. Now the proof of murder was of the most tenuous sort. One of the Mounted Policemen disguised himself as a laborer and obtained work on an adjoining homestead. It took two years to gain the criminal's confidence and confession. The man was arrested and extradited to Canada. If I remember rightly, the trial did not last a week, and the murderer was hanged forthwith. Instances of this kind could be retailed without number, but this one case is typical. It is something more than relentlessness. It is more than keeping politics out of the courts. It is a tacit national recognition of two basic truths: that the protection of innocence is the business of the courts more than the protection of guilt; that having delegated to the Department of Justice the enforcement of criminal law, Canada holds that Department of Justice responsible for every infraction of law. The enforcement is greatly aided by the fact that criminal law in Canada is under federal jurisdiction. An embezzler can not defalcate in Nova Scotia, lightly skip into Manitoba and put both provinces to expense and technical trouble apprehending him. In the States I once was annoyed by a semi-demented blackmailer. When I sent for the sheriff--whose deputy, by the way, hid when summoned--the lunatic stepped across the state border, and it would have cost me two hundred dollars to have apprehended him. As the culprit was a menace more to the community than to me, I went on west on a trip to a remote part of Alberta. I had not been in Alberta twenty-four hours before the chief constable called to know if this blackmailer of whom he had read in the press, could be apprehended in Canada. The why of this vigilance on one side of the line and remissness on the other, I can no more explain than why American industrial progress is so amazingly swift and Canadian industrial progress is so amazingly slow. There is very little wish-washy coddling of the criminal in Canada. While in the penitentiary he is cared for physically, mentally and spiritually. When released, he is helped to start life afresh; but if he keeps falling and falling, he is put where he will not propagate his species and hurt others in his back-sliding. "I regret," said a judge in a Winnipeg court, "to sentence such a youthful offender." The prisoner was a young foreigner who attacked another man viciously in a drunken brawl. "But foreigners must learn that Canadian law can not be broken with impunity," and he sent the young man to what was practically a life sentence. "Hard on the poor devil," said a court attendant. "Yes," retorted a westerner who lived in the foreign settlement, "but it's an all-fired good thing for Canada." The case of a judge in British Columbia is famous on the Pacific Coast. It was in the old days of murder and robbery on the trail to the gold diggings of Cariboo. In the face of the plainest evidence the jury had refused to convict. The astounded judge turned amid tense silence in fury on the prisoner. "The jury pronounces the prisoner not guilty," he said, "and I strongly recommend him to go out and cut their throats." Reference has been made to an Imperial court official assassinated by an angry Hindu conspirator in a Vancouver court room. The assassin was sentenced to death nine days from the commission of the crime, and if any newspaper had attempted to make a head-line affair out of it, or "to try the jury" for trying the prisoner, the editors and owners of that paper would have been sent to jail for contempt. IV The gradual rise of the two political parties dates from the adoption of a high tariff by the Conservatives after confederation. Prior to 1837 Canadian parties consisted simply of the Outs and the Ins. The advanced Radicals, who formed themselves into a party to oust the Family Compact, called themselves Liberals. The entrenched oligarchy called themselves Conservatives. After confederation, by force of circumstances, namely the refusal of tariff concessions from the United States, the Conservatives, who were in power, became the high tariff party. The Liberals, when out of power, advocated tariff for revenue only. Also by force of circumstances until the transfer of the balance of power from Quebec to the New West, the party in office had a tendency to play for the French Catholic vote of Quebec; the party out of office coquetted with the ultra-Protestant vote of Ontario. This naturally worked toward the provincial governments being Liberal, when the federal government was Conservative; and vice versa. The Liberal in provincial politics was Liberal in federal politics, and the Conservative in federal politics was Conservative in provincial politics; but the policy has always been for the Outs first to attack the Ins provincially--to win the outposts before attacking the entrenched power of the federal government. Before Sir John Macdonald's Conservative administration was defeated there was a long series of victories by the Liberals in the provinces, and before Sir Wilfred Laurier's Liberal government was defeated the Conservatives had captured the most of the provincial governments. With the Conservatives professing high tariff as economic salvation and the Liberals regarding high tariff as economic damnation, it seems almost heresy to set down that the line of demarkation between the two great parties in practice is really one of Outs and Ins. The only tariff reductions made by the Liberals were on British imports, and this did not lower the average on British imports to the level of the average duty on American imports; when the high tariff Conservatives came back to power, the duties were not shoved to higher levels. This, too, has all been by force of circumstances. When both parties would have grasped eagerly at tariff reductions from the United States, those concessions could not be obtained. When the tariff concessions were offered, Canada had already built up such intrenched interests of her own in factory, mill and transportation that she was not in a position to accept the offer. Laurier did not see this, but many of his party did and refused to support him in reciprocity. At time of writing, to an outsider, there is in practice no difference between the two parties; but this can hardly remain a permanent condition. As long as the war lasts both parties will be a unit in support of Imperial defense. The day the war is over Canada may have to consider, not Imperial, but Dominion defense; and this is bound to split the parties up on entirely new lines. The French Nationalists are for standing aside from all European entanglements and resting secure under the Monroe Doctrine. The two million Americans in the West may be expected to advocate the same policy. The British and the Canadians of British descent in Canada may be expected to take an aggressive stand for active self-defense; for defense may be one of Canada's next big problems. Up to the present, Canadians have considered it a superiority that their constitution--the British North America Act--could be so easily amended. As long as Canada is peopled by Canadians, it is an advantage to work under a constitution that may be modified to suit the growing need of a growing nation, but one is constrained to ask what if Galicians and Germans ever acquired the balance of voting power in Canada? There are half as many German-born Germans in the United States as there are native-born Canadians in Canada. What if such a tide of German immigration came to Canada? Would it be an advantage or a disadvantage that the country's constitution could be so easily amended by the Imperial Parliament? Or more striking still, suppose the Hindu, a British subject, began peopling Western Canada by the million. Suppose the Hindu, a British subject, voted in Canada for a change in the constitution! Can one conceive for one minute of the Imperial government refusing to amend the British North American Act? Canadians sometimes refer to the American Constitution as too fixed and inelastic for modern conditions. They sometimes wonder how certain famous constitutional lawyers could make a living without the American Constitution to interpret and argue before the Supreme Court, but Americans and Canadians are to-day working out from different angles a great world experiment in self-government. It remains to be seen which experiment will stand the stress of world-convulsing changes. We need not theorize. Time will arbitrate. CHAPTER XIV THE LIFE OF THE PEOPLE I Some one has said that the life of a nation is but the shadow of the units composing it; or the life of a nation is but the replica of the life of the individuals in it. Massed figures on gross exports are but the total thrift of a multitude of toiling men. Wheat production to feed a hungry empire is but one farmer's tireless vigilance multiplied by hundreds of thousands of other farmers. What manner of man is the Canadian behind all these figures attesting material prosperity? What manner of being is the Canadian woman, his partner? Is the Canadian a Socialist, or an Individualist? Does he believe that each man should stand upon his own feet or lean upon a state crutch? There is no state church in Canada. Then, what part does religion play? Is it a shadow, or a substance? Is it a refuge for the unfit and the weak to shift the responsibility for their own failure to the fatalism of the will of God; or is religion a terrible and dynamic force that compels right for right's sake independent of compromise? How does the Canadian live in his home? Is he beer-drinking, lethargic, dreamy and flabby in will power; or is he whisky-drinking, fiery, practical and pugnacious? Why hasn't he a distinctive literature, a distinctive art? Nature never was more lavish to any people in beautiful landscape from the quiet rural scenery of the maritime provinces, Quebec and Ontario, to the far-flung epic of the fenceless prairies and the Homeric grandeur of the mountains. Why are quiet rural beauty and illimitable freedom and lofty splendor not reflected in poem and novel and ballad and picture? The Canadian may answer--We go in more for athletics than aesthetics: we are living literature, not writing it. In our snow-covered prairies edged by the violet mist, lined in silver and pricked at night by the diamond light of a million stars, we are living art, not painting it. That our mountains are dumb and inarticulate, that our forests chant the litany of the pines untranslated to the winds of heaven, and that our cataracts thunder their diapasons inimitable to art--is no proof that though we are dumb and inarticulate, we are not lifted and transported and inspired by the wondrous beauties of the heritage God has given us. The Canadian may say this theoretically, but is he strengthened in body and made greater in soul by the mystic splendors of his country? In a word, has the Canadian found himself? He is not self-conscious, if that be what is meant by finding self; and that may be a good thing; for self-consciousness is of one of two things--the vanity of femininity in its adolescence, or the picayune pecking introspection of natures thrown in on self instead of exuberantly spending energy in effort outside of self. Self-consciousness is too much ego, whether it be old or young; and the devil must be cast out into the swine over the cliff into the sea, before there can enter into men, or nations, that Spirit of God which makes for great service in Destiny. Has Canada found herself? II Without any brief for or against Socialism as a system, it may be said that for many years Socialism will play little part in Canadian affairs. In areas like Germany, where the population is three hundred and ten per square mile; or France, where the population is one hundred and eighty-nine per square mile; or England, where the population is over five hundred per square mile; or Saxony, where the population is eight hundred and thirty per square mile--one can understand the claim of the most rabid and extreme Socialist that the great proportion of the people can never by any chance own their own freehold; that the great proportion of the toilers are not having a fair chance in an open field; but in Canada where there are millions of acres untaken, where the population is not quite two to the square mile, it is impossible to raise the cry that every man, and any man, can not have all the freehold he is manly enough to go out and take. The grievance becomes preposterous and a joke. There is more land uninhabited and open to preemption in Canada than is owned in freehold. There are more forests standing in Canada than have been cut. There are more mines than there are workmen, and only the edge of Canada's mineral lands have been explored. There are more fish uncaught than have ever been hooked. I have heard soap-box orators in Canada rant about the plutocrats gobbling the resources of the country; and I have gone to their offices and shown them on the map that any man could become a plutocrat by going out and gobbling some more, provided he had brains and brawn and gobbled hard enough instead of gabbled; and I have been answered these very words: "But we don't want that. We want to inflame the masses with hatred for the classes so that the laborer will take over all industry." When I have pointed out that there are "no masses" nor "classes" in Canada--that all are laborers, I have been met with a blank stare. The case is a standing joke in one province of a man who as an agitator used to rave at "the British flag as a bloody rag." The police were never quite sure whether to arrest him for treason or let him blow off steam and exhaust. They wisely chose the latter course. Prosperity came to the town. The man sold his small bit of real estate for something under a hundred thousand. He didn't stay to divide his unearned increment among his fellow agitators. He hied him to retire to the land where "the flag was a bloody rag." This, of course, proves nothing for or against Socialism as a system. There was a Judas among the apostles; but it illustrates the point that Canada is still at the stage where every man may become a capitalist, a vested righter, the owner of his own freehold. When every man may have a vested property right in a country--not as a gift but as the reward of his own effort in a fair field with no favors--it is a fairly safe prophecy that the vested rights earned and held by the fit and the strong will never be handed over as a gift to the unfit and the weak and the don't-trys. The savings of the man who has not squandered his earnings on saloons and reckless living will never be taxed to support in idleness--even an idle old age--the feckless who have spent on stomach and lust what other men save. Sounds hard; doesn't it, in the face of almost universal nostrums for the salvation and propagation of the useless? But it is like Canada's climate. Perhaps the climate has a good deal to do with it. Hard it may be; but the issue is clean-cut and crystal clear--work, or starve; be fit, or die; make good, or drop out; here is a fair field and no favors! Gird yourself as a man to it, and no puling puny whining for pity! Can Canada keep a fair field and no favors? Her destiny as a power depends on the answer to that question. In every city in Canada to-day are growing up crowded foreign quarters peopled by men and women who have never had a fair field--with class hate in their hearts for inherited social wrongs; derelicts, no-goods, unfits, born unfit through no fault of their own. Have they no claim? Can Canada as a foster mother redeem such as these? Her destiny as a power depends on the answer to this question, too. These people are coming to her. In every city are tens of thousands of them. She needs these people. They need her. Will it be a leveling down process for Canada or a leveling up process for them? Before the nineties the average number of inhabitants per house in urban Canada was three. By 1901 the average was up to four. By 1911 it was up to five. In the crowded centers as many as twenty a room have been found. If this sort of thing continue and increase, Socialism will become a factor in Canada. It will become a factor because every man or woman who has not had a fair chance has a right to demand a change to a system that will give a fair chance. Canada's economic stability and freedom from social unrest will depend on getting her foreign denizens out to the land. Unfortunately high tariff fosters factory; and factory fosters cheap foreign labor; and cheap foreign labor as inevitably leads to social ferment as heat sours milk. III What part does religion play in Canada? In marked distinction to the United Kingdom and the United States, Canada is a church-going nation. You hear a great deal of the orthodoxy of the Britisher; but if you go to England and go to his church, even to a festal service such as Christmas, you will find that he leaves the orthodoxy mostly to the clergy and the women. I have again and again seen the pews of the most famous churches in England with barely a scattering of auditors in them. Of churches where the hard-working manual toiler may be found side by side with the cultured and the idle and the leisured--there is none. You also hear a great deal about the heterodoxy of the American; but if you go to his church--with the exception of the Catholic--you find that he, too, is leaving his heterodoxy to the clergy and the women. A few years ago it was almost impossible to gain entrance to a metropolitan church in the United States, where the preacher happened to be a man of ability or fame. Try it to-day! Though church music has been improved almost to the excellence of oratorios or grand opera, unless it be a festal service like Easter or Christmas, the pews are only sparsely filled. I do not think I am exaggerating when I say this is as true of the country districts as of the city. All through New England are countless country churches that have had to be permanently closed for lack of attendance. But between the churches of the United Kingdom and the United States is a marked difference--it is the air of the preacher. The Englishman is positively sublime in his unconsciousness of the fact that he had lost a grip of his people. The American knows and does not blink the fact and is frantically endeavoring by social service, by popular lectures, by music, by current topics, by vehement eloquence to regain the grip of his people; and it must cut a live manly man to the quick to know that his best efforts on salvation are too often expended on dear old saintly ladies, who could not be damned if they tried. Now the curious thing about Canada, which I don't attempt in the least to explain, is this: whether the preacher pules, or whines, or moons, or shouts to the rafters, or is gifted with the eloquence to touch "the quick and the dead"; whether the music be a symphony or a dolorous horror of discords; whether there be social service or old-fashioned theology; whether, in fact, the preacher be some raw ignorant stripling from the theological seminary, or a man of divine inspiration and power--whatever is or is not, if the church is a church, from Halifax to Vancouver, you find it full. I have no explanation of this fact. I set it down. Canadians are a vigorously virile people in their church-going. They do it with all their might. I sometimes think that the church does for Canada what music does for continental nations, what dollar-chasing and amusement do for the American nation--opens that great emotional outlet for the play of spiritual powers and idealization, which we must all have if we would rise above the gin-horse haltered to the wheel of toil. "The Happy Warrior" in Watts' picture dreamed of the spirit face above him in his sleep. So may Canada dream in her tireless urgent business of nation-making; and religion may visualize that dream through the church. Understand--the Canadian is no more religious than the American or the Britisher. He drinks as much whisky as they do light wines and beer. He "cusses" in the same unholy vernacular, only more vigorously. He strikes back as quickly. He hits as hard. He gives his enemy one cheek and then the other, and then both feet and fists; but the Canadian goes to church. One of the most amazing sights of the new frontier cities is to see a church debouching of a Sunday night. The people come out in black floods. In one foreign church in Winnipeg is a membership of four thousand. I think of a little industrial city of Ontario where there is a church--one of three--with a larger membership than any single church in the city of New York. Canadians not only go to church but they dig down in their pockets for the church. In little frontier cities of the West more is being spent on magnificent temples of worship than has been spent on some European cathedrals. Granted the effects are sometimes garish and squarish and dollar-loud. This is not an age when artisans spend a lifetime carving a single door or a single facade; but when a little place--of say seventeen thousand people--spends one hundred thousand dollars on a church, somebody has laid down the cash; and the Canadian is not a man who spends his cash for no worth. That cash represents something for which he cares almightily in Canadian life. What is it? Frankly I do not know, but I think it is that the church visualizes Canada's ideal in a vision. We love and lose and reach forward to the last. Where? We toil and strive and attain. To what end? Our successes fail, and our failures succeed. Why? And love lights the daily path. But where to? Religion helps to visualize the answers to those questions for Canada. Another characteristic about religion in Canada, which is very remarkable in an era of decadence in belief, is that the church is a man's job. Unless in some of the little semi-deserted hamlets in the far East, you will find in Canada churches as many men as women. In the West you will find more men than women. The church is not relegated to "the dear sisters." Shoulder to shoulder men and women carry the burden joyfully together, which, perhaps, accounts for the support the church receives from young men. An episode concerning "the dear sisters" will long be remembered of one synod in Montreal. A poor little English curate had come out as a missionary to the Indians of the Northwest. Such misfits are pitiable, as well as laughable. When you consider that in some of these northern parishes a man can reach his different missions only by canoe or dog-train, that the missions are forty miles apart, that the canoe must run rapids and the dog-train dare blizzards--an effeminate type of man is more of a tragedy than a comedy. I think of one mission where the circuit is four hundred miles and the distance to railroad, doctor, post-office, fifty-five miles. This little curate had had a hard time, though his mission was an easy one. When his turn came to report, his face resembled the reflection on an inverted teaspoon. Hardship had taken all the bounce and laugh and joy and rebound out of him. The other frontier missionaries grew restless as he spoke. One magnificent specimen, who had been a gambler in his unregenerate days, began to shuffle uneasily. When the little curate whined about the vices of the Indians, this big frontier missionary pulled off his coat. (He explained to me that it was "a hot night"; besides it "made him mad to hear the poor Indians damned for their vices, when white men, who passed as gentlemen, had more.") Finally, when the little curate appealed to "the dear sisters to raise money to build a fence," the big man could stand it no longer. He ripped his collar loose and sprang to his feet. "Man," he thundered, "pull off your coat and build your own fence and don't trouble the Lord about such trifles. I'm rich on thirty dollars a year. When I need more, I sell a steer. Don't let us bother God-Almighty with such unmanly puling and whining," and much more, he said--which I have told elsewhere--which brought that audience to life with the shocks of a galvanic battery. One of the most successful Indian missionaries in Canada is a full blood Cree. It does not detract from his services in the least that if in the middle of his prayers he hears the wild geese coming in spring, he bangs the Holy Book shut and shouts for the congregation to grab their guns and get a shot. The virile note in religious life is one of the chief reasons for its support in Canada; and I have been amused to watch English and American friends who have gone to Canada first indifferent to the church-going habit, then touched and finally caught in the current. Does the habit react on public life? Undoubtedly and most strongly! Catholic Quebec and Protestant Ontario for years literally dictated provincial and federal policies; but, with the shift of the balance of power from East to West, that shuffling of Catholic against Protestant and vice versa has ceased in Canadian politics; and those newspapers that gained their support playing on religious prejudice have had to sell and begin with a new sheet. At the same time no policy could be put forward in Canada, no man could stay in public life against the voice of the different churches. If it were not invidious, examples could be given of public men relegated to private life because they violated the principles for which the church stands. The church in Canada is not a dead issue. It is not the city of refuge for the failures and the misfits. It voices the ideals of Canadian men and women busy nation-building. It has been cynically said that the church in England, as far as public men are concerned, lays all its emphasis on the Eighth Commandment, and none at all on the Seventh; and that the church in the United States lays all its emphasis on the Seventh Commandment and none at all on the Eighth. I do not think a politician could be a special acrobat with either of these Commandments and stay in public life in Canada. The clergy would "peel off" those coats and roll up their sleeves and get into the fight. There would be a lot of mud-slinging; but the culprit would go--as not a few have gone in recent years. IV Deeply grounded, then, so deeply that the Canadian is unconscious of it, put the belief in the economic principle of vested rights! Still more deeply grounded, put a belief in religious ideals as a working hypothesis! Does any other factor enter deeply in Canadians' every-day living? Yes--next to economic beliefs and religious beliefs, I should put love of outdoor sport as a prime factor in determining Canadian character. Professional sport has comparatively little place in Canada, though professional baseball has gained a firm foothold in the Northwest, where the American influence is strong, while the International League reaches over the boundary in the East. But it is the amateur who enjoys most favor. If a picked team of bank clerks and office hands and young mechanics in Winnipeg practises up in hockey and comes down from Winnipeg and licks the life out of a team in Montreal or Ottawa, or gets licked, the whole population goes hockey mad. This churchly nation will gamble itself blue in the face with bets and run up gate receipts to send a professional home sick to bed, and I have known of employers forgiving youngsters who bet and lost six months' salary in advance. Montreal will cheer Winnipeg just as wildly when Winnipeg wins in Montreal, as Winnipeg will cheer Montreal when Montreal wins in Winnipeg. It is not the winning. It is the playing of clean good sport that elicits the applause. The same of curling, of football, of cricket, of rowing, of canoeing, of snowshoeing, of yachting, of skeeing, of running. When an Indian won the Marathon, he was lionized almost to his undoing. When hardest frost used to come, I knew a dear old university professor, who would have considered it sin to touch the ace of spades, who used to hie him down to the rink with "bessom" and "stane" and there curl on the ice till his toes almost froze on his feet; and one Episcopal clergyman used to have hard work holding back hot words of youthful habit on the golf links; and his people loved him both because he golfed and because he almost said things, when he golfed. They would rather have a clergyman who golfed and knew "a cuss word" when he saw it, than a saint who couldn't wield a club and might faint at such words as golf elicits. In one of Canada's best rowing crews, a millionaire merchant was the acting captain of the crew and among his men were a printer, an insurance canvasser, a bank clerk, a clerk in a dry goods store. In one of the most famous hockey teams was a bicycle repairer. Sport in Canada, as in the United States, is the most absolute democracy. I can think of no man in Canada who has attained a permanently good place in social life through catering to women's favor with dandified mannerisms, though not a few have got a leg up to come most terrible croppers; but I do think of many men to whom all doors are permanently open because they are such clean first-rate sportsmen. Until the last ten years of opulent fevered prosperity came to the Dominion, Canada might have been described as a nation of athletes. This does not mean that Canada neglected work for play. It means that she worked so robustly because she had developed strength on the field of play. Three truths are almost axiomatic about nations and sport. It is said that a nation is as it spends its leisure; that nations only win battles as their boys have played in their youth; that man's work is only boy's sport full grown. The religious little catechist may win prizes in the parochial school; but if he doesn't learn to take kicks and give them good and hard, in play, he will not win life's prizes. Fair play, nerve, poise, agility, act that jumps with thought, the robust fronting of life's challenge--these are learned far more on the toboggan slide where you may break your neck, in a snowshoe scamper, than poring over books, or in a parlor. I do not know that Canada has analyzed it out, but she lives it. Young Canada may be bumptious, raw, crude. Time tones these things down; but she is not tired before she has begun the race. She is not nerve-collapsed and peeved and insincere. V As to why Canada has no distinctive and great literature--I confess frankly I do not know. England had only Canada's population when a Shakespeare and a Milton rose like stars above the world. Scotland and Ireland both have a smaller population than Canada, and their ballads are sung all over the world. Canada has had a multitude of sweet singers pipe the joys of youth, but as life broadened and deepened their songs did not reach to the deeps and the heights. Something arrested development. They did not go on. Why? It may be that literature rises only as high as its fountain springs--the people; and that the people of Canada have not yet realized themselves clearly enough to recognize or give articulation to a national literature. It may be that Canada is living her literature rather than writing it. If Scott had not found appreciation for his articulation of Scottish life and history in poems and novels, he would not have gone on. In fact, when Byron eclipsed Scott in public favor as a poet, Scott stopped writing poetry. It may be that Canada has not become sufficiently unified--cemented in blood and suffering--to appreciate a literature that distinctively interprets her life and history. It may be that she has been swamped by the alien literature of alien lands, for the writers of English to-day are legion. Or it may be the deeper cause beneath the dearth of world literature just now--lack of that peace, that joyous calm, that repose of soul and freedom from distraction, that permits a creator to give of his best. One sometimes hears Canadians--particularly in England--accused of crudity in speech. I confess I like the crudities, the rawness, the colloquialisms. They smack of the new life in a new land. I should be sorry if Canadians ever began to Latinize their sentences, to "can" their speech and pickle it in the vinegar pedantry of the peeved study-chair critic. Because it is a land of mountain pines and cataracts and wild winds, I would have their speech smack always of their soil; and I would bewail the day that Canadians began to measure their phrases to suit the yard stick of some starveling pedant in a writer's attic, who had never been nearer reality than his own starvation. I can see no superiority in the Englishman's colloquialisms of "runnin'," "playin'," "goin'," to the Canadian's "cut it out," "get out," "beat it." One is the slovenliness of languor. The other is the rawness of vigor. VI When one comes to consider woman in a nation's life, it is always a little provoking to find "woman" and "divorce" coupled together; for there never was a divorce without a man involved as well as a woman. The marriage tie is not easily dissolved in Canada. Divorce pleas must go before a committee of the Federal Senate. Without legal fees, it costs five hundred dollars to obtain a divorce in Canada; with fees, one thousand dollars; so that Canada's divorce record is 1,530 for 7,800,000 of population in 1913; or one divorce for every 5,000 people. This seems a laudably low record, and Canada takes great credit to herself for it. I am not sure she should, for her system makes divorce a luxury available only to the rich. Divorce is not a cause. It is a result. I am not sure that people ill-mated do not do more harm to their children staying together than separating; and marriage is not for the man or the woman, but for the race. This opinion, however, would be considered heresy in Canada, and a great many factors conspire to help woman's status in the Dominion. To begin with, there are half a million more men than women. A woman need never give herself so cheaply as to spend her life paying for her precipitancy. She is not a superfluous. Another point in which some other countries could emulate Canada is in the protection of women and children. A woman ill-mated has the same protection under the law as though she were single. Infringement of her rights is punishable with penalties varying from seven years and the lash to death. A man living on a woman's illicit earnings is not coddled by ward heelers and let off with light bail, as in certain notorious California cases. He is given the lash and seven years. Such offenders seldom come up for sentence twice. On the other hand, compared to punishments for property violations, the protection of women and children is ridiculously inadequate. A man abducting a girl is liable to sentence of five years; a man stealing a cow, to sentence of fourteen years. Counterfeiting coin is punished by life imprisonment. Misusing a ward or employee is punished by two years' imprisonment. This remissness is no index to a subordinate position by women in Canada. It is rather simple testimony to the fact that before the influx of alien peoples certain types of crime were unknown. There is little of sex unrest in Canada. In fact, sex as sex is not in evidence, which is a symptom of wholesome relationships. Perhaps I should say there is little of that feminine discontent and revolt so strident in older lands. This I attribute to two facts: an overplus of men, and boundless opportunity and freedom for the expenditure of unused energies. In certain sections of England, women over-balanced men before the war as ten to one. What the over-balance will be after the war, one can only guess. When women who want to marry are not married, or married to types different from themselves--which must happen when the sexes are in disproportion--unhappiness must result. Woman is at war, she knows not with what. When women who are full of energy and ability have nothing to do, there is bound to be unhappiness. In Canada a woman has perfect freedom to do anything she chooses. Her opportunity is limited only by her own personality. What she wills, she may, if she can. If she can't, then her quarrel must be with self, not with life. Children can not choose their parents; but a woman can choose the parent of her child; and when her choice is high and wide and happy, it bodes better for the race than when conditions have forced her into an alliance that must be more or less of an armed truce on a low plane. As an example of the fairness of marriage laws in Canada, if a fur-trader marry an Indian woman--according to the custom of the tribe, simply taking her to wife without ceremony, she is his legal heir, and her children are his legal heirs. This was established in a famous trial in the courts of Quebec. A trader became contractor and politician. When prosperity came, he discarded his Indian wife and married an English girl. On his death the Indian wife and children sued for his estate. It was awarded to them by the courts and established a precedent that guaranteed social status to the children of such unions. This is one of the things that easterners can not comprehend. I have never heard the opprobrious phrase "squaw man" used on the Canadian frontier; and descendants of the MacKenzies, the Isbisters, the Hardistys, the Strathconas, the Macleans, the MacLeods--blush, not with shame but pride, in acknowledging the Indian strain of blood. The fact that some of the western provinces notoriously ignore a woman's property rights in her husband's estate--is sometimes quoted to prove the unfairness of Canada's laws to women. I am no defender of those lax property laws. They ought to, and will soon, be changed; but let us give even the devil his dues; and the devil in this case was the mad real estate speculation. When thousands of adventurers poured in from everywhere and began buying and selling and reselling property, it impeded quick turn overs to reserve the absent wife's third. Sometimes, as in the case of a famous actor, the wives numbered four. Ordinarily in Canada--certainly in eastern provinces--a third is the wife's reserve unless she sign it away. How four wives could each have a third was a poser for the speculator and the knot was cut by ignoring the wife's claims. Now that the fevered mad mania of speculation is over this remissness of the law in two provinces will doubtless be remedied. CHAPTER XV EMIGRATION AND DEVELOPMENT I You can ascribe the different characteristics of different nations to the topography of their native land--up to a certain point only. Beyond that the difference becomes one of psychology and soul rather than geography, and that is why nations hold to a large extent their destiny in their own hands. Undoubtedly the unfenced illimitable reaches of the prairie have reacted on the human soul, unshackling it from the discouragements of failure in the past and have given a sense of freedom that explains the dauntless optimism of the West; but if the people who went to the West had not had the courage to face the hardships of the pioneer, their optimism could not have triumphed over difficulties. The very qualities that sent pioneers forth on the trail to the setting sun guaranteed their success as empire builders. Japan was long an island empire, but it was only when the soul of that empire awakened to the Western Renaissance that Japan became a world power. The German people existed on the map many centuries before they came into existence as a nation. It was only when the national idea came that Germany became a power. Likewise of England as mistress of the seas--the source of her commerce and wealth. England had been a seagirt nation from the beginning of time. It was only when by the defeat of the Armada England learned what mastery of the sea meant that she shot into front rank as a great world power. How does all this bear on Canada? It is a puzzling question. Ask the average Canadian why the development of Canada has been slow; and he denies that it has been slow; or he proves that it is a good thing it has been slow; or he compares Canada's progress with that of some other country which has gone too fast, or too slow. All this is a mere clever dodging of fact. Blinking one's eyes to a fact doesn't eliminate the fact. II What are the facts? De Monts' first charter to Arcadia dates 1605. The first charter for Virginia plantations comes in 1606, and the first New England charter dates the same year. The United States and Canada are both fertile. They have almost the same area in square miles. One has a population of over ninety millions and a foreign commerce of four billions. The other has a population of about eight millions and a foreign commerce of one billion. One raises from seven hundred to nine hundred million bushels of wheat; the other, from two hundred to three hundred millions. One produces thirty million metric tons of steel a year; the other, less than a million tons; one is worth a hundred and fifty billion dollars, the other perhaps ten billions. It is explained that the northern belt of Canada lying in a semi-arctic zone should hardly be included in comparisons with the area of the United States lying altogether in a temperate zone; but if cultivation is proving one thing more than another, it is that Canada's arctic region recedes a little every year, and her isothermal lines run a little farther north every year. To put it differently, it is being yearly more and more proved that the degree of northern latitude matters less in vegetable growth than heretofore thought, if the arable land be there; for the simple reason that twenty hours of sunlight from May to September force as rapid a growth as twelve to fifteen hours' sunlight from March to September, and the product grown in the North may be superior to that grown farther south. Wheat from Manitoba is better than wheat from Georgia. Apples from Niagara have a quality not found in apples--say from the Gulf states. All things will not grow in northern latitudes. You can't raise corn. You can't raise peaches. I doubt if any apple will ever be found suitable for the northwestern prairie. At any rate, it has not yet been found. Half a century ago the Governor of the Hudson's Bay Company in perfectly good faith testified before a committee of the Imperial Commons that farming could never be carried on in Rupert's Land, or what are now known as Manitoba, Saskatchewan and Alberta. He proved that grain could not be grown there. I recall the day when the idea of fall wheat west of Lake Superior elicited a hoot of derision. I have lived to wander through fields of six hundred acres north of the Saskatchewan. Thirty years ago any one suggesting settlement on Peace River, or at Athabasca, would have been regarded as a visionary fool. Yet wheat is ground into flour on Peace River, and the settler is at Athabasca; and soft Kansas fall wheat sent to Peace River has by a few years' transplanting been transformed into Number One Hard spring wheat. Canada's arctic belt has shrunk a little each year, and her isothermal lines gone a little farther north. The only limit to growth in the North Country is the nature of the soil. I am not, of course, speaking of the Arctic slope, but I am of the great belt of wild land north of Saskatchewan River. And where the arable land stops, the great fur farm of the world begins---a fur farm which may change but can never be exhausted. Of course, Canada has a great northern belt of land that is not arable, but in that belt are such precious minerals as were discovered in the Yukon. Land that can't be plowed isn't necessarily waste land, and Canada's great northern belt is partly balanced by the desert belt of the Southwest in the United States--the perpetual Indian land of Uncle Sam. III With this argument--you come back just where you began. The two countries were first settled almost contemporaneously. Their area is not far different. They are both fertile. Each has great belts--having spent months in each belt, I hesitate to call them barren--of land that can not be plowed. Why has one country progressed with such marvelous rapidity; and the other progressed in fits and starts and stops? Why did a million and a half Canadians--or one-fourth the native population--leave Canada for the United States? The Canadian retort always is--for the same reason that two million Americans have left the United States for Canada--to better their position. But the point is--why was it these million and a half Canadians found better opportunities in the United States than in Canada? Opportunities knock at every man's door if he has ears to hear, but they are usually supposed to knock loudest and oftenest in the new land. It is a truism that there are ten chances on the frontier for a man to rise compared to one in the city. One can understand American settlers thronging to Canada. They have used and made good the opportunities in their own land. Now they are sending their sons to a land of more opportunities. The Iowa farmer who has succeeded on his three hundred and twenty acres sends forth his sons each to succeed on his one hundred and sixty acres in Canada; or he sells his own land for one hundred dollars an acre and forthwith buys a thousand acres in Canada. When the farmers of Ontario flocked to Wisconsin and Michigan and Minnesota and the two Dakotas, their land was worth thirty per cent. less than when they bought it. To-day that same land is worth one hundred per cent. more than for what they sold it. It is easy to look over another land and diagnose its ills. Any Canadian will acknowledge that Ireland's population dropped from 8,500,000 in 1850 to 4,400,000 in 1908 solely owing to mismanagement, if not gross misgovernment; but he will not acknowledge that his own country lost a million and a half people from the same cause. Ireland lost her population at the rate of one hundred thousand a year for forty years, and that lost population helped to build up some of the greatest cities in the United States. The Irish vote is to-day a dominant power solely owing to that population lost to Ireland. It is no exaggeration to say that from 1880 to 1890 Canada lost her population to the United States at a higher rate than one hundred thousand a year. Why? Go back a little in history! The most pugnacious United Empire Loyalist that ever trekked from the American colonies to Ontario and Nova Scotia and New Brunswick would hardly deny that Canada was grossly misgoverned under the French régime. Laborers were forced to work unpaid on fortifications, on roads, on governors' palaces. The farmer was taxed to death in tithes to the seignior. Shipping was confined to French vessels owned by royal favorites. Fishing was permitted only under a license. The fur trade was a corrupt monopoly held by a closed ring round the Royal Intendant. New France was so mis-governed that the sons of the best families took to the woods and the _Pays d'en Haut_--to which fact we owe the exploration of three-quarters of the continent. And the most pugnacious Loyalist will hardly deny that under the British régime from 1759 to Durham's Report in 1840 the mismanagement was almost as gross as the misgovernment under the French. If any one entertain doubts on that score, let him look up the record on grants of thousands of acres to favorites of the Family Compact; on peculations of public funds in Quebec by irresponsible executives; on mistrials of disorders in the Fur Country, when North-Wester and Hudson's Bay traders cut each other's throats; on the constant bicker and bark between Protestant Ontario and Catholic Quebec, which kept the country rent by religious dissensions when men should have been empire-building. Set down the cause of Canada's slow progress up to 1840 to misgovernment. Durham's Report remedied all that; and confederation followed in 1867. Was Canada's progress as swift after 1867 as it ought to have been? Examine a few figures: In 1790 the United States population was four millions. In 1800 the United States population was five millions. In 1914 the United States population was ninety-eight millions. In 1891 Canada's population was five millions. In 1900 Canada's population was five million three hundred thousand. In 1914 Canada's population was seven million eight hundred thousand. In point of population Canada is just one hundred years behind the United States. Why? Granted her foreign trade is one-fourth as great as that of the United States. How is it that a people with such a genius for success in foreign trade have been so dilatory in their work of nation-building? Slow progress can no longer be ascribed to misgovernment. Her system of justice is one of the most perfect in the world. Her parliamentary representation could hardly be more complete. No people has stricter bit and rein on executive ministers. Through an anguish of travail Canada has worked out an excellent system of self-government. Why is her progress still slow? Of course one reason for her slow progress in the past was the impression that long prevailed regarding Canada's climate and agricultural possibilities. The officials of the Hudson's Bay Company contended that the Northwest was unfit for settlement, and it was only within recent times that the contrary view gained a hearing and proved to be true. With vast tracts of unoccupied land in the milder climate of the United States still open to settlement and with Canadians themselves denying that the great Northwest could be cultivated, it is not strange that most immigrants passed Canada by. Furthermore in those days the glamour of democracy fascinated dissatisfied Europeans who swarmed to the New World. Canada was practically as free as the United States, but she was a possession of the British Crown, and many emigrants, especially from the Emerald Isle, preferred to try the experiment of living in a republic. But there are other reasons. It was after the Civil War that the American high tariff struck Canada an unintended but nevertheless staggering blow. She had no market. She had to build up transportation system and trade routes, but this was well under way by 1890. Has her progress since 1890 kept pace with the United States? One has but to compare the population between the Mississippi and Seattle with the population between Red River and Vancouver to have the answer to this question. Is it something in the soul; a habit of discouragement; of marking time; of fighting shy on the defensive instead of jumping into the aggressive; of self-derogation; of criticism instead of construction; of foreshortened vision? A diagnosis can be made from symptoms. I set down a few of the symptoms. There may be many more, and the thinker must trace up--a surgeon would "guess"--his own diagnosis. IV If it were not such a tiresome task, it could be shown from actual quotations that there is not a paper published in Canada that at some time during the year does not deliver itself of sentiments regarding the United States which may be paraphrased thus: "We thank God we are not as Thou art!" Now the point may be well taken; and Canada should be thankful to God (and keep her powder dry) that crimes are punished, that innocence is protected, that vice is not a factor in civic government; but it is a dangerous attitude for any people to assume toward another nation. It does not turn the soul-searchings in on self. It does not get down beneath the skin of things; down, for instance, beneath a hide of self-righteousness to meanness or nobility of motive. A big ship always has barnacles; the United States is a big ship, and she keeps her engine going and her speed up and in the main her prow headed to a big destiny. It ill becomes a little ship to bark out--but let it be left unsaid! While this curious assumption of superiority exists internationally, there is the most contradictory depreciation nationally. "We," they say, "are only a little people." So was Switzerland. So was Greece. So was Belgium. So, indeed, were the Jews. You never mention a Jim Hill, a Doctor Osler, a Schurman, a Graham Bell--or a host of similar famous expatriates--in a Canadian gathering but some one utters with a pride of gratulation that fairly beams from the face: "They are Canadians." Canada is proud these famous men are Canadians. It has always struck me as curious that she wasn't ashamed--ashamed that she lost their services from her own nation-building. To my personal knowledge three of these men had to borrow the money to leave Canada. Their services were worth untold wealth to other lands. Their services did not give them a living in Canada. At time of writing--with only three exceptions--Canada imports the presidents of her great universities; though she exports some of the greatest presidents and deans who have ever graced Princeton, Cornell, Oxford. She thinks she can not afford to keep these men. Is it a matter of money, at all; or of appreciative intelligence? No matter what the cost, can Canada afford to lose them from her young nationals? It is a truism that to my knowledge has not a single exception that Canada has never given the imprimatur of her approval to a writer, to an inventor, to a scholar, to an artist, till he has gone abroad and received the stamp of approval outside his own land. By the time Paul Peel was acclaimed in Paris and Horatio Walker in New York each was lost to his own land. It is an even wager nine Canadians out of ten do not know who these men were or for what they were acclaimed. Try it as an experiment on your first train acquaintance. You can not read early records of Congress without the most astounding realization that Washington, Monroe, Jefferson, Adams, big statesmen and little politicians, voicing solemn convictions or playing to the gallery--all were deadly in earnest and serious about the business of building up a nation. They never lost sight of the idea of conserving, up-building, protecting, extending their country. The national idea is in Canada so recent that most men have not grasped it. "Build a navy?" Canada hooted and made the vote a party football. "Canada should have her own shipyards?" Men look at you! What for? "Panama will reverse the world conduits of trade." Bah! Hot-air! I have heard these and similar comments not once but a thousand times. Americans say of opportunity--"How much can we make of it?" Canadians say--"How little can we pay for it?" And each takes out of opportunity exactly the amount of optimism put into it. So one could go down the list enumerating symptoms, but beneath them all, it is plain, lies a cause psychological, not physical. It may be a psychology of discouragement and disparagement from long years of hardship, but whatever it is, if Canada is to be as big nationally as she is latitudinally, as great in soul as in area, she must get rid of this negative thing in her attitude to herself and life. It makes for solidity, but it also makes for stolidity. Nations do not grow great by what they leave undone. Psychologists say all mentality divides itself into two great classes: those giving off negative response to stimulus; those giving off positive. One class of people stands for carping criticism; the other, for constructive attempts. One is safe, to be sure, and sane; and the other is distinctively rash and dangerous; but of rashness and danger is valor made. "I know thy works," said the Voice to the Laodiceans, "that thou art neither hot nor cold: I would thou wert hot or cold . . . because thou art lukewarm, and neither hot nor cold, I will spue thee out of my mouth." And the Voice is the verdict of destiny to every nation that has taken its place at the world's council board. CHAPTER XVI DEFENSE Having spent a hundred years working out a system of government almost perfect in its democracy, and having spent fifty more years working out a system of trade and transportation that gives Canada sixth rank in the gross foreign trade of the world nations--one would think the Dominion entitled to lie back resting on her laurels reaping the reward that is undoubtedly hers. But nations can no more rest in their development than men. To stop means to go back. To rest means to rust, and Canada to-day must face one of the most serious problems in her national history. What is worth having is worth holding, and what is worth holding must always be defended. The strong man does not go out challenging a fight. The very fact that he is strong prevents other men challenging him to a fight, and Canada must face the need of national defense. So remote did the need of national defense seem to Canada that as late as May of 1913 the Senate rejected Premier Borden's plan for Canada to contribute her quota in cost to the British navy. The Laurier government had proposed building a small navy for the Dominion. This was hooted by the French Nationalists, and when the Borden government came into power, the policy was modified from building a small navy to bearing a quota of the cost of a navy built and equipped by Imperial power. In the rejection of this policy, the composition of the Senate and Commons should be observed. The Commons were Conservative, or supporters of Premier Borden, and the Government Navy Bill passed the Commons by one hundred and one to sixty-eight. The Nationalists voted with the opposition or the Liberals. The Nationalists are the small French party pledged against Canada's intervention in European affairs. Laurier having been in power for almost two decades, the Senate was, of course, tinged with the Liberal policy. They could not completely reject a naval policy without repudiating Laurier's former policy; so they rejected the Borden Naval Bill on the ground that it ought to have been submitted to the electorate. The vote in the Senate was fifty-one to twenty-seven. In the Senate were fifty-four Liberals--or supporters of Laurier--and thirty-two Conservatives, or supporters of Borden. In other words, so remote did the possible need of defense seem that both parties played politics with it. For a hundred years Canada had been at peace. The Rebellion of 1837 can hardly be called a war. In 1870 the Indian unrest known as the First Riel Rebellion had occurred, but this amounted to little more than a joy jaunt for the troops under Lord Wolseley to Red River. The Riel Uprising of 1885 was more serious; but every Canadian who gave the matter any thought at all knew there had been genuine cause for grievance among the half-breeds; and fewer lives were lost in this rebellion than in many a train or mine accident. Canada sent to the South African War troops who distinguished themselves to such an extent as to give a feeling of almost false security to the Dominion. On every frontier are men born to the rifle and the saddle--ready-made troopers; but as the frontier shrinks, this class deteriorates and softens. For a hundred years Canada has been at peace with the outside world. For three thousand miles along her southern border dwells a neighbor who has often been a rival in trade and with whom Canada has had many a dispute as to fisheries and boundaries and tariff, but along this borderland of three thousand miles exists not a single fort, points not a single gun, watches not a single soldier. It is a question if another such example of international friendship without international pact exists in the history of the world. Where international boundaries in Europe bristle with forts and cannon, international boundaries in America are a shuttle of traffic back and forth of great migrations of population, of great waves of friendship and good feeling which all the trade rivalries and hostile tariffs of a half century have failed to stem. The pot shot of some fishery patrol across the nets of a poacher on the wrong side of the international line fails to excite anybody. Even if some flag lunatic full of whisky climbs a flagstaff and tears down the other country's national emblem--the boundary does not go on fire. The authorities cool such alcoholic patriotism with a water hose, or ten days in the lock-up. The papers run a half column, and that is all there is about it. So why should Canada become excited over national defense? On the south is a boundary without a fort, without a gun, guarded by a powerful nation with a Monroe Doctrine challenging the world neither to seize nor colonize in the Western Hemisphere. On the east for three thousand miles washes the Atlantic, on the west for five thousand miles the Pacific--what has Canada to fear? "Why," asked the Conservatives, "should we support the Laurier policy of building a tin-pot navy?" "Why," retorted the Liberals when Laurier went out and Borden went in, "should we support the Borden Navy Bill to contribute good Canadian cash to a British navy?" Besides, in the back of Canada's collective head--as it were--in a sort of unspoken consciousness was the almost religious conviction that the Dominion had contributed her share toward Imperial defense in her transportation system. Had she not granted fifty-five million acres of land for the different transcontinentals and spent far over a billion in loans and subsidies and guarantees? Value that land at ten dollars an acre. That was tantamount to an expenditure of two hundred dollars per capita for a transportation system of use to the empire in Imperial defense. Seventy trainloads of Hindu troops were rushed across Canada in cars with drawn blinds and transported to Europe before the enemy knew such a movement was contemplated. Should Turkey ever cut off Suez, Canada and Panama would be England's route to India. In addition, Canada considers herself the granary of the empire. Should Suez ever cut off the path to India and Australia, what colony could feed England but Canada? You will note that Canada's thought concerned the empire, not herself. The reason for the navy bills proposed by both parties has been Imperial defense. That Canada might some day be compelled to fight for her own existence--and fight to the death for it--never dawned on her legislators; and their unconsciousness of national peril is the profoundest testimony to the pacific intentions of the United States that could be given. It seems almost treason at this era of world war to call Canada's attention to the fact that the greatest danger is not to Imperial defense. It is to Canada's national defense. Uncle Sam has been Canada's big brother, but what if when the danger came, his arms were tied in a conflict of his own? Whatever comes to menace the United States will menace the safety of Canada; and with swift cruisers, Europe and Asia are nearer Canada to-day than Halifax is near Vancouver. Either city could be attacked by foreign powers before military aid could be transported across the width of Canada. We are nearer Europe to-day than the North was near the South in the Civil War. It takes a shorter time to transport troops across Atlantic or Pacific than it formerly took to send a Minnesota regiment to Maryland. Including Quebec, Montreal, old Port Royal, Annapolis, Louisburg and the forts on Hudson Bay, Canada's chief strongholds of defense have been taken and retaken seven times by European enemies in one hundred and sixty years--between 1629 and 1789. Day was when Quebec fortifications cost so much that the King of France wanted to know if they were laid in gold. Before the fall of Quebec in 1759, Louisburg--a forgotten fortress of Cape Breton--was considered one of France's strongholds. Have Canadians forgotten the frightful wreck of the British fleet in the St. Lawrence in 1711 under Sir Havender Walker; or the defeat of the admiralty ships manned by the Hudson's Bay fur-traders up off Port Nelson in 1697 by Lemoyne d' Iberville? Before La Pérouse reduced Churchill it was regarded as a second Gibraltar. Yet Churchill and Nelson and Quebec and Louisburg all fell before a foreign foe, and Europe is nearer to-day than she was in those eras of terrible defeat. What additional fortifications or defenses has Canada to be so cocksure that history can never repeat itself? She is not resting under the Monroe Doctrine. It is a safe wager that many Canadians have never heard of the Monroe Doctrine. Besides, the minute Canada voluntarily enters a European war, does she forfeit American "protection" under that Monroe Doctrine? The idea of being "protected" by any power but her own--and Britain's--right arm Canada would scout to derision. Yet what are her own national defenses? Her regular forces ordinarily consist of less than three thousand men; her volunteer forces of forty-five to sixty thousand. By law it is provided that the Dominion militia consist of all male inhabitants of the age of eighteen and under sixty, divided into four classes: from eighteen to thirty years of age unmarried or widowers; from thirty to forty-five unmarried or widowers; from eighteen to forty-five married or widowers; men of all classes between forty-five and sixty. In emergency, those liable to service would be called in this order. The period of service is three years. Up to the present service has been voluntary, and the period of drill lasts sixteen days. Except for fishing patrols and insignificant cruisers, Canada has no marine force, absolutely none, though she can requisition the big merchant liners which she subsidizes. Canada has an excellent military school in Kingston and a course of instruction at Quebec, but the majority of graduates from these centers go into service in the British army simply because there is no scope for them in their own land. At Esquimalt off Victoria, British Columbia, and at Halifax, Nova Scotia, before the outbreak of the present war, were Imperial naval stations; but these were being reduced to a minimum. Perhaps to these defenders should be added some thirty thousand juvenile cadets trained in the public schools, but if one is to set down facts not fictions, much of the training of the volunteers resolves itself into a yearly picnic. One wonders on what Canada is pinning her faith in security from attack in case disaster should come to the British navy. Whether Canada is conscious of it or not, her greatest defense is in the virility of her manhood. Her men are neither professorial nor an office type. They are big outdoor men who shoot well because they have shot from boyhood and lived a life in the open. All this, however, is not national defense. It is unused but splendid material for national defense. Up to the outbreak of the present war Canada has not spent ten million a year on national defense. That is--for the security of peace for a century, she has spent less than one dollar and fifty cents per head a year. A year ago naval bills were rejected. To-day there are few people in Canada who would not acknowledge that Canada is spending too little on defense. Stirred profoundly but, as is the British way, saying little, the Dominion is setting herself in earnest to the big new problem. To the European War, Canada has sent sixty thousand men; and she has promised one hundred thousand more. A nation that can unpreparedly deliver on such promises to the drop of the hat can take care of her defense, and that may be Canada's next national job. Would any power have an object in crippling Canada? The question is answered best by another. If Suez were cut off and Canada were cut off, where would England look for her food supply? And if it were to the advantage of a hostile power to cripple Canada, could she be conquered? Any one familiar with Canada will answer without a moment's hesitation. She could be attacked. Her coastal cities could be laid waste as the cities of Belgium. To reach the interior of Canada, an enemy must do one of three things, all next to impossible: penetrate the St. Lawrence--a treacherous current--for a thousand miles exposed to submarine and mine and attack from each side; cross the United States and so violate American sovereignty, cross the Rockies to reach inland. Any one of these feats is as impossible as the conquest of Switzerland or the Scottish Highlands. Canada could be attacked and laid waste; she could be financially ruined by attack and set back fifty years in her progress; but she could no more be conquered than Napoleon conquered Russia. The conquest would be at a cost to destroy the conqueror, and the conqueror could no more stay than Napoleon stayed in Moscow. Canada has a vast, an illimitable back country--the area of all Russia; and to the lakes and wild rivers and mountain passes of that country her people are born and bred. To her climate her people are born and bred. The climate would take care of the rest. You can't exactly despatch motors and motor guns down swamps for a hundred miles and over cataracts and through mountain passes on the perpendicular. Canada's back country is her perpetual city of refuge. Nevertheless, the day of dependence on false security is past. National status implies national defense, and at time of writing the indications are that the whole military system of the Dominion will be put on a new basis, training to patriotism and defense and service from the public school up through the university. "Then what becomes of your co-eds and woman movement?" a militarist asked. The question can be answered in the words of a great doctor--more men die on the field of battle from lack of women nurses than ever die from the bullet of the enemy. The time seems to have come for woman's place on the firing line. That womanhood which gives of life to create life now claims the right to go out on the field of danger to conserve and protect life; and in the embodiment of military training in public education that, too, may be part of Canada's new national defense. When an admiral's fleet is sunk within ten days' sail of Victoria and Vancouver, Laurier's naval policy to build war vessels, and Borden's to contribute to their purchase for service in the British Navy take on different aspect to Canada; and the Dominion enters a new era in her development, as one of the dominant powers in the North Atlantic and the North Pacific. That is--she must prepare to enter; or sit back the helpless Korea of America. A country with a billion dollars of commerce a year to defend cuts economy down to the danger line when she spends not one per cent. of the value of her foreign commerce to protect it. Like the United States, Canada has been inclined to sit back detached from world entanglements and perplexities. That day has passed for Canada. She must take her place and defend her place or lose her identity as a nation. The awakening has gone over Canada in a wave. One awaits to see what will come of it. Much, of course, depends upon the outcome of the great war. If Britain and her allies triumph--and particularly if peace brings partial disarmament--the urgency of preparation on Canada's part will be lessened. But should Germany win or the duel be a draw, then may Canada well gird up her loins and look to her safety. CHAPTER XVII THE DOMAIN OF THE NORTH I Canada does not like any reference to her fur trade as a national occupation. Of course, it is no longer a national occupation. It occupies, perhaps, two thousand whites and it may be twenty or thirty thousand Indians. More Indians in Canada earn their living farming the reserves than catching fur, but the Indians north of Athabasca and Churchill and in Labrador must always earn their living fur hunting. Of them there is no census, but they hardly exceed thirty thousand all told. The treaty Indians on reserves now number a hundred thousand. Yet, though only two thousand whites are fur-trading in Canada, no interpretation of Canadian life is complete without reference to that far domain of the North, where the hunter roams in loneliness, and the night lights whip unearthly through still frosty air, and no sound breaks leagueless silence but the rifle shot, crackle of frost or the call of the wolf pack. It will be recalled that Canada's first settlers came in two main currents from two idealistic motives. The French came to convert the Indians, not to found empire, and the English Loyalists came from the promptings of their convictions. Both streams of settlers came from idealistic motives, but both had to live, and they did it at first by fur hunting. Jean Ba'tiste, the Frenchman, who might have been a courtier when he came, promptly doffed court trappings and donned moccasins and exchanged a soldier's saber for a camp frying-pan and kept pointing his canoe up the St. Lawrence till he had threaded every river and lake from Tadousac to Hudson Bay and the Rockies. It was the pursuit of the little beaver that paid the piper for all the discovering and exploring of Canada. When John Bull came--also in pursuit of ideals--he, too, in a more prosperous way promptly exchanged the pursuit of ideals for the pursuit of the little beaver. It was the little beaver that led the way for Radisson, for La Salle, for La Verandryé, for MacKenzie, for Fraser, for Peter Skene Ogden, from the St. Lawrence to the Columbia, from the Athabasca to the Sacramento. While all this is of the past, the heritage of a fur-hunting ancestry has entered into the very blood and brawn and brain of Canada in a kind of iron dauntlessness that makes for manhood. Some of her greatest leaders--like Strathcona and MacKenzie--have been known as "Men of the North"; and whether they have fur-traded or not, nearly all those "Men of the North" who have made their mark have had the iron dauntlessness of the hunter in their blood. It is a sort of tonic from the out-of-doors, like the ozone you breathe, which fills body and soul with zest. Canada is sensitive to any reference to her fur trade for fear the world regard her as a perpetual fur domain. Her northern zones are a perpetual fur domain--we may as well acknowledge that--they can never be anything else; and Canada should serve notice on the softer races of the world that she does not want them. They can stand up neither to her climate nor to her measure of a man, but far from cause of regret, this is a thing for gratulation. Canada can never be an overcrowded land, where soft races crowd for room, like slugs under a board. She will always have her spacious domain of the North--a perpetual fur preserve, a perpetual hunting ground, where dauntless spirits will venture to match themselves against the powers of death; and from that North will ever emerge the type of man who masters life. II The last chapter of the fur trade has not been written--as many assert. The oldest industry of mankind, the most heroic and protective against the elements--against Fenris and Loki and all those Spirits of Evil with which northern myth has personified Cold--fur hunting, fur-trading, will last long as man lasts. We are entering, not on the extermination of fur, but on a new cycle of smaller furs. In the days when mink went begging at eighty cents, mink was not fashionable. Mink is fashionable to-day; hence the absurd and fabulous prices. Long ago, when ermine as miniver--the garb of nobility--was fashionable and exclusive, it commanded fabulous prices. Radicalism abolished the exclusive garb of royalty, and ermine fell to four cents a pelt, advanced to twenty-five cents and has sold at one dollar. To-day, mink is the fashion, and the little mink is pursued; but to-morrow fashion will veer with the caprices of the wind. Some other fur will come into favor, and the little mink will have a chance to multiply as the ermine has multiplied. In spite of the cry of the end of fur, more furs are marketed in the world than ever before in the history of the race--forty million dollars' worth; twenty millions of which are handled in New York and Chicago and St. Louis and St. Paul; some five millions passing through Edmonton and Winnipeg and Montreal and Quebec; three millions for home consumption, two millions plus for export. Some years ago I went through all the Minutes of the Hudson's Bay Company in London from 1670 to 1824 and have transcripts of those Minutes now in my library. In not a single year did the fur record exceed half a million dollars' worth. Compare that to the American traffic to-day of twenty millions, or to the three and four hundred thousand dollar cargoes that each of the Hudson's Bay Company and Revillons' ships bears to Europe from Canada yearly. "How much can a good Indian hunter make in a season?" I asked a fur-trader of the Northwest, because in nearly all accounts written about furs, you read a wail of reproach at milady for wearing furs when trapping entails such hardship and poverty on the part of the hunter. "A good hunter easily earns six hundred dollars or seven hundred dollars a winter if he will go out and not hang around the minute he gets a little ahead. It takes from three thousand dollars to four thousand dollars to outfit a small free-trader to go up North on his own account. This stock he will turn over three or four times at a profit of one hundred per cent. on the supplies. For example, ten dollars cash will buy a good black otter up North. In trade, it will cost from twelve dollars to fifteen dollars. On the articles of trade, the profit will be fifty per cent. The otter will sell down at Edmonton for from twenty dollars to thirty dollars. It's the same of muskrat. At the beginning of the season when the kits are plentiful and small, the trader pays nine cents for them up North. Down at the fur market he will get from twenty-five to sixty cents for them, according to size. There were one hundred and thirty-two thousand muskrat came to one firm of traders alone in Edmonton one year, which they will sell at an advance of fifty per cent." "How much fur comes yearly to Edmonton?" I asked an Edmonton trader. If you look at the map you will see that Edmonton is the jumping off place to three of the greatest fur fields of North America--down MacKenzie River to the Arctic, up Peace River to the mountain hinterland between the Columbia and the Yukon, east through Athabasca Lake to the wild barren land inland from Churchill and Hudson Bay. "Well, we can easily calculate that. I know about how much is brought in to each of the traders there." I took pencil while he gave me the names. It totaled up to six hundred thousand dollars' worth for 1908. When you consider that in its palmiest old days of exclusive monopoly the Hudson's Bay Company never sold more than half a million dollars' worth of furs a year, this total for Edmonton alone does not sound like a scarcity of furs. III The question may be asked, do not these large figures presage the hunting to extinction of fur-bearing animals? I do not think so. Take a map of the northern fur country. Take a good look at it--not just a Pullman car glance. The Canadian government has again and again advertised thousands, hundreds of thousands, millions of square miles of free land. Latitudinally, that is perfectly true. Wheat-wise, it isn't. When you go one hundred miles north of Saskatchewan River (barring Peace River in sections) you are in a climate that will grow wheat all right--splendid wheat, the hardest and finest in the world. That is, twenty hours of sunlight--not daylight but sunlight--force growth rapidly enough to escape late spring and early fall frosts; but the plain fact of the matter is, wheat land does not exist far north of the Saskatchewan except in sections along Peace River. What does exist? Cataracts countless--Churchill River is one succession of cataracts; vast rivers; lakes unmapped, links and chains of lakes by which you can go from the Saskatchewan to the Arctic without once lifting your canoe; quaking muskegs--areas of amber stagnant water full of what the Indians call mermaid's hair, lined by ridges of moss and sand overgrown with coarse goose grass and "the reed that grows like a tree," muskrat reed, a tasseled corn-like tufted growth sixteen feet high--areas of such muskeg mile upon mile. I traversed one such region above Cumberland Lake seventy miles wide by three hundred long where you could not find solid camping ground the size of your foot. What did we do? That is where the uses of a really expert guide came in; we moored our canoe among the willows, cut willows enough to keep feet from sinking, spread oilcloth and rugs over this, erected the tents over all, tying the guy ropes to the canoe thwarts and willows, as the ground would not hold the tent pegs. It doesn't sound as if such regions would ever be overrun by settlement--does it? Now look at your map, seventy miles north of Saskatchewan! From the northwest corner up by Klondike to the southeast corner down in Labrador is a distance of more than three thousand miles. From the south to north is a distance of almost two thousand miles. I once asked a guide with a truly city air--it might almost have been a Harvard air--if these distances were "as the crow flies." He gave me a look that I would not like to have a guide give me too often--he might maroon a fool on one of those swamp areas. "There ain't no distances as the crow flies in this country," he answered. "You got to travel 'cording as the waters collect or the ice goes out." Well, here is your country, three thousand by two thousand miles, a great fur preserve. What exists in it? Very little wood, and that small. Undoubtedly some minerals. What else exists? A very sparse population of Indians, whose census no man knows, for it has never been taken; but it is a pretty safe guess to say there are not thirty thousand Indians all told in the north fur country. I put this guess tentatively and should be glad of information from any one in a position to guess closer. I have asked the Hudson's Bay Company and I have asked Revillons how many white hunters and traders they think are in the fur country of the North. I have never met any one who placed the number in the North at more than two thousand. Spread two thousand white hunters with ten thousand Indians--for of the total Indian population two-thirds are women and children--over an area the size of two-thirds of Europe--I ask you frankly, do you think they are going to exterminate the game very fast? Remember the climate of the North takes care of her own. White men can stand only so many years of that lonely cold, and then they have "to come out" or they dwarf mentally and degenerate. Take a single section of this great northern fur preserve--Labrador, which I visited some years ago. In area Labrador is 530,000 square miles, two and a half times the size of France, twice the size of Germany, twice the size of Austria-Hungary. Statistical books set the population down at four thousand; but the Moravian missionaries there told me that including the Eskimo who come down the coast in summer and the fishermen who come up the coast in summer the total population was probably seventeen thousand. Now Labrador is one of the finest game preserves in the world. On its rocky hills and watery upper barrens where settlement can never come are to be found silver fox--the finest in the world, so fine that the Revillons have established a fur-breeding post for silver fox on one of the islands--cross fox almost as fine as silver, black and red fox, the best otter in the world, the finest marten in America, bear, very fine Norway lynx, fine ermine, rabbit or hare galore, very fine wolverine, fisher, muskrat, coarse harp seal, wolf, caribou, beaver, a few mink. Is it common sense to think the population of a few thousands can hunt out a fur empire here the size of two Germanies? Remember it was not the hunter who exterminated the buffalo and the beaver and the seal and the otter! The poacher destroyed one group of sea furs; the railway and the farm supplanted the other. West of Mackenzie River and north of British Columbia is a game region almost similar to Labrador in its furred habitat, with the exception that the western preserve is warmer and more wooded. Northward from Ontario is another hinterland which from its very nature must always be a great hunting ground. Minerals exist--as the old French traders well knew and the latter-day discoveries of Cobalt prove--and there is also heavy timber; but north of the Great Clay Belt, between the Clay Belt and the Bay, lies the impenetrable and--I think--indestructible game ground. Swamp and rock will prevent agricultural settlement but will provide an ideal fur preserve similar in climate to Labrador. Traveling with Indian guides, it is always a matter of marvel and admiration to me how the fur companies have bred into the very blood for generations the careful nurture of all game. At one place canoeing on Saskatchewan we heard of a huge black bear that had been molesting some new ranches. "No take now," said the Indian. "Him fur no good now." Though we might camp on bare rocks and the fire lay dead ash, it was the extra Indian paddler who invariably went back to spatter it out. You know the white's innate love for a roaring log fire in front of the camp at night? The Indian calls that "a-no-good-whitemen-fire-scare-away-game." Now take another look at the map. Where the Saskatchewan makes a great bend three hundred miles northeast of Prince Albert, it is no longer a river--it is a vast muskeg of countless still amber water channels not twice the width of your canoe and quaking silt islands of sand and goose grass--ideal, hidden and almost impenetrable for small game. Always muskeg marks the limit of big game and the beginning of the ground of the little fellows--waupoos, the rabbit; and musquash, the muskrat; and sakwasew, the mink; and nukik, the otter; and wuchak or pekan, the fisher. It is a safe wager that the profits on the millions upon millions of little pelts--hundreds of thousands of muskrat are taken out of this muskeg alone--exceed by a hundredfold the profits on the larger furs of beaver and silver fox and bear and wolf and cross fox and marten. Look at the map again! North of Cumberland Lake to the next fur post is a trifling run of two hundred and fifty to three hundred miles by dog-train to Lac du Brochet or Reindeer Lake--more muskeg cut by limestone and granite ridges. Here you can measure four hundred miles east or west and not get out of the muskeg till you reach Athabasca on the west and Hudson's Bay on the east. North of Lac du Brochet is a straight stretch of one thousand miles--nothing but rocks and cataracts and stunted woods, "little sticks" the Indians call them--and sky-colored waters in links and chains and lakes with the quaking muskeg goose grass and muskrat reed, cut and chiseled and trenched by the amber water ways. IV If you think there is any danger of settlement ever encroaching on the muskegs and barrens, come with me on a trip of some weeks to the south end of this field. We had been pulling against slack water all day, water so slack you could dip your hand down and fail to tell which way the current ran. Where the high banks dropped suddenly to such a dank tangle of reeds, brush wood, windfall and timbers drifted fifteen hundred miles down from the forests of the Rocky Mountains--such a tangle as I have never seen in any swamp of the South--the skeleton of a moose, come to its death by a jump among the windfall, marked the eastern limit of big game; and presently the river was lost--not in a lake--but in a swamp. A red fox came scurrying through the goose grass, sniffed the air, looked at us and ran along abreast of our canoe for about a mile, evidently scenting the bacon of the tin "grub box." Muskrats feed on the bulb of the tufted "reed like a tree," sixteen feet high on each side, and again and again little kits came out and swam in the ripple of our canoe. Once an old duck performed the acrobatic feat over which the nature and anti-nature writers have been giving each other the lie. We had come out of one long amber channel to be confronted by three openings exactly alike, not much wider than the length of our Klondike canoe, all lined by the high tufted reed. MacKenzie, the half-breed rapids man, had been telling us the endless Cree legends of Wa-sa-kee-chaulk, the Cree Hiawatha, and his Indian lore of stagnant waters now lured him into steering us to one of the side channels. We were not expected. An old mother duck was directly across our path teaching some twenty-two little black hobbling downy babies how to swim. With a cry that shrieked "Leg it--leg it" plain as a quack could speak and which sent the little fellows scuttling, half swim, half run, the old mother flung herself over on her back not a paddle's length ahead of us, dipped, dived, came up again just at our bow and flopped broken-winged over the water ahead of us near enough almost to be caught by hand; but when you stretched out your hand, the crafty lady dipped and dived and came up broken-winged again. "You old fool," said our head man, "your wing is no more broken than mine is. We're not going to hurt your babies. Shut up there and stop that lying." Spite of which the old duck kept up her pantomime of deceit for more than a mile; when she suddenly sailed up over our heads back to her hidden babies, a very Boadicea of an old duck girl. When we drew in for nooning, wild geese honked over our heads near enough to be hit by the butt of a gun. Drift chips, lodged in the goose grass, kindled fire for kettle, but oilcloth had to be spread before you could get footing ashore. I began to wonder what happened as to repairs when canoes ripped over a snag in this kind of region, and that brought up the story of a furtrader's wife in another muskeg region north of Lac La Ronge up toward Churchill River, who was in a canoe that ripped a hole clean the size of a man's fist. Quick as a flash, the head man was into the tin grub box and had planked on a cake of butter. The cold water hardened it, and that repair carried them along to the first birch tree affording a new strip of bark. Where an occasional ridge of limestone cut the swamp we could hear the laughter and the glee of the Indian children playing "wild goose" among the trembling black poplars and whispering birches, and where we landed at the Indian camps we found the missionaries out with the hunters. In fact, even the nuns go haying and moose hunting with the Indian families to prevent lapses to barbarism. Again and again we passed cached canoes, provisions stuck up on sticks above the reach of animal marauders--testimony to the honesty of the passing Indian hunters, which the best policed civilized eastern city can not boast of its denizens. "I've gone to the Rockies by way of Peace River dozens of times," declared the head of one of the big fur companies, "and left five hundred dollars' worth of provisions cached in trees to feed us on our way out, and when we came that same way six months afterward we never found one pound stolen, though I remember one winter when the Indians who were passing and repassing under the food in those trees were starving owing to the rabbit famine." In winter this region is traversed by dog-train along the ice--a matter of five hundred miles to Lac du Brochet and back, or six hundred to Prince Albert and back. "Oh, no, we're not far," said a lonely-faced Cambridge graduate fur-trader to me. "When my little boy took sick last winter, I had to go only fifty-five miles. There happened to be a doctor in the lumber camp back on the Ridge." But even winter travel is not all easy in a fifty-below-zero climate where you can't find sticks any larger than your finger to kindle night fire, I know the story of one fur-trader who was running along behind his dog sleigh in this section. He had become overheated running and had thrown his coat and cap across the sleigh, wearing only flannel shirt, fur gauntlets, corduroy trousers and moccasins. At a bend in the iced channel he came on a pack of mangy coyotes. Before he had thought he had sicked the dogs on them. With a yell they were off out of sight amid the goose grass and reeds with the sleigh and his garments. Those reeds, remember, are sixteen feet high, stiff as broom corn and hard on moccasins as stubble would be on bare feet. To make matters worse, a heavy snowstorm came on. The wind was against the direction the dogs had taken and the man hallooed himself hoarse without an answering sound. It was two o'clock in the morning before the wind sank and the trader found his dogs, and by that time between sweat and cold his shirt had frozen to a board. Such a thing as an out and out pagan hardly exists among the Indians of the North. They are all more or less Christian with a curious mingling of pagan superstition with the new faith. The Indian voyageurs may laugh but they all do it--make offerings of tobacco to the Granny Goddess of the River before setting out. In vain we threw biscuit and orange peel and nuts to the perverse-tempered deity supposed to preside at the bottom of those amber waters. The winds were contrary, the waters slack, sluggish, dead, no responsive gurgle and flap of laughter and life to the slow keel. One channel but opened on another. Even the limestone ridges had vanished far to rear, and the stillness of night fell with such a flood of sunset light as Turner never dreamed in his wildest color intoxications. There would be the wedge-shaped line of the wild geese against a flaming sky--a far honk--then stillness. Then the flackering quacking call of a covey of ducks with a hum of wings right over our shoulders; then no sound but the dip of our paddles and the drip and ripple of the dead waters among the reeds. Suddenly there lifted against the lonely red sunset sky--a lob stick--a dark evergreen stripped below the tip to mark some Indian camping place, or vow, or sacred memory. We steered for it. A little flutter of leaves like a clapping of hands marked land enough to support black poplars, and we rounded a crumbly sand bank just in time to see the seven-banded birch canoe of a little old hunter, Sam Ba'tiste Buck--eighty years old he was--squatting in the bottom of the birch canoe, ragged almost to nakedness, bare of feet, gray-headed, nearly toothless but happier than an emperor--the first living being we had seen for a week in the muskegs. We camped together that night on the sandbars--trading Sam Ba'tiste flour and matches for a couple of ducks. He had been storm-stead camping in the goose grass for three days. Do you think he was to be pitied? Don't! Three days' hunting will lay up enough meat for Sam for the winter. In the winter he will snare some small game, while mink and otter and muskrat skins will provide him flour and clothes from the fur-trader. Each of Sam's sons is earning seven hundred dollars a year hunting big game on the rock ridge farther north--more than illiterate, unskilled men earn in eastern lands. Then in spring Sam will emerge from his cabin, build another birch canoe and be off to the duck and wild geese haunts. When we paddled away in the morning, Sam still camped on the sand bank. He sat squat whittling away at kin-a-kin-ic, or the bark of the red willow, the hunter's free tobacco. In town Sam would be poverty-stricken, hungry, a beggar. Here he is a lord of his lonely watery domain, more independent and care-free than you are--peace to his aged bones! Another night coming through the muskegs we lost ourselves. We had left our Indian at the fur post and trusted to follow southwest two hundred miles to the next fur post by the sun, but there was no sun, only heavy lead-colored clouds with a rolling wind that whipped the amber waters to froth and flooded the sand banks. If there was any current, it was reversed by the wind. We should have thwarted the main muskeg by a long narrow channel, but mistook our way thinking to follow the main river by taking the broadest opening. It led us into a lake seven miles across; not deep, for every paddle stroke tangled into the long water weed known as mermaid's hair but deep enough for trouble when you consider the width of the lake, the lack of dry footing the width of one's hand, and the fact that you can't offer the gun'l of a canoe to the broadside of a big wave. We scattered our dunnage and all three squatted in the bottom to prevent the rocking of the big canoe. Then we thwarted and tacked and quartered to the billows for a half day. Nightfall found us back in the channel again scudding before thunder and a hurricane wind looking for a camping place. It had been a back-breaking pace all day. We had tried to find relief by the Indian's choppy strokes changing every third dip from side to side; we had tried the white man's deep long pulling strokes; and by seven in the evening with the thunder rolling behind and not a spot of dry land visible the size of one's foot, backs began to feel as if they might break in the middle. Our canoe and dunnage weighed close on seven hundred pounds. Suddenly we shot out of the amber channel into a shallow lagoon lined on each side by the high tufted reeds, but the reeds were so thin we could see through them to lakes on each side. A whirr above our heads and a flock of teal almost touched us with their wings. Simultaneously all three dropped paddles--all three were speechless. The air was full of voices. You could not hear yourself think. We lapped the canoe close in hiding to the thin lining of reeds. I asked, "Have those little sticks drifted down fifteen hundred miles to this lagoon of dead water?" "Sticks," my guide repeated, "it isn't sticks--it isn't drift--it's birds--it's duck and geese--I have never seen anything like it--I have lived west more than twenty years and I never heard tell of anything--of anything like it." Anything like it? I had lived all my life in the West and I had never heard or dreamed any oldest timer tell anything like it! For seven miles, you could not have laid your paddle on the water without disturbing coveys of geese and duck, geese and duck of such variety as I have never seen classified or named in any book on birds. We sat very still behind the hiding of reed and watched and watched. We couldn't talk. We had lost ourselves in one of the secluded breeding places of wild fowl in the North. I counted dozens and dozens of moult nests where the duck had congregated before their long flight south. That was the night we could find camping ground only by building a foundation of reeds and willows, then spreading oilcloth on top; and all night our big tent rocked to the wind; for we had roped it to the thwarts of the canoe. Next day when we reached the fur post, the chief trader told us any good hunter could fill his canoe--the big, white banded, gray canoe of the company, not the little, seven banded, birch craft--with birds to the gun'l in two hours' shooting on that lake. That muskeg is only one of thousands, when you go seventy miles north of the Saskatchewan, sixty miles east of Athabasca Lake. That muskeg and its like, covering an area two-thirds of all Europe, is the home of all the little furs, mink and muskrat and fisher and otter and rabbit and ermine, the furs that clothe--not princes and millionaire, who buy silver fox and sea otter--but you and me and the rest of us whose object is to keep warm, not to show how much we can spend. Out of that one muskeg hundreds of thousands of little pelts have been taken since 1754 when Anthony Hendry, the smuggler, came the first of the fur-traders inland from the Bay. And the game--save in the year of the unexplained rabbit pest--shows no sign of diminishing. Does it sound very much to you like a region where the settler would ultimately drive out the fur trade? What would he settle on? That is the point. Nature has taken good care that climate and swamp shall erect an everlasting barrier to encroachment on her game preserves. To be sure, if you ask a fur-trader, "How are furs?" he will answer, "Poor--poorer every year." So would you if you were a fur-trader and wanted to keep out rivals. I have never known a fur-trader who did not make that answer. To be sure, seal and sea otter, beaver and buffalo have been almost exterminated; but even to-day if the governments of the world, especially Canada and the United States, would pass and enforce laws prohibiting the killing of a single buffalo or beaver, seal or sea otter for fifty years, these species would replenish themselves. "The last chapter of the fur trade has been written?" Never! The oldest industry of mankind will last as long as mankind lasts. V I read also that "the last chapter of the fur romance has been written." That is the point of view of the man who spends fifty weeks in town and two weeks in the wilds. It is not the point of view of the man who spends two weeks in town and fifty in the wilds; of the man who goes out beyond the reach of law into strange realms the size of Russia with no law but his own right arm, no defense but his own wit. Though I have written history of the Hudson's Bay Company straight from their own Minutes in Hudson's Bay House, London, I could write more of the romance of the fur trade right in the present year than has ever been penned of the company since it was established away back in the year 1670. Space permits only two examples. You recall the Cambridge man who thought it a short distance to go only fifty-five miles by dog-train for a doctor. A more cultured, scholarly, perfect gentleman I have never met in London or New York. Yet when I met his wife, I found her a shy little, part-Indian girl, who had almost to be dragged in to meet us. That spiritual face--such a face as you might see among the preachers of Westminster or Oxford--and the little shy Indian girl-wife and the children, plainly a throw-back to their red-skin ancestors, not to the Cambridge paternity! What was the explanation? Where was the story of heartache and tragedy--I asked myself, as we stood in our tent door watching the York boat come in with provisions for the year under a sky of such diaphanous northern lights as leave you dumb before their beauty and their splendor? How often he must have stood beneath those northern lights thinking out the heartbreak that has no end. I did not learn the story till I had come on down to civilization and town again. That Cambridge man had come out from England flush with the zeal of the saint to work among the Indians. In the Indian school where he taught he had met his Fate--the thing he probably scouted--that fragile type of Indian beauty almost fawn-like in its elusiveness, pure spirit from the very prosaic fact that the seeds of mortal disease are already snapping the ties to life. It is a type you never see near the fur posts. You have to go to the far outer encampments, where white vices have not polluted the very air. He fell in love. What was he to do? If he left her to her fate, she would go back to the inclement roughness of tepee life mated to some Indian hunter, or fall victim to the brutal admiration of some of those white sots who ever seek hiding in the very wilderness. He married her and had of course to resign his position as teacher in the school. He took a position with the company and lived no doubt in such happiness as only such a spiritual nature could know; but the seeds of the disease which gave her such unearthly beauty ripened. She died. What was to become of the children? If he sent them back to England, they would be wretched and their presence would be misunderstood. If he left them with her relatives, they would grow up Indians. If he kept them he must have a mother for them, so he married another trader's daughter--the little half-breed girl--and chained himself to his rock of Fate as fast as ever martyr was bound in Grecian myth; and there he lives to-day. The mail comes in only once in three months in summer; only once in six in winter. He is the only white man on a watery island two hundred miles from anywhere except when the lumbermen come to the Ridge, or the Indian agent arrives with the treaty money once a year. And "the last chapter of the fur romance has been written"? "The last chapter of the fur romance" will not have been written as long as frost and muskeg provide a habitat for furtive game, and strong men set forth to traverse lone places with no defense but their own valiant spirit. The other example is of a man known to every fur buyer of St. Louis and Chicago and St. Paul--Mr. Hall, the chief commissioner of furs for the Hudson's Bay Company. I wish I could give it in Mr. Hall's own words--in the slow quiet recital of the man who has spent his life amid the great silent verities, up next to primordial facts, not theorizing and professionalizing and discretionizing and generally darkening counsel by words without knowledge. He was a youth somewhere around his early twenties, and he was serving the company at Stuart Lake in British Columbia--a sort of American Trossachs on a colossal scale. He had been sent eastward with a party to bring some furs across from MacLeod Lake in the most heavily wooded mountains. It was mid-winter. Fort MacLeod was short of provisions. On their way back travel proved very heavy and slow. Snow buried the beaten trail, and travel off it plunged men and horses through snow crust into a criss-cross tangle of underbrush and windfall. The party ran out of food. It was thought if Hall, the youngest and lightest, could push ahead on snowshoes to Stuart Lake, he could bring out a rescue party with food. He set off without horse or gun and with only a lump of tallow in his pocket as food. The distance was seventy-five miles. At first he ran on winged feet--feet winged with hunger; but it began to snow heavily with a wind that beat in his face and blew great gusts of snow pack down from the evergreen branches overhead; and even feet winged with hunger and snowshoes clog from soft snow and catch derelict branches sticking up through the drifts. By the time you have run half a day beating against the wind, reversing your own tracks to find the chipped mark on the bark of the trees to keep you on the blazed trail--you are hungry. Hall began to nibble at his tallow as he ran and to snatch handfuls of snow to quench his thirst. At night he kindled a roaring big white-man fire against the wolves, dried out the thawed snow from his back and front, dozed between times, sang to keep the loneliness off, heard the muffled echo come back to him in smothered voice, and at first streak of dawn ran on, and on, and on. By the second night Hall had eaten all his tallow. He had also reefed in his belt so that his stomach and spine seemed to be camping together. The snow continued to fall. The trees swam past him as he ran. And the snowdrifts lifted and fell as he jogged heavily forward. Of course, he declared to himself, he was not dizzy. It was the snow blindness or the drifts. He was well aware the second night that if he would have let himself he would have dug a sleeping hole in the snow and wrapped himself in a snow blanket and slept and slept; but he thrashed himself awake, and set out again, dead heavy with sleep, weak from fatigue, staggering from hunger; and the wings on his feet had become weighted with lead. He knew it was all up with him when he fell. He knew if he could get only a half hour's sleep, it would freshen him up so he could go on. Lots of winter travelers have known that in the North; and they have taken the half hour's sleep; and another half hour's; and have never wakened. Anyway, something wakened Hall. He heard the crackle of a branch. That was nothing. Branches break to every storm, but this was like branches breaking under a moccasin. It was unbelievable; there was not the slightest odor of smoke, unless the dream odor of his own delirious hunger; but not twenty paces ahead crackled an Indian fire, surrounded by buckskin tepees, Indians warming themselves by the fire. With an unspeakable revulsion of hope and hunger, Hall flung to his feet and dashed into the middle of the encampment. Then a tingling went over his body like the wakening from death, of frost to life--blind stabbing terror obsessed his body and soul; for the fire was smokeless, the figures were speechless, transparent, unaware of his presence, very terribly still. His first thought was that he had come on some camp hopeless from the disaster of massacre or starvation. Then he knew this was no earthly camp. He could not tell how the figures were clothed or what they were. Only he knew they were not men. He did not even think of ghosts. All he knew was it was a death fire, a death silence, death tepees, death figures. He fled through the woods knowing only death was behind him--running and running, and never stopping till he dropped exhausted across the fort doorstep at two in the morning. He blurted out why he had come. Then he lapsed unconscious. They filled him with rum. It was twenty-four hours before he could speak. "I don't know these modern theories about hallucination and delusions and things," concluded Mr. Hall, gazing reflectively on the memories of that night. "I'm not much on romance and that kind of thing! I don't believe in ghosts. I don't know what it was. All I know is it scared me so it saved my life, and it saved the lives of the rest, too; for the relief party got out in time, though they didn't see a sign of any Indian camp. I don't know what to make of it, unless years ago some Indian camp had been starved or massacred there, and owing to my unusual condition I got into some clairvoyant connection with that past. However, there it is; and it would take a pretty strong argument to persuade me I didn't see anything. All the other things I thought I saw on that trip certainly existed, and it would be a queer thing if the one thing which saved my life did not exist. That's all I know, and you can make anything you like of it." So while Canada resents being regarded as a fur land, her domain of the North sends down something more than roaring winds--though winds are good things to shake dead leaves off the soul as well as off trees. Her domain of the North rears more than fur-bearing animals. It rears a race with hardihood, with dauntlessness, with quiet dogged unspeaking courage; and that is something to go into the blood of a nation. A man who will run on snowshoes eighteen hundred miles behind a dog-train as a Senator I know did in his youth, and a woman of middle life, who will "come out"--as they say in the North--and study medicine at her own expense that she may minister to the Indians where she lives--are not types of a race to lie down whipped under Fate. Canada will do things in the world of nations shortly. She may do them rough-handed; but what she does will depend on the national ideals she nurtures to-day; and into those ideals has entered the spirit of the Domain of the North. CHAPTER XVIII FINDING HERSELF I One of the questions which an outsider always asks of Canada and of which the Canadian never thinks is--Why is Newfoundland not a part of Canada? Why has the lonely little Island never entered confederation? On the map Newfoundland looks no larger than the area of Manitoba before the provincial boundaries were extended to Hudson Bay. In reality, area has little to do with Newfoundland's importance to England's possessions in North America. It is that part of America nearest to Europe. If you measure it north to south and east to west it seems about two hundred and fifty by three hundred and fifty miles; but distance north and south, east and west, has little to do with Newfoundland's importance to the empire. Newfoundland's importance to the empire consists in three fundamental facts: Newfoundland is the radiating center for the fisheries on the Grand Banks, that submarine plateau of six hundred by one hundred and fifty miles, where are the richest deep-sea fisheries in the world; Newfoundland lies gardant at the very entrance to Canada's great waterways; and Newfoundland's coast line is the most broken coast line in the whole world affording countless land-locked, rock-ribbed deep-sea harbors to shelter all the fighting ships of the world. What have the deep-sea fisheries of the Grand Banks to do with a Greater Britain Overseas? You would not ask that question if you could see the sealing fleets set out in spring; or the whaling crews drive after a great fin-back up north of Tilt Cove; or the schooners go out with their dories in tow for the Grand Banks fisheries. Asked what impressed him most in the royal tour of the present King of England across Canada and Newfoundland several years ago, a prominent official with the Prince answered: "Newfoundland and the prairie provinces." "Why?" he was asked. "Men for the navy and food for the Empire." That answer tells in a line why Newfoundland is absolutely essential to a Greater Britain Overseas. You can't take landlubbers, put them on a boat and have seamen. Sailors are bred to the sea, cradled in it, salted with it for generations before they become such mariners as hold England's ascendency on the seas of the world. They love the sea and its roll and its dangers more than all the rewards of the land. Of such men, and of such only, are navies made that win battles. Come out to Kitty Vitty, a rock-ribbed cove behind St. John's, and listen to some old mother in Israel, with the bloom of the sea still in her wilted cheeks, tell of losing her sons in the seal fisheries of the spring, when men go out in crews of two and three hundred hunting the hairy seal over the ice floes, and the floes break loose, and the blizzard comes down! It isn't the twenty or thirty or fifty dollar bonus a head in the seal hunt that lures them to death, in darkness and storm. It is the call, the dare, the risk, the romance of the sea born in their own blood. Or else watch the fishing fleets up off the North Shore, down on the Grand Banks! The schooner rocks to the silver swell of the sea with bare mast poles. A furtive woman comes up the hatchway and gazes with shaded eyes at passing steamers; but the men are out in the clumsy black dories that rock like a cradle to the swell of the sea, drawing in--drawing in--the line; or singing their sailor chanties--"Come all ye Newfoundlanders"--as meal of pork and cod simmers in a pot above a chip fire cooking on stones in the bottom of the boat. It isn't the one or two hundred dollars these fishermen clear in a year--and it may be said that one hundred dollars cleared in a year is opulence--that holds them to the wild, free, perilous life. It is the call of the sea in their blood. Of such men are victorious navies made, and if Canada is to be anything more than the hanger-on to the tail of the kite of the British Empire, she, too, must have her navy, her men of the sea, born and cradled and crooned and nursed by the sea. That is Newfoundland's first importance to a Greater Britain Overseas. Perhaps, if the present war had not broken out, Canada would never have realized Newfoundland's second importance to a Greater Britain Overseas as the outpost sentinel guarding entrance to her waterways. It would require shorter time to transport troops to Newfoundland than to Suez. Should Canada ever be attacked, Newfoundland would be a more important basis than Suez. Two centuries ago, in fact, for two whole centuries, St. John's Harbor rang to the conflict of warring nations. If ever war demanded the bottling up and blockading of Canada, the basis for that embargo would be Newfoundland. It may as well be acknowledged that Canada's east coast affords few good land-locked harbors. Newfoundland's deep-sea land-locked harbors are so numerous you can not count them. Your ship will be coasting what seems to be a rampart wall of sheer black iron towering up three, four, six hundred feet flat as if planed, planed by the ice-grind and storms of a million years beating down from the Pole riding thunderous and angry seas. You wonder what would happen if a storm caught your ship between those iron walls and a landward hurricane; and the captain tells you, when the wind sheers nor'-east, he always beats for open sea. It isn't the sea he fears. It is these rock ramparts and saw-tooth reefs sticking up through the lace fret. Suddenly you twist round a sharp angle of rock like the half closed leaf of a book. You slip in behind the leaf of rock, and wriggle behind another angle--"follow the tickles o' water" is, I believe, the term--and there opens before you a harbor cove, land-locked, rock-walled from sea to sky, with the fishermen's dories awash on a silver sea, with women in brightly colored kirtles and top-boots and sunbonnets busy over the fishing stages drying cod. Dogs and hogs are the only domestic animals visible. The shore is so rocky that fences are usually little sticks anchored in stones. There are not even many children; for the children are off to sea soon as they can don top-boots and handle a line. There is the store of "the planter" or outfitter--a local merchant, who supplies schooners on shares for the season and too often holds whole hamlets in his debt. There is the church. The priest or parson comes poling out to meet your ship and get his monthly or half-yearly mail, and there are the little whitewashed cots of the fisher folk. It is a simpler life than the existence of the habitant of Quebec. It is more remote from modern stress than the days of the Tudors. On the north and west shore and in that sea strip of Labrador under Newfoundland's jurisdiction and known in contradiction to Labrador as The Labrodor--are whole hamlets of people that have never seen a railroad, a cow, a horse. They are Devon people, who speak the dialect of Devon men in Queen Elizabeth's day. You hear such expressions as "enow," "forninst," "forby"; and the mental attitude to life is two or three centuries old. "Why should we pay for railroads?" the people asked late as 1898. "Our fathers used boats and their own legs." And one hamlet came out and stoned a passing train. "Checks--none of your checks for me," roared an out-port fisherman taking the train for the first time and lugging behind him a huge canvas bag of clothes. "Checks--not for me! I know checks! When the banks busted, I had your checks; and much good they were." This was late as '98, and back from the pulp mills of the interior and the railroad you will find conditions as antiquated to-day. If Newfoundland is absolutely essential to a Greater Britain Overseas, why is she not part of Canada? Because Canada refused to take her in. Because Canada had not big enough vision to see her need of this smallest of the American colonies. For the same reason that reciprocity failed between Canada and the United States--because when Newfoundland would have come in, Canada was lethargic. Nobody was big enough politically to seize and swing the opportunity. Because when Canada was ready, Newfoundland was no longer in the mood to come in; and nobody in Newfoundland was big enough to seize and swing an opportunity for the empire. It was in the nineties. Fish had fallen to a ruinous price and for some temporary reason the fishing was poor. There had been bank kiting in Newfoundland's financial system. She had no railroads and few steamships. Her mines had not been exploited, and she did not know her own wealth in the pulp-wood areas of the interior. In fact, there are sections of Northern Newfoundland not yet explored inland. Every bank in the colony had collapsed. Newfoundland emissaries came to Ottawa to feel the pulse for federation. The population at that time was something under two hundred thousand. Now Canada has one very bad British characteristic. She has the John Bull trick of drawing herself up to every new proposal with an air of "What is that to us?" At this time Canada herself was in bad way. She had just completed her first big transcontinental. Times were dull. The Crown Colony of Newfoundland did not come begging admission to confederation. No political party could do that and live; for politics in Newfoundland are a fanatical religion. I have heard the warden of the penitentiary say that if it were not for politics he would never have any inmates. It is a fact that out-port prisons have been closed for lack of inmates, but long as elections recur, come broken heads. So the Crown Colony did not seek admission. It came feeling the Ottawa pulse, and the Ottawa pulse was slow and cold. "What's Newfoundland to us?" said Canada. One of the commissioners told me the real hitch was the terms on which the Dominion should assume the Crown Colony's small public debt; so the chance passed unseized. Newfoundland set herself to do what Canada had done, when the United States refused reciprocity. She built national railways. She launched a system of national ships. She nearly bankrupted her public treasury with public works and ultimately handed her transportation system over to semi-private management. Outside interests began buying the pulp-wood areas. Pulp became one of the great industries. The mines of the east shore picked up. There was a boom in whaling. World conditions in trade improved. By the time that the Dominion had awakened to the value of Newfoundland no party in Newfoundland would have dared to mention confederation, and that is the status to-day. One can hardly imagine this status continuing long. The present war, or the lessons of the present war, may awaken both sides to the advantages of union. Sooner or later, for her own sake solely, Canada must have Newfoundland; and it is up to Canada to offer terms to win the most ancient of British colonies in America. British settlement in Newfoundland dates a century prior to settlement in Acadia and Virginia. Devon men came to fish before the British government had set up any proprietary claim. II And now eliminate the details of Canada's status among the nations and consider only the salient undisputed facts: Her population has come to her along four main lines of motive; seeking to realize religious ideals; seeking to realize political ideals; seeking the free adventurous life of the hunter; seeking--in modern day--freehold of land. One main current runs through all these motives--religious freedom, political freedom, outdoor vocations in freedom, and freehold of land. This is a good flavor for the ingredients of nationality. Conditioning these movements of population have been Canada's climate, her backwoods and prairie and frontier hardship--challenging the weakling, strengthening the strong. No country affords more opportunity to the fit man and none is crueler to the unfit than Canada. I like this fact that Canada is hard at first. It is the flaming sword guarding the Paradise of effort from the vices of inert softened races. Diamonds are hard. Charcoals are soft, though both are the very same thing. Canada affords the shortest safest route to the Orient. Canada has natural resources of mine, forest, fishery, land to supply an empire of a hundred million; to supply Europe, if need arose. She must some day become one of the umpires of fate on the Pacific. She yearly interweaves tighter commercial bonds with the United States, yet refuses to come under American government. It may be predicted both these conditions will remain permanent. Panama will quicken her west coast to a second Japan. Yearly the West will exert greater political power, and the East less; for the preponderance of immigration settles West not East. As long as she has free land Canada will be free of labor unrest, but the dangers of industrialism menace her in a transfer of population from farm to factory. In twenty years Canada will have as many British born within her borders as there were Englishmen in England in the days of Queen Elizabeth. In twenty years Canada will have more foreign-born than there are native-born Canadians. Her pressing problems to-day are the amalgamation of the foreigner through her schools; a working arrangement with the Oriental fair to him as to her; the development of her natural resources; the anchoring of the people to the land; and the building of a system of powerful national defense by sea and land. Her constitution is elastic and pliable to every new emergency--it may be, too pliable; and her system of justice stands high. She has a fanatical patriotism; but it is not yet vocal in art, or literature; and it is--do not mistake it--loyalty to an ideal, not to a dynasty, nor to a country. She loves Britain because Britain stands for that ideal. Stand back from all these facts! They may be slow-moving ponderous facts. They may be contradictory and inconsistent. What that moves ever is consistent? But like a fleet tacking to sea, though the course shift and veer, it is ever forward. Forward whither--do you ask of Canada? There is no man with an open free mind can ponder these facts and not answer forthwith and without faltering--_to a democratised edition of a Greater Britain Overseas_. Only a world cataclysm or national upheaval displacing every nation from its foundations can shake Canada from that destiny. Will she grow closer to Britain or farther off? Will she grow closer to the United States or farther off? Will she fight Japan or league with her? Will she rig up a working arrangement with the Hindu? Every one of these questions is aside from the main fact--England will not interfere with her destiny. The United States will not interfere with her destiny. Canada has her destiny in her own hands, and what she works out both England and the United States will bless; but with as many British born in her boundaries anchored to freehold of land as made England great in the days of Queen Elizabeth, unless history reverse itself and fate make of facts dice tossed to ruin by malignant furies, then Canada's destiny can be only one--a Greater Britain Overseas. THE END INDEX ALBERTA: size of, 16, 39; coal deposits of, 38; investment of British capital in, 104; distance from seaboard, 180; rate from on wheat to Fort William, 187-188; distance from Montreal, 195; from Great Lakes, 199. "AMERICANIZING OF CANADA," discussion of, 61-79. AMERICANS: emigration of to Canada, 65, 72, 273; investments of in Canada, 66, 80, 92; as pioneers, 74, 76; sell ranches as rawnches, 105; trade of with Canada, 128; attitude of Americans in Canadian Northwest to Monroe Doctrine, 244; view of opportunity, 280. See also UNITED STATES. ARBITRATION ACT, defects of, 220. BELL, GRAHAM, a Canadian, 278. BIG BUSINESS, does not dominate government in Canada, 212, 223. BORDEN, ROBERT: social prestige of, 4; a self-made man, 53; new premier, 91; one of Canada's great men, 109; naval policy of, 283, 285. BRITISH COLUMBIA: demands self-government, 11; railway to planned, 14; larger than two Germanies, 16; climate of, 22; coal deposits of, 38; description of, 40-41; investment of British capital in, 104; opposes Oriental immigration, 129-133; coming of Hindus into and problem of, 141 et seq. BRITISH NORTH AMERICA ACT: the Canadian Constitution, 11; mentioned, 42, 111, 245; elasticity of, 51; constitution of Canada, 223; provisions of, 228. BROWN, GEORGE, favors reciprocity, 82. CABINET, how chosen and to whom responsible, 229. CANADA NORTHERN: builds repair shops at Port Mann, 179; uses electric power in tunnels, 182; aided by government, 193. CANADIAN PACIFIC RAILWAY: builds repair shops at Coquitlam, 179; tunnel of through Mount Stephen, 182; aided by government, 193. CANADIAN SOO CANAL; tonnage passing through, 14; influence of in reducing freight rates, 38. CHINA, an awakened giant, 168. CHINESE: agitation against on West Coast, 129; head tax upon, 130,164; a separate problem from that of the Hindu, 138; in British Columbia, 159-167. CHURCHES, well attended in Canada, 252-255. COBALT: discovery of silver at, 34; boom in, 67. "COBDEN-BRIGHT SCHOOL," mentioned, 82, 84. COCKNEYS, Canadian hostility toward, 52. CONNAUGHT, DUKE OF, rebukes lip-loyalist, 48. CONSERVATIVES: tariff views of, 81-86; and appointment of judges, 234; support Family Compact, 242; principles of, 242-244; support Navy Bill, 283; oppose Laurier's naval program, 285. DAWSON, GEORGE, on coal deposits of Alberta and British Columbia, 38. "DIRECT PASSAGE" LAW: enacted, 130, 142; attempt to evade, 143, 153. DIVORCE, low rate of, 264. DOUKHOBORS: are accumulating wealth, 117; law-abiding, 118; influence of priests upon, 124. DURHAM, LORD: work of in Canada, 226-228; report of, 274. ENGLAND, see GREAT BRITAIN. "FAMILY COMPACT": a governing clique, 9; mentioned, 14, 226, 242. FRANCHISE, in Canada, 232-233. FUR TRADE, account of, 294-322. GEORGE, LLOYD: mentioned, 56, 57; Canada not interested in theories of, 58; effects of tax system of upon investment in Canada, 104. GEORGIAN BAY SHIP CANAL, proposed, 194. GLADSTONE, EDWARD E., attitude of toward colonies, 42. GORDON, CHARLES, investigates mining strike, 117. GOVERNOR-GENERAL: appointment and powers of, 43-44, 228-230; appoints provincial judges, 236. GRAND BANKS, mentioned, 323. GRAND TRUNK PACIFIC: has dock in Seattle, 173, 174; its low mountain grade, 182. GREAT BRITAIN: withholds self-government from Oregon region, 11; food requirements of, 36; grants no trade favors to her colonies, 43; dependence of Canada upon, 43-45; trade of with the United States, 62-63; her dependencies, 95; immigration from, 95-110; allied with Japan, 127, 132; as a world policeman, 137; shipyards of, 171; need of shortest wheat route to, 197; eighty per cent. of Canada's agricultural products go to, 202; acquires Canada, 224; secret of her success as a colonial power, 269; overplus of women in, 265; rise of as a world power, 269; her navy Canada's chief defense, 289; what defeat of her navy would mean to Canada, 292-293; importance of Newfoundland to her possessions in America, 323; will not interfere with Canada's destiny, 333. GREAT CLAY BELT; described, 33; mentioned, 303. HENDRY, ANTHONY, first white fur-trader in Saskatchewan country, 314. HILL, JAMES: he and associates buy large coal areas, 66; predicts bread famine in United States, 88; on rights of the public, 175; on western fruit crop, 181; wheat empire of, 198, 208; a Canadian, 278. HINDUS: agitation against in British Columbia, 129; problem of in Canada, 138-167; possible effects on constitution of unlimited immigration of, 245; troops rushed across Canada, 286. HOPKINSON: murder of, 144; had secret information regarding Hindus, 144, 153. HUDSON BAY RAILROAD, account of, 191-209. HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY; monopoly of, 11; journals of mention mineral deposits, 35; governor of testifies that farming can not succeed in Rupert's Land, 271; effect of contentions regarding Northwest, 276; trade of, 297-298; former monopoly of, 299; mentioned, 302. HUDSON STRAITS, the crux of the Hudson Bay route, 206-209. HUNTERS' LODGES, raids of, 8. ICELANDERS, story of in Manitoba, 122-123. IMMIGRATION: increase in ten years, 20; from Great Britain, 51, 95-110; American immigration into Canada, 61-79; from continental Europe, 111-126; from the Orient, 127-167; probable effect of Panama Canal upon, 176. IMPERIAL FEDERATION, a dead issue in Canada, 47. INDIANS: number of in the fur trade, 294; rights of Indian wives married to white men, 266. INDUSTRIAL WORKERS OF THE WORLD: in Canada, 219; program of, 221. JAPAN: dominates fishing industry of the Pacific, 24; alliance of with Great Britain, 127; attitude of on equality question, 130-132; activity of on West Coast, 134-136; controls seventy-two per cent. of the shipping of the Pacific, 136, 178; future influence of, 137; attempt to draw into Hindu quarrel, 146; demands room to expand, 168; becomes a world power, 269; future relations of with Canada, 333. JAPANESE: inrush of into British Columbia, 129; limitations on immigration of, 130; exclusion of becomes party shibboleth, 133; a separate problem from that of the Hindu, 138. JUDGES, position and powers of, 233-236. KOOTENAY, mining boom in, 66-67. LABRADOR, as a fur country, 302-304. LABRODOR, THE, under jurisdiction of Newfoundland, 327 LAURIER, SIR WILFRED: social prestige of, 4; helps allay racial antagonisms, 7; prediction of as to Canada's future, 17; supports Boer War, 31-32; a self-made man, 53; a free-trader, 82; and reciprocity, 89-91; one of Canada's great men, 109; and a Dominion navy, 283, 285; mentioned, 243. LESSER GREAT LAKES, fisheries of, 39. LIBERALS: favor free trade, 82; seek reciprocity agreement, 83-85; launch two more transcontinentals, 86; and appointment of judges, 234; organize to oust Family Compact, 242; principles of, 242-244; oppose Naval Bill, 283, 285. LITERATURE: no great national in Canada, 262; Canadians slow to recognize writers, 279; most Canadian books first published out of Canada, 79. LORD SELKIRK'S SETTLERS, come to Canada, 6. LOYALISTS, see UNITED EMPIRE LOYALISTS. MACDONALD, SIR JOHN: influence of upon Canadian constitution, 11-12; comes up from penury, 53; seeks tariff concessions from the United States, 81; tariff views of, 83; launches Canadian Pacific Railway, 86; one of Canada's great men, 109; mentioned, 243. MACKENZIE, ALEXANDER: comes up from penury, 53; mentioned, 81; a free-trader, 82; a man of the North, 295. MACKENZIE, WILLIAM LYON, a leader in rebellion of 1837-8, 226. MANITOBA: almost as large as British Isles, 16, 39; coal deposits in, 38; distance of from Montreal and Hudson Bay, 195. MANITOBA SCHOOL CASE, mentioned 44, 83. MANN, DAN, comes up from penury, 53, MARITIME PROVINCES, described, 221. MONROE DOCTRINE: mentioned, 32, 45, 285; Canadian opinion of, 169, 288; attitude of French Nationalists toward, 244. MOUNTED POLICE: say crime in Northwest is increasing, 118; efficiency of, 238-240. MUNRO, DOCTOR, quoted regarding Oriental immigration, 162-163. NATIONALISTS; oppose Navy Bill, 283, 285; and outside entanglements, 244. NAVY BILL: defeated, 284. NEW BRUNSWICK, mentioned, 22. NEWFOUNDLAND; mentioned, 195; description of, 323-328; why not a part of Canada, 323-330. NEW FRANCE, conquest of, 6. NORTH AMERICA ACT, see BRITISH NORTH AMERICA ACT. NOVA SCOTIA, mentioned, 22. ONTARIO: first settlement of, 3; more ultra-English than England, 4; description of, 33-35. OSLER, WILLIAM, a Canadian, 278. PANAMA CANAL; mentioned, 14; influence of upon commerce, 27; turns Pacific into a front door, 41; what it means to Canada, 168-190; will reverse conduits of trade, 280. PAPINEAU, LOUIS, a leader in the rebellion of 1837-8, 226. PARLIAMENT: composition and powers of, 230-233; a session every year, 234. PEACE RIVER COUNTRY: mentioned, 16; wheat grown in, 271; wheat lands of, 300. PEEL, PAUL: lost to Canada, 279. PRAIRIE PROVINCES: resources of, 350; probable wheat production of in twenty years, 183. PRINCE EDWARD ISLAND, mentioned, 22. QUEBEC, PROVINCE OF: more Catholic than the Pope, 4; size of, 16; description of, 27-32. QUEBEC ACT, first constitution of Canada, 225. RAILWAY COMMISSION, 192. REBELLION OF 1837: significance of, 8. RECIPROCITY: Canadians seek, 15; why rejected, 80-94. RED RIVER, demands self-government, 11. RELIGION, influence of in Canada, 252-259. REVILLONS: yearly fur trade of, 298; inquiry made of as to number of white hunters, 302. RIEL REBELLION, mentioned, 227, 284. ROOSEVELT, THEODORE, sends fleet round the world, 128. ROYAL NORTHWEST MOUNTED POLICE, absence of flunkeyism among, 49. SASKATCHEWAN: area of, 16, 39; coal deposits in, 38. SCHURMAN, JACOB G., a Canadian, 278. SIFTON, CLIFFORD: a self-made man, 53; campaign for immigrants, 70-74, 87. SMITH, GOLDWIN, opinion of Canadian loyalty, 47-48. SOCIALISM: plays little part in Canadian affairs, 248-251; in Canada, 210, 222. SOCIALISTS, have never collected money to buy rifles, 149. SPORT, interest in and forms of, 259-262. ST. LAWRENCE RIVER, improvements along, 192-196. STRATHCONA, LORD: prophecy of regarding the prairie provinces, 39, 170; once a fur-trader, 295. STRATHCONA HORSE, daring of in South Africa, 49. SUDBURY, nickel mines of, 34. TAFT, WILLIAM H., and reciprocity, 45, 89-91. TEACHERS, lack of recognition of services of, 125-126. "TWILIGHT ZONE": borderland between Dominion and provincial powers, 145; embarrassing in labor disputes, 219. UNITED EMPIRE LOYALISTS: first people Ontario, 3; mentioned, 6, 7, 9, 225, 274, 295. UNITED STATES: effects of Civil War upon unity of, 2; emigration to from Canada, 15; population of compared with that of Canada, 18, 269, 275; absorption of immigration by, 20; spring wheat production of, 37; government of compared with that of Canada, 50-51; transportation facilities between Canada and the United States, 64; trade of with Canada, 64-65; lumbermen from our timber lands in Dominion, 76; and reciprocity, 81-94; increase in value of fruit lands in, 105; similarity to Canada, 113; political corruption in, 116; why she built Panama Canal, 128, 187; problems of immigration in, 120, 130, 176; emigration to Canada from, 170; shipyards in, 171; expectations of Panama, 174; little aid given by to shipping, 179; how it transports its wheat crop, 183; a source of the British wheat supply, 197; acreage of wheat in, 201; increase of urban population in, 214; as a competitor of Canada, 216; churches of poorly attended, 252; friendly relations of with Canada, 273; comparison of with Canada, 269-277; Canadians grateful they are not as, 277; a "big ship," 278; what menaces United States menaces Canada, 287; foreign policies of two countries similar, 292; even closer commercial relations of with Canada, 332; will not interfere with Canada's destiny, 332. VAN HORNE, SIR WILLIAM C, comes up from penury, 53. WALKER, HORATIO, lost to Canada, 279. WAR OF 1812, cripples Canada financially, 7. WELLAND CANAL, not wide enough, 194, WILSON, WOODROW, tariff reductions under, 94. YUKON: mentioned, 16; gold discovered in, 23. 
35439	----	CANADA WEST 160 ACRE FARMS in WESTERN CANADA FREE ISSUED BY DIRECTION OF HON. W. J. ROCHE MINISTER OF THE INTERIOR, OTTAWA, CANADA. 1914 [Illustration] LAND REGULATIONS IN CANADA All public lands in Manitoba, Saskatchewan, and Alberta are controlled and administered by the Dominion Government through the Department of the Interior. The lands disposed of as free homesteads (Government grants) under certain conditions involving residence and improvements, are surveyed into square blocks, six miles long by six miles wide, called townships. When these improvements are completed and duties performed, a patent or crown deed is issued. THE FOLLOWING IS A PLAN OF A TOWNSHIP N SIX MILES SQUARE +-----------------------------------------------+ | | | | | | | | | | | | | +-----------------------------------------------+ | | | | | | | | | | | | | +-----------------------------------------------+ | | | | | | | | | | | | | +-----------------------------------------------+ | | | | | | | | | | | | | +-----------------------------------------------+ | | | | | | | | | | | | | +-----------------------------------------------+ W | | | | | | | | | | | | | E +-----------------------------------------------+ | | | | | | | | | | | | | +-----------------------------------------------+ | | | | | | | | | | | | | +-----------------------------------------------+ | | | | | | | | | | | | | +-----------------------------------------------+ | | | | | | | | | | | | | +-----------------------------------------------+ | | | | | | | | | | | | | +-----------------------------------------------+ | | | | | | | | | | | | | +-----------------------------------------------+ S [Illustration: Showing how the land is divided into square sections and square quarter-sections. Also showing how the sections in a township are numbered.] Each township is subdivided into 36 square blocks or sections one mile square and containing 640 acres and numbered from one to thirty-six. Each section is divided into four quarter-sections of 160 acres each. The four quarters of the section are described, as the northeast, the northwest, the southeast and the southwest quarter. =Who Is Eligible.= The sole head of a family or any male eighteen years of age or over, who is a British subject or who declares his intention to become a British subject; a widow having minor children of her own dependent upon her for support. =Acquiring Homestead.= To acquire a homestead applicant must make entry in person, either at the Dominion Lands Office for the district in which the land applied for is situate, or at a sub-agency authorized to transact business in such district. At the time of entry a fee of $10 must be paid. The certificate of entry which is then granted the applicant gives him authority to enter upon the land and maintain full possession of it as long as he complies with the homestead requirements. =Cattle Provision to Secure Homestead.= With certain restriction, stock may be substituted in lieu of cultivation. =Residence.= To earn patent for homestead, a person must reside in a habitable house upon the land for six months during each of three years. Such residence however, need not be commenced before six months after the date on which entry for the land was secured. =Improvement Duties.= Before being eligible to apply for patent, a homesteader must break (plough up) thirty acres of the homestead, of which twenty acres must be cropped. It is also required that a reasonable proportion of this cultivation must be done during each homestead year. =Application for Patent.= When a homesteader has completed his residence and cultivation duties he makes application for patent before the Agent of Dominion Lands for the district in which the homestead is situate, or before a sub-agent authorized to deal with lands in such district. If the duties have been satisfactorily performed patent issues to the homesteader shortly after without any further action on his part, and the land thus becomes his absolute property. =Timber and Fuel.= An occupant of a homestead quarter-section, having no suitable timber of his own, may obtain on payment of a 25-cent fee a permit to cut 3,000 lineal feet of building timber, 400 roof poles, 500 fence posts, 2,000 fence rails. Homesteaders and all bona fide settlers, without timber on their own farms, may also obtain permits to cut dry timber for their own use on their farms for fuel and fencing. CUSTOMS REGULATIONS A settler may bring into Canada, free of duty, live stock for the farm on the following basis, if he has actually owned such live stock abroad for at least six months before his removal to Canada, and has brought them into Canada within one year after his first arrival viz: If horses only are brought in, 16 allowed. If cattle are brought in, 16 allowed; if sheep are brought in 160 allowed; if swine are brought in, 160 allowed. If horses, cattle, sheep and swine are brought in together, or part of each, the same proportions as above are to be observed. Duty is to be paid on live stock in excess of the number above provided for. For customs entry purposes a mare with a colt under six months old is to be reckoned as one animal; a cow with a calf under six months old is also to be reckoned as one animal. Cattle and other live stock imported into Canada are subject to Quarantine Regulations. The following articles have free entry: Settler' effects, free viz: Wearing apparel, household furniture, books, implements and tools of trade, occupation, or employment: guns, musical instruments, domestic sewing machines, typewriters, live stock, bicycles, carts, and other vehicles, and agricultural implements in use by the settler for at least six months before his removal to Canada, not to include machinery or articles imported for use in any manufacturing establishment or for sale; also books, pictures, family plate or furniture, personal effects, and heirlooms left by bequest; provided, that any dutiable articles entered as settlers' effects may not be so entered unless brought with the settler on his first arrival, and shall not be sold or otherwise disposed of without payment of duty until after twelve months' actual use in Canada. The settler will be required to take oath that all of the articles have been owned by himself or herself for at least six months before removal to Canada; and that none have been imported as merchandise, for use in a manufacturing establishment or as a contractor's outfit, or for sale, and that he or she intend becoming a permanent settler within the Dominion of Canada, and that the "Live Stock" enumerated is intended for his or her own use on the farm which he or she is about to occupy (or cultivate), and not for sale or speculative purposes, nor for the use of any other person or persons. FREIGHT REGULATIONS 1. Carloads of Settlers' Effects, the property of the settler, may be made up of the following described property for the benefit of actual settlers, viz: Live stock, any number up to but not exceeding ten (10) head, all told, viz: Cattle, calves, sheep, hogs, mules, or horses (the customs will admit free of duty in numbers referred to in Customs paragraph above, but railway regulations only permit ten head in each car); Household Goods and personal property (second-hand); Wagons or other vehicles for personal use (second-hand); Farm Machinery, Implements, and Tools (all second-hand); Soft-wood Lumber (Pine, Hemlock, or Spruce--only) and Shingles, which must not exceed 2,000 feet in all, or the equivalent thereof; or in lieu of, not in addition to the lumber and shingles, a Portable House may be shipped; Seed Grain, small quantity of trees or shrubbery; small lot live poultry or pet animals; and sufficient feed for the live stock while on the journey. Settlers' Effects rates, however, will not apply on shipments of second-hand Wagons, Buggies, Farm Machinery, Implements, or Tools, unless accompanied by Household Goods. 2. Should the allotted number of live stock be exceeded, the additional animals will be charged for at proportionate rates over and above the carload rate for the Settlers' Effects, but the total charge for any one such car will not exceed the regular rate for a straight carload of Live Stock. 3. Passes--One man will be passed free in charge of live stock when forming part of carloads, to feed, water, and care for them in transit. Agents will use the usual form of Live Stock Contract. 4. Less than carloads will be understood to mean only Household Goods (second-hand), Wagons or other vehicles for personal use (second-hand), and (second-hand) Farm Machinery, Implements, and Tools. Less than carload lots must be plainly addressed. Minimum charge on any shipment will be 100 pounds at regular first-class rate. 5. Merchandise, such as groceries, provisions, hardware, etc., also implements, machinery, vehicles, etc., if new, will not be regarded as Settlers' Effects, and, if shipped, will be charged at the regular classified tariff rates. Agents, both at loading and delivering stations, therefore, give attention to the prevention of the loading of the contraband articles and see that the actual weights are way-billed when carloads exceed 24,000 lbs. on lines north of St. Paul. 6. Top Loads.--Agents do not permit, under any circumstances, any article to be loaded on the top of box or stock cars; such manner of loading is dangerous and absolutely forbidden. 7. Settlers' Effects, to be entitled to the carload rates, cannot be stopped at any point short of destination for the purpose of unloading part. The entire carload must go through to the station to which originally consigned. 8. The carload rates on Settlers' Effects apply on any shipment occupying a car weighing 24,000 pounds or less. If the carload weighs over 24,000 lbs. the additional weight will be charged for. North of St. Paul, Minn., 24,000 lbs. constitutes a carload, between Chicago and St. Paul and Kansas City or Omaha and St. Paul a carload is 20,000 lbs. From Chicago and Kansas City north to St. Paul any amount over this will be charged extra. From points South and East of Chicago, only five horses or heads of live stock are allowed in carloads, any over this will be charged extra; carload 12,000 lbs. minimum. 9. Minimum charge on any shipment will be 100 lbs. at first-class rate. QUARANTINE OF SETTLERS' CATTLE Settlers' cattle must be inspected at the boundary. Inspectors may subject any cattle showing symptoms of tuberculosis to the tuberculin test before allowing them to enter. Any cattle found tuberculous to be returned to the United States or killed without indemnity. Settlers' horses are admitted on inspection if accompanied by certificate of mallein test signed by a United States Inspector of Bureau of Animal Industries, without which they will be inspected at the boundary free of charge by a Canadian Officer. Settler should apply to Canadian Government Office for name of Inspector nearest him. Certificate of any other Veterinarian will not be accepted. Horses found to be affected with glanders within six months of entry are slaughtered without compensation. Sheep may be admitted subject to inspection at port of entry. If disease is discovered to exist in them, they may be returned or slaughtered. Swine may be admitted, when forming part of Settlers' Effects, but only after a quarantine of thirty days, and when accompanied by a certificate that swine plague or hog cholera has not existed in the district whence they came for six months preceding the date of shipment; when not accompanied by such certificate, they must be subject to inspection at port of entry. If diseased to be slaughtered, without compensation. UNITED STATES AGENTS. =M. V. MacINNES=, 176 Jefferson Ave., Detroit, Mich. =C. A. LAURIER=, Marquette, Mich. =J. S. CRAWFORD=, 301 E. Genesee St., Syracuse, N. Y. =W. S. NETHERY=, Room 82, Interurban Station Bldg., Columbus, Ohio. =G. W. AIRD=, 215 Traction-Terminal Bldg., Indianapolis, Ind. =C. J. BROUGHTON=, Room 412, 112 W. Adams St., Chicago, Ill. =GEORGE A. HALL=, 123 Second St., Milwaukee, Wis. =R. A. GARRETT=, 311 Jackson St., St. Paul, Minn. =FRANK H. HEWITT=, 5th St., Des Moines, Iowa. =W. E. BLACK=, Clifford Block, Grand Forks, N. D. =J. M. MacLACHLAN=, Drawer 197, Watertown, S. D. =W. V. BENNETT=, 220 17th St., Room 4, Bee Bldg., Omaha, Neb. =GEO. A. COOK=, 125 W. 9th St., Kansas City, Mo. =BENJ. DAVIES=, Boom 6, Dunn Block, Great Falls, Mont. =J. N. GRIEVE=, Cor. 1st and Post Sts., Spokane, Wash. =J. E. La FORCE=, 29 Weybrosset Street, Providence, R. I. =J. B. CARBONNEAU=, Jr., Biddeford, Me. =MAX A. BOWLBY=, 73 Tremont St., Boston, Mass. =J. A. LAFERRIERE=, 1139 Elm St., Manchester, N. H. =F. A. HARRISON=, 210 North 3d St., Harrisburg, Pa. [Illustration: THE LAST BEST WEST THE CANADA OF OPPORTUNITY] The present demand for food stuffs and the expense of their production on high-priced lands make it seem that Western Canada, with its opportunity for meeting this demand, came into notice at the crucial period. Its millions of acres of land, easily cultivable, highly productive, accessible to railways, and with unexcelled climatic conditions, offer something too great to be overlooked. The provinces of Manitoba, Saskatchewan, and Alberta have the largest area of desirable lands in North America, with but 8 per cent under the plough. Their cultivation has practically just begun. A few years ago the wheat crop amounted to only 71 million bushels. To-day, with only 4 per cent of the available area in wheat, the crop is over 209 million bushels. What, then, will 44 per cent produce? Then look at immigration. In 1901 it was 49,149, of which 17,000 were from the United States; in 1906 it was 189,064, of which 57,000 were Americans; in 1913 it was about 400,000, about 125,000 being Americans. Why did these Americans go to Canada? Because the American farmer, like his Canadian cousin, is a shrewd business man. When an American can sell his farm at from $100 to $200 per acre and homestead in Canada for himself and for each of his sons who are of age, 160 acres of fertile land, capable of producing several bushels more to the acre than he has ever known, he will be certain to make the change. And then, following the capital of brawn, muscle, and sinew, comes American capital, keeping in touch with the industrious farmer with whom it has had dealings for many years. These two, with farming experience, are no small factors in a country's upbuilding. Nothing is said of the great mineral and forest wealth, little of which has been touched. In so short a time, no country in the world's history has attracted to its borders so large a number of settlers prepared to go on the land, or so much wealth, as have the Canadian prairies. Never before has pioneering been accomplished under conditions so favourable as those in Western Canada to-day. It is not only into the prairie provinces that these people go, but many continue westward to the great trees and mountains, and fertile valleys, the glory of British Columbia, where can be grown agricultural products of almost every kind, and where fruit is of great importance. The vast expanse of the plains attracts hundreds of thousands who at once set to work to cultivate their large holdings. But man's work, even in the cities with their record-breaking building rush, is the smallest part of the great panorama that unfolds on a journey through the country. Nature is still supreme, and man is still the divine pigmy audaciously seeking to impose his will and stamp his mark upon an unconquered half continent. =THE HOMEMAKING SPIRIT.=--The most commendable feature in Western development to-day is the "homemaking spirit." The people are finding happiness in planting trees, making gardens, building schools, colleges, and universities, and producing an environment so homelike that the country cannot be regarded as a temporary abode in which to make a "pile" preparatory to returning East. [Illustration: Confiding to his better half what they will do with the proceeds of their crop of wheat, which yielded 41-1/2 bushels per acre.] =THOUSANDS OF AVAILABLE HOMESTEADS.=--The desire of the American people to procure land is strong. Agricultural lands of proved value have so advanced in price that for the man with moderate means, who wishes to farm, finding a suitable location has become a serious question. Fortunately, in Manitoba, Saskatchewan, and Alberta, there are yet thousands of free homesteads of 160 acres each, which may be had by the simple means of filing, paying a ten-dollar entrance fee, and living on the land for six months each year for three years. No long, preliminary journey, tedious, expensive, and hazardous, is necessary. This homesteading has been going on in Canada for several years, and hundreds of thousands of claims have been taken up, but much good land still is unoccupied. Many consider the remaining claims among the best. They comprise lands in the park districts of each of the three provinces, where natural groves give a beauty to the landscape. Here wheat, oats, barley, and flax can be grown successfully, and the districts are admirably adapted to mixed farming. Cattle fatten on the nutritious grasses; dairying can be carried on successfully; timber for building is within reach, and water easy to procure. In addition to the free grant lands, there are lands which may be purchased from railways and private companies and individuals. These lands have not increased in price as their productivity and location might warrant, and may still be had for reasonably low sums and on easy terms. Nowhere else in the world are there such splendid opportunities for indulgence in the land-passion as in Western Canada. Millions of rich acres beckon for occupation and cultivation. Varying soil and climate are suited to contrary requirements--grazing lands for the stock breeder; deep-tilling soils for the market gardener; rolling, partly wooded districts for the mixed-farming advocate; level prairie for the grain farmer; bench lands and hillsides for the cultivator of fruits. ANOTHER GOOD YEAR IN WESTERN CANADA Manitoba, Saskatchewan, and Alberta Have Splendid Crops. The grain crop of 1913 was harvested and threshed in perfect condition. Excepting flax, the average yield was excellent; wheat almost universally graded near the top. Wheat from many fields averaged forty bushels per acre, weighing sixty-five pounds to the measured bushel. Oats ran from fifty to one hundred and fifteen bushels to the acre, and barley kept up the reputation of Western Canada as a producer of that cereal. In many sections the yield of flax exceeded earlier expectations, although in places, winds which blew off the boll caused some loss. Hundreds of farmers of small means who have been in the country only three or four years, paid up all their indebtedness out of the crop of 1913 and put aside something for farm and home improvements. Not only for the farmer with limited means and small acreage has the year been prosperous; the man able to conduct farming on a large scale has been equally successful--and for such, Western Canada offers many opportunities. A farmer in southern Alberta raised 350,000 bushels of grain last year, and made a fortune out of it. In Saskatchewan and in Manitoba is heard the same story of the successful working of large areas. As was to be expected with its unprecedented development, the financial stress during 1913 was felt as keenly throughout Western Canada as anywhere in the country. The fact is that money could not keep pace with the natural demands of 400,000 new people a year. Towns and cities had to be built, farming operations were extensive, and capitalists had not made sufficient preparation. But last year's crop has restored conditions to a normal state, and natural and reasonable development will continue. Owing to a wet fall in 1912 and a heavy snowfall the succeeding winter, seeding in some districts was later than usual. But with the favourable weather of May, June, and July, wheat sown in May ripened early in August. Rains came at the right time, and throughout the season the best of weather prevailed. [Illustration: These cattle winter out in Western Canada and do well. Shelter and water are abundant.] =The Cities Reflect the Growth of the Country.=--Passing through Western Canada from Winnipeg, and observing the cities and towns along the network of railways in Manitoba, Saskatchewan, and Alberta, one feels there must be "something of a country" behind them all. Gaze in any direction and the same view is presented: field after field of waving grain; labourers at work converting the virgin prairie into more fields; wide pasture lands where cattle are fattening on grasses rich in both milk- and beef-producing properties. Here is the wealth that builds the cities. In thirty years Winnipeg has increased in population from 2,000 to 200,000; and become an important gateway of commerce. The wheat alone grown in the three prairie provinces in 1913 is sufficient to keep a steady stream of 1,000 bushels per minute continuously night and day going to the head of the lakes for three and a half months, and in addition to that, the oats and barley would supply this stream for another four months. The value of the grain crop alone would be sufficient to build any of our great transcontinental railroads and all their equipment, everything connected with them, from ocean to ocean. With only 10 per cent of the arable land under cultivation, what will the possibilities be when 288 million acres of the best land that the sun shines on is brought under the plough? Do you not see the portent of a great, vigorous, populous nation living under those sunny skies north of the 49th parallel? =New Railway Mileage Grows at Rapid Rate.=--Every year long stretches of new rails are extended into some hitherto untravelled domain, bringing into subjugation mountain, plain, and forest. Mighty rivers are being bridged, massive mountains are being tunnelled, and real zest is being given this work in the exciting race between the rival companies as they strive to outstrip each other in surmounting Nature's obstacles. During 1913, more than 4,000 miles of new road have been built in Canada, the bulk of this in Western Canada. The latest reports give the total railway mileage in Manitoba, Saskatchewan, and Alberta as 12,760 miles, the Canadian Pacific Railway having 5,534; the Canadian Northern, 4,187; the Grand Trunk Pacific, 1,476; the Great Northern Railway, 162. Manitoba has a total mileage of 4,014; Saskatchewan, 5,679; Alberta, 3,073. The gain over 1912 is about 3,400 miles. =Western Canada's Wheat.=--The quality of Western Canada wheat is recognized everywhere. Recently a U. S. senator said of the Canadian grain fields: "The wheat that Canada raises is the Northwestern hard spring wheat. The cost of raising is less in Canada than in the States, because the new lands there will produce larger crops than the older land on this side of the line, and the land is cheaper than in the United States." According to official figures the total estimated wheat production of Western Canada in 1913 was 209,262,000 bushels, an increase of more than 5 million bushels in 1912. Oats show a total yield of more than 242,413,000 bushels, barley more than 30 million bushels, rye more than 2,500,000 bushels, flax more than 14 million bushels, and mixed grains more than 17 million bushels. Wheat, oats, barley, and rye are above the average quality of the last two years, and potatoes and root crops show a good percentage of standard condition during growth. The value of the harvest is approximately 209 million dollars as compared with about 200 million in 1912. Winnipeg, the grain centre of Western Canada, has received and handled more wheat per day than Chicago, Minneapolis, and Duluth combined. Approximately 191 million bushels of grain were shipped from the elevators at Fort William and Port Arthur during the season of navigation; from the first of September, 1913, until December 20, 127 million bushels of grain were shipped to the east--52,000,000 bushels more than for the same period last year. =What Farmers Receive.=--The amount of grain marketed, and the estimated receipts, based on an average price for September, October, and November, are as follows: Bushels Price per bushel Wheat 97,000,000 .73 $70,000,000 Oats 30,000,000 .30 9,000,000 Barley 9,500,000 .40 3,800,000 Flax 6,500,000 $1.10 7,150,000 Total $89,950,000 =A Splendid Fall.=--The fall of 1913 was exceedingly favourable to the farmer of Western Canada. The weather made it possible to harvest and thresh in the minimum of time, and in some cases permitted a start on fall ploughing early in September, in many parts continuing until December 1st. Owners of traction engines took advantage of clear nights to plough, the powerful headlights throwing a brilliant light across the fields. The men worked in relays, and it was frequently midnight before the big outfits quit. [Illustration: Beginning a home in the prairie--house and table "lands" are built on cement foundation.] [Illustration: Sizing up quantity of hay per acre he would get from his hayfield.] [Illustration: Starting from town with loads of posts for pasture fence.] =Mixed Farming.=--Mixed farming is yielding large profits to those who work intelligently along the lines of intensive farming. In addition to wheat, oats, barley, and flax--alfalfa and other fodder crops are grown, and in some places corn. Every variety of vegetable grows abundantly and sugar beets are a moneymaker. Stock-raising is an important branch of mixed farming, and hogs and sheep are commanding high prices, the demand greatly exceeding the supply. =Sheep.=--The sheep industry in Western Canada pays exceedingly well. In the early days--but a few short years ago--a district south of the Canadian Pacific Railway from Swift Current to Maple Creek was stocked with sheep, and several large ranches made money, but with the onrush of settlement these ranches have been vacated and are now given up to successful grain growing. However, the farmers who now cross the boundary to purchase the best Montana breeds and take them to their farms, in every case report a success as great as that in grain growing. Although no country could be better fitted for sheep raising, and numerous successes have been made, Western Canada imports much of its mutton. =Profits in Horse Raising.=--The raising of horses is receiving increasing attention. Here also a rare opportunity for profit exists, for the market is woefully unsupplied. =Dairying= offers splendid opportunities for profit. In the rapidly growing cities and towns there is a demand for milk, cream, and butter. Creameries and cheese factories are established at accessible points. The feeding of cattle is nominal. =Poultry Products= can be readily marketed, and poultry raisers have done remarkably well. No one knows better than the farmer's wife the saving effected by having a flock of hens, some turkeys, geese and ducks, and the cost of feed is not noticed. =Hog Raising.=--Hog-raising has equal advantages with grain growing. A large quantity of pork that should be supplied at home is now shipped in. Barley, the best staple for hog raising, is easily grown and yields heavily. Alfalfa can be grown with little trouble, and with two crops in a season, and three tons to the acre to a crop, it will play an important part in the hog industry of the future. The Canadian field pea and the rape, also are good feed and produce the very best of pork. Chas. Reid, of Swift Current, who sold a thousand dollars' worth of pork last summer, and then had considerable on hand, has demonstrated that hogs pay better than straight grain raising. He has an income from his farm the whole year round. A farmer near Moose Jaw sold some hogs for $130.00. To the question, "What did they cost?" he answered: "Really nothing. I bought one sow; I have kept two, and I have three to kill for my own use. Of course we had skim milk and buttermilk, and I fed some chop, but what is left is worth all I paid out. I call the $130.00 clear profit." It is the same story in all parts of Manitoba, Saskatchewan, and Alberta. A little attention, plenty of such grain as would go to waste, some shelter, and that's all. Last year many farmers went into hog-raising extensively, and it saved many of them from financial embarrassment; for when money was not obtainable at the banks, farmers having marketable hogs sold them with handsome profit. Several made from $1.00 to $1.20 per bushel for wheat by feeding it to hogs. =Butter and Eggs.=--Large sums are spent regularly in United States markets for butter and eggs to supply the cities and towns of Western Canada, and large quantities of butter are imported from New Zealand. Not only is the demand in the towns, but many wheat-raisers purchase these commodities when they might produce them on their own farms at trifling cost. William Elliott, near Moose Jaw, has eight cows and eighty hens. In less than eight months, his butter and eggs sold for more than $500. All the groceries and the children's clothing and boots, are paid for with butter and egg money. W. H. Johnston, five miles south of Moose Jaw, has thirty cows and milks an average of twenty-five. His gross receipts last summer were from $600 to $700 per month, of which $300 was profit. He grows his own feed, principally oats and hay, and has no worries over harvesting or grain prices. =Truck Gardening.=--Long days of abundant sunshine from May to September, and adequate moisture in the spring and early summer permit of a wide variety of products. The soil is rich and warm, and easily worked. Close attention to cultivation has resulted in record yields of vegetables and small fruits, which bring good prices in the cities. A farmer within five miles of Moose Jaw, who sold vegetables at the city market last year realized more than $300 between August 1, and October 30. He had half an acre in carrots, cabbage, cauliflower, radishes, beans, lettuce and onions, and half an acre in potatoes and turnips. His own table was supplied all summer and enough vegetables were put in the cellar to supply him during the winter and seed potatoes in the spring. [Illustration: R. P. O. Uwell's old home, Clover Bar, Alberta. This old home is now replaced by one of more modern structure.] [Illustration: A comfortable modern home in Western Canada, the old home now used as a granary. William Hamilton--Pioneer.] [Illustration: Segar Wheeler's residence "Rosthern," Sask. is a fair type of many homes in the Canadians.] =Corn Can Be Grown on Canadian Prairies.=--Manitoba is producing corn, chiefly for feed. On September 28, corn nine feet high had developed to the dough stage, and the crop would easily exceed twenty tons to the acre. There are also scattered fields of corn in Saskatchewan and Alberta. Corn is successfully grown in the northern part of Minnesota in similar soil and under the same climatic condition, and there is no apparent reason why like results should not be secured in Western Canada. Many American farmers of experience believe the corn belt is extending northward. =Alfalfa= is an assured crop in many parts of Western Canada and is destined to be the leading forage crop. In a recent competition forty-three entries were made, and every field was one of which farmers of the older alfalfa countries might be proud. In southern Alberta alfalfa is a success; at Edmonton it grows abundantly. Battleford, Prince Albert, Regina, Indian Head, Lacombe, Brandon, and in many other districts alfalfa is grown. =Post Offices.=--Throughout the settled portions of Western Canada are found post offices at which mails are delivered regularly, thus bringing Eastern friends within a few days' reach of those who have gone forward to make homes under new but favourable conditions on the fertile lands of the West. Last year hundreds of new post offices were established, many of them at points remote from the railway, but all demanded by new settlements made during the year. =Roads and Bridges.=--It is said to be the policy of the Canadian Government to do everything possible for the welfare of the settler, whether in accessible new town or remote hamlet. This solicitude is shown in every branch dealing with the organizing of new districts. Bridges have been built, roads constructed, the district policed, and a dozen other conveniences provided. Is it any wonder that with the splendid, high-yielding land, free to the homesteader or open to purchase at reasonable prices from railway and land companies, the Canadian immigration records for 1913 were so high? =Land Laws=.--Canada's land laws were formed after the United States had applied its methods to the free lands of the West, and embody the best United States provisions. They are so framed as not to bear heavily on the settler, whose interests are carefully watched, and are liberally administered. After several years' trial they have proved satisfactory. Titles, or patents, come from the Crown, and on being registered in a Land Titles Office these patents secure a transfer. Taxes outside of cities, towns, and the larger municipalities, are merely nominal and are devoted entirely to the improvement of roads, to educational purposes, to the payment of salaries, and to the erection of public buildings. At least 50 per cent of these costs, and in small struggling communities, 60 per cent or more, is paid by the Government out of the fund produced by the sale of school lands, one-eighth of the country having been reserved for that purpose. =The Banks of Canada.=--The close of 1913 has brought the usual bank statements accompanied by the addresses of the presidents and general managers of these institutions. They deal with economic matters first hand, and show in striking manner the prosperity of the country. Those who know anything of Canadian banking methods know the stability of these institutions, and the high character of the men in charge of them. Mr. Coulson, of the Canadian Bank of Commerce says: "We have had a good harvest. The yield has been generally good, and the quality on the average has never been surpassed. This has been especially so in the Western Provinces, and the unusually favourable weather and abundant transportation facilities afforded by the railroads enabled the movement of grain to be made rapidly." =Canada's New Bank Act.=--During 1913 the decennial revision of the Bank Act took place. Among important changes were: The establishment of the Central Gold Reserves. Authority to lend to farmers on their threshed grain. The provision which enables a bank to lend to a farmer on the security of his threshed grain is extensively utilized. This class of loan is regarded as a moral risk, and banks still depend more upon the character of the borrower than upon the security. =What Bank Managers Have to Say.=--Mr. Balfour, manager of the Union Bank of Canada: "The railway companies have carried out the grain from the Western Provinces this year in a very satisfactory manner." Mr. John Galt, president of the Union Bank of Canada: "Speaking generally, the crop results have been satisfactory. In the three great wheat growing provinces this has been a banner year. Not only has the yield been large, but the average quality has never been equalled, and the cost of harvesting has been unusually low, owing to the magnificent weather. This has, to some extent, offset the low prices which prevailed. The railways have done splendid work in handling the crop. "There is a marked increase in the number of livestock. Farmers are becoming more fully alive to the advantages they derive from this source and are realizing that their borrowing credit is greatly enhanced if they can show a good proportion of cattle in their assets, and banks should look with favour on loans for the purchase and handling of livestock." Robert Campbell, general manager of the Northern Crown Bank, gives strong testimony of the wealth of Western Canada: "It is important at a time like the present for every business concern, financial or otherwise, to show by its statement that collections have been good. We may congratulate ourselves upon the showing we have made in this. Notwithstanding that we have made new loans amounting to millions of dollars since the crop was harvested, our old loans have been paid off so rapidly that our liquid assets were not reduced. "This state of affairs is attributable to the fine weather we have experienced in the West, which enabled the farmers to harvest their grain early and quickly and to the unusual rapidity with which the crop was moved by the railway companies." [Illustration: Corn is not generally grown in Western Canada, but this 320 acres shows a splendid yield, and considerable is now grown for fodder.] PROVINCIAL PREMIERS ARE OPTIMISTIC =Manitoba is Stronger.=--Sir Rodmond Roblin has no pessimism regarding the outlook in Manitoba. He says: "The improvements upon farm and field excite the admiration of those interested in agriculture, while our population has been very considerably increased by a healthy, intelligent, and industrious class of new-comers. Manitoba, is much stronger financially, numerically, commercially, industrially and educationally than she was in the year 1912. Her progress and development are rapid, healthy, and permanent." =Hope and Cheer in Saskatchewan.=--Hon. Walter Scott: "The sheet anchor of Saskatchewan is its soil, which (excluding, of course, the far north) comprises a larger proportion of land capable of sustaining a farming population than any area of similar vastness on the globe. Nothing but inconceivable recklessness and waste can prevent its remaining for all time a great agricultural province, and nothing can seriously check its steady forward movement." =Alberta on Sound Footing.=--Hon. A. L. Sifton: "Alberta was never on a sounder footing than it is to-day. It has reaped the best crop in her history, and stands in line for her share of the millions earned by the farmers of Western Canada for their wheat and other grains. Coarse grains for feeding purposes are beginning to predominate with the advent of mixed farming. A gratifying increase in the number of dairy cows and hogs is reported from every district, indicating a new source of wealth, a more constant revenue for the farmer and a new basis of credit for farming operations." =Splendid Outlook in British Columbia.=--Sir Richard McBride says: "That British Columbia, judged by the healthy growth in population and in general industries during the past year, and the splendid outlook, may confidently be expected to have increased prosperity in 1914. Mining will show a larger output for the current year and the same may be said of agriculture and other occupations. Generous and wise expenditure for adding to the already extensive road system, the building of necessary public works, as well as the enormous amount of railway construction all conduce to the opening up and settlement of immense areas, hitherto almost dormant." PANAMA CANAL AND CANADA =The London Times=, speaking of the Panama Canal, says: "Although there is considerable speculation in trade and political circles as to the effect of the opening of the Panama Canal, enthusiasts in the West predict that Western Canada generally will increase in population and wealth to an extent beyond conception. The Canal will have the effect of bringing the outposts of Empire inside the commercial arena. The new water route, combined with improved railway facilities, will certainly improve the position of Western Canada in the battle for the world's markets." WHAT HAS BEEN SAID ABOUT WESTERN CANADA =Mr. James J. Hill.=--"Within a few years the United States will not be exporting any wheat, but it will become a market for the wheat of Canada." =Dr. Wm. Saunders=, Director of the Canadian Government Experimental Farm at Ottawa, Canada: "The Canadian Northwest can supply not only sufficient wheat for a local population of thirty millions, but have left over for export three times as much as the total import of the British Isles. One-fourth of its arable land is devoted to wheat." =Professor Shaw.=--"The first foot of soil in the provinces of Manitoba, Saskatchewan and Alberta is worth more than all the mines from Alaska to Mexico, and more than all the forests from the boundary to the Arctic ocean. One acre of the average soil in Western Canada is worth more than ten acres of average land in the United States." =Professor Tanner.=--"The black earth of Central Russia, the richest soil in the world, has to yield its distinguished position to rich, deep, fertile soil of Western Canada. Here the most fertile soil of the world is to be found. These soils are rich vegetable humus or clay loam with good clay subsoil. To the high percentage of nitrogen is due the high percentage of gluten which gives the 'Canadian No. 1 Hard' the flouring qualities which have spread its fame abroad to the ends of the earth." =St. Paul Farmer.=--During a recent trip through Western Canada, the editor of the _St. Paul Farmer_, in referring to Government forces in agriculture, spoke of the interest that the Dominion and the Provincial Governments took in farming and farm education, as "complete and effective." =The General Manager= of a Canadian bank is reported to have said that, "owing to the speedy manner in which grain came forward in the fall of 1913, our farmer customers in the prairie provinces paid off about three million dollars of liabilities between September 20, and October 10." =Hon. W. T. White=, speaking at a New York meeting, said: "We used to give you good Canadians but now we are getting back good Americans. Ours came from the east, yours are going into our west. Some of the most practical citizens, the best Canada has to-day, are the Americans. We received last year no less than 140,000. Manitoba, Saskatchewan, Alberta, three provinces, have each a larger territory than modern Germany, less than ten per cent under cultivation. This year they had a crop of over 200 million bushels of wheat. You cannot get any country where contracts are more faithfully regarded or obligations more carefully safeguarded by law than in Canada." =Sir Thomas Shaughnessy.=--"Immigration into Canada cannot cease, for it is due to economic conditions which show no signs of changing." =David R. Forgan.=--"Nothing can check a country which can raise the amount of wheat which has been raised in Western Canada this year. Any checks which the country may have had as a result of the world-wide money conditions are entirely beneficial to the country. Numbers of young men, the sons of farmers in the States, are now coming to Canada, and are taking up land much cheaper and equally as good as they could get in the States." =Lord William Percy= of England: "The possibilities and opportunities offered by the West are infinitely greater than those which exist in England." =Colonel Donald Walter Cameron= of Lochiel, Scotland, Chief of the Cameron Clan: "We cannot blame our people for coming out here, where there are so many opportunities as compared with those afforded in Scotland. I thought possibly a trip through Canada would give us some plan as to how to stop the wholesale emigration from Scotland, but, after seeing this wonderful country and the opportunities on every side, where one man has as good chances as his neighbor, I have come to the conclusion that nothing more can be done." =Speaker Clark=.--In commenting on Speaker Clark's remarks expressing regret at the number of Americans who had gone to Canada in one week, the _Chicago News_ says: "The appropriate sentiment for the occasion would seem to be a God-speed to the emigrants. They are acting as the American pioneers did before them, and are taking what appears to them to be the most promising step for improving their fortunes. The bait is wild land, and it is not affected by national boundaries." =Mayor Deacon,= Winnipeg: "No man who sets foot in Canada is more entirely and heartily welcome than the agriculturist from the South." An eminent American writer after a recent visit to the Canadian West in speaking of the American immigration to Canada, says: "Any country that can draw our citizens to it on such a scale must have about it something above the ordinary, and that Canada has in many ways." [Illustration: Figuring out the result of the year's crop. The yield of which he estimates at over forty bushels per acre of wheat.] =Dean Curtiss= of Ames Agricultural College, Iowa, says: "We of the United States think we know how to get behind agriculture and push, but the Canadians dare to do even more than we do in some respects. They have wonderful faith in the future: they hesitate at no undertaking that offers prospects of results. More significant still is the wide co-operation for agricultural promotion, including the government, private individuals, and corporations and the railroads. "Manitoba has in the last two years provided about as much money for the building of an agricultural plant as Iowa has appropriated in half a century. It has given in two years $2,500,000 for buildings and grounds for its agricultural institutions. Saskatchewan is building a plant for its university and agricultural college on a broader and more substantial plan than has been applied to any similar institution in this country. Yet neither province has more than half a million population. "For public schools equally generous provision is made. They are being built up to give vocational and technical training as well as cultural. They fit the needs of the country excellently and should turn out fine types of boys and girls. They do this with a remarkable faith in the value of right education." Dean Curtiss was much interested in the many ways the Canadian Government aids agriculture, aside from appropriations for education. It is helping to solve marketing problems; encouraging better breeding of livestock by buying sires and reselling them at cost, and doing many other things of like character. He says: "I found that the Government is advancing from 50 to 85 per cent of the money necessary to build coöperative creameries and elevators. Where cattle need breeding up, the Government buys bulls of dairy, Shorthorn, or special dairy breeds, and sends them in at cost and long time payments." The words "Canadian wheat" are familiar to all, but many have not yet participated in the benefits derived by those who, within the past few years, have placed their capital in Canadian wheat lands. They, who, through foresight, so invested, they who broke the first furrow, have reaped bountifully. The development of the fertile plains and valleys of Western Canada is still in its infancy. The accomplishments of the past few years, while truly wonderful, have but proven the great resources and future capabilities of this vast country. The growth of to-day will be insignificant compared with the achievements of the next few years. The homestead shack is now giving place to the comfortable residence, large barns are being erected where the improvised log and mud stable sheltered a few head of cattle, fields are fenced, roads built, and great fields of grain and luxuriant pastures are always in evidence. =The Climate.=--Owing to the altitude, Western Canada is one of the finest and most healthful sections in the world. Speaking generally it is at least a thousand feet higher above sea level than the Middle Western States, thus giving a dry, bracing air, much like portions of Colorado. During a large part of the summer the days are hot and sunny, with more than twenty hours of daylight and consequently growing weather, in each day. The nights, however, are always cool and restful and are largely responsible for the splendid vitality of Western men. The winters are truly splendid. Usually farming operations on the land are stopped by frost from the 12th to the 15th of November although some years they have been continued into December. Usually late in November snow falls, and with the exception of those districts where Chinook winds are frequent, will remain until the following spring, disappearing early in March. During this time there is clear, bright, dry, sunny weather and an intensely invigorating atmosphere. The average winter temperature ranges from zero to twenty-two above zero, according to the district. Occasionally severe cold weather will occur, lasting for two or three days, but this is not unknown in the Middle Western States. One of the greatest advantages is the hard frost, during the winter. This freezes the ground to a depth of several feet. In the spring, thawing naturally commences at the top. As soon as the top soil is sufficiently thawed the land is sown, the cultivation forming a mulch which conserves the moisture in the frozen ground underneath. With the increasing warmth of early summer, the lower frost gradually thaws out and this moisture aids largely in the growth of the young crop. The heaviest rainfall occurs in June, when it is most needed and does the most good to the growing crops. The rainfall of western Canada varies from 16 to 28 inches. The farmers are usually working upon the land during the first week in April. This gives a long growing season and plenty of time to dispose of the crop and get the land prepared, ready for the next season's operation. METEOROLOGICAL RECORD FOR JANUARY, 1913 Precipi- Experimental Degrees of Temperature tation Hours of Farm or Highest Lowest Mean in Sunshine Station at Inches Possible Actual Brandon, Man 36.9 -37.6 24.60 .11 268 73.6 Indian Head, Sask 40.0 -45.0 -6.51 .80 266 57.9 Rosthern, Sask 38.6 -49.5 13.30 .55 252 73.9 Scott, Sask 38.8 -48.8 -9.47 .59 255 83.9 Lacombe, Alta 45.3 -35.6 .67 .93 257 63.3 Lethbridge, Alta 47.0 -30.0 7.49 .80 269 91.9 DECEMBER, 1912 Brandon, Man 39.9 27.2 9.30 1.00 254 61.1 Indian Head, Sask 39.0 19.0 13.19 1.23 248 53.2 Rosthern, Sask 38.8 23.2 8.15 .50 233 62.4 Scott, Sask 44.1 19.8 16.86 .27 238 91.3 Lacombe, Alta 58.6 10.6 21.98 .03 238 7.42 Lethbridge, Alta 50.1 0.9 27.16 .23 254 102.3 [Illustration: A scene showing farming on a large scale in the park districts of Western Canada. Water is good and plentiful in this district.] SWEEPSTAKE UPON SWEEPSTAKE A Manitoba Steer Carries Off Honors Similar to Those Won by a Half-brother in 1912. Saskatchewan wins and now owns the Colorado Silver Trophy for best oats in the world. When Glencarnock I, the Aberdeen-Angus steer, owned by Mr. McGregor of Brandon, Manitoba, carried off the Sweepstakes at the Chicago Live Stock Show in 1912, it was considered a great victory for barley, oats and grass, versus corn. That there might be no doubt as to the superiority of barley feeding, Manitoba climate, and judgment in selecting the animal, in 1913 Mr. McGregor entered another Aberdeen-Angus, a half-brother to the winner of 1912, and secured a second victory. In other classes also Mr. McGregor had excellent winnings. Glencarnock's victory proves not only the superiority of the new feeding, but that the climate of the prairie provinces of Western Canada, in combination with the rich foods possessed by that country, tends to make cattle raising a success at little cost. Other winnings at the Live Stock Show which placed Western Canada in the class of big victories were: three firsts, seven seconds, and five other prizes in Clydesdales. Among recent victories won by Western Canada within the past three years: In February, 1911, Hill & Sons, of Lloydminster, Saskatchewan, showed a peck of oats at the National Corn Exposition in Columbus, Ohio, and carried off the Colorado Silver Trophy, valued at $1,500.00. In February, 1913, they had a similar victory at Columbia, N. C., the third and final winning was at Dallas, Texas, on February 17, 1914, when Hill & Son's oats defeated all other entries. In 1911, Seager Wheeler, of Rosthern, won $1,000 in gold at the New York Land Show for best hundred pounds of wheat. In 1912, at the Dry Farming Congress, Lethbridge, Mr. Holmes of Cardston won an engine for best wheat in the world. In 1913, at Tulsa, Oklahoma, Mr. P. Gerlack, of Allan, Saskatchewan, carried off the honors and a threshing machine for the best bushel of wheat shown in a world competition. It was the Marquis variety and weighed 71 lbs. to the bushel. At this congress, Canada won a majority of the world's honours in individual classes, and seven out of the sixteen sweepstakes. Other first prizes taken at the same place were: Barley, Nicholas Tétinger, Claresholm, Alberta. Oats, E. J. Lanigan, Elfross, Saskatchewan. Flax, John Plews, Carnduff, Saskatchewan. Sheaf of barley, A. H. Crossman, Kindersley, Saskatchewan. Sheaf of flax, R. C. West, Kindersley, Saskatchewan. Sheaf of oats, Arthur Perry, Cardston, Alberta. In district exhibits, Swift Current, Saskatchewan, won the Board of Trade Award, with Maple Creek second. Red Fife Spring Wheat, E. A. Fredrick, Maple Creek. Other variety of Hard Spring Wheat, S. Englehart, Abernethy, Saskatchewan. Black Oats, Alex Wooley, Norton, Alberta. Oats, any other variety, Wm. S. Simpson, Pambrun, Saskatchewan. Western Rye Grass, W. S. Creighton, Stalwart, Saskatchewan. Sheaf of Red Fife Wheat, R. H. Carter, Fort Qu'Appelle, Saskatchewan. Sheaf of Marquis Wheat, G. H. Carney, Dysart, Saskatchewan. Two-Rowed Barley, R. H. Carter, Fort Qu'Appelle, Saskatchewan. Six-Rowed Barley, R. H. Carter, Fort Qu'Appelle, Saskatchewan. Western Rye Grass, Arthur Perry, Cardston, Alberta. Alsike Clover, Seager Wheeler, Rosthern, Saskatchewan. =Agricultural Education in Western Canada.=--Scientific farming probably can be pursued with more profit and advantage in Western Canada than in any other portion of the continent. What can be achieved may be judged by what has been accomplished by the thousands who with not even a theoretical knowledge have made it a success. The various governments have provided for the development of a class of farmers who, in the possession of the rich soil of the country, with its abundant humus, its phosphates, and large endowment of other properties will make of it the greatest farming region of the known world. AREAS OF LAND AND WATER According to the latest measurements the land and water areas of the three provinces, as at the Census of 1911, are as follows: -------------+-------------+------------+------------ Provinces | Land | Water | Total -------------+-------------+------------+------------ | acres | acres | acres Manitoba | 41,169,098 | 6,019,200 | 47,188,298 Saskatchewan | 155,764,480 | 5,323,520 | 161,088,000 Alberta | 161,872,000 | 1,510,400 | 163,382,400 Total | 358,805,578 | 12,853,120 | 371,658,698 -------------+-------------+------------+------------ Note--By the Extension of Boundaries Act, 1912, the area of Manitoba was increased by 113,984,000 acres, bringing the total to 161,172,298 acres, of which 12,739,600 acres are water. The areas of Manitoba in this article relate solely however to the province as constituted before the Act of 1912. Comparative Areas of wheat, oats, and barley in the three Western Provinces: [Transcriber's Note: This table was split into three parts for the text version] ==============+======================+===========+==========+ Provinces | 1900 | 1910 | | | | --------------+-----------+----------+-----------+----------+ | Bushels | Acres | Bushels | Acres | +-----------+----------+-----------+----------+ Manitoba-- | | | | | Wheat | 18,352,929| 1,965,193| 34,125,949| 2,760,371| Oats | 10,952,365| 573,848| 30,378,379| 1,209,173| Barley | 2,666,567| 139,660| 6,506,634| 416,016| Saskatchewan--| | | | | Wheat | 4,306,091| 487,170| 66,978,996| 4,228,222| Oats | 2,270,057| 141,517| 58,922,791| 1,888,359| Barley | 187,211| 11,798| 3,061,007| 129,621| Alberta-- | | | | | Wheat | 797,839| 43,103| 9,060,210| 879,301| Oats | 3,791,259| 118,025| 16,099,223| 783,072| Barley | 287,343| 11,099| 2,480,165| 121,435| ==============+===========+==========+===========+==========+ ==============+======================+======================+ Provinces | 1911 | 1912 | | | | --------------+-----------+----------+-----------+----------+ | Bushels | Acres | Bushels | Acres | +-----------+----------|-----------+----------+ Manitoba-- | | | | | Wheat | 62,689,000| 3,094,833| 63,017,000| 2,839,000| Oats | 60,037,000| 1,307,434| 57,154,000| 1,348,000| Barley | 14,949,000| 448,105| 15,826,000| 481,000| Saskatchewan--| | | | | Wheat |109,075,000| 5,256,474|106,960,000| 5,582,000| Oats |107,594,000| 2,332,912|117,537,000| 2,556,000| Barley | 8,661,000| 273,988| 9,595,000| 292,000| Alberta-- | | | | | Wheat | 36,602,000| 1,639,974| 34,303,000| 1,590,000| Oats | 59,034,000| 1,221,217| 67,630,000| 1,461,000| Barley | 4,356,000| 164,132| 6,179,000| 187,000| ==============+===========+==========+===========+==========+ ==============+=======================+=============== Provinces | 1913 |Average for 5 | |years 1908-1912 --------------+------------+----------+------+-------- | Bushels | Acres | Bush.| Price +------------+----------+------+-------- Manitoba-- | | | | Wheat | 53,331,000| 2,804,000| 18.17| $0.75 Oats | 56,759,000| 1,398,000| 37.40| 0.30 Barley | 14,305,000| 496,000| 27.54| 0.40 Saskatchewan--| | | | Wheat | 121,559,000| 5,720,000| 19.06| 0.65 Oats | 114,112,000| 2,755,000| 40.88| 0.27 Barley | 10,421,000| 332,000| 29.09| 0.38 Alberta-- | | | | Wheat | 34,372,000| 1,512,000| 20.22| 0.61 Oats | 71,542,000| 1,639,000| 41.18| 0.27 Barley | 6,334,000| 197,000| 28.98| 0.35 ==============+============+==========+======+======== [Illustration: Cattle on the uplands as well as the open plain do well in all parts of Western Canada.] [Illustration: Horses range most of the year in many parts of Saskatchewan and Alberta.] MANITOBA The most easterly of the three Central Provinces--lies in the centre of the North American continent--midway between the Pacific and Atlantic oceans, its southern boundary running down to the 49th parallel, which separates it from the United States, its northeasterly boundary being Hudson Bay. It may well be termed one of the Maritime Provinces of Canada. Manitoba is one-fourth larger than Germany, its area covering 252,000 square miles or about 161 million acres. If a family were placed on every half section of the surveyed land in Manitoba, more than 600,000 persons would be actually living in the Province. =Available Homesteads.=--One and a half million acres of land are open for free homesteading in Manitoba--east of the Red River, and between lakes Winnipeg and Manitoba, also west of Lake Manitoba and in the newly opened districts along the railway lines. The wooded areas of these districts will make a strong appeal to those who appreciate the picturesque. Where the timber is light scrub, it is easily removed, while the heavy forest richly repays the cost of clearing. Lakes, rivers, and creeks are numerous, and wells of moderate depth furnish water for domestic purposes. Homestead lands are easily reached and the value of land is steadily advancing. Two hundred and thirty-two homesteads were filed in Winnipeg in December, 1913--almost twice the number filed during December, 1912. =Available Farm Lands=, apart from homesteads, can be secured at $12 to $15 per acre for raw prairie, while improved farms command $35 to $40. =Improved Farms= may be secured in all parts of Manitoba from owners who have grown wealthy and are in a position to retire. =Soil and Surface.=--The surface of Manitoba is not a flat, bare stretch, a "bald-headed prairie." A large part of the land, especially in the south, is, indeed, the flat bed of a wide, prehistoric lake; but even in the southwest the land rises into wooded hills, and in the southeast, close to the Lake-of-the-Woods country, there is a genuine forest. In Western Manitoba are forested areas, and timbered districts exist on the Turtle Mountains and the Brandon Hills. The true forest persists in Central Manitoba as far as the Duck Mountains. From all these points quantities of lumber, fence posts, and firewood are sent to the prairie settlers. The rivers and lakes are skirted by a plentiful tree growth. Down through the heart of the Province stretch two great lake chains. Lake Winnipeg and lakes Winnipegosis and Manitoba, which receive the waters of the Saskatchewan and Assiniboine from the west, and discharge through the Nelson River to Hudson Bay. Sloping to the west from the Lake Manitoba plain is a range of gentle hills known as the Duck Mountains, Riding Mountains, and the Porcupine Hills. These hills in no way alter the fact that almost the whole land surface of Central and Southern Manitoba west of its great lakes is ready for cultivation. The northern portion of the Province, though not surveyed, is known to contain a large area of good agricultural land. Manitoba's soil is a deep rich loam, inexhaustible in its productiveness. There are 25-1/2 million acres of land surveyed, about one-fourth of which was under crop in 1913. =Grain Growing.=--Manitoba is noted for its wheat crops and has already an established prestige in yields of oats, rye, and flax; in some parts corn is being grown. In certain districts good yields of winter wheat are reported. The grain statistics for the Province reveal an interesting condition. In 1901 there were 1,965,200 acres of land under wheat, and in 1910 the area had grown to 3,094,833 acres. In 1913, this had increased to 3,141,218 acres. The land under oats, in 1913, amounted to 1,939,723 acres; barley, 1,153,834 acres, and flax, 115,054 acres. The average yield of wheat in 1913 was 20 bushels; oats, 42 bushels. The total grain crop in the Province for 1913 was 178,775,946 bushels, grown on 6,364,880 acres, compared with 182,357,494 for 1912, the decrease being due to a falling off in oats of nearly 7 million bushels and in flax of more than 1 million bushels. Of the 1913 grain crop spring and fall wheat together occupied an area of 3,141,218 acres and yielded 62,755,455 bushels. Oats occupied an area of 1,939,723 acres and yielded 81,410,174 bushels. Barley occupied an area of 1,153,834 acres and yielded 33,014,693 bushels. Flax, rye, and peas occupied an area of 130,105 acres and yielded 1,595,624 bushels. The above are Provincial Government returns. =Potatoes and Field Roots.=--The yield of potatoes for 1913 was 9,977,263 bushels from an area of 55,743 acres, and that of field roots 4,196,612 bushels from an area of 16,275 acres. The average yield of potatoes was about 180 bushels per acre; field roots 257 bushels. Total value, about $2,100,000. =Fodder Crops.=--Brome grass contributed 43,432 tons from an area of 24,912 acres. Rye grass 33,907 tons from an area of 21,197 acres. Timothy 181,407 from an area of 118,812 acres. Clover and alfalfa together contributed 20,454 tons from an area of 10,037 acres, and fodder corn 119,764 tons from an area of 20,223 acres. Total value about 2 million dollars. Alfalfa is largely grown at Gilbert Plains, Roblin, Swan River and Grand View. The figures given are from Provincial Government returns. =The Season.=--Although spring opened a few days earlier than usual, seeding was quite general on well drained land by April 15th. From that date until the end of the month the weather was exceptionally favourable, and by May 10th, on well prepared land, nearly all the seeding was over. During the first three weeks of May the weather was quite cool, and growth was slow; but with warmer weather the last week's growth was more rapid. There was an abundance of moisture from the previous fall, and despite the low temperature during May, wheat was well advanced by the end of the month. [Illustration: Putting up wild hay in Manitoba, which frequently yields from 1-1/2 to 2 tons per acre.] [Illustration: Central and Southern MANITOBA For Map of Northern Manitoba see pages 14 and 15] The early part of June was dry with high temperature; but in the latter part of this month rain was more plentiful, especially in the western part of the Province. The rainfall in July was below the average, and the temperature lower than usual. Harvesting was general by the middle of August. The excellent condition of the land at seeding time, the favourable weather during germination and growth, and the ideal harvesting and threshing weather, exercised the greatest influence in determining the high grade of all grains as well as materially reducing the cost of harvesting. =Mixed Farming= has become quite general in Manitoba, practically every farmer now having his herd of cattle or flock of sheep. His fattened hogs find a steadily increasing market at good prices, while poultry is a source of revenue. The vegetable crop is always a success; wonderful yields of potatoes and roots are regularly recorded. Many portions of the country, partially wooded and somewhat broken, which were formerly overlooked, are now proving desirable for mixed farming. These park districts have sufficient area for growing grain, hay, and grasses. The poplar groves scattered here afford excellent shelter for cattle and, in many cases, furnish valuable building material. The district lying east and southeast of Winnipeg is rapidly being settled. It is well served by the Canadian Pacific, Canadian Northern, and Grand Trunk Pacific Railways. Rainfall here as elsewhere throughout the Province is adequate, and well water easily secured. Much of this land is available for homesteads, while other portions may be purchased at a low price from the railway and land companies. This applies to Swan River and Dauphin districts. Hon. George Lawrence, Minister of Agriculture, says: "Conditions in Manitoba are excellent for livestock of all kinds, and the money-making possibilities in producing all manner of food are beyond question. "The output of the creameries last year was close to 4,000,000 pounds. They cannot, however, begin to meet the demand. It is the same with eggs, poultry, beef, pork, mutton, vegetables, and all foodstuffs. The opportunity for the man who will go in for mixed farming in this Province is consequently obvious." =Dairying= yielded about 3-1/2 million dollars in 1913 for butter, and then failed to supply local demand, a quantity of milk, cream, and butter being imported. Winnipeg alone used over three-quarters of a million dollars' worth of milk and cream in 1913. The demand is increasing with the growth of the cities throughout the west, and splendid opportunities exist in this field. Cheese sold in 1913 at 12-1/2 cents per pound, dairy butter at 23.4 cents, and creamery butter at 27.5 cents. Dairy schools, under control of the Agricultural College are well equipped and under the guidance of professors of high standing. =Businesslike Farming.=--Nowhere on the continent more than in Manitoba has farming advanced to the dignity of a thoroughly businesslike occupation. Here the farmer works, not merely for a living, but for a handsome profit. Instances are frequent where large areas under wheat have given a clear profit of over $12 an acre. All the labour of ploughing, seeding, harvesting, and marketing is included at $7.50 per acre with hired help. Even allowing $8, it is a poor year that will not yield a handsome margin. The greatest monopoly of the future will be land. Wheat is the greatest food cereal. Lands suitable to the growth of No. 1 hard wheat are extremely limited. While the demand for wheat is increasing, the wheat belt of the United States is decreasing yearly in acreage and yield, with the result that within a few years the United States will have to import and scramble for a lion's share of the wheat crops of the world. The following tables give the acreage, average and total yield of wheat oats, barley, and flax for the last seven years. Provincial government returns, WHEAT OATS Year Acreage Average Total Acreage Average Total Yield Yield Yield Yield 1907 2,789,553 14.22 39,688,266.6 1,213,596 34.8 42,140,744 1908 2,850,640 17.23 49,252,539 1,216,632 36.8 44,686,043 1909 2,642,111 17.33 45,774,707.7 1,373,683 37.1 50,983,056 1910 2,962,187 13.475 39,916,391.7 1,486,436 28.7 42,647,766 1911 3,350,000 18.29 61,058,786 1,625,000 45.3 73,786,683 1912 2,823,362 20.07 58,433,579 1,939,982 46.0 87,190,677 1913 3,141,218 19.30 62,755,455 1,939,723 42.0 81,410,174 BARLEY FLAX Year Acreage Average Total Acreage Average Total Yield Yield Yield Yield 1907 649,570 25.7 16,752,724.3 25,915 12.25 317,347 1908 658,441 27.54 18,135,757 50,187 11.18 502,206 1909 601,008 27.31 16,416,634 20,635 12.26 253,636 1910 624,644 20.75 12,960,038.7 41,002 9.97 410,928 1911 760,000 31.5 21,000,000 86,000 14.00 1,205,727 1912 962,928 35.0 33,795,191 191,315 13.06 2,671,729 1913 1,153,834 28.0 33,014,693 -- -- -- =Education.=--Manitobans expend a greater percentage of public funds for schools than for any other purpose. Private schools, business colleges and public libraries, as numerous and as well equipped as those in similar communities anywhere, are established in all important cities and towns and these with the excellent public schools afford educational facilities equal to those of any country. There are also a number of Catholic parochial schools. The Dominion Experimental Farm at Brandon is doing much to educate the farming population of the Province. Accurate records of all practical experiments are kept and the information is given to settlers free. Dairy schools, farmers' institutes, livestock, fruit growers, agricultural, and horticultural associations also furnish free instruction as to the most successful methods practised in their callings. =Railways= have anticipated the future, so that few farmers are more than eight or ten miles from a railway. Manitoba now has 3,895 miles of railway as compared with 1,470 miles in 1893. The Canadian Pacific has 1,620 miles, Canadian Northern 1,809, and the Grand Trunk 366, and extensions will be made by all lines this year. Railway lines being built to Hudson Bay will make large mineral deposits available. When this territory is surveyed there will be opened up a wonderfully rich area, capable of maintaining an immense population. This added territory gives a port on Hudson Bay, from which vessels can carry the farm produce of the West to old country markets. =Climate.=--Unlike some other provinces, Manitoba's climatic conditions are uniform throughout. There is much sunshine the year round. The summer is pleasant, warm, and conducive to rapid and successful growth. The long autumns are usually agreeable, ploughing weather sometimes extending to the end of November. The winters rarely last more than three or four months, and because of the dry atmosphere, the low temperature is not as much felt as in countries with more moisture. The snow is never deep, and travel in winter by team or rail is rarely impeded by drifts. The annual precipitation is 21.4 inches. The crop season in Manitoba extends from April to October, inclusive. Seeding frequently starts early in April, and threshing usually lasts through October. The mean temperature for the period, April 1 to September 30, in 1913 was 55 degrees Fahrenheit. The mean temperature in October was only 34.40 Fahrenheit, but threshing can be done in cold weather as readily as in warm, with no injurious effects. The total precipitation in the Province was smaller than usual--for the growing season 9.67 inches, but rain was well distributed: May 1.04 inches; June 2.34 inches; July 1.70 inches; August 3.56 inches, and September .68 inches. The average sunshine was 7.3 hours daily. The mean temperature of the country is 32.7; January 5.2; July 66.1. [Illustration: Here is a usual scene in Western Canada during the harvesting season.] [Illustration: The raising of hogs is a highly profitable industry in Western Canada. They are easily fattened on barley, oats and alfalfa.] =Picnicing on December 11, 1913.=--The mild weather of the past few months has been general throughout the Province of Manitoba. At Melita, on December 11th, the citizens suspended business and had a picnic at River Park on the outskirts of the town, and there was no discomfort from heat or cold. =Fruit.=--Small fruits did well in 1913. Apples are not grown extensively, but several orchards in the Province were well laden. The orchard of Mr. Stephenson, near Morden, was the most notable, and produced a crop of several hundred barrels of apples, as well as an abundance of crabs, cherries, and other fruits. At the recent Land and Apple Show in Winnipeg, native apples compared very favourably with those from Provinces which pride themselves on their horticultural possibilities. =Sugar Beets.=--In growing sugar beet, Manitoba has had success. Syrup produced from sugar beets grown at Morden was of good consistency and the colour indicated that good sugar could be manufactured from it. =Game and Fish.=--Manitoba's fishery output represents an annual value of over one million dollars. There is plenty of good fishing. Wild ducks, geese, and swans haunt the lakes and rivers, while on the prairies are flocks of prairie chicken. =Manitoba Farm Lands Year.=--In addition to circumstances which point to next year as an important one to farming interests, there is one great factor which will undoubtedly have much to do with the sale and development of farms. This is the fact that the people of Manitoba realize the necessity for mixed farming. This means the breaking up of large tracts of land into smaller farms and therefore a largely increased population. Even while the present year has been one of some financial stringency the demand for farm lands has steadily increased. WHAT SOME MANITOBA FARMERS HAVE DONE =Gladstone, Man.=, reports that the wheat crop of 1913 exceeded all expectations; 30 bushels per acre was the general yield. The grade was never better. One farmer had 400 acres in wheat, which weighed 66 pounds to the bushel. =Portage Plains, Man.=, showed some remarkable yields. Noah Elgert had 61 bushels of wheat per acre; the government farm, 61 bushels; Geo. E. Stacey, 54; T. J. Hall, John Ross and D. W. McCuaig, 50; W. Richardson, 51; M. Owens, 61-1/2; Anderson and Turnbull, 60; J. Lloyd, 48-1/2; Jas. Bell and Robt. Brown, 48; R. S. Tully, 52; J. Wishart, 49-1/4; Philip Page, 47; J. Stewart, 45; J. W. Brown, 30; Chester Johnson, 44; E. H. Muir, 42; L. A. Bradley, 43; W. Boddy, 40; Albert Davis, 43; E. McLenaghen, 37. After farming the same land for forty years, J. Wishart secured a crop of 49-1/2 bushels to the acre, the best he ever had. Mr. Bradley's yield was on land plowed this spring. =Marquette, Man.=, September 21. Splendid weather has enabled the farmers of this section to make good progress with the cutting and harvesting of this season's crop. Wheat is averaging 20 bushels to the acre, with barley 45 and oats going 70. There has been no damage of any description. =Binscarth, Man.=, says good reports are coming from the machines of high yields and good sample. The elevators are busy shipping cars every day. =Dauphin, Man.=, September 13. Threshing is general. The grain is in good shape and the weather is ideal. The samples are best ever grown here, grading No. 1 Northern. The returns are larger than expected in nearly every case. E. B. Armstrong's wheat went 34 bushels to the acre; others, 25 to 27. =Balmoral.=--John Simpson says: "Very prosperous has been our first year's farming in Canada. Shipped two carloads of wheat that graded No. 1 Northern and sold for eighty-five cents. Weather for the last two weeks was perfect--no snow and just enough frost to keep the roads from getting muddy." =Brandon.=--Hard wheats have long been the choice product of Manitoba soil, but nothing more significant is required to announce a new industry in the Province than that Glencarnock Victor, a Manitoba-finished steer, owned by Mr. J. D. McGregor, was last year grand champion of America, and his half-brother from the same stables, won like honours this year. Neither had ever been fed any corn, but fattened on prairie hay, alfalfa, and barley. CITIES AND TOWNS =Winnipeg=, with a population of about 200,000, is a natural distributing point for Western Canada, as well as the shipping point for the wonderful crops from the tributary prairie lands. The prosperity of Western Canada is here reflected in substantial buildings, wide boulevards, quarries, water works, street lighting systems, asphalt plants, and a park system of 29 parks, covering 500 acres. There are 40 modern school buildings with 378 teachers and 21,210 pupils. Winnipeg has four live daily papers and forty weekly and monthly publications. Twenty-four railway tracks radiate from the city, making Winnipeg the leading grain centre of the world. A photograph taken at any point in the financial centre of the city shows magnificent new buildings under construction, representing immense investment and indicating the confidence felt in the city's future. Municipal improvements are constantly being made. The city now has 466 miles of sidewalk, 112 miles of boulevard and 162 miles of street pavement. There are 115 churches. St. Boniface, the seat of the Roman Catholic archdiocese of St. Boniface, adjoins and is partly surrounded by the business district: 17,000 population. =Brandon=--With 18,000 population is the second city in the Province and is located on the main line of the Canadian Pacific Railway, with its seven branch railway lines. The Canadian Northern runs through the town and has erected a fine new modern hotel. The Great Northern entering from the south and the Grand Trunk Pacific completed, there is afforded excellent shipping facilities, necessary to the factories, flour mills, machine shops, and wholesale houses established here. There are fourteen branch banks here with clearings totalling $33,000,000. As an educational centre Brandon might be ranked with cities several times larger. The high school would be a credit to any city of first rank. A Dominion Experimental Farm is located here. =Portage la Prairie=--Enjoys splendid railway facilities at the junction of four lines of railway. This fortunate situation has brought a number of industries. The city owns its park and has a fine educational system, including a Collegiate Institute. Many churches and fraternal organizations are supported by this city of 7,000 population. Municipal improvements are constantly being made. =Selkirk= is a distributing point of supplies for points on Lake Winnipeg. =Carberry and Morden= are flourishing railway towns in the heart of fine wheat-growing sections, as are Minnedosa, Neepawa, Dauphin, Carman, Virden, and Souris. Scores of towns now developing afford openings for those desiring business opportunities; each has its mills and warehouses for wheat. Among these centres may be named Manitou, Birtle, Emerson, Gretna, Wawanesa, Rivers, Somerset, Baldur, Deloraine, Melita, Rapid City, Hamiota, Gladstone, Killarney, Hartney, Stonewall, Boissevain, Elkhorn, Gilbert Plains, Pilot Mound, Winkler and Plum Coulee. Provincial Government returns. POPULATION AND LIVESTOCK 1891 1908 1909 1911 1912 1913 Population 152,506 455,614 Horses 86,735 230,926 237,161 232,725 273,395 304,100 Milch cows 82,710 173,546 167,442 146,841 154,400 Other horned cattle 147,984 357,988 333,752 397,261 428,274 460,200 Sheep 35,838 29,265 29,074 32,223 42,087 112,500 Hogs 54,177 192,489 172,374 176,212 216,640 176,000 Cultivated farms 45,380 49,755 50,000 Increase in population in ten years was 78.52 per cent. The exhibit of grains, grasses, clover, fodder crops, vegetables, and natural products shown at the 1913 United States Land Show spoke well for the soil and climate of Manitoba. [Illustration: An ordinary threshing scene in Manitoba, where fields of wheat, oats and barley pay the farmer well.] [Illustration: NORTHERN MANITOBA] SASKATCHEWAN Saskatchewan, the central Prairie Province, is a huge rectangle extending from the 49th to the 60th parallel, with an area as large as France and twice the size of the British Isles. It comprises 155,092,480 acres, and extends 760 miles north and south and 390 miles east and west at the southern boundary bordering on the United States. The average altitude is about 1,500 feet above sea level. Saskatchewan claims to be without a rival in North America as a producer of wheat and small grains. Only physical and geographical conditions retard even a more phenomenal agricultural development. Its growth and acquisition of wealth has been phenomenal. There are four distinct zones extending north and south: (a) rolling prairie, (b) prairie and woodland, (c) forest, (d) sparsely timbered belt. All the land is suitable for cultivation and will yield the highest quality of cereals, though less than 13 million acres are now under the plough. The population of approximately 550,000 thriving, vigorous people will eventually be a million. The increase in ten years was 440 per cent. The Government forces in Saskatchewan are complete and effective. Every branch of agricultural work conducted by the Provincial Government is a part of the Department of Agriculture. =Soil and Surface.=--The soil in all of Saskatchewan is a rich loam, running from eight to twenty inches deep over a chocolate clay subsoil. Moisture is evaporated from this subsoil so gradually that the fertility is almost inexhaustible. With few exceptions the southern portion of the Province from a line east and west through Saskatoon is almost flat. In certain portions the surface is undulating, but in no case so hilly as to preclude ploughing every acre; near some of the rivers in the more hilly sections the soil becomes lighter with some stone and gravel. Five reasons may be given for the exceptionally favourable conditions awaiting the grower of wheat in Saskatchewan: 1. The soil is of almost inexhaustible fertility. 2. The climate brings the plant to fruition very quickly. 3. The northern latitude gives the wheat more sunshine during the growing period than is had in districts farther south. 4. Rust is of infrequent occurrence. 5. Insect foes are unknown. =Fuel and Water.=--The coal areas to the south, and the partially wooded areas in the north, provide an ample supply of fuel, while water can be secured anywhere at a reasonable depth. CENTRAL SASKATCHEWAN =The Available Homesteads= are principally in the northern portion of Central Saskatchewan which is watered east and west by the main Saskatchewan River and by its chief branch, the North Saskatchewan, a great part of whose navigable length lies within this section. The surface generally is rolling prairie interspersed with wooded bluffs of poplar, spruce, and pine, alternating with intruding portions of the great plain from the south. In soil and climate Central Saskatchewan is well adapted to the raising of cattle, also wheat and other grains. North of township Thirty there is unlimited grazing land, horses, cattle and sheep feeding in the open most of the year. There is the necessary shelter when extreme cold weather sets in and water is plentiful. Sheep do well. Many farmers have from 50 to 100 sheep and lambs. The district also possesses everything required for the growing of crops and there are satisfactory yields of all the smaller grains. The homesteader may add to his holdings by purchasing adjoining land from the Canadian Northern, Canadian Pacific Railway and other corporations. These unimproved lands range from $15 an acre upwards. Districts recently opened for settlement are Shellbrook, Beaver River, and Green Lake, into which the Canadian Northern Railway is projected. Other new districts are Jack Fish Lake and Turtle Lake, north of Battleford, into which the same road is built. These districts are favourable for grain and cattle raising. North of North Battleford are several townships which will not long be without transportation, and to the east of these there are available homesteads which can be reached through the Prince Albert gateway. SOUTHERN SASKATCHEWAN =Available Farm Land.=--There are but few homesteads available in Southeastern Saskatchewan. The land is occupied by an excellent class of farmers, and values range from $15 per acre to $25 for unimproved prairie, and from $40 to $50 per acre for improved farms. In the neighbourhood of Moose Jaw mixed farming and grain raising are carried on with success. North and northwest, towards the Saskatchewan, are large settlements; but to the south and southwest is a tract of land available for homesteading, and a land office at Moose Jaw makes it easy to inspect the land and secure speedy entry. These lands are easily reached from Moose Jaw, Mortlach, Herbert, Gull Lake, and Swift Current. Maple Creek district is an important stock centre. Some of the best sheep, cattle, and horses in Canada are raised on the succulent grass here but the wheat grower and mixed farmer are treading on the heels of the ranchman. West of Swift Current to the Alberta boundary herds of cattle roam and largely find for themselves. Snowfall is light and winters so mild that hardy animals graze through the whole year. The Chinook winds are felt as far east as Swift Current. Grain growing is successful. [Illustration: In many parts of Western Canada, large farms are operated by steam or gasoline power. This shows its use, and also discing, seeding and harrowing.] Farm land can be purchased from railway and other land companies in Southeastern Saskatchewan, which includes that section between Manitoba on the east and the third meridian on the west, extending some distance north of the main line of the Canadian Pacific Railway. It has more rainfall than portions farther west and less wood than the portion lying north. In character and productiveness of soil, Southeastern Saskatchewan is a continuation of Manitoba, but contains more prairie area. NORTHERN SASKATCHEWAN =Available Homesteads.=--Northern Saskatchewan has not yet been opened to any extent for settlement. There are approximately 80 million acres beyond the railway at Prince Albert which time, zeal, and railway enterprise will eventually make accessible. Furs, forest wealth, and fisheries are recognized as a national asset, but thousands of acres of fertile land lie beyond the existing lines of railway awaiting development. Northern Saskatchewan has natural resources sufficient to maintain a population equal to that of any European country in corresponding latitude. =Saskatchewan Crops.=--Saskatchewan leads all other provinces in wheat production, though only a comparatively small portion of its tillable area is under cultivation. In 1898 the area under wheat was 276,253 acres; 910,359 acres in 1905; 2,703,563 acres in 1908, and in 1913, five years' time, it had more than doubled, the area being 5,720,000 acres. On this there were grown approximately 121-1/2 million bushels of wheat, an average of about 21-1/4 bushels to the acre. The farmers realized about 124 million dollars for products apart from field and fodder crops, valued at 5 million dollars. The following figures are from Provincial Government returns. Saskatchewan has easily 50,000,000 acres of unbroken prairie to grow just such good crops, and another 25,000,000 acres on which to graze live stock. Acreage Yield Total Price per Total per Production Bushel Value Acre Wheat 5,760,249 19.5 112,369,405 At 63c $ 70,792,725.15 Oats 2,638,562 41.7 110,210,436 At 23c 25,348,400.28 Barley 307,177 30.2 9,279,263 At 26c 2,412,608.38 Flax 967,137 12.0 11,654,280 At $1.00 11,654,280.00 Province 9,673,125 243,513,384 110,208,013.81 While the average yield of wheat is shown to be 19.5 bushels per acre, thousands of farmers raised 35 bushels and some more than 40. Considerable was sown on stubble, and there were many low yields occasioned by indifferent farming, and anxiety to secure a crop from late seeding, without which the general average would have exceeded 30 bushels per acre. The same is true of other grains. On the Experimental Farm at Indian Head, Marquis wheat produced 48 bushels to the acre, and Red Fife on the stubble 28 bushels. Almost the entire wheat crop was within the contract grades, (none less than 3 Northern, the great bulk graded No. 1) and by the end of October 75 per cent of the crop was threshed. In many instances wheat weighed 64 and as high as 66 pounds to the bushel. Mr. Paul Gerlach of Allan, Saskatchewan, had 71 pounds per bushel, and carried off the honours at the International Dry Farming Congress at Tulsa last November. =Mixed Farming= is so successful in Saskatchewan that only passing comment is necessary. The Province is famous for its high-class horses, well-bred cattle, sheep, and hogs. At the Live Stock Show in Chicago in 1913, the Province carried off high premiums. The Department of Agriculture secures good breeding stock for the farmers and encourages the preservation of females. =Poultry Raising= is so profitable that many Saskatchewan farmers have gone into it extensively. Of 10,000 turkeys marketed at Moose Jaw there was not a single "cull." They brought an average of $2.80 each. Chickens provide a certain profit and constant income. =Dairying= is successful. An established market and excellent natural facilities favour this branch of mixed farming. 997,000 pounds of creamery butter yielded $271,185 in 1912 and private dairies realized $189,000 from 700,000 pounds, making a total increase of $177,376.69 over 1911. With the exception of cream delivery, a government superintendent supervises all business transactions of most creameries. =Fodder Corn.=--At Prince Albert fodder corn has reached a height of eight feet with not a poor sample in the lot and there are strong indications that before many years corn will be grown here for ensilage with general success. At the Experimental Farm, fodder corn yielded about 18 tons of green fodder per acre, which went into the silo in good condition. =Railways.=--About five hundred miles of new road opened in 1912 gives Saskatchewan a total mileage of about 5,000 miles as compared with 1,000 in 1905, of which 1,230 is main line and 3,700 branches. The Province is so well served by the Canadian Pacific, Canadian Northern, and Grand Trunk Pacific that few of the established settlements are more than 10 to 20 miles from transportation; new settlements do not have to wait long for railway advantages. The Hudson Bay Railway will afford a short haul to ocean shipping from Saskatchewan grain fields. One and a half million dollars have been appropriated by the local government for improvements and building highways. From 1905-13 the population has doubled, and whole districts which were practically uninhabited but a short time ago are now filled with farmers. =Rivers.=--The chief rivers are the North Saskatchewan, South Saskatchewan, Qu'Appelle, and Carrot. The North and South Saskatchewan rise in the Rockies and have a general easterly trend. The Red Deer flows into the South Saskatchewan, about 150 miles north of the United States boundary. The South Saskatchewan runs east nearly half way across the Province, then turns north and enters the North Saskatchewan a little east of Prince Albert. The South Saskatchewan, with the Qu'Appelle, intersects the Province from east to west. The Carrot rises south of Prince Albert and runs parallel to the North Saskatchewan, into which it flows near "The Pas," and the junction point of the Hudson Bay Railway, now under construction. =Lumbering.=--North and east of Prince Albert, the present centre of the lumber industry, lumbering is extensive. In the northern forest the timber is black and white spruce, larch or tamarack, jack pine, aspen or white poplar, balsam or black poplar, and white birch. =Game and Fish.=--In the north, furs are secured for the world's markets and fishing is carried on extensively. =Education.=--Schools are sustained by provincial aid and local rates. Except in special cases where qualified teachers cannot be obtained, the teacher must hold a certificate from the Department of Education. The university is supported and controlled by the Province, a department of which is a college of agriculture with some of Canada's best educators and agricultural specialists on the faculty. Nowhere do agricultural authorities give greater attention to the welfare and education of the farmer than in the newer districts of this Province. CITIES AND TOWNS =Regina.=--Capital of Saskatchewan, lies in the heart of a splendid agricultural section, and is distributing centre for a large district. With a population of about 45,000 it supports a dozen banks which had clearings of 116 million dollars in 1912. It has good hotels, is noted for its substantial public buildings, wide, well-paved streets, and metropolitan spirit. The Canadian Pacific, Canadian Northern and Grand Trunk Pacific unite to make it an important railway centre. The collegiate institute and provincial normal school add to its educational importance. The Northwest Mounted Police headquarters are located here, also the judiciary of Saskatchewan. [Illustration: The sheep industry in Western Canada is one of certain profit. There are many large flocks in all parts of the three Provinces.] [Illustration: SOUTHERN SASKATCHEWAN Surveyed lands shown in colour. For Map of Central Saskatchewan see pages 22 and 23.] =Saskatoon.=--The seat of the University of Saskatchewan, is a growing city beautifully situated on the South Saskatchewan River. It is well served by the Canadian Northern's Regina-Prince Albert line which passes through an extensive and productive farming district to the southwest and joins the main line at Warman, and is also on the route of the Canadian Pacific from Winnipeg to Edmonton. Population about 28,000; in 1903 it was about 100. There are four bridges crossing the South Saskatchewan River, with another in contemplation. =Moose Jaw= is a divisional point on the Canadian Pacific, is a terminus of the Soo Line and is also served by the Canadian Northern and Grand Trunk Pacific. Population approximately 23,000. It is noted for its schools and churches. Splendid street car facilities exist here. This district is well settled by progressive farmers. They have brought raw prairie land, which cost from $8 to $10 per acre, to a state of cultivation, that makes their farms worth from $25 to $40 per acre. =Prince Albert= is the northern terminus of the Canadian Northern and is delightfully situated on the North Saskatchewan River. It is served by a line of the Grand Trunk Pacific built from the main line at Young. The Canadian Northern Battleford-Prince Albert line will be completed this fall. It has four big sawmills, and several banks, churches, schools, and hotels. Population, 12,000. The three flour mills grind about 400 barrels a day. One mill ships its product largely to Scotland. =Swift Current= is a divisional point of the Canadian Pacific Railway and a busy railway centre. It is said to be the largest initial wheat market in America. Population about 2,500. A few years ago the district from a point twelve miles west of Moose Jaw to the western boundary of the Province, and south to the United States boundary was considered fit only for horse ranching, cattle and sheep grazing, but now the land is practically all homesteaded in every direction from Swift Current. Branch lines extended to the northwest and southeast enter fairly well settled districts; other lines are contemplated. It was incorporated as a city. =North Battleford= is wonderfully well situated agriculturally and picturesquely. It has a population of over 7,000, and is incorporated as a city. Several important industries and large wholesale places are established. The Canadian Northern Railway passes through the town, having its divisional headquarters here, and during the year will complete its line to Prince Albert. There is excellent passenger and freight service on the same company's line northwest, which is under construction to Athabaska Landing, Alberta. A traffic bridge connects North Battleford with Battleford. =Weyburn= is a prosperous city on the "Soo" Line between Moose Jaw and North Portal. Its railway connection with Stoughton furnishes a direct route to the east. The Lethbridge line of the Canadian Pacific starts here and will be completed this year. Building permits, 1912, $760,000. =Yorkton= within the last five years has more than doubled its population and ships annually over 2 million bushels of grain. It is an up-to-date town of about 2,500 inhabitants with creditable municipal buildings, eight grain elevators, water works, sewerage system, flour mill, saw mill, cement sidewalks, telephone, and a municipal gas plant. =Battleford.=--Population about 3,000. Has one of the most picturesque situations in the west, and was the first capital of the Old Territories. During the past year it has made remarkable growth owing to the agricultural possibilities of the surrounding country. The Grand Trunk Pacific reaches the town from Biggar on the south and is building a line west from Saskatoon. The Canadian Northern has a branch entering the town. The Canadian Pacific is expected to build from Asquith. A number of industries have embraced the encouraging opportunities offered by the town, and large wholesale houses have erected distributing depots. =Rosetown=, on the Canadian Northern Saskatoon-Calgary line, is progressive. It is of importance to-day, and marked for a good future. A splendid agricultural district peopled with excellent settlers surrounds it. =Zealandia=, on the same line of railway, has wonderful physical advantages. Although of only a few short years' existence, as the centre of a farming country where lands have increased from $8 to $30 per acre, its fame has spread and its citizens are warranted in anticipating a bright future. =Kindersley= has been on the map only four or five years. The surrounding fertile land that made the Goose Lake district famous in agriculture so soon after its discovery, gave to Kindersley a large portion of its glory and substance. It is growing rapidly, and confidence in what it will do is well bestowed. =Maple Creek=, for many years the centre of a ranching section, has a population of 1,000, and the large surrounding area of free homestead land is rapidly being settled. Excellent crops are reported. =Estevan= is noted for its coal mines and has rail connection with Winnipeg. =Rosthern=, on the Regina-Prince Albert branch of the Canadian Northern, is in the centre of a good agricultural district. =Wolsely=, three hundred miles west of Winnipeg, is the western terminus of the Wolsely-Reston branch of the Canadian Pacific Railway. =Indian Head=, the largest incorporated town in Saskatchewan, has more elevators than any other town in the province. For some time it was the largest initial wheat-shipping point in the world. The Dominion Government Experimental Farm is here. =Moosomin=, two hundred and twenty miles west of Winnipeg on the main line of the Canadian Pacific Railway, is a flourishing town surrounded by rolling prairie particularly adapted to mixed farming. Population 1,200. It has good churches, schools, banks, grain elevators and waterworks. =Qu'Appelle and Arcola= are enterprising towns. Among the largest incorporated villages are Broadview, a divisional point on the Canadian Pacific Railway main line, Grenfell, Duck Lake, Alameda, Balgonie, Lemberg, Lloydminster, Melfort, Rouleau, and Sintaluta. Portal is the point where the "Soo" Line enters Saskatchewan. Yellow Grass, Milestone and Drinkwater are newer towns--settled within the past few years by progressive farmers from the States. Important and growing towns on the Grand Trunk Pacific, are Melville, Watrous, Scott, Nokomis and Young. WHAT SASKATCHEWAN FARMERS ARE DOING =Regina.=--During the week ending Sept. 21, 5119 cars of No. 1 Northern Hard were shipped out of the Province, as compared with 1,497 cars of No. 2 Northern and 290 cars of No. 3 Northern in 1912. There were, in addition, 111 cars of No. 1 Manitoba Hard shipped during the week. =Moose Jaw, Saskatchewan, Nov. 30.=--Since Sept. 1, 19,850,000 bushels of grain have been shipped from the Moose Jaw district, against 32,000,000 for the previous entire crop year. Rouleau heads the list with 1,040,000 bushels, and Milestone comes second with 910,000 bushels. Vanguard, which led last year, is third, with 835,000 bushels. =Rutan.=--Arthur Brondson, inexperienced in farming, having lived in London until eight years ago, last year raised 36 acres of Red Fife wheat, of 49 bushels per acre, and 48 acres Marquis wheat, 52 bushels per acre. =Regina.=--James Cranston threshed 1,050 bushels oats from ten acres; James Hars's 60 acres yielded 106 bushels; W. J. Crawford's 60 acres produced 43 bushels Preston wheat; other yields of Marquis wheat show 40, 48, 50, and 63 bushels to the acre. =Esterhazy.=--Esterhazy shared in the abundant harvest of 1913. A conservative estimate for the yield is from 25 to 30 bushels per acre for wheat, and 40 to 45 for oats. Some fields yielded 40 to 45 bushels per acre in wheat. =Tisdale.=--D. McKibbon threshed 38 bushels wheat to the acre off 40 acres. =Wynyard.=--Eggert Bjornson threshed 176 acres, averaging 36 bushels No. 1 Northern wheat. =Moose Jaw.=--Chas. White's 80 acres wheat yielded 38 bushels to the acre. W. H. Johnston's 90 acres produced 35-1/2 bushels wheat per acre. [Illustration: A landscape view of Central Saskatchewan.] [Illustration: This man is sufficiently modest to start with oxen; in a year or two they will be replaced by horses. He now farms 320 acres.] =Pasqua.=--E. S. Patterson, on 230 acres summer-fallow, threshed 31 acres Marquis, with a yield of 40-2/3 bushels per acre; 199 acres Red Fyfe with a yield of 35-1/2 bushels per acre. =Caron.=--Archie Dalrymple, 100 acres, 40-1/2 bushels wheat per acre. Geo. Clemenshaw, 80 acres, 42-1/2 bushels wheat per acre. =Boharm.=--Geo. Campbell had 55 acres wheat that yielded 38 bushels per acre, and 100 acres that yielded 36 bushels. =Assiniboia.=--E. Lennard threshed 1200 bushels oats, from a ten-acre field. His summer-fallow yielded 40 bushels No. 1 Northern wheat per acre. =Canora.=--Mike Gabora had a yield of 120-1/2 bushels oats per acre. C. R. Graham, who has a 3,000 acre farm in this district, for a number of years has grown oats that averaged 60 bushels to the acre, and sometimes yielded 100 bushels: one year the average was 117 bushels. =Arcola.=--R. F. Harman, formerly of the County of Cork, Ireland, homesteaded in the North Battleford district in 1903, with $50.00 capital. He now owns 480 acres, clear of encumbrance, raises wheat, oats, barley, hay, and is a firm believer in mixed farming. In ten years his capital has increased from $50.00 to $25,000. =Swift Current.=--Ed. K. Leep, of Chicago, homesteaded north of Swift Current. He had 30 acres of land in potatoes in June and lifted new potatoes on August 15. In the Fall little more than half an acre yielded over one hundred bushels. Some had been used in the meantime. Fuel was plentiful 8 miles away and good water was reached at twenty-five feet. The climate was agreeable, and good crops assured. =Nokomis.=--J. Keys had oats in 1913 that went 110 bushels to the acre, and wheat, 40 bushels. He has paid off the mortgage on his farm, and now contemplates a trip to his old home in Denmark, to induce more of his people to settle in his neighbourhood. =W. E. Lewis= of Dayton, Ohio, went to Saskatchewan seven years ago with $1,800 in money, a carload of household effects and farm implements, four horses and three cows. The first year he got only feed from the crops, but the second year threshed over 2,800 bushels of wheat from 100 acres. He has not had a crop failure and now has 22 horses, 15 cattle, 35 hogs, and owns 1,120 acres of land, all under cultivation. He has been offered $35.00 an acre for his land. Should he care to sell, he could pay all his debts, and have $30,000 to the good, but, he says, "Where could I go to invest my money and get as good returns?" =A. T. Smith= of Southern Saskatchewan will grow alfalfa on 3,000 acres of land in 1914. =Mr. S. G. Cowan says=: "I usually thresh from 60 to 65 bushels of oats, 30 of wheat, and 60 of barley. Vegetables grow well, and it is no trouble at all to grow potatoes. My farm has been under crop nine years, and has never been frozen, snowed under, or hailed. I have kept 100 cattle and 100 hogs. I usually give them their growth on green feed, wheat, oats, and barley, and fatten them on grain. With a little to start on we have cleared $10,000 in a little over four years." =Chaplin.=--J. R. Lowe has matured two crops of fodder corn, and he says there is little difference between it and what he grew in Minnesota. =Industries.=--The remarkable growth of the several cities and towns is but one of many evidences of increasing agricultural prosperity. With the coal resources of the southeastern part of the Province utilized, and the opportunities in northern parts for getting cheap water, Saskatchewan's industrial opportunities are many. There is a great demand for help of all kinds. With seven cities, thirty or more towns, and five hundred villages, many men are constantly required for building trades and municipal work. The 90,000 farmers want help to put in and farm their crops. Boards of Trade in every city and town are ready to give information about openings for investment and assistance in locating men. The experimental stage is passed and people are developing beautiful homes surrounded by fertile fields. Cost of Farm Implements: Disc Drill (single to twenty double) $ 96.00 Mowers 53.50 Twelve in. Gang Plows 82.00 Binders, six-foot cut 145.00 Binders, seven-foot cut 158.00 Binders, eight-foot cut 165.00 Rakes 35.00 Gasoline Tractors (Case) 2,480.00 Gasoline Tractors (Nicols) 3,665.00 Gasoline Tractors (International) 1,800.00 Steam Tractors (Case) 2,272.00 Steam Tractors (Nicols) 2,895.00 Case Separator 1,202.00 Nicols Separator 1,150.00 International Separator 1,280.00 =Agricultural Cooperation.=--The Provincial Government has established co-operation in creameries, elevators, telephone, hail insurance, agricultural societies and live stock. Five million dollars have been set aside for road improvements. The new agricultural college, with its 1,300 acre farm, costing one million dollars, is an evidence of public activity. The college has 100 students. =Temperatures= and hours' sunshine in Saskatchewan ranged lower, and rainfall during the growing season higher, than the average for several years. The average temperatures and precipitation for each of the first nine months of 1913: Month Mean Maximum Minimum Precipitation January -7.85 37.5 -45.3 .70 February 2.64 37.7 -34.3 .64 March 8.9 44.9 -31.9 .65 April 41.7 78.5 13.4 .31 May 47.2 84.7 20.7 1.00 June 59.2 87.7 30.7 3.00 July 61.1 86.6 37.4 3.18 August 60.8 85.9 38.9 2.80 September 52.1 85.5 32.9 .88 January-September, 1913 36.2 69.8 5.9 Total 13.16 April-September, 1913 53.6 84.8 27.5 " 11.17 April-September, 1912 50.9 79.9 27.5 " 13.92 =Interior Storage Elevators.=--A great advantage and an immense relief for the hundreds of elevators of from thirty to forty thousand bushels' capacity, will be the two interior storage elevators now under construction at Saskatoon and Moose Jaw, each with a capacity of 3 million bushels. =Farm Help in 1913.=--Labourers work by the month, for $32 to $41. Servant girls were paid from $14 to $22 this year as compared with from $10 to $15 in 1907. =Population and Live Stock.=--(Dominion Census Bureau): 1909 1910 1911 1912 1913 Population 492,432 [1]540,000 Horses 279,063 332,922 507,400 551,645 580,386 Milch cows 124,186 138,455 181,146 184,896 194,843 Other cattle 391,789 431,164 452,466 461,244 468,255 Sheep 129,630 135,360 114,216 114,810 115,568 Swine 131,757 125,788 286,295 344,298 387,684 [1] Estimated. [Illustration: A healthy family from Nebraska, now living in Western Canada. Observe the height of the oats. The crop yielded 70 bushels per acre.] [Illustration: Mr. J. C. Hill & Sons, of Lloydminster, Saskatchewan, who recently became winners for the third time of the Colorado Silver Trophy, valued at $1500 for best peck of oats in the world. They now own the trophy.] [Illustration: CENTRAL SASKATCHEWAN Surveyed land shown in colour. For Map of Southern Saskatchewan see pages 18 and 19.] ALBERTA Alberta, the most westerly of the three Prairie Provinces, is twice the size of Great Britain and Ireland, much larger than either France or Germany, and has a greater area than the states of Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania combined. The area of arable land alone in Alberta is estimated at 100 million acres, of which less than 3 million acres is under cultivation. This provincial empire, with its great wealth in agricultural lands, mines, forests, and fisheries, has less than 500,000 people. Alberta is a vast plateau from 2,000 to 3,000 feet above sea-level, hung by its western edge on the foothills of the Rocky Mountains. It slopes gently toward the east and north. Absolutely level plains form no great proportion of the surface. While open, treeless country characterizes the southern part of the Province, the greater part is undulating, diversified by forest, stream, hill and open country, not unlike Ontario or New York State. Beautiful lakes, fringed with forest and abounding in whitefish are scattered over its central and northern area. Luxuriant grasses cover the open country, which once formed the chief feeding grounds of herds of bison. The Province naturally falls into three divisions, exhibiting marked distinctions in climate and topography--Southern, Central and Northern Alberta. =Available Homesteads= are to be found west and north of Edmonton--territory made accessible by the Grand Trunk Pacific and the Canadian Northern Railways--in an immense stretch of splendid country. Wheat and oats are reliable crops. Rainfall is certain. Mixed farming is highly successful. The wild grasses and pea vine supply ample feed for stock; water is plentiful and easily secured. On into the foothills and the mountains are stretches of prairie land, through which the Grand Trunk Pacific and Canadian Northern Railways are now constructed. The northern and western portions of Central Alberta have some "brush" land with soil equal to that of the open prairie. The cost of clearing is slight, and there is the advantage of shelter for cattle, and an absolute assurance of splendid water. There is a good market for the fuel and timber obtained in clearing. Practically all of the land between Edmonton and Athabaska Landing--and between Edmonton and Lac la Biche to the northeast has been subdivided for homesteading. NORTHERN ALBERTA North of the end of steel extends 75 per cent of this rich Province, yet unexploited. When the railways push into the Athabaska and the Peace, it will be realized that Alberta owns an empire north of the Saskatchewan, a country set apart by nature to provide homes for millions of agrarian people. SOUTHERN ALBERTA =Southern Alberta= is open and rolling, and devoid of timber except along the streams and the Rocky Mountains' foothills. The soil is a fertile loam. The climate is ideal, with pleasing summers and mild winters. Stock pasture in the open air during winter, grazing on the nutritive sun-dried grasses. The absence of timber in Southern Alberta is compensated for by the supply of coal. [Illustration: Typical school in rural district in Western Canada, which will soon be replaced by consolidated school, picture of which appears elsewhere.] Ranching which once was predominant is fast being abandoned and settlers are dividing the limitless acres into small, productive holdings. As a grazing country, Southern Alberta has had few equals, for the hills and valleys, well watered, afford excellent pasturage. Winter wheat sown on new breaking, or summer-fallowed land, from the middle of July to the end of September is ready for harvest from the 1st to the 15th of August in the following year. Climate and soil make this an ideal wheat-growing district. Considerable spring wheat is grown, as well as oats, barley and flax. The production of sugar-beets compares favourably with that of Germany and the world. The average of winter wheat for the Province in 1913, was 21 bushels an acre. The greater portion was grown around Lethbridge, Taber, Grassy Lake, Cardston, Spring Coulee, Pincher Creek, Macleod, Stavely, Leavitt, Claresholm, Nanton, High River, Okotoks, Carmangay and Calgary. =Water Supply and Irrigation.=--Water for domestic and farm purposes is easily obtained at reasonable depth. In certain sections of the Canadian West, as in the American West, the soil is unexcelled for growing cereals, but the geographical location and relative position to the rain avenues is not advantageous, not only the requisite amount of rain but its conservation is essential to the growing of crops, and that is the meaning of "dry farming." This is being successfully followed in the southern portion of Southern Alberta. Some of the district can also be easily and successfully farmed by means of irrigation. Irrigation ditches have been constructed by the Canadian Pacific Railway and the Southern Alberta Land Company. [Illustration: Typical school, such as many towns are building in Western Canada, where the education of the children is carefully looked after.] A most valuable asset to Southern Alberta is the Lethbridge Experimental Station, operated by the Dominion Department of Agriculture. Reports from the farm show that on land broken and backset in 1912, spring wheat sown April 3, 1913, ripened between July 31 and August 17, and yielded from 22 to 41 bushels per acre; oats sown April 13, 1913, ripened from July 31 to August 4, and yielded from 54 to 84 bushels per acre; barley sown April 15, 1913, ripened from July 28 to Aug. 5, and yielded from 28 to 40 bushels per acre. On irrigated land the yield of spring wheat was from 30 to 54 bushels, and the period of ripening about the same; oats yielded from 102 to 132 bushels per acre, same period for ripening; barley yield on irrigated land was from 65 to 100 bushels per acre, harvested from July 28 to August 11. CENTRAL ALBERTA =Central Alberta= extends from the Red Deer River northward to the height of land between the Saskatchewan and the Athabaska. Its great wealth is its deep black humus varying in depth from ten inches to three feet, overlying a warm subsoil. =Mixed Farming.=--None of the three central provinces afford greater advantages for mixed farming than Alberta. In the south the great ranges of vacant area affords excellent pasturage. The central portion furnishes pasturage of equal quality, and the groves and park lands provide shelter, making it possible to raise cereals, as well as feed for cattle and hogs. Dairying and poultry raising meet with undoubted success. =Dairy Products= have an unlimited market; cattle can be pastured most of the year; every variety of grass including clover and alfalfa thrive; the climate is healthful and water abundant. More than a million head of cattle could have been fed on the wild hay that went to waste last year. Hundreds of thousands of acres are literally overrun with rich wild grasses and pea vine. The dairy yield approximated $1,250,000 in 1913, and 50,000 cows could be added without affecting the price of dairy products. The government operates a travelling dairy to instruct new settlers, and manages permanent creameries which produced over three million pounds of butter last year. Fattening hogs on milk adds to the revenue. =Poultry Raising.=--The winter price of fresh eggs ranges from 50 to 60 cents a dozen, the summer prices rarely falling below 25 cents. Extensive developments along this profitable line cannot be long delayed. =Crops of 1913.=--With an average rainfall of 10.92 inches during the growing season in that part of the Province including Edmonton and southward, an average daily sunshine record of 10 hours, and a mean temperature of 53 degrees Fahrenheit for the months April to September inclusive, good crops were certain. Spring seeding began early in April. The season was highly favourable and a big crop was harvested in excellent condition. Marquis wheat at one point went as high as 62.5 bushels per acre as a field crop, and oats and barley relatively as high. Yields of all kinds of grain and forage crops have been most excellent. The census bureau of the Dominion Government give the following returns: Area Area Average Total Total 1912 1913 1912 1913 1912 1913 Fall wheat 212,000 202,000 21.83 21.00 4,628,000 4,242,000 Spring wheat 1,378,000 1,310,000 21.54 23.00 29,675,000 30,130,000 Oats 1,461,000 1,639,000 46.30 43.65 67,630,000 71,542,000 Barley 187,000 197,000 33.05 32.15 6,179,000 6,334,000 Rye 15,000 16,000 25.56 24.89 377,000 398,000 Flax 132,000 105,000 12.83 11.00 1,693,000 1,155,000 The Provincial Department of Agriculture for Alberta placed the total yield of all grains at 81,500,000 bushels, but as the acreage is less, the average yields are about the same. The average yield per acre of potatoes from 25,000 acres was about 170 bushels; turnips and other roots about 250 bushels. Alfalfa yielded about 2.77 tons per acre and sugar beets about 9 tons per acre; hay and clover 1.56 tons, with a total value of all these products of $3,700,000. =Government and Other Telephones.=--The Government operates the telephone system, including about 7,000 miles of long distance wires, pursues an active policy of stimulating the organization of rural companies by giving as a bonus all poles required. These rural companies are connected with local exchanges and toll offices wherever possible. =Railways.=--During 1913 considerable was added to the railway mileage. Besides its main line the Canadian Pacific has two branches from Calgary--one north to Strathcona, the other south to Macleod. Two running eastward diverge at Lacombe and Wetaskiwin, the latter a through line via Saskatoon to Winnipeg. Another leaves the Canadian Pacific near Medicine Hat, passes through Lethbridge and Macleod and crosses the mountains by the Crow's Nest Pass, a branch connecting with the Great Northern at Coutts and extending to Cardston and west. Another branch will connect Lethbridge with Weyburn, on the "Soo" line. Provincial mileage 1,523. Other branches connecting the system are being built; as shown on the maps. The Canadian Northern enters Alberta from the east at Lloydminster on its way to Edmonton. From Edmonton lines are projected and partially constructed north and west. One starting at Vegreville connects the main line with Calgary, and then extends southeasterly toward Lethbridge and Macleod. From this line a branch is being built into the coal fields west of Lacombe and will form part of the transcontinental line of that system. Its extension from Saskatoon to Calgary is about completed. Mileage 593. The Grand Trunk Pacific serves the territory lying between the Canadian Northern and the Canadian Pacific, operating trains through productive territory and for some distance into British Columbia. This Company has completed its line south from Tofield to Calgary, a part of the transcontinental line of that system. Through trains now run from Edmonton to Toronto, Provincial mileage, 545. Another road is now under construction northward from the international boundary through Pincher Creek, with Calgary as a northern terminus. The Provincial government has outlined a policy of railway development throughout the Province, particularly in the north, opening vast agricultural lands which will attract settlers desirous of taking up free homestead. =Lakes and Rivers.=--The Saskatchewan and the Mackenzie rivers rise in the Province. The former is divided into two great arteries, one of which with its tributaries, the Bow, Belly, St. Mary's, Old Man and Red Deer, waters the south, while the north branch, with the Brazeau, Clearwater, Sturgeon, Battle, Blindman and Vermilion as tributaries, waters the great central plains. The Peace and the Athabaska drain the north. Lake Athabaska, 120 miles long, Lesser Slave, 60 miles long, and many smaller bodies of water are chiefly in the northern part. =Mineral Resources.=--Alberta has enormous coal and lignite areas. The production of coal in 1913 was over 3-1/2 million tons, valued at over 7-1/2 million dollars. The coal supply is practically inexhaustible, and underlies much of the whole Province in seams from four to twelve feet thick. It is found in all grades, lignite, bituminous and anthracite, on the banks of every stream, and in the shafts from 20 to 150 feet deep. The total formation contains 12,800 square miles; contents 71 billion tons. Natural gas has been found at Medicine Hat, Tofield, Dunmore Junction, and Bow Island on the South Saskatchewan, and at Pelican Rapids on the Athabaska. Recently considerable interest has been taken in the oil fields south of Calgary and north of Edmonton. Important commercial oil fields will soon be located. There is also petroleum, gypsum, salt and tar sands. Excellent brick and fireclay. =Fish and Furs.=--The Great Lakes of the North furnish yearly half a million pounds of incomparable whitefish, while the fur wealth of the north is important. [Illustration: This shows that it is not all work in Western Canada. There are many spots as beautiful as this, the resort of the sportsman and pleasure seeker.] [Illustration: Coal mining at Tofield, Alberta, where an excellent quality is obtained, and where natural gas is abundant.] [Illustration: SOUTHERN ALBERTA Lands within irregular line along railway in British Columbia are administered by the Dominion Government. Surveyed lands shown in colour. For Map of Central Alberta see pages 30 and 31.] =Education.=--The organization of free district schools is optional with settlers, the Government liberally supporting them. An expenditure of about $700,000 a year brings educational advantages within the reach of the most scattered community. One new school a day has been opened in Alberta during the last three or four years, an indication of the settlement that is going on. School population at end of 1912, over 70,000; number of schools 2,029. Two hundred and forty-five school buildings were erected in 1912. The dissemination of exact scientific knowledge is carried on by farmers' institutes, stock-judging schools, seed fairs and travelling dairies. The raising of pure-bred stock is assisted by Government grants. Experimental and demonstration farms have been established throughout the Province. Agricultural high schools will soon be started, and agriculture form part of the public school curriculum. =A Healthy Product.=--The air of Alberta insures the best of health. The whole of Alberta lies above mountain altitude, and the air is extraordinarily clear and bracing. Consequently there is comparatively little cloudy weather on normal days, either in summer or winter. Bright sunshine prevails. Striking testimony as to freedom from consumption is provided by Dr. T. H. Whitelaw of Edmonton, according to whose official report not one case of this disease has originated in Edmonton since the beginning of 1911. =Stock.=--Alberta's dry and invigorating atmosphere, short, mild winters, nutritious grasses, and abundant water supply, make it pre-eminently adapted to horse breeding. The Alberta animal is noted for its endurance, lung power, and freedom from hereditary and other diseases. It winters out at a nominal expense and without even hay or grain feeding. Four-year old steers, which have never been under a roof nor fed a pound of grain and have been given less than a ton of hay, weigh about 1,500 pounds by August 1 and will then gain until October from 2 to 3 pounds a day. Experiments made at the Demonstration Farm at Olds show that 100 steers weighed in November 1, at 127,540 pounds, weighed out May 20, less than 7 months later at 143,412 pounds, showing a net gain of $10.12 per head. At the Lacombe Experimental Station the gain per day in feeding cattle ranged from 1.8 to 1.72 lbs., showing a net profit when sold of $14.35 to $28.90. =Good Roads in the Province.=--One of the most important considerations in a new country is that of roads. The Alberta government has taken up this problem in an intelligent manner, that will eventually greatly enlarge the resources of the Province. The money expended on ferry service, maintenance of bridges, road construction, construction of bridges, and the construction of trunk roads, was essential to the opening up of vast tracts of fertile land. As a result, $100,000,000, or more than $200 per capita of the total population of the Province, is the estimated farm value of the 1913 crop in Alberta. =Sugar Beets and Alfalfa.=--Operations are now extending north as well as south of Lethbridge, where a large factory has been conducted for some years. An expert from Colorado has taken up irrigated land in the Bassano district to carry on the industry on a large scale. He says: "This is going to be a great beet-raising country. My crop averaged between 16 and 18 per cent sugar, which is a very high grade." He says his new farm produces as much alfalfa per acre as his former more expensive land in Colorado. =Fruit.=--It has not yet been demonstrated that the larger fruits, such as apples, can be made commercially attractive in Alberta. All the smaller fruits can be grown with little trouble, at a cost that makes their culture profitable. WHAT SOME ALBERTA FARMERS ARE DOING =Macleod.=--Weather conditions were excellent throughout the season. Ninety per cent of the wheat up to October 1 graded No. 1, the only No. 2 being fall wheat. The yield ranged from 20 to 40 bushels per acre, with an average of 28. Oats yielded well, and barley about 60 bushels. =Inverary= is a new district. Wheat graded No. 2 and some of it went 50 bushels to the acre, oats going about 75 bushels. =Monarch.=--The yield of wheat on summer-fallow averaged 35 bushels, a large percentage No. 1 Northern. =Milk River.=--All spring grains yielded better than expected. A 300-acre field of Marquis wheat gave 41-1/2 bushels. Experimental farm results on grain sown on irrigated land place "Red Fife" wheat in the banner position, with a yield of 59.40 bushels per acre. Oats yielded 13 bushels to the acre. =Calgary.=--The yield of grain was everywhere abnormal, with an increased acreage of about 23 per cent. =Bassano.=--September 25. Individual record crops grown in Alberta include a 1,300-acre field of spring wheat, near here, which went 35 bushels to the acre and weighed 66 pounds to the bushel. =Noble.=--Mr. C. S. Noble had 350,000 bushels of grain. The cost of production per acre was $9.10 on summer-fallow and the returns were $24.93 per acre. Oats averaged 90 bushels on 2,880 acres, wheat 38 on 300 acres, and barley 61 on 450 acres, all grading top. Mr. Harris Oium, came from South Dakota twelve years ago and homesteaded the first 160 acres in his township, dividing his land between grain and pasture. He earned sufficient money to buy a quarter section of railway land at $11 an acre. The half section netted proportionate profits and he gradually increased his holdings to 1,920 acres, which are devoted to mixed farming this year. He values his land at $50 an acre. He has 200 hogs, mostly pure bred Poland China, 25 head draft horses and 35 head of pure bred Hereford cattle. Feeding barley to hogs nets him 80 cents a bushel, twice the average market price when delivered to the warehouse. His barley averages 40 bushels to the acre; oats average 80 bushels. =Red Deer.=--John Lamont says that a man on a quarter-section, with a few cows, brood sows, and 100 hens, can be as sure of a good living for his family as if he were pensioned by the government. His 20 acres of Alberta red winter wheat yielded 985 bushels. Last year his wheat went a little over 40 bushels per acre, machine measure. He grows alfalfa. S. D. McConnell has carried on mixed farming for twelve years keeping a few cattle and some hogs; makes a dollar a bushel out of his barley by feeding it. His fall wheat has gone from 30 to 65 bushels to the acre; oats from 40 to 100 bushels, never weighing less than 42 lbs. to the bushel. H. S. Corrigan has averaged at least 30 bushels of spring wheat per acre, 40 bushels of barley, and 60 bushels of oats. Twenty-one acres of oats ran 90 bushels per acre, and weighed 48 pounds per bushel. Last winter he bought nine head of cattle for $420, fed them six weeks on hay, green feed, and chop and sold them for $579.60. Two steers, 26 months old weighed 2,440 lbs. One sow raised 58 pigs in 2-1/2 years, and when sold, weighed 550 pounds. Two of her pigs, now a year old, are raising 23 pigs. Timothy has yielded a ton and a half on an average, at $15 a ton. =Red Deer.=--J. Northrup has not missed a crop in nine years, and says: "This is the best country in the world for small grain, better than Iowa and that is good--I love old Iowa. Winter wheat yields as high as 45 bushels per acre. Potatoes yield 400 bushels per acre at times. Alfalfa is a good crop when the soil is inoculated." C. A. Sharman has the world's champion Jersey cow. He says: "A quarter section of land and 100 head of stock mean the maximum of growth from every square yard. Any man, woman, or child that uses Alberta rightly will be used rightly by Alberta. Farming in Alberta is no gold brick proposition, but an industry, which is the basis of all wealth." [Illustration: One of the comfortable homes in Western Canada, showing splendid surrounding of trees.] [Illustration: Alfalfa has become a recognized fodder crop in Western Canada. Large areas are already planted, and it produces abundant yields.] A. P. Olsen formerly of Minnesota has raised cattle, horses, hogs and also milked a few cows. His oats yield 45 bushels to the acre, spring wheat, 36 bushels, winter wheat and barley 40 bushels. He won first prize at the Calgary Exhibition for a collection of 32 varieties of grasses found on his own land. =Macleod.=--R. McNab has returns which show a yield of 45 bushels of No. 1 Northern wheat to the acre. =Gleichen.=--Forty-five bushels of No. 1 Northern wheat per acre was the yield on the Blackfoot Indian reserve in 1913. =Pincher Creek.=--Alfred Pelletier had 130 bushels oats per acre. =Cities and Towns.=--On the banks of the Saskatchewan and forming the portal alike to the Last West and the New North, the capital city of =Edmonton= has attractions for the capitalist, the tourist, the manufacturer, and the health seeker. At the centre of two great transcontinental highways, Edmonton will soon be rated among the world's great cities. Traffic from the Pacific to Hudson Bay will go through her portals, the south, north and west will contribute. Possessed of municipally-owned waterworks, electric-lighting and power systems, street railways and telephones, the city is modern, attractive and alive. The number of banks is evidence of prosperity. The coal output of the district is about 3,000 tons daily. Population, about 60,000. In 1901, it was 2,626. In 1911, the assessment was a trifle under 47 million dollars; in 1912, 123-1/2 million dollars. School attendance, 5,114. =Calgary= tells its own story in public buildings and in over one hundred wholesale establishments, 300 retail stores, 15 chartered banks, half a hundred manufacturing establishments, and a $150,000 normal school building. The principal streets are paved. There is municipal ownership of sewer system, waterworks and electric light and street railway. Directly bearing upon the future of Calgary is the irrigation project of the Bow River Valley, where 3 million acres are being colonized. One thousand two hundred miles of canals and laterals are completed. Population in 1911 was 43,736; now claimed 75,000. There are 36 schools, 146 teachers, and 7,000 pupils. The Canadian Pacific car shops here employ 3,000 men. It has the Canadian Pacific, Canadian Northern, and Grand Trunk Pacific. =Lethbridge=, with a population of about 13,000, the centre of a splendid agricultural district, is also a prosperous coal-mining and commercial city. The output of the mines, which in 1912 was about 4,300 tons daily and necessitated a monthly pay roll of $145,000, finds a ready market in British Columbia, in Montana, and as far east as Winnipeg. A Government Experimental Farm is nearby. The several branches of railway diverging here make it an important railway centre. It will shortly have the Grand Trunk Pacific, and direct Canadian Pacific and Canadian Northern lines eastward. The municipally-owned street car system affords excellent service. =Medicine Hat=, in the valley of the South Saskatchewan and the centre of a magnificent ranching and mixed-farming district, is a division point of the Canadian Pacific Railway, with extensive railway shops operated with natural gas for fuel. The light, heat, and power, derived from this gas are sold to manufacturers at 5 cents per thousand cubic feet, and for domestic purposes at 1 cent. The factories and industries now using natural gas pay out about 2-1/2 million dollars annually, which will be considerably augmented by factories in course of construction, and to be erected. When the new flouring mills are completed, Medicine Hat will be the largest milling centre on the continent. Population over 6,000. =Macleod= is one of the oldest towns in the Province. With the rapid settlement of the surrounding agricultural land, this town is showing wonderful progress; during 1913 a large amount was spent in new buildings. =Wetaskiwin= is a railway division point from which farms stretch in all directions. The city is beautifully located, and owns its electric light plant, waterworks, and sewerage system. =Red Deer= is situated on the Canadian Pacific, half way between Calgary and Edmonton. It has a large sawmill, two brick-yards, concrete works, creameries, wheat elevators, and a sash-and-door factory. Coal and wood are plentiful and cheap. The district has never had a crop failure. It showed considerable business activity in 1913. Lines of railway extend westward. =Lacombe=, on the direct line between Calgary and Edmonton, has a flour mill, foundry, planing mill, brick-yard, grain elevators, electric lights, and telephones. The surrounding country is noted for its pure-bred cattle and horses, and a Government Experimental Farm adjoins the town. =Raymond= enjoys a rapid growth, and has one of the largest sugar factories in the west. Sugar beets are a great success here. Mr. Henry Holmes, who won the big wheat prize at the Dry Farming Congress held at Lethbridge in 1912 resides here. Other prosperous towns are Claresholm, Didsbury, Fort Saskatchewan, High River, Innisfail, Olds, Okotoks, Pincher Creek, Ponoka, St. Albert, Vermilion, Vegreville, Carmangay, Stettler, Taber, Tofield, Camrose, Castor, Cardston, Bassano, Edson, Coronation, Empress, Magrath, Nanton, Strathmore, Gleichen, Leduc, Hardisty, Walsh, Daysland, Sedgewick, Grassy Lake and Wainwright. Much interest is being taken in Athabaska Landing, owing to its increasing agricultural settlement and the completion of the Canadian Northern. CONDITIONS IN ALBERTA, 1913 =Agricultural Conditions.=--From the agricultural standpoint the season of 1913 was perfectly normal. Spring opened favourably for seeding operations and at no time from seeding to threshing did unfavourable conditions threaten a successful harvest. Copious rains in the growing period, and bright dry weather in the cutting and threshing period kept the farmer confident from the beginning. It was a season made, as it were, to the farmers' order. The quality of grain was extra good. Wheat weighed from 61-1/2 to 68 pounds to the bushel, oats 40 to 46, and barley 52 to 58. Conditions were equally favourable to pasture and hay crops and live stock. The first and second cuttings of alfalfa were especially heavy and timothy made a good average yield. Abundant pasture continued throughout the season making both beef and dairy cattle profitable investments. Live stock, dairy products, poultry and eggs are worth four times the value of grain crops. The value of the former is nearly 120 millions, while the total value of the grain crop is about 30 millions. The income from the former reached 40 million dollars last year, that from the latter about 25 million dollars. =Public Works and Railways.=--About 600 miles of steel were laid last year, bringing the railway mileage of the province up to nearly 3,600 miles. Equal activity is assured for 1914. This year the Government made a step to provide transportation facilities for districts sidetracked by the railway companies. The means adopted is guaranteeing the interest on the securities of light railways up to one-half the estimated cost. =Financial.=--The income of the farming community exceeds that of all former years. It is estimated that the product of this year that will be converted into cash for the liquidation of debts, is nearly 65 million dollars. The farmer is therefore in a position to pay his machinery debts, store debts, and other obligations. Consequently the farmers are optimistic and are planning extended operations for the coming season. Measured by every economical standard, Alberta shows sound prosperity and justifies a continuance of the confidence of outside capitalists in her established business, and increased investments in the development of her vast resources of farms, mines and forests. =Population and Live Stock.=--(Dominion Census Bureau): 1909 1910 1911 1912 1913 Population ...... ...... 374,663 ...... [2]500,000 Horses 263,713 294,225 407,153 451,573 484,809 Milch cows 116,371 124,470 147,687 157,922 168,376 Other cattle 910,547 926,937 592,163 587,307 610,917 Sheep 171,422 179,067 133,592 135,075 178,015 Swine 139,270 143,560 237,510 278,747 350,692 [2] Estimated. [Illustration: One type of house built of logs in the park districts of Central Alberta.] [Illustration: Marketing the grain at one of the elevators that are essential at every station in Western Canada.] [Illustration: CENTRAL ALBERTA Surveyed lands shown in colour. For Map of Southern Alberta see pages 26 and 27.] BRITISH COLUMBIA Stretching from the Rockies to the sea and from the United States to the 60th parallel, British Columbia is the largest Province in the Dominion. It is big enough to enable one to place in it, side by side at the same time, two Englands, three Irelands, and four Scotlands. Looking across the water to the millions of British subjects in India, in Hong-Kong, in Australia, and the isles of the sea, one catches brief pathetic glimpses of the commercial greatness which the Pacific has begun to waft to these shores. Nature intended British Columbia to develop a great seaward commerce, and substantial trade relations are now established northward to the Yukon and southward to Mexico. Population, June, 1911, 392,480. British Columbia has natural wealth in her forests and her fish, in her whales and seals and fruit farms. But it is from her mines, more than from aught else, that she will derive her future wealth. The parallel chains of the Rockies, the Selkirks, and the Coast Ranges are a rich dower. They furnish scenery unrivalled in its majesty; they are nurseries of great rivers which pour tribute into three oceans; and in their rocky embrace they hold a mineral wealth second to none. British Columbia contains an aggregate of from 16 million to 20 million unoccupied arable acres. Sir William Dawson has estimated that in the British Columbia section of the Peace River Valley alone, the wheat-growing area will amount to 10 million acres. It is a country of big things. =How to get the Land.=--Crown lands in British Columbia are laid off and surveyed into townships, containing thirty-six sections of one square mile in each. The head of a family, a widow, or single man over the age of eighteen years, and a British subject (or any alien upon making a declaration of his intention to become a British subject) may for agricultural purposes record any tract of unoccupied and unreserved crown land (not being an Indian settlement), not exceeding 160 acres in extent. Free homesteads are not granted. The pre-emptor of land must pay $1 an acre for it, live upon it for two years, and improve it to the extent of $2.50 per acre. Particulars regarding crown lands of this Province, their location, and method of pre-emption can be obtained by communicating with the sub-joined government agencies for the respective districts, or from the Secretary, Bureau of Agriculture, Victoria, B. C.: Alberni, Nanaimo, New Westminster, Golden, Cranbrook, Kaslo, Nelson, Revelstoke, Bakersville, Telegraph Creek, Atlin, Prince Rupert, Hazleton, Kamloops, Nicola, Vernon, Fairview, Clinton, Ashcroft. =Agriculture.=--It is not so long ago that agriculture was regarded as a quite secondary consideration in British Columbia. The construction of railroads, and the settlement of the valleys in the wake of the miner and the lumberman, have entirely dissipated that idea. The agricultural possibilities of British Columbia are now fully appreciated locally, and the outside world is also beginning to realize that the Pacific Province has rich assets in its arable and pastoral lands. Professor Macoun says: "As far north as the fifty-fourth degree it has been practically demonstrated that apples will flourish, while in the southern belt the more delicate fruits, peaches, grapes, and apricots, are an assured crop." On a trip through the valley one sees apple orchards with the trees fairly groaning under their loads of fruit, and pear, plum, and prune trees in like manner. In many places between the trees there are rows of potatoes, cabbages, and other vegetables, showing that the land is really producing a double crop. Grapes, water melons, and musk melons also thrive in the valley, and large quantities of each are grown. Tomatoes, cherries, and berries of all kinds are grown extensively. Wheat, oats, and corn give excellent yields. As an instance, one man's wheat crop this season averages 48-1/2 bushels to the acre. Of prunes, one orchardist grew a crop of 7,000 boxes. The apples shipped find a ready market in Calgary, Regina, and in the other cities in the prairie provinces. Prices this year are considerably better than they were a year ago. Last year this valley produced 350 carloads of fruit and vegetables, and some of the farmers have made net profits of as high as $250 an acre. Those who have turned their attention to mixed farming are exceptionally well pleased with the result. A local company is being organized to build a cannery and this will be in operation next year. And besides this one, another cannery is being talked of. In the valleys, of which there are many, there are tracts of wonderfully rich and, largely of alluvial deposits, that give paying returns. The Columbia and Kootenay Valleys, comprising the districts of Cranbrook, Nelson, Windermere, Slocan, Golden and Revelstoke are very rich. The eastern portion requires irrigation; they are well suited to fruit farming and all kinds of roots and vegetables. Timber lands are said to be the best, when cleared. In the western portion of these valleys there are considerable areas of fertile land, suitable for fruit growing. The available land is largely held by private individuals. [Illustration: The fruit industry of British Columbia is making rapid development. Peaches, plums, pears, grapes, apples grow to the greatest perfection.] The valleys of the Okanagan, Nicola, Similkameen, Kettle, North and South Thompson, and the Boundary are immensely rich in possibilities. The advent of the small farmer and fruit grower has driven the cattle industry northward into the Central district of the Province. The ranges are now divided into small parcels, occupied by fruit growers and small farmers. Irrigation is necessary in most places, but water is easy to acquire. The Land Recording District of New Westminster is one of the richest agricultural districts of the Province and includes all the fertile valley of the Lower Fraser. The climate is mild, with much rain in winter. The timber is very heavy and the underbrush thick. Heavy crops of hay, grain, and roots are raised, and fruit growing is here brought to perfection. The natural precipitation is sufficient for all purposes. For about seventy miles along the Fraser River there are farms which yield their owners revenues from $4,000 to $7,000 a year; this land is now worth from $100 to $1,000 an acre. As much as 5 tons of hay, 120 bushels of oats, 20 tons of potatoes, and 50 tons of roots have been raised per acre. Vancouver Island, with its great wealth of natural resources and its commanding position, is fast becoming one of the richest and most prosperous portions of the Province. Its large area of agricultural land is heavily timbered and costly to clear by individual effort, but the railroad companies are clearing, to encourage agricultural development. Most farmers raise live stock, do some dairying and grow fruit. Grains, grasses, roots, and vegetables grow to perfection and yield heavily. Apples, pears, plums, prunes, and cherries grow luxuriantly, while the more tender fruits--peaches, apricots, nectarines, and grapes attain perfection in the southern districts when carefully cultivated. F. A. Starkey, Pres. of the Boards of Trade says that a clear profit of 66-2/3 per cent can be made in fruit growing. =Lillooet= is well adapted to dairying, cattle raising, and fruit growing. =Central British Columbia=, through which the Grand Trunk Pacific is now being constructed, comprises the valleys of the Bulkley, Endako, Nechaco, Fraser, and Stuart, where there is considerable land inviting to the settler. The soil and climate of the valleys extending westward to the Bulkley are adapted to grain growing and cattle raising, while further westward and to within fifty miles of the west coast belt apple culture as well is successful. Down the Fraser from Fort George there is active development in settlement, and wheat, oats, barley and hay are highly productive; the climate is good. The soil is a brown silt covered by a layer of vegetable mould, and the timber is light and easy to clear. Along the Nechaco, between Fort George and Fraser Lake, is same character of soil and a similar country, there being large tracts well fitted for general farming. Native grasses yield abundant food; there is ample rainfall, and the winter climate moderates as the coast is approached. North of Fort Fraser there is good grazing and farming land, somewhat timbered and covered with rich grasses. The prevailing price is $25 an acre; owners are not particularly anxious to sell. The Bulkley and Endako valleys have a lightly-timbered rich soil, and a well-watered country with mixed farming possibilities. There is no necessity for irrigation. It would be rash for the inexperienced to penetrate this district in search of land before the railway. The difficulties and cost are too great. To the hardy pioneer, who has knowledge of how to select good land in a timbered country, the future is at his feet. Most of the available land within a reasonable distance of the railroad is taken up, and the days of the pre-emptor, except in remoter parts, are past. Land can be secured at a reasonable figure from those who have purchased in large blocks from the Government. Central British Columbia is lightly timbered from end to end; natural open patches are not frequent, and occur mostly on river banks and at the ends of lakes. While railroad construction is under way and settlement in progress good prices will be obtained for all agricultural products. This portion of the Province can now be reached by way of Prince Rupert, by rail from Edmonton, or by trail from Ashcroft, B. C. =Highways.=--One-half million dollars was spent last year in opening up first-class wagon and motor roads throughout the Province. =Education.=--The school system is free and non-sectarian; equally as efficient as in any other Province of the Dominion. The Government builds a school-house, makes a grant for incidental expenses, and pays a teacher in every district where twenty children between the ages of six and sixteen can be gathered. High schools are also established in cities, where classics and higher mathematics are taught. =Chief Cities.=--Victoria, the capital, about 60,000; Vancouver, the commercial capital, 123,902; New Westminster, 13,199; Nelson, 4,476; Nanaimo, 8,168; Rossland, 2,826; Kamloops, 3,772; Grand Forks, 1,577, Revelstoke, 3,017; Fernie, 3,146; Cranbrook, 3,090; Ladysmith, 3,295; Prince Rupert, 4,184; Fort George and Fort Fraser on the Fraser and Nechaco rivers and Grand Trunk Pacific will be important towns in the near future. Hon. W. R. Ross, Provincial Minister of Lands, says that there is a total of 93,000,000 acres of land reserved for pre-emption within the confines of the Province at the present time. Of the 250,000,000 acres of ground estimated to be within the Province only 5,000,000 acres, or about 2 per cent, had been sold to date he said, even excluding reserve land, available for settlement. As a matter of fact, during the past few years between 9,000 and 11,000 pre-emptions had been issued by the Government to settlers, and during the last year 3,600 had been issued outside of the railway belt and about 1,200 within the area. The cities afford a splendid reflex of the trade of the country, and show the development in mining, fishing, lumbering, shipping, manufacturing and agriculture. =Climate.=--Near the coast the average number of days in the year below freezing is fifteen; rainfall varies from 40 to 100 inches. Farther inland the average number of days in the year below freezing is sixty-five. The northern districts of Hazleton, Pearl River, Cassiar, and Atlin are somewhat colder. Ocean currents and moisture laden winds from the Pacific exercise a moderating influence upon the climate of the coast. The westerly winds, arrested in their passage east by the Coast Range, create what is known as the "dry belt" east of the mountains; the higher air currents carry the moisture to the lofty peaks of the Selkirks, and the precipitation in the eastern portion of the Province is greater than in the central district, thus a series of alternate moist and dry belts is formed. The Province offers a choice of a dry or moist climate, an almost total absence of extremes of heat and cold, freedom from malaria, and conditions most favourable. =Mineral Resources.=--The precious and useful metals abound in British Columbia, and it was the discovery of placer gold in the Cariboo District that first attracted attention to the Province. Occurrences of copper, gold, silver, and lead ores are widespread, and mining is being carried on in those districts convenient to transportation facilities. Coal is extensively mined in Vancouver Island, in the Crow's Nest Pass district and more recently, in the Nicola Valley region. Miners' wages are high, and there is usually a constant demand for workmen. The value of the mineral production last year was 32 million dollars, of which coal contributed 9 million and copper 8 million dollars. Much successful prospecting is in progress in the region traversed by the Grand Trunk Pacific Railway, the completion of which will undoubtedly be followed by important mining development. Already many valuable finds of coal and metal ores have been made. The mineral resources are not confined to any one section, although the principal metalliferous operations have so far been confined to the southern portion of the Province. The various mining camps, employing large numbers of men, who are paid high wages, afford a fine home market for the products of the farms and orchards. [Illustration: There is no more profitable industry in British Columbia than that of raising cattle. Dairying is carried on extensively.] [Illustration: BRITISH COLUMBIA Dominion Electoral Divisions shown in Colour. Lands in Peace River Block, as well as those along the Canadian Pacific Railway within shaded line, are administered by the Dominion Government.] =Timber.=--Next in importance, at the present time, are the timber resources. It is admitted that the largest remaining areas of first-class building timbers in the world are in British Columbia. The lumber industry has increased enormously of recent years owing to the demand from the rapidly growing Prairie Provinces. For many years to come it will have to undergo constant expansion to keep pace with the ever-growing needs of the untimbered prairie regions. The principal woods are Douglas fir, cedar, spruce, tamarac, pine and hemlock. =Fisheries.=--This Province has risen to the rank of the greatest fish-producing Province in the Dominion. Besides its extensive salmon fisheries, it has, lying within easy distance of the northern part of its coast line, extremely rich halibut grounds, while herring are in great abundance all along its shores. These various branches of the fishing industry are being rapidly developed, but there is yet room for great expansion. The value of the fisheries of the Provinces for 1913 amounted to about 11 million dollars. =What Premier McBride says=: "Millions of British money is finding investment in British Columbia, and there is scope for millions more. One of the advantages of British Columbia is that all of its industrial and other enterprises are of a permanent character. There is room for millions of people. We have the resources, the geographical situation, and the climate that will appeal. "Our elementary school system is free and compulsory, and one of the most efficient in the world, making ample provision, as it does, for ambitious students to pass on to the universities of Canada, the United States, and England. But we are also to have our own University." Much attention has been attracted to the result of the opening of the Panama Canal on the shipping future of the ports at the coast. =Lakes and Rivers.=--The most important are the Columbia, which has a course of 600 miles in British Columbia; the Fraser, 750 miles long; the Skeena, 300 miles long; the Thompson, the Kootenay, the Stikine, the Liard, and the Peace. These with their tributaries drain an area of one-tenth of the whole of the North American continent. The lake area aggregates 1-1/2 million acres. On the lakes and rivers first-class steamers give accommodation to the settlements along the banks and in the valleys, and afford excellent transportation for tourists. There are lines of steamers in service between Vancouver, Japan, and China; between Vancouver and Australia; between Vancouver and Mexico, and between Vancouver and England via the Suez Canal. These ocean communications of British Columbia are highly important. Vancouver is the terminus of the shortest route from Liverpool to Yokohama and all important points of the Far East. The Province has a considerable coasting fleet, having direct connection with Yukon and Alaska. There is not as yet a large Pacific marine of Canadian registry. Although in the service of Canadian interests the tonnage is largely British. =A Rich Province.=--British Columbia coal measures are sufficient to supply the world for centuries. It possesses the greatest compact area of merchantable timber in the world. The mines are in the early stages of their development, and have already produced about 400 million dollars, of which coal contributed 122 million. The value of the mineral production in 1911 was 30 million dollars. The fisheries return an average annual yield of nearly 10 million dollars. British Columbia's trade, per head of population, is the largest in the world. The chief exports are salmon, coal, gold, silver, copper, lead, timber, masts and spars, furs and skins, whale-oil, sealskins, hops, and fruit. =Railways.=--The Canadian Pacific Railway has two main lines and several branches making connection with United States railway systems, as well as operating on Vancouver Island. With the exception of one or two small gaps the Grand Trunk Pacific will have its line completed through Central British Columbia this year. This will open up a very large area for settlement. At the Pacific terminus in Prince Rupert, splendid steamers connect with other portions of the Mainland and with Vancouver Island. The Canadian Northern has secured low grades across the Rockies and, making its way down the Fraser and North Thompson, finds an easy outlet at Port Mann near Vancouver. The Great Northern enters the Province at points in the boundary. The provincial railway mileage is 1,854 miles with 1,000 miles under construction. =Stock.=--Dairying pays handsomely in British Columbia. The local demand for butter is constantly increasing and the prices secured are higher than in Eastern Canada. The Province possesses many elements necessary to constitute it a great dairying country. There are extensive areas of pastoral land in the interior, while increased cultivation in the lower country will form the necessary feeding ground. With a plentiful supply of good water, and luxuriant and nutritious grasses, there is every required facility added. Cattle raising on a large scale was formerly one of the chief industries of the Province, and many of the large ranches are still making money, but the tendency of late has been for smaller herds and the improvement of the stock. Sheep raising is another branch of agriculture capable of great expansion. Hogs, in small farming, are probably the most profitable of live stock, owing to the general demand for pork, bacon, ham, and lard, and much attention is now being given to raising them. Over 1 million dollars of hog products are imported annually, and prices are always high. The demand for good horses, especially heavy draft and working animals, is always increasing, and prices are consequently high. =Dairy Products.=--In 1912 this industry reached a valuation of nearly 4 million dollars. Poultry raising is a branch of general farming which is beginning to receive special attention in British Columbia. The home market is nowhere nearly supplied either with eggs or poultry, large quantities being imported from Manitoba, Ontario, California, Washington, and elsewhere. Good prices prevail at all seasons of the year. Every portion of British Columbia is suitable for poultry raising. In the Coast districts, hens, ducks, and geese can be raised to great advantage, and the dry belts and uplands are particularly well adapted to turkeys. =Grain.=--Wheat is grown principally in the Fraser, Okanagan, and Spallumcheen Valleys and in the country around Kamloops. Barley of excellent quality is grown in many parts of the Province. Oats are the principal grain crop, the quality and yield being good, and the demand beyond the quantity grown. Potatoes, turnips, carrots, mangolds, and all other roots grow in profusion wherever their cultivation has been attempted. Hop culture is carried on in the Okanagan, Agassiz, and Chilliwak districts. British Columbia hops command a good price in England and recently Eastern Canada and Australia have bid for them. Some attention has been given to the cultivation of sugar-beets, tobacco, and celery, and in each case with the most gratifying results, ensuring an early expansion of operations in all of these lines. In 1912 there was a total agricultural production in the Province of about 14-1/2 million dollars, but there was imported another 15 million dollars' worth. British Columbia agriculturists and fruit growers are particularly fortunate in having a splendid home market for their products, and for their surplus there is the enormous present and illimitable future demand of the Prairie Provinces, assuring always good prices and ready sale for everything they produce. =Game.=--For big-game hunters there are moose, wapiti, sheep, caribou, goat, deer, grizzly, black, and brown bear, wolves, panthers, lynx, and wild cats; in the way of small game there is the best snipe shooting procurable anywhere, and duck and geese, prairie chicken, grouse, and quail abound. In addition to sport with rifle and shot gun, salmon fishing, unknown elsewhere, trout and grayling fishing, unsurpassed in any other country, may be enjoyed at a minimum of cost and inconvenience. [Illustration: In Central British Columbia there is an area of agricultural land that is unexcelled anywhere. Wonderful yields of all small grains are reported.] WHAT WINS IN CENTRAL CANADA The adaptable and friendly man going into Canada will find a welcome awaiting him. There is room for everybody. The man already established, the railways, and the Government are equally anxious to secure further immigration of the right kind. The new man is not looked upon as an intruder but as a producer of new wealth, an enricher of the commonwealth. The new man should buy his tools as he needs them. Until he has more than thirty acres under crop he can work with a neighbour, in exchange for the services of a binder. He may not need to build a granary for two or three years. A cow is a good investment, and a vegetable garden easily pays its own way. A few broad general suggestions might be made to the settlers who come in with varying capital at their command. =The Man Who Has Less Than $300.=--This man had better work for wages for the first year. He can either hire out to established farmers or find employment on railway construction work. During the year, opportunity may open up for him to take up his free grant or make the first payment on a quarter-section that he would like to purchase. =The Man Who Has $600.=--Get hold of your 160-acre free homestead at once, build your shack, and proceed with your homestead duties. During the six months that you are free to absent yourself from your homestead, hire out to some successful farmer and get enough to tide you over the other half of the year which you must spend in residence upon the land. When you have put in six months' residence during each of these years and have complied with the improvement conditions required by the Land Act, you become the absolute owner. =The Man Who Has $1,000.=--Either homestead a farm or purchase one on the installment plan, and get to work at once. A small house and out buildings will be required, with horses or oxen, a plough, a wagon, etc. Working out in the harvest season will be needed to bring in money to tide over the winter and get the crop sown in good condition. As the crop grows, opportunity is given to make the house comfortable, to look around and plan ahead. =What $1,500 Will Buy.=--No farmer should come expecting to make a homestead pay its own way the first year. He needs buildings, an equipment, and money for the maintenance of himself and family, until his first harvest can be garnered. After securing his land and putting up his buildings, $1,500 will give him a fairly good equipment to begin with. This will probably be expended as under: 1 team of good horses $450.00 1 harvester 165.00 4 milch cows at $65 260.00 1 seeder 113.00 1 strong wagon 94.00 4 hogs at $25 100.00 4 sheep at $8 32.00 1 set strong harness 35.00 1 rough sleigh 37.00 1 disc harrow 36.00 1 breaking plough 25.00 1 mowing machine 60.00 1 stubble plough 20.00 1 harrow 20.00 Other smaller tools 40.00 Barnyard fowls 40.00 Total $1527.00 If the settler locates early in the season he may get in a crop of potatoes or oats in May or early June. =Will a Quarter-Section Pay?=--"Will the tilling of a quarter of a section (160 acres) pay?" when asked of those who have tried it provokes the invariable answer that "It will and does pay." "We, or those following us, will make less than that pay," said one who had proved up on a homestead. Another pointed to the fact that many of those who commenced on homesteads are now owners of other quarters--and even larger areas, showing that they have progressed in obtaining more land, while others still have stuck to the homestead quarter and this year are marketing as much as $2,000 worth of grain and often nearer $3,000. =Shall You Buy, Rent or Homestead?=--The question is one that Canadian Government officials are frequently asked, especially in the homes of a family of boys who have become interested in Central Canada. If the young man has grit and inexperience let him homestead. Treating this subject in a newspaper article, a correspondent very tersely says, "He will survive the ordeal and gain his experience at less cost." Another has ample knowledge of farming practice, experience in farm management, but lacks pluck and staying power and the capacity to endure. The food for thought and opportunity for action provided by the management of an improved farm would be just the stimulus required to make him settle into harness and "work out his own salvation in fear and trembling." Many men make excellent, progressive, broad-gauge farmers, by renting, or buying an improved farm in a settled district and keeping in touch with more advanced thought and methods. Their immediate financial success may not be so great; their ultimate success will be much greater, for they have been saved from narrow-gauge ways and withering at the top. Let the boy take the route that appeals to him. Don't force him to homestead if he pines to rent. Don't try to keep him at home if homesteading looks good to him. The thing to remember is that success may be achieved by any one of the three routes. If the foundation is all right, hard work the method, and thoroughness the motto, it makes little difference what road is taken--whether homesteading, buying, or renting--Central Canada is big enough, and good farming profitable enough. [Illustration: Alfalfa is a crop that is now assured in any of the Provinces of Western Canada. The above is a Manitoba illustration, but will apply to the other Provinces.] YOUR OPPORTUNITY Contentment is not necessarily achieved by accomplishments that benefit the world--the world outside the small sphere in which we move; but when accompanied by such accomplishments how the satisfaction broadens! The genius whose inventions have been of service to mankind is in a plane far above that of the simple-minded individual who finds contentment in the little things of life affecting himself alone. Feeding the world is no mean accomplishment. Nor is it a vain or trifling boast to say that this is what the farmer of Western Canada has started out to do. He is sure to find contentment. Part of his contentment will be the consciousness of doing world-wide good; part of it will be the personal enjoyment of an inspiring liberty and independence. Afield and abroad his friends will learn what he is doing. Soon they too will become partners in a work that not only betters their own condition, but ministers to the needs of the whole world in the raising of products that go to "feed the world." It is to those who desire this broad contentment that the Canadian Government extends the heartiest welcome, and to such men it offers the vast opportunities of a country richer in possibilities than any other in the present century. To the man on the farm in other regions, whom success has followed with slow tread; to the farmer's son, who has watched with unsatisfied eye the unrequited efforts of his forbears, seeing the life that has made his mother a "drudge," noting the struggle which has stooped his father's shoulders, dimmed his vision, dwarfed his spirit, and returned nothing but existence and a meagre bank account--it is to these men, father and son, that the opportunities of Western Canada are presented. To them an invitation is extended to secure the contentment found in personal progress and world-wide benefaction. The possibilities of Western Canada are no longer new and untried. Twelve or fifteen years of cultivation have made it a vital, living land, and placed it on the level with the greatest of the food-producing countries. That same redundant energy will shortly make it the richly laden "bread basket" not of England only, but of the entire world. Here every condition is a health bringer as well as a wealth bringer. A few months in this "New World" to which you are invited and where rejuvenating physical and mental changes are wrought; where before hard work was drudgery, it is now a delight; where nothing but fresh trouble darkened the horizon, the outlook is now a rainbow of promise. Industry is seasoned with the compelling spirit of adventure, and the thought of the coming harvest constantly lightens the burden of labor. The crowded city dweller, curbing those natural desires for home-building that are as natural as breathing, will find in Western Canada a country where nothing is so plentiful as space. And in building his home here he is surely laying the foundation for a competence, and very often for a fortune. Along with prosperity there is abounding happiness and good fellowship in the farming communities. The homesteader, beginning in a modest way, rears his first habitation with practical and serviceable ends in view. His next-door neighbours are ready and willing to help him put a roof over his head. There is a splendid lend-a-hand sentiment mixed with the vigorous climate. The first harvest, like all succeeding harvests, comes quickly, because the soil is a lightning producer. All summer long the settler has dreamed of nothing but acres of waving grain; with the autumn the sight of hopes fulfilled compensates him for his months of toil. In due time the crop is harvested and marketed, the debts are wiped out, and the settler proudly opens his bank account. When he has turned the golden grain into the golden coin of the realm he realizes for the first time what it means to be liberally paid for the work of his hand and brain. The reward of the farmer in Western Canada is sure; and as the soil responds faithfully to his husbandry, year after year, he looks back upon the old conditions he has left with devout thankfulness that they are past. After the bumper harvest the happy young farmer can send for the wife or the bride-to-be whom he has left "back home." A few years ago "down on the farm" was an expression synonymous with isolation, loneliness and primitive living. Not so to-day. Whatever his previous outlook, the settler in Western Canada cannot go on raising large crops and selling his products for high prices without enlarging his view of life in general and bettering his material conditions. He needs to practice no rigid economy. He can afford to supply his wife and children with all the best the markets provide. An up-to-date farm house in Manitoba, Saskatchewan, or Alberta has very much the same conveniences as the average home of the well-to-do in any other part of the world. Nine times out of ten it is because he feels confident he can increase the comfort and happiness of his wife and children that the settler emigrates to Western Canada. Western Canada is no longer a land calling only to the hardy young adventurer; it calls to the settler and to his wife and children. And with its invitation goes the promise not only of larger financial returns, but of domestic happiness in a pure, wholesome environment. Railroads bring to the doors of the settler the fruits of all countries and here is to hand the use of every modern idea and invention. The climate is the most health-giving, all-year kind. There is latent riches in the soil, produced by centuries of accumulation of decayed vegetation, and the fat producing qualities of the native grasses are unexcelled in any part of the world. The soil produces the best qualities of wheat, oats, barley, flax, and all kinds of vegetables and roots in less time than many districts farther south in the states. There are inexhaustible coal deposits and natural gas and oil fields, as yet unknown in extent or production. The Canadian Rockies, forming a western boundary to the great agricultural area, supply the needed mineral and building materials. In the north and west there are immense forests. Lakes and rivers are capable of an enormous development for power purposes, besides supplying an abundance of food and game fishes, and forests and prairies are full of big and small game of all kinds. But all this is yet undeveloped and unused. All kinds of live stock can be raised here for less money than in the more thickly populated communities. One Western Canada farmer in 1912 secured a crop of Marquis wheat, yielding 76 bushels per acre. This is spoken of as a record yield, and this is doubtless true, but several cases have been brought to notice where yields almost as large have been produced, and in different parts of the country. During the past year there have been reported many yields of from 35 to 45 bushels of wheat to the acre. Oats, too, were a successful crop and so was the barley and oat crop. Wheat that would yield 40 bushels per acre, would bring on the market 70 cents (a fair figure) per bushel, a gross return of $28 per acre. Allow $12 per acre (an outside figure) there would be a balance of $16 per acre net profit. This figure should satisfy anyone having land that cost less than $100 per acre. GENERAL INFORMATION Owing to the number of questions asked daily, it has been deemed advisable to put in condensed form, such questions as most naturally occur, giving the answers which experience dictates as appropriate, conveying the information commonly asked for. If the reader does not find here the answer to his particular difficulty, a letter to the Superintendent, or to any Government Agent, will secure full particulars. =1. Where are the lands referred to?= In Manitoba, Saskatchewan, Alberta, and in British Columbia. =2. What kind of land is it?= The land is mostly prairie (except in British Columbia) and can be secured free from timber and stones, if desired, the soil being the very best alluvial black loam from one to two feet deep, with a clay subsoil. It is just rolling enough to give good drainage, and in places there is plenty of timber, while some is underlaid with good coal. =3. If the land is what you say, why is the Government giving it away?= The Government, knowing that agriculture is the foundation of a progressive country, and that large yields of farm produce insure prosperity in all other branches of business, is doing everything in its power to encourage settlement. It is much better for each man to own his own farm, therefore a free grant of 160 acres is given to every man who will reside upon and cultivate it. =4. Is it timber or prairie land?= The province of Manitoba has considerable open prairie, especially in the southwest; towards the centre it is parklike with some timber belts in parts. The southern parts of Saskatchewan and Alberta are chiefly open prairie with growths of timber along the streams. As you go north or northwest about 20 per cent of the country may be said to be timbered. =5. Then as to climate?= The summer days are warm and the nights cool. The fall and spring are most delightful, although it may be said that winter breaks almost into summer, and the latter lasts until October. Winters are pleasant and healthful. There are no pulmonary or other endemic complaints. Snow begins to fall about the middle of November and in March there is generally very little. Near the Rockies the snowfall is not as heavy as farther east, and the chinook winds have a tempering influence. The absence of the snowfall would be regretted by the farmer. Nature has generously provided for every mile of the country, and there is really very little choice with the exception that farther west the climate is somewhat milder. =6. Is there sufficient rainfall?= A sufficient supply can be relied upon. The most rain falls in May and June, when most needed. =7. What are the roads like?= Bridges and culverts are built where needed, and roadways are usually graded up; but not gravelled or macadamized. The natural prairie road is superior to most manufactured roads, and afford good travelling in ordinary seasons and every fall and winter. =8. What sort of people are settled there, and is English generally spoken?= Canadians, English, Scotch, Irish, French, and English-speaking Americans (who are going in, in large numbers), with Germans and Scandinavians. English is the language of the country, and is spoken everywhere. =9. Will I have to change my citizenship if I go to Canada?= An alien, before making entry for free homestead land, must declare his intention of becoming a British subject and become naturalized before obtaining patent for his land. In the meanwhile he can hold possession, and exercise right of ownership. If not a British subject he must reside three years to become naturalized. To become a British subject a settler of foreign birth should make application to anyone authorized to administer oaths in a Canadian Court. An alien may purchase land from any of the railway or land companies and hold title deed without changing his citizenship. =10. How about American money?= American money is taken everywhere in Central Canada at its face value. =11. Can a man who has used his homestead right in the United States take a homestead in Canada?= Yes. =12. If a British subject has taken out "citizen papers" in the United States how does he stand in Canada?= He must be "repatriated," i.e., take out a certificate of naturalization, which can be done after three months' residence in Canada. =13. What grains are raised in Central Canada?= Wheat (winter and spring), oats, barley, flax, speltz, rye and other small grains, and corn is grown chiefly for silo purposes. =14. How long does it take wheat to mature?= The average time is from 100 to 118 days. This short time in accounted for by the long hours of sunlight which during the growing and ripening season, will average 16 hours a day. =15. Can a man raise a crop on the first breaking of his land?= Yes, but it is not well to use the land for any other purpose the first year than for raising garden vegetables, or perhaps a crop of flax, as it is necessarily rough on account of the heavy sod not having had time to rot and become workable. Good yields of oats have been reported on breaking. =16. Is there plenty of hay available?= In many parts there is sufficient wild hay meadow on government or vacant land, which may be rented at a very low rental, if you have not enough on your own farm. Experience has proven that timothy, brome, clover and other cultivated grasses do well. Yields of brome have been reported from two to four tons per acre. Alfalfa under proper cultivation in many places gives successful yields. =17. Do vegetables thrive and what kinds are grown?= Potatoes, turnips, carrots, beets, onions, parsnips, cabbages, peas, beans, celery, pumpkins, tomatoes, squash, melons, etc., are unequalled anywhere. =18. Can fruit be raised and what varieties?= Small fruits grow wild. The cultivated are plums, cranberries, strawberries, gooseberries, raspberries, currants. In British Columbia fruit growing of all kinds is carried on very extensively and successfully. =19. About what time does seeding begin?= As a rule farmers begin their seeding from the first to the fifteenth of April, sometimes continuing well into May. The average yield of all grains in Central Canada would be largely increased, did not some farmers unwisely do seeding until the middle of June. =20. How is it for stock raising?= The country has no equal. In many parts cattle and horses are not housed throughout the winter, and so nutritious are the wild grasses that stock is marketed without having been fed any grain. =21. In what way can I secure land in Central Canada?= By homesteading, or purchasing from railway or land companies. The Dominion Government has no land for sale. The British Columbia Government sells land to actual settlers at low figures. =22. Can I get a map or list of lands vacant and open to homestead entry?= It has been found impracticable to keep a publication of that kind up to date, owing to the daily changes. An intending settler on reaching the district he selects should enquire of the Dominion Lands Agent what lands are vacant in that particular locality, finally narrowing down the enquiry to a township or two, diagrams of which, with the vacant lands marked, will be supplied free. A competent land guide can be had. =23. How far are homestead lands from lines of railway?= They vary, but at present the nearest will be from 15 to 20 miles. Railways are being built into the new districts. =24. In which districts are located the most and best available homesteads?= The character of homestead wanted by the settler will decide this. Very few homesteads are vacant in the southern districts; towards the centre and north portions of the provinces, homesteads are plentiful. They comprise a territory in which wood for building purposes and fuel are plentiful. =25. Is there any good land close to the Rocky Mountains?= The nearer you approach the mountains the more hilly it becomes, and the elevation is too great for grain raising. Cattle and horses do well. =26. If a man take his family there before he selects a homestead can he get temporary accommodation?= At the following places the Government maintains Immigration halls with free temporary accommodation for those desiring such and supplying their own provisions. It is always better for the head of the family, or such member of it as may be entitled to homestead, to select and make entry for lands before moving family: Biggar, Brandon, Calgary, Caster, Cereal, Edmonton, Edson, Emerson, Entwistle, Gravelburg, Herbert, Kerrobert, Lloydminster, Lethbridge, Moose Jaw, North Battleford, North Portal, Prince Albert, Regina, Saskatoon, Strathcona, South Battleford, Swift Current, Tisdale, Unity, Vegreville, Vermilion, Viking, Virden, Wainwright, Wilkie, Yonkers. =27. Where must I make my homestead entry?= At the Dominion Lands Office for the district. =28. Can homestead lands he reserved for a minor?= An agent of Dominion Lands may reserve a quarter-section for a minor over 17 years of age until he is 18, if his father, or other near relative live upon homestead or upon farming land owned, not less than 80 acres, within nine miles of reserved homestead. The minor must make entry in person within one month after becoming 18 years of age. =29. Can a person borrow money on a homestead before receiving patent?= No; contrary to Dominion Lands Act. =30. Would the time I was away working for a neighbour, or on the railway, or other work count as time on my homestead?= Only actual residence on your homestead will count, and you must reside on homestead six months in each of three years. =31. Is it permissible to reside with brother, who has filed on adjoining land?= A homesteader may reside with father, mother, son, daughter, brother, or sister on farming land owned solely by him or her, not less than 80 acres, or upon homestead entered for by him or her not more than nine miles from entrant's homestead. Fifty acres of homestead must be brought under cultivation, instead of 30 acres, as is the case when there is direct residence. =32. How shall I know what to do or where to go when I reach there?= Make a careful study of this pamphlet and decide in a general way on the district in which you wish to settle. Then put yourself in communication with your nearest Canadian Government Agent, whose name appears on the second page of cover. At Winnipeg, and in the offices of any of the Dominion Lands Agents in Central Canada, are maps showing vacant lands. Having decided on the district where you will make your home, the services of a competent land guide may be secured to assist in locating. =33. What is the best way to get there?= Write your nearest Canadian Government Agent for routes, and settlers' low railway rate certificate good from the Canadian boundary to destination for passengers and freight. =34. How much baggage will I be allowed on the Canadian railways?= 150 pounds for each full ticket. =35. Are settlers' effects bonded through to destination, or are they examined at the boundary?= If settler accompanies effects they will be examined at the boundary, without any trouble; if effects are unaccompanied they will go through to the nearest bonding (or customs) point to destination. =36. In case settler's family follow him what about railway rates?= On application to Canadian Government Agent, settlers' low railway rate certificate will be forwarded, and they will be given the settlers' privilege. =37. What is the duty on horses and cattle if a settler should want to take in more than the number allowed free into Canada?= When for the improvement of stock free; otherwise, over one year old, they will be valued at a minimum of $50 per head, and duty will be 25 per cent. =38. How much money must one have to start grain farming and how little can he do with if he goes ranching?= See Chapter "What wins in Central Canada," page 37. =39. How can I procure lands for ranching?= They may be leased from the Government at a low rental. Write for full particulars to Secretary of the Interior, Ottawa, Canada. =40. In those parts which are better for cattle and sheep than for grain, what does a man do if he has only 160 acres?= If a settler should desire to go into stock raising and his quarter-section of 160 acres should not prove sufficient to furnish pasture for his stock, he can make application to the Land Commissioner for a lease for grazing lands for a term of twenty-one years, at a very low cost. =41. Where is information to be had about British Columbia?= Apply to Secretary Provincial Bureau of Information, Victoria, B. C. =42. Is living expensive?= Sugar, granulated, 14 to 18 lbs. for $1, according to fluctuation of market. Tea, 30 to 50 cents a lb.; coffee, 30 to 45 cents a lb.; flour, $2.25 to $3.00 per 98 lbs. Dry goods about Eastern Canada prices. Cotton somewhat dearer than in United States, and woollen goods noticeably cheaper. Stoves and furniture somewhat higher than eastern prices, owing to freight charges. =43. Are the taxes high?= No. Having no expensive system of municipal or county organization, taxes are necessarily low. Each quarter-section of land, consisting of 160 acres, owned or occupied, is taxed very low. The only other taxes are for schools. In the locations where the settlers have formed school districts the total tax for all purposes on a quarter-section amounts to from $10 to $14.50 per annum. =44. Does the Government tax the settler if he lets his cattle run on Government lands? If they fence their land, is he obliged to fence his also?= The settler is not required to pay a tax for allowing his cattle to run on Government land, but it is advisable to lease land from the Government for haying or grazing purposes, when needed. If one fences his land, his adjoining neighbour has to stand a proportionate share of the cost of the fence adjoining his property, or build one-half of it himself. =45. Where can a settler sell what he raises? Is there any competition amongst buyers, or has he got to sell for anything he can get?= A system of elevators is established by railway companies and others throughout the entire West. Grain is bought at these and forwarded to the great markets in other parts of Canada, the United States, and Europe. Canadian flour mills, oatmeal mills, and breweries use millions of bushels of grain annually. To the west and northwest of Central Canada lie mining regions, which are dependent upon the prairies for supplies and will to a great extent continue to be. Beef is bought on the hoof at the home of the farmer or rancher. Buyers scour the country in quest of this product. =46. Where can material for a house and sheds be procured, and about what would it cost? What about fuel? Do people suffer from the cold?= Though there are large tracts of forest in the Canadian West there are localities where building timber and material is limited, but this has not proven any drawback as the Government has made provision that should a man settle on a quarter-section deprived of timber, he can, by making application to the Dominion Lands Agent, obtain a permit to cut on Government lands free of charge the following, viz.: 1. 3,000 lineal feet of building timber, measuring no more than 12 inches at the butt, or 9,250 feet board measure. 2. 400 roofing poles. 3. 2,000 fencing rails and 500 fence posts, 7 feet long, and not exceeding five (5) inches in diameter at the small end. 4. 30 cords of dry fuel wood for firewood. The settler has only the expense of the cutting and hauling to his homestead. The principal districts are within easy reach of firewood; the settlers of Alberta and Saskatchewan are particularly favoured, especially along the various streams, from some of which they get all the coal they require, at a trifling cost. No one in the country need suffer from the cold on account of scarcity of fuel. =47. Is it advisable to go into a new country during the winter months with uncertain weather conditions?= A few years ago, when settlement was sparse, settlers were advised to wait until March or April. Now that so many have friends in Western Canada there need be no hesitation when to start. Lines of railway penetrate most of the settled districts, and no one need go far from neighbours already settled. There is no longer the dread of pioneering, and it is robbed of the romance that once surrounded it. With farm already selected, it is perfectly safe, and to the prospective homesteader he can get some sort of occupation until early spring, when he will be on the ground ready for it. =48. What does lumber cost?= Spruce boards and dimensions, about $20 per thousand feet; shiplap, $23 to $28; flooring and siding, $25 up, according to quality; cedar shingles, from $3.50 to $4.25 per thousand. These prices fluctuate. =49. What chance is there for employment when a man first goes there and isn't working on his land?= There are different industries through the country, outside of farming and ranching, such as sawmills, flour mills, brick-yards, railroad building in the summer, and lumbering in the winter. The chances for employment are good as a large percentage of those going in and those already there farm so much that they must have help, and pay good wages. During the past two seasons from twenty to thirty thousand farm labourers have been brought in each year from the eastern Provinces and the United States to assist in caring for the large crops. The capable and willing worker is sure to succeed in Canada. =50. Can I get employment with a farmer so as to become acquainted with local conditions?= This can be done through the Commissioner of Immigration at Winnipeg, who is in a position to offer engagements with well established farmers. Men experienced in agriculture may expect to receive from $25 up per month with board and lodging, engagements, if desired, to extend for twelve months. Summer wages are from $30 to $35 per month; winter wages $10 to $15. During harvest wages are higher than this. =51. If I have had no experience and simply desire to learn farming in Central Canada before starting on my own account?= Young men and others unacquainted with farm life, willing to accept from $8 up per month, including board and lodging, will find positions through the Government officers at Winnipeg. Wages are dependent upon experience and qualification. After working for a year in this way, the knowledge acquired will be sufficient to justify you in securing and farming on your own account. =52. Are there any schools outside the towns?= School districts cannot exceed five miles in length or breadth, and must contain at least four actual residents, and twelve children between the ages of five and sixteen. In almost every locality, where these conditions exist, schools have been established. =53. Are churches numerous?= The various denominations are well represented and churches are being built rapidly even in the most remote districts. =54. Can water be secured at reasonable depth?= In most places it can be had at from fifteen to forty feet, while in other places wells have been sunk to fifty or sixty feet. =55. Where are free homesteads to-day, and how far from railway?= In some well settled districts it may be possible to secure one by cancelling, but such chances are few. Between the lakes in Manitoba as well as north and southeast of Winnipeg. In the central portions of Saskatchewan, Alberta and west of Moose Jaw and Swift Current. A splendid homestead area is that lying north of Battleford, and between Prince Albert and Edmonton north of the Canadian Northern railway. One will have to go at least twelve or fifteen miles from a line of railway at present, but extensions will soon make many homesteads available. VALUABLE HINTS FOR THE MAN ABOUT TO START The newcomer may start for Western Canada during any month in the year. Railroads carry him to a short distance of his new home, the country roads are good, and there is settlement in all parts, so that shelter is easily reached. Temporary provision is required for the family's arrival, when better may be made. If going in the winter months, it is well to have a pair of good strong sleds. As teams cost $5 a day take along your horses and do your own hauling. As they require care, write ahead to some livery barn for room. In shipping your horses have them loaded by the best shipper in your home town. For feeding on the way, put in two-by-four cleats breast high on the horses, and fix to fit the end of a stout trough which is dropped in, afterwards nailing on a top cleat. If they have been used to corn take along twenty bushels for each horse, if possible, not to feed alone along the way, but to use while breaking them in to an oat diet. You need both hay and oat straw on the cars. The new arrival may have to pay $7 a ton for hay and 40 cents per bushel for oats. Railroad construction consumes lots of both, and not half the farmers take time in the fall to put up plenty of hay. Bring all the horses you can. Five big horses can pull a twelve-inch gang through the sod, but six can do it easier, and you can use five on the harrow. You can hitch a team to a goat or scrubber, as they call them here, and lead them behind the drill, making your ground smooth and packing it lightly, as you put in the seed. If you have been intending to bring eight horses, bring twelve; if you were going to bring twelve, bring sixteen. The first two years on the new land is hard on horses, and you will need plenty. If you have any spare time or can get help, they bring in money. I know two men who cleared over $600 apiece doing outside work this last summer. They worked on the roads, in harvest and threshing, and received $5 per day for man and team. One can get all the outside breaking one's team can do at $4 per acre, so horse power is the main thing. Take a supply of meat along, also lard, canned goods, and other things for your cellar. One settler took a sugar barrel packed with canned fruit, and had not a single can broken or frozen, wrapping each in a whole newspaper and then packing in between with old rags, worn out underwear, old vests, and such goods as might otherwise be thrown away. Remember there is no old attic or store-room to go to on the new farm. The same settler says: "Cooked goods are also good. In the cold weather we kept and used beef that had been roasted two weeks before, and a bushel of cookies lasted well into the summer, keeping fresh in a tin box. Bring your cows and also your separator. The latter will not sell for much at the sale and is useful here, as you have no place to store quantities of milk. Bring at least your two best cows with you on the journey. We had milk all along the road and furnished the dining car cooks (we had a diner on our freight train) for favors they extended. Then when we landed we found that milk and cream were scarce, and butter of the farm variety out of range. "We packed two one-gallon jars before we moved and also some to use on the way. This lasted fresh and sweet until it was all used and saved us the trouble of churning or saving cream, hence we lived high on cream for the first few weeks. It came in handy making corn starch, as well as on our fruit and in a dozen other ways. We also had a nice big box of groceries handy and all selected for emergency. Corn starch, tapioca and similar packages are easy to handle while moving, and a big box of such things made cooking easy for the first few weeks. "Do not sell anything that can be used in your new farming. Old belts, singletrees, doubletrees, and such goods are worth far more away out on the prairies than on the old improved farm, and they will cost more here. We even brought our best big rugs and every carpet, even having more carpets than we had rooms. Your new home may not be as warm as the old one. We laid down a carpet and put a big rug right on top of that on the floor, and then we were comfortable in our rough house. Bring all sorts of tools and wagon gears with you; you will save money by doing so, anvil, drills, old bolts, and screws, etc., come in handy. We brought pieces of hardwood for doubletrees and unexpected uses. "Bring your stock remedies. You will be far from a veterinarian. Boracic acid comes in handy, so does a medicine cabinet for the household, with carbolic salve, liniments, etc. "One of the first things you will need is a hayrack, and you will not have time to build one before it is needed, so take the old one or build a new one and take it with you. It can be used for crating and for partitions and other purposes in loading the car. Make the sides of the rack quite close and have a solid bottom. "Bring along your base-burner. I am writing by a hard coal fire in a round oak stove, and it makes a splendid heat. Better soft coal than you ever burned can be had at $9.50 per ton, and hard coal is $13. Wood is plentiful in the parks, chiefly dry poplar and a species of willow. "So far from town one needs big supplies of kerosene, so bring a steel barrel that will not become leaky. You can buy oil cheaper by the barrel and it saves trouble. Also bring a good oil stove. It will do the baking and save hauling fuel in the long working season. "One thing we highly appreciated was a small tank we had made to carry water in the cars for the horses. It was made to hold two barrels, was about three feet in diameter and four high, and had the top soldered on, with a lid just large enough to get in a pail. This was the best arrangement on the train for hauling water. After we landed we had to haul water for our house use and the tank was very useful to draw up a couple of barrels and have a big supply on hand and no slopping when hauling." [Illustration: DOMINION OF CANADA AND NEWFOUNDLAND 1914] [Illustration] TRANSCRIBER'S NOTES Obvious printer's errors, including punctuation have been silently corrected. Hyphenated and accented words have been standardized. All other inconsistencies have been left as in the original, excepted below. Customs Regulations: Missing word added "... is also to _be_ reckoned as..." Freight Regulations: "If the carload _weigh_" changed to "If the carload _weighs_". Page 7: familar changed to familiar. Page 8: Allen, Saskatchewan changed to Allan, Saskatchewan. Verified at http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Allan,_Saskatchewan Two different spellings of Gerlack and Gerlach have been left as in the original. 
27647	----	Transcriber's Note The punctuation and spelling from the original text have been faithfully preserved. Only obvious typographical errors have been corrected. The Economist: OR THE POLITICAL, COMMERCIAL, AGRICULTURAL, AND FREE-TRADE JOURNAL. "If we make ourselves too little for the sphere of our duty; if, on the contrary, we do not stretch and expand our minds to the compass of their object; be well assured that everything about us will dwindle by degrees, until at length our concerns are shrunk to the dimensions of our minds. _It is not a predilection to mean, sordid, home-bred cares that will avert the consequences of a false estimation of our interest, or prevent the shameful dilapidation into which a great empire must fall by mean reparation upon mighty ruins._"--BURKE. No. 3. SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 16, 1843. PRICE 6_d._ CONTENTS. Our Brazilian Trade and the Anti-Slavery Party 33 The Fallacy of Protection 34 Agriculture (No. 2.) 35 Court and Aristocracy 36 Music and Musicales 36 The Metropolis 37 The Provinces 37 Ireland 37 Scotland 38 Wales 38 Foreign: France 38 Spain 38 Austria and Italy 38 Turkey 38 Egypt 39 United States 39 Canada 39 Colonies and Emigration: Emigration during the last Seventeen Years 39 New South Wales 39 Australia 39 Cape of Good Hope 39 New Zealand 39 Political 39 Correspondence and Answers to Inquiries 40 Postscript 41 Free Trade Movements: Messrs Cobden and Bright at Oxford 42 Public Dinner to R. Walker, Esq. 42 Dr Bowring's Visit to his Constituents 42 Anti-Corn-law Meeting at Hampstead 43 Mr Ewart and his Constituents 43 Miscellanies of Trade 43 Police 43 Accidents, Offences, and Occurrences 43 Sporting Intelligence 43 Agricultural Varieties: The best Home Markets 44 Curious Agricultural Experiment 44 Cultivation of Waste Lands 44 Our Library Table 44 Miscellanea 45 Commerce and Commercial Markets 46 Prices Current 46 Corn Markets 46 Smithfield Markets 46 Borough Hop Market 47 Liverpool Cotton Market 47 The Gazette 47 Births, Marriages, and Deaths 47 Advertisements 47 "If a writer be conscious that to gain a reception for his favourite doctrine he must combat with certain elements of opposition, in the taste, or the pride, or the indolence of those whom he is addressing, this will only serve to make him the more importunate. _There is a difference between such truths as are merely of a speculative nature and such as are allied with practice and moral feeling. With the former all repetition may be often superfluous; with the latter it may just be by earnest repetition, that their influence comes to be thoroughly established over the mind of an inquirer._"--CHALMERS. OUR BRAZILIAN TRADE AND THE ANTI-SLAVERY PARTY. Since the publication of our article on the Brazilian Treaty, we have received several letters from individuals who, agreeing with us entirely in the free-trade view of the question, nevertheless are at variance with us as to the commercial policy which we should pursue towards that country, in order to coerce them into our views regarding slavery. We are glad to feel called upon to express our views on this subject, to which we think full justice has not yet been done. We must, however, in doing so, make a great distinction between the two classes of persons who are now found to be joined in an alliance against this application of free-trade principles; two classes who have always hitherto been so much opposed to each other, that it would have been very difficult ten years since to have conceived any possible combinations of circumstances that could have brought them to act in concert: we mean the West India interest, who so violently opposed every step of amelioration to the slave from first to last; and that body of _truly great philanthropists_ who have been unceasing in their efforts to abolish slavery wherever and in whatever form it was to be found. To the latter alone we shall address our remarks. As far as it can be collected, the argument relied upon by this party appears to be, that having once abolished slavery in our own dominions we ought to interdict the importation of articles produced by slave labour in other countries, in order to coerce them, for the sake of their trade with us, to follow our example. We trust we shall be among the last who will ever be found advocating the continuance of slavery, or opposing any _legitimate_ means for its extinction; but we feel well assured that those who have adopted the opinion quoted above, have little considered either the consequences or the tendencies of the policy they support. The first consideration is, that if this policy is to be acted upon, on principle, it must extend to the exclusion of _all_ articles produced in whatever country by slaves. It must apply with equal force to the _gold_, _silver_, and _copper_ of Brazil, as it does to the _sugar_ and _coffee_ produced in that country;--it must apply with equal force to the _cotton_, the _rice_, the _indigo_, the _cochineal_, and the _tobacco_ of the Southern States of America, and Mexico, as it does to the _sugar_ and _coffee_ of Cuba. To be in any way consistent in carrying out this principle, we must exclude the great material on which the millions of Lancashire, the West of Yorkshire, and Lanarkshire depend for their daily subsistence; we must equally exclude tobacco, which gives revenue to the extent of 3,500,000_l._ annually; we must refuse any use of the precious metals, whether for coin, ornament, or other purposes. But even these form only one class of the obligations which the affirming of this principle would impose upon us. If we would coerce the Brazilians by not buying from them, it necessarily involves the duty of not selling to them; for if we sell, we supply them with all the means of conducting their slave labour; we supply the implements of labour, or the materials from which they are made; we supply clothing for themselves and their slaves; we supply part of their foods and most of their luxuries; the wines and the spirits in which the slave-owner indulges; and we even supply the very materials of which the implements of slave punishment or coercion are made;--and thus participate much more directly in the profits of slavery than by admitting their produce into this country. But if we supply them with all these articles, which we do to the extent of nearly 3,000,000_l._ a year, and are not to receive some of their slave-tainted produce, it must follow that we are to give them without an equivalent, than which no greater encouragement could be given for a perseverance in slave-holding. But the truth is--whatever pretensions we make on this subject--we do, in exchange for our goods, buy their polluted produce; we employ our ships to convey it from their shores, and ourselves find a market for it among other countries already well supplied with cheap sugar, where it is not required, and where it only tends the more to depress the price in markets already abundantly supplied. Nay, we do more; we admit it into our ports, we land it on our shores, we place it in our bonded warehouses, and our busy merchants and brokers deal as freely on our exchanges in this slave produce as in any other, only with this difference--that this cheap sugar is not permitted to be consumed by our own starving population, but can only be sold to be refined in bond for the consumption of the free labourers in our West India colonies and others, or to be re-exported, as it is, for the use of "our less scrupulous but more consistent" neighbours on the continent. Consistency, therefore, requires equally the abandonment of all export trade to slave-producing countries, as it does of the import of their produce; and the effect will carry us even further. We know it is a favourite feeling with Mr Joseph Sturge and others of that truly benevolent class, that in eschewing any connexion with slave-producing countries, we have the better reason to urge free-trading intercourse with such countries as use only free labour,--with the Northern States of America, with Java, and other countries similarly circumstanced. Now of what does our trade to these countries, in common with others, chiefly consist? Of the 51,400,000_l._ of British manufactures and produce which we exported in 1840, upwards of 24,500,000_l._ consisted of cotton goods, nearly the whole of which were manufactured from slave-grown cotton, and partly dyed and printed with the cochineal and indigo of Guatamala and Mexico. Consistency would therefore further require that we abandon at least one-half of our present foreign trade even with free-labour countries, instead of opening any opportunity for its increase. When men are prepared and conceive it a duty to urge the accomplishment of all these results, they may then consistently oppose the introduction of Brazilian sugar and coffee, and support the present West India monopoly; but not till then. But now, what effect must this argument have upon slave-producing states, in inducing them to abandon slavery? Has it not long been one of the chief arguments of the anti-slavery party everywhere, that free labour is actually cheaper than slave labour? Now, will the Brazilians give credit to this proposition, so strongly insisted upon, when they see that the anti-slavery party conceive it needful to give support to a system which affirms the necessity of protecting free labour against slave labour, by imposing a prohibitory duty of upwards of 100 per cent. on the produce of the latter? Will their opinion of the relative cheapness of the two kinds of labour not rather be determined by our actions than our professions? We firmly believe that free labour, properly exercised, is cheaper than slave labour; but there is no pretence to say that it is so at this moment in our West India colonies; and we undertake to show, in an early number, in connexion with this fact, that _the existence of the high protecting duties on our West India produce has done more than anything else to endanger the whole experiment of emancipation_. But, moreover, our West India monopoly,--the existence of the high prohibitory differential duty on sugar, is the greatest, strongest, and least answerable argument at present used by slave-holding countries against emancipation. The following was put strongly to ourselves in Amsterdam a short time since by a large slave owner in Dutch Guiana:--"We should be glad," said he, "to follow your example, and emancipate our slaves, if it were possible; but as long as your differential duties on sugar are maintained, it will be impossible. Here is an account sale of sugar produced in our colony, netting a return of 11_l._ per hogshead to the planter in Surinam; and here is an account sale of similar sugar sold in London, netting a return of 33_l._ to the planter in Demerara: the difference ascribable only to your differential duty. The fields of these two classes of planters are separated only by a few ditches. Now such is the effort made by the planter in Demerara to extend his cultivation to secure the high price of 33_l._, that he is importing free labourers from the hills of Hindostan, and from the coast of Africa, at great cost, and is willing to pay higher wages than labour will command even in Europe. Let us, then, emancipate our slaves, which, if it had any effect, would confer the privilege of a choice of employer, and Dutch Guiana would be depopulated in a day,--an easy means of increasing the supply of labour to the planters of Demerara, at the cost of entire annihilation of the cultivation of the estates in Surinam. But abandon your differential duties, give us the same price for our produce, and thus enable us to pay the same rate of wages, and I, for one, will not object to liberate my slaves to-morrow." Whatever amount of credence people may be disposed to place in this willingness to abandon slavery, nothing can be more clear than that the higher rate of wages paid in our colonies, attributable solely to the high and extravagant price which, by our differential duties, their produce commands, must ever form a strong and conclusive reason with these slave-holding countries against their entertaining the question of emancipation. We believe most sincerely that an equalization of these duties--that an entire free trade would do more than any other act to encourage an adoption of our example everywhere: while the maintenance of monopoly and high prices _as an essential to the carrying out of the experiment of free labour successfully_--must be the strongest reason against its adoption with all those countries who have no means of commanding this accompanying confessed essential. But now were it otherwise:--have the professors of these opinions ever considered the huge responsibility which they arrogate to themselves by such a course? Let these men remember that, by seeking to coerce the _slave-labour producer_ in distant countries, they inflict a severe punishment on the millions of hard-working, ill-fed _consumers_ among their fellow countrymen; but they seem always to overlook the fact, that there is a _consumer_ to consider as well as a _producer_;--and that this consumer is their own countryman, their own neighbour, whose condition it is their _first_ duty to consult and watch;--duty as well as charity ought to be first exercised at home. That is a very doubtful humanity which exercises itself on the uncertain result of influence indirectly produced upon governments in the other hemisphere of the globe, and neglects, nay sacrifices, the interests of the poor and helpless around our own doors,--not only by placing the necessaries of life beyond their reach, but at the same time destroying the demand for their labour by which alone they can obtain them. If _individuals_ entertain conscientious scruples against the use of slave produce--let them, if they please, act upon them themselves, but do not let them seek to inflict _certain_ punishment, and the whole train of vice and misery consequent on starvation and want of employment, upon their poorer neighbours, for the purpose of conferring some _speculative_ advantage on the slaves of the Brazils or elsewhere: no man can be called upon as a duty to do so great a present evil, in order to accomplish some distant good, however great--or however certain. THE FALLACY OF PROTECTION. All laws made for the purpose of protecting the interests of individuals or classes must mean, if they mean anything, to render the articles which such classes deal in or produce dearer than they would otherwise be if the public was left at liberty to supply itself with such commodities in the manner which their own interests and choice would dictate. In order to make them dearer it is absolutely necessary to make them scarcer; for quantity being large or small in proportion to demand, alone can regulate the price;--protection, therefore, to any commodity simply means that the quantity supplied to the community shall be less than circumstances would naturally provide, but that for the smaller quantity supplied under the restriction of law the same sum shall be paid as the larger quantity would command without such restriction. Time was when the Sovereigns of England relied chiefly on the granting of patents to individuals for the exclusive exercise of certain trades or occupations in particular places, as the means of rewarding the services of some, and as a provision for others of their adherents, followers, and favourites, who either held the exclusive supply in their own hands on their own terms, or who again granted to others under them that privilege, receiving from them a portion of the gains. In the course of time, however, the public began to discover that these monopolies acted upon them directly as a tax of a most odious description; that the privileged person found it needful always to keep the supply short to obtain his high price (for as soon as he admitted plenty he had no command of price)--that, in short, the sovereign, in conferring a mark of regard on a favourite, gave not that which he himself possessed, but only invested him with the power of imposing a contribution on the public. The public once awake to the true operation of such privileges, and severely suffering under the injuries which they inflicted, perseveringly struggled against these odious monopolies, until the system was entirely abandoned, and the crown was deprived of the power of granting patents of this class. But though the public saw clearly enough that these privileges granted by the sovereign to individuals operated thus prejudicially on the community, they did not see with equal clearness that the same power transferred to, and exercised by, Parliament, to confer similar privileges on classes; to do for a number of men what the sovereign had before done for single men, would, to the remaining portion of the community, be just as prejudicial as the abuses against which they had struggled. That like the sovereign, the Parliament, in protecting or giving privileges to a class, gave nothing which they possessed themselves, but granted only the power to such classes of raising a contribution from the remaining portion of the community, by levying a higher price for their commodity than it would otherwise command. As with individuals, it was equally necessary to make scarcity to secure price, and that could only be done by restricting the sources of supply by prohibiting, or by imposing high duties on, foreign importations. Many circumstances, however, combined to render the use of this power by Parliament less obvious than it had been when exercised by the sovereign, but chiefly the fact that protection was usually granted by imposing high duties, often in their effect quite prohibitory, under the plea of providing revenue for the state. Many other more modern excuses have been urged, such as those of encouraging native industry, and countervailing peculiar burthens, in order to reconcile public opinion to the exactions arising out of the system, all of which we shall, on future occasions, carefully consider separately. But, above all, the great reason why these evils have been so long endured has been, that the public have believed that all classes and interests, though perhaps not exactly to the same extent, have shared in protection. We propose at present to confine our consideration to the effects of protection,--first, on the community generally; and secondly, on the individual classes protected. As it is admitted that protection ought, if granted at all, to be given to all alike, it would follow that the whole produce of the country would be raised to an artificial price; and if this were the case, as far as regarded the exchange or transactions among members of the same community, the effect would be merely nominal, of no advantage to any one, and of little disadvantage beyond the enormous public expense needed to prevent people cheating each other by smuggling and bringing in the cheaper foreign article;--but such a community must forego all notion or idea of a foreign trade;--they must have no desires to be gratified beyond themselves, and they must have within themselves the independent means of supplying every want. For even if the law be strong enough to maintain an artificial high price at home, it has no power of making other countries pay that price; and if everything we possessed commanded a higher price at home than other countries could supply the same for, we should have nothing which we could exchange for the produce of other countries, and thus no more foreign trade could exist, than in a poor country which had no surplus produce. It is therefore essential that every country should bear in mind, in adopting a system of protection to manufactures or other produce, that they thereby effectually debar themselves from all foreign trade to neutral countries in such articles; for if they require high duties at home to protect them from the produce of other countries, which could only come at considerable expense to compete with them at home, how can they withstand that competition when they meet on the same terms in every respect in a neutral market? How effectually has France stayed her export linen trade by raising the duties and the price of linen yarn, and by that act, intended as a blow to English trade, given the linen manufacturers of this country a greater advantage over France in the markets of the world than ever. How idle are the efforts of the Belgian government to establish depôts and factories for the sale of their manufactures in St Thomas add other places, while the manufacturers in Ghent are only able to maintain their home trade, by high protective duties, against English, French, and German goods, and still cry out for greater protection! It is, however, abundantly plain, that the state of a country above described could not long exist, when industry and intelligence were in the course of producing wealth; for if there be one law in nature more distinct than another, it is, that while the productions of every country are less or more limited to particular things, the wants of man extend to every possible variety of products over the whole world, as soon as his means can command them. As a country advances in wealth, it will have more and more surplus produce, which under wise laws would always consist of such things as it could produce with greatest facility and profit, whether from the loom or the soil. This surplus produce would be exchanged for the productions of other climates, but it must be quite clear, as soon as we arrive at this stage, that the power of the law to protect price altogether ceases. The surplus exported must sell in the markets of the world, in competition with the same article produced under the cheapest circumstances, and that article in the home market can command only the same price. Thus the whole attempt to protect all interests equally would immediately fail; every article produced in excess, and exported, would command only the lowest prices of open markets, and the fancied protection of the law would be void; while everything produced in deficiency, and of which we required to import a portion to make up the needful supply, would continue to be protected above the natural price of the world to any extent of import duty that the law imposed upon the quantity required to make up the deficiency. Thus, for example, we export a large portion of the woollen, and the largest portion of the cotton goods which we manufacture, to all parts of the world, which we must sell at least as cheap as they can be bought in any other country. The same articles can only command the same price in the home market, and though the law imposed an import duty, by way of pretended protection, to any extent, upon similar foreign goods, it would not have the effect of raising the price one fraction. On the other hand, we do not produce as much wool or food as we consume, and have every year to import large quantities of each to make up the deficiency. Whatever duty, therefore, is put on the import of the quantity thus required, will enable the producers at home to maintain their price so much above the natural level of the world. By this state of things the country at large is injured in two distinct and prominent ways:--first,--those articles which we can make in excess, and export, must ever be the chief means of absorbing the increasing capital and labour of the country; and the impediment thrown in our way, of importing those things which we have in deficiency, must necessarily check our power of extending the demand for the produce of such increasing labour and capital; and, secondly,--the price of such articles as we produce in deficiency, will always be maintained much above the level of the world, to the great disadvantage of the other great class of producers, the price of whose labour, and whose profits, will be regulated by competition with those who have food, &c., at the lowest price. So much as to the effect on the community at large. We will now shortly consider the effect on individual interests, which are thought to enjoy protection, and we believe we can show that there never was a condition so fraught with mischief and disappointment, with such unmitigated delusion, deception, and exposure to ruin, than is to be found in every case where protection operates. We think it can be clearly shown _that such occupations can never be more profitable; that they must usually be less profitable; and that they are always more exposed to vicissitudes than any other class_. They never can be more profitable, because capital and enterprise will always be attracted to any occupation which offers a larger profit than the usual rate, till it is reduced to a level with others; they will usually be less profitable, indeed always in a community of increasing numbers, because the price being maintained by restriction above the price of the world, prevents an extension of such trades in the same proportion as those who naturally belong to them, and look to them for occupation, increase in numbers: they will be exposed to greater vicissitudes, because, being confined to the supply of only one market, any accidental circumstance, which either increases the usual supply, or diminishes the usual demand, will cause an infinitely greater depression than if they were in a condition to avail themselves of the markets of the whole world, over which they could spread an accidental and unusual surplus. Thus, previous to 1824, the silk manufacturers of this country were protected to a greater extent than any other trade, and the price of silk goods was maintained much above the rate of other countries; our silk trade was therefore necessarily confined almost exclusively to the home market and our colonies, and though they had a monopoly of those markets, it was at the cost of exclusion (on account of higher price) from all other markets. Notwithstanding this monopoly, the silk manufacturers could never command at any time larger _profits_ than other trades; for had they done so, competition would have increased until the rate was reduced to the common level of the country: on the contrary, the tendency was for profits and rates of wages to be smaller than in other great manufacturing branches, requiring equal capital and skill; because, with the increasing numbers who belonged to the silk trade,--the sons of manufacturers and of weavers, who naturally, in the first instance, look to the trade of their parents for their occupation,--the trade did not proportionably increase, from the fact of our being unable to extend our exports; and, lastly, it was exposed to much greater vicissitudes than other trades; for when, either from a temporary change of fashion or taste, or from a temporary stagnation of trade in this country, the accustomed demand was lessened, the silk manufacturers were unable to obtain any relief by extending their trade in the great neutral markets of the world, being excluded by price, and the whole surplus quantity remained a dead weight on this market only; whereas other branches of manufactures, practically enjoying no protection, in the case of depressed trade at home, had an opportunity of immediate relief, by spreading the surplus thereby created, at a very trifling sacrifice, over the wide markets which they supplied. In this way the extent and duration of the vicissitudes and depressions in the silk trade were without parallel in any other; but since 1824, since this trade has been placed in a natural position by the removal of monopoly, the whole aspect of it has changed, and these peculiar evils have all disappeared. Then again with regard to the products of land, which the law attempts to protect more highly than any other. Here again, though the price to the community is maintained much above the prices of other countries, no one person connected with raising the produce can command a higher rate of profit, or higher wages for labour, than other trades having no protection whatever; for if they did, competition would soon reduce them to the same level; but, on the contrary, the wages, of agricultural labourers, and the profits of farmers, are always rather below than above the common rate, and simply from this fact, that the children of farm labourers, and of farmers, who first naturally look to the pursuits of their parents for a trade or occupation, increase in numbers without any corresponding extension of the means of employment, and the competition among them is therefore always greater than in other trades which have the power of extension; and the vicissitudes to which the farmer is exposed are notoriously greater than any other trade. His rent and expenses throughout are fixed by an artificial price of produce, which price can only be maintained as long as a certain scarcity exists; but the moment the markets are plentifully supplied, either from a want of demand owing to a depression of trade, or from the result of a good harvest, he finds that plenty takes out of his hand all control of price, which quickly sinks to the natural rate. With a free trade the farmer would never be exposed to such reverses. In that state, if the demand and price increased, it would be checked by an increase of imports from other countries; if the demand and price diminished, that would also be checked by a reduction or cessation of the usual imports, and, if necessary, by an export of any surplus which pressed upon the market;--and, if our space allowed, it would not be difficult to show that, with prices at the natural rate, all parties connected with land would not only be in a safer but a much better condition. No cautious man who well understands the subject will ever hazard his capital in any trade exposed to so many evils and to so much uncertainty as restriction and protection infallibly introduce into it:--but the great error which misleads all men in cherishing such trades is, that they mistake _high prices_ for _high profits_, which usually, instead of being synonymous terms, are quite the reverse. AGRICULTURE. No. II. ON THE INDICATIONS WHICH ARE GUIDES IN JUDGING OF THE FERTILITY OR BARRENNESS OF THE SOIL. BY THE REV. WILLIAM THORP. (_Continued from No. 2._) These three signs, viz., colour, consistence, and vegetation, are named by the Royal Agricultural Society as being pre-eminently indications of the value of lands; yet there are others of equal if not of greater consequence. For example:-- _A knowledge of the geology of the land_ is of the first importance; that is, not only a knowledge of the range and extent of each formation and its subdivisions, which may be called geographical geology, but also how far and to what extent the various lands do depend upon the substratum for their soil, and the local variations in the chemical or mineralogical character of the substrata themselves, and which may be called the differential geology of soils. For not only do the qualities of land vary from one formation to another, but upon the same formation there is frequently considerable difference in the quality of land depending upon chemical difference in the substratum, or upon an intermixture of foreign debris derived from other strata. _A chemical investigation_ of the soil and subsoil will frequently afford most useful indications respecting the value of land. It may be laid down as an axiom that a soil to be fertile must contain all the chemical ingredients which a plant can only obtain from the soil, and chemistry ought to be able to inform us in unproductive soils what ingredients are wanting. It also is able to inform us if any poisonous substance exists in the soil, and how it may be neutralized; when lime, marl, and chalk are to be used, &c.[1] The Royal Agricultural Society say that chemistry is unable to explain the productiveness of soils. But why is it unable? One reason is, that supposing everything required by the plant to be present in the soil, yet if the soil be either too wet, or too dry, too cohesive, or loose, the plant will not flourish; and chemical analysis does not declare this, for it affords no information respecting the mechanical division in which substances exist in the soil. Again, the chemical analysis of soils, to be worth anything, must be conducted with more rigid accuracy than those published by English writers. To detect one cwt. of gypsum in an acre there would be only one quarter of a grain in a pound of soil, or in 100 grains only three and a half thousandth of a grain (35/10000 or,00035 grs.), or to discover if sufficient alumina existed in a field for the production of red clover there must be ascertained if it contained (one hundred thousandth),00001 per cent. The analyses even by Sprengel do not afford us the quantity of nitrogen in each soil, or the capacity of the soil for this substance; while it is well known that most manures, as well as the different kinds of food, are valuable in proportion to the quantity contained by them, and it is highly probable, _ceteris paribus_, that the quantity of nitrogen found existing in soil, and the soil's capacity for containing that substance, would afford an easy indication of its immediate fertility, and also of its requiring great or small quantities of nitrogenous manures in its future cultivation.[2] Chemistry, however, outsteps her province when it is attempted to explain how vegetable productions are formed in the plants by chemical forces; for the recent discoveries of Schwann, Henle, and Schleiden, prove that all the functions of the plant are performed by the means of simple vesicles and cells--that absorption, assimilation, fixation of carbon from the atmosphere, respiration, exhalation, secretion, and reproduction are all effected by single cells, of which the lower plants almost entirely consist--that the cell absorbs alimentary matters through the spongioles of the root, and that the fluid received thus undergoes the first steps of the organizing process--that the inorganic elements are changed into the simplest proximate principles by cells--so also are the further changes into the regular secretions of the plant, the result of cell-life--that gum and sugar are converted into the organizable portion of the nutritious sap by the cells of the leaves. The starchy fluid in the grains of corn is rendered capable of nutrition to the embryo by the development of successive generations of cells, which exert upon it their peculiar vitalizing influence. Albumen is converted into fibrine by the vital agency of cell life--_i.e._, cells are produced which do not form an integral part of any permanent structure in the plant, but which, after attaining a certain maturity, reproduce themselves and disappear; hence it may be stated that all the vegetable productions which are formed in the plant are effected by a series of vital actions through the agency of cells. From the different transformations which these undergo all the different tissues in vegetables are formed; for instance, the spiral and dotted ducts, woody fibre, and so on. Schwann showed that the formation of tissues in animals went through exactly the same progress, a fact which has been confirmed by the microscopic observations of Valentin and Barry. Thus vessels, glands, the brain, nerves, muscles, and even bones and teeth are all formed from metamorphosed cells. Dr Bennett says--"If this be true, and there can be little doubt, it obliges us to modify our notions of organization and life. It compels us to confess that vegetables and animals are not simple beings, but composed of a greater or less number of individuals, of which thousands may exist in a mass not larger than a grain of sand, each having a vital centre and separate life, independent of those around it. Each of these individuals, or organized cells, should be regarded as a living being, which has its particular vital centre of absorption, assimilation, and growth, and which continues to vegetate, to increase, and undergo transformations as if it were an isolated individual. At all events, a knowledge of the existence of the cell-life of plants will explain several phenomena respecting the vegetation, growth, and ripening of corn, and may hereafter lead to some valuable practical results." _The climate, elevation, and exposure_ are not to be neglected. Upon the higher portions of the Wolds crops suffer, much from elevation and exposure, while in the western portion of Yorkshire, upon the moor edges, the harvest is usually a month later than in the central parts of the island. _A moderate depth_ of soil in general is a favourable sign, although some of shallow soils on the new red sandstone and on the Wolds are very good; to these signs are to be added locality, as respects markets, facilities of obtaining a supply of lime, or other tillage, the rates and outpayments peculiar to the district, &c. &c., all of which are to be taken into account when considering the value of any particular farm. I shall now briefly apply these indications of fertility over the different geological formations of Yorkshire, and it will be found that each lends aid to the other, and that a person will be able to ascertain the value of land in proportion as he is able to appreciate the collective evidence afforded by them. (_To be continued._) [1] Mr Brakenridge, of Bretton Lodge, who has extensive practice in land valuing, informs me that a mechanical analysis of the soil affords him much assistance; and he has found that in soils, whenever free from stagnant water, that in a mechanical analysis the larger the proportion which remains suspended in the water, the greater its powers of production will be found, and the less manure it will require. That the best soils are those which, when diffused and well stirred in water and allowed to stand for three minutes, from 20 to 30, say 25, per cent. is carried off with the water of decantation. When 30 per cent. and upwards is decanted off, the soil becomes retentive of water and consequently wet. When less than 20 per cent., say only 16 per cent. and under, is carried off, it becomes too porous; water passes through it too rapidly; its soluble matter is washed off into the substratum, and it has a strong tendency to become thin and sterile. [2] The celebrated black earth of Russia contains 2,45 per cent. of nitrogen. COURT AND ARISTOCRACY. The Queen and Prince Albert, on their return on Thursday week from the Chateau d'Eu, were accompanied by the Prince de Joinville, who remained to dine with the Royal party, and then returned in the evening on board his yacht, for the coast of France. After a few days' repose, her Majesty and the Prince started on another marine excursion. They sailed from Brighton on Tuesday morning, passed Dover, and arrived off Deal about three o'clock, where the Royal yacht anchored, in order to receive the Duke of Wellington, who came from Walmer Castle, and dined with her Majesty on board, a large number of vessels, gaily decked with flags, as well as crowds on shore, giving animation to the scene. The Duke remained with her Majesty and Prince Albert upwards of two hours, and during the time he was on board, the wind, which throughout the day had been blowing rather fresh from the northward and eastward, had considerably increased, and her Majesty, upon the Duke's taking his leave, evinced very great anxiety respecting the safe landing of his Grace. Everybody who knows this coast is aware that when the wind is blowing at all from the eastward that there is a very heavy surf on the beach, and consequently great difficulty in landing. His Grace, however, on thanking her Majesty for the concern she evinced on his account, made light of the matter, and returned on board the _Ariel_, which brought him as near the shore as possible; here he got into the barge and rowed towards the beach. The swell was too great to admit of his landing at the pier, from which he had started, and the boat was pulled towards the naval yard, where the surf was not so great as at any other part of the shore. Here the Duke landed, but not without a thorough drenching, for no sooner had the bows of the boat touched the shore than a heavy sea broke right over her stern, and completely saturated his Grace's apparel. The Duke, upon landing, all wet as he was, immediately mounted his horse, and rode off to Walmer Castle. A numerous assemblage of persons had congregated on the beach when the Duke came on shore, and loudly and enthusiastically cheered him. At an early hour on Wednesday morning the squadron got their steam up, and made preparations for taking their departure. The weather had moderated, and the day was fine. About seven o'clock the Royal yacht got under way, and stood out to sea, and was followed by the other steamers, and also by the _Penelope_, which had been ordered to form one of the Royal squadron. About two o'clock on Wednesday the Royal yacht entered the port of Ostend, taking the authorities somewhat by surprise, who did not expect it quite so soon. The King and Queen of Belgium, and the official personages of Ostend, were, however, on the pier to await the landing; and the populace displayed the most lively enthusiasm. In the evening there was a grand banquet at the Hotel de Ville, and Ostend was brilliantly illuminated, in a style far surpassing ordinary occasions. THE KING OF HANOVER.--A correspondent writes that his Majesty, while in conversation with a noble friend, expressed the determination, should Divine Providence spare him health, to visit this country again next summer, and he purposed then to come earlier in the season. VISIT OF THE REGENT OF SPAIN TO GREENWICH HOSPITAL.--On Wednesday, about twelve o'clock, General Espartero paid a visit to the Royal Hospital at Greenwich. Sir Robert Peel arrived in town by the London and Birmingham Railway on Saturday afternoon, from his seat, Drayton Manor, Staffordshire, and immediately proceeded from the Euston-square terminus to the residence of the Earl of Aberdeen, in Argyll street, to pay a visit to his lordship. Soon, after the arrival of the Right Hon. Baronet, Sir James Graham arrived in Argyll street from the Home office, and had an interview with Sir Robert Peel. Sir R. Peel left his colleagues at a quarter-past four o'clock for the terminus at London bridge, and travelled by the London and Brighton Railway to Brighton, to dine with her Majesty and Prince Albert, remaining at the Pavilion, on a visit to her Majesty. MUSIC AND MUSICALES. MANCHESTER MUSICAL FESTIVAL.--This great festival--one of the greatest and finest musical events that ever occurred in Manchester--was held in the magnificent hall of the Anti-Corn-law League, the length of which is 135 feet, the breadth 102 feet, inclosing an area of about 14,000 square feet. The services of all our principal vocal artists were secured. The _soprani_ were Miss Clara Novello and Miss Rainforth; the _alto_ or _mezzo soprano_, Mrs Alfred Shaw; the _tenori_, Mr Braham and Mr James Bennett; and the _basso_, Mr Henry Phillips. The choir was the most complete and efficient one ever collected in Manchester, and consisted of nearly the whole of the vocal members of the Manchester Choral Society and the Hargreaves Choral Society, with some valuable additions from the choirs of Bury and other neighbouring towns, and from gentlemen amateurs, conversant with Handel. The _Messiah_ was the performance of Monday night; and, on the whole, was executed in a style worthy of that great work of art, the conductor being Sir Henry Bishop, who wore his robes as a musical bachelor of the University of Oxford. On Tuesday there was a grand miscellaneous concert, the hall being even more numerously attended than on the preceding evening, there not being fewer than 3,500 persons present. This went off with very great satisfaction to the very numerous auditory; and the _Manchester Guardian_ says, "As to the general impression produced by this festival, we believe we do not err in saying that there is but one opinion,--that it has been throughout an eminently successful experiment. Sir Henry Bishop, we understand, said that he never heard choruses sung with better effect in his life; and that he considered the festival, as a musical performance, most creditable to every one connected with it. As to the capabilities of the hall for singing, we are informed that Miss Clara Novello has declared that she never sang with more ease in any place in her life; and we think the ease with which she did sing was obvious to all who could see her countenance. We have asked many persons who sat in different parts of the hall, especially in distant corners, and all concur in saying that they heard most distinctly Miss Novello's softest and faintest notes." MUSICAL INTELLIGENCE.--Rubini is about to establish an opera at St Petersburg, and has engaged his old colleague, Tamburini, to assist him in the enterprize. He has also engaged Signor Pisani, a young tenor of great promise. Lablache will not appear at the opening of the Italian Opera in Paris. He has gone to Naples, where he will remain for two months, and where he is to be joined by his son-in-law, Thalberg. A grand musical festival, which was to have taken place in Paris on Thursday next, has been postponed till the beginning of October. It is said that this festival will rival those of Germany in splendour. The Hereford Musical Festival, which was held on Tuesday, Wednesday, and Thursday, in All Saints Church, in consequence of the repairs going on at the cathedral, was on a much smaller scale than of late years has been usual with the three choirs, and the attendances at the various performances were by no means so numerous as had been generally expected; still, as the expenses had been studiously kept down, it is to be hoped the receipts may cover them, or nearly so. The collections after the three services amounted to 865_l._, being 200_l._ less than in 1840, but 50_l._ more than in 1837.--_Cheltenham Looker-on._ Rossini has just left Paris without its having been possible to procure a note from him. Every effort has been fruitless. Unwilling to hear one word said of music, Rossini has not even been to the Opera. He is returning to Bologna, cured of a painful disease by Doctor Civiale, who, with reason, seemed to him a far more important personage than Duprez. It is said that Rossini replied to the great tenor, who asked him for a part, "I have come too early, and you too late."--_French print._ THE METROPOLIS. THE ALDERMANIC GOWN OF BREAD-STREET WARD.--It is supposed that there will be a hard contest for the Aldermanic Gown of Bread street, vacant by the resignation of Alderman Lainson, who on Thursday last addressed a letter to the Lord Mayor, announcing his determination to retire, in consequence of ill health. METROPOLITAN IMPROVEMENTS.--The works are now about to commence in good earnest for forming Victoria Park. Great progress is being made by the Commissioners of the Metropolis Improvements in the formation of the new street at the West-end. The new street leading from Oxford street to Holborn has been marked out by the erection of poles along the line. Last week several houses were disposed of by auction, for the purpose of being taken down. Some delay has arisen in respect to the purchase of the houses which have formed the locality known as Little Ireland. Among the buildings to be removed is the chapel situated at the top of Plumtree street. In this street the whole of the houses on the west side will be shortly removed, for the new street which will lead from Waterloo bridge. In Belton street, in the line for this intended street, the inmates of several houses received notice to quit yesterday. The occupiers of the several houses forming the clump at the end of Monmouth street, in Holborn, have also received similar notices. Similar progress has been made with the new street communicating between Coventry street and Long acre. The line has been cleared from Castle street to Long Acre on the east. On the west side the inmates of the houses, it is expected, will in a few days have notice to quit. Improvements will also be made between Long acre and St Giles's; and in Upper St Martin's lane the whole of the houses on the west side will be removed, the greater part of which are already taken down. REPORT ON THE MODEL PRISON.--The commissioners appointed to superintend the management of the Pentonville Prison have just presented their report for the approval of the Secretary of State. The report states, that it is the intention of the Secretary of State to appropriate the prison to the reception of convicts between eighteen and thirty-five years, under sentence of transportation not exceeding fifteen years; and that the convicts so selected shall undergo a term of probationary discipline for eighteen months in the prison, when they will be removed to Van Diemen's land under their original sentences. RETURNS OF THE ROYAL MINT.--The Master of the Mint has issued his annual return of the work done in the refinery of the Mint, and of the assays made during the past year on other accounts than those of Government, and of public and private bodies, in conformity with an order of the house on a motion made by Mr Hume. The return estimates the amount of bullion refined in the year 1842, under this head, at 940 lbs 0 oz. 19 dwts. of gold, and 24,376 lbs. 11 oz. of silver, the amount received by the refiner being about 600_l._ The number of assays made in the same period is put down at 2,158, at a rate of charge of 2s. for each assay. POST-OFFICE LAW.--It may be interesting at this season, when so many persons who are out of town have their letters forwarded to them in the country, to see the answer to an inquiry whether a letter forwarded after delivery at one address to another in the country is liable to second postage:--"General Post office, Sept. 7, 1843.--Sir,--I am commanded by the Postmaster-General to inform you, in reply to your communication of the 29th ultimo, that a letter re-directed from one place to another is legally liable to additional postage for the further service. I am, Sir, &c. &c." SINGULAR EMPLOYMENT OF THE POLICE.--Under an order recently issued by the commissioners of the metropolitan police, a number of the officers of each division have been actively engaged in collecting information and making out a return of all new houses completed since the year 1830, in which year the police force was established; all new houses commenced but not finished; all new churches, new chapels, new schools, and other public buildings; all new streets and squares formed since that period, with their names and the name of the neighbourhood. THE PROVINCES. SANITARY STATE OF LIVERPOOL.--A Mr Henry Laxton has published a very thin pamphlet, in the shape of a letter to Dr Lyon Playfair, who has been appointed, under the commission of inquiry, to examine and report upon the unhealthy state of Liverpool. But though Mr Laxton's pamphlet is very small, it exposes evils too complicated and large to be remedied without vigorous, continuous, steadily-applied exertion. Groups of houses packed together, with scarcely room for the inhabitants to stir; open cesspools continually sending up their poisonous exhalations, and in hot or wet weather so infesting the air as to render it almost insupportable; smoke from the factories and steam-vessels, which, when the wind is westerly, covers the town, blackening the buildings, soiling goods, and, mixing with the other gases already generated, forming one general conglomeration of deleterious vapours; the state of the inhabited cellars; the neighbourhood of which exhibits scenes of barbarism disgraceful for any civilised state to allow; an inefficient supply of that great necessity of life--water; inefficient drainage, which is only adapted to carry off the surface water;--these are but a sample of the general state of Liverpool, and at the same time very distinct and efficient causes of its excessive mortality. SHEFFIELD.--It is now understood that there will be no immediate vacancy for Sheffield, and that both Mr Ward and Mr Parker will retain their seats. HENRY DAMAR, ESQ.--The _Dorset Chronicle_ publishes a long account of the festivities which took place at Milton Abbey, in Dorsetshire, on the 5th instant, on the occasion of the coming of age of the proprietor, Henry Damar, Esq. PROPOSED PUBLIC MEETING IN BIRMINGHAM.--On Monday a deputation waited on the Mayor of Birmingham, with the requisition requesting him to call a public meeting to petition the Queen to dismiss her present ministers. The requisition was signed by nearly one thousand merchants, manufacturers, and shopkeepers of the town. There was not the name of a working man attached to it. The mayor, however, declined calling the meeting, observing, that although he might not act in accordance with the wishes of many most respectable individuals in the town, he had made up his mind not to call the meeting. ATTENDANCE OF THE LANCASHIRE MEMBERS OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS IN THE SESSION OF 1843.--The total number of divisions in the House of Commons, during the session of 1843, was 220, in which there voted-- Times. 1. Joseph Brotherton Salford 191 2. Dr Bowring Bolton 153 3. Lord Stanley N. Lancashire 129 4. William Sharman Crawford Rochdale 120 5. Thomas Greene Lancaster 102 6. Charles Hindley Ashton 92 7. Sir Howard Douglas Liverpool 88 8. John Wilson Patten N. Lancashire 82 9. John Ireland Blackburne Warrington 75 10. Viscount Sandon Liverpool 69 11. John Fielden Oldham 61 12. John Hornby Blackburn 61 13. Peter Greenal Wigan 60 14. Thomas Milner Gibson Manchester 56 15. Sir George Strickland Preston 53 16. Hon. Richard Bootle Wilbraham S. Lancashire 50 17. Edward Cardwell Clitheroe 47 18. William Fielden Blackburn 47 19. Peter Ainsworth Bolton 34 20. General Johnson Oldham 32 21. George Marton Lancaster 31 22. Mark Philips Manchester 26 23. Sir Peter Hesketh Fleetwood Preston 19 24. Richard Walker Bury 16 25. Lord Francis Egerton S. Lancashire 9 26. Charles Standish Wigan 9 DESTRUCTIVE FIRE AT HALIFAX.--We regret to learn that a fire broke out early on Saturday morning, in the warehouse of Messrs James Acroyd and Son, worsted manufacturers, Bowling Dyke, near Halifax, when the building, together with a large quantity of goods, was entirely destroyed. We understand that Messrs Acroyd were insured to the extent of six or seven thousand pounds, but that the loss considerably exceeds that amount. CHESTER CHEESE FAIR.--At this fair on Wednesday last, the first of the season for this year's make, about 200 tons of new cheese were piled for sale. Early in the morning several dairies went off briskly, but as the day advanced sales became heavy. Prices ranged from 40s. to 50s. per cwt., according to quality. We hear that the make this season has been above an average one. NEW COLLEGE, NEAR OXFORD.--A correspondent states that it is intended to establish at Littlemore, near Oxford, a college, in which young men holding Tractarian views may be trained for missionary labour in connexion with the established church. The Right Rev. Dr Coleridge, formerly Bishop of Barbadoes, will be the principal of the institution. CHATHAM.--A general Court-martial was held on Wednesday, the 6th inst., in the General Court-martial-room, Chatham Barracks, for the purpose of trying Lieutenant J. Piper, of the 26th Cameronian Regiment. The trial lasted four days, terminating on Saturday, the 9th inst. The charges alleged ungentlemanly and improper conduct. The prisoner's defence being closed, the Court broke up. The sentence of the Court will not be known until the evidence has been laid before the Commander-in-Chief at the Horse Guards. The prisoner is about 26 years of age. The trial excited the greatest interest throughout the garrison. It is said that there are at present upwards of 2,000 visitors congregated at Harrogate; and all the other watering places in the north of England, Scarborough, Seaton, Carew, Redcar, Tynemouth, Shotley bridge, Gilsland, as well as the lakes, are teeming with gay and respectable company. IRELAND. REPEAL ASSOCIATION.--On Monday the usual weekly meeting of the Repeal Association was held at the Corn Exchange, Dublin. The week's "rent" amounted to 735_l._, of which 1_l._ was from Mr Baldwin, a paper manufacturer of Birmingham, who is of opinion that Ireland would be of greater benefit to England with a domestic legislature than she was at present. REPEAL MEETINGS.--A repeal meeting was held on Sunday last at Loughrea, a town in the county of Galway, about ninety miles from Dublin. It was attended by Mr O'Connell, who as it was raining in torrents, addressed the people from under the shelter of an umbrella. Amongst other things in his speech, he said,--"Believe me, my friends, that if you follow my advice, the day is not far distant when you shall have your Parliament restored in Ireland. I am working the plan out. I have it in detail. I will have this protective society of 300 sitting before Christmas, and I hope to be able to give you, as a new year's gift, a Parliament in College green. (Cheers.) People of Ireland, you deserve it. Brave, noble-minded people of Ireland, you deserve it. Faithful, religious, moral, temperate people of Ireland, you deserve to be a nation, and you shall be a nation. (Much cheering.) The Saxon stranger shall not rule you. Ireland shall belong to the Irish, and the Irish shall have Ireland." (Hurrah.) There was a dinner in the evening, at which about 400 persons were present. BRANDING OF ARMS IN IRELAND.--Government has entered into a contract with Mr Grubb, the scientific and very able mechanist of the Bank of Ireland, for the construction of the machine intended to be used in marking the arms under the new law--they are not to be subjected to the operation of punching, still less, as some strangely supposed, to the notion of fire. The letters, or figures, will be marked by cutting; and, so simple and ingenious is the method employed, that the most unskilful workman, even an ordinary person unpractised in any trade, can effect the process with the most perfect ease. Four figures and two letters are expected to suffice for designating the county or riding of a county, and the number of the piece; the time occupied in the engraving will be one minute. The expense will be extremely moderate; the cost of each machine being, we understand, only twenty-five guineas, one-half of which, by law, will be defrayed out of the consolidated fund, the other half by the county.--_Evening Mail._ SCENE AT THE PHOENIX PARK.--An extraordinary scene took place on Saturday, at the Viceregal Lodge, between the military on duty and a person named Thomas Campbell, who is, it would appear, insane. Thomas Campbell, it appears, is a very powerful young man, about thirty years of age, and a native of the North road, Drogheda. At the lodge, in the Phoenix Park, he asked to see the Lord Lieutenant; but, being armed with a pitchfork and a hammer, he was not considered an eligible visitor, and after a desperate struggle with the guard, whom he kept at bay, he was knocked down and secured by a police constable. The meeting of Tuesday of the Repeal Association, adjourned over from Monday, was enlivened by the presence of Mr O'Connell, without whom all its proceedings would be "stale, flat, and unprofitable." It again adjourned till Wednesday; and, on that day, Mr O'Connell read an address to the people of Great Britain, setting forth the grievances of the people of Ireland. After the reading of this document, which is long, and certainly ably drawn up, the association adjourned till Monday. MILITARY DEFENCES.--Before the winter sets in every barrack in Ireland will be in a state of defence, fit to hold out against an insurgent assault. In fact, everything will be prepared, excepting the insurrectionary force; and certainly there does not at present appear to be much chance that the strength of the fortifications will be tested. * * * * * REPEAL DEMONSTRATION IN LIVERPOOL.--Some days ago public announcements were made that two days' "demonstration" would be made in this town, in favour of the repeal of the union, and that Mr Daniel O'Connell, jun., youngest son of the Liberator, and one or two others of inferior note would attend. The meeting took place on Tuesday night last, in the Amphitheatre, which was crowded, by not less than between 3,000 and 4,000 persons. Shortly after the doors were opened it appeared evident that a considerable body of Orangemen were dispersed in different parts, from partial sounds of the "Kentish fire," and other circumstances. Mr O'Connell, and the gentlemen accompanying him, arrived about half-past seven, and the chair was taken by Mr James Lennon, who was described as an "Inspector of Repeal Wardens in Liverpool." He delivered a short speech in favour of repeal, during which he was repeatedly interrupted by the Orangemen, and some confusion followed.--Mr Fitzgerald moved the first resolution, which was supported by Mr Daniel O'Connell, jun. His retirement was the signal for the commencement of an uproar which almost defies description. There appeared an evident determination that the proceedings should be stopped; for fights commenced in different parts, many of the benches were torn up, and a sort of attack was made upon the stage by a few Orangemen who were in the pit. The police were very active in endeavouring to secure the assailants, several of whom were seriously hurt; and a few of them having been removed from the building, order was eventually restored, and, with a few trifling exceptions, it was preserved to the end of the proceedings. SCOTLAND. The working of the measure of the past session, denominated the Church of Scotland Benefices Act, will soon be tested, and is now undergoing the ordeal of proof, in consequence of objections lodged by the parishioners of Banff, with the presbytery of Fordyce, against the presentation, induction, and translation of the Rev. George Henderson, now incumbent of the church and parish of Cullen, to the cure and pastoral charge of the church and parish of Banff. The Rev. Mr Grant, formerly parochial minister of Banff, ceased to hold his _status_ in the Established Church of Scotland, having signed the famous deed of secession, and voluntarily resigned his living with his brethren of the non-intrusion clergy. A large portion of his congregation left the establishment along with him, and a free church is now in course of being built for their accommodation. The patronage of the vacant benefice is in the gift of the Earl of Seafield. The Rev. Mr Henderson, of Cullen, has accepted the presentation to the parish church of Banff. On the day appointed for "moderating on the call," very few names were given in, in favour of the presentee, and the presbytery having fixed a day for receiving objections, a series of reasons and objections was lodged in the hands of that reverend body, and published at length in the _Aberdeen Herald_, against proceeding with the collation of Mr Henderson. The objections are set forth under no less than fourteen different heads. "The approaches and manners" of the reverend gentleman are not considered such "as to attach and endear his congregation to him." He is reported to be subject "to an occasional exuberance of animal spirits, and at times to display a liveliness of manner and conversation which would be repugnant to the feelings of a large portion of the congregation of Banff." Others of the objections assert, that his illustrations in the pulpit do not bear upon his text--that his subjects are incoherent and ill deduced; and the reverend gentleman is also charged with being subject to a natural defect of utterance--a defect which it is said increases as he "extends his voice," which is of a "very harsh and grating description," and renders it difficult to hear or follow what he says in the church of Banff, which we are informed "is very large, and peculiarly constructed, with an unusually high pulpit, to suit the high galleries;" and moreover, "the said Rev. George Henderson is considered to be destitute of a musical ear, which prevents the correct modulation of his voice!" ARGYLLSHIRE ELECTION.--- The election of a member of Parliament for the county of Argyll, in the room of Alexander Campbell, Esq., of Monzie, who has accepted the Chiltern Hundreds, took place at Inverary on Friday week. The Lord Advocate (Mr Duncan M'Neill), the only candidate in the field, was accompanied to the hustings by a great number of the county gentlemen; and no other candidate having been brought forward, a show of hands was consequently taken, which being perfectly unanimous, he was, of course, declared duly elected.--_Glasgow Saturday Post._ The Speaker of the House of Commons, Mr Shaw Lefevre, has been on a visit at Glenquoich, the shooting quarters of Edward Ellice, Esq., M.P., in this county. The Right Hon. Edward Ellice, M.P. for Coventry, the Baron James de Rothschild, and other members of the Rothschild family, were also at Glenquoich.--_Inverness Courrier._ WALES. The disturbances in Wales still continue, though the apprehension of some of the rioters who destroyed the Pontardulais gate has had some effect. The following distressing scene is reported in the _Times_:-- "OUTRAGE IN SOUTH WALES.--On the road from Llanelly to Pontardulais, and within five hundred yards of the latter place, is a turnpike-gate called Hendy gate. This gate was kept by an old woman upwards of seventy years of age, who has received frequent notices that if she did not leave the gate, her house should be burnt down. About three o'clock on Sunday morning, a party of ruffians set fire to the thatch of the toll-house. The old woman, on being awakened, ran into the road and to a neighbouring cottage within twenty yards of the toll-house, shouting to the people who lived in it, 'For God's sake to come out and help her to put out the fire; there was not much.' The occupier of this cottage, a stout able man, was afraid to go out, and begged the old woman to come into his cottage, which she refused, and went back to try and save some of her furniture. It appears her exclamation had been overheard, for the villains returned and set fire to the thatch again. The old woman then ran across the road, and shouted out, 'She knew them;' when the brutes fired at her, and shot her dead." An inquest was held on the body of the unfortunate woman, and the jury returned the following astounding verdict:--"That the deceased died from the effusion of blood into the chest, which occasioned suffocation, but from what cause is to this jury unknown." Meetings of the magistrates, in relation to the turnpike trusts, have been held, and measures taken to mitigate the heaviest tolls. FOREIGN. FRANCE. Louis Philippe has had a remarkable history; but it has been distinguished to an extraordinary degree by its vicissitudes, amongst which we must not forget his involuntary exile, and his residence in this country, where he lived for many years as Duke of Orleans. A worse man than his father it would be difficult to imagine. He was a vain, ambitious, and cowardly voluptuary, who gratified his personal passions at the expense of his sovereign and his country; but his son was reared in a different school, and to that accident, conjoined with a better nature, he probably owes the high position which he now occupies as a European monarch. Misfortune is a stern teacher, and its effects on Louis Philippe may be exemplified by a little story that was told of him and Lord Brougham some years ago:--"I am the most independent crowned head in Europe," said he, "and the best fitted for my office of all my brethren." The praise might be deserved, but it seemed strange to the _ex_-Chancellor that it should come from his own mouth--he, therefore, bowed assent, and muttered some complimentary phrases about his Majesty's judgment, firmness, and the like. "Pooh, pooh, my lord," he observed, laughing heartily, "I do not mean that--I do not mean that, but that I can--brush my own boots!" This was practical philosophy, and indicated a clear perception of the constitution of modern society, particularly on the part of one who is known to be by no means indifferent to the fortunes of his race. We believe, also, that Louis Philippe has been happy beyond most men of regal rank in the possession of an admirable woman for a wife, the present Queen of the French being, in all respects, a lady of superior intelligence and virtue; properties which are luckily confined to no condition of life, and to no country or creed. She has shared in all her husband's troubles during the last eventful forty years, and now adorns that throne which the exigencies of the times demanded that he should fill if the French monarchy was to be preserved. Her attention to her children has been unremitting, and the result is, that high though their position be, a more united household nowhere exists. SPAIN. The Ministry has been on the point of dissolution. General Serrano, angered at the contempt shown to his denunciations and lists of conspirators, by the Home Minister, Caballero, gave in his resignation. General Serrano demanded the dismissal from Madrid of more suspected persons. Senors Olozaga and Cortina intervened, however, and made up the quarrel, ordering the _Gazette_ to declare that the most perfect harmony reigned in the Cabinet. This the _Gazette_ did. Mr Aston has demanded his audience of leave, and quits Madrid on the 15th. Grenada has blotted the name of Martinez de la Rosa from its lists of candidates, though he had formerly been elected for that place. M. Toreno is expected at Madrid. Senor Olozaga sets out for Paris, to try and persuade Christina to be patient, for that her presence previous to the elections would rather militate against her party. At Madrid the anniversary of the revolution of 1840, which drove Queen Christina from the Regency, was celebrated by a _Te Deum_, chanted in the church of San Isidro, on the 1st, and at which assisted the Ayuntamiento and provincial deputation. Barcelona has been in open insurrection, and a sanguinary conflict commenced on the evening of the 3rd, which continued with intermissions till the 6th. Later intelligence stated that the town still held out. On the 8th the state of things at Barcelona was nearly the same. One of the great accusations of MM. Prim, Olozaga, and the French party, against the Regent was, that instead of carrying Barcelona and other towns by storm, he fired upon them with muskets and with cannon. Generals Arbuthnot and Prim have pursued precisely the same course, and we see Montjuich again throwing bullets upon Barcelona, and with all this making no progress in its reduction. Accounts from Barcelona of the 8th, mention that several mansions were damaged. Three cannon shots had traversed the apartments of the British Consul. Prim's own Volunteers of Reus had taken part against him, and many of the towns had declared for the Central Junta. A rural Junta of Prim's had been surprised at Sarria, and several of its members slain. A Central Junta had been formed at Girona. Madrid letters of the 5th state that Government were about to dismiss a great many superior officers and functionaries opposed to them. The partisans of Don Francisco have decidedly joined the Esparterists. AUSTRIA AND ITALY. The _Siècle_ says that Austria was much alarmed at the state of Italy. "The necessity which Austria finds to defend her Italian possessions by arms is highly favourable to the projects of Russia against the Danubian Provinces of the Ottoman empire." The _National German Gazette_ of the 8th instant states, that the fortifications of Verona are being considerably strengthened. The heights surrounding the town are to be crowned with towers _à la Montalembert_, so that the city will become one of the strongest fortresses in Italy. The Hungarian infantry, of which the greater part are cantoned in Upper Italy, are actively employed in the construction of the fortifications. TURKEY. CONSTANTINOPLE, August 23.--Petroniewitch and Wulchitch have at length consented to leave Servia, and are probably at this time in Widin, on their way, it is said, to Constantinople. The province has been confided to the care of Baron Lieven and M. Vashenko, who are the actual governors. But the most important feature in the question is a note which the ex-Prince Michael has addressed to the Porte. He declares that the election of Alexander Kara Georgewitch was brought about by violence and intimidation, and that he and his ministers are the only faithful servants of the Porte, and, consequently, the only persons fit to govern Servia. It is generally believed that the Russians have been privy to this step, and that it is their intention to put forward Michael a second time in opposition to Alexander. A daughter was born to the Sultan on the 17th. She has been named _Jamileh_, or the Beautiful. The event has been celebrated by the usual illuminations and rejoicings. The Sultan has been the father of nine children, seven of whom, two sons and five daughters, are now living. EGYPT. It is said that a misunderstanding exists between Mehemet Pacha and his son Ibrahim, relative to the succession to the throne of Egypt; Mehemet proposing that Abbas Pacha, his grandson, should succeed after the death of Ibrahim, whilst the latter would wish his own son to succeed him. UNITED STATES. ARRIVAL OF THE "HIBERNIA" AT LIVERPOOL, ON WEDNESDAY.--Great interest has been excited here for some days past respecting the voyage of the _Great Western_ and the _Hibernia_, the former leaving New York on the 31st ult., and the latter, Boston on the 1st. The betting has been in favour of the _Hibernia_, and she has again beaten her great rival. On Tuesday, at midnight, her lights were seen off the port, and at one o'clock she entered the river, after another rapid passage of nine days from Halifax, and eleven from Boston. The news by this arrival is from New York to the 31st, Boston to the 1st, and Halifax to the 3rd; sixteen days later than previously received by the New York packet ship, _Liverpool_. The _New York American_, in its summary for the packet, says:--Our commercial and money markets continue without sensible change, both abounding in supply without any corresponding demand. The trade of the interior is prosecuted cautiously, and for money in hand. Political affairs are exceedingly dull and uninteresting; even the Irish repeal speakers are quiet. The progress of the pacification between Mexico and Texas, and Mexico and Yucatan, is slow and somewhat uncertain. The president of Texas, General Houston, has dismissed Commodore Moore and Captain Sothorp from the naval service for disobedience of orders. Indeed, the Texan navy may be said to have been disbanded. The people of Galveston thereupon gave Moore a public dinner, and burnt their president in effigy! The Mexican government has formally complained to the United States minister at Mexico, of the inroads of certain citizens of Illinois, Missouri, and Arkansas, into the Mexican territory. Advices from Buenos Ayres to the end of June, describe Monte Video as still holding out; and it was reported in Buenos Ayres that the British commodore would at length allow Commodore Brown, the Buenos Ayrean commander, to prosecute the siege of Monte Video by sea, in conjunction with Oribe by land. A new constitution has been agreed upon by the republic of Ecuador, establishing the Roman Catholic religion as the state religion, "to the _exclusion_ of all other worship," and the Bishop of Quito, in an address to which the people responded favourably, proposed that "ecclesiastics should be henceforth made sole judges in all questions of faith; and be invested with all the powers of the extinct tribunal of the Inquisition!" The bishop then published a "Pastoral Lecter," to "make known the glad tidings." And yet the people of Ecuador, without religious freedom, call their country a free republic! PHILADELPHIA.--The President has returned from his country seat to Washington, and although some alterations in the cabinet are spoken of, still the results of the August elections, showing that a majority in the United States Senate will be Whig, have produced a pause in the contemplated changes. Indeed, people are beginning to complain, and not without reason, of such frequent changes in important offices. For example, within three years there have been three Secretaries of State, three of War, three of the Treasury, three of the Navy, three Attorneys-General, and three Postmasters-General. Some of them have really not had time to learn their duties, and they have been succeeded by others who knew still less of the duties and responsibilities of office. CANADA. Sir C. Metcalfe has returned to the seat of his government at Montreal. The emigrants from Great Britain arrived this season at Quebec, up to the 19th ult., were 18,131; same time last year, 38,159. A few days ago, a party of Irish labourers, who had received, as they supposed, some offence from a few Canadians, at Beauharnois, attacked and nearly killed two respectable old inhabitants, who had nothing to do with the affair. Another great fire at Toronto has burnt about twenty houses; and the Methodist meeting at Waterloo has been burnt down by some incendiary. The crops in both the Canadas are abundant. American coarse cottons are sold there in great quantities, at a lower price than European goods of the same class. * * * * * ARRIVAL OF THE EMPEROR OF RUSSIA AT BERLIN.--The Emperor of Russia arrived on the 6th instant at Berlin. THE DISTURBANCES AT BOLOGNA.--A letter from Bologna, September 2, in the _Debats_, says:--"Notwithstanding the nomination of a military commission, and the display of numerous forces, some armed bands have again appeared, as is reported, in our province. One was commanded by a priest at Castel-Bolognese (district of Ravenna). This state of things does injury to trade and business of every description. The greatest number of depositors have withdrawn their funds from the savings' banks. A circular has been sent round to all the mayors of the province, giving a description of eight persons, for the arrest of each of whom a sum of 300 crowns (1,700f.) is offered." COLONIES AND EMIGRATION. EMIGRATION DURING THE LAST SEVENTEEN YEARS.--From a return furnished by the Emigration Board, it appears that the number of emigrants from England and Wales, in the seven years from 1825 to 1831, were 103,218, or an average of 14,745 yearly; in the ten years from 1832 to 1841, 429,775, or 42,977 per annum. Total number in the last seventeen years, 532,993; or an average for that period of 31,352. But the rate of emigration has greatly increased of late years, as is shown by the fact, that while the emigration of the seven years ending 1831 averaged only 14,745 per annum, that of the last ten years (ending 1841) averaged nearly 43,000 per annum. NEW SOUTH WALES.--The monetary and commercial disasters which have afflicted this important colony are most serious, and they are thus alluded to by the colonial press:--"Our next mail to England will carry home the tidings of fresh disasters to this once flourishing colony. The fast growing embarrassments of 1841, and the 600 insolvencies of 1842, have been crowned in the first third of the year 1843, by the explosion of the Bank of Australia, then by the minor explosion of the Sydney Bank, and, last of all, by the run on the Savings Bank. These three latter calamities have come in such rapid succession, that before men's minds recovered from the stunning effect of one shock, they were astounded by the sudden burst of another; and we are convinced that at the present moment there is a deeper despondency and a more harrowing anticipation of ruin to the colony than ever existed before since the landing of Governor Philip, in 1788."--The run upon the Savings Bank at Sydney originated, it is said, from malice against Mr George Miller, the accountant, whose exertions had been very useful in exposing the mismanagement of the Bank of Australasia. Reports were circulated that the Governor had gone suddenly down to the Savings Bank and demanded a sight of all the bills under discount and mortgages, and that his Excellency declared that he would not give three straws for all the securities put together; but this statement regarding his Excellency is flatly contradicted. Many of the largest holders of land and stock in the colony are said to be so irretrievably embarrassed, by reason chiefly of the high prices at which their investments were made, that their property must go to the hammer without reserve. The present time is, therefore, held out as a favourable opportunity for emigrants, with moderate capital, to make their purchases. It is broadly declared that 500_l._ would go as far now in New South Wales, in the purchase of land and live stock, as would 5,000_l._ four or five years ago. Australia has been, in some respects, unlucky in its colonization. New South Wales has hitherto flourished from its abundant supply of convict labour, at the expense of those higher interests which constitute the true strength and security of a state. Western Australia was planted with a sound of trumpets and drums, as if another _El Dorado_ were expected. But the sudden disaster and discredit into which it fell, linked the name of Swan River with associations as obnoxious as those which were once inspired by the South Sea or Missisippi. South Australia, again, planned on principles which are universally recognised as containing the elements of sound and successful colonization, has also proved a failure. One of the newest and most enterprising of our Australian settlements, that of Port Philip has been sharing with Sydney in the recent commercial distress and calamity; and though it is already getting over its troubles, it must undergo a painful process before it can lay an unquestioned claim to its title--Australia Felix. Land jobbing; banking facilities at one time freely afforded, and at another suddenly withdrawn; ventures beyond the means of those engaged in them; imprudent speculations, in which useful capital was either rashly risked or hopelessly sunk--these unquestionably have been amongst the causes which have brought on the commercial disasters of New South Wales. It is seldom advantageous for an emigrant, newly arrived, to become a proprietor of land in any part of Australia, unless his capital be considerable; but the eager desire to become possessed of the soil overcame all prudential considerations; land at Port Philip was eagerly bought, at prices varying from 12_s._ to 500_l._ In 1840 the influx of moneyed immigrants from England and Van Diemen's Land, to a newly-discovered and extensive territory, produced a land fund exceeding the sum of 300,000_l._, and engagements were entered into by the colonial Government, on the faith that the land fund would produce annually a large amount, but in 1841 it fell down to 81,000_l._; and though in 1842 as much as 343_l._ 10_s._ per acre was given for building ground in the town of Brisbane, district of Moreton Bay, it was impossible for this to continue; and even for valuable lands in the neighbourhood of Sydney, in the very same year, wholly inadequate prices were obtained. The colonial Government became embarrassed by the expenditure exceeding the revenue; and in 1842, Sir George Gipps, in an official despatch, says, "Pecuniary distress, I regret to state, still exists to a very great, and even perhaps an increased, degree in the colony, though it at present shows itself more among the settlers (agriculturists or graziers) than the merchants of Sydney. When, however, I consider the vast extent to which persons of the former class are paying interest, at the rate of from 10 to 15 per cent., on borrowed money, I can neither wonder at their embarrassments, nor hope to see an end to them, except by the transfer of a large portion of the property in the colony from the present nominal holders of it to other hands, that is to say, into the hands of their mortgagees or creditors, who, in great part, are resident in England." This official prophecy is now in the act of fulfilment; and when the storm has spent itself, the colony may be prosperous again. CAPE OF GOOD HOPE.--The want of Government protection which is felt by the British resident at the Cape of Good Hope is well illustrated by the following extract from a letter addressed by the writer to his family at home:--"I am sure I shall be able to get on well in this country if the Caffres are only prevented from doing mischief, but if they go on in the present way, I shall not be able to keep a horse or an ox, both of which are indispensable to a farmer. Now I can never assure myself that when I let my horses go I shall see them again. It is a disgrace to our Government that we are not protected. As it is, all our profits may be swept away in one night by the marauders." NEW ZEALAND.--We understand a box of specie was placed on board the _Thomas Sparkes_, in charge of the captain, for Mr Chetham. On the owner opening the box, he discovered to his great surprise that, by some unaccountable process on the voyage, the money--gold, had been turned into one of the baser metals--iron. It is stated that the steward left at Plymouth, and the first and second mates whilst the vessel was detained at the Cape, but whether they had any agency in the transmogrification of gold into iron remains to be proved.--_New Zealand Gazette_, Feb. 4, 1843. POLITICAL. THE ABORTIVE COMMERCIAL NEGOTIATIONS WITH SPAIN.--Senor Sanchez Silva, known for his speeches in the Cortes, as deputy for Cadiz, has published, in an address to his constituents, an account of the negotiations between the Spanish and British Governments relative to a treaty of commerce. The effect of this publication will be to undeceive the minds of Spaniards from the idea that the Regent's Government was about to sacrifice the interests of Spain, or even of Catalonia, to England. The terms proposed by the Spanish commissioner were, indeed, those rather of hard bargainers than of men eager and anxious for a commercial arrangement. Senor Silva says that England, in its first proposals, demanded that its cottons should be admitted into Spain on paying a duty of 20 per cent., England offering in return to diminish its duties on Spanish wines, brandies, and dried fruits. But England, which offered in 1838 to reduce by one-third its duty on French wines, did not make such advantageous offers to Spain; and the Spanish negotiators demanded that 20 per cent. _ad valorem_ should be the limit of the import duty of Spanish wines and brandies into England, as it was to be the limit of the duty on English cottons into Spain. This demand nearly broke off the negotiation, when Spain made new proposals; these were to admit English cottons at from 20 to 25 per cent. _ad valorem_ duty, if England would admit Spanish brandies at 50 per cent. _ad valorem_ duty, sherry wines at 40 per cent., and other wines at 30 per cent., exclusive of the excise. Moreover, that tobacco should be prohibited from coming to Gibraltar, except what was necessary for the wants of the garrison. The English Government, in a note dated last month, declared the Spanish proposals inadmissible. If the Spanish Government did not admit the other articles of English produce, the duty on Spanish wines could not be reduced. English cottons were an object of necessity for the Spanish people, and came in by contraband; whereas Spanish wines were but an article of luxury for the English. Senor Sanchez Silva concludes, that it is quite useless to renew the negotiations, the English note being couched in the terms of an _ultimatum_. CORRESPONDENCE AND ANSWERS TO INQUIRIES. London, September 13, 1843. Sir,--I have read your preliminary number and prospectus, and the first number of your new periodical, the ECONOMIST, and it gives me pleasure to see the appearance of so able an advocate of free trade, the carrying out the principles of which is so necessary for the future welfare and prosperity of the country, and the relief of the distress which is more or less felt in all the different departments of industry. I belong to the class who have their sole dependence in the land, and have no direct interest in trade or manufactures; and feel as strong a wish for the prosperity of agriculture as the Duke of Buckingham, or any other of the farmer's friends; but I consider the interests of all classes of the community so intimately connected, and so mutually dependent on one another, that no one can rise or prosper upon the ruins of the others. Like your Northumberland correspondent I am fully convinced of the impolicy and inefficiency of "restrictive corn laws," and of the benefit of "the free-trade system" for the relief of the agricultural, as well as of the manufacturing, the shipping, or any other interest in the country; and I should also be glad if I could in any way assist "in dispelling the errors respecting the corn trade that have done so much harm for the last twenty (eight) years." The intention of the corn law of 1815 was to prevent the price of wheat from falling below 80s. per quarter; and it was the opinion of farmers who were examined on the subject, that less than 80s. or 90s. would not remunerate the grower, and that if the price fell under these rates, the wheat soils would be thrown out of cultivation. Prices, however, fell, and though they have fallen to one half, land has not been thrown out of cultivation. Various modifications have since been made in the scale of duties, but always with a view to arrest the falling prices in their downward course; but all these legislative attempts have been in vain; and so far as the farmer trusted to them, they have only misled him by holding out expectations that have not been realized. But though the corn laws failed in keeping up the price of corn as high as their framers and supporters wished, they succeeded so far as to enhance the price of this first necessary of life, and make it perhaps 20 or 30 per cent. dearer than it otherwise would have been to all the consumers, even the poorest tradesman or labourer in the country. If the difference which the agriculturists were enabled, by this monopoly, to obtain at the expense of the other classes, had all been pure gain, without any drawback, they must have been in a comparatively flourishing condition; but we find this is not the case, and what is the reason? Let us hear Sir Robert Peel's answer to the question. In his speech in parliament on Mr Villiers's motion, when replying to the accusations that had been made by Mr Blackstone and other members on his own side of the house, that he had deceived the agriculturists, as the Government measures, instead of affording them the protection that was promised, had brought down prices and rendered their situation worse than before, Sir Robert says, it was not the Government measures that had brought down prices and occasioned the agricultural distress, but that this arose from the _condition of the manufacturing districts, and the general distress from bad trade and want of employment, which rendered the people unable to consume_. If this, then, is the true cause of the agricultural distress,--if the corn, sugar, and other monopolies are so injurious to the manufacturing and commercial classes, who are the agriculturists' best, and, indeed, their only customers, as to render them unable to consume, it is not to class legislation that we can look for relief. In order to relieve the agricultural distress there is no other way than to relieve the distress of those on whom they depend for a market for their productions. Were the farmer (or rather the landed proprietor) to gain all that the consumer loses by the corn monopoly,--if it were only taking from one, and giving to another--without any national loss; though this of itself would be bad enough,--it is perhaps the smallest part of the loss which the manufacturer sustains; for the same law which hinders him from going to the best and cheapest market to purchase his food, at the same time necessarily excludes him from a market for the produce of his industry; and by diminishing the demand for his labour, lowers his wages or throws him out of employment. But one abuse leads to another. Those who are interested in the corn monopoly, or think themselves so, cannot well oppose the sugar monopoly while they require the aid of the West India planters to enable them to obtain this advantage at their country's expense; and so it is with all the other monopolists, they naturally unite together, and it requires their mutual aid and all their combined power and influence to preserve a system which they know stands upon rather an insecure foundation, and if once broken in upon would soon fall to pieces; and thus it is that we are subjected to the sugar monopoly, and though it is manifestly our interest to buy this important necessary of life (as well as every other) in any quarter of the globe where we can find it best and cheapest, we are restricted to a small portion of the earth's surface, and have to pay a third part more than we might obtain the article for without any loss to the revenue. By this narrow-minded system of buying, we deprive ourselves of valuable markets for our manufactures, as you have shown is likely to be the case with the Brazils on the expiry of the commercial treaty with that country if the matter is left in the hands of Ministers, "and no effort made to avert so great an evil." The agriculturists have to pay directly for this monopoly in common with all the other classes in the addition to the price of the sugar they consume; but the manufacturers suffer the still greater disadvantage of having the market for the produce of their labour narrowed, and thus the agriculturist will also suffer indirectly by their customers being thereby still farther disabled to consume. But these and all other monopolies and restrictions in trade not only lessen the demand for our manufactures abroad, but they diminish the consumption at home, to an extent greater perhaps than we are aware of; for there can be no doubt that the more the consumer has to pay for his bread, sugar, and other articles of food, the less he will have to spare for cottons, woollens, and other manufactured commodities. The demand for his labour is thus lessened both at home and abroad. The weaver of cloth may be unable to obtain a coat even of his own manufacture, however necessary it may be for his health and comfort; he must have food, in the first place, being more indispensibly necessary to his existence,--no doubt he may have to content himself with a less quantity than he could have wished, and have to substitute oatmeal and potatoes, or some other inferior food for wheaten bread and butchers meat; still, it is less in his power to curtail the consumption of agricultural produce than of manufactures, so that the manufacturing classes suffer from the general distress which renders the people unable to consume in a greater degree than the agriculturist. R.T.F. * * * * * TO THE EDITOR OF THE ECONOMIST. Darlaston, September 8, 1843. Sir,--Twelve months ago the editor of the _Morning Chronicle_ allowed a letter of mine, referring to the distress then prevailing in this town, to appear in that journal; in it I stated that for our annual wake only twenty-four cows had been killed, when but a few years previously ninety-four had been slaughtered on a similar occasion. Perhaps you will permit me to state in your columns that this year the festival, in this particular, has afforded as melancholy and unquestionable proof of distress as the last, while it bore other evidence, which though trivial in itself, is not unworthy of notice. Last year two theatrical shows visited us, displaying their "Red Barn" tragedies, and illuminated ghosts, at threepence per head, at which they did well; as also did a tremendous giantess, a monstrously fat boy, and several other "wonderful works of nature:" this year only one show of any description attended, and that, with kings and queens, and clowns, as well dressed and efficient, and ghosts, as white and awe-inspiring as ever paraded before an audience, has reaped but an indifferent harvest at the "low charge of one penny each;" while the swing boats and wood horses, patronized with such glee by the miniature men and women attending and enjoying wakes and fairs, only worked half time. The physical-force majority in the House, and their aiders and abettors, were they to see this, would perhaps laugh at the petty details, but their doing so would not in the least detract from their truth, or render questionable for a moment the deductions I make from them,--that poverty is so wide spread and bitter that the poor are compelled to make a stern sacrifice of innocent amusements; that the parent cannot exercise the holiest affections of his nature, by adding to the pleasures of his lisping little ones; that the landowners' corn law, by its paralyzing influence, is rapidly withering the great mass of the industry of the country into idle, dispiriting pauperism. From inquiries I have made I learn that through the country generally the wakes, and fairs, and races, have presented similar features to those I have described above, so far as money goes. And in face of the distress, of which these things bear glaring witness, the Prime Minister says "that the distress has been produced by over-production." Can Sir Robert be serious when he talks of "over-production?" If he be, and will condescend to honour me with a visit during his stay at Drayton Manor, which is only a short drive of sixteen miles from here, I will show him that the opinion is fallacious. He shall dispense with his carriage for a short time, and I will walk him through all the streets of Darlaston, Wednesbury, Willenhall, Bilstow, &c., and, forsaking the thoroughfares frequented by the gay and well-to-do, he shall visit the back streets--in which carriage passengers never deign to go--of Birmingham, Wolverhampton, and Walsall, and what he will witness in the course of the short ramble will "change the spirit of his dream." In Darlaston, as a sample of what he would see, there are hundreds of men and women whose clothes, made of the coarsest materials, are patched, and threadbare, and valueless; hundreds of houses without anything in them deserving the name of furniture; hundreds of beds without clothing, and hundreds of children whose excuses for clothes are barely sufficient, with every contrivance decent poverty can suggest, to cover the body as civilized society demands. In the towns I have enumerated, in fact, if the least reliance may be placed in newspaper reports, in every town and village in the country the same want prevails to a much greater extent than can be conceived by such as Sir Robert, "who fare sumptuously every day,"--aye, even to a much greater extent than is generally supposed by the above-want dwellers in large towns whom business may frequently bring in contact with those who toil. With the millions, then, who in this country must be next to naked, without furniture in their houses, without clothes to cover their straw beds, is it not the nonsense of nonsense to talk of "over-production." Enable these men to satisfy the wants of themselves and families, enable them to make their homes comfortable, and that alone would find employment for a goodly number, while those so employed would also be enabled to purchase the articles others are engaged in manufacturing. To produce so desirable a result, nothing is wanted but FREE TRADE repeal the corn and provision laws, and the shadow of "over production" could not exist: in three months there is not a man in the kingdom who would not have full work. And when we had supplied the physical wants of our population (a greater task than it appears at the first view), we should have introduced from every corner of the world the luxuries which refine civilization; the artisan building himself a house would then make it more comfortable and healthy, with wood floors, carpets, better furniture, &c.; and the master manufacturer erecting a house would have marble stairs and floor in his entrance hall, doors, &c. of mahogany, furniture, of rarer woods, and ornaments of marble, paintings, plate glass, &c.; and when all these things were procured, "over-production" would be still as far behind us as during their acquisition, as we would then work but three days a week instead of six, as with so much labour we should be able to procure the necessaries and luxuries of life. And all nations would be compelled to minister to our real and created wants, for England is the only nation in the world incapable of internally supplying its inhabitants with food, and therefore, under Free Trade, has the command of the markets of the whole world. Then the English merchant going to, say America, to dispose of manufactures need not fear the merchant of France, Belgium, Germany, &c., he may meet there with similar goods; for the American asking each what he requires for the articles offered, is told by the former, "I will take your surplus corn in exchange, we want every year from six to ten millions of quarters;" and this latter answers, "We have more corn at home of our own growth than we can consume, I must have cash;" the American, preferring barter, will turn on his heel and trade with the Englishman; the unsuccessful applicant takes back his goods, or visits the market no more, and confines his future operations to the home supply of his own country, which in a short time, from competition and want of a foreign outlet, fail to realise a remunerating profit; trade is gradually relinquished; the people turn again to the more extensive cultivation of the land, and England obtains another customer. This is no "castle building," if there be the least affinity between the results of great things and small ones. If a grocer want a coat he will have it from the tailor who will take sugar and tea in payment, in preference to patronising one who requires pounds shillings and pence, and the owners of land in all countries will take right good care that they derive some sort of revenue from their possessions. I say, I think my premises are no "castle buildings;" neither do I think I am indulging in aerial erections when I predict that, under Free Trade, England, with her capital, and energy, and enterprise, would shortly become the world's granary, profitably supplying from her accumulated stores the deficiencies resulting from bad harvests, or other casualties of her continental neighbours. Your obedient Servant, G.W.G. * * * * * _We are much obliged to J. Livesay, of Preston, for his suggestion, which, however, if he compare the_ ECONOMIST _with other weekly papers he will perceive to be unnecessary. We presume we are indebted to Mr Livesay for copies forwarded of his excellent little paper the_ Struggle. * * * * * R.B., Bristol.--_From the great press of room last week we were obliged to omit everything that did not appear of very pressing haste. In the Preliminary Number we have used no statistics but such as we have derived from official sources, and we shall always be glad to give the authority on which any statistical statement is made. The statement of the quantity of sugar exported from Java and Madeira, page 10 of the Preliminary Number, will be found in Part VIII, 1838, page 408, of the_ Tables of Population, Revenue, Commerce, &c., _presented by the Board of Trade to both Houses of Parliament, from 1826 to 1837;--and the quantities, from 1837 to 1841, are derived from the Dutch official accounts._ H.H., S---- court, London.--_The returns showing the quantity of flax imported up to the 5th of August, viz., 774,659 cwts., are official, but do not distinguish the ports from which it was shipped. The latest year for which such distinction has been made to this time is for the year 1841; for which, or any preceding year back to 1832, we shall be glad to furnish the particulars: for example, in 1840 the imports of flax and tow were--from_ Cwts. Russia 870,401 Denmark 1,094 Prussia 135,590 Germany 8,105 Holland 113,108 Belgium 80,748 France 43,295 Gibraltar 19 Italy and the Italian Islands 746 The Morea 3 Turkey 107 Egypt 12 United States 1 Guernsey, &c. 11 --------- Total - 1,253,240 C.D.F.----, near Rochdale.--_The question connected with the New Customs Amendment Bill has engaged our best attention, but its investigation has raised two or three very nice points of international law, on which we are now taking the best opinion which can be obtained, and before our next number we shall be able to give a reply as satisfactory as can possibly be obtained from any quarter on this important but very nice question. We have now before us the whole of the particulars of the treaties in question, but we wish to make our reply valuable by giving the best legal construction on some disputable points. This, however, is only another of those daily evidences which we have of the absurdity and inconvenience of a great commercial country like this attempting to regulate its laws and transactions by treaties, which, however convenient they may be when made, may, by the ordinary course of events, be rapidly changed._ POSTSCRIPT. LONDON, _Saturday Morning, September 16, 1843_. STOCK EXCHANGE, HALF-PAST ELEVEN O'CLOCK. There is little or no variation in English Stock: Mexican, which left off yesterday at 35-5/8 to 7/8, is now 33-3/4 to 34. Brazilian, which left at 73 to 75, is now 74 to 76. In other Foreign Stocks there is no alteration worth notice. LIVERPOOL, FRIDAY EVENING, SEPTEMBER 15, 1843. An active demand has been constantly kept up all the week, and a large business has been done daily. So far, however, it has been freely met by the holders; and the speculators and spinners have had an abundant choice of all qualities. In American descriptions there is but little change in prices; the tendency, has been and still is in favour of holders; and it has been thought necessary to raise the quotations of "fair" Uplands and Mobile to 4-7/8d.; but there is so little actual change, that for the most part, the quotations remain as before. Brazils, Egyptian, and long stapled generally, have been more in demand, and may be considered 1/8d. higher. Sea Islands also within the fortnight are 1/2d. higher, making an advance in the ordinary to fair qualities from the very lowest point of 1-1/2d. to 2d. per lb. A considerable part of the speculative business of this week has been prompted by the accounts from the United States, brought by the _Hibernia_ and _Great Western_, the tenor of which is to confirm the previous impression as to short crops. 19,800 American, 100 Egyptian, and 300 Surat have been taken on speculation; and 1,000 American, 300 Pernam, and 200 Surat for export. The following is the Statistical Review of our Cotton Market:-- Taken for Consumption: for Export: from 1st Jan. to 15th Sept. 1842. 1843. 1842. 1843. 794,500 bales. 946,500 bls. 66,500 bls. 65,900 bls. whole Import: 1842. 1843. 1,024,141 bls. 1,401,278 bls. Computed Stock. Average weekly consumption. 15th Sept. 1st Jan. to 15th Sept. 1842. 1843. 1842. 1843. 593,000 bls. 834,000 bls. 21,556 bls. 25,689 bls. For SUGAR there is rather more inquiry, at steady prices.--COFFEE; the sales of plantation trivial without change of price.--INDIGO, price firm at the advance of 3d. to 4d., established at public sale yesterday.--TEA; the market remains rather firm, and a moderate business has been done at previous rates. In other articles of produce a fair amount of business has been done, without any particular features to remark. GRAIN.--There has been rather more demand for old WHEAT, and prices for this and all other articles in the trade are supported. Duty has been paid on nearly the whole of the bonded stock, and the rate is now on the advance. * * * * * The papers of this morning do not contain any intelligence of the slightest novelty or interest. Her Majesty and Prince Albert are enjoying themselves at Ostend in the society of their august relatives, the King and Queen of the Belgians. To-day (Saturday) the Royal party go to Bruges; on Monday to Brussels; on Tuesday to Antwerp; and on Wednesday return to England. Barcelona is still in a state of insurrection; and though Madrid is tranquil, the state of Spain, as the _Times_ remarks, is one of "simple confusion." The Malta correspondent of the _Morning Chronicle_ says that a report had been current at Bombay that it was the intention to order the next steamer for the overland mail to keep her direct course, in spite of the monsoon. The monsoon had, no doubt, driven her back. Wales continues in a distracted state, and acts of incendiarism are common. The extraordinary verdict given by the inquest jury on the body of the unfortunate old woman who was shot, is the subject of general remark, as strikingly evincing the terrorism which prevails. There is even talk of the necessity of putting the country under martial law! The very remarkable meeting held by Messrs Cobden and Bright, at Oxford, on Wednesday last, is the theme of general conversation in society. It is, indeed, a very striking evidence of the progress of free-trade principles amongst the agriculturists. The _Leeds Mercury_ of this morning, and other provincial organs of public opinion, in the great seats of our commerce and manufactures, all speak in cheerful terms of the decidly-improving prospects of trade. THE LATEST FROM THE AMERICAN PRESS ON FREE TRADE--AUG. 24TH. THE CORN-LAW CONTROVERSY.--A friend has placed in our hands numbers of the tracts which the corn-law reformers of England circulate among the people. They are about the size and length of the religious tracts of this country, and are put up in an envelope, which is stamped with neat and appropriate devices. These little publications comprise essays on all the topics involved in the corn-law controversy, sometimes in the form of dialogues, sometimes of tales, and sometimes of extracts from famous books and speeches. The arguments are arranged so as to be easily comprehended by the meanest capacities. The friend to whom we are indebted for these is well informed on the subject, and says that a more advanced state of opinion prevails among the people of England, in relation to the operation of tariffs, than in this nation generally so much more enlightened. It is a singular spectacle which is thus presented to the eyes of the civilized world. While the tendency of opinion, under an aristocratic monarchy, is towards the loosening of the restraints under which the labour of the people has long suffered, a large and powerful party in a nation, whose theory of government is nearly a century in advance of the world, is clamouring for their continuance and confirmation. Monarchical England is struggling to break the chains that an unwise legislation has forged for the limbs of its trade; but democratic America is urged to put on the fetters which older but less liberal nations are throwing off. The nations of Europe are seeking to extend their commercial relations, to expand the sphere of their mutual intercourse, to rivet the market for the various products of their soil and skill, while the "model republic" of the new world is urged to stick to the silly and odious policy of a semi-barbarous age. We look upon the attempt which is making in Great Britain to procure a revision of the tariff laws, as one of the most important political movements of the age. It is a reform that contemplates benefits, whose effects would not be confined to any single nation, or any period of time. Should it be successful, it would be the beginning of a grand and universal scheme of commercial emancipation. Let England--that nation so extensive in her relations, and so powerful in her influences--let England adopt a more liberal policy, and it would remove the only obstacles now in the way of a complete freedom of industry throughout the globe. It is the apparent unwillingness of nations to reciprocate the advantages of mutual trade, that has kept back this desirable reform so long. The standing argument of the friends of exclusiveness--their defence under all assaults, their shelter in every emergency--has been that one nation cannot pursue a free system until all others do, or, in other words, that restriction is to be met by restriction. It is a flimsy pretence, but such as it is, has answered the purposes of those who have used it, for many centuries. The practice of confining trade by the invisible, but potent chains of law, has been a curse wherever it has prevailed. In England, more dependent than other nations on the extent of its commercial intercourse, it may be said to have operated as a scourge. The most terrible inflictions of natural evil, storms, famine, and pestilence, have not produced an equal amount of suffering. Indeed, it has combined the characteristics of the worst of those evils. It has devastated, like the storm, the busy hives of industry; it has exhausted, like famine, the life and vital principle of trade; and, like the pestilence, it has "walked in the darkness and wasted at noon-day." When we read of thousands of miserable wretches, in all the cities and towns of a great nation, huddled together like so many swine in a pen; in rags, squalor, and want; without work, bread, or hope; dragging out from day to day, by begging, or the petty artifices of theft, an existence which is worthless and a burden; and when, at the same time, we see a system of laws, that has carefully drawn a band of iron around every mode of human exertion; which with lynx-eyed and omniscient vigilance, has dragged every product of industry from its retreat to become the subject of a tax, can we fail in ascribing the effect to its cause, or suppress the utterance of our indignation at a policy so heartless and destructive? Yet, this is the very policy that a certain class of politicians in this country would have us imitate. Misled by the selfish and paltry arguments of British statesmen, but unawed by the terrible experience of the British people, they would fasten upon us a system whose only recommendation, in its best form, is that it enriches a few, at the cost of the lives and happiness of many. They would assist a constrictor in wrapping his folds around us, until our industry shall be completely crushed. * * * * * ST OLAVE'S CHURCH.--The rebuilding of this church in the early part of the last century cost the parishioners a less sum than the organ. The old church having fallen down, the new one (that recently destroyed by fire) was erected by raising an annuity of 700_l_., and the granter died after receiving the first half year's payment of 350_l_. The organ was the most ancient instrument in the metropolis. FREE-TRADE MOVEMENTS. MESSRS COBDEN AND BRIGHT AT OXFORD.--IMPORTANT MEETING OF FREEHOLDERS AND FARMERS OF THAT COUNTY. As we stated last week, announcing the intention, Mr Cobden and Mr Bright visited Oxford on Wednesday, for the purpose of addressing the freeholders and farmers of the county on the subject of the corn laws. Very considerable excitement had prevailed in the city and the surrounding districts in consequence of the proposed visit of Mr Cobden, but it does not appear that the landowners on the present occasion, through the medium of the farmers' clubs and agricultural associations, thought fit to get up an organised opposition, similar to that at Colchester, or interfere to prevent their tenants from attending, as at Reading. The consequence was a very large number of farmers were present at the meeting, although it is well known that the harvest is not in such a state of forwardness as to allow them to absent themselves from their ordinary occupations without considerable inconvenience. It is a circumstance worthy of notice, and strongly indicative of the present state of public feeling upon the subject, that in a purely agricultural district, at a county meeting regularly convened by the High Sheriff, the whole of the county members being present, two of whom spoke in favour of protection, supported by many influential men of their own party, no person ventured to propose a resolution in favour of the present corn law, and that even the resolution for a low fixed duty made by two of the most popular men and largest landed proprietors in Oxfordshire, Lord Camoys and Mr Langston, was supported by only three or four individuals out of a meeting of nearly 3,000 persons. Early in the morning, a protectionist champion presented himself, not in the guise either of a freeholder or farmer of the county, but in the person of a good-humoured, though somewhat eccentric printer, named Sparkhall, who had come from the celebrated _locale_ of John Gilpin--Cheapside, and who having armed himself with a large blue bag fitted with elaborate treatises upon the corn laws, and among other pamphlets a recent number of _Punch_, forthwith travelled to Oxford, and by the kind permission of the meeting was permitted to essay a speech, about what nobody could divine, and in a manner truly original. It is, however, due to the monopolists of Oxfordshire to state that they did not accredit their volunteer champion, and even went so far as to request that he would "bottle up" his eloquence for some future opportunity. At two o'clock, the hour appointed for the proceedings to commence, the County hall, which is capable of containing 1,800 persons, was nearly filled. Mr Cobden and Mr Bright, who had been dining at the farmers' ordinary, held at the Roebuck hotel, arrived shortly after two, and were accompanied to the place of meeting by a large number of influential farmers and leading agriculturists, who had met the honourable members at the market table. They at once proceeded to the gallery, where, among others at this time, were Lord Camoys, of Stonor hall, Oxon; the three members for the county, Lord Norreys, Mr Harcourt, and Mr Henley; Mr Langston, M.P. for the city of Oxford; Mr Thomas Robinson, banker; Mr Charles Cottrell Dormer, Mr J.S. Browning, Mr W. Dry, Mr W. Parker, Captain Matcham, Rev. Dr Godwin, Rev. W. Slatter, Mr Richard Goddard, Mr H. Venables, Messrs Grubb, Sadler, Towle, Weaving, Harvey, &c. On the motion of Lord Cambys, seconded by Mr Langston, M.P., Mr Samuel Cooper, of Henley-on-Thames, under-sheriff for the county, was, in the absence of the high sheriff, called to the chair. The Chairman said he regretted very much that the high sheriff was prevented from attending the meeting, which had been convened in consequence of a requisition presented to the sheriff by several freeholders of the county. Having read the requisition, he introduced Mr Cobden, who proceeded for some time to address the meeting on the fallacy of the present corn law as a protection to the farmer, amid frequent cries for adjournment, in consequence of the crowded state of the hall, and Mr Sadler having intimated that several hundred persons were waiting at the Castle green, at which place it had been generally expected the meeting would ultimately be held, moved its adjournment to that spot, which was immediately agreed to. Several waggons had been brought to the green, for the purpose of forming a temporary platform, and the meeting being again formed, Mr Cobden resumed, and, in his usual powerful manner, explained the influence of the corn law upon the tenant, farmer, and farm-labourer, urging the necessity of free trade as the only remedy for agricultural as well as manufacturing distress. The honourable member was loudly cheered during the delivery of his address, which evidently made a deep impression on the large proportion of his auditory. Mr Sparkhall then came forward. Mr Cobden having kindly interceded to obtain him a hearing, and having duly arranged his books and papers, he at once commanded the serious attention of the meeting, by stating broadly as the proposition he was about to prove--that the repeal of the corn laws would plunge the nation into such a state of depression as must ultimately terminate in a national bankruptcy. After quoting from the Honourable and Reverend Baptist Noel, Mr Gregg, and other passages, the relevancy of which to his proposition no one could discover, he bewildered himself in a calculation, and gladly availed himself of a slight interruption to make his bow and retire. Lord Camoys next addressed the meeting. He said Mr Cobden came among them either as a friend or an enemy. If he came as a friend, it was the duty of all to receive him as such; but if as an enemy, then it behoved the farmers of Oxfordshire to meet him boldly, and expose the fallacy of his arguments. For himself he (Lord Camoys) believed Mr Cobden came as a friend. He was not one of those who were afraid of the Anti-Corn-law League; but he was afraid of that class who designated themselves the farmers' friends. He thought if they were to give the Anti-Corn-law League 50,000_l_. a year for fifty years, it would never do half the mischief to agriculture that the farmers' friends themselves had done. (Hear, hear.) It was this impression that had induced him to sign the requisition that had been laid before him, for he was anxious that the farmers of Oxfordshire should have the benefit of any information that could be given to them on the subject. There were three courses open for discussion. The first was the sliding scale (cries of "no, no"); the second a low fixed duty; and the third, a total and immediate repeal of the corn law. (Hear, hear.) He believed the sliding scale was already on its last legs; indeed, it was only defended by a few country gentlemen and fortunate speculators, who had by a lucky chance contrived to realise large fortunes. He was himself for a low fixed duty, and Mr Cobden advocated free trade. There was not so much difference, after all, between them; but he considered that to apply the principles of free trade to England, would be to apply the principles of common sense to a deranged country, suffering under the pressure of an enormous debt. He thought the English farmer should be placed on a level with the continental corn-grower; but he did not think the mere expense of transit would have the effect of securing this as argued by Mr. Cobden. With this view he should propose to the meeting the following resolution:--"That the agricultural interest being the paramount interest in this country, to depress that interest would be injurious to the entire community; that suddenly to adopt free trade in corn must produce that effect, and that, therefore, it is the opinion of this meeting that a moderate fixed duty upon the importation of foreign grain is the one best adapted to the present position of the agricultural interest and the welfare of the country." This resolution was seconded by Mr Langston, M.P., but this gentleman gave way for Mr Bright, who, upon presenting himself, was received with load cheering. In an eloquent address he clearly demonstrated that the only way in which the corn laws could benefit the farmer was by making food dearer, which could only be done by making it more scarce. That the advantage of such high prices invariably went to the landlord in the shape of rent, in consequence of the immense competition for farms, arising from the increase in the agricultural population, and the difficulty of providing for them in commerce and manufactures, owing to the depressed condition to which they had been reduced by the operation of the corn laws. High prices could only be obtained by the farmer from the prosperity of his customers. In reply to the resolution of Lord Camoys, the honourable gentleman stated, that with regard to agriculture being the paramount interest of the country, there could be no doubt in every country there must be land for the people to live on, and so far it was the paramount interest; but he denied that anything like half the population of England were engaged in agricultural pursuits. The agricultural interest would not be depressed, nor would the community be injured by free trade. He would put it to the meeting whether they would have a low duty or no duty at all. (Loud cries of "no duty.") A fixed duty of 6s. would raise the price that amount, and the whole would go into the pockets of the landlord. The honourable gentleman concluded his address amid loud cheers. Lord Norreys next spoke in favour of the existing corn laws, attributing the distress under which all classes at present laboured to the over-production of the manufacturers. Mr Langston, M.P., having replied to his lordship, Mr Henley, M.P., addressed the meeting at some length, in favour of the present restrictive duties on the importation corn. The honourable member concluded by observing that he had attended the meeting because it had been convened by the high sheriff; and he thanked them for the patience with which they had listened to his observations, though neither he nor his colleagues considered it to be properly designated as a farmers' meeting, the majority present being composed of other classes. Mr Cobden briefly replied; and Mr Towle (a tenant farmer) moved the following amendment, "That in the opinion of this meeting the principles of free trade are in accordance with the laws of nature and conducive to the welfare of mankind, and that all laws which interfere with the free intercourse of nations, under the pretence of protection to the agricultural, colonial, or manufacturing interests, ought to be forthwith abolished." The motion having been seconded, was put, and declared to be carried, with only three dissentients. Mr Henley then proposed, and Mr Cobden seconded, a vote of thanks to the chairman, who briefly acknowledged the compliment, and three cheers having been given for free trade the meeting separated, having lasted nearly five hours. * * * * * PUBLIC DINNER TO R. WALKER, ESQ., M.P., BURY.--On Wednesday week a public dinner was given, in the Free-Trade Pavilion, Paradise street, Bury, by the electors of Bury, to the above-named gentleman, for his constant advocacy of Liberal principles in the House of Commons. The meeting, though called to do honour to the worthy representative of Bury, was emphatically a gathering of the friends of free trade, Mr Bright, Dr Bowring, Mr Brotherton, &c., being present. DR BOWRING'S VISIT TO HIS CONSTITUENTS.--Dr Bowring arrived in Bolton, on his annual visit, on Thursday week. In the course of the afternoon he called upon several of the leading reformers and free-traders of the borough; and in the evening, according to public announcement, he attended at the Temperance hall, Little Bolton, to address the inhabitants generally. The doors of the hall were opened at seven o'clock, and hundreds immediately flocked in. At half-past seven, the hall was crowded to excess in every part. On Dr Bowring's entrance, he was greeted with loud cheers. The chief portion of the proceedings consisted in the speech of the learned and honourable member, who, as might be expected, dwelt with great power on the question of questions--free trade. We have only room for the following eloquent passage: "The more I see of England, the prouder I am to recognise her superiority--not alone in arms--about that I care little, but in manufacturing arts, the peaceful arts, which really reflect glory on her people. (Cheers.) Give us fair play and no favour, and we need not fear the strength of the whole world. (Hear.) Let us start in an honest rivalry--let us get rid of the drawbacks and impediments which are in the way of our progress, and sure I am that the virtues, the energies, the industry, the adventurous spirit of the manufacturers and merchants of England, which have planted their language in every climate and in every region, would make them known as benefactors through the wide world. They are recognised by the black man as giving him many sources of enjoyment which he had not before; by the red man as having reached his fields and forests, and brought to him in his daily life enjoyments of which his ancestors had no notion; by all tribes and tongues throughout the wide expanse of the earth, as the allies of improvement, and the promoters of happiness. Sure I am that England--emancipated England--the labourers--the artisans of England, may do more for the honour and reputation of our country than was ever done by all the Nelsons and Wellingtons of the day. (Loud cheers.) I was struck very much, the other day, by the remark of one of the wisest and best men of our times, from the other side of the Atlantic, who said, 'I am not dazzled by the great names which I see recorded in high places; I am not attracted by the statues which are raised to the men whom you call illustrious, but what _does_ strike me, what _does_ delight me, what _does_ fascinate me, is to trace the working man of England to his home; to see him there labouring at his loom unnoticed and unknown, toiling before the sun rises, nor ceasing to toil when the sun has descended beneath the mountain. It is _that_ man, the missionary of peace, who forms the true link of alliance between nation and nation, making all men of one kindred and of one blood,--that man upon whose brow the sweat is falling,--that man whose hands are hardened by labour,--that is the man of whom England has a right to be proud--(hear)--that is the man whom the world ought to recognise as its benefactor.' (Cheers.) And, gentlemen, in such sentiments I cordially agree, and the time will come when the names of men who are called illustrious, at whose feet we have been rolling out torrents of wealth, whom we have been crowning with dazzling honours--those men will pass away into the realms of forgetfulness, while the poor and industrious labourer, who has been through the world a herald and apostle of good, will be respected and honoured, and upon him future times will look as the real patriot, the real philanthropist, the real honour of his country and of his countrymen." The proceedings were closed by the unanimous thanks of the meeting being given to Dr Bowring. FREE TRADE.--We are glad to learn, from a correspondence in the _Liverpool Albion_, that W. Brown, Esq., the head of the eminent house of Brown, Shipley, and Co., of Liverpool, has declared his adherence to the cause of perfect freedom of trade, contributing, at the same time, 50_l._ to the funds of the Liverpool Anti-Monopoly Association. CORN TRADE OF FRANCE.--The _Moniteur_ publishes the return of the corn trade in France during the month of July, from which it appears that the imports were--wheat, 45,896 metrical quintels; other grain, 23,389; and flour, 613. The exports--wheat, 14,318; other grain, 11,506; and flour, 2,435. The quantities lying in the government bonding stores on the first of August were--wheat, 28,405 metrical quintals; other grain, 9,378; and flour, 11,051. ANTI-CORN-LAW MEETING AT HAMPSTEAD.--The opponents of the corn laws resident at Hampstead assembled on Tuesday night, in crowded meeting, at the Temperance hall of that locality, to hear Mr Sidney Smith deliver an address on the evils of the corn laws. The meeting was the first of the kind since the formation of the new association, and there were several of the respectable inhabitants of the neighbourhood present. Mr Smith entered at length into the whole question of the monopolies from which the people of this country suffer. He showed, conclusively, and by a reference to facts and comparisons with other countries, that "protective" duties were injurious to the best interests of the community, as they were productive of abridgment of the people's comfort, and of taxation on everything that they could see or touch. He illustrated the advantages that would arise from free trade, by a reference to the great increase of consumption of the article of coffee since the reduction of the duty of half a crown on the pound weight to ninepence; the consumption at that period (1824) having been but eight millions of pounds weight, while at present, it was twenty-eight millions. The learned gentleman, who spoke for upwards of two hours, concluded amid loud cheers. Three cheers which were proposed for the Charter proved a decided failure; while, on the other hand, three were proposed for a repeal of the corn laws, which were responded to by nearly the whole of the crowded meeting. MR EWART AND HIS CONSTITUENTS.--William Ewart, Esq., the indefatigable member for the Dumfries District of Burghs, is at present paying his respects to his constituents, after the recess of what has been to him a laborious session of parliament, however little may have been effected during its course by the government and the legislature. On Thursday evening he addressed a large meeting in this town. On Friday he visited Lochmaben, and on Saturday Sanquhar, and addressed the inhabitants of both these burghs.--_Dumfries Courier_. MISCELLANIES OF TRADE. STATE OF TRADE.--Owing to the continued absence of the Overland Mail, the demand for manufactured goods, and especially for shirtings, has been limited; but, as stocks are low, prices remain tolerably steady. For yarn the demand continues good, and prices very firm, but the spinners are so generally engaged, that no great amount of business has been done.--_Manchester Guardian_ of Wednesday. COMMERCIAL INTERCOURSE BETWEEN ENGLAND AND THE UNITED STATES.--The circumstances of America are such as to require, for the furtherance of its own interests, a large and extended commercial relationship with England. There is nothing wanting but a movement on our part for the speedy establishment of an unbounded trade. Both countries are so situated that they need never become rivals, provided they consent to co-operate with each other. It is because they have not been permitted hitherto so to do that we now hear of an embryo manufacturing system in America. We have already built Lowell in New England, and Pittsburg in Western Pennsylvania; and will yet, unless we change our system, drive the enterprising republican to efforts which may be more generally and more permanently successful.--_Morning Chronicle_. TRAVELLING BETWEEN ENGLAND AND FRANCE.--The number of persons who passed from England to France, by Boulogne, in the week from 1st to 7th September inclusive, was 2,409, and by Calais, 838. It appears that the opening of the Southern and Eastern Railway as far as Folkestone has increased the number of travellers between England and France by nearly one-half. The number in August, 1842, was 7,436, while during the past month it has been no less than 10,579, showing an increase of 3,143. STEAM V. WATER.--Owing to the Birmingham and Gloucester Railway Company having reduced their charge for all kinds of goods to 6s. per ton between Gloucester and Cheltenham; most of the carriers in this city will be compelled to avail themselves of this mode of conveyance, it being impossible for them to compete with the Railway Company. The consequence will be that some thirty or forty boats will speedily be "laid up in ordinary," to the sorrow of three or four times the number of boatmen, who will of course be thrown out of employ.--_Worcester Chronicle_. THE NEW TARIFF.--"The imports of foreign beasts since Monday last (one week) have been confined to twenty-five into London by the _Batavier_ steamer from Rotterdam." (London Markets Report, September 11.) Can any clever master of fractions calculate the effect of this importation on the Smithfield market, and the benefit thence accruing to the citizens of London as a set-off to the payment of their income-tax? IMPROVEMENT OF TRADE--ROCHDALE.--The piece market has been uncommonly brisk to-day, and all the goods on hand have been cleared off. At present all the workmen are in full employment, though at very low wages; but a few markets of this kind will have a tendency to get up wages. The ready sale of goods has given a buoyancy to the wool market, and the dealers in the raw material have not been so eager to sell at former prices. STATE OF TRADE--PAISLEY.--So far as ample employment to all engaged in the staple manufactures of the town is concerned, trade still continues favourable for the workman, but the manufacturers generally complain that, for the season, sales are late of commencing, and many of them are already rather slackening their operations to keep their stocks down. The unexpected procrastination in the commencement of the fall trade is reasonably accounted for by the fineness of the weather. "A Merchant of twenty-five years' standing, and an Old Subscriber," calls attention to the unusual state of things now so long existing in the Money Market, by the fall in the rate of interest to 1-3/4 and 2 per cent. upon the first class commercial bills. He states that a friend of his has lately lent 100,000_l._ at 1-1/2 to 2 per cent., being the highest rate he could obtain. This condition of the Money Market he attributes to the large amount of paper money in circulation, compared with the demands of commerce. Our correspondent favours us with some figures, illustrative of his views, from November, 1841, to the present month, taken from the _Gazette_ returns, and observing that there has been a serious fall in the value of merchandise equal to one-fifth or one-sixth, with some exceptions during the last year and a half, he accounts by the juxtaposition of his figures, denoting the amount of paper in circulation, and this assumed fall in the price of merchandise for the present anomalous condition of the Money Market, and for the apparent worthlessness of capital. We cannot agree, however, with our correspondent to the full extent, because the very low prices of commodities, with a _minimum_ rate of interest for money, proves that there is no fictitious or inflated excess of paper money. The anomalous state of the Money Market proceeds, we believe, from a redundancy, not of mere paper, but of capital which cannot find investment, superinduced by stagnation of trade, and the want of commercial enterprise, occasioned by the restrictive nature of our duties on imports.--_Morning Chronicle._ The accounts from the United States mention that the greatest activity prevails among the manufacturers in their purchases of the raw material for the year's consumption. POLICE. EXTRAORDINARY CHARGE.--_Captain, William Tune_, the Commander of a steam packet called the _City of Boulogne_, the property of the New Commercial Steam-Packet Company, on Monday appeared at the Mansion House to answer the complaint of the directors of that company, by whom he was charged with being privy to the abstraction of four packages, each containing gold, checks on bankers, bank-notes, and bills of exchange, which had been previously booked at the company's office in Boulogne, and paid for according to the rates agreed upon by the company, and which, with others, had been entrusted to his care. After evidence had been adduced, Mr Wire requested that Captain Tune should be remanded for a week, and stated that the directors being anxious that he should receive as much accommodation as might be consistent with the respectability of his character and the nature of the difficulty in which he was at present involved, were desirous that bail should be taken for his appearance on the next day of investigation.--Alderman Gibbs: I shall require two respectable securities for 500_l._ each, and Captain Tune to be bound himself in the sum of 1,000_l._--The captain was then remanded for a week. A curious fact came out on the inquiry as to the value of each package. They were all, it appeared, entered and paid for as containing a sum of money much inferior to what each package really contained. MATRIMONIAL ADVERTISEMENTS.--An unlucky man, who, in order to get a family by a deceased wife taken care of, had been induced to marry a worthless drunken woman, through the medium of a matrimonial advertisement, applied at Union Hall for advice, but, of course, nothing could be done for him. AWKWARD PREDICAMENT.--A man advanced in years, named _David Simms_, who was claimed by two wives, and nearly torn in pieces by them, was committed from Union Hall, on a charge of bigamy. * * * * * SINGULAR DETECTION OF AN EXTENSIVE SWINDLER.--A man named _William Cairnes_, alias _Thomas Sissons_, with a host of other _aliases_, was placed before the magistrates at the Borough Court, Manchester, charged with one of the most singular attempts at fraud we ever remember to have heard. The prisoner, who was a respectable-looking old man, gave his name _William Carnes_. Under the pretence of giving employment to a labouring man, on getting specimens of his handwriting, he got him to write his name across two blank bills, in the form of acceptance. He has been remanded for further inquiry. EMBEZZLEMENT.--_Theodore Grumbrecht_, a confidential clerk in the extensive India house of Messrs Huth and Co., was arrested on board the _Bucephalus_, bound for New Zealand, whither he was going. The charge against him is extensive embezzlement. ACCIDENTS, OCCURRENCES, AND OFFENCES. SINGULAR ACCIDENT.--An accident occurred at Outwell on the 29th ult. A child, three years old, went to play in a donkey cart, in which a rope coiled and knotted had been placed to dry. The rope was doubled the greater part of the way; and, being knotted, was full of steps or meshes; in one of these the child got his head and unfortunately falling at the same time from the cart, which was propped up as if the donkey were between the shafts, the rope caught on the hook in front of the cart, and held the child suspended a short distance from the ground. He was found quite dead. An inquest was held on the body of the child, and the jury returned a verdict of accidental death.--_Bury Post._ AFFRAY WITH SOLDIERS.--On Tuesday the greatest excitement prevailed throughout Westminster in consequence of repeated outbreaks between the military and the lower, or perhaps we might with propriety say the lowest order of inhabitants of this populous district. The tumult having continued during the whole of the day it was anticipated, and justly, that when night came on, it would increase rather than diminish, although during the whole of the afternoon various parties of the military were seen searching for and escorting to the barracks, the delinquent and disorderly soldiers engaged in the affray. FIRES IN THE METROPOLIS.--On Saturday night the greater portion of the extensive premises of Messrs Cleaseley, floor-cloth manufacturers, Grove street, Walworth common, were destroyed by fire.--On Monday morning the shop of Mr Crawcour, a tobacconist, Surrey place, Old Kent road, was burnt to the ground.--On Tuesday morning, about a quarter to four o'clock, a city police constable discovered fire in the lower part of the extensive premises, nearly rebuilt, of the Religious Tract Society, Paternoster row, through some unslacked lime having been left by the workmen among some timber the previous night. To the vigilance of the officer may justly be attributed the saving of much valuable property from destruction. FIRE AT BRISTOL.--The old Castle Tavern, Bristol, was burned on Thursday, the 7th inst., and the landlord, who was an invalid, perished in the flames. The fire was caused by the carelessness of a niece, in attendance on the invalid, who set fire to the bed furniture accidentally with a candle. The little girl Lydia Groves, who so courageously attempted to extinguish the bed curtains, has sunk under the shock she then experienced. SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. DONCASTER MEETING.--This much-talked-of meeting commenced on Monday, Sept. 11, at two o'clock precisely. The regulations, in every minor detail, answered the purposes for which they were respectively intended; particularly the one affecting those persons who have proved themselves "defaulters," as such were refused admission to the stands, the ring, the betting-rooms, and every other place under the jurisdiction of of the stewards. Many improvements and alterations have been made, and no expense spared towards securing the comfort of all. The different stands have undergone a complete renovation, and present a very striking and handsome appearance, very unlike their neglected condition in former years. On Sunday evening a tremendous storm came on, accompanied with hail and extraordinarily vivid lightning; in fact, it was truly awful to witness--the rain literally pouring down in torrents, and the flashes of lightning following each other in rapid succession. Happily the storm was not of very long continuance, commencing about half-past six, and terminating about seven o'clock; but, during that short period, it was sufficient nearly to drown the "unfortunates," who were travelling outside per coach from Sheffield, York, Leeds, &c., and who, on alighting, presented a most wretched appearance. The morning of Monday was dark and lowering, but towards eleven or twelve o'clock the weather cleared up and remained very fine. The course, notwithstanding the rain, was in the very best possible order, the attendance large, beyond any former example on the first day, punctuality as to the time of starting was very strictly observed, and the sport was first rate. The great event of these races is the St Leger stakes, which on this occasion were run for in three minutes and twenty seconds. Mr Bowes's "Cotherstone," the winner of the Derby, was the favourite, and was confidently expected to gain the St Leger. But it only came in second, being beaten by Mr Wrather's Nutwith, and only gained by a neck on Lord Chesterfield's Prizefighter, which was third. WOOLWICH GARRISON RACES.--The officers of the garrison at Woolwich having resolved on testing the value and quality of their horses by races, the first day's sport came off on Wednesday; and owing to the great number of spectators, of whom there were upwards of 10,000, on the ground, and the fineness of the weather, the scene was more animated than on any former occasion. A spacious booth was erected on the ground and was well filled throughout the day. Upwards of 100 carriages, containing families, were drawn up along both sides of the course, and hundreds of gentlemen on horseback occupied various parts of the Common where the races took place; presenting altogether an enlivening and interesting spectacle. The band of the Royal Artillery attended in front of the booth, and played, with very little intermission, some of the finest airs from one o'clock to seven o'clock, p.m. On Thursday, the second day, a slight shower of rain, about one o'clock, p.m. prevented the races from being so well attended by spectators as they were yesterdy, yet the attendance was numerous in the afternoon, and great interest existed amongst the officers of the garrison, and many sporting gentlemen, to witness the result. AGRICULTURAL VARIETIES. THE BEST HOME MARKET.--The _Norwich Mercury_ of last Saturday contains no less than seventy advertisements relating to the sale of farming stock; and a majority of these are cases in which the tenant of the farm on which a sale is announced is described as one "quitting the occupation," or "retiring from business." We should like to know how many of those parties have managed to amass a fortune, or even to acquire a moderate competency, under that protective system which, as they have always been taught to believe, was devised for their especial benefit. From the ominous newspaper paragraphs, announcing the liberality of landlords to their tenants, which have lately become so numerous, we rather suspect that most of those farmers who are retiring from business do so to avoid greater evils. It is worthy of remark, however, that, amidst all this agricultural depression, which has now lasted some twelve months at least, the "home trade"--which the advocates of the corn law always describe as entirely dependent on the farmers obtaining high prices for their grain--is in a healthier state than it has been for several years past. The _Standard_ lately stated, on the authority of a Mr Spackman, that the United Kingdom contained 20,500,000 individuals dependent on agriculture, and only 6,500,000 individuals dependent on manufactures; and, as we have frequently seen the same absurd statement brought forward at farmers' clubs as "agricultural statistics," it is possible enough that many persons may have been led to believe it. Those who do so, however, would find it rather difficult to explain, under such a division of the population, the fact, that during four or five years of high prices, which the Duke of Buckingham designated "agricultural prosperity," the 20,500,000 souls should have been unable to create a brisk demand for manufactures; while a single year of cheap provisions has done so much to improve trade, and relieve the pressure from the shoulders of the labouring classes. Who that looks at these two facts can have the slightest doubt in his mind as to what it is that makes the best home market?--_Manchester Guardian._ CURIOUS AGRICULTURAL EXPERIMENT.--The following novel and interesting experiment has lately been successfully made by Mr A. Palmer, of Cheam, Surrey:--In July, 1842, he put one grain of wheat in a common garden-pot. In August the same was divided into four plants, which in three weeks were again divided into twelve plants. In September these twelve plants were divided into thirty-two, which in November were divided into fifty plants, and then placed in open ground. In July, 1843, twelve of the plants failed, but the remaining thirty-eight were healthy. On the 19th August they were cut down, and counted 1,972 stems, with an average of fifty grains to a stem, giving an increase of 98,600. Now, if this be a practicable measure of planting wheat, it follows that most of the grain now used for seed may be saved, and will infinitely more than cover the extra expense of sowing, as the wheat plants can be raised by the labourer in his garden, his wife and children being employed in dividing and transplanting them. One of the stems was rather more than six feet long, and stout in proportion. CULTIVATION OF WASTE LANDS.--EMPLOYMENT OF LABOURERS.--A paper was recently laid before the Council of the Royal Agricultural Society of England, by Lord Portman, which we think deserves a much greater degree of attention than we believe it has yet received, in that it shows to what a considerable extent waste lands may, without any very heavy expenditure of money, be brought into profitable cultivation, and at the same time, under a well-regulated system of spade husbandry, yield abundant employment to agricultural labourers and their families. The following is the substance of the document referred to:--His lordship, who has large estates in Dorsetshire, found that a tract of land, called Shepherd's Corner, about 200 acres in extent, was wholly unproductive, yielding a nominal rent of 2s. 6d. per acre. About fifteen years ago his lordship resolved to make an experiment with this land. He accordingly gave directions to his steward that it should be laid out in six divisions, representing so many small farms, in the cultivation of which such of the labourers as could not obtain full work from the neighbouring farmers were occasionally employed. For the three first years there were no returns, the ground having been merely broken up with the spade, and the surface soil exposed. In subsequent years this land was sown chiefly with turnips, fed off by sheep, until it was found in sufficient heart for the reception of grass and corn seeds, the crops from which were at first scanty and indifferent, but sufficient, however, to pay for cultivation. At the expiration of fifteen years the expenditure upon the whole, inclusive of allowance for rent, at the original rate of 2s. 6d. per acre, together with all charges on account of tithes and taxes, amounted to a little more than 10,000_l._; the returns by crops sold and sheep fed exceeding that sum by 88_l._, independent of the crops now in the ground, which will come to the landlord in September. This may appear to be an inadequate return for the fifteen years' experiment; but, as Lord Portman justly observes, "as a farmer he has lost nothing, whilst as landlord he is a considerable gainer, the land being now fully equal to any of the neighbouring farms." Two objects, both of great importance, have thus been obtained. These 200 acres have been fertilized, which would otherwise have been of no present or prospective value; and in the process of cultivation employment has, during that long period, been provided for several hundreds of labourers who, but for that resource, must, at some seasons at least, have become a burden to the parish. OUR LIBRARY TABLE. FREE TRADE, RECIPROCITY, AND COLONIZATION. _The Budget; a Series of Letters, published at intervals, addressed to Lord John Russell, Sir Robert Peel, Lord Stanley, and Lord Eliot, on Import Duties, Commercial Reform, Colonization, and the Condition of England._ By R. Torrens, Esq., F.R.S. _The Edinburgh Review._ No. CLVII. Article, Free Trade and Retaliation. _The Westminster Review._ No. LXXVIII. Article, Colonel Torrens on Free Trade. Our readers are not, in general, unacquainted with the public character and literary reputation of Colonel Torrens. He is, we believe, a self-taught political economist; and, like Colonel Thompson, early achieved distinction in a branch of moral science not considered particularly akin to military pursuits. But in his recent labours, he has very seriously damaged his reputation, by attempting to bolster up a policy whose influence on the welfare of the nation has been of the most deadly and pernicious kind; and we therefore advert to the letters called the _Budget_, more with the view of showing that they have been analysed, and their mischievous principles thoroughly refuted, than with any intention of entering at large into the discussion. It was, we believe, in the autumn of 1841, immediately following the accession of the present Government to office, that Colonel Torrens commenced the publication of his letters called the _Budget_. The two first were addressed to Lord John Russell, and professed to show that the commercial propositions of the late Whig Government would, if adopted, have altered the value of money, increased the pressure of taxation, and aggravated the distress of the people. The third letter was on commercial reform, addressed to Sir Robert Peel. The remainder of the series were on colonization and taxation, on the expediency of adopting differential duties, &c.; concluding with one on the condition of England, and on the means of removing the causes of distress; which was afterwards followed by a _Postscript_, in which the author, addressing Sir Robert Peel, said-- "I would beg to submit to your consideration what appears to me to amount to a mathematical demonstration, that a reduction of the duties upon foreign production, unaccompanied by a corresponding mitigation of the duties imposed by foreign countries upon British goods, would cause a further decline of prices, of profits, and of wages, and would render it doubtful whether the taxes could be collected, and faith with the public credit or maintained." Opinions like these, coming from a man considered to be of some little authority in economical science, were certainly important. The time was serious--the crisis really alarming. A new Government had come into power, and it was thought and expected were about to effect great changes. Even the _Quarterly Review_, alarmed by the aspect of affairs, came round, in the winter of 1841, to advocate commercial reform. At this critical period Colonel Torrens stepped forward. What his motives were we do not know; though we know that men neither harsh nor uncharitable, and with some opportunities of judging, considered that Colonel Torrens, soured by political disappointments and personal feeling, had permitted himself to be biassed by hopes of patronage from the new Government. The pamphlets composing the _Budget_ only appeared at intervals: but so far as they were then published, did attract considerable attention; the mere supporters of pure monopoly did not, of course, understand them: but that body who may be appropriately enough termed _middle men_, were not unaware of the value of such support as that afforded by Colonel Torrens, in staring off changes which seemed inevitable. Sir Robert Peel, too, was then in the very midst of his lesson-taking; and as he deeply studied Mr Hume's Import Duties Report, before he brought out his new Tariff, we need not consider it to be very discreditable to him, that he read the pamphlets of Colonel Torrens before he tried his diplomatic commercial policy. At all events, one of the chief arguments with which Sir Robert Peel and Mr Gladstone justified the great omissions of the new Tariff, was the fact that the Government was engaged in negotiations with other countries in order to obtain treaties of reciprocity. The utter failure of these efforts Sir Robert Peel has repeatedly confessed, accompanied with a sigh over the inutility of the attempt; and the last time that he adverted, in the House of Commons, to the authority of Colonel Torrens (he was citing the _Postscript_ to the _Letter_ addressed to himself) it was with the kind of manner which indicated want of confidence in the guide who had misled him. Whether or no, however, he had relied on that authority in his negotiations with other countries during his futile attempts to obtain commercial treaties, this much is certain enough, that Colonel Torrens did what he could to strengthen the old notion, that it was of no use for us to enlarge our markets unless other countries did so also at the same time and in the same way; and in condemning all reduction of import duties that was not based on "reciprocity," he certainly added all the weight of his authority to prop up a system whose injurious influence has affected the very vitality of our social state, and whose overthrow will yet require no small amount of moral force to effect. We are far indeed, from undervaluing treaties of reciprocity; but to make them a _sine qua non_ in the policy of a country whose condition is that of an overflowing population, a deficient supply of the first necessaries of life, and a contracted market for its artificial productions, is an error of the first magnitude. Therefore, though not attaching primary importance to the _Budget_ of Colonel Torrens, or believing that it could ultimately have any great effect in retarding the effectual settlement of the great question, it was not without some feeling of satisfaction that we perused the able article in the last _Edinburgh Review_, in which his delusions are completely set at rest. We quite agree with the writer (Mr Senior, it is said) that "if the _Budget_ were to remain unanswered, it would be proclaimed in all the strongholds of monopoly to which British literature penetrates--in Parliament, in Congress, in the _Algemeine Zeitung_, and in the councils of the Zollverein--that Adam Smith and the modern economists had been refuted by Colonel Torrens; that free trade is good only where reciprocity is perfect; that a nation can augment its wealth by restraining a trade that was previously free; can protect itself against such conduct on the part of its neighbours only by retaliation: and if it neglect this retaliatory policy, that it will be punished for its liberality by a progressive decrease of prices, of wages, and of profits, and an increase of taxation." The identity of Colonel Torrens's propositions with the exploded "Mercantile Theory" is very satisfactorily established by the Edinburgh reviewer; and it is certainly humbling to see a man of his ability coming forward to revive doctrines which had well nigh gone down to oblivion. On the subject where Colonel Torrens conceives himself strongest, the distribution of the precious metals, the reviewer has given a very able reply, though some points are left for future amplification and discussion; and, as a whole, if there be any young political economist whose head the _Budget_ has puzzled, the article in the _Edinburgh Review_ will be found a very sufficient antidote. With this, and another able article on the same subject in the last _Westminster Review_ (in fact, two articles of the _Westminster_ relate to the subject--one is on Colonel Torrens, the other on Free Trade and Colonization), we may very safely leave the _Budget_ to the oblivion into which it has sunk; and, meantime, the novice will not go far astray who adheres to the "golden rule" of political economy, propounded by the London merchants in 1820, and re-echoed by Sir Robert Peel in 1842: "The maxim of buying in the cheapest market, and selling in the dearest, which regulates every merchant in his individual dealings, is strictly applicable as the best rule for every nation. As a matter of mere diplomacy, it may sometimes answer to hold out the removal of particular prohibitions or high duties as depending on corresponding concessions; but it does not follow that we should maintain our restrictions where the desired concessions cannot be obtained; for our restrictions would not be the less prejudicial to our capital and industry, because other governments persisted in preserving impolitic regulations." MISCELLANEA. CAPTAIN JAMES CLARKE ROSS AND THE ANTARCTIC EXPEDITION. All the newspapers have quoted an account from the _Literary Gazette_ of the Antarctic Expedition, under the command of Captain James Ross. It was composed of two vessels, the _Erebus_, Captain Ross, and the _Terror_, Captain Crozier, and left England on the 29th of September, 1839. During the outward voyage to Australia, scientific observation was daily and sedulously attended to; experiments were made on the temperature and specific gravity of the sea; geological and geographical investigations were made at all available points, especially at Kerguelen's Land; and both here, as well as during the expedition, magnetic observation and experiment formed a specific subject of attention. This was a main object during 1840, the expedition remaining at the Auckland Islands for this purpose; and it was not till the 1st of January, 1841, that it entered the antarctic circle. Their subsequent adventures, deeply interesting as they are from the perils which they encountered, and the spirit and perseverance with which they were met, come hardly within our sphere to report. After an absence of four years, the expedition, as mentioned in last week's ECONOMIST, has returned to England, and the acquisitions to natural history, geology, geography, but above all towards the elucidation of the grand mystery of terrestrial magnetism, raise this voyage to a pre-eminent rank among the greatest achievements of British courage, intelligence, and enterprise. RELIGIOUS WORSHIP.--CHURCH PROPERTY.--The following Parliamentary Return has just been printed, entitled, "A Return of the amount applied by Parliament during each year since 1800, in aid of the religious worship of the Church of England, of the Church of Scotland, of the Church of Rome, and of the Protestant Dissenters in England, Scotland, and Ireland, respectively, whether by way of augmentation of the income of the ministers of each religious persuasion, or for the erection and endowment of churches and chapels, or for any other purposes connected with the religious instruction of each such section of the population of the United Kingdom, with a summary of the whole amount applied during the above period in aid of the religions worship of each of the above classes." The abstract of sums paid to the Established Church shows that the total was 5,207,546_l._ which is divided in the following manner:--Church of England, 2,935,646_l._; Church of Scotland, 522,082_l._; Church of Ireland, 1,749,818_l._ Church of Rome.--The total sum paid to the Church of Rome is set forth at 365,607_l._ 1s. 2d. comprised in the following two items;--Augmentation of incomes (including Maynooth College), 362,893_l._ 8s. 1d.; erection and repairs of chapels, 2,113_l._ 13s. 1d. Protestant Dissenters.--The total sum is 1,019,647_l._ 13s. 11d. in England and Ireland. The recapitulation shows the following three sums:--Established Church, 5,207,546_l._; Church of Rome, 365,607_l._; and Protestant Dissenters, 1,019,647_l._ The sums were advanced from 1800 to 1842. IMPERISHABLE BREAD.--On Wednesday, in the mayor's private room, at the Town hall, Liverpool, a box of bread was opened which was packed at Rio Janeiro nearly two years ago, and proved as sound, sweet, and in all respects as good, as on the day when it was enclosed. This bread is manufactured of a mixture in certain proportions of rice, meal, and wheat flour. ST GEORGE'S CHAPEL, WINDSOR.--The extensive alterations and embellishments which have been in progress since the early part of May last (from which period the chapel has been closed), at an outlay of several thousands of pounds, throughout the interior of this sacred edifice, having been brought to a close, it was reopened for Divine service on Thursday. FATHER MATHEW.--Father Mathew, after finishing his labours in the metropolis, went to Norwich, where he met the Bishop, who, in an earnest and eloquent speech, in St Andrew's hall, on Thursday week, introduced the reverend gentleman to that locality, and very warmly eulogized his conduct. Mr Gurney, the well-known Norwich banker, occupied the chair on this occasion, and seconded the Bishop in his patronage and approbation of the great temperance movement. After remaining at Norwich two or three days, Father Mathew started for Ireland, taking Birmingham and Liverpool in his way. IMPORTATION OF FRUIT FROM ANTWERP.--On Thursday, the steam-packet _Antwerpen_, Captain Jackson, arrived at the St Katherine's Steam Packet Wharf, after an expeditious passage, from Antwerp. The continental orchards continue to supply our fruit markets with large supplies, the _Antwerpen_ having brought 4,000 packages, or nearly 2,800 bushels of pears, apples, plums, and filberts. Advices were received by the _Antwerpen_ that another extensive importation of fruit from Antwerp may be expected at the St Katherine's Steam Packet Wharf this day (Saturday), by the steam-packet _Princess Victoria_, Capt. Pierce. LIEUT. HOLMAN, THE BLIND TRAVELLER.--This celebrated tourist and writer took his departure from Malta, on the 3rd of September, for Naples. He will afterwards proceed to the Roman States, and then to Trieste. During the few days of his residence in this island the greatest hospitality has been shown him. The veteran traveller had the honour of dining with his excellency the Governor, and with Admiral Sir E. Owen. Amidst all the vicissitudes of his perilous life and increasing age, he still maintains the same unabated thirst for travel, and his mental and bodily faculties appear to grow in activity and strength in the inverse ratio of his declining life and honoured grey hairs. RAILWAY FROM WORCESTER TO CARDIFF.--It is proposed, by means of this new line, to connect the population of the north of England and the midland counties with the districts of South Wales and the south of Ireland. It will commence at the Taff Vale Railway, pass through Wales, cross the Severn, and unite with the Birmingham and Gloucester Railway at Worcester. The cost will be 1,500,000_l._ FRENCH OPINIONS ON SPANISH EVENTS.--The French journals are loud in condemning the poor Barcelonese for the very same acts which drew down the applause of these same journals a week ago. The following remarks from the _National_ render any of our own useless:--"It must be admitted that the French journals appreciate in a strange way the deplorable events in Spain. Some soldiers revolt at Madrid, without going any length of insurrection, or at all endangering the Government. General Narvaez comes, and without consulting Government or any one else, shoots eight non-commissioned officers. Straight our Ministerial journals exclaim, What an act of vigour! Vigour if you will; but where is the humanity, the wisdom, the justice? Then behold Barcelona, of which the people some weeks ago rose against the established and constitutional Government. What heroes! exclaimed the French Ministerial papers. Now they do the same thing, rising against a provisional and extra-constitutional Government. What brigands! exclaim the Ministerial writers. A few weeks back a Spanish Government defended itself with violence against those who attacked it. Regiments fired rounds of musketry, and the cannons of forts bombarded the rebellious towns. The French Ministerialists forthwith pronounced the Spanish Regent as a malefactor, and devoted him to the execration of the civilized world. Now, another Government, without the same right, follows precisely the same course as the one overthrown. It defends itself, fires, bombards, and pours forth grape from behind walls upon insurgent bands in the street. This same conduct is glorified as firm, as legitimate, as what not. The system of political morality changes, it seems, with men and with seasons. What was infamy in Espartero and Zurbano, is heroism and glory in Narvaez and Prim. What is more infamous than all this is the press, that thus displays itself in the light of a moral weathercock, shifting round to every wind." STATISTICS OF THE METROPOLITAN POLICE.--By a return just issued in compliance with an order of the House of Commons relative to the City and Metropolitan Police Force, it appears that there are 20 superintendents in the metropolitan division, receiving from 200_l._ to 600_l._ per annum; 110 inspectors, whose salaries vary from 80_l._ to 200_l._ per annum; 465 sergeants, with incomes ranging from 60_l._ to 80_l._ per annum; and 3,790 constables, receiving from 44_l._ to 81_l._ per annum, including clothing and 40 pounds of coal weekly throughout the year. The amount paid on this account during the past year, including 3,620_l._ for superannuation and retiring allowances to officers and constables late of Bow-street horse patrol, and Thames police, amounted to 295,754_l._ In this is likewise included a sum of 9,721_l._ received from theatres, fairs, and races. The number of district surgeons is 60, and the amount paid for books, &c., is 757_l._ The total rate received during the past year from the various wards in the City of London and its liberties, for the maintenance of the City Police Force, is put down at 41,714_l._, and the expenditure at 41,315_l._, the gross pay, irrespective of other charges to the force, amounting to 29,800_l._ LOSS OF THE UNITED STATES STEAM FRIGATE "MISSOURI," AT GIBRALTAR, BY FIRE.--The superb American steam frigate _Missouri_, which was conveying the Hon. Caleb Cushing, American minister at China, to Alexandra, whilst at anchor in Gibraltar bay, on the 26th ult., was entirely consumed by fire. The fire broke out in the night, and raged with such determined fury as to baffle all the efforts of the crew, as well as that of the assistance sent from her Majesty's ship _Malabar_, and from the garrison. The magazines were flooded soon after the commencement of the fire; and, although a great many shells burst, yet, very fortunately, no accident happened to any of the crew. This splendid steamer was 2,600 tons and 600 horse power, and is said to have cost 600,000 dollars. THE ALLEGED ARREST OF THE MURDERER OF MR DADD.--The following are the remarks of _Galignani's Messenger_ on the report in the English papers that Dadd was arrested at Fontainbleau:--"The above statement has been partially rumoured in town for the last two days, but not in a shape to warrant our publishing it in the _Messenger_. The police have been everywhere active in their researches for the fugitive; and we perceive, by the _Courrier de Lyons_, that, on Thursday night, all the hotels in that city were visited by their agents, in pursuit of two Englishmen, one of them supposed to be the unfortunate lunatic. These individuals had, however, quitted the town on their way to Geneva, previously to the visit of the police." THE CARTOONS.--We understand that several of the prize cartoons, and a selection of some of the most interesting of the works of the unsuccessful competitors, have been removed from Westminster hall to the gallery of the Pantechnicon, Belgrave square, for further exhibition. MACKEREL.--The Halifax papers state that the coast of Nova Scotia is now visited by mackerel and herrings in larger quantities than ever were known at this season. In the straits of Canso the people are taking them with seines, a circumstance without a parralel for the last 30 years. The _Journal des Chemins de Fer_ says:--"An inventor announces that he has found a composition which will reduce to a mere trifle the price of rails for railroads. He replaces the iron by a combination of Kaolin clay (that used for making pottery and china) with a certain metallic substance, which gives a body so hard as to wear out iron, without being injured by it in turn." COMMERCE AND COMMERCIAL MARKETS. DOMESTIC. FRIDAY NIGHT.--We are still without the arrival of the Indian Mail, nor has any explanation of its detention transpired, except that which we mentioned last week. No serious apprehension exists for its safety, as similar detentions, of even much greater duration, have been experienced in the arrival of the September Mail in former years, as a consequence of the monsoon. In Manchester, during the week, the market has been somewhat flatter in goods suited for the Eastern markets, in consequence of merchants being anxious to receive their advices by the Indian Mail before extending their transactions materially at present prices. In the Yorkshire woollen markets a fair trade continues to be done; and in Bradford a very active demand has arisen for the goods peculiar to that neighbourhood. In the Scotch seats of manufactures, both woollen and cotton, the trade has considerably improved, especially in the demand for tartans of all kinds, in which there is a very active and brisk trade. In the iron districts, the trade continues without change since our last: most of the works are full of orders, at low prices. In the coal districts, in Northumberland and Durham, trade is without any improvement whatever, and this trade, as well as their shipping, is in the most depressed condition. _INDIGO._--The transactions in this article have not been on a more extensive scale in our market than last week, but a good demand continues for the home trade, and occasionally a small advance upon the last July rates is paid on such sorts suitable for that branch, but there is almost no demand for export, the consumption of the article in foreign countries being this year unusually slack. The shipments to Russia, since the opening of the season, amount to only 2,209 chests, against 3,439 chests during the same time last year. A public sale was held yesterday, in Liverpool, of about 400 chests of East India, and 120 serons of Caracas. Of the former about 100 chests were withdrawn by the poprietors, but the remainder, together with the serons, sold briskly for the home trade, at prices about 3d. to 4d. per lb. higher than the previous nominal value, and rather above that of the London market. There are now 6,070 chests declared for the quarterly sale on the 10th of October; a great portion of it consists of good shipping sorts. It is supposed that several thousand chests more will be declared upon arrival of the Indian Mail, now due. _COCHINEAL._--Only two small public sales were held this week, together of 97 serons. The first consisted of 30 serons Mexican, mostly silver, which sold at prices from 2d. to 3d. per lb. higher than those of last week. The lowest price for ordinary foxy silver was 4s. 4d. per lb. The second sale was held at higher prices still, in consequence of which the whole quantity was bought in. _COTTON._--The purchases at Liverpool, for this week, will again reach the large quantity of about 40,000 bales, of which a considerable proportion is on speculation. Prices have been extremely firm, without any decided advance, however, there not being much importance attached, or faith given, to the statements that the American crop has suffered, which have been received by the Halifax and New York steamers, up to 1st inst. from the latter place. In this market, business by private contract is again trifling. At public sales there have been offered 714 bales American, and 3,796 bales Surat; the former were held considerably above the value, and only 30 bales good fair were sold at 4-3/4d. in bond. Of the Surat about 2,300 bales found buyers, from 2-7/8d. to 3-1/8d. for middling, to 3-3/8d. to 3-1/2d. for fair; a few lots superior went at 3-5/8d. for good fair, and 4d. per lb. for good. The prices paid show an advance of 1/8d. to 1/4d. a lb. upon the last public sales of 24th August, and sustain the previous market rates, though the highest advance was conceded reluctantly, and not in many instances; there are buyers for low-priced cotton of every description, but there is little of it offering. _SUGAR._--The purchases for home consumption have been upon a limited scale, and prices barely maintained. The same remark applies to foreign sugar. Only one cargo of Porto Rico sugar has been sold afloat, for a near port, at 18s., with conditions favourable to the buyer. At public sale 630 chests Bahia, and 120 chests, and 240 barrels Pernambuco, were almost entirely bought in at extreme rates: since when only about 170 chests of the brown Bahia have been placed at an average of 17s. 6d., and with 50 chests of the lowest white at 21s. to 21s. 6d.; by private contract 300 chests old yellow Havannah, of good quality, sold at 20s. _COFFEE._--The home demand remains good; good and fine Jamaica fetched previous rates; a parcel of Ceylon, of somewhat better quality than the common run, sold at 51s. to 52s., which is rather dearer: very good Singapore Java sold at 36s. to 40s. In foreign Coffee a cargo of St Domingo has been sold afloat for Flanders at 26s. 6d. Two others being held above that price without finding a buyer, they have been sent on unsold. On the spot the transactions in coffee for export by private contract are quite insignificant, and of 650 bags old St Domingo _via_ Cape, only a small proportion sold at 28s. to 30s. for pale bold good ordinary. _RICE._--About 4,000 bags of Bengal offered at public sale sold from 10s. to 11s. per cwt., establishing a decline of 3d. per cwt. _SALTPETRE._--The market is sparingly supplied, and importers do not sell except upon extreme rates, which have been paid for about 3,000 bags, viz. from 23s. 6d. for very ordinary, to 25s. 6d. for good middling. _CASSIA LIGNEA._--For small parcels offering in public sale full prices have been paid; fine by private contract as high as 70s. _PIMENTO._--Fair quality has been sold 2-1/2d. to 2-5/8d., which is rather dearer. _TALLOW._--The demand on the spot is not improved and the price unaltered, 41s. 9d. to 42s.; for forward delivery there is rather more disposition to purchase. _RUM._--The demand is very limited, except for the finest qualities of Jamaica, and common are rather cheaper. FOREIGN. The accounts received from the United States up to the first of this month by the _Hibernia_ and _Great Western_ are favourable as regards commerce. The manufactories in the Union are reported to be in a state of considerable prosperity, notwithstanding which the demand for imports was increasing. The reports about the cotton crops were various; it was admitted that the weather had latterly been favourable. Large arrivals of wheat and flour were expected in the ports from the West. The commercial reports received this week from the continent of Europe do not show any great activity in foreign markets, though the prices of Colonial produce are well maintained. Sugar was somewhat more in demand both at Antwerp and Hamburg. In Coffee there was rather less doing at both places. * * * * * PRICES CURRENT, SEPT. 16, 1843. ------------------------------------------+----------- ENGLISH FUNDS. | PRICES | THIS DAY. ------------------------------------------+----------- India Stock | 266 3 per Cent. Red | Shut 3 per Cent. Consols Money | 94-3/4 3-1/2 per Cent. Annuity, 1818 | -- 3-1/2 per Cent. Red. | Shut New 3-1/2 per Cent. Annuity | 102 Long Annuities | Shut Annuities, terminable July, 1859 | -- India Bonds 3 per Cent. | 69s pm Exchequer Bills 1-3/4d. | 69s pm 3 per Cent. Consols for Account | 91-1/8 Bank Stock for Account | Shut ------------------------------------------+----------- ------------------------------------------+----------- FOREIGN FUNDS. | PRICES | THIS DAY. ------------------------------------------+----------- Belgium Bonds | 105 Brazilian Bonds | 74-1/2 Chilian Bonds, 6 per Cent. | -- Columbian Bonds, 6 per Cent. 1824 | 25-3/8 Dutch, 5 per Cent. | -- Ditto, 2-1/2 per Cent. Exchange 12 Guil. | 52-1/8 Mexican Bonds, 1837, 5 per Cent. | 34 Peruvian Bonds, 6 per Cent. | -- Portuguese 5 per Cent. Converted | 44-1/4 Ditto 3 per Cent. Ditto | -- Russian Bonds, 1822, 5 per Cent. | 114-1/2 Spanish Bonds, 5 per Cent. 1821 | 18-1/8 1822 | -- Ditto, Deferred | 11 Ditto, Passive | 4-1/8 ------------------------------------------+----------- CORN MARKETS. _(From Messrs Gillies and Horne's Circular.)_ CORN EXCHANGE, MONDAY, SEPT. 11.--The weather continued most beautiful here until yesterday, when we had some heavy thunder showers, and to-day is gloomy, damp and close. The wind, what little there is of it, is north. The arrivals during last week were moderate except of Foreign Wheat and Barley, of which of course there is yet some quantity to arrive. The new English Wheat coming soft in hand, is slow sale at 1s. to 2s. reduction--free Foreign finds buyers for mixing at last week's currency. Barley is dull sale at last week's rates. Oats are 6d. to 1s. lower. Some new Irish have appeared of fine quality. There is no change in Beans and Peas. Flour is the same as last week. ----------------------------------------------+------------- BRITISH. | PER QR. | Wheat, Essex, Kent, Suffolk, white | 59s to 61s ---- Lothian, Fife, Angus, do. | 52s to 57s ---- Inverness, Murray, &c. | 52s to 57s ---- Essex, Kent, Suffolk, red | 54s to 57s ---- Cambridge, Lincoln, red | 54s to 57s Barley, English Malting, and Chevalier | -- -- ---- Distiller's, English & Scotch | -- -- ---- Coarse, for grinding, &c. | 28s to 30s Oats, Northumberland & Berwick | 21s to 23s ---- Lothian, Fife, Angus | 21s to 23s ---- Murray, Ross | 21s to 23s ---- Aberdeen and Banff | 21s to 23s ---- Caithness | 21s to 23s ---- Cambridge, Lincoln, &c. | 20s to 23s ---- Irish | 17s to 19s ---- English, black | 18s to 21s ---- Irish " | 17s to 21s ---- Potato, Scotch | 23s to 26s ---- " Irish | 19s to 22s ---- Poland, Lincoln, &c. | 21s to 24s Beans, Ticks | 30s to 31s ---- Harrow | 31s to 34s ---- Small | 32s to 34s Peas, White | 36s to 38s ---- Boilers | -- -- Flour, Town made Households | 50s to 53s ---- Norfolk and Suffolk | 40s to 42s ----------------------------------------------+------------- ----------------------------------------------+------------- FOREIGN AND COLONIAL. | PER QR. | Wheat, White, Spanish, Tuscan | 52s to 59s ---- High mixed Danzig | 58s to 61s ---- Mixed do. | 52s to 58s ---- Rostock, new | 57s to 60s ---- Red Hamburg | 52s to 55s ---- Polish Odessa | 48s to 52s ---- Hard | -- -- ---- Egyptian | 32s to 37s Barley, Malting, &c. | -- -- ---- Distiller's, &c. | 28s -- ---- Grinding, &c. | 28s to 29s Oats, Brew, &c. | 21s to -- ---- Polands, &c. | 22s to -- ---- Feed, &c. | 18s to -- ---- Do, dried, Riga, &c. | -- 21s Rye, Dried | -- -- ---- Undried | -- -- Beans, Horse | 30s to 34s ---- Mediterranean | 26s to 29s Peas, White | 34s to -- ---- Yellow | -- 35s Flour, French, per 280 lbs. nett weight | -- -- ---- American, per Bar. 196 lbs. nett weight | -- -- ---- Danzig, &c. do. do. | -- -- ---- Canada, do. do. | 29s to 29s ---- Sour, do. do. | -- -- ----------------------------------------------+------------- CORN EXCHANGE, FRIDAY, SEPT. 15.--The weather threatened to be stormy yesterday, the barometer fell, and we had some heavy drops of rain, but it has since cleared up, and to-day is 10 degrees warmer and beautifully clear, with the wind south east. In Ireland and Scotland there was a good deal of rain on Sunday and Monday, which (we understand) stopped the harvest work for the time, but we hope by this time they have it fine again. The new English Wheat comes to hand softer and lighter than at first; as usual after being stacked, the yield is much complained of, besides that many of the stacks got so soaked by the heavy rains of the 21st and 23rd of August, that the condition of the Wheat is sadly spoiled. The arrivals are moderate this week, except of Irish Oats, several small parcels of which are of the new crop; there is also a small parcel of new Scotch Barley in fine condition, and new Scotch Oats, also good. Almost all the Wheat has been entered at the 14s. duty; we believe it is over 300,000 qrs. New English Wheat is dull sale: Foreign, on the other hand, is more inquired for, and not to be purchased in any quantity except at 1s. advance. Barley is saleable in retail at Monday's prices. Oats are again 6d. cheaper than on Monday, except for very fine samples. The averages lead us to suppose that on the 21st instant the duty on Foreign Wheat will rise to 16s. per qr.; on Barley it will remain 6s.; on Oats 6s.; on Rye it will rise to 9s. 6d.; on Beans it will remain 10s. 6d.; and on Peas, 9s. 6d. LONDON AVERAGES. For the week ending September 12. --------------------------------------------------------------------- Wheat. Barley. Oats. Rye. Beans. Peas. -----------+----------+-------------+----------+----------+---------- 4.113 qrs. | 345 qrs. | 25,600 qrs. | 50 qrs. | 147 qrs. | 132 qrs. 51s. 6d. | 32s. 2d. | 18s. 9d. | 30s. 2d. | 30s. 2d. | 42s. 1d. -----------+----------+-------------+----------+----------+---------- IMPERIAL AVERAGES. --------------------+--------+---------+--------+--------+--------+-------- | Wheat. | Barley. | Oats. | Rye. | Beans. | Peas. --------------------+--------+---------+--------+--------+--------+-------- Weeks ending | s. d. | s. d. | s. d. | s. d. | s. d. | s. d. Aug. 10th | 60 9 | 32 4 | 21 5 | 37 1 | 31 9 | 31 4 -- 17th | 61 2 | 32 11 | 21 9 | 38 7 | 32 1 | 33 7 -- 24th | 59 9 | 33 11 | 21 5 | 37 1 | 32 6 | 34 9 -- 31st | 56 8 | 32 11 | 20 7 | 31 8 | 31 10 | 33 9 Sept. 7th | 54 2 | 31 11 | 20 5 | 31 1 | 32 4 | 32 1 -- 14th | 53 0 | 31 11 | 19 7 | 31 3 | 31 9 | 33 8 +--------+---------+--------+--------+--------+-------- Aggregate of six | | | | | | weeks | 57 7 | 32 8 | 20 10 | 34 6 | 32 0 | 33 8 --------------------+--------+---------+--------+--------+--------+-------- Duties till Sept. | | | | | | 20th inclu. | 15 0 | 6 0 | 6 0 | 8 6 | 10 6 | 9 6 On Grain from B. | | | | | | Possession out | | | | | | of Europe | 2 0 | 0 6 | 2 0 | 0 6 | 1 6 | 1 0 --------------------+--------+---------+--------+--------+--------+-------- Flour--Foreign, 9s. 0d. per 196lbs.--British possession, 1s. 2d. ditto. PRICE OF SUGAR. The average price of brown or Muscovado sugar for the week ending September 12, 1843, is 34s. 1-3/4d. per cwt., exclusive of the duties of Customs paid or payable thereon on the importation thereof into Great Britain. SMITHFIELD MARKET. MONDAY.--There was a considerable and beneficial improvement in trade to-day for everything, but not, however, permanent; at least, the causes which produced the change this morning would not authorise a different conclusion, and the salesmen of the market, although looking forward to a very fair state of things next Monday, do not anticipate that the improvement will last the next succeeding Monday. It appears that London is clear of meat, the which, with small supplies of everything to-day, is the sole immediate cause of the improvement, for, notwithstanding that the market was well attended by both town and country butchers and stock-takers, they, nevertheless, at the opening of the market, appeared disposed to purchase briskly, on the supposition, according to the returns of over-night, that the supplies were large, but when this statement was discovered to be erroneous they then bought freely, and higher prices were more readily given. FRIDAY.--In consequence of the supply of beasts on sale being large for the time of year, we have to report a very heavy demand for beef, and in some instances the quotations declined 2d. per 8 lbs. From Scotland nearly 200 lots were received fresh up. Prime old downs maintained their previous value; but that of all other kinds of sheep had a downward tendency. In lambs very little was doing, at barely Monday's quotations. Calves moved off heavily, at a reduction of 2d. per 8 lbs. The pork trade was unusually dull, at previous currencies. Milch cows sold slowly at from 16_l._ to 20_l._ each. -----------------------------------------+--------------------------------- Prices per Stone. | At Market. -----------------------------------------+--------------------------------- Monday. Friday. | Monday. Friday. Beef 3s 0d to 4s 2d 2s 8d to 4s 0d | Beasts 2,840 800 Mutton 3s 2d to 4s 4d 2s 10d to 4s 4d | Calves 149 373 Veal 3s 6d to 4s 8d 3s 6d to 4s 6d | Sheep and Lambs 32,840 9,210 Pork 3s 6d to 4s 8d 3s 0d to 3s 10d | Pigs 410 326 Lamb 4s 0d to 5s 0d 3s 4d to 4s 8d | -----------------------------------------+--------------------------------- Prices of Hay and Straw, per load of 36 trusses. Hay, 3_l._ 5s. 0d. to 4_l._ 8s. 0d. Clover, 4_l._ 4s. 0d. to 5_l._ 8s. 0d. Straw, 1_l._ 18s. 0d. to 2_l._ 4s. 0d. BOROUGH HOP-MARKET. MONDAY.--There was no business whatever transacted during last week, and even the duty remains without fluctuation. In this state of inactivity the effects of the Metropolitan Total Abstinence movement was a topic of interest to the trade. As it appears that nearly 70,000 persons took the pledge, the consumption of malt liquor must seriously diminished, and the demand for Hops will consequently be very considerably decreased. It is fortunate, therefore, for the planters that this year's growth is not large, otherwise the prices would have been seriously low, and although that crop is not only about an average, yet from this diminished consumption, which is likely to progress, the value of the new will not be more than last year, and possibly even less. There have been a few small lots of 1843's at market, which go off very slowly. FRIDAY.--About ten pockets of new hops have been disposed of this week at from 7_l._ to 8_l._ per cwt. We are now almost daily expecting large supplied from Kent and Sussex, as picking is now going on rapidly. In old hops scarcely any business is doing, while the duty is called 150,000_l._ LIVERPOOL COTTON MARKET. SEPT. 14.--A large amount of business has been transacted in cotton at this day's market. The sales, inclusive of 5,000 American bought on speculation, have consisted of 10,000 bales. SEPT. 15.--We have a fair inquiry for Cotton this morning, and there is no change whatever in the general temper of the market. COAL MARKET. Buddle's West Hartley, 15s.; Davison's West Hartley, 15s. 6d.; Fenham, 13s. 6d.; Hastings Hartley, 15s.; Holywell Main, 15s. 6d.; New Tanfield, 14s.; Ord's Redheugh, 12s. 6d.; Pontop Windsor, 12s. 6d.; Tanfield Moor, 16s. 6d.; West Pelton, 12s. 9d,; West Hartley, 15s. 6d.; West Wylam, 14s. 6d.; Wylam, 14s. 6d. Wall's End:--Clennell, 14s. 6d.; Clarke and Co, 14s.; Hilda, 15s. 6d.; Riddell's, 16s. 9d.; Braddyll's Hetton, l8s. 9d.; Haswell, 19s.; Hetton, 18s. 6d.; Lambton, 18s. 3d.; Morrison, 16s.; Russell's Hetton, 18s,; Stewart's, 18s. 6d.; Whitwell, 17s.; Cassop, 18s.; Hartlepool, 16s. 6d.; Heselden, 16s, 6d.; Quarrington, 17s.; Trimdon, 17s. 6d.; Adelaide, 18s.; Barrett, 16s. 9d.; Bowburn, 15s. 6d.; South Durham, 17s.; Tees, 17s. 9d.; Cowpen Hartley, 15s. 6d.; Lewis's Merthyr, 19s. 6d.; Killingworth, 16s. Fifty-nine ships arrived since last day. THE GAZETTE. _Tuesday, September 12._ DECLARATIONS OF INSOLVENCY. J. Halls, Wilkes street, Spitalfields, braid manufacturer.--J. Brooke, Liverpool, cupper.--J. Thorburn, Hillhouse, Yorkshire, warehouseman.--J. Allwright, Basingstoke, Hampshire, boot maker.--J. Bland, Leeds, eatinghouse keeper.--W.S. Lawrence, Essex place, Grange-road, Dalston, out of business.--T. Leete, Finedon, Northamptonshire, butcher.--W, Simpson, Elland Upper Edge, Yorkshire, woollen spinner.--D. M'George, Huddersfield, tea dealer.--W. Hall, Cockhill, Wiltshire, out of business.--T. Mercer, Wansdon house, Fulham, out of business.--W. Elliott, Berners street, Oxford street, waiter at an hotel.--C.T. Jones, Charles street, Berkeley square, out of business.--T. Price, Cardiff road, Monmouthshire, coal dealer.--W. Williams, Newport, Monmouthshire, out of business.--W.G. Still, High street, Poplar, hair dresser.--T. Cook, Giltspur street, City, tailor.--J. Mayson, Marlborough road, Old Kent road, commission agent.--D. Taylor, Meltham, Yorkshire, licensed tea dealer.--W.W. Greaves, Newark-upon-Trent, Nottinghamshire, corn dealer.--C.H. Balls, Beccles, Suffolk, chemist.--J. Chapman (commonly known as J. Fitzjames), Bridges street, Covent garden, comedian. BANKRUPTCY ANNULLED. JONES, T., Liverpool, coal dealer. BANKRUPTS. SHARP, R., jun., Faversham, Kent, draper. [Reed and Shaw, Friday street, Cheapside. PEARSALL, C., Anderton, Cheshire, boiler maker. [Sharp and Co., Bedford row. JOHNSON, T., late of Great Bridge, Staffordshire, draper. [Messrs Nicolls and Pardoe, Bewdley. HOLT, W.J.; Grantham, Lincolnshire, tea dealer. [Messrs Hill and Matthews, St Mary Axe. DECLARATIONS OF DIVIDENDS. J.O. Palmer, Liverpool, music seller--first dividend of 6s. in the pound, any Wednesday after December 1, payable at 31 Basinghall street, City.--D. Ellis, Haverhill, Suffolk, draper--first dividend of 5s. 10d. in the pound, any Wednesday after December 1, payable at 31 Basinghall street.--P.J. Papillon, Leeds, wine merchant--first dividend of 2s. in the pound, on any Monday or Wednesday after October 4, payable at 15 Benson's buildings, Basinghall street, Leeds.--E. Cragg, Kendal, Westmoreland, innkeeper--first dividend of 2s. in the pound, on October 7, or on any succeeding Saturday, payable at 57 Grey street, Newcastle-upon-Tyne. DIVIDENDS. October 5, T. and J. Parker, J. Rawlinson, W. Abbott, J. Hanson, J. Bell, T. Chadwick, A. Emsley, R. Kershaw, J. Musgrave, J. Wooller, T. Pullan, J. Shaw, G. Eastburn, and D. Dixon, Leeds, dyers.--October 10, T. Bell, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, tea dealer.--October 10, J.G. Pallister and J.M.B. Newrick, Sunderland, Durham, grocers.--October 4, J. Fletcher, Maryport, Cumberland, boiler manufacturer.--October 11, J. Todd. Hylton ferry, Durham, ship builder.--October 3, J. Parke, Liverpool, druggist.--October 4, S. Boult and T. Addison, Liverpool, stock brokers.--October 7, T. Bourne, Liverpool, cotton broker.--October 14, H. Merridew, Coventry, ribbon manufacturer. CERTIFICATES. October 5, F. Robert, New Bond street, and Gower street North, coal merchant.--October 5, J. Bowie, Shoe lane, City, grocer.--October 14, J. Barnes, 14 Commercial place. Commercial road, engineer.--October 4, J. Davies, Westminster road, Lambeth, linendraper.--October 11, M. Jackson, East Thickley Steam mill, Durham, miller.--October 10, J. Todd, Hylton ferry, Durham, ship builder.--October 3, J. Gallop, jun., Bedminster, Bristol, painter.--October 12, G.B. Worboys, Bristol, perfumer.--October 4, R. Crosbie, Sutton, Cheshire, tea dealer.--October 7, C. Holebrook, Uttoxeter, Staffordshire, plumber.--October 17, J. Hedderly, Nottingham, druggist.--October 5, J. Oates, Glossop, Derbyshire, innkeeper. CERTIFICATES, OCTOBER 3. W. Pugh, Gloucester, auctioneer.--J. Lockwood, Wakefield, Yorkshire, and St. John's, New Brunswick, linendraper.--H. Francis, Feoek, Cornwall, agent.--G. Chapman, Aylesbury, Buckinghamshire, grocer.--E. Wheeler, Birmingham, corn dealer.--J. A. Boden, Sheffield, razor manufacturer.--W. Woodward, Birmingham, tailor.--S. J. Manning, 28 Camomile street, City, and Halleford, near Shepperton, manufacturer of bitters. PARTNERSHIPS DISSOLVED. Elizabeth O'Connor and Mary Rossiter, Brighton, Sussex, milliners.--C. Weatherley and H. O'Neil, Wilkes street, Spitalfields, and Ferdinand street, Camden town, fancy trimming manufacturers.--H.I. Isaacs and D. Israel, Duke street, Aldgate, City, poulterers.--J. Davis and A. Mottram, Warrington, Lancashire, timber merchants,--M. Fortier and Emile and Anna Levilly, Bruton street, Berkeley square, milliners.--T. and G. Stevenson, Dudley, Worcestershire, tailors.--D. Israel and J. Lyons, St Mary-axe, City, trunk makers.--W. Fairbairn, J. Hetherington, and J. Lee, Manchester, machine makers.--E. Archer, H. Ewbank, jun., and A.P.W. Philip, Gravel lane, Southwark, Surrey.--J.M. Pott and J. Midworth, Newark-upon-Trent, auctioneers.--T.P. Holden, T. Parker, and W. Burrow, Liverpool, upholsterers (as regards W. Burrow).--W.L. Springett, T. Beale, and E. Kine, Southwark, Surrey, hop merchants (as regards W.L. Springett). SCOTCH SEQUESTRATIONS. A. Dunn, Keithock Mills, near Coupar-Angus, farmer.--D. M'Intyre, jun., Fort William, merchant. * * * * * _Friday, September 15._ BANKRUPTS. GREENSLADE, W., Gray's inn lane, builder. [Oldershaw, King's Arms yard. BONE, G.B., Camberwell, builder. [Meymott and Sons, Blackfriars road. LEWIS, R.W., Shenfield, Essex, farmer. [Watson and Co., Falcon square. PHILLIPS, S., Brook street, Hanover square, carpet warehousman. [Reed and Shaw, Friday street, Cheapside. PINO, T.P., Liverpool, ship chandler. [Chester and Toulmin, Staple inn. HOOLE, W., Sheffield, leather dresser. [Branson, Sheffield. CAMBRIDGE, R.J., Cheltenham, wine merchant. [Packwood, Cheltenham. METCALF, E., Middlesbrough, Yorkshire, currier. [Blackburn, Leeds. DUFFIELD, C., Bath, grocer [Jay, Serjeants' inn. POPPLETON, C., York, linen manufacturer. [Blackburn, Leeds. LISTER, J.C., Wolverhampton, wine merchant. [Phillips and Bolton, Wolverhampton. DECLARATIONS OF INSOLVENCY. J. Brooke, Liverpool, cupper.--J. Thorburn, Hillhouse, Yorkshire, warehouseman.--J. Bland, Leeds, eating house keeper.--W.S. Lawrence, Essex place, Hackney, bank clerk.--T. Leete, Finedon, Northamptonshire, butcher.--W. Simpson, Elland Upper Edge, Yorkshire, woollen-spinner.--W. Hall, Cockhill, Wiltshire.--D. M'George, Huddersfield, tea dealer.--T. Mercer, Wansdown house, Fulham--W. Elliott, Berner's street, Oxford street, waiter.--C.T. Jones, Charles street, Berkeley square.--T. Price, Cardiffmouth, coal dealer.--W. Williams, George street, Newport.--W. G. Still, High street, Poplar, tobacconist.--T. Cook, Giltspur street, City, tailor,--J. Mayson, Marlborough road, Old Kent road, commission agent.--D. Taylor, Aldmondbury, Yorkshire, tea dealer.--W.W. Greaves, Newark-upon-Trent, corn dealer.--C. H. Balls, Ringsfield, Suffolk, chemist.--J. Chapman, Bridges street, Covent garden, comedian.--J. Robinson, Edmonton, butcher.--G. Dickinson, Chenies mews, Bedford square, coach painter.--J. Murphy, Gloucestershire, coachman.--J. Burnham, Harrold, Bedfordshire, chemist.--W.L. Phillips, Kennington green, omnibus proprietor.--J.D. Lockhart, Poplar, tobacconist.--J. Wilkinson, Cheltenham, licensed victualler.--J.D. Hubbarde, Wakefield, printer.--J. Ames, Holywell, Flintshire, licensed victualler.--S. Bone, Greenwich, cabinet maker.--J. Davis, Great Bolton, Lancashire, sawyer.--J. Pollard, Batley, Yorkshire, blanket manufacturer.--S. M'Millan, Llangollen, Denbighshire, tea dealer.--S. Brook, Birstal, Yorkshire, grocer.--F. Wormald, Birstal, Yorkshire, blacksmith.--W. Barnes, Knightsbridge, shopkeeper.--H. Manley, Belvidere buildings, St George the Martyr, Surrey, coach builder.--W. Jeffery, Queen street, Brompton, horse dealer.--R.W. Webb, Saville row, Walworth road, attorney. * * * * * BIRTHS. On the 10th inst., in Milman street, Bedford row, the wife of S.S. Teulon, Esq. of a son. On the 13th inst., at Nottingham place, the wife of Thomas A.H. Dickson, Esq., of a son. MARRIAGES. At St George's Church, Hanover square, Miss Louisa Georgina Augusta Anne Murray, only daughter of General the Right Honourable Sir George Murray, G.C.B., Master-General of the Ordnance, to Henry George Boyce, Esq., of the 2nd Life Guards, eldest son of Mr and the late Lady Amelia Boyce. On the 13th inst., at Kintbury, Berks, Lieutenant-Colonel J.A. Butler, to Martha, daughter of the late William Bruce Smith, Esq., of Starborough Castle, Surrey. On the 13th inst., at Rickmansworth Church, John, second son of Thomas Weall, Esq., of Woodcote Lodge, Beddington, to Susanna, eldest daughter of W. White, Esq., of Chorleywood. DEATHS. On the 7th inst., aged 69 years, the Rev. William Porter, who was for 44 years minister of the Presbyterian congregation of Newtownlimavady; for fourteen years clerk to the General Synod of Ulster; the first moderator of the Remonstrant Synod, and clerk to the same reverend body since its formation. At Bath, General W. Brooke. The deceased general, who had served with distinction throughout the Peninsular war, had been upwards of fifty years in the army. On Sunday, the 10th instant, after a lengthened illness, at the family residence in Great George street, Mr John Crocker Bulteel. He married, May 13, 1826, Lady Elizabeth Grey, second daughter of Earl Grey, by whom he leaves a youthful family. Lady Elizabeth Bulteel, who is inconsolable at her bereavement, has gone to Viscount Howick's residence, near Datchet. ADVERTISEMENTS. YORK and LONDON LIFE ASSURANCE COMPANY, King William-street, London. Empowered by Act of Parliament. GEORGE FREDERICK YOUNG, Esq., Chairman. MATHEW FORSTER, Esq. M.P. Deputy Chairman. The superiority of the system of Assurance adopted by this Company, will be found in the fact that the premium required by a bonus office to assure 1,000_l._ on the life of a person in the 20th year of his age would in this office insure 1,291_l._ 7s. 6d. Assurances at other ages are effected on equally favourable terms, and thus the assured has an immediate bonus instead of a chance dependent upon longevity and the profits of an office. In cases of assurance for a limited number of years, the advantage offered by this Company is still greater, no part of the profits of a bonus office being ever allotted to such assurances. Prospectuses, containing tables framed to meet the circumstances of all who desire to provide for themselves or those who may survive them by assurance, either of fixed sums or annuities, may be had at the office as above, or of the agents. JOHN REDDISH, Sec. * * * * * H. WALKER'S NEEDLES (by authority the "Queen's own"), in the illustrated Chinese boxes, are now in course of delivery to the trade. The needles have large eyes, easily threaded (even by blind persons), and improved points, temper, and finish. Each paper is labelled with a likeness of her Majesty or his Royal Highness Prince Albert, in relief on coloured grounds. Every quality of needles, fish hooks, hooks and eyes, steel pens, &c. for shipping. These needles or pens for the home trade are sent, free by post, by any respectable dealer, on receipt of 13 penny stamps for every shilling value.--H. Walker, manufacturer to the Queen, 20 Maiden lane, Wood street, London. * * * * * ONE HUNDRED FOREIGN MARBLE CHIMNEY-PIECES ON VIEW. THE WESTMINSTER MARBLE COMPANY have now completed their Machinery, which will enable them in future to supply every variety of Marble Work at a considerable reduction in price. A neat Box Belgium Marble Chimney-piece, with Moulded Caps, 3 feet high, can be supplied from 1_l._ to 2_l._ A Best Vein Marble Chimney-piece, from 2_l._ to 3_l._ A liberal commission for all orders will be allowed to the Trade; and those persons wishing to act as Agents, can have a Book of Designs forwarded by enclosing Twenty Postage Stamps. Direct, "The Westminster Marble Company, Earl street, Horseferry road." * * * * * CARRIAGES.--The attention of Gentlemen about purchasing, or having carriages to dispose of, is invited to MARKS and Co.'s London Carriage Repository, Langham place. An immense stock, new and second hand, by eminent builders, is always on sale, and a candid opinion of each carriage will be given as to its quality and condition. Invalid carriages for any journey. Carriages to be let on yearly job. * * * * * WONDERFUL CURE!--Read the following interesting facts, communicated by Mr Brown, bookseller, Gainsborough:-- "To Messrs T. Roberts and Co. Crane court, Fleet street, London, Proprietors of Parr's Life Pills. "Gentlemen, "West Stockwith, Aug. 11, 1843. "I, James Jackson Easton, do hereby testify, that, by taking your excellent Parr's Life Pills, I have derived greater benefit than in using all the other medicines I have tried since 1841; about which time I was attacked with severe illness, accompanied with excruciating pain and trembling, with large rupture. For the last six months I have had no return of this illness, nor the least appearance of the last-mentioned symptom. Through the mercy of God, I do at present feel perfectly recovered from it. I still continue the occasional use of your excellent Pills.--I am gentlemen, respectfully yours, J.J. EASTON." Sold by all respectable medicine venders, in boxes at 1s. 1-1/2d. 2s. 9d. and 11s.--See the words "Parr's Life Pills," in white letters on a red ground, engraved on the Government stamp. EUROPEAN LIFE INSURANCE COMPANY, No. 10 Chatham place, Blackfriars, London. Established, January, 1819. PRESIDENT. Sir James Rivett Carnac, Bart. VICE-PRESIDENT. George Forbes, Esq. No. 9 Fitzroy square. With Twelve Directors. Facilities are offered by this long-established Society to suit the views and the means of every class of insurers. Premiums are received yearly, half-yearly, or quarterly, or upon an increasing or decreasing scale. An insurance of 100_l._ may be effected on the ascending scale by an annual premium for the first five years of 1_l._ 9s. at the age of 25; 1_l._ 12s. 6d. at 30; 1_l._ 17s. at 35; 2_l._ 2s 5d. at 40; and 2_l._ 9s. 6d. at 45; or, one-half only of the usual rate, with interest on the remainder, will be received for five or seven years, the other half to be paid at the convenience of the assured. The insured for life participate septennially; in the profits realised. A liberal commission is allowed to Solicitors and Agents. DAVID FOGGO, Secretary. N.B. Agents are wanted in towns where none have yet been appointed. * * * * * BRITANNIA LIFE ASSURANCE COMPANY, 1 Princes street, Bank, London. Empowered by Special Act of Parliament, IV Vict. cap. IX. DIRECTORS. William Bardgett, Esq. Samuel Bevington, Esq. Wm. Fechney Black, Esq. John Brightman, Esq. George Cohen, Esq. Millis Coventry, Esq. John Drewett, Esq. Robert Eglinton, Esq. Erasmus Rt. Foster, Esq. Alex. Robert Irvine, Esq. Peter Morison, Esq. Henry Lewis Smale, Esq. Thomas Teed, Esq. AUDITORS. J.B. Bevington, Esq.; F.P. Cockerill, Esq.; J.D. Dow, Esq. MEDICAL OFFICER. John Clendinning, M.D. F.R.S. 16 Wimpolestreet, Cavendish square. STANDING COUNSEL. The Hon. John Ashley, New square, Lincoln's inn. Mr Serjeant Murphy, M.P. Temple. SOLICITOR. William Bevan, Esq. Old Jewry. BANKERS. Messrs Drewett and Fowler, Princes street, Bank. This Institution is empowered by a special Act of Parliament, and is so constituted as to afford the benefits of Life Assurance in their fullest extent to Policy-holders, and to present greater facilities and accommodation than are usually offered by other Companies. Assurances may either be effected by Parties on their own Lives, or by Parties interested therein on the Lives of Others. The effect of an Assurance on a person's own life is to create at once a Property in Reversion, which can by no other means be realized. Take, for instance, the case of a person at the age of Thirty, who, by the payment of 5_l._ 3s. 4d. to the Britannia Life Assurance Company, can become at once possessed of a bequeathable property, amounting to 1,000_l._, subject only to the condition of his continuing the same payment quarterly during the remainder of his life--a condition which may be fulfilled by the mere saving of Eight Shillings weekly in his expenditure. Thus, by the exertion of a very slight degree of economy--such indeed, as can scarcely be felt as an inconvenience, he may at once realise a capital of 1,000_l._, which he can bequeath or dispose of in any way he may think proper. A Table of Decreasing Rates of Premium on a novel and remarkable plan; the Policy-holder having the option of discontinuing the payment of all further Premiums after Twenty, Fifteen, Ten, and even Five years; and the Policy still remaining in force--in the first case, for the full amount originally assured; and in either of the three other cases, for a portion of the same according to a fixed and equitable scale endorsed upon the Policy. Increasing Rates of Premium on a new and remarkable plan for securing Loans or Debts; a less immediate payment being required on a Policy for the whole term of Life than in any other Office. Age of the Assured in every case admitted in the Policy. All claims payable within one Month after proof of death. Medical Attendants remunerated in all cases for their reports. Extract from Increasing Rates of Premium, for an Assurance of 100_l._ for Whole Term of Life. -----+-----------------------------------------------------------+ | Annual Premiums payable during | +-----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+ | 1st Five | 2nd Five | 3rd Five | 4th Five | Remainder | Age | Years. | Years. | Years. | Years. | of Life. | -----+-----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+ | £. s. d.| £. s. d.| £. s. d.| £. s. d.| £. s. d.| 20 | 1 1 4 | 1 5 10 | 1 10 11 | 1 16 9 | 2 3 8 | 30 | 1 6 4 | 1 12 2 | 1 19 1 | 2 7 4 | 2 17 6 | 40 | 1 16 1 | 2 4 4 | 2 14 6 | 3 7 3 | 4 3 4 | 50 | 2 16 7 | 3 9 4 | 4 5 5 | 5 6 3 | 6 13 7 | -----+-----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+ Detailed Prospectuses, and every requisite information as to the mode of effecting Assurances, may be obtained at the Office. PETER MORRISON, Resident Director. *** A Board of Directors attend daily at Two o'clock, for the despatch of Business. * * * * * PANCLIBANON IRON WORKS, BAZAAR, No. 58 BAKER STREET, PORTMAN SQUARE. LONDON.--Gentlemen about to furnish, or going abroad, will find it worth their attention to look into the above Establishment, where they will find the largest assortment of General Furnishing Ironmongery ever offered to the Public, consisting of tin, copper, and iron cooking utensils, table cutlery, best Shffield plate, German silver wares, papier machee tea trays, tea and coffee urns, stove grates, kitchen ranges, fenders and fire-irons, baths of all kinds, shower, hot, cold, vapour, plunging, &c. Ornamental iron and wire works for conservatories, lawns, &c. and garden engines. All articles are selected of the very best description, and offered at exceedingly low prices, for cash only; the price of each article being made in plain figures. * * * * * LIMBIRD'S MAGNUM BONUM PENS.--One dozen highly-finished Steel Pens, with Holder, in a box, for 6d.; name-plate engraved for 2s. 6d.; 100 cards printed for 2s. 6d,; crest and name engraved on visiting card for 6s.; arms and crests for book plates on the most reasonable terms; travelling writing-desks at 9s. 6d. 10s. 6d. 12s. 6d. and 14s 6d. each; dressing-cases from 6s. 6d. each; blotting-books in great variety, from 9d.; with locks, 2s. each; royal writing-papers--diamond, five quires for 1s. 2d.; the Queen's and Prince Albert's size, five quires for 1s. 6d.; envelopes, 6d. 9d. and 1s. the 100; and every article in stationery, of the best quality and lowest prices, at Limbird's, 143 Strand, facing Catherine street. * * * * * PIANOFORTES.--Messrs MOORE and CO. Makers of the Improved Pianofortes, are now selling their delightful Instruments as follows:--A Mahogany Piccolo, the best that can be made, in a plain but fashionable case, only 28_l._; a 6-1/2 Octave ditto, only 32_l._; a Cottage ditto, only 32_l._; a 6-1/2 Octave Cottage ditto, only 38_l._ Cabinets of all descriptions. All warranted of the very best quality, packed free of expense, and forwarded to any part of the world. Some returned from hire at reduced prices. Moore and Co. 138 Bishopsgate street Without, near Sun steet. Just Published, Two thick Volumes, 8vo. illustrated with Six large important Maps, 4_l._ cloth, A DICTIONARY, GEOGRAPHICAL, STATISTICAL, and HISTORICAL, of the various Countries, Places and principal Natural Objects in the WORLD. By J.R. M'Culloch, Esq. "The extent of information this Dictionary affords on the subjects referred to in its title is truly surprising. It cannot fail to prove a vade-mecum to the student, whose inquiries will be guided by its light, and satisfied by its clear and frequently elaborated communications. Every public room in which commerce, politics, or literature, forms the subject of discussion, ought to be furnished with these volumes."--Globe. London: Longman, Brown, Green, and Longmans. * * * * * Just published in 8vo. price 2s. 6d. RAILWAY REFORM--Its Expediency, Practicability, and Importance Considered, with a copious Appendix, containing an account of all the Railways in Great Britain and Ireland, Parliamentary Returns, &c. "An excellent pamphlet."--Morning Herald. "The subject is very fully, earnestly, and ably investigated."--Morning Advertiser. "Remarkable for originality of design, boldness of execution, and minuteness in statistical detail."--Sun. "We would recommend all who have an interest in Railways to purchase this work."--Sentinel. Pelham Richardson, Cornhill. * * * * * LA'MERT ON NERVOUS DEBILITY, GENERAL AND LOCAL WEAKNESS, &c. Just published, Seventh Edition, price 2s. 6d. or free by post for 3s. 6d. SELF-PRESERVATION; a popular Essay on the Concealed Causes of Nervous Debility, Local and General Weakness, Indigestion, Lowness of Spirits, Mental Irritability, and Insanity; with Practical Observations on their Treatment and Cure. By SAMUEL LA'MERT, Consulting Surgeon, 9 Bedford street, Bedford square, London; Matriculated Member of the University of Edinburgh; Honorary Member of the London Hospital Medical Society; Licentiate of Apothecaries' Hall, London, &c. Published by the Author; and sold in London by S. Gilbert, 51 and 52 Paternoster row; Field, 65 Quadrant; Gordon, 146 Leadenhall street; Noble, 109 Chancery lane; and by all Booksellers. "The design of this work will be tolerably obvious from its title, and we cordially recommend the author and his book to all who are suffering from nervous debility and general weakness. Mr La'Mert has treated the subject in a very scientific and intelligible manner."--Wakefield Journal. At home every day till Three, and from Five till Eight. * * * * * THE FOURTEENTH THOUSAND. Just Published, in a Sealed Envelope, Price 3s.; and sent free, on receiving a Post office Order for 3s. 6d. MANHOOD; the CAUSES of its PREMATURE DECLINE, with Plain Directions for its PERFECT RESTORATION; followed by Observations on Marriage, and the Treatment of Mental and Nervous Debility, Incapacity, Warm Climate, and Cure of the Class of Diseases resulting therefrom. Illustrated with Cases, &c. By J.L. Curtis and Co. Consulting Surgeons, London. Fourteenth Edition. Published by the Authors; and Sold by Burgess, Medical Bookseller, 28 Coventry street, Haymarket; Mann, 39 Cornhill; Strange, 21 Paternoster row, London; Guest, 51 Bull street, Birmingham; Hickling, Coventry; Robinson, Leamington; Journal office, Leicester; Cook, Chronicle office, Oxford; Sowler, 4 St Anne's square, Manchester; Philip, South Castle street, Liverpool; and sold, in a Sealed Envelope, by all Booksellers. OPINIONS OF THE PRESS. "This work, a Tenth Edition of which is now presented to the public--ten thousand copies have been exhausted since its first appearance--has been very much improved and enlarged by the addition of a more extended and clear detail of general principles, as also by the insertion of several new and highly interesting cases. The numberless instances daily occurring, wherein affections of the lungs, putting on all the outer appearances of consumption, which, however, when traced to their source, are found to result from certain baneful habits, fully proves that the principle of the division of labour is nowhere more applicable than in medical practice. We feel no hesitation in saying, that there is no member of society by whom the book will not be found useful, whether such person holds the relation of a parent, a preceptor, or a clergyman."--SUN, Evening Paper. "Messrs Curtis's work, called 'Manhood,' is one of the few books now coming before the public on such a subject which can lay claim to the character of being strictly professional, at the same time that it is fully intelligible to all who read it. The moral and medical precepts given in it render it invaluable."--MAGNET. Messrs Curtis and Co. are to be consulted daily at their residence, 7 Frith street, Soho square, London. Country Patients are requested to be as minute as possible in the details of their cases. The communication must be accompanied by the usual Consultation Fee of 1_l._; and in all cases the most inviolable secrecy may be relied on. * * * * * FOREIGN NEWSPAPER AND COMMISSION OFFICE, 18 CORNHILL, LONDON. P.L. SIMMONDS, Advertising Agent, receives regularly files of all the NEWSPAPERS published in the British Colonies and possessions beyond the seas, which are preserved for the facility of reference and inspection, and sent when requested to parties for perusal. Also various German, French, Italian, American, and other Foreign Journals. Orders and Advertisements received for every Foreign and European Publication. * * * * * PHOTOGRAPHY.--Great Improvements having been recently effected in this interesting and extraordinary science by Mr BEARD, the patentee, in the process of TAKING and COLOURING LIKENESSES, the public are particularly invited to an inspection of varieties, at the establishment, 85 King William street, City; Royal Polytechnic Institution; and 34 Parliament street, where exchanges for new in lieu of old portraits may be had, on payment of 5s. Colouring small busts, 5s. * * * * * GUARANTEE SOCIETY. ESTABLISHED BY ACT OF PARLIAMENT. Capital, £100,000. TRUSTEES. Charge Hugge Price, Esq. James Francis Maubert, Esq. Thomas Fowler, Esq. Major-General Parlby, C.B. TO Officers of her Majesty's service (both civil and military), secretaries, clerks, and all others holding, or about to hold, confidential and responsible situations, this Society presents immediate facilities for obtaining surety, or integrity, upon payment of a small annual premium, and by which relatives and friends are relieved from the various pecuniary responsibilities attendant on private suretiships. The surety of this Society is accepted by the War Office (for payment of regiments and of pensioners), the Ordnance, East India Company, the Customs, the Bank of England, and numerous banking, mercantile, and commercial firms, both in London and in the country. Forms of application and every information may be obtained at the Offices, 28 Poultry, London. THOMAS DODGSON, Sec. NATURAL MINERAL WATERS.--E. H. DUHAMEL and Co. 7 Duke street, Grosvenor square, have constantly on sale the undernamed Natural Mineral Waters, which they can supply fresh and genuine at a very reasonable price. Barèges Cheltenham Malvern Schwalbach Bath Ems Marienbad Sedlitz Bonnes Fachingen Pullna Selters Bristol Harrogate Pyrmont Spa Cauterets Kissengen Saidschutz Vichy, &c. Genuine Eau de Cologne, digestive Pastilles de Vichy, and various foreign articles of Pharmacy. E.H.D. and Co. are the only agents for the Copahine-Mège, and for J. Jourdain, Mège and Co.'s Dragées Minérales and Dragées Carboniques for effervescing lemonade, and also for their Pilules Carboniques, preventive of sea sickness and vomitings of every description. The Dragées Minérales, with which a tumbler of mineral water can be instantaneously produced, are considered as the best substitute to the genuine waters, when these cannot be procured and have the advantage of being much cheaper. * * * * * NOTICE. WOOD PAVING.--The Letters Patent granted to me, DAVID STEAD, for paving with Wooden Blocks being the first Patent obtained on the subject, and rendering all subsequent Patents for the same object void, have, after a long investigation at Liverpool, been declared valid, notwithstanding the most resolute opposition against me by the real defendants in the case--the Metropolitan Wood Paving Company. I therefore warn all Public Authorities and persons using, or assisting in using Wooden Blocks for Paving, that such infringement upon my Patent will be suppressed; but I am prepared (as is my Licencee, Mr Blackie), to execute any extent of Wood Paving of any description upon contract, and also to grant licenses for the adoption and promotion of the great advantage and benefits of Wood Paving in London, and all parts of England, Scotland, and Ireland. For terms, parties may apply to me, or to my solicitor, Mr John Duncan, 72 Lombard street, London, or to Mr A.B. Blackie, No. 250 Strand. (Signed) DAVID STEAD 250 Strand, London, Sept. 4, 1843. * * * * * WOOD PAVEMENT.--STEAD v. WILLIAMS AND OTHERS. (Abridged from the Liverpool Albion.) This was an action for an infringement of a patent for the paving of roads, streets, &c. with timber or wooden blocks. Mr Martin and Mr Webster were for the plaintiff; Mr Warren and Mr Hoggins for the defendants; Mr John Duncan, of 72 Lombard street, was the solicitor for the plaintiff. The plaintiff is Mr David Stead, formerly a merchant of the City of London; the defendants are, nominally, Mr Lewis Williams, and several others, who are the surveyors of streets and paving at Manchester; but the action was really against the Metropolitan Wood Paving Company. About the year 1836 or 1837 Mr Nystrom, a Russian merchant, with whom Mr Stead had had transactions in business came to England, having whilst in Russia devoted his attention to the mode of pavement in that country, which was done in a great measure by wood. He communicated with Mr Stead, who paid a great deal of attention to the matter, and materially improved the scheme; and it was the intention of Mr Nystrom and Mr Stead, in 1835 or 1837, to take out a patent, but Mr Nystrom found it necessary to return to Russia, and thus frustrated that intention. On the 19th of May, 1838, the plaintiff, however, took out a patent, and this was the one to which attention was directed. Four months were allowed for inrolment, but as six months was the usual period, the plaintiff imagined that that would be the period allowed to him, and inadvertently allowed the four months to elapse before he discovered his mistake. On the 21st of June, 1841, however, an Act of Parliament was passed, confirming the patent to Mr Stead, as though it had been regularly filed within the prescribed period. A second patent was afterwards obtained, but that related more particularly to the form of blocks. The first patent, which had been infringed, was for an invention consisting of a mode of paving with blocks of similar sizes and dimensions, of either a sexagonal, triangular, or square form, so as to make a level road or surface. The defendants pleaded, amongst other things, that the patent was not an original invention; that it was not useful; and that it was in use prior to the granting of the patent. The Jury retired to consult at a quarter past four, and returned at twenty minutes to six o'clock with a verdict for the plaintiff. * * * * * PARSONS'S ALEPPO OFFICE WRITING INK.--This very superior Ink, being made with pure Aleppo Galls, is equally adapted for Quills and Steel Pens, and combines the requisite qualities of Incorrodibility and Permanency of Colour with an easy flow from the Pen. It is therefore strongly recommended to Merchants, Bankers, Solicitors, Accountants, and others. *** Warranted not to be affected either by time or climate. Sold in Quart, Pint, Half-pint, and Sixpenny Bottles, by John Parsons, Manufacturer of Printing and Writing Inks, 35 Orange street, Gravel lane, Southwark; and 9 Ave Maria lane, London. * * * * * UNDER THE SPECIAL PATRONAGE OF HER MOST GRACIOUS MAJESTY, H.R.H. PRINCE ALBERT, THE ROYAL FAMILY AND THE SEVERAL COURTS OF EUROPE. ROWLAND'S MACASSAR OIL, For the Growth, and for _Preserving_ and Beautifying the Human Hair. *** To ensure the real article, see that the words _Rowland's Macassar Oil_ are engraven on the back of the label nearly 1,500 times, containing 29,028 letters. Without this _None are Genuine_. ROWLAND'S KALYDOR, For _Improving and Beautifying_ the Skin and Complexion. ROWLAND'S ODONTO, or PEARL DENTIFRICE, Renders the Teeth beautifully white, and preserves the Gums. * * * * * CAUTION. Numerous _pernicious Compounds_ are universally offered for sale as the real "MACASSAR OIL" and "KALYDOR," (some under the _implied_ sanction of Royalty), the labels and bills of the original articles are copied, and either a FICTITIOUS NAME or the word "GENUINE" is used in the place of "ROWLAND'S." It is therefore necessary on purchasing either Article to see that the word "ROWLAND'S" is on the Envelope. For the protection of the Public from fraud and imposition, the _Honourable Commissioners of Her Majesty's Stamps_ have authorized the Proprietors to have their Names engraven on the Government Stamp, which is affixed to the _KALYDOR_ and _ODONTO_, thus-- A. ROWLAND & SON, No. 20, HATTON GARDEN. *** All others are SPURIOUS IMITATIONS. * * * * * Printed by CHARLES REYNELL, 16 Little Pulteney street, in the Parish of St James, Westminster; and Published by him at the Office of the Journal, No. 6 Wellington street, Strand,--September 16, 1843. 
21660	----	Note: Project Gutenberg also has an HTML version of this file which includes the original illustrations. See 21660-h.htm or 21660-h.zip: (http://www.gutenberg.net/dirs/2/1/6/6/21660/21660-h/21660-h.htm) or (http://www.gutenberg.net/dirs/2/1/6/6/21660/21660-h.zip) Transcriber's note: Obvious printer's errors have been corrected, all other inconsistencies are as in the original. Author's spelling has been maintained. Bolded font has been represented encased between asterisks. The following sentence has been changed, from: the spring crop was taken now IT its turn would enjoy a fallow year. to: the spring crop was taken now IN its turn would enjoy a fallow year. An Introduction to the Industrial and Social History of England [Illustration: New Sixteenth Century Manor House with Fields still Open, Gidea Hall, Essex. Nichols: _Progresses of Queen Elizabeth_.] AN INTRODUCTION TO THE INDUSTRIAL AND SOCIAL HISTORY OF ENGLAND by EDWARD P. CHEYNEY Professor of European History in the University of Pennsylvania New York The MacMillan Company London: Macmillan & Co., Ltd. 1916 All rights reserved Copyright, 1901, By The MacMillan Company. Set up and electrotyped. Published April, 1901. Reprinted January, October, 1905; November, 1906; October, 1907; July, 1908; February, 1909; January, 1910; April, December, 1910; January, August, December, 1911; July, 1912; January, 1913; February, August, 1914; January, November, 1915; April, 1916. PREFACE This text-book is intended for college and high-school classes. Most of the facts stated in it have become, through the researches and publications of recent years, such commonplace knowledge that a reference to authority in each case has not seemed necessary. Statements on more doubtful points, and such personal opinions as I have had occasion to express, although not supported by references, are based on a somewhat careful study of the sources. To each chapter is subjoined a bibliographical paragraph with the titles of the most important secondary authorities. These works will furnish a fuller account of the matters that have been treated in outline in this book, indicate the original sources, and give opportunity and suggestions for further study. An introductory chapter and a series of narrative paragraphs prefixed to other chapters are given with the object of correlating matters of economic and social history with other aspects of the life of the nation. My obligation and gratitude are due, as are those of all later students, to the group of scholars who have within our own time laid the foundations of the study of economic history, and whose names and books will be found referred to in the bibliographical paragraphs. EDWARD P. CHEYNEY. University of Pennsylvania, January, 1901. CONTENTS CHAPTER I Growth Of The Nation To The Middle Of The Fourteenth Century Page 1. The Geography of England................................. 1 2. Prehistoric Britain...................................... 4 3. Roman Britain............................................ 5 4. Early Saxon England...................................... 8 5. Danish and Late Saxon England........................... 12 6. The Period following the Norman Conquest................ 15 7. The Period of the Early Angevin Kings, 1154-1338........ 22 CHAPTER II Rural Life and Organization 8. The Mediæval Village.................................... 31 9. The Vill as an Agricultural System...................... 33 10. Classes of People on the Manor.......................... 39 11. The Manor Courts........................................ 45 12. The Manor as an Estate of a Lord........................ 49 13. Bibliography............................................ 52 CHAPTER III Town Life And Organization 14. The Town Government..................................... 57 15. The Gild Merchant....................................... 59 16. The Craft Gilds......................................... 64 17. Non-industrial Gilds.................................... 71 18. Bibliography............................................ 73 CHAPTER IV Mediæval Trade And Commerce 19. Markets and Fairs....................................... 75 20. Trade Relations between Towns........................... 79 21. Foreign Trading Relations............................... 81 22. The Italian and Eastern Trade........................... 84 23. The Flanders Trade and the Staple....................... 87 24. The Hanse Trade......................................... 89 25. Foreigners settled in England........................... 90 26. Bibliography............................................ 94 CHAPTER V The Black Death And The Peasants' Rebellion _Economic Changes of the Later Fourteenth and Early Fifteenth Centuries_ 27. National Affairs from 1338 to 1461...................... 96 28. The Black Death and its Effects......................... 99 29. The Statutes of Laborers............................... 106 30. The Peasants' Rebellion of 1381........................ 111 31. Commutation of Services................................ 125 32. The Abandonment of Demesne Farming..................... 128 33. The Decay of Serfdom................................... 129 34. Changes in Town Life and Foreign Trade................. 133 35. Bibliography........................................... 134 CHAPTER VI The Breaking Up Of The Mediæval System _Economic Changes of the Later Fifteenth and the Sixteenth Centuries_ 36. National Affairs from 1461 to 1603..................... 136 37. Enclosures............................................. 141 38. Internal Divisions in the Craft Gilds.................. 147 39. Change of Location of Industries....................... 151 40. The Influence of the Government on the Gilds........... 154 41. General Causes and Evidences of the Decay of the Gilds. 159 42. The Growth of Native Commerce.......................... 161 43. The Merchants Adventurers.............................. 164 44. Government Encouragement of Commerce................... 167 45. The Currency........................................... 169 46. Interest............................................... 171 47. Paternal Government.................................... 173 48. Bibliography........................................... 176 CHAPTER VII The Expansion Of England _Economic Changes of the Seventeenth and Early Eighteenth Centuries_ 49. National Affairs from 1603 to 1760..................... 177 50. The Extension of Agriculture........................... 183 51. The Domestic System of Manufactures.................... 185 52. Commerce under the Navigation Acts..................... 189 53. Finance................................................ 193 54. Bibliography........................................... 198 CHAPTER VIII The Period Of The Industrial Revolution _Economic Changes of the Later Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries_ 55. National Affairs from 1760 to 1830..................... 199 56. The Great Mechanical Inventions........................ 203 57. The Factory System..................................... 212 58. Iron, Coal, and Transportation......................... 214 59. The Revival of Enclosures.............................. 216 60. Decay of Domestic Manufacture.......................... 220 61. The _Laissez-faire_ Theory............................. 224 62. Cessation of Government Regulation..................... 228 63. Individualism.......................................... 232 64. Social Conditions at the Beginning of the Nineteenth Century................................................ 235 65. Bibliography........................................... 239 CHAPTER IX The Extension Of Government Control _Factory Laws, the Modification of Land Ownership, Sanitary Regulations, and New Public Services_ 66. National Affairs from 1830 to 1900..................... 240 67. The Beginning of Factory Legislation................... 244 68. Arguments for and against Factory Legislation.......... 249 69. Factory Legislation to 1847............................ 254 70. The Extension of Factory Legislation................... 256 71. Employers' Liability Acts.............................. 260 72. Preservation of Remaining Open Lands................... 262 73. Allotments............................................. 267 74. Small Holdings......................................... 269 75. Government Sanitary Control............................ 271 76. Industries Carried on by Government.................... 273 77. Bibliography........................................... 276 CHAPTER X The Extension Of Voluntary Association _Trade Unions, Trusts, and Coöperation_ 78. The Rise of Trade Unions............................... 277 79. Opposition of the Law and of Public Opinion. The Combination Acts....................................... 279 80. Legalization and Popular Acceptance of Trade Unions.... 281 81. The Growth of Trade Unions............................. 288 82. Federation of Trade Unions............................. 289 83. Employers' Organizations............................... 293 84. Trusts and Trade Combinations.......................... 294 85. Coöperation in Distribution............................ 295 86. Coöperation in Production.............................. 300 87. Coöperation in Farming................................. 302 88. Coöperation in Credit.................................. 306 89. Profit Sharing......................................... 307 90. Socialism.............................................. 310 91. Bibliography........................................... 311 An Introduction to the Industrial and Social History of England INDUSTRIAL AND SOCIAL HISTORY OF ENGLAND CHAPTER I GROWTH OF THE NATION To The Middle Of The Fourteenth Century *1. The Geography of England.*--The British Isles lie northwest of the Continent of Europe. They are separated from it by the Channel and the North Sea, at the narrowest only twenty miles wide, and at the broadest not more than three hundred. The greatest length of England from north to south is three hundred and sixty-five miles, and its greatest breadth some two hundred and eighty miles. Its area, with Wales, is 58,320 square miles, being somewhat more than one-quarter the size of France or of Germany, just one-half the size of Italy, and somewhat larger than either Pennsylvania or New York. The backbone of the island is near the western coast, and consists of a body of hard granitic and volcanic rock rising into mountains of two or three thousand feet in height. These do not form one continuous chain but are in several detached groups. On the eastern flank of these mountains and underlying all the rest of the island is a series of stratified rocks. The harder portions of these strata still stand up as long ridges,--the "wolds," "wealds," "moors," and "downs" of the more eastern and south-eastern parts of England. The softer strata have been worn away into great broad valleys, furnishing the central and eastern plains or lowlands of the country. The rivers of the south and of the far north run for the most part by short and direct courses to the sea. The rivers of the midlands are much longer and larger. As a result of the gradual sinking of the island, in recent geological periods the sea has extended some distance up the course of these rivers, making an almost unbroken series of estuaries along the whole coast. The climate of England is milder and more equable than is indicated by the latitude, which is that of Labrador in the western hemisphere and of Prussia and central Russia on the Continent of Europe. This is due to the fact that the Gulf Stream flows around its southern and western shores, bringing warmth and a superabundance of moisture from the southern Atlantic. These physical characteristics have been of immense influence on the destinies of England. Her position was far on the outskirts of the world as it was known to ancient and mediæval times, and England played a correspondingly inconspicuous part during those periods. In the habitable world as it has been known since the fifteenth century, on the other hand, that position is a distinctly central one, open alike to the eastern and the western hemisphere, to northern and southern lands. [Illustration: Physiographic Map of *England And Wales*. Engraved by Bormay & Co., N.Y.] Her situation of insularity and at the same time of proximity to the Continent laid her open to frequent invasion in early times, but after she secured a navy made her singularly safe from subjugation. It made the development of many of her institutions tardy, yet at the same time gave her the opportunity to borrow and assimilate what she would from the customs of foreign nations. Her separation by water from the Continent favored a distinct and continuous national life, while her nearness to it allowed her to participate in all the more important influences which affected the nations of central Europe. Within the mountainous or elevated regions a variety of mineral resources, especially iron, copper, lead, and tin, exist in great abundance, and have been worked from the earliest ages. Potter's clay and salt also exist, the former furnishing the basis of industry for an extensive section of the midlands. By far the most important mineral possession of England, however, is her coal. This exists in the greatest abundance and in a number of sections of the north and west of the country. Practically unknown in the Middle Ages, and only slightly utilized in early modern times, within the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries her coal supply has come to be the principal foundation of England's great manufacturing and commercial development. The lowlands, which make up far the larger part of the country, are covered with soil which furnishes rich farming areas, though in many places this soil is a heavy and impervious clay, expensive to drain and cultivate. The hard ridges are covered with thin soil only. Many of them therefore remained for a long time covered with forest, and they are devoted even yet to grazing or to occasional cultivation only. The abundance of harbors and rivers, navigable at least to the small vessels of the Middle Ages, has made a seafaring life natural to a large number of the people, and commercial intercourse comparatively easy with all parts of the country bordering on the coast or on these rivers. Thus, to sum up these geographical characteristics, the insular situation of England, her location on the earth's surface, and the variety of her material endowments gave her a tolerably well-balanced if somewhat backward economic position during the Middle Ages, and have enabled her since the fifteenth century to pass through a continuous and rapid development, until she has obtained within the nineteenth century, for the time at least, a distinct economic precedency among the nations of the world. *2. Prehistoric Britain.*--The materials from which to construct a knowledge of the history of mankind before the time of written records are few and unsatisfactory. They consist for the most part of the remains of dwelling-places, fortifications, and roadways; of weapons, implements, and ornaments lost or abandoned at the time; of burial places and their contents; and of such physical characteristics of later populations as have survived from an early period. Centuries of human habitation of Britain passed away, leaving only such scanty remains and the obscure and doubtful knowledge that can be drawn from them. Through this period, however, successive races seem to have invaded and settled the country, combining with their predecessors, or living alongside of them, or in some cases, perhaps, exterminating them. When contemporary written records begin, just before the beginning of the Christian era, one race, the Britons, was dominant, and into it had merged to all appearances all others. The Britons were a Celtic people related to the inhabitants of that part of the Continent of Europe which lies nearest to Britain. They were divided into a dozen or more separate tribes, each occupying a distinct part of the country. They lived partly by the pasturing of sheep and cattle, partly by a crude agriculture. They possessed most of the familiar grains and domestic animals, and could weave and dye cloth, make pottery, build boats, forge iron, and work other metals, including tin. They had, however, no cities, no manufactures beyond the most primitive, and but little foreign trade to connect them with the Continent. At the head of each tribe was a reigning chieftain of limited powers, surrounded by lesser chiefs. The tribes were in a state of incessant warfare one with the other. *3. Roman Britain.*--This condition of insular isolation and barbarism was brought to a close in the year 55 B.C. by the invasion of the Roman army. Julius Cæsar, the Roman general who was engaged in the conquest and government of Gaul, or modern France, feared that the Britons might bring aid to certain newly subjected and still restless Gallic tribes. He therefore transported a body of troops across the Channel and fought two campaigns against the tribes in the southeast of Britain. His success in the second campaign was, however, not followed up, and he retired without leaving any permanent garrison in the country. The Britons were then left alone, so far as military invasion was concerned, for almost a century, though in the meantime trade with the adjacent parts of the Continent became more common, and Roman influence showed itself in the manners and customs of the people. In the year 44 A.D., just ninety years after Cæsar's campaigns, the conquest of Britain was resumed by the Roman armies and completed within the next thirty years. Britain now became an integral part of the great, well-ordered, civilized, and wealthy Roman Empire. During the greater part of that long period, Britain enjoyed profound peace, internal and external trade were safe, and much of the culture and refinement of Italy and Gaul must have made their way even to this distant province. A part of the inhabitants adopted the Roman language, dress, customs, and manner of life. Discharged veterans from the Roman legions, wealthy civil officials and merchants, settled permanently in Britain. Several bodies of turbulent tribesmen who had been defeated on the German frontier were transported by the government into Britain. The population must, therefore, have become very mixed, containing representatives of most of the races which had been conquered by the Roman armies. A permanent military force was maintained in Britain with fortified stations along the eastern and southern coast, on the Welsh frontier, and along a series of walls or dikes running across the island from the Tyne to Solway Firth. Excellent roads were constructed through the length and breadth of the land for the use of this military body and to connect the scattered stations. Along these highways population spread and the remains of spacious villas still exist to attest the magnificence of the wealthy provincials. The roads served also as channels of trade by which goods could readily be carried from one part of the country to another. Foreign as well as internal trade became extensive, although exports were mostly of crude natural products, such as hides, skins, and furs, cattle and sheep, grain, pig-iron, lead and tin, hunting-dogs and slaves. The rapid development of towns and cities was a marked characteristic of Roman Britain. Fifty-nine towns or cities of various grades of self-government are named in the Roman survey, and many of these must have been populous, wealthy, and active, judging from the extensive ruins that remain, and the enormous number of Roman coins that have since been found. Christianity was adopted here as in other parts of the Roman Empire, though the extent of its influence is unknown. During the Roman occupation much waste land was reclaimed. Most of the great valley regions and many of the hillsides had been originally covered with dense forests, swamps spread along the rivers and extended far inland from the coast; so that almost the only parts capable of tillage were the high treeless plains, the hill tops, and certain favored stretches of open country. The reduction of these waste lands to human habitation has been an age-long task. It was begun in prehistoric times, it has been carried further by each successive race, and brought to final completion only within our own century. A share in this work and the great roads were the most permanent results of the Roman period of occupation and government. Throughout the fourth and fifth centuries of the Christian era the Roman administration and society in Britain were evidently disintegrating. Several successive generals of the Roman troops stationed in Britain rose in revolt with their soldiers, declared their independence of Rome, or passed over to the Continent to enter into a struggle for the control of the whole Empire. In 383 and 407 the military forces were suddenly depleted in this way and the provincial government disorganized, while the central government of the Empire was so weak that it was unable to reëstablish a firm administration. During the same period barbarian invaders were making frequent inroads into Britain. The Picts and Scots from modern Scotland, Saxon pirates, and, later, ever increasing swarms of Angles, Jutes, and Frisians from across the North Sea ravaged and ultimately occupied parts of the borders and the coasts. The surviving records of this period of disintegration and reorganization are so few that we are left in all but total ignorance as to what actually occurred. For more than two hundred years we can only guess at the course of events, or infer it from its probable analogy to what we know was occurring in the other parts of the Empire, or from the conditions we find to have been in existence as knowledge of succeeding times becomes somewhat more full. It seems evident that the government of the province of Britain gradually went to pieces, and that that of the different cities or districts followed. Internal dissensions and the lack of military organization and training of the mass of the population probably added to the difficulty of resisting marauding bands of barbarian invaders. These invading bands became larger, and their inroads more frequent and extended, until finally they abandoned their home lands entirely and settled permanently in those districts in which they had broken the resistance of the Roman-British natives. Even while the Empire had been strong the heavy burden of taxation and the severe pressure of administrative regulations had caused a decline in wealth and population. Now disorder, incessant ravages of the barbarians, isolation from other lands, probably famine and pestilence, brought rapid decay to the prosperity and civilization of the country. Cities lost their trade, wealth, and population, and many of them ceased altogether for a time to exist. Britain was rapidly sinking again into a land of barbarism. *4. Early Saxon England.*--An increasing number of contemporary records give a somewhat clearer view of the condition of England toward the close of the sixth century. The old Roman organization and civilization had disappeared entirely, and a new race, with a new language, a different religion, another form of government, changed institutions and customs, had taken its place. A number of petty kingdoms had been formed during the fifth and early sixth centuries, each under a king or chieftain, as in the old Celtic times before the Roman invasion, but now of Teutonic or German race. The kings and their followers had come from the northwestern portions of Germany. How far they had destroyed the earlier inhabitants, how far they had simply combined with them or enslaved them, has been a matter of much debate, and one on which discordant opinions are held, even by recent students. It seems likely on the whole that the earlier races, weakened by defeat and by the disappearance of the Roman control, were gradually absorbed and merged into the body of their conquerors; so that the petty Angle and Saxon kings of the sixth and seventh centuries ruled over a mixed race, in which their own was the most influential, though not necessarily the largest element. The arrival from Rome in 597 of Augustine, the first Christian missionary to the now heathen inhabitants of Britain, will serve as a point to mark the completion of the Anglo-Saxon conquest of the country. By this time the new settlers had ceased to come in, and there were along the coast and inland some seven or eight different kingdoms. These were, however, so frequently divided and reunited that no fixed number remained long in existence. The Jutes had established the kingdom of Kent in the south-eastern extremity of the island; the South and the West Saxons were established on the southern coast and inland to the valley of the Thames; the East Saxons had a kingdom just north of the mouth of the Thames, and the Middle Saxons held London and the district around. The rest of the island to the north and inland exclusive of what was still unconquered was occupied by various branches of the Angle stock grouped into the kingdoms of East Anglia, Mercia, and Northumbria. During the seventh and eighth centuries there were constant wars of conquest among these kingdoms. Eventually, about 800 A.D., the West Saxon monarchy made itself nominally supreme over all the others. Notwithstanding this political supremacy of the West Saxons, it was the Angles who were the most numerous and widely spread, and who gave their name, England, to the whole land. Agriculture was at this time almost the sole occupation of the people. The trade and commerce that had centred in the towns and flowed along the Roman roads and across the Channel had long since come to an end with the Roman civilization of which it was a part. In Saxon England cities scarcely existed except as fortified places of defence. The products of each rural district sufficed for its needs in food and in materials for clothing, so that internal trade was but slight. Manufactures were few, partly from lack of skill, partly from lack of demand or appreciation; but weaving, the construction of agricultural implements and weapons, ship-building, and the working of metals had survived from Roman times, or been brought over as part of the stock of knowledge of the invaders. Far the greater part of the population lived in villages, as they probably had done in Roman and in prehistoric times. The village with the surrounding farming lands, woods, and waste grounds made up what was known in later times as the "township." The form of government in the earlier separate kingdoms, as in the united monarchy after its consolidation, gave limited though constantly increasing powers to the king. A body of nobles known as the "witan" joined with the king in most of the actions of government. The greater part of the small group of government functions which were undertaken in these barbarous times were fulfilled by local gatherings of the principal men. A district formed from a greater or less number of townships, with a meeting for the settlement of disputes, the punishment of crimes, the witnessing of agreements, and other purposes, was known as a "hundred" or a "wapentake." A "shire" was a grouping of hundreds, with a similar gathering of its principal men for judicial, military, and fiscal purposes. Above the shire came the whole kingdom. The most important occurrences of the early Saxon period were the general adoption of Christianity and the organization of the church. Between A.D. 597 and 650 Christianity gained acceptance through the preaching and influence of missionaries, most of whom were sent from Rome, though some came from Christian Scotland and Ireland. The organization of the church followed closely. It was largely the work of Archbishop Theodore, and was practically complete before the close of the seventh century. By this organization England was divided into seventeen dioceses or church districts, religious affairs in each of these districts being under the supervision of a bishop. The bishop's church, called a "cathedral," was endowed by religious kings and nobles with extensive lands, so that the bishop was a wealthy landed proprietor, in addition to having control of the clergy of his diocese, and exercising a powerful influence over the consciences and actions of its lay population. The bishoprics were grouped into two "provinces," those of Canterbury and York, the bishops of these two dioceses having the higher title of archbishop, and having a certain sort of supervision over the other bishops of their province. Churches were gradually built in the villages, and each township usually became a parish with a regularly established priest. He was supported partly by the produce of the "glebe," or land belonging to the parish church, partly by tithe, a tax estimated at one-tenth of the income of each man's land, partly by the offerings of the people. The bishops, the parish priests, and others connected with the diocese, the cathedral, and the parish churches made up the ordinary or "secular" clergy. There were also many religious men and women who had taken vows to live under special "rules" in religious societies withdrawn from the ordinary life of the world, and were therefore known as "regular" clergy. These were the monks and nuns. In Anglo-Saxon England the regular clergy lived according to the rule of St. Benedict, and were gathered into groups, some smaller, some larger, but always established in one building, or group of buildings. These monasteries, like the bishoprics, were endowed with lands which were increased from time to time by pious gifts of kings, nobles, and other laymen. Ecclesiastical bodies thus came in time to hold a very considerable share of the land of the country. The wealth and cultivation of the clergy and the desire to adorn and render more attractive their buildings and religious services fostered trade with foreign countries. The intercourse kept up with the church on the Continent also did something to lessen the isolation of England from the rest of the world. To these broadening influences must be added the effect which the Councils made up of churchmen from all England exerted in fostering the tardy growth of the unity of the country. *5. Danish and Late Saxon England.*--At the end of the eighth century the Danes or Northmen, the barbarous and heathen inhabitants of the islands and coast-lands of Denmark, Norway, and Sweden, began to make rapid forays into the districts of England which lay near enough to the coasts or rivers to be at their mercy. Soon they became bolder or more numerous and established fortified camps along the English rivers, from which they ravaged the surrounding country. Still later, in the tenth and eleventh centuries, under their own kings as leaders, they became conquerors and permanent settlers of much of the country, and even for a time put a Danish dynasty on the throne to govern English and Danes alike. A succession of kings of the West Saxon line had struggled with varying success to drive the Danes from the country or to limit that portion of it which was under their control; but as a matter of fact the northern, eastern, and central portions of England were for more than a century and a half almost entirely under Danish rule. The constant immigration from Scandinavia during this time added an important element to the population--an element which soon, however, became completely absorbed in the mixed stock of the English people. The marauding Danish invaders were early followed by fellow-countrymen who were tradesmen and merchants. The Scandinavian countries had developed an early and active trade with the other lands bordering on the Baltic and North seas, and England under Danish influence was drawn into the same lines of commerce. The Danes were also more inclined to town life than the English, so that advantageously situated villages now grew into trading towns, and the sites of some of the old Roman cities began again to be filled with a busy population. With trading came a greater development of handicrafts, so that the population of later Anglo-Saxon England had somewhat varied occupations and means of support, instead of being exclusively agricultural, as in earlier centuries. During these later centuries of the Saxon period, from 800 to 1066, the most conspicuous and most influential ruler was King Alfred. When he became king, in 871, the Danish invaders were so completely triumphant as to force him to flee with a few followers to the forest as a temporary refuge. He soon emerged, however, with the nucleus of an army and, during his reign, which continued till 901, defeated the Danes repeatedly, obtained their acceptance of Christianity, forced upon them a treaty which restricted their rule to the northeastern shires, and transmitted to his son a military and naval organization which enabled him to win back much even of this part of England. He introduced greater order, prosperity, and piety into the church, and partly by his own writing, partly by his patronage of learned men, reawakened an interest in Anglo-Saxon literature and in learning which the ravages of the Danes and the demoralization of the country had gone far to destroy. Alfred, besides his actual work as king, impressed the recognition of his fine nature and strong character deeply on the men of his time and the memory of all subsequent times. The power of the kingship in the Anglo-Saxon system of government was strengthened by the life and work of such kings as Alfred and some of his successors. There were other causes also which were tending to make the central government more of a reality. A national taxation, the Danegeld, was introduced for the purpose of ransoming the country from the Danes; the grant of lands by the king brought many persons through the country into closer relations with him; the royal judicial powers tended to increase with the development of law and civilization; the work of government was carried on by better-trained officials. On the other hand, a custom grew up in the tenth and early eleventh century of placing whole groups of shires under the government of great earls or viceroys, whose subjection to the central government of the king was but scant. Church bodies and others who had received large grants of land from the king were also coming to exercise over their tenants judicial, fiscal, and probably even military powers, which would seem more properly to belong to government officials. The result was that although the central government as compared with the local government of shires and hundreds was growing more active, the king's power as compared with the personal power of the great nobles was becoming less strong. Violence was common, and there were but few signs of advancing prosperity or civilization, when an entirely new set of influences came into existence with the conquest by the duke of Normandy in the year 1066. *6. The Period following the Norman Conquest.*--Normandy was a province of France lying along the shore of the English Channel. Its line of dukes and at least a considerable proportion of its people were of the same Scandinavian or Norse race which made up such a large element in the population of England. They had, however, learned more of the arts of life and of government from the more successfully preserved civilization of the Continent. The relations between England and Normandy began to be somewhat close in the early part of the eleventh century; the fugitive king of England, Ethelred, having taken refuge there, and marrying the sister of the duke. Edward the Confessor, their son, who was subsequently restored to the English throne, was brought up in Normandy, used the French language, and was accompanied on his return by Norman followers. Nine years after the accession of Edward, in 1051, William, the duke of Normandy, visited England and is said to have obtained a promise that he should receive the crown on the death of Edward, who had no direct heir. Accordingly, in 1065, when Edward died and Harold, a great English earl, was chosen king, William immediately asserted his claim and made strenuous military preparations for enforcing it. He took an army across the Channel in 1066, as Cæsar had done more than a thousand years before, and at the battle of Hastings or Senlac defeated the English army, King Harold himself being killed in the engagement. William then pressed on toward London, preventing any gathering of new forces, and obtained his recognition as king. He was crowned on Christmas Day, 1066. During the next five years he put down a series of rebellions on the part of the native English, after which he and his descendants were acknowledged as sole kings of England. The Norman Conquest was not, however, a mere change of dynasty. It led to at least three other changes of the utmost importance. It added a new element to the population, it brought England into contact with the central and southern countries of the Continent, instead of merely with the northern as before, and it made the central government of the country vastly stronger. There is no satisfactory means of discovering how many Normans and others from across the Channel migrated into England with the Conqueror or in the wake of the Conquest, but there is no doubt that the number was large and their influence more than proportionate to their numbers. Within the lifetime of William, whose death occurred in 1087, of his two sons, William II and Henry I, and the nominal reign of Stephen extending to 1154, the whole body of the nobility, the bishops and abbots, and the government officials had come to be of Norman or other continental origin. Besides these the architects and artisans who built the castles and fortresses, and the cathedrals, abbeys, and parish churches, whose erection throughout the land was such a marked characteristic of the period, were immigrants from Normandy. Merchants from the Norman cities of Rouen and Caen came to settle in London and other English cities, and weavers from Flanders were settled in various towns and even rural districts. For a short time these newcomers remained a separate people, but before the twelfth century was over they had become for the most part indistinguishable from the great mass of the English people amongst whom they had come. They had nevertheless made that people stronger, more vigorous, more active-minded, and more varied in their occupations and interests. King William and his successors retained their continental dominions and even extended them after their acquisition of the English kingdom, so that trade between the two sides of the Channel was more natural and easy than before. The strong government of the Norman kings gave protection and encouragement to this commerce, and by keeping down the violence of the nobles favored trade within the country. The English towns had been growing in number, size, and wealth in the years just before the Conquest. The contests of the years immediately following 1066 led to a short period of decay, but very soon increasing trade and handicraft led to still greater progress. London, especially, now made good its position as one of the great cities of Europe, and that preëminence among English towns which it has never since lost. The fishing and seaport towns along the southern and eastern coast also, and even a number of inland towns, came to hold a much more influential place in the nation than they had possessed in the Anglo-Saxon period. The increased power of the monarchy arose partly from its military character as based upon a conquest of the country, partly from the personal character of William and his immediate successors, partly from the more effective machinery for administration of the affairs of government, which was either brought over from Normandy or developed in England. A body of trained, skilful government officials now existed, who were able to carry out the wishes of the king, collect his revenues, administer justice, gather armies, and in other ways make his rule effective to an extent unknown in the preceding period. The sheriffs, who had already existed as royal representatives in the shires in Anglo-Saxon times, now possessed far more extensive powers, and came up to Westminster to report and to present their financial accounts to the royal exchequer twice a year. Royal officials acting as judges not only settled an increasingly large number of cases that were brought before them at the king's court, but travelled through the country, trying suits and punishing criminals in the different shires. The king's income was vastly larger than that of the Anglo-Saxon monarchs had been. The old Danegeld was still collected from time to time, though under a different name, and the king's position as landlord of the men who had received the lands confiscated at the Conquest was utilized to obtain additional payments. Perhaps the greatest proof of the power and efficiency of the government in the Norman period was the compilation of the great body of statistics known as "Domesday Book." In 1085 King William sent commissioners to every part of England to collect a variety of information about the financial conditions on which estates were held, their value, and fitness for further taxation. The information obtained from this investigation was drawn up in order and written in two large manuscript volumes which still exist in the Public Record Office at London. It is a much more extensive body of information than was collected for any other country of Europe until many centuries afterward. Yet its statements, though detailed and exact and of great interest from many points of view, are disappointing to the student of history. They were obtained for the financial purposes of government, and cannot be made to give the clear picture of the life of the people and of the relations of different classes to one another which would be so welcome, and which is so easily obtained from the great variety of more private documents which came into existence a century and a half later. The church during this period was not relatively so conspicuous as during Saxon times, but the number of the clergy, both secular and regular, was very large, the bishops and abbots powerful, and the number of monasteries and nunneries increasing. The most important ecclesiastical change was the development of church courts. The bishops or their representatives began to hold courts for the trial of churchmen, the settlement of such suits as churchmen were parties to, and the decision of cases in certain fields of law. This gave the church a new influence, in addition to that which it held from its spiritual duties, from its position as landlord over such extensive tracts, and from the superior enlightenment and mental ability of its prominent officials, but it also gave greater occasion for conflict with the civil government and with private persons. After the death of Henry I in 1135 a miserable period of confusion and violence ensued. Civil war broke out between two claimants for the crown, Stephen the grandson, and Matilda the granddaughter, of William the Conqueror. The organization of government was allowed to fall into disorder, and but little effort was made to collect the royal revenue, to fulfil the newly acquired judicial duties, or to insist upon order being preserved in the country. The nobles took opposite sides in the contest for the crown, and made use of the weakness of government to act as if they were themselves sovereigns over their estates and the country adjacent to their castles with no ruler above them. Private warfare, oppression of less powerful men, seizure of property, went on unchecked. Every baron's castle became an independent establishment carried on in accordance only with the unbridled will of its lord, as if there were no law and no central authority to which he must bow. The will of the lord was often one of reckless violence, and there was more disorder and suffering in England than at any time since the ravages of the Danes. In Anglo-Saxon times, when a weak king appeared, the shire moots, or the rulers of groups of shires, exercised the authority which the central government had lost. In the twelfth century, when the power of the royal government was similarly diminished through the weakness of Stephen and the confusions of the civil war, it was a certain class of men, the great nobles, that fell heir to the lost strength of government. This was because of the development of feudalism during the intervening time. The greater landholders had come to exercise over those who held land from them certain powers which in modern times belong to the officers of government only. A landlord could call upon his tenants for military service to him, and for the contribution of money for his expenses; he held a court to decide suits between one tenant and another, and frequently to punish their crimes and misdemeanors; in case of the death of a tenant leaving a minor heir, his landlord became guardian and temporary holder of the land, and if there were no heirs, the land reverted to him, not to the national government. These relations which the great landholders held toward their tenants, the latter, who often themselves were landlords over whole townships or other great tracts of land with their population, held toward their tenants. Sometimes these subtenants granted land to others below them, and over these the last landlord also exercised feudal rights, and so on till the actual occupants and cultivators of the soil were reached. The great nobles had thus come to stand in a middle position. Above them was the king, below them these successive stages of tenants and subtenants. Their tenants owed to them the same financial and political services and duties as they owed to the king. From the time of the Norman Conquest, all land in England was looked upon as being held from the king directly by a comparatively few, and indirectly through them by all others who held land at all. Moreover, from a time at least soon after the Norman Conquest, the services and payments above mentioned came to be recognized as due from all tenants to their lords, and were gradually systematized and defined. Each person or ecclesiastical body that held land from the king owed him the military service of a certain number of knights or armed horse soldiers. The period for which this service was owed was generally estimated as forty days once a year. Subtenants similarly owed military service to their landlords, though in the lesser grades this was almost invariably commuted for money. "Wardship and marriage" was the expression applied to the right of the lord to the guardianship of the estate of a minor heir of his tenant, and to the choice of a husband or wife for the heir when he came of proper age. This right also was early turned into the form of a money consideration. There were a number of money payments pure and simple. "Relief" was a payment to the landlord, usually of a year's income of the estate, made by an heir on obtaining his inheritance. There were three generally acknowledged "aids" or payments of a set sum in proportion to the amount of land held. These were on the occasion of the knighting of the lord's son, of the marriage of his daughter, and for his ransom in case he was captured in war. Land could be confiscated if the tenant violated his duties to his landlord, and it "escheated" to the lord in case of failure of heirs. Every tenant was bound to attend his landlord to help form a court for judicial work, and to submit to the judgment of a court of his fellow-tenants for his own affairs. In addition to the relations of landlord and tenant and to the power of jurisdiction, taxation, and military service which landlords exercised over their tenants, there was considered to be a close personal relationship between them. Every tenant on obtaining his land went through a ceremony known as "homage," by which he promised faithfulness and service to his lord, vowing on his knees to be his man. The lord in return promised faithfulness, protection, and justice to his tenant. It was this combination of landholding, political rights, and sworn personal fidelity that made up feudalism. It existed in this sense in England from the later Saxon period till late in the Middle Ages, and even in some of its characteristics to quite modern times. The conquest by William of Normandy through the wholesale confiscation and regrant of lands, and through his military arrangements, brought about an almost sudden development and spread of feudalism in England, and it was rapidly systematized and completed in the reigns of his two sons. By its very nature feudalism gives great powers to the higher ranks of the nobility, the great landholders. Under the early Norman kings, however, their strength was kept in tolerably complete check. The anarchy of the reign of Stephen was an indication of the natural tendencies of feudalism without a vigorous king. This time of confusion when, as the contemporary chronicle says, "every man did that which was good in his own eyes," was brought to an end by the accession to the throne of Henry II, a man whose personal abilities and previous training enabled him to bring the royal authority to greater strength than ever, and to put an end to the oppressions of the turbulent nobles. *7. The Period of the Early Angevin Kings, 1154-1338.*--The two centuries which now followed saw either the completion or the initiation of most of the characteristics of the English race with which we are familiar in historic times. The race, the language, the law, and the political organization have remained fundamentally the same as they became during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. No considerable new addition was made to the population, and the elements which it already contained became so thoroughly fused that it has always since been practically a homogeneous body. The Latin language remained through this whole period and till long afterward the principal language of records, documents, and the affairs of the church. French continued to be the language of the daily intercourse of the upper classes, of the pleadings in the law courts, and of certain documents and records. But English was taking its modern form, asserting itself as the real national language, and by the close of this period had come into general use for the vast majority of purposes. Within the twelfth and thirteenth centuries the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge grew up, and within the fourteenth took their later shape of self-governing groups of colleges. Successive orders of religious men and women were formed under rules intended to overcome the defects which had appeared in the early Benedictine rule. The organized church became more and more powerful, and disputes constantly arose as to the limits between its power and that of the ordinary government. The question was complicated from the fact that the English Church was but one branch of the general church of Western Christendom, whose centre and principal authority was vested in the Pope at Rome. One of the most serious of these conflicts was between King Henry II and Thomas, archbishop of Canterbury, principally on the question of how far clergymen should be subject to the same laws as laymen. The personal dispute ended in the murder of the archbishop, in 1170, but the controversy itself got no farther than a compromise. A contest broke out between King John and the Pope in 1205 as to the right of the king to dictate the selection of a new archbishop of Canterbury. By 1213 the various forms of influence which the church could bring to bear were successful in forcing the king to give way. He therefore made humble apologies and accepted the nominee of the Pope for the office. Later in the thirteenth century there was much popular opposition to papal taxation of England. In the reign of Henry II, the conquest of Ireland was begun. In 1283 Edward I, great-grandson of Henry, completed the conquest of Wales, which had remained incompletely conquered from Roman times onward. In 1292 Edward began that interference in the affairs of Scotland which led on to long wars and a nominal conquest. For a while therefore it seemed that England was about to create a single monarchy out of the whole of the British Islands. Moreover, Henry II was already count of Anjou and Maine by inheritance from his father when he became duke of Normandy and king of England by inheritance from his mother. He also obtained control of almost all the remainder of the western and southern provinces of France by his marriage with Eleanor of Aquitaine. It seemed, therefore, that England might become the centre of a considerable empire composed partly of districts on the Continent, partly of the British Islands. As a matter of fact, Wales long remained separated from England in organization and feeling, little progress was made with the real conquest of Ireland till in the sixteenth century, and the absorption of Scotland failed entirely. King John, in 1204, lost most of the possessions of the English kings south of the Channel and they were not regained within this period. The unification of the English government and people really occurred during this period, but it was only within the boundaries which were then as now known as England. Henry II was a vigorous, clear-headed, far-sighted ruler. He not only put down the rebellious barons with a strong hand, and restored the old royal institutions, as already stated, but added new powers of great importance, especially in the organization of the courts of justice. He changed the occasional visits of royal officials to different parts of the country to regular periodical circuits, the kingdom being divided into districts in each of which a group of judges held court at least once in each year. In 1166, by the Assize of Clarendon, he made provision for a sworn body of men in each neighborhood to bring accusations against criminals, thus making the beginning of the grand jury system. He also provided that a group of men should be put upon their oath to give a decision in a dispute about the possession of land, if either one of the claimants asked for it, thus introducing the first form of the trial by jury. The decisions of the judges within this period came to be so consistent and so well recorded as to make the foundation of the Common Law the basis of modern law in all English-speaking countries. Henry's successor was his son Richard I, whose government was quite unimportant except for the romantic personal adventures of the king when on a crusade, and in his continental dominions. Henry's second son John reigned from 1199 to 1216. Although of good natural abilities, he was extraordinarily indolent, mean, treacherous, and obstinate. By his inactivity during a long quarrel with the king of France he lost all his provinces on the Continent, except those in the far south. His contest with the Pope had ended in failure and humiliation. He had angered the barons by arbitrary taxation and by many individual acts of outrage or oppression. Finally he had alienated the affections of the mass of the population by introducing foreign mercenaries to support his tyranny and permitting to them unbridled excess and violence. As a result of this widespread unpopularity, a rebellion was organized, including almost the whole of the baronage of England, guided by the counsels of Stephen Langton, archbishop of Canterbury, and supported by the citizens of London. The indefiniteness of feudal relations was a constant temptation to kings and other lords to carry their exactions and demands upon their tenants to an unreasonable and oppressive length. Henry I, on his accession in 1100, in order to gain popularity, had voluntarily granted a charter reciting a number of these forms of oppression and promising to put an end to them. The rebellious barons now took this old charter as a basis, added to it many points which had become questions of dispute during the century since it had been granted, and others which were of special interest to townsmen and the middle and even lower classes. They then demanded the king's promise to issue a charter containing these points. John resisted for a while, but at last gave way and signed the document which has since been known as the "Great Charter," or Magna Carta. This has always been considered as, in a certain sense, the guarantee of English liberties and the foundation of the settled constitution of the kingdom. The fact that it was forced from a reluctant king by those who spoke for the whole nation, that it placed definite limitations on his power, and that it was confirmed again and again by later kings, has done more to give it this position than its temporary and in many cases insignificant provisions, accompanied only by a comparatively few statements of general principles. The beginnings of the construction of the English parliamentary constitution fall within the next reign, that of John's son, Henry III, 1216-1272. He was a child at his accession, and when he became a man proved to have but few qualities which would enable him to exercise a real control over the course of events. Conflicts were constant between the king and confederations of the barons, for the greater part of the time under the leadership of Simon de Montfort, earl of Leicester. The special points of difference were the king's preference for foreign adventurers in his distribution of offices, his unrestrained munificence to them, their insolence and oppression relying on the king's support, the financial demands which were constantly being made, and the king's encouragement of the high claims and pecuniary exactions of the Pope. At first these conflicts took the form of disputes in the Great Council, but ultimately they led to another outbreak of civil war. The Great Council of the kingdom was a gathering of the nobles, bishops, and abbots summoned by the king from time to time for advice and participation in the more important work of government. It had always existed in one form or another, extending back continuously to the "witenagemot" of the Anglo-Saxons. During the reign of Henry the name "Parliament" was coming to be more regularly applied to it, its meetings were more frequent and its self-assertion more vigorous. But most important of all, a new class of members was added to it. In 1265, in addition to the nobles and great prelates, the sheriffs were ordered to see that two knights were selected from each of their shires, and two citizens from each of a long list of the larger towns, to attend and take part in the discussions of Parliament. This plan was not continued regularly at first, but Henry's successor, Edward I, who reigned from 1272 to 1307, adopted it deliberately, and from 1295 forward the "Commons," as they came to be called, were always included in Parliament. Within the next century a custom arose according to which the representatives of the shires and the towns sat in a separate body from the nobles and churchmen, so that Parliament took on its modern form of two houses, the House of Lords and the House of Commons. Until this time and long afterward the personal character and abilities of the king were far the most important single factor in the growth of the nation. Edward I was one of the greatest of English kings, ranking with Alfred, William the Conqueror, and Henry II. His conquests of Wales and of Scotland have already been mentioned, and these with the preparation they involved and a war with France into which he was drawn necessarily occupied the greater part of his time and energy. But he found the time to introduce good order and control into the government in all its branches; to make a great investigation into the judicial and administrative system, the results of which, commonly known as the "Hundred Rolls," are comparable to Domesday Book in extent and character; to develop the organization of Parliament, and above all to enact through it a series of great reforming statutes. The most important of these were the First and Second Statutes of Westminster, in 1275 and 1285, which made provisions for good order in the country, for the protection of merchants, and for other objects; the Statute of Mortmain, passed in 1279, which put a partial stop to injurious gifts of land to the church, and the Statute _Quia Emptores_, passed in 1290, which was intended to prevent the excessive multiplication of subtenants. This was done by providing that whenever in the future any landholder should dispose of a piece of land it should be held from the same lord the grantor had held it from, not from the grantor himself. He also gave more liberal charters to the towns, privileges to foreign merchants, and constant encouragement to trade. The king's firm hand and prudent judgment were felt in a wide circle of regulations applying to taxes, markets and fairs, the purchase of royal supplies, the currency, the administration of local justice, and many other fields. Yet after all it was the organization of Parliament that was the most important work of Edward's reign. This completed the unification of the country. The English people were now one race, under one law, with one Parliament representing all parts of the country. It was possible now for the whole nation to act as a unit, and for laws to be passed which would apply to the whole country and draw its different sections continually more closely together. National growth was now possible in a sense in which it had not been before. The reign of Edward II, like his own character, was insignificant compared with that of his father. He was deposed in 1327, and his son, Edward III, came to the throne as a boy of fourteen years. The first years of his reign were also relatively unimportant. By the time he reached his majority, however, other events were imminent which for the next century or more gave a new direction to the principal interests and energies of England. A description of these events will be given in a later chapter. For the greater part of the long period which has now been sketched in outline it is almost solely the political and ecclesiastical events and certain personal experiences which have left their records in history. We can obtain but vague outlines of the actual life of the people. An important Anglo-Saxon document describes the organization of a great landed estate, and from Domesday Book and other early Norman records may be drawn certain inferences as to the degree of freedom of the masses of the people and certain facts as to agriculture and trade. From the increasing body of public records in the twelfth century can be gathered detached pieces of information as to actual social and economic conditions, but the knowledge that can be obtained is even yet slight and uncertain. With the thirteenth century, however, all this is changed. During the latter part of the period just described, that is to say the reigns of Henry III and the three Edwards, we have almost as full knowledge of economic as of political conditions, of the life of the mass of the people as of that of courtiers and ecclesiastics. From a time for which 1250 may be taken as an approximate date, written documents began to be so numerous, so varied, and so full of information as to the affairs of private life, that it becomes possible to obtain a comparatively full and clear knowledge of the methods of agriculture, handicraft, and commerce, of the classes of society, the prevailing customs and ideas, and in general of the mode of life and social organization of the mass of the people, this being the principal subject of economic and social history. The next three chapters will therefore be devoted respectively to a description of rural life, of town life, and of trading relations, as they were during the century from 1250 to 1350, while the succeeding chapters will trace the main lines of economic and social change during succeeding periods down to the present time. CHAPTER II RURAL LIFE AND ORGANIZATION *8. The Mediæval Village.*--In the Middle Ages in the greater part of England all country life was village life. The farmhouses were not isolated or separated from one another by surrounding fields, as they are so generally in modern times, but were gathered into villages. Each village was surrounded by arable lands, meadows, pastures, and woods which spread away till they reached the confines of the similar fields of the next adjacent village. Such an agricultural village with its population and its surrounding lands is usually spoken of as a "vill." The word "manor" is also applied to it, though this word is also used in other senses, and has differed in meaning at different periods. The word "hamlet" means a smaller group of houses separated from but forming in some respects a part of a vill or manor. The village consisted of a group of houses ranging in number from ten or twelve to as many as fifty or perhaps even more, grouped around what in later times would be called a "village green," or along two or three intersecting lanes. The houses were small, thatch-roofed, and one-roomed, and doubtless very miserable. Such buildings as existed for the protection of cattle or the preservation of crops were closely connected with the dwelling portions of the houses. In many cases they were under the same roof. Each vill possessed its church, which was generally, though by no means always, close to the houses of the village. There was usually a manor house, which varied in size from an actual castle to a building of a character scarcely distinguishable from the primitive houses of the villagers. This might be occupied regularly or occasionally by the lord of the manor, but might otherwise be inhabited by the steward or by a tenant, or perhaps only serve as the gathering place of the manor courts. Connected with the manor house was an enclosure or courtyard commonly surrounded by buildings for general farm purposes and for cooking or brewing. A garden orchard was often attached. [Illustration: Thirteenth Century Manor House, Millichope, Shropshire. (Wright, _History of Domestic Manners and Sentiments_.)] The location of the vill was almost invariably such that a stream with its border meadows passed through or along its confines, the mill being often the only building that lay detached from the village group. A greater or less extent of woodland is also constantly mentioned. The vill was thus made up of the group of houses of the villagers including the parish church and the manor house, all surrounded by a wide tract of arable land, meadow, pasture, and woods. Where the lands were extensive there might perhaps be a small group of houses forming a separate hamlet at some distance from the village, and occasionally a detached mill, grange, or other building. Its characteristic appearance, however, must have been that of a close group of buildings surrounded by an extensive tract of open land. [Illustration: Thirteenth Century Manor House, Boothby Pagnell, Lincolnshire. (Turner, _Domestic Architecture in England_.)] *9. The Vill as an Agricultural System.*--The support of the vill was in its agriculture. The plan by which the lands of the whole group of cultivators lay together in a large tract surrounding the village is spoken of as the "open field" system. The arable portions of this were ploughed in pieces equalling approximately acres, half-acres, or quarter-acres. [Illustration: Village with Open Fields, Nörtershausen, near Coblentz. Germany. (From a photograph taken in 1894.)] The mediæval English acre was a long narrow strip forty rods in length and four rods in width, a half-acre or quarter-acre being of the same length, but of two rods or one rod in width. The rod was of different lengths in different parts of the country, depending on local custom, but the most common length was that prescribed by statute, that is to say, sixteen and a half feet. The length of the acre, forty rods, has given rise to one of the familiar units of length, the furlong, that is, a "furrow-long," or the length of a furrow. A rood is a piece of land one rod wide and forty rods long, that is, the fourth of an acre. A series of such strips were ploughed up successively, being separated from each other either by leaving the width of a furrow or two unploughed, or by marking the division with stones, or perhaps by simply throwing the first furrow of the next strip in the opposite direction when it was ploughed. When an unploughed border was left covered with grass or stones, it was called a "balk." A number of such acres or fractions of acres with their slight dividing ridges thus lay alongside of one another in a group, the number being defined by the configuration of the ground, by a traditional division among a given number of tenants, or by some other cause. Other groups of strips lay at right angles or inclined to these, so that the whole arable land of the village when ploughed or under cultivation had, like many French, German, or Swiss landscapes at the present time, something of the appearance of a great irregular checker-board or patchwork quilt, each large square being divided in one direction by parallel lines. Usually the cultivated open fields belonging to a village were divided into three or more large tracts or fields and these were cultivated according to some established rotation of crops. The most common of these was the three-field system, by which in any one year all the strips in one tract or field would be planted with wheat, rye, or some other crop which is planted in the fall and harvested the next summer; a second great field would be planted with oats, barley, peas, or some such crop as is planted in the spring and harvested in the fall; the third field would be fallow, recuperating its fertility. The next year all the acres in the field which had lain fallow the year before might be planted with a fall crop, the wheat field of the previous year being planted with a spring crop, and the oats field in its turn now lying uncultivated for a year. The third year a further exchange would be made by which a fall crop would succeed the fallow of that year and the spring crop of the previous year, a spring crop would succeed the last year's fall crop and the field from which the spring crop was taken now in its turn would enjoy a fallow year. In the fourth year the rotation would begin over again. [Illustration: Village with Open Fields, Udenhausen, near Coblentz, Germany. (From a photograph taken in 1894.)] Agriculture was extremely crude. But eight or nine bushels of wheat or rye were expected from an acre, where now in England the average is thirty. The plough regularly required eight draught animals, usually oxen, in breaking up the ground, though lighter ploughs were used in subsequent cultivation. The breed of all farm animals was small, carts were few and cumbrous, the harvesting of grain was done with a sickle, and the mowing of grass with a short, straight scythe. The distance of the outlying parts of the fields from the farm buildings of the village added its share to the laboriousness of agricultural life. [Illustration: Modern Ploughing with Six Oxen in Sussex. (Hudson, W. H.: _Nature in Downland_. Published by Longmans, Green & Co.)] [Illustration: Open Fields of Hayford Bridge, Oxfordshire, 1607. (Facsimile map published by the University of Oxford.)] The variety of food crops raised was small. Potatoes were of course unknown, and other root crops and fresh vegetables apparently were little cultivated. Wheat and rye of several varieties were raised as bread-stuff, barley and some other grains for the brewing of beer. Field peas and beans were raised, sometimes for food, but generally as forage for cattle. The main supply of winter forage for the farm animals had, however, to be secured in the form of hay, and for this reliance was placed entirely on the natural meadows, as no clover or grasses which could be artificially raised on dry ground were yet known. Meadow land was constantly estimated at twice the value of arable ground or more. To obtain a sufficient support for the oxen, horses, and breeding animals through the winter required, therefore, a constant struggle. Owing to this difficulty animals that were to be used for food purposes were regularly killed in the fall and salted down. Much of the unhealthiness of medieval life is no doubt attributable to the use of salt meat as so large a part of what was at best a very monotonous diet. Summer pasture for the horses, cattle, sheep, and swine of the village was found partly on the arable land after the grain crops had been taken off, or while it was lying fallow. Since all the acres in any one great field were planted with the same crop, this would be taken off from the whole expanse at practically the same time, and the animals of the whole village might then wander over it, feeding on the stubble, the grass of the balks, and such other growth as sprung up before the next ploughing, or before freezing weather. Pasturage was also found on the meadows after the hay had been cut. But the largest amount of all was on the "common pasture," the uncultivated land and woods which in the thirteenth century was still sufficiently abundant in most parts of England to be found in considerable extent on almost every manor. Pasturage in all these forms was for the most part common for all the animals of the vill, which were sent out under the care of shepherds or other guardians. There were, however, sometimes enclosed pieces of pasture land in the possession of the lord of the manor or of individual villagers. The land of the vill was held and cultivated according to a system of scattered acres. That is to say, the land held by any one man was not all in one place, but scattered through various parts of the open fields of the vill. He would have an acre or two, or perhaps only a part of an acre, in one place, another strip not adjacent to it, but somewhere else in the fields, still another somewhere else, and so on for his whole holding, while the neighbor whose house was next to his in the village would have pieces of land similarly scattered through the fields, and in many cases probably have them adjacent to his. The result was that the various acres or other parts of any one man's holding were mingled apparently inextricably with those of other men, customary familiarity only distinguishing which pieces belonged to each villager. In some manors there was total irregularity as to the number of acres in the occupation of any one man; in others there was a striking regularity. The typical holding, the group of scattered acres cultivated by one man or held by some two or three in common, was known as a "virgate," or by some equivalent term, and although of no universal equality, was more frequently of thirty acres than of any other number. Usually one finds on a given manor that ten or fifteen of the villagers have each a virgate of a given number of acres, several more have each a half virgate or a quarter. Occasionally, on the other hand, each of them has a different number of acres. In almost all cases, however, the agricultural holdings of the villagers were relatively small. For instance, on a certain manor in Norfolk there were thirty-six holdings, twenty of them below ten acres, eight between ten and twenty, six between twenty and thirty, and two between thirty and forty. On another, in Essex, there were nine holdings of five acres each, two of six, twelve of ten, three of twelve, one of eighteen, four of twenty, one of forty, and one of fifty. Sometimes larger holdings in the hands of individual tenants are to be found, rising to one hundred acres or more. Still these were quite exceptional and the mass of the villagers had very small groups of acres in their possession. It is to be noted next that a large proportion of the cultivated strips were not held in virgates or otherwise by the villagers at all, but were in the direct possession and cultivation of the lord of the manor. This land held directly by the lord of the manor and cultivated for him was called the "demesne," and frequently included one-half or even a larger proportion of all the land of the vill. Much of the meadow and pasture land, and frequently all of the woods, was included in the demesne. Some of the demesne land was detached from the land of the villagers, enclosed and separately cultivated or pastured; but for the most part it lay scattered through the same open fields and was cultivated by the same methods and according to the same rotation as the land of the small tenants of the vill, though it was kept under separate management. *10. Classes of People on the Manor.*--Every manor was in the hands of a lord. He might be a knight, esquire, or mere freeman, but in the great majority of cases the lord of the manor was a nobleman, a bishop, abbot, or other ecclesiastical official, or the king. But whether the manor was the whole estate of a man of the lesser gentry, or merely one part of the possessions of a great baron, an ecclesiastical corporation, or the crown, the relation between its possessor as lord of the manor and the other inhabitants as his tenants was the same. In the former case he was usually resident upon the manor; in the latter the individual or corporate lord was represented by a steward or other official who made occasional visits, and frequently, on large manors, by a resident bailiff. There was also almost universally a reeve, who was chosen from among the tenants and who had to carry on the demesne farm in the interests of the lord. [Illustration: Seal, with Representation of a Manor House. (Turner, _Domestic Architecture in England_.)] The tenants of the manor, ranging from holders of considerable amounts of land, perhaps as much as a hundred acres, through various gradations down to mere cotters, who held no more than a cottage with perhaps a half-acre or a rood of land, or even with no land at all, are usually grouped in the "extents" or contemporary descriptions of the manors and their inhabitants into several distinct classes. Some are described as free tenants, or tenants holding freely. Others, and usually the largest class, are called villains, or customary tenants. Some, holding only a half or a quarter virgate, are spoken of as half or quarter villains. Again, a numerous class are described by some name indicating that they hold only a dwelling-house, or at least that their holding of land is but slight. These are generally spoken of as cotters. All these tenants hold land from the lord of the manor and make payments and perform services in return for their land. The free tenants most commonly make payments in money only. At special periods in the year they give a certain number of shillings or pence to the lord. Occasionally they are required to make some payment in kind, a cock or a hen, some eggs, or other articles of consumption. These money payments and payments of articles of money value are called "rents of assize," or established rents. Not unusually, however, the free tenant has to furnish _precariæ_ or "boon-works" to the lord. That is, he must, either in his own person or through a man hired for the purpose, furnish one or more days' labor at the specially busy seasons of the year, at fall and spring ploughing, at mowing or harvest time. Free tenants were also frequently bound to pay relief and heriot. Relief was a sum of money paid to the lord by an heir on obtaining land by inheritance. Custom very generally established the amount to be paid as the equivalent of one year's ordinary payments. Heriot was a payment made in kind or in money from the property left by a deceased tenant, and very generally consisted by custom of the best animal which had been in the possession of the man, or its equivalent in value. On many manors heriot was not paid by free tenants, but only by those of lower rank. The services and payments of the villains or customary tenants were of various descriptions. They had usually to make some money payments at regular periods of the year, like the free tenants, and, even more frequently than they, some regular payments in kind. But the fine paid on the inheritance of their land was less definitely restricted in amount, and heriot was more universally and more regularly collected. The greater part of their liability to the lord of the manor was, however, in the form of personal, corporal service. Almost universally the villain was required to work for a certain number of days in each week on the demesne of the lord. This "week-work" was most frequently for three days a week, sometimes for two, sometimes for four; sometimes for one number of days in the week during a part of the year, for another number during the remainder. In addition to this were usually the _precariæ_ or boon-works already referred to. Sometimes as part of, sometimes in addition to, the week-work and the boon-work, the villain was required to plough so many acres in the fall and spring; to mow, toss, and carry in the hay from so many acres; to haul and scatter so many loads of manure; carry grain to the barn or the market, build hedges, dig ditches, gather brush, weed grain, break clods, drive sheep or swine, or any other of the forms of agricultural labor as local custom on each manor had established his burdens. Combining the week-work, the regular boon-works, and the extra specified services, it will be seen that the labor required from the customary tenant was burdensome in the extreme. Taken on the average, much more than half of the ordinary villain's time must have been given in services to the lord of the manor. The cotters made similar payments and performed similar labors, though less in amount. A widespread custom required them to work for the lord one day a week throughout the year, with certain regular payments, and certain additional special services. Besides the possession of their land and rights of common pasture, however, there were some other compensations and alleviations of the burdens of the villains and cotters. At the boon-works and other special services performed by the tenants, it was a matter of custom that the lord of the manor provide food for one or two meals a day, and custom frequently defined the kind, amount, and value of the food for each separate meal; as where it is said in a statement of services: "It is to be known that all the above customary tenants ought to reap one day in autumn at one boon-work of wheat, and they shall have among them six bushels of wheat for their bread, baked in the manor, and broth and meat, that is to say, two men have one portion of beef and cheese, and beer for drinking. And the aforesaid customary tenants ought to work in autumn at two boon-works of oats. And they shall have six bushels of rye for their bread as described above, broth as before, and herrings, viz. six herrings for each man, and cheese as before, and water for drinking." Thus the payments and services of the free tenants were principally of money, and apparently not burdensome; those of the villains were largely in corporal service and extremely heavy; while those of the cotters were smaller, in correspondence with their smaller holdings of land and in accordance with the necessity that they have their time in order to make their living by earning wages. The villains and cotters were in bondage to the lord of the manor. This was a matter of legal status quite independent of the amount of land which the tenant held or of the services which he performed, though, generally speaking, the great body of the smaller tenants and of the laborers were of servile condition. In general usage the words _villanus_, _nativus_, _servus_, _custumarius_, and _rusticus_ are synonymous, and the cotters belonged legally to the same servile class. The distinction between free tenants and villains, using this word, as is customary, to include all those who were legally in servitude, was not a very clearly marked one. Their economic position was often so similar that the classes shaded into one another. But the villain was, as has been seen, usually burdened with much heavier services. He was subject to special payments, such as "merchet," a payment made to the lord of the manor when a woman of villain rank was married, and "leyr," a payment made by women for breach of chastity. He could be "tallaged" or taxed to any extent the lord saw fit. He was bound to the soil. He could not leave the manor to seek for better conditions of life elsewhere. If he ran away, his lord could obtain an order from a court and have him brought back. When permission was obtained to remain away from the manor as an inhabitant of another vill or of a town, it was only upon payment of a periodical sum, frequently known as "chevage" or head money. He could not sell his cattle without paying the lord for permission. He had practically no standing in the courts of the country. In any suit against his lord the proof of his condition of villainage was sufficient to put him out of court, and his only recourse was the local court of the manor, where the lord himself or his representative presided. Finally, in the eyes of the law, the villain had no property of his own, all his possessions being, in the last resort, the property of his lord. This legal theory, however, apparently had but little application to real life; for in the ordinary course of events the customary tenant, if only by custom, not by law, yet held and bequeathed to his descendants his land and his chattels quite as if they were his own. Serfdom, as it existed in England in the thirteenth century, can hardly be defined in strict legal terms. It can be described most correctly as a condition in which the villain tenant of the manor was bound to the locality and to his services and payments there by a legal bond, instead of merely by an economic bond, as was the case with the small free tenant. There were commonly a few persons in the vill who were not in the general body of cultivators of the land and were not therefore in the classes so far described. Since the vill was generally a parish also, the village contained the parish priest, who, though he might usually hold some acres in the open fields, and might belong to the peasant class, was of course somewhat set apart from the villagers by his education and his ordination. The mill was a valued possession of the lord of the manor, for by an almost universal custom the tenants were bound to have their grain ground there, and this monopoly enabled the miller to pay a substantial rent to the lord while keeping enough profit for himself to become proverbially well-to-do. There was often a blacksmith, whom we find sometimes exempted from other services on condition of keeping the demesne ploughs and other iron implements in order. A chance weaver or other craftsman is sometimes found, and when the vill was near sea or river or forest some who made their living by industries dependent on the locality. In the main, however, the whole life of the vill gathered around the arable, meadow, and pasture land, and the social position of the tenants, except for the cross division of serfdom, depended upon the respective amounts of land which they held. *11. The Manor Courts.*--The manor was the sphere of operations of a manor court. On every manor the tenants gathered at frequent periods for a great amount of petty judicial and regulative work. The most usual period for the meeting of the manor court was once every three weeks, though in some manors no trace of a meeting is found more frequently than three times, or even twice, a year. In these cases, however, it is quite probable that less formal meetings occurred of which no regular record was kept. Different kinds of gatherings of the tenants are usually distinguished according to the authority under which they were held, or the class of tenants of which they were made up. If the court was held by the lord simply because of his feudal rights as a landholder, and was busied only with matters of the inheritance, transfer, or grant of lands, the fining of tenants for the breach of manorial custom, or failure to perform their duties to the lord of the manor, the election of tenants to petty offices on the manor, and such matters, it was described in legal language as a court baron. If a court so occupied was made up of villain tenants only, it was called a customary court. If, on the other hand, the court also punished general offences, petty crimes, breaches of contract, breaches of the assize, that is to say, the established standard of amount, price, or quality of bread or beer, the lord of the manor drawing his authority to hold such a court either actually or supposedly from a grant from the king, such a court was called a court leet. With the court leet was usually connected the so-called view of frank pledge. Frank pledge was an ancient system, according to which all men were obliged to be enrolled in groups, so that if any one committed an offence, the other members of the group would be obliged to produce him for trial. View of frank pledge was the right to punish by fine any who failed to so enroll themselves. In the court baron and the customary court it was said by lawyers that the body of attendants were the judges, and the steward, representing the lord of the manor, only a presiding official; while in the court leet the steward was the actual judge of the tenants. In practice, however, it is probable that not much was made of these distinctions, and that the periodic gatherings were made to do duty for all business of any kind that needed attention, while the procedure was that which had become customary on that special manor, irrespective of the particular form of authority for the court. [Illustration: Interior of Fourteenth Century Manor House, Sutton Courtenay, Berkshire. (_Domestic Architecture in the Fourteenth Century._)] The manor court was presided over by a steward or other officer representing the lord of the manor. Apparently all adult male tenants were expected to be present, and any inhabitant was liable to be summoned. A court was usually held in each manor, but sometimes a lord of several neighboring manors would hold the court for all of these in some one place. As most manors belonged to lords who had many manors in their possession, the steward or other official commonly proceeded from one manor or group of manors to another, holding the courts in each. Before the close of the thirteenth century the records of the manor courts, or at least of the more important of them, began to be kept with very great regularity and fulness, and it is to the mass of these manor court rolls which still remain that we owe most of our detailed knowledge of the condition of the body of the people in the later Middle Ages. The variety and the amount of business transacted at the court were alike considerable. When a tenant had died it was in the meeting of the manor court that his successor obtained a regrant of the land. The required relief was there assessed, and the heriot from the property of the deceased recorded. New grants of land were made, and transfers, leases, and abandonments by one tenant and assignments to another announced. For each of these processes of land transfer a fine was collected for the lord of the manor. Such entries as the following are constantly found: "John of Durham has come into court and taken one bond-land which Richard Avras formerly held but gave up because of his poverty; to have and hold for his lifetime, paying and doing the accustomed services as Richard paid and did them. He gives for entrance 6_s._ 8_d._;" "Agnes Mabeley is given possession of a quarter virgate of land which her mother held, and gives the lord 33_s._ 4_d._ for entrance." Disputes as to the right of possession of land and questions of dowry and inheritance were decided, a jury being granted in many cases by the lord at the petition of a claimant and on payment of a fee. Another class of cases consisted in the imposition of fines or amerciaments for the violation of the customs of the manor, of the rules of the lord, or of the requirements of the culprit's tenure; such as a villain marrying without leave, failure to perform boon-works or bad performance of work, failure to place the tenant's sheep in the lord's fold, cutting of wood or brush, making unlawful paths across the fields, the meadows, or the common, encroachment in ploughing upon other men's land or upon the common, or failure to send grain to the lord's mill for grinding. Sometimes the offence was of a more general nature, such as breach of assize, breach of contract, slander, assault, or injury to property. Still another part of the work of the court was the election of petty manorial officers; a reeve, a reaper, ale-tasters, and perhaps others. The duty of filling such offices when elected by the tenants and approved by the lord or his steward was, as has been said, one of the burdens of villainage. However, when a villain was fulfilling the office of reeve, it was customary for him to be relieved of at least a part of the payments and services to which he would otherwise be subject. Finally the manor court meetings were employed for the adoption of general regulations as to the use of the commons and other joint interests, and for the announcement of the orders of the steward in the keeping of the peace. *12. The Manor as an Estate of a Lord.*--The manor was profitable to the lord in various ways. He received rents in money and kind. These included the rents of assize from free and villain land tenants, rent from the tenant of the mill, and frequently from other sources. Then came the profits derived from the cultivation of the demesne land. In this the lord of the manor was simply a large farmer, except that he had a supply of labor bound to remain at hand and to give service without wages almost up to his needs. Finally there were the profits of the manor courts. As has been seen, these consisted of a great variety of fees, fines, amerciaments, and collections made by the steward or other official. Such varied payments and profits combined to make up the total value of the manor to the landowner. Not only the slender income of the country squire or knight whose estate consisted of a single manor of some ten or twenty pounds yearly value, but the vast wealth of the great noble or of the rich monastery or powerful bishopric was principally made up of the sum of such payments from a considerable number of manors. An appreciable part of the income of the government even was derived from the manors still in the possession of the crown. The mediæval manor was a little world in itself. The large number of scattered acres which made up the demesne farm cultivated in the interests of the lord of the manor, the small groups of scattered strips held by free holders or villain tenants who furnished most of the labor on the demesne farm, the little patches of ground held by mere laborers whose living was mainly gained by hired service on the land of the lord or of more prosperous tenants, the claims which all had to the use of the common pasture for their sheep and cattle and of the woods for their swine, all these together made up an agricultural system which secured a revenue for the lord, provided food and the raw material for primitive manufactures for the inhabitants of the vill, and furnished some small surplus which could be sold. [Illustration: Interior of Fourteenth Century Manor House, Great Malvern, Worcestershire. (_Domestic Architecture in the Fourteenth Century._)] Life on the mediæval manor was hard. The greater part of the population was subject to the burdens of serfdom, and all, both free and serf, shared in the arduousness of labor, coarseness and lack of variety of food, unsanitary surroundings, and liability to the rigor of winter and the attacks of pestilence. Yet the average condition of comfort of the mass of the rural inhabitants of England was probably as high as at any subsequent time. Food in proportion to wages was very cheap, and the almost universal possession of some land made it possible for the very poorest to avoid starvation. Moreover, the great extent to which custom governed all payments, services, and rights must have prevented much of the extreme depression which has occasionally existed in subsequent periods in which greater competition has distinguished more clearly the capable from the incompetent. From the social rather than from the economic point of view the life of the mediæval manor was perhaps most clearly marked by this predominance of custom and by a second characteristic nearly related. This was the singularly close relationship in which all the inhabitants of the manor were bound to one another, and their correspondingly complete separation from the outside world. The common pasture, the intermingled strips of the holdings in the open fields, the necessary coöperation in the performance of their daily labor on the demesne land, the close contiguity of their dwellings, their universal membership in the same parish church, their common attendance and action in the manor courts, all must have combined to make the vill an organization of singular unity. This self-centred life, economically, judicially, and ecclesiastically so nearly independent of other bodies, put obstacles in the way of change. It prohibited intercourse beyond the manor, and opposed the growth of a feeling of common national life. The manorial life lay at the base of the stability which marked the mediæval period. *13. BIBLIOGRAPHY* GENERAL WORKS Certain general works which refer to long periods of economic history will be mentioned here and not again referred to, excepting in special cases. It is to be understood that they contain valuable matter on the subject, not only of this, but of succeeding chapters. They should therefore be consulted in addition to the more specific works named under each chapter. Cunningham, William: _Growth of English Industry and Commerce_, two volumes. The most extensive and valuable work that covers the whole field of English economic history. Ashley, W. J.: _English Economic History_, two volumes. The first volume is a full and careful analysis of mediæval economic conditions, with detailed notes and references to the primary sources. The second volume is a work of original investigation, referring particularly to conditions in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, but it does not give such a clear analysis of the conditions of its period as the first volume. Traill, H. D.: _Social England_, six volumes. A composite work including a great variety of subjects, but seldom having the most satisfactory account of any one of them. Rogers, J. E. T.: _History of Agriculture and Prices_; _Six Centuries of Work and Wages_; _Economic Interpretation of History_. Professor Rogers' work is very extensive and detailed, and his books were largely pioneer studies. His statistical and other facts are useful, but his general statements are not very valuable, and his conclusions are not convincing. Palgrave, R. H. I.: _Dictionary of Political Economy_. Many of the articles on subjects of economic history are the best and most recent studies on their respective subjects, and the bibliographies contained in them are especially valuable. Four single-volume text-books have been published on this general subject:-- Cunningham, William, and McArthur, E. A.: _Outlines of English Industrial History_. Gibbins, H. de B.: _Industry in England_. Warner, George Townsend: _Landmarks in English Industrial History_. Price, L. L.: _A Short History of English Commerce and Industry_. SPECIAL WORKS Seebohm, Frederic: _The English Village Community_. Although written for another purpose,--to suggest a certain view of the origin of the medieval manor,--the first five chapters of this book furnish the clearest existing descriptive account of the fundamental facts of rural life in the thirteenth century. Its publication marked an era in the recognition of the main features of manorial organization. Green, for instance, the historian of the English people, seems to have had no clear conception of many of those characteristics of ordinary rural life which Mr. Seebohm has made familiar. Vinogradoff, Paul: _Villainage in England_. Pollock, Sir Frederick, and Maitland, F. W.: _History of English Law_, Vol. 1. These two works are of especial value for the organization of the manor courts and the legal condition of the population. SOURCES Much that can be explained only with great difficulty becomes clear to the student immediately when he reads the original documents. Concrete illustrations of general statements moreover make the work more interesting and real. It has therefore been found desirable by many teachers to bring their students into contact with at least a few typical illustrative documents. The sources for the subject generally are given in the works named above. An admirable bibliography has been recently published by Gross, Charles: _The Sources and Literature of English History from the Earliest Times to about 1485_. References to abundant material for the illustration or further investigation of the subject of this chapter will be found in the following pamphlet:-- Davenport, Frances G.: _A Classified List of Printed Original Materials for English Manorial and Agrarian History_. Sources for the mediæval period are almost all in Latin or French. Some of them, however, have been more accessible by being translated into English and reprinted in convenient form. A few of these are given in C. W. Colby: _Selections from the Sources of English History_, and G. C. Lee: _Source Book of English History_. In the _Series of Translations and Reprints from the Original Sources of European History_, published by the Department of History of the University of Pennsylvania, several numbers include documents in this field. Vol. III, No. 5, is devoted entirely to manorial documents. DISCUSSIONS OF THE ORIGIN OF THE MANOR The question of the origin of the mediæval manorial organization, whether it is principally of native English or of Roman origin, or hewn from still other materials, although not treated in this text-book, has been the subject of much interest and discussion. One view of the case is the thesis of Seebohm's book, referred to above. Other books treating of it are the following:-- Earle, John: _Land Charters and Saxonic Documents_, Introduction. Gomme, G. L.: _The Village Community_. Ashley, W. J.: A translation of Fustel de Coulanges, _Origin of Property in Land_, Introduction. Andrews, Charles M.: _The Old English Manor_, Introduction. Maitland, F. W.: _Domesday Book and Beyond_. Meitzen, August: _Siedelung und Agrarwesen_, Vol. II, Chap. 7. The writings of Kemble and of Sir Henry Maine belong rather to a past period of study and speculation, but their ideas still lie at the base of discussions on the subject. CHAPTER III TOWN LIFE AND ORGANIZATION [Illustration: Town Wall of Southampton, Built in the Thirteenth Century. (Turner: _Domestic Architecture in England_.)] *14. The Town Government.*--In the middle of the thirteenth century there were some two hundred towns in England distinguishable by their size, form of government, and the occupations of their inhabitants, from the rural agricultural villages which have just been described. London probably had more than 25,000 inhabitants; York and Bristol may each have had as many as 10,000. The population of the others varied from as many as 6000 to less than 1000. Perhaps the most usual population of an English mediæval town lay between 1500 and 4000. They were mostly walled, though such protection was hardly necessary, and the military element in English towns was therefore but slightly developed. Those towns which contained cathedrals, and were therefore the seats of bishoprics, were called cities. All other organized towns were known as boroughs, though this distinction in the use of the terms city and borough was by no means always preserved. The towns differed widely in their form of government; but all had charters from the king or from some nobleman, abbey, or bishopric on whose lands they had grown up. Such a charter usually declared the right of the town to preserve the ancient customs which had come to be recognized among its inhabitants, and granted to it certain privileges, exemptions, and rights of self-government. The most universal and important of these privileges were the following: the town paid the tolls and dues owed to the king or other lord by its inhabitants in a lump sum, collecting the amount from its own citizens as the latter or their own authorities saw fit; the town courts had jurisdiction over most suits and offences, relieving the townsmen from answering at hundred and county court suits which concerned matters within their own limits; the townsmen, where the king granted the charter, were exempt from the payment of tolls of various kinds throughout his dominions; they could pass ordinances and regulations controlling the trade of the town, the administration of its property, and its internal affairs generally, and could elect officials to carry out such regulations. These officials also corresponded and negotiated in the name of the town with the authorities of other towns and with the government. From the close of the thirteenth century all towns of any importance were represented in Parliament. These elements of independence were not all possessed by every town, and some had special privileges not enumerated in the above list. The first charter of a town was apt to be vague and inadequate, but from time to time a new charter was obtained giving additional privileges and defining the old rights more clearly. Nor had all those who dwelt within the town limits equal participation in its advantages. These were usually restricted to those who were known as citizens or burgesses; full citizenship depending primarily on the possession of a house and land within the town limits. In addition to the burgesses there were usually some inhabitants of the town--strangers, Jews, fugitive villains from the rural villages, or perhaps only poorer natives of the town--who did not share in these privileges. Those who did possess all civil rights of the townsmen were in many ways superior in condition to men in the country. In addition to the advantages of the municipal organization mentioned above, all burgesses were personally free, there was entire exemption from the vexatious petty payments of the rural manors, and burgage tenure was thee nearest to actual land ownership existent during the Middle Ages. [Illustration: Charter of Henry II to the Borough of Nottingham. (_Records of Borough of Nottingham_. Published by the Corporation.)] *15. The Gild Merchant.*--The town was most clearly marked off from the country by the occupations by which its people earned their living. These were, in the first place, trading; secondly, manufacturing or handicrafts. Agriculture of course existed also, since most townsmen possessed some lands lying outside of the enclosed portions of the town. On these they raised crops and pastured their cattle. Of these varied occupations, however, it was trade which gave character and, indeed, existence itself to the town. Foreign goods were brought to the towns from abroad for sale, the surplus products of rural manors found their way there for marketing; the products of one part of the country which were needed in other parts were sought for and purchased in the towns. Men also sold the products of their own labor, not only food products, such as bread, meat, and fish, but also objects of manufacture, as cloth, arms, leather, and goods made of wood, leather, or metal. For the protection and regulation of this trade the organization known as the gild merchant had grown up in each town. The gild merchant seems to have included all of the population of the town who habitually engaged in the business of selling, whether commodities of their own manufacture or those they had previously purchased. Membership in the gild was not exactly coincident with burgess-ship; persons who lived outside of the town were sometimes admitted into that organization, and, on the other hand, some inhabitants of the town were not included among its members. Nevertheless, since practically all of the townsmen made their living by trade in some form or another, the group of burgesses and the group of gild members could not have been very different. The authority of the gild merchant within its field of trade regulation seems to have been as complete as that of the town community as a whole in its field of judicial, financial, and administrative jurisdiction. The gild might therefore be defined as that form of organization of the inhabitants of the town which controlled its trade and industry. The principal reason for the existence of the gild was to preserve to its own members the monopoly of trade. No one not in the gild merchant of the town could buy or sell there except under conditions imposed by the gild. Foreigners coming from other countries or traders from other English towns were prohibited from buying or selling in any way that might interfere with the interests of the gildsmen. They must buy and sell at such times and in such places and only such articles as were provided for by the gild regulations. They must in all cases pay the town tolls, from which members of the gild were exempt. At Southampton, for instance, we find the following provisions: "And no one in the city of Southampton shall buy anything to sell again in the same city unless he is of the gild merchant or of the franchise." Similarly at Leicester, in 1260, it was ordained that no gildsman should form a partnership with a stranger, allowing him to join in the profits of the sale of wool or other merchandise. [Illustration: Hall of Merchants' Company of York. (Lambert: _Two Thousand Years of Gild Life_. Published by A. Brown & Sons, Hull.)] [Illustration: Interior of Hall of Merchants' Company of York. (Lambert: _Two Thousand Years of Gild Life_. Published by A. Brown & Sons, Hull.)] As against outsiders the gild merchant was a protective body, as regards its own members it was looked upon and constantly spoken of as a fraternity. Its members must all share in the common expenditures, they are called brethren of the society, their competition with one another is reduced to its lowest limits. For instance, we find the provision that "any one who is of the gild merchant may share in all merchandise which another gildsman shall buy." [Illustration: Earliest Merchant Gild Roll of the Borough of Leicester. (Bateson: _Records of the Borough of Leicester_. Published by C. J. Clay & Sons, Cambridge.)] The presiding officer was usually known as the alderman, while the names given to other officials, such as stewards, deans, bailiffs, chaplains, skevins, and ushers, and the duties they performed, varied greatly from time to time. Meetings were held at different periods, sometimes annually, in many cases more frequently. At these meetings new ordinances were passed, officers elected, and other business transacted. It was also a convivial occasion, a gild feast preceding or following the other labors of the meeting. In some gilds the meeting was regularly known as "the drinking." There were likewise frequent sittings of the officials of the fraternity, devoted to the decision of disputes between brethren, the admission of new members, the fining or expulsion of offenders against the gild ordinances, and other routine work. These meetings were known as "morrowspeches". The greater part of the activity of the gild merchant consisted in the holding of its meetings with their accompanying feasts, and in the enforcement of its regulations upon its members and upon outsiders. It fulfilled, however, many fraternal duties for its members. It is provided in one set of statutes that, "If a gildsman be imprisoned in England in time of peace, the alderman, with the steward and with one of the skevins, shall go, at the cost of the gild, to procure the deliverance of the one who is in prison." In another, "If any of the brethren shall fall into poverty or misery, all the brethren are to assist him by common consent out of the chattels of the house or fraternity, or of their proper own." The funeral rites, especially, were attended by the man's gild brethren. "And when a gildsman dies, all those who are of the gild and are in the city shall attend the service for the dead, and gildsmen shall bear the body and bring it to the place of burial." The gild merchant also sometimes fulfilled various religious, philanthropic, and charitable duties, not only to its members, but to the public generally, and to the poor. The time of the fullest development of the gild merchant varied, of course, in different towns, but its widest expansion was probably in the early part of the period we are studying, that is, during the thirteenth century. Later it came to be in some towns indistinguishable from the municipal government in general, its members the same as the burgesses, its officers represented by the officers of the town. In some other towns the gild merchant gradually lost its control over trade, retaining only its fraternal, charitable, and religious features. In still other cases the expression gradually lost all definite significance and its meaning became a matter for antiquarian dispute. *16. The Craft Gilds.*--By the fourteenth century the gild merchant of the town was a much less conspicuous institution than it had previously been. Its decay was largely the result of the growth of a group of organizations in each town which were spoken of as crafts, fraternities, gilds, misteries, or often merely by the name of their occupation, as "the spurriers," "the dyers," "the fishmongers." These organizations are usually described in later writings as craft gilds. It is not to be understood that the gild merchant and the craft gilds never existed contemporaneously in any town. The former began earlier and decayed before the craft gilds reached their height, but there was a considerable period when it must have been a common thing for a man to be a member both of the gild merchant of the town and of the separate organization of his own trade. The later gilds seem to have grown up in response to the needs of handicraft much as the gild merchant had grown up to regulate trade, though trading occupations also were eventually drawn into the craft gild form of organization. The weavers seem to have been the earliest occupation to be organized into a craft gild; but later almost every form of industry which gave employment to a handful of craftsmen in any town had its separate fraternity. Since even nearly allied trades, such as the glovers, girdlers, pocket makers, skinners, white tawyers, and other workers in leather; or the fletchers, the makers of arrows, the bowyers, the makers of bows, and the stringers, the makers of bowstrings, were organized into separate bodies, the number of craft gilds in any one town was often very large. At London there were by 1350 at least as many as forty, at York, some time later, more than fifty. [Illustration: Old Townhall of Leicester, Formerly Hall of Corpus Christi Gild. (Drawing made in 1826.)] The craft gilds existed usually under the authority of the town government, though frequently they obtained authorization or even a charter from the crown. They were formed primarily to regulate and preserve the monopoly of their own occupations in their own town, just as the gild merchant existed to regulate the trade of the town in general. No one could carry on any trade without being subject to the organization which controlled that trade. Membership, however, was not intentionally restricted. Any man who was a capable workman and conformed to the rules of the craft was practically a member of the organization of that industry. It is a common requirement in the earliest gild statutes that every man who wishes to carry on that particular industry should have his ability testified to by some known members of the craft. But usually full membership and influence in the gild was reached as a matter of course by the artisans passing through the successive grades of apprentice, journeyman, and master. As an apprentice he was bound to a master for a number of years, living in his house and learning the trade in his shop. There was usually a signed contract entered into between the master and the parents of the apprentice, by which the former agreed to provide all necessary clothing, food, and lodging, and teach to the apprentice all he himself knew about his craft. The latter, on the other hand, was bound to keep secret his master's affairs, to obey all his commandments, and to behave himself properly in all things. After the expiration of the time agreed upon for his apprenticeship, which varied much in individual cases, but was apt to be about seven years, he became free of the trade as a journeyman, a full workman. The word "journeyman" may refer to the engagement being by the day, from the French word _journée_, or to the habit of making journeys from town to town in search of work, or it may be derived from some other origin. As a journeyman he served for wages in the employ of a master. In many cases he saved enough money for the small requirements of setting up an independent shop. Then as full master artisan or tradesman he might take part in all the meetings and general administration of the organized body of his craft, might hold office, and would himself probably have one or more journeymen in his employ and apprentices under his guardianship. As almost all industries were carried on in the dwelling-houses of the craftsmen, no establishments could be of very considerable size, and the difference of position between master, journeyman, and apprentice could not have been great. The craft gild was organized with its regular rules, its officers, and its meetings. The rules or ordinances of the fraternity were drawn up at some one time and added to or altered from time to time afterward. The approval of the city authorities was frequently sought for such new statutes as well as for the original ordinances, and in many towns appears to have been necessary. The rules provided for officers and their powers, the time and character of meetings, and for a considerable variety of functions. These varied of course in different trades and in different towns, but some characteristics were almost universal. Provisions were always either tacitly or formally included for the preservation of the monopoly of the crafts in the town. The hours of labor were regulated. Night work was very generally prohibited, apparently because of the difficulty of oversight at that time, as was work on Saturday afternoons, Sundays, and other holy days. Provisions were made for the inspection of goods by the officers of the gild, all workshops and goods for sale being constantly subject to their examination, if they should wish it. In those occupations that involved buying and selling the necessities of life, such as those of the fishmongers and the bakers, the officers of the fraternity, like the town authorities, were engaged in a continual struggle with "regrators," "forestallers," and "engrossers," which were appellations as odious as they were common in the mediæval town. Regrating meant buying to sell again at a higher price without having made any addition to the value of the goods; forestalling was going to the place of production to buy, or in any other way trying to outwit fellow-dealers by purchasing things before they came into the open market where all had the same opportunity; engrossing was buying up the whole supply, or so much of it as not to allow other dealers to get what they needed, the modern "cornering of the market." These practices, which were regarded as so objectionable in the eyes of mediæval traders, were frequently nothing more than what would be considered commendable enterprise in a more competitive age. Another class of rules was for mutual assistance, for kindliness among members, and for the obedience and faithfulness of journeymen and apprentices. There were provisions for assistance to members of the craft when in need, or to their widows and orphans, for the visitation of those sick or in prison, for common attendance at the burial services of deceased members, and for other charitable and philanthropic objects. Thus the craft gild, like the gild merchant, combined close social relationship with a distinctly recognized and enforced regulation of the trade. This regulation provided for the protection of members of the organization from outside competition, and it also prevented any considerable amount of competition among members; it supported the interests of the full master members of the craft as against those in the journeyman stage, and enforced the custom of the trade in hours, materials, methods of manufacture, and often in prices. [Illustration: Table of Assize of Bread in Record Book of City of Hull. (Lambert: _Two Thousand Years of Gild Life_. Published by A. Brown & Sons, Hull.)] The officers were usually known as masters, wardens, or stewards. Their powers extended to the preservation of order among the master members of the craft at the meetings, and among the journeymen and apprentices of the craft at all times; to the supervision, either directly or through deputies, of the work of the members, seeing that it conformed to the rules and was not false in any way; to the settlement, if possible, of disputes among members of the craft; to the administration of its charitable work; and to the representation of the organized body of the craft before town or other authorities. Common religious observances were held by the craftsmen not only at the funerals of members, but on the day of the saint to which the gild was especially dedicated. Most fraternities kept up a shrine or chapel in some parish church. Fines for the breach of gild rules were often ordered to be paid in wax that the candles about the body of dead brethren and in the gild chapel should never be wanting. All the brethren of the gild, dressed in common suits of livery, walked in procession from their hall or meeting room to the church, performed their devotions and joined in the services in commemoration of the dead. Members of the craft frequently bequeathed property for the partial support of a chaplain and payment of other expenses connected with their "obits," or masses for the repose of their souls and those of their relatives. Closely connected with the religious observances was the convivial side of the gild's life. On the annual gild day, or more frequently, the members all gathered at their hall or some inn to a feast, which varied in luxuriousness according to the wealth of the fraternity, from bread, cheese, and ale to all the exuberance of which the Middle Ages were capable. Somewhat later, we find the craft gilds taking entire charge of the series or cycles of "mystery plays," which were given in various towns. The words of the plays produced at York, Coventry, Chester, and Woodkirk have come down to us and are of extreme interest as embryonic forms of the drama and examples of purely vernacular language. It is quite certain that such groups of plays were given by the crafts in a number of other towns. They were generally given on Corpus Christi day, a feast which fell in the early summer time, when out-door pleasures were again enjoyable after the winter's confinement. A cycle consisted of a series of dialogues or short plays, each based upon some scene of biblical story, so arranged that the whole Bible narrative should be given consecutively from the Creation to the Second Advent. One of the crafts, starting early in the morning, would draw a pageant consisting of a platform on wheels, to a regularly appointed spot in a conspicuous part of the town, and on this platform, with some rude scenery, certain members of the gild or men employed by them would proceed to recite a dialogue in verse representative of some early part of the Bible story. After they had finished, their pageant would be dragged to another station, where they repeated their performance. In the meantime a second company had taken their former place, and recited a dialogue representative of a second scene. So the whole day would be occupied by the series of performances. The town and the craftsmen valued the celebration because it was an occasion for strangers visiting their city and thus increasing the volume of trade, as well as because it furnished an opportunity for the gratification of their social and dramatic instincts. It was not only at the periodical business meetings, or on the feast days, or in the preparation for the dramatic shows, that the gildsmen were thrown together. Usually all the members of one craft lived on the same street or in the same part of the town, and were therefore members of the same parish church and constantly brought under one another's observation in all the daily concerns of life. All things combined to make the craft a natural and necessary centre for the interest of each of its members. *17. Non-industrial Gilds.*--Besides the gilds merchant, which included persons of all industrial occupations, and the craft gilds, which were based upon separate organizations of each industry, there were gilds or fraternities in existence which had no industrial functions whatever. These are usually spoken of as "religious" or "social" gilds. It would perhaps be better to describe them simply as non-industrial gilds; for their religious and social functions they had in common, as has been seen, both with the gild merchant and the craft organizations. They only differed from these in not being based upon or interested in the monopoly or oversight of any kind of trade or handicraft. They differed also from the craft gilds in that all their members were on an equal basis, there being no such industrial grades as apprentice, journeyman, and master; and from both of the organizations already discussed in the fact that they existed in small towns and even in mere villages, as well as in industrial centres. In these associations the religious, social, and charitable elements were naturally more prominent than in those fraternities which were organized primarily for some kind of economic regulation. They were generally named after some saint. The ordinances usually provided for one or more solemn services in the year, frequently with a procession in livery, and sometimes with a considerable amount of pantomime or symbolic show. For instance, the gild of St. Helen at Beverly, in their procession to the church of the Friars Minors on the day of their patron saint, were preceded by an old man carrying a cross; after him a fair young man dressed as St. Helen; then another old man carrying a shovel, these being intended to typify the finding of the cross. Next came the sisters two and two, after them the brethren of the gild, and finally the officers. There were always provisions for solemnities at the funerals of members, for burial at the expense of the gild if the member who had died left no means for a suitable ceremony, and for prayers for deceased members. What might be called the insurance feature was also much more nearly universal than in the case of the industrial fraternities. Help was given in case of theft, fire, sickness, or almost any kind of loss which was not chargeable to the member's own misdoing. Finally it was very customary for such gilds to provide for the support of a certain number of dependents, aged men or women, cripples, or lepers, for charity's sake; and occasionally educational facilities were also provided by them from their regular income or from bequests made for the purpose. The social-religious gilds were extremely numerous, and seem frequently to have existed within the limits of a craft, including some of its members and not others, or within a certain parish, including some of the parishioners, but not all. Thus if there were men in the mediæval town who were not members of some trading or craft body, they would in all probability be members of some society based merely on religious or social feeling. The whole tendency of mediæval society was toward organization, combination, close union with one's fellows. It might be said that all town life involved membership in some organization, and usually in that one into which a man was drawn by the occupation in which he made his living. These gilds or the town government itself controlled even the affairs of private economic life in the city, just as the customary agriculture of the country prevented much freedom of action there. Methods of trading, or manufacture, the kind and amount of material to be used, hours of labor, conditions of employment, even prices of work, were regulated by the gild ordinances. The individual gildsman had as little opportunity to emancipate himself from the controlling force of the association as the individual tenant on the rural manor had to free himself from the customary agriculture and the customary services. Whether we study rural or urban society, whether we look at the purely economic or at the broader social side of existence, life in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries was corporate rather than individual. *18. BIBLIOGRAPHY* Gross, Charles: _The Gild Merchant_, two volumes. The first volume consists of a full account and discussion of the character and functions of the gild merchant, with a number of appendices on cognate subjects. The second volume contains the documents on which the first is based. Seligman, E. R. A.: _Two Chapters on Mediæval Gilds_. Brentano, L.: _The History and Development of English Gilds_. An essay prefixed to a volume of ordinances of English Gilds, edited by T. Smith. Brentano's essay is only referred to because of the paucity of works on the subject, as it is fanciful and unsatisfactory. No thorough and scholarly description of the craft gilds exists. On the other hand, a considerable body of original materials is easily accessible in English, as in the following works:-- Riley: _Memorials of London and London Life_. Smith, Toulmin: _English Gilds_. Various documents illustrative of town and gild history will also be found in Vol. II, No. 1, of the _Translations and Reprints_, published by the Department of History of the University of Pennsylvania. Better descriptions exist for the position of the gilds in special towns than for their general character, especially in London by Herbert, in Hull by Lambert, in Shrewsbury by Hibbert, and in Coventry by Miss Harris. CHAPTER IV MEDIÆVAL TRADE AND COMMERCE *19. Markets and Fairs.*--Within the towns, in addition to the ordinary trading described in the last chapter, much buying and selling was done at the weekly or semi-weekly markets. The existence of a market in a town was the result of a special grant from the king, sometimes to the burgesses themselves, sometimes to a neighboring nobleman or abbey. In the latter case the tolls paid by outsiders who bought or sold cattle or victuals in the market did not go to the town or gild authorities, but to the person who was said to "own" the market. Many places which differed in scarcely any other way from agricultural villages possessed markets, so that "market towns" became a descriptive term for small towns midway in size between the larger boroughs or cities and mere villages. The sales at markets were usually of the products of the surrounding country, especially of articles of food consumption, so that the fact of the existence of a market on one or more days of the week in a large town was of comparatively little importance from the point of view of more general trade. Far more important was the similar institution of periodical fairs. Fairs, like markets, existed only by grant from the king. They differed from markets, however, in being held only once a year or at most semi-annually or quarterly, in being invariably in the possession of private persons, never of town governments, and in the fact that during their continuance as a rule all buying and selling except at the fairs was suspended within a considerable circuit. Several hundred grants of fairs are recorded on the rolls of royal charters, most of them to abbeys, bishoprics, and noblemen; but comparatively few of them were of sufficient size or importance to play any considerable part in the trade and commerce of the country. Moreover, the development of the towns with their continuous trade tended to draw custom away from all the fairs except those which had obtained some especial importance and an international reputation. Of these, however, there was still a considerable number whose influence was very great. The best known were those of Winchester, of Stourbridge near Cambridge, of St. Ives belonging to the abbot of Ramsay, and of Boston. In early times fairs were frequently held in the churchyards, but this came to be looked upon as a scandal, and was prohibited by a law of 1285. The fairs were in many cases held just beyond the limits of a town in an open field or on a smooth hillside. Each year, some time before the opening day of the fair, this ground was formally occupied by the servants of the owner of the fair, wooden booths were erected or ground set apart for those who should put up their own tents or prefer to sell in the open. Then as merchants appeared from foreign or English towns they chose or were assigned places which they were bound to retain during the continuance of the fair. By the time of the opening of the fair those who expected to sell were arranged in long rows or groups, according to the places they came from, or the kind of goods in which they dealt. After the opening had been proclaimed no merchant of the nearby town could buy or sell, except within the borders of the fair. The town authorities resigned their functions into the hands of the officials whom the lord of the fair had placed in charge of it, and for the time for which the fair was held, usually from six to twelve days, everything within the enclosure of the fair, within the town, and in the surrounding neighborhood was under their control. [Illustration: Location of Some of the Principal Fairs in the Thirteenth Century.] Tolls were collected for the advantage of the lord of the fair from all goods as they were brought into or taken out from the bounds of the fair, or at the time of their sale; stallage was paid for the rent of booths, fees were charged for the use of space, and for using the lord's weights and scales. Good order was preserved and fair dealing enforced by the officials of the lord. To prevent offences and settle disputes arising in the midst of the busy trading the officials of the lord formed a court which sat continually and followed a summary procedure. This was known as a court of "pie-powder," that is _pied poudré_, or _dusty foot_, so called, no doubt, from its readiness to hear the suits of merchants and wayfarers, as they were, without formality or delay. At this court a great variety of cases came up, such as disputes as to debts, failure to perform contracts of sale or purchase, false measurements, theft, assault, defamation, and misdemeanors of all kinds. Sometimes the court decided offhand, sometimes compurgation was allowed immediately or on the next day, sometimes juries were formed and gave decisions. The law which the court of pie-powder administered was often referred to as the "law merchant," a somewhat less rigid system than the common law, and one whose rules were generally defined, in these courts and in the king's courts, by juries chosen from among the merchants themselves. At these fairs, even more than in the towns, merchants from a distance gathered to buy the products peculiar to the part of England where the fair was held, and to sell their own articles of importation or production. The large fairs furnished by far the best markets of the time. We find mention made in the records of one court of pie-powder of men from a dozen or twenty English towns, from Bordeaux, and from Rouen. The men who came from any one town, whether of England or the Continent, acted and were treated as common members of the gild merchant of that town, as forming a sort of community, and being to a certain extent responsible for one another. They did their buying and selling, it is true, separately, but if disputes arose, the whole group were held responsible for each member. For example, the following entry was made in the roll of the fair of St. Ives in the year 1275: "William of Fleetbridge and Anne his wife complain of Thomas Coventry of Leicester for unjustly withholding from them 55_s._ 2-1/2_d._ for a sack of wool.... Elias is ordered to attach the community of Leicester to answer ... and of the said community Allan Parker, Adam Nose and Robert Howell are attached by three bundles of ox-hides, three hundred bundles of sheep skins and six sacks of wool." *20. Trade Relations between Towns.*--The fairs were only temporary selling places. When the time for which the fair was held had expired the booths were removed, the merchants returned to their native cities or travelled away to some other fair, and the officials were withdrawn. The place was deserted until the next quarter or year. But in the towns, as has been already stated, more or less continuous trade went on; not only petty retail trade and that of the weekly or semi-weekly markets between townsmen or countrymen coming from the immediate vicinity, but a wholesale trade between the merchants of that town and those from other towns in England or on the Continent. It was of this trade above all that the gild merchant of each town possessed the regulation. Merchants from another town were treated much the same, whether that town was English or foreign. In fact, "foreigner" or "alien," as used in the town records, of Bristol, for instance, may apply to citizens of London or Oxford just as well as to those of Paris or Cologne. Such "foreign" merchants could deal when they came to a town only with members of the gild, and only on the conditions required by the gild. Usually they could buy or sell only at wholesale, and tolls were collected from them upon their sales or purchases. They were prohibited from dealing in some kinds of articles altogether, and frequently the duration of their stay in the town was limited to a prescribed period. Under such circumstances the authorities of various towns entered into trade agreements with those of other towns providing for mutual concessions and advantages. Correspondence was also constantly going on between the officials of various towns for the settlement of individual points of dispute, for the return of fugitive apprentices, asking that justice might be done to aggrieved citizens, and on occasion threatening reprisal. Southampton had formal agreements with more than seventy towns or other trading bodies. During a period of twenty years the city authorities of London sent more than 300 letters on such matters to the officials of some 90 other towns in England and towns on the Continent. The merchants from any one town did not therefore trade or act entirely as separate individuals, but depended on the prestige of their town, or the support of the home authorities, or the privileges already agreed upon by treaty. The non-payment of a debt by a merchant of one town usually made any fellow-townsman liable to seizure where the debt was owed, until the debtor could be made to pay. In 1285, by a law of Edward I, this was prohibited as far as England was concerned, but a merchant from a French town might still have his person and property seized for a debt of which he may have had no previous knowledge. External trade was thus not so much individual, between some Englishmen and others; or international, between Englishmen and Frenchmen, Flemings, Spaniards, or Germans, as it was intermunicipal, as it has been well described. Citizens of various towns, London, Bristol, Venice, Ghent, Arras, or Lubeck, for instance, carried on their trade under the protection their city had obtained for them. *21. Foreign Trading Relations.*--The regulations and restrictions of fairs and town markets and gilds merchant must have tended largely to the discouragement of foreign trade. Indeed, the feeling of the body of English town merchants was one of strong dislike to foreigners and a desire to restrict their trade within the narrowest limits. In addition to the burdens and limitations placed upon all traders not of their own town, it was very common in the case of merchants from abroad to require that they should only remain within the town for the purpose of selling for forty days, and that they should board not at an inn but in the household of some town merchant, who could thus keep oversight of their movements, and who would be held responsible if his guest violated the law in any way. This was called the custom of "hostage." The king, on the other hand, and the classes most influential in the national government, the nobility and the churchmen, favored foreign trade. A series of privileges, guarantees, and concessions were consequently issued by the government to individual foreign merchants, to foreign towns, and even to foreigners generally, the object of which was to encourage their coming to England to trade. The most remarkable instance of this was the so-called _Carta Mercatoria_ issued by Edward I in 1303. It was given according to its own terms, for the peace and security of merchants coming to England from Germany, France, Spain, Portugal, Navarre, Lombardy, Tuscany, Provence, Catalonia, Aquitaine, Toulouse, Quercy, Flanders, Brabant, and all other foreign lands. It allowed such merchants to bring in and sell almost all kinds of goods, and freed them from the payment of many tolls and payments habitually exacted by the towns; it gave them permission to sell to strangers as well as to townsmen, and to retail as well as sell by wholesale. It freed them from the necessity of dwelling with native merchants, and of bringing their stay to a close within a restricted time. Town and market authorities were required by it to give prompt justice to foreigners according to the law merchant, and it was promised that a royal judge would be specially appointed to listen to appeals. It is quite evident that if this charter had been enforced some of the most familiar and valued customs of the merchants of the various English towns would have been abrogated. In consequence of vigorous protests and bitter resistance on the part of the townsmen its provisions were partly withdrawn, partly ignored, and the position of foreign merchants in England continued to depend on the tolerably consistent support of the crown. Even this was modified by the steady policy of hostility, limitation, and control on the part of the native merchants. With the exception of some intercourse between the northern towns and the Scandinavian countries, the foreign trade of England was carried on almost entirely by foreigners. English merchants, until after the fourteenth century, seem to have had neither the ability, the enterprise, nor the capital to go to continental cities in any numbers to sell the products of their own country or to buy goods which would be in demand when imported into England. Foreigners were more enterprising. From Flemish, French, German, Italian, and even Spanish cities merchants came over as traders. The product of England which was most in demand was wool. Certain parts of England were famous throughout all Europe for the quality and quantity of the wool raised there. The relative good order of England and its exemption from civil war made it possible to raise sheep more extensively than in countries where foraging parties from rival bodies of troops passed frequently to and fro. Many of the monasteries, especially in the north and west, had large outlying wastes of land which were regularly used for the raising of sheep. The product of these northern and western pastures as well as the surplus product of the demesnes and larger holdings of the ordinary manors was brought to the fairs and towns for sale and bought up readily by foreign merchants. Sheepskins, hides, and tanned leather were also exported, as were certain coarse woven fabrics. Tin and lead were well-known products, at that time almost peculiar to England, and in years of plentiful production, grain, salt meat, and dairy products were exported. England was far behind most of the Continent in industrial matters, so that there was much that could be brought into the country that would be in demand, both of the natural productions of foreign countries and of their manufactured articles. Trade relations existed between England and the Scandinavian countries, northern Germany, southern Germany, the Netherlands, northeastern, northwestern, and southern France, Spain and Portugal, and various parts of Italy. Of these lines of trade the most important were the trade with the Hanse cities of northern Germany, with the Flemish cities, and with those in Italy, especially Venice. *22. The Italian and Eastern Trade.*--The merchandise which Venice had to offer was of an especially varied nature. Her prosperity had begun with a coastwise trade along the shores of the Adriatic. Later, especially during the period of the Crusades, her training had been extended to the eastern Mediterranean, where she obtained trading concessions from the Greek Emperor and formed a half commercial, half political empire of her own among the island cities and coast districts of the Ionian Sea, along the Dardanelles and the Sea of Marmora, and finally in the Black Sea. From these regions she brought the productions peculiar to the eastern Mediterranean: wines, sugar, dried fruits and nuts, cotton, drugs, dyestuffs, and certain kinds of leather and other manufactured articles. [Illustration: Trade Routes between England and the Continent in the Fourteenth Century. Engraved by Bormay and Co., N.Y.] Eventually Venice became the special possessor of a still more distant trade, that of the far East. The products of Arabia and Persia, India and the East Indian Islands, and even of China, all through the Middle Ages, as in antiquity, made their way by long and difficult routes to the western countries of Europe. Silk and cotton, both raw and manufactured into fine goods, indigo and other dyestuffs, aromatic woods and gums, narcotics and other drugs, pearls, rubies, diamonds, sapphires, turquoises, and other precious stones, gold and silver, and above all the edible spices, pepper, ginger, cinnamon, cloves, and allspice, could be obtained only in Asia. There were three principal routes by which these goods were brought into Europe: first, along the Red Sea and overland across Egypt; second, up the Persian Gulf to its head, and then either along the Euphrates to a certain point whence the caravan route turned westward to the Syrian coast, or along the Tigris to its upper waters, and then across to the Black Sea at Trebizond; third, by caravan routes across Asia, then across the Caspian Sea, and overland again, either to the Black Sea or through Russia to the Baltic. A large part of this trade was gathered up by the Italian cities, especially Venice, at its various outlets upon the Mediterranean or adjacent waters. She had for exportation therefore, in addition to her own manufactures, merchandise which had been gathered from all parts of the then known world. The Venetian laws regulated commerce with the greatest minuteness. All goods purchased by Venetian traders must as a rule be brought first to the city and unloaded and stored in the city warehouses. A certain amount of freedom of export by land or water was then allowed, but by far the greater proportion of the goods remained under the partial control of the government. When conditions were considered favorable, the Senate voted a certain number of government galleys for a given voyage. There were several objective points for these voyages, but one was regularly England and Flanders, and the group of vessels sent to those countries was known as the "Flanders Fleet." Such an expedition was usually ordered about once a year, and consisted of two to five galleys. These were put under the charge of an admiral and provided with sailing masters, crews of rowers, and armed men to protect them, all at the expense of the merchants who should send goods in the vessels. Stringent regulations were also imposed upon them by the government, defining the length of their stay and appointing a series of stopping places, usually as follows: Capo d'Istria, Corfu, Otranto, Syracuse, Messina, Naples, Majorca, certain Spanish ports, Lisbon; then across the Bay of Biscay to the south coast of England, where usually the fleet divided, part going to Sluys, Middleburg, or Antwerp, in the Netherlands; the remainder going to Southampton, Sandwich, London, or elsewhere in England. At one or other of the southern ports of England the fleet would reassemble on its return, the whole outward and return voyage usually taking about a year. The merchants who had come with the fleet thereupon proceeded to dispose of their goods in the southern towns and fairs of England and to buy wool or other goods which might be taken back to Venice or disposed of on the way. A somewhat similar trade was kept up with other Italian cities, especially with Genoa and Florence, though these lines of trade were more extensive in the fifteenth century than in the fourteenth. *23. The Flanders Trade and the Staple.*--A trade of greater bulk and greater importance, though it did not include articles from such a distance as that of Italy, was the trade with the Flemish cities. This was more closely connected with English wool production than was that with any other country. Ghent, Bruges, Ypres, Courtrai, Arras, and a number of other cities in Flanders and the adjacent provinces of the Netherlands and France had become populous and rich, principally from their weaving industry. For their manufacture of fine fabrics they needed the English wool, and in turn their fine woven goods were in constant demand for the use of the wealthier classes in England. English skill was not yet sufficient to produce anything more than the crudest and roughest of textile fabrics. The fine cloths, linens, cambrics, cloth of gold and silver, tapestries and hangings, were the product of the looms of the Flemish cities. Other fine manufactured goods, such as armor and weapons, glass and furniture, and articles which had been brought in the way of trade to the Netherlands, were all exported thence and sold in England. The Flemish dealers who habitually engaged in the English trade were organized among themselves in a company or league known as the "Flemish Hanse of London." A considerable number of towns held such membership in the organization that their citizens could take part in the trade and share in the benefits and privileges of the society, and no citizen of these towns could trade in England without paying the dues and submitting himself to the rules of the Hanse. The export trade from England to the Netherlands was controlled from the English side by the system known as the "Staple." From early times it had been customary to gather English standard products in certain towns in England or abroad for sale. These towns were known as "staples" or "staple towns," and wool, woolfells, leather, tin, and lead, the goods most extensively exported, were known as "staple goods." Subsequently the government took control of the matter, and appointed a certain town in the Netherlands to which staple goods must be sent in the first place when they were exported from England. Later certain towns in England were appointed as staple towns, where all goods of the kinds mentioned above should be taken to be registered, weighed, and taxed before exportation. Just at the close of the period under discussion, in 1354, a careful organization was given to the system of staple towns in England, by which in each of the ten or twelve towns to which staple goods must be brought for exportation, a Mayor of the Staple and two Constables were elected by the "merchants of the staple," native and foreign. These officials had a number of duties, some of them more particularly in the interest of the king and treasury, others in the interest of the foreign merchants, still others merely for the preservation of good order and the enforcement of justice. The law merchant was made the basis of judgment, and every effort made to grant protection to foreigners and at the same time secure the financial interests of the government. But the policy of the government was by no means consistent. Both before and after this date, the whole system of staples was repeatedly abolished for a time and the whole trade in these articles thrown open. Again, the location of the staple towns was shifted from England to the continent and again back to England. Eventually, in 1363, the staple came to be established at Calais, and all "staplers," or exporters of staple goods from England, were forced to give bonds that their cargoes would be taken direct to Calais to be sold. *24. The Hanse Trade.*--The trade with Germany was at this time almost all with the group of citizens which made up the German Hanse or League. This was a union of a large number of towns of northern Germany, such as Lubeck, Hamburg, Bremen, Dantzig, Brunswick, and perhaps sixty or eighty others. By a series of treaties and agreements among themselves, these towns had formed a close confederation which acted as a single whole in obtaining favorable trading concessions and privileges in various countries. There had been a considerable trade between the merchants of these towns and England from an early time. They brought the products of the Baltic lands, such as lumber, tar, salt, iron, silver, salted and smoked fish, furs, amber, certain coarse manufactures, and goods obtained by Hanseatic merchants through their more distant trade connections, such as fine woven goods, armor and other metal goods, and even spices and other Eastern goods, obtained from the great Russian fairs. The Hanse cities had entered into treaties with the English government, and possessed valuable concessions and privileges, and imported and exported quite extensively. The term "sterling," as applied to standard English money, is derived from the word "Easterling," which was used as synonymous with "German," "Hansard," "Dutch," and several other names descriptive of these traders. The trade with the cities of northwestern France was similar to that with the neighboring towns of Flanders. That with northwestern France consisted especially of salt, sail-cloth, and wine. The trade with Poitou, Gascony, and Guienne was more extensive, as was natural from their long political connection with England. The chief part of the export from southern France was wine, though a variety of other articles, including fruits and some manufactured articles, were sent to England. A trade of quite a varied character also existed between England and the various countries of the Spanish Peninsula, including Portugal. Foreign trade with all of these countries was destined to increase largely during the later fourteenth and the fifteenth century, but its foundations were well laid within the first half of the fourteenth. Vessels from all these countries appeared from time to time in the harbors of England, and their merchants traded under government patronage and support in many English towns and fairs. *25. Foreigners settled in England.*--The fact that almost all of the foreign trade of England was in the hands of aliens necessarily involved their presence in the country temporarily or permanently in considerable numbers. The closely related fact that the English were distinctly behind the people of the Continent in economic knowledge, skill, and wealth also led foreigners to seek England as a field for profitable exercise of their abilities in finance, in trade, and manufactures. The most conspicuous of these foreigners at the close of the thirteenth century and during the early part of the fourteenth were the Italian bankers. Florence was not only a great trading and manufacturing city, but a money centre, a capitalist city. The Bardi, Peruzzi, Alberti, Frescobaldi, and other banking companies received deposits from citizens of Florence and other Italian cities, and loaned the money, as well as their own capital, to governments, great nobles, and ecclesiastical corporations in other countries. When the Jews were expelled from England in 1290, there being no considerable amount of money among native Englishmen, the Italian bankers were the only source from which the government could secure ready money. When a tax had been authorized by Parliament, but the product of it could be obtained only after a year or more spent in its collection, the Florentines were at hand to offer the money at once, receiving security for repayment when the receipts from the tax should come in. Government monopolies like the Cornwall tin mines were leased to them for a lump sum; arrangements were made by which the bankers furnished a certain amount of money each day during a campaign or a royal progress. The immediate needs of an impecunious king were regularly satisfied with money borrowed to be repaid some months afterward. The equipment for all of the early expeditions of the Hundred Years' War was obtained with money borrowed from the Florentines. Payments abroad were also made by means of bills of exchange negotiated by the same money-lenders. Direct payment of interest was forbidden by law, but they seem to have been rewarded by valuable government concessions, by the profits on exchange, and no doubt by the indirect payment of interest, notwithstanding its illegality. The Italian bankers evidently loaned to others besides the king, for in 1327 the Knights Hospitallers in England repaid to the Society of the Bardi £848 5_d._, and to the Peruzzi £551 12_s._ 11_d._ They continued to loan freely to the king, till in 1348 he was indebted to one company alone to the extent of more than £50,000, a sum equal in modern value to about $3,000,000. The king now failed to repay what he had promised, and the banking companies fell into great straits. Defalcations having occurred in other countries also, some of them failed, and after the middle of the century they never held so conspicuous a place, though some Italians continued to act as bankers and financiers through the remainder of the fourteenth and fifteenth century. Many Italian merchants who were not bankers, especially Venetians and Genoese, were settled in England, but their occupation did not make them so conspicuous as the financiers of the same nation. [Illustration: The Steelyard in the Seventeenth Century. (Herbert: _History of London Livery Companies_.)] The German or Hanse merchants had a settlement of their own in London, known as the "Steelyard," "Gildhall of the Dutch," or the "Easterling's House." They had similar establishments on a smaller scale in Boston and Lynn, and perhaps in other towns. Their permission to own property and to live in their own house instead of in the houses of native merchants, as was the usual custom, was derived, like most privileges of foreigners, from the gift of the king. Little by little they had purchased property surrounding their original grants until they had a great group of buildings, including a meeting and dining hall, tower, kitchen, storage house, offices and other warehouses, and a considerable number of dwelling-houses, all enclosed by a wall and fences. It was located immediately on the Thames just above London Bridge so that their vessels unloaded at their own wharf. The merchants or their agents lived under strict rules, the gates being invariably closed at nine o'clock, and all discords among their own nation were punished by their own officers. Their trade was profitable to the king through payment of customs, and after the failure of the Italian bankers the merchants of the Steelyard made considerable loans to the English government either directly or acting for citizens at home. In 1343, when the king had been granted a tax of 40_s._ a sack on all wool exported, he immediately borrowed the value of it from Tiedemann van Limberg and Johann van Wolde, Easterlings. Similarly in 1346 the Easterlings loaned the king money for three years, holding his second crown as security. Like the Florentines, at one time they took the Cornwall tin mines at farm. They had many privileges not accorded generally to foreigners, but were exceedingly unpopular alike with the population and the authorities of the city of London. There were some other Germans domiciled in England, but nowhere else were they so conspicuous or influential as at the Steelyard. [Illustration: Ground Plan of the Steelyard in the Seventeenth Century. (Lappenberg. _Geschichte des Hansischen Stahlhofes_.)] The trade with Flanders brought Flemish merchants into England temporarily, but they do not seem to have formed any settlement or located permanently in any one place. Flemish artisans, on the other hand, had migrated to England from early times and were scattered here and there in several towns and villages. In the early part of the fourteenth century Edward III made it a matter of deliberate policy to encourage the immigration of Flemish weavers and other handicraftsmen, with the expectation that they would teach their art to the more backward native English. In 1332 he issued a charter of protection and privilege to a Fleming named John Kempe, a weaver of woollen cloth, offering the same privilege and protection to all other weavers, dyers, and fullers who should care to come to England to live. In 1337 a similar charter was given to a body of weavers coming from Zealand to England. It is believed that a considerable number of immigrants from the Netherlands came in at this period, settled largely in the smaller towns and rural villages, and taking English apprentices brought about a great improvement in the character of English manufactures. Flemings are also met with in local records in various occupations, even in agriculture. There were other foreigners resident in England, especially Gascons from the south of France, and Spaniards; but the main elements of alien population in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries were those which have just been described, Italians, Germans from the Hanse towns, and Flemings. These were mainly occupied as bankers, merchants, and handicraftsmen. *26. BIBLIOGRAPHY* Dr. Cunningham's _Growth of English Industry and Commerce_ is particularly full and valuable on this subject. He has given further details on one branch of it in his _Alien Immigrants in England_. Schanz, Georg: _Englische Handelspolitik gegen Ende des Mittelalters_. This work refers to a later period than that included in this chapter, but the summaries which the author gives of earlier conditions are in many cases the best accounts that we have. Ashley, W. J.: _Early History of the Woolen Industry in England_. Pauli, R.: _Pictures from Old England_. Contains an interesting account of the Steelyard. Pirenne, Henri: _La Hanse flamande de Londres_. Von Ochenkowski, W.: _England's Wirthsschaftliche Entwickelung im Ausgange des Mittelalters_. CHAPTER V THE BLACK DEATH AND THE PEASANTS' REBELLION Economic Changes Of The Later Fourteenth And Early Fifteenth Centuries *27. National Affairs from 1338 to 1461.*--For the last century or more England had been standing with her back to the Continent. Deprived of most of their French possessions, engaged in the struggle to bring Wales, Scotland, and Ireland under the English crown, occupied with repeated conflicts with their barons or with the development of the internal organization of the country, John, Henry III, and the two Edwards had had less time and inclination to interest themselves in continental affairs than had Henry II and Richard. But after 1337 a new influence brought England for the next century into close connection with the rest of Europe. This was the "Hundred Years' War" between England and France. Several causes had for years combined to make this war unavoidable: the interference of France in the dispute with Scotland, the conflicts between the rising fishing and trading towns on the English and the French side of the Channel, the desire of the French king to drive the English kings from their remaining provinces in the south of France, and the reluctance of the English kings to accept their dependent position in France. Edward III commenced the war in 1338 with the invasion of France, and it was continued with comparatively short intervals of peace until 1452. During its progress the English won three of the most brilliant military victories in their history, at Crécy, Poitiers, and Agincourt, in 1346, 1356, and 1415. But most of the campaigns were characterized by brutality, destructive ravaging, and the reduction of cities by famine. The whole contest indeed often degenerated into desultory, objectless warfare. A permanent settlement was attempted at Bretigny in 1360. The English required the dismemberment of France by the surrender of almost one-third of the country and the payment by the French of a large ransom for their king, who had been captured by the English. In return King Edward withdrew any other claims he might have to territory, or the French crown. These terms were, however, so humiliating to the French that they did not adhere to them, the war soon broke out again, and finally terminated in the driving out of the English from all of France except the city of Calais, in the middle years of the next century. The many alliances, embassies, exchanges of visits, and other international intercourse which the prosecution of the Hundred Years' War involved brought England into a closer participation in the general life of Europe than ever before, and caused the ebb and flow of a tide of influences between England and the Continent which deeply affected economic, political, and religious life on both sides of the Channel. The Universities continued to flourish during almost the whole of this period. It was from Oxford as a centre, under the influence of John Wycliffe, a lecturer there, that a great revival and reforming movement in the church emanated. From about 1370 Wycliffe and others began to agitate for a more earnest religious life. They translated the Bible into English, wrote devotional and polemic tracts, preached throughout the country, spoke and wrote against the evils in the church at the time, then against its accepted form of organization, and finally against its official teachings. They thus became heretics. Thousands were influenced by their teachings, and a wave of religious revival and ecclesiastical rebellion spread over the country. The powers of the church and the civil government were ultimately brought to bear to crush out the "Lollards," as those who held heretical beliefs at that time were called. New and stringent laws were passed in 1401 and 1415, several persons were burned at the stake, and a large number forced to recant, or frightened into keeping their opinions secret. This religious movement gradually died out, and by the middle of the fifteenth century nothing more is heard of Lollardry. Wycliffe had been not only a religious innovator, but a writer of much excellent English. Contemporary with him or slightly later were a number of writers who used the native language and created permanent works of literature. _The Vision of Piers Plowman_ is the longest and best of a number of poems written by otherwise unknown men. Geoffrey Chaucer, one of England's greatest poets, wrote at first in French, then in English; his _Canterbury Tales_ showing a perfected English form, borrowed originally, like so much of what was best in England at the time, from Italy or France, but assimilated, improved, and reconstructed until it seemed a purely English production. During the reign of Edward III English became the official language of the courts and the usual language of conversation, even among the higher classes. Edward III lived until 1377. Through his long reign of half a century, during which he was entirely dependent on the grants of Parliament for the funds needed to carry on the war against France, this body obtained the powers, privileges, and organization which made it thereafter such an influential part of the government. His successor, Richard II, after a period of moderate government tried to rule with a high hand, but in 1399 was deposed through the influence of his cousin, Henry of Lancaster, who was crowned as Henry IV. Henry's title to the throne, according to hereditary principles, was defective, for the son of an older brother was living. He was, however, a mere child, and there was no considerable opposition to Henry's accession. Under the Lancastrian line, as Henry IV, Henry V, and Henry VI, who now reigned successively, are called, Parliament reached the highest position which it had yet attained, a position higher in fact than it held for several centuries afterward. Henry VI was a child at the death of his father in 1422. On coming to be a man he proved too mild in temper to control the great nobles who, by the chances of inheritance, had become almost as powerful as the great feudal barons of early Norman times. The descendants of the older branch of the royal family were now represented by a vigorous and capable man, the duke of York. An effort was therefore made about 1450 by one party of the nobles to depose Henry VI in favor of the duke of York. A number of other nobles took the side of the king, and civil war broke out. After a series of miserable contests known as the "Wars of the Roses" the former party was successful, at least temporarily, and the duke of York became king in 1461 as Edward IV. *28. The Black Death and its Effects.*--During the earlier mediæval centuries the most marked characteristic of society was its stability. Institutions continued with but slight changes during a long period. With the middle of the fourteenth century changes become more prominent. Some of the most conspicuous of these gather around a series of attacks of epidemic disease during the latter half of the century. [Illustration: Distribution of Population According to the Poll-tax of 1377. Engraved by Bormay & Co., N.Y.] From the autumn of 1348 to the spring of 1350 a wave of pestilence was spreading over England from the southwest northward and eastward, progressively attacking every part of the country. The disease was new to Europe. Its course in the individual case, like its progress through the community, was very rapid. The person attacked either died within two or three days or even less, or showed signs of recovery within the same period. The proportion of cases which resulted fatally was extremely large; the infectious character of the disease quite remarkable. It was, in fact, an extremely violent epidemic attack, the most violent in history, of the bubonic plague, with which we have unfortunately become again familiar within recent years. From much careful examination of several kinds of contemporary evidence it seems almost certain that as each locality was successively attacked in 1348 and 1349 something like a half of the population died. In other words, whereas in an ordinary year at that time perhaps one-twentieth of the people died, in the plague year one-half died. Such entries as the following are frequent in the contemporary records. At the abbey of Newenham, "in the time of this mortality or pestilence there died in this house twenty monks and three lay brothers, whose names are entered in other books. And Walter, the abbot, and two monks were left alive there after the sickness." At Leicester, "in the little parish of St. Leonard there died more than 380, in the parish of Holy Cross more than 400, in that of St. Margaret more than 700; and so in every parish great numbers." The close arrangement of houses in the villages, the crowding of dwellings along narrow streets in the towns, the promiscuous life in the monasteries and in the inns, the uncleanly habits of living universally prevalent, all helped to make possible this sweeping away of perhaps a majority of the population by an attack of epidemic disease. It had devastated several of the countries of Europe before appearing in England, having been introduced into Europe apparently along the great trade routes from the far East. Within a few months the attack in each successive district subsided, the disease in the southwestern counties of England having run its course between August, 1348, and May, 1349, in and about London between November, 1348, and July, 1349, in the eastern counties in the summer of 1349, and in the more northern counties through the last months of that year or within the spring of 1350. Pestilence was frequent throughout the Middle Ages, but this attack was not only vastly more destructive and general than any which had preceded it, but the disease when once introduced became a frequent scourge in subsequent times, especially during the remainder of the fourteenth century. In 1361, 1368, and 1396 attacks are noticed as occurring more or less widely through the country, but none were so extensive as that which is usually spoken of as the "Black Death" of 1348-1349. The term "Black Death" was not used contemporaneously, nor until comparatively modern times. The occurrence of the pestilence, however, made an extremely strong impression on men's minds, and as "the great mortality," "the great pestilence," or "the great death," it appears widely in the records and the literature of the time. Such an extensive and sudden destruction of life could not take place without leaving its mark in many directions. Monasteries were depopulated, and the value of their property and the strictness of their discipline diminished. The need for priests led to the ordination of those who were less carefully prepared and selected. The number of students at Oxford and Cambridge was depleted; the building and adornment of many churches suspended. The war between England and France, though promptly renewed, involved greater difficulty in obtaining equipment, and ultimately required new devices to meet its expense. Many of the towns lost numbers and property that were never regained, and the distribution of population throughout England was appreciably changed. But the most evident and far-reaching results of the series of pestilences occurring through the last half of the fourteenth century were those connected with rural life and the arrangement of classes described in Chapter II. The lords of manors might seem at first thought to have reaped advantage from the unusually high death rate. The heriots collected on the death of tenants were more numerous; reliefs paid by their successors on obtaining the land were repeated far more frequently than usual; much land escheated to the lord on the extinction of the families of free tenants, or fell into his hands for redisposal on the failure of descendants of villains or cotters. But these were only temporary and casual results. In other ways the diminution of population was distinctly disadvantageous to the lords of manors. They obtained much lower rents for mills and other such monopolies, because there were fewer people to have their grain ground and the tenants of the mills could therefore not make as much profit. The rents of assize or regular periodical payments in money and in kind made by free and villain tenants were less in amount, since the tenants were fewer and much land was unoccupied. The profits of the manor courts were less, for there were not so many suitors to attend, to pay fees, and to be fined. The manor court rolls for these years give long lists of vacancies of holdings, often naming the days of the deaths of the tenants. Their successors are often children, and in many cases whole families were swept away and the land taken into the hands of the lord of the manor. Juries appointed at one meeting of the manor court are sometimes all dead by the time of the next meeting. There are constant complaints by the stewards that certain land "is of no value because the tenants are all dead;" in one place that a water-mill is worthless because "all the tenants who used it are dead," in another that the rents are £7 14_s._ less than in the previous year because fourteen holdings, consisting of 102 acres of land, are in the hands of the lord, in still another that the rents of assize which used to be £20 are now only £2 and the court fees have fallen from 40 to 5 shillings "because the tenants there are dead." There was also less required service performed on the demesne lands, for many of the villain holdings from which it was owed were now vacant. Last, and most seriously of all, the lords of manors suffered as employers of labor. It had always been necessary to hire additional labor for the cultivation of the demesne farm and for the personal service of the manor, and through recent decades somewhat more had come to be hired because of a gradual increase of the practice of commutation of services. That is, villain tenants were allowed to pay the value of their required days' work in money instead of in actual service. The bailiff or reeve then hired men as they were wanted, so that quite an appreciable part of the work of the manor had come to be done by laborers hired for wages. After the Black Death the same demesne lands were to be cultivated, and in most cases the larger holdings remained or descended or were regranted to those who would expect to continue their cultivation. Thus the demand for laborers remained approximately as great as it had been before. The number of laborers, on the other hand, was vastly diminished. They were therefore eagerly sought for by employers. Naturally they took advantage of their position to demand higher wages, and in many cases combined to refuse to work at the old accustomed rates. A royal ordinance of 1349 states that, "because a great part of the people, especially of workmen and servants, have lately died in the pestilence, many, seeing the necessity of masters and great scarcity of servants, will not serve unless they may receive excessive wages." A contemporary chronicler says that "laborers were so elated and contentious that they did not pay any attention to the command of the king, and if anybody wanted to hire them he was bound to pay them what they asked, and so he had his choice either to lose his harvest and crops or give in to the proud and covetous desires of the workmen." Thus, because of this rise in wages, at the very time that many of the usual sources of income of the lords of manors were less remunerative, the expenses of carrying on their farming operations were largely increased. On closer examination, therefore, it becomes evident that the income of the lords of manors, whether individuals or corporations, was not increased, but considerably diminished, and that their position was less favorable than it had been before the pestilence. The freeholders of land below lords of manors were disadvantageously affected in as far as they had to hire laborers, but in other ways were in a more favorable position. The rent which they had to pay was often reduced. Land was everywhere to be had in plenty, and a threat to give up their holdings and go to where more favorable terms could be secured was generally effective in obtaining better terms where they were. The villain holders legally of course did not have this opportunity, but practically they secured many of its advantages. It is probable that many took up additional land, perhaps on an improved tenure. Their payments and their labor, whether done in the form of required "week-work," or, if this were commuted, done for hire, were much valued, and concessions made to them accordingly. They might, as they frequently did, take to flight, giving up their land and either obtaining a new grant somewhere else or becoming laborers without lands of their own. This last-named class, made up of those who depended entirely on agricultural labor on the land of others for their support, was a class which had been increasing in numbers, and which was the most distinctly favored by the demand for laborers and the rise of wages. They were the representatives of the old cotter class, recruited from those who either inherited no land or found it more advantageous to work for wages than to take up small holdings with their burdens. But the most important social result of the Black Death and the period of pestilence which followed it was the general shock it gave to the old settled life and established relations of men to one another. It introduced many immediate changes, and still more causes of ultimate change; but above all it altered the old stability, so that change in future would be easy. *29. The Statutes of Laborers.*--The change which showed itself most promptly, the rise in the prevailing rate of wages, was met by the strenuous opposition of the law. In the summer of 1349, while the pestilence was still raging in the north of England, the king, acting on the advice of his Council, issued a proclamation to all the sheriffs and the officials of the larger towns, declaring that the laborers were taking advantage of the needs of their lords to demand excessive wages, and prohibiting them from asking more than had been due and accustomed in the year before the outbreak of the pestilence or for the preceding five or six years. Every laborer when offered service at these wages must accept it; the lords of manors having the first right to the labor of those living on their manors, provided they did not insist on retaining an unreasonable number. If any laborers, men or women, bond or free, should refuse to accept such an offer of work, they were to be imprisoned till they should give bail to serve as required. Commissioners were then appointed by the king in each county to inquire into and punish violations of this ordinance. [Illustration: The Stocks at Shalford, near Guildford. Present State. (Jusserand: _English Wayfaring Life in the Fourteenth Century_. Published by G. P. Putnam's Sons.)] When Parliament next met, in February, 1351, the Commons sent a petition to the king stating that his ordinance had not been obeyed and that laborers were claiming double and treble what they had received in the years before the pestilence. In response to the petition what is usually called the "First Statute of Laborers" was enacted. It repeated the requirement that men must accept work when it was offered to them, established definite rates of wages for various classes of laborers, and required all such persons to swear twice a year before the stewards, bailiffs, or other officials that they would obey this law. If they refused to swear or disobeyed the law, they were to be put in the stocks for three days or more and then sent to the nearest jail till they should agree to serve as required. It was ordered that stocks should be built in each village for this purpose, and that the judges should visit each county twice a year to inquire into the enforcement of the law. In 1357 the law was reënacted, with some changes of the destination of the fines collected for its breach. In 1361 there was a further reënactment of the law with additional penalties. If laborers will not work unless they are given higher wages than those established by law, they can be taken and imprisoned by lords of manors for as much as fifteen days, and then be sent to the next jail to await the coming of the justices. If any one after accepting service leaves it, he is to be arrested and sued before the justices. If he cannot be found, he is to be outlawed and a writ sent to every sheriff in England ordering that he should be arrested, sent back, and imprisoned till he pays his fine and makes amends to the party injured; "and besides for the falsity he shall be burnt in the forehead with an iron made and formed to this letter F in token of Falsity, if the party aggrieved shall ask for it." This last provision, however, was probably intended as a threat rather than an actual punishment, for its application was suspended for some months, and even then it was to be inflicted only on the advice of the judges, and the iron was to remain in the custody of the sheriff. The statute was reënacted with slight variations thirteen times within the century after its original introduction; namely, in addition to the dates already mentioned, in 1362, 1368, 1378, 1388, 1402, 1406, 1414, 1423, 1427, 1429, and 1444. [Illustration: Laborers Reaping. From a Fourteenth Century Manuscript. (Jusserand: _English Wayfaring Life in the Fourteenth Century_. Published by G. P. Putnam's Sons.)] The necessity for these repeated reissues of the statutes of laborers indicates that the general rise of wages was not prevented. Forty years after the pestilence the law of 1388 is said to be passed, "because that servants and laborers are not, nor by a long time have been willing to serve and labor without outrageous and excessive hire." Direct testimony also indicates that the prevailing rate of wages was much higher, probably half as much again, as it had been before the pestilence. Nevertheless, the enforcement of the law in individual cases must have been a very great hardship. The fines which were collected from breakers of the law were of sufficient amount to be estimated at one time as part payment of a tax, at another as a valuable source of income to the lords of manors. Their enforcement was intrusted at different times to the local justices of the peace, the royal judges on circuit, and special commissioners. The inducement to the passage of the laws prohibiting a rise in wages was no doubt partly the self-interest of the employing classes who were alone represented in Parliament, but partly also the feeling that the laboring class were taking advantage of an abnormal condition of affairs to change the well established customary rates of remuneration of labor. The most significant fact indicated by the laws, however, was the existence of a distinct class of laborers. In earlier times when almost all rural dwellers held some land this can hardly have been the case; it is quite evident that there was now an increasing class who made their living simply by working for wages. Another fact frequently referred to in the laws is the frequent passage of laborers from one district to another; it is evident that the population was becoming somewhat less stationary. Therefore while the years following the great pestilence were a period of difficulty for the lords of manors and the employing classes, for the lower classes the same period was one of increasing opportunity and a breaking down of old restrictions. Whether or not the statutes had any real effect in keeping the rate of wages lower than it would have otherwise become is hard to determine, but there is no doubt that the efforts to enforce the law and the frequent punishment of individuals for its violation embittered the minds of the laborers and helped to throw them into opposition to the government and to the upper classes generally. The statutes of laborers thus became one of the principal causes of the growth of that hostility which culminated in the Peasants' Rebellion. *30. The Peasants' Rebellion of 1381.*--From the scanty contemporary records still remaining we can obtain glimpses of a widespread restlessness among the masses of the English people during the latter half of the fourteenth century. According to a petition submitted to Parliament in 1377 the villains were refusing to pay their customary services to their lords and to acknowledge the requirements of their serfdom. They were also gathering together in great bodies to resist the efforts of the lords to collect from them their dues and to force them to submit to the decisions of the manor courts. The ready reception given to the religious revival preached by the Lollards throughout the country indicates an attitude of independence and of self-assertion on the part of the people of which there had been no sign during earlier times. The writer who represents most nearly popular feeling, the author of the _Vision of Piers Plowman_, reflects a certain restless and questioning mysticism which has no particular plan of reform to propose, but is nevertheless thoroughly dissatisfied with the world as it is. Lastly, a series of vague appeals to revolt, written in the vernacular, partly in prose, partly in doggerel rhyme, have been preserved and seem to testify to a deliberate propaganda of lawlessness. Some of the general causes of this rising tide of discontent are quite apparent. The efforts to enforce the statutes of laborers, as has been said, kept continual friction between the employing and the employed class. Parliament, which kept petitioning for reënactments of these laws, the magistrates and special commissioners who enforced them, and the landowners who appealed to them for relief, were alike engaged in creating class antagonism and multiplying individual grievances. Secondly, the very improvement in the economic position of the lower classes, which was undoubtedly in progress, made them doubly impatient of the many burdens which still pressed upon them. Another cause for the prevalent unrest may have lain in the character of much of the teaching of the time. Undisguised communism was preached by a wandering priest, John Ball, and the injustice of the claims of the property-holding classes was a very natural inference from much of the teachings of Wycliffe and his "poor priests." Again, the corruption of the court, the incapacity of the ministers, and the failure of the war in France were all reasons for popular anger, if the masses of the people can be supposed to have had any knowledge of such distant matters. [Illustration: Adam and Eve. From a Fourteenth Century Manuscript. (Jusserand: _English Wayfaring Life in the Fourteenth Century_. Published by G. P. Putnam's Sons.)] But the most definite and widespread cause of discontent was probably the introduction of a new form of taxation, the general poll tax. Until this time taxes had either been direct taxes laid upon land and personal property, or indirect taxes laid upon various objects of export and import. In 1377, however, Parliament agreed to the imposition of a tax of four pence a head on all laymen, and Convocation soon afterward taxed all the clergy, regular and secular, the same amount. Notwithstanding this grant and increased taxes of the old forms, the government still needed more money for the expenses of the war with France, and in April, 1379, a graduated poll tax was laid on all persons above sixteen years of age. This was regulated according to the rank of the payer from mere laborers, who were to pay four pence, up to earls, who must pay £4. But this only produced some £20,000, while more than £100,000 were needed; therefore in November of 1380 a third poll tax was laid in the following manner. The tax was to be collected at the rate of three groats or one shilling for each person over fifteen years of age. But although the total amount payable from any town or manor was to be as many shillings as there were inhabitants over fourteen years of age, it was to be assessed in each manor upon individuals in proportion to their means, the more well-to-do paying more, the poorer paying less; but with the limits that no one should have to pay more than £1 for himself and his wife, and no one less than four pence for himself and his wife. The poll tax was extremely unpopular. In the first place, it was a new tax, and to all appearances an additional weight given to the burden of contributing to the never ending expenses of the government of which the people were already weary. Moreover, it fell upon everybody, even upon those who from their lack of property had probably never before paid any tax. The inhabitants of every cottage were made to realize, by the payment of what amounted to two or three days' wages, that they had public and political as well as private and economic burdens. Lastly, the method of assessing the tax gave scope for much unfairness and favoritism. In addition to this general unpopularity of the poll tax there was a special reason for opposition in the circumstances of that imposed in 1380. As the returns began to come in they were extremely disappointing to the government. Therefore in March, 1381, the king, suspecting negligence on the part of the collectors, appointed groups of commissioners for a number of different districts who were directed to go from place to place investigating the former collection and enforcing payment from any who had evaded it before. This no doubt seemed to many of the ignorant people the imposition of a second tax. The first rumors of disorder came in May from some of the villages of Essex, where the tax-collectors and the commissioners who followed them were driven away violently by the people. Finally, during the second week in June, rioting began in several parts of England almost simultaneously. In Essex those who had refused to pay the poll tax and driven out the collectors now went from village to village persuading or compelling the people to join them. In Kent the villagers seized pilgrims on their way to Canterbury and forced them to take an oath to resist any tax except the old taxes, to be faithful to "King Richard and the Commons," to join their party when summoned, and never to allow John of Gaunt to become king. A riot broke out at Dartford in Kent, then Canterbury was overrun and the sheriff was forced to give up the tax rolls to be destroyed. They proceeded to break into Maidstone jail and release the prisoners there, and subsequently entered Rochester. These Kentish insurgents then set out toward London, wishing no doubt to obtain access to the young king, who was known to be there, but also directed by an instinctive desire to strike at the capital of the kingdom. By Wednesday, the 12th of June, they had formed a rendezvous at Blackheath some five miles below the city. Some of the Essex men had crossed the river and joined them, others had also taken their way toward London, marching along the northern side of the Thames. At the same time, or by the next day, another band was approaching London from Hertfordshire on the north. The body of insurgents gathered at Blackheath, who were stated by contemporary chroniclers, no doubt with the usual exaggeration, to have numbered 60,000, succeeded in communicating with King Richard, a boy of fourteen years, who was residing at the Tower of London with his mother and principal ministers and several great nobles, asking him to come to meet them. On the next day, Corpus Christi day, June 12th, he was rowed with a group of nobles to the other bank of the river, where the insurgents were crowding to the water side. The confusion and danger were so great that the king did not land, and the conference amounted to nothing. During the same day, however, the rebels pressed on to the city, and a part of the populace of London having left the drawbridge open for them, they made their way in. The evening of the same day the men from Essex entered through one of the city gates which had also been opened for them by connivance from within. There had already been much destruction of property and of life. As the rebels passed along the roads, the villagers joined them and many of the lower classes of the town population as well. In several cases they burned the houses of the gentry and of the great ecclesiastics, destroyed tax and court rolls and other documents, and put to death persons connected with the law. When they had made their way into London they burned and pillaged the Savoy palace, the city house of the duke of Lancaster, and the houses of the Knights Hospitallers at Clerkenwell and at Temple Bar. By this time leaders had arisen among the rebels. Wat Tyler, John Ball, and Jack Straw were successful in keeping their followers from stealing and in giving some semblance of a regular plan to their proceedings. On the morning of Friday, the 14th, the king left the Tower, and while he was absent the rebels made their way in, ransacked the rooms, seized and carried out to Tower Hill Simon Sudbury, archbishop of Canterbury, who was Lord Chancellor, Robert Hales, Grand Master of the Hospitallers, who was then Lord Treasurer, and some lower officials. These were all put through the hasty forms of an irregular trial and then beheaded. There were also many murders throughout the city. Foreigners especially were put to death, probably by Londoners themselves or by the rural insurgents at their instigation. A considerable number of Flemings were assassinated, some being drawn from one of the churches where they had taken refuge. The German merchants of the Steelyard were attacked and driven through the streets, but took refuge in their well-defended buildings. During the same three days, insurrection had broken out in several other parts of England. Disorders are mentioned in Kent, Essex, Hertfordshire, Middlesex, Suffolk, Norfolk, Cambridge, Huntingdon, Hampshire, Sussex, Somerset, Leicester, Lincoln, York, Bedford, Northampton, Surrey, and Wiltshire. There are also indications of risings in nine other counties. In Suffolk the leadership was taken by a man named John Wrawe, a priest like John Ball. On June 12th, the same day that the rendezvous was held on Blackheath, a great body of peasants under Wrawe attacked and pillaged a manor house belonging to Richard Lyons, an unpopular minister of the last days of Edward III. The next day they looted a parish church where were stored the valuables of Sir John Cavendish, Chief Justice of the Court of King's Bench and Chancellor of the town of Cambridge. On the 14th they occupied Bury, where they sacked the houses of unpopular men and finally captured and put to death Cavendish himself, John of Cambridge, prior of the St. Edmund's Abbey, and John of Lakenheath, an officer of the king. The rioters also forced the monks of the abbey to hand over to them all the documents giving to the monastery power over the townsmen. There were also a large number of detached attacks on persons and on manor houses, where manor court rolls and other documents were destroyed and property carried off. There was more theft here than in London; but much of the plundering was primarily intended to settle old disputes rather than for its own sake. In Norfolk the insurrection broke out a day or two later than in Suffolk, and is notable as having among its patrons a considerable number of the lesser gentry and other well-to-do persons. The principal leader, however, was a certain Geoffrey Lister. This man had issued a proclamation calling in all the people to meet on the 17th of June on Mushold Heath, just outside the city of Norwich. A great multitude gathered, and they summoned Sir Robert Salle, who was in the military service of the king, but was living at Norwich, and who had risen from peasant rank to knighthood, to come out for a conference. When he declined their request to become their leader they assassinated him, and subsequently made their way into the city, of which they kept control for several days. Throughout Norfolk and Cambridgeshire we hear of the same murders of men who had obtained the hatred of the lower classes in general, or that of individuals who were temporarily influential with the insurgents. There were also numerous instances of the destruction of court rolls found at the manor houses of lay lords of manors or obtained from the muniment rooms of the monasteries. It seems almost certain that there was some agreement beforehand among the leaders of the revolt in the eastern districts of England, and probably also with the leaders in Essex and Kent. Another locality where we have full knowledge of the occurrences during the rebellion is the town and monastery of St. Albans, just north of London. The rising here was either instigated by, or, at least, drew its encouragement from, the leaders who gathered at London. The townsmen and villains from surrounding manors invaded the great abbey, opened the prison, demanded and obtained all the charters bearing on existing disputes, and reclaimed a number of millstones which were kept by the abbey as a testimony to the monopoly of all grinding by the abbey mill. In many other places disorders were in progress. For a few days in the middle of June a considerable part of England was at the mercy of the revolted peasants and artisans, under the leadership partly of men who had arisen among their own class, partly of certain persons of higher position who had sufficient reason for throwing in their lot with them. [Illustration: Extension of the Peasant's Insurrection of 1381. Engraved by Bormay & Co., N.Y.] The culmination of the revolt was at the time of the execution of the great ministers of government on Tower Hill on the morning of the 14th. At that very time the young king had met a body of the rebels, mostly made up of men from Essex and Hertfordshire at Mile End, just outside of one of the gates of London. In a discussion in which they stated their grievances, the king apparently in good faith, but as it afterward proved in bad, promised to give them what they demanded, begged them to disperse and go to their homes, only leaving representatives from each village to take back the charters of emancipation which he proceeded to have prepared and issued to them. There had been no intentional antagonism to the king himself, and a great part of the insurgents took him at his word and scattered to their homes. The charters which they took with them were of the following form:-- "Richard, by the grace of God, King of England and France, and Lord of Ireland, to all his bailiffs and faithful ones, to whom these present letters shall come, greeting. Know that of our special grace, we have manumitted all of our lieges and each of our subjects and others of the County of Hertford; and them and each of them have made free from all bondage, and by these presents make them quit. And moreover we pardon our same lieges and subjects for all kinds of felonies, treasons, transgressions, and extortions, however done or perpetrated by them or any of them, and also outlawry, if any shall have been promulgated on this account against them or any of them; and our most complete peace to them and each of them we concede in these matters. In testimony of which things we have caused these our letters to be made patent. Witness, myself, at London, on the fifteenth day of June, in the fourth year of our reign." The most prominent leaders remained behind, and a large body of rioters spent the rest of Friday and the following night in London. The king, after the interview at Mile End, had returned to the Tower, then to the Queen's Wardrobe, a little palace at the other side of London, where he spent the night with his mother. In the morning he mounted his horse, and with a small group of attendants rode toward the Tower. As he passed through the open square of Smithfield he met Wat Tyler, also on horseback, accompanied by the great body of rebels. Tyler rode forward to confer with the king, but an altercation having broken out between him and some of the king's attendants, the mayor of London, Sir William Walworth, suddenly dashed forward, struck him from his horse with the blow of a sword, and while on the ground he was stabbed to death by the other attendants of the king. There was a moment of extreme danger of an attack by the leaderless rebels on the king and his companions, but the ready promises of the king, his natural gifts of pretence, and the strange attachment which the peasants showed to him through all the troubles, tided over a little time until they had been led outside of the city gates, and the armed forces which many gentlemen had in their houses in the city had at last been gathered together and brought to where they had the disorganized body of rebels at their mercy. These were then disarmed, bidden to go to their homes, and a proclamation issued that if any stranger remained in London over Sunday he would pay for it with his life. The downfall of Tyler and the dispersion of the insurgents at London turned the tide of the whole revolt. In the various districts where disorders were in progress the news of that failure came as a blow to all their own hopes of success. The revolt had been already disintegrating rather than gaining in strength and unity; and now its leaders lost heart, and local bodies of gentry proportionately took courage to suppress revolt in their own localities. The most conspicuous and influential of such efforts was that of Henry de Spencer, bishop of Norwich. This warlike prelate was in Rutlandshire when the news of the revolt came. He hastened toward Norwich; on his way met an embassy from the rioters to the king; seized and beheaded two of its peasant members, and still pushing on met the great body of the rebels near Walsham, where after a short conflict and some parleying the latter were dispersed, and their leaders captured and hung without any ceremony other than the last rites of religion. As a matter of fact the rising had no cohesion sufficient to withstand attack from any constituted authority or from representatives of the dominant classes. The king's government acted promptly. On the 17th of June, two days after the death of Tyler, a proclamation was issued forbidding unauthorized gatherings of people; on the 23d a second, requiring all tenants, villains, and freemen alike to perform their usual services to their lords; and on the 2d of July a third, withdrawing the charters of pardon and manumission which had been granted on the 15th of June. Special sessions of the courts were organized in the rebellious districts, and the leaders of the revolt were searched out and executed by hanging or decapitation. On the 3d of November Parliament met. The king's treasurer explained that he had issued the charters under constraint, and recognizing their illegality, with the expectation of withdrawing them as soon as possible, which he had done. The suggestion of the king that the villains should be regularly enfranchised by a statute was declined in vigorous terms by Parliament. Laws were passed relieving all those who had made grants under compulsion from carrying them out, enabling those whose charters had been destroyed to obtain new ones under the great seal, granting exemption from prosecution to all who had exercised illegal violence in putting down the late insurrection, and finally granting a general pardon, though with many exceptions, to the late insurgents. Thus the rising of June, 1381, had become a matter of the past by the close of the year. The general conditions which brought about a popular uprising have already been discussed. The specific objects which the rioters had in view in each part of the country are a much more obscure and complicated question. There is no reason to believe that there was any general political object, other than opposition to the new and burdensome taxation, and disgust with the existing ministry. Nor was there any religious object in view. No doubt a large part of the disorder had no general purpose whatever, but consisted in an attempt, at a period of confusion and relaxation of the law, to settle by violence purely local or personal disputes and grievances. Apart from these considerations the objects of the rioters were of an economic nature. There was a general effort to destroy the rolls of the manor courts. These rolls, kept either in manor houses, or in the castles of great lords, or in the monasteries, were the record of the burdens and payments and disabilities of the villagers. Previous payments of heriot, relief, merchet, and fines, acknowledgments of serfdom, the obtaining of their land on burdensome conditions, were all recorded on the rolls and could be produced to prove the custom of the manor to the disadvantage of the tenant. It is true that these same rolls showed who held each piece of ground and defined the succession to it, and that they were long afterward to be recognized in the national courts as giving to the customary holder the right of retaining and of inheriting the land, so that it might seem an injury to themselves to destroy the manor court records. But in that period when tenants were in such demand their hold on their land had been in no danger of being disturbed. If these records were destroyed, the villains might well expect that they could claim to be practically owners of the houses and little groups of acres which they and their ancestors had held from time immemorial; and this without the necessity for payments and reservations to which the rolls testified. Again, lawyers and all connected with the law were the objects of special hostility on the part of insurgents. This must have been largely from the same general cause as that just mentioned. It was lawyers who acted as stewards for the great lords, it was through lawyers that the legal claims of lords of manors were enforced in the king's courts. It was also the judges and lawyers who put in force the statutes of laborers, and who so generally acted as collectors of the poll tax. More satisfactory relations with their lords were demanded by insurgents who were freeholders, as well as by those who were villains. Protests are recorded against the tolls on sales and purchases, and against attendance at the manorial courts, and a maximum limit to the rent of land is asked for. Finally, the removal of the burdens of serfdom was evidently one of the general objects of the rebels, though much of the initiative of the revolt was taken by men from Kent, where serfdom did not exist. The servitude of the peasantry is the burden of the sermon of John Ball at Blackheath, its abolition was demanded in several places by the insurgents, and the charters of emancipation as given by the king professed to make them "free from all bondage." These objects were in few if any cases obtained. It is extremely difficult to trace any direct results from the rising other than those involved in its failure, the punishment of the leaders, and the effort to restore everything to its former condition. There was indeed a conservative reaction in several directions. The authorities of London forbade the admission of any former villain to citizenship, and the Commons in Parliament petitioned the king to reduce the rights of villains still further. On the whole, the revolt is rather an illustration of the general fact that great national crises have left but a slight impress on society, while the important changes have taken place slowly and by an almost imperceptible development. The results of the rising are rather to be looked for in giving increased rapidity and definite direction to changes already in progress, than in starting any new movement or in obtaining the results which the insurgents may have wished. *31. Commutation of Services.*--One of these changes, already in progress long before the outbreak of the revolt, has already been referred to. A silent transformation was going on inside of the manorial life in the form of a gradual substitution of money payments by the villain tenants for the old labor for two, three, or four days a week, and at special times during the year. This was often described as "selling to the tenants their services." They "bought" their exemption from furnishing actual work by paying the value of it in money to the official representing the lord of the manor. This was a mutually advantageous arrangement. The villain's time would be worth more to himself than to his lord; for if he had sufficient land in his possession he could occupy himself profitably on it, or if he had not so much land he could choose his time for hiring himself out to the best advantage. The lord, on the other hand, obtained money which could be spent in paying men whose services would be more willing and interested, and who could be engaged at more available times. It is not, therefore, a matter of surprise that the practice of allowing tenants to pay for their services arose early. Commutation is noticeable as early as the thirteenth century and not very unusual in the first half of the fourteenth. After the pestilence, however, there was a very rapid substitution of money payments for labor payments. The process continued through the remainder of the fourteenth century and the early fifteenth, and by the middle of that century the enforcement of regular labor services had become almost unknown. The boon-works continued to be claimed after the week-work had disappeared, since labor was not so easy to obtain at the specially busy seasons of the year, and the required few days' services at ploughing or mowing or harvesting were correspondingly valuable. But even these were extremely unusual after the middle of the fifteenth century. This change was dependent on at least two conditions, an increased amount of money in circulation and an increased number of free laborers available for hire. These conditions were being more and more completely fulfilled. Trade at fairs and markets and in the towns was increasing through the whole fourteenth century. The increase of weaving and other handicrafts produced more wealth and trade. Money coming from abroad and from the royal mints made its way into circulation and came into the hands of the villain tenants, through the sale of surplus products or as payment for their labor. The sudden destruction of one-half of the population by the Black Death while the amount of money in the country remained the same, doubled the circulation _per capita_. Tenants were thus able to offer regular money payments to their lords in lieu of their personal services. During the same period the number of free laborers who could be hired to perform the necessary work on the demesne was increasing. Even before the pestilence there were men and women on every manor who held little or no land and who could be secured by the lord for voluntary labor if the compulsory labor of the villains was given up. Some of these laborers were fugitive villains who had fled from one manor to another to secure freedom, and this class became much more numerous under the circumstance of disorganization after the Black Death. Thus the second condition requisite for the extensive commutation was present also. It might be supposed that after the pestilence, when wages were high and labor was so hard to procure, lords of manors would be unwilling to allow further commutation, and would even try to insist on the performance of actual labor in cases where commutation had been previously allowed. Indeed, it has been very generally stated that there was such a reaction. The contrary, however, was the case. Commutation was never more rapid than in the generation immediately after the first attack of the pestilence. The laborers seem to have been in so favorable a position, that the dread of their flight was a controlling inducement to the lords to allow the commutation of their services if they desired it. The interest of the lords in their labor services was also, as will be seen, becoming less. When a villain's labor services had been commuted into money, his position must have risen appreciably. One of the main characteristics of his position as a villain tenant had been the uncertainty of his services, the fact that during the days in which he must work for his lord he could be put to any kind of labor, and that the number of days he must serve was itself only restricted by the custom of the manor His services once commuted into a definite sum of money, all uncertainty ceased. Moreover, his money payments to the lord, although rising from an entirely different source, were almost indistinguishable from the money rents paid by the freeholder. Therefore, serf though he might still be in legal status, his position was much more like that of a freeman. *32. The Abandonment of Demesne Farming.*--A still more important change than the commutation of services was in progress during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. This was the gradual withdrawal of the lords of manors from the cultivation of the demesne farms. From very early times it had been customary for lords of manors to grant out small portions of the demesne, or of previously uncultivated land, to tenants at a money rent. The great demesne farm, however, had been still kept up as the centre of the agricultural system of the vill. But now even this was on many manors rented out to a tenant or group of tenants. The earliest known instances are just at the beginning of the fourteenth century, but the labor troubles of the latter half of the century made the process more usual, and within the next hundred years the demesne lands seem to have been practically all rented out to tenants. In other words, whereas, during the earlier Middle Ages lords of manors had usually carried on the cultivation of the demesne lands themselves, under the administration of their bailiffs and with the labor of the villains, making their profit by obtaining a food supply for their own households or by selling the surplus products, now they gave up their cultivation and rented them out to some one else, making their profit by receiving a money payment as rent. They became therefore landlords of the modern type. A typical instance of this change is where the demesne land of the manor of Wilburton in Cambridgeshire, consisting of 246 acres of arable land and 42 acres of meadow, was rented in 1426 to one of the villain tenants of the manor for a sum of £8 a year. The person who took the land was usually either a free or a villain tenant of the same or a neighboring manor. The land was let only for a certain number of years, but afterward was usually relet either to the same or to another tenant. The word _farmer_ originally meant one of these tenants who took the demesne or some other piece of land, paying for it a "farm" or _firma_, that is, a settled established sum, in place of the various forms of profit that might have been secured from it by the lord of the manor. The free and villain holdings which came into the hands of the lord by failure of heirs in those times of frequent extinction of families were also granted out very generally at a money rent, so that a large number of the cultivators of the soil came to be tenants at a money rent, that is, lease-holders or "farmers." These free renting farmers, along with the smaller freeholders, made up the "yeomen" of England. *33. The Decay of Serfdom.*--It is in the changes discussed in the last two paragraphs that is to be found the key to the disappearance of serfdom in England. Men had been freed from villainage in individual cases by various means. Manumission of serfs had occurred from time to time through all the mediæval centuries. It was customary in such cases either to give a formal charter granting freedom to the man himself and to his descendants, or to have entered on the manor court roll the fact of his obtaining his enfranchisement. Occasionally men were manumitted in order that they might be ordained as clergymen. In the period following the pestilences of the fourteenth century the difficulty in recruiting the ranks of the priesthood made the practice more frequent The charters of manumission issued by the king to the insurgents of 1381 would have granted freedom on a large scale had they not been disowned and subsequently withdrawn. Still other villains had obtained freedom by flight from the manors where they had been born. When a villain who had fled was discovered he could be reclaimed by the lord of the manor by obtaining a writ from the court, but many obstacles might be placed in the way of obtaining this writ, and it must always have involved so much difficulty as to make it doubtful whether it was worth while. So long as a villain was anywhere else than on the manor to which he belonged, he was practically a free man, but few of the disabilities of villainage existing except as between him and his own lord. Therefore, if a villain was willing to sacrifice his little holding and make the necessary break with his usual surroundings, he might frequently escape into a veritable freedom. The attitude of the common law was favorable to liberty as against servitude, and in cases of doubt the decisions of the royal courts were almost invariably favorable to the freedom of the villain. But all these possibilities of liberty were only for individual cases. Villainage as an institution continued to exist and to characterize the position of the mass of the peasantry. The number of freemen through the country was larger, but the serfdom of the great majority can scarcely have been much influenced by these individual cases. The commutation of services, however, and still more the abandonment of demesne farming by the lords of manors, were general causes conducive to freedom. The former custom indicated that the lords valued the money that could be paid by the villains more than they did their compulsory services. That is, villains whose services were paid for in money were practically renters of land from the lords, no longer serfs on the land of the lords. The lord of the manor could still of course enforce his claim to the various payments and restrictions arising from the villainage of his tenants, but their position as payers of money was much less servile than as performers of forced labor. The willingness of the lords to accept money instead of service showed as before stated that there were other persons who could be hired to do the work. The villains were valued more as tenants now that there were others to serve as laborers. The occupants of customary holdings were a higher class and a class more worth the lord's consideration and favor than the mere laborers. The villains were thus raised into partial freedom by having a free class still below them. [Illustration: An Old Street in Worcester. (Britton: _Picturesque Antiquities of English Cities_.)] The effect of the relinquishment of the old demesne farms by the lords of the manors was still more influential in destroying serfdom. The lords had valued serfdom above all because it furnished an adequate and absolutely certain supply of labor. The villains had to stay on the manor and provide the labor necessary for the cultivation of the demesne. But if the demesne was rented out to a farmer or divided among several holders, the interest of the lord in the labor supply on the manor was very much diminished. Even if he agreed in his lease of the demesne to the new farmer that the villains should perform their customary services in as far as these had not been commuted, yet the farmer could not enforce this of himself, and the lord of the manor was probably languid or careless or dilatory in doing so. The other payments and burdens of serfdom were not so lucrative, and as the ranks of the old villain class were depleted by the extinction of families, and fewer inhabitants were bound to attend the manor courts, they became less so. It became, therefore, gradually more common, then quite universal, for the lords of manors to cease to enforce the requirements of serfdom. A legal relation of which neither party is reminded is apt to become obsolete; and that is what practically happened to serfdom in England. It is true that many persons were still legally serfs, and occasionally the fact of their serfdom was asserted in the courts or inferred by granting them manumission. These occasional enfranchisements continued down into the second half of the sixteenth century, and the claim that a certain man was a villain was pleaded in the courts as late as 1618. But long before this time serfdom had ceased to have much practical importance. It may be said that by the middle of the fifteenth century the mass of the English rural population were free men and no longer serfs. With their labor services commuted to money and the other conditions of their villainage no longer enforced, they became an indistinguishable part either of the yeomanry or of the body of agricultural laborers. [Illustration: Town Houses in the Fifteenth Century. (Wright, T.: _History of Domestic Manners and Sentiments_.)] *34. Changes in Town Life and Foreign Trade.*--The changes discussed in the last three sections apply in the main to rural life. The economic and social history of the towns during the same period, except in as far as it was part of the general national experience, consisted in a still more complete adoption of those characteristics which have already been described in Chapter III. Their wealth and prosperity became greater, they were still more independent of the rural districts and of the central government, the intermunicipal character of their dealings, the closeness of connection between their industrial interests and their government, the completeness with which all occupations were organized under the "gild system," were all of them still more marked in 1450 than they had been in 1350. It is true that far-reaching changes were beginning, but they were only beginning, and did not reach an important development until a time later than that included in this chapter. The same thing is true in the field of foreign trade. The latter part of the fourteenth and the early fifteenth century saw a considerable increase and development of the trade of England, but it was still on the same lines and carried on by the same methods as before. The great proportion of it was in the hands of foreigners, and there was the same inconsistency in the policy of the central government on the occasions when it did intervene or take any action on the subject. The important changes in trade and in town life which have their beginning in this period will be discussed in connection with those of the next period in Chapter VI. *35. BIBLIOGRAPHY* Jessop, Augustus: _The Coming of the Friars and other Essays_. Two interesting essays in this volume are on _The Black Death in East Anglia_. Gasquet, F. A.: _The Great Pestilence of 1349_. Creighton, C.: _History of Epidemics in Britain_, two volumes. This gives especial attention to the nature of the disease. Trevelyan, G. M.: _England in the Age of Wycliffe_. This book, published in 1899, gives by far the fullest account of the Peasant Rising which has so far appeared in English. Petit-Dutaillis, C., et Reville, A.: _Le Soulèvement des Travailleurs d'Angleterre en 1381_. The best account of the Rebellion. Powell, Edgar: _The Peasant Rising in East Anglia in 1381_. Especially valuable for its accounts of the poll tax. Powell, Edgar, and Trevelyan, G. M.: _Documents Illustrating the Peasants' Rising and the Lollards_. Page, Thomas Walker: _The End of Villainage in England_. This monograph, published in 1900, is particularly valuable for the new facts which it gives concerning the rural changes of the fourteenth century. CHAPTER VI THE BREAKING UP OF THE MEDIÆVAL SYSTEM Economic Changes Of The Later Fifteenth And The Sixteenth Centuries *36. National Affairs from 1461 to 1603.*--The close of the fifteenth and the opening of the sixteenth century has been by universal consent settled upon as the passage from one era to another, from the Middle Ages to modern times. This period of transition was marked in England by at least three great movements: a new type of intellectual life, a new ideal of government, and the Reformation. The greatest changes in English literature and intellectual interests are traceable to foreign influence. In the fifteenth century the paramount foreign influence was that of Italy. From the middle of the fifteenth century an increasing number of young Englishmen went to Italy to study, and brought back with them an interest in the study of Greek and of other subjects to which this led. Somewhat later the social intercourse of Englishmen with Italy exercised a corresponding influence on more courtly literature. In 1491 the teaching of Greek was begun at Oxford by Grocyn, and after this time the passion for classical learning became deep, widespread, and enthusiastic. But not only were the subjects of intellectual interest different, but the attitude of mind in the study of these subjects was much more critical than it had been in the Middle Ages. The discoveries of new routes to the far East and of America, as well as the new speculations in natural science which came at this time, reacted on the minds of men and broadened their whole mental outlook. The production of works of pure literature had suffered a decline after the time of Wycliffe and Chaucer, from which there was no considerable revival till the early part of the sixteenth century. Sir Thomas More's _Utopia_, written in Latin in 1514, was a philosophical work thrown into the form of a literary dialogue and description of an imaginary commonwealth. But writing became constantly more abundant and more varied through the reigns of Henry VIII, 1509-1547, Edward VI, 1547-1553, and Mary, 1553-1558, until it finally blossomed out into the splendid Elizabethan literature, just at the close of our period. A stronger royal government had begun with Edward IV. The conclusion of the war with France made the king's need for money less, and at the same time new sources of income appeared. Edward, therefore, from 1461, neglected to call Parliament annually, as had been usual, and frequently allowed three or more years to go by without any consultation with it. He also exercised very freely what was called the dispensing power, that is, the power to suspend the law in certain cases, and in other ways asserted the royal prerogative as no previous king had done for two hundred years. But the true founder of the almost absolute monarchy of this period was Henry VII, who reigned from 1485 to 1509. He was not the nearest heir to the throne, but acted as the representative of the Lancastrian line, and by his marriage with the lady who represented the claim of the York family joined the two contending factions. He was the first of the Tudor line, his successors being his son, Henry VIII, and the three children of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Mary, and Elizabeth. Henry VII was an able, shrewd, far-sighted, and masterful man. During his reign he put an end to the disorders of the nobility; made Parliament relatively insignificant by calling it even less frequently than Edward IV had done, and by initiating its legislation when it did meet. He also increased and regulated the income of the crown, and rendered its expenditures subject to control. He was able to keep ambassadors regularly abroad, for the first time, and in many other ways to support a more expensive administration, though often by unpopular and illegal means of extortion from the people. He formed foreign political and commercial treaties in all directions, and encouraged the voyages of the Cabots to America. He brought a great deal of business constantly before the Royal Council, but chose its members for their ability rather than for their high rank. In these various ways he created a strong personal government, which left but little room for Parliament or people to do anything except carry out his will. In these respects Henry's immediate successors and their ministers followed the same policy. In fact, the Reformation in the reign of Henry VIII, and new internal and foreign difficulties in the reign of Elizabeth, brought the royal power into a still higher and more independent position. The need for a general reformation of the church had long been recognized. More than one effort had been made by the ecclesiastical authorities to insist on higher intellectual and moral standards for the clergy and to rid the church of various evil customs and abuses. Again, there had been repeated efforts to clothe the king, who was at the head of all civil government, with extensive control and oversight of church affairs also. Men holding different views on questions of church government and religious belief from those held by the general Christian church in the Middle Ages, had written and taught and found many to agree with them. Thus efforts to bring about changes in the established church had not been wanting, but they had produced no permanent result. In the early years of the sixteenth century, however, several causes combined to bring about a movement of this nature extending over a number of years and profoundly affecting all subsequent history. This is known as the Reformation. The first steps of the Reformation in England were taken as the result of a dispute between King Henry VIII and the Pope. In the first place, several laws were passed through Parliament, beginning with the year 1529, abolishing a number of petty evils and abusive practices in the church courts. The Pope's income from England was then cut off, and his jurisdiction and all other forms of authority in England brought to an end. Finally, the supremacy of the king over the church and clergy and over all ecclesiastical affairs was declared and enforced. By the year 1535 the ancient connection between the church in England and the Pope was severed. Thus in England, as in many continental countries at about the same time, a national church arose independent of Rome. Next, changes began to be made in the doctrine and practices of the church. The organization under bishops was retained, though they were now appointed by the king. Pilgrimages and the worship of saints were forbidden, the Bible translated into English, and other changes gradually introduced. The monastic life came under the condemnation of the reformers. The monasteries were therefore dissolved and their property confiscated and sold, between the years 1536 and 1542. In the reign of Edward VI, 1547-1553, the Reformation was carried much further. An English prayerbook was issued which was to be used in all religious worship, the adornments of the churches were removed, the services made more simple, and doctrines introduced which assimilated the church of England to the contemporary Protestant churches on the Continent. Queen Mary, who had been brought up in the Roman faith, tried to make England again a Roman Catholic country, and in the later years of her reign encouraged severe persecutions, causing many to be burned at the stake, in the hope of thus crushing out heresy. After her death, however, in 1558, Queen Elizabeth adopted a more moderate position, and the church of England was established by law in much the form it had possessed at the death of Henry VIII. In the meantime, however, there had been growing up a far more spontaneous religious movement than the official Reformation which has just been described. Many thousands of persons had become deeply interested in religion and enthusiastic in their faith, and had come to hold different views on church government, doctrines, and practices from those approved of either by the Roman Catholic church or by the government of England. Those who held such views were known as Puritans, and throughout the reign of Elizabeth were increasing in numbers and making strenuous though unsuccessful efforts to introduce changes in the established church. The reign of Elizabeth was marked not only by the continuance of royal despotism, by brilliant literary production, and by the struggle of the established church against the Catholics on the one side and the Puritans on the other, but by difficult and dangerous foreign relations. More than once invasion by the continental powers was imminent. Elizabeth was threatened with deposition by the English adherents of Mary, Queen of Scots, supported by France and Spain. The English government pursued a policy of interference in the internal conflicts of other countries that brought it frequently to the verge of war with their governments and sometimes beyond. Hostility bordering on open warfare was therefore the most frequent condition of English foreign relations. Especially was this true of the relations with Spain. The most serious contest with that country was the war which culminated in the battle of the Armada in 1588. Spain had organized an immense fleet which was intended to go to the Netherlands and convoy an army to be taken thence for the invasion of England. While passing through the English Channel, a storm broke upon them, they were attacked and harried by the English and later by the Dutch, and the whole fleet was eventually scattered and destroyed. The danger of invasion was greatly reduced after this time and until the end of Elizabeth's reign in 1603. *37. Enclosures.*--The century and a half which extends from the middle years of the fifteenth century to the close of the sixteenth was, as has been shown, a period remarkable for the extent and variety of its changes in almost every aspect of society. In the political, intellectual, and religious world the sixteenth century seemed far removed from the fifteenth. It is not therefore a matter of surprise that economic changes were numerous and fundamental, and that social organization in town and country alike was completely transformed. During the period last discussed, the fourteenth and the early fifteenth century, the manorial system had changed very considerably from its mediæval form. The demesne lands had been quite generally leased to renting farmers, and a new class of tenants was consequently becoming numerous; serfdom had fallen into decay; the old manorial officers, the steward, the bailiff, and the reeve had fallen into unimportance; the manor courts were not so active, so regular, or so numerously attended. These changes were gradual and were still uncompleted at the middle of the fifteenth century; but there was already showing itself a new series of changes, affecting still other parts of manorial life, which became steadily more extensive during the remainder of the fifteenth and through much of the sixteenth century. These changes are usually grouped under the name "enclosures." The enclosure of land previously open was closely connected with the increase of sheep-raising. The older form of agriculture, grain-raising, labored under many difficulties. The price of labor was high, there had been no improvement in the old crude methods of culture, nor, in the open fields and under the customary rules, was there opportunity to introduce any. On the other hand, the inducements to sheep-raising were numerous. There was a steady demand at good prices for wool, both for export, as of old, and for the manufactures within England, which were now increasing. Sheep-raising required fewer hands and therefore high wages were less an obstacle, and it gave opportunity for the investment of capital and for comparative freedom from the restrictions of local custom. Therefore, instead of raising sheep simply as a part of ordinary farming, lords of manors, freeholders, farming tenants, and even customary tenants began here and there to raise sheep for wool as their principal or sole production. Instances are mentioned of five thousand, ten thousand, twenty thousand, and even twenty-four thousand sheep in the possession of a single person. This custom spread more and more widely, and so attracted the attention of observers as to be frequently mentioned in the laws and literature of the time. [Illustration: Partially enclosed Fields of Cuxham, Oxfordshire, 1767. (Facsimile map, published by the University of Oxford.)] But sheep could not be raised to any considerable extent on land divided according to the old open field system. In a vill whose fields all lay open, sheep must either be fed with those of other men on the common pasture, or must be kept in small groups by shepherds within the confines of the various acres or other small strips of the sheep-raiser's holding. No large number could of course be kept in this way, so the first thing to be done by the sheep-raiser was to get enough strips together in one place to make it worth while to put a hedge or other fence around them, or else to separate off in the same way a part or the whole of the open pastures or meadows. This was the process known as enclosing. Separate enclosed fields, which had existed only occasionally in mediæval farming, became numerous in this time, as they have become practically universal in modern farming in English-speaking countries. But it was ordinarily impracticable to obtain groups of adjacent acres or sufficiently extensive rights on the common pasture for enclosing without getting rid of some of the other tenants. In this way enclosing led to evictions. Either the lord of the manor or some one or more of the tenants enclosed the lands which they had formerly held and also those which were formerly occupied by some other holders, who were evicted from their land for this purpose. Some of the tenants must have been protected in their holdings by the law. As early as 1468 Chief Justice Bryan had declared that "tenant by the custom is as well inheritor to have his land according to the custom as he which hath a freehold at the common law." Again, in 1484, another chief justice declared that a tenant by custom who continued to pay his service could not be ejected by the lord of the manor. Such tenants came to be known as copyholders, because the proof of their customary tenure was found in the manor court rolls, from which a copy was taken to serve as a title. Subsequently copyhold became one of the most generally recognized forms of land tenure in England, and gave practically as secure title as did a freehold. At this time, however, notwithstanding the statements just given, the law was probably not very definite or not very well understood, and customary tenants may have had but little practical protection of the law against eviction. Moreover, the great body of the small tenants were probably no longer genuine customary tenants. The great proportion of small farms had probably not been inherited by a long line of tenants, but had repeatedly gone back into the hands of the lords of the manors and been subsequently rented out again, with or without a lease, to farmers or rent-paying tenants. These were in most cases probably the tenants who were now evicted to make room for the new enclosed sheep farms. By these enclosures and evictions in some cases the open lands of whole vills were enclosed, the old agriculture came to an end, and as the enclosers were often non-residents, the whole farming population disappeared from the village. Since sheep-raising required such a small number of laborers, the farm laborers also had to leave to seek work elsewhere, and the whole village, therefore, was deserted, the houses fell into ruin, and the township lost its population entirely. This was commonly spoken of at the time as "the decaying of towns," and those who were responsible for it were denounced as enemies of their country. In most cases, however, the enclosures and depopulation were only partial. A number of causes combined to carry this movement forward. England was not yet a wealthy country, but such capital as existed, especially in the towns, was utilized and made remunerative by investment in the newly enclosed farms and in carrying on the expenses of enclosure. The dissolution of the monasteries between 1536 and 1542 brought the lands which they had formerly held into the possession of a class of men who were anxious to make them as remunerative as possible, and who had no feeling against enclosures. Nevertheless, the changes were much disapproved. Sir Thomas More condemns them in the _Utopia_, as do many other writers of the same period and of the reign of Elizabeth. The landlords, the enclosers, the city merchants who took up country lands, were preached against and inveighed against by such preachers as Latimer, Lever, and Becon, and in a dozen or more pamphlets still extant. The government also put itself into opposition to the changes which were in progress. It was believed that there was danger of a reduction of the population and thus of a lack of soldiers; it was feared that not enough grain would be raised to provide food for the people; the dangerous masses of wandering beggars were partly at least recruited from the evicted tenants; there was a great deal of discontent in the country due to the high rents, lack of occupation, and general dislike of change. A series of laws were therefore carried through Parliament and other measures taken, the object of which was to put a stop to the increase of sheep-farming and its results. In 1488 a statute was enacted prohibiting the turning of tillage land into pasture. In 1514 a new law was passed reënacting this and requiring the repair by their owners of any houses which had fallen into decay because of the substitution of pasture for tillage, and their reoccupation with tenants. In 1517 a commission of investigation into enclosures was appointed by the government. In 1518 the Lord Chancellor, Cardinal Wolsey, issued a proclamation requiring all those who had enclosed lands since 1509 to throw them open again, or else give proof that their enclosure was for the public advantage. In 1534 the earlier laws were reënacted and a further provision made that no person holding rented lands should keep more than twenty-four hundred sheep. In 1548 a new commission on enclosures was appointed which made extensive investigations, instituted prosecutions, and recommended new legislation. A law for more careful enforcement was passed in 1552, and the old laws were reënacted in 1554 and 1562. This last law was repealed in 1593, but in 1598 others were enacted and later extended. In 1624, however, all the laws on the subject were repealed. As a matter of fact, the laws seem to have been generally ineffective. The nobility and gentry were in the main in favor of the enclosures, as they increased their rents even when they were not themselves the enclosers; and it was through these classes that legislation had to be enforced at this time if it was to be effective. [Illustration: Sixteenth Century Manor House and Village, Maddingley, Cambridgeshire. Nichols: _Progresses of Queen Elizabeth_.] Besides the official opposition of the government, there were occasional instances of rioting or violent destruction of hedges and other enclosures by the people who felt themselves aggrieved by them. Three times these riots rose to the height of an insurrection. In 1536 the so-called "Pilgrimage of Grace" was a rising of the people partly in opposition to the introduction of the Reformation, partly in opposition to enclosures. In 1549 a series of risings occurred, the most serious of which was the "camp" under Kett in Norfolk, and in 1552 again there was an insurrection in Buckinghamshire. These risings were harshly repressed by the government. The rural changes, therefore, progressed steadily, notwithstanding the opposition of the law, of certain forms of public opinion, and of the violence of mobs. Probably enclosures more or less complete were made during this period in as many as half the manors of England. They were at their height in the early years of the sixteenth century, during its latter half they were not so numerous, and by its close the enclosing movement had about run its course, at least for the time. *38. Internal Divisions in the Craft Gilds.*--Changes in town life occurred during this period corresponding quite closely to the enclosures and their results in the country. These consisted in the decay of the gilds, the dispersion of certain town industries through the rural districts, and the loss of prosperity of many of the old towns. In the earlier craft gilds each man had normally been successively an apprentice, a journeyman, and a full master craftsman, with a little establishment of his own and full participation in the administration of the fraternity. There was coming now to be a class of artisans who remained permanently employed and never attained to the position of master craftsmen. This was sometimes the result of a deliberate process of exclusion on the part of those who were already masters. In 1480, for instance, a new set of ordinances given to the Mercers' Gild of Shrewsbury declares that the fines assessed on apprentices at their entry to be masters had been excessive and should be reduced. Similarly, the Oxford Town Council in 1531 restricts the payment required from any person who should come to be a full brother of any craft in that town to twenty shillings, a sum which would equal perhaps fifty dollars in modern value. In the same year Parliament forbade the collection of more than two shillings and sixpence from any apprentice at the time of his apprenticeship, and of more than three shillings and fourpence when he enters the trade fully at the expiration of his time. This indicates that the fines previously charged must have been almost prohibitive. In some trades the masters required apprentices at the time of indenture to take an oath that they would not set up independent establishments when they had fulfilled the years of their apprenticeship, a custom which was forbidden by Parliament in 1536. In other cases it was no doubt the lack of sufficient capital and enterprise which kept a large number of artisans from ever rising above the class of journeymen. Under these circumstances the journeymen evidently ceased to feel that they enjoyed any benefits from the organized crafts, for they began to form among themselves what are generally described as "yeomen gilds" or "journeymen gilds." At first the masters opposed such bodies and the city officials supported the old companies by prohibiting the journeymen from holding assemblies, wearing a special livery, or otherwise acting as separate bodies. Ultimately, however, they seem to have made good their position, and existed in a number of different crafts in more or less subordination to the organizations of the masters. The first mention of such bodies is soon after the Peasants' Rebellion, but in most cases the earliest rise of a journeyman gild in any industry was in the latter part of the fifteenth or in the sixteenth century. They were organizations quite similar to the older bodies from which they were a split, except that they had of course no general control over the industry. They had, however, meetings, officers, feasts, and charitable funds. In addition to these functions there is reason to believe that they made use of their organization to influence the rate of wages and to coerce other journeymen. Their relations to the masters' companies were frequently defined by regular written agreements between the two parties. Journeymen gilds existed among the saddlers, cordwainers, tailors, blacksmiths, carpenters, drapers, ironmongers, founders, fishmongers, cloth-workers, and armorers in London, among the weavers in Coventry, the tailors in Exeter and in Bristol, the shoemakers in Oxford, and no doubt in some other trades in these and other towns. Among the masters also changes were taking place in the same direction. Instead of all master artisans or tradesmen in any one industry holding an equal position and taking an equal part in the administration of affairs of the craft, there came, at least in some of the larger companies, to be quite distinct groups usually described as those "of the livery" and those "not of the livery." The expression no doubt arose from the former class being the more well-to-do and active masters who had sufficient means to purchase the suits of livery worn on state occasions, and who in other ways were the leading and controlling members of the organization. This came, before the close of the fifteenth century, in many crafts to be a recognized distinction of class or station in the company. A statement of the members in one of the London fraternities made in 1493 gives a good instance of this distinction of classes, as well as of the subordinate body last described. There were said to be at that date in the Drapers' Company of the craft of drapers in the clothing, including the masters and four wardens, one hundred and fourteen, of the brotherhood out of the clothing one hundred and fifteen, of the bachelors' company sixty. It was from this prominence of the liveried gildsmen, that the term "Livery Companies" came to be applied to the greater London gilds. It was the wealthy merchants and the craftsmen of the livery of the various fraternities who rode in procession to welcome kings or ambassadors at their entrance into the city, to add lustre to royal wedding ceremonies, or give dignity to other state occasions. In 1483 four hundred and six members of livery companies riding in mulberry colored coats attended the coronation procession of Richard III. The mayors and sheriffs and aldermen of London were almost always livery men in one or another of the companies. A substantial fee had usually to be paid when a member was chosen into the livery, which again indicates that they were the wealthier members. Those of the livery controlled the policy of the gild to the exclusion of the less conspicuous members, even though these were also independent masters with journeymen and apprentices of their own. But the practical administration of the affairs of the wealthier companies came in many cases to be in the hands of a still smaller group of members. This group was often known as the "Court of Assistants," and consisted of some twelve, twenty, or more members who possessed higher rights than the others, and, with the wardens or other officials, decided disputes, negotiated with the government or other authorities, disposed of the funds, and in other ways governed the organized craft or trade. At a general meeting of the members of the Mercers of London, for instance, on July 23, 1463, the following resolution was passed: "It is accorded that for the holding of many courts and congregations of the fellowship, it is odious and grievous to the body of the fellowship and specially for matters of no great effect, that hereafter yearly shall be chosen and associated to the wardens for the time being twelve other sufficient persons to be assistants to the said wardens, and all matters by them finished to be holden firm and stable, and the fellowship to abide by them." Sixteen years later these assistants with the wardens were given the right to elect their successors. Thus before the close of the sixteenth century the craft and trading organizations had gone through a very considerable internal change. In the fourteenth century they had been bodies of masters of approximately equal position, in which the journeymen participated in some of the elements of membership, and would for the most part in due time become masters and full members. Now the journeymen had become for the most part a separate class, without prospect of mastership. Among the masters themselves a distinct division between the more and the less wealthy had taken place, and an aristocratic form of government had grown up which put the practical control of each of the companies in the hands of a comparatively small, self-perpetuating ruling body. These developments were all more marked, possibly some of them were only true, in the case of the London companies. London, also, so far as known, is the only English town in which the companies were divided into two classes, the twelve "Greater Companies," and the fifty or more "Lesser Companies"; the former having practical control of the government of the city, the latter having no such influence. *39. Change of Location of Industries.*--The changes described above were, as has been said, the result of development from within the craft and trading organizations themselves, resulting probably in the main from increasing wealth. There were other contemporary changes in these companies which were rather the result of external influences. One of these external factors was the old difficulty which arose from artisans and traders who were not members of the organized companies. There had always been men who had carried on work surreptitiously outside of the limits of the authorized organizations of their respective industries. They had done this from inability or unwillingness to conform to the requirements of gild membership, or from a desire to obtain more employment by underbidding in price, or additional profit by using unapproved materials or methods. Most of the bodies of ordinances mention such workmen and traders, men who have not gone through a regular apprenticeship, "foreigners" who have come in from some other locality and are not freemen of the city where they wish to work, irresponsible men who will not conform to the established rules of the trade. This class of persons was becoming more numerous through the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, notwithstanding the efforts of the gilds, supported by municipal and national authority. The prohibition of any workers setting up business in a town unless they had previously obtained the approval of the officials of their trade was more and more vigorous in the later ordinances; the fines imposed upon masters who engaged journeymen who had not paid the dues, newcomers into the town, were higher. The complaints of the intrusion of outsiders were more loud and frequent. There was evidently more unsupervised, unregulated labor. But the increase in the number of these unorganized laborers, these craftsmen and traders not under the control of the gilds, was most marked in the rural districts, that is to say, in market towns and in villages entirely outside of the old manufacturing and trading centres. Even in the fourteenth century there were a number of weavers, and probably of other craftsmen, who worked in the villages in the vicinity of the larger towns, such as London, Norwich, and York, and took their products to be sold on fair or market days in these towns. But toward the end of the fifteenth century this rural labor received a new kind of encouragement and a corresponding extension far beyond anything before existing. The English cloth-making industry at this period was increasing rapidly. Whereas during the earlier periods, as we have seen, wool was the greatest of English exports, now it was coming to be manufactured within the country. In connection with this manufacture a new kind of industrial organization began to show itself which, when it was completed, became known as the "domestic system." A class of merchants or manufacturers arose who are spoken of as "clothiers," or "merchant clothiers," who bought the wool or other raw material, and gave it out to carders or combers, spinners, weavers, fullers, and other craftsmen, paying them for their respective parts in the process of manufacture, and themselves disposing of the product at home or for export. The clothiers were in this way a new class of employers, putting the master weavers or other craftsmen to work for wages. The latter still had their journeymen and apprentices, but the initiative in their industry was taken by the merchants, who provided the raw material and much of the money capital, and took charge of the sale of the completed goods. The craftsmen who were employed in this form of industry did not usually dwell in the old populous and wealthy towns. It is probable that the restrictions of the gild ordinances were disadvantageous both to the clothiers and to the small master craftsmen, and that the latter, as well as journeymen who had no chance to obtain an independent position, now that the town craft organizations were under the control of the more wealthy members, were very ready to migrate to rural villages. Thus, in as far as the weaving industry was growing up under the management of the employing clothiers, it was slipping out from under the control of the town gilds by its location in the country. The same thing occurred in other cases, even without the intermediation of a new employing class. We hear of mattress makers, of rope makers, of tile makers, and other artisans establishing themselves in the country villages outside of the towns, where, as a law of 1495 says, "the wardens have no power or authority to make search." In certain parts of England, in the southwest, the west, and the northwest, independent weavers now set up for themselves in rural districts as those of the eastern counties had long done, buying their own raw materials, bringing their manufactures to completion, and then taking them to the neighboring towns and markets to sell, or hawking them through the rural districts. These changes, along with others occurring simultaneously, led to a considerable diminution of the prosperity of many of the large towns. They were not able to pay their usual share of taxation, the population of some of them declined, whole streets or quarters, when destroyed by fire or other catastrophe, were left unbuilt and in ruins. Many of the largest and oldest towns of England are mentioned in the statutes of the reign of Henry VIII as being more or less depleted in population. The laws and literature of the time are ringing with complaints of the "decay of the towns," where the reference is to cities, as well as where it is to rural villages. Certain new towns, it is true, were rising into greater importance, and certain rural districts were becoming populous with this body of artisans whose living was made partly by their handicraft, partly by small farming. Nevertheless the old city craft organizations were permanently weakened and impoverished by thus losing control of such a large proportion of their various industries. The occupations which were carried on in the country were pursued without supervision by the gilds. They retained control only of that part of industry which was still carried on in the towns. *40. The Influence of the Government on the Gilds.*--Internal divisions and external changes in the distribution of industry were therefore alike tending to weaken the gild organization. It had to suffer also from the hostility or intrusion of the national government. Much of the policy of the government tended, it is true, as in the case of the enclosures, to check the changes in progress, and thus to protect the gild system. It has been seen that laws were passed to prohibit the exclusion of apprentices and journeymen from full membership in the crafts. As early as 1464 a law was passed to regulate the growing system of employment of craftsmen by clothiers. This was carried further in a law of 1511, and further still in 1551 and 1555. The manufacture of rope in the country parts of Dorsetshire was prohibited and restricted to the town of Bridport in 1529; the cloth manufacture which was growing up through the "hamlets, thorps, and villages" in Worcestershire was forbidden in 1553 to be carried on except in the five old towns of Worcester, Evesham, Droitwich, Kidderminster, and Bromsgrove; in 1543 it was enacted that coverlets were not to be manufactured in Yorkshire outside of the city of York, and there was still further legislation in the same direction. Numerous acts were also passed for the purpose of restoring the populousness of the towns. There is, however, little reason to believe that these laws had much more effect in preventing the narrowing of the control of the gilds and the scattering of industries from the towns to the country than the various laws against enclosures had, and the latter object was practically surrendered by the numerous exceptions to it in laws passed in 1557, 1558, and 1575. All the laws favoring the older towns were finally repealed in 1623. Another class of laws may seem to have favored the craft organizations. These were the laws regulating the carrying on of various industries, in some of which the enforcement of the laws was intrusted to the gild authorities. The statute book during the sixteenth century is filled with laws "for the true making of pins," "for the making of friezes and cottons in Wales," "for the true currying of leather," "for the making of iron gads," "for setting prices on wines," for the regulation of the coopers, the tanners, the makers of woollen cloth, the dyers, the tallow chandlers, the saddlers and girdlers, and dozens of other occupations. But although in many of these laws the wardens of the appropriate crafts are given authority to carry out the requirements of the statute, either of themselves or along with the town officials or the justices of the peace; yet, after all, it is the rules established by government that they are to carry out, not their own rules, and in many of the statutes the craft authorities are entirely ignored. This is especially true of the "Statute of Apprentices," passed in the fifth year of the reign of Queen Elizabeth, 1563. This great industrial code, which remained on the statute book for two hundred and fifty years, being repealed only in 1813, was primarily a reënactment of the statutes of laborers, which had been continued from time to time ever since their introduction in 1349. It made labor compulsory and imposed on the justices of the peace the duty of meeting in each locality once a year to establish wages for each kind of industry. It required a seven years' apprenticeship for every person who should engage in any trade; established a working day of twelve hours in summer and during daylight in winter; and enacted that all engagements, except those for piece work, should be by the year, with six months' notice of a close of the contract by either employer or employee. By this statute all the relations between master and journeyman and the rules of apprenticeship were regulated by the government instead of by the individual craft gilds. It is evident that the old trade organizations were being superseded in much of their work by the national government. Freedom of action was also restricted by the same power in other respects also. As early as 1436 a law had been passed, declaring that the ordinances made by the gilds were in many cases unreasonable and injurious, requiring them to submit their existing ordinances to the justices at Westminster, and prohibiting them from issuing any new ones until they had received the approval of these officials. There is no indication of the enforcement of this law. In 1504, however, it was reënacted with the modification that approval might be sought from the justices on circuit. In 1530 the same requirement was again included in the law already referred to prohibiting excessive entrance fees. As the independent legislation of the gilds for their industries was already much restricted by the town governments, their remaining power to make rules for themselves must now have been very slight. Their power of jurisdiction was likewise limited by a law passed in 1504, prohibiting the companies from making any rule forbidding their members to appeal to the ordinary national courts in trade disputes. [Illustration: Residence of Chantry Priests of Altar of St. Nicholas, near Lincoln Cathedral. (_Domestic Architecture in the Fourteenth Century._)] But the heaviest blow to the gilds on the part of the government came in 1547, as a result of the Reformation. Both the organizations formed for the control of the various industries, the craft gilds, and those which have been described in Chapter III as non-industrial, social, or religious gilds, had property in their possession which had been bequeathed or given to them by members on condition that the gild would always support or help to support a priest, should see that mass was celebrated for the soul of the donor and his family, should keep a light always burning before a certain shrine, or for other religious objects. These objects were generally looked upon as superstitious by the reformers who became influential under Edward VI, and in the first year of his reign a statute was passed which confiscated to the crown, to be used for educational or other purposes, all the properly of every kind of the purely religious and social gilds, and that part of the property of the craft gilds which was employed by them for religious purposes. One of the oldest forms of voluntary organization in England therefore came to an end altogether, and one of the strongest bonds which had held the members of the craft gilds together as social bodies was removed. After this time the companies had no religious functions, and were besides deprived of a considerable proportion of their wealth. This blow fell, moreover, just at a time when all the economic influences were tending toward their weakening or actual disintegration. [Illustration: Monastery turned into a Farmhouse, Dartford Priory, Kent. Nichols: _Progresses of Queen Elizabeth_.] The trade and craft companies of London, like those of other towns, were called upon at first to pay over to the government annually the amount which they had before used for religious purposes. Three years after the confiscation they were required to pay a lump sum representing the capitalized value of this amount, estimated for the London companies at £20,000. In order to do so they were of course forced to sell or mortgage much of their land. That which they succeeded in retaining, however, or bought subsequently was relieved of all government charges, and being situated for the most part in the heart of London, ultimately became extremely valuable and is still in their possession. So far have the London companies, however, departed from their original purpose that their members have long ceased to have any connection with the occupations from which the bodies take their names. *41. General Causes and Evidences of the Decay of the Gilds.*--An analogous narrowing of the interests of the crafts occurred in the form of a cessation of the mystery plays. Dramatic shows continued to be brought out yearly by the crafts in many towns well into the sixteenth century. It is to be noticed, however, that this was no longer done spontaneously. The town governments insisted that the pageants should be provided as of old, and on the approach of Corpus Christi day, or whatever festival was so celebrated in the particular town, instructions were given for their production, pecuniary help being sometimes provided to assist the companies in their expense. The profit which came to the town from the influx of visitors to see the pageants was a great inducement to the town government to insist on their continuance. On the other hand, the competition of dramas played by professional actors tended no doubt to hasten the effect of the impoverishment and loss of vitality of the gilds. In the last half of the sixteenth century the mystery plays seem to have come finally to an end. Thus the gilds lost the unity of their membership, were weakened by the growth of industry outside of their sphere of control, superseded by the government in many of their economic functions, deprived of their administrative, legislative, and jurisdictional freedom, robbed of their religious duties and of the property which had enabled them to fulfil them, and no longer possessed even the bond of their dramatic interests. So the fraternities which had embodied so much of the life of the people of the towns during the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth centuries now came to include within their organization fewer and fewer persons and to affect a smaller and smaller part of their interests. Although the companies continued to exist into later times, yet long before the close of the period included in this chapter they had become relatively inconspicuous and insignificant. One striking evidence of their diminished strength, and apparently a last effort to keep the gild organization in existence, is the curious combination or consolidation of the companies under the influence of the city governments. Numerous instances of the combination of several trades are to be found in the records of every town, as for instance the "company of goldsmiths and smiths and others their brethren," at Hull in 1598, which consisted of goldsmiths, smiths, pewterers, plumbers and glaziers, painters, cutlers, musicians, stationers and bookbinders, and basket-makers. A more striking instance is to be found in Ipswich in 1576, where the various occupations were all drawn up into four companies, as follows: (1) The Mercers; including the mariners, shipwrights, bookbinders, printers, fishmongers, sword-setters, cooks, fletchers, arrowhead-makers, physicians, hatters, cappers, mercers, merchants, and several others. (2) The Drapers; including the joiners, carpenters, innholders, freemasons, bricklayers, tilers, carriers, casket-makers, surgeons, clothiers, and some others. (3) The Tailors; including the cutlers, smiths, barbers, chandlers, pewterers, minstrels, peddlers, plumbers, pinners, millers, millwrights, coopers, shearmen, glaziers, turners, tinkers, tailors, and others. (4) The Shoemakers; including the curriers, collar-makers, saddlers, pointers, cobblers, skinners, tanners, butchers, carters, and laborers. Each of these four companies was to have an alderman and two wardens, and all outsiders who came to the town and wished to set up trade were to be placed by the town officials in one or the other of the four companies. The basis of union in some of these combinations was evidently the similarity of their occupations, as the various workers in leather among the "Shoemakers." In other cases there is no such similarity, and the only foundation that can be surmised for the particular grouping is the contiguity of the streets where the greatest number of particular artisans lived, or their proportionate wealth. Later, this process reached its culmination in such a case as that of Preston in 1628, where all the tradesmen of the town were organized as one company or fraternity called "The Wardens and Company of Drapers, Mercers, Grocers, Salters, Ironmongers, and Haberdashers." The craft and trading gilds in their mediæval character had evidently come to an end. *42. The Growth of Native Commerce.*--The most distinctive characteristic of English foreign trade down to the middle of the fifteenth century consisted in the fact that it had been entirely in the hands of foreigners. The period under discussion saw it transferred with quite as great completeness to the hands of Englishmen. Even before 1450 trading vessels had occasionally been sent out from the English seaport towns on more or less extensive voyages, carrying out English goods, and bringing back those of other countries or of other parts of England. These vessels sometimes belonged to the town governments, sometimes to individual merchants. This kind of enterprise became more and more common. Individual merchants grew famous for the number and size of their ships and the extent of their trade; as for instance, William Canynges of Bristol, who in 1461 had ten vessels at sea, or Sturmys of the same town, who at about the same time sent the first English vessel to trade with the eastern Mediterranean, or John Taverner of Hull, who built in 1449 a new type of vessel modelled on the carracks of Genoa and the galleys of Venice. In the middle of the fourteenth century the longest list of merchants of any substance that could be drawn up contained only 169 names. At the beginning of the sixteenth century there were at least 3000 merchants engaged in foreign trade, and in 1601 there were about 3500 trading to the Netherlands alone. These merchants exported the old articles of English production and to a still greater extent textile goods, the manufacture of which was growing so rapidly in England. The export of wool came to an end during the reign of Queen Elizabeth, but the export of woven cloth was more than enough to take its place. There was not so much cloth now imported, but a much greater variety and quantity of food-stuffs and wines, of articles of fine manufacture, and of the special products of the countries to which English trade extended. The entrance of English vessels into ports of towns or countries whose own vessels had been accustomed to the control of the trade with England, or where the old commercial towns of the Hanseatic League, of Flanders, or of Italy had valuable trading concessions, was not obtained without difficulty, and there was a constant succession of conflicts more or less violent, and of disputes between English and foreign sailors and merchants. The progress of English commerce was, however, facilitated by the decay in the prosperity of many of these older trading towns. The growth of strong governments in Denmark, Sweden, Norway, Poland, and Russia resulted in a withdrawal of privileges which the Hanseatic League had long possessed, and internal dissensions made the League very much weaker in the later fifteenth century than it had been during the century and a half before. The most important single occurrence showing this tendency was the capture of Novgorod by the Russian Czar and his expulsion of the merchants of the Hanse from their settlement in that commercial centre. In the same way most of the towns along the south coast of the Baltic came under the control of the kingdom of Poland. A similar change came about in Flanders, where the semi-independent towns came under the control of the dukes of Burgundy. These sovereigns had political interests too extensive to be subordinated to the trade interests of individual towns in their dominions. Thus it was that Bruges now lost much of its prosperity, while Antwerp became one of the greatest commercial cities of Europe. Trading rights could now be obtained from centralized governments, and were not dependent on the interest or the antagonism of local merchants. In Italy other influences were leading to much the same results. The advance of Turkish conquests was gradually increasing the difficulties of the Eastern trade, and the discovery of the route around the Cape of Good Hope in 1498 finally diverted that branch of commerce into new lines. English merchants gained access to some of this new Eastern trade through their connection with Portugal, a country advantageously situated to inherit the former trade of Italy and southern Germany. English commerce also profited by the predominance which Florence obtained over Pisa, Genoa, and other trading towns. Thus conditions on the Continent were strikingly favorable to the growing commercial enterprise of England. *43. The Merchants Adventurers.*--English merchants who exported and imported goods in their own vessels were, with the exception of the staplers or exporters of wool and other staple articles, usually spoken of as "adventurers," "venturers," or "merchants adventurers." This term is used in three different senses. Sometimes it simply means merchants who entered upon adventure or risk by sending their goods outside of the country to new or unrecognized markets, as the "adventurers to Iceland," "adventurers to Spain." Again, it is applied to groups of merchants in various towns who were organized for mutual protection or other advantage, as the "fishmongers adventurers" who brought their complaints before the Royal Council in 1542, "The Master, Wardens, and Commonalty of Merchant Venturers, of Bristol," existing apparently in the fourteenth century, fully organized by 1467, and incorporated in 1552, "The Society of Merchants Adventurers of Newcastle upon Tyne," or the similar bodies at York and Exeter. But by far the most frequent use of the term is that by which it was applied to those merchants who traded to the Netherlands and adjacent countries, especially as exporters of cloth, and who came within this period to be recognized and incorporated as the "Merchants Adventurers" in a special sense, with headquarters abroad, a coat of arms of their own, extensive privileges, great wealth, influence, and prominence. These English merchants, trading to the Netherlands in other articles than those controlled by the Staplers, apparently received privileges of trade from the duke of Brabant as early as the thirteenth century, and the right of settling their own disputes before their own "consul" in the fourteenth. But their commercial enterprises must have been quite insignificant, and it was only during the fifteenth century that they became numerous and their trade in English cloth extensive. Just at the beginning of this century, in 1407, the king of England gave a general charter to all merchants trading beyond seas to assemble in definite places and choose for themselves consuls or governors to arrange for their common trade advantage. After this time, certainly by the middle of the century, the regular series of governors of the English merchants in the Netherlands was established, one of the earliest being William Caxton, afterward the founder of printing in England. On the basis of these concessions and of the privileges and charters granted by the home government the "Merchants Adventurers" gradually became a distinct organization, with a definite membership which was obtained by payment of a sum which gradually rose from 6_s._ 8_d._ to £20, until it was reduced by a law of Parliament in 1497 to £6 13_s._ 4_d._ They had local branches in England and on the Continent. In 1498 they were granted a coat of arms by Henry VII, and in 1503 by royal charter a distinct form of government under a governor and twenty-four assistants. In 1564 they were incorporated by a royal charter by the title of "The Merchants Adventurers of England." Long before that time they had become by far the largest and most influential company of English exporting merchants. It is said that the Merchants Adventurers furnished ten out of the sixteen London ships sent to join the fleet against the Armada. Most of their members were London mercers, though there were also in the society members of other London companies, and traders whose homes were in other English towns than London. The meetings of the company in London were held for a long while in the Mercers' hall, and their records were kept in the same minute book as those of the Mercers until 1526. On the Continent their principal office, hall, or gathering place, the residence of their Governor and location of the "Court,", or central government of the company, was at different times at Antwerp, Bruges, Calais, Hamburg, Stade, Groningen and Middleburg; for the longest time probably at the first of these places. The larger part of the foreign trade of England during the fifteenth and most of the sixteenth century was carried on and extended as well as controlled and regulated by this great commercial company. [Illustration: Hall of the Merchants Adventurers at Bruges. (Blade: _Life of Caxton_. Published by Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner & Co.)] During the latter half of the sixteenth century, however, other companies of merchants were formed to trade with various countries, most of them receiving a government charter and patronage. Of these the Russia or Muscovy Company obtained recognition from the government in 1554, and in 1557, when an ambassador from that country came to London, a hundred and fifty merchants trading to Russia received him in state. In 1581 the Levant or Turkey Company was formed, and its members carried their merchandise as far as the Persian Gulf. In 1585 the Barbary or Morocco Company was formed, but seems to have failed. In 1588, however, a Guinea Company began trading, and in 1600 the greatest of all, the East India Company, was chartered. The expeditions sent out by the Bristol merchants and then by the king under the Cabots, those other voyages so full of romance in search of a northwest or a northeast passage to the Orient, and the no less adventurous efforts to gain entrance to the Spanish possessions in the west, were a part of the same effort of commercial companies or interests to carry their trading into new lands. *44. Government Encouragement of Commerce.*--Before the accession of Henry VII it is almost impossible to discover any deliberate or continuous policy of the government in commercial matters. From this time forward, however, through the whole period of the Tudor monarchs a tolerably consistent plan was followed of favoring English merchants and placing burdens and restrictions upon foreign traders. The merchants from the Hanse towns, with their dwellings, warehouses, and offices at the Steelyard in London, were subjected to a narrower interpretation of the privileges which they possessed by old and frequently renewed grants. In 1493 English customs officers began to intrude upon their property; in 1504 especially heavy penalties were threatened if they should send any cloth to the Netherlands during the war between the king and the duke of Burgundy. During the reign of Henry VIII the position of the Hansards was on the whole easier, but in 1551 their special privileges were taken away, and they were put in the same position as all other foreigners. There was a partial regrant of advantageous conditions in the early part of the reign of Elizabeth, but finally, in 1578, they lost their privileges forever. As a matter of fact, German traders now came more and more rarely to England, and their settlement above London Bridge was practically deserted. The fleet from Venice also came less and less frequently. Under Henry VIII for a period of nine years no fleet came to English ports; then after an expedition had been sent out from Venice in 1517, and again in 1521, another nine years passed by. The fleet came again in 1531, 1532, and 1533, and even afterward from time to time occasional private Venetian vessels came, till a group of them suffered shipwreck on the southern coast in 1587, after which the Venetian flag disappeared entirely from those waters. In the meantime a series of favorable commercial treaties were made in various directions by Henry VII and his successors. In 1490 he made a treaty with the king of Denmark by which English merchants obtained liberty to trade in that country, in Norway, and in Iceland. Within the same year a similar treaty was made with Florence, by which the English merchants obtained a monopoly of the sale of wool in the Florentine dominions, and the right to have an organization of their own there, which should settle trade disputes among themselves, or share in the settlement of their disputes with foreigners. In 1496 the old trading relations with the Netherlands were reëstablished on a firmer basis than ever by the treaty which has come in later times to be known as the _Intercursus Magnus_. In the same year commercial advantages were obtained from France, and in 1499 from Spain. Few opportunities were missed by the government during this period to try to secure favorable conditions for the growing English trade. Closely connected as commercial policy necessarily was with political questions, the former was always a matter of interest to the government, and in all the ups and downs of the relations of England with the Continental countries during the sixteenth century the foothold gained by English merchants was always preserved or regained after a temporary loss. The closely related question of English ship-building was also a matter of government encouragement. In 1485 a law was passed declaring that wines of the duchies of Guienne and Gascony should be imported only in vessels which were English property and manned for the most part by Englishmen. In 1489 woad, a dyestuff from southern France, was included, and it was ordered that merchandise to be exported from England or imported into England should never be shipped in foreign vessels if sufficient English vessels were in the harbor at the time. Although this policy was abandoned during the short reign of Edward VI it was renewed and made permanent under Elizabeth. By indirect means also, as by the encouragement of fisheries, English seafaring was increased. As a result of these various forms of commercial influence, the enterprise of individual English merchants, the formation of trading companies, the assistance given by the government through commercial treaties and favoring statutes, English commerce became vastly greater than it had ever been before, reaching to Scandinavia and Russia, to Germany and the Netherlands, to France and Spain, to Italy and the eastern Mediterranean, and even occasionally to America. Moreover, it had come almost entirely into the hands of Englishmen; and the goods exported and imported were carried for the most part in ships of English build and ownership, manned by English sailors. *45. The Currency.*--The changes just described were closely connected with contemporary changes in the gold and silver currency. Shillings were coined for the first time in the reign of Henry VII, a pound weight of standard silver being coined into 37 shillings and 6 pence. In 1527 Henry VIII had the same amount of metal coined into 40 shillings, and later in the year, into 45 shillings. In 1543 coin silver was changed from the old standard of 11 ounces 2 pennyweights of pure silver to 18 pennyweights of alloy, so as to consist of 10 ounces of silver to 2 ounces of alloy; and this was coined into 48 shillings. In 1545 the coin metal was made one-half silver, one-half alloy; in 1546, one-third silver, two-thirds alloy; and in 1550, one-fourth silver, three-fourths alloy. The gold coinage was correspondingly though not so excessively debased. The lowest point of debasement for both silver and gold was reached in 1551. In 1560 Queen Elizabeth began the work of restoring the currency to something like its old standard. The debased money was brought to the mints, where the government paid the value of the pure silver in it. Money of a high standard and permanently established weight was then issued in its place. Much of the confusion and distress prevalent during the reigns of Henry VIII and Edward VI was doubtless due to this selfish and unwise monetary policy. At about the same time a new influence on the national currency came into existence. Strenuous but not very successful efforts had long been made to draw bullion into England and prevent English money from being taken out. Now some of the silver and gold which was being extorted from the natives and extracted from the mines of Mexico and Peru by the Spaniards began to make its way into England, as into other countries of Europe. These American sources of supply became productive by about 1525, but very little of this came into general European circulation or reached England till the middle of the century. After about 1560, however, through trade, and sometimes by even more direct routes, the amount of gold and silver money in circulation in England increased enormously. No reliable statistics exist, but there can be little doubt that the amount of money in England, as in Europe at large, was doubled, trebled, quadrupled, or perhaps increased still more largely within the next one hundred years. This increase of money produced many effects. One of the most important was its effect on prices. These had begun to rise in the early part of the century, principally as a result of the debasement of the coinage. In the latter part of the century the rise was much greater, due now, no doubt, to the influx of new money. Most commodities cost quite four times as much at the end of the sixteenth century as they did at its beginning. Another effect of the increased amount of currency appeared in the greater ease with which the use of money capital was obtained. Saving up and borrowing were both more practicable. More capital was now in existence and more persons could obtain the use of it. As a result, manufacturing, trade, and even agriculture could now be conducted on a more extensive scale, changes could be introduced, and production was apt to be profitable, as prices were increasing and returns would be greater even than those calculated upon. *46. Interest.*--Any extensive and varied use of capital is closely connected with the payment of interest. In accord with a strict interpretation of certain passages in both the Old and the New Testament, the Middle Ages regarded the payment of interest for the use of money as wicked. Interest was the same as usury and was illegal. As a matter of fact, most regular occupations in the Middle Ages required very little capital, and this was usually owned by the agriculturists, handicraftsmen, or merchants themselves; so that borrowing was only necessary for personal expenses or in occasional exigencies. With the enclosures, sheep farming, consolidation of farms, and other changes in agriculture, with the beginning of manufacturing under the control of capitalist manufacturers, with the more extensive foreign trading and ship owning, and above all with the increase in the actual amount of money in existence, these circumstances were changed. It seemed natural that money which one person had in his possession, but for which he had no immediate use, should be loaned to another who could use it for his own enterprises. These enterprises might be useful to the community, advantageous to himself, and yet profitable enough to allow him to pay interest for the use of the money to the capitalist who loaned it to him. As a matter of fact much money was loaned and, legally or illegally, interest or usury was paid for it. Moreover, a change had been going on in legal opinion parallel to these economic changes, and in 1545 a law was passed practically legalizing interest if it was not at a higher rate than ten per cent. This was, however, strongly opposed by the religious opinion of the time, especially among men of Puritan tendencies. They seemed, indeed, to be partially justified by the fact that the control of capital was used by the rich men of the time in such a way as to cause great hardship. In 1552, therefore, the law of 1545 was repealed, and interest, except in the few forms in which it had always been allowed, was again prohibited. But the tide soon turned, and in 1571 interest up to ten per cent was again made lawful. From that time forward the term usury was restricted to excessive interest, and this alone was prohibited. Yet the practice of receiving interest for the loan of money was still generally condemned by writers on morals till quite the end of this period; though lawyers, merchants, and popular opinion no longer disapproved of it if the rate was moderate. *47. Paternal Government.*--In many of the changes which have been described in this chapter, the share which government took was one of the most important influences. In some cases, as in the laws against enclosures, against the migration of industry from the towns to the rural districts, and against usury, the policy of King and Parliament was not successful in resisting the strong economic forces which were at work. In others, however, as in the oversight of industry, in the confiscation of the property of the gilds devoted to religious uses, in the settlement of the relations between employers and employees, in the control of foreign commerce, the policy of the government really decided what direction changes should take. As has been seen in this chapter, after the accession of Henry VII there was a constant extension of the sphere of government till it came to pass laws upon and provide for and regulate almost all the economic interests of the nation. This was a result, in the first place, of the breaking down of those social institutions which had been most permanent and stable in earlier periods. The manor system in the country, landlord farming, the manor courts, labor dues, serfdom, were passing rapidly away; the old type of gilds, city regulations, trading at fairs, were no longer so general; it was no longer foreigners who brought foreign goods to England to be sold, or bought English goods for exportation. When these old Customs were changing or passing away, the national government naturally took charge to prevent the threatened confusion of the process of disintegration. Secondly, the government itself, from the latter part of the fifteenth century onward, became abler and more vigorous, as has been pointed out in the first paragraph of this chapter. The Privy Council of the king exercised larger functions, and extended its jurisdiction into new fields. Under these circumstances, when the functions of the central government were being so widely extended, it was altogether natural that they should come to include the control of all forms of industrial life, including agriculture, manufacturing, commerce, internal trade, labor, and other social and economic relations. Thirdly, the control of economic and social matters by the government was in accordance with contemporary opinions and feelings. An enlightened absolutism seems to have commended itself to the most thoughtful men of that time. A paternalism which regulated a very wide circle of interests was unhesitatingly accepted and approved. As a result of the decay of mediæval conditions, the strengthening of national government, and the prevailing view of the proper functions of government, almost all economic conditions were regulated by the government to a degree quite unknown before. In the early part of the period this regulation was more minute, more intrusive, more evidently directed to the immediate advantage of government; but by the close of Elizabeth's reign a systematic regulation was established, which, while not controlling every detail of industrial life, yet laid down the general lines along which most of industrial life must run. Some parts of this regulation have already been analyzed. Perhaps the best instance and one of the most important parts of it is the Statute of Apprentices of 1563, already described in paragraph 40. In the same year, 1563, a statute was passed full of minute regulations for the fishing and fish-dealing trades. Foreign commerce was carried on by regulated companies; that is, companies having charters from the government, giving them a monopoly of the trade with certain countries, and laying down at least a part of the rules under which that trade should be carried on. The importation of most kinds of finished goods and the exportation of raw materials were prohibited. New industries were encouraged by patents or other government concessions. Many laws were passed, of which that of 1571, to encourage the industry of making caps, is a type. This law laid down the requirement that every person of six years old and upward should wear on every Sunday and holy day a woollen cap made in England. The conformity to standard of manufactures was enforced either by the officers of companies which were established under the authority of the government or by government officials or patentees, and many of the methods and standards of manufacture were themselves defined by statutes or proclamation. In agriculture, while the policy was less consistent, government regulation was widely applied. There were laws, as has been noted, forbidding the possession of more than two thousand sheep by any one landholder and of more than two farms by any one tenant; laws requiring the keeping of one cow and one calf for every sixty sheep, and the raising a quarter of an acre of flax or hemp for every sixty acres devoted to other crops. The most characteristic laws for the regulation of agriculture, however, were those controlling the export of grain. In order to prevent an excessive price, grain-raisers were not allowed to export wheat or other grain when it was scarce in England. When it was cheap and plenty, they were permitted to do so, the conditions under which it was to be allowed or forbidden being decided, according to a law of 1571, by the justices of the peace of each locality, with the restriction that none should be exported when the prevailing price was more than 1_s._ 3_d._ a bushel, a limit which was raised to 2_s._ 6_d._ in 1592. Thus, instead of industrial life being controlled and regulated by town governments, merchant and craft gilds, lords of fairs, village communities, lords of manors and their stewards, or other local bodies, it was now regulated in its main features by the all-powerful national government. *48. BIBLIOGRAPHY* Professor Ashley's second volume is of especial value for this period. Green, Mrs. J. R.: _Town Life in England in the Fifteenth Century_, two volumes. Cheyney, E. P.: _Social Changes in England in the Sixteenth Century, Part I, Rural Changes_. A discussion of the legal character of villain tenure in the sixteenth century will be found in articles by Mr. I. S. Leadam, in _The English Historical Review_, for October, 1893, and in the _Transactions of the English Royal Historical Society_ for 1892, 1893, and 1894; and by Professor Ashley in the _English Historical Review_ for April, 1893, and _Annals of the American Academy of Political Science_ for January, 1891. (Reprinted in _English Economic History_, Vol. II, Chap. 4.) Bourne, H. R. F.: _English Merchants_. Froude, J. A.: _History of England_. Many scattered passages of great interest refer to the economic and social changes of this period, but they are frequently exaggerated, and in some cases incorrect. Almost the same remark applies to Professor Rogers' _Six Centuries of Work and Wages_ and _Industrial and Commercial History of England_. Busch, Wilhelm: _A History of England under the Tudors_. For the economic policy of Henry VII. CHAPTER VII THE EXPANSION OF ENGLAND Economic Changes Of The Seventeenth And Early Eighteenth Centuries *49. National Affairs from 1603 to 1760.*--The last three rulers of the Tudor family had died childless. James, king of Scotland, their cousin, therefore inherited the throne and became the first English king of the Stuart family. James reigned from 1603 to 1625. Many of the political and religious problems which had been created by the policy of the Tudor sovereigns had now to come up for solution. Parliament had long been restive under the almost autocratic government of Queen Elizabeth, but the danger of foreign invasion and internal rebellion, long-established habit, Elizabeth's personal popularity, her age, her sex, and her occasional yielding, all combined to prevent any very outspoken opposition. Under King James all these things were changed. Yet he had even higher ideas of his personal rights, powers, and duties as king than any of his predecessors. Therefore during the whole of the reign dispute and ill feeling existed between the king, his ministers, and many of the judges and other officials, on the one hand, and the majority of the House of Commons and among the middle and upper classes of the country, on the other. James would willingly have avoided calling Parliament altogether and would have carried on the government according to his own judgment and that of the ministers he selected, but it was absolutely necessary to assemble it for the passing of certain laws, and above all for the authorization of taxes to obtain the means to carry on the government. The fall in the value of gold and silver and the consequent rise of prices, and other economic changes, had reduced the income of the government just at a time when its necessary expenses were increasing, and when a spendthrift king was making profuse additional outlays. Finances were therefore a constant difficulty during his reign, as in fact they remained during the whole of the seventeenth century. In religion James wished to maintain the middle course of the established church as it had been under Elizabeth. He was even less inclined to harsh treatment of the Roman Catholics. On the other hand, the tide of Puritan feeling appealing for greater strictness and earnestness in the church and a more democratic form of church government was rising higher and higher, and with this a desire to expel the Roman Catholics altogether. The House of Commons represented this strong Protestant feeling, so that still another cause of conflict existed between King and Parliament. Similarly, in foreign affairs and on many other questions James was at cross purposes with the main body of the English nation. This reign was the period of foundation of England's great colonial empire. The effort to establish settlements on the North American coast were at last successful in Virginia and New England, and soon after in the West Indies. Still other districts were being settled by other European nations, ultimately to be absorbed by England. On the other side of the world the East India Company began its progress toward the subjugation of India. Nearer home, a new policy was carried out in Ireland, by which large numbers of English and Scotch immigrants were induced to settle in Ulster, the northernmost province. Thus that process was begun by which men of English race and language, living under English institutions and customs, have established centres of population, wealth, and influence in so many parts of the world. Charles I came to the throne in 1625. Most of the characteristics of the period of James continued until the quarrels between King and Parliament became so bitter that in 1642 civil war broke out. The result of four years of fighting was the defeat and capture of the king. After fruitless attempts at a satisfactory settlement Charles was brought to trial by Parliament in 1649, declared guilty of treason, and executed. A republican form of government was now established, known as the "Commonwealth," and kingship and the House of Lords were abolished. The army, however, had come to have a will of its own, and quarrels between its officers and the majority of Parliament were frequent. Both Parliament and army had become unpopular, taxation was heavy, and religious disputes troublesome. The majority in Parliament had carried the national church so far in the direction of Puritanism that its excesses had brought about a strong reactionary feeling. Parliament had already sat for more than ten years, hence called the "Long Parliament," and had become corrupt and despotic. Under these circumstances, one modification after another was made in the form of government until in 1653 Oliver Cromwell, the commander of the army and long the most influential man in Parliament, dissolved that body by military force and was made Lord Protector, with powers not very different from those of a king. There was now a period of good order and great military and naval success for England; Scotland and Ireland, both of which had declared against the Commonwealth, were reduced to obedience, and successful foreign wars were waged. But at home the government did not succeed in obtaining either popularity or general acceptance. Parliament after Parliament was called, but could not agree with the Protector. In 1657 Cromwell was given still higher powers, but in 1658 he died. His son, Richard Cromwell, was installed as Protector. The republican government had, however, been gradually drifting back toward the old royal form and spirit, so when the new Lord Protector proved to be unequal to the position, when the army became rebellious again, and the country threatened to fall into anarchy, Monk, an influential general, brought about the reassembling of the Long Parliament, and this body recalled the son of Charles I to take his hereditary seat as king. This event occurred in 1660, and is known as the Restoration. Charles II reigned for twenty-five years. His reign was in one of its aspects a time of reaction in manners and morals against the over-strictness of the former Puritan control. In government, notwithstanding the independent position of the king, it was the period when some of the most important modern institutions came into existence. Permanent political parties were formed then for the first time. It was then that the custom arose by which the ministers of the government are expected to resign when there proves to be a majority in Parliament against them. It was then that a "cabinet," or group of ministers acting together and responsible for the policy of the king, was first formed. The old form of the established church came again into power, and harsh laws were enacted against Presbyterians, Baptists, Quakers, and members of the other sects which had grown up during the earlier part of the century. It was to escape these oppressive laws that many emigrated to the colonies in America and established new settlements. Not only was the stream of emigration kept up by religious persecutions, but the prosperity and abundant opportunity for advancement furnished by the colonies attracted great numbers. The government of the Stuart kings, as well as that of the Commonwealth, constantly encouraged distant settlements for the sake of commerce, shipping, the export of English manufactured goods, and the import of raw materials. The expansion of the country through its colonial settlements therefore still continued. The great literature which reached its climax in the reign of Elizabeth continued in equal variety and abundance throughout the reigns of James and Charles. The greater plays of Shakespeare were written after the accession of James. Milton belonged to the Commonwealth period, and Bunyan, the famous author of _Pilgrim's Progress_, was one of those non-conformists in religion who were imprisoned under Charles II. With this reign, however, quite a new literary type arose, whose most conspicuous representative was Dryden. In 1685 James II succeeded his brother. Instead of carrying on the government in a spirit of concession to national feeling, he adopted such an unpopular policy that in 1688 he was forced to flee from England, and his son-in-law and daughter, William and Mary, were elected to the throne. On their accession Parliament passed and the king and queen accepted a "Bill of Rights." This declared the illegality of a number of actions which recent sovereigns had claimed the right to do, and guaranteed to Englishmen a number of important individual rights, which have since been included in many other documents, especially in the constitutions of several of the American states and the first ten amendments to the Constitution of the United States. The Bill of Rights is often grouped with the Great Charter, and these two documents, along with several of the Acts of the Parliaments of Charles I accepted by the king, make the principal written elements of the English constitution. The form and powers attained by the English government have been, however, rather the result of slight changes from time to time, often without intention of influencing the constitution, than of any deliberate action. Important examples of this are certain customs of legislation which grew up under William and Mary. The Mutiny Act, by which the army is kept up, was only passed for one year at a time. The grant of taxes was also only made annually. Parliament must therefore be called every year in order to obtain money to carry on the work of government, and in order to keep up the military organization. As a result of the Revolution of 1688, as the deposition of James II. and the appointment of William and Mary are called, and of the changes which succeeded it, Parliament gradually became the most powerful part of government, and the House of Commons the strongest part of Parliament. The king's ministers came more and more to carry out the will of Parliament rather than that of the king. Somewhat later the custom grew up by which one of the ministers by presiding over the whole Cabinet, nominating its members to the king, representing it in interviews with the king, and in other ways giving unity to its action, created the position of prime minister. Thus the modern Parliamentary organization of the government was practically complete before the middle of the eighteenth century. William and Mary died childless, and Anne, Mary's sister, succeeded, and reigned till 1714. She also left no heir. In the meantime arrangements had been made to set aside the descendants of James II, who were Roman Catholics, and to give the succession to a distant line of Protestant descendants of James I. In this way George I, Elector of Hanover, of the house of Brunswick, became king, reigned till 1727, and was succeeded by George II, who reigned till 1760. The sovereigns of England have been of this family ever since. The years following the Revolution of 1688 were a time of almost constant warfare on the Continent, in the colonies, and at sea. In many of these wars the real interests of England were but slightly concerned. In others her colonial and native dependencies were so deeply affected as to make them veritable national wars. Just at the close of the period, in 1763, the war known in Europe as the Seven Years' War and in America as the French and Indian War was brought to an end by the peace of Paris. This peace drew the outlines of the widespread empire of Great Britain, for it handed over to her Canada, the last of the French possessions in America, and guaranteed her the ultimate predominance in India. *50. The Extension of Agriculture.*--During the seventeenth and the first half of the eighteenth century there are no such fundamental changes in social organization to chronicle as during the preceding century and a half. During the first hundred years of the period the whole energy of the nation seems to have been thrown into political and religious contests. Later there was development and increase of production, but they were in the main an extension or expansion of the familiar forms, not such a change of form as would cause any alteration in the position of the mass of the people. The practice of enclosing open land had almost ceased before the death of Elizabeth. There was some enclosing under James I, but it seems to have been quite exceptional. In the main, those common pastures and open fields which had not been enclosed by the beginning of this period, probably one-half of all England, remained unenclosed till the recommencement of the process long afterward. Sheep farming gradually ceased to be so exclusively practised, and mixed agriculture became general, though few if any of those fields which had been surrounded with hedges, and come into the possession of individual farmers, were thrown open or distributed again into scattered holdings. Much new land came into cultivation or into use for pasture through the draining of marshes and fens, and the clearing of forests. This work had been begun for the extensive swampy tracts in the east of England in the latter years of Elizabeth's reign by private purchasers, assisted by an act of Parliament passed in 1601, intended to remove legal difficulties. It proceeded slowly, partly because of the expense and difficulty of putting up lasting embarkments, and partly because of the opposition of the fenmen, or dwellers in the marshy districts, whose livelihood was obtained by catching the fish and water fowl that the improvements would drive away. With the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, however, largely through the skill of Dutch engineers and laborers, many thousands of acres of fertile land were reclaimed and devoted to grazing, and even grain raising. Great stretches of old forest and waste land covered with rough underbrush were also reduced to cultivation. There was much writing on agricultural subjects, and methods of farming were undoubtedly improved, especially in the eighteenth century. Turnips, which could be grown during the remainder of the season after a grain crop had been harvested, and which would provide fresh food for the cattle during the winter, were introduced from the Continent and cultivated to some extent, as were clover and some improved grasses. But these improvements progressed but slowly, and farming on the whole was carried on along very much the same old lines till quite the middle of the eighteenth century. The raising of grain was encouraged by a system of government bounties, as already stated in another connection. From 1689 onward a bounty was given on all grain exported, when the prevailing price was less than six shillings a bushel. The result was that England exported wheat in all but famine years, that there was a steady encouragement even if without much result to improve methods of agriculture, and that landlords were able to increase their rents. In the main, English agriculture and the organization of the agricultural classes of the population did not differ very much at the end of this period from that at the beginning except in the one point of quantity, the amount of produce and the number of the population being both largely increased. *51. The Domestic System of Manufactures.*--Much greater skill in manufacturing was acquired, principally, as in earlier periods, through the immigration of foreign artisans. In Queen Elizabeth's time a great number of such men with their families, who had been driven from the Netherlands by the persecutions of the duke of Alva, came to England for refuge. In Sandwich in 1561 some twenty families of Flemings settled and began their manufactures of various kinds of cloth; in 1565 some thirty Dutch and Walloon families settled in Norwich as weavers, in Maidstone a body of similar artisans who were thread-makers settled in 1567; in 1570 a similar group carrying on various forms of manufacture settled at Colchester; and still others settled in some five or six other towns. After 1580 a wave of French Huguenots, principally silk-weavers, fled from their native country and were allowed to settle in London, Canterbury, and Coventry. The renewed persecutions of the Huguenots, culminating in the revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1685, sent many thousands more into exile, large numbers of silk and linen weavers and manufacturers of paper, clocks, glass, and metal goods coming from Normandy and Brittany into England, and settling not only in London and its suburbs, but in many other towns of England. These foreigners, unpopular as they often were among the populace, and supported in their opportunities of carrying on their industry only by royal authority, really taught new and higher industries to the native population and eventually were absorbed into it as a more gifted and trained component. There were also some inventions of new processes or devices for manufacture. The "stocking frame," or machine knitting, was invented in the time of Queen Elizabeth, but did not get into actual use until the next century. It then became for the future an extensive industry, especially in London and Nottingham and their vicinity. The weaving of cotton goods was introduced and spread especially in the northwest, in the neighborhood of Manchester and Bolton. A machine for preparing silk thread was invented in 1719. The printing of imported white cotton goods, as calicoes and lawns, was begun, but prohibited by Parliament in the interest of woven goods manufacturers, though the printing of linens was still allowed. Stoneware was also improved. These and other new industries introduced by foreigners or developed by English inventors or enterprising artisans added to the variety and total amount of English manufacture. The old established industries, like the old coarser woollen goods and linen manufacture, increased but slowly in amount and went through no great changes of method. [Illustration: Hand-loom Weaving. (Hogarth: _The Industrious and the Lazy Apprentice_.)] These industries old and new were in some cases regulated and supervised as to the quality of ware and methods of manufacture, by the remaining gilds or companies, with the authority which they possessed from the national government. Indeed, there were within the later sixteenth and the seventeenth centuries some new companies organized or old ones renewed especially for this oversight, and to guard the monopoly of their members over certain industries in certain towns. In other cases rules were established for the carrying on of a certain industry, and a patent or monopoly was then granted by the king by which the person or company was given the sole right to carry on a certain industry according to those rules, or to enforce the rules when it was carried on by other people. In still other industries a government official had the oversight and control of quality and method of manufacture. Much production, however, especially such as went on in the country, was not supervised at all. [Illustration: Old Cloth-hall at Halifax.] Far the greater part of manufacturing industry in this period was organized according to the "domestic system," the beginnings of which have been already noticed within the previous period. That is to say, manufacturing was carried on in their own houses by small masters with a journeyman and apprentice or two. Much of it was done in the country villages or suburbs of the larger towns, and such handicraft was very generally connected with a certain amount of cultivation of the soil. A small master weaver or nail manufacturer, or soap boiler or potter, would also have a little farm and divide his time between the two occupations. The implements of manufacture almost always belonged to the small master himself, though in the stocking manufacture and the silk manufacture they were often owned by employing capitalists and rented out to the small manufacturers, or even to journeymen. In some cases the raw material--wool, linen, metal, or whatever it might be--was purchased by the small manufacturer, and the goods were either manufactured for special customers or taken when completed to a neighboring town on market days, there to be sold to a local dealer, or to a merchant who would transport it to another part of the country or export it to other countries. In other cases the raw material, especially in the case of cotton, was the property of a town merchant or capitalist, who distributed it to the small domestic manufacturers in their houses in the villages, paying them for the processes of production, and himself collecting the completed product and disposing of it by sale or export. This domestic manufacture was especially common in the southwest, centre, and northwest of England, and manufacturing towns like Birmingham, Halifax, Sheffield, Leeds, Bolton, and Manchester were growing up as centres around which it gathered. Little or no organization existed among such small manufacturers, though their apprentices were of course supposed to be taken and their journeymen hired according to the provisions of the Statute of Apprentices, and their products were sometimes subjected to some governmental or other supervision. Thus in manufacturing and artisan life as in agricultural the period was marked by an extension and increase of the amount of industry, on the same general lines as had been reached by 1600, rather than by any considerable changes. *52. Commerce under the Navigation Acts.*--The same thing is true of commerce, although its vast extension was almost in the nature of a revolution. As far back as the reign of Elizabeth most of the imports into England were brought in English vessels by English importers, and the goods which were exported were sent out by English exporters. The goods which were manufactured in scattered villages or town suburbs by the domestic manufacturers were gathered by these merchants and sent abroad in ever increasing amounts. The total value of English exports in 1600 was about 10 million dollars, at the close of the century it was some 34 millions, and in 1750 about 63 millions. This trade was carried on largely by merchants who were members of those chartered trading companies which have been mentioned as existing already in the sixteenth century. Some of these were "regulated companies"; that is, they had certain requirements laid down in their charters and power to adopt further rules and regulations, to which their members must conform. Others had similar chartered rights, but all their members invested funds in a common capital and traded as a joint stock company. In both kinds of cases each company possessed a monopoly of some certain field of trade, and was constantly engaged in the exclusion of interlopers from its trade. Of these companies the Merchants Adventurers, the oldest and one of the wealthiest, controlled the export of manufactured cloth to the Netherlands and northwestern Germany and remained prominent and active into the eighteenth century. The Levant, the Eastland, the Muscovy, and the Guinea or Royal African, and, greatest of all, the East India Company, continued to exist under various forms, and carried on their distant commerce through the whole of this period. With some of the nearer parts of Europe--France, Spain, Portugal, and Italy--there was much trading by private merchants not organized as companies or only organized among themselves. The "Methuen treaty," negotiated with Portugal in 1703, gave free entry of English manufactured goods into that country in return for a decreased import duty on Portuguese wines brought into England. [Illustration: Principal English Trade Routes About 1700.] The foreign lands with which these companies traded furnished at the beginning of this period the only places to which goods could be exported and from which goods could be brought; but very soon that series of settlements of English colonists was begun, one of the principal inducements for which was that they would furnish an outlet for English goods. The "Plantation of Ulster," or introduction of English and Scotch settlers into the north of Ireland between 1610 and 1620, was the beginning of a long process of immigration into that country. But far the most important plantations as an outlet for trade as in every respect were those made on the coast of North America and in the West Indies. The Virginia and the Plymouth Companies played a part in the early settlement of these colonies, but they were soon superseded by the crown, single proprietaries, or the settlers themselves. Virginia, New England, Maryland, the Carolinas, and ultimately New York, Pennsylvania, and Georgia on the mainland; the islands of Bermudas, Barbadoes, and Jamaica, and ultimately Canada, came to be populous colonies inhabited by Englishmen and demanding an ever increasing supply of English manufactured goods. These colonies were controlled by the English government largely for their commercial and other forms of economic value. The production of goods needed in England but not produced there, such as sugar, tobacco, tar, and lumber, was encouraged, but the manufacture of such goods as could be exported from England was prohibited. The purchase of slaves in Africa and their exportation to the West Indies was encouraged, partly because they were paid for in Africa by English manufactured goods, partly because their use in the colonies made the supply of sugar and some other products plentiful and cheap. Closely connected with commerce and colonies as a means of disposing of England's manufactured goods and of obtaining those things which were needed from abroad was commerce for its own sake, for the profits which it brought to those engaged in it, and for the indirect value to the nation of having a large mercantile navy. The most important provision for this end was the passage of the "Navigation Acts." We have seen that as early as 1485 certain kinds of goods could be imported only in English vessels. But in 1651 a law was passed, and in 1660 under a more regular government reënacted in still more vigorous form, which carried this policy to its fullest extent. By these laws all importation of goods into England from any ports of Asia, Africa, or America was forbidden, except in vessels belonging to English owners, built in England and manned by English seamen; and there was the same requirement for goods exported from England to those countries. From European ports goods could be brought to England only in English vessels or in vessels the property of merchants of the country in which the port lay; and similarly for export. These acts were directed especially against the Dutch merchants, who were fast getting control of the carrying trade. The result of the policy of the Navigation Acts was to secure to English merchants and to English shipbuilders a monopoly of all the trade with the East Indies and Africa and with the American colonies, and to prevent the Dutch from competing with English merchants for the greater part of the trade with the Continent of Europe. The characteristics of English commerce in this period, therefore, were much the same as in the last. It was, however, still more completely controlled by English merchants and was vastly extended in amount. Moreover, this extension bid fair to be permanent, as it was largely brought about by the growth of populous English colonies in Ireland and America, and by the acquisition of great spheres of influence in India. *53. Finance.*--The most characteristic changes of the period now being studied were in a field to which attention has been but slightly called before; that is, in finance. Capital had not existed in any large amounts in mediæval England, and even in the later centuries there had not been any considerable class of men whose principal interest was in the investment of saved-up capital which they had in their hands. Agriculture, manufacturing, and even commerce were carried on with very small capital and usually with such capital as each farmer, artisan, or merchant might have of his own; no use of credit to obtain money from individual men or from banks for industrial purposes being ordinarily possible. Questions connected with money, capital, borrowing, and other points of finance came into somewhat greater prominence with the sixteenth century, but they now attained an altogether new and more important notice. Taxation, which had been looked upon as abnormal and occasional during earlier times, and only justifiable when some special need for large expenditure by the government arose, such as war, a royal marriage, or the entertainment of some foreign visitor, now, after long conflicts between King and Parliament, which are of still greater constitutional than financial importance, came to be looked upon as a regular normal custom. In 1660, at the Restoration, a whole system of excise duties, taxes on imports and exports, and a hearth tax were established as a permanency for paying the expenses of government, besides special taxes of various kinds for special demands. Borrowing, by merchants and others for ordinary purposes of business, became much more usual. During most of the seventeenth century the goldsmiths were the only bankers. On account of the strong vaults of these merchants, their habitual possession of valuable material and articles, and perhaps of their reputation for probity, persons who had money beyond their immediate needs deposited it with the goldsmiths, receiving from them usually six per cent. The goldsmiths then loaned it to merchants or to the government, obtaining for it interest at the rate of eight per cent or more. This system gradually became better established and the high rates decreased. Payments came to be made by check, and promissory notes were regularly discounted by the goldsmiths. The greatest extension in the use of credit, however, came from the establishment of the Bank of England. In 1691 the original proposition for the Bank was made to the government by William Patterson. In 1694 a charter for the Bank was finally carried through Parliament by the efforts of the ministry. The Bank consisted of a group of subscribers who agreed to loan to the government £1,200,000, the government to pay them an annual interest of eight and one-half per cent, or £100,000 in cash, guaranteed by the product of a certain tax. The subscribers were at the same time incorporated and authorized to carry on a general business of receiving deposits and lending out money at interest. The capital which was to be loaned to the government was subscribed principally by London merchants, and the Bank began its career in the old Grocers' Hall. The regular income of £100,000 a year gave it a nucleus of strength, and enabled it to discount notes even beyond its actual deposits and to issue its own notes or paper money. Thus money could be borrowed to serve as capital for all kinds of enterprises, and there was an inducement also for persons to save money and thus create capital, since it could always bring them in a return by lending it to the Bank even if they were not in a position to put it to use themselves. Along with the normal effect of such financial inventions in developing all forms of trade and industry, there arose a remarkable series of projects and schemes of the wildest and most unstable character, and the early eighteenth century saw many losses and constant fluctuations in the realm of finance. The most famous instance of this was the "South Sea Bubble," a speculative scheme by which a regulated company, the South Sea Company, was chartered in 1719 to carry on the slave-trade to the West Indies and whale-fishing, and incidentally to loan money to the government. Its shares rose to many fold their par value and fell to almost nothing again within a few months, and the government and vast numbers of investors and speculators were involved in its failure. The same period saw the creation of the permanent national debt. In earlier times kings and ministers had constantly borrowed money from foreign or native lenders, but it was always provided and anticipated that it would be repaid at a certain period, with the interest. With the later years of the seventeenth century, however, it became customary for the government to borrow money without any definite contract or expectation as to when it should be paid back, only making an agreement to pay a certain rate of interest upon it. This was satisfactory to all parties. The government obtained a large sum at the time, with the necessity of only paying a small sum every year for interest; investors obtained a remunerative use for their money, and if they should need the principal, some one else was always ready to pay its value to them for the sake of receiving the interest. The largest single element of the national debt in its early period was the loan of £1,200,000 which served as the basis for the Bank; but after that time, as for a short time before, sums were borrowed from time to time which were not repaid, but became a permanent part of the debt: the total rising to more than £75,000,000 by the middle of the century. Incidentally, this, like the deposits at the goldsmiths and the Bank, became an opportunity for the investment of savings and an inducement to create more capital. Fire insurance and life insurance both seem to have had their origin in the later decades of the seventeenth century. Thus in the realm of finance there was much more of novelty, of actually new development, during this period than in agriculture, manufacturing, or commerce. Yet all these forms of economic life and of the social organization which corresponded to them were alike in one respect, that they were quite minutely regulated by the national government. The fabric of paternal government which we saw rising in the time of the Tudor sovereigns remained almost intact through the whole of this period. The regulation of the conditions of labor, of trade, of importation and exportation, of finance, of agriculture, of manufacture, in more or less detail, was part of the regular work of legislation or administrative action. Either in order to reach certain ulterior ends, such as government power, a large navy, or a large body of money within the country, or simply as a part of what were looked upon at the time as the natural functions of government, laws were constantly being passed, charters formulated, treaties entered into, and other action taken by government, intended to encourage one kind of industry and discourage another, to determine rates of wages and hours of labor, prescribe rules for agriculture, or individual trades or forms of business, to support some kind of industry which was threatened with decay, to restrict certain actions which were thought to be disadvantageous, to regulate the whole economic life of the nation. It is true that much of this regulation was on the books rather than in actual existence. It would have required a much more extensive and efficient civil service, national and local, than England then possessed to enforce all or any considerable part of the provisions that were made by act of Parliament or ordered by the King and Council. Again, new industries were generally declared to be free from much of the more minute regulation, so that enterprise where it arose was not so apt to be checked, as conservatism where it already existed was apt to be perpetuated. Such regulation and control, moreover, were quite in accord with the feeling and with the economic and political theories of the time, so there was but little sense of interference or tyranny felt by the governed. A regulated industrial organization slowly expanding on well-established lines was as characteristic of the theory as it was of the practice of the period. *54. BIBLIOGRAPHY* Gardiner, S. R.: _The History of England, 1603-1642_, ten volumes. Many scattered passages in this work and in its continuations, like those in Froude's history, referred to in the last chapter, apply to the economic and social history of the period, and they are always judicious and valuable. Hewins, W. A. S.: _English Trade and Finance, chiefly in the Seventeenth Century_. For this period Cunningham, Rogers, and Palgrave, in the books already referred to, are almost the only secondary authorities, except such as go into great detail on individual points. Cunningham's second volume, which includes this period, is extremely full and satisfactory. Macpherson, D.: _Annals of Commerce_ is, however, a book of somewhat broader interest. CHAPTER VIII THE PERIOD OF THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION Economic Changes Of The Later Eighteenth And Early Nineteenth Centuries *55. National Affairs from 1760 to 1830.*--The seventy years lying between these two dates were covered by the long reign of George III and that of his successor George IV. In the political world this period had by no means the importance that it possessed in the field of economic development. Parliament had already obtained its permanent form and powers, and when George III tried to "be a king," as his mother urged him, the effort to restore personal government was an utter failure. Between 1775 and 1783 occurred the American Revolution, by which thirteen of England's most valued colonies were lost to her and began their progress toward a greater destiny. The breach between the American colonies and the mother country was brought about largely by the obstinacy of the king and his ministers in adopting an arbitrary and unpopular policy. Other political causes no doubt contributed to the result. Yet the greater part of the alienation of feeling which underlay the Revolution was due not to political causes, but to the economic policy already described, by which American commerce and industry were bent to the interests of England. In the American war France joined the rebellious colonies against England, and obtained advantageous terms at the peace. Within ten years the two countries had again entered upon a war, this time of vastly greater extent, and continuing almost unbroken for more than twenty years. This was a result of the outbreak of the French Revolution. In 1789 the Estates General of France, a body corresponding in its earlier history to the English Parliament, was called for the first time for almost two hundred years. This assembly and its successors undertook to reorganize French government and society. In the course of this radical process principles were enunciated proclaiming the absolute liberty and equality of men, demanding the participation of all in government, the abolition of aristocratic privileges, and finally of royalty itself. In following out these ideas, so different from those generally accepted in Europe, France was brought into conflict with all the other European states, including Great Britain. War broke out in 1793. Fighting took place on sea and land and in various parts of the world. France in her new enthusiasm developed a strength, vigor, and capacity which enabled her to make head against the alliances of almost all the other countries of Europe, and even to gain victories and increase her territory at their expense. No peace seemed practicable. In her successive internal changes of government one of the generals of the army, Napoleon Bonaparte, obtained a more and more influential position, until in 1804 he took the title of Emperor. The wars of the French Revolution therefore were merged in the wars of Napoleon. Alliance after alliance was made against Napoleon, England commonly taking the initiative in the formation of them and paying large monthly subsidies to some of the continental governments to enable them to support their armies. The English navy won several brilliant victories, especially under Nelson, although her land forces played a comparatively small part until the battle of Waterloo in 1815. The naval supremacy thus obtained made the war a matter of pecuniary profit to the English nation, notwithstanding its enormous expense; for it gave to her vessels almost a complete monopoly of the commerce and the carrying trade of the world, and to her manufactures extended markets which would otherwise have been closed to her or shared with other nations. The cutting off of continental and other sources of supply of grain and the opening of new markets greatly increased the demand for English grain and enhanced the price paid for it. This caused higher rents and further enclosure of open land. Thus the war which had been entered upon reluctantly and with much opposition in 1793, became popular, partly because of the feeling of the English people that it had become a life and death struggle with France, but largely also because English industries were flourishing under it. The wars came to an end with the downfall of Napoleon in 1815, and an unwonted period of peace for England set in and lasted for almost forty years. The French Revolution produced another effect in England. It awakened a certain amount of admiration for its principles of complete liberty and equality and a desire to apply them to English aristocratic society and government. In 1790 societies began to be formed, meetings held, and pamphlets issued by men who sympathized with the popular movements in France. Indeed, some of these reformers were suspected of wishing to introduce a republic in England. After the outbreak of the war the ministry determined to put down this agitation, and between 1793 and 1795 all public manifestation of sympathy with such principles was crushed out, although at the cost of considerable interference with what had been understood to be established personal rights. Much discontent continued through the whole period of the war, especially among the lower classes, though it did not take the form of organized political agitation. It was a period, as will be seen, of violent economic and social changes, which, although they enriched England as a whole and made it possible for her to support the unprecedented expenses of the long war, were very hard upon the working classes, who were used to the old ways. After the peace of 1815, however, political agitation began again. The Whig party seemed inclined to resume the effort to carry certain moderate reforms which had been postponed on account of the war, and down below this movement there was a more radical agitation for universal suffrage and for a more democratic type of government generally. On the other hand, the Tory government, which had been in power during almost the whole war period, was determined to oppose everything in the nature of reform or change, on the ground that the outrages accompanying the French Revolution arose from just such efforts to make reforming alterations in the government. The radical agitation was supported by the discontented masses of the people who were suffering under heavy taxes, high prices, irregular employment, and many other evils which they felt to be due to their exclusion from any share in the government. The years intervening between 1815 and 1830 were therefore a period of constant bitterness and contention between the higher and the lower classes. Mass meetings which were called by the popular leaders were dissolved by the government, radical writers were prosecuted by the government for libel, the habeas corpus act was suspended repeatedly, and threatened rioting was met with severe measures. The actions of the ministers, while upheld by the higher classes, were bitterly attacked by others as being unconstitutional and tyrannical. In 1800 the union of the group of British Islands under one government was completed, at least in form. Scotland had come under the same crown as England in 1603, and the two Parliaments had been united in 1707, the title Great Britain having been adopted for the combined nations. The king of England had held the title of Lord of Ireland from the time of the first conquest, and of King of Ireland since the adoption of the title by Henry VIII. The union which now took place consisted in the abolition of the separate Irish Parliament and the election of Irish members to the combined or "Imperial" Parliament of the three kingdoms sitting at Westminster. The official title of the united countries has since been "The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland." *56. The Great Mechanical Inventions.*--As the eighteenth century progressed one form of economic growth seems to have been pressing on the general economic organization. This was the constant expansion of commerce, the steadily increasing demand for English manufactured goods for export. [Illustration: Distribution of Population According to the Hearth-tax of 1750. Engraved by Bormay & Co., N.Y.] The great quantities of goods which were every year sent abroad in English ships to the colonies, to Ireland, to the Continent, to Asia and Africa, as well as those used at home, continued to be manufactured in most cases by methods, with instruments, under an organization of labor the same as that which had been in existence for centuries. The cotton and woollen goods which were sold in the West Indies and America were still carded, spun, and woven in the scattered cottages of domestic weavers and weaver-farmers in the rural districts of the west and north of England, by the hand cards, the spinning-wheel, the cumbrous, old-fashioned loom. The pieces of goods were slowly gathered from the hamlets to the towns, from the towns to the seaports, over the poorest of roads, and by the most primitive of conveyances. And these antiquated methods of manufacture and transportation were all the more at variance with the needs and possibilities of the time because there had been, as already pointed out, a steady accumulation of capital, and much of it was not remuneratively employed. The time had certainly come for some improvement in the methods of manufacture. A closer examination into the process of production in England's principal industry, cloth-making, shows that this pressure on old methods was already felt. The raw material for such uses, as it comes from the back of the sheep, the boll of the cotton plant, or the crushed stems of the flax, is a tangled mass of fibre. The first necessary step is to straighten out the threads of this fibre, which is done in the case of wool by combing, in the others by carding, both being done at that time by hand implements. The next step is spinning, that is drawing out the fibres, which have been made parallel by carding, into a slender cord, and at the same time twisting this sufficiently to cause the individual fibres to take hold one of another and thus make a thread of some strength. This was sometimes done on the old high wheel, which was whirled around by hand and then allowed to come to rest while another section of the cotton, wool, or flax was drawn from the carded mass by hand, then whirled again, twisting this thread and winding it up on the spindle, and so on. Or it was done by the low wheel, which was kept whirling continuously by the use of a treadle worked by the foot, while the material was being drawn out all the time by the two hands, and twisted and wound continuously by the horseshoe-shaped device known as the "flyer." When the thread had been spun it was placed upon the loom; strong, firmly spun material being necessary for the "warp" of upright threads, softer and less tightly spun material for the "woof" or "weft," which was wrapped on the shuttle and thrown horizontally by hand between the two diverging lines of warp threads. After weaving, the fabric was subjected to a number of processes of finishing, fulling, shearing, dyeing, if that had not been done earlier, and others, according to the nature of the cloth or the kind of surface desired. In these successive stages of manufacture it was the spinning that was apt to interpose the greatest obstacle, as it took the most time. From time immemorial spinning had been done, as explained, on some form of the spinning-wheel, and by women. One weaver continuously at work could easily use up the product of five or six spinners. In the domestic industry the weaving was of course carried on in the dwelling-house by the father of the family with the grown sons or journeymen, while the spinning was done for the most part by the women and younger children of the family. As it could hardly be expected that there would always be as large a proportion as six of the latter class to one of the former, outside help must be obtained and much delay often submitted to. Many a small master who had agreed to weave up the raw material sent him by the master clothier within a given time, or a cloth weaver who had planned to complete a piece by next market day, was obliged to leave his loom and search through the neighborhood for some disengaged laborer's wife or other person who would spin the weft for which he was waiting. One of the very few inventions of the early part of the century intensified this difficulty. Kay's drop box and flying shuttle, invented in 1738, made it possible for a man to sit still and by pulling two cords alternately throw the shuttle to and fro. One man could therefore weave broadcloth instead of its requiring two as before, and consequently weaving was more rapid, while no corresponding change had been introduced into the process of spinning. [Illustration: Spinning-Jenny. (Byrn, _Invention in the Nineteenth Century_. Published by the Scientific American Company.)] Indeed, this particular difficulty was so clearly recognized that the Royal Society offered a prize for the invention of a machine that would spin several threads at the same time. [Illustration: Arkwright's First Spinning-machine. (Ure: _History of the Cotton Manufacture_.)] No one claimed this reward, but the spirit of invention was nevertheless awake, and experiments in more than one mechanical device were being made about the middle of the century. The first to be brought to actual completion was Hargreaves' spinning-jenny, invented in 1764. According to the traditional story James Hargreaves, a small master weaver living near Blackburn, on coming suddenly into the house caused his wife, who was spinning with the old high wheel, to spring up with a start and overset the wheel, which still continued whirling, but horizontally, and with its spindle in a vertical position. He was at once struck with the idea of using one wheel to cause a number of spindles to revolve by means of a continuous band, and by the device of substituting for the human hand a pair of bars which could be successively separated and closed, and which could be brought closer to or removed from the spindles on wheels, to spin several threads at the same time. On the basis of this idea and with the help of a neighboring mechanic he constructed a machine by which a man could spin eight threads at the same time. In honor of his wife he named it the "Spinning-jenny." The secret of this device soon came out and jennies spinning twenty or thirty or more threads at a time came into use here and there through the old spinning districts. At the same time a much more effective method was being brought to perfection by Richard Arkwright, who followed out some old experiments of Wyatt of Northampton. According to this plan the carded material was carried through successive pairs of rollers, each pair running more rapidly than the previous pair, thus stretching it out, while it was spun after leaving the last pair by flyers adapted from the old low or treadle spinning-wheel. Arkwright's first patent was taken out in 1769, and from that time forward he invented, patented, and manufactured a series of machines which made possible the spinning of a number of threads at the same time very much more rapidly than even the spinning-jenny. Great numbers of Arkwright's spinning-machines were manufactured and sold by him and his partners. He made others for use in cotton mills carried on by himself with various partners in different parts of the country. His patent was eventually set aside as having been unfairly obtained, and the machines were soon generally manufactured and used. Improvements followed. An ingenious weaver named Samuel Crompton, perceiving that the roller spinning was more rapid but that the jennies would spin the finer thread, combined the two devices into one machine, known from its hybrid origin as the "mule." This was invented in 1779, and as it was not patented it soon came into general use. These inventions in spinning reacted on the earlier processes and led to a rapid development of carding and combing machines. A carding cylinder had been invented by Paul as far back as 1748, and now came into general use, while several wool-combing machines were invented in 1792 and 1793. [Illustration: Sir Richard Arkwright. (Portrait by Wright.)] So far all these inventions had been in the earlier textile processes. Use for the spun thread was found in giving fuller employment to the old hand looms, in the stocking manufacture, and for export; but no corresponding improvement had taken place in weaving. From 1784 onward a clergyman from the south of England, Dr. Edward Cartwright, was gradually bringing to perfection a power loom which by the beginning of the nineteenth century began to come into general use. The value put upon Cartwright's invention may be judged from the fact that Parliament voted him a gift of £10,000 in 1809. Arkwright had already won a large fortune by his invention, and in 1786 was knighted in recognition of his services to the national industry. [Illustration: Rev. Edmund Cartwright. (Portrait by Robert Fulton.)] While Cartwright was experimenting on the power loom, an invention was made far from England which was in reality an essential part of the improvement in the manufacture of cotton goods. This was the American cotton gin, for the removal of the seeds from the fibre of the boll, invented by Eli Whitney in 1792. Cotton had been introduced into the Southern states during the Revolutionary war. Its cultivation and export now became profitable, and a source of supply became available at the very time that the inventions for its manufacture were being perfected. Spinning-jennies could be used in the household of the weaver; but the later spinning-machines were so large and cumbrous that they could not be used in a dwelling-house, and required so much power and rapidity of motion that human strength was scarcely available. Horse power was used to some extent, but water power was soon applied and special buildings came to be put up along streams where water power was available. The next stage was the application of steam power. Although the possibility of using steam for the production of force had long been familiar, and indeed used to some extent in the pumping out of mines, it did not become available for general uses until the improvements of James Watt, patented in 1769 and succeeding years. In partnership with a man named Boulton, Watt began the manufacture of steam-engines in 1781. In 1785 the first steam-engine was used for power in a cotton mill. After that time the use of steam became more and more general and by the end of the century steam power was evidently superseding water power. *57. The Factory System.*--But other things were needed to make this new machinery available. It was much too expensive for the old cottage weavers to buy and use. Capital had, therefore, to be brought into manufacturing which had been previously used in trade or other employments. Capital was in reality abundant relatively to existing opportunities for investment, and the early machine spinners and weavers drew into partnership moneyed men from the towns who had previously no connection with manufacturing. Again, the new industry required bodies of laborers working regular hours under the control of their employers and in the buildings where the machines were placed and the power provided. Such groups of laborers or "mill hands" were gradually collected where the new kind of manufacturing was going on. Thus factories, in the modern sense, came into existence--a new phenomenon in the world. [Illustration: Mule-spinning in 1835.] [Illustration: Power-loom Weaving in 1835. (Baines: _History of Cotton Manufacture_.)] These changes in manufacturing and in the organization of labor came about earliest in the manufacture of cotton goods, but the new machinery and its resulting changes were soon introduced into the woollen manufacture, then other textile lines, and ultimately into still other branches of manufacturing, such as the production of metal, wooden, and leather goods, and, indeed, into nearly all forms of production. Manufacturing since the last decades of the eighteenth century is therefore usually described as being done by the "factory system," as contrasted with the domestic system and the gild system of earlier times. The introduction of the factory system involved many changes: the adoption of machinery and artificial power, the use of a vastly greater amount of capital, and the collection of scattered laborers into great strictly regulated establishments. It was, comparatively speaking, sudden, all its main features having been developed within the period between 1760 and 1800; and it resulted in the raising of many new and difficult social problems. For these reasons the term "Industrial Revolution," so generally applied to it, is not an exaggerated nor an unsuitable term. Almost all other forms of economic occupation have subsequently taken on the main characteristics of the factory system, in utilizing improved machinery, in the extensive scale on which they are administered, in the use of large capital, and in the organization of employees in large bodies. The industrial revolution may therefore be regarded as the chief characteristic distinguishing this period and the times since from all earlier ages. [Illustration: A Canal and Factory Town in 1827.] *58. Iron, Coal, and Transportation.*--A vast increase in the production of iron and coal was going on concurrently with the rise of the factory system. The smelting of iron ore was one of the oldest industries of England, but it was a declining rather than an advancing industry. This was due to the exhaustion of the woods and forests that provided fuel, or to their retention for the future needs of ship-building and for pleasure parks. In 1760, however, Mr. Roebuck introduced at the Carron iron-works a new kind of blast furnace by which iron ore could be smelted with coal as fuel. In 1790 the steam-engine was introduced to cause the blast. Production had already begun to advance before the latter date, and it now increased by thousands of tons a year till far into the present century. Improvements were introduced in puddling, rolling, and other processes of the manufacture of iron at about the same time. The production of coal increased more than proportionately. New devices in mining were introduced, such as steam pumps, the custom of supporting the roofs of the veins with timber instead of pillars of coal, and Sir Humphry Davy's safety lamp of 1815. The smelting of iron and the use of the steam-engine made such a demand for coal that capital was applied in large quantities to its production, and more than ten million tons a year were mined before the century closed. [Illustration: "The Rocket" Locomotive, 1825. (Smiles: _Life of George Stephenson_.)] Some slight improvements in roads and canals had been made and others projected during the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries; but in the last quarter of the century the work of Telford, Macadam, and other engineers, and of the private turnpike companies or public authorities who engaged them, covered England with good roads. The first canal was that from Worsley to Manchester, built by Brindley for the duke of Bridgewater in 1761. Within a few years a system of canals had been constructed which gave ready transportation for goods through all parts of the country. The continuance of this development of transportation and its fundamental modification by the introduction of railways and steamboats has been one of the most striking characteristics of the nineteenth century. *59. The Revival of Enclosures.*--The changes which the latter half of the eighteenth century and the early part of the nineteenth brought were as profound in the occupation and use of the land as they were in the production and transportation of manufactured goods. An agricultural revolution was in progress as truly as was the industrial. The improvements in the methods of farming already referred to as showing themselves earlier in the century became much more extensive. The raising of turnips and other root crops spread from experimental to ordinary farms so that a fallow year with no crop at all in the ground came to be almost unknown. Clover and artificial grasses for hay came to be raised generally, so that the supply of forage for the winter was abundant. New breeds of sheep and cattle were obtained by careful crossing and plentiful feeding, so that the average size was almost doubled, while the meat, and in some cases the wool, was improved in quality in even greater proportion. The names of such men as Jethro Tull, who introduced the "drill husbandry," Bakewell, the great improver of the breeds of cattle, and Arthur Young, the greatest agricultural observer and writer of the century, have become almost as familiar as those of Crompton, Arkwright, Watt, and other pioneers of the factory system. The general improvement in agricultural methods was due, not so much to new discoveries or inventions, as it was to the large amount of capital which was introduced into their practice. Expensive schemes of draining, marling, and other forms of fertilizing were carried out, long and careful investigations were entered upon, and managers of large farms were trained in special processes by landlords and farmers who had the command of large sums of money; and with the high prices prevalent they were abundantly remunerated for the outlay. Great numbers of "gentlemen farmers," such as Lord Townshend, the duke of Bedford, and George III himself, who wrote articles for the agricultural papers signed "Farmer George," were leaders in this agricultural progress. In 1793 a government Board of Agriculture was established, and through the whole latter part of the century numerous societies for the encouragement of scientific tillage and breeding were organized. In the early years of the eighteenth century there had been signs of a revival of the old process of enclosures, which had been suspended for more than a hundred years. This was brought about by private acts of Parliament. An act would be passed by Parliament giving legal authority to the inhabitants of some parish to throw together the scattered strips, and to redivide these and the common meadows and pastures in such a way that each person with any claim on the land should receive a proportionate share, and should have it separated from all others and entirely in his own control. It was the usual procedure for the lord of the manor, the rector of the parish, and other large landholders and persons of influence to agree on the general conditions of enclosure and draw up a bill appointing commissioners, and providing for survey, compensation, redistribution, and other requirements. They then submitted this bill to Parliament, where, unless there was some special reason to the contrary, it was passed. Its provisions were then carried out, and although legal and parliamentary fees and the expenses of survey and enclosure were large, yet as a result each inhabitant who had been able to make out a legal claim to any of the land of the parish received either some money compensation or a stretch of enclosed land. Such private enclosure acts increased slowly in number till about the middle of the century, when the increase became much more rapid. The number of enclosure acts passed by Parliament and the approximate extent of land enclosed under their provisions were as follows:-- 1700-1759 244 Enclosure Bills 337,877 Acres 1760-1769 385 " " 704,550 " 1770-1779 660 " " 1,207,800 " 1780-1789 246 " " 450,180 " 1790-1799 469 " " 858,270 " 1800-1809 847 " " 1,550,010 " 1810-1819 853 " " 1,560,990 " 1820-1829 205 " " 375,150 " 1830-1839 136 " " 248,880 " 1840-1849 66 " " 394,747 " In 1756, 1758, and 1773 general acts were passed encouraging the enclosure for common use of open pastures and arable fields, but not enclosing or dividing them permanently, and not providing for any separate ownership. In 1801 an act was passed to make simpler and easier the passage of private bills for enclosure; and in 1836 another to make possible, with the consent of two-thirds of the persons interested, the enclosing of certain kinds of common fields even without appealing to Parliament in each particular case. Finally, in 1845, the general Enclosure Act of that year carried the policy of 1836 further and appointed a body of Enclosure Commissioners, to determine on the expediency of any proposed enclosure and to attend to carrying it out if approved. Six years afterward, however, an amendment was passed making it necessary that even after an enclosure had been approved by the Commissioners it should go to Parliament for final decision. By measures such as these the greater part of the lands which had remained unenclosed to modern times were transformed into enclosed fields for separate cultivation or pasture. This process of enclosure was intended to make possible, and no doubt did bring about, much improved agriculture. It exerted incidentally a profound effect on the rural population. Many persons had habitually used the common pastures and open fields for pasture purposes, when they had in reality no legal claim whatever to such use. A poor man whose cow, donkey, or flock of geese had picked up a precarious livelihood on land of undistinguished ownership now found the land all enclosed and his immemorial privileges withdrawn without compensation. Naturally there was much dissatisfaction. A popular piece of doggerel declared that:-- "The law locks up the man or woman Who steals the goose from off the common; But leaves the greater villain loose Who steals the common from the goose." Again, a small holder was frequently given compensation in the form of money instead of allotting to him a piece of land which was considered by the commissioners too small for effective use. The money was soon spent, whereas his former claim on the land had lasted because it could not readily be alienated. A more important effect, however, was the introduction on these enclosed lands of a kind of agriculture which the small landholder was ill fitted to follow. Improved cultivation, a careful rotation of crops, better fertilizers, drainage, farm stock, and labor were the characteristics of the new farming, and these were ordinarily practicable only to the man who had some capital, knowledge, and enterprise. Therefore, coincidently with the enclosures began a process by which the smaller tenants began to give up their holdings to men who could pay more rent for them by consolidating them into larger farms. The freeholders also who owned small farms from time to time sold them to neighboring landowners when difficulties forced them or high prices furnished inducements. *60. Decay of Domestic Manufacture.*--This process would have been a much slower one but for the contemporaneous changes that were going on in manufacturing. As has been seen, many small farmers in the rural districts made part of their livelihood by weaving or other domestic manufacture, or, as more properly described, the domestic manufacturers frequently eked out their resources by carrying on some farming. But the invention of machinery for spinning not only created a new industry, but destroyed the old. Cotton thread could be produced vastly more cheaply by machinery. In 1786 a certain quantity of a certain grade of spun yarn was worth 38 shillings; ten years later, in 1796, it was worth only 19 shillings; in 1806 it was worth but 7 shillings 2 pence, and so on down till, in 1832, it was worth but 3 shillings. Part of this reduction in price was due to the decrease in the cost of raw cotton, but far the most of it to the cheapening of spinning. It was the same a few years later with weaving. Hand-loom weavers in Bolton, who received 25 shillings a week as wages in 1800, received only 19 shillings and 6 pence in 1810, 9 shillings in 1820, and 5 shillings 6 pence in 1830. Hand work in other lines of manufacture showed the same results. Against such reductions in wages resistance was hopeless. Hand work evidently could not compete with machine work. No amount of skill or industry or determination could enable the hand workers to make their living in the same way as of old. As a matter of fact, a long, sad, desperate struggle was kept up by a whole generation of hand laborers, especially by the hand-loom weavers, but the result was inevitable. The rural domestic manufacturers were, as a matter of fact, devoting themselves to two inferior forms of industry. As far as they were handicraftsmen, they were competing with a vastly cheaper and better form of manufacture; as far as they were farmers, they were doing the same thing with regard to agriculture. Under these circumstances some of them gave up their holdings of land and drifted away to the towns to keep up the struggle a little longer as hand-loom weavers, and then to become laborers in the factories; others gave up their looms and devoted themselves entirely to farming for a while, but eventually sold their holdings or gave up their leases, and dropped into the class of agricultural laborers. The result was the same in either case. The small farms were consolidated, the class of yeomanry or small farmers died out, and household manufacture gave place to that of the factory. Before the end of the century the average size of English farms was computed at three hundred acres, and soon afterward domestic spinning and weaving were almost unknown. There was considerable shifting of population. Certain parts of the country which had been quite thickly populated with small farmers or domestic manufacturers now lost the greater part of their occupants by migration to the newer manufacturing districts or to America. As in the sixteenth century, some villages disappeared entirely. Goldsmith in the _Deserted Village_ described changes that really occurred, however opposed to the facts may have been his description of the earlier idyllic life whose destruction he deplored. The existence of unenclosed commons and common fields had been accompanied by very poor farming, very thriftless and shiftless habits. The improvement of agriculture, the application of capital to that occupation, the disappearance of the domestic system of industry, and other changes made the enclosure of common land and the accompanying changes inevitable. None the less it was a relatively sudden and complete interference with the established character of rural life, and not only was the process accompanied with much suffering, but the form which took its place was marked by some serious disadvantages. This form was brought about through the rapid culmination of old familiar tendencies. The classes connected with the land came to be quite clearly distinguished into three groups: the landlords, the tenant farmers, and the farm laborers. The landlord class was a comparatively small body of nobility and gentry, a few thousand persons, who owned by far the greater portion of the land of the country. Their estates were for the most part divided up into farms, to the keeping of which in productive condition they contributed the greater part of the expense, to the administration of which trained stewards applied themselves, and in the improvement of which their owners often took a keen and enlightened interest. They received high rents, possessed unlimited local influence, and were the favored governing class of the country. The class of farmers were men of some capital, and frequently of intelligence and enterprise, though rarely of education, who held on lease from the landlords farms of some one, two, or three or more hundred acres, paying relatively large rents, and yet by the excellence of their farming making for themselves a liberal income. The farm laborers were the residuum of the changes which have been traced in the history of landholding; a large class living for the most part miserably in cottages grouped in villages, holding no land, and receiving day wages for working on the farms just described. Notwithstanding the improvements in agriculture and the increase in the extent of cultivated land, England ceased within the eighteenth century to be a self-supporting country in food products. The form which the "corn laws" had taken in 1689 had been as follows: the raising of wheat was encouraged by prohibiting its importation and paying a bounty of about eightpence a bushel for its exportation so long as the prevailing price was less than six shillings a bushel. When it was between six shillings and six shillings eightpence a bushel its importation was forbidden, but there was no bounty paid for exportation. Between the last price and ten shillings a bushel it could be imported by paying a duty of a shilling a bushel. Above the last price it could be imported free. Nevertheless, during the latter half of the eighteenth century it became evident that there was no longer a sufficient amount of wheat raised for the needs of the English people. Between 1770 and 1790 exports and imports about balanced one another, but after the latter year the imports always exceeded the exports. This was of course due to the great increase of population and to its employment in the field of manufactures. The population in England in 1700 was about five millions, in 1750 about six millions and a half, in 1800 about nine millions, and in 1850 about eighteen millions. That is to say, its progress was slow during the first half of the eighteenth century, more rapid during the latter half, and vastly more rapid during the nineteenth century. *61. The Laissez-faire Theory.*--A scarcely less complete change than that which had occurred in manufactures, in agriculture, and in social life as based upon these, was that which was in progress at the same time in the realm of ideas, especially as applied to questions of economic and social life. The complete acceptance of the view that it was a natural and desirable part of the work of government to regulate the economic life of the people had persisted well past the middle of the eighteenth century. But very different tendencies of thought arose in the latter part of the century. One of these was the prevailing desire for greater liberty. The word liberty was defined differently by different men, but for all alike it meant a resistance to oppression, a revulsion against interference with personal freedom of action, a disinclination to be controlled any more than absolutely necessary, a belief that men had a right to be left free to do as they chose, so far as such freedom was practicable. As applied to economic interests this liberty meant freedom for each person to make his living in the way he might see fit, and without any external restriction. Adam Smith says: "The patrimony of a poor man lies in the strength and dexterity of his hands; and to hinder him from employing this strength and dexterity in what manner he thinks proper, without injury to his neighbor, is a plain violation of this most sacred property. It is a manifest encroachment upon the just liberty both of the workman and of those who might be disposed to employ him. As it hinders the one from working at what he thinks proper, so it hinders the other from employing whom they think proper." Government regulation, therefore, in as far as it restricted men's freedom of action in working, employing, buying, selling, etc., was an interference with their natural liberty. A second influence in the same direction was the prevalent belief that most of the evils that existed in society were due to the mistakes of civilization, that if men could get back to a "state of nature" and start again, things might be much better. It was felt that there was too much artificiality, too much interference with natural development. Arthur Young condemned the prevailing policy of government, "because it consists of prohibiting the natural course of things. All restrictive forcible measures in domestic policy are bad." Regulation was unwise because it forced men's actions into artificial lines when it would have been much better to let them follow natural lines. Therefore it was felt not only that men had a right to carry on their economic affairs as they chose, but that it was wise to allow them to do so, because interference or regulation had been tried and found wanting. It had produced evil rather than good. A third and by far the most important intellectual influence which tended toward the destruction of the system of regulation was the development of a consistent body of economic teaching, which claimed to have discovered natural laws showing the futility and injuriousness of any such attempts. Adam Smith's _Wealth of Nations_ was published in 1776, the year of the invention of Crompton's mule, and in the decade when enclosures were more rapid than at any other time, except in the middle years of the Napoleonic wars. This was, therefore, one of the earliest, as it was far the most influential, of a series of books which represent the changes in ideas correlative to the changes in actual life already described. It has been described as having for its main object "to demonstrate that the most effectual plan for advancing a people to greatness is to maintain that order of things which nature has pointed out, by allowing every man, as long as he observes the rules of justice, to pursue his own interests in his own way, and to bring both his industry and his capital into the freest competition with those of his fellow-citizens." But the most distinct influence exercised by the writings of Adam Smith and his successors was not so much in pointing out that it was unjust or unwise to interfere with men's natural liberty in the pursuit of their interests, as in showing, as it was believed, that there were natural laws which made all interference incapable of reaching the ends it aimed at. A series of works were published in the latter years of the eighteenth and the early years of the nineteenth century by Malthus, Ricardo, Macculloch, James Mill, and others, in which principles were enunciated and laws formulated which were believed to explain why all interference with free competition was useless or worse. Not only was the whole subject of economic relations clarified, much that had been regarded as wise brought into doubt, and much that had been only doubted shown to be absurd, but the attainment of many objects previously sought for was, apparently, shown to be impossible, and to lie outside of the realm of human control. It was pointed out, for instance, that because of the limited amount of capital in existence at any one time, "a demand for commodities is not a demand for labor;" and therefore a law like that which required burial in a woollen shroud did not give added occupation to the people, but only diverted them from one occupation to another. Ricardo developed a law of wages to the effect that they always tend to the amount "necessary to enable the laborer to subsist, and to perpetuate his race without either increase or diminution," and that any artificial raising or lowering of wages is impossible, or else causes an increase or diminution in their number which, through competition, soon brings back the old rate. Rent was also explained by Ricardo as arising from the differences of quality between different pieces of land, and as measured by the difference in the productivity of the land under consideration and that of the poorest land under cultivation at the time; and therefore being in its amount independent of direct human control. The Malthusian law of population showed that population tended to increase in a geometrical ratio, subsistence for the population, on the other hand, only in an arithmetical ratio, and that poverty was, therefore, the natural and inevitable result in old countries of a pressure of population on subsistence. The sanction of science was thus given alike to the desires of the lovers of freedom and to the regrets of those who deplored man's departure from the state of nature. All these intellectual tendencies and reasonings of the later eighteenth century, therefore, combined to discredit the minute regulation of economic society, which had been the traditional policy of the immediately preceding centuries. The movement of thought was definitely opposed to the continuance or extension of the supervision of the government over matters of labor, wages, hours, industry, commerce, agriculture, or other phenomena of production, distribution, exchange, or consumption. This set of opinions is known as the _laissez-faire_ theory of the functions of government, the view that the duties of government should be reduced to the smallest possible number, and that it should keep out of the economic sphere altogether. Adam Smith would have restricted the functions of government to three: to protect the nation from the attacks of other nations, to protect each person in the nation from the injustice or violence of other individuals, and to carry on certain educational or similar institutions which were of general utility, but not to any one's private interest. Many of his successors would have cut off the last duty altogether. *62. Cessation of Government Regulation*--These theoretical opinions came to be more and more widely held, more and more influential over the most thoughtful of English statesmen and other men of prominence, until within the first half of the nineteenth century it may be said that their acceptance was general and their influence dominant. They fell in with the actual tendencies of the times, and as a result of the natural breaking down of old conditions, the rise of new, and the general acceptance of this attitude of _laissez-faire_, a rapid and general decay of the system of government regulation took place. The old regulation had never been so complete in reality as it was on the statute book, and much of it had died out of itself. Some of the provisions of the Statute of Apprentices were persistently disregarded, and when appeals were made for its application to farm work in the latter part of the eighteenth century Parliament refused to enforce it, as they did in the case of discharged soldiers in 1726 and of certain dyers in 1777. The assize of bread was very irregularly enforced, and that of other victuals had been given up altogether. Many commercial companies were growing up without regulation by government, and in the world of finance the hand of government was very light. The new manufactures and the new agriculture grew up to a large extent apart from government control or influence; while the forms to which the old regulation did apply were dying out. In the new factory industry practically the whole body of the employees were without the qualifications required by the Statute of Apprentices, as well as many of the hand-loom weavers who were drawn into the industry by the abundance and cheapness of machine-spun thread. In the early years of the nineteenth century a strenuous effort was made by the older weavers to have the law enforced against them. The whole matter was investigated by Parliament, but instead of enforcing the old law they modified it by acts passed in 1803 and 1809, so as to allow of greater liberty. The old prohibition of using fulling mills passed in 1553 was also repealed in 1809. The Statute of Apprentices after being weakened piecemeal as just mentioned, and by a further amendment removing the wages clauses in 1813, and after being referred to by Lord Mansfield as "against the natural rights and contrary to the common law rights of the land," was finally removed from the statute book in 1814. Even the "Combination Acts," which had forbidden laborers to unite to settle wages and hours, were repealed in 1824. Similar changes took place in other fields than those of the relations between employers and employees. The leading characteristics of legislation on questions of commerce, manufactures, and agriculture during the last quarter of the eighteenth century and the first half of the nineteenth consist in the fact that it almost wholly tended toward freedom from government control. The proportions in which the influence of the natural breaking down of an outgrown system, of the new conditions which were arising, and of pure theory were combined cannot of course be distinguished. All were present. Besides this there is always a large number of persons in the community who would be primarily benefited by a change, and who therefore take the initiative or exercise a special pressure in favor of it. The Navigation Acts began to go to pieces in 1796, when the old rule restricting importations from America, Asia, and Africa to British vessels was withdrawn in favor of the United States; in 1811 the same permission to send goods to England in other than British vessels was given to Brazil, and in 1822 to the Spanish-American countries. The whole subject was investigated by a Parliamentary Commission in 1820, at the request of the London Chamber of Commerce, and a policy of withdrawal from control determined upon. In 1823 a measure was passed by which the crown was empowered to form reciprocity treaties with any other country so far as shipping was concerned, and agreements were immediately entered into with Prussia, Denmark, Hamburg, Sweden, and within the next twenty years with most other important countries. The old laws of 1660 were repealed in 1826, and a freer system substituted, while in 1849 the Navigation Acts were abolished altogether. In the meantime the monopoly of the old regulated companies was being withdrawn, the India trade being thrown open in 1813 and given up entirely by the Company in 1833. Gradually the commerce of England and of all the English colonies was opened equally to the vessels of all nations. A beginning of removal of the import and export duties, which had been laid for the purpose of encouraging or discouraging or otherwise influencing certain lines of production or trade, was made in a commercial treaty entered into by Pitt with France in 1786. The work was seriously taken up again in 1824 and 1825 by Mr. Huskisson, and in 1842 by Sir Robert Peel. In 1845 the duty was removed from four hundred and thirty articles, partly raw materials, partly manufactures. But the most serious struggle in the movement for free trade was that for the repeal of the corn laws. A new law had been passed at the close of the Napoleonic wars in 1815, by which the importation of wheat was forbidden so long as the prevailing price was not above ten shillings a bushel. This was in pursuance of the old traditional policy of encouraging the production of grain in order that England might be at least partially self-supporting, and was further justified on the ground that the landowners paid the great bulk of the taxes, which they could not do if the price of grain were allowed to be brought down by foreign competition. Nevertheless an active propaganda for the abolition of this law was begun by the formation of the "Anti-Corn Law League," in 1839. Richard Cobden became the president and the most famous representative of this society, which carried on an active agitation for some years. The chief interest in the abolition of the law would necessarily be taken by the manufacturing employers, the wages of whose employees could thus be made lower and more constant, but there were abundant other arguments against the laws, and their abandonment was entirely in conformity with the spirit of the age. At the close of 1845, therefore, Peel proposed their repeal, the matter was brought up in Parliament in the early months of 1846, and a sliding scale was adopted by which a slight temporary protection should continue until 1849, when any protective tariff on wheat was to cease altogether, though a nominal duty of about one and a half pence a bushel was still to be collected. This is known as the "adoption of free trade." It remains to be noted in this connection that "free trade in land" was an expression often used during the same period, and consisted in an effort marked by a long series of acts of Parliament and regulations of the courts to simplify the title to land, the processes of buying and selling it, and in other ways making its use and disposal as simple and uncontrolled by external regulation as was commerce or any form of industry. Thus the structure of regulation of industry, which had been built up in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, or which had survived from the Middle Ages, was now torn down; the use of the powers of government to make men carry on their economic life in a certain way, to buy and sell, labor and hire, manufacture and cultivate, export and import, only in such ways as were thought to be best for the nation, seemed to be entirely abandoned. The _laissez-faire_ view of government was to all appearances becoming entirely dominant. *63. Individualism.*--But the prevailing tendencies of thought and the economic teaching of the period were not merely negative and opposed to government regulation; they contained a positive element also. If there was to be no external control, what incentive would actuate men in their industrial existence? What force would hold economic society together? The answer was a plain one. Enlightened self-interest was the incentive, universal free competition was the force. James Anderson, in his _Political Economy_, published in 1801, says, "Private interest is the great source of public good, which, though operating unseen, never ceases one moment to act with unabating power, if it be not perverted by the futile regulations of some short-sighted politician." Again, Malthus, in his _Essay on Population_, in 1817, says: "By making the passion of self-love beyond comparison stronger than the passion of benevolence, the more ignorant are led to pursue the general happiness, an end which they would have totally failed to attain if the moving principle of their conduct had been benevolence. Benevolence, indeed, as the great and constant source of action, would require the most perfect knowledge of causes and effects, and therefore can only be the attribute of the Deity. In a being so short-sighted as man it would lead to the grossest errors, and soon transform the fair and cultivated soil of human society into a dreary scene of want and confusion." In other words, a natural and sufficient economic force was always tending to act and to produce the best results, except in as far as it was interfered with by external regulation. If a man wishes to earn wages, to receive payment, he must observe what work another man wants done, or what goods another man desires, and offer to do that work or furnish those goods, so that the other man may be willing to remunerate him. In this way both obtain what they want, and if all others are similarly occupied all wants will be satisfied so far as practicable. But men must be entirely free to act as they think best, to choose what and when and how they will produce. The best results will be obtained where the greatest freedom exists, where men may compete with one another freed from all trammels, at liberty to pay or ask such wages, to demand or offer such prices, to accept or reject such goods, as they wish or can agree upon. If everybody else is equally free the man who offers the best to his neighbor will be preferred. Effort will thus be stimulated, self-reliance encouraged, production increased, improvement attained, and economy guaranteed. Nor should there be any special favor or encouragement given by government or by any other bodies to any special individuals or classes of persons or kinds of industry, for in this way capital and labor will be diverted from the direction which they would naturally take, and the self-reliance and energy of such favored persons diminished. Therefore complete individualism, universal freedom of competition, was the ideal of the age, as far as there is ever any universal ideal. There certainly was a general belief among the greater number of the intelligent and influential classes, that when each person was freely seeking his own best interest he was doing the best for himself and for all. Economic society was conceived of as a number of freely competing units held in equilibrium by the force of competition, much as the material universe is held together by the attraction of gravitation. Any hindrance to this freedom of the individual to compete freely with all others, any artificial support or encouragement that gives him an advantage over others, is against his own real interest and that of society. This ideal was necessarily as much opposed to voluntary combinations, and to restrictions imposed by custom or agreement, as it was to government regulation. Individualism is much more than a mere _laissez-faire_ policy of government. It believes that every man should remain and be allowed to remain free, unrestricted, undirected, unassisted, so that he may be in a position at any time to direct his labor, ability, capital, enterprise, in any direction that may seem to him most desirable, and may be induced to put forth his best efforts to attain success. The arguments on which it was based were drawn from the domain of men's natural right to economic as to other freedom; from experience, by which it was believed that all regulation had proved to be injurious; and from economic doctrine, which was believed to have discovered natural laws that proved the necessary result of interference to be evil, or at best futile. The changes of the time were favorable to this ideal. Men had never been so free from external control by government or any other power. The completion of the process of enclosure left every agriculturist at liberty to plant and raise what he chose, and when and how he chose. The reform of the poor law in 1834 abolished the act of settlement of 1662, by which the authorities of each parish had the power to remove to the place from which they came any laborers who entered it, and so far as the law was concerned, farm laborers were now free to come and go where they chose to seek for work. In the new factories, systems of transportation, and other large establishments that were taking the places of small ones, employees were at liberty to leave their engagements at any time they chose, to go to another employer or another occupation; and the employer had the same liberty of discharging at a moment's notice. Manufacturers were at liberty to make anything they chose, and hire laborers in whatever proportion they chose. And just as early modern regulation had been given up, so the few fragments of mediæval restrictive institutions that had survived the intervening centuries were now rapidly abandoned in the stress of competitive society. Later forms of restriction, such as trade unions and trusts, had not yet grown up. Actual conditions and the theoretical statement of what was desirable approximated to one another more nearly than they usually have in the world's history. *64. Social Conditions at the Beginning of the Nineteenth Century.*--Yet somehow the results were disappointing. More and better manufactured goods were produced and foreign goods sold, and at vastly lower prices. The same result would probably have been true in agriculture had not the corn laws long prevented this consummation, and instead distributed the surplus to paupers and the holders of government bonds through the medium of taxes. There was no doubt of English wealth and progress. England held the primacy of the world in commerce, in manufactures, in agriculture. Her rapid increase in wealth had enabled her to bear the burden, not only of her own part in the Napoleonic wars, but of much of the expense of the armament of the continental countries. Population also was increasing more rapidly than ever before. She stood before the world as the most prominent and successful modern nation in all material respects. Yet a closer examination into her internal condition shows much that was deeply unsatisfactory. The period of transition from the domestic to the factory system of industry and from the older to the new farming conditions was one of almost unrelieved misery to great masses of those who were wedded to the old ways, who had neither the capital, the enterprise, nor the physical nor mental adaptability to attach themselves to the new. The hand-loom weavers kept up a hopeless struggle in the garrets and cellars of the factory towns, while their wages were sinking lower and lower till finally the whole generation died out. The small farmers who lost the support of spinning and other by-industries succumbed in the competition with the larger producers. The cottagers whose commons were lost to them by enclosures frequently failed to find a niche for themselves in their own part of the country, and became paupers or vagabonds. Many of the same sad incidents which marked the sixteenth century were characteristic of this period of analogous change, when ultimate improvement was being bought at the price of much immediate misery. [Illustration: Carding, Drawing, and Roving in 1835. (Baines: _History of Cotton Manufacture_.)] Even among those who were supposed to have reaped the advantages of the changes of the time many unpleasant phenomena appeared. The farm laborers were not worse, perhaps were better off on the average, in the matter of wages, than those of the previous generation, but they were more completely separated from the land than they had ever been before, more completely deprived of those wholesome influences which come from the use of even a small portion of land, and of the incitement to thrift that comes from the possibility of rising. Few classes of people have ever been more utterly without enjoyment or prospects than the modern English farm laborers. And one class, the yeomen, somewhat higher in position and certainly in opportunities, had disappeared entirely, recruited into the class of mere laborers. In the early factories, women and children were employed more extensively and more persistently than in earlier forms of industry. Their labor was in greater demand than that of men. In 1839, of 31,632 employees in worsted mills, 18,416, or considerably more than half, were under eighteen years of age, and of the 13,216 adults, 10,192 were women, leaving only 3024 adult men among more than 30,000 laborers. In 1832, in a certain flax spinning mill near Leeds, where about 1200 employees were engaged, 829 were below eighteen, only 390 above; and in the flax spinning industry generally, in 1835, only about one-third were adults, and only about one-third of these were men. In the still earlier years of the factory system the proportion of women and children was even greater, though reliable general statistics are not available. The cheaper wages, the easier control, and the smaller size of women and children, now that actual physical power was not required, made them more desirable to employers, and in many families the men clung to hand work while the women and children went into the factories. The early mills were small, hot, damp, dusty, and unhealthy. They were not more so perhaps than the cottages where domestic industry had been carried on; but now the hours were more regular, continuous, and prolonged in which men, women, and children were subjected to such labor. All had to conform alike to the regular hours, and these were in the early days excessive. Twelve, thirteen, and even fourteen hours a day were not unusual. Regular hours of work, when they are moderate in length, and a systematized life, when it is not all labor, are probably wholesome, physically and morally; but when the summons to cease from work and that to begin it again are separated by such a short interval, the factory bell or whistle represents mere tyranny. Wages were sometimes higher than under the old conditions, but they were even more irregular. Greater ups and downs occurred. Periods of very active production and of restriction of production alternated more decidedly than before, and introduced more irregularity into industry for both employers and employees. The town laborer engaged in a large establishment was, like the rural laborer on a large farm, completely separated from the land, from capital, from any active connection with the administration of industry, from any probable opportunity of rising out of the laboring class. His prospects were, therefore, as limited as his position was laborious and precarious. The rapid growth of the manufacturing towns, especially in the north, drawing the scattered population of other parts of the country into their narrow limits, caused a general breakdown in the old arrangements for providing water, drainage, and fresh air; and made rents high, and consequently living in crowded rooms necessary. The factory towns in the early part of the century were filthy, crowded, and demoralizing, compared alike with their earlier and their present condition. [Illustration: Cotton Factories in Manchester. (Baines: _History of Cotton Manufacture_.)] In the higher grades of economic society the advantages of the recent changes were more distinct, the disadvantages less so. The rise of capital and business enterprise into greater importance, and the extension of the field of competition, gave greater opportunity to employing farmers, merchants, and manufacturers, as well as to the capitalists pure and simple. But even for them the keenness of competition and the exigencies of providing for the varying conditions of distant markets made the struggle for success a harder one, and many failed in it. In many ways therefore it might seem that the great material advances which had been made, the removal of artificial restrictions, the increase of liberty of action, the extension of the field of competition, the more enlightened opinions on economic and social relations, had failed to increase human happiness appreciably; indeed, for a time had made the condition of the mass of the people worse instead of better. It will not, therefore, be unexpected if some other lines of economic and social development, especially those which have become more and more prominent during the later progress of the nineteenth century, prove to be quite different in direction from those that have been studied in this chapter. *65. BIBLIOGRAPHY* Toynbee, Arnold: _The Industrial Revolution of the Eighteenth Century in England_. Lecky, W. E. H.: _History of England in the Eighteenth Century_, Vol. VI, Chap. 23. Baines, E.: _History of the Cotton Manufacture in Great Britain_. Cooke-Taylor, R. W.: _The Modern Factory System_. Levi, L.: _History of British Commerce and of the Economic Progress of the British Nation_. Prothero, R. E.: _The Pioneers and Progress of English Farming_. Rogers, J. E. T.: _Industrial and Commercial History_. Smith, Adam: _An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations_. CHAPTER IX THE EXTENSION OF GOVERNMENT CONTROL Factory Laws, The Modification Of Land Ownership, Sanitary Regulations, And New Public Services *66. National Affairs from 1830 to 1900.*--The English government in the year 1830 might be described as a complete aristocracy. The king had practically no powers apart from his ministers, and they were merely the representatives of the majority in Parliament. Parliament consisted of the House of Lords and the House of Commons. The first of these Houses was made up for the most part of an hereditary aristocracy. The bishops and newly created peers, the only element which did not come in by inheritance, were appointed by the king and usually from the families of those who already possessed inherited titles. The House of Commons had originally been made up of two members from each county, and two from each important town. But the list of represented towns was still practically the same as it had been in the fifteenth century, while intervening economic and other changes had, as has been seen, made the most complete alteration in the distribution of population. Great manufacturing towns had grown up as a result of changes in commerce and of the industrial revolution, and these had no representation in Parliament separate from the counties in which they lay. On the other hand, towns once of respectable size had dwindled until they had only a few dozen inhabitants, and in some cases had reverted to open farming country; but these, or the landlords who owned the land on which they had been built, still retained their two representatives in Parliament. The county representatives were voted for by all "forty shilling freeholders," that is, landowners whose farms would rent for forty shillings a year. But the whole tendency of English landholding, as has been seen, had been to decrease the number of landowners in the country, so that the actual number of voters was only a very small proportion of the rural population. Such great irregularities of representation had thus grown up that the selection of more than a majority of the members of the House of Commons was in the hands of a very small number of men, many of them already members of the House of Lords, and all members of the aristocracy. Just as Parliament represented only the higher classes, so officers in the army and to a somewhat less extent the navy, the officials of the established church, the magistrates in the counties, the ambassadors abroad, and the cabinet ministers at home, the holders of influential positions in the Universities and endowed institutions generally, were as a regular thing members of the small class of the landed or mercantile aristocracy of England. Perhaps one hundred thousand out of the fourteen millions of the people of England were the veritable governing classes. They alone had any control of the national and local government, or of the most important political and social institutions. The "Reform of Parliament," which meant some degree of equalization of the representation of districts, an extension of the franchise, and the abolition of some of the irregularities in elections, had been proposed from time to time, but had awakened little interest until it was advocated by the Radicals under the influence of the French Revolution, along with some much more far-reaching propositions. Between the years 1820 and 1830, however, a moderate reform of Parliament had been advocated by the leaders of the Whig party. In 1830 this party rather unexpectedly obtained a majority in Parliament, for the first time for a long while, and the ministry immediately introduced a reform bill. It proposed to take away the right of separate representation from fifty-six towns, and to reduce the number of representatives from two to one in thirty-one others; to transfer these representatives to the more populous towns and counties; to extend the franchise to a somewhat larger number and to equalize it; and finally to introduce lists of voters, to keep the polls open for only two days, and to correct a number of such minor abuses. There was a bitter contest in Parliament and in the country at large on the proposed change, and the measure was only carried after it had been rejected by one House of Commons, passed by a new House elected as a test of the question, then defeated by the House of Lords, and only passed by them when submitted a second time with the threat by the ministry of requiring the king to create enough new peers to pass it, if the existing members refused to do so. Its passage was finally secured in 1832. It was carried by pressure from below through all its stages. The king signed it reluctantly because it had been sent to him by Parliament, the House of Lords passed it under threats from the ministry, who based their power on the House of Commons. This body in turn had to be reconstructed by a new election before it would agree to it, and there is no doubt that the voters as well as Parliament itself were much influenced by the cry of "the Bill, the whole Bill, and nothing but the Bill," raised by mobs, associations, and meetings, consisting largely of the masses of the people who possessed no votes at all. In the last resort, therefore, it was a victory won by the masses, and, little as they profited by it immediately, it proved to be the turning point, the first step from aristocracy toward democracy. In 1867 a second Reform Bill was passed, mainly on the lines of the first, but giving what amounted to almost universal suffrage to the inhabitants of the town constituencies, which included the great body of the workingmen. Finally, in 1884 and 1885, the third Reform Bill was passed which extended the right of voting to agricultural laborers as well, and did much toward equalizing the size of the districts represented by each member of the House of Commons. Other reforms have been adopted during the same period, and Parliament has thus come to represent the whole population instead of merely the aristocracy. But there have been even greater changes in local government. By laws passed in 1835 and 1882 the cities and boroughs have been given a form of government in which the power is in the hands of all the taxpayers. In 1888 an act was passed through Parliament forming County Councils, elected by universal suffrage and taking over many of the powers formerly exercised by the magistrates and large landholders. In 1894 this was followed by a Parish Council Bill creating even more distinctly local bodies, by which the people in each locality, elected by universal suffrage, including that of women, may take charge of almost all their local concerns under the general legislation of Parliament. Corresponding to these changes in general and local government the power of the old ruling classes has been diminished in all directions, until it has become little more than that degree of prominence and natural leadership which the national sentiment or their economic and intellectual advantages give to them. It may be said that England, so far as its government goes, has come nearer to complete democracy than any other modern country. In the rapidity of movement, the activity, the energy, the variety of interests, the thousand lines of economic, political, intellectual, literary, artistic, philanthropic, or religious life which characterize the closing years of the nineteenth century, it seems impossible to choose a few facts to typify or describe the period, as is customary for earlier times. Little can be done except to point out the main lines of political movement, as has been done in this paragraph, or of economic and social development, as will be done in the remaining paragraphs of this and the next chapter. The great mass of recent occurrences and present conditions are as yet rather the human atmosphere in which we are living, the problem which we are engaged in solving, than a proper subject for historical description and analysis. [Illustration: Distribution of Population in England and Wales 1891. Engraved By Bormay & Co., N.Y.] *67. The Beginning of Factory Legislation.*--One of the greatest difficulties with which the early mill owners had to contend was the insufficient supply of labor for their factories. Since these had to be run by water power, they were placed along the rapid streams in the remote parts of Yorkshire, Lancashire, Derbyshire, and Nottinghamshire, which were sparsely populated, and where such inhabitants as there were had a strong objection to working in factories. However abundant population might be in some other parts of England, in the northwest where the new manufacturing was growing up, and especially in the hilly rural districts, there were but few persons available to perform the work which must be done by human hands in connection with the mill machinery. There was, however, in existence a source of supply of laborers which could furnish almost unlimited numbers and at the lowest possible cost. The parish poorhouses or workhouses of the large cities were overcrowded with children. The authorities always had difficulty in finding occupation for them when they came to an age when they could earn their own living, and any plan of putting them to work would be received with welcome. This source of supply was early discovered and utilized by the manufacturers, and it soon became customary for them to take as apprentices large numbers of the poorhouse children. They signed indentures with the overseers of the poor by which they agreed to give board, clothing, and instruction for a certain number of years to the children who were thus bound to them. In return they put them to work in the factories. Children from seven years of age upward were engaged by hundreds from London and the other large cities, and set to work in the cotton spinning factories of the north. Since there were no other facilities for boarding them, "apprentice houses" were built for them in the vicinity of the factories, where they were placed under the care of superintendents or matrons. The conditions of life among these pauper children were, as might be expected, very hard. They were remotely situated, apart from the observation of the community, left to the burdens of unrelieved labor and the harshness of small masters or foremen. Their hours of labor were excessive. When the demands of trade were active they were often arranged in two shifts, each shift working twelve hours, one in the day and another in the night, so that it was a common saying in the north that "their beds never got cold," one set climbing into bed as the other got out. When there was no night work the day work was the longer. They were driven at their work and often abused. Their food was of the coarsest description, and they were frequently required to eat it while at their work, snatching a bite as they could while the machinery was still in motion. Much of the time which should have been devoted to rest was spent in cleaning the machinery, and there seems to have been absolutely no effort made to give them any education or opportunity for recreation. The sad life of these little waifs, overworked, underfed, neglected, abused, in the factories and barracks in the remote glens of Yorkshire and Lancashire, came eventually to the notice of the outside world. Correspondence describing their condition began to appear in the newspapers, a Manchester Board of Health made a presentment in 1796 calling attention to the unsanitary conditions in the cotton factories where they worked, contagious fevers were reported to be especially frequent in the apprentice houses, and in 1802 Sir Robert Peel, himself an employer of nearly a thousand such children, brought the matter to the attention of Parliament. An immediate and universal desire was expressed to abolish the abuses of the system, and as a result the "Health and Morals Act to regulate the Labor of Sound Children in Cotton Factories" was passed in the same year. It prohibited the binding out for factory labor of children younger than nine years, restricted the hours of labor to twelve actual working hours a day, and forbade night labor. It required the walls of the factories to be properly whitewashed and the buildings to be sufficiently ventilated, insisted that the apprentices should be furnished with at least one new suit of clothes a year, and provided that they should attend religious service and be instructed in the fundamental English branches. This was the first of the "Factory Acts," for, although its application was so restricted, applying only to cotton factories, and for the most part only to bound children, the subsequent steps in the formation of the great code of factory legislation were for a long while simply a development of the same principle, that factory labor involved conditions which it was desirable for government to regulate. At the time of the passage of this law the introduction of steam power was already causing a transfer of the bulk of factory industry from the rural districts to which the need for water power had confined it to the towns where every other requisite for carrying on manufacturing was more easily obtainable. Here the children of families resident in the town could be obtained, and the practice of using apprentice children was largely given up. Many of the same evils, however, continued to exist here. The practice of beginning to work while extremely young, long hours, night work, unhealthy surroundings, proved to be as common among these children to whom the law did not apply as they had been among the apprentice children. These evils attracted the attention of several persons of philanthropic feeling. Robert Owen, especially, a successful manufacturer who had introduced many reforms in his own mills, collected a large body of evidence as to the excessive labor and early age of employees in the factories even where no apprentice labor was engaged. He tried to awaken an interest in the matter by the publication of a pamphlet on the injurious consequences of the factory system, and to influence various members of Parliament to favor the passage of a law intended to improve the condition of laboring children and young people. In 1815 Sir Robert Peel again brought the matter up in Parliament. A committee was appointed to investigate the question, and a legislative agitation was thus begun which was destained to last for many years and to produce a series of laws which have gradually taken most of the conditions of employment in large establishments under the control of the government. In debates in Parliament, in testimony before government commissions of investigation, in petitions, pamphlets, and newspapers, the conditions of factory labor were described and discussed. Successive laws to modify these conditions were introduced into Parliament, debated at great length, amended, postponed, reintroduced, and in some cases passed, in others defeated. *68. Arguments for and against Factory Legislation.*--The need for regulation which was claimed to exist arose from the long hours of work which were customary, from the very early age at which many children were sent to be employed in the factories, and from various incidents of manufacturing which were considered injurious, or as involving unnecessary hardship. The actual working hours in the factories in the early part of the century were from twelve and a half to fourteen a day. That is to say, factories usually started work in the morning at 6 o'clock and continued till 12, when a period from a half-hour to an hour was allowed for dinner, then the work began again and continued till 7.30 or 8.30 in the evening. It was customary to eat breakfast after reaching the mill, but this was done while attending the machinery, there being no general stoppage for the purpose. Some mills ran even longer hours, opening at 5 A.M. and not closing till 9 P.M. In some exceptional cases the hours were only 12; from 6 to 12 and from 1 to 7. The inducements to long hours were very great. The profits were large, the demand for goods was constantly growing, the introduction of gas made it possible to light the factories, and the use of artificial power, either water or steam, seemed to make the labor much less severe than when the power had been provided by human muscles. Few or no holidays were regarded, except Sunday, so that work went on in an unending strain of protracted, exhausting labor, prolonged for much of the year far into the night. To these long hours all the hands alike conformed, the children commencing and stopping work at the same time as the grown men and women. Moreover, the children often began work while extremely young. There was a great deal of work in the factories which they could do just as well, in some cases even better, than adults. They were therefore commonly sent into the mills by their parents at about the age of eight years, frequently at seven or even six. As has been before stated, more than half of the employees in many factories were below eighteen years, and of these a considerable number were mere children. Thirdly, there were certain other evils of factory labor that attracted attention and were considered by the reformers to be remediable. Many accidents occurred because the moving machinery was unprotected, the temperature in the cotton mills had to be kept high, and ventilation and cleanliness were often entirely neglected. The habit of keeping the machinery in motion while meals were being eaten was a hardship, and in many ways the employees were practically at the mercy of the proprietors of the factories so long as there was no form of oversight or of united action to prevent harshness or unfairness. In the discussions in Parliament and outside there were of course many contradictory statements concerning the facts of the case, and much denial of general and special charges. The advocates of factory laws drew an extremely sombre picture of the evils of the factory system. The opponents of such legislation, on the other hand, declared that their statements were exaggerated or untrue, and that the condition of the factory laborer was not worse than that of other workingmen, or harder than that of the domestic worker and his family had been in earlier times. But apart from these recriminations and contradictions, there were certain general arguments used in the debates which can be grouped into three classes on each side. For the regulating laws there was in the first place the purely sentimental argument, repulsion against the hard, unrelieved labor, the abuse, the lack of opportunity for enjoyment or recreation of the children of the factory districts; the feeling that in wealthy, humane, Christian England, it was unendurable that women and little children should work longer hours, be condemned to greater hardships, and more completely cut off from the enjoyments of life than were the slaves of tropical countries. This is the argument of Mrs. Browning's _Cry of the Children_:-- "Do ye hear the children weeping, O my brothers, Ere the sorrow comes with years? They are leaning their young heads against their mothers. And that cannot stop their tears. The young lambs are bleating in the meadows; The young birds are chirping in the nest; The young fawns are playing with the shadows; The young flowers are blowing toward the west; But the young, young children, O my brothers! They are weeping bitterly. They are weeping in the play-time of the others In the country of the free. * * * * * 'For oh!' say the children, 'we are weary, And we cannot run or leap: If we cared for any meadows, it were merely To drop down in them and sleep.' * * * * * They look up with their pale and sunken faces, And their look is dread to see, For they mind you of their angels in high places, With eyes turned on Deity. 'How long,' they say, 'how long, O cruel nation, Will you stand, to move the world on a child's heart Stifle down with a mailed heel its palpitation And tread onward to your throne amid the mart?'" Secondly, it was argued that the long hours for the children cut them off from all intellectual and moral training, that they were in no condition after such protracted labor to profit by any opportunities of education that should be supplied, that with the diminished influence of the home, and the demoralizing effects that were supposed to result from factory labor, ignorance and vice alike would continue to be its certain accompaniments, unless the age at which regular work was begun should be limited, and the number of hours of labor of young persons restricted. Thirdly, it was claimed that there was danger of the physical degeneracy of the factory population. Certain diseases, especially of the joints and limbs, were discovered to be very prevalent in the factory districts. Children who began work so early in life and were subjected to such long hours of labor did not grow so rapidly, nor reach their full stature, nor retain their vigor so late in life, as did the population outside of the factories. Therefore, for the very physical preservation of the race, it was declared to be necessary to regulate the conditions of factory labor. On the other hand, apart from denials as to the facts of the case, there were several distinct arguments used against the adoption of factory laws. In the first place, in the interests of the manufacturers, such laws were opposed as an unjust interference with their business, an unnecessary and burdensome obstacle to their success, and a threat of ruin to a class who by giving employment to so many laborers and furnishing so much of the material for commerce were of the greatest advantage to the country. Secondly, from a somewhat broader point of view, it was declared that if such laws were adopted England would no longer be able to compete with other countries and would lose her preëminence in manufactures. The factory system was being introduced into France, Belgium, the United States, and other countries, and in none of these was there any legal restriction on the hours of labor or the age of the employees. If English manufacturers were forced to reduce the length of the day in which production was carried on, they could not produce as cheaply as these other countries, and English exports would decrease. This would reduce the national prosperity and be especially hard on the working classes themselves, as many would necessarily be thrown out of work. Thirdly, as a matter of principle it was argued that the policy of government regulation had been tried and found wanting, that after centuries of existence it had been deliberately given up, and should not be reintroduced. Laws restricting hours would interfere with the freedom of labor, with the freedom of capital, with the freedom of contract. If the employer and the employee were both satisfied with the conditions of their labor, why should the government interfere? The reason also why such regulation had failed in the past and must again, if tried now, was evident. It was an effort to alter the action of the natural laws which controlled employment, wages, profits, and other economic matters, and was bad in theory, and would therefore necessarily be injurious in practice. These and some other less general arguments were used over and over again in the various forms of the discussion through almost half a century. The laws that were passed were carried because the majority in Parliament were either not convinced by these reasonings or else determined that, come what might, the evils and abuses connected with factory labor should be abolished. As a matter of fact, the factory laws were carried by the rank and file of the voting members of Parliament, not only against the protests of the manufacturers especially interested, but in spite of the warnings of those who spoke in the name of established teaching, and frequently against the opposition of the political leaders of both parties. The greatest number of those who voted for them were influenced principally by their sympathies and feelings, and yielded to the appeals of certain philanthropic advocates, the most devoted and influential of whom was Lord Ashley, afterward earl of Shaftesbury, who devoted many years to investigation and agitation on the subject both inside and out of Parliament. *69. Factory Legislation to 1847.*--The actual course of factory legislation was as follows. The bill originally introduced in 1815, after having been subjected to a series of discussions, amendments, and postponements, was passed in June, 1819, being the second "Factory Act." It applied only to cotton mills, and was in the main merely an extension of the act of 1802 to the protection of children who were not pauper apprentices. It forbade the employment of any child under nine years of age, and prohibited the employment of those between nine and sixteen more than twelve hours a day, or at night. In addition to the twelve hours of actual labor, at least a half-hour must be allowed for breakfast and an hour for dinner. Other minor acts amending or extending this were passed from time to time, till in 1833, after two successive commissions had made investigations and reports on the subject, an important law was passed. It applied practically to all textile mills, not merely to those for the spinning of cotton. The prohibition of employment of all below nine years was continued, children between nine and thirteen were to work only eight hours per day, and young persons between thirteen and eighteen only twelve hours, and none of these at night. Two whole and eight half holidays were required to be given within the year, and each child must have a surgeon's certificate of fitness for labor. There were also clauses for the education of the children and the cleanliness of the factories. But the most important clause of this statute was the provision of a corps of four inspectors with assistants who were sworn to their duties, salaried, and provided with extensive powers of making rules for the execution of the act, of enforcing it, and prosecuting for its violation. The earlier laws had not been efficiently carried out. Under this act numerous prosecutions and convictions took place, and factory regulation began to become a reality. The inspectors calculated during their first year of service that there were about 56,000 children between nine and thirteen, and about 108,000 young persons between thirteen and eighteen, in the factories under their supervision. The decade lying between 1840 and 1850 was one of specially great activity in social and economic agitation. Chartism, the abolition of the corn laws, the formation of trade unions, mining acts, and further extensions of the factory acts were all alike under discussion, and they all created the most intense antagonism between parties and classes. In 1844 the law commonly known as the "Children's Half-time Act" was passed. It contained a large number of general provisions for the fencing of dangerous machinery, for its stoppage while being cleaned, for the report of accidents to inspectors and district surgeons, for the public prosecution for damages of the factory owner when he should seem to be responsible for an accident, and for the enforcement of the act. Its most distinctive clause, however, was that which restricted the labor of children to a half-day, or the whole of alternate days, and required their attendance at school for the other half of their time. All women were placed by this act in the same category as young persons between thirteen and eighteen, so far as the restriction of hours of labor to twelve per day and the prohibition of night work extended. The next statute to be passed was an extension of this regulation, though it contained the provision which had long been the most bitterly contested of any during the whole factory law agitation. This was the "Ten-hour Act" of 1847. From an early period in the century there had been a strong agitation in favor of restricting by law the hours of young persons, and from somewhat later, of women, to ten hours per day, and this proposition had been repeatedly introduced and defeated in Parliament. It was now carried. By this time the more usual length of the working day even when unrestricted had been reduced to twelve hours, and in some trades to eleven. It was now made by law half-time for children, and ten hours for young persons and women, or as rearranged by another law passed three years afterward, ten and a half hours for five days of the week and a half-day on Saturday. The number of persons to whom the Ten-hour Act applied was estimated at something over 360,000. That is, including the children, at least three-fourths of all persons employed in textile industries had their hours and some other conditions of labor directly regulated by law. Moreover, the work of men employed in the same factories was so dependent on that of the women and the children, that many of these restrictions applied practically to them also. Further minor changes in hours and other details were made from time to time, but there was no later contest on the principle of factory legislation. The evil results which had been feared had not shown themselves, and many of its strongest opponents had either already, or did eventually, acknowledge the beneficial results of the laws. *70. The Extension of Factory Legislation.*--By the successive acts of 1819, 1833, 1844, and 1847, a normal length of working day and regulated conditions generally had been established by government for the factories employing women and children. The next development was an extension of the regulation of hours and conditions of labor from factories proper to other allied fields. Already in 1842 a law had been passed regulating labor in mines. This act was passed in response to the needs shown by the report of a commission which had been appointed in 1840. They made a thorough investigation of the obscure conditions of labor underground, and reported a condition of affairs which was heart-sickening. Children began their life in the coal mines at five, six, or seven years of age. Girls and women worked like boys and men, they were less than half clothed, and worked alongside of men who were stark naked. There were from twelve to fourteen working hours in the twenty-four, and these were often at night. Little girls of six or eight years of age made ten to twelve trips a day up steep ladders to the surface, carrying half a hundred weight of coal in wooden buckets on their backs at each journey. Young women appeared before the commissioners, when summoned from their work, dressed merely in a pair of trousers, dripping wet from the water of the mine, and already weary with the labor of a day scarcely more than begun. A common form of labor consisted of drawing on hands and knees over the inequalities of a passageway not more than two feet or twenty-eight inches high a car or tub filled with three or four hundred weight of coal, attached by a chain and hook to a leather band around the waist. The mere recital of the testimony taken precluded all discussion as to the desirability of reform, and a law was immediately passed, almost without dissent, which prohibited for the future all work underground by females or by boys under thirteen years of age. Inspectors were appointed, and by subsequent acts a whole code of regulation of mines as regards age, hours, lighting, ventilation, safety, licensing of engineers, and in other respects has been created. [Illustration: Children's Labor in Coal Mines. _Report of Children's Employment Commission of 1842._] [Illustration: Women's Labor in Coal Mines. (_Report of Children's Employment Commission, 1842._)] In 1846 a bill was passed applying to calico printing works regulations similar to the factory laws proper. In 1860, 1861, and 1863 similar laws were passed for bleaching and dyeing for lace works, and for bakeries. In 1864 another so-called factory act was passed applying to at least six other industries, none of which had any connection with textile factories. Three years later, in 1867, two acts for factories and workshops respectively took a large number of additional industries under their care; and finally, in 1878, the "Factory and Workshop Consolidation Act" repealed all the former special laws and substituted a veritable factory code containing a vast number of provisions for the regulation of industrial establishments. This law covered more than fifty printed pages of the statute book. Its principle provisions were as follows: The limit of prohibited labor was raised from nine to ten years, children in the terms of the statute being those between ten and fourteen, and "young persons" those between fourteen and eighteen years of age. For all such the day's work must begin either at six or seven, and close at the same hour respectively in the evening, two hours being allowed for meal-times. All Saturdays and eight other days in the year must be half-holidays, while the whole of Christmas Day and Good Friday, or two alternative days, must be allowed as holidays. Children could work for only one-half of each day or on the whole of alternate days, and must attend school on the days or parts of days on which they did not work. There were minute provisions governing sanitary conditions, safety from machinery and in dangerous occupations, meal-times, medical certificates of fitness for employment, and reports of accidents. Finally there were the necessary body of provisions for administration, enforcement, penalties, and exceptions. Since 1878 there have been a number of extensions of the principle of factory legislation, the most important of which are the following. In 1891 and 1895, amending acts were passed bringing laundries and docks within the provisions of the law, making further rules against overcrowding and other unsanitary conditions, increasing the age of prohibited labor to eleven years, and making a beginning of the regulation of "outworkers" or those engaged by "sweaters." "Sweating" is manufacturing carried on by contractors or subcontractors on a small scale, who usually have the work done in their own homes or in single hired rooms by members of their families, or by poorly paid employees who by one chance or another are not in a free and independent relation to them. Many abuses exist in these "sweatshops." The law so far is scarcely more than tentative, but in these successive acts provisions have been made by which all manufacturers or contractors must keep lists of outworkers engaged by them, and submit these to the factory inspectors for supervision. In 1892 a "Shop-hours Act" was passed prohibiting the employment of any person under eighteen years of age more than seventy-four hours in any week in any retail or wholesale store, shop, eating-house, market, warehouse, or other similar establishment; and in 1893 the "Railway Regulation Act" gave power to the Board of Trade to require railway companies to provide reasonable and satisfactory schedules of hours for all their employees. In 1894 a bill for a compulsory eight-hour day for miners was introduced, but was withdrawn before being submitted to a vote. In 1899 a bill was passed requiring the provision of a sufficient number of seats for all female assistants in retail stores. In 1900 a government bill was presented to Parliament carrying legislation somewhat farther on the lines of the acts of 1891 and 1893, but it did not reach its later stages before the adjournment. *71. Employers' Liability Acts.*--Closely allied to the problems involved in the factory laws is the question of the liability of employers to make compensation for personal injuries suffered by workmen in their service. With the increasing use of machinery and of steam power for manufacturing and transportation, and in the general absence of precaution, accidents to workmen became much more numerous. Statistics do not exist for earlier periods, but in 1899 serious or petty accidents to the number of 70,760 were reported from such establishments. By Common Law, in the case of negligence on the part of the proprietor or servant of an establishment, damages for accident could be sued for and obtained by a workman, not guilty of contributory negligence, as by any other person, except in one case. If the accident was the result of the negligence of a fellow-employee, no compensation for injuries would be allowed by the courts; the theory being that in the implied contract between employer and employee, the latter agreed to accept the risks of the business, at least so far as these arose from the carelessness of his fellow-employees. In the large establishments of modern times, however, vast numbers of men were fellow-employees in the eyes of the law, and the doctrine of "common employment," as it was called, prevented the recovery of damages in so many cases as to attract widespread attention. From 1865 forward this provision of the law was frequently complained of by leaders of the workingmen and others, and as constantly upheld by the courts. In 1876 a committee of the House of Commons on the relations of master and servant took evidence on this matter and recommended in its report that the common law be amended in this respect. Accordingly in 1880 an Employers' Liability Act was passed which abolished the doctrine of "common employment" as to much of its application, and made it possible for the employee to obtain compensation for accidental injury in the great majority of cases. In 1893 a bill was introduced in Parliament by the ministry of the time to abolish all deductions from the responsibility of employers, except that of contributory negligence on the part of workmen, but it was not passed. In 1897, however, the "Workmen's Compensation Act" was passed, changing the basis of the law entirely. By this Act it was provided that in case of accident to a workman causing death or incapacitating him for a period of more than two weeks, compensation in proportion to the wages he formerly earned should be paid by the employer as a matter of course, unless "serious and wilful misconduct" on the part of the workman could be shown to have existed. The liability of employers becomes, therefore, a matter of insurance of workmen against accidents arising out of their employment, imposed by the law upon employers. It is no longer damages for negligence, but a form of compulsory insurance. In other words, since 1897 a legal, if only an implied part of the contract between employer and employee in all forms of modern industry in which accidents are likely to occur is that the employer insures the employee against the dangers of his work. *72. Preservation of Remaining Open Lands.*--Turning from the field of manufacturing labor to that of agriculture and landholding it will be found that there has been some legislation for the protection of the agricultural laborer analogous to the factory laws. The Royal Commission of 1840-1844 on trades then unprotected by law included a report on the condition of rural child labor, but no law followed until 1873, when the "Agricultural Children's Act" was passed, but proved to be ineffective. The evils of "agricultural gangs," which were bodies of poor laborers, mostly children, engaged by a contractor and taken from place to place to be hired out to farmers, were reported on by a commission in 1862, and partly overcome by the "Agricultural Gangs Act" of 1867. There is, however, but little systematic government oversight of the farm-laboring class. Government regulation in the field of landholding has taken a somewhat different form. The movement of enclosing which had been in progress from the middle of the eighteenth century was brought to an end, and a reversal of tendency took place, by which the use and occupation of the land was more controlled by the government in the interest of the masses of the rural population. By the middle of the century the process of enclosing was practically complete. There had been some 3954 private enclosure acts passed, and under their provisions or those of the Enclosure Commissioners more than seven million acres had been changed from mediæval to modern condition. But now a reaction set in. Along with the open field farming lands it was perceived that open commons, village greens, gentlemen's parks, and the old national forest lands were being enclosed, and frequently for building or railroad, not for agricultural uses, to the serious detriment of the health and of the enjoyment of the people, and to the destruction of the beauty of the country. The dread of interference by the government with matters that might be left to private settlement was also passing away. In 1865 the House of Commons appointed a commission to investigate the question of open spaces near the city of London, and the next year on their recommendation passed a law by which the Enclosure Commissioners were empowered to make regulations for the use of all commons within fifteen miles of London as public parks, except so far as the legal rights of the lords of the manors in which the commons lay should prevent. A contest had already arisen between many of these lords of manors having the control of open commons, whose interest it was to enclose and sell them, and other persons having vague rights of pasturage and other use of them, whose interest it was to preserve them as open spaces. To aid the latter in their legal resistance to proposed enclosures, the "Commons Preservation Society" was formed in 1865. As a result a number of the contests were decided in the year 1866 in favor of those who opposed enclosures. The first case to attract attention was that of Wimbledon Common, just west of London. Earl Spencer, the lord of the manor of Wimbledon, had offered to give up his rights on the common to the inhabitants of the vicinity in return for a nominal rent and certain privileges; and had proposed that a third of the common should be sold, and the money obtained for it used to fence, drain, beautify, and keep up the remainder. The neighboring inhabitants, however, preferred the spacious common as it stood, and when a bill to carry out Lord Spencer's proposal had been introduced into Parliament, they contended that they had legal rights on the common which he could not disregard, and that they objected to its enclosure. The parliamentary committee practically decided in their favor, and the proposition was dropped. An important decision in a similar case was made by the courts in 1870. Berkhamstead Common, an open stretch some three miles long and half a mile wide, lying near the town of Berkhamstead, twenty-five miles north of London, had been used for pasturing animals, cutting turf, digging gravel, gathering furze, and as a place of general recreation and enjoyment by the people of the two manors in which it lay, from time immemorial. In 1866 Lord Brownlow, the lord of these two manors, began making enclosures upon it, erecting two iron fences across it so as to enclose 434 acres and to separate the remainder into two entirely distinct parts. The legal advisers of Lord Brownlow declared that the inhabitants had no rights which would prevent him from enclosing parts of the common, although to satisfy them he offered to give to them the entire control over one part of it. The Commons Preservation Society, however, advised the inhabitants differently, and encouraged them to make a legal contest. One of their number, Augustus Smith, a wealthy and obstinate man, a member of Parliament, and a possessor of rights on the common both as a freeholder and a copyholder, was induced to take action in his own name and as a representative of other claimants of common rights. He engaged in London a force of one hundred and twenty laborers, sent them down at night by train, and before morning had broken down Lord Brownlow's two miles of iron fences, on which he had spent some £5000, and piled their sections neatly up on another part of the common. Two lawsuits followed: one by Lord Brownlow against Mr. Smith for trespass, the other a cross suit in the Chancery Court by Mr. Smith to ascertain the commoner's rights, and prevent the enclosure of the common. After a long trial the decision was given in Mr. Smith's favor, and not only was Berkhamstead Common thus preserved as an open space, but a precedent set for the future decision of other similar cases. Within the years between 1866 and 1874 dispute after dispute analogous to this arose, and decision after decision was given declaring the illegality of enclosures by a lord of a manor where there were claims of commoners which they still asserted and valued and which could be used as an obstacle to enclosure. Hampstead Heath, Ashdown Forest, Malvern Hills, Plumstead, Tooting, Wandsworth, Coulston, Dartford, and a great many other commons, village greens, roadside wastes, and other open spaces were saved from enclosure, and some places were partly opened up again, as a result either of lawsuits, of parliamentary action, or of voluntary agreements and purchase. Perhaps the most conspicuous instance was that of Epping Forest. This common consisted of an open tract about thirteen miles long and one mile wide, containing in 1870 about three thousand acres of open common land. Enclosure was being actively carried on by some nineteen lords of manors, and some three thousand acres had been enclosed by rather high-handed means within the preceding twenty years. Among the various landowners who claimed rights of common upon a part of the Forest was, however, the City of London, and in 1871 this body began suit against the various lords of manors under the claim that it possessed pasture rights, not only in the manor of Ilford, in which its property of two hundred acres was situated, but, since the district was a royal forest, over the whole of it. The City asked that the lords of manors should be prevented from enclosing any more of it, and required to throw open again what they had enclosed during the last twenty years. After a long and expensive legal battle and a concurrent investigation by a committee of Parliament, both extending over three years, a decision was given in favor of the City of London and other commoners, and the lords of manors were forced to give back about three thousand acres. The whole was made permanently into a public park. The old forest rights of the crown proved to be favorable to the commoners, and thus obtained at least one tardy justification to set against their long and dark record in the past. In 1871, in one of the cases which had been appealed, the Lord Chancellor laid down a principle indicating a reaction in the judicial attitude on the subject, when he declared that no enclosure should be made except when there was a manifest advantage in it; as contrasted with the policy of enclosing unless there was some strong reason against it, as had formerly been approved. In 1876 Parliament passed a law amending the acts of 1801 and 1845, and directing the Enclosure Commissioners to reverse their rule of action in the same direction. That is to say, they were not to approve any enclosure unless it could be shown to be to the manifest advantage of the neighborhood, as well as to the interest of the parties directly concerned. Finally, in 1893, by the Commons Law Amendment Act, it was required that every proposed enclosure of any kind should first be advertised and opportunity given for objection, then submitted to the Board of Agriculture for its approval, and this approval should only be given when such an enclosure was for the general benefit of the public. No desire of a lord of a manor to enclose ground for his private park or game preserve, or to use it for building ground, would now be allowed to succeed. The interest of the community at large has been placed above the private advantage and even liberty of action of landholders. The authorities do not merely see that justice is done between lord and commoners on the manor, but that both alike shall be restrained from doing what is not to the public advantage. Indeed, Parliament went one step further, and by an order passed in 1893 set a precedent for taking a common entirely out of the hands of the lord of the manor, and putting it in the hands of a board to keep it for public uses. Thus not only had the enclosing movement diminished for lack of open farming land to enclose, but public opinion and law between 1864 and 1893 interposed to preserve such remaining open land as had not been already divided. Whatever land remained that was not in individual ownership and occupancy was to be retained under control for the community at large. *73. Allotments.*--But this change of attitude was not merely negative. There were many instances of government interposition for the encouragement of agriculture and for the modification of the relations between landlord and tenant. In 1875, 1882, and 1900 the "Agricultural Holdings Acts" were passed, by which, when improvements are made by the tenant during the period in which he holds the land, compensation must be given by the landlord to the tenant when the latter retires. No agreement between the landlord and tenant by which the latter gives up this right is valid. This policy of controlling the conditions of landholding with the object of enforcing justice to the tenant has been carried to very great lengths in the Irish Land Bills and the Scotch Crofters' Acts, but the conditions that called for such legislation in those countries have not existed in England itself. There has been, however, much effort in England to bring at least some land again into the use of the masses of the rural population. In 1819, as part of the administration of the poor law, Parliament passed an act facilitating the leasing out by the authorities of common land belonging to the parishes to the poor, in small "allotments," as they were called, by the cultivation of which they might partially support themselves. Allotments are small pieces of land, usually from an eighth of an acre to an acre in size, rented out for cultivation to poor or working-class families. In 1831 parish authorities were empowered to buy or enclose land up to as much as five acres for this purpose. Subsequently the formation of allotments began to be advocated, not only as part of the system of supporting paupers, but for its own sake, in order that rural laborers might have some land in their own occupation to work on during their spare times, as their forefathers had during earlier ages. To encourage this plan of giving the mass of the people again an interest in the land the "Allotments and Small Holdings Association" was formed in 1885. Laws which were passed in 1882 and 1887 made it the duty of the authorities of parishes, when there seemed to be a demand for allotments, to provide all the land that was needed for the purpose, giving them, if needed, and under certain restrictions, the right of compulsory purchase of any particular piece of land which they should feel to be desirable. This was to be divided up and rented out in allotments from one quarter of an acre to an acre in size. By laws passed in 1890 and 1894 this plan of making it the bounden duty of the local government to provide sufficient allotments for the demand, and giving them power to purchase land even without the consent of its owners, was carried still further and put in the hands of the parish council. The growth in numbers of such allotments was very rapid and has not yet ceased. The approximate numbers at several periods are as follows:-- 1873 246,398 1888 357,795 1890 455,005 1895 579,133 In addition to those formed and granted out by the public local authorities, many large landowners, railroad companies, and others have made allotments to their tenants or employees. Large tracts of land subdivided into such small patches are now a common sight in England, simulating in appearance the old open fields of the Middle Ages and early modern times. *74. Small Holdings.*--Closely connected with the extension of allotments is the movement for the creation of "small holdings," or the reintroduction of small farming. One form of this is that by which the local authorities in 1892 were empowered to buy land for the purpose of renting it out in small holdings of not more than fifteen acres each to persons who would themselves cultivate it. A still further and much more important development in the same direction is the effort to introduce "peasant proprietorship," or the ownership of small amounts of farming land by persons who would otherwise necessarily be mere laborers on other men's land. There has been an old dispute as to the relative advantages of a system of large farms, rented by men who have some considerable capital, knowledge, and enterprise, as in England; and of a system of small farms, owned and worked by men who are mere peasants, as in France. The older economists generally advocated the former system as better in itself, and also pointed out that a policy of withdrawal by government from any regulation was tending to make it universal. Others have been more impressed with the good effects of the ownership of land on the mental and moral character of the population, and with the desirability of the existence of a series of steps by which a thrifty and ambitious workingman could rise to a higher position, even in the country. There has, therefore, since the middle of the century, been a widespread agitation in favor of the creation of smaller farms, of giving assistance in their purchase, and of thus introducing a more mixed system of rural land occupancy, and bringing back something of the earlier English yeoman farming. This movement obtained recognition by Parliament in the Small Holdings Act of 1892, already referred to. This law made it the duty of each county council, when there seemed to be any sufficient demand for small farms from one to fifty acres in size, to acquire in any way possible, though not by compulsory purchase, suitable land, to adapt it for farming purposes by fencing, making roads, and, if necessary, erecting suitable buildings; and then to dispose of it by sale, or, as a matter of exception, as before stated, on lease, to such parties as will themselves cultivate it. The terms of sale were to be advantageous to the purchaser. He must pay at least as much as a fifth of the price down, but one quarter of it might be left on perpetual ground-rent, and the remainder, slightly more than one-half, might be repaid in half-yearly instalments during any period less than fifty years. The county council was also given power to loan money to tenants of small holdings to buy from their landlords, where they could arrange terms of purchase but had not the necessary means. Through the intervention of government, therefore, the strict division of those connected with the land into landlords, tenant farmers, and farm laborers has been to a considerable extent altered, and it is generally possible for a laborer to obtain a small piece of land as an allotment, or, if more ambitious and able, a small farm, on comparatively easy terms. In landholding and agriculture, as in manufacturing and trade, government has thus stepped in to prevent what would have been the effect of mere free competition, and to bring about a distribution and use of the land which have seemed more desirable. *75. Government Sanitary Control.*--In the field of buying and selling the hand of government has been most felt in provisions for the health of the consumer of various articles. Laws against adulteration have been passed, and a code of supervision, registry, and enforcement constructed. Similarly in broader sanitary lines, by the "Housing of the Working Classes Act" of 1890, when it is brought to the attention of the local authorities that any street or district is in such a condition that its houses or alleys are unfit for human habitation, or that the narrowness, want of light or air, or bad drainage makes the district dangerous to the health of the inhabitants or their neighbors, and that these conditions cannot be readily remedied except by an entire rearrangement of the district, then it becomes the duty of the local authorities to take the matter in hand. They are bound to draw up and, on approval by the proper superior authorities, to carry out a plan for widening the streets and approaches to them, providing proper sanitary arrangements, tearing down the old houses, and building new ones in sufficient number and suitable character to provide dwelling accommodation for as many persons of the working class as were displaced by the changes. Private rights or claims are not allowed to stand in the way of any such public action in favor of the general health and well-being, as the local authorities are clothed by the law with the right of purchase of the land and buildings of the locality at a valuation, even against the wishes of the owners, though they must obtain parliamentary confirmation of such a compulsory purchase. Several acts have been passed to provide for the public acquisition or building of workingmen's dwellings. In 1899 the "Small Dwellings Acquisition Act" gave power to any local authority to loan four-fifths of the cost of purchase of a small house, to be repaid by the borrower by instalments within thirty years. Laws for the stamping out of cattle disease have been passed on the same principle. In 1878, 1886, 1890, 1893, and 1896 successive acts were passed which have given to the Board of Agriculture the right to cause the slaughter of any cattle or swine which have become infected or been subjected to contagious diseases; Parliament has also set apart a sufficient sum of money and appointed a large corps of inspectors to carry out the law. Official analysts of fertilizers and food-stuffs for cattle have also since 1893 been regularly appointed by the government in each county. Adulteration has been taken under control by the "Sale of Food and Drugs Act" of 1875, with its later amendments and extensions, especially that of 1899. *76. Industries Carried on by Government.*--In addition to the regulation in these various respects of industries carried on by private persons, and intervention for the protection of the public health, the government has extended its functions very considerably by taking up certain new duties or services, which it carries out itself instead of leaving to private hands. The post-office is such an old and well-established branch of the government's activity as not in itself to be included among newly adopted functions, but its administration has been extended since the middle of the century over at least four new fields of duty: the telegraph, the telephone, the parcels post, and the post-office savings-bank. The telegraph system of England was built up in the main and in its early stages by private persons and companies. After more than twenty-five years of competitive development, however, there was widespread public dissatisfaction with the service. Messages were expensive and telegraphing inconvenient. Many towns with populations from three thousand to six thousand were without telegraphic facilities nearer than five or ten miles, while the offices of competing companies were numerous in busy centres. In 1870, therefore, all private telegraph companies were bought up by the government at an expense of £10,130,000. A strict telegraphic monopoly in the hands of the government was established, and the telegraph made an integral part of the post-office system. In 1878 the telephone began to compete with the telegraph, and its relation to the government telegraphic monopoly became a matter of question. At first the government adopted the policy of collecting a ten per cent royalty on all messages, but allowed telephones to be established by private companies. In the meantime the various companies were being bought up successively by the National Telephone Company which was thus securing a virtual monopoly. In 1892 Parliament authorized the Postmaster General to spend £1,000,000, subsequently raised to £1,300,000, in the purchase of telephone lines, and prohibited any private construction of new lines. As a result, by 1897 the government had bought up all the main or trunk telephone lines and wires, leaving to the National Telephone Company its monopoly of all telephone communication inside of the towns. This monopoly was supposed to be in its legal possession until 1904, when it was anticipated that the government would buy out its property at a valuation. In 1898, however, there was an inquiry by Parliament, and a new "Telegraph Act" was passed in 1899. The monopoly of the National Company was discredited and the government began to enter into competition with it within the towns, and to authorize local governments and private companies under certain circumstances to do the same. It was provided that every extension of an old company and every new company must obtain a government license and that on the expiring of this license the plant could be bought by the government. In the meantime the post-office authorities have power to restrict rates. An appropriation of £2,000,000 was put in the hands of the Postmaster General to extend the government telephone system. It seems quite certain that by 1925, at latest, all telephones will be in the hands of the government. The post-office savings-bank was established in 1861. Any sum from one shilling upward is accepted from any depositor until his deposits rise to £50 in any one year, or a total of £200 in all. It presents great attractions from its security and its convenience. The government through the post-office pays two and one-half per cent interest. In 1870 there was deposited in the post-office savings-banks approximately £14,000,000, in 1880 £31,000,000, and ten years later £62,000,000. In 1880 arrangements were made by which government bonds and annuities can be bought through the post-office. In 1890 some £4,600,000 was invested in government stock in this way. The parcels post was established in 1883. This branch of the post-office does a large part of the work that would otherwise be done by private express companies. It takes charge of packages up to eleven pounds in weight and under certain circumstances up to twenty-one pounds, presented at any branch post-office, and on prepayment of regular charges delivers them to their consignees. In these and other forms each year within recent times has seen some extension of the field of government control for the good of the community in general, or for the protection of some particular class in the community, and there is at the same time a constant increase in the number and variety of occupations that the government undertakes. Instead of withdrawing from the field of intervention in economic concerns, and restricting its activity to the narrowest possible limits, as was the tendency in the last period, the government is constantly taking more completely under its regulation great branches of industry, and even administering various lines of business that formerly were carried on by private hands. *77. BIBLIOGRAPHY* Jevons, Stanley: _The State in Relation to Labor_. "Alfred" (Samuel Kydd): _The History of the Factory Movement from the Year 1802 to the Enactment of the Ten Hours Bill in 1847_. Von Plener, E.: _A History of English Factory Legislation_. Cooke-Taylor, R. W.: _The Factory System and the Factory Acts_. Redgrave, Alexander: _The Factory Acts_. Shaftesbury, The Earl of: _Speeches on Labour Questions_. Birrell, Augustine: _Law of Employers' Liability_. Shaw-Lefevre, G.: _English Commons and Forests_. Far the best sources of information for the adoption of the factory laws, as for other nineteenth-century legislation, are the debates in Parliament and the various reports of Parliamentary Commissions, where access to them can be obtained. The early reports are enumerated in the bibliography in Cunningham's second volume. The later can be found in the appropriate articles in Palgrave's _Dictionary_. For recent legislation, the action of organizations, and social movements generally, the articles in _Hazell's Annual_, in its successive issues since 1885, are full, trustworthy, and valuable. CHAPTER X THE EXTENSION OF VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATION Trade Unions, Trusts, And Coöperation *78. The Rise of Trade Unions.*--One of the most manifest effects of the introduction of the factory system was the intensification of the distinction between employers and employees. When a large number of laborers were gathered together in one establishment, all in a similar position one to the other and with common interests as to wages, hours of labor, and other conditions of their work, the fact that they were one homogeneous class could hardly escape their recognition. Since these common interests were in so many respects opposed to those of their employers, the advantages of combination to obtain added strength in the settlement of disputed questions was equally evident. As the Statute of Apprentices was no longer in force, and freedom of contract had taken its place, a dispute between an employer and a single employee would result in the discharge of the latter. If the dispute was between the employer and his whole body of employees, each one of the latter would be in a vastly stronger position, and there would be something like equality in the two sides of the contest. Under the old gild conditions, when each man rose successively from apprentice to journeyman, and from journeyman to employer, when the relations between the employing master and his journeymen and apprentices were very close, and the advantages of the gild were participated in by all grades of the producing body, organizations of the employed against the employers could hardly exist. It has been seen that the growth of separate combinations was one of the indications of a breaking down of the gild system. Even in the later times, when establishments were still small and scattered, when the government required that engagements should be made for long periods, and that none should work in an industry except those who had been apprenticed to it, and when rates of wages and hours of labor were supposed to be settled by law, the opposition between the interests of employers and employees was not very strongly marked. The occasion or opportunity for union amongst the workmen in most trades still hardly existed. Unions had been formed, it is true, during the first half of the eighteenth century and spasmodically in still earlier times. These were, however, mostly in trades where the employers made up a wealthy merchant class and where the prospect of the ordinary workman ever reaching the position of an employer was slight. The changes of the Industrial Revolution, however, made a profound difference. With the growth of factories and the increase in the size of business establishments the employer and employee came to be farther apart, while at the same time the employees in any one establishment or trade were thrown more closely together. The hand of government was at about the same time entirely withdrawn from the control of wages, hours, length of engagements, and other conditions of labor. Any workman was at liberty to enter or leave any occupation under any circumstances that he chose, and an employer could similarly hire or discharge any laborer for any cause or at any time he saw fit. Under these circumstances of homogeneity of the interests of the laborers, of opposition of their interests to those of the employer, and of the absence of any external control, combinations among the workmen, or trade unions, naturally sprang up. *79. Opposition of the Law and of Public Opinion. The Combination Acts.*--Their growth, however, was slow and interrupted. The poverty, ignorance, and lack of training of the laborers interposed a serious obstacle to the formation of permanent unions; and a still more tangible difficulty lay in the opposition of the law and of public opinion. A trade union may be defined as a permanent organized society, the object of which is to obtain more favorable conditions of labor for its members. In order to retain its existence a certain amount of intelligence and self-control and a certain degree of regularity of contributions on the part of its members are necessary, and these powers were but slightly developed in the early years of this century. In order to obtain the objects of the union a "strike," or concerted refusal to work except on certain conditions, is the natural means to be employed. But such action, or in fact the existence of a combination contemplating such action, was against the law. A series of statutes known as the "Combination Acts" had been passed from time to time since the sixteenth century, the object of which had been to prevent artisans, either employers or employees, from combining to change the rate of wages or other conditions of labor, which should be legally established by the government. The last of the combination acts were passed in 1799 and 1800, and were an undisguised exercise of the power of the employing class to use their membership in Parliament to legislate in their own interest. It provided that all agreements whatever between journeymen or other workmen for obtaining an advance in wages for themselves or for other workmen, or for decreasing the number of hours of labor, or for endeavoring to prevent any employer from engaging any one whom he might choose, or for persuading any other workmen not to work, or for refusing to work with any other men, should be illegal. Any justice of the peace was empowered to convict by summary process and sentence to two months' imprisonment any workmen who entered into such a combination. The ordinary and necessary action of trade unions was illegal by the Common Law also, under the doctrine that combined attempts to influence wages, hours, prices, or apprenticeship were conspiracies in restraint of trade, and that such conspiracies had been repeatedly declared to be illegal. In addition to their illegality, trade unions were extremely unpopular with the most influential classes of English society. The employers, against whose power they were organized, naturally antagonized them for fear they would raise wages and in other ways give the workmen the upper hand; they were opposed by the aristocratic feeling of the country, because they brought about an increase in the power of the lower classes; the clergy deprecated their growth as a manifestation of discontent, whereas contentment was the virtue then most regularly inculcated upon the lower classes; philanthropists, who had more faith in what should be done for than by the workingmen, distrusted their self-interested and vaguely directed efforts. Those who were interested in England's foreign trade feared that they would increase prices, and thus render England incapable of competing with other nations, and those who were influenced by the teachings of political economy opposed them as being harmful, or at best futile efforts to interfere with the free action of those natural forces which, in the long run, must govern all questions of labor and wages. If the average rate of wages at any particular time was merely the quotient obtained by dividing the number of laborers into the wages fund, an organized effort to change the rate of wages would necessarily be a failure, or could at most only result in driving some other laborers out of employment or reducing their wages. Finally, there was a widespread feeling that trade unions were unscrupulous bodies which overawed the great majority of their fellow-workmen, and then by their help tyrannized over the employers and threw trade into recurring conditions of confusion. That same great body of uninstructed public opinion, which, on the whole, favored the factory laws, was quite clearly opposed to trade unions. With the incompetency of their own class, the power of the law, and the force of public opinion opposed to their existence and actions, it is not a matter of wonder that the development of these working-class organizations was only very gradual. Nevertheless these obstacles were one by one removed, and the growth of trade unions became one of the most characteristic movements of modern industrial history. *80. Legalization and Popular Acceptance of Trade Unions.*--During the early years of the century combinations, more or less long lived, existed in many trades, sometimes secretly because of their illegality, sometimes openly, until it became of sufficient interest to some one to prosecute them or their officers, sometimes making the misleading claim of being benefit societies. Prosecutions under the combination laws were, however, frequent. In the first quarter of the century there were many hundred convictions of workmen or their delegates or officers. Yet these laws were clear instances of interference with the perfect freedom which ought theoretically to be allowed to each person to employ his labor or capital in the manner he might deem most advantageous. Their inconsistency with the general movement of abolition of restrictions then in progress could hardly escape observation. Thus the philosophic tendencies of the time combined with the aspirations of the leaders of the working classes to rouse an agitation in favor of the repeal of the combination laws. The matter was brought up in Parliament in 1822, and two successive committees were appointed to investigate the questions involved. As a result, a thoroughgoing repeal law was passed in 1824, but this in turn was almost immediately repealed, and another substituted for it in 1825, a great series of strikes having impressed the legislature with the belief that the former had gone too far. The law, as finally adopted, repealed all the combination acts which stood upon the statute book, and relieved from punishment men who met together for the sole purpose of agreeing on the rate of wages or the number of hours they would work, so long as this agreement referred to the wages or hours of those only who were present at the meeting. It declared, however, the illegality of any violence, threats, intimidation, molestation, or obstruction, used to induce any other workmen to strike or to join their association or take any other action in regard to hours or wages. Any attempt to bring pressure to bear upon an employer to make any change in his business was also forbidden, and the common law opposition was left unrepealed. The effect of the legislation of 1824 and 1825 was to enable trade unions to exist if their activity was restricted to an agreement upon their own wages or hours. Any effort, however, to establish wages and hours for other persons than those taking part in their meetings, or any strike on questions of piecework or number of apprentices or machinery or non-union workmen, was still illegal, both by this statute and by Common Law. The vague words, "molestation," "obstruction," and "intimidation," used in the law were also capable of being construed, as they actually were, in such a way as to prevent any considerable activity on the part of trade unions. Nevertheless a great stimulus was given to the formation of organizations among workingmen, and the period of their legal growth and development now began, notwithstanding the narrow field of activity allowed them by the law as it then stood. Combinations were continually formed for further objects, and prosecutions, either under the statute or under Common Law, were still very numerous. In 1859 a further change in the law was made, by which it became lawful to combine to demand a change of wages or hours, even if the action involved other persons than those taking part in the agreement, and to exercise peaceful persuasion upon others to join the strikers in their action. Within the bounds of the limited legal powers granted by the laws of 1825 and 1859, large numbers of trade unions were formed, much agitation carried on, strikes won and lost, pressure exerted upon Parliament, and the most active and capable of the working classes gradually brought to take an interest in the movement. This growth was unfortunately accompanied by much disorder. During times of industrial struggle non-strikers were beaten, employers were assaulted, property was destroyed, and in certain industrial communities confusion and outrage occurred every few years. The complicity of the trade unions as such in these disorders was constantly asserted and as constantly denied; but there seems little doubt that while by far the greatest amount of disorder was due to individual strikers or their sympathizers, and would have occurred, perhaps in even more intense form, if there had been no trade unions, yet there were cases where the organized unions were themselves responsible. The frequent recurrence of rioting and assault, the losses from industrial conflicts, and the agitation of the trade unionists for further legalization, all combined to bring the matter to attention, and four successive Parliamentary commissions of investigation, in addition to those of 1824 and 1825, were appointed in 1828, 1856, 1860, and 1867, respectively. The last of these was due to a series of prolonged strikes and accompanying outrages in Sheffield, Nottingham, and Manchester. The committee consisted of able and influential men. It made a full investigation and report, and finally recommended, somewhat to the public surprise, that further laws for the protection and at the same time for the regulation of trade unions be passed. As a result, two laws were passed in the year 1871, the Trade Union Act and the Criminal Law Amendment Act. By the first of these it was declared that trade unions were not to be declared illegal because they were "in restraint of trade," and that they might be registered as benefit societies, and thereby become quasi-corporations, to the extent of having their funds protected by law, and being able to hold property for the proper uses of their organization. At the same time the Liberal majority in Parliament, who had only passed this law under pressure, and were but half hearted in their approval of trade unions, by the second law of the same year, made still more clear and vigorous the prohibition of "molesting," "obstructing," "threatening," "persistently following," "watching or besetting" any workmen who had not voluntarily joined the trade union. As these terms were still undefined, the law might be, and it was, still sufficiently elastic to allow magistrates or judges who disapproved of trade unionism to punish men for the most ordinary forms of persuasion or pressure used in industrial conflicts. An agitation was immediately begun for the repeal or modification of this later law. This was accomplished finally by the Trade Union Act of 1875, by which it was declared that no action committed by a group of workmen was punishable unless the same act was criminal if committed by a single individual. Peaceful persuasion of non-union workmen was expressly permitted, some of the elastic words of disapproval used in previous laws were omitted altogether, other offences especially likely to occur in such disputes were relegated to the ordinary criminal law, and a new act was passed, clearing up the whole question of the illegality of conspiracy in such a way as not to treat trade unions in any different way from other bodies, or to interfere with their existence or normal actions. Thus, by the four steps taken in 1825, 1859, 1871, and 1875, all trace of illegality has been taken away from trade unions and their ordinary actions. They have now the same legal right to exist, to hold property, and to carry out the objects of their organization that a banking or manufacturing company or a social or literary club has. The passing away of the popular disapproval of trade unions has been more gradual and indefinite, but not less real. The employers, after many hard-fought battles in their own trades, in the newspapers, and in Parliament, have come, in a great number of cases, to prefer that there should be a well-organized trade union in their industry rather than a chaotic body of restless and unorganized laborers. The aristocratic dread of lower-class organizations and activity has become less strong and less important, as political violence has ceased to threaten and as English society as a whole has become more democratic. The Reform Bill of 1867 was a voluntary concession by the higher and middle classes to the lower, showing that political dread of the working classes and their trade unions had disappeared. The older type of clergymen of the established church, who had all the sympathies and prejudices of the aristocracy, has been largely superseded, since the days of Kingsley and Maurice, by men who have taken the deepest interest in working-class movements, and who teach struggle and effort rather than acceptance and contentment. The formation of trade unions, even while it has led to higher wages, shorter hours, and a more independent and self-assertive body of laborers, has made labor so much more efficient that, taken in connection with other elements of English economic activity, it has led to no resulting loss of her industrial supremacy. As to the economic arguments against trade unions, they have become less influential with the discrediting of much of the theoretical teaching on which they were based. In 1867 a book by W. T. Thornton, _On Labor, its Wrongful Claims and Rightful Dues_, successfully attacked the wages-fund theory, since which time the belief that the rate of wages was absolutely determined by the amount of that fund and the number of laborers has gradually been given up. The belief in the possibility of voluntary limitation of the effect of the so-called "natural laws" of the economic teachers of the early and middle parts of the century has grown stronger and spread more widely. Finally, the general popular feeling of dislike of trade unions has much diminished within the last twenty-five years, since their lawfulness has been acknowledged, and since their own policy has become more distinctly orderly and moderate. Much of this change in popular feeling toward trade unions was so gradual as not to be measurable, but some of its stages can be distinguished. Perhaps the first very noticeable step in the general acceptance of trade unions, other than their mere legalization, was the interest and approval given to the formation of boards of conciliation or arbitration from 1867 forward. These were bodies in which representatives elected by the employers and representatives elected by trade unions met on equal terms to discuss differences, the unions thus being acknowledged as the normal form of organization of the working classes. In 1885 the Royal Commission on the depression of trade spoke with favor cf trade unions. In 1889 the great London Dockers' strike called forth the sympathy and the moral and pecuniary support of representatives of classes which had probably never before shown any favor to such organizations. More than $200,000 was subscribed by the public, and every form of popular pressure was brought to bear on the employers. In fact, the Dock Laborers' Union was partly created and almost entirely supported by outside public influence. In the same year the London School Board and County Council both declared that all contractors doing their work must pay "fair wages," an expression which was afterward defined as being union wages. Before 1894 some one hundred and fifty town and county governments had adopted a rule that fair wages must be paid to all workmen employed directly or indirectly by them. In 1890 and 1893 and subsequently the government has made the same declaration in favor of the rate of wages established by the unions in each industry. In 1890 the report of the House of Lords Committee on the sweating system recommends in certain cases "well-considered combinations among the laborers." Therefore public opinion, like the formal law of the country, has passed from its early opposition to the trade unions, through criticism and reluctant toleration, to an almost complete acceptance and even encouragement. Trade unions have become a part of the regularly established institutions of the country, and few persons probably would wish to see them go out of existence or be seriously weakened. *81. The Growth of Trade Unions.*--The actual growth of trade unionism has been irregular, interrupted, and has spread from many scattered centres. Hundreds of unions have been formed, lived for a time, and gone out of existence; others have survived from the very beginning of the century to the present; some have dwindled into insignificance and then revived in some special need. The workmen in some parts of the country and in certain trades were early and strongly organized, in others they have scarcely even yet become interested or made the effort to form unions. In the history of the trade-union movement as a whole there have been periods of active growth and multiplication and strengthening of organizations. Again, there have been times when trade unionism was distinctly losing ground, or when internal dissension seemed likely to deprive the whole movement of its vigor. There have been three periods when progress was particularly rapid, between 1830 and 1834, in 1873 and 1874, and from 1889 to the present time. But before the middle of the century trade unions existed in almost every important line of industry. By careful computation it is estimated that there were in Great Britain and Ireland in 1892 about 1750 distinct unions or separate branches of unions, with some million and a half members. This would be about twenty per cent of the adult male working-class population, or an average of about one man who is a member of a trade union out of five who might be. But the great importance and influence of the trade unionists arises not from this comparatively small general proportion, but from the fact that the organizations are strongest in the most highly skilled and best-paid industries, and in the most thickly settled, highly developed parts of the country, and that they contain the picked and ablest men in each of the industries where they do exist. In some occupations, as cotton spinning in Lancashire, boiler making and iron ship building in the seaport towns, coal mining in Northumberland, glass making in the Midland counties, and others, practically every operative is a member of a trade union. Similarly in certain parts of the country much more than half of all workingmen are trade unionists. Their influence also is far more than in proportion to their numbers, since from their membership are chosen practically all workingmen representatives in Parliament and local governments and in administrative positions. The unions also furnish all the most influential leaders of opinion among the working classes. *82. Federation of Trade Unions.*--From the earliest days of trade-union organization there have been efforts to extend the unions beyond the boundaries of the single occupation or the single locality. The earliest form of union was a body made up of the workmen of some one industry in some one locality, as the gold beaters of London, or the cutlers of Sheffield, or the cotton spinners of Manchester. Three forms of extension or federation soon took place: first, the formation of national societies composed of men of the same trade through the whole country; secondly, the formation of "trades councils,"--bodies representing all the different trades in any one locality; and, thirdly, the formation of a great national organization of workingmen or trade unionists. The first of these forms of extension dates from the earliest years of the century, though such bodies had often only a transitory existence. The Manchester cotton spinners took the initiative in organizing a national body in that industry in 1829; in 1831 a National Potters' Union is heard of, and others in the same decade. The largest and most permanent national bodies, however, such as the compositors, the flint-glass makers, miners, and others were formed after 1840; the miners in 1844 numbering 70,000 voting members. Several of these national bodies were formed by an amalgamation of a number of different but more or less closely allied trades. The most conspicuous example of this was the Amalgamated Society of Engineers, the formation of which was completed in 1850, and which, beginning in that year with 5000 members, had more than doubled them in the next five years, doubled them again by 1860, and since then has kept up a steady increase in numbers and strength, having 67,928 members in 1890. The increasing ease of travel and cheapness of postage, and the improved education and intelligence of the workingmen, made the formation of national societies more practicable, and since the middle of the century most of the important societies have become national bodies made up of local branches. The second form of extension, the trades council, dates from a somewhat later period. Such a body arose usually when some matter of common interest had happened in the labor world, and delegates from the various unions in each locality were called upon to organize and to subscribe funds, prepare a petition to Parliament, or take other common action. In this temporary form they had existed from a much earlier date. The first permanent local board, made up of representatives of the various local bodies, was that of Liverpool, formed in 1848 to protect trade unionists from prosecutions for illegal conspiracy. In 1857 a permanent body was formed in Sheffield, and in the years immediately following in Glasgow, London, Bristol, and other cities. They have since come into existence in most of the larger industrial towns, 120 local trades councils existing in 1892. Their influence has been variable and limited. The formation of a general body of organized workingmen of all industries and from all parts of the country is an old dream. Various such societies were early formed only to play a more or less conspicuous rôle for a few years and then drop out of existence. In 1830 a "National Association for the Protection of Labor" was formed, in 1834 a "Grand National Consolidated Trades Union," in 1845 a "National Association of United Trades for the Protection of Labor," and in 1874 a "Federation of Organized Trade Societies," each of which had a short popularity and influence, and then died. In the meantime, however, a more practicable if less ambitious plan of unification of interests had been discovered in the form of an "Annual Trade Union Congress." This institution grew out of the trades councils. In 1864 the Glasgow Trades Council called a meeting of delegates from all trade unions to take action on the state of the law of employment, and in 1867 the Sheffield Trades Council called a similar meeting to agree upon measures of opposition to lockouts. The next year, 1868, the Manchester Trades Council issued a call for "a Congress of the Representatives of Trades Councils, Federations of Trades, and Trade Societies in general." Its plan was based on the annual meetings of the Social Science Association, and it was contemplated that it should meet each year in a different city and sit for five or six days. This first general Congress was attended by 34 delegates, who claimed to represent some 118,000 trade unionists. The next meeting, at Birmingham, in 1869, was attended by 48 delegates, representing 40 separate societies, with some 250,000 members. With the exception of the next year, 1870, the Congress has met annually since, the meetings taking place at Nottingham, Leeds, Sheffield, and other cities, with an attendance varying between one and two hundred delegates, representing members ranging from a half-million to eight or nine hundred thousand. It elects each year a Parliamentary Committee consisting of ten members and a secretary, whose duty is to attend in London during the sittings of Parliament and exert what influence they can on legislation or appointments in the interests of the trade unionists whom they represent. In fact, most of the activity of the Congress was for a number of years represented by the Parliamentary Committee, the meetings themselves being devoted largely to commonplace discussions, points of conflict between the unions being intentionally ruled out. In recent years there have been some heated contests in the Congress on questions of general policy, but on the whole it and its Parliamentary Committee remain a somewhat loose and ineffective representation of the unity and solidarity of feeling of the great army of trade unionists. As a result, however, of the efforts of the unions in their various forms of organization there have always, since 1874, been a number of "labor members" of Parliament, usually officers of the great national trade unions, and many trade unionist members of local government bodies and school boards. Representative trade unionists have been appointed as government inspectors and other officials, and as members of government investigating commissions. Many changes in the law in which as workingmen the trade unionists are interested have been carried through Parliament or impressed upon the ministry through the influence of the organized bodies or their officers. The trade-union movement has therefore resulted in the formation of a powerful group of federated organizations, including far the most important and influential part of the working classes, acknowledged by the law, more or less fully approved by public opinion, and influential in national policy. It is to be noticed that while the legalization of trade unions was at first carried out under the claim and with the intention that the workingmen would thereby be relieved from restrictions and given a greater measure of freedom, yet the actual effect of the formation of trade unions has been a limitation of the field of free competition as truly as was the passage of the factory laws. The control of the government was withdrawn, but the men voluntarily limited their individual freedom of action by combining into organizations which bound them to act as groups, not as individuals. The basis of the trade unions is arrangement by the collective body of wages, hours, and other conditions of labor for all its members instead of leaving them to individual contract between the employer and the single employee. The workman who joins a trade union therefore divests himself to that extent of his individual freedom of action in order that he may, as he believes, obtain a higher good and a more substantial liberty through collective or associated action. Just in as far, therefore, as the trade-union movement has extended and been approved of by law and public opinion, just so far has the ideal of individualism been discredited and its sphere of applicability narrowed. Trade unions therefore represent the same reaction from complete individual freedom of industrial action as do factory laws and the other extensions of the economic functions of government discussed in the last chapter. *83. Employers' Organizations.*--From this point of view there has been a very close analogy between the actions of workingmen and certain recent action among manufacturers and other members of the employing classes. In the first place, employers' associations have been formed from time to time to take common action in resistance to trade unions or for common negotiations with them. As early as 1814 the master cutlers formed, notwithstanding the combination laws, the "Sheffield Mercantile and Manufacturing Union," for the purpose of keeping down piecework wages to their existing rate. In 1851 the "Central Association of Employers of Operative Engineers" was formed to resist the strong union of the "Amalgamated Engineers." They have also had their national bodies, such as the "Iron Trade Employers' Association," active in 1878, and their general federations, such as the "National Federation of Associated Employers of Labor," which was formed in 1873, and included prominent shipbuilders, textile manufacturers, engineers, iron manufacturers, and builders. Many of these organizations, especially the national or district organizations of the employers in single trades, exist for other and more general purposes, but incidentally the representatives of the masters' associations regularly arrange wages and other labor conditions with the representatives of the workingmen's associations. There is, therefore, in these cases no more competition among employers as to what wages they shall pay than among the workmen as to what wages they shall receive. In both cases it is a matter of arrangement between the two associations, each representing its own membership. The liberty both of the individual manufacturer and of the workman ceases in this respect when he joins his association. *84. Trusts and Trade Combinations.*--But the competition among the great producers, traders, transportation companies, and other industrial leaders has been diminished in recent times in other ways than in their relation to their employees. In manufacturing, mining, and many wholesale trades, employers' associations have held annual or more frequent meetings at which agreements have been made as to prices, amount of production, terms of sale, length of credit, and other such matters. In some cases formal combinations have been made of all the operators in one trade, with provisions for enforcing trade agreements. In such a case all competition comes to an end in that particular trade, so far as the subjects of agreement extend. The culminating stage in this development has been the formation of "trusts," by which the stock of all or practically all the producers in some one line is thrown together, and a company formed with regular officers or a board of management controlling the whole trade. An instance of this is the National Telephone Company, already referred to. In all these fields unrestricted competition has been tried and found wanting, and has been given up by those most concerned, in favor of action which is collective or previously agreed upon. In the field of transportation, boards of railway presidents or other combinations have been formed, by which rates of fares and freight rates have been established, "pooling" or the proportionate distribution of freight traffic made, "car trusts" formed, and other non-competitive arrangements made. In banking, clearing-house agreements have been made, a common policy adopted in times of financial crisis, and through gatherings of bankers a common influence exerted on legislation and opinion. Thus in the higher as in the lower stages of industrial life, in the great business interests, as among workingmen, recent movements have all been away from a competitive organization of economic society, and in the direction of combination, consolidation, and union. Where competition still exists it is probably more intense than ever before, but its field of application is much smaller than it has been in the past. Government control and voluntary regulation have alike limited the field in which competition acts. *85. Coöperation in Distribution.*--Another movement in the same direction is the spread of coöperation in its various forms. Numerous coöperative societies, with varying objects and methods, formed part of the seething agitation, experimentation, and discussion characteristic of the early years of the nineteenth century; but the coöperative movement as a definite, continuous development dates from the organization of the "Rochdale Equitable Pioneers" in 1844. This society was composed of twenty-eight working weavers of that town, who saved up one pound each, and thus created a capital of twenty-eight pounds, which they invested in flour, oatmeal, butter, sugar, and some other groceries. They opened a store in the house of one of their number in Toad Lane, Rochdale, for the sale of these articles to their own members under a plan previously agreed to. The principal points of their scheme, afterward known as the "Rochdale Plan," were as follows: sale of goods at regular market prices, division of profits to members at quarterly intervals in proportion to purchases, subscription to capital in instalments by members, and payment of five per cent interest. There were also various provisions of minor importance, such as absolute purity and honesty of goods, insistance on cash payments, devoting a part of their earnings to educational or other self-improvement, settling all questions by equal vote. These arrangements sprang naturally from the fact that they proposed carrying on their store for their own benefit, alike as proprietors, shareholders, and consumers of their goods. The source of the profits they would have to divide among their members was the same as in the case of any ordinary store. The difference between the wholesale price, at which they would buy, and the retail market price, at which they would sell, would be the gross profits. From this would have to be paid, normally, rent for their store, wages for their salesmen, and interest on their capital. But after these were paid there should still remain a certain amount of net profit, and this it was which they proposed to divide among themselves as purchasers, instead of leaving it to be taken by an ordinary store proprietor. The capital they furnished themselves, and consequently paid themselves the interest. The first two items also amounted to nothing at first, though naturally they must be accounted for if their store rose to any success. As a matter of fact, their success was immediate and striking. They admitted new members freely, and at the end of the first year of their existence had increased in numbers to seventy-four with £187 capital. During the year they had done a business of £710, and distributed profits of £22. A table of the increase of this first successful coöperative establishment at succeeding ten years' periods is as follows:-- ------+-----------+-----------+----------+---------- | | | | Date | Members | Capital | Business | Profits | | | | ------+-----------+-----------+----------+---------- 1855 | 1,400 | £ 11,032 | £ 44,902 | £ 3,109 1865 | 5,326 | 78,778 | 196,234 | 25,156 1875 | 8,415 | 225,682 | 305,657 | 48,212 1885 | 11,084 | 324,645 | 252,072 | 45,254 1898 | 12,719 | -------- | 292,335 | ------- ------+-----------+-----------+----------+---------- They soon extended their business in variety as well as in total amount. In 1847 they added the sale of linen and woollen goods, in 1850 of meat, in 1867 they began baking and selling bread to their customers. They opened eventually a dozen or more branch stores in Rochdale, the original Toad Lane house being superseded by a great distributing building or central store, with a library and reading room. They own much property in the town, and have spread their activity into many lines. The example of the Rochdale society was followed by many others, especially in the north of England and south of Scotland. A few years after its foundation two large and successful societies were started in Oldham, having between them by 1860 more than 3000 members, and doing a business of some £80,000 a year. In Liverpool, Manchester, Birmingham, and other cities similar societies grew up at the same period. In 1863 there were some 454 coöperative societies of this kind in existence, 381 of them together having 108,000 members and doing an annual business of about £2,600,000. One hundred and seventeen of the total number of societies were in Lancashire and 96 in Yorkshire. Many of these eventually came to have a varied and extensive activity. The Leeds Coöperative Society, for instance, had in 1892 a grist mill, 69 grocery and provision stores, 20 dry goods and millinery shops, 9 boot and shoe shops, and 40 butcher shops. It had 12 coal depots, a furnishing store, a bakery, a tailoring establishment, a boot and shoe factory, a brush factory, and acted as a builder of houses and cottages. It had at that time 29,958 members. The work done by these coöperative stores is known as "distributive coöperation," or "coöperation in distribution." It combines the seller and the buyer into one group. From one point of view the society is a store-keeping body, buying goods at wholesale and selling them at retail. From another point of view, exactly the same group of persons, the members of the society, are the customers of the store, the purchasers and consumers of the goods. Whenever any body of men form an association to carry on an establishment which sells them the goods they need, dividing the profits of the buying and selling among the members of the association, it is a society for distributive coöperation. A variation from the Rochdale plan is that used in three or perhaps more societies organized in London between 1856 and 1875 by officials and employees of the government. These are the Civil Service Supply Association, the Civil Service Coöperative Society, and the Army and Navy Stores. In these, instead of buying at wholesale and selling at retail rates, sharing the profits at the end of a given term, they sell as well as buy at wholesale rates, except for the slight increase necessary to pay the expenses of carrying on the store. In other words, the members obtain their goods for use at cheap rates instead of dividing up a business profit. But these and still other variations have had only a slight connection with the working-class coöperative movement just described. A more direct development of it was the formation, in 1864, of the Wholesale Coöperative Society, at Manchester, a body holding much the same relation to the coöperative societies that each of them does to its individual members. The shareholders are the retail coöperative societies, which supply the capital and control its actions. During its first year the Wholesale Society possessed a capital of £2456 and did a business of £51,858. In 1865 its capital was something over £7000 and business over £120,000. Ten years later, in 1875, its capital was £360,527 and yearly business £2,103,226. In 1889 its sales were £7,028,994. Its purchasing agents have been widely distributed in various parts of the world. In 1873 it purchased and began running a cracker factory, shortly afterward a boot and shoe factory, the next year a soap factory. Subsequently it has taken up a woollen goods factory, cocoa works, and the manufacture of ready-made clothing. It employs something over 5000 persons, has large branches in London, Newcastle, and Leicester, agencies and depots in various countries, and runs six steamships. It possesses also a banking department. Coöperative stores, belonging to wholesale and retail distributive coöperative societies, are thus a well-established and steadily, if somewhat slowly, extending element in modern industrial society. *86. Coöperation in Production.*--But the greatest problems in the relations of modern industrial classes to one another are not connected with buying and selling, but with employment and wages. The competition between employer and employee is more intense than that between buyer and seller and has more influence on the constitution of society. This opposition of employer and employee is especially prominent in manufacturing, and the form of coöperation which is based on a combination or union of these two classes is therefore commonly called "coöperation in production," as distinguished from coöperation in distribution. Societies have been formed on a coöperative basis to produce one or another kind of goods from the earliest years of the century, but their real development dates from a period somewhat later than that of the coöperative stores, that is, from about 1850. In this year there were in existence in England bodies of workmen who were carrying on, with more or less outside advice, assistance, or control, a coöperative tailoring establishment, a bakery, a printing shop, two building establishments, a piano factory, a shoe factory, and several flour mills. These companies were all formed on the same general plan. The workmen were generally the members of the company. They paid themselves the prevailing rate of wages, then divided among themselves either equally or in proportion to their wages the net profits of the business, when there were any, having first reserved a sufficient amount to pay interest on capital. As a matter of fact, the capital and much of the direction was contributed from outside by persons philanthropically interested in the plans, but the ideal recognized and desired was that capital should be subscribed, interest received, and all administration carried on by the workmen-coöperators themselves. In this way, in a coöperative productive establishment, there would not be two classes, employer and employee. The same individuals would be acting in both capacities, either themselves or through their elected managers. All of these early companies failed or dissolved, sooner or later, but in the meantime others had been established. By 1862 some 113 productive societies had been formed, including 28 textile manufacturing companies, 8 boot and shoe factories, 7 societies of iron workers, 4 of brush makers, and organizations in various other trades. Among the most conspicuous of these were three which were much discussed during their period of prosperity. They were the Liverpool Working Tailors' Association, which lasted from 1850 to 1860, the Manchester Working Tailors' Association, which flourished from 1850 to 1872, and the Manchester Working Hatters' Association, 1851-1873. These companies had at different times from 6 to 30 members each. After the great strike of the Amalgamated Society of Engineers, in 1852, a series of iron workers' coöperative associations were formed. In the next twenty years, between 1862 and 1882, some 163 productive societies were formed, and in 1892 there were 143 societies solely for coöperative production in existence, with some 25,000 members. Coöperative production has been distinctly less prosperous than coöperative distribution. Most purely coöperative productive societies have had a short and troubled existence, though their dissolution has in many cases been the result of contention rather than ordinary failure and has not always involved pecuniary loss. In addition to the usual difficulties of all business, insufficiency of capital, incompetency of buying and selling agents and of managers, dishonesty of trusted officials or of debtors, commercial panics, and other adversities to which coöperative, quite as much as or even more than individual companies have been subject, there are peculiar dangers often fatal to their coöperative principles. For instance, more than one such association, after going through a period of struggle and sacrifice, and emerging into a period of prosperity, has yielded to the temptation to hire additional employees just as any other employer might, at regular wages, without admitting them to any share in the profits, interest, or control of the business. Such a concern is little more than an ordinary joint-stock company with an unusually large number of shareholders. As a matter of fact, plain, clear-cut coöperative production makes up but a small part of that which is currently reported and known as such. A fairer statement would be that there is a large element of coöperation in a great many productive establishments. Nevertheless, productive societies more or less consistent to coöperative principles exist in considerable numbers and have even shown a distinct increase of growth in recent years. *87. Coöperation in Farming.*--Very much the same statements are true of another branch of coöperative effort,--coöperation in farming. Experiments were made very early, they have been numerous, mostly short-lived, and yet show a tendency to increase within the last decade. Sixty or more societies have engaged in coöperative farming, but only half a dozen are now in existence. The practicability and desirability of the application of coöperative ideals to agriculture is nevertheless a subject of constant discussion among those interested in coöperation, and new schemes are being tried from time to time. The growth of coöperation, like that of trade unions, has been dependent on successive modifications of the law; though it was rather its defects than its opposition that caused the difficulty in this case. When coöperative organizations were first formed it was found that by the common law they could not legally deal as societies with non-members; that they could not hold land for investment, or for any other purpose than the transaction of their own business, or more than one acre even for this purpose; that they could not loan money to other societies; that the embezzlement or misuse of their funds by their officers was not punishable; and that each member was responsible for the debts of the whole society. Eight or ten statutes have been passed to cure the legal defects from which coöperative associations suffered. The most important of these were the "Frugal Investment Clause" in the Friendly Societies Act of 1846, by which such associations were allowed to be formed and permitted to hold personal property for the purposes of a society for savings; the Industrial and Provident Societies Act, of 1852, by which coöperative societies were definitely authorized and obtained the right to sue as if they were corporations; the Act of 1862, which repealed the former acts, gave them the right of incorporation, made each member liable for debt only to the extent of his own investment, and allowed them greater latitude for investments; the third Industrial and Provident Societies Act of 1876, which again repealed previous acts and established a veritable code for their regulation and extension; and the act of 1894, which amends the law in some further points in which it had proved defective. All the needs of the coöperative movement, so far as they have been discovered and agreed upon by those interested in its propagation, have thus been provided for, so far as the law can do so. Coöperation has always contained an element of philanthropy, or at least of enthusiastic belief on the part of those especially interested in it, that it was destined to be of great service to humanity, and to solve many of the problems of modern social organization. Advocates of coöperation have not therefore been content simply to organize societies which would conduce to their own profit, but have kept up a constant propaganda for their extension. There was a period of about twenty years, from 1820 to 1840, before coöperation was placed on a solid footing, when it was advocated and tried in numerous experiments as a part of the agitation begun by Robert Owen for the establishment of socialistic communities. Within this period a series of congresses of delegates of coöperative associations was held in successive years from 1830 to 1846, and numerous periodicals were published for short periods. In 1850 a group of philanthropic and enthusiastic young men, including such able and prominent men as Thomas Hughes, Frederick D. Maurice, and others who have since been connected through long lives with coöperative effort, formed themselves into a "Society for promoting Working Men's Associations," which sent out lecturers, published tracts and a newspaper, loaned money, promoted legislation, and took other action for the encouragement of coöperation. Its members were commonly known as the "Christian Socialists." They had but scant success, and in 1854 dissolved the Association and founded instead a "Working Men's College" in London, which long remained a centre of coöperative and reformatory agitation. So far, this effort to extend and regulate the movement came rather from outside sympathizers than from coöperators themselves. With 1869, however, began a series of annual Coöperative Congresses which, like the annual Trade Union Congresses, have sprung from the initiative of workingmen themselves and which are still continued. Papers are read, addresses made, experiences compared, and most important of all a Central Board and a Parliamentary Committee elected for the ensuing year. At the thirty-first annual Congress, held in Liverpool in 1899, there were 1205 delegates present, representing over a million members of coöperative societies. Since 1887 a "Coöperative Festival," or exhibition of the products of coöperative workshops and factories, has been held each year in connection with the Congress. This exhibition is designed especially to encourage coöperative production. At the first Congress, in 1869, a Coöperative Union was formed which aims to include all the coöperative societies of the country, and as a matter of fact does include about three-fourths of them. The Central Coöperative Board represents this Union. It is divided into seven sections, each having charge of the affairs of one of the seven districts into which the country is divided for coöperative work. The Board issues a journal, prints pamphlets, keeps up correspondence, holds public examinations on auditing, book-keeping, and the principles of coöperation, and acts as a statistical, propagandist, and regulative body. There is also a "Coöperative Guild" and a "Women's Coöperative Guild," the latter with 262 branches and a membership of 12,537, in 1898. The total number of recognized coöperative societies in existence at the beginning of the year 1900 has been estimated at 1640, with a combined membership of 1,640,078, capital of £19,759,039, and investments of £11,681,296. The sale of goods in the year 1898 was £65,460,871, and net profits had amounted to £7,165,753. During the year 1898, 181 new societies of various kinds were formed. *88. Coöperation in Credit.*--In England building societies are not usually recognized as a form of coöperation, but they are in reality coöperative in the field of credit in the same way as the associations already discussed are in distribution, in production, or in agriculture. Building societies are defined in one of the statutes as bodies formed "for the purpose of raising by the subscription of the members a stock or fund for making advances to members out of the funds of the society." The general plan of one of these societies is as follows: A number of persons become members, each taking one or more shares. Each shareholder is required to pay into the treasury a certain sum each month. There is thus created each month a new capital sum which can be loaned to some member who may wish to borrow it and be able and willing to give security and to pay interest. The borrower will afterward have to pay not only his monthly dues, but the interest on his loan. The proportionate amount of the interest received is credited to each member, borrower and non-borrower alike, so that after a certain number of months, by the receipts from dues and interest, the borrower will have repaid his loan, whilst the members who have not borrowed will receive a corresponding sum in cash. Borrowers and lenders are thus the same group of persons, just as sellers and consumers are in distributive, and employers and employees in productive coöperation. The members of such societies are enabled to obtain loans when otherwise they might not be able to; the periodical dues create a succession of small amounts to be loaned, when otherwise this class of persons could hardly save up a sufficient sum to be used as capital; and finally by paying the interest to their collective group, so that a proportionate part of it is returned to the borrower, and by the continuance of the payment of dues, the repayment of the loan is less of a burden than in ordinary loans obtained from a bank or a capitalist. Loans to their members have been usually restricted to money to be used for the building of a dwelling-house or store or the purchase of land; whence their name of "building societies." Their formation dates from 1815, their extension, from about 1834. The principal laws authorizing and regulating their operations were passed in 1836, 1874, and 1894. The total number of building societies in England to-day is estimated at about 3000, their membership at about 600,000 members with £52,000,000 of funds. The history of these societies has been marked by a large number of failures, and they have lacked the moral elevation of the coöperative movement in its other phases. The codifying act of 1894 established a minute oversight and control over these societies on the part of the government authorities while at the same time it extended their powers and privileges. The one feature common to all forms of coöperation is the union of previously competing economic classes. In a coöperative store, competition between buyer and seller does not exist; and the same is true for borrower and lender in a building and loan association and for employer and employee in a coöperative factory. Coöperation is therefore in line with other recent movements in being a reaction from competition. *89. Profit Sharing.*--There is a device which has been introduced into many establishments which stands midway between simple competitive relations and full coöperation. It diminishes, though it does not remove, the opposition between employer and employee. This is "*profit sharing.*" In the year 1865 Henry Briggs, Son and Co., operators of collieries in Yorkshire, after long and disastrous conflicts with the miners' trade unions, offered as a measure of conciliation to their employees that whenever the net profit of the business should be more than ten per cent on their investment, one-half of all such surplus profit should be divided among the workmen in proportion to the wages they had earned in the previous year. The expectation was that the increased interest and effort and devotion put into the work by the men would be such as to make the total earnings of the employers greater, notwithstanding their sacrifice to the men of the half of the profits above ten per cent. This anticipation was justified. After a short period of suspicion on the part of the men, and doubt on the part of the employers, both parties seemed to be converted to the advantages of profit sharing, a sanguine report of their experience was made by a member of the firm to the Social Science Association in 1868, sums between one and six thousand pounds were divided yearly among the employees, while the percentage of profits to the owners rose to as much as eighteen per cent. This experiment split on the rock of dissension in 1875, but in the meantime others, either in imitation of their plan or independently, had introduced the same or other forms of profit sharing. Another colliery, two iron works, a textile factory, a millinery firm, a printing shop, and some others admitted their employees to a share in the profits within the years 1865 and 1866. The same plan was then introduced into certain retail stores, and into a considerable variety of occupations, including several large farms where a share of all profits was offered to the laborers as a "bonus" in addition to their wages. The results were very various, ranging all the way from the most extraordinary success to complete and discouraging failure. Up to 1897 about 170 establishments had introduced some form of profit sharing, 75 of which had subsequently given it up, or had gone out of business. In that year, however, the plan was still in practice in almost a hundred concerns, in some being almost twenty years old. A great many other employers, corporate or individual, provide laborers' dwellings at favorable rents, furnish meals at cost price, subsidize insurance funds, offer easy means of becoming shareholders in their firms, support reading rooms, music halls, and gymnasiums, or take other means of admitting their employees to advantages other than the simple receipt of competitive wages. But, after all, the entire control of capital and management in the case of firms which share profits with their employees remains in the hands of the employers, so that there is in these cases an enlightened fulfilment of the obligations of the employing class rather than a combination of two classes in one. With the exception of profit sharing, however, all the economic and social movements described in this chapter are as truly collective and as distinctly opposed to individualism, voluntary though they may be, as are the various forms of control exercised by government, described in the preceding chapter. In as far as men have combined in trade unions, in business trusts, in coöperative organizations, they have chosen to seek their prosperity and advantage in united, collective action, rather than in unrestricted individual freedom. And in as far as such organizations have been legalized, regulated by government, and encouraged by public opinion, the confidence of the community at large has been shown to rest rather in associative than in competitive action. Therefore, whether we look at the rapidly extending sphere of government control and service, or at the spread of voluntary combinations which restrict individual liberty, it is evident that the tendencies of social development at the close of the nineteenth century are as strongly toward association and regulation as they were at its beginning toward individualism and freedom from all control. *90. Socialism.*--All of these changes are departures from the purely competitive ideal of society. Together they constitute a distinct movement toward a quite different ideal of society--that which is described as socialistic. Socialism in this sense means the adoption of measures directed to the general advantage, even though they diminish individual freedom and restrict enterprise. It is the tendency to consider the general good first, and to limit individual rights or introduce collective action wherever this will subserve the general good. Socialism thus understood, the process of limiting private action and introducing public control, has gone very far, as has been seen in this and the preceding chapter. How far it is destined to extend, to what fields of industry collective action is to be applied, and which fields are to be left to individual action can only be seen as time goes on. Many further changes in the same direction have been advocated in Parliament and other public bodies in recent years and failed of being agreed to by very small majorities only. It seems almost certain from the progress of opinion that further socialistic measures will be adopted within the near future. The views of those who approve this socialistic tendency and would extend it still further are well indicated in the following expressions used in the minority report of the Royal Commission on Labor of 1895. "The whole force of democratic statesmanship must, in our opinion, henceforth be directed to the substitution as fast as possible of public for capitalist enterprise, and where the substitution is not yet practicable, to the strict and detailed regulation of all industrial operations so as to secure to every worker the conditions of efficient citizenship." There is a somewhat different use of the word socialism, according to which it means the deliberate adoption of such an organization of society as will rid it of competition altogether. This is a complete social and philosophic ideal, involving the consistent reorganization of all society, and is very different from the mere socialistic tendency described above. In the early part of the century, Robert Owen developed a philosophy which led him to labor for the introduction of communities in which competition should be entirely superseded by joint action. He had many adherents then, and others since have held similar views. There has, indeed, been a series of more or less short-lived attempts to found societies or communities on this socialistic basis. Apart from these efforts, however, socialism in this sense belongs to the history of thought or philosophic speculation, not of actual economic and social development. Professed socialists, represented by the Fabyan Society, the Socialist League, the Social Democratic Federation, and other bodies, are engaged in the spread of socialistic doctrines and the encouragement of all movements of associative, anti-individualistic character rather than in efforts to introduce immediate practical socialism. *91. BIBLIOGRAPHY* Webb, Sidney and Beatrice: _The History of Trade Unionism_. This excellent history contains, as an Appendix, an extremely detailed bibliography on its own subject and others closely allied to it. Howell, George: _Conflicts of Labor and Capital_. Rousiers, P. de: _The Labour Question in Britain_. Holyoake, G. I.: _History of Coöperation_, two volumes. This is the classical work on the subject, but its plan is so confused, its style so turgid, and its information so scattered, that, however amusing it may be, it is more interesting and valuable as a history of the period than as a clear account of the movement for which it is named. Mr. Holyoake has written two other books on the same subject: _A History of the Rochdale Pioneers_ and _The Coöperative Movement of To-day_. Pizzamiglio, L.: _Distributing Coöperative Societies_. Jones, Benjamin: _Coöperative Production_. Gilman, N. P.: _Profit Sharing between Employer and Employee_; and _A Dividend to Labor_. Webb, Sidney and Beatrice: _Problems of Modern Industry_. Verhaegen, P.: _Socialistes Anglais_. A series of small modern volumes known as the Social Science Series, most of which deal with various phases of the subject of this chapter, is published by Swan, Sonnenschein and Co., London, and the list of its eighty or more numbers gives a characteristic view of recent writing on the subject, as well as further references. INDEX Acres, 33. Adventurers, 164. Agincourt, 97. Agricultural Children's Act, 262. Agricultural Gangs Act, 262. Agricultural Holdings Acts, 268. Alderman, 63. Ale-taster, 49. Alfred, 13. Alien immigrants, 90. Allotments and Small Holdings Association, 269. Amalgamated Society of Engineers, 290. Angevin period, 22. Anti-Corn Law League, 231. Apprentice, 65. Apprentice houses, 246. Apprentices, Statute of, 156, 228. Arkwright, Sir Richard, 209. Armada, 141. Army and navy stores, 299. Arras, 81, 87. Ashley, Lord, 254. Assize of Bread and Beer, 68, 228. Assize, rents of, 41, 49. Bailiff, 40, 141. Balk, 35. Ball, John, 112. Bank of England, 194. Barbary Company, 166. Bardi, 91. Berkhamstead Common, 264. Beverly, 71. Birmingham, 189. Black Death, 99. Blackheath, 115. Bolton, 189. Boon-works, 41. Boston, 76. Bridgewater Canal, 216. Bristol, 80, 148, 162. Britons, 4. Bryan, Chief-Justice, 143. Building Societies, 306. Burgage Tenure, 59. Burgesses, 59. Calais, 89, 97. Cambridge, 117. Canterbury, 11, 115. Canynges, William, 162. Carding, 205, 210. _Carta Mercatoria_, 81. Cartwright, Edmund, 210. Cavendish, John, 117. Chaucer, 98. Chester, 70. Chevage, 44. Children's Half-time Act, 255. Children's labor, 237, 246. Church, organization of the, 11. Civil Service Supply Association, 299. Climate, 2. Clothiers, 153. Coal, 3, 214. Coal mines, labor in, 257. Cobden, Richard, 231. Cologne, 80. Colonies, 178, 190. Combination Acts, 279. Combinations, legalization of, 282. Commerce, 81, 134, 161, 189. Common employment, doctrine of, 261. Commons, 37, 263. Commons Preservation Society, 264. Commutation of services, 125. Competition, 226, 233, 311. Coöperation in credit, 306. Coöperation in distribution, 295. Coöperation in farming, 302. Coöperation in production, 300. Coöperative congresses, 305. Coöperative legislation, 303. Copyholders, 143. Corn Laws, 185, 223, 230. Corpus Christi day, 70. Cotters, 40. Cotton gin, 211. Cotton manufacture, 188, 203. County councils, 243. Court of Assistants, 150. Court rolls, 46. Coventry, 70, 148. Craft gilds, 64, 147. Crafts, 64, 147. Crafts, combination of, 160. Crécy, 97. Crompton, Samuel, 210. Cromwell, 179. _Cry of the Children_, 251. Currency, 169. Customary tenants, 41, 143. Danes, 12. Dartford, 115. Davy, Sir Humphry, 215. Dean, 63. Decaying of towns, 144, 154. Demesne farming, abandonment of, 128, 141. Demesne lands, 39, 104, 131. Dockers' strike, 287. Domesday Book, 18, 29. Domestic system, 153, 185, 188, 220. Drapers, 149, 161. Droitwich, 155. Eastern trade, 84, 164. East India Company, 166, 190. Employer's Liability Acts, 260. Enclosure commissioners, 218, 263. Enclosures, 141, 216. Engrossers, 68. Epping Forest, 266. _Essay on Population_, 232. Essex, 114. Evesham, 155. Fabyan Society, 311. Factory Acts, 244. Factory and Workshop Consolidation Act, 258. Factory system, 212. Fairs, 75. Farmers, 129, 144. Federation of trade unions, 289. Fens, 184. Feudalism, 20. Finance, 169, 193. Flanders, 163. Flanders fleet, 86, 167. Flanders trade, 87, 168. Flemish artisans in England, 94, 116. Flemish Hanse of London, 88. Florence, 90, 168. Forestallers, 68. Foreign artisans in England, 94. Foreign trade, 81, 134, 161, 189, 203, 230. Forty-shilling freeholders, 241. Frank pledge, 46. Fraternities, 62, 71. Freeholders, 41, 124, 241. Free-tenants, 41. Free trade in land, 231. French Revolution, 200. Fugitive villains, 59, 130. Fulling mills, 229. Furlong, 34. Gascony, 90, 94, 169. Geography of England, 1. Ghent, 87. Gildhall, 69, 92. Gild merchant, 59. Gilds, craft, 64. Gilds, non-industrial, 71. Government policy toward gilds, 65, 154. Greater Companies of London, 153. Grocyn, 136. Groningen, 166. Guienne, 90, 169. Guinea Company, 166. Hales, Robert, 116. Hamburg, 89, 166, 230. Hamlet, 31. Hand-loom weavers, 188, 203, 220. Hanseatic League, 89, 163. Hanse trade, 89, 167. Hargreaves, James, 207. Health and Morals Act, 247. Heriot, 41. Hospitallers, 91, 116. Hostage, 81. Houses of the Working Classes Act, 271. Huguenots, 185. Hull, 160. Hundred Years' War, 96. Iceland, 168. Individualism, 232. Industrial revolution, 213. Insular situation of England, 2. Insurance, 196. _Intercursus Magnus_, 168. Interest, 171. Ireland, conquest of, 24. Irish union, 203. Iron, 3, 214. Italian trade, 84, 164, 167. Italians in England, 90. Jack Straw, 116. Jews, 59, 91. John of Gaunt, 114. Journeymen, 66, 147. Journeymen gilds, 148. Kay, 206. Kempe, John, 94. Kent, 9, 114. Kidderminster, 155. Laborers, Statutes of, 106. Laissez-faire, 224, 228. Land, reclamation of, 6. Latimer, Hugh, 145. Law merchant, 78. Law of wages, 226. Lawyers, hostility to, 124. Lead, 3, 83, 88. Leather, 83, 88. Leeds, 189. Leet, 46. Leicester, 62, 79. Lesser Companies of London, 151. Levant Company, 166. Leyr, 44. Lister, Geoffrey, 117. Livery Companies, 149. Location of industries, change of, 151. Lollards, 98, 111. London, 149. Lord of manor, 39, 103, 125, 143. Lubeck, 89. Lynn, 93. Lyons, Richard, 117. Macadam, 215. _Magna Carta_, 26. Malthus, 232. Manchester, 189, 247, 284. Manor, 31. Manor-courts, 123, 141. Manor-house, 31, 123. Manufacturing towns, 189, 238. Manumissions, 120, 129. Markets, 75. Market towns, 75. Masters, 65. Mechanical inventions, 203. Mercers, 147, 150, 166. Merchant gilds, 59. Merchants adventurers, 164. Merchet, 44. Methuen Treaty, 190. Mile End, 120. Mill-hands, 213, 221. Misteries, 64. Monopolies, 187. More, Sir Thomas, 145. Morocco Company, 166. Morrowspeche, 63. Mule spinning, 210. Muscovy Company, 166. Mushold Heath, 117. Mutiny Act, 182. Mystery plays, 70. Napoleon, 200. National debt, 196. Native commerce, 161. _Nativus_, 43. Navigation laws, 169, 189, 192, 229. Newcastle-on-Tyne, 164. Non-industrial gilds, 71. Norman Conquest, 15. Norway, 163. Norwich, 117. Novgorod, 163. Open-fields, 33, 142, 217. Origin of the manor, 55. Owen, Robert, 248, 311. Oxford, 102, 147. Pageants, 159. Parcels post, 275. Parish councils, 243, 269. Parliament, foundation of, 26. Paternal government, 173. Peasant proprietorship, 270. Peasants' rebellion, 111. Peel, Sir Robert (the elder), 247. Peel, Sir Robert (the younger), 230. Peruzzi, 91. Pie Powder Courts, 78. Pilgrimage of Grace, 146. Plymouth Company, 190. Poitiers, 97. Poll tax, 113. Poor Priests, 112. Portugal, 83, 190. Post-office Savings Bank, 274. Power-loom, 210. Prehistoric Britain, 4. Private Enclosure Acts, 217. Privy Council, 138. Profit-sharing, 307. Puritans, 140, 178. Railway Regulation Act, 260. Reaper, 49. Reeve, 40. Reformation, 138. Reform of Parliament, 241. Regrators, 68. Regulated Companies, 174. Relief, 21, 41. Religious gilds, 71, 158. Rents of Assize, 41. Reorganized Companies, 187. Restoration, 180. Revolution, Industrial, 213. Revolution of 1688, 181. Ricardo, David, 226. Rochdale Pioneers, 296. Rochdale plan, 296. Romans in Britain, 5. Roses, Wars of the, 99. Russia Company, 166. _Rusticus_, 43. St. Albans, 118. St. Edmund's Abbey, 117. St. Helen of Beverly, 71. St. Ives' Fair, 76, 79. Sale of Food and Drugs Act, 273. Savoy Palace, 116. Saxon invasion, 8. Scattered strips, 38. Scotland, contest with, 24. Serfdom, 43, 120, 124. Serfdom, decay of, 129. _Servus_, 43. Sheep-raising, 142. Sheffield, 189, 284. Shop Hours Act, 260. Shrewsbury, 147. Skevin, 63. Sliding scale, 231. Small Dwellings Acquisition Act, 272. Small holdings, 269. Smith, Adam, 224. Smithfield, 121. Social Democratic Federation, 311. Social gilds, 71, 158. Socialism, 310. Socialist League, 311. Sources, 54. Southampton, 61. South Sea Bubble, 195. Spain, 82, 168. Spencer, Henry de, 122. Spices, 84. Spinning, 205. Spinning-jenny, 207. Stade, 166. Staple, 87. Statute of Apprentices, 156, 228. Statutes of Laborers, 106. Steelyard, 92, 167. Sterling, 89. Steward, 40, 46. Stourbridge Fair, 76. Sturmys, 162. Sudbury, 116. Sweating, 260. Tallage, 44. Taverner, John, 162. Taxation, 194. Telegraph, government, 273. Telephone, government, 273. Telford, 215. Temple Bar, 116. Ten-hour Act, 256. Three-field system, 36. Tin, 3, 83, 88, 91, 93. Tolls, 57, 78, 82. Town government, 57. Towns, 57, 79, 154. Trade combinations, 294. Trade routes, 84. Trade unions, 279. Trades councils, 289. Transportation, 214. Trusts, 294. Turkey Company, 166. Ulster, Plantation of, 190. Usury, 171. Utopia, 145. Venice, 84. Venturers, 164. Vill, 31. Village community, 54. Villages, 31, 114. Villain, 40, 111, 125. Villainage, 130. _Villanus_, 43. Virgate, 38. Virginia Company, 190. _Vision of Piers Plowman_, 98, 111. Wages in hand occupations, 220. Wages, law of, 226. Wales, conquest of, 24. Walloons, 185. Walworth, Sir William, 121. Wardens, 69, 161. Watt, James, 212. Wat Tyler, 116, 121. _Wealth of Nations_, 225. Weavers, 65, 152, 188. Weaving, 205. Week-work, 42. Whitney, Eli, 211. Wholesale Coöperative Society, 299. Wilburton, 128. Wimbledon Common, 264. Winchester Fair, 76. Wolsey, Cardinal, 145. Women's labor, 237. Woodkirk, 70. Wool, 83, 87, 142, 205, 210, 216. Worcester, 155. Wycliffe, 97. Yeomen, 129, 221, 237. Yeomen gilds, 148. York, 65, 70. Young, Arthur, 225. Ypres, 87. Printed in the United States of America. * * * * * A HISTORY OF GREECE For High Schools and Academies By *GEORGE WILLIS BOTSFORD*, Ph.D. _Instructor in the History of Greece and Rome in Harvard University_ 8vo. Half Leather. $1.10 "Dr. Botsford's 'History of Greece' has the conspicuous merits which only a text-book can possess which is written by a master of the original sources. Indeed, the use of the text of Homer, Herodotus, the dramatists, and the other contemporary writers is very effective, and very suggestive as to the right method of teaching and study. The style is delightful. For simple, unpretentious narrative and elegant English the book is a model. In my judgment, the work is far superior to any other text-book for high school or academic use which has yet appeared. Its value is enriched by the illustrations, as also by the reference lists and the suggestive studies. It will greatly aid in the new movement to encourage modern scientific method in the teaching of history in the secondary schools of the country. It will be adopted by Stanford as the basis of entrance requirements in Grecian history." --Professor George Elliot Howard, _Stanford University_, Cal. "Dr. Botsford's ideal is a high one, and he has spared no pains to realize it. 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POWELL, A.M.*, Superintendent of Public Schools, Washington, D.C. Cloth. 12mo. 65 cents THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 66 FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YORK 378 Wabash Avenue, Chicago 135 Whitehall Street, Atlanta 100 Boylston Street, Boston 319-325 Sansome Street, San Francisco 
20653	----	file was produced from images generously made available by the Library of Congress) CHECKING THE WASTE A STUDY IN CONSERVATION _By_ MARY HUSTON GREGORY * * * _What you would weave into the life of the nation, put into the public schools._ --EMPEROR WILLIAM I. * * * INDIANAPOLIS THE BOBBS-MERRILL COMPANY PUBLISHERS COPYRIGHT 1911 PRESS OF BRAUNWORTH & CO. BOOKBINDERS AND PRINTERS BROOKLYN, N. Y. * * * CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE I WHAT IS CONSERVATION? 1 II SOIL 10 III FORESTS 42 IV WATER 86 V COAL 124 VI OTHER FUELS 144 VII IRON 164 VIII OTHER MINERALS 181 IX ANIMAL FOODS 198 X INSECTS 217 XI BIRDS 236 XII HEALTH 265 XIII BEAUTY 302 XIV IN CONCLUSION 312 PREFACE Much has been said and written on the subject of conservation and many excellent ideas have been advanced, but as yet too little has been accomplished in the way of practical results. Probably this is due largely to the fact that most people think of conservation as a problem for the federal and state governments, mine owners, great lumber companies, owners of vast tracts of land, and large corporations; and have not realized how much the responsibility for the care of our natural resources and the penalty for their waste rest with the whole people, that every one has a part in this work which has been called "the greatest question before the American people." One cause of the failure to realize this personal responsibility is that while there have been college text-books and scientific treatises on various branches of the subject, such as Forestry, there has been no book treating of the entire problem of our natural resources, their extent, the amount and nature of their use, their waste, and what may be done to conserve them, prepared in a way that can be readily understood by the ordinary reader, and dealing with the practical, rather than the technical, side. It is to supply the need for such general knowledge, and to show how such saving may be accomplished, that this book has been written. It is designed as a short but complete statement of the entire conservation question, and should be of service for study in teachers' reading circles, farmers' institutes, women's clubs, the advanced grades in schools, and for general library purposes. Every statement of fact bears the weight of authority, for no facts or figures are given that have not been verified by government reports, reports of scientific societies, etc. Information has been gathered from many sources, chief among them being the Report of the Conference of Governors at the White House, in May, 1908; the Report of the National Conservation Commission, the Report on National Vitality, the Report of the Inland Waterways Commission, of the Geological Survey, the Census Reports, and many government departmental pamphlets. M. H. G. Indianapolis, November 24, 1910. * * * CHECKING THE WASTE CHAPTER I WHAT IS CONSERVATION? A Nation's Riches lie both in its people and in its natural resources. Neither can exist in its highest estate without the other. Goldsmith predicted the certain downfall of lands "where wealth accumulates and men decay," but, in the truest, broadest definition, there can be no national wealth unless the men and women of the nation are healthy, intelligent, educated and right-minded. On the other hand it is equally true that if the people of a country are to make the most of themselves in mind and body; if they are to get the most comfort and happiness out of life and to become in the highest degree useful, they must develop its natural resources to the greatest possible degree. The United States is particularly fortunate in its abundant riches of soil, forest and mine, and in the fact that from the beginning of the nation these have been the inheritance not of a people slowly learning the use of tools and materials, and emerging from ignorance and savagery, but representing the most advanced and enlightened ideas and spiritual ideals of the time. The result of these conditions has been inventions and discoveries that have developed a great nation at home and have done much to better the condition of the world. But the very magnitude of our natural wealth has made us careless, even prodigal, in its use, and thoughtful men are beginning to realize that with the natural increase of population which is to be expected, we shall, if the present rates of use and waste continue, find ourselves no longer rich, but facing poverty and even actual want. But it is not too late to save ourselves from the results of our past extravagance. We are only beginning to see the danger into which we have almost plunged, but we see enough to make us realize that every one must do his part in checking the waste. Before this can be intelligently accomplished we must understand something of the great national movement for the conservation of our national resources. Let us go back for a moment to the beginning of our history as a nation, the days of Washington. Invention at that time was little advanced over what it had been three hundred years before. The same type of slow-sailing vessels carried all the commerce. Wind and water were the only powers employed in running the few factories. Only a little iron was used in this country, and in fact almost its only use anywhere at that time was for tools. There was little machinery, and that of the simplest description. Anthracite coal was known in this country only as a hard black rock. Bituminous coal, gas, and oil were unknown. The forests stretched away in unbroken miles of wilderness. The wood was used for the settlers' homes, their fuel, and their scanty furniture, but they needed so little that it grew much faster than it could be used. The man who cut down a tree was a public benefactor. The trees, though so necessary to life, were regarded as a serious hindrance to civilization, for they must be cleared away before crops could be planted. To the pioneers as to us the soil was the most valuable of all resources. The rivers were necessary to every community for carrying their commerce, and turning the wheels of their saw and grist mills; while the fish, game, and birds made a necessary part of their living. Under these conditions, with every resource to be found in such abundance that it seemed impossible it could ever be exhausted, and with a small scattered population to draw on all these riches, careless habits of using were sure to spring up. Our forefathers took the best that the land offered, and that which was easiest to get, and gave no thought to caring for what remained. Their children, and the new immigrants who came in such numbers, all practised the same wasteful methods. In the century and a quarter that has passed since then, a great change has come over the world. By the magic of the railroad, the telegraph, and the telephone, all the nations of the earth are bound more closely to one another now than were the scattered communities of a single county in those days, or than the states of the Union before the Civil War. The forests have been cut away and in place of endless miles of wilderness there now stretch endless miles of fertile farms, yielding abundant harvests. Slow-going sailing vessels have given place to steamboats which now carry the river and lake commerce. But men are no longer dependent on the rivers, for swift railway trains penetrate every part of the country. The stage-coach is replaced by the trolley-car, and the horseback rider, plodding over corduroy roads with his saddle-bags, is succeeded by the automobile rider speeding over the most improved highways. Farm machinery of all descriptions has revolutionized the old methods of doing farm work. The fish, game, and birds are largely gone and in their place are the animal foods raised by man. Modern houses, filled with countless devices for labor-saving and comfort, have replaced the simple homes of colonial days. What has brought about this change? The energy and industry of American men and women, aided for the most part by American inventions, and made possible by the wonderful natural resources of America. No one could wish to have had our country's development checked in any way. These great results could be obtained only by using the materials that could be had easiest and cheapest, even if it meant great waste in the beginning. Labor was scarce and high in this country, abundant and cheap in Europe. In order to make goods that could be sold at prices even above those of European countries, it was absolutely necessary to have cheap lumber, coal and iron. But the time has come when we can no longer continue this waste without interfering with future development. Some of the resources have been so exhausted that a few years will see the end of their use in large commercial quantities. Others, such as coal and iron, will last much longer, but when they are gone they can never be replaced; and so far as we can now foresee, the country will cease to prosper when they can no longer be had for use in manufacturing. The length of time they will last at the present rate of use can be easily calculated. It is a long time for us to look forward, for it is longer than the lifetime of any man now living, or of his children, but it is within the life of his grandchildren, and that is a very short time in the history of a nation. It may be said that while other nations have passed into decay, none has ever exhausted its resources so early in its history, and surely this great rich nation can not so soon face actual need. But we must remember that no other nation has ever used its resources as we have used ours. We are using in years what other nations have used in centuries. It is not possible now, it probably never will be possible, to use every particle of a resource. This would be too expensive, would mean a labor cost far beyond the value of the thing saved. In the beginning, as we have shown, the vast wastes were not wanton, but absolutely necessary, and we have not yet reached the point where we can afford to use the low-grade ores, to use all lumber waste and to practise many other economies that may sometime become necessary. But in the case of the forests we should provide enough trees for use in coming years, and in the case of all minerals, the refuse should be left in such condition that it can easily be ready for possible future use. If conservation meant leaving our resources untouched, and checking development in order that there might be an abundance for future generations, it would be both an unwise and unacceptable policy; but it must be thoroughly understood that this is not what is desired. Conservation does not mean the locking up of our resources, nor a hindrance to real progress in any direction. _It means only wise, careful use._ It does not mean that we shall cease to cut our timber, but it does mean that we shall not waste two-thirds of all that is cut, as we are doing at present. It means, too, that we shall take better care of articles manufactured from it, and most of all, it means that, when a tree is cut down another shall, whenever possible, be planted in its stead to provide for the needs of the future. It means that we shall not allow the farms of our country to lose five hundred million dollars in value every year by letting the rich top-soil drain off into our rivers, because we have cut away the trees whose roots held the soil in place. It also means that we shall not steadily rob the land of the elements that would produce good crops, and put nothing back into the soil. It means that we shall not kill the birds that destroy harmful insects and thus invite the insects to destroy the crops that we have cultivated with such care. It does not mean that we shall let our mines of coal and iron lie unused, as the miser does his gold, but that we shall, while taking what we need, leave as little waste in the mine as possible, and shall use what we take in the most economical way. This means a saving of money to the user, as well as a conservation of resources. It means, too, that we shall not allow our water-power to remain unused, while we burn millions of tons of coal in doing the work that water-power would do better. It means that we shall not allow enough natural gas to escape into the air every day to light all the large cities in the United States. It means that we shall take better care of the life and health of the people. This is the true conservation. In the following chapters we shall take up each of the great resources in turn, shall see what we have used, what we have wasted, what remains to us, how long it will continue at the present rate, how it may be used more wisely, and how it may be replaced, if that be possible, or what may be used instead of those which can not be renewed. We shall study how we may make the most of all that nature has given us and develop our country to the highest possible point, how we may rise far above our present level in comfort, convenience, and abundance, and yet do all these things with much less waste than we now permit. CHAPTER II THE SOIL The soil is the greatest of our natural resources. We may almost say that it is greater than all the others combined, for from it comes all of our food; a large part of it directly as plants which grow in the soil and which we eat in the form of roots, leaves, grains, berries, fruits, and nuts; and a part of it indirectly as animals, which have received their food supply from the plants. But this is not all. The soil supplies almost every known need. We build our homes from the trees of the forest; combined with the iron that comes from the soil they furnish our fuel, our ships, our cars, our furniture, and countless other things. Our clothing is made from the cotton or flax which grows from the soil, the wool from the sheep that feed on the pastures, or from the silk-worms that feed on leaves. So it is to the earth that we turn for every need, and Mother Nature supplies it. But it is of the soil as it gives us our food supply that we shall speak in this chapter, and we must first learn the nature of the soil, and the process of its making, in order to understand the need of extraordinary care in its management, and also how to use it so that it will not wear out, or become exhausted, but will increase in value for years and even centuries, as it will if properly cared for. The earth's surface is constantly being renewed. Although the great formative movements occurred ages ago, yet earthquakes, volcanic action, wind, frost and water are working continual changes. Hills and mountains have been thrown up, and nature has gone to work at once to shave down the mountains and fill up the valleys. The whole earth is as carefully adjusted and balanced as the wheels of a watch, but these adjustments take place in long periods of time. In a lifetime, or even a century, the changes of the earth's surface seem few and small, but they are none the less sure. The soil or humus, that is, the upper layer of the earth's crust which is used in farming, has an average depth of about four feet, and has been formed by decay, first and most important of all by rock decay which is constantly going on under the surface of the earth and in exposed places everywhere, and is caused by the action of air and water. This process is very slow. In places where the rock is already partly ground up, or, disintegrated, as we sometimes say, it is more rapid, but the average growth of the soil from beneath by rock decay is scarcely more than a foot in ten thousand years. Some waste of this upper layer is constantly taking place from above, caused by wind and floods, and considerable additions are made to it by the decay of animal and vegetable matter, but in order to keep the soil at its best, the average soil waste should not amount to more than an inch every thousand years. When this humus is once exhausted there is no way to repair the damage but to wait for the slow rock-decay. In the river valleys there is no immediate danger of exhausting the entire body of the soil, but on the hills and in the higher regions the soil-depth is very much less than four feet, and the danger of waste much more serious. There are parts of the earth that were once almost as fertile as ours where great cities once stood, but where now nothing is left but the bare rock. So we know that the end is sure, even for the life of man upon earth, unless we learn to conserve our soil. The value of our farm crops can not be overestimated. In food value they are the life of the nation; in money value, our greatest national wealth. For the year 1909 the total value of farm products was the amazing sum of $8,760,000,000. It may give some idea of this vast amount to say that if we could have it in the form of twenty-dollar gold pieces, stacked in one pile, the column would reach seven hundred miles high. If they were laid flat, edge to edge, they would extend from Alaska to the Panama Canal, with enough left over to reach from New York to San Francisco. If the money could be distributed, it would give us all, every man, woman and child in the United States, one hundred dollars apiece. The corn crop was worth $1,720,000,000; the cotton $850,000,000; wheat comes third with a value of $725,000,000; then come hay, oats, and other crops in vast amounts worth hundreds of millions of dollars. The cotton alone was worth more than the world's output of gold and silver combined. The corn would pay for the Panama Canal, for fifty battleships, and for the irrigation projects in the West, with a hundred million dollars left over. And this is all new wealth. If we build a house, we have gained the house, but the trees of which we build it are gone. The same thing is true of every article we manufacture. Something is taken from our store in the making. But after we have taken these wonderful crops from our farms the land is still there, and the soil is just as ready to produce a good crop the next year, and the next, and the next, if we treat it properly. This matter of soil conservation is of the greatest importance to every one of us. If you are to own a farm, or rent a farm, or till a garden, or plant an orchard ten years from now, it will make a great difference to you whether the man who owns it from now until then knows how to care for it so as to make it produce well, or whether, by neglect, he allows it to become poorer each year. It will make a far greater difference if twenty years elapse. It makes a difference to the farmer whether he gets twelve bushels of wheat to the acre, or whether he gets twenty, for the cost of producing the smaller amount is just as great as the cost of producing the larger, and the extra bushels are all profit. It makes a difference whether a garden furnishes all the fruit and vegetables needed by the family, or whether it does not even pay for cultivation, and the food must be bought at high prices. It makes even more difference to the dweller in the city, who must buy all that he eats, whether food is abundant or not. If food is abundant, prices are low, but when the yield is small the demand is so great that prices become high. Not only the men, but the women and children as well, are affected by these food values, because it is from the extra money left over after the actual cost of living is taken out that the clothing, the house-furnishings, books, pictures, music, travel and all the pleasures of life must come. Great as are our harvests, we are not raising much more than enough for our present needs. Each year we are using more of our food at home, and have less to export to other countries. In a few years more the public lands will all be taken, and there will be comparatively little more land than we now cultivate to supply a population that will be many times as great as at present. Men who watch the great movements of the world tell us that the time is coming before many years when there will not be food enough to supply all our people, when we shall be buying food from other countries instead of selling to them, when we shall have famine instead of plenty unless we realize the danger and at once set about to make the most of every acre of our land. James J. Hill, the great railroad builder of the Northwest, and one of the best informed men of the country on food production and the increase of population, is doing a great work in pointing out these dangers to the people on every possible occasion. Watching the great food-producing region of the country, he has noted that each year the yield per acre is growing less, and the population steadily more. He tells us that when our first census was taken only four per cent. of the people lived in cities, that fifty years ago one-third of the people lived in cities, and two-thirds in the country, that is, two-thirds of the people were furnishing food to the remainder. Now conditions are almost exactly reversed. Only one-third remain in the country, and must supply the food, not only for themselves, but for all the two-thirds who are not food producers, so that the food supply is lagging far behind the demand. The price of corn has advanced from twenty-five cents to sixty-five cents a bushel in ten years, and this in turn raises the price of live stock. And so all along the line. Prices are growing higher all the time because not enough food is being produced to supply the demand. So we can see that it is absolutely necessary that the soil be properly cared for if we are to continue to increase and prosper, for as Secretary Wilson has said, "Upon the fertility of the soil depends the whole business of agriculture." The soil is exhausted in two ways: (1) By erosion, or the carrying away of the entire soil itself. (2) By so using the soil that one or more of its principal elements are worn out. We shall consider this form of soil exhaustion first, because it more directly concerns the work of every farmer. By a fertile soil is meant one that has an abundance of plant food in the proper proportions. The soil contains all the elements that are needed to support life, but they are in an inorganic form, that is, they are lifeless. Plants alone can take these inorganic substances from the soil, and change them into starch, sugar, fats, and protein. All animals, including man, must get these substances through plants, or through other animals that have already absorbed them from plants. The soil contains ten elements that are absorbed or assimilated by plants. These are: (1) lime, (2) magnesia, (3) iron, (4) sulphur, all of which are found in most plants in very small proportions, and are present in most soils in quantities far beyond the needs of crops for ages to come; (5) carbon, which is obtained by plants through their leaves directly from the air and the sunshine; (6) hydrogen and (7) oxygen, which are taken from the water in the soil and carried to the leaves, where they also help to take the carbon from the atmosphere. With none of these elements, then, does the farmer need to concern himself in regions where the water supply is abundant, as they are, and will continue to be, plentifully supplied by nature. But the other three, (8) nitrogen, (9) potassium, and (10) phosphorus, are needed by plants in large quantities, and are taken from the soil far more rapidly than nature can replace them. All these elements are necessary to plant life, but some plants require a large amount of one element, others a small proportion of that, but a large amount of some of the others. No two varieties of plants require exactly the same proportions, so it is easy to see that the plant that takes out of the soil any one element makes the soil less capable each year of producing a good crop of the same kind. In the early days of farming in this country, it was the custom to grow a single crop, which had been found to give good results, year after year in the same field. In Virginia and other near-by states nearly all the best land was given every year to the cultivation of tobacco, which exhausts the soil rapidly. In the states farther north other crops were planted in the same way. As a result, some of the most fertile soil in Virginia, the Carolinas, Massachusetts, and other eastern states has been so exhausted that it is no longer worth cultivating. Everywhere throughout the New England states are to be found these worn-out farms, and, while they were never so fertile as the lands of the Mississippi Valley, each one was rich enough to support a family in comfort, with something left to sell; but because they were required to produce the same crops, and so take the same element from the soil, year after year, they have become so lacking in one of the essential elements that they are unfit for cultivation, and have been abandoned. It is wisdom and good business policy for farmers to study carefully this question of plant food and to learn what each crop is taking from the soil, so that it may be replaced. It has been found by long and careful experiments, that when land has been "single cropped," as this abuse of the land is called, for a long time, the soil has been almost entirely deprived of its nitrogen. As you know, nitrogen is one of the elements of the air, so that there is a never-ending supply, but most plants are unable to take it from the air, and until the last few years the task of replacing nitrogen in the soil was considered impossible. Recent discoveries, however, have shown that there are two ways in which it may be done. By means of electricity, nitrogen may be directly combined with the other elements of the soil. The other method is nature's own plan, and so is easier and cheaper. It has been found that while most plants exhaust the nitrogen from the soil, one class of plants, the legumes, of which beans, peas, clover, and alfalfa are the best known, have the power of drawing large stores of nitrogen from the air, and, by means of bacteria attached to their roots, restoring it to the ground. So farmers have learned that if they plant corn one year, it is wiser not to plant corn in the same field the next year, but to sow wheat, which requires less nitrogen, and the following year to sow clover, so that the nitrogen which the corn and wheat have taken from the soil, may be put back into it. If the land be naturally fertile, and has been well cared for, the soil is then ready to produce a good crop of corn again. If the soil has become worn-out and the farmer is trying to improve its general condition, he can gain better results by keeping the field in clover a second year, when a profitable crop of clover seed may be had from the land. This system of changing each year, and alternating cereal crops, which take the nitrogen from the soil, with leguminous plants, which restore it to the soil again, is called "rotation of crops," and if regularly followed will preserve a proper balance of nitrogen in the soil. In some parts of the West there is a lack of decaying vegetable matter in the soil, because the few plants which naturally grow there have small roots, and leave little vegetable material behind when they decay. For this condition one of the best crops to employ in rotation is sugar-beets, because they strike many small roots deep into the earth. As these decay, each leaves behind a tiny load of vegetable mold deep in the earth, and also makes the soil more porous. As the principal elements of the soil needed by sugar-beets are carbon and oxygen, which are absorbed from the air and sunshine, and as the beets can be sold at a good profit, it is an excellent crop to employ in rotation. In the United States records in various states show that where sugar-beets are used in rotation, the wheat and corn yield is increased from two to four times, and in Germany they are largely used to restore the fertility of the land, even if the sugar-beets themselves are sold at a loss. It is most important that farmers should understand the principle of rotation of crops, because nothing is taken from the soil so quickly or in such large quantities as nitrogen, and nothing is so easily put back; while, if it is not so replaced, the land becomes worthless. A comparison of the results of single cropping and the rotation of crops has been clearly shown at the Experiment Station of the Agricultural College of the State of Minnesota, where for ten years they have planted corn on one plot of ground. For the first five years it averaged a little more than twenty bushels per acre, and for the last five years, eleven bushels. On another plot, where corn was planted in rotation, the average yield was more than forty-eight bushels, the difference in average in the two plots being thirty-two bushels, or twice the value of the entire average yield on the exhausted ground. The corn grown at the end of the ten years was only about three feet high, the ears were small, and the grains light in weight. But it cost just as much to cultivate the land that produced it as it did to cultivate the land that produced forty-eight bushels. Of the other two elements, potassium is found abundantly in most soils. It is also found in a readily soluble form in various parts of the United States and is sold at a very low price. But even if these deposits were exhausted we could still use the rocks which are very rich in potassium, and are very abundant, in a pulverized form, or potash could be manufactured from them. The only remaining element of the soil is phosphorus. This element was discovered in 1607, the year of the first English settlement at Jamestown and was first noticed because of its property of giving off light from itself. The name which was given it means light-bearer. It was at first thought to be the source of all power, to heal all diseases, and to turn the common minerals into gold. Although we have long ago learned that these ideas are absurd, yet we have also learned that its real value to man is far greater than was even dreamed of then. It is the most important element in every living thing, for no cell, however small, in either animal or vegetable organisms can grow or even live without phosphorus. It is found in the green of the leaves, and helps to make the starch. It enters largely into the grain and seeds of plants, and is necessary for their germination, or sprouting, as well as their growth. Three-fourths of all the phosphorus in a crop of cereals is in the grains, giving them size and weight. It will thus be seen how necessary it is that the soil which feeds our plants, which in turn become the food of animals and of man, should contain a sufficient amount of phosphorus. Phosphorus is taken from the soil in large quantities by every kind of crop. In parts of Wisconsin which have been farmed a little more than fifty years without fertilizing, it is found that about one-third of the phosphorus has been taken out of the soil, which would mean that in one hundred and fifty years, or a hundred years from now, the soil would be incapable of producing any living thing, and long before that time the crops would not pay for the labor of producing them. Almost every acre of land that has been farmed for ten years without fertilization is deficient in phosphorus, that is, so much has been used that the soil can no longer produce at its former rate. It may be asked, if this be true, why the soil of America, which before it was cultivated had borne rich forests and fields of waving grass, has not become exhausted long ago. We must remember that nature always adjusts itself; that, in the wild state, all plants decay where they grow, and the same elements are returned again to the soil. But when the entire product of vast areas is removed year after year, the soil has nothing except the slow rock-decay with which to renew itself. In tropical regions it is not necessary to feed domestic animals at any season of the year, but in those countries where the natural food can be found only during a part of the year, the need of artificial feeding is seen at once, and it becomes a part of the regular expense of farming. It would be considered the height of folly for a man to allow his valuable animals to starve to death because of the expense of feeding them, but few people recognize the fact, which is also true, that it is equally bad business policy to allow the valuable crops of wheat, oats, and corn to starve for want of plant food. The phosphates (that is, phosphorus) are the only large items of expense, and in a large measure this may be lessened by raising live stock, for which high prices can be obtained either as meat or dairy products, and returning the manure, which contains a large amount of phosphate, to the soil. If all the waste animal products could be returned to the land, Professor Van Hise says, three-fourths of the phosphorus would be replaced. All animal products are rich in phosphates. The packing houses manufacture large quantities from the bones and blood of animals. The garbage of cities, when reduced to powder, yields large returns in phosphorus. It is said that if the sewage of cities, which in this country is often turned into rivers and streams, polluting them and causing disease, was reduced to commercial fertilizer, it would supply the equivalent of from six to nine pounds of rock phosphate per year for every acre of cultivated land in the United States. And this valuable product is now totally lost, and worse than lost, since it menaces the life and health of great numbers of our people. There still remain to be considered the rock phosphates, the form in which phosphorus is found in separate deposits. The only large deposits that have been used are in Florida, South Carolina, and Tennessee, and from them about two and a quarter million tons were mined in 1907. Unfortunately, however, there is no law that prevents its export from this country, and almost half of this found its way to Europe, where it is eagerly sought at high prices. Within a short time valuable phosphate beds, more extensive than any before known to exist in this country, have been discovered in Utah, Wyoming, and Idaho. Professor Van Hise, who is one of the highest authorities on the subject, says of these deposits that with the exception of our coal and iron lands, they are our most precious mineral possession; that every ounce should be saved for the time which is coming when the population will have outgrown the capacity of the land, and means of increasing its fertility in order to prevent famine will be sought from every possible source. The other great waste of the soil is by erosion, or the wearing away of the soil by stream-flow. We can all see this in a small way by wandering along the shore of any swift-running stream and noticing how the banks are worn away, and what deep gullies and ravines are cut into them by the water running down from the fields above. Another way in which we can observe the effect of this waste is by noticing the muddy yellow color of streams during floods and after heavy rains, and comparing it with the clear blue of the same stream at ordinary times. When we realize that this muddy color always means that the water is filled with soil, all that it will hold in solution, that it is carrying away the top soil, which is best for agriculture, and, finally, that every little streamlet and creek, as well as the mightiest river, is carrying this rich soil-deposit downward toward the sea in its flow, we begin to see how great a factor erosion is in the wasting of the land. The Missouri River, which drains a large area of wheat and corn land, is notable as a muddy, yellow river at almost all seasons. Do you understand what that means? It means that this great productive region is growing poorer each year, and that as the population increases, and the need of great harvests increases, the land is becoming less able to produce them. The Mississippi River is said to tear down from its banks more soil each year than is to be dredged from the Panama Canal. At the mouth of the river is a delta many miles in extent, formed wholly of land that has been carried down the river. The soil in lower Mississippi and Louisiana is almost black, and is in many places seventy feet in depth, and it has all been left there by the river, which took it from the higher lands. It is estimated that our rivers carry out to sea one billion tons of our richest soil each year. The ancient Egyptians worshiped the Nile because each year the spring floods left behind the rich soil deposits that fertilized their fields and gave them an abundant harvest. Entire fields and even whole farms along the upper stretches of the Mississippi and Missouri have been carried away, not the top soil only, but the land itself, by the swift current of the springtime floods as they cut a new channel for the river. Canaan, the "land of promise" of the Bible, was once an abundant region, "flowing with milk and honey" in the language of Moses, with its grapes, its vast forests of cedar, fir, and oak, its treasures of wheat, olive-oil, and other rich agricultural products. Now all are gone. The entire country seen by the traveler in the Holy Land to-day is one of the most desolate regions on the globe, where the few inhabitants are scarcely able to obtain a scanty living. We wonder what has brought about this change, and we have not far to seek in answer to our questioning. The preservation of the forests means the preservation of the soil, and the destruction of the forests means the destruction of the soil. This is the universal law. First the forests were cut down and the hillsides left bare. Then the streams wore great ravines down the unprotected hillsides. Steadily the work of destruction by erosion has gone on, until time beyond our possibility to comprehend must pass before the land can be made productive again. The hills and valleys of China have been devastated in the same way, and many of the older regions of the earth that were once the sites of great cities and extensive commerce are now marked only by the ruins of the civilization that has passed away. They have almost ceased to support life. In the days of Rome's greatness, Sicily was known as "the granary of Rome" because from this little island came the grains to supply her vast armies. 12,000,000 bushels of grain was the tribute that Rome claimed of Sicily each year, and yet Sicily had enough left to make her rich. She built splendid cities and became great. But the same story of destruction is to be read in the history of Sicily. Now the entire island does not raise a million and a half bushels of wheat altogether. The soil is barren. The cities have nearly all fallen into ruin. The people are scattered. Thousands have come to America, seeking a poor living at the lowest wages because at home there was no chance to earn even the little they require. They allowed the soil to become exhausted by lack of fertilization and by erosion and it long ago ceased to support the people. All the rest followed naturally. In many parts of our own country this same danger is coming on us. It is only the beginning, but the end is as sure for us as for those far-off Eastern countries. Millions of acres have already been destroyed in the East and South. The Appalachian mountain system lies not far from the coast, and the rivers on the eastern slopes are short and swift. It is necessary, then, to exercise the greatest care of the forests in order to prevent the floods in this region from carrying away the lands in their swift rush to the sea. North Carolina was one of the richest states in the Union in natural resources a hundred years ago. Now it is low on the list in agricultural products. The forests on its mountain tops were valuable for their lumber, their turpentine, pitch, and other products, and great lumber companies have almost denuded the hillsides, regardless of the fate of the lands they cut over. The people of the state are powerless to prevent this except by buying all of these lands and replanting the forests. They have been pleading with Congress for power to stop the destruction of their forests and the wasting of their lands, but so far have received no assistance and meanwhile the land grows poorer each year. The same conditions are to be found in many other states that now rank high agriculturally, but in North Carolina we are beginning to see results. In order to understand exactly how the damage is done to the land, let us suppose a case which has actually occurred in hundreds of places. A farmer owned a farm on the mountain side. Much of it was good wheat land, but the top was covered with forests. At last he decided to cut and sell the timber, and use the land for raising more wheat. He did so, but now there was no spreading foliage to check the dash of the heavy rains as they fell to the ground. As they sank below the surface there were no masses of tangled roots to hold the moisture in the soil and to carry it up into the air again through the trees. As the water penetrated deeper, the soil became softened, and was carried away down the hillside. It was only a muddy little stream, but it took away some of the richest soil from the fields, and the next year's crop was not quite so good. Every rain that fell carried more of the fertile soil down the hillside, and the next year the farmer wondered that the yield was still less. After a few years he ceased to sow the field because it had never paid for its cultivation, and was constantly growing poorer. But it was too late then to repair the damage that had been done. There were no seeds of forest trees left in the ground and the farmer did not plant them, so the ground lay idle and desolate. The rain wore deep gullies down the hillside, which, as they grew larger, became more of a menace to the lands below them. The streams soon grew large enough to take the top-soil from the fields lower down, and in a few years more the whole farm had grown so unproductive that the farmer, tired of the struggle, left the farm and went to the city to make a living. In the meantime the land in the valley below had been growing more fertile, for each year the spring floods had left a rich soil deposit behind them. The farmer down there had been innocently stealing the land above him, but not all of it, for much had been carried out to sea. It is not possible to prevent this entirely, but much of the loss might have been avoided by leaving the hilltops, which are never well fitted for cultivation, covered with forests. In this way the soil-wash from above is prevented and the streams run gently and with only a small amount of muddy deposit, forming proper drainage for the soil. The preserving of the forests on the great mountain ranges of the country, where nature has placed them, will mean in the one matter of soil-wash, fruitful lands and bountiful harvests, instead of barren, wasted lands, desolated by floods and seamed by great ravines, carrying desolation to the lands below them. But in many cases the trees are already cut away. Here replanting becomes necessary and should be done in every case where soil-wash is beginning on the mountain tops. It is almost equally desirable to plant small shrubs and bushes as an undergrowth, so that the roots may form a thick mat below the ground to hold the water in the soil, and permit it to filter through slowly. In Massachusetts, the tracks of the Boston and Albany Railroad are depressed so that trains may pass below the level of the highways. In order to protect the banks from erosion, the sloping sides of this roadway have been planted with trailing rose-bushes and other vines which have thickly matted roots. These serve a double purpose in preventing landslides and washouts on the tracks, and in adding greatly to the attractiveness of the scenery along the railway. The poorest land of a farm is always found on the hilltops, because even with the greatest care there is always considerable waste of the top-soil. This land, then, should never be used for field crops. It should constitute the woodland, or if this is not possible, the pasture-land of the farm, for the grass roots protect the soil and prevent it from washing away, and the profits on the hay are at least as great as any other crop which could be grown on hill land. But when erosion has been checked and the top-soil preserved, when the soil is thoroughly fertilized, and a proper rotation of crops established, there are still other lessons to be learned in order to make our country as productive as it might be, as it will _need_ to be to support the population that we shall have by the end of the century. As a nation we undertake to farm too much land and do it carelessly. The invention of labor-saving machinery has made it possible to farm hundreds and even thousands of acres together with little physical labor. This has made farmers heedless of small amounts of land wasted. A man often only expects to make a comfortable living on one hundred and sixty acres of land, while in Europe he would expect to grow rich on two or three acres. It is often said that a French family would live off of an American farmer's neglected fence-corners. In France, in England, in Holland and Belgium every bit of land is tended and made useful. We have the best natural soil in the world, the most fertile river valleys, watered by abundant rains. The fertility of our lands is the envy of the civilized world, and has drawn thousands to our shores in the hope of finding comfort and plenty, and yet the total value of our farm products was only eleven dollars and thirty-eight cents per cultivated acre according to the last census, while in the little island of Jersey, just off the English coast, the average annual value of products is over two hundred and fifty dollars per acre. Germany has been cultivated nearly eighteen hundred years, the soil is not naturally so productive nor the climate so favorable as ours, but the wheat yield there averages more than twice as much as in this country. When the most fertile land in the world produces so much less than poorer lands elsewhere it plainly shows that we are robbing the soil in order to get the largest cash returns in the shortest possible time and with the least possible labor. The American farmer needs to cultivate a much smaller amount of land thoroughly, to have a soil analysis made of his land in order to know what crops are best suited to it and what elements are lacking to make it produce the best. In Illinois more than half a million acres had become unfit for cultivation. Analysis showed that the soil was too acid. By mixing limestone dust with the soil the trouble was corrected and the land reclaimed. Often it is only necessary to find the cause of some deficiency, or lack, in the soil, and the remedy will be found to be simple and cheap, while the result of its use will be to double the crop. Nothing else so quickly and easily responds to proper treatment, no other resource is so easily conserved. All the soil needs is proper treatment. Every bit of waste land should be cultivated for either use or beauty, or both. If all the lanes and neglected places could be planted with fruit and nut trees, berry vines, and bushes, herbs or flowers which need little cultivation after they are planted, our food, in variety and quantity, would be greatly increased. "The hedge-rows of Old England" are famous for their beauty and the air of comfort and prosperity they give. They take the place of the weeds that grow by the country roadsides in America and which constitute one of the greatest nuisances of the farmer. Another thing that should be considered is the marketing of farm products. Near a city or near a canning factory the soil can be most profitably used for the raising of vegetables, for which the cost of cultivation is great, but which yield far larger profits than farm crops. Within the last few years a new system of farming has been developed in the West, which is of great interest to all of us, both because it is opening up for production a large part of our country that has seemed valueless, and because the lessons that have been learned there are of the greatest advantage in every part of the country. West of the one-hundredth meridian, which crosses North and South Dakota, the western part of Nebraska, Kansas, Oklahoma, and Texas, and including the states west of them, lies a vast region that used to be known as the "great American desert." It comprises almost half of the United States. Here the noble forests of the eastern states and the prairie grasses of the plains were replaced by sage-brush and cactus. The soil was light in color and weight, and the rainfall very scanty. It seemed impossible that it could ever be fitted for agriculture. But there were a few great rivers, rich mining districts, and excellent grazing lands. These attracted settlers, and to them some cultivation of the soil became almost a necessity. The waste waters of the rivers were used for irrigation and the land when watered was found to produce remarkably fine fruits and agricultural products. Yet there were hundreds of thousands of acres that could not be irrigated for lack of water, and the problem of finding a use for these barren, semi-arid lands remained unsolved for many years. But here and there in different states and under varying conditions, after many experiments and failures, men began without water to grow successful crops on these semi-arid lands, where the rainfall was scarcely more than ten inches per year. Others following this method found success, and it began to seem possible that all this territory might some day become a great farming region. By comparing the methods employed in different states, the few general laws have been worked out which must be applied in order to farm successfully in this region, though the details differ with local differences in altitude, climate, soil, and rainfall. Here farming is being reduced to a science. In other parts of the country a man sows his seed and nature cares for it, and gives him his harvest; but here he must wring from nature all that he gets, so it is only the man who farms according to fixed laws who can hope to succeed. This system is usually called "dry farming," though "scientific farming" would perhaps be a better name, for the same principles that are absolutely necessary here will greatly increase the yield anywhere. The most important principle is to conserve every particle of moisture in the soil. It is necessary to go deep into the soil to find the underlying moisture. The seed-bed is made very deep. Plowing is from sixteen to nineteen inches deep, while in well-watered regions it is only about six inches. This deep seed-bed is thoroughly cultivated to make the soil porous, the soil being reduced to a fine powder. After sowing the seed, the ground is packed as solidly as possible. This is done by especially designed machines. The surface of the soil is kept broken all the time to prevent the escape of the moisture. This rule applies equally to all soils in dry weather, and will often save a crop of corn in any part of the country during a drought. These are simple rules, but the practice of them is opening up the great semi-arid regions, not of the United States only, but of the whole earth. Western Canada, a large part of Australia, the Kalahari Desert of Africa, and many parts of Asia, which are all semi-arid, will in time become productive instead of barren. It must be remarked that the grains of the East could not withstand the severe winters in a large part of the Northwest, so the Department of Agriculture sent men all over the world to find drought-and-cold-resisting grains. They found a hard winter wheat, the most nutritious in existence, which is now growing all the way from the Dakotas to the Pacific Ocean, producing crops far above the yield of the eastern states. 50,000,000 bushels of this wheat was raised in 1907. The soil is the natural disintegrated rock, rich in the mineral elements, but lacking in decayed vegetable matter. The crops soon exhaust the nitrogen, and as clover and the common alfalfas can not grow there, the problem of finding legumes has been the most serious one facing this new region; but in Siberia the Agricultural Department has recently found a new clover and three varieties of alfalfa that will stand the cold, and Secretary Wilson believes that these will solve the problem. Every acre brought under cultivation adds to the world's food supply. Can we even dream of what it will mean when 200,000,000 acres are added to the farm lands of this continent? It means prosperity for the farmers themselves, homes for those who are now crowded in cities, work for the idle, and food for the hungry. It means wealth and happiness for thousands now living and millions yet to come. REFERENCES Lands. Report National Conservation Commission. Soil Wastage. Chamberlain. Report White House Conference of Governors. Conservation of Soils. Van Hise. (Same.) Commercial Fertilizers. Dept. of Agriculture Bulletin, 44.[A] [Footnote A: Department of Agriculture bulletins are free unless a price is indicated, and may be obtained by application to The Department of Agriculture. Washington, D. C. Postage is free in the United States. These bulletins contain the latest scientific information and result of research work by the government.] The Liming of Soils. Dept. of Agriculture Bulletin, 57. Renovation of Worn-out Soils. Dept. of Agriculture Bulletin, 245. Soil Fertility. Dept. of Agriculture Bulletin, 257. Management of Soils to Conserve Moisture. Dept. of Agriculture Bulletin, 266. Fertilizers for Cotton Soils. Bureau of Soils Bulletin, 62. Work of the Bureau of Soils. Bureau of Soils Bulletin. Exhaustion and Abandonment of Soils. Bureau of Soils Bulletin. Whitney, 5c. Phosphorus. Illinois Agricultural Experiment Station Bulletin. The Present Status of the Nitrogen Problem. Yearbook Dept. of Agriculture Reprint, 411. The Search for Leguminous Forage Crops. Yearbook Dept. of Agriculture Reprint, 478. Leguminous Crops. Yearbook Dept. of Agriculture Bulletin, 278. Progress in Legume Inoculation. Yearbook Dept. of Agriculture Bulletin, 315. A Grain for Semi-arid Lands. Yearbook Dept. of Agriculture Bulletin, 139. The Sugar-Beet. Yearbook Dept. of Agriculture Bulletin, 52. Dry-Land Problems in the Great Plains Area. Yearbook Dept. of Agriculture Reprint, 461. Reports of Dry Farming Congress. The Natural Wealth of the Land. J. J. Hill, Report Governor's Conference. National Wealth and the Farm. J. J. Hill. CHAPTER III FORESTS Aside from the soil itself, which supports all life, there is no other resource so important to man as the forests, with their many uses covering so wide a range. The beauty and restfulness of a forest, the grace and dignity of single trees, the shade for man and animals, the shelter from storms--all these things appeal to our love for the beautiful, and touch our higher nature. The person who loves trees is a better person than the one who does not. As the poet expresses it: "Ah, bare must be the shadeless ways, and bleak the path must be, Of him, who, having open eyes, has never learned do see, And so has never learned to love the beauty of a tree. "Who loves a tree, he loves the life that springs in star and clod, He loves the love that gilds the clouds, and greens the April sod, He loves the wide Beneficence; his soul takes hold on God." Trees have played an important part in the history of our country: The "Charter Oak," in the hollow of which the original charter of Connecticut remained hidden from the agents of the king; "Eliot's Oak," under which the gospel was first preached to the Indians; the wide-spreading elm under which William Penn signed his treaty of peace with the Indians. But no tree has held so dear a place in the hearts of the people, or been so watchfully cared for as the old "Washington Elm" still standing in Cambridge, Massachusetts. Under it Washington took command of the continental army. It is visited every year by hundreds of persons, who stand with uncovered heads beneath its spreading branches. Many years ago it was struck by lightning and the upper part torn off, but all the broken edges have been sealed with pitch to stop decay. It has been covered with fine wire netting to prevent the bark being chipped off by relic hunters. It is carefully guarded from damage by insects, and the boughs are stayed by strong wires. And so we might name many instances of trees that are loved and cared for on account of their beauty, stateliness or some event connected with them, but it is the usefulness of trees that we shall mention in this chapter. In the larger use of forests is included their effect on climate and rainfall. It is generally believed that clouds, passing over the damp, cool air that rises from a forest, are more likely to be condensed into rain, and so we can establish the general rule that the country which is well wooded will probably have a larger rainfall than the one which has few trees. Twenty-five years ago Kansas was a prairie state with few trees, and the semi-arid plains extended half-way across the state, but thousands of acres of trees have been planted, and crops have been cultivated, and the more forests and crops the farmer plants the more rain comes to water them. The great droughts which used to ruin their crops year after year no longer disturb them. The hot winds which could undo a whole season's hard work in a day are seldom heard of now. Kansas is no longer in the semi-arid region. It is one of the most productive states in the Union, and this has come, not by dry-farming, but by the cultivation of the soil and by the planting of trees. Though rainfall increases, destructive floods become fewer, for the humus and the leaves on the ground in the forests hold the water as in a vast sponge, and, as we have seen in the preceding chapter, they keep the waters in check and distribute the rainfall gently and evenly on the lands below. They thus prevent erosion of the hillsides and balance the water supply of rivers. Trees supply us with food and medicine, and greatest of all their direct uses, they furnish lumber for all kinds of manufacturing. We can not think of life without the comforts and conveniences that we get from wood; but interior China affords a striking example of what it means for a nation to have a very small supply. There is no wood for manufacturing and the natives search the hillsides for even the tiniest shrubs to burn and even for grass scratched from the soil. Once this part of China was a great forest region, but century by century the forests have been used, not rapidly, as in this country, for China is not a great industrial nation, but surely, until there is hardly a twig left. China is not the only nation that has suffered in this way. Many of the ancient peoples have entirely passed away; and the destruction of their forests, as we have seen in the previous chapter, was the first cause leading to their extinction. Denmark was originally almost covered with forests. These were cut down for fuel, for lumber, and to make way for agriculture. For a long time there was no attempt to restore them, and now a large area, once productive, has become a sandy desert. In the same way, large parts of Austria and Italy have become valueless because the growing forests were cut down. In France the forests at the head-waters of the Rhone and the Seine were cut down and fierce floods began to pour down the valleys each year, bringing destruction to property and crops all along their way. But France has long ago learned the lesson of forestry, and as soon as the danger was seen, the mountain sides were replanted with trees, and since then conditions have been gradually changing for the better. France has had another experience in forestry that has taught her what can be done to save her waste lands. Near the coast were great sand-dunes. The winds drove them each year farther inland, and the sand was gradually driving out the vineyards and farm crops. In 1793 the planting of forests on these dunes was begun. Of 350,000 acres, 275,000 have been planted in valuable pine forests. More than half of these belong to private owners and there is no record of their value, but the portion belonging to the government has yielded a large income above all expenses, and is worth $10,000,000 as land; and this was not only valueless but was a menace to the surrounding country. In the interior of France a sandy marsh covering 2,000,000 acres has been changed into a profitable forest valued at $100,000,000. A hundred years ago all the eastern part of the United States and the Rocky Mountains and the Pacific coast region were covered with thick forests hundreds and hundreds of miles in extent. Evergreens--the pines, hemlocks, cedars and spruces--grew near the coast in great abundance, while farther inland were found the most magnificent hardwood forests in the world. Unfortunately, the first needs of the early settlers required them to cut down these mighty forests. The soil, which was very fertile, could not, of course, be used for farming purposes until the land was cleared, and so this was the first necessity. The wood was used to build the cabins, to make the rude furniture, the wagons and ox-carts, and for fuel, but this disposed of only a small amount of the wood that came from the clearing of a farm. No man could give it to his neighbor when all had more than they could use, and there was no market for its sale. The trees were burned in large quantities to clear the land for the planting of crops. Wood was of the greatest value to the first settlers, but it was also the greatest hindrance to their making homes, so they took no care whatever of what they could not use. It was burned or left on the ground to decay. As towns sprang up, there began to be a demand for lumber for houses, for furniture, for vehicles and for fuel from those who had no trees of their own. This made a market for the best grades of lumber at a low price, but almost every farmer would give away trees of the best hardwood to any person who would cut and haul them away. Conditions have changed very slowly, but very surely. In every state, in every county and in every township there has been a steady clearing of the land as it fills with new home-makers. At the same time the demand has grown enormously each year from the dwellers in cities. The opening up of railroads and telegraph lines in the middle and latter part of the century made a great demand for wood. The building of ships and steamboats, the opening of mines, the establishing of telephone and trolley systems, the building of great cities, all these have called steadily and increasingly for wood. The time has long passed when wood was a hindrance to progress. For a long time there has been a ready market at high prices and it is rapidly reaching the point where we shall face an actual shortage of timber. This is not true of all parts of the country, of course. Maine, Washington, and parts of Oregon, Alabama, Arkansas, and Mississippi, Wisconsin and some other states, still have vast quantities of lumber, but trains and ships carry it to all parts of the world so there is no lack of a market. The change from plenty, even great excess, to need, has come so gradually that few persons, even those living in the forest regions, have realized until within a very few years how general is their destruction. Those who, riding about a small portion of the country familiar to them, have been struck with the disappearance of the woods and the cultivation of the lands, have looked upon it wholly as a sign of progress, and have not realized that the same thing is going on in every part of the country. The wholesale destruction of the forests, without replanting, has come mostly from ignorance. We have had all our resources in such great abundance that we have not hitherto needed to learn the lessons that the Old World has learned, sometimes at the cost of whole nations, but the time has come when we _do_ need to learn them. The first lesson is to study the various uses of the forests, to find how they are being affected by present use, their wastes, and the best means of preserving them. When all the people have learned these lessons, they will, undoubtedly, gladly set about righting the wrongs that have been done in the past. The original forests of this country covered an area of about 850,000,000 acres, with nearly five and a half trillion board feet of "merchantable," that is, salable, timber according to present standards. (A board foot is one foot long, one foot wide and one inch in thickness.) Considerably more than half the original number of acres are still forested, but most of the land has been cut or burned over, some of it several times, and the amount remaining of salable timber, which includes only the best part of the trunk, is from two to two and a half trillion, that is from 1,400 to 2,000 billion, feet. The yearly cut for all purposes, including waste, is now over two hundred billion board feet;--some authorities place the amount as high as two hundred and seventy-five billion feet. This, however, probably includes firewood, one of the largest uses of wood, but taken very largely from worm-eaten wood that could not be cut into lumber. It also probably includes boughs, and other unsalable parts of the tree. The timber cut doubled from 1880 to 1905, is still increasing at almost the same rate, and, if we had the timber, it would doubtless double again by 1930. But even at the present rate, the forests now standing, without allowance for growth, would be exhausted in from ten to sixteen years. The yearly growth of timber in our present forests is estimated at from forty-two to sixty billion feet, and the yearly cut at from three to three and a half times the amount added for growth. That is, we are using in four months at least as much wood as will naturally grow in a year. The other eight months we shall be using our forest reserves, and each year there will be less forest land to produce new growth, as well as less old wood to cut. Mr. R. A. Long, an expert lumberman who spoke before the first Conservation Congress, estimated then that the forests, making allowance for growth, would not last over thirty-five years. The government figures indicate that they will last about thirty-three years, at the present rate, but as the rate has been doubling every twenty-five years, many persons who have studied the situation believe that the supply will not continue in commercial quantities for manufacturing more than twenty-five years. We must understand, must think, what the destruction of our forests would mean to us. It would mean fierce droughts and fiercer floods. It would mean the gradual drying up of our streams, a scarcity of water to drink, as in China to-day. It would mean that the manufacture of wooden articles would practically cease. The thousand conveniences that we enjoy as a matter of course would become rare and costly. It would mean that only the rich could build houses of wood, and this would force the masses of people into crowded quarters, not only the poor, but the well-to-do also. These are only a few of the many disasters that would follow the loss of our forests, and all these things might come to pass before we ourselves are old! If we knew that at a certain time a tidal wave would engulf our homes, how we should work to save all that we could before the calamity overtook us! And we should set about the saving of our forests with equal care, for their destruction means distress for every one of us. Fortunately, this is only the dark possibility. The methods of prevention are well known to those who have studied the history of the nations that have fallen, and the nations that have risen to power. It is only necessary that all the people should know these things and realize their importance, in order to keep conditions as they are at present or even to better them. The methods of prevention are five. They are: (1) To use the trees in the most careful and conservative way without the great wastes now common. (2) To save the vast areas of forests that are now burned each year. (3) To prevent loss from insects. (4) To use substitutes: that is, to use other and cheaper materials to take the place of wood whenever possible. (5) To plant trees and to replant where old ones have been cut, until all land that is not fitted for agriculture is covered with forests. These are only the rules that good sense and good business would teach us to follow, but we have not followed any of them in the past, and now it will be necessary to do all these things if we are to continue to have enough wood to use to keep pace with our progress in other directions. As an example of the rapid rate at which we are consuming our forests, we use nine times as much lumber for every man, woman and child as the people of Germany use, and twenty-five times as much as the people of England use. This is due to several causes, many of which we would not wish changed. To begin with, this was a new and undeveloped country, a large part of which had never been inhabited, and all the land, as fast as it was occupied, must be built up with entirely new homes; and because wood is the cheapest building material it is the one generally used. The growth of all European countries is mostly by the increase of their own people, while this is only a small percentage of our growth, which comes largely from immigration from other countries, so the increase of population is much greater here and the proportion of new homes needed is far greater. Improvements of all kinds, public buildings, churches and bridges were built in almost every European community long ago, while in this country these things are being done each year in thousands of places. Wages are higher in this country, and more people are able to afford the luxuries of life, vehicles, musical instruments, and the large variety of small conveniences to be found in almost every American home but seen in few homes of the poorer class in Europe. These are a few of the reasons why we use such a large amount of lumber each year. They are all conditions that mean a larger, better nation than we could otherwise have, with a higher standard of living, and while in some particulars, as we shall show, there should be changes that would conserve our forests, the great wastes do not lie in the _use_, but in the _abuse_ of the forests. Now let us see what use is made of all the wood that is cut every year. The greatest use of all is for firewood, but this is largely the decaying or faulty trees from farmers' wood-lots, or the waste product of a lumber region, so this does not constitute so heavy a drain on the forests as the fact that 100,000,000 cords a year are used, would indicate. Twenty times as much of the salable timber is sawed into lumber as is used in any other way. Nearly 40,000,000,000 board feet are thus used, but lumber is used in a variety of ways, while the other cuts are confined to a single use. The first and greatest use of lumber is for building purposes, for houses, barns, sheds, out-buildings, fences, and for window-sashes, doors and inside finishings of all buildings, even those made of other materials. Next comes furniture of all kinds,--chairs, tables, beds, and all other house, office, and school furniture; musical instruments, pianos, etc., vehicles of all kinds,--farm wagons, delivery wagons, carriages and other pleasure vehicles, including parts of automobile bodies, agricultural implements, plows, harrows, harvesters, threshing machines and other farm implements. Though these are built largely of iron, yet one-fourth of the implement factories report a use of 215,000,000 feet of lumber a year, so the entire output of these factories calls for a large amount of wood from our forests. Car building is the other really great use for lumber. Freight cars, passenger cars, and trolley cars use each year an increasingly large proportion of the product of our saw-mills. After these come the various smaller articles, which, though themselves small, are used in every home and are turned out in such vast quantities as to require a very large amount of lumber each year. An empty spool seems a trifle, but the making of all the spools requires the cutting of hundreds of acres of New England's best birch woods. Butter dishes, fruit crates, baskets, wooden boxes of all kinds, tools and handles, kitchen utensils, toys and sporting goods, picture molding and frames, grille and fretwork, excelsior, clothes-pins, matches, tooth-picks,--all these are mowing down our forests by the thousands of acres. The lumber cut includes all kinds of both hard and soft woods. A very large percentage of this is of yellow or southern hard pine, of which several billion feet a year are used. An almost equal amount is used for hewn cross-ties for railroads and trolley lines. Many sawed cross-ties are included in the item of lumber. The hewed cross-ties are made from young oak-trees, or from hard-pine, cedar and chestnut. Without them no more railroad or trolley lines could be built, and the present systems could not be kept in repair. Many other materials have been tried, but wood is the only one that has ever proved satisfactory and safe for this purpose. The next largest use of lumber is the grinding of it into pulp to be used in making paper for our books, magazines and newspapers, wrapping papers, etc. The woods used for this purpose are mostly spruce and hemlock. The great sources of supply of pulp-wood are Maine and Wisconsin, and large amounts are imported from Canada, which greatly lessens the drain on our own forests. Next in importance comes cooperage stock for the making of barrels. When we consider the many uses of barrels,--that vinegar, oil, and liquors are all shipped in tight barrels, which are mostly made of the best white oak, and that flour, starch, sugar, crackers, fruits and vegetables, glassware, chemicals, and cement are shipped in what are called slack barrels, made of various hardwoods, the hoops being always of soft elm, a wood which is rapidly disappearing, we can see the size and necessity of this industry. Round mine timbers, largely made of young hardwood trees, are used to support the mines underground. Mining engineers say that on an average three feet of lumber are used in mining every ton of coal taken out. Assuming that 450,000,000 tons of coal are mined each year, this would mean that almost a billion and a half feet a year are used in the coal mines, and this is about the amount shown by the government report. After this comes wood for lath used in building. This product is usually taken from lower class wood or logging camp waste. Then comes the wood for distillation into wood-alcohol for use in manufacture and to furnish power in engines. Next in quantity used comes veneer, which has two entirely different uses. The highest grade woods are cut to about one-twentieth of an inch and glued to cheaper woods as an outside finish in the making of furniture. The other use is for veneer used alone, when a very thin wood is desired. This is employed for butter dishes, berry baskets, crates, boxes and barrels. Next on the list come poles--electric railway, electric light, telegraph, and telephone poles. Every pole that is erected for any of these purposes, every extension of the service, and all replacing caused by wind or decay, means the cutting of a tall, straight, perfect tree, usually cedar or chestnut. If we think of each pole of the network that covers the entire continent, as a tree, we shall better realize what our forests have done in binding the nation together. Leather is stained by soaking the hides in a solution containing the bark of oak or hemlock. Sometimes an extract is made from chestnut wood. This has caused one of the most criminal wastes of trees, for a great deal of timber was cut down solely for the bark, and the wood left to decay in the forest. But now, as the price of lumber advances, more of it is used each year and less left to waste. The bark and extract of the quebracho, a South American tree, are being imported for use in tanning, and are still further reducing the drain on our own forests. Turpentine and rosin do not in themselves destroy the forests any more than does tapping the maple trees for their sap, but in the making of turpentine trees that are too small are often "boxed" and the trees are easily blown down by heavy winds or are attacked by insects and fungi. Many destructive fires also follow turpentining, so that on the whole the turpentine industry is responsible for the destruction each year of large areas of the southern pine forests. The methods of turpentining introduced by the government result in the saving of thirty per cent. more turpentine, and also protect the trees so that they may be used fifteen or twenty years and still be almost as valuable as ever for timber. Twenty millions of posts are cut each year in the Lake States alone, and the entire number used is probably two or three times as great. These constitute the greater uses of wood, not a full and detailed list; but it plainly shows that all the uses are not only desirable, but necessary for our comfort and happiness, and that we would not willingly sacrifice one of them, and in order that this shall not become necessary, let us see what abuses we can find in the management of our forests. And here we find the most startling figures of all. Great and important as is our list of products made from wood, we are surprised to learn that of all wood cut fully two-thirds is wasted in the forests, left to decay or burned. The largest forests are now all located far from the great manufacturing regions, and that means far from the lumber market. The cost of transportation must be added to every car of lumber sold. The freight on a car-load of lumber from the South to Chicago or other points in the middle West is not less than a hundred dollars, and from the Pacific coast it is very much higher. It does not pay to send low-grade lumber when the cost is so great, and as there is no local market a large part of each tree is burned. All the upper end of the trunk and all branches are thus destroyed, although much valuable timber is contained in them. At one mill in Alabama a pile of waste wood and branches as high as a two-story house burns night and day throughout the year, and that is probably true of all the larger mills. If the timber could be conservatively managed as are live-stock products, so that all the waste could be utilized, all the small articles, shingles, lath, posts, tan-bark and extract, pulp-wood, wood for distillation and small manufactured articles would be made by-products of the larger cuts. Much has been said of the greed of large lumber companies in causing wholesale and reckless destruction of the forests, and much of it is doubtless true, but the lumber companies cite the fact that no farmer will gather a crop of corn which will not pay for the labor cost of gathering, and say that at the present prices of lumber they can not pay the present freight rates to the factories. It seems therefore that a certain amount of waste is unavoidable unless wood-working plants are established near the forest regions. The first great step in conserving our forests is to stop the unnecessary wastes in use. The next step is to take measures to prevent the great destruction of our forests by fire. Those who have never lived in a great forest region can have little idea of the extent of the damage caused by these great forest fires. The loss of life of both man and animals, the sweeping away of houses and crops, the homelessness and misery of those who have lost everything they had saved, are not to be taken into account here, but only the loss of the forests themselves. It is estimated that the loss by fire is as great as the entire amount cut for use in the entire United States. The National Conservation Committee reports that 50,000,000 acres of woodland are burned over yearly. This probably includes all burned-over lands, in much of which the standing timber is not destroyed, but the saplings and seedlings are killed as well as the grass for grazing and for the protection of the roots. Much land is burned over in this way year after year until hope of future growth is gone, though the damage to the large trees has not been great. In one way this loss is even more serious, as it shuts off the hope of future forests, but the loss of our full-grown standing forests is grave. In 1891 this loss amounted to 15,000,000 acres, or nearly forty thousand acres every day in the year. Since then the work of the Forest Service in fighting fires and the great clearing of the forests, has reduced this somewhat, but it still amounts to no less than 30,000 acres of our best salable timber a day. This is the really great and serious loss of the forests. All the wood that is used goes to make our country a better place to live in, to make its people more comfortable and happy, but all that is lost by fire is a loss to all the nation in comforts for the future, and in the present it means high prices for lumber because our forests are disappearing so rapidly. And we are letting them burn at the rate of thirty thousand acres every day! More than enough to supply all our needs. If any one could gather together in one vast pile our houses and barns, our furniture, our wagons and carriages, our farm implements, all our home conveniences, our railroad cross-ties, our trolley and telephone poles, our papers and magazines, and burn them all, the whole world would be roused by the fearfulness of the loss. But we sit idly by and see the materials of which all these things are made and must be made in the future, and with them our shade, our water-sheds, the soil of the forest-lands itself destroyed, with never a word of protest. In a paper prepared for the National Conservation Congress, it was stated that in some years government survey parties were unable to work in the Rocky Mountains for whole seasons on account of the dense smoke, and the fires were allowed to burn till the snows of winter put them out. The writer further stated that he believed from observation that the Forest Service, by checking fires in their beginning, has in the last few years saved more timber than has been used for commercial purposes. Private owners of large tracts should be compelled to use the same care in preventing fires that is exercised by the government. This care, and the breaking up of the forests into smaller tracts by clearing the land in alternate sections would soon reduce the fire loss so greatly as almost to save us from anxiety for the future of our timber lands. The next great loss to the forests is from insects. When insects have bored into wood it becomes honey-combed by the canals cut by the little insects and is utterly valueless. The loss to fruit and forest trees will be taken up more fully in the chapter on insects. At present it is only necessary, in order to show how much our forests suffer in this way, to state that the yearly loss from this cause is placed at no less than $100,000,000 a year, and the loss to fruits is counted at one-fifth of the entire crop. Some slight idea of the danger to our forests will be seen by the simple statement that forty-one different species of insects infest the locust tree, eighty the elm, one hundred and five the birch, one hundred and sixty-five the pine, one hundred and seventy the hickory, one hundred and eighty-six the willow, while oak trees are attacked by over five hundred! This is exceedingly difficult to control and can perhaps never be entirely checked. Some remedies will be suggested later, and by having smaller forests, more carefully watched, some personal care can be given to the trees. In Germany the trees are as closely watched as are other crops, and the saving in value well repays this extra care and expense. A much smaller loss comes from the winds that sometimes level all the trees over many square miles. This can not, of course, be prevented, except possibly in the turpentine forests, but care should be taken to use all the wood, never allowing it to decay where it fell, and also to replant the land with trees, unless it is fitted for agriculture. A great saving of the forests may be effected by what is called preservative treatment, which consists of treating railroad ties, piling, mine timbers, poles, and posts with creosote or zinc chlorid to prevent decay from the moisture of the ground or from injury by salt-water borers. The use of creosote is almost double the cost of zinc chlorid, but it is much more effective and durable. A fence post can be treated with creosote for about ten cents, a railroad tie for twenty cents, and a telephone pole for from seventy-five cents to a dollar. In every case the timber treated will last twice as long as it would without such treatment and in view of the present high prices it is bad business policy to use timber in such a way that it will need replacing soon. It is estimated that if all timbers which could be profitably treated were so cared for, it would mean a money saving to the owners of $47,000,000, and an annual saving in wood equal to 4,000,000,000 board feet of lumber. The next point in the conservation of the forests is to seek substitutes to take the place of wood. There are many uses of wood which nothing else will satisfactorily supply. For example, no railroad cross-tie has ever been designed of other material that does not increase the danger of railway accidents, though over two hundred kinds have been patented. There is nothing that will take the place of wood in furniture, and in many small articles. Some articles might be replaced in metal, but it makes them too heavy or too expensive. But in certain lines there is an excellent opportunity to use other materials to great advantage. Cars are now being built of steel, and of combinations of metal with asbestos. These are not yet entirely satisfactory, but it is hoped that they can be perfected soon. Cement and concrete are taking the place of wood to a great extent in building, and their use will doubtless increase rapidly. When veneer is used for barrels and boxes it affords a saving of nearly two-thirds in the amount of wood required. This is a line of use where cheaper substitutes should always be used if possible, because a package is usually used only once, never more than twice, and then discarded, so that the wood is put to little real service compared with other wooden articles. When possible, small articles of wood should be made only in a forest region or near saw-mills to use the scraps and save an unnecessary drain on the more valuable grades of lumber. One of the most important lines in which substitutes are practicable is in the making of paper and box-board or pasteboard. The latter is sometimes called strawboard, because it is made from wheat straw, and where it is manufactured, uses a large amount of straw that would otherwise be wasted, but the great wheat fields of the West still have immense quantities of unused straw, which, if made into strawboard, would not only bring more prosperity to that region but would lessen the drain on the forests. A box bound with wire and made of corrugated paper now takes the place for many light articles of the wooden packing-case. The strawboard also takes the place of wood-pulp for smaller paper boxes. Rice-straw, hemp, flax-straw, cotton fiber and peat have all been tested in a small way and found to make excellent paper, and it is thought corn-stalks can also be used, but none of these is now manufactured in the United States on a large scale. This is largely because the price of pulp-wood is low, and the cost of experimenting with new materials is great with the results uncertain. This brings us to the last one of our preventive measures for the decline of our forests, the one which needs the most careful attention of all--the replanting of the lands that are not fitted for agriculture, and planting trees about houses and unoccupied spaces. Many farmers have planted orchards on a part of their farm-lands and many trees have been planted in town and country, but until a few years ago there was no organized effort to plant trees. Now many states have set apart a day which is called Arbor Day, for this purpose, but in no state does it hold so important a place as it should. It is observed by the schools but not by the general public. In Germany there are regular tree-planting days in which all the people take part. Every one who is not too poor--and he must be poor indeed--plants a tree in his own garden, or in front of his home, in the forest or in the highway; for himself or for the general good. Each child plants a tree on his or her birthday every year, and watches and cares for it as it grows. The roadsides are lined with fruit or nut or flowering trees which have been planted in neat, orderly rows. These things are in striking contrast to the observance of Arbor Day in this country, where one tree suffices for an entire school, or at best each class has a tree of its own. It is all a matter of enthusiasm and education. In considering the best trees for planting we come to the last great use of trees of which we have not spoken. Fruit and nut trees supply us with large quantities of the most wholesome and delicious food. The apple, pear, peach, plum, and cherry grow in the central part of the United States, and oranges, lemons, figs, olives and apricots in the warmer parts. By planting these trees in suitable places one may have a rich harvest for many years to come. If a small fraction of the seeds of fruit trees which are wasted each year were planted, the general food supply would be greatly increased, and many benefits would be derived from the trees themselves. Have you ever heard the story of "Apple-seed John," the man who, according to tradition, went through what is now western Pennsylvania, Ohio and Indiana while the country was still a wilderness and planted orchards for the settlers who, he was sure, would come later? So many stories have been told of him that it is hard to discover how much of the tale is really true. At least one poem has been written about him, and the Reverend Newell Dwight Hillis has woven the facts and fancies of his career into a charming book, _The Quest of John Chapman_. The story is that he spent his winters in the settlements near the Atlantic coast teaching the children or working at small tasks about the farms, and taking his pay always in the seeds of apples, peaches, pears, plums, and grapes. The farmers and their families saved all their seeds for him and when spring came he filled his boat with seeds and started down the Ohio River. When he reached a suitable landing-place he took his bags of seeds on his back and trudged through the forest. Whenever he came to an open space he planted an orchard, built a fence of boughs about it, and started on again. And so he traveled on and on, through all the spring and summer months, year after year, planting his seeds for those who would come after him, until he grew too old to work. The first settlers in those states found the orchards and vineyards awaiting them, and a few trees are still standing that are said to have been planted by Apple-Seed John. The story of this man who in his humble way devoted his life to others is one that may well be told and imitated, for while none of us can do the work he did, it may inspire us with a wish to make some spot on earth better by planting our few seeds or plants. In carrying on this work in the schools as well as by the general public, a regular plan should be followed. Much can be accomplished with no expense at all, even in cities. In all cases the expense will be very small compared to the good accomplished. Seeds may be planted and later transplanted. This will require no expense and little labor. Every child, large and small, in city and country, can learn to do this work and can thus perform a real service. Small saplings which are growing close together, where they can never develop, may each be planted in a place where it will have a chance to grow into a thrifty tree. Most farmers would be entirely willing to allow the pupils to take such saplings from their wood-lots if the work were properly done. This is an excellent work for country schools to undertake, both for the good it will accomplish and for the training of the pupils themselves in practical work. Fruit trees of suitable size for planting may be had for about twenty cents each. Most American children could easily save that amount from money spent on candy, sweetmeats or toys so as to have a tree ready for planting on Arbor Day which would yield them fruit as they grow older, and be a source of pride and pleasure. Such trees will of course usually be planted at the children's own homes, but it would be an excellent idea to follow the German plan of planting public orchards just outside the town. When the trees are old enough to bear, the children are allowed on certain days to go and gather and eat the fruit and carry it home in baskets. The older boys in every school, whether city or country, should be taught to plant and transplant trees in the best way. The following directions for the work are sent out by the Department of Agriculture at Washington: "The proper season for planting is not everywhere the same. When the planting is done in the spring, the right time is when the frost is out of the ground and before budding begins. "The day to plant is almost as important as the season. Sunny, windy weather is to be avoided. Cool, damp days are the best. Trees can not be thrust carelessly into a rough soil and then be expected to flourish. They should be planted in properly worked soil, well enriched. If they can not be planted immediately after they are taken up the first step is to prevent their roots drying out in the air. This may be done by piling fresh dirt deep about the roots or setting the roots in mud. "In planting they should be placed from two to three inches deeper than they stood originally. Fine soil should always be pressed firmly--not made hard--about the roots, and two inches of dry soil at the top should be left very loose to retain the moisture." The reading of such poems as Lucy Larcom's "He who plants a tree plants a hope," or William Cullen Bryant's, "Come, let us plant the apple tree," and suitable talks or papers on trees, dealing with their kinds and uses, on the benefits of forests, and on practical forestry, should be a part of the Arbor Day exercises. In many communities a tract of land which is not well suited for general agriculture may be obtained for the benefit of the school, and some simple work in forestry may be undertaken by the pupils. Sometimes a farmer may be induced to give a small bit of waste land where the experiment may be tried. Sometimes such land can be bought by the school in one of the following ways: A series of entertainments may be given by the pupils, the proceeds to be applied to the buying of the land, and the pupils may also obtain money in other outside ways to bring to the general fund. If only one acre can be bought and cleared by the pupils, and properly planted, a little at a time, a tree for each child's birthday, or by obtaining small seedlings and saplings from the forest, it will be a source of keen interest, and will give an added pleasure to the school work. Watching the growth of the trees and caring for them will keep this interest alive year after year, and in time it will become a valuable property belonging to the school. Sometimes the school officials will set aside a sum from the public money to purchase the land. In one High School, one acre is thus bought each year, and every pupil in the senior year gives and plants a tree. Sometimes the farmers or the merchants of a community may unite in buying the land, which will, of course, become public property, and set it aside for improvement after the manner of a city park. Sometimes women's clubs become interested in such a movement and will raise the funds necessary for beginning it. It then becomes the duty of the school, year after year, to plant and care for the land. After a time the school will have a valuable property to sell, or can have a yearly income from the sale of timber. Such plans may be carried out in many schools. Every school can and should do something to forward this great work. All school yards should be well planted and care taken that the boy with a new knife does not try it on the bark or that the bark is not rubbed from the trees in careless play. Many trees planted in school yards have been destroyed in this way. But we shall not be safe if only the schools plant trees. Farmers and lot owners should take up the work in earnest, adding as many trees as possible each year. In this way they could insure an abundant supply of fruit, nuts and timber for the future, could increase the value of their property, and provide a steady income besides. Farmers' institutes would find this a most important work to undertake, arranging for a common plan to be carried out in an entire neighborhood, and setting aside days in which all the members may work together to set out trees by the roadsides. This brings us to the question of what kinds of trees are best to plant. For town or city lots, fruit trees should always be chosen, because they bear in a short time and will add to the family food supply, and so lessen the cost of living and increase the variety of food. Every farm should have a good assortment of fruit. Any nurseryman's catalogue will furnish lists of kinds so that a wise choice may be made. In selecting fruit trees, great care should be taken to choose the best varieties. For streets and roadsides, nut or wild fruit trees are best, for the trees are generally graceful in appearance and will yield some return, as the more popular maples and poplars will not. The chestnut is one of the best trees for such planting, though it is of a rather slow growth. English or American walnuts, pecans, mulberry and persimmon trees can be grown in most parts of the United States. One town in Kansas is planting fruit trees on all its streets, so that in a few years there will be an abundance of fruit free to every passer-by. This is a most excellent plan, but individuals would be likely to find the fruit molested if only a few trees are planted in a community. Barn-lots and lanes should be planted with wild cherry, haws, elder, dogwood, mountain-ash, and other wild fruits to serve as food for birds, poultry, and hogs. Where the banks of streams need to be protected from erosion, probably the best tree for planting is the basket willow, which thrives well near the water, has a heavy network of roots, and is valuable for weaving into baskets and furniture. For all hillsides and rocky places, as well as wood-lots, the hardwoods which sell best for timber should be planted in the North and West, and the evergreens near the sea-coasts and in the South. Forests of oak, hickory, walnut, maple (especially the sugar maple, which yields a steady return during the lifetime of the tree), elm, chestnut, and locust will sell for a good price, and are always salable. It requires many years to grow large timber, but by proper management several years can be gained in its growth, and it is always a valuable investment for a farmer to make for his children. Not individuals only, but states and the national government as well, should provide forests for the future, and this is the greatest duty of all, for much of the most important work can only be done by a power that can control the entire watershed at the head-waters of a river-system. For example, the Appalachian Mountains are the source of hundreds of streams which flow east, west and south, and pass through many states. These mountains were originally covered with a heavy forest growth, but they belong largely to private companies who are cutting the forests at a rapid rate. The effect of this is seen in bare hillsides, washed by mountain torrents which are causing disastrous floods on the lowlands, filling up the streams, and carrying away much of the most fertile soil of some of the southeastern states, and in the drying up of the small tributaries. This can not be remedied by single companies nor by the states that suffer most. The only remedy is for the government to buy the land at the head-waters of the rivers and reforest it. The same conditions on a smaller scale are to be found in every mountainous region where the forests are cut away. The United States owns a large amount of forest but not nearly enough to insure a supply of wood for the future. The public forest lands are nearly all in the West. They consist of national forests, national parks, Indian and military reservations and land open to entry as timber claims. In all they contain nearly 100,000,000 acres, or about half as much as is contained in farmers' wood-lots and about one-fourth as much as the amount owned by large lumber companies. The United States, on its public domain, is setting about a careful system of cutting and replanting. This system is known as forestry. It has been worked out by some of the more advanced nations of Europe who saw that destruction was coming on them through the cutting away of their forests. Now forestry is practised by every nation except Turkey and China. The principles have been well proved and the results of scientific care of the forests are known to be even more sure than in farming or live-stock raising. The Department of Agriculture will send complete directions for planting trees in rows at proper distances, will tell what kinds are best suited to each region and condition, how to make them grow rapidly, and when to cut. All these things should be thoroughly understood by every land owner, large or small, but at present forestry is practised on only one per cent. of all land in this country, owned by private persons or companies, though it is practised on seventy per cent. of all public lands. The countries that show the best results in forestry are some of the German states, particularly Prussia and Saxony, and France. In Prussia the rate of production is three times as great as it was seventy-five years ago. There is three times as much saw timber in a tree as there was at that time, and the money returns from an average acre of forest are now nearly ten times what they were sixty years ago. In Saxony the state forests are receiving two dollars and thirty cents per acre a year above all expenses from forests on land not fitted for agriculture, and the profit is increasing every year. France and Germany together spend $11,000,000 a year on their public forests and receive from them an income of $30,000,000, or nearly three times as much, while the United States spends for its public forests more than ten times as much as it receives. Many of our states are taking an active interest in forestry and are buying tracts of land of low value for state forests. New York is taking the lead in the work of planting forests, but even here the amount done is much less than it should be. The state forester says that one million trees are planted each year while twenty millions should be planted. The National Conservation Commission reported that the entire United States should plant an area larger than the states of Pennsylvania, Ohio, and West Virginia, in order to supply our future needs, but that we have actually planted an area less than the state of Rhode Island. This, then, is the lesson we should learn in regard to our forests: To guard against waste in cutting and use, fire, and insects, and to plant trees until our future supply of timber is assured, till the head-waters of our streams are protected and our waste lands made into valuable forest tracts; till every farm has its wood-lot, and every community its fruit and shade. It is a work in which every one of us may take some part and from which good results are certain to come. ORCHARDS Another phase of tree-culture that does not, strictly speaking, come under the head of forestry, but which should be considered here, is the cultivation of orchards, either for home use or for commercial purposes. In a few sections, fruit is the most valuable of all crops. Oranges in Florida and California, peaches in some of the southern states, and apples in the northwest, are more profitable than any field crops, and their cultivation is made the subject of careful scientific study. But there are many other states where the raising of fruit in commercial quantities is almost altogether neglected, and to which almost all fruit is shipped from other sections. This is particularly true in the rich corn and wheat producing states of the Mississippi Valley. The early settlers each planted an orchard for home use, and these produced the finest quality of fruit in abundance; but usually, after being planted, the trees were left to take care of themselves, while the farmer's time and attention were given to his fields of grain. As time passed, plant diseases and insect pests increased, winds broke down many of the unpruned trees, frosts often blighted the entire crop of fruit, and the uncultivated, sod-choked trees produced fruit that was less in quantity and poorer in quality each year. In recent years the highest grade of apples have all been shipped from the West. These are grown on irrigated land; a high price being paid both for the land itself and for the water-privilege, and the orchards are seldom more than ten acres in extent. Wind and frost may cause as much damage here as in the eastern states and plant diseases and insect enemies are equally liable to injure the crop. But here orcharding is carried on in a scientific manner. The small size of the orchard makes it possible for the owner properly to care for every tree, and each one must be made a source of profit. Every condition that tends to affect the crop is carefully studied, and the remedy found and applied. There is no reason why the same care and labor should not produce equally good results with far less expense in the well-watered regions of the eastern and central part of the United States. The neglected orchard will prove a failure anywhere, as surely as will a neglected garden, and success will come only by giving to fruit the same intelligent care that would be bestowed upon any other crop. The cultivation of apples should receive particular attention in the north central states, because they have great food value, are not perishable, can be shipped long distances, and the demand, both at home and abroad, is always greater than the supply. The home orchard, however, should contain many kinds of fruit, and the same general rules in regard to the care of the orchard apply to all of them. First, the orchard should not be located on land that is fitted to produce the best farm crops, but it must not be too steep and hilly to be cultivated. A sunny sloping hillside is best suited to orchard crops. In most cases little fertilization is needed except the planting of clover or some other leguminous crop. If corn be planted in young orchards, as is often the case, potash should be used as a fertilizer after the crop is gathered, since both corn and fruit trees draw very heavily on the potash in the soil. Old orchards sometimes need a single application of a general fertilizer containing all the principal soil elements. All fertilizers should be applied not merely around the base of the trunk, but as far from it as the tree spreads its branches in all directions. The trees should be carefully pruned and special attention paid to trimming the tops low to prevent damage from winds, and also to make spraying easy. The soil should be deeply cultivated the first few years in order to make the roots strike deep into the ground, and afterward the soil should receive some surface cultivation every year. When there is danger of frost after the trees have bloomed, brushwood fires are lighted and a dense smoke is raised over the orchard by burning pots of crude oil. This smoke is helpful in preventing the formation of frost, and will often be the means of saving the crop. The other great causes of failure to grow large quantities of perfect fruit, if the varieties are well chosen, are plant diseases and damage by insects. The methods of their control are given in the chapter on Insects, and include principally the disposal of all decayed fruit, the raking up and burning of all leaves in infected orchards, arsenical and lime sprays, and, above all, such attention to pruning and cultivation as will keep the trees in good condition. Lastly, the keeping of bees in the orchard will pay well, not only for the honey they produce, but because they assist greatly in carrying the pollen from flower to flower, and so increasing the crop of fruit. REFERENCES Forests. Report National Conservation Commission. Forest Conservation, Papers and Discussions, Report Governor's Conference. Arbor Day, Forest Service Department of Agriculture Circular, 96. Tree Planting on Rural School Grounds. Forest Service Department of Agriculture Circular, 134. Practical Assistance to Tree Planters. Forest Service Department of Agriculture Circular, 22. How to Transplant Forest Trees. Forest Service Department of Agriculture Circular, 61. Forest Planting on Coal Lands. Forest Service Department of Agriculture Circular, 41. Forestry in the Public Schools. Forest Service Department of Agriculture Circular, 130. Primer of Forestry. (Pinchot). Forest Service Department of Agriculture Circular, 173. The Use of the National Forests. (Pinchot.) What Forestry Has Done. Forest Service Department of Agriculture Circular, 140. Forest Preservation and National Prosperity. Forest Service Department of Agriculture Circular, 35. Forest Planting and Farm Management. Forest Service Department of Agriculture Circular, 228. Facts and Figures Regarding our Forest Resources. Forest Service Department of Agriculture Circular, 11. Drain Upon the Forests. Forest Service Department of Agriculture Circular, 129. The Waning Hardwood Supply. Forest Service Department of Agriculture Circular, 129. Timber Supply of the United States. Forest Service Department of Agriculture Circular, 116. Forestry and the Lumber Supply. Forest Service Department of Agriculture Circular, 97. How to Cultivate and Care for Forests in Semi-arid Regions. Forest Service Department of Agriculture Circular, 54. Paper-making Materials and their Conservation. Bureau of Chemistry, 41. CHAPTER IV WATER Water is an absolute necessity to man, as much as the air he breathes or the food he eats. Water comes to us in the form of rain or snow. We usually think of it as unlimited, but we must come to think of it as a resource that can be abused and wasted or made useful and profitable as is the soil itself. The amount of water is fixed and passes in an endless round from cloud to river or land and back to the clouds again. The average yearly rainfall of the United States is estimated at thirty inches, about forty inches in the eastern half, an average of eighteen inches in the western part, and in many places not more than ten or twelve inches. One inch of rain would amount to nearly one hundred and one tons per acre, or on a roof twenty feet long by twenty feet wide, one inch of rain would be two hundred and fifty gallons. With a rainfall of forty inches, this would amount to 10,000 gallons in a year, or an average, over every bit of land twenty feet square, of twenty-seven gallons for every day in the year. This is about the quantity that falls in the eastern part of the United States. It varies slightly from year to year, but there is no more--there is no possible way of adding to it, though we may lessen it by allowing it to rush out to sea, giving no service to the land. As the land waters diminish the rainfall also grows less. This two hundred trillions cubic feet of water which falls on our land every year constitutes our entire water resource, is the source of all our rivers and streams, of the moisture in the air, of our rains and snows, and our water for plant and animal growth. To understand how much this is, we may say that it is about equal to ten times the amount of water that flows through the Mississippi River system. The water of the Mississippi and its branches is nearly half of all the water in the United States that flows through waterways to the sea. This water that flows through our streams is sometimes called the run-off. The run-off is increasing every year as we cut our forests and cultivate our land. It is used for navigation, irrigation and power, but the increase is not an advantage for these purposes as might be supposed, because it comes in disastrous floods, tearing away dams, ruining power sites, and not only preventing navigation during the flood season, but by filling up the rivers and changing the channels, making navigation difficult and dangerous throughout the year. The run-off is controlled to some extent and may be brought under almost as complete control as may be desired. As much as the water of five or six Mississippis, or a little more than half of our supply, is evaporated to moisten and temper the air, to fall as rain or snow, or to form dews. This is sometimes called the fly-off, and except for some changes caused by management of the land, is entirely beyond control. A part of the remainder sinks into the soil below the surface. A large portion of this helps to cause the slow rock-decay that forms the soil, and which is known as ground water. It is estimated that within the first hundred feet below the surface of the earth there is a quantity of water that has seeped down; and that would form, if it were collected, a vast reservoir sixteen or seventeen feet in depth spreading over all the 3,000,000 square miles of the area of our country. This is equal to about seven years' rainfall and is a very important part of our water resources. In many places it forms into underground streams or lakes. It feeds all the springs and many of the lakes. Our wells are dug or drilled into this underground water system. It carries away the excess of salts and mineral matter from the soil, the trees strike their roots deep into the earth and draw from it, and last and most important of all, that which sinks immediately below the surface supplies all our plant growth. So that it is this last portion, that which sinks below the ground, and which is sometimes termed the cut-off, amounting to about one-tenth of all our water resource, or about the quantity that flows through the Mississippi River system, that forms the really important part. On this depends all that makes a land habitable, the water for drinking purposes and for plant and animal growth. On it depends the rate of production of every acre of farm and forest land and the life of every animal. Every full-grown man of one hundred and fifty pounds takes into his system not less than a ton of water each year, and every bushel of corn requires for its making fifteen or twenty tons of water. Of the importance of this Professor Chamberlain says: "The key to the problem of soil conservation lies in due control of the water that falls on every acre. This water is an asset of great value. It should be counted by every land owner as a possible value, saved if turned where it will do good, lost if permitted to run away, doubly lost if it also carries away the soil and does destructive work below." The uses of rainfall are given thus: A due portion should go through the soil to its bottom to promote rock decay. Some of it should go into the underdrainage to carry away harmful matter, another portion goes up to the surface carrying solutions needed by the plants. A portion goes into the plants to nourish them, and still another part runs off the surface, carrying away the worn-out parts of the soil. Crops can use to advantage all the rain that falls during the growing season; and in most cases crops are all the better for all the water that can be carried over from the winter. There are many local exceptions, but in general crops are best when the soil can be made to absorb as much of the rainfall and snowfall as possible. This also causes the least possible amount of wash from the land. Doctor N. J. McGee says: "Scarcely anywhere in the United States is the rainfall excessive, that is, greater than is needed by growing plants, living animals and men. Nearly everywhere it falls below this standard. In the western part the average rainfall is only about eighteen inches; in the extreme eastern part the fall averages forty-eight inches. In the western part much of the land is unable to produce crops at all except when artificially watered. The eastern part might produce more abundant crops, develop greater industries and support a larger population with a rainfall of sixty inches than it is able to do with a rainfall of forty-eight inches." As may readily be seen, the fly-off can be controlled only in a very small degree, by conserving the moisture that is in the soil, and so preventing it from evaporating too rapidly. The cut-off can be controlled to a considerable extent through forestry and scientific farming and it is very important that the supply should be as carefully conserved as possible. But it is in the run-off that the great waste of water occurs, and also that great saving is possible. It has been found by careful estimate that from eighty-five per cent. to ninety-five per cent. of the water that flows to the sea is wasted in freshets or destructive floods. We are not accustomed to think of the water as wasted, since it seems beyond our control, but as we are taking a careful account of stock, and seeing how our forests, our fuels and our minerals are disappearing, and our soil being carried out to sea by the rushing waters, it is well to consider, also, whether this great resource may not be so used as to benefit mankind in many ways and at the same time lessen the drain on other resources. The water of streams may be divided as to use into four great classes. The most important is that used by cities for general supply, for household and drinking purposes; next, that which is used for navigation and the running of boats to carry commerce; third, that which is used for artificial watering or irrigation, and lastly, that which is used for power in manufacturing. In the past, when water has been used it has seldom been employed for more than one of these purposes, but as we come to understand more the nature, value and possibilities of this great resource, we shall learn to make the money spent for one of these lines of activity supply several other needs. As we study each of these separately we shall see this interrelation among them. The cities of the United States have expended $250,000,000 in waterworks and nearly as much more in land for reservoirs, and for canals for conveying the water from these reservoirs to the cities. The better managed systems protect the drained lands from erosion by planting forests or grass and the water is completely controlled, so that all the water, even the storm overflow, is saved. There is very little waste in these city water systems until it comes to the consumer, where, except when it is sold through meters, the waste is often great. The failure to provide the greatest good lies in the fact that the water systems have been used for water supply only and have not been made profitable in other ways. The drainage basins should be heavily planted with trees, which will in time yield a large return, or with hay, which can be marketed each year. Whenever possible, the canals carrying the water supply should also be used to furnish power. The city of Los Angeles, when it had a population of only 150,000, undertook to provide pure water from a point two hundred and fifty miles distant. To do so it must take on itself a debt of $23,000,000, a large sum for a city ten times its size. Yet the people were ready to assume this great burden to insure an unending supply of pure water, for they realized that without it their city could not continue to grow. It was not until the plans for piping water to the city were almost completed that the value of the water-power along the route was realized. It has been disposed of at a rate that pays ten per cent. interest on the debt each year, and has made what seemed a dangerous risk, a profitable business arrangement. All these other uses of water which are profitable, help to lower the price of water to the users. The matter of supreme importance in the water supply, however, is not whether the water is cheap, but whether it is pure. If refuse from factories is allowed to drain into a stream, the water becomes loaded with poisonous chemicals, acids, or minerals. If city sewage or barn-yards are allowed to drain into it, the germs of typhoid and other fevers enter the water supply. To insure the purity of water supply from a stream, no factory waste, city sewage or country refuse should be allowed to enter any part of the stream. In addition to this it should be carefully filtered. The disposal of waste is a serious problem, and the easiest way is to divert it into the nearest water course and trust to the old maxim, "Running water purifies itself." This, while true as a general fact, has so many exceptions that it is not safe to trust to it. The Sanitary District Canal of Chicago has proved positively that even the most heavily germ-laden water becomes pure by running many miles at a regulated speed through the open country, but the conditions are altogether different from those of an ordinary river. First, in a river, sewage may enter at any point down-stream to add to the germs already present in the water, while nothing is allowed to enter the Drainage Canal after it leaves the city. Second, some germs live for several days and may be carried many miles. Only a microscopic test can prove whether water contains such germs. Usually such tests are not made and water is used without people knowing whether it is pure or not, but the water of the Sanitary Canal is tested at many points to determine its purity. Each hour and each mile of its journey it grows purer. This proves that although running water does purify itself, a stream that is drained into all along its course is not a fit source of water supply. Factory refuse, instead of being allowed to pollute the waters, should be turned to good use by extracting the chemicals, which form valuable by-products. All farm waste should be taken to a remote part of the farm, placed in an open shed or vat with cement floor and screened from flies to form a compost heap for fertilizers for the farm. This will amply repay the extra trouble and expense by increasing the farm crops. The sooner such refuse, especially manure, is returned to the land, the more valuable it is as a fertilizer. In cities the sewage should be disposed of in such a way as to yield a profit to the city, and also promote the health of the people. The sewage of a city of 100,000 people is supposed to be worth, in Germany, about $900,000 a year for fertilizer on account of the phosphorus it contains. The city of Berlin operates large sewage farms, using as laborers men condemned to the workhouse. The expense for land and sewer system was $13,000,000, but it pays for the money invested, with $60,000 yearly profit over all expenses. On the other hand the cost of impure water to the city of Pittsburg was reckoned at $3,850,000, and in the city of Albany, New York, the annual loss was estimated at $475,000. In the early settlement of our country all towns were built on streams, and the ones which grew and flourished were all on rivers large enough to carry commerce by boat. After the invention of steamboats, daily packet lines were run on all the principal rivers. Albert Gallatin planned a complete system of improved waterways, including many canals, that was intended to establish a great commercial route. Many canals were built and put into actual operation and dozens of others had been planned, when the building of railways began. This new system of transportation at once became popular. Not only were no more canals dug and no more steamboat lines built, but many of those actually in operation were abandoned. In order to encourage railroad building and develop new regions, the government has given land and money to the extent of hundreds of millions of dollars, until now the railroads form one-seventh of all our national wealth, having 228,000 miles of tracks and earning $2,500,000,000 each year, while the waterways owned by the government have fallen into disuse. Within the last four or five years another change has come about in the general attitude toward the waterways. At the time that the crops are moved in the fall, and when coal is needed for the winter supply, there are not nearly enough cars in the country to handle the volume of business, neither are there enough locomotives to move the necessary cars, nor tracks, nor stations. In short, the railways are entirely unable to handle the vast products of the country during the busiest seasons. Many persons in the West have suffered for fuel, and commerce has been greatly checked by the shortage; and the situation is growing worse each year as production increases. James J. Hill estimates that the cost of equipping the railroads to carry the commerce of the country would be from five to eight billion dollars. This means a heavy tax on iron and coal and timber as well as on the labor resources of the country, and it would then be only a question of time until still further extensions were needed. With these facts in view, interest in the waterways of the country has been revived. It is estimated that it will require five hundred million dollars, or fifty million dollars a year for ten years completely to improve the waterways of the country. This is not more than one-tenth of what would be needed to equip the railroads. The cost of carrying freight by rail is from four to five times that of carrying it by water. Much of the heavy freight of the country,--coal, iron, grain and lumber,--should be carried in this way, in order to reduce freight rates and so, indirectly, the cost to the people, and further to relieve the burden on the railways. The railways, it might be added, would still have a large and increasing package-freight business, besides the handling of heavy freight in parts of the country where there are no navigable rivers. For these reasons it would seem clearly the only wise policy to adopt a general plan for waterway improvement and carry it into effect at once. But there are many things to be considered. Millions of dollars (in all about five hundred and fifty-two millions) have been spent for the improvement of waterways. Some of it has resulted in great gain, but a large part of it has been wasted through lack of an organized plan. Work has been begun and not enough money appropriated to finish it. In the course of a few years much of the value of the work is destroyed by the action of the current or by shifting sands, or if a stretch of river is finished in the most approved manner, often it is not used much, in some cases actually less after than before the work was begun, and these things have created a prejudice against waterway improvements. The other reason is that in spite of the overcrowding of the railroads, the traffic on many of our large rivers is steadily growing less. The Inland Waterways Commission finds as a reason for the decrease, the relations existing between the railways and the waterways. A railway, they consider, has two classes of advantages. First, those that come from natural conditions. A railroad line can be built in any direction to any part of the country except the extremely mountainous parts, while a river runs only in a single direction. If a new region distant from a large water course is opened up, as is being done rapidly in the West through irrigation and dry farming, the people are entirely dependent on the railways to develop it, to bring them all the conveniences of the outside world, and to carry the products of their land to the market. Branch lines and switches can be built to factories and warehouses, while boats can reach only those situated along the water-front. Another advantage of the railroads is that they bill freight all the way through, and that freight is much more easily transferred from one road to another. It is much more difficult and expensive to load and reload freight from boats and barges on account of the high and low water stages of the river. This difference amounts to as much as sixty feet in the Ohio River at Cincinnati. Railways make faster time, and the distance between two points is usually shorter, though sometimes during the busy season of the railways the river freight reaches its destination much sooner. The other class of reasons relates to the railways themselves, which have always been in open competition with the waterways, and to gain traffic for themselves, usually charge lower rates to those points to which boats also carry freight. In many cases they have bought the steamboat lines so that rates might be kept up, and then, unable to operate the two lines as cheaply as one, have abandoned the steamboat lines. Another method by which the railroads have driven out the water traffic, is by charging extremely heavy rates for freight hauled a short distance to or from boats, making it quite as cheap as well as more convenient to send freight all the way by rail. Lastly, railroad warehouses, terminals and machinery for handling freight are all much better than those of inland steamboat lines, except at some points on the Great Lakes where the traffic is very heavy. Some of these disadvantages might be overcome by law. In France, where the waterways are managed better than in any other country, the law requires that railroad rates be twenty per cent. higher on all heavy freight than the rates on the same freight if carried by water, and in several countries railroad companies are not permitted to own or manage a steamboat line. These measures are suggestive of what may be done by law to correct abuses, but laws alone can not accomplish everything. The rivers belong to all the people, and every one who wishes may operate steamboat or barge lines, but before these can become profitable, and before first class warehouses and machinery are installed, there must appear on the part of the people a desire to patronize them. The best results are found in those cases where there is harmony between the railways and the steamboat lines; those in which the steamboat lines relieve the railways of much of the heavy freight which they are not able to handle without greatly increasing their present equipment. There should be coöperation on the part of the people. The towns and cities along the banks of many European rivers provide suitable terminals, warehouses and wharves with free use of the service. In other cases this is done by private capital with a charge for use to shippers. Sometimes it is done by the steamboat companies themselves, but unless one or the other method is assured all along the river it is not wise for the government to undertake the improvement of a stream. Intelligent improvement of the waterways of the United States demands first that a careful survey of the needs of the whole country be made, then that a systematic plan be carried out providing for the improvement of important streams first. The state and nation should work together, and any work that is begun should be completed as promptly as possible so that its full benefit may be realized. Certain work, such as the improvement of the channel, should be done by the national government, since the waters belong to the nation; but the expense of constructing levees or dykes should be borne by the land owners along the banks, because the land thus protected is greatly increased in value; or by the state, which gets the return in increased taxes. In many instances, the improvement of a stream would be a great benefit to one state or part of a state, but it would be impossible in many years to improve all the desirable streams, so that the larger ones of most general importance must be considered first. In such cases the improvement is often undertaken by the state. Some navigable rivers have been thus improved and many canals are the property of states or of private companies. Only a few rivers have a steady flow throughout the year at a depth sufficient to carry large boats. On most streams destructive floods at certain seasons and low waters at others interfere with navigation during a considerable part of the year. Most rivers have sand-bars, sunken rocks or logs in the channel, making the passage of boats difficult and dangerous. Others are well suited for navigation, except at points where rapids and falls make it impossible for boats to pass. The Ohio, the Tennessee, the Missouri and the upper Mississippi abound in such dangerous places and these should be canalized. It is the improving of rivers in these ways, dredging harbors to make them safer, and digging canals to provide a short passage between two bodies of water, that constitute what is known as the Improvement of Inland Waters. If you look at a map showing the navigable streams of the United States you will see that nearly all of them lie in the eastern part. The Mississippi is like a great artery with branches extending in all directions, east and west. The Great Lakes, with their outlet, the St. Lawrence River, and the many important rivers emptying into the Atlantic Ocean and the Gulf of Mexico, such as the Merrimac, Hudson, Delaware, Susquehanna, Potomac and Rio Grande, form great highways for all the commerce of the eastern part of the country, while the Columbia, Sacramento and Colorado Rivers, with their branches, are the only navigable streams of any importance west of the Mississippi River system. In some places a small portion of land divides two important water areas, and canals dug through this neck of land change the commercial routes of the whole world. Such are the Isthmus of Suez, eighty-seven miles wide, through which a canal was cut that saves a sailing distance of 3,700 miles from England to India. Only the Isthmus of Panama, forty-nine miles in width, divides the Atlantic from the Pacific Ocean. When the canal across this narrow strip is completed, the sailing distance from New York to San Francisco will be shortened 8,000 miles, the entire distance around South America. The Sault Ste. Marie Canal, connecting Lakes Superior and Huron, is only a little more than a mile and a half long, but it opens up the entire iron, copper, lumber and wheat resources of the Northwest to cheap water passage through the other lakes to the manufacturing region of the East. The Erie Canal, by connecting Lake Erie with the Hudson River from Buffalo to Albany, New York, makes the only water passage from the Great Lakes to the ocean that lies within the borders of the United States. If you will turn to the map again, you will see still other places where a short canal may open up an entirely new and important water route. From Chicago to Lockport, Illinois, is only thirty-seven miles, but Chicago is on Lake Michigan, while Lockport is on the Illinois River, a branch of the Mississippi. This canal, a large part of which is now in operation, is a part of the Lakes to Gulf waterway. One plan is to broaden and deepen the channel so that large vessels may pass, without unloading, from the Lakes to the Gulf of Mexico. Another proposed canal which would be undertaken largely by individual states and a part of which is already completed, would afford a safe inside passage connecting the many bays, channels and navigable rivers of the Atlantic coast. Still another proposed measure is the cutting of a canal from the southern end of Lake Michigan to the western end of Lake Erie at Toledo, Ohio, to avoid the long haul up Lake Michigan and down Lake Huron again. The United States now has 25,000 miles of navigable rivers and a nearly equal mileage of rivers not now navigable but which might be made commercially important; five great lakes that have a combined length of 1,410 miles, 2,120 miles of operated canals, and 2,500 miles of sounds, bays and bayous, that might be joined by tidewater canals easily constructed, less than 1,000 miles long altogether, and making a continuous passage from New England to the Gulf of Mexico. In all, our waterways at the present time are 55,000 to 60,000 miles long, the greatest system in the world, but almost unused. The most important waterway improvement so far completed, is the Sault Ste. Marie, or the "Soo" canal which cost $96,000,000. A depth of eight feet was increased to twenty-one feet. The traffic has risen in sixteen years from a million and a quarter tons to forty-one and a quarter million tons. A large proportion of the United States is not naturally fitted to be the home of man; at least, it is not fitted to produce his food, and except on the lofty mountains the reason for this will almost always be found to be either a lack or an excess of water. In some parts of the country, there is, as we have seen, little rainfall. These arid or semi-arid lands must be provided with water for drinking purposes and for agriculture. The diverting of water courses into canals and ditches so that water can be carried to these waste lands is called irrigation. In other parts of the country where rains are abundant, serious floods occur every year, often many times in a year. Thousands of acres of land thus subject to overflow are lost to use. The holding back of these flood waters in the upper part of the rivers, and so preventing these overflows, is termed storage of waters. In still other regions the rainfall is abundant, and the land low-lying. Large areas are always covered with water. Such lands are called swamps or bogs, and when drained, they become the richest of agricultural lands. Irrigation, storage and drainage are the three methods employed to make waste lands valuable and useful. The land is saved or reclaimed, so all these methods of balancing and distributing the water supply are called reclamation. In general it may be said that irrigation is more generally needed in the West, storage of flood waters in the central and eastern states, and drainage in the South. By thus distributing the rainfall, hundreds of millions of acres have been or may be reclaimed, and large regions, formerly unfit to inhabit, have been turned into profitable farms. Three-fourths of one per cent. of our total rainfall, or two per cent. of all that falls in the West, is used for irrigating 13,000,000 acres. There are several methods of irrigation which are adapted to different regions and different crops. The rice fields of South Carolina, Georgia, Louisiana and Texas are irrigated by allowing the land to remain continually flooded to a depth of several inches. When the irrigation season is over the levees are opened, and the water runs off rapidly, and the crop is soon ready to be harvested. Tidal rivers are used to supply water in most cases, but in Texas many flowing wells are employed for irrigation. In Florida, where irrigation is used largely for intensive farming, various means are employed, some of which are also used in the western and southwestern states. Mechanical pumps, operated by turbine wheels, pump the water from the rivers if a lift be required. Sometimes the water is pumped direct to the fields in iron pipes and applied by means of hydrants and hose, as in a city water system. Overhead pipe lines are now recognized as the most perfect and satisfactory form of artificial watering. Two-inch pipes are run over frames several feet in height. These are arranged in parallel lines all over the fields about forty feet apart. At intervals of forty feet, a small iron pipe, ending with a fine spraying attachment, extends upward. The water is turned on in the evening and comes out of the sprayer in a fine mist and falls upon the plants like a gentle rain. By another form of irrigation, the fields are divided at regular intervals by wide wooden troughs from which water is directed between the rows of plants. Main canals leading from the streams and intersected by short canals extend in all directions through the fields and orchards, and are distributed in various ways. This system is in general use throughout the arid portions of the West. The methods are said to be the most scientific and varied in southern California. When water for irrigation is supplied from wells some underground system is generally used. One common method is to lay continuous pipes from the wells all over the fields and distribute from hydrants, plugs and standpipes. By still another system, the water is carried below the surface through pipes which are broken every few inches and laid in beds of charcoal. In the eastern states irrigation is only employed in dry weather to increase the yield of vegetable crops. In the arid western region it transforms what would otherwise be a dreary desert into fertile valleys. William J. Bryan, speaking at the first Conservation Congress, said, "Last September, I visited the southern part of Idaho and saw there a tract that has been recently reclaimed. I had been there before. I had looked upon these lands as so barren that it seemed as if it were impossible that they could ever be made useful. "When I went back this time and found that in three years 1,700,000 acres of land had been reclaimed, that where three years ago nothing but sage-brush grew, they are now raising seven tons of alfalfa to the acre, and more than a hundred bushels of oats; when I found that ten thousand people are living on that tract, that in one town that has grown up in that time there are more than 1,900 inhabitants, and in three banks they had deposits of over half a million dollars, I had some realization of the magic power of water when applied to these desert lands." The same thing might be said of other regions throughout the West. In the Salton district of California a marvelous change has been brought about by irrigation. A few years ago that was one of the most desolate and forbidding regions on our continent. Now it is covered with several thousands of acres of alfalfa and other crops, and it bids fair to be a great fruit region. Of southern California it is said, "The irrigation systems of this part of the state are known all over the world, and have created a prosperous commonwealth in a region which would be a scene of utter desolation without them." This locality presents a better opportunity for the scientific study of farming by irrigation than exists anywhere else in the world. Here all land values depend directly on ability to obtain a water supply. So precious is the water and so abundant are the rewards that follow its application to the soil that the most careful consideration is given to the various sources of supply and distribution. As land becomes scarcer and the cost of living greater on account of the increase in population, men are turning more and more to irrigation to solve the problem of food supply. As showing what may be accomplished by irrigation, the report of the last census says: "The construction of large irrigation works on the Platte, Yellowstone and Arkansas Rivers would render fertile an area equal to that of some eastern states. Engineers are grappling with the great problems of conserving the flood waters of these streams, which now are wasted and help to increase the destructive floods of the Mississippi. The solving of these problems will change a vast area of country, now practically worthless, into valuable farms." The "Great Bend" country, drained by the Columbia River, contains several million acres of land which only requires water to make it of great agricultural value. The Gila River basin contains more than 10,000,000 acres of fertile land, capable of producing immense crops if irrigated, but without irrigation it is a desert land where only sage-brush and cactus flourish. From arid lands capable of producing excellent crops but lacking in the magical element of water, we pass to the consideration of lands where the richest of soils are shut off from productiveness because they are covered with water. On the lower Mississippi the soil is richer than in any other part of the United States, but much of it is overflowed so frequently that it is unfit for cultivation. Dykes and levees have reclaimed thousands of acres of such overflow land. Many states control large marshy sections that have been or may be reclaimed. In southern Florida lie the Everglades, a vast country which has been worse than valueless; a malarial region abounding in alligators, rattlesnakes, scorpions and other dangerous animals and insects. The state of Florida has undertaken the work of draining this great swamp, and when the task is completed, Florida will have added to its resources 3,000,000 acres of the richest soil for the raising of winter vegetables and fruits. Florida is engaged in another great project--the digging of an inside passage connecting its inland tidal waters by a canal system which will open to navigation a continuous inland waterway six hundred miles in length. In digging these canals through the marshes bordering the coast, thousands of acres of exceedingly fertile land have been reclaimed and are now producing valuable crops. The Kankakee marshes in Indiana have been drained, adding many thousands of acres of rich soil to the agricultural area of the state. In all, about 80,000,000 acres are so wet that they must be drained in order to make them produce good farm crops, but which, while now covered only with marsh grass or undergrowth, is capable of being made the most fertile of all land. This swamp land is ten times the area of Holland, which supports a population of 5,000,000 people. It is therefore easy to see how greatly we may add to our productive territory and our national wealth by reclamation through drainage. We now come to the use of water as power; and although in the last fifty years this subject has received little attention, as manufacturing increases and as fuel decreases and becomes higher, the value of water becomes more evident, and water-power sites are being eagerly sought. Our age may come to be known in the future as the age of power, because through the application of mechanical power man has gained such marvelous control over the world about him. Wind and water led in the production of power until about 1870, since which time they have scarcely increased at all, the greater advantages of steam and electricity having driven them out. As long as all factories had to be built by the side of streams having suitable water-power, the number and size of factories were always extremely limited. With the introduction of steam it became possible to build factories at mines, in forests, in fruit or grain regions, wherever the supply of raw material was plentiful, and to multiply factories of all kinds in cities near the markets for their product, or where labor was cheap and abundant. But power could only be used where it was developed, and the size of the power plant depended on the amount of business done by each individual user. Now a new era of power has again enlarged the possibilities of manufacturing. By means of electricity the work, not only of factories, but also of the home and the farm may be done in any place where electricity can be installed. We must bear in mind that electricity is never a source of power, but is only the agent that carries power to the user. The source of all electric power is either steam or water, produced by water-wheels, turbines, steam-engines or gas-engines. The economical way to furnish electric power is to establish central power plants, and electricity may be conveyed from them for many miles. An electric railway, telegraph, or telephone system many miles in length is operated from a single power plant. Electric light and power are transmitted all over the largest cities. It is no longer necessary that a factory be of any specified size nor that it have any waste power. If it be within reach of the electrical current it may use as much or as little as is needed. The cheapness of electric power must always depend on nearness to the source of supply or to the market. Until a short time ago it was customary to locate electric power-houses near the market, that is, in cities. But the benefits to be derived from having the electric plant near the source of power, so that the cost of production is greatly lessened, are becoming better recognized. This will make water-power increasingly valuable. It is even now practicable to develop water-power, wherever located, for the production of electricity. Although the lowest grade coals are used for electric power at the mines yet they can now be used for still other purposes. Coal or other fuel once used can not be replaced, but when electricity is derived from water-power only energy otherwise wasted is used. This energy, if derived from water-power, is all added to our assets instead of being lost. For many years the amount of power used for manufacturing and other purposes has doubled about once in ten years, and the steady pace kept by different lines of development shows how closely they are related. Our power, our forest cut, the use of our iron and other minerals, our coal and petroleum, the railroad earnings, freight and passenger traffic, and our agricultural products all double themselves every ten years. This means that in ten years we shall require twice as much power as now, but will have far less coal to use. This raises the question,--have we available water-power to conserve our coal supply? Let us see. It is estimated that we are now using 26,000,000 horse-power of energy derived from steam, 3,000,000 horse-power derived from water, and 800,000 from gas or oil, a total of 29,800,000 horse-power. It is also estimated that there is now running idly over dams, falls, and rapids 30,000,000 horse-power of energy. In other words, we are wasting every day enough water to run every factory and mill, and to turn every wheel, to move every electric car and to supply every electric light or power-station in the country. The amount of water-power is gauged solely by the low-water stage of the stream. A river is considered to produce only as much power as it can furnish at its season of lowest water. At other times factories may be operated more actively, but usually most of the extra power is wasted during a large part of the year. If these storm or flood waters can be stored in reservoirs, the stream-flow throughout the year can be made fairly uniform and the power possibilities greatly increased. The Geological Survey believes that by storing the flood waters and regulating the flow of the streams, the large rivers of the United States may be made to furnish 150,000,000 horse-power, enough, if it could be utilized, to supply every power need of our country for many years to come without using a ton of our coal, and without in any way decreasing the water. Of course this can never be practicable. Much power will always be needed where no stream for power is available. But the lesson is plain that where water can be used it should be, both in order to save the coal and because it can be produced more cheaply. The 30,000,000 horse-power now available, if produced in our most modern electric plants, would require the burning of nearly 225,000,000 tons of coal, and if in the average plant run by steam-engines, more than 650,000,000 tons of coal, which is fifty per cent. more than all the coal that is now produced in this country. At three dollars per ton it would cost $2,000,000,000 a year to supply the coal to furnish the power that we might have, one might almost say, as a by-product from the improving of the rivers for navigation. The development of the water-power possibilities of the country is now going forward at a rapid rate, however. Dams on the Susquehanna River will soon make 30,000 horse-power available, which could be increased to 200,000 by building storage reservoirs. A dam just begun at the rapids of the Mississippi River at Keokuk, Iowa, will, when completed, furnish 200,000 horse-power. Niagara is producing 56,000 horse-power on the United States side. The Muscle Shoals Falls rapids in the Tennessee River is furnishing 188,000 horse-power. Illinois will greatly increase its possibilities for offering cheap power to factories, when the Lakes to Gulf Canal with 173,000,000 horse-power worth $12,750,000 yearly, and the Chicago Drainage or Sanitary Canal, which has nearly 60,000 horse-power, are complete. Both of these projects were undertaken by the state. In California 250,000 horse-power is now in operation, and 5,000,000 horse-power might easily be developed in that state alone, which at the price of coal would be worth a billion dollars a year. New England has the oldest system of water-power control, because before the era of steam it was the chief manufacturing region of the country. The Merrimac, flowing through New Hampshire and Massachusetts, is the most carefully conserved river in the world, and Governor Dingley of Maine said that the water-power of Maine is equal to the working energy of 13,000,000 men. The money value is counted at twenty dollars a year per horse power, but it frequently brings as high as one hundred or even one hundred and fifty dollars a year in a good manufacturing region, so that the value of our water-power facilities can hardly be computed. An ideal picture of the harmonious development of our water resources for all purposes is one that is not too difficult to realize. It is the ideal that should be always before us in the improvement of our waterways, and we should bear in mind that although the expense will be heavy, it will not cost more than one-tenth as much to improve all the important waterways as to equip the railways to carry the traffic they will be called on to carry in the next ten years; and also that in the past, for every dollar that has been spent on waterways, almost twenty-five dollars has been spent on railways. The railways are a great and important part of our national development, but the waterways should not be neglected. Rather, the two should be so harmonized and adjusted as to make one great commercial system that will furnish cheap and abundant transportation for all our commerce. The most complete plan for conserving our waters is as follows: First, build storage reservoirs along the upper stretches of the river to hold the overflow waters of the flood season which are to be turned into the main channel when the water becomes too low for ordinary navigation. These storage reservoirs should be on the lowest grade of land, that which would be least productive. The reservoirs should be well stocked with the best varieties of fish to make them profitable. The banks should be planted with forest trees and made as attractive as they can be made to form public parks and pleasure grounds for the people, where boating, fishing and bathing may be enjoyed. The next point is to remove all obstructions from the river, to canalize it at shallow places or rapids, so that the whole river will be navigable, and, if necessary, to deepen the channel so that it will carry large vessels between two important points. Dams should be built to take advantage of every opportunity for water-power. One of the worst mistakes in the past has been the failure to use the power that might have been developed in improving the streams for navigation. Rivers should be made profitable still further by stocking with fish and should be kept clear of factory refuse and sewage. Soil-wash should be lessened by planting trees and shrubs along the banks; and where overflow or erosion lowers the value of the land or repeatedly ruins the crops, dykes and levees should be built. The rivers most important commercially should be improved first. Canals should be cut between waterways where large benefits will result; overflow and swamp land should be drained, and in arid regions every particle of water conserved for irrigation purposes. The irrigation canals may also be used to supply water-power, and the canals may be used as are other canals for towing barges. If electric power is produced, electric towing is cheap and very desirable as a means of transportation. In short, our water supply should be as carefully used and with as little waste as the land of forests. The most important improvements needed are, a Lakes to Gulf Waterway that shall be safe and practicable at least for vessels of moderate size; the improvement of the Ohio, Missouri, Tennessee and Upper Mississippi Rivers; an inner coast passage from New England to Florida, and in navigable rivers dredging and deepening if necessary, to make many outlets to the sea which will afford cheap transportation. In the West, the Columbia, San Joaquin and Sacramento Rivers with their branches should be made navigable. Many western rivers have been almost ruined by filling with rocks in hydraulic mining, but this is now prohibited by law and if the channels were cleared they would again become navigable. Appropriations for much of this work have already been made by Congress, but the work is not systematically planned. The cost of all of it would be about sixty-two and a half cents a year for each man, woman and child in the country and every one would receive some benefit. The National Conservation Commission on Waterways found that the average family pays for transportation or freight on all its food and clothing and the necessities of life, nearly or quite one-third their actual cost. "It is estimated that the direct benefits would be a yearly saving in freight handling of $250,000,000, a yearly saving in flood damage of $150,000,000, a saving in forest fires of at least $25,000,000, a benefit through cheapened power of fully $75,000,000 and a yearly saving in farm production of $500,000,000; a total of $1,000,000,000, or twelve dollars and fifty cents for each person--twenty times the cost! And this does not take into account the benefits from irrigation, drainage, and the lessening of disease by a pure water supply." REFERENCES Waters. Report of the National Conservation Commission. Report of Inland Waterways Commission, 1908. American Inland Waterways. H. Quick. Waterways and Water Transportation. J. S. Jeans. Waterway Transportation in Europe. L. G. McPherson. Highways of Progress. J. J. Hill. Navigation Resources of the United States. (Johnson.) Report, Governor's Conference. Conservation of Power Resources. (H. St. Clair Putnam.) Report, Governor's Conference. Florida's Waterways. (Miles.) Report, Governor's Conference. Our Water Resources. (Lyman Cooley.) Report, Governor's Conference. The Lakes-to-Gulf Waterway. (Randolph.) Report, Governor's Conference. Water Resources. (Kummel.) Report, Governor's Conference. Necessity for Waterway Improvement. (Austin.) Report, Governor's Conference. Report Congressional Committee on European Waterways. Senate Document, 1910. River and Harbor Bill. Senate Document. Burton, 1910. Forests, Water Storage, Power and Navigation. (Taylor.) Proceedings of the Am. Hydrochemical Society. Our Inland Waterways. (McGee.) Outlines of Hydrology. (McGee.) Natural Movement of Water in Semi-arid Regions. (McGee.) Irrigation in the United States. Dept. Commerce and Labor Census Bureau. Irrigation Projects of the U. S. Reclamation Service. Reports of Irrigation in various states. Apply to Governor. CHAPTER V. COAL When we begin to study the mineral resources of the country we pass to conditions altogether different from those which we have been considering. Heretofore we have been dealing with resources that can be renewed, the soil by proper management, the forests by replanting, the waters by nature's own processes; but the fuels, the iron and many other mineral resources once used are gone for ever. As to their importance Andrew Carnegie says: "Of all the world's metals iron is in our day the most useful. The opening of the iron age marked the beginning of real industrial development. To-day the position of nations may almost be measured by its production and use. Iron and coal form the foundation of our prosperity. The value of each depends upon the amount and nearness of the other. In modern times the manufacturing and transportation industries rest upon them, and with sufficient land and a fertile soil, these determine the progress of any people." We are sometimes told that we need have no anxiety about the future, that new discoveries and inventions will take the place of the present fuels, and even substitutes for minerals will be devised long before the supply is exhausted. This may be true, and in a way the future must take care of itself, but until new inventions have actually been made it is criminal to waste present resources and blindly trust that time will make our folly appear good judgment and foresight. We have vast mineral resources unused; the present generation, even its children and its children's children need have no fear of a shortage. But in the use of those resources that are steadily and for ever diminishing we must look a long way into the future. We are under the most solemn obligation to take only our part of the store, and leave the rest untouched and unspoiled for those who are to come after us. When we consider what these mineral resources have done for our country in the last fifty years, when we realize that it is only by having cheap and abundant coal, iron, and copper that our railroads, our various electric systems, and our great manufactories have been developed, we can realize our duty to give the coming generations an equal opportunity to develop their ideas. The yearly products of the mines of the United States are now valued at more than $2,000,000,000. Sixty-five car-loads of freight out of every hundred carried by our railroads are made up of mineral products. More than a million men are employed at the mines, and more than twice that number in handling and transporting mine products. Of every one hundred tons of coal mined in the whole world, the United States produces forty-three tons. We supply forty-five tons out of every hundred of iron ore, twenty-two tons of gold, thirty tons of silver, thirty-three tons of lead, nearly twenty-eight tons of the zinc, about fifty-five tons of the copper, and sixty-three tons of the petroleum consumed by all civilized countries. This would be a cause for great national pride if we did not need also to consider the shameful fact that our wastes or losses in the mining, handling, and use of our mineral products are estimated at more than $1,500,000 per day, or, for the year, the gigantic sum of $547,500,000. That is, more than one-fourth of the entire output is wasted! Of all our minerals, the fuels which supply heat, light, and power for domestic and manufacturing purposes, are the most necessary and important. Other materials can not be manufactured without their aid. Almost every particular of modern life would be changed if we no longer had plenty of fuel. Its use means its immediate and complete destruction, which is true of no other resource, and the use of fuels is increasing and will increase so rapidly that their conservation is becoming a serious problem. The principal fuels are coal, gas, oil, peat, alcohol, and wood, and of these, coal is at present by far the most important. The first record of coal mined in this country was in 1814, when twenty-two tons of anthracite, or hard coal, were mined in Pennsylvania. An increasing amount was mined each year, but until 1821 the production was less than five hundred tons per year. In 1822 the production advanced to nearly 60,000 tons, and since that time has increased by leaps and bounds. During the seventy-five years from 1820 to 1895, nearly 4,000,000,000 tons were mined by methods so wasteful that 6,000,000,000 tons were destroyed or allowed to remain in the ground so that it could never be recovered. Within the next ten years as much was produced as in the entire seventy-five preceding years, and in this period 3,000,000,000 tons were destroyed or left in the ground beyond the reach of future use. Up to this time the actual amount of coal used has been over 7,500,000,000 tons; the waste 9,000,000,000 tons. Experts estimate that in the beginning there were somewhere about 2,000,000,000,000 tons of available coal, so that we have now, with all our wastefulness, used less than two per cent. of our original inheritance. But we must remember that in the ten years closing with 1905, we used as much as during the entire history of our country up to that time, and the rate of consumption is still increasing. In 1907 the amount mined was about 450,000,000 tons. Counting on a continuance of the same rate of increase, in 1917 it will be 900,000,000 tons a year, and if the same conditions should continue for twenty years we should be using and wasting in one year as much as we have used in all our history up to the present time. By that time more than one-eighth of our original supply will be gone, and in less than two hundred years nearly all of it will have for ever disappeared. That is a long time to look forward, but a short time in looking backward. It carries us back only to the childhood of Benjamin Franklin and others prominent in our early history; and if this nation could look forward to only an equal period of prosperous development in the future the time would seem short indeed. But the danger of our coal supply becoming exhausted lies not so much in its present use as in the rapid increase in its consumption. Fifty years ago (about the time of the Civil War) we were using an amount equal to a little more than a quarter of a ton for every man, woman and child then in the country. Now the rate is five tons, or twenty times that amount, for each person of all our greatly increased population. The Pittsburg Coal Company owns about one-seventh of the great Pennsylvania anthracite fields. From the amount it is now mining each year and judging from the amount of coal it is able, with present methods, to reclaim from an acre of coal land, the estimate is made that this Pittsburg field will be exhausted in ninety-three years. A like comparison of all the eastern fields indicates that by the beginning of the next century there will be practically no cheap fuel left in the entire Appalachian basin. The Geological Survey reports that, taking into account the available coal which can be reached and mined by present methods, and supposing the present conditions of use, waste, and increase to continue, the coal supply will be exhausted by the year 2015 A. D., but taking into account the probable improvements in its use, the year 2027 A. D. is estimated as the time when the present coal fields will be exhausted, and the middle of that century as the time when all coal fields in the United States will be gone. This true story well illustrates the need of conservation and the folly of careless waste. High in the hills of the Pittsburg region a thick bed of excellent coal was found by the early settlers. It was impossible for them to build roads up the steep cliffs, so some method of getting the coal down to the valleys had to be devised. Buffaloes roamed the western plains in countless millions, and were so abundant about Pittsburg that the supply seemed inexhaustible. So the pioneers killed the buffaloes, filled each skin with a few bushels of coal, sewed it up, and tumbled it down the mountain side. This was the way they marketed their coal--by destroying their buffaloes. For many years no one dreamed that there was any end to the supply of buffaloes. And so both east and west they were killed for their skins, which sold for a few cents, for their horns, for a supply of steak, or for mere sport; and then one day people woke up to find that the buffalo had disappeared, not in one settlement only, as they had supposed, but everywhere. There are a few remaining, carefully cared for by the government. They are among our most valued possessions, and yet only a few years ago they were destroyed, wasted, by millions. This passing of the buffalo, the skins of which, as common then as burlap bags are now, were used to market our first coal, carries with it a deep lesson as to what will happen to the coal itself, even within the present century, unless our people awake to the consequence of what they are doing and make a determined effort to stop all unnecessary waste. Let us see where and how these wastes occur. The first serious loss of our coal occurs at the mines. There are three great wastes in mining. (1) A coal bed is not made up entirely of pure coal, especially if it be very thick. Sometimes there are layers of shale or clay, which makes a large amount of ash. This can never be sold as regular marketable coal; but it is rich in carbon, and much of it might be used if it could be marketed near the mines and sold as low-grade coal. In the past there has been almost no market for it, and if it were either in the roof or bottom of the coal bed, it has been left unmined. If mixed with pure coal, the low-grade coal was thrown into great heaps at the mouth of the mine. This refuse coal is called culm. The amount varies from one-tenth to one-half of the coal in nearly every coal bed, and would probably average one-fourth in all the mines of the country. This material is rich in carbon, and when used in gas-engines will furnish more power than the best Pocahontas coal when steam-engines are used. Thus one-fourth of all our coal is wasted at the mines simply because steam-engines instead of gas-producer engines have been employed. If in the future installation of power this fact is taken into consideration, it will make the cost less to the user, and at the same time utilize a large proportion of our impure coal and save the higher grades for other purposes. (2) In the mining of coal it was formerly the unfailing custom to leave supporting pillars of coal for the over-lying rocks to rest upon, to make suitable working-rooms, etc. These pillars, twelve to eighteen inches square, and higher than a man's head, are scattered throughout the entire mines and are usually of the highest grade coal. In many mines, also, a roof of coal a foot or more in thickness must be left because the material above the coal is not solid enough to prevent cave-ins. When the mine is abandoned and closed these pillars and roofings remain untouched, because removing them constitutes one of the greatest dangers to life, and is one of the frequent causes of mine accidents. It is improbable that the coal thus left in abandoned mines will ever be reclaimed, because not enough is left to make it profitable at present prices to re-open the mines; and frequently the rocks cave in about these pillars and make the task almost impossible. (3) By careless blasting an unnecessarily large amount of coal is blown into powder,--the slack which has not been marketed at all until within the last few years. Much of this slack, which is the best grade of coal in a pulverized form, is left inside the mines. These wastes in abandoned roofing, pillars, and small-sized coal, together make a total which for all the mines in the country will average fully one-fourth more of the coal that is in the ground. It is to be noted, however, that conditions are changing for the better. The most modern mines use fewer supporting pillars of coal, and these are of larger size, so that there is less danger of accidents. Wherever possible they use timbers of wood instead of these smaller pillars of coal. They also mine as near the top of the seam of coal as can be done safely, and so regulate the blasting that much less slack is made than by the heavy discharges. These changes in mining methods save a far larger proportion of coal, and also prevent many accidents, which are the most unfortunate feature of coal mining, and the one which should receive most careful consideration. (See chapter on Health.) One large mining company in Kentucky raises its own timbers by planting trees in straight, close rows on its coal land, thus making the land produce its own mine timbers to conserve the coal below. This company claims to have lost but one life in ten years, and to save seventy-five per cent. of its coal. This is a striking illustration of what better mining methods will do for both the miner and the mine owner and of how forestry may be an aid to the conservation of coal and also of human life in the mines. We have already shown how half of the coal is wasted, but there still remains another source of waste at the mines. This is a large but unknown quantity. Coal usually exists in beds or layers with shale or rock between, much as a "layer-cake" is made, the layers of cake being represented by the coal and the icing between by these "rock-partings," as they are called. In rich fields, there are from three to ten of these rich layers or beds of coal, one above another. It often happens that the thickest and best layer is the lowest, and when this is the case, it is usually mined first, regardless of the fact that some, and possibly all, of the higher beds are dislocated and broken or filled with deadly gases. Nearly all this loss could be avoided by simply mining the upper stratum first. So much for waste at the mines. This is serious enough if it were all, but it is not all, it is only the beginning. Let us see now what becomes of the coal that is marketed. The railroads are the largest single users of coal, and here we are confronted with the surprising statement that our locomotives consume three tons of coal in doing the same work that is performed by English locomotives with one ton. This difference is said to be due to different construction of the engines themselves, and to more careful stoking, or firing. Our locomotives use 100,000,000 tons per year, and by even the best methods known a large proportion of the heat units is wasted. Great effort should be made to improve the locomotives so that they will consume less coal; but as long as the railroad companies own the coal mines, as they do in many instances, they can obtain coal so cheaply that the cost of the improved form of engine is greater than the amount saved. Another great use lies in the manufacture of coke, which is used in the making of steel, and here, too, we see where great wastes have existed. The old form of coke-oven was called the bee-hive on account of its shape. These old style ovens consume all the coal with the exception of the fixed carbon which is left behind as coke. At the prices which prevailed in 1907, the value of the by-products wasted in bee-hive coke-ovens was a little over $55,000,000--surely a loss worth considering. A different form of coke-ovens is much used abroad and is coming into use in this country. This is the retort or by-product oven, sometimes called the recovery oven. The bee-hive ovens are usually located near the mines where the cost of coal is low, with small expense for transporting it. On the other hand, the by-product ovens are established near the larger cities in order to dispose of their gas and other by-products. Here the cost of transportation must be added to that of the coal, but the products are marketed near by instead of at a distance, as in the case of the bee-hive ovens. The most improved by-product ovens produce not only coke and gas, but coal-tar, pitch, ammonia, and creosoting oils, all extremely valuable and adding greatly to the value of the output of the ovens. Electricity is another form of light and power which involves a large waste of the energy of coal; only one-fifth of one per cent., that is, one-five hundredth of the value of the coal is used in electricity, and there is at present no known remedy for this. There are methods, however, of lessening even this waste, and these are constantly receiving more attention. One is for the electric plants located in cities to sell their exhaust steam or water heated by the coal as it is converted into electric power, as a by-product. The electric power-house thus becomes a central heating plant to supply stores, offices, and residences. Another system being tried abroad, though scarcely past the experimental stage in this country, establishes great electric power-houses at the coal mines to use the culm, low-grade slack, and lignites, the lowest form of coal, in short, all the waste of the mines. Still another plan is the manufacturing of electricity by water-power, as we have seen in a previous chapter. The manufacturing industries of the country waste a large amount of fuel annually, but here the waste is mostly due to expensive methods of producing power, and to careless stoking, and is largely preventable. As we have shown, gas-engines are a far more economical form of producing power than are steam-engines. Steam uses from five to ten per cent. of the heat-units of coal, gas-producer engines use fifty per cent. and burn a lower grade of coal. One of the great problems of cities is the heavy volume of bituminous or soft coal smoke that hangs over the entire surrounding region, levying a heavy tax in cleaning and laundry work, making the air difficult to breathe, and shutting out the daylight itself. Every residence adds its mite, but the factories and public buildings are the worst offenders. There are several good smoke-consuming devices on the market that have been thoroughly tested by the government, which will furnish their names on application. If factory owners who use steam power could realize that the gases, the highest heat-producing part of the coal, escape with the smoke, and that by using smoke consumers they not only prevent all the evils of the smoke nuisance but save fully half of the value of their coal, they would gladly put in this equipment. What manufacturer would not eagerly welcome any device that would cut his fuel bills in half? The other cause of waste of coal in the manufacturing industries is recklessness in the use of fuel, filling the furnaces with the drafts so disposed that much of the heat is wasted. Every factory owner should learn (from the government reports if he has no other means of learning) the best methods of firing furnaces, and should employ them in his factory. The last great waste of coal is in households. In stoves and furnaces, and to a certain extent in kitchen ranges, this waste is through carelessness in firing, as it is in factories. There still remains a large amount of wasted energy in cooking that is unavoidable. The amount of coal consumed before certain articles can be cooked, the heat remaining after the meal is prepared, are wastes that it seems impossible to prevent, though wise management will prevent undue waste even here. Fireless cookers, an invention of recent years, go far toward solving the problem of waste by long hours of cooking single articles, and each year we see more prepared food bought in order to save the cost of heat. Housekeepers find that it does not pay to bake their bread themselves, since a dozen loaves can be baked in a large oven with the fuel used in baking one at home. Briquettes are a new form of fuel made from coal, principally for household use. They are made from the low-grade coals, culm, slack and lignites, blended with coal-tar pitch. They are commonly used not only in households, but for locomotives and ships, in several European countries, especially Germany; but in this country the cost of making them--about a dollar per ton--makes the retail price higher than the cheaper grades of coal, and their general introduction at the price of the higher grades is rather slow. Let it always be kept in mind that we must not check the careful use, only the waste, and the best way to avoid an unnecessary drain on the coal and at the same time increase our manufactures is to substitute other power. Coal is only a form of energy that came originally from the sun. The same causes that produced coal still exist. Scientists tell us that coal is still being made, but it will take thousands of years to perfect it. If we could only learn to take the sun's heat directly and use it for our heat, light, and power, it would be one of the greatest discoveries in the history of the world, greater even than the discovery of electricity. Many attempts have been made to produce power directly from the sun through solar engines, or by concentrating it in furnaces. At the St. Louis Exposition a few years ago, a Portuguese priest exhibited a solar engine called a heliophore, in which, by means of the sun's rays, the temperature was raised to 6000 degrees F., and a cube of iron placed in it melted like a snowball. The sun helps to raise the tides and some day they may be used to produce power. Many experiments are being made with both solar and tidal energy, some of them successful in a small way, but nothing that is ready to stand the test of every-day use has been devised. Doctor Pritchell says that on a clear day when the sun is high, it delivers upon each acre of the earth's surface exposed to its rays, the equal of 7,500 horse-power working continually. If the extra energy not needed for the growth of plants and animals could be used, all the work of the world could be done and the problem of fuel supply would be solved for ever. But the greatest conservation of coal possible at present lies in the use of the water-power which now goes to waste, and which, if employed, would, as we have seen, give us 30,000,000 horse-power, or more than all that is now produced from fuel by all our engines combined. Alabama offers a striking illustration of this failure to take advantage of our opportunities, for Alabama has both coal and water-power. Engineers estimate that the three principal rivers have power equal to 436,000 horse-power. At Muscle Shoals, on the Tennessee River, there is now developed 188,000 horse-power, second only to Niagara--and if the waters were conserved, the figures would reach 1,084,000 horse-power on the three rivers. This means that, according to the amount of coal required to produce each horse-power of energy, it would require 11,201,000 tons of coal each year to produce by steam as much power as these streams might easily be made to produce. Alabama, as we have said, is also a great coal state. It is now mining about 14,000,000 tons per year and only four states produce a larger amount. It will be seen that four tons out of five mined in this state will be needed to produce by steam the power that is going to waste in its rivers. The Honorable W. P. Lay, of the Alabama Conservation Commission, in calling attention to this fact, says: "Suppose for a moment that the coal fields of Alabama were sliding down an incline and pouring off over a precipice at the rate of 11,201,000 tons per year, how long would it take the people of the United States to do something to try to stop such a waste? Yet what else are we doing when we sit idly by and let the water of these streams go to waste over a precipice while we ourselves burn up the coal?" And what is true in Alabama is true to a lesser extent in most of the states. Wherever water-power is going to waste, coal is being used to take its place, and that coal is needed in some place where there is no water-power. On a certain stream in one of the central states was a fine waterfall. The early settlers built a mill there. The water turned the mill-wheel and then passed on to water the valley and turn other mill-wheels. But one night the old mill was destroyed by fire. It was not rebuilt, but some distance from the stream a new steam mill was built, the motive power of which was natural gas. When, after a few years, the natural gas was all gone, the miller began to use coal, and he still uses coal--hundreds of tons of it--while the water which once turned the wheels, runs idly over the falls. This is an example of wholly useless waste of coal, and just such waste is to be found in hundreds of places in our country. If wise mining methods be put into operation, if proper care be taken in its use, particularly in manufacturing, if the low-grade coals be utilized, and if other power be substituted wherever practicable, there need be no question of shortage. There is enough coal in the ground, if used rightly, to last for ages to come. But because we have wasted vast quantities of it in the past, and are still wasting it, so that if the same conditions continue we can distinctly see the end in sight, it is important that every one understands what these conditions of use and waste are, and how the abuse may be corrected, so that mine owners and consumers may all work together to preserve this most necessary resource. REFERENCES Coal is King. Hewette. Economical Burning of Coal Without Smoke. Bement. Coal and Coal Mines. H. Green. International Library of Technology. Vols. 37 and 38. Reports of Geological Survey. Report National Conservation Commission. Conservation of Mineral Resources. (U. S. Report.) Production of Coals in the U. S. in 1908. Advance chapters available. CHAPTER VI OTHER FUELS WOOD Wood, which was formerly the only fuel used in this country, has now largely given place to other fuels. In rural districts and in lumber regions it is still used extensively; but in the cities, larger towns, and manufacturing regions, it is not used in commercial quantities. Its use for power production is limited to the wood-working factories which have a large amount of waste lumber and which employ this by-product to furnish heat for steam boilers. The wood used for fuel or for power usually represents what would otherwise be lost, the dead trees and the unmarketable timber of the farmer's wood-lot, the refuse of lumber regions or the waste of wood-working factories. So that the use of wood as fuel now generally means the conservation of our coal supply, and a use for the low-grade parts of the forest. In some cases, however, farmers cut for fuel fine young trees that would grow into excellent timber. Liberal planting of trees so that wood shall become plentiful in all parts of the country will tend to bring about again a larger use of wood as fuel, which will thus once more become a factor in the saving of our coal. Every farmer should learn to save all valuable trees for lumber, and to use only undesirable ones for fuel. PEAT Peat is said by geologists to be only "coal in the making," carbon that is in the state of changing from vegetable matter to coal. It is probable that in the course of centuries this would become coal, and in its present state it has many of the properties of coal, though it has not nearly so high a heating value. In this country we have had such a wealth of fuel resources--coal, wood, oil, and gas--that up to the present time we have done little to develop our peat beds, although in European countries ten million tons are used annually for fuel, as well as large quantities for other purposes. From the earliest times peat has been the principal fuel of the common people of Ireland and some of the countries of northern Europe. Now, however, people are trying to make the best of many resources not heretofore developed, coal prices are steadily advancing and the two causes combine to turn people's attention to the peat beds of America. One point that is worthy of notice is that peat is found mostly in regions where there is no coal, oil, or natural gas. The development of peat beds in those regions, it will be seen, would give them a great advantage in the matter of cheap fuel. Large peat beds are found in Minnesota, Wisconsin, Michigan, New York, New England, New Jersey, Florida, the Dakotas, northern Iowa, Illinois, Indiana, Ohio, Pennsylvania, eastern Virginia, the Carolinas and Georgia; and near the coast in the gulf states, and a narrow strip along the Pacific coast, from southern California to the Canadian border. They cover an area of about 11,000 square miles and are supposed to contain not less than 14,000,000,000 tons of air-dried peat. At the rate of three dollars per ton, which is a reasonable price in the states having no coal, this peat would have a value of more than $40,000,000,000. Peat is prepared for use as common fuel in two ways: (1) By cutting it into blocks or bricks, which are air-dried by exposure to sun and wind for a few weeks. This is called "cut peat," is bulky and easily breakable, and can be used only for local consumption. (2) By digging either by hand or machine, and grinding it in a mill. It is put in wet, ground, cut with rapidly turning knives, and passed out of the machine as a thick pulp that is cut into bricks as it comes out. It is then stored several weeks until thoroughly dried. This is called "machine peat," "pressed peat," or "condensed peat." Peat is being used in many ways. (1) Air-dried peat is used for fuel only. (2) Dry peat without a binder, or mixed with coal dust and tar or pitch is used for the same purpose. (3) Machine peat is used for many purposes, among them making into briquettes, peat charcoal, and peat coke. It has been found practical to make illuminating gas of peat, but a far more general use is for running gas-engines and producer-gas furnaces. This is a practical use for it, since it will conserve the coal now used for that purpose, furnish satisfactory power without smoke or dirt, provide cheap power in regions that have no coal mines, and lastly may be made to yield valuable by-products: ammonia, acetic acid, paraffin, tar, creosote, and wood-alcohol. If all the peat in the United States could be used in producer-gas engines the ammonia yielded would alone have a value of $36,000,000,000. Peat is also used for packing material, as a fertilizer, for manufacturing paper, for coarse cloth and mattress filling. By mixing wet machine peat with cement it may be made into blocks for paving and other construction work. The most promising uses are for fuel, as bedding for stock, as a disinfectant, in briquettes for burning lime, brick, and pottery, in which it is finding a large use, and for which it is said to be particularly well fitted; and most satisfactory of all, its use in gas-producer engines. In Florida an immense plant is being built to manufacture electric power, using air-dried peat as fuel, the power to be transmitted to Jacksonville. Machine peat is supposed to have sixty-five per cent. the value of the same weight of Pocahontas coal, but on account of the lack of waste in peat its real value is higher than would appear from the comparison. From two to two and a half pounds will produce one horse-power per hour in gas-producer engines. By this estimate, we can see that the peat beds of this country, if properly used, may be largely employed, either now or in the future, as a substitute for the vanishing coal. NATURAL GAS Of all the fuels, natural gas may be said to be the ideal one. Coming from the ground, it is piped a greater or less distance and distributed to the home or factory for light, heat, or power; for all of which it is equally desirable. It is ready for our use at the turn of a key, is absolutely clean, having neither dust, ash, nor unconsumed portions. It requires no kindling other than a lighted match. Natural gas is found over an area which, if combined, would cover almost 10,000 square miles. It exists in twenty-two states--Alabama, California, Colorado, Illinois, Indiana, Michigan, Missouri, Montana, New York, Kansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, Ohio, Oklahoma, Oregon, Pennsylvania, South Dakota, Texas, Utah, Washington, West Virginia, Wyoming. In some of them the area has been large and the production very heavy, in others the field is small and unproductive. Until the last two or three years there have been no statistics as to the quantity of gas piped, but an account of its value has been kept for many years. For the twenty years beginning with 1888 the value is given at nearly $500,000,000. It must be remembered that much of this represents extremely low prices, only the amount actually paid for its use. When gas is newly discovered in a region it is not considered an opportunity for the residents of the community to have cheap light, power and fuel for themselves, but instead as an opportunity to develop the country, to increase the population and attract new factories. In order to advertise and boom their communities free gas is usually offered to factories. So in dozens of instances large factories have been operated for years without a cent having been paid for fuel. For this reason no proper estimate can be made of the quantity of gas consumed, nor of its value even at a nominal price. In 1907, (the last year for which complete returns have been published in government reports) the amount of gas consumed was given at 404,000,000 cubic feet, which at present prices is valued at $63,000,000. It is impossible to determine in any way the future production of natural gas, or to guess at the quantity remaining in the earth. It may be much less or much more than present conditions would indicate; but the present known fields are limited, and the pressure is growing steadily less in all of them. The Conservation Commission reports, "It is safe to predict that the known fields will be exhausted in twenty-five years." The decrease of natural gas is strikingly illustrated in Indiana. This state, perhaps more than any other, profited directly by the discovery of its natural gas about twenty years ago. Here, the mineral maps show, is by far the greatest natural gas region in the United States. With the discovery of natural gas, established towns grew to ten times their former size and new ones sprang up everywhere. Indiana, which had been chiefly an agricultural state, bade fair to become one of the foremost manufacturing states on account of its cheap and abundant fuel. In 1902 Indiana produced nearly $8,000,000 worth of natural gas, but for 1908 the State Geologist's report contained no figures for this product. It had ceased to be a prominent factor in the wealth of the state! There is no resource that has been so shamefully, so hopelessly wasted as our natural gas. With even more recklessness than characterizes the waste of our forests and our coal, we have allowed this perfect fuel to escape. To the dwellers in each region where natural gas is found, it seems that the supply is inexhaustible. The roar of the wells, which makes the very earth tremble; the flames springing high into the air; the undiminished pressure after months of use, appearing to indicate a boundless reservoir below; the opportunity for whole communities to grow rich by its use; all these things tend to promote recklessness on the part of all who handle it. In the beginning the wells are usually not tightly cased, and there is a considerable quantity of gas escaping about every well. New wells are frequently lighted to show the volume of gas. In some cases the well has become uncapped on account of heavy pressure and to prevent the escape of unconsumed gas into the air it is kept burning night and day. The strongest wells are often kept burning for months in order to advertise a new gas field. In this way immense quantities of the most perfect fuel in the world have been wantonly wasted. From a single well in eastern Kentucky there flowed a steady stream of gas for twenty years which at present prices would be worth $3,000,000, and the same story of waste from burning wells comes from every natural gas field. In a new region where gas is abundant there is also a great waste from leaking pipe lines laid on the surface of the ground, from open flambeaux, and from careless home and factory consumption. In many communities the open flambeaux have been employed to light the streets, and allowed to burn day and night to avoid the expense of a man to care for them. Where natural gas is abundant, meters are not usually installed; instead, gas is sold by the month. The consumer is under no obligation to save the gas, in fact, he usually acts on the common American principle of wanting to get all he can for the money and so burns his open tip lights, and open burner stoves day and night. The factories waste in the same way, using open furnaces which are never banked during the season because it is easier and costs no more. This, it seems, should be the whole history of natural gas waste, but the greatest source of loss still remains to be spoken of. In every gas region of any importance oil is found sooner or later, usually after the heaviest gas pressure has been exhausted; and the oil driller is the greatest of all foes to the life of a natural gas region. He finds that the gas interferes with the flow of oil, spraying it into the air and causing loss, and that the danger of fire is much increased by its presence. This frequently causes explosions, tearing out the side of the well or blowing out the casing, and making the oil-well useless. The surplus gas is usually piped to one side out of the reach of danger, and then burned to get rid of it. Drillers often try to force the gas out in the hope that it will be followed by a rush of oil. This is the heaviest drain on the gas. In the Caddo field in Louisiana alone the loss is seventy million cubic feet per day, enough to light ten cities the size of Washington, D. C., and equal to ten thousand barrels of petroleum per day. In Indiana a few years ago fourteen wells, all within a space of a few acres in extent, were burned by oil drillers continuously for six months, the light being visible twenty miles away. Greater care in the management of the wells and slight additional expense for casing are all that is required to stop the waste of gas from oil wells and heavy pressure gas wells. All of these wastes taken together constitute a fearful loss. In 1907, more than 400,000,000 cubic feet were used and an almost equal number wasted. In other words, the daily waste is over a billion cubic feet, or enough to supply every city in the United States of over one hundred thousand population. The heating value of a billion feet of gas is equal to a million bushels of coal. If some great conflagration were sweeping away our coal fields steadily every day in the year, and destroying our best coal at the rate of a million bushels per day, how quickly we should all arise to aid in checking it! And yet this imaginary case is actually true in regard to the best fuel in this country, which is burning uselessly an equal value in coal, and our coal must some day be used to supply the loss. We are apt to ignore the greatness of this loss because the gas escapes into the air and we can not see it, or it burns and we see only its effect, not the loss of fuel, but if we could see it in the form of oil we should find that a billion feet of gas is equal to more than a hundred and sixty thousand barrels of petroleum. Think of it, the equivalent of one hundred and sixty thousand barrels of oil, for which no price is paid and of which no use is made, for ever destroyed every day in every year! Would the oil companies permit it? Would we not all assist them in saving their property from destruction, and shall we not ask of them equal help in saving the fuel that in turn conserves our coal supply? Little objection can be made to the present method of using gas in the older regions. The waste in domestic use is comparatively small. Much is used for lighting with incandescent burners, and asbestos grates and gas ranges have replaced the open-burner stoves and grates. These are all efficient methods of use, and but little could be done in the way of further conservation. In factories the gas-engine is in many instances replacing the open furnace, which requires many times as much gas to produce an equal amount of power. They should be used in every factory, and gas companies should also require the use of the best devices for saving gas in places where meters are not used. Until last year but one state--Indiana--had an effective law preventing the waste of natural gas by oil companies. This law says in substance that a man can not take the oil from the ground where nature has safely stored it, unless he also provide a market for the gas which accompanies it. It also says that neither the producer nor the consumer shall be allowed to waste this valuable fuel, as such waste is against public policy. Mr. I. C. White, of West Virginia, in discussing this question at the Conservation Congress said, "This Indiana statute should be enacted into law in every state where these fuels exist." Since that time Pennsylvania and Ohio have passed laws, which are said to be effective, for the conservation of natural gas. Much has been accomplished by gas companies, who, since they became alive to the danger of loss of their investment, have been extremely watchful of their property. In West Virginia the gas companies buy the gas which has been obtained in the drilling of oil wells, thus providing a market for the waste gas and making it possible to continue the oil business and at the same time to furnish cheap gas. Another hopeful sign is the pumping of all of the product of a well. Formerly as soon as a well dropped greatly in production it was abandoned, but now it is pumped until dry. One method by which the gas from oil wells may be utilized consists in compressing it in steel cylinders for shipping. This in a small way has been found to be successful. Experiments are being tried on a large scale in Ohio to prove that gas may be returned to reservoirs within the earth which are tight enough to hold it under heavy pressure. Fuel gas made from low-grade coal is a satisfactory substitute for natural gas. Like the natural product it may be piped for long distances. Some natural gas companies have bought up the culm banks and heaps of refuse coal, so that if the natural gas becomes exhausted they can manufacture cheap gas at the mines and pipe it to the cities they now serve. PETROLEUM Petroleum, or rock oil, is a dark greenish brown liquid which when refined yields gasolene, naphtha, benzine, kerosene, lubricating oils, and paraffin. The name petroleum applies only to the crude petroleum as it comes from the ground, and the word oil is applied to the products obtained by refining. The early history of the petroleum industry in this country is interesting as showing what great results spring from small beginnings. From salt wells in Pennsylvania there was an occasional flow of petroleum, but it had had no commercial value. Samuel Kier, of Pittsburg, had salt wells at Tarantum from which he had accumulated so much petroleum (fifty barrels) that he decided to try to dispose of it, but there was no market. No one knew what to do with it. He then partly refined it, making a poor quality of kerosene, and introduced a lamp with a chimney. This proved so popular that A. C. Ferris, also of Pittsburg, undertook to sell this in other cities, and these two men not only sold the fifty barrels and the other petroleum that accumulated from the salt wells, but they had created such a demand for the new light that they could not supply enough oil, and in 1859 Colonel Drake drilled at Titusville the first well solely for petroleum. In the half-century since that time nearly two billion barrels, or almost two hundred and fifty million tons, worth one and three-quarter billion dollars, have been produced. Petroleum is now mined, or drilled, in many countries besides the United States, but the United States furnishes sixty-three barrels out of every hundred produced in the world. Russia produces twenty-one barrels, Austria four, and the East Indies three barrels, Roumania two, India and Mexico one each, Canada, Japan, Germany, Peru, and Italy each less than one barrel; so we can see that the United States is the one great producer of petroleum, and that it is to this country that we must look for the principal world supply for the present, and as far as known, for the future. Let us see, then, what we may expect the United States to do to supply this demand. The known petroleum lands cover an area of about 8,500 square miles and are in six large fields and several smaller ones. The largest and best is the Appalachian, of which the best known is the Pennsylvania field. It has a grade of petroleum that differs from any other thus far found in the world. It is most easily converted into kerosene or lamp oil, and contains a larger proportion of such oil. It is the finest petroleum in the world, except that found in Indiana and Ohio, and that costs more to refine. The Appalachian field includes, besides Pennsylvania, western New York, West Virginia, a narrow strip in eastern Ohio, Kentucky and Tennessee. These southern oils are of a much lower grade, but are better than the Russian or other foreign oils. The next great field is called the Lima-Indiana, and covers a considerable portion of northwestern Ohio and eastern Indiana. This petroleum contains less gasolene and less lamp oils, and more sulphur, which makes refining difficult. The Illinois field lies next. Here, in a strip about thirty miles long and six miles wide on an average, an enormous quantity of petroleum is produced. This oil is slightly lower in quality and contains considerable asphalt. The mid-continent field lies in Kansas and Oklahoma. This petroleum also contains asphalt and other chemical products. Such immense amounts are produced here that it has not been possible to care for all of it, either in the matter of storage tanks or cars for transporting it, and as a result large amounts have been wasted. In Oklahoma within a space of less than two square miles one million barrels of forty-two gallons each of petroleum were wasted in the year 1906. The Gulf field lying in Texas and Louisiana has been developed entirely since 1901. The first well was drilled near Beaumont, Texas, as an experiment to determine whether oil could be found. Small storage tanks were provided and it was hoped to find oil enough to make drilling profitable. The well proved to be a "gusher" of such magnitude that before sufficient tanks could be provided, or the flow checked, more than half a million barrels were wasted on the ground. The Gulf petroleum contains a large amount of asphalt and a small amount of gasolene and lamp oil. It has been used principally for burning as crude oil in locomotives and has sold as low as ten cents per barrel; but lately methods of refining have been perfected which produce good lubricating oil and a gasolene of high value from these low-grade oils. The last great field is found in California. The oil is similar to the Gulf oil, and investigation has shown that the quantity is greater in this field than in any other. It is used largely for fuel and power on account of lack of other fuels in that region. In addition to these fields there are small ones in Colorado and Wyoming, and promises of fields in New Mexico, Utah, Idaho, Montana, Oregon and Washington. Estimates of the amounts of petroleum yielded are made by computing the amount usually produced per acre, which varies from eight hundred barrels produced in Pennsylvania, to eight thousand barrels per acre produced in Illinois. In most of the fields it is about a thousand barrels per acre. Even then the amount is extremely difficult to estimate. The Geological Survey concludes that the lowest probable calculation of the entire amount stored in the rocks of the United States is ten billion, and the highest a little less than twenty-five billion barrels. The last report officially published shows that we are producing one hundred and seventy million barrels per year. If the same rate of production continues, we might expect our petroleum to last from fifty-five to one hundred and thirty-five years, according to the amount found; but tables of statistics show that throughout the life of the petroleum industry, as much has been produced each nine years as the entire product before that time. For example, up to the present, we have produced one billion eight hundred million barrels and if the present rate continues, in the next nine years alone we shall produce an equal quantity again. The causes of such rapid growth are many. One is the great increase in the use of some of the products, such as gasolene, which has increased many fold since the automobile became popular. Another, and the greatest cause, is the ease with which any quantity of oil can be sold for cash at any time, and at prices much above the cost of production. Another reason is based upon the nature of the product. In pumping from one well oil is apt to flow in from other leases, under other farms, and exhaust them without the holders of those leases having received any compensating benefit. It is therefore necessary for each lessee to get his share before it flows away. Under these circumstances, it is impossible to prevent an entire field from being drilled over very rapidly, unless there is a combination of all the interests; or unless the law limits the amount that each producer shall extract per acre within a given time. Pennsylvania and New York have declined to one-third their former value and yet it is only seventeen years since they reached their highest point. This would seem to indicate that the life of that field will not exceed ten years. West Virginia is producing only a little more than half its former yield and is rapidly declining. Ohio and Indiana are declining more rapidly than Pennsylvania. Texas is also in the rapidly declining class, and in Kansas the production is only a fraction of what it was formerly. On the other hand, Illinois, Oklahoma, and California can be expected to increase steadily for several years. Taking into account all these factors, it is estimated that the entire supply now known to exist would be exhausted before the middle of the present century. It appears more probable, however, that increasing prices long before that time will help to conserve the supply; and that petroleum will be produced for a long time to come, though not in sufficient quantities for industrial and general use. The principal uses of petroleum are for burning as crude oil in furnaces and under boilers, particularly in locomotives. The refined products have various uses. Probably the most important is the lubricating oil. This is necessary in the development of all kinds of power. At least one-half pint of lubricating oil is used for every ton of coal consumed for power. All engines, all street and steam railways, steamships, sewing-machines, clocks, watches, and automobiles, in fact all operating machinery requires its use; so that a large amount of oil must always be conserved for lubricating purposes. Coal oil, or kerosene, may be regarded as absolutely necessary for the lighting of houses or other establishments not connected with gas or electric supply. Gasolene is sometimes used for lighting, though such use is not common. It is largely used for cooking, and still more largely used in the various types of gasolene engines. Naphtha is used for power, especially for motor-boats, and for cleaning, in which it is very valuable by reason of its power to dissolve dirt. Paraffin is used in polishing, in laundry work, for waxing floors, and as a covering to exclude air in preserving articles. Waste has been markedly absent in the petroleum industry. It is necessary that oil drilling outfits shall contain steel storage tanks for holding the oil when it is reached. Usually the supply is large enough, but sometimes, as in the case of the big well at Beaumont, Texas, the oil gushes forth in such volume that the drillers are not prepared to take care of the overflow, and much is wasted before the well can be capped. In general there is no waste in storage in this country. In European countries where there is oil, the loss through lack of tanks and by using wooden tanks which leak, is very great. Another form of waste which is common in foreign countries, but which has been avoided in the United States, is evaporation of gasolene and similar light products when the petroleum is exposed to the air in open tanks. This is the most valuable part of petroleum, and if it be exposed to the sun a single day it loses greatly in value. The refining processes of the petroleum industry are probably carried out with better system and less waste than in any other resource, owing to the fact that the business is controlled by large companies. There is no waste material in its manufacture, except some slight residue that might be used for oiling roads, instead of using the crude oil. The principal waste lies in its use. In view of the fact that the supply is not unending, is, indeed, rapidly disappearing, the uses should be confined only to the necessary lines for which there are no substitutes at similar prices. These are for lubricating oils and for the lighting of homes. The unnecessary uses are for burning in locomotives and for the development of power. Whenever new petroleum fields are opened up, there is a corresponding drop in price. In order to dispose of it quickly such petroleum is usually sold for the lowest grade uses, and the price for this crude petroleum is not more than one hundredth as much as for high grade petroleum products. The report of the National Conservation Commission is so excellent that it is quoted almost word for word. "At present more petroleum is being produced than is necessary for the demands of the industry. Within ten years the present fields will be unable profitably to produce enough for these requirements. The only direction in which production can be checked is with the petroleum contained in public lands. "Offering such public lands for entry at a low price is nothing more than temptation to the private citizen to waste petroleum by over production, since lands yielding hundreds of dollars per acre in this product can be obtained for a small sum. Every acre of public land, believed to contain petroleum or natural gas, should be withdrawn from public sale and leased under conditions that regulate production. "Its use for power is justified on the Pacific coast, if used in gas-producer engines." ALCOHOL As a substitute for other fuels, wood, or denaturated alcohol, will probably come into greater use each year, and is regarded by many as the great fuel of the future, because the materials of which it is made are waste vegetable products and will always be plentiful. It is made from cellulose, the woody part of plants, and may be manufactured from sawdust when freshly cut from live trees, from small, and refuse potatoes, from inferior grain that is not worth marketing, and from low-grade fruits and vegetables of all kinds. It is even said that the hundreds of acres of sage-brush in the West that have always been considered worse than useless can be made into wood-alcohol and thus become a valuable product. It can be used for any purpose that gasolene can, although a different style burner is required. It must be made much hotter before it is changed into vapor, and on account of this it has been difficult to make satisfactory burners for all the kinds of heating, lighting, and power work; the machinery being far from perfect as yet. Wood-alcohol can not yet be made cheaper than gasolene, and is not so easy to burn, so that it is slow in reaching an important place in the industrial world; but gas and gasolene prices will advance, and better methods of manufacturing and burning alcohol will be found, and then we shall have a fuel that can take the place of either coal or petroleum for lighting or power. It is thought that wood-alcohol will be of especial use to the farmer, since he has so many waste vegetable products, has so much need of power in small quantities and is far from the sources of public service power, such as electric and gas plants. Alcohol-driven motors can be used to take the place of the labor of both horses and men on the farm. On level farms they can run the heavy machines, such as mowers, reapers, and binders, plows and cultivators. On any farm they may be used to run stationary engines, to chop and grind food for live stock, to pump water, churn, run sewing-machines, operate fans, drive carriages and wagons and do many other things. Wood-alcohol produces ammonia as a by-product, is used in the manufacture of dyes and coal-tar products, of smokeless powder, of varnishes, and of imitation silks made from cotton. REFERENCES Report National Conservation Commission. Reports of Geological Survey. Conservation of Ores and Related Minerals. (Carnegie.) Report Governor's Conference. Conservation of Mineral Resources. (U. S. Government Report.) Industrial Alcohol and Its Uses. W. H. Wiley. Bulletin, 269. Production of Peat in the U. S. in 1908. U. S. Government Reports. Production of Oil in the U. S. in 1908. Production of Gas in the U. S. in 1908. Waste of Our Fuel Resources. (White.) Report Governor's Conference. CHAPTER VII IRON We have already stated the importance of iron in our modern life. It can not be overestimated. All the many articles of iron and steel, our tools, our machinery, our vehicles, our bridges, our steel buildings, and a thousand and one other things are dependent on our iron supply. Of all the elements that make up the earth's surface only three are more plentiful than iron, so that we might think that we should always have an abundant supply of it; but when it occurs in small quantities, as is usually the case, it can not of course be profitably mined. It is only when enough of it is found together to permit it to be mined to advantage that it is called iron ore. Iron ore is found in only twenty-nine states of the Union, and eighty per cent. of the present production is in two states, Minnesota and Michigan. We can see that iron is very unevenly distributed, and it is on a few regions that we must depend for all the future. Before we can calculate how much iron we have we must understand that it is not found in pure form, but mixed with various other substances: clay, shale, slate, quartz, sulphur, phosphorus, etc. These must all be removed, some by washing, but most of them by roasting, or "smelting," in blast furnaces, after which it is called pig iron. This of course requires large quantities of fuel. It is these things and also the position of the ore that must be taken into consideration in estimating the amount of iron in the country. If ore yields a large per cent. of iron in smelting, with a small amount of waste, it is, of course, far more valuable than if the amount of iron in every ton of material taken from the ground is small. In all minerals, the relation of supply to price is marked. The cost of labor and of power is exactly the same whether ore yields fifty-five tons of pure iron to the hundred, or whether it yields only thirty tons, but the price received is little more than half. So if the price is low, it may cost more to mine and smelt the one hundred tons of earth than will be paid for the thirty tons of iron that the low-grade ore would yield. So the lands that produce only thirty tons to the hundred will never be mined till the price of iron is so high that it is above the cost of producing--that is, till it can be worked at a profit. The Lake Superior iron found in Minnesota is usually more than fifty-five per cent. pure iron. That is, if a hundred tons of earth be mined, more than fifty-five tons of pure iron would be obtained from it. This is the highest grade of ore. Some ore is mined that yields only forty tons or less. There are vast quantities, billions of tons, of iron ore in the United States, that would yield less than thirty tons of iron to the hundred. These low-grade ores and the ones known to lie so deep in the earth that the cost of mining them is more than the finished products of iron, are classed as "not available," that is, they can never be profitably mined under present conditions. But we must remember that as the higher grade ores are exhausted it will become necessary to use the lower grades, and that prices will steadily advance as a result. Iron is sometimes found almost directly under the ground, at other times deep in the earth. That which is found just below the surface is, of course, mined much more easily, more safely, more cheaply, and with far less loss than that which requires deep mining. Such conditions are found in the Lake Superior region, and there is almost no loss at all, the low-grade ores being piled up at one side where they can be easily reached in case of need. On the other hand some iron mines now in operation are as much as two thousand feet in depth. In these mines, as in coal mines, pillars are left to support the rock above. A roof of the iron ore is often left also. The low-grade ore is left in the ground and no effort is made to preserve it for future use. These constitute the principal waste in iron mining. The pure iron of the ore is separated by washing out the clays and soft elements, but the harder substances must be smelted by means of heat. In the beginning this was done by charcoal, which is still used in Sweden. The latest method is to employ electricity manufactured by water-power, but most of the iron smelting in this country has been done by coal. Every ton of iron smelted requires its portion of coal for firing. If low-grade fuels in gas-producer engines, or water-power can be used it will be a great aid in conserving coal. If a limited supply of rather low-grade iron exists near a coal region, it can often be mined profitably, when, if it be far from an abundant fuel supply, it must be shipped to distant blast furnaces. The cost of shipping causes ore containing a small percentage of iron to be classed as "not available." Sometimes a large company with many mines has several varieties of ore of different strength and hardness. If these can be mixed to produce a medium grade by adding a small amount of high-grade ore to a large amount of lower grade, the value of the product will be doubled. Sometimes, too, the by-products can be made extremely profitable by manufacturing large amounts when the expense of undertaking the work is too great to be attempted with a small amount. So if iron mines are owned by a small company much ore may be classed as "not available" that could be used by a large company. All these things must be considered in estimating the iron resources. The first smelting of iron ore in this country was done at Lynn, Massachusetts, in 1645, using the low-grade bog-ores and smelting with charcoal from the surrounding forest. Now if we look over an iron map of the United States we shall find that there are four hundred and eighty blast furnaces, but that only nine of them are west of the Mississippi River and most of these are in Missouri. The greatest of all the iron regions now lies in upper Michigan and Minnesota. This furnishes eighty tons out of every one hundred mined in the United States, but the smelting is done along the southern shores of Lake Michigan. The reason for this is that the iron region itself is far distant from a cheap fuel supply. Pittsburg, Pennsylvania, has been the great iron city of the United States on account of its nearness to great supplies of both coal and iron. Birmingham, Alabama, is the heart of the great smelting region of the South. The iron is divided into districts as follows: (1) The Northeastern, comprising the states of Vermont, Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Ohio, supplies a little more than five per cent. of the iron mined in the United States. (2) The Southeastern, containing Virginia, West Virginia, eastern Kentucky, and Tennessee, North and South Carolina, Georgia, and Alabama, gives us twelve per cent. of our iron. (3) The Lake Superior district, containing the northern parts of Michigan, Minnesota and Wisconsin, supplies more than eighty per cent. (4) The Mississippi Valley district contains western Kentucky, and Tennessee, Iowa, Missouri, Arkansas and Texas. This region furnishes less than half of one per cent. of the total supply. (5) The Rocky Mountain district contains Montana, Idaho, Wyoming, Colorado, Utah, Nevada, New Mexico, Arizona, western Texas, Washington, Oregon and California; and all this great region now supplies but a little more than one per cent. The official report, which is as thorough as can be made but is naturally subject to mistakes, gives the amount of available iron, that is, that which can be mined under present conditions, as nearly five billion tons. Let us see how long this may be expected to supply the demand. Before 1810 the amount of iron ore produced was so small as to be scarcely worth considering. From 1810 to 1870 a little less than fifty million tons were mined, from 1870 to 1889 nearly 154,000,000 tons, and from 1889 to 1907, 475,000,000 tons, or altogether nearly 680,000,000 tons. The production has been found to double itself about every nine years. In 1907 alone it was 52,000,000 tons or about one-thirteenth of all that has been mined. In 1880 we used 200 pounds of pig-iron for every man, woman, and child in the country; in 1890, 320 pounds; in 1900, 390 pounds, and in 1907, 696 pounds. According to the rule of increase, by 1916 we shall be using 104,000,000 tons a year; by 1925, 208,000,000, and by 1934, 416,000,000 tons, and if the same rate of increase should continue, by 1940 we should have required for our use in the meantime, six billion tons. But we have less than five billion tons of what is now classed as available ore, which means that before that time (when the school-boys of to-day are business men) we should have exhausted all our good and cheap ore, and be obliged to depend only on the low-grade ores, the cost of which will be very great. Unlike coal, the forests, and the soil, there is no great and entirely useless waste of iron. But the uses of iron are so many and so varied, and the supply of high-grade ores which can be cheaply mined is so small in proportion to the needs of the future, that we should in all ways lessen the drain on it by substituting other cheaper and more plentiful materials when possible. The chief use of iron is for the carrying of freight. Here are some figures given by Mr. Carnegie. Moving one thousand tons of freight by rail requires an eighty-ton locomotive and twenty-five twenty-ton steel cars, or five hundred and eighty tons of iron and steel to draw it over--say an average of ten miles of double track with switches, frogs, spikes, etc., which will weigh more than four hundred tons. Thus we see that to move a thousand tons of freight requires the use of an equal weight of iron. The same freight may be moved by water by means of from one hundred to two hundred and fifty tons of metal, so that if freight were sent by water instead of by rail the amount of iron needed for this service would be reduced at least three-fourths, the amount of coal would be reduced not less than half, and at the same time the coal used in extra smelting would be saved. No single step open to us to-day would do more to check the drain on both iron and coal than the use of our rivers for carrying heavy freight. The next great use of iron is for buildings and bridges. The greatly increasing use of cement and concrete is reducing this and will reduce it still further. Cement is made from slag, or the refuse of iron ore--the clays and shales--and the cost of this valuable product is little more than the former cost of piling it away. By making the useless slag into cement the cost of iron production is lowered and at the same time the drain on the iron is lessened. A large use of steel of the highest quality is for battleships, cannon, and war supplies. If the great nations of the world would agree to reduce their armament, one of the great drains on the world's iron, coal, and wood supply would cease, and these materials be put to improving the world. The worst feature of it is that these war supplies are continually changing. They must be of the latest pattern, or they are of small value for fighting purposes. The construction of battleships differs greatly year by year, and the older ships are discarded to make place for newer and larger ones. It is said that our newest battleship alone could with a few shots destroy all of Admiral Dewey's fleet. The following is from a recent magazine article: "It is admitted by naval officers that the ships of ten years ago are of obsolete type and would be useless against the new vessels. It is admitted that within ten years or less the new types will in turn become obsolete, and will be useless against the type of vessel certain to be evolved. That is, as soon as a vessel costing millions of dollars leaves the docks, she enters into active competition for a place on the junk pile." The greatest improvement that can be imagined in the iron situation will be in the discovery and use of alloys or mixtures of iron with other materials. Steel, the strongest of all forms of iron, is an alloy of iron and carbon, and for various purposes these are further mixed with nickel and silicas. Many other alloys have been discovered within the last few years, and each makes possible new uses for iron requiring greater strength. One of the best of these is a mixture of iron and silicon, called ferro-silicon. Silica is one of the cheapest and most abundant materials of all the earth's products, so its combination with iron will greatly lengthen the life of the iron supply; and it is probable that in the future combinations of other materials will yield better and cheaper metals than any thus far produced. The amount of metal which can be reworked is constantly increasing. Most of the iron factories remelt large quantities of old iron, to be used with the new, and this will lessen each year the demand on the ores. It is also possible that new deposits of iron ore will be found and these will greatly increase the supply. But from the whole iron situation we may draw the following conclusions: First, the amount of iron remaining in the ground is very uncertain. It may be more, or it may be less, than the present estimate. Second, if the estimates are nearly correct, and if the present rate of increase continues, all the high-grade ores will be exhausted by the time the small boys of to-day are the business men of the nation. Third, the best methods of reducing the drain on the supply are, (a) The use of old iron as a mixture; (b) Carrying a part of the freight by water to reduce the amount of iron required by the railroads; (c) The larger use of concrete and cement to take the place of steel in buildings; (d) Lessening the amount used for war; (e) The use of alloys. This opens a large and promising field for invention. (f) More care in preserving articles made of iron. This is a practical thing for every person in our country to do. Every farm implement, or tool, that stands out in the rain or is left without shelter during the winter, every article carelessly lost or broken, has its part in making conditions worse. All that are well cared for help to make the iron supply last a little longer. REFERENCES Iron and Steel at Home and Abroad. (Andrew Carnegie.) Conservation of Ores and Related Minerals. (Carnegie.) Report Governor's Conference. Report National Conservation Commission. Reports Geological Survey. Mineral Resources of the U. S. in 1908. Advance chapters available. CHAPTER VIII OTHER MINERALS GOLD Iron, in its usefulness to man, stands in a class to itself; but there are dozens of other minerals that have their part in the comfort and convenience of our daily life. Most of these, however, are found in comparatively small quantities and have few uses. The minerals which are in constant use by nearly all people and that are found abundantly in the United States, are gold, silver, copper, lead, zinc, and the elements used in manufacturing building materials. Gold is valuable chiefly because it has been made the standard of money value of the world. Africa produces one-third of the world's supply, next come the United States and Australia, producing almost equal amounts, Russia and Canada each produce a limited amount, and various other countries together produce about one-sixteenth of the whole. (In the statements of the gold supply of the United States the territory of Alaska is included.) Gold is not found alone but contained in quartz rock or sand. The method of taking gold from the rock is first by blasting, and afterward grinding the rock in a stamp mill, which reduces it to powder, after which the gold is separated by refining processes. The gold which occurs in the sand, gravel, or clay soil, is washed out. When done on a small scale this is called "panning." The larger operations of this kind are called "placer" and "dredge" mining. There is also a considerable amount of gold obtained as a by-product from copper mining. Generally speaking, quartz mines are in the mountains and placer mines in the river valleys. Placer mining by powerful water pressure, called hydraulic mining, destroys the banks, and also fills up the river beds with masses of rock and gravel. Some of the large rivers of California have been made unfit for steamboat traffic, and serious damage has been done to the harbor of San Francisco. For this reason hydraulic placer mining has been stopped by law. This has greatly lessened the gold production of California. In 1907, the United States produced $94,000,000 worth of gold. Of this, Colorado produced more than any other state. Next in their order come Alaska, California and Nevada. Each produced from $15,000,000 to $20,000,000 worth. Together they furnished nearly four-fifths of the entire supply. The remaining one-fifth comes from Utah, South Dakota, Montana, Arizona, Idaho, and Oregon, with very small amounts from the southeastern states, the two Carolinas and Georgia, New Mexico, Washington, and Wyoming. South Dakota has the most profitable single gold mine in the United States. It has produced nearly $60,000,000 in gold, and is now turning out about $5,000,000 worth a year. The United States has many unworked gold mines, "gold reserves" they are called, whose value can not in any way be exactly estimated. The value of the placer mines can be better judged than that of the lode or quartz mines. The placer mines are chiefly in Alaska and California. These mines may yield gold to the amount of a billion dollars. There are lesser, but important resources of placer gold in Montana, Idaho, and Oregon. The placer gold mined in 1907 was valued at $24,000,000, and it is thought that about this quantity can be supplied for a long time. The amount of gold yielded in the reduction of copper ores was about $5,500,000. It is probable that this amount will be gradually increased, and can be relied on to last many years. From the lead ores a little over $2,000,000 worth of gold was taken. This will probably slowly decrease for the next ten or twenty years. From gold and silver-bearing quartz mines $55,000,000 was taken. No calculation can be made as to the amount of gold contained in quartz mines. New discoveries are always probable and many new mines are opened up each year, but their value can only be estimated as the work in them progresses. Just how long they will last nobody knows, but it would seem that their decline is far off. The government report says, "Unless very important new discoveries are made it is thought unlikely that the production of gold in the United States will rise much above $110,000,000; nor is it likely that it will sink below $60,000,000 within a long period of years." The amount of gold used in the United States is about equal to the production. Nearly $80,000,000 is coined into money, and about half as much is used in the arts,--that is, for jewelry, tableware, in dentistry, in bookbinding, and various chemical processes. The quantity used in the arts has doubled since 1900. In 1907 the stock of gold coin in the United States, according to the Director of the Mint, was $1,600,000,000, which is almost exactly one-fifth of the gold coin of the world. The production of gold is rapidly increasing. Since 1850 we have mined three times as much gold as in all the previous time since the discovery of America. Such rapid production greatly shortens the life of the gold supply. When the gold fields of southern Africa were first opened they were said to be inexhaustible; but they have been mined so rapidly, and the supply has proved so far short of the first excited estimates that experts say that the entire region will be almost exhausted within twenty years. The loss of gold in mining and refining is comparatively small. In extracting gold from the cheaper ores the percentage of loss is large; but as only a small part of the gold is gained in this way the total loss is relatively small. By other methods ninety-five per cent. or more is saved. In many cases the loss is too small to be considered. Unlike other minerals little gold is destroyed by use. It is melted and remelted, all scraps are used, even the sweepings from the mint and from manufacturing goldsmiths' shops are saved and the gold used. The waste of the world's gold and silver would be much greater but for the use of paper money, bank checks, and notes. Their very general use keeps the gold as a reserve, held in banks and storage vaults much of the time. If it were in constant use, the continual rubbing together of the coins would mean a no less steady, though slight, wearing away of their surface. This is very noticeable in old silver coins, which are kept in more constant circulation. SILVER The conditions in regard to silver are entirely different from those of the other resources. The production of silver is not increasing, in fact, the mining of silver alone is decreasing and the reason is not because the supply is lessening, but because the price is too low to make a larger working of the mines profitable, and the supply is kept down to the level of the demand. A great number of silver mines have been closed for the last few years. The production could be greatly increased at any time to meet an increased demand. The highest production was in 1902, but there have been only slight changes since 1895; the production being a little less than 60,000,000 ounces, or about one-third of the world's supply--Mexico being the only other great producer. In many countries with a small supply the output is growing less each year on account of the low price, and the difficulty of competing with the United States. The states now producing the most silver are Colorado, Montana, and Utah; each of these produces about one ounce out of every five ounces mined. Most of the remainder was produced by Nevada, Idaho, Arizona, and California. Although nearly 60,000,000 ounces were mined in 1907 only one and a half million ounces were mined for the sake of the silver alone. The rest was obtained as a by-product in the mining of gold, lead, copper and zinc, or, as is often the case, it was distinctively silver ore, but could not be profitably mined unless some other ore could be obtained at the same time. The richer regions seem to have been exhausted, and as the process of extracting the ore is expensive the lower grade ores will probably be held for several years till prices advance. A great silver region has recently been opened in northern Canada. This contains immense quantities of very rich ore, and will probably keep the price down for many years. So the care and conservation of silver is not an important issue for the people of the present generation. As silver is now obtained largely as a by-product, there is almost no waste. The United States sends considerably more than half of its silver to other countries, principally to India and China, which use much silver coin, but have little in the way of silver resources. The amount used at home is divided between coinage and manufacture. The quantity coined varies greatly from year to year, eight million ounces being about the average. For manufacturing, jewelry, tableware, chemicals, etc., about twenty million ounces, of which one-fifth is remelted silver, are used. The demand for silver in manufacturing has doubled since 1898, and may lead before many years to the reopening of the silver mines. COPPER The conditions of copper mining are exactly opposite from those of silver. The Indians used almost no metal except copper, and for three hundred years white men used the old Indian mines and refined the copper by Indian methods. Better methods of mining copper and extracting it from the ores have been employed for the last fifty years, but within a dozen years the refining of copper has been revolutionized by electric methods. An enormous amount has been produced, but production has been kept down on account of the high prices. It is said that if the price could be reduced one-half, ten times as much copper would be used. Most of the uses of copper have arisen in the last twenty-five years. Its greatest use is for electric wiring. Nothing can take its place, and the use is increasing astonishingly. Copper is used largely in alloys. Bronze is an alloy of copper and tin, and its use has greatly increased in castings, fittings for buildings, tablets, and statues. A much more useful alloy is brass, made from copper and zinc. Brass is very extensively used for parts of machinery, engines, automobiles, and also for fittings for buildings. Sheet copper is used for sheathing for ships, for boilers, and for various chemical processes carried on by electricity or by acids. Very many of these processes have been discovered within ten or fifteen years, and have largely increased the uses for copper. One of the older uses of copper which is less common now was for cooking utensils. Copper is used by the government for coining one-cent pieces. No single country compares at present with the United States in the production of copper, but if reports be correct there is enough copper in central Africa to supply the world for years to come. Next to the United States, Spain mines the largest amount at present, and Japan ranks next. For many years the rate of increase was enormous. In 1845, 224,000 pounds were mined; in 1888, 226,000,000 pounds. Eight years later, in 1896, it had doubled; after another ten years, in 1906, it had doubled that quantity, and reached 918,000,000 pounds. In 1890 we were using three pounds of copper for every man, woman and child in the country. And in 1907, six and one-half pounds. Michigan, Montana, and Arizona produce the bulk of the copper. Utah, California, Colorado, New Mexico, Wyoming, and Nevada each produce copper in amounts ranging from the 66,000,000 pounds mined in Utah to the 2,000,000 pounds mined in Nevada. It is probable that the use will not increase so rapidly in the near future. Much old copper will be remelted. There are large areas of copper lands which are now classed as "available" with copper at about its present price of thirteen cents a pound. If the world production should grow so great as to cause a decided drop in the price, much that is now considered available could not be mined at a profit, and the copper supply from this country would be greatly reduced. If, on the other hand, copper should rise to fifteen or twenty cents or higher, the amount of available copper land would be vastly increased. The report on the Conservation of Mineral Resources says in effect: "The copper resources of the United States are believed to be large enough to allow for a number of years for a demand increasing at the rate of 30,000,000 pounds a year. Should this demand continue for a long period the scarcity would be felt and result in a rising price, which would open up a market for these low-grade ores and also cause the use of other metals, like aluminum, to take the place of copper whenever possible." There is no great waste in the mining of copper, but in the extraction of copper from the ore the waste is often as much as thirty per cent., and it is not easy to avoid this on account of the chemical changes that take place. LEAD The United States produces about one-third of the lead in the world. The remainder comes from Spain, where the production remains about the same from year to year; from Germany, where in spite of higher prices production is growing less; and from Australia and Mexico, in both of which the supply is rapidly decreasing. These facts show that the lead resources of the United States will be drawn on heavily in the future. The production of the United States increased from about 70,000 tons in 1880 to 365,000 tons seventeen years later, and if continued the yearly production by 1920 will amount to 580,000 tons, or more than a billion pounds. The principal lead-producing states are Missouri, Idaho, Utah, and Colorado. In Missouri it is probable that the present rate of increase could be kept up for at least fifty years. The other states could keep up the present production for many years but could not greatly increase it without exhausting the supply. As with most mineral resources in the United States, it is only the richest ores that are now drawn upon (except where lead is a by-product extracted with some other ore). If prices would advance, so as to make the low-grade ores profitable, the amount of our resources would be greatly increased. There is little waste in the mining or smelting of lead ores, and the slag, the waste, is always ready to be used again. In the refining and concentrating of lead the loss often amounts to as much as fifteen per cent. or twenty per cent. The best way to prevent final loss is to store all refuse until such time as the reworking becomes profitable. Improvement in methods has been great in the last fifteen years but more economical methods everywhere will be one of the necessities of the future. We can see that the lead resources of the United States are not large and that when our own supply is exhausted we can not turn to the rest of the world. The waste in mining is not large, and most of it can not be avoided at present prices; so that for the conservation, which we see is so important, we must turn to the uses of lead. The most necessary of these is for lead pipes in plumbing. Another use is for war supplies, which not only makes heavy drains on our stores of coal and iron, but also on lead, which is much less plentiful. One ton out of every three produced in the United States is used in the manufacture of white lead and consumed as paint. This, of course, is entirely lost, and it seems that some other material might be used, instead of so valuable a mineral, especially when the resource is not abundant. White lead is used more than any other substance for paint, although zinc white has come into considerable use in the last few years. No other nation uses lead paint to such an extent as does the United States, partly because no other nation could afford so general a use of such an expensive material, and partly because so many wooden buildings are erected. By using brick, stone, or cement, of which we have practically an unending supply, to take the place of wood, our store of which is rapidly disappearing, we could avoid much of the drain on our mineral resources which are used for paint. As production and price advance a greater quantity of lead is remelted. About 25,000 tons are returned to use each year. ZINC Zinc is a whitish metal. It is used in galvanizing iron to prevent its rusting. It is used also in the manufacture of white paint, which consumes about one ton out of every six tons mined. This, of course, is permanently lost, but the price and its value as a resource is much lower than lead. This takes more than half of the entire product. The remainder of the output is about equally divided between brass and sheet zinc. All these uses are extremely necessary and it is believed that the production of zinc will rapidly increase for many years. The United States is the largest producer, Germany ranks second. Large amounts are mined in Australia, and very large deposits, entirely undeveloped, are said to exist in Africa. In 1880, the United States produced 23,000 tons of zinc; in 1907, 280,000 tons. This indicates the rapid rate at which we are increasing our use of zinc. If the same rate should continue, in 1920 we should be using 475,000 tons, or almost a billion pounds, and if zinc oxide should take the place of white lead in painting to the extent that now seems probable, the quantity would be still further increased. Missouri is by far the heaviest producer of zinc, having a little more than half of the output. New Jersey ranks next, then Colorado, Wisconsin and Kansas. Some of the other western states each produce small amounts. Most of the pure zinc ore is mined at a depth of from one hundred and fifty to two hundred and fifty feet and occurs in sheets, but a large part of the ore is a by-product obtained from the reduction of other ores. In New Jersey the zinc alone is found in a single region, where it was estimated a few years ago that there were eight million tons, of which two and a half million tons have been mined since 1904. The zinc in Missouri, Wisconsin and Kansas is found alone or underlying lead deposits, while that of the western states is almost always found in limestone, and is mixed with silver, copper, lead, and, more rarely, gold. In these states there has been little attempt to discover zinc; in fact, ores containing zinc have been rather shunned because of the difficulty in extracting them. It is thought that our resources of zinc, especially in the West, have just begun to be developed, and that the supply, even at the present rate of increase and at present prices, will last many years. However, with increasing use for the product, we can not be sure of supplies for more than a generation; and in view of the importance of zinc it becomes necessary to inquire into its wastes. In no mineral is the waste more startling than in zinc. In Missouri it is necessary to leave supporting pillars as in coal mining. This can not be remedied, as the use of timbers is too expensive, but it causes a heavy loss. In the West, owing to the expensive treatment and shipment, much of the low-grade ore is left in the ground. In refining the loss is enormous, often as much as forty per cent. In order to produce zinc at a low cost there must be a heavy loss of metal. Better plants and equipment for refining, and the saving of all refuse for later use will be necessary if we are to conserve the zinc supply for future generations. MISCELLANEOUS The supplies of many of the materials used in buildings and bridges, such as stone, gravel, clay, cement and lime are so great that they appear inexhaustible, and need of care in their use is not so much to be considered as is their development to take the place of other resources. In the past they have not been used freely because wooden buildings have been so much cheaper; but cement, concrete and brick are now manufactured much more cheaply, on account of improved methods, while the price of lumber has been increasing rapidly. Within the last ten years, the value of cement manufactures has increased nearly six times. In 1900 we used seventy pounds of cement for each person; in 1907, two hundred and twenty-eight pounds. The value of brick and other products made from clay has doubled in the same period and is now $160,000,000, while the value of building-stone quarries is three times as great as it was ten years ago. There are many reasons why these materials should take the place of wood; as they are stronger, more durable, do not require paint, and are so much less liable to loss by fire. The waste of minerals used in building is due to improper and reckless methods of taking them from the ground and preparing them for market and in careless methods in manufacturing. Of such minerals as quartz, grindstone, millstone, emery stone, mineral paints, talc and salt, there seems to be enough to meet the needs of the future as well as the present. Such supplies as sulphur, asphalt, magnesia, borax, and asbestos, as well as coal and iron, are not very plentiful. If used carelessly, they will be exhausted in a few years; if wisely, they may be expected to last beyond the limits of the present century. Our supplies of quicksilver, antimony, graphite, mica, tin, nickel, platinum, and many minerals less well known, as well as our petroleum, natural gas, copper, gold, silver, lead, zinc, and phosphate rock will be almost exhausted well within the present century unless large new deposits are discovered. REFERENCES Report of National Conservation Commission. The Conservation of Mineral Resources. U. S. Government Reports. Report of the U. S. Geological Survey. Production of Gold in 1908. U. S. Government Reports. Production of Silver in 1908. Production of Lead in 1908. Production of Zinc in 1908. Production of Structural Materials. About twenty pamphlets on other minerals. CHAPTER IX ANIMAL FOODS GRAZING Food is of two classes: vegetable, which comes directly from the earth, and animal, which has fed on vegetable life. This is, of course, a more concentrated form of food, and much less of it is needed to sustain life. For the plentiful supply of vegetable food we must depend upon the fertility of the soil, as we have seen. Our animal food can not be classed among our natural resources, but as a product of them, and requires the same care and wise use. In the early history of our country natural animal food was abundant. Fishes swarmed in the sea, lakes, and streams. Wild turkeys and other game birds, deer, and bison formed a large part of the food of our forefathers. But these have been gradually disappearing. We have caught and destroyed so many fish that we have only a fraction of our former number. The game birds have disappeared either because they have been killed in great numbers or because their nesting-places have been destroyed. Of the big game nothing is now left except in a few remote regions, and it is growing less plentiful each year. Although large quantities of fish and game are marketed every year at certain seasons, they form a small fraction of the animal food required in the country, and we must now depend for most of our animal food, not on that which was at first given us for a natural resource but on that raised by man. The poultry--the chickens, ducks, geese and turkeys; the cattle, beef and dairy, the hogs and the sheep that are raised in such vast numbers have taken the place of wild game. The cultivated varieties have higher food value, and are far more satisfactory, since they are ready for use at any time. The conservation of our animal food resources presents a different problem from any other. It is true that we have wasted and exhausted our natural food supplies, but we must remember that to a certain extent their preservation was neither possible nor desirable. They have been driven out by advancing civilization. Wild birds and animals leave as the forests are cut out, destroying their natural homes. Many of them can not be kept in captivity, so this supply never could have been regulated. It was necessary to destroy some of them to insure man's safety, and others were needed for his use. But we can take their places with other animals which are better fitted for our food, and it is the task of keeping up a sufficient supply of these on the most suitable land and under conditions that will yield the best results, that constitutes the problem of the conservation of our animal food resources. The raising of poultry and live stock on a large scale is a separate occupation, usually followed in a scientific manner and it is not of that industry that we need to speak, but rather of the benefit to every farmer and to the dwellers in small communities, of raising at least a part of the animal food used by the family. Every farm has some bits of unoccupied land that can be fenced off for poultry. The gleanings from the fields will supply their food, and they will furnish meat and eggs for the family throughout the year, with enough left to sell to provide other comforts. Live stock, cattle, sheep and hogs, as well as goats, horses and mules, are profitable to every farmer. Many farms have woodland; land that overflows at some seasons, and so is unfit for raising crops; or some rocky unproductive land where stock can be raised more profitably than anything else, and if every farmer would use all the land not suitable for farm crops for pasture land the problem of an abundant meat supply, of dairy products and of fertilizers to enrich the soil would be largely solved. Some farming experts advocate letting each field in turn be used for pasture every five years, because the stock raised on it is equal in value to any other farm crop, and because the rest and fertilization almost double the value of the succeeding year's crop. In the West and Southwest there are large tracts of public land untilled. Much of the land can never be used for agricultural purposes, because it is arid or mountainous. This land is well adapted to grazing and the government has allowed free use of it to stockmen as pasture lands. These public pasture lands are called "ranges." In the early years when this part of the country belonged to Mexico, the ranges were traversed by Indians and Mexicans who tended the herds of wild cattle and horses, raised mostly for their hides. But in the last quarter of a century the business has fallen into the hands of Americans who have introduced better breeds of higher value. In California, Arizona, and New Mexico there are now on the open ranges eight million sheep, nearly three million cattle and nearly a million horses, worth much more than one hundred million dollars. Wyoming and Utah have great sheep ranges and do much to keep up the wool supply. On Texas, with its great cattle ranges, we depend for a large part of our beef and leather. In all these states where stock is fed on public land, there are many questions as to ownership of animals, rights of rival rangers, and other points to settle. In some of these states the government has set aside national forest reserves. Within these is much good grazing land. In order that the government may have some revenue from the land, a regular price has been set on these forest lands. The charge is forty cents a year each for horses, thirty-five cents a year for cattle, and twelve cents for sheep. The land is properly divided, so that each kind of stock has suitable pasture. Each person who pays this tax is given a certain range and no one else is allowed to use it. There is sufficient pasture for each so that it need not be too closely cropped. A man may lease the same range year after year, may put down wells to supply his stock, live on it, and do many things to improve it. The forest rangers who patrol the forest to watch for fires or for timber thieves also protect these stockmen in their rights and prevent trouble about grazing privileges. Outside the forest reserves the grazing is free, but the advantages offered by this system are so great that nearly all rangers now wish to use the forest reserves. As each ranger has his land assigned to him and no one else can use it, the grass is not overcropped as it often is in regions outside the forests. If pasture is good, so many herds are pastured there that soon the grass is all trampled down and eaten off. Large areas are so badly injured that it will not naturally resod itself. Cattle men are asking that the same rules that apply to the national forests be applied to other public lands, so that the pasturage may be improved and each man may have protection in his rights. If all grazing lands could be thus leased, it would give the business a far more permanent character, better breeds of stock would be raised, and individual owners would direct their efforts to improving both stock and pasture, after the manner of stock raisers on private lands. So large a part of our animal food, our wool, our leather and many smaller needs depend on this industry, that every effort should be made to encourage it, and to provide the wisest laws and best methods both for conserving and developing it. In conclusion it is interesting to note that the Department of Agriculture is making a study of food birds and animals in various parts of the world, and trying to domesticate them, to add to the variety of our food supply. The quail, the golden pheasant and some species of grouse among birds, and two or three species of deer, including the reindeer, appear to be adapted to domestic life in this country, and may, before many years, become a part of the animal industry of the United States. FISHERIES One who has never seen the big catches of fish brought in by a mackerel fleet or visited a wholesale fish market can have little idea of the importance of that industry, nor of the immense amount of food that is taken from the waters of the United States every year. The word fish is made to include not only fish proper, but oysters, clams, scallops, lobsters, crabs, shrimps, and turtles. Fish is liked by most persons, is more easily digested than meat and is nourishing. As a food resource, it is different in many respects from any other. It does not exhaust the soil, nor take from the earth anything of value, the food of fishes consisting of water plants and animals that are not used by man in any other way. Fish also purify the water in which they live, and so cause a great, though indirect, benefit. It is so plainly the wise thing, then, to keep our rivers stocked with fish and to use them for food only, that it seems that this valuable resource has been more seriously and unnecessarily wasted than any other. Fish are wasted on inland streams in the following ways: (1) By dynamiting. If a charge of dynamite be exploded on the bed of the river, great numbers of fish, killed by the shock, rise to the top of the water and can be taken. This practice was quite common at one time, but is now prohibited by law in several states. (2) By seining. A seine or net is placed entirely across the stream, and all the fish which come down the stream are caught. In several states seining is not allowed at all. In others it is allowed only at certain seasons. And in still others the meshes of the seine must be large enough to allow all fish below a certain size to slip through. (3) By catching with a hook, (angling) more fish than can be used or catching small fish and then throwing them away. This is a very common custom among sportsmen, but should be prohibited by law. From a certain small inland lake, it is said that during the entire season an average of five thousand fish a day is taken. These are almost all caught by summer residents, and it is unlikely that a large per cent. of them are eaten. In a few years the lake will be exhausted, and will cease to furnish fish for the people of the community, and there will, of course, be no more fishing for the sportsmen. Equal waste is going on all through the summer at every resort where good fishing is to be had. Some states have laws regulating the size of the fish that may be caught and the number that one person may take in one day, and all states should have such laws. (4) The worst waste of our fish is caused by turning large quantities of sewage or refuse from factories into streams. All the fish for miles up and down a river are often destroyed in this way. As we have seen, this is only one of the bad results of allowing such refuse to drain into streams; every state should have strict laws prohibiting it. From the waters of the New England states more than five hundred and twenty-eight millions of fish are taken each year. Here are the great cod, mackerel, and herring fisheries. From the Middle Atlantic states, the great region for oysters, lobsters and other sea food, come eight hundred and twenty million more; one hundred and six million come from the South Atlantic states; one hundred and thirteen million, including the much sought tarpon and red snappers, come from the Gulf states; two hundred and seventeen million are caught in the Pacific states, including the great salmon catches; ninety-six millions are taken from the Mississippi River and its tributaries, and one hundred and sixty-six millions, largely salmon, from Alaska. The Great Lakes, with their pickerel, and other fine fresh-water fish furnish one hundred and thirteen millions and the small inland waters at least five millions more. When they are taken from the waters the 2,169,000,000 pounds of fish caught in the United States are worth $58,000,000, but by canning, salting, and other processes of preserving, the value is greatly increased. Fortunately, there is a method of conserving our supply of fish and not only preventing it from growing less, but of greatly increasing the number and improving the quality. The United States government has a thoroughly well organized fish commission, and many states and counties and even private clubs carry on the same work, which is a general supervision of the fish supply. The government maintains stations which are regularly engaged in hatching fish, keeping them until the greatest danger of their being destroyed is past, and then placing them in various streams all over the country. These fish are always of good food varieties, and are carefully selected to insure the kind best suited to the stream, as to whether it is warm or cold, deep or shallow, clear or muddy, fresh or salt, slow and placid, or swift and turbulent, for each kind of stream has certain varieties of fish that are especially adapted to it. With all these things taken into account, stocking only with the best food varieties, if a state has laws which require that a stream be kept free from sewage and refuse, that no tiny fish be taken from the water, and that only a stated number can be taken in a day by a single person, hundreds of small streams, ponds and reservoirs all over the country may be made to yield food supplies for the entire community near by. Governor Deneen, of Illinois, in urging that streams be improved for navigation, says, "No estimate of the benefits to flow from stream development would be complete without allusion to the fisheries which have been established on the Illinois River, largely by restocking with fish from hatcheries. The fisheries located on that stream are second in value only to those of the Columbia River. "Our experience thus far indicates that the food resources of the water may be brought up in value to those of the land. The Illinois valley contains 80,000 acres of water area and yields a fish product worth ten dollars an acre each year, very nearly all profit. The average value of the land product near by is a little less than twelve dollars an acre, and the labor, cost of seeding, and exhaustion of fertilization of the land must all be counted before there can be a profit." In 1908 the United States Fish Commission distributed nearly two and a half billion of young fish and half a million fish eggs. These were such excellent varieties as salmon, shad, trout, bass, white fish, perch, cod, flat fish and lobsters. The Bureau of Fisheries has its fish-hatching stations, its boats for catching fish in nets and its tank cars for carrying the young fish and eggs to the streams that are to be stocked. Some of the most important work is interestingly described in a history of the Bureau of Fisheries issued in 1908. Among other things it tells of the lobster industry in both the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans. Lobsters are not found naturally in the Pacific, but shipments of lobsters have been made from the Atlantic coast. At the last shipment, after carrying them across the continent packed in seaweed, more than a thousand lobsters were safely placed on the bed of the Pacific Ocean. On the Atlantic coast the lobsters were rapidly disappearing when the work of artificial "planting" of young lobsters and eggs began. The results can be seen now, for more lobsters are being caught each year, and the price to users is growing less as the supply becomes more plentiful. The shad and the salmon are considered the finest of all fish for eating. Both are salt-water fish and both have the habit of going some distance up fresh-water rivers to lay their eggs. No eggs are ever laid in salt water. The mother fish goes up beyond where the tide comes in, so that the baby fish may have fresh water, which is necessary for them. Salmon and shad are never caught in the sea, but in the rivers, where they go in large numbers to lay their eggs in the spring. This, of course, means the destruction of both fish and eggs,--the present and future supply. Shad eggs, or roe are sold in large quantities. The Bureau of Fisheries has planted three thousand millions of young shad in streams along the coast, and the eggs from which these fish were hatched were all taken from fish that had been caught for market, and would have been totally lost if the Bureau had not collected them from the fishermen. Shad have been planted in the Sacramento and Columbia Rivers flowing into the Pacific Ocean. From these two sources they have spread until now they are found as far south as Los Angeles, and as far north as Alaska, a coast line of 4,000 miles, and it is said that more shad could now be caught in the Sacramento and Columbia Rivers than in any other water courses. In addition to supplying the streams with young fish, it is necessary to leave a part of each river clear so that some of the fish may find their way up-stream to deposit their eggs. The salmon have been almost driven out from the waters of New England, except in the Penobscot River, where they have been kept by the watchfulness of the Fisheries Bureau. It is believed that the entire salmon industry in Maine would be wiped out in five years if fish culture should cease, and in the West, where the drain on the salmon for canning purposes is so heavy, artificial planting is used very largely to keep up the supply. The experiments with oysters are full of interest. In Chesapeake Bay, where the best natural oyster beds were found, the demands on them were so great that the supply began to fail. In 1904 only a little more than one-fourth as many were produced as in 1880. The natural oyster beds were then marked and set aside as public fishing grounds. These are to be used by whoever wishes but under strict protective rules. All other ocean beds may be planted with oysters by any one who leases the privilege from the state, and the right to collect the oysters from a certain bed belongs to the person who leases it as fully as does property on land. Louisiana had a small number of natural beds. About ten years ago the planting of oyster beds began, and soon 20,000 acres had been planted. Conditions were particularly favorable, and within two years after the eggs or spawn were placed it was found that oysters three and a half to four inches in size had grown in quantities of 1,000 to 2,000 bushels per acre. For a long time it has been the custom of fishermen to fatten their oysters by transplanting them to new beds where the food is abundant, and in a short time the oysters are much plumper, it takes fewer of them to make a quart and they also sell at a higher price, because they are of the finest quality. These rich food beds are not plentiful, and many dealers are compelled to put small oysters on the market. The Bureau of Fisheries has made a study of these food beds, and by using fertilizer, such as farmers use on their land, have been able to make such beds of sea-plants grow where they do not naturally exist. These experiments have been tried only a short time, but the results have been entirely satisfactory, and it is hoped that before long, rich oyster beds may be made to grow in any part of the ocean where oysters will thrive. In the Great Lakes the fishing is so heavy that it is probable that the supply of perch and white fish would be very low by this time if fish-culture had not been carried on to so great an extent. White fish, lake trout, pike and perch may be hatched in such large numbers as to keep the fisheries up to their present yield. Another important work of the Fisheries Bureau is to keep up the supply of cod for the great fisheries on the New England coast. For the last twenty years profitable shore cod fishery has been kept up on grounds that had been entirely exhausted before and also where cod had never been found before. At the wharves, government officers from the Fisheries Bureau board the fishing boats when they come in and take the eggs from the fish. These are taken to the government hatchery and either the eggs or the young fish are put back into the sea, and so keep up an unending supply. Alaska is one of the most important fishing regions of the world. For this entire Territory, the United States paid Russia $7,200,000 and many thought that the money was practically thrown away, since it apparently bought for us nothing but barren, ice-bound shores. But since it became a part of the United States, Alaska has yielded fishery products alone amounting in value to $158,000,000--twenty-two and a half times the price paid. Of this, $49,000,000 came from the fur seal fishery, $86,000,000 from salmon and $23,000,000 from other fish. About $1,500,000 worth of sponges are now taken from Florida waters each year. Naturally the failure of the industry would be a serious loss to the state. But the natural sponge beds are being rapidly exhausted, and the Bureau of Fisheries is convinced that the continuation of the sponge fisheries must depend on artificial planting. Sponges can be produced from cuttings at a cost much less than that of taking them from the natural beds. Rhode Island has been successful in cultivating soft-shell clams and in increasing the area of its clam beds. The Mississippi and its branches are subject to great floods in the early spring and occasionally in summer. After these floods millions of fishes are left in small pools some distance back from the river. These pools gradually dry up; the larger fishes are caught and the smaller ones die. The state and National Fish Commissions are now collecting these fishes in large numbers, and using them to stock ponds and rivers in other parts of the country. They are used to supply many parts of the West and South and there is much greater demand for them than the Commissions can meet. Not that there is a lack of fish, for millions are left to waste because the Commissions can not distribute them rapidly enough to save them. If large storage ponds could be established to collect and keep the fish during the flood season, so that all the time might be spent in collecting fish during the overflow, and they could be sent out later, the amount of fish saved would be increased many fold. The fish thus saved are being made to serve another useful purpose. Pearl buttons are made from the shells of mussels or fresh-water clams. This business, which is now worth $5,000,000, can not last many years unless some means of increasing the supply of mussels can be devised. Now these men, who are always studying new plans, have thought of a wonderful way in which to let the fish help in carrying on this work. They obtain the mussel eggs, and when they are hatched place them in the pools with the fish from the overflowed lands. The tiny mussel larvæ attach themselves to the fish and are carried to the rivers and ponds with the fish. Soon they are ready to drop to the bottom and find food for themselves. In this way 25,000,000 mussels were carried last year to streams where mussels are known to thrive. If these mussel-bearing fish can be obtained by farmers having private fish ponds, the ponds can be drained each year and the mussels gathered, thus adding considerably to the owner's income, and also keeping up the pearl button industry, in addition to the food supply which he gains from the fish. Enough has been said to show clearly how desirable and how possible it is to conserve and increase our fish supplies. With the coöperation of all who waste the fish at present, and those who might aid in stocking the streams, we could add greatly to the food supply of the nation at a less cost than in any other way. REFERENCES Grazing Lands. Report National Conservation Commission. Grazing on the Public Lands. (Jastro.) Report Governor's Conference. The Grazing Lands and Public Forests of Arizona. (Heard.) Report Governor's Conference. Grazing Problems in the Southwest and How to Meet Them. Bulletin, Dept. of Agriculture, 5c. Reports of the Bureau of Animal Industry. Dept. of Agriculture. Distribution of Fish and Fish Eggs. Dept. Commerce and Labor.[B] [Footnote B: All Bureau and Commission reports are free.] Reports of the Commission of Fisheries. National Fisheries Congress. CHAPTER X INSECTS If we look at a watch, we see that one wheel can not move until the one next in order to it moves, and that, in turn, must be set in motion by another wheel. In the same way nature adjusts itself in its various parts. Before man enters a region, the balance is perfect. Plants crowd each other out of the way, the weaker giving place to the stronger; then insects come to destroy them. These insects are destroyed by birds, small mammals or other insects. The birds are killed by animals and other birds, which in turn are the food of larger animals. And so through all nature runs this law of balance; nothing increases in too great a proportion. But when man comes, he thinks only of his own needs and wishes and begins at once to upset the delicate balance. Year after year, he plants large fields of a single crop, and, calling other plants weeds, because they hinder the growth of his grain, he drives them out entirely. The insects that feed on these plants, finding no food, soon disappear, while the ones which feed on the farmers' crops, finding food so plentiful, are able to increase in great numbers. They increase all the more rapidly because man, not knowing or not caring to know who his real helpers are, has killed and driven away the birds that would feed on them. In order to readjust matters, he must learn how to destroy the insects, or he can not have crops. Both the plant enemies, the weeds, and the insects are always trying to bring about nature's balance again by driving out the over-abundant field crop, so he must constantly fight them in order to secure his harvest. In no country is more harm done by insects than in the United States. The losses to live stock and to plants, both growing and stored, resulting from insects are greater than all the expenses of the National Government, including the pension roll and the yearly maintenance of the army and navy. Immense as is the value of our farm products, it would be much greater if it were not for the work of these insects. Careful calculations indicate that this loss will amount to not less than the enormous sum of $1,100,000,000 annually and probably far more. The loss is usually estimated at ten per cent. of the crop, but often is much heavier than this, and many indirect losses are not taken into account in this table, though we shall speak of them later. Most insects pass through four stages: (1) the egg; (2) the worm or larvæ; (3) the chrysalis, cocoon, or pupa; (4) the full-grown insect or imago. Butterflies, moths and beetles are examples of insects in this last stage. As eggs, they are, of course, harmless, and during the chrysalis state they lie perfectly inactive and are harmless, but many of them are very destructive when they are worms or larvæ, others do most injury in the full-grown state. The insects that man has most reason to dread are: (1) Plant-lice, tiny insects with soft bodies, usually green. They attach themselves to the stems and leaves of plants and suck their juices, leaving them to wilt and die. They are found on many kinds of plants--on corn, wheat and other grains. They also flourish on garden vegetables and flowers. (2) Scale insects. These are flat and appear to be only a scale on the stem or fruit. They are usually covered with a hard crust-like covering and are found on trees and bushes. They are usually the color of the bark on which they are found. (3) Worms and caterpillars are soft-bodied, the bodies being in segments, and either smooth or covered with short bristly hair. They spend nearly all their time in eating, and do immense damage to the foliage of trees and vegetables and to fruit. The adult is a moth or caterpillar. This class is among the farmer's worst insect enemies. (4) Borers attack trees and tough-stemmed plants. The eggs are laid on the stems, and after hatching, the larvæ bore into the stem or under the bark, causing the foliage to wilt and die. We are all familiar with what we call "worm-eaten" wood, with canals that have been eaten by these borers running through it in all directions. This completely ruins some of the best forest trees for lumber, and makes one of the greatest losses of the forests. (5) Beetles are insects in the adult state. They have hard, shiny wing-covers. Many of the borers are beetles, and there are other varieties which do great damage, though other kinds are useful to man in destroying harmful insects. (6) Bugs have their mouth parts prolonged into a sharp beak with which they puncture the skin or bark, instead of chewing the leaves, as do beetles. Flies, gnats, and other similar insects do not usually injure vegetation so much as do some other classes of insects, the principal damage being done to fruits; but they have been found to be the cause of some of the most serious diseases in both man and the lower animals. The Department of Agriculture divides the injuries done by insects into classes according to the products injured, and in the list they place first the injury done to cereal crops. The insects which damage the corn crop most seriously are the corn-root worm, which feeds on the roots of young corn, causing it to fall over and die, and which sometimes takes the whole corn crop of a large region. The next most important is the boll-worm or ear-worm. Most persons have seen this worm in the ears of sweet corn; ninety ears out of every hundred contain a worm which destroys from one-tenth to one-half the corn. Some years every ear in large regions is infested. In the South the field corn is attacked as badly as the sweet corn, but in the great corn states the injury is much less. Even here, however, the total loss is very great. Almost equally important is the damage wrought by the chinch-bug, which is also one of the greatest pests in wheat and oats. Every year in different sections of the country, bill-bugs, wire-worms, cutworms, cornstalk borers, locusts, grasshoppers, corn plant-lice and other insects, destroy millions of bushels of corn. Of the cereal crops, wheat suffers most from insects. Of the large number of insects that attack wheat, the three important species are the Hessian fly, the chinch-bug and the grain plant-louse or green-bug. The Hessian fly has been known to destroy as much as sixty per cent. of all the wheat acreage of a state. Fortunately, this damage is done early in the year, so that when whole fields are destroyed they can be replanted with other crops and only the cost of seed and labor is to be counted as a loss. But more often the field is only partly destroyed by the fly; it is not necessary to replant, but the yield is small, often not more than one-third. Some years the loss from the Hessian fly is very heavy, at other times comparatively light, yet there are few years when the loss is less than ten per cent. of the total crop from this insect alone,--which meant last year a loss of 72,500,000 bushels. The chinch-bug is responsible for the loss of five per cent., or one bushel out of every twenty. It attacks the straw, causing the heads of wheat to fall over and wither away. The injury done by the green-bug comes just as the wheat begins to ripen, the tiny green creatures attaching themselves in great numbers to the heads of the wheat. Other insects which prey on the wheat crop are grasshoppers, the wheat midge, cutworms and army-worms. If it were not for the attacks of these various pests the wheat crop would be at least one-fifth larger than it is. Instead of 725,000,000 bushels, it would be 870,000,000; which, with wheat at a dollar a bushel, amounts to a loss of nearly $150,000,000. Further, the world loses all this valuable bread-stuff. Oats, rye and barley suffer far less than wheat from insect ravages but they are all attacked by the same insects, and on the whole, much damage is done to them each year. Hay, clover, and alfalfa have their enemies which destroy a considerable part of the crops. The locusts and caterpillars, the army-worms and cutworms are the best known, but the tiny leaf-hoppers, which spring up at every step as we walk across the path or lawn, and the web-worms and grass-worms and grubs which work about the roots of the plants all do their part in lowering the production. The principal insect enemies of cotton are the cotton boll-weevil, the boll-worm, the cotton red spider, and the cotton-leaf worm. The control of the boll-weevil is considered one of the most serious problems confronting the agricultural men of the country. In the first years after its introduction, it reduced the cotton crop fully fifty per cent., and was the cause, not only of serious loss to the farmers, but of the closing of the cotton mills in New England, of a scarcity of cotton cloth and a decided rise in its price. The boll-weevil is a beetle about a quarter of an inch in length. This little beetle eats into the heart of each boll, which soon falls to the ground. The cotton-leaf worm formerly caused heavy damage, as much as $20,000,000 to $30,000,000 a year, but the loss has been greatly reduced by the war which farmers have waged against it. It is still estimated at from $5,000,000 to $10,000,000. The boll-worm is chiefly destructive in the Southwest and does damage to the extent of $12,000,000. All in all no article of commerce is more seriously affected by insect ravages than cotton, on account of its necessity, and the fact that it can be raised only in certain regions. Tobacco is one of the principal crops in several states and it suffers heavily from insect damage. The large, showy tobacco-worm and the tiny tobacco-thrips cause serious injury to the leaves. Sugar-cane has its insect enemies which take on an average one stalk out of every ten raised in this country, and reduce the crop in the same proportion. The cranberry is another valuable commercial plant that has been greatly affected by an insect known as the cranberry fruit worm, but by spraying, growers have been able to reduce the damage from sixty per cent. down to fourteen per cent. Garden vegetables suffer more than anything else from insects. Potatoes are attacked by two species of insects, both destructive unless held in check. One is the reddish brown blister-beetle. The eggs are laid on the ground, and do not become adult insects until the second year. The other is the striped Colorado beetle, the eggs of which are laid on the under side of the leaves, and develop into adults in a short time. Two broods of this beetle develop in a single season. Thus it may be seen that the two are entirely different, though they are often supposed to be the same. The Colorado beetle, by the immense damage it was doing to a necessary food crop, first led to a regular method of fighting insects in this country. This potato-bug is not feared as it was in the past, since farmers have learned to control it in a great measure, but they have only been able to lessen the evil, never to drive it out completely. Other insects that destroy garden vegetables are the well-known green cabbage-worm, the harlequin cabbage-bug, the cabbage hairworm, the asparagus-beetle, the squash-bug, the squash-vine borer, the striped cucumber or melon beetle, the melon aphis, the corn boll-worm, the cornstalk borer and many others. In addition to these insects that attack special plants, all vegetables are preyed on by the grub-worm, the cutworm, the aphis and various tiny hoppers. The grub-worms which work about the roots of plants are, in the adult state, the June-bugs or cock-chafers which fly about our lights in the spring and early summer, and which themselves do considerable damage by eating leaves of trees and bushes. Orchards and small fruits suffer heavily from insect pests, both on account of the direct loss and on account of the expensive treatment. There are several hundred insects which ravage fruit trees, attacking the roots, trunk, foliage and fruit. Among these are the scales, of which there are many species, but of which the most widely known and dreaded is the San Jose scale, so called because San Jose, California, was its starting place in America. It is the only one of the scales which, if not checked, will, in two or three years, completely destroy the tree on which it feeds. It attacks the citrus fruits, orange, lemon, grape-fruit, and the apple, pear, and peach as well as small fruits, particularly currants. Among the many varieties that do serious damage are the black olive scale, plum scale, hickory scale, locust scale, frosted black scale, red oak scale, the cottony maple scale, greedy scale and oyster shell scale. The woolly aphis injures the roots of our fruit trees; the trunk and limb borers, the peach tree borer, the apple borer, all stand ready to assail the life of the entire tree. The various leaf worms attack the life of the tree also. The grape-leaf skeletonizer eats every particle of green from the leaves, leaving only the veins. The canker-worms and the destructive tent-caterpillars also cause the death of many fruit trees. Of insects which attack the fruit, the list is long. The codling-moth of the apple causes a greater money loss than any other enemy of fruits. Various estimates of the loss have been made, and in general it is believed that it causes the loss of one-fourth to one-half of the apple crop of the United States each year. The plum-curculio attacks nearly all stone fruits. Its natural food plant is probably the native wild plum, and the plum continues to be its favorite food, consequently this fruit suffers most from the attacks of the insect. In years of short crops very little fruit remains on the tree to ripen. But peaches, apricots and cherries also suffer heavily, and apples and pears in a less degree. The insects which injure the hardwood forest trees are principally the leaf-eaters, such as the gypsy and brown tail moths, which have almost stripped the New England shade trees, and done great damage to the forests; the elm leaf beetles and the numerous borers, both beetles and grubs, which from eggs laid in or just beneath the bark, hatch into larvæ which burrow into the wood, destroying its usefulness for lumber. Among the borers which do most injury in destroying valuable timber are the hickory-bark beetle, the bark-boring grubs which kill oak, chestnut, birch and poplar trees, the locust borer, the chestnut timber-worm and the Columbian timber beetle. All these represent the loss from insects to the growing product; but when it is stored, there is seemingly no less danger of attack by a different class of insects. These include grain weevils and beetles, flour-moths, the small fruit and vinegar flies, buffalo-moths and dozens of others. After these comes the loss to man and animals from insects. The cattle tick alone, through the dreaded Texas fever, causes a loss of from $10,000,000 to $35,000,000 in various years. The ox warble also preys on cattle and causes a loss of probably $3,000,000 more. The buffalo-gnats, gadflies, and other flies do on the whole a large amount of damage each year. Man has only discovered in recent years how serious a factor in his own health as well as comfort, is the insect life about him. This subject is more fully treated under the subject of health, so for the present we need only say that flies, mosquitos and other insects are supposed to cause some of our most serious diseases, and to be the indirect cause of the loss of hundreds of millions of dollars and many human lives each year. Having thus summed up the damage done by insects, let us see what may be done to prevent their spread and if possible drive out the most harmful species entirely. Unfortunately, that seems almost impossible; so far all man's efforts have only resulted in saving a larger or smaller proportion of the various crops each year. In insect control we turn first to the natural means of destruction. Chief among these means are birds,--of which we will speak in another chapter,--snakes and toads. Toads live entirely on insects and catch large quantities of them. It is estimated that a single toad is worth almost twenty dollars a year in a field or garden. English gardeners are said to pay high prices for them and to keep as many as possible in their gardens. Toads will eat almost any kind of insect, are absolutely harmless, and should be carefully protected. There is one class of insects which, so far from being an enemy to man, combines with him to kill the harmful insects. Among these are the black beetles which feed on cutworms and other larvæ which injure the roots of plants. Lady-bird beetles destroy large numbers of plant-lice, and the Asiatic lady-bird has been found to be the natural destroyer of the San Jose scale. These little insects are now being hatched in this country, and it is hoped through them to stamp out the pest. A number of larger insects prey on the smaller ones. Other insects, such as the Hessian fly, the green-bug or spring grain aphis, the army-worm and various species of grasshoppers are killed by tiny parasitic insects whose eggs are laid in the bodies of the larger insects, but which, after being hatched, feed on them. To these natural methods of control man has added others. Cultivation is one of these methods. As insects flourish when given an unusually large amount of food of a particular kind, and starve when that food is taken away from them, so rotation of crops proves to be one of the best means of getting rid of those insects which can not travel far for their food. Farmers who practise rotation of crops are much less troubled with insects that injure the roots of plants than those who do not. One of the best means of preventing damage from the Hessian fly is to sow a narrow strip of wheat all around the edges of the field several weeks before the main crop is to be sowed. The flies will gather in this strip and lay all their eggs in the early wheat. Just before the main crop is sowed, the narrow strip is plowed up and thoroughly harrowed and the larvæ perish for want of food. The best known means of getting rid of grasshoppers is to destroy the eggs. This should be done by plowing and harrowing all roadsides, ditch banks, uncultivated fields and grassy margins around fields in the fall or winter. Fall harrowing and deep spring plowing will prevent many of the bugs and beetles which spend the larval state in the ground from hatching. This method will also destroy the plum-curculio in orchards. In attempting to control the boll-weevil of the cotton fields, it has been found that the best method to pursue is the simple one of planting the crop very early, so that the cotton passes the danger stage before the insects emerge, and removing all the plants in the fall. Worms that infest fruit can be checked for the following year by fall plowing in the orchard and by destroying the decayed fruit as it falls. The farmer who lets his decayed fruit lie on the ground is preparing for a heavy crop of insects to eat his fruit the following summer. Fruit and forest trees are both protected by a burlap band or a band of "sticky" fly-paper placed around the tree, to prevent insects from crawling up. The use of poison in destroying insects is now the one most generally and successfully employed by farmers and fruit growers. Poisons may be liquid or dry. The liquid is made by mixing with water, and for large plants and trees is put on with a spray or force-pump that carries the poison to every part of the plant. Some insects, such as beetles, caterpillars and grasshoppers, chew the leaves or stems of plants, and the poison may be applied to their food; but others, such as plant-lice, scale insects and all bugs suck the juice, usually from the stem or bark. Poisons must be applied to the insect itself to be effectual in this case. These are some of the insect poisons most in use: Paris green, which will kill all insects that chew the leaves, may be used in small quantities in gardens by mixing one-half teaspoonful to a gallon of water, or in large quantities with one pound to one hundred and fifty or two hundred gallons of water. White hellebore is used to destroy currant worms and is usually dusted on dry. Pyrethrum is used as a spray, mixing one ounce to two gallons of water, to destroy cabbage-worms and many other garden insects. If the dry pyrethrum powder is blown from a bellows into a tightly closed room, it is said to destroy all the flies. Bordeaux mixture is made by dissolving four pounds of copper sulphate in hot water and mixing with an equal quantity of a solution made by mixing four pounds of lime with water. This is then mixed with fifty gallons of water. Paris green is sometimes added. This mixture is largely used in orchards and for destroying insects on a large scale. It is also useful for curing diseases of plants. An excellent spray for orchards both for removing fungous diseases and scale insects is a home-made lime-and-sulphur solution. Enough for spraying a large orchard is prepared as follows: Add three gallons of boiling water to fifteen pounds of lime. Then add ten pounds of sulphur and three gallons more of hot water. Allow this to boil about twenty minutes in its own heat, then add enough water to make fifty gallons of the mixture. Dilute with water in the proportion of one part of the solution to seventy-five of water. Small quantities are made by using a fractional part of this recipe. Whale-oil soap dissolved in water and used as a spray is an effective remedy for the San Jose scale. Kerosene emulsion is used to kill the insects which suck the juices of plants and trees. It is made by mixing a half-pound of hard soap with one gallon of hot water and stirring into it, so as to mix thoroughly, two gallons of kerosene oil. This may be kept on hand for use, and is mixed with ten parts of water to one of the emulsion. For use in large orchards force-pumps operated by compressed air and drawn by two horses are used. The spraying should be done as soon as the blossoms drop, and many orchards are sprayed three times in a season, but the work should never be done while the trees are in blossom. Vegetables should be sprayed many times through the season. A careful study of these methods of control, adapted to the various plants and the insects which prey on them, with the natural enemies of insects encouraged and protected, would go far to prevent the wide-spread and serious damage now affecting our crops, our vegetables, our orchards, and our forests. REFERENCES Circulars of the Bureau of Entomology. Dept. of Agriculture. List furnished on application. Annual Loss Occasioned by Destructive Insects. Yearbook 1904.[C] [Footnote C: Some of the Yearbooks of the Dept. of Agriculture contain very instructive reports on Insects and on Birds. Reprints on various subjects have been made from them which are available in pamphlet form, or the entire Yearbook may be had in many cases.] Value of Insect Parasitism to the American Farmer. Yearbook 1907. House Flies. Dept. of Agriculture. Bulletin 71. The Grasshopper Problem. Bulletin 84. The Boll-Weevil Problem. Bulletin 344. The Most Important Step in the Control of the Boll-Weevil. Bulletin 95. The San Jose Scale. Yearbook 1902. The Plum-Curculio. Bulletin 73. The Apple Codling-Moth. Bulletin 41. Price 20c. The Gipsy Moth and How to Control It. Bulletin 275. The Brown-tail Moth and How to Control It. Bulletin 264. The Spring Grain Aphis or Green-Bug. Bulletin 93. The Army-Worm. Bulletin 4. The Hessian Fly. Bulletin 70. The Chinch-Bug. Bulletin 17. The Principal Household Insects of the U. S. Bulletin 4. Insects Affecting Domestic Animals. Bulletin 5. CHAPTER XI BIRDS Birds give us pleasure in three ways: by their beauty, by their song and by their usefulness in destroying animals, insects or plants which are harmful to man. But although they are among man's best friends they have been greatly misunderstood, so that to the many natural enemies that are constantly preying on birds, we must add the warfare that man himself wages on them, and the cutting down of their forest homes. This work of bird destruction has gone on until all the best species are greatly reduced in numbers and some species have been almost entirely driven out. To see how serious a matter this is we must study the food habits of birds, and we shall find that although the different species eat a large variety of food, in almost every case their natural food is something harmful to man. The large American birds, the eagles, hawks, owls and similar kinds, are called birds of prey because they feed on small birds and animals. Some of these are of the greatest benefit to the farmer, while others are altogether harmful. Another large class of birds lives almost entirely on injurious insects and this class is entitled to the fullest care and protection from the farmer. Still another class lives largely on fruits, wild or cultivated, and on seeds, which may be either the farmer's most valuable grains, or seeds of the weeds that would choke out the grain. It can not be denied that birds often do serious damage through their food habits; but the great mistake that has been made in man's treatment of birds has been in hastily deciding that if birds are seen flitting about fields of grain they are destroying the crop. A better knowledge of their food habits will lead to proper measures for destroying the harmful kinds and protecting the useful ones. Successful agriculture could hardly be practised without birds, and the benefit to man, though amounting each year to millions of dollars, can hardly be estimated in dollars and cents, since it affects so closely the size of our crops, the amount of timber saved for use in manufactures, and even the health of the people. Here again we see the careful balancing that runs through nature; how carefully each thing is adjusted to its work. Naturally the balance between birds, insects and plants would remain true, no one increasing beyond its proper amount. But when man begins to destroy certain things, and to cultivate others, this balance is seriously disturbed. The birds that destroy weed seeds being killed, weeds flourish in such vast numbers as to drive out the cultivated crops. The birds which destroy mice, moles, gophers, etc., being killed, these animals become a nuisance and cause serious losses. If insect-destroying birds are driven out, the farmer will be at the mercy of the insects unless he employs troublesome and expensive methods of getting rid of them. Certain favorable conditions cause large numbers of birds to gather in a small region and they become a pest. Very careful observation has shown that in nearly every case the favorite food of the birds is something which is not valued by man, and if this food is provided, the farm grains and fruits will not be seriously molested. Few birds are altogether good, still fewer are altogether bad; most species are of great benefit, even if at the same time they do some harm. Some birds do serious damage at one season, and much good at another. The most notable example of this is the bobolink, which in northern wheat fields is loved no less for his merry song than for the thousands of weed seeds and insects he destroys; while in the South he is known as the reed-bird or rice-bird, the most dreaded of all foes to the rice crop. Flying down on the fields by hundreds of thousands these birds often take almost the entire crop of a district. The yearly loss to rice-growers from bobolinks has been estimated at two million dollars. If crows or blackbirds are seen in large numbers about fields of grain they are generally accused of robbing the farmer, but more often they are busily engaged in hunting the insects that without their help would soon have destroyed his crop; and even if they do considerable damage at one season they often pay for it many times over. Whether a bird is helpful or the reverse, in fact, depends entirely on the food it eats and often even farmers who have been familiar with birds all their lives do not know what food a bird really eats. As an example of the misunderstanding that is often found in regard to birds, when hawks are seen searching the fields and meadows, or owls flying about the orchards in the evening, the farmer always supposes that his poultry is in danger, when in reality the birds are quite as likely to be hunting for the animals which destroy grain, produce, young trees, and eggs of birds. In order to correct such mistaken ideas the Department of Agriculture has made a most careful and accurate study of the habits of birds, and it is the results of these observations that are recorded here. Field workers from this Department who have observed the habits of the principal birds that live among men, have watched them all day and from one day to another as they fed their little ones, and, to be more certain of their facts, they have examined the stomachs of hundreds of birds, both old and young, to learn exactly what each bird had eaten. In this way they have proved absolutely that many species that are supposed to eat chickens, or fruit or grain, in reality never touch them, but are among the farmer's best friends. Among other things they have learned that while they are feeding their young, birds are especially valuable on a farm. Baby birds require food with a large amount of nourishment in it that can be easily digested. Almost all young birds have soft, tender stomachs, and must be fed on insects; as they grow older, the stomach or gizzard hardens and is capable of grinding hard grain or seeds. The amount of food required by the baby birds is astonishing. At certain stages of their growth they require more than their own weight in insects. And the young birds are to be fed just at the season that insects do the most injury to growing crops of grain and young fruit and vegetables. Birds vary so much in the kind of food eaten, not only by different varieties of the same species, but by the same birds at different seasons, that it is necessary to make a careful study of each bird to know whether, if he is sometimes caught eating cultivated fruit and grains, he helps in other ways enough to pay for it. When insects are unusually abundant, birds eat more than at other times and confine themselves more strictly to an insect diet, so that at such times the good they do is particularly valuable. Birds of prey may do harm in a particular place, because in that region mice, rabbits and other natural food are scarce, and they are driven to feed on things that are useful to man, while in places where their natural food is plentiful the same birds are altogether helpful. In the same way, birds which naturally eat weed seeds frequently find these almost altogether lacking where the farms are most carefully cultivated, but in their place are fields of grain whose seed also furnishes them desirable food. Is it any wonder, then, that, their natural food being taken from them, they turn to the cultivated crops? The fruit eating birds seem always to choose the wild fruits, but where these are not to be had they enter the orchards and soon become known as enemies of the farmer. A careful examination of the harm done by birds leads to the belief that the damage is usually caused by a very large number of one species of birds living in a small area. In such cases so great is the demand for food of a particular kind that the supply is soon exhausted, and the birds turn to the products of the field or orchard. The best conditions exist when there are many varieties of birds in a region, but no one variety in great numbers, for then they eat many kinds of insects and weeds, and do not exhaust all the food supply of one kind. Under such circumstances, too, the insect-eating birds would find plenty of insects without preying on useful products, and the insects would be held in check, so that the damage to crops would be slight. The following are examples of the food eaten by birds and the good that they thus accomplish to man: During the outbreak of Rocky Mountain locusts in Nebraska, a scientific observer watched a long-billed marsh wren carry thirty locusts to her young in an hour and the same number was kept up regularly. At this rate, for seven hours a day, a nest-ful of young wrens would eat two hundred and ten locusts a day. From this he calculated that the birds of eastern Nebraska would destroy daily nearly 163,000 locusts. A locust eats its own weight in grain a day. The locusts eaten by the baby birds would therefore be able to destroy one hundred and seventy-five tons of crops, worth at least ten dollars a ton, or one thousand seven hundred and fifty dollars. So we see that birds have an actual cash value on the farm. The value of the hay crop saved by meadow-larks in destroying grasshoppers has been estimated at three hundred and fifty-six dollars on every township thirty-six miles square. An article contributed to the New York _Tribune_ by an official in the Department of Agriculture estimated the amount of weed seeds annually destroyed by the tree sparrow in the state of Iowa on the basis of one-fourth of an ounce of seed eaten daily by each bird. Supposing there were ten birds to each mile, in the two hundred days that they remain in the region, we should have a total of 1,750,000 pounds, or eight hundred and seventy-five tons, of weed seed consumed in a single season by this one species in the one state. In a thicket near Washington, D. C. was a large patch of weeds where sparrows fed during the winter. The ground was literally black with the seeds in the spring but on examining them it was found that nearly all had been cracked and the kernels eaten. A search was made for seeds of various weeds but not more than half a dozen could be found, while many thousands of empty seed-pods showed how the birds had lived during the winter. In no place are birds more important than in the forests, where they save hundreds of thousands of dollars worth of valuable timber each year. In forests there can be no rotation of crops and no cultivation, and spraying, which keeps down the insect pests in the orchard, is impossible here because of the expense. It would not pay to spray two or three times a year a crop of timber that requires a lifetime to grow. So in the forests the owner must depend entirely on birds for his protection. How great the destruction of our forests would be is shown by the fact that the damage at present is estimated at $100,000,000, in spite of the fact that a vast army of birds is working tirelessly, summer and winter, to devour the insects! The debt of the forester to the birds can hardly be estimated. A full variety of birds will thoroughly protect a farm and orchard. The sparrows will destroy the weed seeds; the hawks and kites, flying by day, will catch the meadow mice and other small mammals, and the owls will pounce on those that venture forth at night. Of the insect-eating birds, the larks, wrens, thrushes and sparrows search the ground for worms, eggs and insects under leaves and logs everywhere. The nuthatches, vireos, warblers and creepers search every part of the tree, while the woodpeckers tap beneath the bark for grubs and worms. The fly-catching birds catch their insect food on the wing among the trees and branches, and, last of all, the swallows skim high in the air and catch the few insects that rise high above the tree-tops. Thus each family has its part of the work and the good they do is almost too great to calculate. Without this check it would be impossible for any green thing to flourish. So vast an amount of food is required to feed the great army of insects that the task would be impossible in any other way. A brief description of some of the common birds and their food habits is given here that farmers may know their friends, and that people everywhere may learn to protect the useful birds and drive out the few that do the mischief. All of these observations have been made by field workers from the Department of Agriculture, and no statement has been made that has not been proved by the examination of many bird stomachs at different seasons. Highest of all in the list come the bluebirds. They are among the most beautiful of our native birds, with their bright blue coats and soft red breasts. They are sweet singers, and are among the first to return in the spring to tell us of the return of summer. In addition to this they have many good habits and absolutely no bad ones. More than three-fourths of their food consists of insects,--beetles, grasshoppers and caterpillars. The remainder is weed seeds and fruit, but there were no reports of cultivated fruits being eaten by bluebirds. On the contrary they eat the most undesirable of the wild fruit, chokeberry, pokeberry, Virginia creeper, bitter-sweet and sumac, as well as large quantities of ragweed seeds. Other birds are equally useful but none combines usefulness with so much beauty and sweetness of song. The tiny wrens are another class of wholly useful birds. Their food consists almost entirely of insects with a very little grass-seed. They search every tree, shrub, and vine for caterpillars, spiders and grasshoppers. Sparrows are almost equally useful. The tree sparrow, song sparrow, chipping sparrow, field sparrow and snowbird or junco are all great weed-seed destroyers. Many of them remain throughout the winter, when they feed entirely on the seeds of weeds. Each bird eats at least a quarter of an ounce of seeds per day, and they are often found by thousands in a region. At least a half dozen varieties of birds are feeding in the same ratio all over the country, reducing the crop of next year's weeds. During the summer they turn to a diet composed partly of insects and here again they help the farmer by eating the weevils, leaf-beetles, grasshoppers, bugs and wasps that infest his crops. The various species of swallows rank high as insect-eating birds. The tree, bank, cliff and barn swallows and the purple martins all eat small beetles, mosquitoes, flying ants and other high-flying insects, and the number destroyed is almost beyond our power to imagine. The most important service performed by swallows, however, is in the South, where they migrate for the winter. There they feed largely on the cotton boll-weevil, one of the most destructive of all insects, as we have seen. The Department of Agriculture is urging strongly that farmers in the North protect the swallows so that they may winter in the South in large numbers to feed on the boll-weevil, which, if allowed to flourish, will affect not only the southern planters, but every user of cotton goods, and every one who profits in any way by the sale and manufacture of cotton goods. Among swallows, the beautiful and graceful purple martin is most worthy of protection. Both North and South, the swallows are among the most useful of all birds to the farmer and fruit grower, and should be protected from English sparrows and encouraged in every possible way. The seventeen species of titmice which inhabit the United States, and many of which remain all winter, are all insect eaters to a great extent, eating large quantities of tent-caterpillars, moths and their eggs, weevils, including the cotton boll-weevil, plum-curculio, ants, spiders, plant-lice, bugs and beetles. They also eat small seeds, particularly those of the poison ivy. The bush-tit feeds largely on insects that destroy grape-vines and on the black olive scale. Other species eat most of the scales which infest fruit and forest trees. The rose-breasted grosbeak, while it eats a few green peas, is to be classed among the wholly beneficial birds, for it is the great natural destroyer of the Colorado potato beetle. In fact, it eats enough potato-bugs at a single meal to pay for all the peas eaten in a whole season. One family of grosbeaks, nesting near the field, will keep an entire patch cleared of potato-bugs throughout the season. In some parts of the country the grosbeak feeds largely on the plum scale, the hickory scale, the locust and oak scales and on the tulip scale, which is very destructive to shade trees. The black grosbeak is another variety that deserves encouragement in every way, for it eats the chrysalis of the codling-moth that is so serious a foe to our apple crop. It eats also many other injurious insects, such as wire-worms, many of the most harmful of beetles, caterpillars, and scales. Among the most useful birds, we must mention the phoebe, which nests near houses and lives almost entirely on harmful insects which it catches on the wing. Night hawks eat flying ants in great numbers, as many as eighteen hundred having been found in a single stomach. They eat insects that fly by night and are classed among our most useful birds. Quails are almost unequalled as weed-destroyers. Throughout the fall and winter they spend the time destroying weed seeds. In summer they eat Colorado potato beetles, chinch-bugs, cotton boll-weevils, squash-beetles, grasshoppers and cutworms. The mother quail, with her family of twelve to twenty little ones, patrols the fields thoroughly for insects. Quails should be prized as among a farmer's most valuable helpers and protected at all seasons. Similar in the good work it does is the meadow-lark. Grasshoppers, caterpillars and cutworms form a large part of its diet, and its vegetable food consists of weed seeds or waste grain. King-birds are useful in protecting poultry and song birds from hawks, and are also great fly catchers, taking many beetles on the wing. Doves eat great quantities of seeds of harmful weeds. They also eat some grain, but almost altogether after the crop has been gathered. Old damaged corn and single grains scattered along the roads are eaten, but there is no complaint of doves doing injury to fields of growing grain. The orioles are beautiful, are sweet singers, and no exception can be taken to their food habits. Caterpillars are their principal article of food, but plant-and bark-lice, spiders and other insects are also eaten. Orioles do not eat much vegetable food. They have been accused of eating peas and grapes, but there seems no evidence to show that this habit is general. The food habits of cuckoos render them very desirable, since they eat hairy caterpillars, particularly tent-caterpillars, for which they seem to have an especial fondness, fall web-worms and locusts, besides other injurious insects, but they are accused of bad habits in relation to other birds, and can therefore hardly be classed among the wholly useful birds. Warblers and vireos are among the most helpful birds in an orchard, devouring large quantities of insects. There is no class of birds concerning which it is more necessary that the farmer should be well informed, than the hawks and owls, since some of them are wholly good, and of the greatest possible benefit to him and the fruit grower, while others are extremely harmful in their food habits. The harmful varieties live almost entirely on poultry and wild birds, and include the goshawk or partridge hawk and the Cooper hawk, which is a true chicken-hawk and should be recognized by all farmers at sight. The goshawk and chicken-hawk, in the amount of damage done, far exceed all other birds of prey. The sharp-shinned hawk rarely attacks full-grown poultry, but preys heavily on young chickens and song birds. In fact, it is known to eat nearly fifty species of our most useful birds. There is no question that these birds are a serious pest and should be destroyed, but they should not be confused with other members of the family which are among the best friends that a farmer has in keeping his farm clear of small enemies. Owls and hawks eat the same class of food, the hawks flying by day and the owls by night. Owls remain North in winter, while hawks fly farther south. The small species of both eat large quantities of insects, such as grasshoppers, locusts and beetles. The larger ones are the farmer's great protection against the meadow-mouse, the most destructive of all animals to farm crops. It tunnels under fields and eats the roots of grass, grain and potatoes, eats large amounts of grain and does even more damage by girdling young trees in orchards. Rabbits injure trees in the same way, often during the winter ruining an entire orchard in this manner. Squirrels, ground-squirrels, gophers, prairie-dogs, and other small animals do serious damage in the course of a year on almost every farm. The rough-leg hawk feeds entirely on meadow-mice, but if the supply fails, it eats mice, rabbits and ground-squirrels, but in no instance attacks birds. Its cousin, the ferruginous rough-leg, lives largely on ground-squirrels, rabbits, prairie-dogs and pouched gophers. This species also never attacks birds, and neither do any of the four members of the kite family. Another large class of birds,--the marsh-hawk, Harris hawk, red-tailed hawk, red-shouldered hawk, short-tailed hawk, white-tailed hawk, Swainson hawk, short-winged hawk, broad-winged hawk, Mexican black hawk, Mexican goshawk, sparrow-hawk, barn-owl, long-eared owl, short-eared owl, great gray owl, barred owl, western owl, Richardson owl, screech-owl, snowy owl, hawk-owl, burrowing owl, pigmy owl and elf owl--live mostly on destructive mammals, insects, frogs and snakes, but they eat some birds and some of them occasionally catch poultry. Young ones do much more harm than the full-grown ones, probably because they find poultry and birds easier to obtain than other food. These species all do great good on the farm and in the orchard and if their natural food is plentiful and the number of the birds of prey limited, they should be allowed to remain, even though they occasionally do harm; but they can not be allowed to increase greatly in a region without becoming a nuisance. In another class the golden and bald eagles, pigeon and Richardson hawks, prairie falcon and great horned owl do considerable harm, and the good and bad qualities about balance. In a poorly settled region, where there is plenty of natural food, a few of these birds will bring forth little complaint, but in a section where there are few ground-squirrels, prairie-dogs, gophers, rabbits and woodchucks, where poultry is raised extensively, and useful birds are numerous they will do great harm and farmers will usually want to keep them down entirely. The gyrfalcons, duck-hawks, sharp-shinned hawk, Cooper hawk and goshawk live almost entirely on food that is desired by man,--poultry, game birds and many varieties of our best insect-destroying birds, and they eat almost nothing that is harmful to man. The numbers of these birds should be reduced as much as possible: but in general it may be said that the birds of prey--the hawks and owls--are among the most, if not the most, valuable birds that are engaged in helping the farmer by destroying the natural enemies of agriculture. Among the smaller birds which do much good, but of which complaints are made because they eat some fruit and grain are the woodpeckers, including the flickers, cedar-birds, robins, cat-birds, thrashers, crows and blackbirds. The woodpeckers are the great natural protection of the forests by waging constant warfare on the wood-boring insects and ants beneath the bark where no other birds can reach them. They are equally useful in an orchard except that here man may only at great trouble and expense partly hold them in check. Downy woodpeckers are also great eaters of scales, and the fruit grower need not begrudge the red-headed woodpecker a meal of cherries or apples, especially as it will usually be found that it is the wormy fruit that is attacked. The flicker or gold-winged woodpecker lives largely on ants, of which he eats immense quantities, seeking them not only in the trees but on the ground. Robins are so well loved for their cheery song, for their friendliness to man, and their red breasts coming as a touch of color in returning spring, that except where they are present in great numbers, there is little complaint of the fruit they eat, even without taking into account the good work they accomplish as insect eaters. In fact only four per cent. of a robin's food is cultivated and a little less than half of it is wild fruit not prized by man. The remaining half consists of caterpillars, beetles, spiders, snails and earth-worms. The cat-bird is also known as a cherry-eater and he frequently helps himself from strawberry and raspberry patches. He eats a larger proportion of cultivated fruit than the robin, but about twice as much wild fruit, including the sumac and poison ivy. The cat-bird eats many injurious insects, which constitute only a little less than half of his food. The cedar-bird is sometimes called the cherry bird, and is accused of being a great cherry-stealer, but an examination of stomachs showed that only nine birds out of one hundred and fifty-two had eaten any cherries and that cherries formed only five per cent. of the food of these few. There is even evidence that this bird prefers wild fruits, which form its principal food though it eats a few insects. The crows and blackbirds are accused of many bad habits, such as pulling up young corn, destroying large quantities of grain and injuring much fruit by pecking holes in it which are later entered by insects. Crows eat fruit to some extent, but the greater part of it is wild. Both crows and blackbirds are accused of robbing the nests of other birds. Blackbirds are injurious chiefly because they gather in such large flocks that when they descend on a field they can eat a large amount of grain in a short space of time. The greatest good accomplished by the blackbird is in the spring when it follows the plow in search of grub-worms, of which it is extremely fond. It also does much good in destroying insects in the early summer, the young birds being fed almost entirely on insect food until they are grown. Of the crow, Doctor Merriam, who is at the head of this branch of work in the Department of Agriculture, says, "Instead of being an enemy of the farmer, as is generally believed, the crow is one of his best friends and the protector of his crops. True, during corn-planting time, the crow's bill is turned against the farmer during one month, and one month only is he his enemy. But during the other eleven months the crow is really working overtime for him. It eats thousands upon thousands of destructive insects and bugs every week, and when it comes to feeding its young, gives them a diet composed almost entirely of worms and insects that prey upon the crops." Another government report says, "The crow should receive much credit for the insects which it destroys. In the more thickly settled parts of the country it probably does more good than harm, at least when ordinary precautions are taken to protect young poultry and newly planted corn from it." It is probable that in many parts of the country some farmers will find it desirable to reduce the number of crows and blackbirds on their farms. The brown thrasher is a beautiful singer and eats many insects, mostly injurious. It eats some cultivated fruits. It also eats a small amount of newly planted corn, but at the same time clears the field of May beetles. Altogether it is a useful bird but not one of the highest benefit. There are a few species of birds of which but little good can be said, and which it may be desirable to attempt to drive out in many parts of the United States. Chief of these is the English sparrow. It is of a quarrelsome disposition and is much given to driving other birds from their nests. In some districts it has completely expelled some of the most useful kinds of birds. It exists everywhere in such numbers as to render it a nuisance, and it may be said to be the greatest pest among American birds. Its favorite food is dandelion seeds, and it destroys many thousands of seeds, but as the dandelion does no real injury this habit does not offset all the harm done. It also eats other weed seeds but the greatest thing to be said in its favor is that it feeds on the cottony maple scale. It is probable that in small numbers the English sparrow might be classed among the useful, or, at least, one of the only partly harmful birds, but there is no bird whose numbers it is more desirable to reduce. The common blue-jay is accused of some very bad habits, among them eating the eggs and young of small birds. It is a fruit eater and also a grain eater and frequently robs corn-cribs and injures newly planted fields. However, it eats some insects, mice and other small enemies of the farmer and as it is nowhere very plentiful, and does not live in flocks, there is not much cause for complaint. However, its cousin, the California jay, has an extremely bad record. It is a great fruit eater, and devastates prune, apricot, and cherry orchards. It is a serious robber of the nests of small birds and hens, and though it eats some grasshoppers and a very few weed seeds, it is thoroughly disliked by western fruit growers. It should be greatly reduced in numbers. Another California bird that has gained a bad reputation is the house finch or linnet. It does serious harm in the cherry and apricot orchards, not so much by eating as by pecking at the fruit. It probably pecks, and thus destroys, five times as much fruit as it eats. As the bird is very abundant, it sometimes causes the loss of almost the entire crop of a small fruit grower. It does not deserve protection, for it eats the buds and blossoms of fruit trees and does little to compensate for all the harm done. Its best habit is eating woolly plant-lice. No article on birds would be complete that does not dwell on the enormous destruction of birds for trimming hats. As one writer puts it, we pay eight hundred million dollars a year for hat trimmings, assuming the insect ravages to be due to the killing of our birds for millinery purposes. While this is exaggerated, it is undoubtedly true that this is the largest cause of the destruction of the birds of America. The Audubon society says that we, as a nation, use 150,000,000 birds a year for trimming hats alone and that this single item would save our crops from insect destruction and largely rid our fields of weeds. If a few hundred dollars are stolen from a bank, the greatest efforts are made to catch the thief, and if possible to get the money back; but the great army of insects destroy each year, almost as much in money value as all the national banks in the country have on deposit, and this wholesale destruction might largely be prevented if every woman and girl took (and kept) a pledge not to use wings, breasts, or birds on her hats. There is no objection to the use of ostrich feathers, which are carefully plucked from the live birds. The feathers grow again, just as the wool grows on sheep that have been sheared. Neither is there any objection to using the feathers of the barn-yard fowls which are killed for food. Only a little less is the loss caused by so-called "sportsmen," men who kill only for the pleasure of shooting, or who, because they like the taste of quail, shoot as many as they can in a day instead of only enough to satisfy hunger. Often a farmer sells for a very small amount the privilege of hunting on his farm, thinking he is making money when in fact he is losing ten dollars for every one he makes. The quail, sparrows and other birds on the farm are destroyed. As a result the weed seeds are not eaten and a big crop comes up in the spring. In the summer there are no quail on the farm to destroy insects. The insects and the weeds together make the crop poorer, and the owner feels that farming is growing less profitable, when in fact he has failed to take ordinary precautions to obtain a good crop by protecting the birds. With the huntsman and his bag of birds we may class the small boy with his rifle or sling-shot. A single boy does little harm but all the boys in the country taken together do a grave amount of damage. Last in the list comes the egg hunters, who by robbing nests can kill four or five birds at a time, simply for mischief. A party of boys can, by a day's sport, make a serious difference in the number of birds in a region where they are not plentiful and thus have a large share in damaging the crops. If, then, birds play so large a part in the welfare of the farm and in turn in the prices of farm crops, fruit, lumber and cotton cloth, it is most desirable that every effort be made to reduce the numbers of harmful birds and to encourage the useful species. Many of the states now have excellent laws for the protection of birds; but without a large number of game wardens, it is difficult to enforce the laws closely unless the public sentiment is strongly against the killing of birds. Laws should be made to protect birds against the egg hunter, (except for the purpose of study, and then a license should be required), sling-shots should be prohibited, as they already are in many places. All hunters should be required to have a license, the number of birds killed by a single person in a single day should be limited, and certain birds should always be protected by law. These laws should be as nearly uniform as possible in all the states and there must be a desire on the part of all the people to see these laws obeyed. The boys and girls should be banded together in the schools or in societies and pledged to protect birds and not to destroy them. The girls should pledge themselves not to wear birds for ornament. Women's clubs might do much to popularize the movement for the protection of birds, and to that end should try to establish a sentiment among their members against their use for millinery. All these agencies working together will make a vast difference in the number of birds, and as a result, in the good that they do, but the great work must be done by farmers themselves. They will need to protect themselves in certain ways against the harm done by many of the birds that on the whole are extremely useful. To protect poultry from owls do not allow it to roost in the trees; to protect from hawks, keep the young ones near the house, and if possible cover their runways with wire netting. To protect against grain eating, use scarecrows or put up a dead crow as a warning. Mixing seed corn with tar so as to coat it will prevent crows from pulling it up at planting time. To protect against fruit eating, plant wild fruits. The best of all trees for this purpose is the Russian mulberry, which ripens at the same time that cherries do and is particularly relished by all fruit-eating birds. If planted in barn-lots, chickens and hogs will eat all the fruit that falls to the ground, making it serve a double purpose. The fruit of wild cherry, elder, dogwood, haws, and mountain-ash are eaten by birds, and if a farm be planted with such trees and bushes in the barn-yard, along the lanes or in some of those unproductive spots that are to be found on every farm, birds will be attracted to the farm and will pay well for themselves, and the farmer's crop of cultivated fruit will be protected. Birds themselves distribute many seeds, particularly of wild fruits. The farmer who keeps several cats must pay for it in the loss of birds, for birds will not nest where they are constantly watched by cats. Boxes for martins and other birds, bits of hay, horse-hair and string scattered about will often encourage birds to build about an orchard or farm. A wood-lot, besides paying in other ways, will afford nesting places for a large number of birds. To place a drinking and bathing place near the house is one of the best methods of attracting birds, which will use it constantly. By all these methods and a little winter feeding with crumbs, apple peelings or waste fruit and grain, the farmer will be able to induce a good variety of birds to nest on his farm, and will receive in return great protection from the small mammals, insects and weeds that would lessen the amount of his harvests. REFERENCES Relation Between Birds and Insects. Yearbook 486. Annual Reports of the Smithsonian Institution. Annual Reports of the National Audubon Society. Bird Day. How to Prepare For It. C. C. Babcock. Bird Neighbors. John Burroughs. Bird enemies. John Burroughs. How to Attract the Birds. N. B. Doubleday. The Food of Nestling Birds. Yearbook 1900. Does It Pay the Farmer to Protect Birds? Yearbook 1907. Birds as Weed Destroyers. Yearbook 1898. How Birds Affect the Orchard. Yearbook 1900. Value of Swallows as Insect Destroyers. Yearbook Reprint. Birds That Eat Scale Insects. Yearbook Reprint. Birds Useful for the Destruction of the Cotton Boll-Weevil. Dept. of Agriculture Bulletins 57, 64. Hawks and Owls From the Standpoint of the Farmer. Dept. of Agriculture Bulletin 61. Some Common Birds in Their Relation to Agriculture. Dept. of Agriculture Bulletin 54. Four Common Birds of the Farm and Garden. Yearbook 1895. CHAPTER XII HEALTH When we have improved our soil and replanted our forests and learned the most economical methods of mining our great deposits of coal, iron, and other minerals; when we have made the waters do our work and carry our freight and water our waste places; when we have learned to care for our birds and our fishes, and taken measures to stop the ravages of insects; when we have preserved our natural beauties and increased them by planting trees, shrubs, and flowers, and filling unsightly corners; there still remains to be considered the greatest subject of all,--the people who are to enjoy this wonderful inheritance. If they were to be weak and sick, suffering from all kinds of diseases, dying in great numbers, all these things would count for little. But men and women, as they are learning how to conserve their natural resources, are thinking far more than ever before of health and how to keep it. It is necessary to think of these things, for as people crowd into cities, where they live a life different from that which nature intended, sickness and the death-rate increase greatly. Health, by which we mean the possession of a strong, well body, free from pain, should bring with it great power to work and to think and to benefit the world; and should also bring great happiness and enjoyment to the person who possesses it, for though sick people may be happy, and well people unhappy, yet it is a general rule that to be strong and well is the first great step toward being happy. The question, "Is life worth living?" was once happily answered, "It depends upon the liver;" and it is true in both senses, for not only does happiness depend on what one gets out of life, but on good digestion. It is only the person who feels well who really enjoys life. The person who can get up each morning able to do a day's work or have a day's enjoyment, is the one on whom we must depend for the world's work and invention. We seldom find a strong, vigorous mind in a weak body. On the other hand, the invalid is the idle member of the family or the community. He can not find pleasure for himself nor do anything to help others, and not only that, but he must be cared for by others, thus taking the labor of the sick person himself and of his nurse. It is coming to be seen that this is a great waste of time, of money, of work, and of happiness, and people are determining that if these wastes can be stopped, it is well worth all the time and thought and money necessary to bring about the change. People everywhere are thinking about health, and because of this, Christian Science, the Emmanuel Movement and the various sects which practise faith or mental healing have sprung up. Hospitals and health officers are doing much for the public health. Doctors themselves are changing their ideas and are teaching us not only how to cure but how to prevent disease. Doctors are also seeking not only to prevent disease but to find new ways of treating it. They are discarding drugs in as many cases as possible, frequently using serums in which cultures from the disease itself are used for its cure. Health means more ability to work, more means of learning, of accomplishing great things, more pleasures in every day that is lived; and so it is as important to preserve health, in order to enjoy life, as it is to prevent death. We can realize how few persons have perfect health by noting the common salutation "How do you do?" or "How are you?" Serious sickness is such as renders a person entirely unable to work. Benefit societies have found that the average number of days of sickness per year from each person under seventy years of age is ten, of which at least two are spent in bed. About a million and a half people die each year in the United States, and it is estimated that twice that number, or three million persons, are constantly unable even to care for themselves. The effect of this is felt on the patient himself, in suffering, in loss of time in which he is unable to earn money, and in the amount spent for doctors, medicine, and nursing. It is felt on the family, in which the household machinery is thrown out while the wife and mother nurses the sick members of the family, or is herself too ill to work, or when the father's income stops on account of sickness. The entire community suffers from the constant idleness of three million persons, as well as from the deaths which withdraw a still larger number of persons from actual work for a period of two to five days during the time of death and burial of the bodies of members of the family. Then there is all the long train of small ailments, which do not make us seriously ill, often do not even keep us from work, but which do take away from the pleasure and enjoyment of life, which render work a burden instead of a delight, and lessen our ability to work by many degrees. Not only this, but they all have within them the possibility of developing into serious diseases. Such lesser troubles are colds, headache, catarrh, dyspepsia, nervousness, neuralgia, sore throat, skin eruptions, rheumatism, toothache, earache, affections of the eyes, lameness, sprains, bruises, cuts, and burns. Civilization has brought us great blessings but it has also brought with it many dangers to health. Professor Irving Fisher of Yale says: "The invention of houses has made it possible for mankind to spread all over the globe but it is responsible for tuberculosis or consumption. The invention of cooking has widened the variety of man's diet but has led to the decay of his teeth. The invention of the alphabet and printing has produced eye strain with all its attendant evils. The invention of chairs has led to spinal curvature, etc., etc. Yet it would be foolish even if it were possible to attempt to return to nature in the sense of abolishing civilization. "The cure for eye strain is not in disregarding the invention of reading, but in introducing the invention of glasses. The cure for tuberculosis is not in the destruction of houses but in ventilation. It is a little knowledge that is dangerous. Civilization can, with fuller knowledge, bring its own cure, and make the 'kingdom of man' far larger than the 'nature' people can ever dream of." Until within the last few years, sickness and death were regarded from a religious standpoint. All sickness was to be borne with patience and resignation because all our sufferings were sent by an all-wise Providence. But since science has clearly proved that typhoid fever is usually caused by an impure water supply, and that boiling the water would prevent the suffering, expense and possible death; that the dreaded yellow fever can be banished from communities that destroy the eggs of certain mosquitoes; and many other facts in regard to health have been learned, a great change has come over the popular belief. It is seen that, to a great extent, man holds his own fate and is responsible for his own suffering, and people are eager to learn more about their own bodies, how to cure them and how to keep them well. This knowledge has already done much to prolong life. The average length of life in India, where no attempt is made to check disease, is twenty-five years. In England the length of life has doubled in a few generations. In Sweden, where the people live a sanitary life, the average is over fifty years, in this country, forty-five years. Insurance companies and benefit societies keep close watch of their members and they report that a person ten years old may now count on living to be sixty years of age. That is the average age, whereas a hundred years ago the average expectation of life at that age was only fifty-three years. And this is true in spite of the fact that people have been crowding into cities, that they are living on richer foods, taking less exercise in the open air, living in houses which shut out the fresh air, and doing dozens of other things that have tended to lower rather than to raise the average. We can scarcely realize the possibilities of life if, with all the present scientific knowledge of disease and health, we could have a generation of people living according to nature's laws. Life can be not only lengthened but strengthened. There are many instances of frail, feeble children who have developed into exceptionally strong men and women. One of the most noted is Von Humboldt, the great scientist, who as a child was very weak physically, and, he himself says, was mentally below the average, but who lived to the age of ninety, and developed one of the greatest minds of his century. Doctor Horace Fletcher, noted for his theories in regard to eating, was rejected at the age of forty-six for life insurance but so strengthened his constitution by careful living that by the time he was fifty he not only obtained his life insurance but celebrated his birthday by riding one hundred and ninety miles on his bicycle. If we could imagine a person who all his life had lived in a locality where the air was pure; in a house where fresh air entered day and night, and which was heated to a uniform temperature; whose food had always consisted of the most pure and nutritious material prepared in the most wholesome way, eaten slowly and in proper quantity; if bathing, sleep, rest, exercise, brain work and pleasure had each its due proportion; if he could be always guarded from contagion and accidents, we can imagine that such a person would be free from disease and that death might be long deferred. Of course, death can not be prevented, only postponed, but disease can be prevented, and so we can increase the chances of postponing death. Doctors tell us that under ideal conditions there would be only one cause of death--old age. There is no question that under such conditions life could be prolonged far beyond what is now usually considered its span. One hundred years or more might easily, we imagine, become the average of life, instead of the great exception. We can hope for these things in the future though it will take several generations at least to bring them all about, but we need not wait so long for some of the best results. There are many things that can be done at once to prolong life and prevent illness. Since we know that many diseases are preventable and we know the suffering and sorrow, as well as expense, that come from sickness and premature death, we should all eagerly unite in doing all that we can to stop these ravages. There are two agencies that will help to bring this about: individual or private means, and general or public means. Both are absolutely necessary if we are to be successful in stamping out disease. Professor Fisher says: "Personal hygiene means the strengthening of our defenses against disease. Public hygiene seeks to destroy the germs before they reach our bodily defenses." In the first place, in order to learn what we may do to lengthen the span of life we must learn something of the nature of disease. Doctors tell us that diseases are of two classes. The first are hereditary, or inherited; those which pass from parents to their children and often run through an entire family. It is more often the _tendency_ to disease that is inherited, rather than the disease itself, and so even these inherited diseases may often be prevented by careful living. Diseases which may be inherited include rheumatism, gout, scrofula, diabetes, cancer and insanity. This class of diseases is the most difficult to prevent and to cure. For some of them no cure has been found. The other class comprises the diseases of environment, or personal surroundings,--that is, our manner of living both as regards our private life and our relations to other people. These diseases are largely preventable and it is with them that most of the work of prevention is to be carried on. A disease is considered preventable if, by using the best known means of treatment, it might be prevented or cured, so that either the disease or the death usually resulting from it would be avoided. Of course, not all deaths from a given disease could be prevented even with the best known means. Infant diseases constitute one class which is considered most hopeful of betterment through a pure milk supply and better hygiene; and yet many authorities believe that not more than half the deaths could be prevented owing to the large part played by weather conditions, feeble constitutions, and other unchangeable conditions. Preventable diseases may be divided into six classes: (1) Diseases caused by lack of proper hygiene. (2) Diseases caused by bad habits. (3) Contagious diseases. (4) Diseases caused by insects. (5) Accidents, wounds, or operations and their resulting diseases. (6) Diseases remedied by slight means. We will treat each of these in turn. (1) By proper hygiene is meant the proper treatment of the body as to breathing, eating, drinking, sleeping, bathing and rest. This treatment includes plenty of fresh air, both day and night, keeping outdoors as much as possible, and in well-aired houses the rest of the time. Vigorous but not violent exercise, brisk walking, regular physical exercise, such as is practised in gymnasiums, will go far toward keeping the body in good condition. The question of fresh air in the home is one of the most important points to be considered. The bedrooms, the living-rooms, and the kitchen should have the air changed constantly, not once or twice a day. In order to prevent drafts, and that the house may not be kept at too low a temperature in winter, a board, eight to twelve inches in height, may be placed across the bottom of a window that is raised. Many diseases, not only of the throat and lungs, but of the other organs, may be prevented by the constant introduction of fresh air into our rooms day and night. Tuberculosis causes more deaths than any other single disease in America, and the sickness and disability continue longer than with most diseases. It is extremely contagious, being a germ disease, and not an inherited one, as was formerly supposed. It increased very rapidly for a few years but is now slightly decreasing, owing to better knowledge of its cause and cure. Its prevention and its cure both lie largely in fresh air. Physicians say that no one who lives an open-air life with plenty of fresh air night and day will contract it. The cure which is restoring hundreds to health is to find a place where the air is pure, and live and sleep practically outdoors; to eat as much milk, raw eggs, and meat as can be digested and to observe the other rules of hygiene. Incipient cases, those in the earliest stages, may sometimes be cured while continuing at work by following the other rules as nearly as possible. On account of the extremely contagious nature of tuberculosis, special care should be taken to prevent its spread. The sputum coughed up from the lungs is the principal carrier of the disease, and the person who, having tuberculosis, even in its earliest stages, spits in a public place, is an enemy of mankind, for he endangers the lives of hundreds of others. The only excuse for this is that he usually does it through ignorance, but the knowledge of the danger should be so impressed on all the people that no one could plead ignorance, and for a consumptive to spit on the street should be counted as much a crime morally as for a smallpox patient deliberately to expose others to the disease. Great care should of course be taken in the home of a consumptive patient to prevent the infection from spreading through the family. Separate sleeping-rooms, thorough disinfection, and the use of paper napkins which are burned at once, to take the place of handkerchiefs, should be some of the means employed. Pneumonia, pleurisy, bronchitis, grip, colds, and catarrh are some of the other ailments which may be largely banished by living the outdoor life. The method of treatment is medical, is different in each case, and should be decided by the family physician. The constant habit of breathing impurities, day after day and year after year, brings about a gradual change in the tissue of the lungs. In the same way, simple food to take the place of the rich, heavy foods eaten in large quantities, will prevent many of the diseases of the stomach, liver, and kidneys, and improve the general health and strength. A diet of less meat and more eggs has been tried by football teams in training and found to give an equal amount of strength with greater endurance. A diet of milk, cereals, vegetables, nuts, and fruits, raw or simply cooked, with a small amount of animal foods, will perhaps give the best results in this climate. Food fried in fats, rich pastries and gravies are the hardest to digest, and better health will usually follow discontinuing them. The purity of the food eaten should receive careful consideration. Artificially preserved foods are usually more or less dangerous, for although dealers urge that the poison contained in them is too small to do harm we must remember that it is not the single dose that does harm, but the many foods each containing a very small amount of poison, taken day after day. Pure food laws, national and state, have done great good in driving adulterated and impure foods out of the markets by requiring all foods to be properly labeled. Thorough mastication or chewing of the food is only a little less important than the character of the food itself. Rapid swallowing without chewing in childhood lays the foundation for many of the digestive diseases of later life. If food be thoroughly masticated much that would otherwise be hard to digest can be eaten without bad results. One of the best known examples of this is meat, which, while full of nourishment, sets up in the large intestine a condition known as "auto-intoxication," a species of digestive poison. If meat be eaten slowly and chewed thoroughly, this condition is almost entirely absent. Pure drinking water is almost as necessary as pure food. We take water into the body for three principal purposes: first, it is needed to dissolve and dilute various substances and carry them from one part of the body to another; second, it forms a large part of the blood and other important fluids of the body, and is a part of many substances formed in the body; third, it serves to carry from the body the worn-out and useless tissues, the waste products of the body. These are extremely poisonous and must be promptly disposed of to prevent sickness. This can not be done except by an ample supply of water. Few persons, especially grown persons, drink enough water. Ten glasses of pure water are needed properly to supply the body. "Insufficient water drinking is perhaps the commonest cause of the interruption of the normal life processes," says Doctor Theron C. Stearns. But the common drinking cup in public places probably causes far more disease than the drinking itself prevents. Particles of dead skin and disease-germs are left in the cup by each drinker. Some of the most serious diseases may be carried in this way. A cup made of heavy waterproof paper, cheap enough to be thrown away after being used once, is a recent invention that is highly recommended for use by school children and those who are obliged to drink away from home. The water in a public drinking-fountain should come out in a small steady stream so that those who have no cups may drink from the stream itself as it rises. Many school-houses are so equipped. Sleep is a necessary part of good hygiene. It promotes health and prevents disease. It is largely in sleep that the system renews itself, that growth takes place, that waste products are thrown off, and the body repairs its wastes. No less than eight hours for grown persons and ten for children should be employed in sleep. Late hours and sleepless nights are the frequent cause of nervousness, eye strain, nervous prostration, and the beginning of brain troubles and insanity. Bathing is also necessary to good health. The pores of the skin play a large part in carrying off the wastes of the body, through the perspiration, and if these become clogged, this poisonous material remains in the system. We have all noticed how a bath refreshes and gives tone to the entire body by opening the pores. The skin is composed of minute scales, arranged in layers like fish scales. The tiny crevices between these form a lodging place for dirt and germs. If these remain, our own bodies are constantly exposed to their infection, if they drop off, as some are constantly doing, we may spread the contagion to others. This is strikingly illustrated by scarlet fever, smallpox, and similar diseases where these minute scales are the sole source of contagion. Exercise is another necessity of health. Regular physical culture in a gymnasium will develop any muscle or part of the body almost at will, but if this be not possible much can be accomplished in developing the body by simple work. Gladstone found health in chopping wood, Roosevelt in a daily tennis game, and President Taft in golf. Many find it in gardening or farming. These all help to develop vigorous bodies. Anything which brings into moderate play any set of muscles, which increases the circulation, or stimulates the secretion is beneficial. House-work, which, in its various forms, brings into use all the muscles of the body, is a wholesome exercise for women. Those who do no house-work seldom substitute for it any other active exercise, and many diseases which are caused by deposits of waste tissues that are not thrown off by the body, are the result. Rest--recreation--pleasure--these are as necessary to health as anything else, but the American people are slow to learn the need of them. We hear much of nervous prostration as an American disease. It is due to a variety of causes,--high living, late hours, ill-ventilated rooms, and climate; but chief of all the causes is the long hours of work under strong pressure. Work done in a hurry and without rest may accomplish many things, but it invariably causes a corresponding loss of nerve force. Fatigue, by checking bodily resistance, gives rise to all kinds of poisons in the system. Every part of the body feels the ill effect of continued exhaustion. Of the diseases caused by bad habits, it can only be said that all the evils they cause, directly and indirectly, are entirely preventable; that they are usually wrong morally, and that the suffering which results is sure. Under this head come the effects of drinking, of the use of tobacco and drugs, and of bad personal and social habits. It is only necessary to refrain from these bad habits to prevent all the diseases that arise from them, with all their train of suffering, poverty and crime. It is not the province of this book to deal with scientific temperance, but merely to state a few of the most serious results of the use of alcohol and other poisons. The white corpuscles of the blood have been called our "standing army," because they are natural germ-destroyers. One class of the white cells has the power of motion, and another class has the power of absorbing outside matter, such as disease-germs. One destroys the germs and the other moves them through the blood and carries them off with the waste products of the body. The white corpuscles thus stand as the defenders of the body, ready to destroy the germs as they enter, and are, for each individual, the best of all preventives of germ diseases. The person whose blood is lacking in white cells is always liable to "catch" contagious or infectious diseases, and the one who has that element of the blood in proper proportion is best fitted to withstand disease. Leading physicians believe that the greatest harm that comes from the use of alcohol lies in the fact that nothing else so weakens the resistance of the white corpuscles, and that therefore the person who is an habitual user of alcohol lacks the power to repel all classes of disease. English and American life insurance companies give us almost exactly the same figures, which show that of insured persons, the death rate is twenty-three per cent. higher among those who use alcohol than among total abstainers. It is probable that the proportion of persons carrying life insurance is much less among the drinking classes and that if we had complete statistics the difference would be far greater than appears in the life insurance tables. Of time lost by sickness, directly and through other diseases caused by alcoholism, drugs and other bad habits, the percentage is very great, according to all hospital records. The number of prominent persons who have died of "tobacco heart" indicates that the rate of those whose heart action is weakened by the use of tobacco is probably very large. Doctor Morrow says that if we could put an end at once to diseases caused by bad habits it would result in closing at least one-half of our institutions for defective persons, and almost all of our penal institutions. There is another long list of diseases which are contagious, that is, which one person may transmit to another. These are usually serious but their spread may be largely prevented by keeping the sick person alone, except for the necessary nurses, quarantining the house and disinfecting everything when the period of infection is past. In this class are smallpox, diphtheria, scarlet fever, measles, mumps, chicken-pox and whooping-cough. These latter are the so-called "childish diseases" which it was formerly considered impossible to escape, and little attempt was made to guard against them. Now they are recognized as serious, whooping-cough for its close relation to brain and spinal trouble; measles for their effect on the eyes and lungs; chicken-pox for its similarity to smallpox, and mumps for its general lowering of the tone of the system, allowing other diseases to gain a foothold. Special serum treatment for diphtheria and vaccination for smallpox have greatly reduced the danger from these once greatly dreaded diseases. Of preventable diseases none should receive more attention than typhoid fever, because it is a great scourge and yet it can be prevented by simple means. If we understand that typhoid is a dirt disease, that it comes only from dirt, we shall feel it a disgrace to have an epidemic of typhoid, though one of the saddest features about it is that we must suffer for the sins of others. The one who is attacked by typhoid fever may not be the one who has left dirt for the disease to breed in. Typhoid fever germs are bred chiefly in manure piles, sewers, or cess-pools, and would not be transmitted to man directly, but there are several indirect ways in which they may be carried. Flies also breed in the same places. Their legs become covered with typhoid germs, and then they fly into houses directly on the food and cooking utensils. This is one of the most common ways in which the disease is carried, and doctors tell us that the common house-fly should be known as the "typhoid fly" so that people may know the serious danger that lurks in what was formerly considered as nothing worse than an annoying foe to clean housekeeping. If houses are thoroughly screened, if cess-pools, manure piles and garbage are kept tightly covered, screened, or, still better, disinfected with chloride of lime, there will be no breeding-places left for flies and this will remove one of the greatest dangers. The other danger lies in a polluted water or milk supply. Every sewer that is carried into a stream, every manure pile that drains into a water course is a menace to health. Very frequently the farm well for watering stock is near the barn,--near the manure pile, which, as it drains, carries down millions of typhoid germs to the water-level below. The well becomes infected, the family drink from it, and soon there may be several cases of typhoid fever in the home. Worst of all, the milk pails are rinsed at the well, and all the milk that is poured into them spreads the germs wherever the milk may be sold. In this way an epidemic may be carried to an entire town, and to persons who themselves have taken every precaution against the disease. Drinking water should be boiled unless one is sure of the water-supply, and surface wells are never safe unless we know that they drain only from clean sources, and then the water should be analyzed frequently. Boiling absolutely destroys typhoid and other germs, and well repays the extra work it makes. One case of typhoid fever causes more work than boiling the water for years, if we consider the work only. If you can not buy pasteurized milk, and are not sure of conditions about the dairy, your milk should be boiled, or, still better, sterilized at home by putting it in bottles or other containers, and placing in a vessel of hot water, keeping the milk for several hours about half-way to the boiling point, then cooling gradually. All these means of prevention are troublesome and require time and work, but as the result in health for the family is sure, every housekeeper should gladly take this extra burden on herself if it be necessary. In some states and many cities, the laws governing dairies are now so strict that there is no need of doing this work in the home. This care in the dairies should be insisted on everywhere, even if it raises the price of milk, because it means the saving of many doctor and drug bills and also raises the standard of public health. Yellow fever was formerly dreaded more than any other single disease because it was so wide-spread, so fatal, and was thought to be violently contagious, but during the Spanish-American War it was proved that it is not contagious at all, but comes only from the bite of a certain mosquito, the stegomia, which is usually found only in hot climates. It is conveyed in this way: the mosquito bites a yellow fever patient; for twelve days it is harmless, but after that time it may infect every person that it bites. If every yellow fever patient could be screened with netting to prevent his being bitten, we could prevent the yellow fever mosquito from becoming infected. Further, if we can prevent healthy people from being bitten by fever-infected mosquitoes, they will escape the disease, and still further, if we can destroy the eggs of mosquitoes, we can entirely obviate all danger of yellow fever in a community. The mosquito breeds only in water; by having all cisterns, rain-water barrels, and other water containers carefully covered, and by spreading the surface of pools of standing water, especially dirty water, covered with greenish scum, with a thick coating of kerosene oil, we can prevent the eggs from hatching. This has been done in many communities in Cuba and the southern part of the United States, and has resulted in completely stamping out the disease in those places. Malaria is caused by another mosquito, called the anopheles and while malaria is seldom fatal as is yellow fever, it causes much suffering and loss of time, and strong efforts should be made to prevent it. The same measures that are used to prevent yellow fever will banish malaria from any community. They are the screening of patients to prevent spreading the disease; screening all houses closely and keeping close watch for mosquitoes in the house, and covering all ponds in the neighborhood with oil. New Jersey mosquitoes were formerly known far and wide, but such an active campaign has been waged against them, that they have been almost completely driven from the state. The ordinary mosquito has never been found to do any harm beyond the discomfort of its bite. Of other diseases caused by insects, an affection of the eyes called pink-eye is carried by very tiny flies, and the dreaded bubonic plague is supposed to be transferred from sick people to well ones by the bites of fleas, which in turn are brought to this country by rats. The hook-worm which affects so many persons in the South is often called "the lazy disease" since the persons afflicted with it are not totally disabled, but are lacking in energy and vigor because the small insects take from the blood the red corpuscles which should carry the digested food all over the body. These insects can be destroyed by medicine, of which only a few cents worth is required to cure a case and make the patient fit for work and enjoyment. In Porto Rico almost 300,000 cases have been treated by the United States government in the last six years. Another matter which should receive careful consideration is the large number of preventable accidents. Mining accidents come in a few cases from failure to provide the best appliances in the mines, but in many cases are due to carelessness or ignorance of the operators themselves. There still remain a large number of accidents which occur in the best regulated mines, and when no instance of special carelessness can be traced. For years these disasters have puzzled mining engineers, but within the last few months it has been discovered that the minute particles of coal dust in a dry mine completely fill the air, so that the air itself is ready to burn. When a light is taken into this coal-filled atmosphere, it bursts into flame, causing a violent explosion. Sprinkling the mines, forcing a fine spray of water through the air of every part of the mines, it is thought, will prevent this class of accidents, which have furnished long lists of killed and injured each year. Reports show that one miner is killed and several injured for every one hundred thousand tons of coal mined. The mining accidents of one year total 2,500 killed and 6,000 seriously injured. Other industries do not cause such wholesale injuries, but there are thousands of individual accidents each year where the injury varies from mangled fingers to death. When the cause is failure to provide suitable safeguards to machinery, or to warn employees of danger, the penalty to the employers should be made severe, so that no consideration of money will prevent them from taking precautions. More often, however, the injury is due to the carelessness of the men or to the fact that they try to run machines with which they are unfamiliar. Manual training schools, night schools for working-men, with a short apprenticeship in the running of machinery and an explanation of the dangers, will go far to prevent this class of accidents, but the fact will still remain, that often those who are most familiar with machinery become careless and are more liable to injury than beginners. The number of accidents that have been added to the world's list by automobiles, both to those riding and to persons who are run over by them, is great and is in a large measure due to carelessness in handling the machine or to reckless driving. The entire number of accidents in the United States, including railway accidents, reaches the immense total of sixty thousand killed and many times that number injured. A most appalling waste of life and labor value! Professor Ditman says, "Of 29,000,000 workers in the United States over 500,000 are yearly killed or crippled as a direct result of the occupations in which they are engaged--more than were killed and wounded throughout the whole Russo-Japanese War. More than one-half this tremendous sacrifice of life is needless." Until the last quarter of a century there was a large addition to the death rate each year from the blood poisoning following operations and injuries making open wounds. It was not until the discovery of the germs which cause septic poisoning that deaths from these causes could be checked. The use of antiseptics, such as carbolic acid, alcohol, and various other preparations, the boiling of all surgical instruments, and the boiling or baking of all articles used in the treatment of open wounds and sores has reduced the death rate at least one-half. The rate could be lowered much more if all sores were treated as surgical cases and carefully sterilized from the beginning. About eighty-five deaths out of every hundred from these causes might be prevented. Every Fourth of July a great many entirely preventable deaths and minor accidents occur. The toy pistol has come to be considered almost as deadly as the larger variety. The tiny "caps" that are used in them are fired back into the hand of the person shooting them, tiny particles of powder enter the skin, burrowing into the flesh, and the skin closes over them, shutting out the air. If these particles carry with them tetanus germs, as is often the case, because these germs are found chiefly in the dirt of the street where most of this shooting is done, lock-jaw or tetanus, a severe form of blood-poisoning, results, and is usually fatal. The same results come less frequently from fire-crackers and other explosives, and in addition many accidents which injure hands, eyes, and other parts of the body, are the result of the use of the heavier explosives. The Pasteur Treatment is saving many lives each year by treating cases of infection from "mad dogs" and other animals affected with hydrophobia. Among the diseases which can be remedied by slight means are enlarged tonsils and adenoid growths back of the nose, both of which can be removed by a slight and almost painless operation, but which, if allowed to develop, often cause serious throat and lung troubles, deafness, and weakened minds. Slight defects of the eyes can be remedied by the wearing of glasses, but which if unchecked give rise to various nerve and spinal diseases as well as more serious eye troubles. It is believed now that most of the blindness of later life could be prevented by proper care of the eyes in early life and by prompt attention to slight defects of the eyes when they begin. Doctor Walter Cornell, who has made a study of eye strain says, "Eye strain is the chief cause of functional diseases. It is almost the sole cause of headache, is the frequent cause of digestive diseases, of spinal curvatures, and indirectly of neurasthenia and hysteria." Decayed teeth in children, slight in themselves, give rise to more serious troubles in later life,--ill-shaped mouths and jaws and crooked teeth result from teeth that have been drawn too early in life. Decayed teeth lead also to many stomach and digestive troubles. Medical inspection in the schools shows a surprising number of children suffering from these minor troubles. About 80,000 children were examined, and the records show that out of every one hundred children examined sixty-six needed the services of a doctor, surgeon, or dentist, and some needed all three. Forty out of each hundred had badly neglected teeth. Thirty-eight had enlarged glands of the neck. Eighteen had enlarged tonsils. Ten had growths of the nose. Thirty-one needed glasses. Six needed more nourishing food. This meant that more than 52,000 of the number needed some medical care that they would not have received at home because their parents had never noticed the need of it. Every one of them could by prompt attention, a small dentist's bill, a slight operation of the throat or nose, or the use of glasses, (almost 25,000 needed glasses) be saved great suffering or inability to work in later life. As we learn more of disease, and especially of germ diseases, we are oppressed by the feeling that we are in constant danger, but we must bear in mind that it is the weak and unfit that are attacked, and that fitness, while partly inherited, is almost altogether a matter of proper hygiene. Keeping our bodily defenses in good condition against disease is as much a matter of necessity and good policy as keeping the defenses of a city in fighting condition in time of war. That life may be prolonged and so strengthened that the average height, weight, and endurance will be increased, admits of no doubt. The same rule of cultivation runs through all nature. The original or natural apple was a small, sour, bitter crab. The difference between that and the finest products of western orchards, is altogether a matter of cultivation, selection, and proper treatment. In 1710 the average weight of dressed cattle did not exceed three hundred and seventy pounds. Now it is not far from one thousand pounds. An equal change could be made in the human race, but because we believe so fully in personal liberty to live our lives as we choose, little has actually been done to raise the human standard. The care and hygiene of children is receiving universal attention, with the result of a wonderful reduction in the sickness and death of children, but as yet comparatively few grown persons apply these lessons to their own lives, and the rates for older persons remain almost unchanged. When individuals have done all that they can, there still remains much that must be done by the city, the state, and the nation. Boards of health can do much toward controlling epidemics by placing infected households under quarantine, by compelling householders who are ignorant or careless to clean their premises and to take other precautions for the public health. Hospitals, both public and private, have done excellent work, not only in curing disease but in gaining more definite knowledge of the nature of diseases through the study of large numbers of cases. The cleaning of streets and the removal of garbage regularly are among the great factors in keeping a city in a sanitary condition. New Orleans and some of the cities of Cuba and Porto Rico show strikingly what may be done in that direction. Medical inspection of schools is a new and valuable aid to health. Epidemics of childish diseases which sweep through the schools with a fearful record of illness and a lesser one of death, may often be checked entirely by the close watch of the medical inspector, who removes the first patients from the schools when the disease is in its beginning. Public playgrounds for children in cities have an influence that it is as good for health as it is for morals, providing, as it does, fresh air and active exercise for children. Open air schools for tubercular children are being operated in several cities with excellent results in health and school work. Many states are making an organized effort to fight tuberculosis by establishing fresh-air colonies where, with pure air, rest and plenty of the most nourishing food, patients are restored to health. Care of epileptics and the insane by the state, with proper hygiene and treatment, accomplishes many cures. The nation is doing excellent work in a few lines, notably the Pure Food Bureau and the Marine Hospital Corps, but perfected organization of all the forces is lacking. The Department of Agriculture has done a wonderful work in investigating and curbing insect pests that injure farm crops and trees, and in stamping out disease among live stock. Forty-six million dollars have been spent and well spent in the work in the last few years, but it is a matter of reproach that more pains are taken to save the lives of cattle and farm crops than human lives. There should be a strong central Bureau of Health with power and money scientifically to investigate disease, to distribute information as the Department of Agriculture does to farmers, and to carry out their ideas, as do state and city boards of health. We have dealt with only one side of the question--the suffering and sorrow; but in a work on conservation, we must consider also the money question, the loss to the nation in time and money of these great wastes of health and life. There are no trustworthy statistics as to wages. The average yearly earnings of all persons, from day laborers to presidents, is estimated at seven hundred dollars; but as not more than three-fourths of the people are actual workers, three-fourths of this amount, or five hundred and twenty-five dollars is taken as the average wage. From these figures the money value of a person under five years is given at ninety-five dollars; from five to ten years, at nine hundred and fifty dollars; from ten to twenty years at $2,000; from twenty to thirty at $4,000; thirty to fifty years at $4,000; fifty to eighty at $2,900 and over eighty at $700 or less. The average value of life at all ages is $2,900 and the 93,000,000 persons living in this country would be worth in earning power the vast sum of $270,000,000,000. This is probably a low estimate but is more than double all our other wealth combined. Now let us see how much of this vital wealth is wasted. As the average death rate is at least eighteen out of each thousand, we have 1,500,000 as the number of deaths in the United States each year. Of these, forty-two per cent., or 630,000 are classed as preventable--so that a number equal to the entire population of the city of Boston die each year whose deaths are as unnecessary as is the waste of our forests by fire. If some great plague should carry off all the people of Boston, not the people of the United States only, but of the whole world would be roused by the appalling calamity and every possible means would be employed to prevent other cities from sharing such a fate; but because these preventable deaths are not in one city, but are widely scattered, we have long remained indifferent to this terrible and needless waste. Then there are always 3,000,000 persons ill, 1,000,000 of whom are of working age. If, as before, we count only three-fourths of them as actual workers, we find a yearly direct loss from sickness of $500,000,000 in wages. The daily cost of nursing, doctor bills, and medicine is counted at one dollar and fifty cents, which makes for the 3,000,000 sick, a yearly cost for these items of more than $1,500,000,000. What should we think if nearly all of the people of the city of New York were constantly sick, and were spending for doctors, nurses, and medicine as much money as Congress appropriates to run every department of the government! It is estimated that sickness and death cost the United States $3,000,000,000 annually, of which at least a third, probably one-half, is preventable. Is it not well worth while, then, from a money standpoint alone, to use every effort to conserve our national health? Conservation of health and life, going hand in hand with conservation of national resources, will give us not only a better America, but better, stronger, happier, more enlightened Americans. What a new world would be opened to us if we could have a nation with no sickness or suffering! That is the ideal, and everything that we can do toward realizing that ideal is a great step in human progress. REFERENCES Report on National Vitality. Committee of One Hundred. (Fisher.) The Nature of Man. Metchnikoff. The Prolongation of Life. Metchnikoff. The New Hygiene. Metchnikoff. Vital Statistics. Farr. The Kingdom of Man. Lankester. Cost of Tuberculosis. Fisher. School Hygiene. Keating. Economic Loss Through Insects That Carry Disease. Howard. Report of Associated Fraternities on Infectious, Contagious, and Hereditary Diseases. Conservation of Life and Health by Improved Water Supply. Kober. Backward Children in the Public Schools. Davis. Dangers to Mine Workers. (Mitchell.) Report Governor's Conference. Tuberculosis in the U. S. Census Report 1908. Industrial Accidents. Bureau of Labor Pamphlet, 1906. Factory Sanitation and Labor Protection. Dept. of Labor, No. 44. How Insects Affect Health in Rural Districts. Dept. of Agriculture. Bulletin 155. Public Health and Water Pollution. Bulletin 93. CHAPTER XIII BEAUTY America has another resource that differs from all the others, and yet is no less valuable to us as a nation, for it is upon natural beauty that we must depend to attract visitors and settlers from other countries, and also to develop love of country in our own people, and to arouse in them all the higher sentiments and ideals. The love of romance and poetry is awakened only by the sight of beautiful objects, and that nation will produce the highest class of citizens which has most within it to kindle these lofty ideas. The savage cares only for the comfort of his body, but as civilization advances, man devotes more and more thought to those pleasures that come only through his mind and the cultivation of his tastes. The United States is particularly fortunate in this respect, for here is everything to inspire a love of beauty. There is the beauty of changing seasons, of our wonderful autumn forest coloring, of rivers, mountains, lakes, sea, and shore. In addition to the beauty of our landscapes, which is everywhere to be found, there are many special beauties which are among the world's wonder-places, and which are visited yearly by thousands of sight-seers, and each year they attract a greater number of visitors from other lands. Some of the most remarkable of these are Niagara Falls, the Yosemite Valley, with its crowning glory, the Yosemite Falls, the Hetch-Hetchy Falls, Mammoth Cave, the Garden of the Gods, the Grand Cañon of the Colorado, the Agatized Forests of Arizona, Yellowstone Park, The Natural Bridge of Virginia, Great Salt Lake, and dozens of others, less wonderful, but scarcely less beautiful, and equal to the most talked-of beauties of Europe, such as the Palisades of the Hudson, Lake Champlain, the Shenandoah Valley, the Dalles of Oregon, Pike's Peak, Mount Rainier, Lookout Mountain, the Adirondacks, and the entire Rocky Mountain region. To these must be added the relics of ancient civilization, the homes of the Cliff Dwellers, the work of the Mound Builders, and such fragments as still remain of the occupation in various times and places of certain Indian tribes, and of the Norsemen and the Spaniards. All these are to be valued for their beauty or historic interest, and are also valuable as a source of wealth to the community. The money spent on tourist-travel in Europe is said to be more than half a billion dollars a year. This vast amount is spent because in Europe there is so much to delight the eye, because the cities are made beautiful with artistic buildings filled with art treasures, because historic places are carefully preserved, because the villages are neat and well-kept, and the intensive farming which is practised almost everywhere leaves no waste places to grow up with weeds, and lie neglected. There are parts of Europe, of course, where this is not true, but they are not included in the line of tourist-travel, and in general it may be said that Europe is visited almost solely because of its beauty:--the natural beauty that man has preserved, the beauty that he has created, or the relics of past greatness. Modern Greece would attract few visitors for its own sake. It is the ruins of a mighty past,--the Acropolis at Athens and the places made famous in mythology and literature draw thousands to its shores every year, and add greatly to the wealth and prosperity of the country. The same thing is true of America wherever we have preserved and made beautiful our natural scenery. During three months in the summer, the New York Central Railroad derives about $200,000 in fares from its Niagara business alone. Since it became a state reservation in 1885, more than seventeen million persons have visited Niagara, and the amount of money that has been spent there at hotels, for carriages, automobiles, side-trips, souvenirs, etc., is almost beyond calculation. In the Adirondack Park there is between $10,000,000 and $15,000,000 invested in hotels and cottages. The 15,000 clerks and helpers receive about $1,000,000 in wages, the railroads receive another $1,000,000 in fares, and hotel guests spend between $5,000,000 and $6,000,000. All of these advantages to the region are entirely apart from the practical uses of the forest. These are examples which show the great amount of wealth which can come from preserving our natural beauties, and the same conditions exist everywhere, not only in the state and national parks, but wherever some beautiful spot has been set aside by a city, a railroad company, or some private enterprise. People flock to these resorts in large numbers for rest or recreation, and to satisfy their love for the beautiful, and the result is a gain in health and morals, more desire on the part of those who visit them to make their own surroundings beautiful, and at the same time a great gain in money value to the city or company that promotes such an enterprise. Most of the larger cities of the United States have given particular attention to the subject of public parks during recent years. They are the breathing places for the dwellers in the city, often the only place where children can have fresh air and plenty of exercise, and the parks constitute one of the greatest attractions to draw summer visitors to the city. Nearly all steam and electric railway companies own some park or pleasure resort from which they derive a large income in fares, and many steamboat companies find their largest profit from their excursion boats. All these facts show clearly that if we consider only the gain in money, it is altogether a wise policy to include natural beauty among our national resources, and to conserve it carefully, while if we look at it from the larger standpoint of preserving for future generations the same beauties that we enjoy, the need of such conservation is still more urgent. In our future development the United States will largely be made over. We shall no longer have the same natural conditions that we have had in the early years of our history, and the physical appearance of the country will grow better or worse each generation. It is possible for us to make America the most beautiful land the world has ever seen, for we have the natural beauty, and greater knowledge in setting about the work of building than has ever been possessed by any other nation during its time of greatest growth. We shall go far toward realizing our ideal of a beautiful America if we understand that the conservation of our resources means beauty, and that waste means ugliness. Proper conservation of our mineral resources will include the removal of the ugly, unsightly piles of culm, slag, and other refuse that lie about the mouth of the mines, and disfigure some of our most beautiful mountain scenery, for, as we have shown elsewhere, this should be used and not wasted. The proper use of coal would solve the smoke problem of cities, one of the worst foes of cleanliness and beauty, and the use of water-power would serve the same purpose. The complete utilization of our water resources that has been suggested would make all our waterways contribute greatly to the beauty and attractiveness of the landscape. In conserving our forests we not only increase our timber supply, but add one of the greatest of all beauties, the trees which give variety and tone to every picture that our eyes rest upon. We shall have the shady roads, the long green hill-slopes, the quiet woodlands, the glory of autumn coloring, the delight of blossoming orchards. Conservation of the soil, and utilization of every part of the land mean even more. Picture the contrast between a country where the hillsides are worn into gullies, where rocks are everywhere to be seen cropping above the barren soil, where the crops are scanty, the vegetation stunted; and one where every field yields a rich harvest, where the grain hangs heavy and golden, where every wayside nook holds a flower, where there are no neglected fence-corners, no piles of rubbish,--what we truly call "a smiling landscape." Lastly, in conserving health, we do more toward promoting personal beauty and advancing the standard of the race than in any other way. We should not be content, however, with the beauty that comes only from the conservation of our other resources, but should have a definite plan for the conservation of beauty as a valuable resource in itself. The city of Washington should be made the center of this movement toward national beauty. There is now an organized effort on the part of those in charge of the erection of public buildings, to make Washington the most beautiful capital in the world, and a model for other cities. The federal government should set aside as national parks all of our greatest natural wonders, as Yellowstone Park is now held. The states should follow the same line and set apart in the same way those objects of lesser interest, either natural or historic, which are to be found in every state--those that are not of sufficient importance to merit national recognition, but that will add interest to the state as a place for tourists to visit. Few states are visited in this way more than is Massachusetts, and it is largely because not only the state, but the various communities have preserved historical places, buildings and objects so carefully, have erected monuments to commemorate them; and have thrown these various objects of interest open to the public free of charge. These communities in turn have gained the original expenditure many times over from the money spent by the steady stream of visitors. There has been a great movement toward the beautifying of cities and villages in the past few years. Besides the good work done by park boards in cities there has been a great improvement in the matter of cleaner streets, better sidewalks, the planting of more shade trees, and a far greater attention to the beautifying of private grounds. The adorning of front yards and porches with vines and flowers is increasing enormously every year. Many causes have been at work to produce this result: the broadening influence of travel, which brings people in touch with what is being done in other places to promote public beauty, the work of schools, newspaper and magazine articles, and more time and money to spend on luxuries,--even the post-card, which makes a souvenir view of every spot of local beauty or interest; but probably no other one agency has produced such good results in public beauty as has the woman's club which has taken up this line of work. The "cleaning-up" movement, with a public house-cleaning day twice a year when all refuse is carted away, and streets, alleys and back-yards cleaned, had its origin in this way. The care and beautifying of cemeteries is another branch of the work. In many places, flower and vegetable seeds are distributed free or at a nominal cost among the school children, prizes are offered for the best garden, the largest vegetables, the most attractive back-yard, the best arranged flower-bed, and other good results; the work is examined by a committee, and the prizes awarded at the end of the season either by the club or by merchants who have become interested in the contest. This provides the children wholesome outdoor work and exercise throughout the summer, and promotes a pleasant rivalry among them, besides increasing their knowledge of plants, and the results have been found to be far-reaching, for not only the pupils, but their parents as well, are interested in neater, more orderly methods of living, and in beautifying their homes. In the movement for public beauty, as in all other progress, it is the work of individuals that counts most. Every house that is built with a thought for its beauty, every home, farm-building and fence kept in good repair, every neat back-yard and flower-surrounded home has its part in making America more beautiful, and this influence in countless homes is certain to count in the making of better citizens. A country where beauty meets the eye at every turn will invite the tourist and the home-seeker, will be deeply loved by its own people, and will be an inspiration to poetry and art. It rests largely with the people of to-day to decide whether we shall make of our own land such an ideal place. CHAPTER XIV IN CONCLUSION No one can read the record of facts presented in this book without being impressed by two things: (1) How these resources depend on one another and that proper care of one results in the saving of another, and, (2) the fact that every one of our most valued resources is decreasing so rapidly that its end is in sight, even though far in the distance. When the end comes we know that it will mean the end of progress for our country in that direction. It is also plain that the great, in fact the only, reason for this scarcity lies not in use but in waste. And lastly we see that there is yet time to prevent serious shortage in most directions if we set about a general system of good management and thrift. In the meantime we are sure to have higher prices, for the supply is growing less and the demand greater for almost every material. In many lines, unless something be done to check this shortage, prices will rise so high that only the rich can afford what are now considered the necessities of life, and the lives of the poorer classes will become like those of the peasants of Europe:--a scanty living on the plainest food, poor homes, hard work, less opportunity to develop mind and body. Let us sum up how the various resources may be used to conserve one another. The soil is saved from erosion by the planting of forests, and by the storing of the flood waters of rivers. Waste land is made fertile by proper control of the rivers through drainage, storage and irrigation. Farm crops and also the forests are increased in value by insect control. The insects are largely kept in check by encouraging the nesting and increase of certain birds. Birds play a large part in the conservation of the crops, by destroying insects, weeds, and small mammals. The birds themselves are sheltered and thrive only where trees are abundant. The grazing lands are conserved by proper forest control, and the supply of animal food depends largely on the grazing lands. Fisheries are dependent on proper care of the waters, which in turn depend on forest control, and on proper care of the by-products of factories. Coal is conserved by the use of lower-grade fuels, by using waste from the forests, and by substituting water-power. Gas and oil will also be saved by the greater use of water-power. Coal-mining is made safer to human life and much saving in coal is effected by the use of mine-timbers, which involves the planting of forests. Forests regulate to a great extent the stream-flow of rivers. Beauty can only be conserved by the planting of trees, by keeping the waters pure and clear, by using waste products so that there will be no unsightly piles of refuse. Health depends, among other things, on pure water, air unpolluted by coal smoke and poisonous gases which should be used as factory by-products. And lastly, the life, happiness, and prosperity of man is conserved by all of these things. The first step in this system of conservation must be education on this subject, education not only of the children but of the men and women also, on the need and methods of saving. There would be no danger of a scarcity of coal if manufacturers all knew the value and economy of electric water-power or low-grade fuels, and of smoke-consuming devices. There is no reason why insect destruction should cost the nation so dearly if the birds were protected, and a few simple methods of prevention understood. All the various water problems could be met and solved if one general plan were adopted and carried out, and so all along the line. We have taken note of the great natural wastes: how two-thirds of the wood cut is wasted, and how insects and fire destroy the standing timber; how the soil is washed down into the valleys, taking the best from the farms; how we are steadily robbing the soil of its most necessary elements; how our waters are unused and we pay for this non-use by the use of other resources that we can ill afford to spare; how millions of acres of land which might be profitably farmed lie useless for lack of water and other millions are useless because they are covered with water. Consumers pay high freight rates and the railroads are so overcrowded that they are unable to care for all the business, while the rivers, the cheapest of all carriers, flow idly to the sea. We have seen how one-fourth of the coal is left in the mines, and how small a part of that which is mined is actually turned into heat, how gas is allowed to escape unchecked into the air. And greatest and most serious of all, the useless waste of human life and health. But there are scores of other wastes and extravagances that all growing boys and girls should think of, so that when they enter active life, they may do their part to prevent them. It is going to be necessary to learn to economize in every department of life as all the European peoples do. We must learn, in this new country, to do things more with the idea of the future in mind. In all European cities, there are hundreds of houses that have lasted many centuries, but there are few houses in America that are built in an enduring way. This building up and tearing down taxes not one, but many, resources heavily. As the housewife learns that a good kettle that costs a dollar and lasts five years is cheaper than a poor one which costs fifty cents but will wear out in one year, so people must learn the lesson that in building poor light houses of wood which will last a comparatively short time, they are really paying the higher price; that in putting in poor roads, cheap bridges, badly-constructed public buildings, that cost less heavily in the first place but that will need to be renewed in a few years, they are really paying much more than if these had been substantially built in the beginning. The fire loss of the United States amounts to over half a million dollars a day, and all insurance men agree that most of this might be prevented. The remedies are to build fewer wooden houses, especially in crowded districts, to exercise greater care in the building and management of chimneys, greater care in electric wiring, and general watchfulness in handling matches and lighted cigars. For the forest fires which mean so much to all of us the remedy lies in forest patrol. The amount usually set aside for fighting fires was not allowed by some states in 1910, and the fires which cost hundreds of millions of property and many lives were the result. Much of the most fertile land in our country is used for raising tobacco, and grains that are made into alcoholic liquors. As these can never be considered necessities it is well to think to what better uses the land might be put. The yearly bill of the United States for pleasure is gigantic, and a large proportion of the pleasure tends to lower rather than raise the standard of American life and morals. The greatest of all wastes is the waste of time and labor. The waste of time by drunkenness, by poor work that must be done over, and by idleness, makes a large item of loss in every line of business. Proper education will teach every child to work neatly and with perfect accuracy, will teach eye, hand and brain, will teach the value and pleasure of work, careful management and economy and a regard for the general good. A study of the great facts of our national possibilities that have been gathered together in this book should arouse in the heart of every American, old and young, the feeling that here is a work for every hand and every brain, not only to save, but to use wisely; to develop all the possibilities of our great resources no less than to conserve them. In searching for new by-products or machinery for checking the waste and adding to the usefulness of these resources there is a field for invention that will not only bring wealth to the inventor, but prosperity and length of life to the nation. THE END 
30375	----	The Weinstock Lectures on The Morals of Trade THE CONFLICT BETWEEN PRIVATE MONOPOLY AND GOOD CITIZENSHIP. By JOHN GRAHAM BROOKS. COMMERCIALISM AND JOURNALISM. By HAMILTON HOLT. THE BUSINESS CAREER IN ITS PUBLIC RELATIONS. By ALBERT SHAW. * * * * * THE CONFLICT BETWEEN PRIVATE MONOPOLY AND GOOD CITIZENSHIP BY JOHN GRAHAM BROOKS PRESIDENT OF THE NATIONAL CONSUMERS' LEAGUE AUTHOR OF "THE SOCIAL UNREST," "AS OTHERS SEE US," ETC. [Illustration: Publisher's logo] BOSTON AND NEW YORK HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY The Riverside Press Cambridge 1909 COPYRIGHT, 1909, BY THE REGENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA ALL RIGHTS RESERVED _Published December 1909_ * * * * * BARBARA WEINSTOCK LECTURES ON THE MORALS OF TRADE This series will contain essays by representative scholars and men of affairs dealing with the various phases of the moral law in its bearing on business life under the new economic order, first delivered at the University of California on the Weinstock foundation. * * * * * THE CONFLICT BETWEEN PRIVATE MONOPOLY AND GOOD CITIZENSHIP For a special purpose, I have had occasion to examine with care the comments upon American life and institutions made by foreign critics during the period that extends from the later part of the eighteenth century up to the present time. If one puts aside the frivolous and ill-tempered studies and considers alone the fairer and more competent observers, the least pleasant of all the criticisms is that we are essentially a lawless people. If the critic, like de Tocqueville and Miss Martineau, had sympathy and admiration for us, the revealed lawlessness came as an astonishment, because it seemed to upset all sorts of pretty theories about democracy. The doctrinaires had worked out to perfection the idea that a people who could freely make and unmake their own laws would, for that plain reason, respect the laws. Of course, a people who had laws thrust upon them from above would hate them and disobey them. But a democracy would escape this temptation. It was apparently an amusement of many of these writers to collect, as did the jaunty author of "Peter Simple" in his Diary, interminable pages from our own press to illustrate the general contempt for those laws which really interfered with pleasures or economic interests. Harriet Martineau drove through Boston on the day when Garrison was being dragged through the streets. The flame of her indignation burned high; but it burned with new heat when she found that the very best of Boston culture and respectability would not lift a finger or pay a copper to have the law enforced in Mr. Garrison's favor. Beacon Street and Harvard professors told her that the victim was a disreputable agitator, richly deserving what he got. They seemed to think this English lady very cranky and unreasonable. The mob had the entire sympathy of the best people in the community, and that should satisfy her. De Tocqueville had an awakening at a polling-booth in Pennsylvania that in the same way disturbed all his presuppositions about us. It is not my purpose to bristle up and strike back at these critics of American behavior. Amid possible exaggeration, they are telling a great deal of truth about us. It is a truth that it has its own natural history. A long adventurous border-life was in some respects the great fact of the nineteenth century in moulding our national habits. A large part of the population lived under conditions where no appeal to legal restraints was possible. There were no courts,--no police. The whole constructive work of life was thrown so absolutely upon the man fighting his life-battle alone, that excessive individualistic habits were formed. Every self-reliant instinct was developed until it became a law unto itself. They do not, says de Tocqueville of the Americans, ask help. They do not "appeal." They understand that everything rests with themselves. Every immigrant of those days had come from what Freeman calls "overgoverned" countries. They escaped from highly organized social constraints to have their fling on a continent as illimitable in extent as it was in the prizes which its natural resources offered. That such a large proportion of the strong lived this free border-life through the entire century has resulted in making a standard of individualistic action almost dominant in the community. There is, first, this natural history of extreme individualistic habits and of their reactions on our whole national life. There is, further, the almost universal concentration on wealth-production as a means of winning what average men most crave in this world. What the strong of any race work for is not, ultimately, money, it is social power. This power has many symbols in a monarchy. There are titles and decorations for which armies of able men will do hard public service for years. This same passion is as lively in the United States as in Germany, but we exclude the symbols. Wealth everywhere gives power, but with us it is almost the only symbol that has wide and practical recognition. This passion, working in a vigorous people upon the resources which the United States offers, has intensified the competitive struggle in industry to a degree hitherto unknown in the world. This struggle has absorbed the thought and strength of the people to an extent without known parallel. It is the magnitude and stress of this competition that have bent and subdued politics to business ends. The engendered business rivalries in this game develop qualities that are indifferent to laws. The last ten years of investigation have disclosed one further reason for heedlessness of law. The chances of promotion among the abler and more ambitious young men in the service of large concerns are known to depend on the fact of a good showing in their departments. Can they keep down expenses? Can they enlarge and maintain sales? These have been the supreme tests for rapid and sure promotion. When these are done, few questions are asked by manager or director. Among the largest interests in this country, and among all interests that have to do with franchises and legislation, skill to evade laws may have the highest value in a fight against competitors. A magnate recently accused of law-breaking denies it roundly, and it may be with honesty. When the evidence of long-practiced frauds against the laws in his own business is produced, he insists that he never knew it. But he also turns on the light: "I do not ask my heads of departments _how_ they succeed; it is enough for me that they do succeed." This explains, but does not excuse, the guilt. I make no use here of theory. I am thinking of definite large business interests in which the evil will remain as common as it is inevitable so long as the business is unregulated and its shady practices concealed from public authorities and public opinion. In some of our huge concerns it is the traditional procedure to bring the various heads of departments together at regular intervals and pit them against each other as if running a race for life. What is the showing that each can make against the other? Has this one cut down the cost of his product; has he reduced this or that item of expenditure; has he got the most out of the workmen under his charge; has he been able to dodge practical difficulties--legal, sanitary, or any other--that stood in his way? In this relentless contest before their superiors, the foreman or agent learns that the one key to favor and advancement is that no other shall make a better showing. If he can safely get this superior result out of his labor group, that is one way; if he can reach his end by introducing children under age, or by any other questionable device, the temptation is there in the subtlest form it can assume for the average man. When, recently, a swarm of sharp practices came out in another of the great concerns whose products reach half the homes of the nation, the man at the top doubtless told the truth when he replied: "In my position, it is not my business to know those details. I have no time except for the results sent in." Thus the president or director stands apart from and above this underworld of tolerated illegalities. Here, then, are three reasons for lack of obedience to the law,--the long border struggle, the excessive concentration upon wealth-exploitation, and the ways through which successful subordinates are rewarded in severely competitive industries. But another, weightier reason must now be added,--namely, our private monopolies with their influence and reactions on our whole community life. In the earlier and looser stages of development, when vast resources still remain unappropriated, private monopoly may aid a city or a nation. At first no public protection of fish and game is necessary, but the pressure of population will eventually compel a common rule to which the individual must submit. As surely as a growing town sooner or later requires a common water-supply, a common drainage, common sanitary provisions, and regulated hack charges, just so surely will the private monopoly somewhere and at some time require strict social control,--that is, control from the point of view of all of us and not from that of a few money-makers. A generation ago the stripping of our forests did not matter vitally. The interests that were to suffer from this stripping had not appeared. To-day a forestry policy derived absolutely from the common, social point of view has become a necessity so commanding that the nation's attention is at last caught. A generation ago no one had even guessed at the franchise-value of our streets,--not even those of New York city. After Jacob Sharp had made these values known, a struggle began which reads like an Arabian tale. It is a story of business and political corruption that has gone on in varying degrees in scores of our cities and in scores of great industries where strong men have been fighting to get control of mines, forests, lands, and oil, the development of which depended on favorable transportation. The carrying trade--whether of goods or people--is never to be omitted in this story. Until very recent years, this mother of monopolies, the railroad, was thought of as a purely private possession. A dozen years ago one of our ablest railroad lawyers (often before the United States Supreme Court with great cases) told me it had long been one of his intellectual amusements to try to force into the heads of railroad presidents the fact that their ownership of that kind of property was profoundly different from the ownership of a horse or a grocery store. "I finally," he said, "had to give it up." It meant nothing to them that society had given them stupendous privileges which qualified their ownership. These franchise-grants once in their pockets, everything that was built upon them came to be used in any conceivable game to enrich the owner. Properly informed persons no longer discuss whether it is right and moral to allow railroad magnates to do as they like--to act as if these properties were strictly a private possession. We know, at last, how society has suffered from leaving this form of ownership so long without social control. We have seen the devastating conflict between unregulated possession of this kind of property and all the higher welfare of the community. If we add to the railway the common city monopolies of lighting and transportation; if we add industries in iron and steel, much of our mining, oil, and forest exploitation, all of which, in connection with railways, take on inevitably the form of monopoly, we have the whole buccaneer-group that has done upon our politics the deadly work, which we know so well that its retelling is a thing to avoid from very weariness. Though a dozen other cities would serve as well, look for a moment at the monopoly of the New York street-railways. A people, careless and ignorant of their own interests, so far give away the rights in their streets, that a few men get them into their possession. With the grip once fast upon this power, it becomes not a machinery primarily to serve the people: primarily it becomes an enginery to filch vast unearned increments from the public. It becomes a device for gambling, with the dice so heavily loaded in your favor that you cannot lose. You change power from one kind to another; you merge one line with another or with the whole; you create holding companies; and at every change you recapitalize. Your million dollars is turned into five or ten or twenty millions, in order that multiplied dividends taken from the public may drop into private pockets. Every bit of bookkeeping meant for the public eye is a mass of jugglery. If you are frightened by the challenge of an indignant public, the most important records are destroyed. Surplus funds belonging to the stockholders are freely loaned to personal friends or put to private speculative ventures. This shell-game has gone on decade after decade, so gayly that it seems as if it were a delight to the American people to have their pockets picked. And yet, let us say it over and over again, the pocket-picking is not the worst of it. That the people's money should be used to debauch their own chosen representatives in city and state legislatures is the uttermost evil. Part and parcel of the uttermost evil is the resulting suspicion and distrust that eat their way deep through the masses of the wage-earning world. Not to mention their own trade papers, or the socialistic sheets with the scandals of high and low finance, wage-earners have only to read the capitalistic sheets, presidential messages, and summarized reports from scores of legislative committees, in order to believe that almost everything investigated--insurance, city traction companies, mining syndicates, railway finance--is heavy with rottenness. Any one interested enough to run through the files of the distinctively labor press at the present moment, will find a body of convinced opinion about those who control us industrially that has an extremely ugly look. The labor-world is drawing the only natural inference it can from the data given. How often we have seen within a year or two the lament that the efficiency of labor has lessened in many of our great industries! What in Heaven's name can we expect? If that labor-world believes what is everywhere cried on the housetops about the crooked exploiting devices of these monopolies, why should not its interest and its fidelity fall off? The law of cause and effect will work here as it works elsewhere in the universe. Labor is learning that unfair industrial privilege flouts every essential principle of democratic government. The real iniquity of it is hidden from us until we see that secrecy, cunning, and unscrupulousness may be good pecuniary assets. Yes, this has to be plainly stated. A man who should happen to have the people's interest really at heart could not be an active partner in the worst of these monopolies. The unscrupulous, the men bent upon the stock-watering game and their own immediate enrichment, would crowd the honest men to the wall. Every line of least resistance is with the get-rich-quick type of manager. To hold his power and to corrupt us politically; to appropriate continuous unearned increment through overcapitalization, he must work not for the public good, but largely against it. In most free competitive business there is no such inherent antagonism between private and public good. The privileged monopoly is found not only in the lighting and transportation combinations in cities like New York, Philadelphia, St. Louis, and Chicago: it is in a whole nest of industries--oil, mining, and timber--which are interknit with our railroad system. Here is the real antagonism between monopoly and good citizenship. Anthracite coal is not a business apart--it is a railroad business; and if there are abuses, they cannot be corrected apart from railroad regulation. There is nothing that we now need to know so thoroughly as that the railroad is the one key to the control of all monopolies, including those that often last just long enough to gut the properties according to get-rich-quick principles. The waste of the public wealth under this concentrated stimulus is the darkest economic fact, as the ugliest political fact is the corruption of officials and legislators. Think of a product so vital to the future as the forests; and then picture, if you can, the waste and despoiling of this strictly common wealth that has gone on, and still goes on, in connection with unregulated railroad affiliations,--properties, larger than several Eastern states, stolen, and then burned, and skinned, and devastated, so that two generations cannot repair the loss! And now by highest federal authority we are warned that our timber supply cannot last twenty-five years without a new controlling policy. Yet it is not, of course, the monopoly that is the evil. It is solely the way in which we have allowed the monopolies to be owned and controlled. We have admitted a kind of irresponsible proprietorship that has so debased political methods in the United States that we are made at the present moment (in this one respect) a warning to the world. Last year a social investigator returned from New Zealand. He said: "I found their able men chiefly anxious to avoid the example of the United States. Their problem is to develop a rich and prosperous industrial life, but escape the rottenness of American politics. Whether they succeed or fail, their purpose is great." Their plan is to use the strength of the government to prevent the formation of private monopolies such as have debauched our politics until we have become a mockery among the nations. How long we ourselves have talked of political corruption as if it were separable from the privileged monopolies in business! That we now see this sorry partnership as it is, and are daily more and more aroused by it, and bent on its dissolution, is the surest sign of progress, as it is the surest sign that democracy need not fail. Again and again we wonder how long it will require for the sovereign people to learn a lesson so simple. How many more facts or revelations do we need? The other day a liberal theologian told me that he had been preaching some elemental truths about a larger religious life. A sturdy old listener, who knew they were truths, but didn't quite like to adjust himself, said to the preacher: "I guess that's all true that you've been preaching; but--I don't more'n half believe it." We, too, know these truths about the monopolies; but we still hesitate,--we still act as if we didn't "more'n half believe it." But if the monopoly as such is not an evil,--if the evil is the practice of political abuse by irresponsible private ownership,--what are our alternatives when the question of remedies is raised? Are we forced to the logic of the socialist,--that the city or state should take these monopolies out of the categories of private property, owning and managing them directly for the people? The socialist tells us that these combined interests in transportation--mines, oil, timber, etc.--have become a power with which city and state cannot cope; that we are at the present moment governed by these monopoly interests, and shall continue so to be governed until the state has absolute possession of them. To this claim of the socialists, one reply is obvious. Every immediate political duty now before us is committed to the principle of regulation. For some years we are going to try that. We are not going to assume that mines, oil, timber, elevators, and our vast transportation system with its connecting monopolies, are all to be taken under state proprietorship and managed as our postal system is now managed. For any future worth discussing, we are going to use our strength to regulate these monopolies in the public interest. In that decade when the people are at last convinced that these monopolies are more powerful than government; that we have no hope of curbing them into obedience before the law,--in that decade the cry will go up for government ownership on a scale far wider than that of railways and telegraphs. At this point I do not wish to hedge or shuffle. That the younger of my hearers will see far more government and city ownership than we now have, seems to me so obvious that the discussion of it is not even interesting. Our government must have an economic basis strong enough and broad enough to give it footing against all unfair private monopoly. But this degree of government ownership does not land us in Socialism. It may, indeed, protect us from every dangerous excess which Socialism carries with it. When the German government secures a large mining property with the distinct understanding that, if necessary, it shall be worked in the public interest to break a private coal monopoly, we have an illustration of one step which our own government ought also to take. The object, in this case, is not to go into a new business, but to break monopoly power, actual or threatened. Or consider that brave experiment station, New Zealand! Her Compulsory Arbitration may fail; she may be forced to an industrial pace slower than we like; but the main purpose of her social policy is sound to the core; and we are now trying clumsily to imitate it. Yet we are still afraid--we "don't more'n half believe it." Her purpose is to use the power of city and state in New Zealand to prevent the private fleecing of the people through monopoly. Whether it is her land policy or her insurance policy, the aim is to check at their source inherent monopoly abuses. One is forever hearing that New Zealand is being given over hand and foot to Socialism. The only trouble with the statement is that it is not true. If you tax a vast estate down there so that it must be cut into small holdings upon which some twenty times more people can live than lived on the private estate, and if this added population is encouraged to win more and more interest and profit-bearing forms of wealth, you have a situation in which the thoroughpaced socialists may be entirely out of the game. The essence of the socialist's logic is, that all interest on money and all profits on goods made for the market (as well as all rent) are inherently vicious and antisocial so long as they drop into private pockets. There is no distinction between the greedy _abuses_ of capitalism through organized privilege and the possible _uses_ of capitalism under regulation. But think of this issue as we may, we are as a fact now committed to regulation--committed to a long and hard struggle to bring monopoly evils under social control. This is now our situation and our problem. Yet how easy it is to put these evils into phrases! How hard it is to relate ourselves to definite and effective proposals for the elimination of the evils! Such proposals have nevertheless been at last put before us with coherence and with deliberation. They have been put before the American people with a clearness which cannot be shirked without bad faith on our part. They have been brought within the sphere of practical politics, where their decision now waits upon the choice of the people as a whole. This commanding policy for future as well as for present interests, for the entire people as well as for the few, has been stated in its integrity in two messages from President Roosevelt. Men may differ about the Philippines; about our military and naval ambition; about nature-fakirs and race-suicide; but about the ordered and constructive purpose to curb the abuses of our ill-regulated private monopolies, there should be no disagreement among sane and disinterested men. No one has ever yet shown genius enough to do disagreeable duties agreeably to all men. To the end of time, if we ourselves are inconvenienced, we shall probably say: "Of course this thing ought to be done,--but it should be done in some other way." The various methods of railroad regulation may irritate us, but that the railroad must be brought so far under public control as to obey the law and serve all men with approximate fairness, no human being who is intellectually and morally awake can longer deny. To begin this great task with the machinery of transportation was the first clear duty. Scarcely one of the gigantic abuses can be touched apart from these highways of distribution. We have but just waked up to the plain stupidity of giving away so recklessly all sorts of franchise grants, and are beginning to see the equal stupidity of parting madly with such an overwhelming part of the main and primary sources of wealth--mines, forests, water-power, oil deposits, and ground areas in large towns. These are the sure nesting-places of monopoly, and therefore, of all the fantastic extremes of wealth which make puppets of our politicians and set before the youth of the nation snobbish and materialistic ideals. This policy, be it remembered, does not ask, as the socialists do, for all forests, all mines, or all the water-power. It asks that the hand of government control be kept firmly upon such portions of these resources as are susceptible to vicious monopoly. All this is possible along the lines of state regulation, without even raising the question of universal ownership. We have a chief executive who sees what the evils are and dares to face them. Yet the courage involved is not his highest gift; but, rather, the intelligence with which he has so stated and grouped the issues as to give us a coherent administrative policy that works toward equality and not away from it. To group those sources of monopoly that may still be saved; to show how this retention will fortify the government in its great struggle to regulate privileged capital,--is a service that should command the intellectual and moral sympathy of an entire people. It is a policy broadly public and social, as against any lower and partial interest. It is a policy for the whole and for the many, rather than for the monopoly-coddled few. It is a policy that looks to the future rather than to the possible dividends of the next six months. Not separable from it is the President's proposal to put upon these huge accretions a decent inheritance tax. He does not spoil his case by conventional or academic timidities. He does not ask this tax merely as a fiscal device, but as a measure that makes for more rational, social equalities. He asks it in order that the common wealth may grow larger and the top-heavy fortunes (the larger portion of which privilege has made) may be lessened for the common good. The fatuous outcry that this is to be opposed because it is "Socialism" will, of course, continue, although the most conservative governments in the world have long proclaimed it with such conspicuous success, from the public point of view, that it is no longer questioned. With jaunty prodigality we have scattered these primary sources of wealth precisely as we scattered transportation and other franchises upon which dangerous private monopolies were built. The kind of mistakes that have been made with the franchises, we have in this generation come to see clearly. In the teeth of extreme difficulties, we are trying to protect the public through legislative control of these corporations. We are learning the same lesson in our forestry. We have the lesson still to learn in remaining mines, oil-lands, water-powers, and phosphate-beds. Nothing in the statesmanship of President Roosevelt will more surely win him laurels in the future than his pluck and consistency in forwarding this policy, which stands for the whole people and for the future. It is as serenely above party as it is above corporate or private interest. The warring and balancing of sectional, partial, and immediate interests will always have their claims; but the next clearest step in civilization is to learn the political habit of acting also for the social whole. Social politics, so called, already has this character. The forestry legislation of Switzerland or Germany has its inspiration in the thought for the whole people and for future generations. Many years ago I heard a discussion in Germany among three art-teachers,--two of them with a world-wide fame,--that was as new to me as it was amazing. They seemed to agree that the art of the sculptor reached its height in the Age of Phidias; that never again would men give shape to figures fit to be put, let us say, beside the Elgin Marbles. As some nineteen centuries passed by, another art came to its finest flowering in the Italian Cinquecento, when Raphael, Da Vinci, and Michael Angelo added color to form. They agreed that never again would paintings be produced fit to be classed with the Sistine Madonna. Another two centuries passed, and the Bachs began the great music which these three modern artists thought of as the reigning art of our time. Here came their question, "What is to be the next and coming art that shall compare with the Greek period, with the Cinquecento, and with modern music?" One thought it would be the theatre. He wrote, I believe, a pamphlet to prove this. I do not recall the guess of either of the others; but I venture to make my own guess. Art is knowledge in its applications; and to apply our experience and our knowledge to the shaping of a higher social justice is also an art. It is an art already showing itself in the field of politics and social reconstruction; a politics, enriched and ennobled by ideals of citizenship, freed at last from that party machinery whose boss has been the puppet of business men fighting for monopoly privilege. It will be a politics not for the few or the favored; not alone for the strong and successful; but a politics for the common weal, for the common and inclusive good of every citizen according to his good will and honest endeavor. Here is a sphere for art as much nobler than that of sculptor or painter as the destinies of human life and society are higher than those of any inanimate object, even though carved by Phidias or painted by Raphael. It is, above all, an art that should touch by its inspiration the gallantry of the whole student class. The very breath of it is the shaping and directing of those conditions out of which may emerge a society in which the spirit of justice and equal opportunity will be realized at least so far that it will be no longer a mockery among honest men. The Riverside Press CAMBRIDGE. MASSACHUSETTS U. S. A 
3037	----	University, and Alev Akman THE AGE OF BIG BUSINESS, A CHRONICLE OF THE CAPTAINS OF INDUSTRY By Burton J. Hendrick New Haven: Yale University Press Toronto: Glasgow, Brook & Co. London: Humphrey Milford Oxford University Press 1919 CONTENTS I. INDUSTRIAL AMERICA AT THE END OF THE CIVIL WAR II. THE FIRST GREAT AMERICAN TRUST III. THE EPIC OF STEEL IV. THE TELEPHONE: AMERICA'S MOST POETICAL ACHIEVEMENT V. THE DEVELOPMENT OF PUBLIC UTILITIES VI. MAKING THE WORLD'S AGRICULTURAL MACHINERY VII. THE DEMOCRATIZATION OF THE AUTOMOBILE BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE THE AGE OF BIG BUSINESS CHAPTER I. INDUSTRIAL AMERICA AT THE END OF THE CIVIL WAR A comprehensive survey of the United States, at the end of the Civil War, would reveal a state of society which bears little resemblance to that of today. Almost all those commonplace fundamentals of existence, the things that contribute to our bodily comfort while they vex us with economic and political problems, had not yet made their appearance. The America of Civil War days was a country without transcontinental railroads, without telephones, without European cables, or wireless stations, or automobiles, or electric lights, or sky-scrapers, or million-dollar hotels, or trolley cars, or a thousand other contrivances that today supply the conveniences and comforts of what we call our American civilization. The cities of that period, with their unsewered and unpaved streets, their dingy, flickering gaslights, their ambling horse-cars, and their hideous slums, seemed appropriate settings for the unformed social life and the rough-and-ready political methods of American democracy. The railroads, with their fragile iron rails, their little wheezy locomotives, their wooden bridges, their unheated coaches, and their kerosene lamps, fairly typified the prevailing frontier business and economic organization. But only by talking with the business leaders of that time could we have understood the changes that have taken place in fifty years. For the most part we speak a business language which our fathers and grandfathers would not have comprehended. The word "trust" had not become a part of their vocabulary; "restraint of trade" was a phrase which only the antiquarian lawyer could have interpreted; "interlocking directorates," "holding companies," "subsidiaries," "underwriting syndicates," and "community of interest"--all this jargon of modern business would have signified nothing to our immediate ancestors. Our nation of 1865 was a nation of farmers, city artisans, and industrious, independent business men, and small-scale manufacturers. Millionaires, though they were not unknown, did not swarm all over the land. Luxury, though it had made great progress in the latter years of the war, had not become the American standard of well-being. The industrial story of the United States in the last fifty years is the story of the most amazing economic transformation that the world has ever known; a change which is fitly typified in the evolution of the independent oil driller of western Pennsylvania into the Standard Oil Company, and of the ancient open air forge on the banks of the Allegheny into the United States Steel Corporation. The slow, unceasing ages had been accumulating a priceless inheritance for the American people. Nearly all of their natural resources, in 1865, were still lying fallow, and even undiscovered in many instances. Americans had begun, it is true, to exploit their more obvious, external wealth, their forests and their land; the first had made them one of the world's two greatest shipbuilding nations, while the second had furnished a large part of the resources that had enabled the Federal Government to fight what was, up to that time, the greatest war in history. But the extensive prairie plains whose settlement was to follow the railroad extensions of the sixties and the seventies--Kansas, Nebraska, Iowa, Oklahoma, Minnesota, the Dakotas--had been only slightly penetrated. This region, with a rainfall not too abundant and not too scanty, with a cultivable soil extending from eight inches to twenty feet under the ground, with hardly a rock in its whole extent, with scarcely a tree, except where it bordered on the streams, has been pronounced by competent scientists the finest farming country to which man has ever set the plow. Our mineral wealth was likewise lying everywhere ready to the uses of the new generation. The United States now supplies the world with half its copper, but in 1865 it was importing a considerable part of its own supply. It was not till 1859 that the first "oil gusher" of western Pennsylvania opened up an entirely new source of wealth. Though we had the largest coal deposits known to geologists, we were bringing large supplies of this indispensable necessity from Nova Scotia. It has been said that coal and iron are the two mineral products that have chiefly affected modern civilization. Certainly the nations that have made the greatest progress industrially and commercially--England, Germany, America--are the three that possess these minerals in largest amount. From sixty to seventy per cent of all the known coal deposits in the world were located in our national domain. Nature had given no other nation anything even remotely comparable to the four hundred and eighty square miles of anthracite in western Pennsylvania and West Virginia. Enormous fields of bituminous lay in those Appalachian ranges extending from Pennsylvania to Alabama, in Michigan, in the Rocky Mountains, and in the Pacific regions. In speaking of our iron it is necessary to use terms that are even more extravagant. From colonial times Americans had worked the iron ore plentifully scattered along the Atlantic coast, but the greatest field of all, that in Minnesota, had not been scratched. From the settlement of the country up to 1869 it had mined only 50,000,000 tons of iron ore, while up to 1910 we had produced 685,000,000 tons. The streams and waterfalls that, in the next sixty years, were to furnish the power that would light our cities, propel our street-cars, drive our transcontinental trains across the mountains, and perform numerous domestic services, were running their useless courses to the sea. Industrial America is a product of the decades succeeding the Civil War; yet even in 1865 we were a large manufacturing nation. The leading characteristic of our industries, as compared with present conditions, was that they were individualized. Nearly all had outgrown the household stage, the factory system had gained a foothold in nearly every line, even the corporation had made its appearance, yet small-scale production prevailed in practically every field. In the decade preceding the War, vans were still making regular trips through New England and the Middle States, leaving at farmhouses bundles of straw plait, which the members of the household fashioned into hats. The farmers' wives and daughters still supplemented the family income by working on goods for city dealers in ready-made clothing. We can still see in Massachusetts rural towns the little shoe shops in which the predecessors of the existing factory workers soled and heeled the shoes which shod our armies in the early days of the Civil War. Every city and town had its own slaughter house; New York had more than two hundred; what is now Fifth Avenue was frequently encumbered by large droves of cattle, and great stockyards occupied territory which is now used for beautiful clubs, railroad stations, hotels, and the highest class of retail establishments. In this period before the Civil War comparatively small single owners, or frequently copartnerships, controlled practically every industrial field. Individual proprietors, not uncommonly powerful families which were almost feudal in character, owned the great cotton and woolen mills of New England. Separate proprietors, likewise, controlled the iron and steel factories of New York State and Pennsylvania. Indeed it was not until the War that corporations entered the iron industry, now regarded as the field above all others adapted to this kind of organization. The manufacture of sewing machines, firearms, and agricultural implements started on a great scale in the Civil War; still, the prevailing unit was the private owner or the partnership. In many manufacturing lines, the joint stock company had become the prevailing organization, but even in these fields the element that so characterizes our own age, that of combination, was exerting practically no influence. Competition was the order of the day: the industrial warfare of the sixties was a free-for-all. A mere reference to the status of manufactures in which the trust is now the all-prevailing fact will make the contrast clear. In 1865 thousands of independent companies were drilling oil in Pennsylvania and there were more than two hundred which were refining the product. Nearly four hundred and fifty operators were mining coal, not even dimly foreseeing the day when their business would become a great railroad monopoly. The two hundred companies that were making mowers and reapers, seventy-five of them located in New York State, had formed no mental picture of the future International Harvester Company. One of our first large industrial combinations was that which in the early seventies absorbed the manufacturers of salt; yet the close of the Civil War found fifty competing companies making salt in the Saginaw Valley of Michigan. In the same State, about fifty distinct ownerships controlled the copper mines, while in Nevada the Comstock Lode had more than one hundred proprietors. The modern trust movement has now absorbed even our lumber and mineral lands, but in 1865 these rich resources were parceled out among a multiplicity of owners: No business has offered greater opportunities to the modern promoter of combinations than our street railways. In 1865 most of our large cities had their leisurely horse-car systems, yet practically every avenue had its independent line. New York had thirty separate companies engaged in the business of local transportation. Indeed the Civil War period developed only one corporation that could be described as a "trust" in the modern sense. This was the Western Union Telegraph Company. Incredible as it may seem, more than fifty companies, ten years before the Civil War, were engaged in the business of transmitting telegraphic messages. These companies had built their telegraph lines precisely as the railroads had laid their tracks; that is, independent lines were constructed connecting two given points. It was inevitable, of course, that all these scattered lines should come under a single control, for the public convenience could not be served otherwise. This combination was effected a few years before the War, when the Western Union Telegraph Company, after a long and fierce contest, succeeded in absorbing all its competitors. Similar forces were bringing together certain continuous lines of railways, but the creation of huge trunk systems had not yet taken place. How far our industrial era is removed from that of fifty years ago is apparent when we recall that the proposed capitalization of $15,000,000, caused by the merging of the Boston and Worcester and the Western railroads, was widely denounced as "monstrous" and as a corrupting force that would destroy our Republican institutions. Naturally this small-scale ownership was reflected in the distribution of wealth. The "swollen fortunes" of that period rested upon the same foundation that had given stability for centuries to the aristocracies of Europe. Social preeminence in large cities rested almost entirely upon the ownership of land. The Astors, the Goelets, the Rhinelanders, the Beekmans, the Brevoorts, and practically all the mighty families that ruled the old Knickerbocker aristocracy in New York were huge land proprietors. Their fortunes thus had precisely the same foundation as that of the Prussian Junkers today. But their accumulations compared only faintly with the fortunes that are commonplace now. How many "millionaires" there were fifty years ago we do not precisely know. The only definite information we have is a pamphlet published in 1855 by Moses Yale Beach, proprietor of the New York Sun, on the "Wealthy Men of New York." This records the names of nineteen citizens who, in the estimation of well-qualified judges, possessed more than a million dollars each. The richest man in the list was William B. Astor, whose estate is estimated at $6,000,000. The next richest man was Stephen Whitney, also a large landowner, whose fortune is listed at $5,000,000. Then comes James Lenox, again a land proprietor, with $3,000,000. The man who was to accumulate the first monstrous American fortune, Cornelius Vanderbilt, is accredited with a paltry $1,500,000. Mr. Beach's little pamphlet sheds the utmost light upon the economic era preceding the Civil War. It really pictures an industrial organization that belongs as much to ancient history as the empire of the Caesars. His study lists about one thousand of New York's "wealthy citizens." Yet the fact that a man qualified for entrance into this Valhalla who had $100,000 to his credit and that nine-tenths of those so chosen possessed only that amount shows the progress concentrated riches have made in sixty years. How many New Yorkers of today would look upon a man with $100,000 as "wealthy"? The sources of these fortunes also show the economic changes our country has undergone. Today, when we think of our much exploited millionaires, the phrase "captains of industry" is the accepted description; in Mr. Beach's time the popular designation was "merchant prince." His catalogue contains no "oil magnates" or "steel kings" or "railroad manipulators"; nearly all the industrial giants of ante-bellum times--as distinguished from the socially prominent whose wealth was inherited--had heaped together their accumulations in humdrum trade. Perhaps Peter Cooper, who had made a million dollars in the manufacture of isinglass and glue, and George Law, whose gains, equally large, represented fortunate speculations in street railroads, faintly suggest the approaching era; yet the fortunes which are really typical are those of William Aspinwall, who made $4,000,000 in the shipping business, of A. T. Stewart, whose $2,000,000 represented his earnings as a retail and wholesale dry goods merchant, and of Peter Harmony, whose $1,000,000 had been derived from happy trade ventures in Cuba and Spain. Many of the reservoirs of this ante-bellum wealth sound strangely in our modern ears. John Haggerty had made $1,000,000 as an auctioneer; William L. Coggeswell had made half as much as a wine importer; Japhet Bishop had rounded out an honest $600,000 from the profits of a hardware store; while Phineas T. Barnum ranks high in the list by virtue of $800,000 accumulated in a business which it is hardly necessary to specify. Indeed his name and that of the great landlords are almost the only ones in this list that have descended to posterity. Yet they were the Rockefellers, the Carnegies, the Harrimans, the Fricks, and the Henry Fords of their day. Before the Civil War had ended, however, the transformation of the United States from a nation of farmers and small-scale manufacturers to a highly organized industrial state had begun. Probably the most important single influence was the War itself. Those four years of bitter conflict illustrate, perhaps more graphically than any similar event in history, the power which military operations may exercise in stimulating all the productive forces of a people. In thickly settled nations, with few dormant resources and with practically no areas of unoccupied land, a long war usually produces industrial disorganization and financial exhaustion. The Napoleonic wars had this effect in Europe; in particular they caused a period of social and industrial distress in England. The few years immediately following Waterloo marked a period when starving mobs rioted in the streets of London, setting fire to the houses of the aristocracy and stoning the Prince Regent whenever he dared to show his head in public, when cotton spindles ceased to turn, when collieries closed down, when jails and workhouses were overflowing with a wretched proletariat, and when gaunt and homeless women and children crowded the country highways. No such disorders followed the Civil War in this country, at least in the North and West. Spiritually the struggle accomplished much in awakening the nation to a consciousness of its great opportunities. The fact that we could spend more than a million dollars a day--expenditures that hardly seem startling in amount now, but which were almost unprecedented then--and that soon after hostilities ceased we rapidly paid off our large debt, directed the attention of foreign capitalists to our resources, and gave them the utmost confidence in this new investment field. Immigration, too, started after the war at a rate hitherto without parallel in our annals. The Germans who had come in the years preceding the Civil War had been largely political refugees and democratic idealists, but now, in much larger numbers, began the influx of north and south Germans whose dominating motive was economic. These Germans began to find their way to the farms of the Mississippi Valley; the Irish began once more to crowd our cities; the Slavs gravitated towards the mines of Pennsylvania; the Scandinavians settled whole counties of certain northwestern States; while the Jews began that conquest of the tailoring industries that was ultimately to make them the clothiers of a hundred million people. For this industrial development, America supplied the land, the resources, and the business leaders, while Europe furnished the liquid capital and the laborers. Even more directly did the War stimulate our industrial development. Perhaps the greatest effect was the way in which it changed our transportation system. The mere necessity of constantly transporting hundreds of thousands of troops and war supplies demanded reconstruction and reequipment on an extensive scale. The American Civil War was the first great conflict in which railroads played a conspicuous military part, and their development during those four years naturally left them in a strong position to meet the new necessities of peace. One of the first effects of the War was to close the Mississippi River; consequently the products of the Western farms had to go east by railroad, and this fact led to that preeminence of the great trunk lines which they retain to this day. Almost overnight Chicago became the great Western shipping center, and though the river boats lingered for a time on the Ohio and the Mississippi they grew fewer year by year. Prosperity, greater than the country had ever known, prevailed everywhere in the North throughout the last two years of the War. So, too, feeding and supplying an army of millions of men laid the foundation of many of our greatest industries. The Northern soldiers in the early days of the war were clothed in garments so variegated that they sometimes had trouble in telling friend from foe, and not infrequently they shot at one another; so inadequately were our woolen mills prepared to supply their uniforms! But larger government contracts enabled the proprietors to reconstruct their mills, install modern machines, and build up an organization and a prosperous business that still endures. Making boots and shoes for Northern soldiers laid the foundation of America's great shoe industry. Machinery had already been applied to shoe manufacture, but only to a limited extent; under the pressure of war conditions, however, American inventive skill found ways of performing mechanically almost all the operations that had formerly been done by hand. The McKay sewing machine, one of the greatest of our inventions, which was perfected in the second year of the war, did as much perhaps as any single device to keep our soldiers well shod and comfortable. The necessity of feeding these same armies created our great packing plants. Though McCormick had invented his reaper several years before the war, the new agricultural machinery had made no great headway. Without this machinery, however, our Western farmers could never have harvested the gigantic crops which not only fed our soldiers but laid the basis of our economic prosperity. Thus the War directly established one of the greatest, and certainly one of the most romantic, of our industries--that of agricultural machinery. Above all, however, the victory at Appomattox threw upon the country more than a million unemployed men. Our European critics predicted that their return to civil life would produce dire social and political consequences. But these critics were thinking in terms of their own countries; they failed to consider that the United States had an immense unoccupied domain which was waiting for development. The men who fought the Civil War had demonstrated precisely the adventurous, hardy instincts which were most needed in this great enterprise. Even before the War ended, a great immigration started towards the mines and farms of the trans-Mississippi country. There was probably no important town or district west of the Alleghanies that did not absorb a considerable number. In most instances, too, our ex-soldiers became leaders in these new communities. Perhaps this movement has its most typical and picturesque illustration in the extent to which the Northern soldiers opened up the oil-producing regions of western Pennsylvania. Venango County, where this great development started, boasted that it had more ex-soldiers than any similar section of the United States. The Civil War period also forced into prominence a few men whose methods and whose achievements indicated, even though roughly and indistinctly, a new type of industrial leadership. Every period has its outstanding figure and, when the Civil War was approaching its end, one personality had emerged from the humdrum characters of the time--one man who, in energy, imagination, and genius, displayed the forces that were to create a new American world. Although this man employed his great talents in a field, that of railroad transportation, which lies outside the scope of the present volume, yet in this comprehensive view I may take Cornelius Vanderbilt as the symbol that links the old industrial era with the new. He is worthy of more detailed study than he has ever received, for in personality and accomplishments Vanderbilt is the most romantic figure in the history of American finance. We must remember that Vanderbilt was born in 1794 and that at the time we are considering he was seventy-one years old. In the matter of years, therefore, his career apparently belongs to the ante-bellum days, yet the most remarkable fact about this remarkable man is that his real life work did not begin until he had passed his seventieth year. In 1865 Vanderbilt's fortune, consisting chiefly of a fleet of steamboats, amounted to about $10,000,000; he died twelve years later, in 1877, leaving $104,000,000, the first of those colossal American fortunes that were destined to astound the world. The mere fact that this fortune was the accumulated profit of only ten years shows perhaps more eloquently than any other circumstance that the United States had entered a new economic age. That new factor in the life of America and the world, the railroad, explains his achievement. Vanderbilt was one of the most astonishing characters in our history. His physical exterior made him perhaps the most imposing figure in New York. In his old age, at seventy-three, Vanderbilt married his second wife, a beautiful Southern widow who had just turned her thirtieth year, and the appearance of the two, sitting side by side in one of the Commodore's smartest turnouts, driving recklessly behind a pair of the fastest trotters of the day, was a common sight in Central Park. Nor did Vanderbilt look incongruous in this brilliant setting. His tall and powerful frame was still erect, and his large, defiant head, ruddy cheeks, sparkling, deep-set black eyes, and snowy white hair and whiskers, made him look every inch the Commodore. These public appearances lent a pleasanter and more sentimental aspect to Vanderbilt's life than his intimates always perceived. For his manners were harsh and uncouth; he was totally without education and could write hardly half a dozen lines without outraging the spelling-book. Though he loved his race-horses, had a fondness for music, and could sit through long winter evenings while his young wife sang old Southern ballads, Vanderbilt's ungovernable temper had placed him on bad terms with nearly all his children--he had had thirteen, of whom eleven survived him--who contested his will and exposed all his eccentricities to public view on the ground that the man who created the New York Central system was actually insane. Vanderbilt's methods and his temperament presented such a contrast to the commonplace minds which had previously dominated American business that this explanation of his career is perhaps not surprising. He saw things in their largest aspects and in his big transactions he seemed to act almost on impulse and intuition. He could never explain the mental processes by which he arrived at important decisions, though these decisions themselves were invariably sound. He seems to have had, as he himself frequently said, almost a seer-like faculty. He saw visions, and he believed in dreams and in signs. The greatest practical genius of his time was a frequent attendant at spiritualistic seances; he cultivated personally the society of mediums, and in sickness he usually resorted to mental healers, mesmerists, and clairvoyants. Before making investments or embarking in his great railroad ventures, Vanderbilt visited spiritualists; we have one circumstantial account of his summoning the wraith of Jim Fiske to advise him in stock operations. His excessive vanity led him to print his picture on all the Lake Shore bonds; he proposed to New York City the construction in Central Park of a large monument that would commemorate, side by side, the names of Vanderbilt and Washington; and he actually erected a large statue to himself in his new Hudson River station in St. John's Park. His attitude towards the public was shown in his remark when one of his associates told him that "each and every one" of certain transactions which he had just forced through "is absolutely forbidden by the statutes of the State of New York." "My God, John!" said the Commodore, "you don't suppose you can run a railroad in accordance with the statutes of the State of New York, do you?" "Law!" he once roared on a similar occasion, "What do I care about law? Hain't I got the power?" These things of course were the excrescences of an extremely vital, overflowing, imaginative, energetic human being; they are traits that not infrequently accompany genius. And the work which Vanderbilt did remains an essential part of our economic organization today. Before his time a trip to Chicago meant that the passenger changed trains seventeen times, and that all freight had to be unloaded at a similar number of places, carted across towns, and reloaded into other trains. The magnificent railroad highway that extends up the banks of the Hudson, through the Mohawk Valley, and alongside the borders of Lake Erie--a water line route nearly the entire distance--was all but useless. It is true that not all the consolidation of these lines was Vanderbilt's work. In 1853 certain millionaires and politicians had linked together the several separate lines extending from Albany to Buffalo, but they had managed the new road so wretchedly that the largest stockholders in 1867 begged Vanderbilt to take over the control. By 1873 the Commodore had acquired the Hudson River, extending from New York to Albany, the New York Central extending from Albany to Buffalo, and the Lake Shore which ran from Buffalo to Chicago. In a few years these roads had been consolidated into a smoothly operating system. If, in transforming these discordant railroads into one, Vanderbilt bribed legislatures and corrupted courts, if he engaged in the largest stock-watering operations on record up to that time, and took advantage of inside information to make huge winnings on the stock exchange, he also ripped up the old iron rails and relaid them with steel, put down four tracks where formerly there had been two, replaced wooden bridges with steel, discarded the old locomotives for new and more powerful ones, built splendid new terminals, introduced economies in a hundred directions, cut down the hours required in a New York-Chicago trip from fifty to twenty-four, made his highway an expeditious line for transporting freight, and transformed railroads that had formerly been the playthings of Wall Street and that frequently could not meet their pay-rolls into exceedingly profitable, high dividend paying properties. In this operation Vanderbilt typified the era that was dawning--an era of ruthlessness, of personal selfishness, of corruption, of disregard of private rights, of contempt for law and legislatures, and yet of vast and beneficial achievement. The men of this time may have traveled roughshod to their goal, but after all, they opened up, in an amazingly short time, a mighty continent to the uses of mankind. The triumph of the New York Central and Hudson River Railroad under Vanderbilt, a triumph which dazzled European investors as well as our own, and which represented an entirely different business organization from anything the nation had hitherto seen, appropriately ushered in the new business era whose outlines will be sketched in the succeeding pages. CHAPTER II. THE FIRST GREAT AMERICAN TRUST When Cornelius Vanderbilt died in 1877, America's first great industrial combination had become an established fact. In that year the Standard Oil Company of Ohio controlled at least ninety per cent of the business of refining and marketing petroleum. A new portent had appeared in our economic life, a phenomenon that was destined to affect not only the social and business existence of the every-day American but even his political and legal institutions. It seems natural enough at the present time to refer to petroleum as an indispensable commodity. At the beginning of the Civil War, however, any such description would have been absurd. Though petroleum was not unknown, millions of American households were still burning candles, whale oil, and other illuminants. Not until 1859 did our ancestors realize that, concealed in the rocky of western Pennsylvania, lay apparently inexhaustible quantities of a liquid which, when refined, would give a light exceeding in brilliancy anything they had hitherto known. The mere existence of petroleum, it is true, had been a familiar fact for centuries. Herodotus mentions the oil pits of Babylon, and Pliny informs us that this oil was actually used for lighting in certain parts of Sicily. It had never become an object of universal use, simply because no one had discovered how to obtain it in sufficient quantities. No one had suspected, indeed, that petroleum existed practically in the form of great subterranean rivers, lakes, or even seas. For ages this great natural treasure had been seeking to advertise its presence by occasionally seeping through the rocks and appearing on the surface of watercourses. It had been doing this all over the world--in China, in Russia, in Germany, in England, in our own country. Yet our obtuse ancestors had for centuries refused to take the hint. We can find much cause for self-congratulation in that it was apparently the American mind that first acted upon this obvious suggestion. In Venango County, Pennsylvania, petroleum floated in such quantities on the surface of a branch of the Allegheny River that this small watercourse had for generations been known as Oil Creek. The neighboring farmers used to collect the oil and use it to grease their wagon axles; others, more enterprising, made a business of gathering the floating substance, packing it in bottles, and selling it broadcast as a medicine. The most famous of these concoctions, "Seneca Oil," was widely advertised as a sure cure for rheumatism, and had an extensive sale in this country. "Kier's Rock Oil" afterwards had an even more extended use. Samuel M. Kier, who exploited this comprehensive cure-all, made no lasting contributions to medical science, but his method of obtaining his medicament led indirectly to the establishment of a great industry. In this western Pennsylvania region salt manufacture had been a thriving business for many years; the salt was obtained from salt water by means of artesian wells. This salt water usually came to the surface contaminated with that same evil-smelling oil which floated so constantly on top of the rivers and brooks. The salt makers spent much time and money "purifying" their water from this substance, never apparently suspecting that the really valuable product of their wells was not the salt water they so carefully preserved, but the petroleum which they threw away. Samuel M. Kier was originally a salt manufacturer; more canny than his competitors, he sold the oil which came up with his water as a patent medicine. In order to give a mysterious virtue to this remedy, Kier printed on his labels the information that it had been "pumped up with salt water about four hundred feet below the earth's surface." His labels also contained the convincing picture of an artesian well--a rough woodcut which really laid the foundation of the Standard Oil Company. In the late fifties Mr. George H. Bissell had become interested in rock oil, not as an embrocation and as a cure for most human ills, but as a light-giving material. A professor at Dartmouth had performed certain experiments with this substance which had sunk deeply into Bissell's imagination. So convinced was this young man that he could introduce petroleum commercially that he leased certain fields in western Pennsylvania and sent a specimen of the oil to Benjamin Silliman, Jr., Professor of Chemistry at Yale. Professor Silliman gave the product a more complete analysis than it had ever previously received and submitted a report which is still the great classic in the scientific literature of petroleum. This report informed Bissell that the substance, could be refined cheaply and easily, and that, when refined, it made a splendid illuminant, besides yielding certain byproducts, such as paraffin and naphtha, which had a great commercial value. So far, Bissell's enterprise seemed to promise success, yet the great problem still remained: how could he obtain this rock oil in amounts large enough to make his enterprise a practical one? A chance glimpse of Kier's label, with its picture of an artesian well, supplied Bissell with his answer. He at once sent E. L. Drake into the oil-fields with a complete drilling equipment, to look, not for saltwater, but for oil. Nothing seems quite so obvious today as drilling a well into the rock to discover oil, yet so strange was the idea in Drake's time that the people of Titusville, where he started work, regarded him as a lunatic and manifested a hostility to his enterprise that delayed operations for several months. Yet one day in August, 1859, the coveted liquid began flowing from "Drake's folly" at the rate of twenty-five barrels a day. Because of this performance Drake has gone down to fame as the man who "discovered oil." In the sense that his operation made petroleum available to the uses of mankind, Drake was its discoverer, and his achievement seems really a greater one than that of the men who first made apparent our beds of coal, iron, copper, or even gold. For Drake really uncovered an entirely new substance. And the country responded spontaneously to Drake's success. For anything approaching the sudden rush to the oil-fields we shall have to go to the discovery of gold in California ten years before. Men flocked into western Pennsylvania by the thousands; fortunes were made and lost almost instantaneously. Oil flowed so plentifully in this region that it frequently ran upon the ground, and the "gusher," which threw a stream of the precious liquid sometimes a hundred feet and more into the air, became an almost every-day occurrence. The discovery took the whole section by surprise; there were no towns, no railways, and no wagon roads except a few almost impassable lumber trails. Yet, almost in a twinkling, the whole situation changed; towns sprang up overnight, roads were built, over which teamsters could carry the oil to the nearest shipping points, and the great trunk lines began to extend branches into the regions. The one thing, next to Drake's well, that made the oil available, was the discovery, which was made by Samuel Van Syckel, that a two-inch pipe, starting at the well, could convey the oil for several miles to the nearest railway station. In a few years the whole oil region of Venango County was an inextricable tangle of these primitive pipelines. Thus, before the Civil war had ended, the western Pennsylvania wilderness had been transformed into the busy headquarters of a new industry. Companies had been formed, many of them the wildest stock-jobbing operations, refineries had been started, in a few years the whalers of New England had almost lost their occupation, but millions of American homes, that had hitherto had to spend the long winter evenings almost in darkness, suddenly found themselves flooded with light. In Cleveland, in Pittsburgh, in Philadelphia, in New York, and in the oil regions, the business of refining and selling petroleum had reached extensive proportions. Europe, although it had great undeveloped oil-fields of its own, drew upon this new American enterprise to such an extent that, eleven years after Drake's "discovery," petroleum had taken fourth place among our exported articles. The very year that Bissell had organized his petroleum company a boy of sixteen had obtained his first job in a produce commission office on a dock in Cleveland. As the curtain rises on the career of John D. Rockefeller, we see him perched upon a high stool, adding up figures and casting accounts, faithfully doing every odd office job that came his way, earning his employer's respect for his industry, his sobriety, and his unmistakable talents for business. Nor does this picture inadequately visualize Rockefeller's whole after-life, and explain the business qualities that made possible his unexampled success. It is, indeed, the scene to which Mr. Rockefeller himself most frequently reverts when, in his famous autobiographical discourses to his Cleveland Sunday School, he calls our attention to the rules that inevitably lead to industrial prosperity. "Thrift, thrift, Horatio," is the one idea upon which the great captain of the oil business has always insisted. Many have detected in these habits of mind only the cheese-paring activities of a naturally narrow spirit. Rockefeller's old Cleveland associates remember him as the greatest bargainer they had ever known, as a man who had an eye for infinite details and an unquenchable patience and resource in making economies. Yet Rockefeller was clearly more than a pertinacious haggler over trifles. Certainly such a diagnosis does not explain a man who has built up one of the world's greatest organizations and accumulated the largest fortune which has ever been placed at the disposal of one man. Indeed, Rockefeller displayed unusual business ability even before he entered the oil business. A young man who, at the age of nineteen, could start a commission house and do a business of nearly five hundred thousand the first year must have had commercial capacity to an extraordinary degree. Fate had placed Rockefeller in Cleveland in the days when the oil business had got well under way. In the early sixties a score or so of refineries had started in this town, many of which were making large profits. It is not surprising that Rockefeller, gazing at these black and evil-smelling buildings from the vantage point of his commission office, should have felt an impulse to join in the gamble. He plunged into this new activity at the age of twenty-three. He possessed two great advantages over most of his adventurous competitors; one was a heavy bank account, representing his earnings in the commission business, and the other a partner, Samuel Andrews, who was generally regarded as a mechanical genius in the production of illuminating oil. At the beginning, therefore, Rockefeller had the two essentials which largely explain his subsequent career; an adequate liquid capital and high technical resources. In the first few years the Rockefeller houses--he rapidly organized three, one after another--competed with a large number of other units in the oil business on somewhat more than even terms. At this time Rockefeller was merely one of a large number of successful oil refiners, yet during these early days a grandiose scheme was taking shape in that quiet, insinuating, far-reaching brain. He said nothing about it, even to his closest associates, yet it filled his every waking hour. For this young man was taking a comprehensive sweep of the world and he saw millions of people, in the Americas, in Europe, and in Asia, whose need for the article in which he dealt would grow more insistent every day. He saw that he was handling a product which was becoming as much a necessity of life as the air itself. The young man reached out to grasp this business. "All of it," we can picture Rockefeller saying to himself, "all of it shall be mine." Any study of Rockefeller's career must lead to the conclusion that, before he had reached his thirtieth year, he had determined to monopolize this growing necessity. The mere fact that this young man could form such a stupendous plan indicates that in him we are meeting for the first time a new type of industrial leader. At that time monopolies were unknown in the United States. That certain old English Kings had frequently granted exclusive trading privileges to favored merchants most educated Americans knew; and their knowledge of monopolies extended little further than this. Yet about 1868 John D. Rockefeller started consciously to revive this ancient practice, and to bring under one ownership the magnificent industry to which Drake's sensational discovery had given rise. Daring as was this conception, the resourcefulness and the skill with which Rockefeller executed it were more startling still. Merely to catalogue, one by one, the achievements of the ten succeeding fruitful years, almost takes one's breath away. Indeed the whole operation proceeded with such a Napoleonic rapidity of action that the outside world had hardly grasped Rockefeller's intention before the monopoly had been made complete. We catch one glimpse of Rockefeller, in 1868, as head of the prosperous house of Rockefeller, Andrews, and Flagler, and eight years afterwards we see him once more, this time the man who controlled practically the entire petroleum business of the world. His career of conquest began in 1870, when the firm of Rockefeller, Andrews, and Flagler, joining hands with several large capitalists in Cleveland and New York, was incorporated under the name of the Standard Oil Company of Ohio. In 1870 about twenty-five independent refineries, many of them prosperous and powerful, were manufacturing oil in the city of Cleveland; two years afterward this new Standard Oil Company had absorbed all of them except five: In these two critical years the oil business of the largest refining center in the United States had thus passed into Rockefeller's hands. By 1874 the greatest refineries in New York and Philadelphia had likewise merged their identity with his own. When Rockefeller began his acquisition, there were thirty independent refineries operating in Pittsburgh, all of which, in four or five years, passed one by one under his control. The largest refineries of Baltimore surrendered in 1875. These capitulations left only one important refining headquarters in the United States which the Standard had not absorbed. This was that section of western Pennsylvania where the oil business had had its origin. The mere fact that this area was the headquarters of the oil supply gave it great advantages as a place for manufacturing the finished product. The oil regions regarded these advantages as giving them the right to dominate the growing industry, and they had frequently proclaimed the doctrine that the business belonged to them. They hated Rockefeller as much as they feared him, yet at the very moment when the Titusville operators were hanging him in effigy and posting the hoardings with cabalistic signs against his corporation, this mysterious, almost uncanny power was encircling them: Men who one night were addressing public meetings denouncing the Standard influence would suddenly sell out their holdings the next day. In 1875 John D. Archbold, a brilliant young refiner who had grown up in the oil regions and who had gained much local fame as opponent of the Standard, appeared in Titusville as the President of the Acme Oil Company. At that time there were twenty-seven independent refineries in this section. Archbold began buying and leasing these establishments for his Acme Company, and in about four years practically every one had passed under his control. The Acme Company was merely a subsidiary of the Standard Oil. These rapid purchasing campaigns gave the Standard ninety per cent of all the refineries in the United States, but Rockefeller's scheme comprehended more than the acquisition of refineries. In the main the Rockefeller group left the production of crude oil in the hands of the private drillers, but practically every other branch of the business passed ultimately into their hands. Both the New York Central and the Erie railroads surrendered to the Standard the large oil terminal stations which they had maintained for years in New York. As a consequence, the Standard obtained complete supervision of all oil sent by railroad into New York, and it also secured the machinery of a complete espionage system over the business of competitors. The Standard acquired companies which had built up a large business in marketing oil. Even more dramatic was its success in gathering up, one after another, these pipe lines which represented the circulatory system of the oil industry. In the early days these pipe lines were small and comparatively simple affairs. They merely carried the crude oil from the wells to railroad centers; from these stations the railroads transported it to the refineries at Cleveland, New York, and other places. At an early day the construction and management of these pipe lines became a separate industry. And now, in 1873, the Standard Oil Company secured possession of a one-third interest in the largest of these privately owned companies, the American Transfer Company. Soon afterward the United Pipe Line Company went under their control. In 1877 the Empire Transportation Company, a large pipe line and refining corporation which the Pennsylvania Railroad had controlled for many years, became a Standard subsidiary. Meanwhile certain hardy spirits in the oil regions had conceived a much more ambitious plan. Why not build great underground mains directly from the oil regions to the seaboard, pump the crude oil directly to the city refineries, and thus free themselves from dependence on the railroads? At first the idea of pumping oil through pipes over the Alleghany Mountains seemed grotesque, but competent engineers gave their indorsement to the plan. A certain "Dr." Hostetter built for the Columbia Conduit Company a trunk pipe line that extended thirty miles from the oil regions to Pittsburgh. Hardly had Hostetter completed his splendid project when the Standard Oil capitalists quietly appeared and purchased it! For four years another group struggled with an even more ambitious scheme, the construction of a conduit, five hundred miles long, from the oil regions to Baltimore. The American people looked on admiringly at the splendid enterprise whose projectors, led by General Haupt, the builder of the Hoosac Tunnel, struggled against bankruptcy, strikes, railroad opposition, and hostile legislatures, in their attempts to push their pipe line to the sea. In 1879 the Tidewater Company first began to pump their oil, and the American press hailed their achievement as something that ranked with the laying of the Atlantic Cable and the construction of the Brooklyn Bridge. But in less than two years the Rockefeller interest had entered into agreements with the Tidewater Company that practically placed this great seaboard pipe line in its hands. Thus in less than ten years Rockefeller had realized his ambitious dream; he now controlled practically everything concerned in the manufacture and sale of petroleum. The change had come about so stealthily, so secretly, and even so remorselessly that it impressed the public almost as the work of some uncanny genius. What were the forces, personal and economic, that had produced this new phenomenon in our business life? In certain particulars the Standard Oil monopoly was the product of well-understood principles. From his earliest days John D. Rockefeller had struggled to eliminate the middleman. He established factories to build his own barrels, to make his own acids; he created his own selling firms, and, instead of paying large storage charges, he constructed his own warehouses in New York. From his earliest days as a refiner, he had adopted the principle of paying no man a profit, and of performing all the intermediate acts that had formerly resulted in large tribute to middlemen. Moreover, the Standard Oil Company was apparently the first great American industrial enterprise that realized the necessity of operating with an abundant capital. Not the least of Mr. Rockefeller's achievements was his success in associating with the new company men having great financial standing--Amasa Stone, Benjamin Brewster, Oliver Jennings, and the like, capitalists whose banking resources, placed at the disposition of the Standard, gave it an immense advantage over its rivals. While his competitors were "kiting" checks and waiting, hat in hand, on the good nature of the money lenders, Rockefeller always had a large bank balance, upon which he could instantly draw for his operations. Nor must we overlook the fact that the Standard group contained a large number of exceedingly able men. "They are mighty smart men," said the despairing W. H. Vanderbilt, in 1879, when pressed to give his reasons for granting rebates to the Rockefeller group. "I guess if you ever had to deal with them you would find that out." In Rockefeller the corporation possessed a man of tireless industry and unshakable determination. Nothing could turn him aside from the work to which he had put his hand. Public criticism and even denunciation, while he resented it as unjust and regarded it as the product of a general misunderstanding, never caused the leader of Standard Oil even momentarily to flinch. He was a man of one idea, and he worked at it day and night, taking no rest or recreation, skillfully turning to his purpose every little advantage that came his way. His associates--men like Flagler, Archbold, and Rogers--also had unusual talents, and together they built up the splendid organization that still exists. They exacted from their subordinates the last ounce of attention and energy and they rewarded generously everybody who served them well. They showed great judgment in establishing refineries at the most strategic points and in giving up localities, such as Boston and Portland, which were too far removed from their supplies. They established a marketing system which enabled them to bring their oil directly from their own refineries to the retailer, all in their own tank cars and tank wagons. They extended their markets in foreign countries, so that now the Standard sells the larger part of its products outside the United States. They established chemical research laboratories which devised new and inexpensive methods for refining the product and developed invaluable byproducts, such as paraffin, naphtha, vaseline, and lubricating oils. It is impossible to study the career of the Standard Oil Company without concluding that we have here an example of a supreme business intelligence working in a field which gave the widest possible scope of action. A high quality of organization, however, does not completely explain the growth of this monopoly. The Standard Oil Company was the beneficiary of methods that have deservedly received great public opprobrium. Of these the one that stands forth most conspicuously is the railroad rebate. Those who have attempted to trace the very origin of the Rockefeller preeminence to railroad discrimination have not entirely succeeded. Only the most hazy evidence exists that the firm of Rockefeller, Andrews, and Flagler greatly profited from rebates. In fact, refined oil was not transported from Cleveland to the seaboard by railroad until 1870, the year that this firm dissolved; practically all of the product then went by way of the Great Lakes and the Erie Canal. Possibly the Rockefeller firm did get occasional rebates on crude oil from the oil regions to the refineries, but so did their competitors. It is therefore not likely that such favors had great influence in making this single firm the most successful in the largest refining center. With the organization of the Standard Oil Company, however, rebates became a more important consideration. The turning-point in the history of the oil industry came when the Rockefeller interests acquired the Cleveland refineries. The details concerning this act of generalship are fairly well known. The South Improvement Company is a corporation that necessarily bulks large in the history of the Standard Oil. Mr. Rockefeller and his associates have always disclaimed the parentage of this organization. They assert--and their assertion is doubtless true--that the only responsible begetters were Thomas A. Scott, President of the Pennsylvania Railroad, and certain refineries in Pittsburgh and Philadelphia which, though they were afterwards absorbed by the Standard, were at that time their competitors. These refiners and the Pennsylvania, over which the Standard Oil then was making no shipments, thus represented a group, composed of railroads and refiners, which was antagonistic to the Rockefeller interests. The South Improvement Company was an association of refiners with which the railroads, chiefly the Pennsylvania, the New York Central, and the Erie, made exclusive contracts for shipping oil. Under these contracts rates to the seaboard were to be generally raised, though the members of the South Improvement Company were to receive liberal rebates. The refiners of Cleveland and Pittsburgh were to get lower rates than the refiners located in the oil regions. But the clause in these contracts that caused the greatest amazement and indignation was one which gave the inside group rebates on every barrel of oil shipped by its competitors. It would be difficult to imagine any transaction more wicked than these contracts. Carried into execution they inevitably meant the extinction of every refiner who had not been admitted into the inside ring. Of the two thousand shares of the South Improvement Company, the gentlemen who were at that time most conspicuously identified with the Standard Oil Company subscribed to five hundred and forty. Mr. Rockefeller has always protested that he did not favor the scheme and that he became a party to it simply because he could not afford to antagonize the powerful Pennsylvania Railroad, which had originated it. When the details became public property, a wave of indignation swept from the Atlantic to the Pacific; the oil regions, which would have been the heaviest sufferers, shut down their wells and so cut off the supply of crude oil; the New York newspapers started a "crusade" against the South Improvement group and Congress ordered an investigation. So fiercely was the public wrath aroused that the railroads ran to cover, abrogated the contracts, signed an agreement promising never more to grant rebates to any one, while the Pennsylvania Legislature repealed the charter of the South Improvement Company. This particular scheme, therefore, never came to maturity. Before the South Improvement Company ended its corporate existence, however, a great change had taken place in the oil situation. Practically all the refineries in Cleveland had passed into the control of the Standard Oil Company. The Standard has always denied that there was any connection between the purchase of these great refineries and the organization of the South Improvement Company. But there is much evidence sustaining a contrary view, for many of these refiners afterward went on the witness stand and told circumstantial stories, all of which made precisely the same point. This was that the Standard men had come to them, shown the contracts which had been made by the South Improvement Company, and argued that, under these new conditions, the refineries left outside the combination could not long survive. The Standard's rivals were therefore urged to "come in," to take Standard stock in return for their refineries, or, if they preferred, to sell outright. Practically all saw the force in this argument and sold--in most cases taking cash. The acquisition of these Cleveland refineries made inevitable the Rockefeller conquest of the oil industry. Up to that time the Standard had refined about fifteen hundred barrels a day, and now suddenly its capacity jumped to more than twelve thousand barrels. This one strategic move had made Rockefeller master of about one-third of all the oil business in the United States, and this fact explains the rapidity with which the other citadels fell. There is no evidence that the Standard exercised any pressure upon the great refineries in New York, Pittsburgh, and Philadelphia. Indeed these concerns manifested an eagerness to join. The fact that, unlike the Cleveland refiners, many of the firms in these other cities took Standard stock, and so became parts of the new organization, is in itself significant. They evidently realized that they were casting their fortunes with the winning side. The huge shipments which the Standard now controlled explain this change in front. Every day Mr. Rockefeller could send from Cleveland to the seaboard a train, sixty cars long, loaded with the blue barrels containing his celebrated liquid. That was a consideration for which any railroad would at that time sell its soul. And the New York Central road promptly made this sacrifice. Hardly had the ink dried on its written promise not to grant any rebates when it began granting them to the Standard Oil Company. In those days the railroad rate was not the sacred, immutable thing which it subsequently became, although the argument for equal treatment of shippers existed theoretically just as strongly forty years ago as it does today. The rebate was just as illegal then as it is at present; there was no precise statute, it is true, which made it unlawful until the Interstate Commerce Act was passed in 1887; but the common law had always prohibited such discriminations. In the seventies and eighties, however, railroad men like Cornelius Vanderbilt and Thomas A. Scott were less interested in legal formalities than in getting freight. They regarded transportation as a commodity to be bought and sold, like so much sugar or wheat or coal, and they believed that the ordinary principles which regulated private bargaining should also regulate the sale of the article in which they dealt. According to this reasoning, which was utterly false and iniquitous, but generally prevalent at the time, the man who shipped the largest quantities of oil should get the lowest rate. The purchase of the Cleveland refineries made the Standard Oil group the largest shippers and therefore they obtained the most advantageous terms for transporting their product. Under these conditions they naturally obtained the monopoly, the extent of which has been already described. Their competitors could rage, hold public meetings, start riots, threaten to lynch Mr. Rockefeller and all his associates, but they could not long survive in face of these advantages. The only way in which the smaller shippers could overcome this handicap was by acquiring new methods of transportation. It was this necessity that inspired the construction of pipe lines; but the Standard, as already described, succeeded in absorbing these just about as rapidly as they were constructed. Not only did the Standard obtain railroad rebates but it developed the most death-dealing methods in its system of marketing its oil. In these campaigns it certainly overstepped the boundaries of legitimate business, even according to the prevailing morals of its own or of any other time. While it probably did not set fire to rival refineries, as it has sometimes been accused of doing, it undoubtedly did resort to somewhat Prussian methods of destroying the foe. This great corporation divided the United States into several sections, over each of which it appointed an agent, who in turn subdivided his territory into smaller divisions, each one of which likewise had its captain. The order imperatively issued to each agent was, "Sell all the oil that is sold in your district." To these instructions he was rigidly held; success in accomplishing his task meant advancement and an increased salary, with a liberal pension in his old age, whereas failure meant a pitiless dismissal. He was expected to supervise not only his own business, but that of his rivals as well, to obtain access to their accounts, their shipments, and their customers. It has been asserted, and the assertion has been supported by considerable evidence, that these agents did not hesitate to bribe railroad employees and in this way get access to their competitors' bills of lading and records of their shipments, and that they would even bribe dealers to cancel such orders and take the oil from them at a lower price. This information laid the foundation for those price-cutting campaigns that have brought the name of the Standard Oil into such disfavor. And when the Standard cut, it cut to kill; the only purpose was to drive the competitor from the field, and, when this had been accomplished, the price of oil would promptly go up again. The organization of "bogus companies," started purely for the purpose of eliminating competitors, seems to have been a not infrequent practice. This latter method emphasizes another quality that accompanied the Standard's operations and so largely explains its unpopularity--the secrecy with which it so commonly worked. Though the independent oil refiners were combating the most powerful financial power of the time, they were frequently fighting in the dark, never knowing where to deliver their blows. This same characteristic was manifested in the form of corporate existence which the Standard adopted. The first great "trust" was a trust not only in name but in fact. The Standard introduced not only a new economic development into our national organization; it introduced a new word into our language and an issue into American politics that provided sustenance for the presidential campaigns of twenty-five years. From the beginning the Standard Oil had always been a close corporation. Originally it had had only ten stockholders, and this number had gradually grown until, in 1881, there were forty-one. These men had adopted a new and secretive method of combining their increasing possessions into a single ownership. In 1873 the Standard Company had increased its capital stock (originally $1,000,000) to $3,500,000, the new certificates being exchanged for interests in the great New York and Philadelphia refineries The Standard Oil Company of Ohio never had a larger capital stock than that. As additional properties were acquired, the interests were placed in the hands of trustees, who held them for the joint benefit of the stockholders in the original company. In 1882 this idea was carried further, for then the Standard Oil Trust was organized. The fact that the properties lay in so many different States, many of which had laws intended to curb corporations, was evidently what led to this form of consolidation. A trust was formed, consisting of nine trustees, who held, for the benefit of the Standard Oil stockholders, all the stock in the Standard and in the subsidiary companies. Instead of certificates of stock the trustees issued certificates of trust amounting to $70,000,000. Each Standard stockholder received twenty of these certificates for each share which he held of Standard stock. These certificates could be bought and sold and passed on by inheritance precisely the same as stocks. Ingenious as was this legal device, it did not stand the test of the courts. In 1892 the Ohio Supreme Court declared the Standard Oil Trust a violation of the law and demanded its dissolution. The persistent attempts of the Standard to disregard this order increased its reputation for lawlessness. Finally, in 1899, after Ohio had brought another action, the trust was dissolved. The Standard interests now reorganized all their holdings under the name of the Standard Oil Company of New Jersey. Again, in 1911, the United States Supreme Court declared this combination a violation of the Sherman Anti-Trust Act, and ordered its dissolution. By this time the Standard capitalists had learned the value of public opinion as a corporate asset, and made no attempt to evade the order of the court. The Standard Oil Company of New Jersey proceeded to apportion among its stockholders the stock which it held in thirty-seven other companies--refineries, pipe lines, producing companies, marketing companies, and the like. Chief Justice White, in rendering his decision, specifically ordered that, in dissolving their combination, the Standard should make no agreement, contractual or implied, which was intended still to retain their properties in one ownership. As less than a dozen men owned a majority interest in the Standard Oil Company of New Jersey, these same men naturally continued to own a majority interest in the subsidiary companies. Though the immediate effect of this famous decision therefore was not to cause a separation in fact, this does not signify that, as time goes on, such a real dissolution will not take place. It is not unlikely that, in a few years, the transfers of the stock by inheritance or sale will weaken the consolidated interest to a point where the companies that made up the Standard Company will be distinct and competitive. This is more likely to be the case since, long before the decision of 1911, the Standard Oil Company had ceased to be a monopoly. In the early nineties there came to the front in the oil regions a man whose organizing ability and indomitable will suggested the Standard Oil leaders themselves. This man's soul burned with an intense hatred of the Rockefeller group, and this sentiment, as much as his love of success, inspired all his efforts. There is nothing finer in American business history than the fifteen years' battle which Lewis Emery, Jr., fought against the greatest financial power of the day. In 1901 this long struggle met with complete success. Its monuments were the two great trunk pipe lines which Emery had built from the Pennsylvania regions to Marcus Hook, near Philadelphia, one for pumping refined and one for pumping crude. The Pure Oil Company, Emery's creation, has survived all its trials and has done an excellent business. And meanwhile other independents sprang up with the discovery of oil in other parts of the country. This discovery first astonished the Standard Oil men themselves; when someone suggested to Archbold, thirty-five years ago, that the midcontinent field probably contained large oil supplies, he laughed, and said that he would drink all the oil ever discovered outside of Pennsylvania. In these days a haunting fear pursued the oil men that the Pennsylvania field would be exhausted and that their business would be ended. This fear, as developments showed, had a substantial basis; the Pennsylvania yield began to fail in the eighties and nineties, until now it is an inconsiderable element in this gigantic industry. Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Kansas, Oklahoma, Texas, California, and other states in turn became the scene of the same exciting and adventurous events that had followed the discovery of oil in Pennsylvania. The Standard promptly extended its pipe lines into these new areas, but other great companies also took part in the development. These companies, such as the Gulf Refining Company and the Texas Refining Company, have their gathering pipe lines, their great trunk lines, their marketing stations, and their export trade, like the Standard; the Pure Oil Company has its tank cars, its tank ships, and its barges on the great rivers of Europe. The ending of the rebate system has stimulated the growth of independents, and the production of crude oil and the market demand in a thousand directions has increased the business to an extent which is now far beyond the ability of any one corporation to monopolize. The Standard interests refine perhaps something more than fifty per cent of the crude oil produced in this country. But in recent years, Standard Oil has meant more than a corporation dealing in this natural product. It has become the synonym of a vast financial power reaching in all directions. The enormous profits made by the Rockefeller group have found investments in other fields. The Rockefellers became the owners of the great Mesaba iron ore range in Minnesota and of the Colorado Fuel and Iron Company, the chief competitor of United States Steel. It is the largest factor in several of the greatest American banks. Above all, it is the single largest railroad power in America today. CHAPTER III. THE EPIC OF STEEL It was the boast of a Roman Emperor that he had found the Eternal City brick and left it marble. Similarly the present generation of Americans inherited a country which was wood and have transformed it into steel. That which chiefly distinguishes the physical America of today from that of forty years ago is the extensive use of this metal. Our fathers used steel very little in railway transportation; rails and locomotives were usually made of iron, and wood was the prevailing material for railroad bridges. Steel cars, both for passengers and for freight, are now everywhere taking the place of the more flimsy substance. We travel today in steel subways, transact our business in steel buildings, and live in apartments and private houses which are made largely of steel. The steel automobile has long since supplanted the wooden carriage; the steel ship has displaced the iron and wooden vessel. The American farmer now encloses his lands with steel wire, the Southern planter binds his cotton with steel ties, and modern America could never gather her abundant harvests without her mighty agricultural implements, all of which are made of steel. Thus it is steel that shelters us, that transports us, that feeds us, and that even clothes us. This substance is such a commonplace element in our lives that we take it for granted, like air and water and the soil itself; yet the generation that fought the Civil War knew practically nothing of steel. They were familiar with this metal only as a curiosity or as a material used for the finer kinds of cutlery. How many Americans realize that steel was used even less in 1865 than aluminum is used today? Nearly all the men who have made the American Steel Age--such as Carnegie, Phipps, Frick, and Schwab--are still living and some of them are even now extremely active. Thirty-five years ago steel manufacture was regarded, even in this country, as an almost exclusively British industry. In 1870 the American steel maker was the parvenu of the trade. American railroads purchased their first steel rails in England, and the early American steel makers went to Sheffield for their expert workmen. Yet, in little more than ten years, American mills were selling agricultural machinery in that same English town, American rails were displacing the English product in all parts of the world, American locomotives were drawing English trains on English railways, and American steel bridges were spanning the Ganges and the Nile. Indeed, the United States soon surpassed England. In the year before the World War the United Kingdom produced 7,500,000 tons of steel a year, while the United States produced 32,000,000 tons. Since the outbreak of the Great War, the United States has probably made more steel than all the rest of the world put together. "The nation that makes the cheapest steel," says Mr. Carnegie, "has the other nations at its feet." When some future Buckle analyzes the fundamental facts in the World War, he may possibly find that steel precipitated it and that steel determined its outcome. Three circumstances contributed to the rise of this greatest of American industries: a new process for cheaply converting molten pig iron into steel, the discovery of enormous deposits of ore in several sections of the United States, and the entrance into the business of a hardy and adventurous group of manufacturers and business men. Our steel industry is thus another triumph of American inventive skill, made possible by the richness of our mineral resources and the racial energy of our people. An elementary scientific discovery introduced the great steel age. Steel, of course, is merely iron which has been refined--freed from certain impurities, such as carbon, sulphur, and phosphorus. We refine our iron and turn it into steel precisely as we refine our sugar and petroleum. From the days of Tubal Cain the iron worker had known that heat would accomplish this purification; but heat, up to almost 1865, was an exceedingly expensive commodity. For ages iron workers had obtained the finer metal by applying this heat in the form of charcoal, never once realizing that unlimited quantities of another fuel existed on every hand. The man who first suggested that so commonplace a substance as air, blown upon molten pig iron, would produce the intensest heat and destroy its impurities, made possible our steel railroads, our steel ships, and our steel cities. When William Kelly, an owner of iron works near Eddyville, Kentucky, first proposed this method in 1847, he met with the ridicule which usually greets the pioneer inventor. When Henry Bessemer, several years afterward, read a paper before the British Association for the Advancement of Science, in which he advocated the same principle, he was roared down as "a crazy Frenchman," and the savants were so humiliated by the suggestion that they voted to make no record of his "silly paper" in their official minutes. Yet these two men, the American Kelly and the Englishman Bessemer, were the creators of modern steel. The records of the American Patent Office clearly show that Kelly made "Bessemer" steel many years before Bessemer. In 1870 the American Government refused to extend Bessemer's patent in this country on the ground that William Kelly had a prior claim; in spite of this, Bessemer was undoubtedly the man who developed the mechanical details and gave the process a universal standing. Though the Bessemer process made possible the production of steel by tons instead of by pounds, it would never in itself have given the nation its present preeminence in the steel industry. Iron had been mined in the United States for two centuries on a small scale, the main deposits being located in the Lake Champlain region of New York and in western Pennsylvania. But these, and a hundred other places located along the Atlantic coast, could not have produced ore in quantities sufficient to satisfy the yawning jaws of the Bessemer converters. As this new method poured out the liquid in thousands of tons, and as the commercial demand extended in a dozen different directions, the cry went up from the furnace's for more ore. And again Nature, which has favored America in so many directions, came to her assistance. Manufacturers in the steel regions began to recall strange stories which had been floating down for many years from the wilderness surrounding Lake Superior. The recollection of a famous voyage made in this region by Philo M. Everett, as far back as 1845, now laid siege to the imagination of the new generation of ironmasters. For years the Indians had told Everett of the "mountains of iron" that lay on the Minnesota shore of Lake Superior and had described their wonders in words that finally impelled this hardy adventurer to make a voyage of exploration. For six weeks, in company with two Indian guides, Everett had navigated a small boat along the shores of the Lake, covering a distance that now takes only a few hours. The Indians had long regarded this silent, red iron region with a superstitious reverence, and now, as the little party approached, they refused to complete the journey. "Iron Mountain!" they said, pointing northward along the trail--"Indian not go near; white man go!" The sight which presently met Everett's eyes repaid him well for his solitary tramp in the forest. He found himself face to face with a "mountain a hundred and fifty feet high, of solid ore, which looked as bright as a bar of iron just broken." Other explorations subsequently laid open the whole of the Minnesota fields, including the Mesaba, which developed into the world's greatest iron range. America has other regions rich in ore, particularly in Alabama, located alongside the coal and limestone so necessary in steel production; yet it has drawn two-thirds of its whole supply from these Lake Superior fields. Not only the quantity, which is apparently limitless, but the quality explains America's leadership in steel making. Mining in Minnesota has a character which is not duplicated elsewhere. When we think of an iron mine, we naturally picture subterranean caverns and galleries, and strange, gnome-like creatures prowling about with pick and shovel and drill. But mining in this section is a much simpler proceeding. The precious mineral does not lie concealed deep within the earth; it lies practically upon the surface. Removing it is not a question of blasting with dynamite; it is merely a matter of lifting it from the surface of the earth with a huge steam shovel. "Miners" in Minnesota have none of the conventional aspects of their trade. They operate precisely as did those who dug the Panama Canal. The railroad cars run closely to the gigantic red pit. A huge steam shovel opens its jaws, descends into an open amphitheater, licks up five tons at each mouthful, and, swinging sideways over the open cars, neatly deposits its booty. It is not surprising that ore can be produced at lower cost in the United States than even in those countries where the most wretched wages are paid. Evidently this one iron field, to say nothing of others already worked, gives a permanence to our steel industry. Not only did America have the material resources; what is even more important, she had also the men. American industrial history presents few groups more brilliant, more resourceful, and more picturesque than that which, in the early seventies, started to turn these Minnesota ore fields into steel--and into gold. These men had all the dash, all the venturesomeness, all the speculative and even the gambling instinct, needed for one of the greatest industrial adventures in our annals. All had sprung from the simplest and humblest origins. They had served their business apprenticeships as grocery clerks, errand boys, telegraph messengers, and newspaper gamins. For the most part they had spent their boyhood together, had played with each other as children, had attended the same Sunday schools, had sung in the same church choirs, and, as young men, had quarreled with each other over their sweethearts. The Pittsburgh group comprised about forty men, most of whom retired as millionaires, though their names for the most part signify little to the present-day American. Kloman, Coleman, McCandless, Shinn, Stewart, Jones, Vandervoort--are all important men in the history of American steel. Thomas A. Scott and J. Edgar Thompson, men associated chiefly with the creation of the Pennsylvania Railroad, also made their contributions. But three or four men towered so preeminently above their associates that today when we think of the human agencies that constructed this mighty edifice, the names that insistently come to mind are those of Carnegie, Phipps, Frick, and Schwab. Books have been written to discredit Carnegie's work and to picture him as the man who has stolen success from the labor of greater men. Yet Carnegie is the one member of a brilliant company who had the indispensable quality of genius. He had none of the plodding, painstaking qualities of a Rockefeller; he had the fire, the restlessness, the keen relish for adventure, and the imagination that leaped far in advance of his competitors which we find so conspicuous in the older Vanderbilt. Carnegie showed these qualities from his earliest days. Driven as a child from his Scottish home by hunger, never having gone to school after twelve, he found himself, at the age of thirteen, living in a miserable hut in Allegheny, earning a dollar and twenty cents a week as bobbin-boy in a cotton mill, while his mother augmented the family income by taking in washing. Half a dozen years later Thomas Scott, President of the Pennsylvania Railroad, made Carnegie his private secretary. How well the young man used his opportunities in this occupation appeared afterward when he turned his wide acquaintanceship among railroad men to practical use in the steel business. It was this personal adaptability, indeed, that explains Carnegie's success. In the narrow, methodical sense he was not a business man at all; he knew and cared nothing for its dull routine and its labyrinthine details. As a practical steel man his position is a negligible one. Though he was profoundly impressed by his first sight of a Bessemer converter, he had little interest in the every-day process of making steel. He had also many personal weaknesses: his egotism was marked, he loved applause, he was always seeking opportunities for self-exploitation, and he even aspired to fame as an author and philosopher. The staid business men of Pittsburgh early regarded Carnegie with disfavor; his daring impressed them as rashness and his bold adventures as the plunging of the speculator. Yet in all its aspects Carnegie's triumph was a personal one. He was perhaps the greatest commercial traveler this country has ever known. While his more methodical associates plodded along making steel, Carnegie went out upon the highway, bringing in orders by the millions. He showed this same personal quality in the organization of his force. As a young man, entirely new to the steel industry, he selected as the first manager of his works Captain Bill Jones; his amazing judgment was justified when Jones developed into America's greatest practical genius in making steel. "Here lies the man"--Carnegie once suggested this line for his epitaph--"who knew how to get around him men who were cleverer than himself." Carnegie inspired these men with his own energy and restlessness; the spirit of the whole establishment automatically became that of the pushing spirit of its head. This little giant became the most remorseless pace-maker in the steel regions. However astounding might be the results obtained by the Carnegie works the captain at the head was never satisfied. As each month's output surpassed that which had gone before, Carnegie always came back with the same cry of "More." "We broke all records for making steel last week!" a delighted superintendent once wired him and immediately he received his answer, "Congratulations. Why not do it every week?" This spirit explains the success of the Carnegie Company in outdistancing all its competitors and gaining a worldwide preeminence for the Pittsburgh district. But Carnegie did not make the mistake of capitalizing all this prosperity for himself; his real greatness as an American business man consists in the fact that he liberally shared the profits with his associates. Ruthless he might be in appropriating their last ounce of energy, yet he rewarded the successful men with golden partnerships. Nothing delighted Carnegie more than to see the man whom he had lifted from a puddler's furnace develop into a millionaire. Henry Phipps, still living at the age of seventy-eight, was the only one of Carnegie's early associates who remained with him to the end. Like many of the others, Phipps had been Carnegie's playmate as a boy, so far as any of them, in those early days, had opportunity to play; like all his contemporaries also, Phipps had been wretchedly poor, his earliest business opening having been as messenger boy for a jeweler. Phipps had none of the dash and sparkle of Carnegie. He was the plodder, the bookkeeper, the economizer, the man who had an eye for microscopic details. "What we most admired in young Phipps," a Pittsburgh banker once remarked, "is the way in which he could keep a check in the air for three or four days." His abilities consisted mainly in keeping the bankers complaisant, in smoothing the ruffled feelings of creditors, in cutting out unnecessary expenditures, and in shaving prices. Carnegie's other two more celebrated associates, Henry C. Frick and Charles M. Schwab, were younger men. Frick was cold and masterful, as hard, unyielding, and effective as the steel that formed the staple of his existence. Schwab was enthusiastic, warm-hearted, and happy-go-lucky; a man who ruled his employees and obtained his results by appealing to their sympathies. The men of the steel yards feared Frick as much as they loved "Charlie" Schwab. The earliest glimpses which we get of these remarkable men suggest certain permanent characteristics: Frick is pictured as the sober, industrious bookkeeper in his grandfather's distillery; Schwab as the rollicking, whistling driver of a stage between Loretto and Cresson. Frick came into the steel business as a matter of deliberate choice, whereas Schwab became associated with the Pittsburgh group more or less by accident. The region of Connellsville contains almost 150 square miles underlaid with coal that has a particular heat value when submitted to the process known as coking. As early as the late eighties certain operators had discovered this fact and were coking this coal on a small scale. It is the highest tribute to Frick's intelligence that he alone foresaw the part which this Connellsville coal was to play in building up the Pittsburgh steel district. The panic of 1873, which laid low most of the Connellsville operators, proved Frick's opportunity. Though he was only twenty-four years old he succeeded, by his intelligence and earnestness, in borrowing money to purchase certain Connellsville mines, then much depreciated in price. From that moment, coke became Frick's obsession, as steel had been Carnegie's. With his early profits he purchased more coal lands until, by 1889, he owned ten thousand coke ovens and was the undisputed "coke king" of Connellsville. Several years before this, Carnegie had made Frick one of his marshals, coke having become indispensable to the manufacture of steel, and in 1889 the former distiller's accountant became Carnegie's commander-in-chief. Probably the popular mind associates Frick chiefly with the importation of Slavs as workmen, with the terrible strikes that followed in consequence at Homestead, with the murderous attack made upon him by Berkman, the anarchist, and with his bitter, long drawn-out quarrel with Andrew Carnegie. Frick's stormy career was naturally the product of his character. On the other hand, temperamental pliability and lovableness were the directing traits of the man who, in his way, made contributions quite as solid to the extension of the Pittsburgh steel industry. Schwab worked with the human material quite as successfully as other men worked with iron ore, Bessemer furnaces, and coal. He handled successfully what was perhaps the greatest task in management ever presented to a manufacturer when to him fell the job of reorganizing the Homestead Works after the strike of 1892 and of transforming thousands of riotous workmen into orderly and interested producers of steel. In three or four years practically every man on the premises had become "Charlie" Schwab's personal friend, and the Homestead property which, until the day he took charge, had been a colossal failure, had developed into one of the most profitable holdings of the Carnegie Company. As his reward Schwab, at the age of thirty-four, was made President of the Carnegie corporation. Only sixteen years before he had entered the steel works as a stake driver at a dollar a day. When the Carnegie group began operations in the early seventies, American steel, as a British writer remarked, was a "hot-house product"; yet in 1900 the Carnegie partners divided $40,000,000 as the profits of a single year. They had demonstrated that the United States, despite the high prices that prevailed everywhere, could make steel more cheaply than any other country. Foreign observers have offered several explanations for this achievement. American makers had an endless supply of cheap and high-grade ore, cheaper coke, cheaper transportation, and workmen of a superior skill. We must give due consideration to the fact that their organization was more flexible than those of older countries, and that it regulated promotion exclusively by merit and gave exceptional opportunities to young men. American steel makers also had scrap heaps whose size astounded the foreign observers; they never hesitated to discard the most expensive plants if by so doing they could reduce the cost of steel rails by a dollar a ton. Machinery for steel making had a more extensive development in this country than in England or Germany. Mr. Carnegie also enjoyed the advantages of a high protective tariff, though about 1900 he discovered that his extremely healthy infant no longer demanded this form of coddling. But probably the Carnegie Company's greatest achievement was the abolition of the middleman. In a few years it assembled all the essential elements of steel making in its own hands. Frick's entrance into the combination gave the concern an unlimited supply of the highest grade of coking coal. In a few years, the Carnegie interests had acquired great holdings in the Minnesota ore regions. At first glance, the Pittsburgh region seems hardly the ideal place for the making of steel. Fortune first placed the industry there because all the raw materials, especially iron ore and coal, seemed to exist in abundance. But the discovery of the Minnesota ore field, which alone could supply this essential product in the amounts which the furnaces demanded, immediately deprived the Pittsburgh region of its chief advantage. As a result of this sudden development, the manufacturers of Pittsburgh awoke one morning and discovered that their ore was located a thousand miles away. To bring it to their converters necessitated a long voyage by water and rail, with several reloadings. They overcame these obstacles by developing machinery for handling ore and by acquiring the raw materials and the connecting links of transportation. Ore which had been lying in the wilds of Minnesota on Monday morning was thus brought to Pittsburgh and made into steel rails or bridges or structural shapes by Saturday night. The Carnegie Company first acquired sufficient mineral lands to furnish ore for several generations and organized an ore fleet which transported the products of the mines through the lakes to ports on Lake Erie, particularly Ashtabula and Conneaut. The purchase of the Bessemer and Lake Erie Railroad, which extended from Conneaut to Pittsburgh, made this great transportation route complete. Besides freeing their business from uncertainty, this elimination of middlemen naturally produced great economies. Probably Andrew Carnegie's shrewdness in naming his first plant the J. Edgar Thompson Steel Works, after the powerful President of the Pennsylvania Railroad, and in making Thompson and his associate Scott partners, had much to do with his early success. These two gentlemen conferred two priceless favors upon the struggling enterprise. They became large purchasers of steel rails and their influence in this direction extended far beyond the Pennsylvania Railroad. What was perhaps even more important, they gave the Carnegie concerns railroad rebates. The use of rebates, as a method of stifling competition and building up a great industrial prosperity, is an offense which the popular mind associates almost exclusively with the Standard Oil Company, yet the Carnegie fortune, as well as that of John D. Rockefeller, received an artificial stimulation of this kind. Though incomparably the greatest of the American steel companies, the Carnegie Steel Company by no means monopolized the field. In forty years, indeed, an enormous steel area had grown up, including western Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, practically all of it drawing its raw materials from those same teeming ore lands in the Lake Superior region. Johnstown, Youngstown, Cleveland, Lorain, Chicago, and Joliet, became headquarters of steel production almost as important as Pittsburgh itself. Two entirely new steel kingdoms, each with its own natural reservoirs of ore, grew up in Colorado and Alabama. The Colorado Fuel and Iron Company, which possessed apparently inexhaustible mineral lands in Colorado, Wyoming, Utah, New Mexico, and California, itself produces not far from three million tons a year, almost half the present production of Great Britain. The Alabama steel country has developed in even more spectacular fashion. Birmingham, a hive of southern industry placed almost as if by magic in the leisurely cotton lands of the South, had no existence in 1870, when the Pittsburgh prosperity began. In the Civil War, the present site of a city with a population of 140,000 was merely a blacksmith shop in the fork of the roads. Yet this district has advantages for the manufacture of steel that have no parallel elsewhere. The steel companies which are located here do not have to bring their materials laboriously from a distance but possess, immediately at hand, apparently endless store of the three things needful for making steel--iron ore, coal, and limestone. All these territories have their personal romances and their heroes, many of them quite as picturesque as those of the Pittsburgh group. It is doubtful indeed if American industry presents any figure quite as astonishing and variegated as that of John W. Gates, the man who educated farmers all over the world to the use of wire fencing. Half charlatan, half enthusiast, speculator, gambler, a man who created great enterprises and who also destroyed them, at times an upbuilding force and at other times a sinister influence, Gates completely typified a period in American history that, along with much that was heroic and splendid, had much also that was grotesque and sordid. The opera-bouffe performance that laid the foundations of Gates's great industry was in every way characteristic of this period. In 1871 Gates, then a clerk in a hardware store at twenty-five dollars a week, made his first attempt to sell barbed wire in the great cattle countries of the southwestern States. When the cattle men in Texas first saw this barbed wire, they ridiculed the idea that it could ever hold their steers. Gates selected a plaza in San Antonio, fenced it in with his new product, and invited the enemies to bring along their wildest specimens About thirty of Texas' most ferocious cattle, placed within the enclosure, spent a whole afternoon plunging at the barbs in a useless and tormenting attempt to escape. This spectacular demonstration of efficiency launched Gates fairly upon his career. He immediately began to sell his new fencing on an enormous scale; in a few years the whole world was demanding it, and it has become, as recent events have disclosed, a particularly formidable munition of war. The American Steel and Wire Company, one of the greatest of American corporations, was the ultimate outgrowth of that lively afternoon in San Antonio. In 1900 the Carnegie Steel Company was making one-quarter of all the Bessemer steel produced in the United States. It owned in abundance all the properties which were essential to its completed output--coal, limestone, steel ships, railroads, and steel mills. In twenty-five years, from 1875 to 1900, this manufacturing enterprise had paid the Carnegie group profits aggregating $133,000,000, profits which, in the closing years of the century, had increased at a stupendous rate. In 1898 Carnegie and his associates had divided $11,500,000, in 1899 their earnings had grown to $25,000,000, and in 1900 the aggregate had suddenly jumped to $40,000,000. Of this latter sum Carnegie received $25,000,000, Phipps $5,500,000, Frick $2,600,000, and Schwab $1,300,000. And Carnegie's little group could see no limit to the growth of their business and the expansion of their personal fortunes. Yet at that very moment Carnegie was planning to play the part of a Charles V with the large empire which he had pieced together--to abdicate his throne, retire from business life, and spend his remaining days in quiet. Many influences were impelling him to this decision. His triumph, stupendous as it had been, also had had its alloy of sorrow. Indeed this little Scotsman, now at the crowning of his glory, was one of the loneliest figures in the world. Practically all the forty men with whom he had been closely associated had vanished from the scene. He had quarreled with his playmate and lifelong partner, Henry Phipps, and was in the worst possible business and personal relations with Frick. He had no son to carry on his work. He had become greatly interested in his philanthropies, and he had declared that the man who died rich died disgraced. Moreover, new influences were rising in the steel trade with which Carnegie had little sympathy. Its national capital seemed to be shifting from Pittsburgh to Wall Street. New men who knew nothing about steel but who possessed an intimate acquaintance with stocks and bonds--J. Pierpont Morgan, George W. Perkins, and their associates--were branching out as controllers of large steel interests. Carnegie had no interest in Wall Street; he has declared that he never speculated in his life and that he would immediately dissociate himself from any partner who would do so. This Wall Street coterie, in the years from 1898 to 1900, had made several large combinations in the steel trade. That was the era when the trust mania had gained possession of the American mind and when its worst features displayed themselves. The Federal Steel Company, the American Bridge Company, the American Steel and Wire, the National Tube Company, all representing the assembling of large works which had been engaged as rivals in similar enterprises, were launched, with the usual accompaniments of "underwriting syndicates," watered stock, and Wall Street speculation. This sort of thing made no appeal to Andrew Carnegie. His huge enterprise had always remained essentially a copartnership, and he had frequently expressed his abhorrence of trusts. Yet, in spite of his wish to retire from business and in spite of his avowed intention to die poor, Carnegie now adopted the policy of the Sibylline leaves to all prospective purchasers. Moore and Reid would have purchased his interest for $157,000,000; when Rockefeller came along the price had risen to $250,000,000; when the oil man shook his head and retired, Carnegie immediately raised his price to $500,000,000. It is doubtful whether he would have sold at all had not his Wall Street competitors begun to encroach on a field which the little Scotsman understood quite as well as they--the production and merchandising of steel. The newly organized combinations were completing elaborate plans to go after Carnegie's business. Then Carnegie, who had practically retired from active life, again arrayed himself in his shirt-sleeves, abandoned his career of authorship, and resumed his early trade. His first attacks produced an immense reverberation in the House of Morgan. He purchased a huge tract at Conneaut and began building a gigantic plant for the manufacture of steel tubes, a business in which he had not hitherto engaged. This was a blow aimed at one of Morgan's pet new creations, the National Tube Company. Should Carnegie finish his works, there was no doubt the Morgan enterprise would be ruined, for the new plant would be far more modern and so could manufacture the product at a much lower price; and, with Charles M. Schwab as active manager, what possible chance would the older corporation have? But Carnegie struck his enemy at an even more vulnerable point. The Pennsylvania Railroad had a practical monopoly of traffic in and out of Pittsburgh, and Pittsburgh "created" more freight business than any other city in the world. Carnegie lent his powerful support to George J. Gould, who was then extending his railroad system into the preempted field and was also making surveys and had financed a company to build an entirely new railroad from Pittsburgh to the Atlantic Coast. As Carnegie himself controlled the larger part of the freight that made Pittsburgh such an essential feeder to railroads, his new enterprise caused the greatest alarm. At the same time Carnegie equipped a new and splendid fleet of ore ships, his purpose being to enter a field of transportation which John D. Rockefeller had found extremely profitable. Such were the circumstances and such were the motives that gave birth to the world's largest corporation. All one night, so the story goes, Charles M. Schwab and John W. Gates discussed the steel situation with J. Pierpont Morgan. There was only one possible solution, they said--Andrew Carnegie must be bought out. By the time the morning sun came through the windows Morgan had been convinced. "Go and ask him what he will sell for," he said to Schwab. In a brief period Schwab came back to Morgan with a letter which contained the following figures--five per cent gold bonds $303,450,000; preferred stock $98,277,100; common stock $90,279,000--a total of over $492,000,000. Carnegie demanded no cash; he preferred to hold a huge first mortgage on a business whose golden opportunities he knew so well. Morgan, who had been accustomed all his life to dictate to other men, had now met a man who was able to dictate to him. And he capitulated. The man who fifty-three years before had started life in a new country as a bobbin-boy at a dollar and twenty cents a week, now at the age of sixty-six retired from business the second richest man in the world. With him retired a miscellaneous assortment of millionaires whose fortunes he had made and whose subsequent careers in the United States and in Europe have given a peculiar significance to the name "Pittsburgh Millionaires." The United States Steel Corporation, the combination that included not only the Carnegie Company but seventy per cent of all the steel concerns in the country, was really a trust made up of trusts. It had a capitalization of a billion and a half, of which about $700,000,000 was composed of the commodity usually known as "water"; but so greatly has its business grown and so capably has it been managed that all this liquid material has since been converted into more solid substance. The disappearance of Andrew Carnegie and his coworkers and the emergence of this gigantic enterprise completed the great business cycle in the steel trade. The age of individual enterprise and competition had passed--that of corporate control had arrived. CHAPTER IV. THE TELEPHONE: "AMERICA'S MOST POETICAL ACHIEVEMENT" A distinguished English journalist, who was visiting the United States, in 1917, on an important governmental mission, had an almost sublime illustration of the extent to which the telephone had developed on the North American Continent. Sitting at a desk in a large office building in New York, Lord Northcliffe took up two telephone receivers and placed one at each ear. In the first he heard the surf beating at Coney Island, New York, and in the other he heard, with equal distinctness, the breakers pounding the beach at the Golden Gate, San Francisco. Certainly this demonstration justified the statement made a few years before by another English traveler. "What startles and frightens the backward European in the United States," said Mr. Arnold Bennett, "is the efficiency and fearful universality of the telephone. To me it was the proudest achievement and the most poetical achievement of the American people." Lord Northcliffe's experience had a certain dramatic justice which probably even he did not appreciate. He is the proprietor of the London Times, a newspaper which, when the telephone was first introduced, denounced it as the "latest American humbug" and declared that it "was far inferior to the well-established system of speaking tubes." The London Times delivered this solemn judgment in 1877. A year before, at the Philadelphia Centennial Exposition, Don Pedro, Emperor of Brazil, picked up, almost accidentally, a queer cone-shaped instrument and put it to his ear, "My God! It talks!" was his exclamation; an incident which, when widely published in the press, first informed the American people that another of the greatest inventions of all times had had its birth on their own soil. Yet the initial judgment of the American people did not differ essentially from the opinion which had been more coarsely expressed by the leading English newspaper. Our fathers did not denounce the telephone as an "American humbug," but they did describe it as a curious electric "toy" and ridiculed the notion that it could ever have any practical value. Even after Alexander Graham Bell and his associates had completely demonstrated its usefulness, the Western Union Telegraph Company refused to purchase all their patent rights for $100,000! Only forty years have passed since the telephone made such an inauspicious beginning. It remains now, as it was then, essentially an American achievement. Other nations have their telephone systems, but it is only in the United States that its possibilities have been even faintly realized. It is not until Americans visit foreign countries that they understand that, imperfect as in certain directions their industrial and social organization may be, in this respect at least their nation is preeminent. The United States contains nearly all the telephones in existence, to be exact, about seventy-five per cent. We have about ten million telephones, while Canada, Central America, South America, Great Britain, Europe, Asia, and Africa all combined have only about four million. In order to make an impressive showing, however, we need not include the backward peoples, for a comparison with the most enlightened nations emphasizes the same point. Thus New York City has more telephones than six European countries taken together--Austria-Hungary, Belgium, Norway, Denmark, Italy, and the Netherlands. Chicago, with a population of 2,000,000, has more telephones than the whole of France, with a population of 40,000,000. Philadelphia, with 1,500,000, has more than the Russian Empire, with 166,000,000. Boston has more telephones than Austria-Hungary, Los Angeles more than the Netherlands, and Kansas City more than Belgium. Several office buildings and hotels in New York City have more instruments than the kingdoms of Greece or Bulgaria. The whole of Great Britain and Ireland has about 650,000 telephones, which is only about 200,000 more, than the city of New York. Mere numbers, however, tell only half the story. It is when we compare service that American superiority stands most manifest. The London newspapers are constantly filled with letters abusing the English telephone system. If these communications describe things accurately, there is apparently no telephone vexation that the Englishman does not have to endure. Delays in getting connections are apparently chronic. At times it seems impossible to get connections at all, especially from four to five in the afternoon--when the operators are taking tea. Suburban connections, which in New York take about ninety seconds, average half an hour in London, and many of the smaller cities have no night service. An American thinks nothing of putting in a telephone; he notifies his company and in a few days the instrument is installed. We take a thing like this for granted. But there are places where a mere telephone subscription, the privilege of having an instrument installed, is a property right of considerable value and where the telephone service has a "waiting list," like an exclusive club. In Japan one can sell a telephone privilege at a good price, its value being daily quoted on the Stock Exchange. Americans, by constantly using the telephone, have developed what may be called a sixth sense, which enables them to project their personalities over an almost unlimited area. In the United States the telephone has become the one all-prevailing method of communication. The European writes or telegraphs while the American more frequently telephones. In this country the telephone penetrates to places which even the mails never reach. The rural free delivery and other forms of the mail service extend to 58,000 communities, while our 10,000,000 telephones encompass 70,000. We use this instrument for all the varied experiences of life, domestic, social, and commercial. There are residences in New York City that have private branch exchanges, like a bank or a newspaper office. Hostesses are more and more falling into the habit of telephoning invitations for dinner and other diversions. Many people find telephone conversations more convenient than personal interviews, and it is every day displacing the stenographer and the traveling salesman. Perhaps the most noteworthy achievement of the telephone is its transformation of country life. In Europe, rural telephones are almost unknown, while in the United States one-third of all our telephone stations are in country districts. The farmer no longer depends upon the mails; like the city man, he telephones. This instrument is thus the greatest civilizing force we have, for civilization is very largely a matter of intercommunication. Indeed, the telephone and other similar agencies, such as the parcel post, the rural free delivery, better roads, and the automobile, are rapidly transforming rural life in this country. In several regions, especially in the Mississippi Valley, a farmer who has no telephone is in a class by himself, like one who has no mowing-machine. Thus the latest returns from Iowa, taken by the census as far back as 1907, showed that seventy-three per cent of all the farms--160,000 out of 220,000--had telephones and the proportion is unquestionably greater now. Every other farmhouse from the Atlantic to the Pacific contains at least one instrument. These statistics clearly show that the telephone has removed half the terrors and isolation of rural life. Many a lonely farmer's wife or daughter, on the approach of a suspicious-looking character, has rushed to the telephone and called up the neighbors, so that now tramps notoriously avoid houses that shelter the protecting wires. In remote sections, insanity, especially among women, is frequently the result of loneliness, a calamity which the telephone is doing much to mitigate. In the United States today there is one telephone to every nine persons. This achievement represents American invention, genius, industrial organization, and business enterprise at their best. The story of American business contains many chapters and episodes which Americans would willingly forget. But the American Telephone and Telegraph Company represents an industry which has made not a single "swollen fortune," whose largest stockholder is the wife of Alexander Graham Bell, the inventor (a woman who, being totally deaf, has never talked over the telephone); which has not corrupted legislatures or courts; which has steadily decreased the prices of its products as business and profits have increased; which has never issued watered stock or declared fictitious dividends; and which has always manifested a high sense of responsibility in its dealings with the public. Two forces, American science and American business capacity, have accomplished this result. As a mechanism, this American telephone system is the product not of one but of many minds. What most strikes the imagination is the story of Alexander Graham Bell, yet other names--Carty, Scribner, Pupin--play a large part in the story. The man who discovered that an electric current had the power of transmitting sound over a copper wire knew very little about electricity. Had he known more about this agency and less about acoustics, Bell once said himself, he would never have invented the telephone. His father and grandfather had been teachers of the deaf and dumb and had made important researches in acoustics. Alexander Graham Bell, born in Edinburgh in March, 1847, and educated there and in London, followed the ancestral example. This experience gave Bell an expert knowledge of phonetics that laid the foundation for his life work. His invention, indeed, is clearly associated with his attempts to make the deaf and dumb talk. He was driven to America by ill-health, coming first to Canada, and in 1871 he settled in Boston, where he accepted a position in Boston University to introduce his system of teaching deaf-mutes. He opened a school of "Vocal Physiology," and his success in his chosen field brought him into association with the people who afterward played an important part in the development of the telephone. Not a single element of romance was lacking in Bell's experience; his great invention even involved the love story of his life. Two influential citizens of Boston, Thomas Sanders and Gardiner G. Hubbard, had daughters who were deaf and dumb, and both engaged Bell's services as teacher. Bell lived in Sanders's home for a considerable period, dividing his time between teaching his little pupil how to talk and puttering away at a proposed invention which he called a "harmonic telegraph." Both Sanders and Hubbard had become greatly interested in this contrivance and backed Bell financially while he worked. It was Bell's idea that, by a system of tuning different telegraphic receivers to different pitches, several telegraphic messages could be sent simultaneously over the same wire. The idea was not original with Bell, although he supposed that it was and was entirely unaware that, at the particular moment when he started work, about twenty other inventors were struggling with the same problem. It was one of these other twenty experimenters, Elisha Gray, who ultimately perfected this instrument. Bell's researches have an interest only in that they taught him much about sound transmission and other kindred subjects and so paved the way for his great conception. One day Hubbard and Sanders learned that Bell had abandoned his "harmonic telegraph" and was experimenting with an entirely new idea. This was the possibility of transmitting the human voice over an electric wire. While working in Sanders's basement, Bell had obtained from a doctor a dead man's ear, and it is said that while he was minutely studying and analyzing this gruesome object, the idea of the telephone first burst upon his mind. For years Bell had been engaged in a task that seemed hopeless to most men--that of making deaf-mutes talk. "If I can make a deaf-mute talk, I can make iron talk," he declared. "If I could make a current of electricity vary in intensity as the air varies in density," he said at another time, "I could transmit sound telegraphically." Many others, of course, had dreamed of inventing such an instrument. The story of the telephone concerns many men who preceded Bell, one of whom, Philip Reis, produced, in 1861, a mechanism that could send a few discordant sounds, though not the human voice, over an electric wire. Reis seemed to have based his work upon an article published in "The American Journal of Science" by Dr. C.G. Page, of Salem, Mass., in 1837, in which he called attention to the sound given out by an electric magnet when the circuit is opened or closed. The work of these experimenters involves too many technicalities for discussion in this place. The important facts are that they all involved different principles from those worked out by Bell and that none of them ever attained any practical importance. Reis, in particular, never grasped the essential principles that ultimately made the telephone a reality. His work occupies a place in telephone history only because certain financial interests, many years after his death, brought it to light in an attempt to discredit Bell's claim to priority as the inventor. An investigator who seems to have grasped more clearly the basic idea was the distinguished American inventor Elisha Gray, already mentioned as the man who had succeeded in perfecting the "harmonic telegraph." On February 14, 1876, Gray filed a caveat in the United States Patent Office, setting forth pretty accurately the conception of the electric telephone. The tragedy in Gray's work consists in the fact that, two hours before his caveat had been put in, Bell had filed his application for a patent on the completed instrument. The champions of Bell and Gray may dispute the question of priority to their heart's content; the historic fact is that the telephone dates from a dramatic moment in the year 1876. Sanders and Hubbard, much annoyed that Bell had abandoned his harmonic telegraph for so visionary an idea as a long distance talking machine, refused to finance him further unless he returned to his original quest. Disappointed and disconsolate, Bell and his assistant, Thomas A. Watson, had started work on the top floor of the Williams Manufacturing Company's shop in Boston. And now another chance happening turned Bell back once more to the telephone. His magnetized telegraph wire stretched from one room to another located in a remote part of the building. One day Watson accidentally plucked a piece of clock wire that lay near this telegraph wire, and Bell, working in another room, heard the twang. A few seconds later Watson was startled when an excited and somewhat disheveled figure burst into his room. "What was that?" shouted Bell. What had happened was clearly manifest; a sound had been sent distinctly over an electric wire. Bell's harmonic telegraph immediately went into the discard, and the young inventor--Bell was then only twenty-nine--became a man of one passionate idea. Yet final success did not come easily; the inventor worked day and night for forty weeks before he had obtained satisfactory results. It was on March 10, 1876, that Watson, in a distant room, picked up the first telephone receiver and heard these words, the first that had ever passed over a magnetized wire, "Come here, Watson; I want you." The speaking instrument had become a reality, and the foundation of the telephone, in all its present development, had been laid. When the New York and San Francisco line was opened in January, 1915, Alexander Graham Bell spoke these same words to his old associate, Thomas Watson, located in San Francisco, both men using the same instruments that had served so well on that historic occasion forty years before. Though Bell's first invention comprehended the great basic idea that made it a success, the instrument itself bore few external resemblances to that which has become so commonplace today. If one could transport himself back to this early period and undergo the torture of using this primitive telephone, he would appreciate somewhat the labor, the patience, the inventive skill, and the business organization that have produced the modern telephone. In the first place you would have no separate transmitter and receiver. You would talk into a funnel-shaped contrivance and then place it against your ear to get the returning message. In order to make yourself heard, you would have to shout like a Gloucester sea captain at the height of a storm. More than the speakers' voices would come over the wire. It seemed to have become the playground of a million devils; moanings, shriekings, mutterings, and noises of all kinds would constantly interrupt the flow of speech. To call up your "party" you would not merely lift the receiver as today; you would tap with a lead pencil, or some other appliance, upon the diaphragm of your transmitter. There were no separate telephone wires. The talking at first was done over the telegraph lines. The earliest "centrals" reminded most persons of madhouses, for the day of the polite, soft-spoken telephone girl had not arrived. Instead, boys were rushing around with the ends of wires which they were frantically attempting to peg into the holes of the primitive switchboard and so establish "connections." When not knocking down and fighting each other, these boys were swearing into transmitters at the customers; and it is said that the incurable profanity of these early "telephone boys" had much to do with their supersession by girls. In the early days of the telephone, each instrument had to carry its own battery, usually installed in a little box under the transmitter. The early telephone wires, even in the largest cities, were strung on poles, as they are in country and suburban districts today. In places like New York and Chicago, these thousands of overhanging wires not only destroyed the attractiveness of the thoroughfare, but constantly interfered with the fire department and proved to be public nuisances in other ways. A telephone wire, however, loses much of its transmitting power when placed under ground, and it took many years of experimenting before the engineers perfected these subways. In these early days, of course, the telephone was purely a local matter. Certain visionary enthusiasts had foreseen the possibility of a national, long distance system, but a large amount of labor, both in the laboratory and out, was to be expended before these aspirations could become realities. The transformation of this rudimentary means of communication into the beautiful mechanism which we have today forms a splendid chapter in the history of American invention. Of all the details in Bell's apparatus the receiver is almost the only one that remains now what it was forty years ago. The story of the transmitter in itself would fill a volume. Edison's success in devising a transmitter which permitted talk in ordinary conversational tones--an invention that became the property of the Western Union Telegraph Company, which early embarked in the telephone business--at one time seemed likely to force the Bell Company out of business. But Emile Berliner and Francis Blake finally came to the rescue with an excellent instrument, and the suggestion of an English clergyman, the Reverend Henry Hummings, that carbon granules be used on the diaphragm, made possible the present perfect instrument. The magneto call bell--still used in certain backward districts--for many years gave fair results for calling purposes, but the automatic switch, which enables us to get central by merely picking up the receiver, has made possible our great urban service. It was several years before the telephone makers developed so essential a thing as a satisfactory wire. Silver, which gave excellent results, was obviously too costly, and copper, the other metal which had many desirable qualities, was too soft. Thomas B. Doolittle solved this problem by inventing a hard-drawn copper wire. A young man of twenty-two, John J. Carty, suggested a simple device for exorcising the hundreds of "mysterious noises" that had made the use of the telephone so agonizing. It was caused, Carty pointed out, by the circumstance that the telephone, like the telegraph, used a ground circuit for the return wire; the resultant scrapings and moanings and howlings were merely the multitudinous voices of mother earth herself. Mr. Carty began installing the metallic circuit in his lines that is, he used wire, instead of the ground, to complete the circuit. As a result of this improvement the telephone was immediately cleared of these annoying interruptions. Mr. Carty, who is now Chief Engineer of the American Telephone and Telegraph Company, and the man who has superintended all its extensions in recent years, is one of the three or four men who have done most to create the present system. Another is Charles E. Scribner, who, by his invention of that intricate device, the multiple switchboard, has converted the telephone exchange into a smoothly working, orderly place. Scribner's multiple switchboard dates from about 1890. It was Mr. Scribner also who replaced the individual system of dry cells with one common battery located at the central exchange, an improvement which saved the Company 4,000,000 dry cells a year. Then Barrett discovered a method of twisting fifty pairs of wires--since grown to 2400 pairs-into a cable, wrapping them in paper and molding them in lead, and the wires were now taken from poles and placed in conduits underground. But perhaps the most romantic figure in telephone history, next to Bell, is that of a humble Servian immigrant who came to this country as a boy and obtained his first employment as a rubber in a Turkish bath. Michael I. Pupin was graduated from Columbia, studied afterward in Germany, and became absorbed in the new subject of electromechanics. In particular he became interested in a telephone problem that had bothered the greatest experts for years. One thing that had prevented the great extension of the telephone, especially for long distance work, was the size of the wire. Long distance lines up to 1900 demanded wire about one-eighth of an inch thick--as thick as a fairsized lead pencil; and, for this reason, the New York-Chicago line, built in 1893, consumed 870,000 pounds of copper wire of this size. Naturally the enormous expense stood in the way of any extended development. The same thickness also interfered with cable extension. Only about a hundred wires could be squeezed into one cable, against the eighteen hundred now compressed in the same area. Because of these shortcomings, telephone progress, about 1900, was marking time, awaiting the arrival of a thin wire that would do the work of a thick one. The importance of the problem is shown by the fact that one-fourth of all the capital invested in the telephone has been spent in copper. Professor Pupin, who had been a member of the faculty of Columbia University since 1888, solved this problem in his quiet laboratory and, by doing so, won the greatest prize in modern telephone art. His researches resulted in the famous "Pupin coil" by the expedient now known as "loading." When the scientists attempt to explain this invention, they have to use all kinds of mathematical formulas and curves and, in fact, they usually get to quarreling among themselves over the points involved. What Professor Pupin has apparently done is to free the wire from those miscellaneous disturbances known as "induction." This Pupin invention involved another improvement unsuspected by the inventor, which shows us the telephone in all its mystery and beauty and even its sublimity. Soon after the Pupin coil was introduced, it was discovered that, by crossing the wires of two circuits at regular intervals, another unexplainable circuit was induced. Because this third circuit travels apparently without wires, in some manner which the scientists have not yet discovered, it is appropriately known as the phantom circuit. The practical result is that it is now possible to send three telephone messages and eight telegraph messages over two pairs of wires--all at the same time. Professor Pupin's invention has resulted in economies that amount to millions of dollars, and has made possible long distance lines to practically every part of the United States. Thus many great inventive minds have produced the physical telephone. We can point to several men--Bell, Blake, Carty, Scribner, Barrett, Pupin--and say of each one, "Without his work the present telephone system could not exist." But business genius, as well as mechanical genius, explains this achievement. For the first four or five years of its existence, the new invention had hard sailing. Bell and Thomas Watson, in order to fortify their finances, were forced to travel around the country, giving a kind of vaudeville entertainment. Bell made a speech explaining the new invention, while a cornet player, located in another part of the town, played solos, the music reaching the audience through several telephone instruments placed against the walls. Watson, also located at a distance, varied the program by singing songs via telephone. These lecture tours not only gave Bell the money which he sorely needed but advertised the innovation. There followed a few scattering attempts to introduce the telephone into every-day use and telephone exchanges were established in New York, Boston, Bridgeport, and New Haven. But these pioneers had the hostility of the most powerful corporation of the day--the Western Union Telegraph Company--and they lacked aggressive leaders. In 1878, Mr. Gardiner Hubbard, Bell's earliest backer, and now his father-in-law, became acquainted with a young man who was then serving in Washington as General Superintendent of the Railway Mail Service. This young man was Theodore N. Vail. His energy and enterprise so impressed Hubbard that he immediately asked Vail to become General Manager of the company which he was then forming to exploit the telephone. Viewed from the retrospection of forty years this offer certainly looks like one of the greatest prizes in American business. What it signified at that time, however, is apparent from the fact that the office paid a salary of $3500 a year and that for the first ten years Vail did not succeed in collecting a dollar of this princely remuneration. Yet it was a happy fortune, not only for the Bell Company but for the nation, that placed Vail at the head of this struggling enterprise. There was a certain appropriateness in his selection, even then. His granduncle, Stephen Vail, had built the engines for the first steamship to cross the Atlantic. A cousin had worked with Morse while he was inventing the telegraph. Vail, who was born in Carroll County, Ohio, in 1845, after spending two years as a medical student, suddenly shifted his plans and became a telegraph operator. Then he entered the Railway Mail service; in this service he completely revolutionized the system and introduced reforms that exist at the present time. A natural bent had apparently directed Vail's mind towards methods of communication, a fact that may perhaps explain the youthful enthusiasm with which he took up the new venture and the vision with which he foresaw and planned its future. For the chief fact about Vail is that he was a business man with an imagination. The crazy little machine which he now undertook to exploit did not interest him as a means of collecting tolls, floating stock, and paying dividends. He saw in it a new method of spreading American civilization and of contributing to the happiness and comfort of millions of people. Indeed Vail had hardly seen the telephone when a picture portraying the development which we are familiar with today unfolded before his eyes. That the telephone has had a greater development in America than elsewhere and that the United States has avoided all those mistakes of organization that have so greatly hampered its growth in other lands, is owing to the fact that Vail, when he first took charge, mapped out the comprehensive policies which have guided his corporation since. Vail early adopted the "slogan" which has directed the Bell activities for forty years--"One System! One Policy! Universal Service." In his mind a telephone company was not a city affair, or even a state affair; it was a national affair. His aim has been from the first a universal, national service, all under one head, and reaching every hamlet, every business house, factory, and home in the nation. The idea that any man, anywhere, should be able to take down a receiver and talk to anyone, anywhere else in the United States, was the conception which guided Vail's labors from the first. He did not believe that a mass of unrelated companies could give a satisfactory service; if circumstances had ever made a national monopoly, that monopoly was certainly the telephone. Having in view this national, universal, articulating monopoly, Vail insisted on his second great principle, the standardization of equipment. Every man's telephone must be precisely like every other man's, and that must be the best which mechanical skill and inventive genius could produce. To make this a reality and to secure perfect supervision and upkeep, it was necessary that telephones should not be sold but leased. By enforcing these ideas Vail saved the United States from the chaos which exists in certain other countries, such as France, where each subscriber purchases his own instrument, making his selection from about forty different varieties. That certain dangers were inherent in this universal system Vail understood. Monopoly all too likely brings in excessive charges, poor service, and inside speculation; but it was Vail's plan to justify his system by its works. To this end he established a great engineering department which should study all imaginable mechanical improvements, with the results which have been described. He gave the greatest attention to every detail of the service and particularly insisted on the fairest and most courteous treatment of the public. The "please" which invariably accompanies the telephone girl's request for a number--the familiar "number, please"--is a trifle, but it epitomizes the whole spirit which Vail inspired throughout his entire organization. Though there are plenty of people who think that the existing telephone charges are too high, the fact remains that the rate has steadily declined with the extension of the business. Vail has also kept his company clear from the financial scandals that have disgraced so many other great corporations. He has never received any reward himself except his salary, such fortune as he possesses being the result of personal business ventures in South America during the twenty years from 1887 to 1907 that he was not associated with the Bell interests. Vail's first achievement was to rescue this invention from the greatest calamity which would have befallen it. The Western Union Telegraph Company, which in the early days had looked upon the telephone as negligible, suddenly awoke one morning to a realization of its importance. This Corporation had recently introduced its "printing telegraph," a device that made it possible to communicate without the intermediary operator. When news reached headquarters that subscribers were dropping this new contrivance and subscribing to telephones, the Western Union first understood that a competitor had entered their field. Promptly organizing the American Speaking Telephone Company, the Western Union, with all its wealth and prestige, proceeded to destroy this insolent pigmy. Its methods of attack were unscrupulous and underhanded, the least discreditable one being the use of its political influence to prevent communities from giving franchises to the Bell Company. But this corporation mainly relied for success upon the wholesale manner in which it infringed the Bell patents. It raked together all possible claimants to priority, from Philip Reis to Elisha Gray, in its attempts to discredit Bell as the inventor. The Western Union had only one legitimate advantage--the Edison transmitter--which was unquestionably much superior to anything which the Bell Company then possessed. Many Bell stockholders were discouraged in face of this fierce opposition and wished to abandon the fight. Not so Vail. The mere circumstance that the great capitalists of the Western Union had taken up the telephone gave the public a confidence in its value which otherwise it would not have had, a fact which Vail skillfully used in attracting influential financial support. He boldly sued the Western Union in 1878 for infringement of the Bell patents. The case was a famous one; the whole history of the telephone was reviewed from the earliest days, and the evidence as to rival claimants was placed on record for all time. After about a year, Mr. George Clifford, perhaps the best patent attorney of the day, who was conducting the case for the Western Union, quietly informed his clients that they could never win, for the records showed that Bell was the inventor. He advised the Western Union to settle the case out of court and his advice was taken. This great corporation war was concluded by a treaty (November 10, 1879) in which the Western Union acknowledged that Bell was the inventor, that his patents were valid, and agreed to retire from the telephone business. The Bell Company, on its part, agreed to buy the Western Union Telephone System, to pay the Western Union a royalty of twenty per cent on all telephone rentals, and not to engage in the telegraph business. Had this case been decided against the Bell Company it is almost certain that the telephone would have been smothered in the interest of the telegraph and its development delayed for many years. Soon after the settlement of the Western Union suit, the original group which had created the telephone withdrew from the scene. Bell went back to teaching deaf-mutes. He has since busied himself with the study of airplanes and wireless, and has invented an instrument for transmitting sound by light. The new telephone company offered him $10,000 a year as chief inventor, but he replied that he could not invent to order. Thomas Sanders received somewhat less than $1,000,000 and lost most of it exploiting a Colorado gold mine. Gardiner Hubbard withdrew from business and devoted the last years of his life to the National Geographic Society. Thomas Watson, after retiring from the telephone business, bought a ship-building yard near Boston, which has been successful. In making this settlement with the Western Union, the Bell interests not only eliminated a competitor but gained great material advantages. They took over about 56,000 telephone stations located in 55 cities and towns. They also soon acquired the Western Electric Manufacturing Company, which under the control of the Western Union had developed into an important concern for the manufacture of telephone supplies. Under the management of the Bell Company this corporation, which now has extensive factories in Hawthorne, Ill., produces two-thirds of the world's telephone apparatus. With the Western Electric Vail has realized the fundamental conception underlying his ideal telephone system--the standardization of equipment. For the accomplishment of his idea of a national telephone system, instead of a parochial one, Mr. Vail organized, in 1881, the American Bell Telephone Company, a corporation that really represented the federalization of all the telephone activities of the subsidiary companies. The United States was divided into several sections, in each of which a separate company was organized to develop the telephone possibilities of that particular area. In 1899 the American Telephone and Telegraph Company took over the business and properties of the American Bell Company. The larger corporation built toll lines, connected these smaller systems with one another, and thus made it possible for Washington to talk to New York, New York to Chicago, and ultimately--Boston to San Francisco. An enlightened policy led the Bell Company frequently to establish exchanges in places where there was little chance of immediate profit. Under this stimulation the use of this instrument extended rapidly, yet it is in the last twenty years that the telephone has grown with accelerated momentum. In 1887 there were 170,000 subscribers in the United States, and in 1900 there were 610,000; but in 1906 the American Telephone and Telegraph Company was furnishing its service to 2,550,000 stations, and in 1916 to 10,000,000. Clearly it is only since 1900 that the telephone has become a commonplace of American existence. Up to 1900 it had grown at the rate of about 13,000 a year; whereas since 1900 it has grown at the rate of 700,000 a year. The explanation is that charges have been so reduced that the telephone has been brought within the reach of practically every business house and every family. Until the year 1900 every telephone subscriber had to pay $240 a year, and manifestly only families in affluent circumstances could afford such a luxury. About that time a new system of charges known as the "message rate" plan was introduced, according to which the subscriber paid a moderate price for a stipulated number of calls, and a pro rata charge for all calls in excess of that number. Probably no single change in any business has had such an instantaneous effect. The telephone, which had hitherto been an external symbol of prosperity, suddenly became the possession of almost every citizen. Other companies than the Bell interests have participated in this development. The only time the Bell Company has had no competitor, Mr. Vail has said, was at the Philadelphia Centennial in 1876. Some of this competition has benefited the public but much of it has accomplished little except to enrich many not over-scrupulous promoters. Groups of farmers who frequently started companies to furnish service at cost did much to extend the use of the telephone. Many of the companies which, when the Bell patents expired in 1895, sprang up in the Middle West, also manifested great enterprise and gave excellent service. These companies have made valuable contributions, of which perhaps the automatic telephone, an instrument which enables a subscriber to call up his "party" directly, without the mediation of "central," is the most ingenious. Although due acknowledgment must be made of the honesty and enterprise with which hundreds of the independents are managed, the fact remains that they are a great economic waste. Most of them give only a local service, no company having yet arisen which aims to duplicate the comprehensive national plans of the greater corporation. As soon as an independent obtains a foothold, the natural consequence is that every business house and private household must either be contented with half service, or double the cost of the telephone by subscribing to two companies. It is not unlikely that the "independents" have exercised a wholesome influence upon the Bell Corporation, but, as the principle of government regulation rather than individual competition has now become the established method of controlling monopoly, this influence will possess less virtue in the future. In addition to these independent enterprises, the telephone has unfortunately furnished an opportunity for stockjobbing schemes on a considerable scale. The years from 1895 to 1905 witnessed the growth of many bubbles of this kind; one group of men organized not far from two hundred telephone companies. They would go into selected communities, promise a superior service at half the current rates, enlist the cooperation of "leading" business men, sell the stock largely in the city or town to be benefited, make large profits in the construction of the lines and the sale of equipment--and then decamp for pastures new. The multitudinous bankruptcies that followed in the wake of such exploiters at length brought their activities to an end. CHAPTER V. THE DEVELOPMENT OF PUBLIC UTILITIES The streets of practically all American cities, as they appeared in 1870 and as they appear today, present one of the greatest contrasts in our industrial development. Fifty years ago only a few flickering gas lamps lighted the most traveled thoroughfares. Only the most prosperous business houses and homes had even this expensive illumination; most obtained their artificial light from the new illuminant known as kerosene. But it was the mechanism of city transportation that would have looked the strangest in our eyes. New York City had built the world's first horse-car line in 1832, and since that year this peculiarly American contrivance has had the most extended development. In 1870, indeed, practically every city of any importance had one or more railways of this type. New York possessed thirty different companies, each operating an independent system. In Philadelphia, Chicago, St. Louis, and San Francisco the growth of urban transportation had been equally haphazard. The idea of combining the several street railways into one comprehensive corporation had apparently occurred to no one. The passengers, in their peregrinations through the city, had frequently to pay three or four fares; competition was thus the universal rule. The mechanical equipment similarly represented a primitive state of organization. Horses and mules, in many cases hideous physical specimens of their breeds, furnished the motive power. The cars were little "bobtailed" receptacles, usually badly painted and more often than not in a desperate state of disrepair. In many cities the driver presided as a solitary autocrat; the passengers on entrance deposited their coins in a little fare box. At night tiny oil lamps made the darkness visible; in winter time shivering passengers warmed themselves by pulling their coat collars and furs closely about their necks and thrusting their lower members into a heap of straw, piled almost a foot deep on the floor. Who would have thought, forty years ago, that the lighting of these dark and dirty streets and the modernization of these local railway systems would have given rise to one of the most astounding chapters in our financial history and created hundreds, perhaps thousands, of millionaires? When Thomas A. Edison invented the incandescent light, and when Frank J. Sprague in 1887 constructed the first practicable urban trolley line, in Richmond, Virginia, they liberated forces that powerfully affected not only our social and economic life but our political institutions. These two inventions introduced anew phrase--"Public Utilities." Combined with the great growth and prosperity of the cities they furnished a fruitful opportunity to several particularly famous groups of financial adventurers. They led to the organization of "syndicates" which devoted all their energies, for a quarter of a century, to exploiting city lighting and transportation systems. These syndicates made a business of entering city after city, purchasing the scattered street railway lines and lighting companies, equipping them with electricity, combining them into unified systems, organizing large corporations, and floating huge issues of securities. A single group of six men--Yerkes, Widener, Elkins, Dolan, Whitney, and Ryan--combined the street railways, and in many cases the lighting companies, of New York, Philadelphia, Chicago, Pittsburgh, and at least a hundred towns and cities in Pennsylvania, Connecticut, Rhode Island, Massachusetts, Ohio, Indiana, New Hampshire, and Maine. Either jointly or separately they controlled the gas and electric lighting companies of Philadelphia, Reading, Harrisburg, Atlanta, Vicksburg, St. Augustine, Minneapolis, Omaha, Des Moines, Kansas City, Sioux City, Syracuse, and about seventy other communities. A single corporation developed nearly all the trolley lines and lighting companies of New Jersey; another controlled similar utilities in San Francisco and other cities on the Pacific Coast. In practically all instances these syndicates adopted precisely the same plan of operation. In so far as their activities resulted in cheap, comfortable, rapid, and comprehensive transit systems and low-priced illumination, their activities greatly benefited the public. The future historian of American society will probably attribute enormous influence to the trolley car in linking urban community with urban community, in extending the radius of the modern city, in freeing urban workers from the demoralizing influences of the tenement, in offering the poorer classes comfortable homes in the surrounding country, and in extending general enlightenment by bringing about a closer human intercourse. Indeed, there is probably no single influence that has contributed so much to the pleasure and comfort of the masses as the trolley car. Yet the story that I shall have to tell is not a pleasant one. It is impossible to write even a brief outline of this development without plunging deeply into the two phases of American life of which we have most cause to be ashamed; these are American municipal politics and the speculative aspects of Wall Street. The predominating influences in American city life have been the great franchise corporations. Practically all the men that have had most to do with developing our public utilities have also had the greatest influence in city politics. In New York, Thomas F. Ryan and William C. Whitney were the powerful, though invisible, powers in Tammany Hall. In Chicago, Charles T. Yerkes controlled mayors and city councils; he even extended his influence into the state government, controlling governors and legislatures. In Philadelphia, Widener and Elkins dominated the City Hall and also became part of the Quay machine of Pennsylvania. Mark Hanna, the most active force in Cleveland railways, was also the political boss of the State. Roswell P. Flower, chief agent in developing Brooklyn Rapid Transit, had been Governor of New York; Patrick Calhoun, who monopolized the utilities of San Francisco and other cities, presided likewise over the city's inner politics. The Public Service Corporation of New Jersey also comprised a large political power in city and state politics. It is hardly an exaggeration to say that in the most active period, that from 1880 to 1905, the powers that developed city railway and lighting companies in American cities were identically the same owners that had the most to do with city government. In the minds of these men politics was necessarily as much a part of their business as trolley poles and steel rails. This type of capitalist existed only on public franchises--the right to occupy the public streets with their trolley cars, gas mains, and electric light conduits; they could obtain these privileges only from complaisant city governments, and the simplest way to obtain them was to control these governments themselves. Herein we have the simple formula which made possible one of the most profitable and one of the most adventurous undertakings of our time. An attempt to relate the history of all these syndicates would involve endless repetition. If we have the history of one we have the history of practically all. I have therefore selected, as typical, the operations of the group that developed the street railways and, to a certain extent, the public lighting companies, in our three greatest American cities--New York, Chicago, and Philadelphia. One of the men who started these enterprises actually had a criminal record. William H. Kemble, an early member of the Philadelphia group, had been indicted for attempting to bribe the Pennsylvania Legislature; he had been convicted and sentenced to one year in the county jail and had escaped imprisonment only by virtue of a pardon obtained through political influence. Charles T. Yerkes, one of his partners in politics and street railway enterprises, had been less fortunate, for he had served seven months for assisting in the embezzlement of Philadelphia funds in 1873. It was this circumstance in Yerkes's career which impelled him to leave Philadelphia and settle in Chicago where, starting as a small broker, he ultimately acquired sufficient resources and influence to embark in that street railway business at which he had already served an extensive apprenticeship. Under his domination, the Chicago aldermen attained a gravity that made them notorious all over the world. They openly sold Yerkes the use of the streets for cash and constantly blocked the efforts which an infuriated populace made for reform. Yerkes purchased the old street railway lines, lined his pockets by making contracts for their reconstruction, issued large flotations of watered stock, heaped securities upon securities and reorganization upon reorganization and diverted their assets to business in a hundred ingenious ways. In spite of the crimes which Yerkes perpetrated in American cities, there was something refreshing and ingratiating about the man. Possibly this is because he did not associate any hypocrisy with his depredations. "The secret of success in my business," he once frankly said, "is to buy old junk, fix it up a little, and unload it upon other fellows." Certain of his epigrams--such as, "It is the strap-hanger who pays the dividends"--have likewise given him a genial immortality. The fact that, after having reduced the railway system of Chicago to financial pulp and physical dissolution, he finally unloaded the whole useless mass, at a handsome personal profit, upon his old New York friends, Whitney and Ryan, and decamped to London, where he carried through huge transit enterprises, clearly demonstrated that Yerkes was a buccaneer of no ordinary caliber. Yerkes's difficulties in Philadelphia indirectly made possible the career of Peter A. B. Widener. For Yerkes had become involved in the defalcation of the City Treasurer, Joseph P. Mercer, whose translation to the Eastern Penitentiary left vacant a municipal office into which Mr. Widener now promptly stepped. Thus Mr. Widener, as is practically the case with all these street railway magnates, was a municipal politician before he became a financier. The fact that he attained the city treasurership shows that he had already gone far, for it was the most powerful office in Philadelphia. He had all those qualities of suavity, joviality, firmness, and personal domination that made possible success in American local politics a generation ago. His occupation contributed to his advancement. In recent years Mr. Widener, as the owner of great art galleries and the patron of philanthropic and industrial institutions, has been a national figure of the utmost dignity. Had you dropped into the Spring Garden Market in Philadelphia forty years ago, you would have found a portly gentleman, clad in a white apron, and armed with a cleaver, presiding over a shop decorated with the design--"Peter A. B. Widener, Butcher." He was constantly joking with his customers and visitors, and in the evening he was accustomed to foregather with a group of well-chosen spirits who had been long famous in Philadelphia as the "all-night poker players." A successful butcher shop in Philadelphia in those days played about the same part in local politics as did the saloon in New York City. Such a station became the headquarters of political gossip and the meeting ground of a political clique; and so Widener, the son of a poor German bricklayer, rapidly became a political leader in the Twentieth Ward, and soon found his power extending even to Harrisburg. A few years ago Widener presided over a turbulent meeting of Metropolitan shareholders in Newark, New Jersey. The proposal under consideration was the transference of all the Metropolitan's visible assets to a company of which the stockholders knew nothing. When several of these stockholders arose and demanded that they be given an opportunity to discuss the projected lease, Widener turned to them and said, in his politest and blandest manner: "You can vote first and discuss afterward." Widener displayed precisely these same qualities of ingratiating arrogance and good-natured contempt as a Philadelphia politician. He was a man of big frame, alert and decisive in his movements, and a ready talker; in business he was given much to living in the clouds--a born speculator--emphatically a "boomer." His sympathies were generous, at times emotional; it is said that he has even been known to weep when discussing his fine collection of Madonnas. He showed this personal side in his lifelong friendship and business association with William L. Elkins, a man much inferior to him in ability. Indeed, Elkins's great fortune was little more than a free gift from Widener, who carried him as a partner in all his deals. Elkins became Widener's bondsman when the latter entered the City Treasurer's office; the two men lived near each other on the same street, and this association was cemented when Widener's oldest son married Elkins's daughter. Elkins had started life as an entry clerk in a grocery store, had made money in the butter and egg business, had "struck oil" at Titusville in 1862, and had succeeded in exchanging his holdings for a block of Standard Oil stock. He too became a Philadelphia politician, but he had certain hard qualities--he was close-fisted, slow, plodding--that prevented him from achieving much success. For the other members of this group we must now change the scene to New York City. In the early eighties certain powerful interests had formed plans for controlling the New York transit fields. Prominent among them was William Collins Whitney, a very different type of man from the Philadelphians. Born in Conway, Massachusetts, in 1841, he came from a long line of distinguished and intellectual New Englanders. At Yale his wonderful mental gifts raised him far above his fellows; he divided all scholastic honors there with his classmate, William Graham Sumner, afterwards Yale's great political economist. Soon after graduation Whitney came to New York and rapidly forged ahead as a lawyer. Brilliant, polished, suave, he early displayed those qualities which afterward made him the master mind of presidential Cabinets and the maker of American Presidents. Physically handsome, loved by most men and all women, he soon acquired a social standing that amounted almost to a dictatorship. His early political activities had greatly benefited New York. He became a member of that group which, under the leadership of Joseph H. Choate and Samuel J. Tilden, accomplished the downfall of William M. Tweed. Whitney remained Tilden's political protege for several years. Though highbred and luxury-loving, as a young man he was not averse to hard political work, and many old-timers still remember the days when "Bill" Whitney delivered cart-tail harangues on the lower east side. By 1884 he had become the most prominent Democrat in New York--always a foe to Tammany--and as such he contributed largely to Cleveland's first election, became Secretary of the Navy in Cleveland's cabinet and that great President's close friend and adviser. As Secretary of the Navy, Whitney, who found the fleet composed of a few useless hulks left over from the days of Farragut, created the fighting force that did such efficient service in the Spanish War. The fact that the United States is now the third naval power is largely owing to these early activities of Whitney. Certainly all this national service forms a strange prelude to Whitney's activities in the public utilities of New York and other cities. Had he died, indeed, in his fiftieth year, his name would be renowned today as a worker for the highest ideals of American citizenship. What suddenly made him turn his back upon his past, join his former enemies in Tammany Hall, and engage in these great speculative enterprises? The simplest explanation is that, with his ability and ambition, Whitney had the luxurious tastes of a Medici. At the height of his career his financial success found expression in a magnificent house which he established on Fifth Avenue. Its furnishings were one of the wonders of New York. Whitney ransacked the art treasures of Europe, stripped medieval castles of their carvings and tapestries, ripped whole staircases and ceilings from the repose of centuries, and relaid them in this abode of splendor, and here he entertained with a lavishness that astounded New York. This single exploit pictures the man. Everything that Whitney did and was his house, his financial transactions, his Wall Street speculations, the rewards which he gave his friends assumed heroic proportions. But these things all demanded money. The dilapidated horse railways of New York offered him his most convenient opportunity for amassing it. But Whitney had not proceeded far when he came face to face with a quiet and energetic young man who had already made considerable progress in the New York transit field. This was a Virginian of South Irish descent who had started life as a humble broker's clerk twelve or fourteen years before. His name was Thomas Fortune Ryan. Few men have wielded greater power in American finance, but in 1884 Ryan was merely a ruddy-faced, cleancut, and clean-living Irishman of thirty-three, who could be depended on to execute quickly and faithfully orders on the New York Stock Exchange--even though they were small ones--and who, in unostentatious fashion, had already acquired much influence in Tammany Hall. With his six feet of stature, his extremely slender figure, his long legs, his long arms, his raiment--which always represented the height of fashion and tended slightly toward the flashy--Ryan made a conspicuous figure wherever he went. He was born in 1851, on a small farm in Nelson County, Virginia. The Civil War, which broke out when Ryan was a boy of ten, destroyed the family fortune and in 1868, when seventeen, he began life as a dry-goods clerk in Baltimore, fulfilling the tradition of the successful country boy in the large city by marrying his employer's daughter. When his father-in-law failed, in 1870, Ryan came to New York, went to work in a broker's office, and succeeded so well that, in a few years, he was able to purchase a seat on the Stock Exchange. He was sufficiently skillful as a broker to number Jay Gould among his customers and to inspire a prophecy by William C. Whitney that, if he retained his health, he would become one of the richest men in the country. Afterwards, when he knew him more intimately, Whitney elaborated this estimate by saying that Ryan was "the most adroit, suave, and noiseless man he had ever known." Ryan had two compelling traits that soon won for him these influential admirers. First of all was his marvelous industry. His genius was not spasmodic. He worked steadily, regularly, never losing a moment, never getting excited, going, day after day, the same monotonous dog-trot, easily outdistancing scores of apparently stronger men. He also had the indispensable faculty of silence. He has always been the least talkative man in Wall Street, but, with all his reserve, he has remained the soul of courtesy and outward good nature. Here, then, we have the characters of this great impending drama--Yerkes in Chicago, Widener and Elkins in Philadelphia, Whitney and Ryan in New York. These five men did not invariably work as a unit. Yerkes, though he had considerable interest in Philadelphia, which had been the scene of his earliest exploits, limited his activities largely to Chicago. Widener and Elkins, however, not only dominated Philadelphia traction but participated in all of Yerkes's enterprises in Chicago and held an equal interest with Whitney and Ryan in New York. The latter Metropolitan pair, though they confined their interest chiefly to their own city, at times transferred their attention to Chicago. Thus, for nearly thirty years, these five men found their oyster in the transit systems of America's three greatest cities--and, for that matter, in many others also. An attempt to trace the convolutions of America's street railway and public lighting finance would involve a puzzling array of statistics and an inextricable complexity of stocks, bonds, leases, holding companies, operating companies, construction companies, reorganizations, and the like. Difficult and apparently impenetrable as is this financial morass, the essential facts still stand out plainly enough. As already indicated, the fundamental basis upon which the whole system rested was the control of municipal politics. The story of the Metropolitan's manipulation of the New York street railways starts with one of the most sordid episodes in the municipal annals of America's largest city. Somewhat more than thirty years ago, a group of New York city fathers acquired an international fame as the "boodle aldermen." These men had finally given way to the importunities of a certain Jacob Sharp, an eccentric New York character, who had for many years operated New York City railways, and granted a franchise for the construction of a horse-car line on lower Broadway. Soon after voting this franchise, regarded as perhaps the most valuable in the world, these same aldermen had begun to wear diamonds, to purchase real estate, and give other outward evidences of unexpected prosperity. Presently, however, these city fathers started a migration to Canada, Mexico, Spain, and other countries where the processes of extradition did not work smoothly. Sharp's enemies had succeeded in precipitating a legislative investigation under the very capable leadership of Roscoe Conkling, who had little difficulty in showing that Sharp had purchased his aldermen for $500,000 cash. In a short time, such of the aldermen as were accessible to the police were languishing in prison, and Sharp had been arrested on twenty-one indictments for bribery and sentenced to four years' hard labor--a sentence which he was saved from serving by his lonely and miserable death in Ludlow Street Jail. In the delirium preceding his dissolution Sharp raved constantly about his Broadway railroad and his enemies; it was apparently his belief that the investigation which had uncovered his rascality and the subsequent "persecutions" had been engineered by certain of his rivals, either to compel Sharp to disgorge his franchise or to produce the facts that would justify the legislature in annulling it on the ground of fraud. Though the complete history of this transaction can never be written, we do possess certain facts that lend some color to this diagnosis. Up to the time that Sharp had captured this franchise, Ryan, Whitney, and the Philadelphians--not as partners, but as rivals--had competed with him for this prize. At the trial of Arthur J. McQuade in 1886, a fellow conspirator, who bore the somewhat suggestive name of Fullgraff, related certain details which, if true, would indicate that Sharp's methods differed from those of his rivals only in that they had proved more successful. Thirteen members of the Board of Aldermen, said Fullgraff, had formed a close corporation, elected a chairman, and adopted a policy of "business unity in all important matters," which meant that they proposed to keep together in order to secure the highest price for the Broadway franchise. The cable railroad, which was the one with which Mr. Ryan was identified, offered $750,000, half in bonds and half in cash. Mr. Sharp, however, offered $500,000 all in cash. The aldermen voted in favor of Sharp because cash was not only a more valuable commodity than the bonds but, to use Alderman Fullgraff's own words--"less easily traced." That Whitney financed lawsuits against the validity of Sharp's franchise appears upon the record, and that Ryan was actively promoting the Conkling investigation, is likewise a matter of evidence. Sharp's victory had the great result of bringing together the three forces--Ryan, Whitney, and the Philadelphians--who had hitherto combated one another as rivals; that is, it caused the organization of the famous Whitney-Ryan-Widener-Elkins syndicate. If these men had inspired all those attacks on Sharp, their maneuver proved successful; for when the investigation had attained its climax and public indignation against Sharp had reached its most furious stage, that venerable corruptionist, worn down by ill health, and almost crazed by the popular outcry, sold his Broadway railroad to Peter A. B. Widener, William L. Elkins, and William H. Kemble. Thomas F. Ryan became secretary of the new corporation, and William C. Whitney an active participant in its affairs. This Broadway franchise formed the vertebral column of the New York transit system; with it as a basis, the operators formed the Metropolitan Street Railway Company in 1893, commonly known as the "Metropolitan." They organized also the Metropolitan Traction Company, an organization which enjoys an historic position as the first "holding company" ever created in this country. Its peculiar attribute was that it did not construct and operate street railways itself, but merely owned other corporations that did so. Its only assets, that is, were paper securities representing the ownership and control of other companies. This "holding company," which has since become almost a standardized form of corporation control in this country, was the invention of Mr. Francis Lynde Stetson, one of America's greatest corporation lawyers. "Mr. Stetson," Ryan is said to have remarked, "do you know what you did when you drew up the papers of the Metropolitan Traction Company? You made us a great big tin box." The plan which Whitney and his associates now followed was to obtain control, in various ways, of all the surface railways in New York and place them under the leadership of the Metropolitan. Through their political influences they obtained franchises of priceless value, organized subsidiary street railway companies, and exchanged the stock of these subsidiary companies for that of the Metropolitan. A few illustrations will show the character of these transactions. They thus acquired, practically as a free gift, a franchise to build a cable railroad on Lexington Avenue. At an extremely liberal estimate, this line cost perhaps $2,500,000 to construct, yet the syndicate turned this over to the Metropolitan for $10,000,000 of Metropolitan securities. They similarly acquired a franchise for a line on Columbus Avenue, spending perhaps $500,000 in construction, and handing the completed property over to the Metropolitan for $6,000,000. In exchange for these two properties, representing a real investment, it has been maintained, of $3,000,000, the inside syndicates received securities which had a face value of $16,000,000 and which, as will appear subsequently, had a market cash value of not far from $25,000,000. They purchased an old horse-car line on Fulton Street, a line whose assets consisted of one-third of a mile of tracks, ten little box cars, thirty horses, and an operating deficit of $40,000 a year. At auction, its visible assets might have brought $15,000; yet the syndicate turned this over to the Metropolitan for $1,000,000. They spent $50,000 in constructing and equipping a horse railroad on Twenty-eighth and Twenty-ninth Streets and turned this over to the Metropolitan for $3,000,000. For two and a half miles of railroad on Thirty-fourth Street, which represented a cash expenditure of perhaps $100,000, they received $2,000,000 of Metropolitan stock. But it is hardly necessary to catalogue more instances; the plan of operations must now be fairly evident. It was for the members of the syndicate, as individuals, to collect all the properties and new franchises that were available and to transfer them to the Metropolitan at enormously inflated values. So far, all these deals were purely stock transactions--no cash had yet changed hands. When the amalgamation was complete, the insiders found themselves in possession of large amounts of Metropolitan stock. Their scheme for transforming this paper into more tangible property forms the concluding chapter of this Metropolitan story. * * In 1897 the Traction Company dissolved, after distributing $6,000,000 as "a voluntary dividend" among its stockholders. Nearly all the properties actually purchased and transferred in the manner described above, had little earning capacity, and therefore little value; they were decrepit horse-car lines in unprofitable territory. The really valuable roads were those that traversed the great north and south thoroughfares--Lenox, Third, Fourth, Sixth, Eighth, and Ninth Avenues. Many old New York families and estates had held these properties for years and had collected large annual dividends from them. Naturally they had no desire to sell, yet their acquisition was essential to the monopoly which the Whitney-Ryan syndicate aspired to construct. They finally leased all these roads, under agreements which guaranteed large annual rentals. In practically all these cases the Metropolitan, in order to secure physical possession, agreed to pay rentals that far exceeded the earning capacity of the road. What is the explanation of such insane finance? We do not have the precise facts in the matter of the New York railways; but similar operations in Chicago, which have been officially made public, shed the utmost light upon the situation. In order to get possession of a single road in Chicago, Widener and Elkins guaranteed a thirty-five per cent dividend; to get one Philadelphia line, they guaranteed 65 1/2 per cent on capital paid in. This, of course, was not business; the motives actuating the syndicate were purely speculative. In Chicago, Widener and Elkins quietly made large purchases of the stock in these roads before they leased them to the parent company. The exceedingly profitable lease naturally gave such stocks a high value, in case they preferred to sell; if they held them, they reaped huge rewards from the leases which they had themselves decreed. Perhaps their most remarkable exploit was the lease of the West Division Railway Company of Chicago to the West Chicago Street Railroad. Widener and Elkins controlled the West Division Railway; their partner, Charles T. Yerkes, controlled the latter corporation. The negotiation of a lease, therefore, was a purely informal matter; the partners were merely dealing with one another; yet Widener and Elkins received a fee of $5,000,000 as personal compensation for negotiating this lease! But this whole leasing system, both in New York and Chicago, entailed scandals perhaps even more reprehensible. All these leased properties, when taken over, were horse-car lines, and their transformation into electrically propelled systems involved reconstruction operations on an extensive scale. It seems perfectly clear that the chief motive which inspired these extravagant leases was the determination of the individuals who made up the syndicate to obtain physical possession and to make huge profits on construction. The "construction accounts" of the Metropolitan in New York form the most mysterious and incredible chapter in its history. The Metropolitan reports show that they spent anywhere from $500,000 to $600,000 a mile building underground trolley lines which, at their own extravagant estimate, should have cost only $150,000. In a few years untold millions, wasted in this way, disappeared from the Metropolitan treasury. In 1907 the Public Service Commission of New York began investigating these "construction accounts," but it had not proceeded far when the discovery was made that all the Metropolitan books containing the information desired had been destroyed. All the ledgers, journals, checks, and vouchers containing the financial history of the Metropolitan since its organization in 1893 had been sold for $117 to a junkman, who had agreed in writing to grind them into pulp, so that they would be safe from "prying eyes." We shall therefore never know precisely how this money was spent. But here again the Chicago transactions help us to an understanding. In 1898 Charles T. Yerkes, with that cynical frankness which some people have regarded as a redeeming trait in his character, opened his books for the preceding twenty-five years to the Civic Federation of Chicago. These books disclosed that Mr. Yerkes and his associates, Widener and Elkins, had made many millions in reconstructing the Chicago lines at prices which represented gross overcharges to the stockholders. For this purpose Yerkes, Widener, and Elkins organized the United States Construction Company and made contracts for installing the new electric systems on the lines which they controlled by lease or stock ownership. It seems a not unnatural suspicion that the vanished Metropolitan books would have disclosed similar performances in New York. The concluding chapter of this tragedy has its setting in the Stock Exchange. These inside gentlemen, as already said, received no cash as their profits from these manipulations--only stock. But in the eyes of the public this stock represented an enormous value. Metropolitan securities, for example, represented the control and ownership of all the surface transit business in the city of New York. Naturally, it had a great investment value. When it began to pay regularly seven per cent dividends, the public appetite for Metropolitan became insatiable. The eager purchasers did not know, what we know now, that the Metropolitan did not earn these dividends and never could have earned them. The mere fact that it was paying, as rentals on its leased lines, annual sums far in excess of their earning capacity, necessarily prevented anything in the nature of profitable operation. The unpleasant fact is that these dividends were paid with borrowed money merely to make the stock marketable. It is not unlikely that the padded construction accounts, already described, may have concealed large disbursements of money for unearned dividends. When the Metropolitan was listed in 1897, it immediately went beyond par. The excitement that followed forms one of the most memorable chapters in the history of Wall Street. The investing public, egged on by daring and skillful stock manipulators, simply went mad and purchased not only Metropolitan but street railway shares that were then even more speculative. It was in these bubble days that Brooklyn Rapid Transit soared to heights from which it subsequently descended precipitately. Under this stimulus, Metropolitan stock ultimately sold at $269 a share. While the whole investing public was scrambling for Metropolitan, the members of the exploiting syndicate found ample opportunity to sell. The real situation became apparent when William C. Whitney died in 1904 leaving an estate valued at $40,000,000. Not a single share of Metropolitan was found among his assets! The final crash came in 1907, when the Metropolitan, a wrecked and plundered shell, confessed insolvency and went into a receivership. Those who had purchased its stock found their holdings as worthless as the traditional western gold mine. The story of the Chicago and Philadelphia systems, as well as that of numerous other cities, had been essentially the same. The transit facilities of millions of Americans had merely become the instruments of a group of speculators who had made huge personal fortunes and had left, as a monument of their labors, street railway lines whose gross overcapitalization was apparent to all and whose physical dilapidation in many cases revealed the character of their management. It seems perhaps an exaggeration to say that the enterprises which have resulted in equipping our American cities and suburbs with trolley lines and electric lighting facilities have followed the plan of campaign sketched above. Perhaps not all have repeated the worst excesses of the syndicate that so remorselessly exploited New York, Chicago, and Philadelphia. Yet in most cases these elaborate undertakings have been largely speculative in character. Huge issues of fictitious stock, created purely for the benefit of inner rings, have been almost the prevailing rule. Stock speculation and municipal corruption have constantly gone hand in hand everywhere with the development of the public utilities. The relation of franchise corporations to municipalities is probably the thing which has chiefly opened the eyes of Americans to certain glaring defects in their democratic organization. The popular agitation which has resulted has led to great political reforms. The one satisfaction which we can derive from such a relation as that given above is that, after all, it is representative of a past era in our political and economic life. No new "Metropolitan syndicate" can ever repeat the operations of its predecessors. Practically every State now has utility commissions which regulate the granting of franchises, the issue of securities, the details of construction and equipment and service. An awakened public conscience has effectively ended the alliance between politics and franchise corporations and the type of syndicate described in the foregoing pages belongs as much to our American past as that rude frontier civilization with which, after all, it had many characteristics in common. CHAPTER VI. MAKING THE WORLD'S AGRICULTURAL MACHINERY The Civil War in America did more than free the negro slave: it freed the white man as well. In the Civil War agriculture, for the first time in history, ceased to be exclusively a manual art. Up to that time the typical agricultural laborer had been a bent figure, tending his fields and garnering his crops with his own hands. Before the war had ended the American farmer had assumed an erect position; the sickle and the scythe had given way to a strange red chariot, which, with practically no expenditure of human labor, easily did the work of a dozen men. Many as have been America's contributions to civilization, hardly any have exerted greater influence in promoting human welfare than her gift of agricultural machinery. It seems astounding that, until McCormick invented his reaper, in 1831, agricultural methods, in both the New and the Old World, differed little from those that had prevailed in the days of the Babylonians. The New England farmer sowed his fields and reaped his crops with almost identically the same instruments as those which had been used by the Roman farmer in the time of the Gracchi. Only a comparatively few used the scythe; the great majority, with crooked backs and bended knees, cut the grain with little hand sickles precisely like those which are now dug up in Etruscan and Egyptian tombs. Though McCormick had invented his reaper in 1831, and though many rival machines had appeared in the twenty years preceding the Civil War, only the farmers on the great western plains had used the new machinery to any considerable extent. The agricultural papers and agricultural fairs had not succeeded in popularizing these great laborsaving devices. Labor was so abundant and so cheap that the farmer had no need of them. But the Civil War took one man in three for the armies, and it was under this pressure that the farmers really discovered the value of machinery. A small boy or girl could mount a McCormick reaper and cut a dozen acres of grain in a day. This circumstance made it possible to place millions of soldiers in the field and to feed the armies from farms on which mature men did very little work. But the reaper promoted the Northern cause in other ways. Its use extended so in the early years of the war that the products of the farms increased on an enormous scale, and the surplus, exported to Europe, furnished the liquid capital that made possible the financing of the war. Europe gazed in astonishment at a new spectacle in history; that of a nation fighting the greatest war which had been known up to that time, employing the greater part of her young and vigorous men in the armies, and yet growing infinitely richer in the process. The Civil War produced many new implements of warfare, such as the machine gun and the revolving turret for battleships, but, so far as determining the result was concerned, perhaps the most important was the reaper. Extensive as the use of agricultural machinery became in the Civil War, that period only faintly foreshadowed the development that has taken place since. The American farm is today like a huge factory; the use of the hands has almost entirely disappeared; there are only a few operations of husbandry that are not performed automatically. In Civil War days the reaper merely cut the grain; now machinery rakes it up and binds it into sheaves and threshes it. Similar mechanisms bind corn and rice. Machinery is now used to plant potatoes; grain, cotton, and other farm products are sown automatically. The husking bees that formed one of our social diversions in Civil War days have disappeared, for particular machines now rip the husks off the ears. Horse hay-forks and horse hayrakes have supplanted manual labor. The mere names of scores of modern instruments of farming, all unknown in Civil War days--hay carriers, hay loaders, hay stackers, manure spreaders, horse corn planters, corn drills, disk harrows, disk ploughs, steam ploughs, tractors, and the like--give some suggestion of the extent to which America has made mechanical the most ancient of occupations. In thus transforming agriculture, we have developed not only our own Western plains, but we have created new countries. Argentina could hardly exist today except for American agricultural machinery. Ex-President Loubet declared, a few years ago, that France would starve to death except for the farming machines that were turned out in Chicago. There is practically no part of the world where our self-binders are not used. In many places America is not known as the land of freedom and opportunity, but merely as "the place from which the reapers come." The traveler suddenly comes upon these familiar agents in every European country, in South America, in Egypt, China, Algiers, Siberia, India, Burma, and Australia. For agricultural machinery remains today, what it has always been, almost exclusively an American manufacture. It is practically the only native American product that our European competitors have not been able to imitate. Tariff walls, bounty systems, and all the other artificial aids to manufacturing have not developed this industry in foreign lands, and today the United States produces four-fifths of all the agricultural machinery used in the world. The International Harvester Company has its salesmen in more than fifty countries, and has established large American factories in many nations of Europe. One day, a few years before his death, Prince Bismarck was driving on his estate, closely following a self-binder that had recently been put to work. The venerable statesman, bent and feeble, seemed to find a deep melancholy interest in the operation. "Show me the thing that ties the knot," he said. It was taken to pieces and explained to him in detail. "Can these machines be made in Germany?" he asked. "No, your Excellency," came the reply. "They can be made only in America." The old man gave a sigh. "Those Yankees are ingenious fellows," he said. "This is a wonderful machine." In this story of American success, four names stand out preeminently. The men who made the greatest contributions were Cyrus H. McCormick, C. W. Marsh, Charles B. Withington, and John F. Appleby. The name that stands foremost, of course, is that of McCormick, but each of the others made additions to his invention that have produced the present finished machine. It seems like the stroke of an ironical fate which decreed that since it was the invention of a Northerner, Eli Whitney, that made inevitable the Civil War, so it was the invention of a Southerner, Cyrus McCormick, that made inevitable the ending of that war in favor of the North. McCormick was born in Rockbridge County, Virginia, on a farm about eighteen miles from Staunton. He was a child of that pioneering Scotch-Irish race which contributed so greatly to the settlement of this region and which afterward made such inestimable additions to American citizenship. The country in which he grew up was rough and, so far as the conventionalities go, uncivilized; the family homestead was little more than a log cabin; and existence meant a continual struggle with a not particularly fruitful soil. The most remarkable figure in the McCormick home circle, and the one whose every-day life exerted the greatest influence on the boy, was his father. The older McCormick had one obsessing idea that made him the favorite butt of the local humorists. He believed that the labor spent in reaping grain was a useless expenditure of human effort and that machinery might be made to do the work. Other men, in this country and in Europe, had nourished similar notions. Several Englishmen had invented reaping machines, all of which had had only a single defect--they would not reap. An ingenious English actor had developed a contrivance which would cut imitation wheat on the stage, but no one had developed a machine that would work satisfactorily in real life. Robert McCormick spent the larger part of his days and nights tinkering at a practical machine. He finally produced a horrific contrivance, made up of whirling sickles, knives, and revolving rods, pushed from behind by two horses; when he tried this upon a grain-field, however, it made a humiliating failure. Evidently Robert McCormick had ambitions far beyond his powers; yet without his absurd experiments the development of American agriculture might have waited many years. They became the favorite topics of conversation in the evening gatherings that took place about the family log fire. Robert McCormick had several sons, and one manifested a particular interest in his repeated failures. From the time he was seven years old Cyrus Hall McCormick became his father's closest companion. Others might ridicule and revile, but this chubby, bright-eyed, intelligent little boy was always the keenest listener, the one comfort which the father had against his jeering neighbors. He also became his father's constant associate in his rough workshop. Soon, however, the older man noticed a change in their relations. The boy was becoming the teacher, and the father was taught. By the time Cyrus was eighteen, indeed, he had advanced so far beyond his father that the latter had become merely a proud observer. Young McCormick threw into the discard all his father's ideas and struck out on entirely new lines. By the time he had reached his twenty-second birthday he had constructed a machine which, in all its essential details, is the one which we have today. He had introduced seven principles, all of which are an indispensable part of every reaper constructed now. One afternoon he drove his unlovely contraption upon his father's farm, with no witnesses except his own family. This group now witnessed the first successful attempt ever made to reap with machinery. A few days later young McCormick gave a public exhibition at Steele's Tavern, cutting six acres of oats in an afternoon. The popular ridicule soon changed into acclaim; the new invention was exhibited in a public square and Cyrus McCormick became a local celebrity. Perhaps the words that pleased him most, however, were those spoken by his father. "I am proud," said the old man, "to have a son who can do what I failed to do." This McCormick reaper dates from 1831; but it represented merely the beginnings of the modern machine. It performed only a single function; it simply cut the crop. When its sliding blade had performed this task, the grain fell back upon a platform, and a farm hand, walking alongside, raked this off upon the ground. A number of human harvesters followed, picked up the bundles, and tied a few strips of grain around them, making the sheaf. The work was exceedingly wearying and particularly hard upon the women who were frequently impressed into service as farm-hands. About 1858 two farmers named Marsh, who lived near De Kalb, Illinois, solved this problem. They attached to their McCormick reaper a moving platform upon which the cut grain was deposited. A footboard was fixed to the machine upon which two men stood. As the grain came upon this moving platform these men seized it, bound it into sheaves, and threw it upon the field. Simple as this procedure seemed it really worked a revolution in agriculture; for the first time since the pronouncement of the primal curse, the farmer abandoned his hunchback attitude and did his work standing erect. Yet this device also had its disqualifications, the chief one being that it converted the human sheaf-binder into a sweat-shop worker. It was necessary to bind the grain as rapidly as the platform brought it up; the worker was therefore kept in constant motion; and the consequences were frequently distressing and nerve racking. Yet this "Marsh Harvester" remained the great favorite with farmers from about 1860 to 1874. All this time, however, there was a growing feeling that even the Marsh harvester did not represent the final solution of the problem; the air was full of talk and prophecies about self-binders, something that would take the loose wheat from the platform and transform it into sheaves. Hundreds of attempts failed until, in 1874, Charles B. Withington of Janesville, Wisconsin, brought to McCormick a mechanism composed of two steel arms which seized the grain, twisted a wire around it, cut the wire, and tossed the completed sheaf to the earth. In actual practice this contrivance worked with the utmost precision. Finally American farmers had a machine that cut the grain, raked it up, and bound it into sheaves ready for the mill. Human labor had apparently lost its usefulness; a solitary man or woman, perched upon a seat and driving a pair of horses, now performed all these operations of husbandry. By this time, scores of manufacturers had entered the field in opposition to McCormick, but his acquisition of Withington's invention had apparently made his position secure. Indeed, for the next ten years he had everything his own way. Then suddenly an ex-keeper of a drygoods store in Maine crossed his path. This was William Deering, a character quite as energetic, forceful, and pugnacious as was McCormick himself. Though McCormick had made and sold thousands of his selfbinders, farmers were already showing signs of discontent. The wire proved a continual annoyance. It mingled with the straw and killed the cattle--at least so the farmers complained; it cut their hands and even found its way, with disastrous results, into the flour mills. Deering now appeared as the owner of a startling invention by John F. Appleby. This did all that the Withington machine did and did it better and quicker; and it had the great advantage that it bound with twine instead of wire. The new machine immediately swept aside all competitors; McCormick, to save his reaper from disaster, presently perfected a twine binder of his own. The appearance of Appleby's improvement in 1884 completes the cycle of the McCormick reaper on its mechanical side The harvesting machine of fifty nations today is the one to which Appleby put the final touches in 1884. Since then nothing of any great importance has been added. This outline of invention, however, comprises only part of the story. The development of the reaper business presents a narrative quite as adventurous as that of the reaper itself. Cyrus McCormick was not only a great inventor; he was also a great businessman. So great was his ability in this direction, indeed, that there has been a tendency to discredit his achievements as a creative genius and to attribute his success to his talents as an organizer and driver of industry. "I may make a million dollars from this reaper," said McCormick, in the full tide of enthusiasm over his invention; and these words indicate an indispensable part of his program. He had no miserly instinct but he had one overpowering ambition. It was McCormick's conviction, almost religious in its fervor, that the harvester business of the world belonged to him. As already indicated, plenty of other hardy spirits, many of them almost as commanding personalities as himself, disputed the empire. Not far from 12,000 patents on harvesting machines were granted in this country in the fifty years following McCormick's invention, and more than two hundred companies were formed to compete for the market. McCormick always regarded these competitors as highwaymen who had invaded a field which had been almost divinely set apart for himself. A man of covenanting antecedents, heroic in his physical proportions, with a massive, Jove-like head and beard, tirelessly devoted to his work, watching every detail with a microscopic eye, marshaling a huge force of workers who were as possessed by this one overruling idea as was McCormick himself, he certainly presented an almost unassailable battlefront to his antagonists. The competition that raged between McCormick and the makers of rival machines was probably the fiercest that has prevailed in any American industry. For marketing his machine McCormick developed a system almost as ingenious as the machine itself. The popularization of so ungainly and expensive a contrivance as the harvester proved a slow and difficult task. McCormick at first attempted to build his product on his Virginia farm and for many years it was known as the Virginia Reaper. Nearly ten years passed, however, before he sold his first machine. The farmer first refused to take it seriously. "It's a great invention," he would say, "but I'm running a farm, not a circus." About 1847 McCormick decided that the Western prairies offered the finest field for its activities, and established his factory at Chicago, then an ugly little town on the borders of a swamp. This selection proved to be a stroke of genius, for it placed the harvesting factory right at the door of its largest market. The price of the harvester, however, seemed an insurmountable obstacle to its extensive use. The early settlers of the Western plains had little more than their brawny hands as capital, and the homestead law furnished them their land practically free. In the eyes of a large-seeing pioneer like McCormick this was capital enough. He determined that his reaper should develop this extensive domain, and that the crops themselves should pay the cost. Selling expensive articles on the installment plan now seems a commonplace of business, but in those days it was practically unknown. McCormick was the first to see its possibilities. He established an agent, usually the general storekeeper, in every agricultural center. Any farmer who had a modicum of cash and who bore a reputation for thrift and honesty could purchase a reaper. In payment he gave a series of notes, so timed that they fell due at the end of harvesting seasons. Thus, as the money came in from successive harvests, the pioneer paid off the notes, taking two, three, or four years in the process. In the sixties and seventies immigrants from the Eastern States and from Europe poured into the Mississippi Valley by the hundreds of thousands. Almost the first person who greeted the astonished Dane, German, or Swede was an agent of the harvester company, offering to let him have one of these strange machines on these terms. Thus the harvester, under McCormick's comprehensive selling plans, did as much as the homestead act in opening up this great farming region. McCormick covered the whole agricultural United States with these agents. In this his numerous competitors followed suit, and the liveliest times ensued. From that day to this the agents of harvesting implements have lent much animation and color to rural life in this country. Half a dozen men were usually tugging away at one farmer at the same time. The mere fact that the farmer had closed a contract did not end his troubles, for "busting up competitors' sales" was part of the agent's business. The situation frequently reached a point where there was only one way to settle rival claims and that was by a field contest. At a stated time two or three or four rival harvesters would suddenly appear on the farmer's soil, each prepared to show, by actual test, its superiority over the enemy. Farmers and idlers for miles around would gather to witness the Homeric struggle. At a given signal the small army of machines would spring savagely at a field of wheat. The one that could cut the allotted area in the shortest time was regarded as the winner. The harvester would rush on all kinds of fields, flat and hilly, dry and wet, and would cut all kinds of crops, and even stubble. All manner of tests were devised to prove one machine stronger than its rival; a favorite idea was to chain two back to back, and have them pulled apart by frantic careering horses; the one that suffered the fewest breakdowns would be generally acclaimed from town to town. Sometimes these field tests were the most exciting and spectacular events at country fairs. Thus the harvesting machine "pushed the frontier westward at the rate of thirty miles a year," according to William H. Seward. It made American and Canadian agriculture the most efficient in the world. The German brags that his agriculture is superior to American, quoting as proof the more bushels of wheat or potatoes he grows to an acre. But the comparison is fallacious. The real test of efficiency is, not the crops that are grown per acre, but the crops that are grown per man employed. German efficiency gets its results by impressing women as cultivators--depressing bent figures that are in themselves a sufficient criticism upon any civilization. America gets its results by using a minimum of human labor and letting machinery do the work. Thus America's methods are superior not only from the standpoint of economics but of social progress. All nations, including Germany, use our machinery, but none to the extent that prevails on the North American Continent. Perhaps McCormick's greatest achievement is that his machine has banished famine wherever it is extensively used, at least in peace times. Before the reaper appeared existence, even in the United States, was primarily a primitive struggle for bread. The greatest service of the harvester has been that it has freed the world--unless it is a world distracted by disintegrating war--from a constant anxiety concerning its food supply. The hundreds of thousands of binders, active in the fields of every country, have made it certain that humankind shall not want for its daily bread. When McCormick exhibited his harvester at the London Exposition of 1851, the London Times ridiculed it as "a cross between an Astley chariot, a wheel barrow, and a flying machine." Yet this same grotesque object, widely used in Canada, Argentina, Australia, South Africa, and India, becomes an engine that really holds the British Empire together. For the forty years succeeding the Civil War the manufacture of harvesting machinery was a business in which many engaged, but in which few survived. The wildest competition ruthlessly destroyed all but half a dozen powerful firms. Cyrus McCormick died in 1884, but his sons proved worthy successors; the McCormick factory still headed the list, manufacturing, in 1900, one-third of all the self-binders used in the world. The William Deering Company came next and then D. M. Osborne, J. J. Glessner, and W. H. Jones, established factories that made existence exceedingly uncomfortable for the pioneers. Whatever one may think of the motives which caused so many combinations in the early years of the twentieth century, there is no question that irresistible economic forces compelled these great harvester companies to get together. Quick profits in the shape of watered stock had nothing to do with the formation of the International Harvester Company. All the men who controlled these enterprises were individualists, with a natural loathing for trusts, combinations, and pools. They wished for nothing better than to continue fighting the Spartan battle that had made existence such an exciting pastime for more than half a century. But the simple fact was that these several concerns were destroying one another; it was a question of joining hands, ending the competition that was eating so deeply into their financial resources, or reducing the whole business to chaos. When Mr. George W. Perkins, of J. P. Morgan and Company, first attempted to combine these great companies, the antagonisms which had been accumulated in many years of warfare constantly threatened to defeat his end. He early discovered that the only way to bring these men together was to keep them apart. The usual way of creating such combinations is to collect the representative leaders, place them around a table, and persuade them to talk the thing over. Such an amicable situation, however, was impossible in the present instance. Even when the four big men--McCormick, Deering, Glessner, and Jones--were finally brought for the final treaty of peace to J. P. Morgan's office, Mr. Perkins had to station them in four separate rooms and flit from one to another arranging terms. Had these four men been brought face to face, the Harvester Company would probably never have been formed. Having once signed their names, however, these once antagonistic interests had little difficulty in forming a strong combination. The company thus brought together manufactured 85 per cent of all the farm machinery used in this country. It owned its own coal-fields and iron mines and its own forests, and it produces most of the implements used by 10,000,000 farmers. In 1847 Cyrus McCormick made 100 reapers and sold them for $10,000; by 1902 the annual production of the corporation amounted to hundreds of thousands of harvesters--besides an almost endless assortment of other agricultural tools, ploughs, drills, rakes, gasoline engines, tractors, threshers, cream separators, and the like--and the sales had grown to about $75,000,000. This is merely the financial measure of progress; the genuine achievements of McCormick's invention are millions of acres of productive land and a farming population which is without parallel elsewhere for its prosperity, intelligence, manfulness, and general contentment. CHAPTER VII. THE DEMOCRATIZATION OF THE AUTOMOBILE In many manufacturing lines, American genius for organization and large scale production has developed mammoth industries. In nearly all the tendency to combination and concentration has exercised a predominating influence. In the early years of the twentieth century the public realized, for the first time, that one corporation, the American Sugar Refining Company, controlled ninety-eight per cent of the business of refining sugar. Six large interests--Armour, Swift, Morris, the National Packing Company, Cudahy, and Schwarzschild and Sulzberger--had so concentrated the packing business that, by 1905, they slaughtered practically all the cattle shipped to Western centers and furnished most of the beef consumed in the large cities east of Pittsburgh. The "Tobacco Trust" had largely monopolized both the wholesale and retail trade in this article of luxury and had also made extensive inroads into the English market. The textile industry had not only transformed great centers of New England into an American Lancashire, but the Southern States, recovering from the demoralization of the Civil War, had begun to spin their own cotton and to send the finished product to all parts of the world. American shoe manufacturers had developed their art to a point where "American shoes" had acquired a distinctive standing in practically every European country. It is hardly necessary to describe in detail each of these industries. In their broad outlines they merely repeat the story of steel, of oil, of agricultural machinery; they are the product of the same methods, the same initiative. There is one branch of American manufacture, however, that merits more detailed attention. If we scan the manufacturing statistics of 1917, one amazing fact stares us in the face. There are only three American industries whose product has attained the billion mark; one of these is steel, the other food products, while the third is an industry that was practically unknown in the United States fifteen years ago. Superlatives come naturally to mind in discussing American progress, but hardly any extravagant phrases could do justice to the development of American automobiles. In 1899 the United States produced 3700 motor vehicles; in 1916 we made 1,500,000. The man who now makes a personal profit of not far from $50,000,000 a year in this industry was a puttering mechanic when the twentieth century came in. If we capitalized Henry Ford's income, he is probably a richer man than Rockefeller; yet, as recently as 1905 his possessions consisted of a little shed of a factory which employed a dozen workmen. Dazzling as is this personal success, its really important aspects are the things for which it stands. The American automobile has had its wildcat days; for the larger part, however, its leaders have paid little attention to Wall Street, but have limited their activities exclusively to manufacturing. Moreover, the automobile illustrates more completely than any other industry the technical qualities that so largely explain our industrial progress. Above all, American manufacturing has developed three characteristics. These are quantity production, standardization, and the use of labor-saving machinery. It is because Ford and other manufacturers adapted these principles to making the automobile that the American motor industry has reached such gigantic proportions. A few years ago an English manufacturer, seeking the explanation of America's ability to produce an excellent car so cheaply, made an interesting experiment. He obtained three American automobiles, all of the same "standardized" make, and gave them a long and racking tour over English highways. Workmen then took apart the three cars and threw the disjointed remains into a promiscuous heap. Every bolt, bar, gas tank, motor, wheel, and tire was taken from its accustomed place and piled up, a hideous mass of rubbish. Workmen then painstakingly put together three cars from these disordered elements. Three chauffeurs jumped on these cars, and they immediately started down the road and made a long journey just as acceptably as before. The Englishman had learned the secret of American success with automobiles. The one word "standardization" explained the mystery. Yet when, a few years before, the English referred to the American automobile as a "glorified perambulator," the characterization was not unjust. This new method of transportation was slow in finding favor on our side of the Atlantic. America was sentimentally and practically devoted to the horse as the motive power for vehicles; and the fact that we had so few good roads also worked against the introduction of the automobile. Yet here, as in Europe, the mechanically propelled wagon made its appearance in early times. This vehicle, like the bicycle, is not essentially a modern invention; the reason any one can manufacture it is that practically all the basic ideas antedate 1840. Indeed, the automobile is really older than the railroad. In the twenties and thirties, steam stage coaches made regular trips between certain cities in England and occasionally a much resounding power-driven carriage would come careering through New York and Philadelphia, scaring all the horses and precipitating the intervention of the authorities. The hardy spirits who devised these engines, all of whose names are recorded in the encyclopedias, deservedly rank as the "fathers" of the automobile. The responsibility as the actual "inventor" can probably be no more definitely placed. However, had it not been for two developments, neither of them immediately related to the motor car, we should never have had this efficient method of transportation. The real "fathers" of the automobile are Gottlieb Daimler, the German who made the first successful gasoline engine, and Charles Goodyear, the American who discovered the secret of vulcanized rubber. Without this engine to form the motive power and the pneumatic tire to give it four air cushions to run on, the automobile would never have progressed beyond the steam carriage stage. It is true that Charles Baldwin Selden, of Rochester, has been pictured as the "inventor of the modern automobile" because, as long ago as 1879, he applied for a patent on the idea of using a gasoline engine as motive power, securing this basic patent in 1895, but this, it must be admitted, forms a flimsy basis for such a pretentious claim. The French apparently led all nations in the manufacture of motor vehicles, and in the early nineties their products began to make occasional appearances on American roads. The type of American who owned this imported machine was the same that owned steam yachts and a box at the opera. Hardly any new development has aroused greater hostility. It not only frightened horses, and so disturbed the popular traffic of the time, but its speed, its glamour, its arrogance, and the haughty behavior of its proprietor, had apparently transformed it into a new badge of social cleavage. It thus immediately took its place as a new gewgaw of the rich; that it had any other purpose to serve had occurred to few people. Yet the French and English machines created an entirely different reaction in the mind of an imaginative mechanic in Detroit. Probably American annals contain no finer story than that of this simple American workman. Yet from the beginning it seemed inevitable that Henry Ford should play this appointed part in the world. Born in Michigan in 1863, the son of an English farmer who had emigrated to Michigan and a Dutch mother, Ford had always demonstrated an interest in things far removed from his farm. Only mechanical devices interested him. He liked getting in the crops, because McCormick harvesters did most of the work; it was only the machinery of the dairy that held him enthralled. He developed destructive tendencies as a boy; he had to take everything to pieces. He horrified a rich playmate by resolving his new watch into its component parts--and promptly quieted him by putting it together again. "Every clock in the house shuddered when it saw me coming," he recently said. He constructed a small working forge in his school-yard, and built a small steam engine that could make ten miles an hour. He spent his winter evenings reading mechanical and scientific journals; he cared little for general literature, but machinery in any form was almost a pathological obsession. Some boys run away from the farm to join the circus or to go to sea; Henry Ford at the age of sixteen ran away to get a job in a machine shop. Here one anomaly immediately impressed him. No two machines were made exactly alike; each was regarded as a separate job. With his savings from his weekly wage of $2.50, young Ford purchased a three dollar watch, and immediately dissected it. If several thousand of these watches could be made, each one exactly alike, they would cost only thirty-seven cents apiece. "Then," said Ford to himself, "everybody could have one." He had fairly elaborated his plans to start a factory on this basis when his father's illness called him back to the farm. This was about 1880; Ford's next conspicuous appearance in Detroit was about 1892. This appearance was not only conspicuous; it was exceedingly noisy. Detroit now knew him as the pilot of a queer affair that whirled and lurched through her thoroughfares, making as much disturbance as a freight train. In reading his technical journals Ford had met many descriptions of horseless carriages; the consequence was that he had again broken away from the farm, taken a job at $45 a month in a Detroit machine shop, and devoted his evenings to the production of a gasoline engine. His young wife was exceedingly concerned about his health; the neighbors' snap judgment was that he was insane. Only two other Americans, Charles B. Duryea and Ellwood Haynes, were attempting to construct an automobile at that time. Long before Ford was ready with his machine, others had begun to appear. Duryea turned out his first one in 1892; and foreign makes began to appear in considerable numbers. But the Detroit mechanic had a more comprehensive inspiration. He was not working to make one of the finely upholstered and beautifully painted vehicles that came from overseas. "Anything that isn't good for everybody is no good at all," he said. Precisely as it was Vail's ambition to make every American a user of the telephone and McCormick's to make every farmer a user of his harvester, so it was Ford's determination that every family should have an automobile. He was apparently the only man in those times who saw that this new machine was not primarily a luxury but a convenience. Yet all manufacturers, here and in Europe, laughed at his idea. Why not give every poor man a Fifth Avenue house? Frenchmen and Englishmen scouted the idea that any one could make a cheap automobile. Its machinery was particularly refined and called for the highest grade of steel; the clever Americans might use their labor-saving devices on many products, but only skillful hand work could turn out a motor car. European manufacturers regarded each car as a separate problem; they individualized its manufacture almost as scrupulously as a painter paints his portrait or a poet writes his poem. The result was that only a man with several thousand dollars could purchase one. But Henry Ford--and afterward other American makers--had quite a different conception. Henry Ford's earliest banker was the proprietor of a quick-lunch wagon at which the inventor used to eat his midnight meal after his hard evening's work in the shed. "Coffee Jim," to whom Ford confided his hopes and aspirations on these occasions, was the only man with available cash who had any faith in his ideas. Capital in more substantial form, however, came in about 1902. With money advanced by "Coffee Jim," Ford had built a machine which he entered in the Grosse Point races that year. It was a hideous-looking affair, but it ran like the wind and outdistanced all competitors. From that day Ford's career has been an uninterrupted triumph. But he rejected the earliest offers of capital because the millionaires would not agree to his terms. They were looking for high prices and quick profits, while Ford's plans were for low prices, large sales, and use of profits to extend the business and reduce the cost of his machine. Henry Ford's greatness as a manufacturer consists in the tenacity with which he has clung to this conception. Contrary to general belief in the automobile industry he maintained that a high sale price was not necessary for large profits; indeed he declared that the lower the price, the larger the net earnings would be. Nor did he believe that low wages meant prosperity. The most efficient labor, no matter what the nominal cost might be, was the most economical. The secret of success was the rapid production of a serviceable article in large quantities. When Ford first talked of turning out 10,000 automobiles a year, his associates asked him where he was going to sell them. Ford's answer was that that was no problem at all; the machines would sell themselves. He called attention to the fact that there were millions of people in this country whose incomes exceeded $1800 a year; all in that class would become prospective purchasers of a low-priced automobile. There were 6,000,000 farmers; what more receptive market could one ask? His only problem was the technical one--how to produce his machine in sufficient quantities. The bicycle business in this country had passed through a similar experience. When first placed on the market bicycles were expensive; it took $100 or $150 to buy one. In a few years, however, an excellent machine was selling for $25 or $30. What explained this drop in price? The answer is that the manufacturers learned to standardize their product. Bicycle factories became not so much places where the articles were manufactured as assembling rooms for putting them together. The several parts were made in different places, each establishment specializing in a particular part; they were then shipped to centers where they were transformed into completed machines. The result was that the United States, despite the high wages paid here, led the world in bicycle making and flooded all countries with this utilitarian article. Our great locomotive factories had developed on similar lines. Europeans had always marveled that Americans could build these costly articles so cheaply that they could undersell European makers. When they obtained a glimpse of an American locomotive factory, the reason became plain. In Europe each locomotive was a separate problem; no two, even in the same shop, were exactly alike. But here locomotives are built in parts, all duplicates of one another; the parts are then sent by machinery to assembling rooms and rapidly put together. American harvesting machines are built in the same way; whenever a farmer loses a part, he can go to the country store and buy its duplicate, for the parts of the same machine do not vary to the thousandth of an inch. The same principle applies to hundreds of other articles. Thus Henry Ford did not invent standardization; he merely applied this great American idea to a product to which, because of the delicate labor required, it seemed at first unadapted. He soon found that it was cheaper to ship the parts of ten cars to a central point than to ship ten completed cars. There would therefore be large savings in making his parts in particular factories and shipping them to assembling establishments. In this way the completed cars would always be near their markets. Large production would mean that he could purchase his raw materials at very low prices; high wages meant that he could get the efficient labor which was demanded by his rapid fire method of campaign. It was necessary to plan the making of every part to the minutest detail, to have each part machined to its exact size, and to have every screw, bolt, and bar precisely interchangeable. About the year 1907 the Ford factory was systematized on this basis. In that twelvemonth it produced 10,000 machines, each one the absolute counterpart of the other 9999. American manufacturers until then had been content with a few hundred a year! From that date the Ford production has rapidly increased; until, in 1916, there were nearly 4,000,000 automobiles in the United States--more than in all the rest of the world put together--of which one-sixth were the output of the Ford factories. Many other American manufacturers followed the Ford plan, with the result that American automobiles are duplicating the story of American bicycles; because of their cheapness and serviceability, they are rapidly dominating the markets of the world. In the Great War American machines have surpassed all in the work done under particularly exacting circumstances. A glimpse of a Ford assembling room--and we can see the same process in other American factories--makes clear the reasons for this success. In these rooms no fitting is done; the fragments of automobiles come in automatically and are simply bolted together. First of all the units are assembled in their several departments. The rear axles, the front axles, the frames, the radiators, and the motors are all put together with the same precision and exactness that marks the operation of the completed car. Thus the wheels come from one part of the factory and are rolled on an inclined plane to a particular spot. The tires are propelled by some mysterious force to the same spot; as the two elements coincide, workmen quickly put them together. In a long room the bodies are slowly advanced on moving platforms at the rate of about a foot per minute. At the side stand groups of men, each prepared to do his bit, their materials being delivered at convenient points by chutes. As the tops pass by these men quickly bolt them into place, and the completed body is sent to a place where it awaits the chassis. This important section, comprising all the machinery, starts at one end of a moving platform as a front and rear axle bolted together with the frame. As this slowly advances, it passes under a bridge containing a gasoline tank, which is quickly adjusted. Farther on the motor is swung over by a small hoist and lowered into position on the frame. Presently the dash slides down and is placed in position behind the motor. As the rapidly accumulating mechanism passes on, different workmen adjust the mufflers, exhaust pipes, the radiator, and the wheels which, as already indicated, arrive on the scene completely tired. Then a workman seats himself on the gasoline tank, which contains a small quantity of its indispensable fuel, starts the engine, and the thing moves out the door under its own power. It stops for a moment outside; the completed body drops down from the second floor, and a few bolts quickly put it securely in place. The workman drives the now finished Ford to a loading platform, it is stored away in a box car, and is started on its way to market. At the present time about 2000 cars are daily turned out in this fashion. The nation demands them at a more rapid rate than they can be made. Herein we have what is probably America's greatest manufacturing exploit. And this democratization of the automobile comprises more than the acme of efficiency in the manufacturing art. The career of Henry Ford has a symbolic significance as well. It may be taken as signalizing the new ideals that have gained the upper hand in American industry. We began this review of American business with Cornelius Vanderbilt as the typical figure. It is a happy augury that it closes with Henry Ford in the foreground. Vanderbilt, valuable as were many of his achievements, represented that spirit of egotism that was rampant for the larger part of the fifty years following the war. He was always seeking his own advantage, and he never regarded the public interest as anything worth a moment's consideration. With Ford, however, the spirit of service has been the predominating motive. His earnings have been immeasurably greater than Vanderbilt's; his income for two years amounts to nearly Vanderbilt's total fortune at his death; but the piling up of riches has been by no means his exclusive purpose. He has recognized that his workmen are his partners and has liberally shared with them his increasing profits. His money is not the product of speculation; Ford is a stranger to Wall Street and has built his business independently of the great banking interest. He has enjoyed no monopoly, as have the Rockefellers; there are more than three hundred makers of automobiles in the United States alone. He has spurned all solicitations to join combinations. Far from asking tariff favors he has entered European markets and undersold English, French, and German makers on their own ground. Instead of taking advantage of a great public demand to increase his prices, Ford has continuously lowered them. Though his idealism may have led him into an occasional personal absurdity, as a business man he may be taken as the full flower of American manufacturing genius. Possibly America, as a consequence of universal war, is advancing to a higher state of industrial organization; but an economic system is not entirely evil that produces such an industry as that which has made the automobile the servant of millions of Americans. BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE The materials are abundant for the history of American industry in the last fifty years. They exist largely in the form of official documents. Any one ambitious of studying this subject in great detail should consult, first of all, the catalogs issued by that very valuable institution, the Government Printing Office. The Bureau of Corporations has published elaborate reports on such industries as petroleum (Standard Oil Company), beef, tobacco, steel, and harvesting machinery, which are indispensable in studying these great basic enterprises. The American habit of legislative investigation and trust-fighting in the courts, whatever its public value may have been, has at least had the result of piling up mountains of material for the historian of American industry. For one single corporation, the Standard Oil Company, a great library of such literature exists. The nearly twenty volumes of testimony, exhibits, and briefs assembled in the course of the Federal suit which led to its dissolution is the ultimate source of material on America's greatest trust. As most of our other great corporations--the Steel Trust, the Harvester Company, the Tobacco Company, and the like--have passed through similar ordeals, all the information the student could ask concerning them exists in the same form. The archives of such bodies as the Interstate Commerce Commission and Public Utility Commissions of the States are also bulging with documentary evidence. Thus all the material contained in this volume--and much more--concerning the New York traction situation will be found in the investigation conducted in 1907 by the Public Service Commission of New York, Second District. American business has also developed a great talent for publicity. Nearly all our big corporations have assembled much material about their own history, all of which is public property. Thus the American Telephone and Telegraph Company can furnish detailed information on every phase of its business and history. Indeed, one's respect for the achievements of American industry is increased by the praiseworthy curiosity which it displays about its own past and the readiness with which it makes such material accessible to the public. Despite the abundance of data, there is not a great amount of popular writing on these subjects that has much fascination as literature or much value as history. The only book that is really important is Miss Ida M. Tarbell's "History of the Standard Oil Company," 2 vols. (new edition 1911). Of other popular volumes the present writer has found most useful Herbert N. Casson's "Romance of Steel" (1907), "History of the Telephone" (1910), and "Cyrus Hall McCormick: His Life and Work" (1909); J.H. Bridge's "Inside History of the Carnegie Steel Company" (1903); "Henry Ford's Own Story" as told to Rose Wildes Lane (1917). For Chapter V, the author has drawn from articles contributed by him in 1907-8 to "McClure's Magazine" on "Great American Fortunes and their Making;" and for Chapter IV, from an article contributed to the same magazine in 1914, on "Telephones for the Millions." 
16575	----	1st edition held by The British Library, London. (Shelfmark: 432d12/432.d.12). The text was then compared against that of an original print of the 2nd edition held by the Library (Archives & Rare Books), London School of Economics and Political Science. -=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-= This book was copy TYPED by R.W. Jones <rwj@freeshell.org> from an original print of the 1st edition held by The British Library, London. (Shelfmark: 432d12/432.d.12). The resultant text was then compared, using a text to speech player, against that of an original print of the 2nd edition held by the Library (Archives & Rare Books), London School of Economics and Political Science. This e-text incorporates the (very few) modifications included in the later edition. Images of the four Charts are not included nor were they or the Indexes of the respective editions compared. -=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-= {Here appears before the fly-leaf the first chart, entitled "Chart of Universal Commercial History, from the year 1500 before the Christian Era TO THE PRESENT YEAR 1805. being a space of Three Thousand three hundred and four years, by William Playfair. Inventor of Linear Arithmetic"} AN INQUIRY INTO THE PERMANENT CAUSES OF THE DECLINE AND FALL OF POWERFUL AND WEALTHY NATIONS, ILLUSTRATED BY FOUR ENGRAVED CHARTS. ---o0o--- By WILLIAM PLAYFAIR, AUTHOR OF NOTES AND CONTINUATION OF AN INQUIRY INTO THE NATURE AND CAUSES OF THE WEALTH OF NATIONS, BY ADAM SMITH, LL.D. AND INVENTOR OF LINEAR ARITHMETIC, &C. ---o0o--- DESIGNED TO SHEW HOW THE PROSPERITY OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE MAY BE PROLONGED. =========================== ___________________ THE SECOND EDITION ___________________ LONDON: PRINTED FOR GREENLAND AND NORRIS, BOOKSELLERS, FINSBURY-SQUARE. 1807. W. Marchant, Printer, 3 Greville-Street, Holborn. ---o0o--- P R E F A C E. ---o0o--- If it is of importance to study by what means a nation may acquire wealth and power, it is not less so to discover by what means wealth and power, when once acquired, may be preserved. The latter inquiry is, perhaps, the more important of the two; for many nations have remained, during a long period, virtuous and happy, without rising to wealth or greatness; but there is no example of happiness or virtue residing amongst a fallen people. In looking over the globe, if we fix our eyes on those places where wealth formerly was accumulated, and where commerce flourished, we see them, at the present day, peculiarly desolated and degraded. From the borders of the Persian Gulf, to the shores of the Baltic Sea; from Babylon and Palmyra, Egypt, Greece, and Italy; to Spain and Portugal, and the whole circle of the Hanseatic League, we trace the same ruinous [end of page #iii] remains of ancient greatness, presenting a melancholy contrast with the poverty, indolence, and ignorance, of the present race of inhabitants, and an irresistible proof of the mutability of human affairs. As in the hall, in which there has been a sumptuous banquet, we perceive the fragments of a feast now become a prey to beggars and banditti; if, in some instances, the spectacle is less wretched and disgusting; it is, because the banquet is not entirely over, and the guests have not all yet risen from the table. From this almost universal picture, we learn that the greatness of nations is but of short duration. We learn, also, that the state of a fallen people is infinitely more wretched and miserable than that of those who have never risen from their original state of poverty. It is then well worth while to inquire into the causes of so terrible a reverse, that we may discover whether they are necessary, or only natural; and endeavour, if possible, to find the means by which prosperity may be lengthened out, and the period of humiliation procrastinated to a distant day. Though the career of prosperity must necessarily have a termination amongst every people, yet there is some reason to think that the degradation, which naturally follows, and which has always followed hitherto, may be [end of page #iv] averted; whether it may be, or may not be so, is the subject of the following Inquiry; which, if it is of importance to any nation on earth, must be peculiarly so to England; a nation that has risen, both in commerce and power, so high above the natural level assigned to it by its population and extent. A nation that rises still, but whose most earnest wish ought to be rather directed to preservation than extension; to defending itself against adversity rather than seeking still farther to augment its power. With regard to the importance of the Inquiry, there cannot be two opinions; but, concerning its utility and success, opinions may be divided. One of the most profound and ingenious writers of a late period, has made the following interesting observation on the prosperity of nations. {1} "In all speculations upon men and human affairs, it is of no small moment to distinguish things of accident from permanent causes, and from effects that cannot be altered. I am not quite of the mind of those speculators, who seem assured, that necessarily, and, by the constitution of things, all states have the same period of infancy, manhood, and decrepitude, that are found in the individuals who compose them. The objects which are --- {1} Mr Burke. -=- [end of page #v] attempted to be forced into an analogy are not founded in the same classes of existence. Individuals are physical beings, subject to laws universal and invariable; but commonwealths are not physical, but moral essences. They are artificial combinations, and, in their proximate efficient cause, the arbitrary productions of the human mind. We are not yet acquainted with the laws which necessarily influence that kind of work, made by that kind of agent. There is not, in the physical order, a distinct cause by which any of those fabrics must necessarily grow, flourish, and decay; nor, indeed, in my opinion, does the moral world produce any thing more determinate on that subject than what may serve as an amusement (liberal indeed, and ingenious, but still only an amusement) for speculative men. I doubt whether the history of mankind is yet complete enough, if ever it can be so, to furnish grounds for a sure theory on the internal causes, which necessarily affect the fortune of a state. I am far from denying the operation of such causes, but they are infinitely uncertain, and much more obscure, and much more difficult to trace than the foreign causes that tend to depress, and, sometimes, overwhelm society." The writer who has thus expressed his scepticism on this sort of inquiry, speaks, at the same time, of the im-[end of page #vi] portance of distinguishing between accidental and permanent causes. He doubts whether the history of mankind is complete enough, or, if ever it can be so, to furnish grounds for a sure theory, on the internal causes which necessarily affect the fortune of a state. Thus, he not only admits the existence of permanent causes, but says, clearly, that it is from history they are discoverable, if ever their discovery can be accomplished. This is going as far as we could wish, and, as for the sure theory, we join issue with him in despairing of ever obtaining one that will deserve the name of sure. The meaning of the word, sure, in this place, appears to be intended in a sense peculiarly strict. It seems to imply a theory, that would be certain in its application to those vicissitudes and fluctuations to which nations are liable, and not merely to explaining their rise and decline. As to such fluctuations, it would be absurd to enter into any theory about them; they depend on particular combinations of circumstances, too infinite, in variety, to be imagined, or subjected to any general law, and of too momentary an operation to be foreseen. That Mr. Burke alludes to such fluctuation is, however, evident, from what that fanciful but deeply-read man says, immediately after: "We have seen some states which have spent their vigour at their commencement. Some have [end of page #vii] blazed out in their glory a little before their extinction. The meridian of some has been the most splendid. Others, and they the greatest number, have fluctuated, and experienced, at different periods of their existence, a great variety of fortune. The death of a man at a critical juncture, his disgust, his retreat, his disgrace, have brought innumerable calamities on a whole nation; a common soldier, a child, a girl, at the door of an inn, have changed the face of fortune, and almost of nature." From this it is abundantly evident, that the theory he wished for, but despaired of ever establishing, was one that would explain such effects; but the object of this Inquiry is totally different. When the Romans were in their vigour, their city was besieged by the Gauls, and saved by an animal of proverbial stupidity; but this could not have happened when Attila was under the walls, and the energy of the citizens was gone. The taking or saving the city, in the first instance, would have been equally accidental, and the consequences of short duration; but, in the latter days, the fall of Rome was owing to _PERMANENT_ causes, and the effect has been without a remedy. It is, then, only concerning the permanent causes, (that is to say, causes that are constantly acting, and produce [end of page #viii] permanent effects) that we mean to inquire; and, even with regard to those, it is not expected to establish a theory that will be applicable, with certainty, to the preservation of a state, but, merely to establish one, which may serve as a safe guide on a subject, the importance of which is great, beyond calculation. There remains but one other consideration in reply to this, and that is, whether states have, necessarily, by the constitution and nature of things, the same periods of infancy, manhood, and decrepitude, that are found in the individuals that compose them? Mr. Burke thinks they have not; and, indeed, if they had, the following Inquiry would be of no sort of utility. It is of no importance to seek for means of preventing what must of necessity come to pass: but, if the word necessity is changed for tendency or propensity, then it becomes an Inquiry deserving attention, and, as all states have risen, flourished, and fallen, there can be no dispute with the regard to their tendency to do so. However much, at first sight, Mr. Burke's opinion may appear to militate against such an Inquiry, when duly considered, it will be found, not only to approve of the end, but to point out the manner in which the inquiry ought to be conducted; namely, by consulting history. [end of page #ix] If it is allowed that any practical advantage is to be derived from the history of the past, it can only be, in so far as it is applicable to the present and the future; and, if there is none, it is melancholy to reflect on the volumes that have been written without farther utility than to gratify idle curiosity. Are the true lessons of history, because they are never completely applicable to present affairs, to be ranked with the entertaining, but almost useless, pages of romance? No, certainly. Of the inheritance possessed by the present generation, the history of those that are gone before, is not the least valuable portion. Each reader now makes his application in his own way. It is an irregular application, but not an useless one; and it is, therefore, hoped, that an Inquiry, founded on a regular plan of comparison and analogy, cannot but be of some utility. But why do we treat that as hypothetical, of which there can be no doubt? Wherefore should there be two opinions concerning the utility of an inquiry into those mighty events, that have removed wealth and commerce from the Euphrates and the Nile, to the Thames and the Texel? Does not the sun rise, and do not the seasons return to the plains of Egypt, and the deserts of Syria, the same as they did three thousand years ago? Is not [end of page #x] inanimate nature the same now that it was then? Are the principles of vegetation altered? Or have the subordinate animals refused to obey the will of man, to assist him in his labour, or to serve him for his food? No; nature is not less bountiful, and man has more knowledge and more power than at any former period; but it is not the man of Syria, or of Egypt, that has more knowledge, or more power. There he has suffered his race to decay, and, along with himself, his works have degenerated. When those countries were peopled with men, who were wise, prudent, industrious, and brave, their fields were fertile, and their cities magnificent; and wherever mankind have carried the same vigour, the same virtues, and the same character, nature has been found bountiful and obedient. Throughout the whole of the earth, we see the same causes producing nearly the same effects; why then do we remain in doubt respecting their connection? Or, if under no doubt, wherefore do we not endeavour to trace their operation, that we may know how to preserve those advantages we are so eager to obtain? If an Inquiry into the causes of the revolutions of nations is more imperfect and less satisfactory than when [end of page #xi] directed to those of individuals, and of single families, if, ever it should be rendered complete, its application will, at least, be more certain. Nations are exempt from those accidental vicissitudes which derange the wisest of human plans upon a smaller scale. Number and magnitude reduce chances to certainty. The single and unforeseen cause that overwhelms a man in the midst of prosperity, never ruins a nation: unless it be ripe for ruin, a nation never falls; and when it does fall, accident has only the appearance of doing what, in reality, was already nearly accomplished. There is no physical cause for the decline of nations, nature remains the same; and if the physical man has degenerated, it was before the authentic records of history. The men who built the most stupendous pyramid in Egypt, did not exceed in stature those who now live in mean hovels at its immense base. If there is any country in the world that proves the uniformity of nature, it is this very Egypt. Unlike to other countries, that owe their fertility to the ordinary succession of seasons, of which regular registers do not exist, and are never accurate, it depends on the overflowing of the waters of a single river. The marks that indicated the rising of the Nile, in the days of the Pharaos, and of the Ptolemies, do the same [end of page #xii] at the present day, and are a guarantee for the future regularity of nature, by the undeniable certainty of it for the past. By a singular propensity for preserving the bodies of the dead, the Egyptians have left records equally authentic, with regard to the structure of the human frame. {2} Here nothing is fabulous; and even the unintentional errors of language are impossible. We have neither to depend on the veracity nor the correctness of man. The proofs exhibited are visible and tangible; they are the object of the senses, and admit of no mistake. But while that country exhibits the most authentic proofs of the uniform course of nature, it affords also the most evident examples of the degradation of the human mind. It is there we find the cause of those ruins that astonish, and the desolation that afflicts. Had men continued their exertions, the labour of their hands would not have fallen to decay. It is in the exertion and conduct of man, and in the information of his mind, that we find the causes of the mutability of human affairs. We are about to trace --- {2} Most part of the mummies found in Egypt, instead of being of a larger size, are considerably under the middle stature of the people of England. Those dead monuments of the human frame give the direct lie to Homer and all the traditions about men's degenerating in size and strength. -=- [end of page #xiii] them through an intricate labyrinth; but, in this, we are not without a guide. The history of three thousand years, and of nations that have risen to wealth and power, in a great variety of situations, all terminating with a considerable degree of similarity, discovers the great outline of the causes that invigorate or degrade the human mind, and thereby raise or ruin states and empires. {3} _____________________________________________________________________ {3} The utility of this Inquiry is considerably strengthened by the opinion of a writer of great information and first-rate abilities. {*} An historical review of different forms under which human affairs have appeared in different ages and nations naturally suggests the question, whether the experience of former times may not now furnish some general principles to enlighten and direct the policy of future legislators? The discussion, however, to which the question leads is of singular difficulty; as it requires an accurate analysis of by far the most complicated class of phenomena that can possibly engage our attention; those which result from the intricate and often from the imperceptible mechanism of political society--a subject of observation which seems at first view so little commensurate to our faculties, that it has been generally regarded with the same passive emotions of wonder and submission with which, in the material world, we survey the effects produced by the mysterious and uncontroulable operation of phisical =sic= causes. It is fortunate that upon this, as on many other occasions, the difficulties which had long baffled the effort of solitary genius begin to appear less formidable to the united exertions of the race; and that, in proportion as the experience and the reasonings of different individuals are brought to bear on the objects, and are combined in such a manner as to illustrate and to limit each other, the science of politics assumes more and more that systematical form which encourages and aids the labours of future inquirers. _____________________________________________________________________ --- {*} Mr Dongald Stuart, whose name is well known and much honoured amongst men whose studies have led them to investigate these subjects: the intimate friend and biographer of Dr. Adam Smith. -=- [end of page #xiv] _ADVERTISEMENT_. ---o0o--- _In the following Inquiry I have inserted four engraved Charts, in order to illustrate the subjects treated of in the Book, by a method approved of both in this and in other countries. {4} The Chart, No. 1, representing the rise and fall of all nations or countries, that have been particularly distinguished for wealth or power, is the first of the sort that ever was engraved, and has, therefore, not yet met with public approbation. It is constructed to give a distinct view of the migrations of commerce and of wealth in general. For a very accurate view, there are no materials in existence; neither would it lead to any very different conclusion, if the proportional values were ascertained with the greatest accuracy. I first drew the Chart in order to clear up my own ideas on the subject, finding it very troublesome to retain a distinct notion of the changes that had taken place. I found it answer the purpose beyond my expectation, by bringing into one view the result of details that are dispersed over a very wide and intricate field of universal history; facts sometimes connected with each other, sometimes not, and always requiring reflection each time they were referred to. I found the first rough draft give =sic= me a better --- {4} The Charts, Nos. 3 and 4, were copied in Paris, before the revolution, and highly approved of by the Academy of Sciences. No. 2, though of late invention, has been copied in France and Germany. Of No. 1, the public has yet to judge, and, perhaps, it will treat me with indulgence and good nature, as on former occasions. -=- [end of page #xv] comprehension of the subject, than all that I had learnt from occasional reading, for half of my lifetime; and, on the supposition that what was of so much use to me, might be of some to others, I have given it with a tolerable degree of accuracy. No. 2, relates entirely to the present state of nations in Europe, and the extent, revenue, and population, as represented, are taken from the most accurate documents. Where statistical writers differed, I followed him who appeared to me the most likely to be right. Nos. 3 and 4, relate entirely to England, and are drawn from the most accurate documents. Opposite to each Chart are descriptions and explanations. The reader will find, five minutes attention to the principle on which they are constructed, a saving of much labour and time; but, without that trifling attention, he may as well look at a blank sheet of paper as at one of the Charts. I know of nothing else, in the Book, that requires previous explanation. _________________________________________________________________ I think it well to embrace this opportunity, the best I have had, and, perhaps, the last I ever shall have, of making some return, (as far as acknowledgement is a return,) for an obligation, of a nature never to be repaid, by acknowledging publicly, that, to the best and most affectionate of brothers, I owe the invention of those Charts. At a very early period of my life, my brother, who, in a most examplary manner, maintained and educated the family his father left, made me keep a register of a thermometer, expressing the variations by lines on a divided scale. He taught me to know, that, whatever can be expressed in numbers, may be represented by lines. The Chart of the thermometer was on the same principle with those given here; the application only is different. The brother to whom I owe this, now fills the Natural Philosophy Chair in the University of Edinburgh_. [end of page #xvi] CONTENTS. ---o0o--- Page. =BOOK I.= CHAP. I. INTRODUCTION and plan of the work.--Explanation of what the author understands by wealthy and powerful nations, and of the general cause of wealth and power......1 CHAP. II. Of the general causes that operate, both externally and internally, in bringing down nations that have risen above their level to that assigned to them by their extent, fertility, and population; and of the manner in which wealth destroyed power in ancient nations...............14 CHAP. III. Of the nations that rose to wealth and power previous to the conquests in Asia and Africa, and the causes which ruined them...............20 CHAP. IV. Of the Romans.--The causes of their rise under the republic, and of their decline under the emperors.--The great error generally fallen into with respect to the comparison between Rome and Carthage; proofs that it is wrong, and not at all applicable to France and England................27 CHAP. V. Of the cities and nations that rose to wealth and power in the middle ages, after the fall of the Western Empire, and previous to the discovery of the passage to the East Indies by the Cape of Good Hope, and of America.--Different effects of wealth on nations in cold and in warm climates, and of the fall of the Eastern Empire..............44 [end of page #xvii] CHAP. VI. Digression concerning the commerce with India.--This the only one that raised ancient nations to wealth.--Its continual variations.--The envy it excited, and revolutions it produced....................51 CHAP. VII. Of the causes that brought on the decline of the nations that had flourished in the middle ages, and of Portugal, Spain, Holland, and the Hans Towns..........62 CHAP. VIII. General view and analysis of the causes that operated in producing the decline of all nations, with a chart, representing the rise, fall, and migrations of wealth, in all different countries, from the year 1500, before the birth of Christ, to the end of the eighteenth century,--a period of 3300 years...............70 =BOOK II.= CHAP. I. Of the interior causes of decline, arising from the possession of wealth.--Its general operation on the habits of life, manners, education, and ways of thinking and acting of the inhabitants of a country................81 CHAP. II. Of the education of youth in nations increasing in wealth.--The errors generally committed by writers on that subject.--Importance of female education on the manners of a people.--Not noticed by writers on political economy.--Education of the great body of the people the chief object.--In what that consists............94 CHAP. III. Of increased taxation, as an interior cause of decline.--Its different effects on industry, according to the degree to which it is carried.--Its effects on the people and on government.............102 CHAP. IV. Of the interior causes of decline, arising from the encroachments of public and privileged bodies; and of those who have a common interest on those who have no common interest.....................116 [end of page #xviii] CHAP. V. Of the internal causes of decline, arising from the unequal division of property, and its accumulation in the hands of particular persons.--Its effects on the employment of capital...............125 CHAP. VI. Of the interior causes of decline, which arise from the produce of the soil becoming unequal to the sustenance of a luxurious people.--Of monopoly............137 CHAP. VII. Of the increase of the poor, as general affluence becomes greater.-- Of children left unprovided for.--Of their division into two classes.-- Those that can labour more or less, and those that can do no labour.................. 156 CHAP. VIII. Of the tendency of capital and industry to leave a wealthy country, and of the depreciation of money in agricultural and commercial countries............. 161 CHAP. IX. Conclusion of the interior causes.--Their co-operation.--Their general effect on the government and on the people.--The danger arising from them does not appear till the progress in decline is far advanced......... 166 CHAP. X. Of the external causes of decline.--The envy and enmity of other nations.--Their efforts, both in peace and war, to bring wealthy nations down to their level........ 175 CHAP. XI. Why the intercourse between nations is ultimately in favour of the poorer one, though not so at first............................. 179 CHAP. XII. Conclusion of exterior causes.--Are seldom of much importance, unless favoured by interior ones.--Rich nations, with care, capable, in most cases, of prolonging their prosperity.--Digression on the importance of public revenue, illustrated by a statistical chart................... 184 [end of page #xix] =BOOK III.= CHAP. I. Result of the foregoing Inquiry applied to Britain.--Its present state, in what its wealth consists; illustrated by a chart, shewing the increase of revenue and commerce........................191 CHAP. II. Of education, as conducted in England.--Amelioration proposed.-- Necessity of government interfering, without touching the liberty of the subject............................ 216 CHAP. III. Of the effects of taxation in England........229 CHAP. IV. Of the national debt and sinking fund.--Advantages and disadvantages of both.--Errors committed in calculating their effects. --Causes of error.--Mode proposed for preventing future increase....................234 CHAP. V. Of taxes for the maintenance of the poor.--Their enormous increase.-- The cause.--Comparison between those of England and Scotland.-- Simple, easy, and humane mode of reducing them..............247 CHAP. VI. Causes of decline, peculiar to England.................... 257 CHAP. VII. Circumstances peculiar to England, and favourable to it............. 261 CHAP. VIII. Conclusion.................... 276 Application of the present Inquiry to nations in general..............289 _AN I N Q U I R Y, &c. &c._ ====== BOOK I. ====== CHAP. I. _Introduction and Plan of the Work.--Explanation of what the Author understands by Wealthy and Powerful Nations, and of the General Causes of Wealth and Power_. One of the most solid foundations on which an enquirer can proceed in matters of political economy, as connected with the fate of nations, seems to be by an appeal to history, a view of the effects that have been produced, and an investigation of the causes that have operated in producing them. Unfortunately, in this case, the materials are but very scanty, and sometimes rather of doubtful authority; nevertheless, such as they are, I do not think it well to reject the use of them, and have, therefore, begun, by taking a view of the causes that have ruined nations that have been great and wealthy, beginning with the earliest records and coming down to the present time. {5} --- {5} Dr. Robertson very truly says, "It is a cruel mortification, in searching for what is instructive in the history of past times, to find that the exploits of conquerors who have desolated the earth, and the freaks of tyrants who have rendered nations unhappy, are recorded with minute, and often disgusting accuracy, while the discovery of useful arts, and the progress of the most beneficial branches of commerce are passed over in silence, and suffered to sink in oblivion." Disquisition on the Ancient Commerce to India. -=- [end of page #1] I divide this space into three periods, because in each is to be seen a very distinct feature. During the first period, previous to the fall of the Roman empire, the order of things was such as had arisen from the new state of mankind, who had gradually increased in numbers, and improved in sciences and arts. The different degrees of wealth were owing, at first, to local situation, natural advantages, and priority in point of settlement, till the causes of decline begun to operate on some; when the adventitious causes of wealth and power, producing conquest, began to establish a new order of things. The second period, from the fall of the Roman government till the discovery of America, and the passage to the East Indies, by the ocean, has likewise a distinct feature, and is treated of by itself. The rulers of mankind were not then men, who from the ease and leisure of pastoral life, under a mild heaven, had studied science, and cultivated the arts; they were men who had descended from a cold northern climate, where nature did little to supply their wants, where hunger and cold could not be avoided but by industry and exertion; where, in one word, the sterility of nature was counteracted by the energy of man. The possessors of milder climates, and of softer manners, falling under the dominion of such men, inferior greatly in numbers, as well as in arts, intermixed with them, and formed a new race, of which the character was different; and it is a circumstance not a little curious, that while mankind were in a state at which they had arrived by increasing population, and by the arts of peace, slavery was universal: but that when governed by men who were conquerors, and owed their superiority to force alone, where slavery might have been expected to originate, it was abolished. {6} --- {6} This fact, which is indisputable, has, at first sight, a most extraordinary appearance, that is to say, seems difficult to account for; but a little examination into circumstances will render it easily understood. In warm and fertile countries, the love of ease is predominant, and the services wanted are such as a slave can perform. The indolent habits of people make them consider freedom as an object of less importance than exemption from care. While the rulers of mankind were indolent and luxurious, they were interested in continuing slavery, which must have [end of page #2] originated in barbarism and ignorance. But the northern nations were different; with them, neither the moral character, the physical powers, or the situation of things, favoured slavery. The services one man wanted of another were not such as a slave could be forced to perform: neither are men who are fitted for performing such offices disposed to submit to slavery. Shepherds may be reduced to the situation of slaves, but hunters will not be likely to submit to such a situation, even if their occupation admitted of it. Slaves can only be employed to perform labour that is under the eye of an overseer or master, or the produce of which is nearly certain: but the labour of a hunter is neither the one nor the other, it is, therefore, not of the sort to be performed by slaves. The athletic active life necessary for a hunter is, besides, unfriendly to slavery, if not totally at variance with it. What does a slave receive in return for his service? Lodging, nourishment, and a life free from care. A hunter is obliged to provide the two former for himself, and the latter it is impossible for him to enjoy. The same thing goes even to hired servants. In the rudest state of shepherds, there are hired servants, but men in a rude state never hunt for wages: they are their own masters: they may hunt in society or partnership, but never as slaves or hired servants. -=- The progress towards wealth in this new state of things was very slow, but the equality that prevailed amongst feudal barons, their love of war and glory, and the leisure they enjoyed, by degrees extended the limits of commerce very widely, as the northern world never could produce many articles which its inhabitants had by their connection with the south learnt to relish and enjoy. The intermediate countries, that naturally formed a link of connection between the ancient nations of the east and the rough inhabitants of the north, profited the most by this circumstance; and we still find the borders of the Mediterranean Sea, though no longer the seat of power, the places where wealth was chiefly concentrated. The impossibility of the inhabitants of the northern countries transporting their rude and heavy produce, in order to exchange it for the luxuries of the south, gave rise to manufactures as well as fishing on the southern confines of the Baltic Sea; from whence arose the wealth of Flanders, Holland, and the Hans Towns. This forms an epoch entirely new in its nature and description, and its termination was only brought on by the great discovery of the passage to Asia, by the Cape of Good Hope, and to America, by sailing straight out into the Atlantic Ocean. The nations that had till those discoveries been the best situated for [end of page #3] commerce no longer enjoyed that advantage; by that means it changed its abode; but not only did it change its abode, it changed its nature, and the trifling commerce that had hitherto been carried on by the intervention of caravans by land, or of little barks coasting on the borders of the Mediterranean Sea, (never venturing, without imminent danger, to lose sight of the shore,) {7} was dropt for that bold and adventurous navigation, connecting the most distant parts of the world; between which since then large vessels pass with greater expedition and safety than they formerly did between the Grecian Islands, or from Italy to Africa. Three inventions, two in commerce and the other in war, nearly of equal antiquity, formed this into one of these epochs that gives a new feature to things. The discovery of the magnetic power of the needle improved and totally altered navigation. The art of printing gave the means of extending with facility, to mankind at large, the mode of communicating thoughts and ideas, which had till then been attended with great difficulty, and confined to a few. This placed men nearer upon an equality with respect to mind, and greatly facilitated commerce and the arts. The invention of gun-powder nearly at the same time changed the art of war, not only in its manner, but in its effect, a point of far greater importance. While human force was the power by which men were annoyed, in cases of hostility, bodily strength laid the foundation for the greatness of individual men, as well as of whole nations. So long as this was the case, it was impossible for any nation to cultivate the arts of peace, (as at the present time), without becoming much inferior in physical force to nations that preferred hunting or made war their study; or to such as preferred exercising the body, as rude nations do, to gratifying the appetites, as practised in wealthy ones. To be wealthy and powerful long together was then impossible. Since this last invention, the physical powers of men have ceased to occupy any material part in their history; superiority in skill is now the great object of the attainment of those who wish to excel, {8} and --- {7} It was forbidden by law, formerly, in Spain, to put to sea from the 11th of November to the 10th of March. {8} In the divine poem of the Iliad, Nestor, for experience and wisdom, and Ulysses, for [end of page #4] cunning, are the only two heroes whose minds gave them a superiority; but they make no figure compared to Achilles and Hector, or even the strong, rough, and ignorant Ajax. To bear fatigue, and understand discipline, is the great object at present; for though, of late years, the increased use of the bayonet seems to be a slight approximation to the ancient mode of contending by bodily strength, it is to be considered, on the other hand, that artillery is more than ever employed, which is increasing the dissimilarity. Again, though the bayonet is used, it is under circumstances quite new. Great strength enabled a single man, by wearing very thick armour, and wielding a longer sword or spear, to be invulnerable to men of lesser force, while he could perform what feats he pleased in defeating them. As gun-powder has destroyed the use of heavy armour, though with the sabre and bayonet men are not equal, they are all much more nearly so. No one is invulnerable, even in single combat, with the _arme blanche_, and with fire arms they are nearly on an equality. The changes that this makes, through every department of life, are too numerous to be enlarged upon, or not to be visible to all. -=- men may devote themselves to a life of ease and enjoyment without falling under a real inferiority, provided they do not allow the mind to be degraded or sunk in sloth, ignorance, or vice. Those discoveries, then, by altering the physical powers of men, by changing their relations and connections, as well as by opening new fields for commerce, and new channels for carrying it on, form a very distinct epoch in the history of wealth and power, and alter greatly their nature in the detail; though, in the main outline and abstract definition, they are still the same; having always the same relation to each other, or to the state of things at the time. This last period is then very different in its nature, and much more important than either of the others that preceded it; yet, in one thing, there is a similarity that runs through the whole, and it is a very important one. The passions and propensities of mankind, though they have changed their objects, and the means of their gratification, have not changed their nature. The desire of enjoyment; and of enjoyment with the least trouble possible, appears to be the basis of all the passions. Hence, envy, jealousy, friendship, and the endless train of second-rate effects, appear all to be produced by that primary passion; {9} and as from --- {9} The very learned and ingenious author of the Inquiry into the Origin and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, traces all this to an innate propensity to barter. But barter is only a means, and not even the means to which mankind shew the greatest pro-[end of page #5] pensity; for, wherever they have power to take by force or pillage, they never barter. This is seen both in an infantine and adult state; children cry for toys, and stretch at them before they offer to exchange; and, conquerors or soldiers never buy or barter, when they can take, unless they are guided by some other motive than mere natural propensity. A highwayman will pay for his dinner at an inn, as willingly as a traveller, because he acts from other motives than propensity, but he will strip the inn-keeper when he meets him on the road. -=- this originate the wealth as well as the decline of nations, the history of the revolutions in wealth and power, during the two first periods, are by no means unimportant; besides, as their duration was much longer than that of the latter, they lead to a more certain conclusion. The review of what has taken place will occupy the first book; and serve as a data for an inquiry into the nature and causes of the fall of nations. The first part of the second book will be dedicated to investigating the internal causes of decline; that is to say, all those causes which arise from the possession of wealth and power, operating on the habits, manners, and minds of the inhabitants; as also on the political arrangements, laws, government, and institutions, so far as they are connected with the prosperity or decline of nations. The latter part of the same book will treat of the exterior causes of decline, arising from the envy of other nations; their advancement in the same arts to which the nations that are rich owe their wealth, or their excelling them in other arts, by which they can be rivalled, reduced, or subdued. After having inquired into external and internal causes; and the operation of each and of both, (though they never act quite separately,) accidental causes, will make an object for consideration, which will bring the general inquiry to a conclusion. The third book will begin with an application of the information obtained to the present state of England: by comparing its situation with that of nations that were great; and, by endeavouring to point out a means by which its decline may be prevented. Though we know that, in this world, nothing is eternal, particularly in the institutions of man; yet, by a sort of fiction in language, when the final term is not fixed, and the end desirable, what is known to be [end of page #6] temporary is considered as perpetual. Thus, the contract between the king and the people, the constituent laws of a country, &c. are considered as permanent and of eternal duration. In this case, though the final decline of a nation cannot be prevented; though the nature of things will either, by that regular chain of causes which admits of being traced, or by their regular operation of coincident causes which is termed accidental, sooner or later put an end to the prosperity of every nation, yet we shall not speak of prolonging prosperity, but of preventing decline, just as if it were never to happen at any period. Before entering upon this Inquiry, it may be well, for the sake of being explicitly understood, to define what I mean by wealthy and powerful nations. In speaking of nations, wealth and power are sometimes related to each other, as cause and effect. Sometimes there is between a mutual action and re-action. In the natural or ordinary course of things, they are, at first, intimately connected and dependent on each other, till, at last, this connection lessening by degrees, and they even act in opposite directions; when wealth undermines and destroys power, but power never destroys wealth. {10} Though wealth and power are often found united, they are sometimes found separated. Wealth is altogether a real possession; power is comparative. Thus, a nation may be wealthy in itself, though unconnected with any other nation; but its power can only be estimated by a comparison with that of other nations. Wealth consists in having abundance of whatever mankind want or desire; and if there were but one nation on earth, it might be wealthy; but it would, in that case, be impossible to measure its power. Wealth is, however, not altogether real; it is in a certain degree comparative, whereas power is altogether comparative. The Romans, for example, may very justly be called the most --- {10} Till a nation has risen above its neighbours, and those to whom it compares itself, wealth and power act in the same direction; but, after it has got beyond that point, they begin to counteract each other. -=- [end of page #7] powerful nation that ever existed, yet a single battalion of our present troops, well supported with artillery, would have probably destroyed the finest army they ever sent into the field. A single ship of the line would certainly have sunk, taken, or put to flight, all the fleets that Rome and Carthage ever sent to sea. The feeblest and least powerful of civilized nations, with the present means of fighting, and the knowledge of the present day, would defeat an ancient army of the most powerful description. Power then is entirely relative; and what is feebleness now, would, at a certain time, have been force or power. It is not altogether so with wealth, which consists in the abundance of what men desire. The Egyptians, Greeks, and Romans, had wealth; and this, though, perhaps, not consisting in the same objects, was, perhaps, not inferior to ours at the present time; but as wealth, purely and simply, no comparison between different nations was necessary, farther than that men's desires are augmented, by seeing the abundance possessed by others; and therefore they become comparative, as to wealth. Without, however, entering into a long examination respecting the various possible combinations of wealth and power, which are something similarly connected in states, as health and strength are in the animal body, {11} let both be considered only in a comparative way; the comparison either being made with other nations at the same time, or with the same nation at different times. Thus, for example, in comparing the wealth and power of Britain now, with what they were at the latter end of Queen Elizabeth's reign, we find that the merchants of Liverpool, during the first three years of last =sic= war, fitted out a force of privateers equal to the Spanish armada; and consequently superior to the whole naval force of England at that time; there can be no doubt, then, that both the wealth and power of the nation are increased. Again, if we find that our ships block up the --- {11} A man may be very feeble, yet in very good health for his whole life-time. He may also have great strength, though he may not enjoy a very good state of health; yet nevertheless, health and strength are very intimately connected, and never can be completely separated. -=- [end of page #8] ports of Holland, and prevent their navy from venturing to sea, we must conclude, that the relative power of the two nations is altered, since the time that the Dutch fleet rode triumphant in the river Thames. But, if we want to make a comparison between the naval power of England and that of France and Spain, we must not compare it with the strength of their navies in the year 1780, when they bid us defiance at Plymouth, but take things actually as they are at this present time. When a nation is upon an equality with others, for wealth, it may be considered as neither deserving the name of a rich or a poor nation, whatever its real wealth or poverty may be. The same thing holds with power. When a nation is merely able to protect itself, but fully equal to that, though unable to make conquests, or aggrandize itself, against the will of other nations, it may be said to be neither weak nor strong. Thus, for example, Denmark as a nation is upon a par with others; and neither to be called wealthy and powerful, nor weak and poor, though it certainly has both more actual wealth and power than it had in the eighth century, when the Danes burnt London, Paris, and Cologne. Thus, then, with respect to my reasoning, the whole is to be considered as applying to other nations at the same time; and the degree they are above or below par, is the measure of wealth and power, poverty and weakness. {12} But, with respect to a nation itself, wealth is comparative in the progression of time. In speaking of power, we compare nations at the same period, and, in speaking of wealth, we may either compare a nation with itself at different periods, or with others at the same time. We shall not find any example of a nation's becoming less wealthy whilst it increased in power; but we shall find many instances of nations becoming wealthy whilst they were losing their power, though, --- {12} According to this definition, if all the nations on earth were to increase in wealth and power equally, they would be considered as stationary; their relative situations would remain the same; like those of the fixed stars, or those of soldiers who march in a regiment with perfect regularity, and retain their relative portion in the same manner as if they stood still. But this case, among nations, is only an imaginary one; therefore, the definition given answers the true purpose of investigation. -=- [end of page #9] together with the power, the wealth always, a little sooner or a little later, vanishes away. Sometimes nations owe their wealth and greatness to accidental causes, that, from their nature, must vanish away; and sometimes to causes which, depending upon the nations themselves, may be prolonged. In general, both the two sorts of causes have united to render every nation great that has been distinguished amongst others for riches or power. The causes, then, divide themselves into two of distinct kinds;--those which are independent of the nation itself, and those over which it has some degree of influence and controul. In early ages, when knowledge was but little advanced, and when the small stock that had been accumulated was confined nearly to a single spot, the first description of causes were the principal ones.--Local situation, priority in discovery, or in establishment, gave to one nation a superiority over others, and occasioned the accumulation of wealth, and the acquisition of power and territory. {13} As in the early stages of human life, a few years more or less occasion a greater difference, both in physical powers and mental faculties, than any difference of innate genius, or adventitious circumstances; so, in the early days of the world, when it was young in knowledge, and scanty in population, priority of settlement gave a great advantage to one nation over others, and, of consequence, enabled them to rule over others; thus the Assyrian and Egyptian empires were great, powerful, and extensive, while the nations that were beyond their reach were divided into small states or kingdoms, on the most contemptible scale. Time, however, did away the advantages resulting from priority of establishment. Local situation was another cause of superiority, of a more permanent nature; but this, also, new discovery has transferred from one na- --- {13} It is not meant, by any means, to enter into an inquiry, much less controversy, respecting the antiquity of mankind; but it is very clear that the knowledge of arts and sciences can be traced to an infant state about two thousand years before the Christian aera. -=- [end of page #10] tion to another. Qualities of the soil and climate are counteracted by the nature and habits of the inhabitants, which frequently, in the end, give the superiority where there was at first an inferiority. If ever the nations of the world come to a state of permanence, (which in all probability will never be the case,) it must be when population is nearly proportioned to the means of subsistence in different parts; when knowledge is nearly equally distributed and when no great discoveries remain to be made either in arts, science, or geography. While the causes from which wealth and power rise in a superior degree, are liable to change from one nation to another, wealth and power must be liable to the same alterations and changes of place; so long any equal balance among nations must be artificial. But when circumstances become similar, and when the pressure becomes equal on all sides, then nations, like the particles of a fluid, though free to move, having lost their impulse, will remain at rest. If such a state of things should ever arrive, then the wealth and power would be only real, not comparative. The whole might be very rich, very affluent, and possess great abundance of every thing, either for enjoyment or for defence, without one nation having an advantage over another: they would be on an equality. But this state of things is far from being likely soon to take place. Population is far from come to its equilibrium, and knowledge {14} is farther distant still. Russia and America, in particular, are both behind in population, and the inhabitants of the latter country are far from being on a par in knowledge with the rest of Europe; when they become so, the balance will be overturned, and must be re-established anew. The great discoveries that have taken place in knowledge and geography have been connected. While navigation was little understood, the borders of the Mediterranean Sea, and the islands in it, were naturally the first places for wealth and commerce. The discovery of the compass, and others that followed, rendered --- {14} By knowledge is only meant the knowledge of the arts that make men useful, =sic= such as agriculture, manufactures, legislation, &c. -=- [end of page #11] the navigation of the open ocean, more easy and safe than that of the circumscribed seas. This laid a great foundation for change and discovery; it brought Britain into importance, ruined Italy, Genoa, Venice, &c. and has laid the foundation for further changes still. As for discoveries in arts, it would be bold and presumptuous indeed to attempt to set any bounds to them. Discoveries, however, that alter the relations of mankind very materially, are probably near at an end. In arts they give only a temporary preference. {15} If a method should be discovered to cultivate a field with half the trouble, and to double the produce, which seems very possible, it would be a great discovery, and alter the general state of mankind considerably; but it would soon be extended to all nations, as the use of gunpowder has been. New produce, or means of procuring the old more easily, are the things chiefly sought after. Potatoes, coffee, tea, sugar, cotton, silk, distilled spirits, are new productions, unknown to the Romans. Glass, gunpowder, printing, windmills, watermills, steam-engines, and the most part of spinning and weaving machines, are new inventions, but they can be extended to all countries. The mariners compass changed the relative position of places, and no new invention of the same importance, as to its effects on nations, probably can take place. Navigation does not admit of a similar improvement to that which it has received. If goods could be conveyed for a quarter of the present price it would not produce the same sort of effect. To render navigating the ocean practicable was a greater thing than any possible improvement on that practicability. As for new discoveries in geography, they are nearly at an end. The form and the extent of the earth are known, and the habitable regions are nearly all explored. We have, then, arrived at a state of things where many of the causes that formerly operated on reducing wealthy nations can never again produce a similar effect. But still there are other causes which ope- --- {15} The end of all discovery is to supply men with what they want; and, accordingly, all nations that are considered as civilised find the means of participating in the advantage of a new discovery, by imitating that which possesses the invention first, and that is done almost immediately. It was very different formerly. -=- [end of page #12] rate as they did formerly; accordingly, wealth and power are very unequally distributed amongst nations at this moment; and, in Europe, there is not one nation that is not either rising or on its decline. (see Appendix A.) =sic--there is none.= The purpose of the present Inquiry is, by tracing those causes that still continue to operate, to discover how nations that now stand high may be prevented from sinking below their level: a thing to which history shews they have a natural tendency, and which history shews also is attended with very distressing consequences. We do not labour in Utopia on schemes, but in Britain on real business; and the inquiry is, how a nation, situated as this is, and having more than its share of power, importance, and wealth, may prolong their possession? In this Inquiry we shall begin with taking a lesson from history, which will serve as some guide. As to the rise of other nations, we neither can nor should attempt to impede that; let them rise to our level, but let us not sink down to theirs. [end of page #13] CHAP. II. _Of the General Causes that operate, both externally and internally, in bringing down Nations that have risen above their Level to that assigned to them by their Extent, Fertility, and Population; and of the Manner in which Wealth destroyed Power in ancient Nations_. Without considering the particular causes that have raised some nations greatly above others, there are some general causes of decline which operate in all cases; but even the general causes are not always similar, they vary their way of producing the effect, according to circumstances. If a nation excels in arts and manufactures, others acquire a taste for what they make, and imitate them. If they excel in the art of war, they teach their enemies to fight as well as themselves. If their territories are large, the unprotected and far distant parts provoke attack and plunder. They become more difficult and expensive to govern. If they owe their superiority to climate and soil, they generally preserve it but a short time. Necessity acts so much more powerfully on those who do not enjoy the same advantages, that they soon come to an equality.-- In whatever the superiority exists, emulation and envy prompt to rivalship in peace, and to frequent trials of strength in war. The contempt and pride which accompany wealth and power, and the envy and jealousy they excite amongst other nations, are continual causes of change, and form the great basis of the revolutions amongst the human race. The wants of men increase with their knowledge of what it is good to enjoy; and it is the desire to gratify those wants that increases necessity, and this necessity is the spur to action. There are a few natural wants that require no knowledge in order to be felt; such as hunger and thirst, and the other appetites which men have in common with all animals, and which are linked, as it [end of page #14] were, to their existence. {16} But while nations satisfy themselves with supplying such wants, there is neither wealth nor power amongst them. Of consequence, it is not into the conduct of such that we are to inquire. Excepting, however, those wants which are inseparable from our existence, all the others are, more or less, fictitious, and increase with our knowledge and habits; it is, therefore, evident that the nation that is the highest above others feels the fewest wants; or, in other words, feels no wants. She knows nothing that she does not possess, and therefore may be said to want nothing; or which is the same thing, not knowing what she does want, she makes no effort to obtain it. Thus necessity of rising higher, does not operate, on a nation that sees none higher than itself; at least, it does only operate in a very slender degree. {17} Whereas, in the nation that is behind hand with other nations around, every one is led by emulation and envy, and by a feeling of their own wants, to imitate and equal those that are farther advanced. --- {16} A child cries for food without knowing what it is; and all the other natural appetites, though they may be increased by habit, by knowledge, and fancy, are independent of the mind in its first state. {17} The necessity, no doubt, continues to preserve what they have; and, therefore, tends to keep them in a permanent state. Some individuals again, in less affluence than others, endeavour to equal them; by which means some progress is still making in the nation that possesses the greatest share of wealth and power; but it is only partial and feeble. Those who live in the nation that is the most advanced are contented and have all they wish; they possess every thing of which they know, they can have no particular desire for any thing they have not got, that will produce great energy and exertion. A man may wish for wings, or for perpetual youth; but, as he can scarcely expect to obtain either, he will make little exertion. With things really attainable, but not known, the case is less productive of energy still. The people of Asia found silk a natural produce of their country; till the Europeans saw it, they never attempted to produce so rich a material; but no pains has since been spared to try to produce it, in almost every country, where there was the least chance of success. We imitated the silk mills of Italy, and the Italians (as well as many other nations) are now imitating our cotton mills. In the case of a nation that follows others, it always knows what it wants, and may judge whether it can obtain it; but the nation the most advanced, gropes in the dark. -=- [end of page #15] Thus it is, that necessity acts but in a very inferior degree on the nation that is the farthest advanced; while it operates in a very powerful way on those that are in arrear; and this single reason, without the intervention of wars or any sort of contest or robbery, would, in the process of time, bring nations to a sort of equality in wealth and refinement; that is, it would bring them all into possession of the means of gratifying their wants. War, excited by the violent and vile passions,--by the overbearing pride and insolence of one, and the envy and villainy of another, derange this natural and smooth operation, which, nevertheless, continues to act in silence at all times, and in every circumstance, and which, indeed, is in general the chief cause of those very disorders by which its operations are sometimes facilitated; sometimes apparently interrupted; sometimes, their effect for a moment reversed; but their action never, for one instant, totally suspended. The desire of enjoyment makes all mankind act as if they were running a race. They always keep the goal in view, though they attempt to be the foremost to arrive at it by various means. But the greatest exertions are never made by those who have got the advance of their competitors. Amongst the wants of mankind, ease is one of very permanent operation; and whenever the necessity of supplying other wants ceases, the desire of supplying that, leads to a state of inaction and rest. {18} To seek ease, however, does not imply necessarily to seek total inaction or rest; a diminished exertion is comparative ease; and this is always observable in a state of prosperity, either of an individual or of a nation, after the prosperity has been long enough --- {18} The truth of this may be disputed by those who look at mankind in an artificial state; because a variety of their actions seem without any particular motive. But not the smallest exertion is ever made without it. The man who walks out and takes exercise, wants health or amusement as much as the working man does bread. Even those who toil in the rounds of pleasure, are always in pursuit of something. Their not finding the object is another part of the consideration; but they always have one in view. As to savages, and the poorer classes of people, they shew their propensity by a more simple process; that is, merely by resting inactive, when they are not compelled to labour. -=- [end of page #16] enjoyed to create a certain degree of lassitude and indifference, which it does on every nation. {19} Whatever may be the accidental circumstance which first raises one nation above others, or the train of adventitious ones that increase for a while and continue that superiority, nothing can be more clear and certain, than, that they have a natural tendency to come back to a level, merely by the exertions of men in the direction of acquiring wealth by industry, and without any of those causes which arise out of war, or interrupting the career of each other. When, from the conduct of one nation towards another, or from whatever other cause war, =sic= becomes the means by which the superiority of two nations is to be decided, there are many things in favour of the least wealthy nation. It has less to protect and to lose, and more to attack and to gain; the task is much easier and more alluring. There is a sort of energy in attempting to obtain, that is not to be found in those who are only exerting themselves to keep, of which it is difficult to explain the cause, but of which the existence is very certain. Where natural strength, and the struggle with want is great, as is the case with nations who have made but little progress in acquiring wealth, the contest with a people more enervated by ease, and less inured to toil is very unequal, and does more than compensate those artificial aids which are derived from the possession of property. {20} From this cause, the triumph of poorer over more wealthy nations has generally arisen, and, in most cases, has occasioned the contest to end in favour of the more hardy and poorer people. Of the revolutions that took place in the ancient world; whether operated by degrees or by violence and suddenly, those may be ge- --- {19} Doctor Garth, in his admirable poem of the Dispensary, says;-- "_Even health for want of change becomes disease_." This is the case with nations sunk in prosperity. {20} Why men should have been less tenacious to keep that which is fairly theirs, than rapaciously to obtain that which is not, is a strange thing; but nothing is more certain; and the effects of that propensity are very great, and its existence very general. In the ruin of nations, it is a most active and powerful cause. -=- [end of page #17] nerally traced as the causes. In those ancient nations any considerable degree of luxury and military success were incompatible with each other; but, in the present age, the case is greatly altered. Military discipline is not near so severe as formerly, and bodily strength has but little effect, while the engines of war can only be procured by those resources which wealth affords; by this means, the decline of nations is, at least, now become a less natural and slower progress than formerly; the operations of war have now a quite different tendency from what they formerly had, and this effect is produced by the introduction of cannon, and a different mode of attack and defence; to carry on which, a very considerable degree of wealth is necessary. {21} In former times, the character and situation of the people, the object they had in view, their bravery and the skill of their leaders, did every thing; but now the skill of leaders and the command of money are the chief objects; for there is not sufficient difference between any two nations in Europe as to counterbalance those: and, indeed, (except so far as military skill is accidental,) it is to be found principally in nations who have a sufficient degree of wealth to exercise it and call it into action. We shall see that the first revolutions in the world were effected by the natural strength, energy, and bravery of poor nations triumphing over those that were less hardy, in consequence of the enjoyment of wealth, until the time of the Romans; who, like other nations, first triumphed by means of superior energy and bravery; and, afterwards by making war a trade, continued, by having regular standing armies, to conquer the nations who had only temporary levies, or militias, to fight in their defence. The triumph of poor nations, over others in many respects their superiors, continued during the middle ages, but the wealth acquired by certain nations then was not wrested from them by war, but by an accidental and unforeseen change in the channel through which it --- {21} An idea has gone abroad, since the successes of the French armies, that money is not necessary to war, even in the present times. It will be shewn, in its proper place, that the French armies were maintained at very great expense, and that a poor country could not have done what France did. -=- flowed. At the same time that this change took place, without the intervention of force, the art of war changed in favour of wealthy nations, but the changes took place by slow degrees, and the power of nations now may almost be estimated by their disposable incomes. This change, however, has by no means secured the prosperity of wealthy nations; it has only prevented poor ones, unable by means of fair competition to do by conquest what they could not effect by perseverance in arts and industry; for, in other respects, though it makes the prosperity of a nation more dependant =sic= on wealth, and more independent of violence; it prevents any nation from preserving its political importance after it loses its riches. It does not by any means interrupt that progress by which poor nations gradually rise up and rival richer ones in arts. It has not done away the advantages that arise from superior industry and attention to business, or from the gradual introduction of knowledge amongst the more ignorant, thereby lessening their inferiority, and tending to bring nations to a level; on the contrary, by increasing the advantages, and securing the gradual triumphs gained by arts and industry, from the violence of war, it makes wealth a more desirable object, and the loss of it a greater misfortune. It tends to augment the natural propensity that there is in poor nations to equal richer ones {22}, although it, at the same time, augments the difficulty of accomplishing their intentions. The superior energy of poverty and necessity which leads men, under this pressure, to act incessantly in whatever way they have it in their power to act, and that seems likely to bring them on a level with those that are richer, is then the ground-work of the rise and fall of nations, as well as of individuals. This tendency is sometimes favoured by particular circumstances, and sometimes it is counteracted by them; but its operation is incessant, and it has never yet failed in producing its effect, for the triumph of poverty over wealth on the great scale as on the small, though very irregular in its pace, has continued without interruption from the earliest records to the present moment. --- {22} The present inferiority of Poland, Denmark, Sweden, Spain, and Portugal, compared with the rank they held in former times, is easily accounted for by looking at the scale of their revenues. -=- [end of page #19] CHAP. III. _Of the Nations that rose to Wealth and Power previously to the Conquests in Asia and Africa, and the Causes which ruined them_. Previous to the conquests made by Alexander the Great, the history of ancient nations is confused, incomplete, and inaccurate. During the contests of his successors, the intricacy and confusion are still continued, but materials are more plentiful, more accurate, and more authentic. During the first period, excepting what is contained in sacred history, a few detached facts, collected by writers long after, are our only guides in judging of the situation of ancient states, some of which consisted of great empires, and others of single cities possessed of a very small territory. Add to this, that great and striking events occupied almost exclusively the attention of historians. The means by which those events were produced were considered as of lesser importance. So far, however, as the present inquiry can be elucidated, although materials are few, yet, by adhering to a distinct plan, and keeping the object always before us, we may arrive at a conclusion. The countries that appear to have been first inhabited were Syria and Egypt, {23} both of them situated on the borders of the Mediterranean Sea; and as early as any authentic records extend, those were great and powerful countries in which agriculture and population had made great progress, and into which commerce had already brought many of the luxuries of the East. The Phoenicians, a people differing in name from those who were subjected to the Assyrian monarchs, occupied that part of Syria, now called the Levant, directly on the borders of the Mediterranean Sea; they were the first who rose to wealth and power by arts and com- --- {23} Reasons have been given in the preface for not taking any view of the situation of India, though, by its produce, it appears, at least of equal antiquity. -=- [end of page #20] merce. Tyre and Sidon were the abodes of commerce long before the arrival of the Jews in the land of Canaan, situated in the adjacent country, with whom, in the days of David and Solomon, the Phoenicians were on terms of friendship and alliance, {24} assisting the latter to carry on commerce, and enrich his people. (See Appendix B.) =sic--there is none.= The whole coast of the Mediterranean lay open to them for navigation, as did also the Grecian islands, and as their own soil was barren, they purchased the necessaries of life, giving in exchange the rich stuffs they had manufactured, and the produce of the East of which they almost exclusively possessed the commerce. The Egyptians were possessed of the most fertile soil in the world, bounded by the Mediterranean Sea on the north, and on the east and west by barren deserts. Their country was of a triangular form, and watered by the Nile, which, passing through it in its greatest extent, runs nearly down the middle. Thus situated, in the country depending on the Nile for its fertility, and on all sides protected from enemies, it was exceedingly natural to cultivate the arts of peace, and it was not possible that it should be divided into many different nations, as in other countries in early times was the case, when sovereignty rose from parental authority, and when there was no natural bond between the heads of different families. The great abundance with which the inhabitants were supplied, in years when the Nile overflowed in a favourable manner, and the uncertainty of future plenty were inducements for accumulation and foresight, which are not equally necessary in countries where the important circumstances of plenty or want do not depend on one single event over the whole face of a country, separated, besides, from others by a sea, which they could not navigate, and by deserts not very easy to pass over. The difficulties of transporting corn, which were sufficient to deter the Egyptians from depending on a supply from other parts, did not, however, prevent other nations from applying to them in times of scarcity, and accordingly it was the granary of the ancient world. --- {24} For farther particulars of this commerce see the Digression on the Trade to India. -=- [end of page #21] To those natural advantages, the Egyptians added some others, different in their nature, but not less precious. They enjoyed a mild government, and an admirable and simple code of laws. Their docility and obedience have never been equalled, and as one maxim, was, to admit of no person being idle, it is evident that the population must have increased rapidly, and that there must have been an impossibility to employ the whole labour of so many hands on the means of providing subsistence in a country, where the manners were simple, the soil fertile, and the wants few. The surplus of the industry of Egypt appears to have been at the disposal of the sovereigns to whom all the lands belonged, and for which they exacted a rent in kind, as is the custom among the native powers on both peninsulas of India to this day. By that means, they were enabled to produce those stupendous works which have been the admiration and wonder of all succeeding generations, and of every nation. The city of Thebes, with the labyrinth; Memphis, the canals, and the pyramids would all be incredible, had not their singular structure preserved those latter efforts of industry from the ravages of time, and left them nearly entire to the present day. The Phoenicians were a colony from that great country; for the Egyptians in general had a dislike to the sea. It is well known, however, that people who live immediately on the coast have a propensity to navigation, and it is probable that those Egyptians who left their own fruitful land to settle on the barren borders of Syria, were from the delta of Lower Egypt, which lies on the sea coast, and is intersected by a number of branches of the river Nile. {25} It is not surprising that such a colony, following the natural propensity to naval affairs, and carrying with it the arts of dying and weaving, together with whatever else the Egyptians knew, should become under the influence of necessity, and in a favourable situation for arts and commerce, as much celebrated for commercial riches, as their mother country had long been for agriculture and the cultivation of the sciences. --- {25} That the Phoenicians were from Egypt is not doubted, and their becoming a totally different people from being on a different soil and in a different situation, is a strong proof of the influence of physical circumstances on the characters of nations. -=- [end of page #22] Tyre accordingly is the first example of a city becoming rich and powerful by arts and commerce, and though few details are known, yet those are of a very decided character. The pride of the Tyrians appears to have been the cause of their fall, and that pride was occasioned by the possession of wealth, far beyond that of any other people then in the world. While they were great they aimed at monopoly, and were partly the cause of the rapid decay of Jerusalem. After the death of Solomon, they founded a colony, well situated for the extention of their own trade, which consisted chiefly in bringing the rich produce of Arabia, and India, into the western world. Carthage was placed on the south coast of the Mediterranean to the west of Egypt, so as never to have any direct intercourse with India itself, while it lay extremely well for distributing the merchandize, brought by the Tyrians, from thence in the interior of Africa, Spain, Sicily, Italy, and the parts that lay distant from the mother city. {26} From the extent of its territory and situation, Tyre could only be wealthy; it never could be powerful, as the great Assyrian monarchy, which lay immediately to the eastward, prevented the possibility of its extention; and, as to power at sea, there was =sic= at that time no contests on that element; the most then that could be expected was, that it should have sufficient strength to protect itself, which, being on a small island, very near the shore, was not difficult. If Alexander the Great had not joined it to the land by an earthen mound, or mole, Tyre could never have been taken till some other power got the superiority by sea; which could not have been till after the Romans had conquered Carthage. Babylon, which was the centre of the Assyrian empire, and commu- --- {26} The best account of the commodities in which the commerce of the Tyrians consisted, as well as the best description of their wealth, and the cause of the downfall is to be found in Ezekiel, chap. xxvi. and the two following. It is perfectly distinct and conclusive with respect to the principal points of wealth, pride, and luxury founded on wealth. The Tyre here spoken of is not the same taken by the king of Babylon, or Assyrian monarch long before Alexander's time, which only appears to have been a settlement on the main land belonging to the same people, and subject to the same prince. -=- [end of page #23] nicated with the eastern part of Asia, by the river Euphrates, and by the Persian Gulf with India, was, as Memphis, of Egypt, a capital; but the Assyrians were not protected on all sides, like the Egyptians, from foreign inroads; they consequently did not cultivate the arts of peace and the sciences so much. On the east, were the Medes and Persians; on the north, the Scythians and Partheans; but, as the territory was fertile and extensive, under one of the finest climates of the world, the monarchs became rich and luxurious, which was the cause of their subjection, and they were always subdued by people less advanced in luxury than themselves. The whole of these countries, Egypt, Syria, Phoenicia, and Greece, fell under the arms of Alexander. This was the first great and general revolution in that part of the world, from which Carthage alone, of all the ancient seats of wealth and greatness, escaped. The triumph of Alexander was, no doubt, that of a great captain; but, except the destruction of Tyre, and the foundation of Alexandria, which changed the principal seat of commerce, there was nothing durable in his conquests. The reigning families were destroyed, and the dynasties altered; but, under his immediate successors, the Egyptians, the inhabitants of Syria, and the Greeks, had different masters. It was after the foundation of Alexandria, and under the successors of Alexander, that Egypt became really a commercial country. Its wealth had hitherto arisen rather from the great population and fertility of the country, than from any participation in the trade to the East; but after Alexandria was founded, the seat of empire, which had always been in Upper Egypt, was established in Lower Egypt, canals were dug, and every means taken to make the passage from the Red Sea to the Mediterranean as commodious as possible. Carthage began then to decline. Tyre was no more: and Alexandria was situated on the same side of the Mediterranean Sea, in a much more advantageous position for receiving the productions of the East, and equally advantageous for distributing them. The Phoenicians never recovered their importance; and indeed it was not the interest of the Persian monarch to encourage trade by [end of page #24] the old channel of the Red Sea and Rhinocolura, but rather to come directly through the Persian Gulf, ascend the Euphrates, and cross the country to the borders of the Mediterranean, which was a way not much more expensive than by the old rout =sic=. As the greater part of the produce imported was to be consumed at the luxurious court of Persia, and in the numerous rich cities with which that empire was filled, there is no doubt that the way by the Persian Gulf was by much the least expensive; for even Solomon, King of Jerusalem, long before, though he lived at one extremity of the journey, and had ships for trading by the other channel, had carried on trade by this way; and, in order to facilitate it, had laid the foundation of the magnificent city of Palmyra, nearly in the middle between the Mediterranean Sea and the Gulf of Persia. Whilst those revolutions were effecting amongst the ancient nations on the continents of Asia and Africa, the Greeks, who had been the most barbarous of all, became, by degrees, the most refined; their learning and arts were all founded, originally, on the Egyptian learning; and though at last they carried them to a higher pitch than their masters; yet Egypt, for many centuries, was looked up to, even by the Greeks, as they were afterwards for a number of centuries by the Romans, and the other nations of the world. The education of the Greeks; very different in some of the states from what it was in others, had, however, the same tendency in all; that tendency was to invigorate the body, and instruct and strengthen the mind. While this continued, we see them at first resist the Persians, though in very unequal numbers; and, at last, the Grecian vigour, discipline, and skill, subdue the whole of the then civilized world. After the conquests of Alexander, the wealth and luxury of Asia were introduced into Greece, and indeed the Greeks refined on that luxury. At Athens and the other cities which might be said to give manners to the rest, shews, and theatrical representations were after that more attended to than the military art; and cabal, intrigue, and corruption, were introduced in the place of that manly, pure, and admirable love of their country, for which, in less wealthy, but in better [end of page #25] times, they had been so highly distinguished above every other people. This was the situation of things when a nation, less advanced in arts, and uncorrupted with the possession of wealth, but which was still considered by the Greeks as barbarous, prepared at once to subdue the whole of them, and give a still more striking proof of the triumph which vigour and energy obtain over those who have only wealth; the possession of which, undoubtedly, gives a certain means of defence, though one very unequal to resisting a nation when excited by the desire of sharing its possessions, and yet vigorous and strong, not being unnerved by the enjoyment of ease and luxury. [end of page #26] CHAP. IV. _Of the Romans.--the Causes of their Rise under the Republic, and of their Decline under the Emperors.--the great Error generally fallen into with respect to the Comparison between Rome and Carthage; Proofs that it is wrong, and not at all applicable to France and England_. In the rise and greatness of Rome, there was nothing accidental, all was the effect of the most unremitting perseverance in a plan, at first, of petty robbery; which, as it extended, was honoured with the title of conquest; and, as it succeeded, has been considered as deserving the appellation of great. It is true, that there were talents exercised, and methods practised, which deserve the highest praise, and are worthy of imitation. It is impossible to withhold admiration at the recital, but the end in view, from the beginning, cannot be justified. Although neither the end in view, nor, generally speaking, the means employed, are deserving of imitation, yet we shall find more advantage from examining them than from the history of any other nation. In the first place, so far as prosperity depends on good conduct, and good conduct depends on the state of the mind, the Romans are a most striking example. While they preserved the manners that first occasioned their rise, they continued to become more powerful; as they forsook these manners, their power abandoned them; and they, after having conquered all with whom they ever contended, because they had more skill or less corruption, were themselves overcome, by men infinitely inferior to what they had been, before they became enervated and corrupt. The smallness of the territory, which the Romans at first possessed, laid them under the necessity of extending it, and drawing resources from their neighbours; who, being brave and hardy, could not be easily either robbed or subdued. [end of page #27] The Romans began with robbing, and finished with subduing them all, but the modes they practised deserve attention. It is in vain to think that superior bravery or skill would alone have done the business; those are often triumphant, but occasionally defeated. The Romans owed their gradual aggrandizement to a line of conduct that, whether in good or ill fortune, tended to make them the sovereigns of the world. A line of conduct in which, if it had been in human nature to persevere, they would have preserved the situation to which they had elevated themselves. Along with this decided conduct, which seems to have arisen from something innate in themselves, or to have been occasioned by some circumstance that is not known, the Romans possessed a number of methods, in addition to personal bravery, by which they advanced the end they had in view. When the kings were abolished, Rome was only a small, rude, irregular place, and a receptacle for plunder; inhabited, however, by men who had great strength of mind, and who possessed a great command over themselves. Their moral code was suitable to their situation. To rob, plunder, and destroy an enemy was a merit; to betray a trust, or to defraud a fellow citizen, was a crime of the greatest magnitude. With the Romans, oaths were inviolable; and attachment to the public was the greatest virtue. As they had neither arts nor commerce, and but very little territory, plunder was their means of subsistence; it was to them a regular source of wealth, and it was distributed with perfect impartiality; they were in fact an association; the wealth of the public, and of the individual, were, to a certain degree, the same; they were as an incorporated company, in which private interest conspired with the love of their country to forward the general interest. Plundering and pillage, as well as the modes of dividing the spoil, were reduced to system and method; and the religious observation of oaths was conducive to the success of both. Every soldier was sworn to be faithful to his country, both in fighting its battles, and in giving a rigid account of whatever might be the fruits of the contest. [end of page #28] The moveables and lands taken from an enemy were sold for the benefit of the public; the former went wholly for that purpose, and the latter were divided into two equal portions; one of which, like the moveables, went into the general stock, the other was distributed to the poorer citizens, at the price of a small acknowledgement. The consequence of this system was, a perpetual state of warfare; in which it was clear that the armies must obtain a superiority over neighbours, who but occasionally employed themselves in acts of hostility. From such a plan of operations it naturally followed that they must either have been subdued altogether, or come off in general with some advantage, otherwise it would have been impossible to proceed. Of this they seem to have been fully sensible; for, with them, it was a maxim never to conclude peace unless they were victorious, and never to treat with an enemy on their own territory. Acting in this manner, and engaging in wars with different nations, unconnected with each other by treaties of alliance; without any common interest, or even any knowledge of each others =sic= affairs; ignorant, in general, even of what was going on, the Romans had, in most cases, a great advantage over those with whom they had to contend. There were in Italy some very warlike people, and those were nearest to Rome itself. The contest with those was long obstinate, and repeatedly renewed; but still the system of conquest was followed; and at last prevailed. The consular government was favourable, also, for perpetual warfare. Those temporary chief magistrates did not enjoy their dignity long enough to become torpid or careless, but were interested in distinguishing themselves by the activity of their conduct while in office; whereas, in hereditary power, or elective monarchy, the personal feelings of the chief, which must have an influence upon the conduct of a nation, must sometimes, happily for mankind, lead him to seek peace and quietness. {27} --- {27} During the interruption of consular government, by the decemvirs, though they did not reign long, the energy of the people was suspended, and their enemies found them much less difficult to resist. -=- [end of page #29] Even when the Gauls burned the city, the Romans yielded no advantages in treaty; they abandoned it to its fate, retired to Veii, and renewed the war. In the art of war, the Romans had those advantages which men generally possess in whatever is the natural bent of their genius, and their constant occupation. Every thing that continual attention, experience, or example, could do to increase their success was attended to; and their hardy manner of education and living, with constant exercise, enabled them to practice =sic= what other men were unable to perform. They accustomed themselves to heavier armour than any other nation. Their rate of marching was between four and five miles an hour, for four or five hours together, loaded with a weight of above 60lb. Their weapons for exercising were double the usual weight, and they were inured to running and leaping when completely armed. The success of the Romans in Europe was not sufficiently rapid, nor were the nations they conquered sufficiently rich to bring on that luxury and relaxation of discipline, which were the consequences in those victories obtained in Egypt, Syria, and Greece; nor were the soldiers the only persons inured to such exercises, for the Roman citizens practised the same at home, in the Campus Martius. No people educated with less hardiness of body, or a less firm attachment to their country, could have undergone, or would have submitted, to the terrible fatigues of a Roman soldier, which were such, that, even at a very late period of the republic, they were known to ask as a favour to be conducted to battle, as a relief from the fatigues they were made to undergo in the camp. {28} In addition to this unremitting and very severe discipline, and to the inventions of many weapons, machines, and stratagems, unknown to other nations, they had the great wisdom to examine very carefully, if they found an enemy enjoy any advantage, in what that advantage consisted. If it arose from any fault of their own, it was rectified --- {28} This happened under Sylla, in the war against Mithridates, which immediately preceded the fall of the republic. -=- [end of page #30] without delay; and if it arose from any new mode of fighting, or superior weapons, they adopted methods with such promptitude that the advantage was only once in favour of the enemy. {29} The Asiatic methods of fighting with elephants, though new, never disconcerted them twice. If they knew of any superior art that they could imitate, it was done; and when the advantage arose from natural circumstances, and they could not themselves become masters of the art, they took other methods. Expert slingers from the Balearian Islands, and bowmen from Crete, were added to their legions; as, in modern times, field-ordnance and riflemen are added to ours. It is impossible not to view with astonishment and admiration such wise conduct in such haughty men, whose simple citizens treated the sovereigns of other nations as equals; but that greatness of mind had a well-founded cause. They knew that the physical powers of men are limited, and that to obtain a victory with the greatest ease possible it was necessary to join together all the advantages that could be obtained; they knew, also, that war is altogether a trial of force, and a trial of skill, and that neither of the contending parties can act by rule, but must be guided by circumstances and the conduct of the enemy. {30} This conduct of the Romans in war was supported by the laws at home. The equal distribution of lands, their contempt for commerce and luxury, preserved the population of the country in that state where good soldiers are to be obtained. The wealthy, in any state, cannot be numerous; neither are they hardy to bear the fatigue. Their servants, and the idle, the indolent, and unprincipled persons they have about them are totally unfit, and a wretched populace, degraded by want, or inured to ease and plenty are equally unfit. --- {29} This conduct appears the more admirable to those who live in the present times that in the revolutionary war with the French, who invented a number of new methods of fighting, and had recourse to new stratagems, the regular generals opposed to them never altered their modes of warfare, but let themselves be beat in the most regular way possible. One single general (the Archduke Charles) did not think himself above the circumstances of the case, and his success was proportioned to his merit. {30} The copying the form and structure of a Carthaginian galley that was stranded. -=- [end of page #31] It has been a favourite opinion among many writers on political economy that artists and workmen are cowardly and unfit for soldiers; but experience does not warrant that conclusion; though it is certain that, according to the manner the Romans carried on war, the bodily fatigue was greater than men bred up promiscuously to trades of different sorts could in general undergo. So long as the Romans had enemies to contend with, from whom they obtained little, the manners and laws, the mode of education, and the government of their country, remained pure as at first. Their business, indeed, became more easy; for the terror of their name, their inflexibility, and the superior means they had of bringing their powers into action, all served to facilitate their conquests. But when they conquered Carthage, and begun =sic= to taste the fruits of wealth, their ground-work altered by degrees, and the superstructure became less solid. {31} Wealth, as we have already seen, was confined to Asia and Africa, and of it the Carthaginians possessed a great share. It has long been the opinion adopted by writers on those subjects that the Carthaginians, as being a commercial and a trading nation, were quite an unequal match for the Romans; that in Rome all was virtue, public spirit, and every thing that was great and noble, while at Carthage all was venal, vile, and selfish. A spirit of war and conquest reigned, say they, in one place together with a spirit of glory, in the other a spirit of gain presided over private actions and public counsels. This is all very true, and very well said, with respect to the fact, but with respect to the cause there is one of the greatest errors into which a number of men of discernment and ability have ever fallen. {32} The true state of the case is easily to be understood, if we only --- {31} It will be seen, in the subsequent part of this inquiry, that, in the present mode of warfare, the Romans would not have had equal advantage.--Skill, and not personal strength, is now the great object, and money to purchase arms and ammunition is the next. {32} M. Montesquieu, notwithstanding his very superior knowledge, accuracy, and acuteness, enlarges upon this subject; and never takes any notice of the corrupt, mercenary, and degraded state into which Rome fell when it became as rich as Carthage. -=- [end of page #32] throw aside, for a moment, the favour for the brave warrior, and the dislike to the selfish trader. The fact was, that Rome, in the days of its vigour, when it was poor, attacked Carthage in the days of its wealth and of its decline; but let us compare Carthage before its fall to Rome in the time of the Gordians, of Maximus, or Gallus, and see which was most vile, most venal, or most cowardly. This would at least be a fair comparison; and nothing relative to the two cities is more certain, than that Rome became far more degraded, in the character both of citizens and soldiers, than ever Carthage was. Wealth procured by commerce, far from degrading a nation more than wealth procured by conquest, does not degrade it near so much; and the reason is easily understood. Whenever a commercial nation becomes too corrupted and luxurious, its wealth vanishes, and the evil corrects itself. Whereas, a country that lives by tribute received from others, may continue for a considerable while to enjoy its revenues. This is so evident, that it would be absurd to enlarge on the subject. The reduction of Carthage, and the wealth it produced at Rome, soon brought on a change in the education, the nature, and the manner of acting, both in private life and public concerns. The conquest of Greece, Syria, and Egypt, completed the business; and the same people who had conquered every enemy, while they retained their poverty and simplicity, were themselves conquered, when they became rich and luxurious.. =sic= After the fall of Carthage {33}, Rome was fundamentally changed; but the armies still continued to act. Their ambition was now strengthened by avarice, and became ten times more active and dangerous to other nations. They then carried on war in every direction, and neither the riches of the East, nor the poverty of the North, could secure other nations from the joint effects of ambition and avarice. But the Romans did not only get gold and wealth by their con- --- {33} Considering circumstances, it is wonderful that the Carthaginians made so excellent a stand against the Romans: for a long time they were victorious; they fought excellently, even at the battle of Zama. The Romans could not say so much for themselves, when afterwards they were attacked by the barbarians. -=- [end of page #33] quests; they became corrupted by adopting the manners of the inhabitants of countries that had long been drowned in every voluptuous pleasure. Then it was that they ceased to trust so much to their bravery for their conquests; they began to employ politics and intrigue to divide their enemies. With the poorer states, they found gold a very useful weapon, and, with the richer, they employed weapons of iron. The terror of the Roman name, the actual force that they could exert against a powerful enemy, and the facility with which a weak one could be silenced, till a proper opportunity arrived for his destruction, were all calculated, and force and fraud were both called into action. Whatever truth or honour the Romans had amongst themselves, they at least had none towards other nations. They, in the most wanton manner, interfered in every quarrel between strangers; and, whenever it suited their conveniency to make war, they begun without almost being at the pains to search for a pretext. They set themselves up above all opinion, while, at the same time, they required all nations to submit to theirs. In a city where all great offices were elective, the evil effects of the introduction of riches were soon displayed. The first great changes were, that the people became corrupted, dependent, and degraded; fortunes became unequally divided; the provinces groaned under the heavy contributions of generals and proconsuls; and, at last, the country splitting into factions, the government was overturned. The splendour of Rome augmented, as a fiery meteor shines most bright before it falls; but the means by which it obtained the ascendency over other nations had long been at an end. The same laws that had been found excellent, when the state was small and poor, did not answer now that it had become great and splendid. The freedom of the city, and the title and privileges of a Roman citizen had been very widely extended; they were therefore become an illusion, and a very dangerous one for the public weal; they served as a foundation for cabal and intrigue of every description. Towards the latter days, after all those internal causes of decline, which are common to other nations had rendered Rome feeble, several [end of page #34] external ones began to act. The provinces became exhausted, and those who ruled them gradually retained more and more of the money. {34} Thus, while the oppression of the provinces was augmenting, the resources of the state were daily on the decline. The first effect of conquests had been to free the people at home from taxes; and when, in a state of poverty and simplicity, the effect was advantageous and tended to preserve that spirit by which the Roman empire aggrandized itself. After wealth flowed in from the destruction of Carthage, donations and shews were in use. The Roman populace, idle and degraded, clamoured for corn and public games. It is almost as difficult to conceive the degree to which the character of the people was degraded, as it is to give credit to the wealth and luxury of the great, in the latter days of the empire. Agriculture was neglected; and the masters of the world, who had obtained every thing for which they contended, while they preserved their purity of manners, now became unable either to govern others, to protect themselves, or even to provide food. Sicily and Africa supplied the Roman people with bread, long before the empire had become feeble, and even at the very time when it is reckoned to have been in its greatest splendour in the Augustan age. {35} The cause of its decline was fixed beyond the power of human nature to counteract: it began by unnerving the human character, and therefore its progress was accelerated and became irresistible. Of all the nations, into which luxury is introduced, none feels its effects --- {34} The detached facts related of the wealth of the governors of provinces, compared with the poverty of the state, are, if not incredible, at least, difficult to conceive. They are, however, too well attested to admit of a doubt, though the details are not sufficiently circumstantial to enable us to know exactly how they happened. {35} In the time of Augustus, the people depended on the supplies from Sicily and Egypt, in so complete a manner, that, if those failed, there was no remedy; and, at one time, when there was only a sufficient quantity of grain for twenty-four hours, that emperor was determined to have put an end to his existence: but the supply arrived in time. Such is the terrible situation into which a people is thrown, when agriculture and industry are abandoned, and when the population becomes too great for the production of the country!! This, however, was a very recent change. Till some time after the conquest of Egypt, Greece, and Sicily, it could not have happened. -=- [end of page #35] so severely as one where it comes by conquest. A people of conquerors, who are wealthy, must, at all events, be under military authority, and that is never a desirable circumstance; depending also on revenues which come without the aid of industry, they must become doubly degraded. With such a people, it would be fair to compare the Carthaginians before their fall; for, to say nothing more than that the principle of traffic and commerce is founded on morality and virtue, in comparison to that trade of pillage which robbed and ruined all nations; the physical situation of the Carthaginians was preferable to that of the Romans in the days of their decline. This is evident, from the noble struggle that the former made, and the contemptible manner in which the mistress of the world terminated her career. Montesquieu bewails the fate of a monarch, who is oppressed by a party that prevails after his fall. His enemies are his historians; and this reflection is employed in mitigation of the crimes imputed to Tarquin; but, surely, if true, on that occasion, it is no less so with respect to Carthage. All the historians that give us the character of the two nations were Romans and of the victorious party; yet most of them are more equitable than the historians of modern times, for they had not seen their own country in its last state of degradation and misery. Those who now make the comparison have proper materials; and it is the business of the writers of history to free it from the errors into which cotemporary =sic= authors fall, whether from prejudice, or from want of knowing those events which happened after their days. In the case of the Roman historians, the error arose from a combination of three different causes. In the first place, they compared Rome in its healthy days and its vigour, to Carthage in its decline.-- They were, next to that, led into an error, by not knowing that all countries that have been long rich are liable to the same evils as Carthage. And, last of all, they wrote with a spirit of party, and a prediliction =sic= in favour of Rome. These three causes are certain; and, perhaps, there was another. It is possible they did not dare to speak the truth, if they did know it. It is true, that the human mind is not proof against the effect pro-[end of page #36] duced by what is splendid and brilliant; and that success in all cases diminishes, and, in some, does away the reproach naturally attached to criminality. It is also to be admitted, that in the Roman character there was a degree of courage and magnanimity that commands admiration, though the end to which it was applied was in itself detestable. Even in individual life (moral principle apart) there is something that diminishes the horror attendant on injustice and rapacity, when accompanied with courage and prodigality. It is no less true, that the manners of commercial men, though their views are legitimate and their means fair, are prejudicial to them in the opinion of others. Individuals, gaining money by commerce, may sometimes have the splendour and magnanimity of princes; but nations that depend only on commerce for wealth never can. No nation, while it continues great or wealthy, can rid itself of the characteristic manners that attend the way in which it obtains its wealth and greatness. Merchants owe their wealth to a strict adherence to their interest, and they cannot help shewing it. The cruelties of the Spaniards have not excited the detestation they deserved, because they were accompanied with courage, and crowned with success; and that nation found means, in the midst of the most horrible of human crimes, to preserve an appearance of greatness and dignity of character. But the Dutch, who have gained wealth, like the Carthaginians, and though they were conquerors, never quitted the character of merchants, and they never possessed dignity of character, though they triumphed by virtue, perseverance, and bravery, over that very Spain which did preserve her dignity. It is much more difficult to reconcile the character of trading nations with the qualities that are improperly called great, than that of any other. A commercial nation naturally will be just; it may be generous; but it never can become extravagant and wasteful; neither can it be incumbered with the lazy and the idle; for the moment that either of these takes place, commerce flies to another habitation. {36} --- {36} It follows, from this, that a commercial people never become so degraded as those who obtain wealth by other means; but, then, it also follows, that they exist a much shorter time after they become so, and that wealth and power leave them much more speedily. -=- [end of page #37] The purpose of this inquiry being, to examine the effects of wealth, and its operation in the decline of nations; it appears to be of considerable importance to remove the error, in which historians and other writers have so long persevered, relative to the two greatest republics of antiquity; particularly as their example applies the most readily, and is the most frequently applied to two rival nations of modern times; although the parallel is extremely imperfect in almost every particular, and in some directly inadmissible. {37} It cannot but be attended with some advantage to set this matter right. It may, perhaps, tend in some degree to prevent the French from attempting to imitate the Romans, when we shew them that a state, whether a whole people, or a single city, exempted from taxes, and living by the tribute of other countries, must, at all events, be dependent on its armies. In short, military government and tributary revenue are inseparable. We see how closely they were connected in ancient Rome. It is fit that its imitators should know at what rate they pay (and in what coin) for those exemptions from taxes, occasioned by the burthens imposed upon other nations. In general we find, that all nations are inclined to push to the extreme those means by which they have attained wealth or power; and it will also be found that their ruin is thereby brought on with greater rapidity. --- {37} The reader must see the allusion is to England and France; but, in point of time, their situation is absolutely different. France is farther advanced in luxury than England. Rome was far behind Carthage. The Romans exceeded their rivals in perseverance; in following up their plans, and in attention to their liberty. The contrary is the case with France and England. The French, indeed, resemble the Romans in restlessness and ambition; but not in their mode of exerting the former, or of gratifying the latter: the resemblance, therefore, is a very faint one, even where it does hold at all. The English, in whatever they may resemble the Carthaginians, such as they have been represented, neither do it in their want of faith and honour, nor in their progress towards decline. The different wars with Rome, in which Carthage came off a loser and became tributary, though only for a limited time, were not the only causes of its decline. The trade of Alexandria, which was better situated for commerce, had diminished the resources of Carthage; so that it was, in every sense of the word, a falling nation. It will be seen, in the subsequent part of this inquiry, how, from the different modes of making war and also the different effects of wealth in the present times, the comparison is still less founded. -=- [end of page #38] Had the Romans stopped the career of conquest at an earlier period, they probably would not have so soon sunk into a state of corruption. It is very probable, that if Caesar had never attempted the useless conquest of Britain, he never would have succeeded in conquering the liberties of his own country. The reputation of having conquered an island, and the passage of the British Channel, made way for the passage of the Rubicon, and the battle of Pharsalia. Conquerors must be paid as well as common soldiers: and though every man may have his price, and money and dignities may be a sufficient reward for the most part, there are some who despise any reward under that of royal power.--Caesar was one of those men; and both ancient and modern history shew, that though, perhaps, in his abilities, he has had no equal, there have been others who have rated theirs at as high a price. The Romans at last became sensible, when too late, that they had pushed the spirit of conquest too far; and, as they had something great in all they did, they had the magnanimity to retract their error. The greatest extent of the Roman empire being from the north of England to the Gulf of Persia, they consequently abandoned Britain, and those conquests in Asia, which were the most difficult to keep. The river Euphrates became the boundary, the Emperor Adrian having, in a voluntary manner, given up all the country to the north of that river, situated on its left bank. The decline of the empire might have been as regular as the rise of the republic, had it not been for the different characters of the emperors; some of whom did honour to human nature, from their possessing almost every virtue, while others were such monsters, that their crimes excite the highest degree of horror and indignation, and are almost beyond credibility. It is but justice to the Romans to observe, that though they robbed and conquered, yet their policy was to instruct, improve, and civilize those whom they had robbed and conquered, wherever they stood in want of it. They aimed, in every case, at making the most of the circumstances in which they were placed, and they very truly conceived, that it was more profitable and advantageous, to rule over a civilized than a rude people. [end of page #39] After the great influx of wealth had corrupted Rome, its public expenses increased at an enormous rate, till at last that portion of the tribute exacted from the provinces, which it pleased the armies and the generals to remit to Rome, became unequal to the expenditure. Taxation of every kind then became necessary, in Italy itself, and the evils that attend the multiplication of imposts were greatly augmented by the ignorant manner in which they were laid on, by men who understood little but military affairs, added to the severe manner in which were they =sic= levied by a rude, imperious, and debauched soldiery. The characters of soldier and citizen, which had been so long united, ceased to have any connection. Soon after this, the corruption of manners became general; and, at last, the Romans unable to find soldiers amongst themselves, were obliged to retain barbarians to fight in their defence, {38} and to bribe the Persians, and other nations, to leave them in a state of tranquility. No nation that ever yet submitted to pay tribute, has long preserved its independence. The Romans knew this well; and if any one, having had recourse to that expedient, has escaped ruin, it has been from some other circumstance than its own exertion; or it has sometimes been the effort of despair when pushed to extremity. Though, in many respects, Montesquieu's opinion of the affairs of Rome is by no means to be taken, yet his short account of the whole is unexceptionally just. "Take," says that able and profound writer, "this compendium of the Roman history. The Romans subdued all nations by their maxims; but, when they had succeeded in doing so, they could no longer preserve their republican form of government. It was necessary to change the plan, and maxims contrary to their first, being introduced, they were divested of all their grandeur." This was literally the case; but then it is clear that this compendium, only includes the secondary causes, and their effects; for the perseverance in maxims till they had obtained their end, and then changing --- {38} This is exactly one of the charges brought against the Carthaginians in the last Punic war. -=- [end of page #40] them, which was not an act of the will, must have been occasioned by some cause inherent in their situation, which had gradually changed. In searching for this cause we shall be very much assisted, and the conclusion will be rendered more certain, by observing in what particular circumstances, they resembled other nations who had undergone a similar changes. =sic= In doing this, we find the inquiry wonderfully abridged indeed, and the conclusion reduced nearly to a mathematical certainty, by observing that the change of maxims, that is to say, the change in ways of thinking, whenever it has taken place, has followed soon after the introduction of wealth and refinement, which change manners, and consequently maxims. Wealth, acquired by conquest, was incompatible with that austere virtue and independent principle which form the basis of republican prosperity. As all public employments were obtained by the favour of the people; and as all wealth and power were obtained by the channels of public employment; bribery and corruption, which cannot take place in a poor republic, became very common in this wealthy one; so that this republican government, so constituted, lost all those advantages it possessed while it was poor. Had the murderers of Julius Caesar, either understood the real corruption of the commonwealth, or foreseen that a new master would rise up, they would never have destroyed that admirable man. Had Rome not been ready to receive a master, Julius Caesar, with all his ambition, would never have grasped at the crown. In nations that obtain wealth by commerce, manufactures, or any other means than by conquests, the corruption of the state is not naturally so great. The wealth originates in the people, and not in the state; and, besides that they are more difficult to purchase, there is less means of doing so, and less inducement; neither can they, being the sources of wealth themselves, become so idle and corrupted. {39} --- {39} The wild and ungovernable direction that the French revolution took originated chiefly in the creation of assignats, which not only exempted the people from taxes at first, but had the effect of producing an artificial and temporary degree of wealth, that [end of page #41] enabled vast numbers, either in the pay of others, or at their own expense, to make cabals and politics their whole study. Rome never was in such a licentious state, because, before the citizens got into that situation, the military power was established. -=- In the ancient nations that fell one after another, we have seen the young and vigorous subdue the more wealthy and luxurious; or we have seen superior art and skill get the better of valour and ignorance; but, in the fall of the Roman empire, the art and skill were all on the side of those who fell, and the vigour of those who conquered was not so powerful an agent as the very low and degraded state into which the masters of the world had themselves fallen. It is by no means consistent with the plan of this work, nor is it any way necessary for the inquiry, to enter into the particular details of the degraded and miserable state to which the Romans were reduced; insomuch, that those who emigrated previously to its fall, and settled amongst barbarous nations, found themselves more happy than they had been, being freed from taxation and a variety of oppressions. Though the Roman people are, of all others, those whose rise and fall are the most distinctly known; yet, in some circumstances, their case does not apply to nations in general. Had they cultivated commerce and the arts, with the same success that they pursued conquest, they must have become wealthy at a much earlier period, and they would not have found themselves in possession of an almost boundless empire, composed of different nations, subdued by force, and requiring force to be preserved. The decline of nations, who become rich by means of industry, may be natural; but, the fall of a nation, owing its greatness to the subjugation of others, must be necessary. Human affairs are too complicated and varied to admit of perfect equality, and the relative situations of mankind are always changing; yet, in some instances, perhaps, changes might be obviated, or protracted, by timely preventives. But there is no possibility of keeping them long in so unnatural a situation, as that of a nation of wealthy and idle people, ruling over and keeping in subjection others who are more hardy, poorer, and more virtuous, than themselves. Before the western empire fell, the following causes of its weakness were arrived at a great height. [end of page #42] Manners were corrupted to the highest degree; there was neither public nor private virtue; intrigue, cabal, and money, did every thing. Property was all in the hands of a few; the great mass of the people were wretchedly poor, mutinous, and idle. Italy was unable to supply its inhabitants with food. The lands were in the possession of men, who, by rapacity in the provinces, had acquired large incomes, and to whom cultivation was no object; the country was either laid out in pleasure grounds, or neglected. The revenues of the state were wasted on the soldiers; in shews to keep the people occupied, and on the purchase of corn, brought to Rome from a distance. The load of taxes was so great, that the Roman citizens envied the barbarians, and thought they could not be worse than they were, should they fall under a foreign yoke. All attachment to their country was gone; and every motive to public spirit had entirely ceased to operate. The old noble families, who alone preserved a sense of their ancient dignity, were neglected in times of quiet, and persecuted in times of trouble. They still preserved an attachment to their country, but they had neither wealth, power, nor authority. The vile populace, having lost every species of military valour, were unable to recruit the armies; the defence, against the provinces which rebelled, was in the hands of foreign mercenaries; and Rome paid tribute to obtain peace from some of those she had insulted in the hour of her prosperity and insolence. Gold corrupted all the courts of justice; there were no laws for the rich, who committed crimes with impunity; while the poor did the same through want, wretchedness, and despair. In this miserable state of things, the poor, for the sake of protection, became a sort of partizans or retainers of the rich, whom they were ready to serve on all occasions: so that, except in a few forms, there was no trace left of the institutions that had raised the Romans above all other nations. [end of page #43] CHAP. V. _Of the Cities and Nations that rose to Wealth and Power in the middle Ages, after the Fall of the Western Empire, and previously to the Discovery of the Passage to the East Indies by the Cape of Good Hope, and of America.--Different Effects of Wealth on Nations in cold and in warm Climates, and of the Fall of the Eastern Empire_. After the fall of the western empire, the Italian states were the first that revived commerce in the west of Europe, which they may indeed be said alone to have kept alive, with the single exception of the city of Marseilles. Venice had begun to flourish when the barbarians took Rome; and Florence afforded a refuge for those of the nobility who escaped from their terrible grasp: but, for four centuries after, till the time of Charlemagne, there was, indeed, nothing that had either the semblance of power, wealth, or greatness, in Europe. The Saracens, as early as the seventh century, had got possession of Egypt, and had extended their ravages in Asia, to the borders of the Black Sea, having in vain endeavoured to take the city of Constantinople, and make themselves masters of the eastern empire, as their rivals, the Goths, had conquered that in the west. The momentary greatness which shone forth in the reign of Charlemagne was, in many respects, like that during the reign of Alexander the Great. The power of each depended on the individual character of the man, and their empires, extended by their courage and skill, fell to pieces immediately after they were no more. As the only permanent change that Alexander had effected was that of removing the chief seat of commerce from Phoenicia to the southern border of the Mediterranean Sea; so, the only permanent effect of the reign of Charles the Great was, his extending Christianity, and some degree of civilization, to the north of the Danube; {40} thus bring- --- {40} The people to the north of the Danube had never been subdued by the Romans. In the time of Charlemagne they were Pagans, and in a most rude state of barbarism. -=- [end of page #44] ing the borders of the Baltic Sea within the limits of the civilized world. Charlemagne paved the way for the greatness of the Flemings, the Saxons, and the Hans Towns, which began to flourish a few centuries after his time; but his own country was never in a more abject situation than soon after his decease. The Danes took and burned the city of Paris, and they conquered, settled, and gave its name to the present country of Normandy. {41} It would throw no light on the subject of the present inquiry to notice the quarrels, the feuds, and revolutions, that took place during the dark ages, and the reign of the feudal system, previously to the time of the crusades; when a wild romantic spirit extended civilization a little more widely than before, and laid the foundation for a new order of things, and a new species of wealth and power, different from those of the ancient world, the extent of which was bounded by the fertile regions of the south. The first holy war took place in the eleventh century, and commerce and industry were introduced into the north of Europe very soon after. The Danes, who alone had power by sea in those times, exercised it by piracies and seizing all merchant vessels; particularly such as passed the Sound, from the Baltic to the North Sea. This rendered it necessary for the cities that had commerce to carry on to associate for the sake of protection, as the Arabian merchants had formerly done by land, and do to this day, to prevent being robbed by those who live by hunting and depredation. This gave rise to the famous Hanseatic League, which began to become formidable towards the end of the twelfth century. {42} As men living in northern countries have many wants unknown to those of the south, so the industry that began on the borders of the --- {41} They were equally successful in England, but that country was not then to be considered as making any part of that world, with the revolutions of which this inquiry is connected. {42} There is a dispute relative to this: but, as no writers give it a later date, and some give it an earlier one, it is certain that it must have existed at that time. Many disputes never ascertain the point intended, yet clear up something else that is equally useful. -=- [end of page #45] Baltic was very different from that which had flourished in ancient times on those of the Mediterranean Sea. In this new order of things, Flanders, for its fertility, might be compared to Egypt, and Holland to Phoenicia, from its want of territory: but clothing of a more substantial sort, and conveniences and pleasures of a different nature being necessary, industry took a different turn. Besides this, the nature of the governments, where men were more nearly upon an equality, made it necessary to provide for their wants in a very different way. Instead of building pyramids for the tombs of kings, industry was employed in procuring comfort for those who inhabited the country; and instead of the greatest art being employed on the fabrication of fine linen, and dying of purple, making vessels of gold and silver, and every thing for the use of courts, the art of making warm clothing of wool, and of fishing and salting fish, occupied the attention of this new race of men. The Flemish had three sources of wealth at one time: they possessed the depots of Indian produce, and dispersed it over the north of Europe; they were the first who excelled in the art of weaving, and in that of curing fish. The towns of Flanders and Brabant were associated in the Hanseatic League, and continued rising from the twelfth to the middle of the sixteenth century, when several circumstances operated in bringing on their decline. The Hanseatic association was one arising from the circumstances of the times and from necessity. It was an artificial connection or alliance, where towns, subject to different governments, acted as independent states, entering into a society which treated on a footing of equality with kings, and made war and peace like any single sovereign. It was not to be expected that such a sort of alliance could greatly outlive the cause of its formation. But neither did the destruction of the league or federation, of necessity, draw along with it that of the towns of which it was composed. We shall see, however, that the general prosperity, and that of the individual members of the league, disappeared for the most part nearly together. [end of page #46] The Dutch were far inferior to the Flemings for natural advantages; but they acted under the influence of necessity, which spurred on their industry; and no nation ever shewed so well how powerful its operation is: so that, though they were at first behind the Flemings in commerce and manufactures, they got the better, and became more rich and powerful. While the persecution of Philip, who was King of Spain, while his brother Ferdinand, Emperor of Germany, was at the head of the Austrian dominions there, and was a dependant of the Spanish monarchs. --While the persecution of Philip, uniting the authority of the hereditary dominions of Austria with that of Spain, compelled many of the most industrious artisans, of that portion of the Low Countries that has since been distinguished by the title of the Austrian Netherlands, to leave their country, the Dutch provinces were making preparations to throw off the yoke of Spain. [Transcriber's note: possible partly duplicated section, here reproduced as-is from the original.] Not only did the Dutch become more wealthy than their neighbours, but they became also more tenacious of their liberty, more patriotic and free; for the situation of their country required economy, union, and patriotic exertion, even for the preservation of its existence. After Holland had already made considerable advances towards wealth, it obtained great superiority by a fortunate improvement on the art of curing herrings. Though herrings had been barrelled for exportation, for more than two hundred years, it was only towards the end of the fourteenth, or beginning of the fifteenth century, that the present method of curing them was invented by the Dutch, which gave them a decided superiority in that article. {43} This prepared the way for the downfal =sic= of Flanders; to which its pride, and the mutinous spirit of the manufacturers in the towns did not a little contribute. The decline of the Austrian Low Countries was brought on entirely by three causes; the oppression of the government, the Dutch excelling and supplanting them in arts and industry, and their own pride and insolence. At one time, Bruges, at another time, Antwerp, took on them to act as sovereigns, and as if independent, while, at the same time, the people were almost constantly disobedient to their magistrates. They had first become industrious under the influence of --- {43} It was discovered in 1397, or soon after. -=- [end of page #47] necessity; but that was gone, and they could not continue in the same course, when in full enjoyment of wealth, and of every thing they wanted. The Hanseatic Towns, from at first merely defending their trade against the Danes, became their conquerors at sea, and, in the years 1361 and 1369, they took and burnt Copenhagen, the capital, twice. Crowned heads became desirous of their alliance, and no power, at sea, was equal to oppose them; but their insolence to the Dutch, their oppressions of the English, of Spain, and other powers, laid the foundation for their decline in less than half a century afterwards. {44} As the first three centuries of this extraordinary and unexampled association, were employed in protecting commerce and protecting trade, all those concerned in its success were ambitious of being admitted members, or received as friends: but when they began to assume the pride and dignity of sovereigns, and to meddle in political quarrels, to become irascible and unjust, their numbers diminished; and of those members that remained, the wealth and prosperity gradually began to fall. The Dutch, by great industry, by a strict attention to their interest, and by keeping down pride, continued to increase in wealth, while the Hans Towns and Flanders were considerably advanced in their decline. While this was happening on the northern shores of the continent of Europe; to which and to Italy trade had been nearly confined, Spain and Portugal, France and England, began to see the advantages of manufactures and commerce, and to encourage them. If money was wanted to be borrowed, it was either in Italy or Flanders, or in some of the Hans Towns, that it could alone be found; so, that though the monarchs of those days rather despised commerce, yet, as a means merely of procuring what they found so indispensably necessary, they began to think of encouraging it. Spain had taken possession of the Canary Islands, and Portugal had made conquests on the coast of Africa, and seized the island of --- {44} In 1411 they were compelled, by Henry IV. of England, to give him satisfaction for some of the injuries done. -=- [end of page #48] Madeira in the early part of the fifteenth century, and by an attention to naval affairs, and setting a value on possessions beyond seas, laid a foundation for those new discoveries which have totally changed the face of the world. In Europe then, at the end of the fifteenth century, the nations were nearly in the following state. The Italians, possessed of the whole trade to India, were wealthy but feeble. They had more art, policy, and money, than other nations; but they had of themselves scarcely any effective power, except a little exercised by the Venetians and Genoese at sea. The Hanse Towns, extending over the northern part of Europe and Flanders, which had become wealthy and powerful by their own industry, and a participation of the trade to India with the Italians, (though at second hand,) were on the decline, through pride and luxury. Holland alone was advancing fast towards wealth, by industry, and an attention to commerce and economy. Spain and Portugal had turned their attention to new discoveries; and France and England were endeavouring to follow, though at a great distance, those who, in this career, had gone before them. Of the places that enjoyed wealth, all were declining in power from the abuse of it; and Spain, which alone had possessed much power without wealth, was abusing it, by banishing industry from Flanders, and the Moors from their own country. In one case, there was wealth without power; in the other, there was power without wealth; and, in both, mistaken views and unwise conduct had laid the foundation for decline. The other nations that had not yet either wealth or power were all seeking with great energy to acquire them; and they were successful in their attempts. Even Spain, which had unwisely banished the Moors, and thereby laid a foundation for its own decline and fall, found that event retarded for a century, by a most unexpected discovery: in consequence of which discovery it fell from a greater height at a later period. {45} --- {45} It would not be to the purpose to speak at present either of Poland, Sweden, or Russia, or of the German empire, in which many of the Hanse Towns were situated. [end of page #49] The history of the Hanse Towns is very curious, and well worth attention: perhaps, next to that of Rome, it is the best calculated to illustrate the subject of this inquiry; but it is too long to be entered on. -=- As for the eastern empire; held up by a participation of the commerce of India, and retaining still some of the civilization of the ancient world, it had sustained the irregular, though fierce attacks of the barbarians till the middle of this century; when, having very imprudently made a display of the riches of the city, and the beauty of the women, the envy of the Mahomedan barbarians was raised to a pitch of frenzy, that it would, in any situation, have been difficult to resist, but for which the enervated emperors of the east were totally unequal. This added one instance more of a poor triumphing over an enervated and rich people. Nothing could exceed the poverty of the Turks, unless it was the ugliness of their women. But the case was not the same here as when the Goths and Vandals, from violence and revenge, attacked Rome merely to plunder and destroy. The Turks were, comparatively, from a southern climate themselves; though poor, they had been living amongst the wreck of ancient greatness, and they conquered with an intention to occupy and enjoy. Thus was extinguished the last remains of ancient grandeur, in the middle of the fifteenth century. About fifty years before, many new sources of wealth were discovered, and the old ones were entirely converted into a channel that was new also. Thus, those who had, from the earliest ages, been in possession of wealth were preparing the way for enriching poor nations, that, from their geographical situation and other circumstances, never could otherwise have participated in it. [end of page #50] CHAP. VI. _Digression concerning the Commerce with India.--This the only one that raised ancient Nations to Wealth.--Its continual Variations.-- The Envy it excited, and Revolutions it produced_. Before there are any authentic records, Syria and Egypt were populous; and the monarchs that ruled in those extensive countries had established their governments upon the plan that has more or less been adopted by all countries. There were different ranks of people. The same offices did not fall indifferently upon all. Wealth was unequally divided; and, of course, a foundation was laid for that commerce which consists in supplying the affluent with articles of taste and luxury, which are only produced in some countries; whereas, articles of necessity are produced in every country that is inhabited. Commerce appears at first to have been entirely confined to the productions of the eastern and middle parts of Asia, which have, from the earliest periods, been sought after with great avidity by the people of other countries. All that is most grateful to the taste, the eye, or the smell, is found in peculiar excellence in India. It is not to be wondered at then, if such objects of the desires of men were an abundant source of riches to those nations who had the means of obtaining them. Egypt and Syria lay immediately in the road for this commerce. They were rivals, and many contests and vicissitudes were the consequence: for no commerce has ever created so much envy and jealousy. None has ever raised those who carried it on so high, or, on forsaking them, left them so low, as that which has been carried on with India. Though at a very early period Egypt had a share of this lucrative commerce, yet the greatest part was carried on through Syria and Arabia, between the Persian Gulf and the Mediterranean Sea; that part now called the Levant, where Tyre and Sidon once stood. [end of page #51] We shall examine briefly the changes of this commerce; the only one almost existing, in early times, or at least which gave rise to nearly all that did exist. {46} As the common necessaries of life are found in greater or less abundance in every country, and as the population is in some degree regulated by their quantity, they made no objects of trade, except in the cases of famine. The precious metals, spices, jewels, and aromatics, rare in their production, universally desirable and easily transported, were long the chief objects of commerce; and the changes which this commerce has undergone and produced, amongst those who possessed it, greatly elucidate the subject of this inquiry. The distance from Babylon to the Persian gulf, down the Euphrates, to where Bussora now stands, was not great, and across the country to Tyre there was little interruption; the Assyrian empire extending to the sea-coast, and its monarchs being too powerful to have any thing to fear. There was, however, at a very early period, another channel, by which the Tyrians obtained the productions of the East, namely, by sailing up the Red Sea, or Arabian Gulf, and across Arabia Petrea to Rhinocolura. {47} The Egyptians, at that time, obtained the same sorts of merchandize, by sailing likewise up the Red Sea, and landing at the western extremity; from whence they were distributed through Lower Egypt. Commerce was carried on in this manner, and was nearly all engrossed by Tyre, when Alexander the Great, bred up under his father, who had been educated at Athens, and travelled through Greece, --- {46} To carry on trade, capital is necessary; that is to say, there must be some means of getting an article before it can be carried away and sold. Spices, precious stones, and the other produce of the East, cost little or almost nothing amongst those who had more than they could use; and, as they produced an immense profit to merchants, they laid a foundation for those capitals that afterwards were employed in other sorts of business. {47} Rhinocolura was merely a sort of sea port for embarking the merchandizes that had been brought across the desert from the Red Sea, It was situated at the south-east extremity or corner of the Mediterranean Sea, and till Alexandria was built was the nearest port to the Red Sea. -=- [end of page #52] turned his arms against those countries in which there was the most to be got by conquest, and from whom there was the least danger of defeat. Before this took place, the pride and insolence of the inhabitants of Tyre and Sidon had displayed itself on more than one occasion. After having been on friendly terms with the Jews, under David and Solomon, they became their enemies, and excited the King of Babylon to take Jerusalem; by that means destroying a neighbouring and dangerous rival. The wealth of these two cities had afterwards induced the Babylonians to attack them also. Sidon was taken and destroyed; and that part of the city of Tyre fell, which was upon the main land; but the Tyre that was the place of real trade, escaped the rage of the Assyrian monarchs. Alexander seems to have determined on destroying Tyre, in order to found Alexandria, which he placed indeed in a better situation for the eastern trade. His romantic expedition to India had in view the getting possession of the countries which had produced those gems and aromatics that were so much sought after in the other parts of the world. Had Alexander lived, perhaps he would not have found it in his interest to depress Syria; but the division of his conquests amongst his generals gave to Egypt and Syria two different masters. They were rivals, and then every advantage that nature gave to Alexandria was improved to the highest pitch under the Ptolemys. The river Nile, much more navigable than the Euphrates, was also better adapted for this trade, because, in coming from India, it was necessary to ascend the latter, while the other was descended. Besides this, the flat country of the Delta was cut into canals, which greatly facilitated this channel of commerce. {48} This was the first great revolution in eastern commerce. It was brought on first by the envy of Alexander and the pride of the in- --- {48} It does not appear what returns were made to the Indians for their produce, therefore it must have been money. The trade then consisted in bringing from thence goods, comparatively weighty, and returning, as it were, empty. The current of the rivers being in different directions was then an object of importance. -=- [end of page #53] habitants of Tyre, and gave a very great superiority to Egypt, which was increased by the canals dug in that country, and the discovery of the regular monsoon, (a periodical wind,) which, at a certain time of the year, carried navigators straight from the mouth of the Red Sea to the Malabar coast. {49} Under these disadvantages, flowing from superior prerogatives of Egypt, the commerce of Syria fell off almost to nothing, till, by another of those changes to which this commerce seems peculiarly liable, the Roman empire, which had swallowed up the whole of the civilized world, was itself divided into two, and one of the capitals fixed at Constantinople. The channel through Syria obtained then a preference for all the eastern part of the empire; and owing to some change, either in the politics or religion of the Persians, when conquered by the Parthians, they became willing to permit them the navigation of the Euphrates, which had long been shut up. This continued to be the state of matters, particularly after the fall of the western empire, when barbarians got possession of all that part of Europe that used to be supplied with East India produce by the way of Alexandria. It continued till the middle of the seventh century of the Christian aera, when the Mahometan religion was established from the westernmost part of Africa to the confines of the Chinese empire; and as the followers of that religion were unfriendly to commerce, and none could be carried on with India that did not pass through their country, it was nearly annihilated, and was almost wholly confined to the caravans of pilgrims, who, going to visit Jerusalem and Mecca, under the cloak of religious zeal, exchanged the various articles of traffic which they had collected in their different countries and on their journey. --- {49} This passage, from the straits of Babelmandel to the point of the peninsula of India, saved a very long and dangerous navigation by the coast. It is almost due east, and with the advantage of being much shorter, and having a fair wind, was next to the discovery of the passage of the Cape of Good Hope, the greatest discovery for shortening the route to India. This was discovered during the time that Egypt was a Roman province. -=- [end of page #54] Such were the vicissitudes, changes, and variations of this commerce in early periods, and during the middle ages; and, when we come to treat of the same within the last two centuries, we shall find it equally liable to alteration. Of all the spots on the face of the earth that have undergone revolution and ruin, they that are now the most completely sunk below their natural level, are those which were formerly the highest above it. We have left uninterrupted the detail of the commercial greatness of those places, in order not to break the narrative; but as cities cannot be great without connection, it is necessary to notice, that Marseilles in France, and Carthagena, and some other places on the coast of Spain, were those, by which eastern luxuries came into Europe from Alexandria and Tyre. The Carthaginians, a Tyrian colony, had the produce from Tyre, and from Rhinocolura, and supplied Spain and the western portion of Africa; but when Alexandria arose, Carthage began to fall. Alexandria, situated near to it on the same coast, was a rival, not a friend, as Tyre had been, and the first Punic war, in which the pride of that republic had involved it with Rome, following soon after, hastened its decline. {50} The nations of Greece, which had risen to power and wealth, owed these more to their superiority in mind, in learning, and the fine arts, than to any attention they ever paid to commerce; they had begun by being the most barbarous of all the people in that part of the globe, and got their first knowledge from the Egyptians, whom they long considered as their superiors in science, as the Romans afterwards did the Greeks; but when the barbarians broke down the western empire, learning as well as commerce was very soon extinguished. It was the share of Indian commerce, settled at Constantinople, that tended more than any other circumstance to preserve that empire so long. To that, and to the barbarians having other occupation, rather --- {50} Marseilles was founded soon after the city of Rome, but it was a government of itself, and made no part of ancient Gaul. The Gauls were warlike barbarians. The inhabitants of Marseilles were polished, like the inhabitants of other towns that enjoyed commercial wealth. They were always allies, and steady friends to the Romans, whom they never abandoned. -=- [end of page #55] than to any intrinsic strength of its own, did the eastern empire owe its long preservation. A new channel for this varying commerce of the East, was opened, as civilization extended to the north of Europe, and this chiefly on account of the very small supply that was obtained through the Mahomedan countries. Goods were transported by land from Hindostan and China, to Esterhabad, situated on the south-east corner of the Caspian Sea; from whence they were carried in vessels to the north-east corner of the same sea, and from thence by the Wolga and the Don; two rivers which rise in Russia, and, after nearly meeting together, fall into the Caspian Sea, and the Black Sea. By ascending the Wolga a short distance, and descending the Don, with only a few miles of land- carriage, the produce of India arrived at the Black Sea, and Constantinople became the emporium of the Indian trade. This was a great stroke to Venice and Genoa, {51} which rivalled each other in bringing the Asiatic commodities, for the supply of Europe, through the old channels. This jealousy of each other, and of Constantinople, was at its height when the crusades carried most of the princes and nobles of Europe to Venice and Constantinople. The Venetians, merely a mercantile people, with little territory or power, neither gave nor received umbrage from those warlike chiefs; but it was not so with Constantinople, the seat of a great empire; so that the crusaders and Venetians united against that power, and the eastern emperors were compelled to divide their city into four parts: the sovereignty of one part fell to the lot of the Venetians, who, for more than half a century, had by this means a decided superiority over both its rivals, and engrossed nearly the whole commerce of the East. The Genoese and Greek emperors now found -- {51} In the chart which I have given, Venice and Genoa are put together, as if one, though they were rivals, and the prosperity of the one injured the other; but as nearly situated the same, and neither being considered as a nation, but merely as an abode of commerce, I did not think it necessary to distinguish them in the general history more than the variations that take place between the different cities of the same country. If, however, I should do the chart on a large scale, I should certainly separate them, and shew their rises and falls minutely. -=- [end of page #56] it their interest to unite against Venice, and the Genoese, by supporting their ally with money, expelled the Venetians from Constantinople. The imperial family was reinstated, and the Genoese had the suburbs of Pera as a reward for their assistance. This quarter of the city the Genoese fortified, and the Venetians were compelled to return to their old channels by Egypt and Syria. {52} During those contests, Florence arose, and became a rival both to Venice and Genoa; and some degree of civilization, or, at least, a taste for the luxuries and produce of the East was brought into the north of Europe by those who returned from the crusades. The consumption of Asiatic produce in the North, occasioned depots to be established, and Bruges and Antwerp became to the north, what Venice and Genoa were to the south of Europe. The Hans Towns rose to wealth and opulence just about that period; but the effects of wealth acquired by commerce in the north were found to be different from what they had been in southern climates. Italy was going to decay, while three of its cities were increasing in splendour; but, in the north, the riches acquired by the cities set industry at work: manufactures were improved, and affluence and the comforts of life became more generally diffused than they had ever before been, or than they are in the southern countries even at the present day. While Constantinople was thus rivalling the cities of Italy, a new revolution took place there, which overturned the Greek empire, and established that of the Ottomans. When Mahomet II. mounted the throne, the Genoese were expelled from Pera, {53} and Venice regained the preponderance in eastern --- {52} The depot of India commerce being in the Crimea, which is near the mouth of the Wolga, is a strong reason for believing the trade was carried on through the Caspian Sea; but it has been asserted, that the chief route was directly by land from the Tigris to the Black Sea. This seems a very good way; but, in that case, why cross the Black Sea to go to the Crimea? Any one who looks at the map will be able to judge that as being very unlikely. Doctor Robertson, however, has taken no notice of this difficulty. Two things are certain: that the depot was in the Crimea, and that merchants never go out of their road without having some cause for doing it. The reader must then determine for himself. {53} Before the Genoese were expelled, their insolence and avarice had time to display themselves in their full extent; about the year thirteen hundred and forty, says an eye-witness, [end of page #57] (Nicepho[r/i]as [illeg.] Gregoras,) they dreamed that they had acquired the dominion of the sea, and claimed an exclusive right to the trade of the Euxine, prohibiting the Greeks to sail to the Chersonesus, or any part beyond the mouth of the Danube, without a licence from them. The Venetians were not excepted, and the arrogance of the Genoese went so far as to form a scheme for imposing a toll on every vessel passing through the Bosphorous. -=- commerce, which she maintained, till the discovery of the passage by the Cape of Good Hope, which opened a new channel, more certain, much less expensive, and not so liable to interruption from the revolutions that nations are liable to. It is deserving of observation, that whatever alterations took place in the channel through which the India trade was carried on, whatever were the vicissitudes or the difficulties, the trade itself never was suspended; so great was the propensity of those who were affluent in the West, to enjoy the productions of the East. {54} The vicissitudes of this eastern commerce were thus very great in former times. The wealth and arrogance which the possession of it produced, and the envy it excited, may, in general, be ascribed as the cause; indeed it is not certain whether the envy of the Genoese, at the success of the Venetians, did not make them, in an underhand manner, favour those attempts to find out a new channel which might destroy the prosperity of a haughty and successful rival. {55} Whether it was so or not, it is certain that the discovery of the passage by the Cape of Good Hope was not accidental; but that the Portuguese were induced to listen to the proposal of trading to India by that route, under the certainty of rivalling the greatest commercial city of the world, if she should succeed. Though no new channel can now be expected, and the present one is every day becoming more easy and frequented, yet the capricious shiftings of the India trade were not ended by this new discovery. Instead of the contest being, as formerly, between cities situated on --- {54} The prices of Asiatic produce were exorbitant. Silk was sold for its weight in gold; and a Roman emperor refused his empress the luxury, or rather the splendour, of a silk gown. {55} Amongst the passions that get hold of rivals in commerce, that of envy is so great, when avarice is defeated, that, to humble a successful rival, they will meet ruin themselves, without fear, and even with satisfaction. -=- [end of page #58] the borders of the Mediterranean Sea, those maritime powers who navigated the main ocean became the contending parties. There are only two ways by which wealth is accumulated and brought into few hands; the one by compulsion and levying taxes, the other by producing or procuring objects of desire; for a small quantity of which, people give up a great portion of their labour. Sovereigns have amassed wealth and possessed revenue by the first means, and the use they have put it to has been magnificence in building, or in great or useful works, for war, or for pleasure. The wealth obtained by the other means, of which the trade to the East seems to have been the chief, produced a different effect. In Italy it occasioned the invention of bills of exchange, and gave encouragement to the fine arts, and to some manufactures. In the north of Europe it infused a general spirit for trade and manufactures; for the luxuries of the East only served to teach the people of the north the necessity of acquiring comfort by manufacturing the produce of their own country. To improve the arts of weaving, to make woollen and linen cloths of a finer texture, was very natural, after having seen the silks and muslins that came from India; particularly to people living in a cold climate, where a more substantial covering was wanted, and where the materials were in abundance. It was, accordingly, in Flanders, and the adjacent country, that the modern spirit of manufactures rose up, nourished by the wealth which the ancient commerce of India had produced. In the early ages, when the Tyrians had this trade, they amassed great wealth, though they had not any large countries to supply; for, probably, neither Egypt nor the eastern part of Syria would receive the produce by so circuitous a road. But, during the first ages, sacrifices to the gods and the funeral ceremonies consumed vast quantities of aromatics of every sort, as well as the enjoyments of the living. The two former causes of request for aromatics have long been at an end, owing to the changes in religion. They are now neither burned on the altar nor at the grave; and custom and taste, which are to a certain [end of page #59] degree variable and arbitrary, have lessened the consumption of some, and others have been supplied by the progress that we have ourselves made in manufactures. {56} While this diminution of consumption took place, the western world was advancing in civilization, and the progress of wealth became vastly more extended; so that if the consumers of eastern luxuries were less profuse in the use of them, they were, at the same time, greatly increased in number. The taste for tea, alone, which was introduced not much above a century ago, has alone, overbalanced all the others, and it is still augmenting in Europe; besides the discovery of a new quarter of the world rapidly increasing in population, into which the custom of drinking tea, as in Britain, has been introduced also. The reasonable price at which an article can be afforded, always augments the consumption: and though we have no criterion to go by in judging of the prices in former times, yet it is certain they must have been very great. At the time when silk was sold for its weight in gold, that metal was compared with common labour of six times the value that it is now; silk was, then, at least three hundred times as dear as it is now; indeed, even that extravagant price scarcely accounts for the parsimony of the Roman emperor, who refused his wife a robe of that rich material. {57} Though new discoveries have robbed Egypt and Syria for ever of the commerce of the East; and though the loss of trade was the proximate cause of the degradation, yet both countries had long been desolate and --- {56} Wrought silks, muslins, and porcelains. Cotton stuffs are now no longer bought as formerly, so that, except in porcelain, the raw material is the only object of commerce. The silk worm was introduced into Italy during the time that the intercourse with the East was very difficult, and therefore had not the increase of wealth, and a taste for new articles extended the demand and brought a new one, the trade would at last have been nearly done away. {57} The carriage is 24 L. a ton backwards and forwards, or out and home, which is only equal to what is paid in England by land for 500 miles. Indeed, none but articles of a very great value and high price could pay for the carriage by any of the channels hitherto discovered but that of the Cape. -=- [end of page #60] degraded before this change happened; for though the commerce came through their countries, the riches it produced centred in Italy. Syria had long become a desert, and the ruined palaces were become the habitations of scorpions, reptiles, and beasts of prey, long before those discoveries which seemed to have sealed their doom. That discovery only completed what had long been begun, and rendered permanent and irrevocable what might otherwise have been altered. {58} At the rate at which this trade now goes on to increase, all the gold and silver mines in the West, will soon be insufficient to afford enough of the precious metals to pay for produce from that country: for few European manufactures are taken in return. This is laying a foundation for a great revolution, either in manners or in nations at some future day. It is extraordinary that, from the earliest ages, the inhabitants of India have been receiving gold and silver from all other countries, and yet, that those metals are not so abundant there as with European nations. As our demand for the produce of the mines increases in order to send remittances in specie to that country, the mines themselves diminish in their produce, so that whatever change this may bring on, can be at no very great distance. {59} --- {58} What Dr. Robertson says of Palmyra may be applied nearly to all the cities in Asia and Africa that shared in this commerce. "Palmyra, after the conquest by Aurelian never revived." At present, a few miserable huts of beggarly Arabs are scattered in the courts of its stately temples, or deform its elegant porticoes, and exhibit a humiliating contrast to its ancient magnificence. {59} If the taste of the Anglo Americans for tea continues, allowing one pound to each person in the year, which is very little, one hundred millions of pounds weight will be annually wanted in less than half a century. -=- [end of page #61] CHAP. VII. _Of the Causes that brought on the Decline of the Nations that had flourished in the middle Ages, and of Portugal, Spain, Holland, and the Hans Towns_. The trade with India, which had been almost the only one, and always an occasion for envy and contest, was sought for by the Spaniards and the Portuguese; who, as we have seen, were the first amongst modern nations that seemed to aspire at naval discovery. The manner in which Spain discovered America; and Portugal, the passage by the Cape of Good Hope, both nearly at the same period, and at the beginning of the sixteenth century, is too well known to require the smallest detail. Europeans, with the superior degree of knowledge they possessed, and particularly that of the use of fire-arms: incited also by the love of gold; and careless of keeping their word with the unsuspecting natives, soon triumphed wherever they went, and the consequence was, that both nations brought home immense riches. The trade of Venice, Alexandria, and Aleppo, was all transferred to Lisbon, {60} and never was so small a country so suddenly enriched; and it may be added, more quickly deprived afterwards of the chief source of its wealth. The Dutch had triumphed over the power of Spain, on their own soil, and they soon rivalled that of Portugal in the East. It was a very different thing to combat the natives, and to fight with the Dutch, who very soon deprived Portugal of the rich means of wealth she had discovered in India. The prosperity of Portugal, arising from its possession =sic= in the East, continued at its height exactly a century. Its decline is accounted for by the following causes. --- {60} Lisbon had its depot for the north of Europe, at Antwerp, and the value of the consignments have been estimated at a million of crowns, annually; but this is, probably, an exaggeration. -=- [end of page #62] Its domineering principles, too great an extent of conquests, which were widely scattered, and the haughtiness of the Portuguese, both towards the natives and Europeans; the envy and rivalship which brought the Dutch into the same countries; a great want of attention and energy; and, lastly, giving a preference to the trade to the Brazils. The Brazils had been first discovered by the Portuguese, afterwards seized upon by the Dutch, whom they, however, expelled about the middle of the sixteenth century; that is, about fifty years after its first discovery, and an equal period of time previous to the decline of their trade in India. The possession of the whole of this lucrative trade, that had enriched so many great nations, and that by so easy a channel, and without almost any contest, for nearly a whole century, had so enriched the small kingdom of Portugal, that after being too eager, and grasping at too much, it was almost ready to resign the whole without a struggle, had it not been for some reasons of another sort. {61} So immense was the influx of wealth, from the united sources of India and the Brazils, that the former, which has been at every other period the object of ambition of all nations, and is so still, was considered as scarcely worth retaining. It is almost unnecessary to add, that from that moment Portugal has been on the decline. If ever the cup of prosperity ran over, in large streams, it was then; and when the possession of the trade to India was scarcely thought worth preserving, it is clear that no great efforts could be made to encourage internal industry. Spain, extensive and powerful before it discovered the Indies, did not so immediately feel the effects of the wealth imported, as the Portuguese had done; but its prosperity was of less duration, though the decline was not quite so rapid. The Dutch must have known the effects of wealth on a nation, else --- {61} It was debated in council, at Lisbon, whether it would be worth while to keep India, the wealth from the Brazils was so much more easily obtained. A scruple of conscience, least =sic= the missionaries should be destroyed, turned the scale in favour of retaining the trade of India!! -=- [end of page #63] they would scarcely have tried to throw off the yoke of Spain, at the very moment when it appeared in its greatest splendour and power. {62} Insolence and pride, we have too often had occasion to remark, accompany wealth; and Philip was no more proof against its effects, than those potentates who had gone before him.--There was a great resemblance between the project of invading England, with the invincible armada, as it was called, and the attack on Greece by the King of Persia. That monarch must have thought very meanly of England, to suppose that the island could be conquered by 30,000 men, even if they could have made good their landing. Indeed, to try such an experiment on a nation that had supported its claim to valour so well at Agincourt and Cressy, and which was not, in any respect, degenerated, manifests his being blinded by the effects of wealth and greatness. The consequence was, a gradual decline of the affairs of his kingdom; so that, in little less than a century, England placed a king on the throne of Spain. Though the effect produced on Spain was not so rapid as on Portugal, it was, in some respects, more irretrievable. The vast numbers of persons who quitted that country, in quest of gold, injured its population, already reduced by the expulsion of the Moors, who were the most industrious of its inhabitants. The wealth that came to Spain, came in a very unequal distribution, which is a considerable disadvantage, and hastens on that state of things which is the natural forerunner of the decay of a nation. Wealth, arising by commerce, however great its quantity, must be distributed with some degree of equality; but the great adventurers in the gold mines only shared with their sovereign, and the whole of their wealth came in prodigious quantities, pouring in upon the country. {63} --- {62} Though the Dutch were subject to Spain, yet that had not prevented them from acting in an independent manner in their modes of following trade and commerce. {63} We see an example of this in our own trade to India. Captains of ships, merchants, and all those who get money by that trade, come home with moderate fortunes; but the governors, and civil and military officers, who have been settled in the country, come home with princely fortunes, and eclipse the old nobility of the country. -=- [end of page #64] Both Spain and Portugal, finding that wealth came with such ease from India and America, neglected industry. This, indeed, was a very natural consequence; and, when the sources of their riches began to dry up, they found, though too late, that instead of having increased in wealth, they had only been enriching more industrious nations, and ruining themselves. The gold that arrives from the West passes through the hands of its masters with almost the same rapidity as if they were only agents for the English and the Dutch; so chimerical an idea is that of wealth existing without industry. The Dutch were the only rivals of the Portuguese in the East Indies; for though other nations came afterwards in for a share, yet the transition from wealth to weakness was already made by the Portuguese, before any of them had begun to set seriously to work, in acquiring possessions, or in carrying on trade with that country. Portugal thus fell, merely from the rivalship of a more industrious and less advanced nation, after having embraced more territory than she had power to keep. Spain fell, because she had embraced a wrong object as a source of riches. {64} The Hans Towns, which owed their prosperity, partly to their own wisdom and perseverance, in the beginning, and partly to the contempt with which sovereigns, in the days of chivalry, viewed commerce, might, with very little penetration, and much less exertion of wisdom than they had displayed, have seen that the spirit of commerce was becoming general, and that moderation and prudence were necessary to preserve them in their proud situation; but the prudence which they possessed at first had given way to pride, and abandoned them; and the first great stroke they received was from Queen Elizabeth. The ruin of so widely-extended a confederacy could not be astonishing, and, indeed, was a natural consequence of the changes in the manners of the times: but it was not so with Flanders. There was nothing to have prevented the Flemish from continuing to enjoy wealth, and follow up industry, except in the rivalship of other nations, --- {64} So short a time did the wealth remain in the country, that, when the famous armada was fitted out against England, a loan of money was solicited, from Genoa, for the purpose. -=- [end of page #65] particularly of Holland and England; for, though France was farther advanced, as a manufacturing and wealthy nation, than England, yet it was not in the same line of industry with the people of the Netherlands, whose prosperity was not therefore injured by it in the same degree. As for the Dutch, they continued to increase in wealth till the end of the seventeenth century, and their decline requires a more particular attention. In addition to their great industry, the fisheries, and art of curing fish, the Dutch excelled in making machines of various sorts, and became the nation that supplied others with materials, in a state ready prepared for manufacturing: this was a new branch of business, and very lucrative, for, as the machines were kept a secret, the abbreviation of labour was great, and the materials had still the advantage in their sale that a raw material has over manufactured goods; so that the advantages were almost beyond example. Add to all this, that the Dutch were the first who established the banking system, (copying in part from the Italians,) on a solid plan. The advantages that Holland enjoyed were, indeed, all of its own procuring, but they were numerous and inappretiable, without counting the trade to India, of which it enjoyed a greater share than any other nation, for a considerable period. No nation has shewn, so completely as the Dutch, how exterior enemies may be repelled, and difficulties overcome, while there is a true attention to the real welfare of the country. The exertions of the Romans, to conquer others, scarcely surpassed those of the Dutch to preserve themselves, when they were in a state of necessity; but, when they became affluent, energy and unanimity left them. The manufacturers became merchants, and the merchants became agents and carriers; so that the solid sources of riches gradually disappeared. All this time, taxation increased, and though no nation ever allowed its manners to be less corrupted by the possession of wealth, yet there was a sensible change; but the change in the way of thinking was the most pernicious. Discontent with the government, and disagreements amongst themselves, completed their misfortunes, while England was [end of page #66] all the time endeavouring to supplant them in the most beneficial sources of their wealth. The Dutch, fairly sunk by that rivalship, and natural change of things, which transfers the seat of wealth and commerce from one nation to another. There was no violent revolution, no invasion by an enemy; it was the silent operation of that cause of decline, which has been already mentioned in the Second Chapter, and will be farther and more particularly illustrated and explained. The Dutch had a superabundance of capital; the interest of money was low; and wealth had begun to leave Holland long before the symptoms of decay became visible; by which means, the trade of other countries was encouraged, and, as always will be the case, capital emigrated, the moment it could find secure employment, and greater profits than were to be obtained at home. The leading causes of the decline of Holland may be distinguished thus: The taxes were gradually increasing. Its superiority in manufactures over other countries was continually diminishing; consequently, industry was not so well rewarded, and less active. The merchants preferred safe agencies for foreigners to trading on their own bottom, thereby lending their credit. Dutch capital was employed to purchase goods in one country and sell them in another: so that the Dutch became carriers for others, instead of manufacturing and carrying for themselves. The trade to India, and the banking business, were both taken up by other nations; so that Holland then lost her superiority in these branches. Thus circumstanced, Holland was gradually sinking, when political troubles, the end of which it is not easy to foresee, put her at the feet of France: an event that would not have happened in the manner it did, when the true spirit of patriotism reigned, that distinguished her in her more prosperous days. From this, at least, there is one distinct lesson to be learnt, that however it may be natural for nations to lose a superiority, owing to arts, inventions, or foreign trade, yet, if the minds of the people and their manners remain pure, they will not be degraded, by falling a prey to an enemy. When Holland was not rich [end of page #67] it resisted Spain in all her glory, during a very hard, arduous, and continued struggle; but then the people were united as one man: there were no traitors to raise a voice for Spain against their country. When Holland was wealthy, it did not even attempt to resist France when invaded; but then Holland was divided, and there were in every city men, who wished more for the plunder than the prosperity of their country. In viewing the fall of those nations that sunk before the discovery of America, the eastern empire was the last that attracted attention. It had been reduced by the Turks, with a vigour and energy that promised a renovation, which, however, it did not effect. The Turks brought with them the Mahometan religion, which has debased the manners and degraded the minds of every people. Constantinople, by this change, lost the remains of ancient learning and of commerce, which even the weakness of the emperors, and the repeated wars, had not been able entirely to destroy. The Greeks were reduced to a state of subordination and slavery, but the Turks were not civilized. They adopted what was luxurious and effeminate of Grecian manners, yet still retained their former ignorance and ferocity. Amongst modern nations, the Turkish government is, in form, a monster, and its existence an enigma; yet it extended its sway over all that was most valuable or most splendid in the ancient world. Greece, Egypt, Phoenicia, Syria, the three Arabias, and countries then but little known, are subject to a brutish people, who do not even condescend to mix with the inhabitants of the country, but who rule over them in a manner the most humiliating and disgraceful. {65} The Turkish government has never been powerful. The city of Venice was always its equal at sea; and, as it disdains to adopt the systems of other nations, it is every day becoming weaker, in comparison with them. It has formerly maintained successful struggles against --- {65} In all other conquests, the conquered and the conquerors have become, at last, one people, when they have settled in the same country, whether Christians or Pagans; but the Turks and Greeks keep as distinct to this day as at the first, and this is probably owing to the nature of the Turkish religion. --- [end of page #68] Germany, Poland, and Russia; but that time is now over, and it owes its present existence to the jealousy of other powers. It is possessed of a greater quantity of good territory than all the leading nations of Europe, Russia excepted; and it is not the interest of men living in less favoured climates, to endeavour to renovate the country of Alexander, and of the other great nations of antiquity. The Turkish nation is represented as greatly on the decline, but, soon after its establishment, it had every vice that could well exist in a government, and its greatest weakness now arises more from the alteration produced in other nations for the better, than in itself for the worse. The difficulty of keeping people in ignorance is becoming every day greater; and when the Ottoman throne falls the usual order of things will be reversed. For, as other governments may attribute their destruction to corruption of manners, and to ignorance, the Turkish government looks there for its security; and the day that any reasonable degree of light breaks in amongst its subjects will be its last. To endeavour tracing the causes of decline in a state that owes its existence to its defects, and is in every respect different from other nations, would be useless in the present Inquiry, it has only been noticed to shew, that, in the infinite variety of things, some may owe their existence to what is in general the cause of destruction. [end of page #69] CHAP. VII. [=sic=--error in printer's copy, should read VIII.] _General View and Analysis of the Causes that operated in producing the Decline of all Nations, with a Chart, representing the Rise, Fall, and Migrations of Wealth, in all different Countries, from the Year 1500, before the Birth of Christ, to the End of the Eighteenth Century, --a Period of 3300 Years_. From the revolutions that have taken place amongst wealthy and powerful nations to the present time, though the origin has been owing to very different causes, and the decline and removal from one place to another has been attended with circumstances not similar; yet the same leading cause for that decline may not only be traced easily and distinctly, but is so evident that it is impossible for it to be overlooked or mistaken. Local situation, or temporary circumstances, have always afforded the first means of rising to wealth and greatness. The minds of men, in a poor state, seem never to have neglected an opportunity, presented either by the one or the other, and they have generally proved successful, till energy of mind and industry were banished, by the habits of luxury, negligence, and pride, which accompany, or at least soon follow, the acquisition of either. Where wealth has been acquired first, power has generally been sought for afterwards; and, where power came first, it has always sought the readiest road to wealth, by attacking those who were in possession of it. The nations and cities on the borders of the Mediterranean Sea, where arts and commerce first began, where agriculture flourished, and population had risen to a high pitch, carried on perpetual struggles to supplant each other; and, in those struggles, the most wealthy generally sunk under; till Alexander, the first great conqueror, with whose history we are tolerably well acquainted, reduced them all to [end of page #70] his yoke; one small and brave people triumphing over the Egyptian and Assyrian empires, where wealth and luxury had already produced their effects. Though this triumph of poverty over riches was very complete, except in one single instance, it did not occasion any real change, either in the abodes of wealth, or the channels of commerce. Tyre, the richest commercial city till then, was ruined, to make way for the prosperity of Alexandria, which became the most wealthy; drawing great part of the commerce from Carthage on the west, and taking the whole from Rhinocolura on the east: but, in Egypt and Syria, Babylon and Memphis still remained great cities. The whole of this ancient world was for a moment under one chief, but was soon again divided amongst the generals who succeeded to that great conqueror; and the Egyptian and Persian empires became rivals, as Egypt and Syria had been before. The Grecian nations still remained the chief seats of civilization and the fine arts; and this continued till the Romans, originally a poorer people than the Macedonians, conquered the whole. This was the second great triumph of poverty and energy over wealth and grandeur, and, in this struggle, Greece itself fell. The effects of wealth were not less formidable to the Romans themselves, than they had been to those nations they had enabled that brave and warlike people to conquer; so that the mistress of the world, in her turn, fell before nations that were rude and barbarous, but uncorrupted by wealth and luxury. The conquerors of Rome were too rude, and too many in number, to become themselves enervated by wealth, which disappeared under their rapacious grasp, and which they neither had the art nor inclination to preserve. This invasion of the fertile and rich provinces by men rude and ignorant, but who came from northern climates, established a new order of things; and only a small remnant of former wealth and greatness was preserved in Egypt and at Constantinople. For several centuries of war and confusion commerce and the arts appear to have been undervalued and neglected; but still the taste [end of page #71] for oriental luxuries was not entirely banished, and, at the first interval of peace and safety, sprung up again. It was then that Alexandria, Venice, Genoa, and Constantinople, became the channels through which the people of Europe procured the luxuries of Asia. Babylon, Memphis, Palmyra, and all the other great cities of antiquity, were no more; even Greece had lost its arts and splendour; Alexandria and Constantinople were repeatedly assailed, taken, and conquered, by the barbarians, who envied their wealth, but who still found an interest in continuing them as channels for procuring to European nations the refinements of the East. Though Venice and Genoa were wealthy, they were but small, and of little importance; and all the nations who might have crushed them at a blow, only considering them as sea-ports of convenience and utility, allowed them to remain independent. As an intercourse had been established between the northern and southern parts, a taste for the luxuries of Asia had extended to the shores of the Baltic, soon after the victorious arms of Charlemagne had carried there some degree of civilization, and the Christian religion. Then it was that a new and more widely-extended system of commerce, but something like what had formerly existed in Tyre and Carthage, began in all the maritime towns of Europe, when Italy and Flanders became the most wealthy parts of Europe. A spirit of chivalry, and a desire of conquest, not founded on the same principles with the conquests of ancient nations, or of Rome, to obtain wealth, pervaded all Europe, and the greatest confusion prevailed. In the history of wealth and power, as connected together, this is a chasm. Those who had power despised wealth, and were seeking after what they esteemed more--military glory; and wealth was confined to a number of insulated spots, and possessed by men who were merchants, without any share of power or authority. This extraordinary and unprecedented state of things gave rise to the Hanseatic League, which rose at last to such importance that those who had been so long seeking after glory, without finding it, began to see the importance which was derived from wealth. They began to see that, even in the pursuit of their favourite object, wealth was an ex- [end of page #72] cellent assistant, and the friendship of merchants begun =sic= to be solicited by princes, as in the days of Tyre and Sidon. This progress was greatly facilitated and accelerated by the crusades, which, at the same time that they beggared half the nobility of Europe, gave them a taste for the refinements of the East, and taught them to set some value on the means by which such refinements could be procured. In this manner were things proceeding, when three great discoveries changed the situation of mankind. {66} The mariners compass, gunpowder, and the art of printing, were all discovered nearly about the same time; and, independent of their great and permanent effects, they were wonderfully calculated to alter the situation of nations at that period. The navigation of the ocean, which led to the discovery of a passage to the East Indies, and of America, gave a mortal blow to the nations situated on the borders of the Mediterranean Sea, who thus found themselves deprived of the commerce of the East. The discovery of gunpowder, a means so powerful of annoying an enemy, without the aid of human force, which places a giant and a dwarf in some sort upon an equality, was wonderfully adapted for doing away the illusions of knight errantry, that had such a powerful effect in making war be preferred to commerce: while printing facilitated the communication of every species of knowledge. It was then that northern nations began to cultivate arts and sciences, as those of the south under a mild heaven, and on a fertile soil, had done three thousand years before. But ingenuity and invention took a different direction in the north from what they had done in the southern climates; instead of sovereigns and slaves, men were more in mutual want of each other, and therefore a more equal division of the fruits of industry was required. The manufactures of former times had been confined chiefly to luxuries for the great, and simple necessaries for slaves; and commerce, though productive of great wealth to a few, was in its limits equally confined. --- {66} For the dates see the chart, and for their effects, chap. i. book ii. [Transcriber's note: See in the Chart "Mariners Compass /Gunpowder/Printing Invented 1300-1400"]. -=- [end of page #73] It was natural that the two nations which had first discovered the passage to the East, and the continent of the West, which abounded with the precious metals, should become rich and powerful, as those cities had formerly done that possessed exclusively the channels of commerce. Those two countries were Spain and Portugal; but here again we find the same fatality attend the acquisition of wealth that had formerly been remarked. It was, indeed, not to be expected, that the steadiness and virtue of the Spaniards and Portuguese could resist the operation of a cause, that neither the wisdom of the Egyptians; the arts and industry of Greece, nor the stubborn and martial patriotism of the Romans could withstand. Those two nations soon sunk, and the Dutch, the French, and the English, became participators of the commerce. Manufactures were a new source of wealth, almost unknown to the ancient world. Those begun first to be set in activity in Flanders, then in Holland and France, and, last of all, in England; but, like commerce, and every other means by which wealth is acquired, they have a tendency to leave a country. The cause and the effect are at variance, after a certain time; and though we cannot illustrate this from history, as we may the migrations of wealth arising from other sources, the tendency appears of the same nature, though with this difference; that men may always labour for themselves, and enjoy the fruits of their labours, though they cannot always find the means of being the carriers to other nations, or becoming merchants. This alteration in the nature of wealth; the inventions of mankind; the alterations brought on by the facility of communicating knowledge; the systematical manner in which men pursue their interests, and other changes: give reason to hope that, in the present situation of things, those possessions may be rendered permanent, that have hitherto been found to be so evanescent and fugitive. Where wealth has not been wrested from a country by absolute force, (in doing which the poorer nations were always successful,) it has emigrated from other causes, and taken up its abode amongst a new people, where circumstances were more favourable for its encouragement. [end of page #74] Before we leave this recapitulation, it is necessary, however, to take notice of one revolution that did not take place on similar principles with the others, so far as wealth and luxury are in question; but which has in some respects a similarity, and, in others, is precisely the reverse. About two centuries and a half ago, the Polish nation was one of the most powerful in Europe; Russia could not then, nor for long after, contend with it. The Prussians were its vassals; and the capital of the German empire, when besieged by the Turks, in 1650, owed its safety to the Poles, its brave and faithful allies. Such was the case; but, at this day, the Polish nation is no longer in existence: it is subdued, parcelled out, and divided, amongst those very powers, to any of which it was at least equal, and to the others superior, at so late a period. It may be asked, whether Poland was one of those states that has been borne down by its own wealth and opulence? If its ambition, injustice, or any of the other causes so prominent in the decline of nations, operated in the total extinction of it from the rank of independent states? Not one of those causes operated, but still it is not altogether an exception to the general rule. When the feudal system was established all over Europe, nations under its influence were so far on an equality; and as they all emerged from that situation nearly about the same time, Poland excepted, they still preserved their relative situations. The Poles, during this change in other states, comparatively lost power. Amongst the alterations produced, was that of placing in the hands of the sovereign all the disposable revenue and force of a country, with which standing armies were maintained. Those irregular militias, till then composed of the barons and their retainers; a species of force, at best, far inferior to regular armies, became useless; but particularly so, after the modes of fighting had been changed by the invention of gunpowder, and the adoption of large trains of artillery, which could never have been employed in the feudal armies. The disposable force of Poland and its revenues did not, by any means, keep pace with those of neighbouring nations; and what was still worse, the strength of that unfortunate country was divided; the [end of page #75] monarchy was elective, and foreign influence had a means of exertion, which, under a hereditary line of kings, is not practicable. Poland was not only weaker than its neighbours, but became a prey to intestine divisions, cabal, and intrigue. Though Poland was not wealthy, according to the meaning applied to that word, it was a populous and fertile country, and therefore a desirable possession to the neighbouring states. To Prussia, a most ambitious and aggrandising power, with a military government, and of a very limited extent, it was peculiarly desirable. To Russia, extensive as it is, the fruitful territory was also an object of ambition, from its proximity to the seat of an empire, the most fertile and fine provinces of which lie at a distance. The same desire of possessing what they wanted, operating at the same time on two neighbouring nations, occasioned them to unite their power in a first dismemberment of Poland, for their mutual benefit. The interior convulsions of the country served as a pretext, and its weakness furnished the means of executing the design. In 1772, that independent country first lost some of its finest provinces; but this was only a prelude to its final fall. The nature of ambition is to augment with success, and as the same divisions continued in the state, a pretence for a farther interference in its affairs was easily found; and, in 1794, Poland ceased to be one of the number of European states. In this last seizure, the house of Austria had no immediate hand. It was, however, necessary to have its consent: and, as the aggrandisement of Prussia was not an object of indifference to Austria, participation in the spoils was proposed, as the price of acquiescence, and it was readily accepted. In this case, the weakness of Poland, and the ambition of its rivals and neighbours, were the immediate causes of its destruction; but that weakness arose from a want of true patriotism and proper attention in the people themselves. Jealous of liberties, and disobedient to their king, the Poles were slaves to the feudal proprietors of the soil. Though the first cause was different, yet their divisions and quarrels were the same in effect, as if they had proceeded from real causes of discontent, and a deranged state of society, such as we have seen, when the love of the country is lost. In Poland, that love of the country [end of page #76] was not lost, but it was badly directed, which is nearly the same thing; at least, it is equally dangerous. Why, it may be asked, did not the other powers of Europe interfere? To this, indeed, it would be difficult to give a satisfactory answer. Those who did not interfere, probably, may have cause to repent their indifference. It was an infraction of that sort of federation of nations, which had been found necessary to prevent a repetition of conquests like those of Alexander, or of the Romans; yet, still there is a way of accounting for their conduct, though it cannot be vindicated. In the first place, Poland lays =sic= remote from those powerful nations that have had the greatest sway in modern times. It was not very easy to interfere with great efficacy; besides, as Poland was previously under foreign influence, the essential evil was done. The example of partitions, indeed, was not given, but it is not impossible that some powers on the continent, though they got no share, might not be sorry to see such an example. Britain and Spain certainly could not wish for the example, but others might, and others probably did wish for it. The first division was, besides, only a beginning; some degree of moderation was preserved, and Poland was only mutilated; it was not destroyed. The case was not entirely new, nor without example. The second and last division took place at a time when the nations whose interest it was, and whose wish it might have been to interfere, had not the means of doing so. It was when the republican frenzy in France was at its most desperate height, and whom =sic= the whole of civilized Europe appeared to be in danger. There is one more excuse to be found. The aspect of affairs in Poland resembled, with regard to its revolutions, those of France so much, that those, who at another time would have probably interfered, were rather inclined to co-operate in stifling a rising flame in the north, similar to that which had endangered the whole of the south of Europe. In all this, the thing the most difficult to be accounted for, is the conduct of the Polish nation; but an inquiry into the causes of that would be quite foreign to the present subject: this is, however, an instance of the danger arising from not keeping pace with other nations [end of page #77] in those arts of government, and internal policy, which constitute the power of nations in the general order of things, whatever that may be. Although we have seldom found intestine divisions carried to so blameable a length in any other nation that was not corrupt in itself, yet, it is clear, that the influence obtained by the wealth of its neighbours was at the bottom of those highly blameable, and dreadfully fatal divisions. When aggrandisement is the aim of modern states, there will not now be any difficulty of pleading example; and there is one of those very powers that on this occasion participated in the division which has all the seeds of discord in itself that brought on the ruin of the Polish empire. That power has already felt the effect of example; and, though it may repine, it cannot complain, as it might otherwise have done; or if it does, it cannot expect equal commiseration. EXPLANATION OF THE PLATE INTENDED TO ILLUSTRATE THE RISE AND FALL OF NATIONS. In the chart, at the beginning of the work, the lines, from top to bottom, represent the division of time into centuries, each indicating the year, marked under and above it, in the same way that has been adopted in Dr. Priestley's Chart of Universal History, in works of chronology, and in statements of commerce and finance. The countries that have flourished, whether by commerce, or any other means are supposed to be represented by the parallel spaces from right to left, according to the names written on the right hand. The rise of the black part, something like a distant range of low mountains, shews at what periods the country was great; when its greatness began and when it ended. This plan would be unexceptionally correct, if the materials for it could be procured; but if they were, it would not lead to any very different conclusion from what it does in its present state. The times, when the elevation began, and its duration are exact. The rises and falls are, as nearly as I am able, estimated from existing documents. The part shaded of a darkish colour, and growing gradually lighter at both edges, represent those centuries of ignorance which succeeded the fall of the Roman empire. [end of page #78] At the bottom, on the part not stained, is a chronological list of events, inventions, and discoveries, connected with the subject. Those which are not, however, important or curious, have no place. The commerce of France, Britain, Russia, and America, are upon a true scale with respect to their proportional amount, as well as to their rise and progress. The others are not, owing to want of documents; but, as before observed, the amount has very little to do with the subject; the business is to see how wealth and power were divided at any particular time, if they were rising or falling, or if they were at their height, comparing them with the manners of the people at the time. This is the use of the chart, as to the representation of individual places and nations. The general conclusion is, from taking the whole together, that wealth and power have never been long permanent in any place. That they never have been renewed when once destroyed, though they have had rises and falls, and that they travel over the face of the earth, something like a caravan of merchants. On their arrival, every thing is found green and fresh; while they remain all is bustle and abundance, and, when gone, all is left trampled down, barren, and bare. This chart is a sort of a picture, intended to make those migrations and change of place distinct and easily conceived, on which the whole of this book has been occupied. Being once acquainted with the changes that have taken place, we may more accurately compare them with the state of this country at the present time. Those who will take the trouble to read Ferguson's History of the Roman Republic, and Gibbon's Decline and Fall of the Empire, may form a judgement of the accuracy or inaccuracy of the chart. EXAMPLE OF THE MANNER OF INSPECTING THE CHART. To know when Rome was at the highest pitch of greatness, find, on the right hand, the space marked Roman empire: then look between the lines for the highest part of the dark ground, and look immediately under for the year, it will be seen to be at the birth of Christ, that is, during the reign of Augustus; and by the same means it will be found declining gradually till the year 490. [end of page #79] In like manner, Carthage will be found at the zenith of its power about 300 years before Christ. The founding of Alexandria and the wars with Rome began then to diminish both its wealth and power. It is intended by the author of this to execute a chart of the same sort on a very large scale, and assign to the different powers spaces proportioned to their importance, as nearly as he can ascertain. With respect to the chronology of this chart, to prevent criticisms which might perhaps be made; but do not apply to it, according to the purpose for which it was constructed, the reader is requested to observe, that I am desirous of illustrating a very important investigation, by representing a very confused and long series of events. The result to be derived from this, is not to be affected by any small inaccuracy. In counting before the birth of Christ, having found many different opinions, and much uncertainty relative to dates, (which I neither have abilities nor inclination to investigate,) I measured backwards, without pretending to settle the year of the world, respecting which there are so many different opinions. The materials for ancient history are few, and sometimes not much to be relied upon; but, in great leading facts, such as alone are of use in this picture, the authenticity is not to be doubted. The Assyrian and Egyptian empires had attained wealth and power previous to the time at which this commences. They stood then, and for long after, as if it =sic= were alone in the world; their revolutions, and the rise, prosperity, and decline of other nations, are all represented. I have not wished to continue the view of France, since the revolution, its present real situation is so imperfectly known; and, from what is known of it, it cannot be compared with any other nation, or with itself previous to that period. [end of page #80] ======== BOOK II. ======== CHAP. I. _Of the Interior Causes of Decline, arising from the Possession of Wealth.--Its general Operation on the Habits of Life, Manners, Education, and Ways of thinking and acting of the Inhabitants of a Country_. As necessity was the first cause of industry and invention, from which wealth and power arise, it is natural that, when the action of that necessity becomes less urgent, those exertions to which it gave rise will gradually fall away. Though habit may sometimes counteract this tendency, in the individual, yet, taken upon a general scale, and from generation to generation, it must inevitably take place. In this case, an individual who has obtained wealth enjoys an advantage, which no nation ever can expect. With only common prudence, he may cease from exertion or industry, and remain in affluence. If he has property in land, he may let it, and live on the rent; if in money, he may lend it, and live on the interest; but one nation cannot let its lands, or lend its capital to another. It must, by its own industry, render them productive. The great bulk of every nation, then, must be industrious, however wealthy it may be; otherwise, the wealth will soon be dissipated and disappear. The people of Flanders cannot, for example, cultivate the fields of the French, and live in Flanders; and, if the agriculture of a country is neglected, that country must soon become poor and miserable. {67} --- {67} We have seen what became of the Romans, when the tribute paid by other nations enabled them to live in idleness. The influx of wealth from America produced nearly the same effect on Spain: though it lasted for a very short time, yet it ruined the country. -=- [end of page #81] It is not absolutely necessary, then, for an individual to conciliate affluence with industry, or, which is the same thing, to preserve one of the effects of necessity, after the necessity has ceased to exist. But if it were possible for a sum of money, or property of any sort, to be given to each individual in a nation, which would be sufficient, in the midst of an industrious people, to enable him to live in perfect idleness, the whole nation could not become idle. Such a case never can exist, as that of all the individuals in a country becoming sufficiently rich to live without labour. But something approaching towards that state of things actually does take place, when, by the general increase of wealth, the necessity for labour is diminished. The number of idle people is constantly augmenting; and even those who continue to labour do it less intensely than when the operation of necessity was more severe. When a cause is diminished, the effect must in time fall off in proportion. With individuals, nature has given very powerful auxiliaries to necessity, which strengthen and prolong its operation, but which do not operate equally on nations. Habit or custom is the one auxiliary, and ambition or avarice is the other. Habit, in all cases, diminishes the reluctance to labour, which is inherent in the most part of mankind, and sometimes entirely overcomes it. {68} Ambition, which appears under many different forms, renders labour absolutely an enjoyment. Sometimes ambition is merely a desire of amassing property, an avaricious disposition: sometimes it is a desire to create a family; and even, sometimes, the vain and delusive idea of retiring from business, and becoming happy in a state of total idleness, spurs a man on to labour. It is a very curious, but well-known fact, that, after necessity has entirely ceased to promote industry, the love of complete idleness, and the hope of enjoying it at some distant date, leads the wealthy man on, to his last hour, in a train of augmented industry. Thus has nature most wisely counteracted --- {68} There are many instances where habit has rendered a particular sort of labour absolutely a want. It has become a necessary,--a means of enjoyment without which life has become a burthen. -=- [end of page #82] the disposition of man to idleness; by making the very propensity to it, after a certain time, active in promoting industry. But this can never be the case with a race of men: {69} and, as a nation consists of a greater number of individuals, so, also, its existence consists of successive generations. There is a difference between idleness and inaction. It is the natural propensity of man to be idle, but not to be inactive. Enjoyment is his aim, after he has secured the means of existence. Enjoyment and idleness are supposed, in many cases, to go hand in hand; at any rate, they can be reconciled, whereas inaction and enjoyment are irreconcilable. {70} But we may still go farther. As taste for any particular enjoyment is acquired when a man is young, and the same taste continues in a more advanced age; a man who has been long in business has had no time to acquire a taste for those enjoyments that are incompatible with, or perhaps that admit of being substituted for it. Reading the study of the fine arts, and such other means of employing time as men enjoy, who, at an early period of life, are exempted from labour, afford no amusement to the man who has been always accustomed to a life of business, {71} with whom there is an absolute ne- --- {69} It is perhaps amongst chances that seem likely enough; the only one that has never happened, that of a race of misers, in the same lineal descent, for several generations. The reason why I say it never has happened is, that, if it had, the effects would have become so conspicuous, by the riches accumulated, that they could not have passed unobserved. {70} By inaction is not meant the opposite of loco-motion, such as laying =sic= in bed, or basking in the sun; it is supposed that a man, to enjoy himself, must be reading, talking, in company, or _doing something_. {71} They sometimes affect this, but it is little else than through vanity. It would be easy to give a hundred striking proofs, but their frequency renders that unnecessary. Hunting and fishing, the two most anxious and painful occupations in the world, are, in all countries, followed by the affluent and idle as amusements; they want to interest the mind, and occupy themselves. Gaming, which is attended with very painful sensations, is followed much more frequently from propensity than from the love of gain; and, indeed, it would appear, that a life without occupations that interest the mind, is of all others the most insipid: it appears to be worse, it appears to be miserable. -=- [end of page #83] cessity of filling up the time in one way or another. A certain portion of time may be spent in company; but even that, to be enjoyed, must be spent in the society of men of the same class. The inducement, then, to a man who has dedicated the first part of his life advantageously to industry, to become idle, is not great, even when he is at free liberty to follow his inclination. It is totally different with a young man; his propensity is to idleness, without any of those favourable circumstances that counteract that propensity. Necessity alone can be expected to operate on him; it is in vain to seek for any other substitute. Not that we mean, by idleness, to signify inaction; but that sort of idleness, which resists regular labour. There is a natural propensity to action, but then it is a propensity that operates irregularly, unless under the influence of necessity. It is a continued and regular exertion, directed to a proper object, that is wanted to obtain wealth; to procure this, it is well to imitate nature, and create necessity. But, in proportion as a nation grows wealthy, that necessity is done away. It is of the art of prolonging necessity, or rather of reconciling necessity with affluence and ease, for which we are going to search, that we may, by that means, reconcile affluence with industry. We must, in the first place, find what the natural operation is by which industry leaves a country. When a country is in a state of poverty, it maintains the same degree of industry, from generation to generation, without any effort. The new race is brought up in the same way that the former was before it, and the same pressure of necessity, acting on the same desire (but no greater desire) to shun labour, produces the same effect at one time that it did at another. The son of a man, who has arrived at a greater degree of affluence than that to which he was born, is generally brought up differently. He is not brought up so hardily in his infancy as his father was, nor so soon called to labour; and probably when he is called to it, he is neither called with so imperious a voice, nor is he so willing to obey the call. Though we do not live long enough to see an example of this operation on a whole nation, the progression being too slow for the life [end of page #84] of a man, yet we see it in different parts of the same country, that are in different degrees of advancement. How frequent are the instances of men, bred in distant counties, (particularly in the North,) bringing all that industry and those habits of labour to London, that the poverty of their parents, and the state of their part of the country naturally occasioned. Some of those have arrived at affluence, and many of them have to competency; and even those who do not arrive at a comparatively higher rank in London, than their father held in his own county, bring up their children in a very different manner. Suppose, for example, a blacksmith, from Northumberland, or a baker, from Scotland, settles in London, as his father did at Newcastle or Edinburgh, his son or sons will be bred very differently from what he was; and, after their father's death, the business will most probably go to some new comer, from a distant county. The father was brought up with the necessity of labouring, or the alternative of wanting food to eat. From his earliest days, he considered himself as fortunate if he could obtain a competent living by honest industry; and this impression, with the habits acquired while it was strong, lead a man, so brought up, to fill his place in life with honour and advantage. The son, who sees that his father is in affluence, and who partakes of the fruits of a whole life of industry, seldom considers that he must continue that industry, otherwise, that the affluence will cease with the life of his father. It is impossible to make a young man, brought up in this manner, feel as his father did; and, not having the same impulse given to him at first, he never can set off in his course of life with the same energy. But the cause of this evil does not stop here. Frequently the mother is an enemy to the industry of her son; and between the workings of real affection, badly exercised, which leads her to humour the lad; and a sort of silly vanity, equally misplaced, she encourages him, if not in idleness, at least, in the hope that he will never need to stoop to incessant industry. It is not necessary to ascertain the absolute portion of idleness and pride that is infused into the young man; that depends [end of page #85] on particular circumstances: {72} but, in most cases, it is sufficient to prevent his following the footsteps of his father with equal energy. Perhaps the capital, or the connections a father leaves in trade, may, in some degree, and for some time, compensate for this; but the instances where they do so are not numerous. This is an example of the manner in which every succeeding generation is brought up differently from that preceding it; but it is an extreme example, and one that, though very real in the individuals, can never suddenly take place on a national scale. The difference between the general affluence of a nation, and the change of its manners during the life of a man, is by no means equal to the difference between a remote province and the capital of an empire; but, though the example is extreme, the same effect is produced, in the course of several generations upon a nation, that was occasioned by change of place in one individual family from father to son. {73} When a change like this takes place in one family, (and there are numerous instances of it every day,) poverty comes on again, and the children fall back into the laborious class of society, probably in a degraded state; but as the evil is supplied by new people rising up, it is little felt on the nation; if, however, it occurs very generally, it must have a bad effect; and, indeed, the best thing that can happen for the --- {72} If the mother has been herself born in affluence, she generally has a sort of smothered contempt for the mean origin of her husband. She seldom is fully sensible of the merit by which he has raised himself, and consequently cannot be capable of appreciating the advantage of bringing up her boy in the same way; on the contrary, the habits of industry, which the father acquired at an early age, under the pressure of necessity, are generally secret objects of ridicule to the rest of the family. If, again, the woman has been of low origin in herself, and is become affluent, then matters are ten times worse. Then there is all the pride and vanity that ignorance, and a desire to hide that mean extraction create. Incapable of shewing delicacy and fine breeding in herself, she spoils her harmless children by converting them into specimens of the gentility of the family. For more of this, see the chapter on Education. {73} In Rome, after the taking of Carthage; and in Portugal, immediately after it got possession of the trade to India; the change must have been as great over the whole of the people in one generation, as it is generally between a remote province and near the capital. -=- [end of page #86] general welfare is, that such men may return to a state of insignificance and labour as fast as possible; for, while they remain above that, and in a declining state, they are filling their place in society badly. It is different where the change goes on through a whole country, then no one can supply the place, they are all going the same way, and at nearly the same rate; {74} the consequence will be, that this will not be the fall of a family, but the fall of a whole people; the motion will, indeed, be much more slow, but the moving body will be vastly greater, and the effect will be in proportion. In every nation in Europe there is, between the capital and the distant provinces, a difference of affluence, of wealth, &c. equal to what probably takes place in a nation in one or two centuries. The inhabitants of the capital have some great advantages over those that come from a distance; they have connections, they have money and stock; and, generally speaking, in their early years, they possess a more ready and marketable knowledge. But all these avail nothing against habits of industry, and being taught to expect nothing from others, but to depend all on one's own powers. With this single, but signal, advantage, the sons of the wealthy citizens are always yielding to the son of the peasant; they are one by one giving way, and their places are filled by a new race; while their descendants are sinking into poverty, and filling prisons, poor-houses, and hospitals. This vicissitude is so observable, that it would be unnecessary to dwell upon it were it, =sic= not of such infinite importance. {75} The alarming and lamentable increase of the poor, in proportion as --- {74} It is always to be observed, that this reasoning is only applicable in general, and not in every particular case. It has been remarked by the writer of the notes on the Wealth of Nations, that where a fortune is not realized in a family, sufficient to enable it to withdraw entirely from trade, it seldom remains wealthy above two generations. The sons most frequently want intelligence or industry to augment what their father got, and the grandsons have generally dissipation enough to squander entirely away what remains. This is so frequent a case in London, that it may be called the regular routine of the business; and, what arises by regular routine, must be derived from some general and natural cause. {75} In the chapter on Education, this subject is entered into more fully, and the education of women makes a principal part. A subject not noticed by the author of the Wealth of Nations, though very important. -=- [end of page #87] a nation becomes rich, is a proof that it is not in capital cities alone that the effect takes place, but over the whole of a country. {76} In England, the number of inhabitants is about six times the number of those in Scotland; and, perhaps, it costs twice as much to maintain a poor person in the former as in the latter. The sum necessary for the maintenance of the poor in England may then be reckoned at about twelve times as much as in Scotland, in order to preserve a just proportion between the two countries. But the poor cost more than sixty times as much in England as in Scotland; that is, at least five times more than the true proportion that ought to be !!! This, it may be said, is owing to the different manner of managing the business, and, in some degree, it no doubt is; {77} but, as the poor are only maintained in England, and as they are also maintained in Scotland, it would be wrong to allow so great a difference for that alone. In order, however, to put the matter out of all doubt, let us compare England with itself, and we shall find that the poor's rates, or the expense of maintaining the indigent, has increased more rapidly than the price of provisions, or the price of labour. This ought not to be the case, as they would only have augmented in the same proportion, unless the number of poor was increased as well as the price of the provisions they eat, at the same time that the nation is growing more wealthy. Of whom do the poor in every nation consist, but of the lame, the sick, the infirm, the aged, or children unprovided for? Of those, the number, in proportion to the total number of inhabitants, will be pretty nearly the same at all times; for it is nature that produces this species of helpless poverty. It would then appear that there is another species of poverty, not of nature's creation, that comes in and destroys the proportion. It would likewise appear, that that new species of poverty --- {76} The Poor's Rate, and regulations respecting that augmenting class of persons, are treated in a chapter by itself. {77} For this see the chapter on the Poor, in which the subject is investigated at considerable length. At present, it is only mentioned by way of illustrating the effect of wealth on the manners of the people; and to prove, that it is not confined to the capital alone, but is general all over the country of England. -=- [end of page #88] is occasioned by the general wealth, since it increases in proportion to it. If we find, then, that the increase of wealth renders the descendants of a particular family helpless, and unable to maintain their place in society; if we find, also, that it gives those portions of a country, which are the least advanced, an advantage over those which are the most advanced; and, if we find that the number of indigent increase most where the wealth is greatest, we surely must allow, that there is a strong tendency to decay that accompanies the acquisition of wealth. The same revolutions that arise amongst the rich and poor inhabitants of a country, who change places gradually, and without noise, must naturally take place between the inhabitants of rich and poor countries, upon a larger scale and in a more permanent manner. {78} Such changes are generally attended with, or, at least, productive of, violent commotions. Nations are not subservient to laws like individuals, but make forcible use of the means of which they are possessed, to obtain the ends which they have in view. As this tendency is uniformly felt by a number of individuals over the whole of a country, when it advances in wealth, and over whole districts that are more advanced than the others, it must operate, in length of time, in producing the decline of a whole nation, as well as it does of a certain portion of its people at all times. Changes, in the interior of a nation, take place by piece-meal or by degrees; the whole mass sees nothing of it, and, indeed, it is not felt. {79} But it is vain to think, that the same cause that gives the poorer inhabitants of a nation an advantage over the richer, will not likewise --- {78} As we find that wealth seldom goes amongst people of business past the second, and almost never past the third generation, families that rise so high as to be partners in profit, and not in labour or attention, are an exception. Nations resemble the families that acquire enough to be affluent, but not enough to retire from business. A nation can never retire; it must always be industrious. The inference is clear and cannot be mistaken; neither can the fact stated be denied. {79} The number of bankruptcies have been considered as signs of wealth; and their increase is a sign most undoubtedly of more trade; but this is a barometer, of which it requires some skill to understand the real index. -=- [end of page #89] give poor nations an advantage over rich ones; or, at least, tend to raise the one and draw down the other. Though we find, from the history of the various revolutions that have taken place in different countries, that they arose from a variety of causes, some peculiar to one nation, and some to another; yet we have found a change of manners and ways of thinking and acting, more or less operating in all of them. Amongst the interior causes of the decline of wealthy nations, arising from the wealth itself, we must set this down as one of a very general and natural operation. We must be particularly careful to remove this, as far as possible, if we mean to avert those evils which hitherto have arisen from a superior degree of wealth and power in every nation. We are now going to examine other internal causes; but though they are separate from this, yet this is at the root of all, this is perpetually operating, we meet with it in every corner and at every turning. It is what Mr. Pope says, speaking of the master-passion in individuals: "The great disease that must destroy at length, Grows with our growth, and strengthens with our strength." This radical case of decline is augmented by an ill conceived vanity in the parents, as well as by necessity ceasing to act on the children. Each is following a very natural inclination; the one to indulge, the other to be indulged. It is the duty and the interest of the state to counteract this tendency, and the manner how that it is to be done will be inquired into in the first chapter of the third book of this work. =sic --there is none.= But it is not merely a neglect of industry and the means of rising in society, or keeping one's place in it that is hurtful; the general way of thinking and acting becomes different, and, by degrees, the character of a nation is entirely altered. This change was the most rapid, and the most observable in the Roman republic, and was the cause that brought it to an end, and prepared the people for submitting to be ruled by the emperors. The human character was as much degraded under them, when the citizens were rich, as it ever had been exalted under their consular government, when the people were indigent. [end of page #90] The various effects of this change in manners will be considered under different heads, but it is too deeply rooted in human nature ever to be entirely counteracted, much less entirely done away. It is firmly connected with the first principles of action in man, and can no more be removed than his entire nature can be altered. What is in the extreme, if dangerous, may be diminished; and that is all that it would be any way useful to attempt: it may be rendered less formidable in its operation, and that is all that can be expected. The degradation of moral character; the loss of attention to the first principles to which a society owes its prosperity and safety, both of which accompany wealth, are most powerful agents in the decline of nations. We have seen that the Romans, the greatest of all nations, were ruined, chiefly, by degradation of character, by effeminacy, by ignorance; for we generally find that idleness degenerates, at last, into sloth and inaction. To a love of justice, and a power of overcoming danger, or of preventing it, listlessness and a total want of energy succeed: at length, the mind becomes estranged from hope, and the body incapable of exertion. This is the case with those who have for a time enjoyed luxury when they begin to decline; their fall is then inevitable. The Eastern empire, as well as the Western, fell by this means; and it may be said to have been the ordinary course in the decline of nations that have fallen gradually. The Turks, {80} the Spaniards, and the Portuguese, all owe part of their present feebleness to this cause; and the government of France certainly, in a great measure, owed its downfal =sic= to the same. There the courtiers had sunk in character, and it was become impossible even for the energy, the activity, and intelligence of the nation at large, to counteract the baneful effect of the change that had taken place amongst those who regulated its affairs. In history we have seen scarcely any thing similar to this, for it was the effect operating on the rulers of the nation only; the strength of the great body of the nation, on which it did not operate, supported that --- {80} Those nations resemble each other in feebleness, and in the cause of it, though, with respect to the Turks, it has existed for a longer period. -=- [end of page #91] pride and ignorance; whereas in Spain, Portugal, and Turkey, this evil being general throughout the state, those who have the conducting of affairs are held in some check by the general feebleness of the nation. {81} This not only limits the power of action, but is so visible, that it is impossible for those who govern not to be led to reflection, and to be taught moderation by it. The power of laying on taxes and the means of defending itself against other nations are regulated by the situation of the people; but the wisdom with which the affairs are conducted is dependent on the rulers, and those who govern. It is therefore fortunate, when the rulers are so far sensible of the feeble state of the country as to be moderate and reasonable. {82} None of the nations that know their own weakness would ever have risked the experiment that was made on St. Domingo by the French; neither would any nation, in the vigour of acquiring riches, have done so. It required a nation, ruled by men who were ignorant of the true principles, who were corrupted with wealth, and, at the same time, had a vigorous nation to govern, to admit of such a situation of things. {83} Had the nation been less wealthy or weaker, so as to have made the poverty or weakness obvious, this could not have happened; or, had the rulers been less corrupted and ignorant, it could not have taken place. {84} --- {81} The French nation, in reality, was never so powerful and wealthy as at the time of the revolution breaking out. The effects of luxury had only perverted the city of Paris and the court. The power which the energies of the people at large put at the disposition of the government was ill applied. {82} Perhaps some of the greatest advantages that arise from a form of government like that of England are, that those who have ruled, owe their places to their abilities, and not to favour; that they maintain their situations by exertion, and not by flattery; and that the situation of the nation never can be long disguised. Without the turbulence of a democracy, we have most of the advantages that arise from one, while we have, at the same time, the benefits that proceed from the stability and order of established monarchy. {83} When the Portuguese were for abandoning the India trade, it was a case pretty similar. {84} Though the men who overturned the commerce of France were not the same with the members of the ancient government, yet they also were men ignorant of the true interests of the nation. A few amongst them were bent upon an experiment, regardless of the ruin with which it might be attended. -=- [end of page #92] In all the interior causes, for the decline of nations, which we are endeavouring to investigate, we shall find a change of manners, and ways of thinking, constantly producing some effect in the direction towards decline. This takes place, from the time that a nation becomes more wealthy than its neighbours; until then, when it is only struggling to equal them, a nation cannot be said to be rich, but to be emerging from poverty. The great aim then should be, to counteract this change of mind and manners, that naturally attends an increased state of prosperity. [end of page #93] CHAP. II. _Of the Education of Youth in Nations increasing in Wealth.--the Errors generally committed by Writers on that Subject.--Importance of Female Education on the Manners of a People.--Not noticed by Writers on Political Economy.--Education of the great Body of the People the chief Object.--In what that consists_ The changes of which we have spoken, that take place, gradually, in a nation, from the increasing luxury and ease in which every succeeding generation is raised, cannot be prevented. They are the natural consequences of the situation of the parents being altered. But when that period of life comes, when children enter upon what is called education, then a great deal may be done; for, though the fathers and mothers have still power over their offspring, it is a diminished power; besides which, they are seldom so much disposed to exert even what power remains, as at an earlier period. It is necessary and fair, after the severe censure that has been passed on parents, for bringing up children wrong, at an early period, to admit, that for the most part, they would not run into that error, and spoil their children, if they were sensible of doing so; and that, as they grow up, they would have them properly instructed, if it were in their power: that is to say, if they had the means. There are certain things for which individuals can pay, but which it is impossible for them to provide individually; and if they attempt to do it collectively, it is liable to great abuse, and to be badly done. Individuals never could afford to send their letters, from one end of the kingdom to the other, without combining together, unless government furnished them the means: but, by the aid of the government, they are enabled to do it at a very cheap rate, with expedition and safety, whilst a profit arises to government greater than any regular business in the world produces. There is a possibility of an individual sending a letter by a particu- [end of page #94] lar messenger, at his own expense, to the greatest distance, provided he can afford it; but, as it happens, there are many more letters require sending than there are messengers to send, or money to defray the expenses. It is the same with the education of youth. A man may have a tutor to his son, and educate him privately, if he can afford it; but it happens, as with the letters, that there are many more sons to educate than there are tutors to be found, or money to pay them. As the individual, in the case of the letters, would be obliged to depend on some self-created carrier, if government did not interfere, so they are with regard to the education of their children; and, as in the one case they would be very badly served, so they generally are in the other. In the first place, the plans of education are every where bad, and the manner of executing still worse.--Those to whom the education of youth, one of the most important offices in society, is intrusted undergo no sort of examination, to ascertain whether they are fit for the business. They, in general, depend upon their submissive conduct towards the parents and improper indulgence of the children for their success. It was found that the judges of criminal and civil law could not be intrusted with the administration of justice, while they depended on the pleasure of the crown. Can it then be expected that a much more numerous set of men, who are, in every respect, inferior in rank and education, to judges, will maintain that upright and correct conduct that is necessary, when they are infinitely more dependent than the judges ever were at any period? This is one of the questions that is to be argued on the same principles, that the independence, under a monarchical or democratic government, is decided. Under the dominion of one chief, on particular occasions, which occur but seldom, it may be necessary to yield to his will, if the ruler is shameless enough and infamous enough to insist upon it; but, with a community for one's master, there is a complete system of submission, a perpetual deviation from that which is right. In the first place, the fathers and mothers are no judges themselves of the merits of the master, or the proficiency of the boy, whom the [end of page #95] master is obliged to treat with indulgence, that he may not complain. Where there is a complete ignorance of the right and wrong of the case, any thing will turn the balance; and it is clear, that where there is no proof of superior merit, there must be good will, flattery, or some other method taken, to obtain a preference. There are, occasionally, men of real merit, who distinguish themselves as teachers; and who, having a solid claim to a preference, use no mean arts to obtain it. It is but justice to parents in general, to say that such men are always encouraged, while they keep their good qualities uncontaminated by some fault that counterbalances them. {85} As this is a case where individuals cannot serve themselves, nor provide the means of being properly served, it is one of those in which the government of every country ought to interfere. Not in giving salaries, at the public expense, to men, who, perhaps, would do no duty; but in seeing that the men who undertake the task of education are qualified, and that when they have undertaken it they do their duty, and follow a proper system. There should be proper examinations, from time to time, and registers should be kept of the number of scholars, and the satisfaction they have given to those who examined them. Parents would then have a measure, by which they could estimate the merit of a school; the master would have another motive for action, and there would be an emulation amongst the scholars. The business professed to be done, and undertaken, would then be performed. At present, at about three times the expense necessary, children learn about half what they are intended to be taught. Interfering in this manner would be no infringement on private liberty; nothing would be done that could hurt, in any way, the individuals, but what must greatly benefit them. The evil habits that are contracted in early childhood, at home, would be counteracted, and the --- {85} As even those find it is necessary to make a strong impression on the minds of parents, (and as some wish their children to be treated with rigour,) there are teachers, who obtain a credit by overstraining the discipline, after having obtained a fair reputation, by carrying it only to a proper length. -=- [end of page #96] youth would be taught to know what it is that renders a man happy in himself, and respected and valued by society. But the consideration of the system to be followed is not the least important part of the business. The useful should be preferred to the useless, and in this the example of the ancients might be followed with advantage. They had no dead languages to study, and the mind appears to have been in many cases expanded, far beyond its present compass. Nothing, indeed, can equal the ignorance of the most part of boys, when they leave school; those who are considered as bad scholars, have lost the good opinion of themselves, that ought to be maintained throughout life; they think every thing difficult or impossible. Those, again, who have excelled, are something less ignorant, but become vain and conceited, owing perhaps to their having learnt some useless and superfluous pieces of knowledge. Education, on the general principle, consists in learning what makes a man useful, respectable, and happy, in the line for which he is destined, whether for manual labour, or for study; for a high or a low occupation. What is useful becomes a question, in some sort depending upon place, and still more on circumstances, it will therefore be better to discuss it at length in the Third Book, where England is the place, and particular circumstances are taken into consideration. There are, however, some general rules that apply to all places and to all situations. Good principles, honour, honesty, and integrity, are equally necessary in every rank of society; with those qualities, even a beggar is respectable, and will be respected; without them, no man ever was or ever will be so. In every mode of education, the importance of those should be inculcated; and that they may be adhered to, every man, either by inheritance, or by talents, or by habits of industry, should have it put in his power to command the means of living in the way that he has been brought up. Were this attended to, many scenes of misery and vice would be prevented. Admitting that there are propensities in some minds, [end of page #97] that lead to evil, independent of every possible check or control, it must be allowed that the far greater proportion of those who do well or ill in the world owe it to the manner in which they have been brought up in their early days. It follows, from this general rule, that parents should carefully avoid bringing up children in a manner in which they have not the means of being afterwards maintained; and that, in the second place, when they cannot leave them in an independent fortune, they should, by making them learn a trade or profession, give them the means of obtaining what they have been accustomed to consider as necessary for them to enjoy. There are, indeed, great numbers, and the greatest numbers of all; unable even to have their children taught what is called a trade. But there are none whom poverty prevents from bringing their children up to industry; and, if they have been taught to live according to their situation, they will find themselves above their wants, and therefore the same general rule will still apply. Most writers have considered the subject of education as relative to that portion of it only which applies to learning; but the first object of all, in every nation, is to make a man a good member of society; and this can never be done, unless he is fitted to fill the situation of life for which he is intended. Governments and writers on education fall, generally speaking, into the same errors. They would provide for the education of persons destined for the learned professions and sometimes for the fine arts; but agriculture, commerce, and manufactures, are totally left out: {86} the most essential, the most generally useful, are not noticed at all. As so much value is set upon the language of the Greeks and Romans, surely we might pay a little attention to the example of those distinguished nations. The Greeks studied the Egyptian learning, and improved upon it; but this was only confined to those who followed learning as a profes- --- {86} Lord Somerville has some excellent observations, relative to this, in his publication on Agriculture, published in 1800. -=- [end of page #98] sion, or whose means allowed them to prosecute it as a study. The common education of citizens was different; it consisted in teaching them to perform what was useful, and to esteem what was excellent. It was a principle with them that all men ought to know how happiness is attained, and in what virtue consists; but they neither trusted to precept nor example. They enforced by habit and practice, and in this the Romans followed the plan the Greeks had laid down, and, by that means, they surpassed all other nations. When those great nations of antiquity abandoned their attention to the useful parts of education, they soon sunk in national character. It so happens, in this case, that the mode of education and the manners of a people are so closely connected that it is difficult, from observation, to know which is the cause, and which the effect. Youth, badly educated, make bad men, and bad men neglect the education of their children; they set them a wrong example: such is the case, when a government does not interfere. How this is to be done with advantage is the question. Writers on political economy have, in general, considered female education as making no part of the system; but surely, if the wealth and happiness of mankind is the end in view, there can scarcely be a greater object, for none is more nearly connected with it. Let it be granted that, in the first instance, women are not educated with any view to carry on those labours and manufactures, on which wealth is considered as depending. Let all this be admitted, and that, in an early state of life, they are of no importance in this respect; yet, surely, when they become wives and mothers, when the economy of the family, and the education of the younger children depend chiefly on them, they are then of very great importance to society. Their conduct, in that important situation, must be greatly influenced by their education. Female education ought then to be considered as one of the things, on the conducting of which well the prosperity of a state does in a great measure depend; it ought, therefore, to be attended to in the same manner as the education of youth of the other sex. In this case, also, so much depends on place and circumstances, [end of page #99] that we shall follow the same rule as with male education. It shall be treated of as for England, and with the different ranks of society as they are; but there are some general rules not to be forgotten, and which are applicable to all places and all countries. The great error, in female education, does not consist in neglecting to instil good principles; for that is, in most countries, for obvious reasons, pretty well attended to; but good principles, without the means of adhering to them, are of little avail. If a desire for dress, or other enjoyments, that cannot be gratified fairly, and by the means of which they are possessed, are encouraged, principles will be abandoned in order to gratify passions.--Females are taught frivolous accomplishments in place of what would be useful, and expensive vanity is substituted for that modest dignity that should be taught; the consequence is, that, in every rank of life, according to her station, the woman aims at being above it, and affects the manners and dress of her superiors. There is too much pains taken with adorning the person, and too little with instructing the mind, in every civilized country; and when women are wise, and good, and virtuous, it is more owing to nature than to education. As, indeed, the duties of a woman, in ordinary life, are of a nature more difficult to describe than those of a man, who, when he has learnt a trade, has little more to do, the care employed in seeing that proper persons only are intrusted with the important office of teaching them to perform those duties ought to be proportionally great. The farther remarks on the subject of education are deferred to the Fourth Book =sic--there is none.=, where place and circumstances come into consideration. It is, however, to be observed, that, in all cases, as a nation becomes more wealthy, the business of education becomes more important, and has a natural tendency to be worse managed; it therefore demands a double share of attention. If the women of a nation are badly educated, it must have a great effect on the education of their sons, and the conduct of their husbands. The Spartan and Roman mothers had the glory of making [end of page #100] their sons esteem bravery, and those qualities in a man that were most wanted in their state of society. It should be one part of female education to know and admire the qualities that are estimable in the other sex. To obtain the approbation of the other sex, is, at a certain time of life, the greatest object of ambition, and it is never a matter of indifference. The great general error consists in considering the woman merely in her identical self, without thinking of her influence on others. It appears to be for this reason, that writers on political economy have paid no attention to female education; but we find no state in which the virtue of men has been preserved where the women had none; though there are examples of women preserving their virtues, notwithstanding the torrent of corruption by which that of the men has been swept away. [end of page #101] CHAP. III. _Of increased Taxation, as an Interior Cause of Decline.--Its different Effects on Industry, according to the Degree to which it is carried.--Its Effects on the People and on Government_. There has been no instance of a government becoming more economical, or less expensive, as it became older, even when the nation itself was not increasing in wealth; but, in every nation that has increased in wealth, the expenditure, on the part of government, has augmented in a very rapid manner. Amongst the interior causes of the decline of nations, and the overthrow of governments, the increase of taxes has always been very prominent. It is in the levying of taxes that the sovereign and the subject act as if they were of opposite interests, or rather as if they were enemies to each other. In every case almost, where the subjects have rebelled against their sovereign, or where they have abandoned their country to its enemies, the discontents have been occasioned by taxes that were either too heavy, imprudently laid on, or rigorously levied. Sometimes the manner of laying on the tax has given the offence; sometimes its nature, and sometimes its amount. The revolution in England, in Charles the first's time, began about the manner of levying a tax. The revolution of the American colonies began in the same way; and it is generally at the manner that nations enjoying a certain degree of freedom make objection. The excise had very nearly proved fatal to the government of this country, as the stamp duties did to that of France, and as the general amount and enormity of taxes did to the Western Empire. {87} --- {87} The system of taxation was ill understood amongst the Romans, and its execution, under a military government, is always severe. The Romans were so tormented, at last, that they lost all regard for their country. Taxes seem to be the price we pay for the con-[end of page #102] stitution we live under, and as they increase, the value of the purchase lessens. The difference between value paid, and value received, constitutes the advantage or loss of every bargain. -=- Perhaps the chief motive for submitting to the difficulties, the oppressions, and the burthens, which people submit to under republican forms of government arises in deception. They seem to be paying taxes to themselves, and for themselves, when, in reality, they are not doing so any more than under a monarchy, where the taxes, in proportion to the service done, are generally less than in a republic.{88} --- {88} America is an exception, but then there is no similarity between the United States and any other country in the world. Their existence, as an independent country, is only of twenty-five years standing; they have had no wars during that time, and the revolutionary war cost little in actual money. The comparison between the states and other nations will not hold, but, if we compare the expense of their government now, and when under the British, it will be found they pay near thirty times as much; and, even allowing their population to have risen one-half, they still pay proportionately twenty times as much. Their revenue now amounts to 16,000,000 of dollars. The public expense, in 1795, when they revolted, was about 350,000 dollars. -=- This was the case in Holland and Venice. In England, the first great increase of taxes took place under the long Parliament and Commonwealth. The only administration carried on by delegated authority, that is from necessity obliged to be executed with unabaiting rigour, is the department of finance. Money is a thing of such a nature, that strict rules are absolutely necessary in its administration. There is here a great distinction between money and other property, or money's worth. A menial servant, of whose honesty there is no proof, and even when it may be dubious, is habitually trusted with the care of property to a considerable amount, and the account rendered is seldom very rigorous; but, in the case of trusting with money, every precaution is first taken, as to being trust-worthy. Security is generally demanded, and neither friendship, confidence, nor the highest respectability, will supply the place of a strict account, which, when not rendered, leaves an indelible stain. There are many causes for this, but they are so generally understood, or, at least, so generally felt, that it is not necessary to examine them; the consequences are in some cases, however, not so evident. One of the most important is, that the accuracy with [end of page #103] which those appointed to collect taxes are obliged to render their accounts, compels them to a strictness in doing their duty that appears frequently rigorous to an extreme degree, and scarcely consistent with justice or humanity. A king is considered as an unrelenting creditor, and he certainly appears in that character; but it should be considered why he is obliged to be so; for, as a master, he is generally the most indulgent in his dominions. No duty or service is exacted with less rigour than that belonging to a civil department under government, when it is not connected with accountability in money; none so rigorous where money is concerned. How is this to be accounted for, unless it is by shewing that the nature of the situation admits of giving way to the feelings of humanity in one case, and not in the other? A few examples will illustrate this point, which is very important, very well known, but not well understood. A clerk in a public office wants, either for health or private business, or, perhaps, only for amusement, to absent himself from duty; if his conduct merits any indulgence, and if his request is any way reasonable, it is immediately granted, though his salary during his absence may amount to a considerable sum; but he receives the gift under the form of time, not of money. If the same clerk is in arrear for taxes to one-twentieth part of the amount, if he does not pay, his furniture will be seized, and that perhaps by order of the same superior from whom he obtained the leave of absence from his duty. {89} The consequences would be fatal if the case were reversed. Supposing that leave of absence had been refused, and that a remission of taxes had been granted, the man who remitted the tax would be liable to suspicion, which he could never do away; the receipt of the revenue would never be secure, and the clerk, who had demanded a fair indulgence, would be disgusted and provoked at the refusal. We cannot, however, alter the nature of things. Taxes cannot be remitted, in any case, without discretional authority, and that it would --- {89} Accountability in money may be compared to military discipline, when on duty. No allowances are to be made for negligence or deviation from rule. Of this we have lately had a most striking and memorable example. -=- [end of page #104] be ruinous to the revenue to give, we must, therefore, never expect that the augmentation of taxes will take place without an increase of discontent, or, at least, an augmented indifference towards government. Perhaps nothing evinces more the general feeling, (even of the respectable part of society,) with regard to the revenues of the state, than the disposition to profit by evading the payment of duties imposed upon articles of consumption. The most respectable of the nobility or gentry will conceal a contraband article, or one on which there is a heavy duty, on their return from abroad: and what is more, if detected, they are more ashamed, on account of their want of address, than on account of the crime; for such it is, whatever custom may have taught us to think. A man who is rigorously treated, by what is commonly called a lawful creditor, whom he would never attempt to defraud must naturally feel doubly incensed, when still more rigorously treated by one whom he would think it very little harm, and no disgrace, to defraud. It is then very clear, that, the common habits of thinking on the subject of debts due to the king, is such as does not favour taxation, or incline people to submit willingly to rigorous modes of recovery. All taxes raise the prices of the articles taxed, but those are most felt and most obnoxious which fall on personal property, or on persons themselves. All taxes, then, when they pass a certain point, have a tendency to send away persons, and property, and trade, from a country, which, if they do, its decline is inevitable. The extent, however, of that effect must depend on a great variety of circumstances, such as the comparative situation of other nations, their distance, the difficulty of removing, &c. If America were as near to England as France is, the industrious class would emigrate in multitudes; and, if in France, property and persons were as safe and free as in England, part of both would go there; but, as matters are, to the former it is impossible to remove, and, to the latter, the risk surpasses the advantage. An increase of taxation tends to raise the wages of labour, and, where it does so in due proportion, the labourer pays almost nothing; he still for all that seems to pay, and he has the same disagreeable feeling [end of page #105] as if he did pay. No feeling is more disagreeable than that of being obliged, after earning money that can ill be spared, to pay it away to a surly tax-gatherer, who treats a man and his family with insolence, while he receives the money that should purchase them bread. Besides this, though the prices of many articles keep pace with the wages of labour, yet many others do not. Thus, in a country where wages are rapidly altering, though some are bettered by it, penury is entailed on others, who have not the means of raising their prices. If heavy taxes are levied on a few articles of consumption, then they become inefficient, and if they are divided amongst a great many, they become troublesome, so that either way they are attended with inconvenience and difficulty. In every country, where taxation has been carried to a great height, it has, at last, become necessary to bear heavily upon personal property. Such taxes are always attended with disagreeable feelings, and peculiar inconveniency. The tax always comes in the form of a debt, and whether convenient to be paid or not, it admits at best but of little delay. {90} In England the nature of the government, the disposition of the people, and the same sort of genius that made them succeed in commercial intercourse and regulation, led them to adopt the least objectionable modes of taxation. The customs were the first great branch of revenue at the time of the revolution. The excise, land-tax, and stamps, rose next, none of which can be objected to; for the person who pays the tax to government only advances the money, and is reimbursed by the consumer, who, again on his part, when he really pays the tax (for good and all) does it under the form of an advance in price. Thus, then, the tax is disguised to him that really pays it, and it is optional, inasmuch as he --- {90} It will be seen, in a future part of this work, that the farmers have lost nothing, but rather got by the high prices of grain in this country, and it is so probably in all others. Those who sell necessaries raise the price; those who make or sell superfluities have no such resource, and therefore pay in the severest manner. -=- [end of page #106] may avoid the tax, by not consuming the article. He never can be sued for the tax, and he pays it by degrees, as he can spare the money. {91} Some time before the taxation which the American war rendered necessary, it was thought that the customs and excise could not be carried much farther. Ministers did not chuse =sic= to venture on an additional tax on land, and, consequently, stamps were augmented and extended, as were also duties on windows. A variety of new taxes on particular articles of consumption were resorted to. Those sort of taxes harassed and tormented individuals more than they filled the treasury, yet still, when, after an interval of a few years of peace, new burthens became necessary, in 1793, the same plan was pursued, till it was found ineffectual, being too troublesome and tedious, besides being unequal to the increase of expenditure. It was necessity that suggested a plan, which is the simplest and easiest of any, so long as it succeeds and is productive. =sic= To increase the excise and customs by an additional five or ten per cent. on the articles that were supposed able to bear it. This has been done again and again with those two branches of revenue, and with the stamps likewise. But the necessities of the state still outrun the means, and the assessed taxes, the worst and most obnoxious of all, were augmented in the same way; but even those were not productive. The inducement to privation was too great, and the restraints laid on expenditure, suggested the adoption of a tax on income; that is, on the means a man has to pay, which carries in its very name a description of its nature. We have mentioned the influence that necessity has on industry. One of the effects of taxes, as well as of rent, is to prolong the operation of necessity, or to increase it. A man who has neither rent nor taxes to pay, as is the case in some savage nations, only labours to supply his wants. Whatever proportion rent and taxes bear to the wants of --- {91} The land-tax is not precisely the same, but very nearly. It operates as a tax on the produce of land, that is on commodities for the use of man, the same as those articles subject to duties of customs or excise. The landholder just feels as the brewer, distiller, or importer of foreign goods, he gets the tax reimbursed by the farmer, and the farmer is reimbursed by the consumer. -=- [end of page #107] a people their industry will be increased in the same proportion, unless their forces are exceeded, and then the operation is indeed very different. It follows, from this, that both rent and taxes, to a certain degree, increase the wealth of a people, by augmenting their industry. As rent is not compulsive, it never can in general be carried beyond the point that augmented industry will bear; but taxes are not either regulated by the industry of the individual, or of the community; they may therefore be carried too far, and when they are, the people become degraded, disheartened, their independent spirit is lost and broken, and industry, in place of increasing, as it did in the first stages of taxation, flies away. The government, in this case, generally becomes more severe, and certainly more obnoxious. The broken spirit of the people makes submission a matter of course, so that there is no effectual resistance made to its power. Incapacity to pay comes at last, and defeats the end; but, between incapacity and resistance, the difference is very wide. As calculators have been predicting the moment of a total stoppage to the increase of revenue for nearly half a century; as ministers, themselves, have never ventured to lay on a new burthen, except when forced to it by necessity. {92} As taxes have been laid on at random, in a manner similar to that in which the streets and houses of old cities were built, without regularity or design, and as the effects predicted have not taken place, it is fair to conclude, that the subject is not well understood. If it were, the evil would be in the way to be obviated; but still the conclusion would be the same, that increased taxation tends to bring on discontent, and to drive men and capital from a country. The degree of tendency, and the rapidity of its operations, are a question; but respecting the tendency itself there can be no question. Two things more are to be observed, relative to the effects of taxation, as tending towards decline. The first is, that the taxes are levied by and expended on men, who, having income only for their lives, --- {92} Mr. Pitt seems an exception to this; but the establishment of a sinking fund, at the end of the war, was as necessary for his administration as any of the loans, during the war, were for Lord North; and both measures required new taxes. -=- [end of page #108] generally leave families in distress. Those who lose their parents when young are often left destitute, and those who are farther advanced are frequently ruined by being educated and accustomed to a rank in life that they are not able to support. This is a very great evil, and is renewed as it were every generation. As the revenues of a country increase, this evil increases also: for, except what goes to the proprietors of money in the stocks, all the public revenue, very nearly, goes to people whose income perishes with themselves. To begin with those who collect the taxes, custom-house officers, excise men, collectors, and clerks of every rank and demonination =sic=, there is not one in ten who does not die in indigence; and if he leaves a family, he leaves it in distress. It is no doubt the lot of the great bulk of mankind, that is to say, the labouring part of the community in every country, to leave children unprovided for; but then they are left in a rank of society that does not prevent their going to work or to service, which is not the case with the vast number left by those who enjoy, during life, a genteel and easy existence under government. The education of such persons is either neglected entirely, or ill fitted for the line of life into which they are to go. If the sum-total of human vice and misery was to be divided into shares, and if it were calculated how much fell to each person, there is not a doubt but at least a double portion would fall to the lot of those unfortunate persons who are left by parents enjoying offices for life; who are generally obliged to expend their income as they earn it. As, according to the natural chance of things, a number of such persons must leave young families, the seeds of misery are continually sowing a-fresh, to the great detriment of society. This evil depends in a great degree upon the habits and nature of the people, which augment or diminish it; and, in commercial nations, the evil is far the greatest. Where commerce does not flourish, persons belonging to the revenue-department are seldom highly paid, and they by no means consider themselves as a class of persons distinguished above the general run, or obliged to live more expensively; but, in a manufacturing country, to live without working, implies a degree of gentility that is extremely ruinous to those who enjoy that fatal and flimsy pre-eminence. [end of page #109] A manufacturer, who is getting a thousand pounds a year, will, perhaps, not assume so much importance as a man in office who does not get one hundred pounds; and the former, as well as his family, knowing that they are beholden to industry for what they have, do not think themselves above following it. {93} Unfortunately, it also happens, that, in all sorts of occupation where trust is reposed and punctuality required, more than in ordinary business, it is rather late in life before those employed rise to situations of considerable emolument. When they are old, their families are generally young; thus it is, that the persons who are the most unfit to marry late in life are generally those who do so. This order of things cannot easily be changed. In the rate of payments governments are regulated by the service done, and by the dependence that can be placed on the person employed, who, on the other hand, follows the natural propensities of human nature. When young, and on a small allowance, a revenue-officer remains single; but when it is necessary to become serious, attentive, and confidential, and when he finds he has the means, he betakes himself to a domestic life, which is the most natural to men arrived at a certain time of life, and the best fitted for those who are to be depended upon for the correctness of their conduct. It is impossible to prevent this natural state of things; and if let go uncorrected, if not counteracted, the consequences are very pernicious. It is to this, in a great measure, the augmentation of vice and mendicity =sic= is to be attributed in nations, as they become wealthy and great. Perhaps more depends upon the manner of taxation than the amount; at least it certainly is so in all countries where the amount is not very high. In America, for example, the amount is of no importance; the manner might be of very pernicious consequence. In France, before the revolution, the taxes were more oppressive, from the manner of levying them than from their amount. The same thing might be said --- {93} This is a very important part of the consideration; but, as education and it are connected, and that comes into the Fourth Book =sic--there is none.=, the whole consideration is left till then; not only the national prosperity is injured, but the feelings of humanity are hurt, and the sum of human misery increased by this consequence. -=- [end of page #110] of almost every country in Europe, England and Holland excepted. At present, the case is greatly altered, in many countries, by the increase: yet, still, one of the principal evils arises from the manner of levying the taxes; the restraints imposed by them, the inconveniency, the vexation, and, finally, the misery and ruin they, in many cases, occasion. Of all the examples, where taxation contributed most to the fall of a country, Rome is the greatest. The luxury of the imperial court, and the expenses of a licentious and disorderly army, added to the ignorance of the subject, rendered the taxes every way burthensome. From the fall of Rome, to the time of Louis XIV. the splendour of courts, and their expenses, were objects of no great importance. We are but lately arrived at a new aera in taxation; for, though taxation has been the occasion of much discontent at all times, it was carried to no considerable length, in any country in Europe, except in Spain and Holland, till within this last century. Indeed, when we consider the great noise that has often been made about raising an inconsiderable sum, it is impossible not to be astonished at the reluctance with which people pay taxes, when they feel that they are paying them, and are not accustomed to the feeling. Taxation is, then, to the feelings of men, disagreeable; to their manners hurtful; they are also, in their operation, to a certain degree, inimical to liberty. The ultimate consequence of this is, that persons and property have both of them a tendency to quit a country where taxes are high, and to go to one, where, with the same means, there may be more enjoyment. Taxes may be called a rent paid for living in a country, and operate exactly like the rent of houses or land, or rent for any thing else; that is, they make the tenant remove to a cheaper place, unless he finds advantages where he is to counterbalance the expense. Unfortunately, the persons who have the greatest disposition to quit a country that is heavily taxed are those, who, having a certain income, which they cannot increase, wish to enjoy it with some degree of economy. They are, likewise, the persons who can remove with the greatest [end of page #111] facility. Thus, people whose income is in money are always the first to quit a country that is become too dear to live in with comfort. Many circumstances may favour or counteract this tendency, such as the difficulty of finding an agreeable place to retire to, where the money will be secure, or the interest regularly paid; but, an inquiry into that will come more properly when we examine the external causes of decline. Though the increase of taxes, by augmenting the expense of living, and of the necessaries of life, is little felt by the labouring class, their wages rising in proportion; yet a most disastrous effect is produced on the fine arts, and on all productions of which the price does not bear a proportional rise. Where taxes are high, and luxury great, there must be some persons who have a great deal of ostentation, even if they have little taste. A picture or a jewel of great value will, very certainly, find a purchaser, but that will only serve as a motive for bringing the fine painting from another country, where the necessaries of life are cheaper, and where men enjoy that careless ease which is incompatible with a high state of taxation. When Rome became luxurious, to the highest pitch, there were neither poets, painters, nor historians, bred within its walls; buffoons and fiddlers could get more money than philosophers, and they had more saleable talents. Had Virgil not found an Augustus, had he lived three centuries later, he must either have written ballads and lampoons, or have starved; otherwise he must have quitted Italy. When Rome was full of luxury, and commanded the world and its wealth, there was not an artist in it capable of executing the statues of its victorious generals. {94} Some Greek island, barren and bare, would breed artists capable of making ornaments for imperial Rome. --- {94} They were obliged to cut the heads off from ancient statues, as their artists were only sufficiently expert to carve the drapery of the body. -=- [end of page #112] It is an easy matter, in a rich country, to pay for a fine piece of art, But a difficult matter to find a price for the bringing up a fine artist. {95} The fine arts have not, indeed, any intimate or immediate connection with the wealth or strength of a nation. The balance of trade has never been greatly increased by the exportation of great masterpieces of art, nor have nations been subdued by the powers of oratory; but the knowledge and the arts, by which wealth and greatness are obtained, follow in the train of the finer performances of human genius. Where money becomes the universal agent, where it is impossible to enjoy ease or comfort for a single day without it, it becomes an object of adoration, as it were. To despise gold, which purchases all things, is reckoned a greater crime than to despise him to whose bounty we are indebted for all things; consequently, ambition, without which there never is excellence, is, at an early period of life, bent towards the gaining a fortune. A man, indeed, must either be of a singularly odd and obstinate disposition, or very indifferent about the opinion of others, and even about the good things of this world, (as they are termed,) to persevere in obtaining perfection in science or art, while without bread, when he might, with a tenth part of the care and study, live in affluence, and get money from day to day. There are few such obstinate fools; and without them, in a wealthy country, there can be found few men profound in science, or excelling in any of the arts. The augmentation of taxes, by rendering the produce of industry dearer than in other countries, tends to cut off a nation of that de- --- {95} This is liable to some exceptions. Natural genius may make a man excel; but, even then, it is ten to one if he is not compelled to labour in order to get bread, in place of trying to obtain fame. It was thus the great Dr. Johnson, with a genius that might have procured him immortal fame, drudged, during life, on weekly or daily labours, which will soon be forgotten. Even his dictionary, wonderful as it is for a single man, is not worthy of the English nation, and Johnson's name is little known beyond the limits of his own country. His genius was great, but his labours were little. His mind was in fetters; it was Sampson grinding at the mill to amuse the Philistines; not Sampson slaying lions, and putting to flight armies. -=- [end of page #113] scription, from the markets in poorer countries. If all other countries are poorer; and the taxes lower; it has a tendency to shut it out from all the markets in the world. An operation, that, at the same time that it renders people less happy, less contented, and more indifferent to the fate of their country, and at the same time tends to shut them out from foreign markets, is certainly very hurtful to any country, but particularly so to one, the greatness of which is founded on manufactures and commerce. It would be useless to enlarge on so self-evident a consequence; yet, even in this case, we shall find something of that mixture of good, along with the bad, which is to be found in all human things. As exertion originates in necessity or want, which it removes, taxation has the effect of prolonging the operation of necessity, after it would otherwise have ceased, and of rendering its pressure greater than it otherwise would be; the consequence of this is a greater and larger continued exertion on the part of those who have to pay the taxes. Human exertion, either in the way of invention or of industry, is like a spring that is pressed upon, and gains strength according to the pressure, until a certain point, when it gives way entirely. Those investigators, who have calculated the effect of such and such a degree of taxation, of national debt, &c. have all erred, in not making any, or a sufficient, allowance for the action of this elastic power. Mr. Hume and Mr. Smith, certainly, both of them, men of profound research, have erred completely in this. The former, in calculating the ultimatum of exertion, at a point which we have long since passed; and, the latter, in reasoning on the taxation at the time he wrote, as if nearly the utmost degree, though it has since trebled, and the difficulty in paying seems to be diminished; at least it appears not to have augmented. To fix the point at which this can stop is not, indeed, very easy; particularly, as the value of gold and silver, which are the measures of other values, do themselves vary. Thus, for example, a working man can, with his day's wages, purchase as much bread and beer as he could have done with it forty years ago. Though the national debt [end of page #114] is five times as great as it was then, at the present price of bread, it would not take twice the number of loaves to pay it that it would have required at that time. The depreciation of money, then, as well as the continuation and augmented pressure of necessity, counteract, to a certain degree, and for a certain time, the natural tendency of taxes; but that counteraction, though operating in all cases, in its degree and duration, must depend upon particular circumstances; and though, perhaps, it cannot be, with much accuracy, ascertained in any case, it is impossible to attempt resolving the question in a general way; we shall, therefore, return to the subject, when we apply the general principles to the particular situation of England. One conclusion, however, is, that as taxes, carried to a great extent, are very dangerous, though not so if only carried to a certain point; as that point cannot be ascertained, it ought to be a general rule to lay on as few taxes as possible; and the giving as little trouble and derangement to the contributor as may be, is also another point, with respect to which there cannot be two different opinions. [end of page #115] CHAP. IV. _Of the interior Causes of Decline, arising from the Encroachments of public and privileged Bodies, and of those who have a common Interest; on those who have no common Interest_. {96} From the moment that any particular form of government or order is established in a nation, there must be separate and adverse interests; or, which is the same thing, bodies acting in opposition to each other, and seeking their own power and advantage at the expense of the rest. In a country where the executive government is under no sufficient control, its strides to arbitrary power are well known; but, in a government poised like that of England, where there are deliberative bodies, with different interests, acting separately, and interested in keeping each other and the executive in check, it is not from the government that much danger is to be apprehended. It is not meant to dwell on this particular part of the subject. As those governed hold a check on the executive power, which alone can be supposed to profit by oppression, there is a means of defence, in the first instance, and of redress, in the second, which diminishes greatly, if it does not entirely do away all danger from encroachment. Another thing to be said about this government is, that government and the subject never come into opposition with each other, except where there is law or precedent to determine between them. The danger, then, of encroachment on that side, is not very great, and it is the less so in this country, that, when there have been contests, they have always ended in favour of the people; whereas, in most --- {96} The public certainly has a common interest, but it feels it not, and even those who have separate interests make part of that very public.--This will be exemplified, in a variety of instances, in the course of the present chapter. -=- [end of page #116] other countries, they have terminated in favour of the executive power. It is not so, however, with many other of the component parts of society. Those deliberating bodies, who have separate interests, and all those who live, as it were, on the public, and have what they call, in France, _l'esprit du corps_, for which we have no proper expression, though it may be defined to be those who have a common interest, a fellow feeling, and the means of acting in concert, are much more dangerous. In nations where the executive power has no control, the progress of public bodies is less dangerous than where the power of the king is limited. It is always the interest of the sovereign, who monopolises all power, and those around him, to prevent any man, or body of men, from infringing on the liberty of the subject, or becoming rivals, by laying industry under contribution, so we find that, in every such nation, the clergy excepted, all public bodies are kept under proper subjection. {97} --- {97} In all countries, those who have the care of religious matters must necessarily have some control over the minds of the people, which they can to a certain degree turn either to a good or a bad purpose. It is, therefore, impossible that the government and clergy can, for any length of time, act in opposition to each other: one or other of the two must soon fall, and there have been instances of the triumph of each. We have sometimes seen kings triumph over the clergy, but not very often; and we have frequently seen governments overturned by their means: except, therefore, in a state of revolution, they must mutually support each other. This is the natural state of things; but, in Roman Catholic countries, priests have a superior sway to what they have in any other, for several reasons that are very obvious. In the first place, the sovereign of the nation is not the head of the church; and, in the second, by means of a very superior degree of art and attention, during the dark ages, when the laity were sunk in ignorance, the catholic clergy contrived to entail the church property, from generation to generation, upon the whole body: at the same time, enjoining celibacy, by which all chance of alienation, even of personal property, was done away. As to the means of acquiring property, and of augmenting it; they were many, and, in every contest with the secular authority, they had a great advantage, by speaking, as it were, through ten thousand mouths at once, and giving the alarm to the consciences of the weak. In countries where the protestant religion has been established, the case is widely different. Gothic darkness was nearly fled before the reformation: besides this, the clergy are like other men, with regard to the manner of living; they are fathers and husbands, and, as such, liable to have all the property that is their own alienated, as much as any other set of men [end of page #117] whatever. The reformers, who were neither destitute of penetration nor zeal, and who knew all the abuses of the church of Rome, in matters of regulation as well as of opinion, were very careful to settle the new order of things on such a plan, as to be free from the evils which they had experienced, and against which they had risen with such energy and zeal. -=- The simple state of the case is, that the interest of the people is that of the sovereign; and, except in cases where there is a profound ignorance of what is good for the nation, every wise sovereign takes the part of the people. But, under a limited monarchy, or in a democracy, the case is different. There, those bodies, which an arbitrary monarch would reduce to obedience at once, stand upon prerogative themselves; they form a band in the legislature, and act true to their own interests; so that the sovereign himself is compelled to admit of abuses, which he is willing but not able to remedy. It is a great mistake, and one of the greatest into which people have of late been apt to run, that the government and people of a country are of opposite interests; and that governments wish to oppress the people, and rob them of the means of being affluent and happy: the very contrary is the case; all enlightened monarchs have acted quite differently. Alfred the Great, Edward III. Queen Elizabeth, and nearly all her successors have endeavoured to increase the wealth and happiness of the people in England. Henry IV. of France, even Louis XIV. Peter the Great of Russia, Catherine, and indeed all his successors, as also the Kings of Prussia, the Grand Duke of Tuscany, and other sovereigns, who know how to shew their disposition, have tried to enrich their people, and render them happy. The great study of the English government has always been directed to that end, and the Romans extended their care even to the nations they subdued. Though there are many sovereigns who have not known how to do this, and therefore have either not attempted it, or erred in the mode they have taken; yet, with very few exceptions indeed, sovereigns have been found to wish for the prosperity of the nations over which they ruled. In all human institutions there is much that is bad, and something [end of page #118] that is good; and the best, as well as the worst, are only combinations of good and evil, differing in the proportions. In mixt governments, or in limited governments, the people can defend their rights better against the sovereign than against those bodies that spring up amongst themselves: whereas, in pure monarchies, they have only to guard against the encroachments of the sovereign; and he will take care to prevent them from being oppressed by any other power. This tendency to destruction, from encroachments of public bodies in established governments, is more to be dreaded in limited monarchies, and in democracies, than in pure monarchies; but we have had little occasion to observe the progress in governments of the former sort, excepting the clergy, though the military and the nobles generally play their part. In Rome, the military never were dangerous, while the armies were only raised, like militias, for the purpose of a particular war; but, when they became a standing body, they were the proximate efficient cause of destroying liberty, though this was only the prelude to that decline which afterwards took place. In limited monarchies, the lawyers are the greatest body, from which this sort of danger arises, and the reasons are numerous and evident. United in interest, and constantly occupied in studying the law of the country, while the public at large are occupied on a variety of different objects, and without any bond of union, there can be nothing more natural than that they should contrive to render the business which they alone can understand, of as much importance and profit as possible. In the criminal law of the country, where the king is the prosecutor, and where the lawyers are not interested in multiplying expense or embarrassment, our laws are administered with admirable attention; though, perhaps, in some cases, they are blamed for severity, they are justly admired over the world for their mode of administration. It is very different in cases of property, or civil actions, where it is man against man, and where both solicitor and council =sic= are interested in the intricacy of the case. Here, indeed, the public is so glaringly imposed upon, that it would be almost useless to dwell on the sub-[end of page #119] ject, and, as a part of the plan of this work is to offer, or point out, a remedy, it may be sufficient, in this case, to go over the business once, and leave the examples till the relief is proposed. At present, it is, however, necessary to shew why, as things are constituted in mixed governments like this, no remedy is to be had. The public only acts by representatives; and, in the House of Lords, the law-lords, who have _l'esprit du corps_, may easily contrive to manage every thing. One or two noblemen excepted, no one either has, or pretends to have sufficient knowledge to argue or adjust a point of law. Indeed, it is no easy matter to do so with effect, for, besides that, the law-lords have ministers on their side, or, which is the same thing, are on the side of ministers, the speaker is himself at the head of the law. The other members who look up to the law-lords, and who are generally very few in number on a law-question, generally give their assent. In the House of Commons, in which there are a number of lawyers, they are still less opposed. The country gentlemen profess ignorance. They think that to watch money-bills, the privileges of the house, the general interests of the nation, roads, canals, and inclosures, is their province. The mercantile, and other interests, composed of men getting money with great rapidity, consider the abuses of law as not to them of much importance; they do not feel the inconvenience, and have neither time nor inclination to study the subject. {98} The prerogative of the king to refuse his assent, might, perhaps, be expected to come in as a protection, but here there is least of all any thing to be expected. In the first place, it is thought to be wise never to use that prerogative, and, in the second place, the lord-high-chancellor is the king's guide in every thing of the sort, insomuch, that he is styled the keeper of the king's conscience. With power, influence, and interest on one side, and nothing to oppose it on the other, (for the common proverb is true, as all common --- {98} The law is the widest, and the shortest, and the nearest road to a peerage. A Howe, Nelson, and St. Vincent, play a game, partly of skill, and partly of chance, for title; they must have luck and opportunity. The others are sure with fewer competitors to have more prizes. -=- [end of page #120] proverbs are, that what is every body's business is nobody's,) the lawyers must encroach on the public, and they have done so to a most alarming degree. In this case, it is not, as in others, where the great cut out work for and employ the small. No. The great generally (indeed almost always) begin with the advice and by the means of an attorney, who is only supposed to understand law-practice. The proceeding does not originate with the council, who could form some judgment of the justice of the case, so that a mean petty-fogging attorney may, for a trifle, which he puts into his own pocket, ruin two ignorant and honest men; he may set the ablest council to work, and occupy, for a time, the courts of justice, to the general interruption of law, and injury of the public. This is, perhaps, one of the greatest and most crying evils in the land, and calls out the most loudly for redress, as the effects are very universal. In a commercial country, so many interests clash, and there are such a variety of circumstances, that the vast swarms of attorneys, who crowd the kingdom, find no difficulty in misleading one of the parties, and that is the cause of most law-suits. As commercial wealth increases the evil augments, not in simple proportion, but in a far more rapid progression; first, in proportion to the wealth and gain to be obtained, and, secondly, according to the opportunities which augment with the business done. In addition to the real dead expense, the loss of time, the attention, and the misfortune and misery occasioned by the law, are terrible evils; and, if ever the moment comes, that a general dissatisfaction prevails, it will be the law that will precipitate the evil. The mildness of the civil laws in France, and the restraints under which lawyers are held, served greatly to soften the rigours of the revolution for the first two years. Had they possessed the power and the means they do in England, the revolution must have become much more terrible than it was at the first outset. The lawyers owe all their power to the nature of the government. An arbitrary monarch will have no oppressor but himself, but here the [end of page #121] different interests are supposed to be poised; and when they are, all goes right, but, when they happen not to be so, the most active interest carries the day. Though the law is the greatest of those bodies that is of a different interest from the public at large, yet there are some others deserving notice, and requiring reformation. It is the interest of all those who are connected with government to do away abuses that tend to endanger its security, or diminish its resources. As the public revenue is all derived from those who labour, and as it can come from no other persons, if the prosperity and happiness of the subject were a mere matter of indifference, which it cannot be supposed to be; still it would be an object for government to preserve his resources undiminished. It was our lot, in another chapter, to mention the enormous increase of the poor's rate, which was in part attributed to the general increase of wealth; mal-administration is, however, another cause, and, the public is the more to be pitied, that the parish-officers defend their conduct against their constituents at the expense of their constituents. In an inquiry after truth, it should be spoken without fear of offending; and, in this case, though the feelings of Englishmen may, perhaps, be hurt, and their pride wounded, it must be allowed, that if it were not for the mock-democratical form of administrating =sic= the funds for the maintenance of the poor, they would never suffer the extortion, and the bare-faced iniquities that are committed. {99} The ship- money, the poll-tax, the taxes on the Americans, and others, that have caused so much bloodshed and strife, never amounted to one-tenth, if all added together, of what the English public pays to be applied to maintain the poor, and administered by rude illiterate men, who render scarcely any account, and certainly, in general, evade all regular control. Those administrators, though chosen by the people, always, while in office, imbibe _l'esprit du corps_, and make a common cause. --- {99} In Brabant and Flanders the people were very jealous of their liberties. They were, however, most terribly oppressed by the churchmen and lawyers. -=- [end of page #122] The repairs of highways, bridges, streets, and expenses of police in general; whatever falls on parishes, towns, or counties, in the form of a tax or rate, is generally ill-administered, and the wastefulness increases with wealth. The difficulty of controling or redressing those evils proceeds from the same spirit pervading all the separate administrations. Government alone can remedy this; and it is both the interest and duty of the government to keep a strict watch over every body of men that has an interest separate from that of the public at large. Similar to the human body, which becomes stiff and rigid with age, so, as states get older, regulation upon regulation, and encroachment on encroachment, add friction and difficulty to the machine, till its force is overcome, and the motion stops. In the human body, if no violent disease intervenes, age occasions death. In the body politic, if no accidental event comes to accelerate the effect, it brings on a revolution; hence, as a nation never dies, it throws off the old grievances, and begins a new career. The tendency that all laws and regulations have to become more complicated, and that all bodies, united by one common interest, have to encroach on the general weal, are known from the earliest periods; but we have no occasion to go back to early periods for a proof of that in this country. As wealth increases, the temptation augments, and the resistance decreases. The wealthy part of society are scarcely pressed upon by the evils, and they love ease too well to trouble themselves with fighting the battles of the public. Those who are engaged in trade are too much occupied to spare time; and, if they were not, they neither in general know how to proceed, nor have they any fund at their disposal, from which to draw the necessary money for expenditure. It sometimes happens, that an individual, from a real public spirit, or from a particular humour or disposition, or, perhaps, because he has been severely oppressed, musters sufficient courage to undertake the redress of some particular grievance; but, unless he is very fortunate, and possesses both money and abilities, it is generally the ruin of his peace, if not of his fortune. He finds himself at once beset with a host of enemies, who throw every embarrassment in his way: his friends [end of page #123] may admire and pity, but they very seldom lend him any assistance. If some progress is made in redressing the grievance, it is generally attended with such consequences to the individual, as to deter others from undertaking a similar cause. Thus the incorporated body becomes safe, and goes on with its encroachments with impunity. Much more may be said upon this subject; but, as it is rather one of which the operation is regulated by particular circumstances, than by general rules, the object being to apply the result of the inquiry to England, we shall leave it till we come to the application of it to that country, only observing, that the church, the army, and the law, are the three bodies universally and principally to be looked to as dangerous; and each of them according to the situation and the form of government of the respective countries, though, in England, the church has less means than in any country in Europe of extending its revenues or power, the law and corporate bodies the most; and, under arbitrary governments, the church and the military have the most, and the law and corporate bodies little or none. [end of page #124] CHAP. V. _Of the internal Causes of Decline, arising from the unequal Division of Property, and its Accumulation in the Hands of particular Persons.-- Its Effects on the Employment of Capital_. In every country, the wealth that is in it has a natural tendency to accumulate in the hands of certain individuals, whether the laws of the society do or do not favour that accumulation. Although it has been observed in a former chapter that wealth follows industry, and flies from the son of the affluent citizen to the poor country boy, yet that is only the case with wealth, the possessor of which requires industry to keep it; for, where wealth has been obtained, so as to be in the form of land or money at interest, this is no longer the case. {100} In America, and in countries that are new, or in those of which the inhabitants have been sufficiently hardy, and rash to overturn every ancient institution, precautions have been taken against the accumulation of too much wealth in the hands of one person, or at least to discourage and counteract it; but, in old nations, where we do not chuse =sic= to run such risks, the case is different. The natural vanity of raising a family, the means that a rich man has to accumulate, the natural chance of wealth accumulating by marriages, and many other circumstances, operate in favour of all those rich men, who are freed from risk, and independent of industry. In some cases, extravagance dissipates wealth, but the laws favour accumulation of landed property, and counteract extravagance; the advantages are in favour of all the wealthy in general, and the consequence is, that from the first origin of any particular order of things, till some convulsion takes place, the division of property becomes more and more unequal. Far from counteracting this by the laws of the land, in all those --- {100} Amongst the Romans, in early times, property in land was by law to be equally divided; but that absurd law was never strictly attended to, and when the country became wealthy was totally set aside. -=- [end of page #125] countries, the governments of which took strength during this feudal system, there are regulations leading greatly to accelerate the progress. The law of primogeniture has this effect; and the law of entails, both immoral and impolitic in its operation, has a still greater tendency. These laws only extend to agricultural property; but commerce, which at first tends to disseminate wealth, in the end, has the same effect of accumulating it in private hands. Industry, art, and intelligence, are, in the early ages, the spring of commerce; but, as machinery and capital become necessary, a set of persons rise up who engross all the great profits, and amass immense fortunes. {101} The consequence of great fortunes, and the unequal division of property, are, that the lower ranks, though expensively maintained, become degraded, disorderly, and uncomfortable, while the middling classes disappear by degrees. Discontent pervades the great mass of the people, and the supporters of the government, though powerful, are too few in number, and too inefficient in character to preserve it from ruin. The proprietors of land or money should never be so far raised above the ordinary class of the people as to be totally ignorant of their manner of feeling and existing, or to lose sight of the connection between industry and prosperity; for, whenever they do, the industrious are oppressed, and wealth vanishes. {102} It requires not much knowledge, and little love of justice, to see that there must be gradations in society, which, instead of diminishing, increase the general happiness of mankind; but when we --- {101} Invention has nearly the same effect in commerce that the introduction of gunpowder and artillery have on the art of war. Wealth is rendered more necessary to carry them on. Every new improvement that is made, in either the personal strength and energy of man becomes of less importance. {102} Some of the greatest proprietors in this kingdom, much to their honour, are the most exemplary men in it, with respect to their conduct to their tenantry; but though the instances are honourable and splendid, they are not general; nor is it in the nature of things that they can be general. In France, matters were in general different; and the inattention of the nobility to their duty was one cause of the revolution; they had forgot, that, if they neglected or oppressed the industrious, they must ruin themselves. -=- [end of page #126] find that the chance of being born half an hour sooner or later makes one man the proprietor of 50,000 acres and another little better than a beggar; when we consider that, by means of industry, he never may be able to purchase a garden to grow cabbages for his family, it loosens our attachment to the order of things we see before us, it hurts our ideas of moral equity. A man of reflection wishes the evil to be silently counteracted, and if he is violent, and has any disposition to try a change, it furnishes him with arguments and abettors. When the Romans (with whose history we are tolerably well acquainted) {103} grew rich, the division of property became very unequal, and the attachment of the people for their government declined, the middle classes lost their importance, and the lower orders of free citizens became a mere rabble. When Rome was poor, the people did not cry for bread, but when the brick buildings were turned into marble palaces, when a lamprey was sold for fifty-six pounds, {104} the people became a degraded populace, not much better, or less disorderly than the Lazzeroni of Naples. A donation of corn was a bribe to a Roman citizen; {105} though there is not, perhaps, an order of peasantry in the most remote corner of Europe, who would consider such a donation in ordinary times as an object either worthy of clamour or deserving of thanks. {106} The Romans, at the time when Cincinatus held the plough, and the conquerors of nations roasted their own turnips, would have thought themselves degraded by eating bread obtained by such means; but it was different with the Romans after they had conquered the world. In a more recent example, we may trace a similar effect, arising from a cause not very different. --- {103} We know better about the laws and manners of the Romans 2000 years ago, in the time of the first Punic War, than about those of England, in the time of Henry the Fourth. They had fixed laws, their state was young, and the division of property tolerably equal. {104} See Arbuthnot on Coins. {105} Do not the soup-shops of late invention, and certainly well intended, bear some resemblance to these days of Roman wretchedness and magnificence. {106} It is to be observed, these donations were not on account of scarcity, but to save the people from the trouble of working to earn the corn; they were become idle in body and degraded in mind. -=- [end of page #127] The unequal division of property in France was one of the chief causes of the revolution; the intention of which was, to overturn the then existing order of things. The ignorance of the great proprietors concerning of their true interests, and the smallness of their numbers, disabled them from protecting themselves. The middle orders were discontented, and wished for a change; and the lower orders were so degraded, that, at the first signal, they became as mutinous and as mean as the Plebians at Rome, in the days of its splendor. {107} That this was not alone owing to the unequal division of property is certain, there were other causes, but that was a principal one. As a proof that this was so in England, where property is more equally divided than it was in France, the common people are more attached to government, and of a different spirit, though they are changing since the late great influx of wealth into this country, and since difficulties which have accumulated on the heads of the middle orders, while those who have large fortunes feel a greater facility of augmenting them than at any former period. In those parts of this country, where wealth has made the least progress, the character of the people supports itself the best amongst the lower classes; and the inverse progress of that character, and of the acquisition of wealth, is sufficiently striking to be noticed by one who is neither a very near, nor a very nice observer. Discontent and envy rise arise from comparison; and, where they become prevalent, society can never stand long. They are enemies to fair industry. Whatever may have been the delusive theories into which ill- intentioned, designing, and subtile men have sometimes deluded the great mass of the people, they have never been successful, except when they could fight under the appearance of justice, and thereby create discontent. The unequal division of property has frequently served them in this case. --- {107} The Parisian populace were the instruments in the hand of those who destroyed the former government, as the regular army is in the hands of him who has erected that which now exists. -=- [end of page #128] [Transcriber's note: possible omissis--page 128 ends as above, page 129 starts as next follows...] while it increased the ignorance, and diminished the number of the enemies they had to encounter. As this evil has arisen to a greater height in countries which have had less wealth in the aggregate than England, it is not the most dangerous thing we have to encounter; but, as the tendency to it increases very rapidly of late years, we must, by no means, overlook it. A future Chapter will be dedicated to the purpose of inquiring how this may be counteracted in some cases, in others modified and disguised, so as to prevent, in some degree, the evil effects that naturally arise from it. Of all the ways in which property accumulates, in particular hands, the most dangerous is landed property; not only on account of entails, and the law of primogeniture, (which attach to land alone,) but because it is the property the most easily retained, the least liable to be alienated, and the only one that augments in value in a state that is growing rich. An estate in land augments in value, without augmenting in extent, when a country becomes richer. A fortune, lent at interest, diminishes, as the value of money sinks. A fortune engaged in trade is liable to risks, and requires industry to preserve it: but industry, it has been observed, never is to be found for any great length of time in any single line of men; consequently, there are few great monied men, except such as have acquired their own fortunes, and those can never be very numerous nor overgrown. Besides our having facts to furnish proofs that there are no very great fortunes, except landed fortunes; it can scarcely have escaped the notice of any one, that no other gives such umbrage, or shews the inferiority men =sic= who have none so much. {108} That there is a perpetual tendency to the accumulation of property, in the hands of individuals, is certain; for, amongst the nations --- {108} If a man has wealth, in any other form, it is only known by the expenditure he makes, and it is quickly diminished by mismanagement; but the great landed estate, which is seldom well attended to, is mismanaged to the public detriment without ruin to the proprietor. -=- [end of page #129] of Europe, those who are the most ancient, exhibit the most striking contrasts of poverty and riches. Nations obtaining wealth by commerce are less liable to this danger than any others; at least we are led to believe so, from the present situation of things: we are, perhaps, however, not altogether right in the conclusion. In France there were, and in Germany, Russia, and Poland, there are some immense fortunes, though general wealth is not nearly equal to that of England: so much for a comparison between nations of the present day. Again, it is certain, there were some fortunes in England, in the times of the Plantagenets and Tudors, much greater than any of the present times. {109} England was not then near so wealthy as it is now, and had very little commerce: it would then appear, that whether we compare England with what it was before it became a wealthy and commercial nation, or with other nations, at the present time, which are not wealthy, commerce and riches appear to have operated in dividing riches, and making that division more equal, rather than in rendering their accumulation great in particular hands, and their distribution unequal. Before we are too positive about the cause, though we admit this effect, let us inquire whether there are not some other circumstances that are peculiar to the present situation of England, that may, if not wholly, at least in part, account for it. The form of government in England is different from that of any of those countries. It is also different in its nature, though not in its form, from what it was under the Plantagenets and Tudors. Court favour cannot enrich a family in this country, and the operation of the law is tolerably equal. As neither protection, nor rank, in this country, raise a man above the rest of society, so the richest subject is obliged to obtain, by his expenditure, that consideration which he would ob- --- {109} Two centuries ago, land was sold for twelve years purchase, and the rents are five times as great as they were then; 10,000 L. employed in buying land then would now produce 5000 L. a year. Had the same money been lent, at interest, it would but produce 500 L. The land, too, would sell for 140,000 L. The monied capital would remain what it was. -=- [end of page #130] tain by other means, under another form of government, {110} and he is as much compelled to pay his debts as any other man. It is not, however, the great wealth of one individual, or even of a few individuals, that is an object of consideration. It will be found that the great number of persons, who live upon revenues, sufficiently abundant to exempt them from care and attention, and to enable them to injure the manners of the people, (being above the necessity of economy, feeling none of its wants, and contributing nothing by their own exertion to its wealth or strength,) is a very great evil, and one that tends constantly to increase. But if this progress goes on, while a nation is acquiring wealth, how much faster does it not proceed when it approaches towards its decline? It is, then, indeed, that the extremes of poverty and riches are to be seen in the most striking degree. The higher classes can never be made to contribute their share towards the prosperity of a state; where there are no middling classes to connect the higher and lower orders, and to protect the lower orders from the power of the higher, a state must gradually decline. It is in the middling classes that the freedom, the intelligence, and the industry of a country reside. The higher class may be very intelligent, but can never be very numerous; and being above the feeling of want, except in a few instances, (where nature has endowed the wealthy with innate good qualities,) there is nothing to be expected or obtained of them, {111} towards the general good. From the working and laborious classes, again, little is to be expected. They fill the part assigned to them when they perform their duty to themselves and families; and they have neither leisure, nor other means of contributing to general prosperity as public men; --- {110} In France, the richest subject under the crown was a prince of the blood, &c. {111} In this case, the English form of government is good, because, it not only hinders any man from forgetting that he is a man, but whenever there is any ambition, no one in this country can rise above the necessity of acting with, and feeling for, their inferiors, of whom they sometimes have to ask favours, which they never do under a pure monarchy. -=- [end of page #131] they, indeed, pay more than their share of taxes in almost every country; {112} but they cannot directly, even by election, participate in the government of the country. If any number of persons engross the whole of the lands of a nation, then the labourers that live on those lands must be in a degraded situation; they then become less sound and less important members of the state than they would otherwise be. Necessity does not act with that favourable impulse on people, where property is very unequally divided, that it does where the gradation from the state of poverty to that of riches is more regular. As the action of the body is brought on by the effect produced on the mind; and as there is no hope of obtaining wealth where it appears very unequally divided, so also there is no exertion where there is no hope. {113} Where there is no regular gradation of rank and division of property, emulation, which is the spur to action, when absolute necessity ceases to operate, is entirely destroyed; thus the lower classes become degraded and discouraged, as is universally found to be the case in nations that have passed their meridian; the contrary being as regularly and constantly the case with rising nations. Besides the degradation and listlessness occasioned in the lower ranks, by an unequal distribution of property, the most agreeable, and the strongest bond of society is thereby broken. The bond that --- {112} This is less the case in England than in any other country. {113} It is strange how possibility, which is the mother of hope, acts upon, and controuls, the passions. Envy is generally directed to those who are but a little raised above us. They are reckoned to be madmen who envy kings, or fall in love with princesses, and, in fact, they are such, unless when they belong to the same rank themselves. Love, for example, which is not a voluntary passion, or under the controul of reason, ought, according to the chances of things, sometimes to make a sensible and wise man become enamoured of a princess, but that never happens. It would appear, that, in order to become the object of desire, there must be a hope founded on a reasonable expectation of obtaining the object. This can be but very small in the lower classes, when they look at the overgrown rich, and have no intermediate rank to envy or emulate. -=- [end of page #132] consists, in the attachment of the inferior classes, to those immediately above them. Where the distance is great, there is but little connection, and that connection is merely founded upon conveniency, not on a similarity of feeling, or an occasional interchange of good actions, or mutual services. By this means, the whole society becomes, as it were, disjointed, and if the chain is not entirely broken, it has at least lost that strength and pliability that is necessary, either for the raising a nation to greatness, or supporting it after it has risen to a superior degree of rank or power. Amongst the causes of the decline of wealthy nations, this then is one. The great lose sight of the origin of their wealth, and cease to consider, that all wealth originates in labour, and that, therefore, the industrious and productive classes are the sinews of riches and power. The French nation, to which we have had occasion to allude already, was in this situation before the revolution. Rome was so likewise before its fall. We are not, however, to expect to find this as a principal cause in the fall of all nations; many of them fell from exterior and not interior causes. Venice, Genoa, and all the places that flourished in the middle ages, fell from other causes. Whatever their internal energy might have been, their fate could not have been altered, nor their fall prevented. The case is different with nations of which the extent is sufficiently great to protect them against the attacks of their enemies; and where the local situation is such as to secure them from a change taking place in the channels of commerce, a cause of decline which is not to be resisted by any power inherent in a nation itself. In Spain and Portugal the internal causes are the preponderating ones, and, in some measure, though not altogether so, in Holland. If England should ever fall, internal causes must have a great share in the catastrophe. In this inquiry, then, we must consider the interior state of the country as of great importance. When property is very unequally divided, the monied capital of a nation, upon the employment of which, next to its industry, its wealth, or revenue, depend, begins to be applied less advantageously. A preference is given to employments, by which money is got with most ease and [end of page #133] certainty, though in less quantity. A preference also is given to lines of business that are reckoned the most noble and independent. Manufacturers aspire to become merchants, and merchants to become mere lenders of money, or agents. The detail is done by brokers, by men who take the trouble, and understand the nature of the particular branches they undertake, but who furnish no capital. The Dutch were the greatest example of this. Independent of those great political events, which have, as it were, completed the ruin of their country, they had long ceased to give that great encouragement to manufactures, which had, at first, raised them to wealth and power in so surprising a manner. They had, in the latter times, become agents for others, rather than merchants on their own account; so that the capital, which, at one time, brought in, probably, twenty or twenty- five per cent. annually, and which had, even at a late period, produced ten or fifteen, was employed in a way that scarcely produced three. If it were possible to employ large capitals with as much advantage, and to make them set in motion and maintain as much industry as small ones are made to do, there would scarcely be any limit to the accumulation of money in a country; but a vast variety of causes operate on preventing this. Whatever, therefore, tends to accumulate the capital of a nation in a few hands (thereby depriving the many) not only increases luxury, and corrupts manners and morals, but diminishes the activity of the capital and the industry of the country. {114} In all the great places that are now in a state of decay, we find families living on the interest of money, that formerly were engaged in manufactures or commerce. Antwerp, Genoa, and Venice, were full --- {114} It is a strange fact, that when this country was not nearly so far advanced as it is now, almost all the merchants traded on their own capitals; they purchased goods, paid for them, sold them, and waited for the returns; but now it is quite different. They purchase on credit, and draw bills on those to whom they sell, and are continually obliged to obtain discounts; or, in other words, to borrow money, till the regular time of payment comes round; they may, therefore, be said to be trading with the capital of money-lenders, who afford them discount. -=- [end of page #134] of such, but those persons would not have ventured a single shilling in a new enterprise. The connection between industry and revenue was lost in their ideas. They knew nothing of it, and the remnants of the industrious, who still cultivated the ancient modes of procuring wealth, were considered as an inferior class of persons, depending upon less certain means of existence, and generally greatly straitened for capital, which, as soon as they possessed in sufficient quantity, enabled them to follow the same example, and to retire to the less affluent, but more esteemed and idle practice of living upon interest. In countries where there are nobility, the capital of the commercial world is constantly going to them, either by marriage of daughters, or by the other means, which rich people take to become noble. Even where there are no nobility, the class of citizens living without any immediate connection with trade consider themselves as forming the highest order of society, and they become the envy of the others. There appears to be no means of preventing capital, when unequally divided, from being invested in the least profitable way that produces revenue. When more equally divided, it is employed in the way that produces the greatest possible income, by setting to work and maintaining the greatest possible quantity of labour. If there is not sufficient means of employing capital within a nation or country that has a very unequal division of wealth, there are plenty of opportunities furnished by poorer nations. Accordingly, every one of the nations, states, or towns, that has ever been wealthy, has furnished those who wanted it with capital, at a low interest. Amsterdam has lent great sums to England, to Russia, and France. The French owed a very large sum to Genoa at the beginning of the revolution. Antwerp, Cologne, and every one of the ancient, rich, and decayed towns had vested money in the hands of foreign nations, or lent to German princes, or to the great proprietors of land, on the security of their estates. The American funds found purchasers amongst the wealthy all over Europe, when they could not find any in their own states; and, it is probable, that the far greater portion of their debt is at this time in the hands of foreigners. Thus it is that wealthy nations let the means by which the wealth [end of page #135] was acquired go out of their hands; each individual in a new state, or in an old, follows his own interest and disposition in the disposal of his property. In the new state, the individual interest and that of the country are generally the same; in the old one, they are in opposition to each other, and that opposition is greatly increased by the unequal division of property. The middling class of proprietors never seek the most profitable employment for their money; the very wealthy are always inclined to seek for good security and certain payment, without any consideration of the interest of their country. To counteract the tendency of property to accumulate, without infringing on the rights of individuals, will be found desirable. In the Fourth Book =sic--there is none.=, a mode of doing this shall be attentively taken into consideration. [end of page #136] CHAP. VI. _Of the Interior Causes of Decline, which arise from the Produce of the Soil becoming unequal to the Sustenance of a luxurious People.-- Of Monopoly_. It has already been mentioned, and we have seen, in the case of Rome and Italy, that the country which was sufficient to maintain a certain population, when the manners of the people were simple, becomes incapable of doing so, when wealth has introduced luxury. The case of the Romans, though the most clearly ascertained of any, and the circumstances the best known, is only in part applicable to an inquiry into the effects of luxury at the present day. The nature of luxury, the nature of the wants of man, and the diffusion of that luxury, its distribution amongst the different classes, are so unlike to what they were, that the comparison scarcely holds in any single instance. A most enormous increase of population (a forced population as it were) in a small country, together with large tracts of land converted from agriculture to the purposes of pleasure were the principal causes why Italy, in latter times, was incapable of supplying itself with corn. Wherever wealth comes in more easily and in abundance, by other means than by agriculture, that is to a certain degree neglected. To cultivate ceases to be an object where it is more easy to purchase. This certainly is, at all times, and in all places, one of the consequences of an influx of wealth, from wheresoever it comes, or by whatever means it is acquired; though, in Italy, it was felt more than perhaps in any other part of the world. The manner in which wealth comes into a nation has a great effect on the consumption of produce, owing to the description of persons into whose hands it first comes. In Rome, the wealth came into the hands of the great. The slaves and servants, though more numerous, were, perhaps, fed in the same manner with the slaves in earlier periods, though probably not with so much economy. In a manufacturing country, [end of page #137] the greatest part of the wealth comes first into the hands of the labouring people, who then live better and consume more of the produce of the earth; not by eating a greater quantity, but by eating of a different quality. In every manufacturing or commercial country, wealth displays itself in general opulence amongst the lower orders, and the means of supplying that greater consumption is the same as it was in Rome. The money that arrives from other countries enables the community to purchase from other countries the deficiency of provisions, and prevents the evil effects from being felt at the moment. When, in course of time, there comes to be a difficulty of obtaining the supply, from the want of produce in the country itself, then the decline begins; and as no wealth, arising either from conquest, colonies, or commerce, bears any great proportion to the daily food of a people, its effect is soon felt in a very ruinous and terrible manner. England is the greatest country for extensive commerce that ever existed, yet the amount of the whole of its foreign trade would not do much more than furnish the people with bread, and certainly not with all the simple necessaries of life. If, therefore, a country, such as this is, were unable to furnish itself with the necessaries of life, the whole balance of trade, now in its favour, would not be sufficient to supply any considerable deficiency. The desire of eating animal food, in place of vegetables, is very general and, amongst a people living by manufactures, will always be indulged. If the country was fully peopled, before animal food was so much used; that is, if the population was as great as the vegetable produce of the country was able to supply; as the same quantity of ground cannot feed the same number of people with animal food, there will be a necessity of importing the deficiency. The change that this produces, when once it begins to operate, is a most powerful and effectual cause of decline; and, without the intervention of conquest, or any violent revolution, would of itself be sufficient to impoverish, in the first instance, and, in the second, to depopulate a country. We find every country that was once wealthy, but that has fallen [end of page #138] into decline, is thinly peopled; and if it were not for the want of information, from which the cause may be traced, a deficiency of food might most probably be found to be one of the most efficient. Flanders, which is one of the most fertile countries in Europe, and has experienced a partial decline, is probably not near so fully peopled as it once was. Its present population would not support those armies, or give it that rank amongst nations which it at one time maintained. It is true there have been persecutions and emigrations, which must have reduced the population of the country for a time, but not to an extent that would account for such a diminution in its numbers, as there is reason to think has taken place. Ghent, a town of an amazing size, could, at one time, send out fifty thousand fighting men. It certainly could not now (that is to say, at the time the French subdued the country) have furnished one-fourth part of the number. Ghent is not the only town in this situation, the others have all fallen off in the same manner. When manufactures declined, the people did not go to live in the country, for that also is thinly inhabited, the richness of the soil being taken into consideration. The peasants of that country lived much better than their French neighbours; they apparently brought up their children with more ease, and fed them more fully; but the country was not so populous, in proportion to its fertility. In southern climates, where the heat of the sun is great, and vegetation difficult, unless the crop is of a nature to protect the ground from its effects, natural grass is never luxuriant; and the cattle are neither so large nor so fat as in more northerly latitudes. Corn, on the other hand, which rises to a sufficient height, before the hot season, to protect the ground from the rays of the sun, is a more profitable crop; and, indeed, the only one that could (potatoes excepted) support a great population. In such countries, scarcely any degree of general affluence would enable the labouring classes to eat animal food. No degree of wealth, that can well be supposed, would enable the inhabitants of the southern parts of France, or of Spain, to live on butcher-meat, which, [end of page #139] if it became to be in general demand, would be dearer than poultry, or even than game. The absolute necessity of living on vegetables, or rather the absolute impossibility of contracting a habit of living on animal food, must, then, in those countries, counteract the taste, and prevent depopulation being produced by that cause.--But it is very different with more northerly countries, where it is almost a matter of indifference, in point of expense, to an individual who enjoys any degree of affluence, whether he lives on vegetable or animal food, and where he gives a decided preference to the former. {115} It is probable that nature (so admirable in adapting the manners of the inhabitants to the nature of the country) has made heavy animal food less congenial to the taste of southern nations than to those of the north. There is, indeed, reason to believe it is so, but, whether it is or not, as natural philosophy is not here the study, but political economy, the fact is, that if southern nations had the same propensity, it would be impossible to indulge it to an equal extent. As wealth and power are intimately connected with population, and depend in a great measure upon it, wherever they are the cause of introducing a taste that will, in the end, depopulate a country, they must, in so far, undermine their own support, and bring on decay. This is a case that applies to all northern nations, and particularly to Britain; in order, therefore, to treat the subject at full length, it will be better to enter into the minute examination when we come to apply the case directly to this country, and seek for a remedy. --- {115} The proportion between the prices of bread and butcher meat will help to a conclusion on this subject. The warmer and dryer the climate, the cheaper bread is in proportion. At Paris, which is a dry, but not a very warm climate, the proportion, in ordinary times, was as four to one. A loaf of bread of four pounds, and a pound of meat, were supposed to be nearly the same price, but the meat was generally the higher of the two. In England, the proportion (before the late revolution in prices) was about two to one, and, in Ireland, where the soil and climate are more moist, and better for cattle, flesh meat was still cheaper, in proportion. The poverty of the people, indeed, prevented them from living on animal food, but buttermilk, (an animal production) and potatoes, a cheaper vegetable, are their chief sustenance. -=- [end of page #140] Though this cause of depopulation, arising from wealth, increasing the consumption of food, is peculiar to northern nations, yet there are others that have a similar effect, that fall more heavily on the inhabitants of the south. Rest from labour is, in warm climates, a great propensity, and easily indulged. In no northern nation could there be found so idle a set of beings as the Lazzeroni of Naples. If the nations of the north have a desire to indulge themselves in consuming more, those of the south have a propensity to be idle, and produce less, the effect of which is in nearly the same; for, whether they produce any thing or not, they must consume something. The same listlessness and desire of rest, that produces idleness and beggary amongst the poor, makes the rich inclined to have a great retinue of servants, and, as those servants are idly inclined, they serve for low wages, on condition of having but light work to perform. Thus it is that the fertility of the soil, and the other natural advantages are destroyed by the disposition of the inhabitants. It does not appear, however, that this disposition was indulged or encouraged to any hurtful extent, until wealth had vitiated the original manners of the inhabitants. The Egyptians, Greeks, and Romans, all of them performed works requiring great exertion. They encouraged industry and arts, and became great, wealthy, and populous; but, when once they fell to decline, the same fate attended the descendants of them all. {116} Of all the countries that were once great, and have fallen to decay, Italy has retained its population the best; but, for this, there is an evident cause to be found in the natural fertility of the country, and the resource still drawn from foreigners, who have never ceased to visit that once famous seat of arts and military glory. The number of horses and of domestic animals maintained by the --- {116} After the Augustan age, the populace of Rome seem to have degenerated with great rapidity, as the donations of corn clearly prove. Had the tributary countries not furnished the means of providing food, the Goths would have been saved the trouble of sacking the city, as the people must have perished for want. -=- [end of page #141] fruits of the earth, but producing nothing, as they increase, in every country where wealth prevails, may be considered as a cause of depopulation, confined to no part of the world. Thus we find either the same cause acting throughout, or different causes producing the same effect in different countries; thereby reducing them all much more nearly to an equality than we could at first imagine. It has been observed, that when wealth comes to the working orders, and makes them indulge in animal food, it produces a greater effect, with respect to the consumption of produce, than if the same wealth came into the hands of the rich; this is, however, in some degree, compensated by their not keeping pleasure horses, the greatest of all consumers of the produce of the earth. One horse will consume as much as a family of four persons living on corn, and the ordinary vegetables used in England; and as much as two families, living as they do in Ireland or Scotland, on oat-meal, milk, and potatoes. As we find depopulation one of the effects that is universally occasioned by decline, it must originate in some cause equally general, and that cause must be one attending the state of wealth and greatness, for it does not appear to be a necessary effect of decline. We can very easily conceive a people, degraded and numerous, reduced to live poorly, as they do in Naples, Cairo, and some other particular spots: but taking the whole of those countries together, we find evident marks of a falling off in population; and we find it not progressive, but of long standing. Those countries seem to have found a new maximum of population, far inferior to the former standard, immediately after they ceased to be wealthy and flourishing. Perhaps it was from this cause that the idea of sumptuary laws originated; for though, in some cases, the pride of being distinguished might occasion the sovereign to enact, or the higher orders of society to solicit them, yet they were always considered as tending to prevent ruinous extravagance. When states become very wealthy, they may consider such regulations as ridiculous, and perhaps they may neither be necessary nor effectual; yet, nevertheless, there must be some cause for the general opinion of their utility. Though it is not the fashion of the present times to hold an opinion as good be-[end of page #142] cause it is general, and its prevalence in ignorant times is considered as a mark of its being erroneous; yet, observation and common sense have never been wanting at any period, and it is from those sources that such maxims and opinions arise. Any man who had travelled, first through Italy and Spain, and then through England and America, would be very likely to invent sumptuary laws, if he had never heard of such a thing before. In the application of sumptuary laws, as a device, for preventing decline, the traveller might, perhaps, be very whimsical; sometimes forbidding what would never be attempted; but there would be nothing at all ridiculous in his general intention. {117} It will certainly be found that, in all the causes of the decay of nations, the increase of consumption, and decrease of production, takes the greatest variety of forms, and disguises itself the most; it is, therefore, one that is much to be guarded against, particularly as its effects seem to be difficult to remedy. As the manner in which a country acquires riches has a considerable influence on the habits of the people, a country acquiring riches by conquest, or colonies, must naturally expend it in splendour and magnificence. Merchants are less splendid than conquerors and planters. Their ostentation is of a different sort; and, as the fortunes made in that way are rather more equally divided, they cannot launch out quite so far. Besides, merchants are seldom entirely independent of credit and industry; at least, when acquiring their fortunes they were not so; and, therefore, whether the necessity continues or not, the habit, once contracted, is never quite effaced. Manufacturers, again, are still less splendid than merchants. With them, the gifts of fortune are more equally divided than with either of the other three, and they seldom arrive at more than an ordinary degree of affluence; which affords the means of gratifying personal wants, of living with hospitality, ease, and comfort. --- {117} If, for example, it were a law at Manchester or Birmingham, that no man should keep above fifty servants in livery, or burn more than three-dozen wax-lights at a time, it would be like mockery, and would be perfectly useless; at Rome it would be very useful. -=- [end of page #143] The greatest part of manufacturing wealth, and that, indeed, is divided with a pretty equal hand, is that which goes to the working people, who spend nearly the whole on personal enjoyment. The quantity of food that an individual may consume is nearly limited by nature; but the extent of ground on which that food grows depends chiefly on the quality. Thus, for example, it will require nearly ten times the number of acres to maintain one hundred people, who live on animal food, that =sic= it would require to supply the same persons living on vegetables; and, as wealth increases, animal food always obtains the preference. This is evident, from so many proofs, that it scarcely needs illustration. In London, which is the most wealthy part of England, there is more animal food consumed than in any other part, in proportion to the numbers; and, in the country there is always less than in the towns. In the country, and in the towns of England, there is more than in any proportional part of Scotland, or in France, or, indeed, any part of Europe. Expensive as animal food is here, still it bears less proportion to the wages of labour, or the general wealth, than in any other country. In every country, as riches have increased, the consumption of the produce of the earth has augmented. The Dutch seem to have been well aware of the danger of wealth making the people consume too much. A man in moderate circumstances loses his credit there, who roasts his meat instead of boiling it. It is reckoned wastefulness, and, as such, is the occasion of confidence being withdrawn from him: it has nearly as bad an effect on a man's credit, as if he were seen coming from a gaming-house. It will, perhaps, be said, that the parsimony of the Dutch is ridiculous, but we ought not to attribute this merely to parsimony, but to a feeling similar to what we have very properly in England when we see bread wasted. It arises from a feeling of the general want, not of the particular loss, which is totally a different thing. If a man give away imprudently, that loss is to himself, not to the community. As there cannot be givers without receivers it is a change of hands, but there ends the matter. A habit of wasting is another [end of page #144] thing, it is a general loss, and, therefore, hurts the community at large as well as the individual. When this augmented consumption takes place, to any great extent, it is the infallible cause of depopulation. How nearly depopulation and decline are connected with each other is very easily and well understood; indeed, it is impossible not to see their intimate connection. {118} While the exports of a country amount to a great sum, a few millions can be spared for the importation of provisions, without any great difficulty; but the evil may increase imperceptibly, till it becomes impossible to remedy it. The distress that must be occasioned, in such a case, is beyond the power of calculation; for though, in times of plenty, animal food is preferred, whenever there comes any thing like want, that can only be supplied by corn, and there is no wealth sufficient, in any country, to procure that for a number of years, to any great extent. {119} It is calculated, by the author of the notes on Dr. Smith's Inquiry into the Wealth of Nations, that, if the supply of corn were to fall short, one-fourth part, in England, for a number of years running, there would be no means of finding either corn to buy, ships to transport it, or money to pay for it, without totally deranging the commerce of the country. In every country there are a number of persons who can afford to --- {118} Till within these twelve or fourteen years, England always was able to export some grain; but now the demand for importation is great and regular. It has had a vast influence on the balance of trade, which, though it has been great some years, has not, upon the whole, been equal to what it was previous to the American war, when the whole amount of foreign commerce was not one-half of what it has been for these last ten years. {119} If it could be done, it would bring on poverty; but, as the excess of crops over the consumption is not, in any nation, equal to one-tenth of its whole revenue; and, as the expense of eatables amount to nearly one-half, the wealth of a nation would soon be destroyed, if it were possible to produce from other nations a supply. The calculation would be nearly as under for England, putting the population at nine millions. In ordinary times, nine millions of people living on bread, potatoes, &c. would require about four millions of acres; but nine millions, living on animal food, will require thirty-six millions of acres. -=- [end of page #145] live in a more expensive way than the rest; perhaps, this may be reckoned at one-fourth, but, in countries that are poor, even that fourth cannot afford to eat animal food. If, however, a country becomes sufficiently rich for one-sixth to live chiefly on animal food, and the other five-sixths to live one day in the week on that food, the effect will be as if one-third lived on it constantly, which would require two- thirds more territory than when the whole lived on bread. Those who think that such matters find their own level, and regulate themselves, may be right in the long run, for so they indeed do. But how? When poverty and want came, no doubt the consumption of flesh-meat would be diminished; when the country had no means of supplying itself as it did when it was rich, famine would play its part in becoming one of the regulators; but, before this regulation could be effected, the evil we wish to prevent would have taken place. The country would be depopulated and ruined. We must, therefore, in trying to avert the decline of a nation, not set any thing down for the counteracting and adjusting power, which is known sometimes to interfere so very advantageously in the affairs of men. Though it is true that it does interfere, it is in all cases of this sort too late, it is an effect of the cause which we wish to avoid; we can only look to it here for stopping the career in process of time, but, never for preventing it. We know that the extravagance of an individual impairs his fortune, and, that the diminution of means will, at length, counteract the extravagance; but, then it will do so when it is too late, and after he is ruined. Wastefulness may be stopped, but it cannot possibly stop itself, as the diminution of means is the cause of the extravagance ceasing, and itself is an effect of the prior existence of the extravagance. Regarding men merely then as producing and consuming, (the proportion between which regulates the wealth of a nation,) we find that, in their own persons, there is a rooted tendency to bring on the decline. But we shall farther find that not only do people in wealthy and luxurious nations produce less and consume more than in nations less advanced, but they increase the number of unproductive labourers, all of whom consume without producing. They also main- [end of page #146] tain animals who consume, but do nothing towards production. {120} No country, in which the people live much upon animal food, can be well peopled. Two hundred persons to a square mile of country is nearly the highest population of any nation in Europe, that is, as near as may be, three acres and a quarter to each person; but, on an average, even in France, there are more than four acres to each. Supposing that one-half of the land is cultivated, then that gives about two acres to each person. Supposing, again, that one-third of this is consumed by horses or other animals who labour; or, supposing that they do not serve for the food of man, then there will be nearly about one acre and a quarter for the maintenance of each person. It will, however, only require half an acre to one person, if they all lived on field vegetables; {121} and, if they all lived on fresh meat, it would require four acres; the natural conclusion is, that one-fourth live on animal food, and the other three-fourths on vegetables, or what is the same thing, that the proportions of the two sorts of food are as one to three. According to the proportion of the prices in France, of four to one, it would certainly cost double the price to live on animal food that =sic= it does on vegetables; that is to say, if the only vegetable was bread, supposing which is the case, that one pound of meat supplies the place of two pounds of bread, as it certainly does. In England, where beef is only twice the price of bread, {122} it is almost a matter of indifference as to price, whether a working man lives on vegetables or animal food. To the taste and the stomach, however, it is no matter of indifference, the animal food, therefore, is preferred; but if it were a matter of some importance, in point of economy, that would not prevent the people of a country, flourishing by manufactures, from --- {120} One good horse well kept, whether for pleasure or labour (it has already been said) will consume nearly as much as a moderate family. {121} Vegetables raised in the kitchen-garden would go vastly further, but this is a rough average, the subject neither admitting of, nor requiring accurate investigation. {122} That is about the usual proportion, though about a year ago it was four times as much in France. -=- [end of page #147] eating it, and thereby at length sinking to a lower degree of population than a poor country living on vegetable food. In all nations getting wealthy this is a consideration, but most so when the wealth is acquired by manufactures, when the lower and numerous class have an opportunity of gratifying themselves by indulging in the species of food which they find the most agreeable. This, like the other changes of manners, of which it is only a part, is a natural consequence of a propensity inherent in human nature; it cannot, therefore, be prevented or done away, though it may, to a certain degree, be counteracted. The manner of counteracting it not being a general manner, but depending on circumstances, shall be treated of when investigating the increasing danger, arising from this cause, in the English nation. It remains at present for us to examine another evil attendant on the inadequacy of the soil to supply the consumption of a country. One of the most alarming circumstances attendant on this situation of things is, that provisions become an object of monopoly, and the most dangerous and destructive of all objects. The law has interfered in regulating the interest of money, but not in the rent of houses or of other use of property. Circumstances may occur, in which the necessity of procuring a loan of money is so great, as to induce the borrower to engage to pay an interest that would be ruinous to himself, and that would grant the lender the means of extortion, or of obtaining exorbitant profit. The same interference would be just as reasonable, wherever the same sort of necessity, by existing, puts one man in the power of another. This is the case with every necessary article of provision, which, indeed, may be considered as all one article, for the price of one is connected with the prices of all the others. Provisions, indeed, are, in general, articles that cannot be preserved for any very great length of time; but then, again, they are articles of a nature that the consumers must have within a limited time also, and for which they are inclined to give an exorbitant price rather than not to have. The interference of the law between a man and the use of his property, ought to be as seldom as possible; but it has never been maintained as a general principle, that it ought never to interfere. [end of page #148] If it is at any time, or in any case, right to interfere legally, the question of when it is to be done becomes merely one of expediency, one of circumstance, but not one that admits of a general decision. A writer of great (and deservedly great) reputation has said so much on this subject, and treated it in a way that both reason and experience prove to be wrong, that it is become indispensably necessary to argue the point. {123} Monopoly, regrating, and forestalling, which two last are only particular modes of monopolizing, have been considered as chimeras, as imaginary practices that have never existed, and that cannot possibly exist. They have been likewise assimilated to witchcraft, an ideal belief, arising in the times of ignorance. It is now become the creed of legislators and ministers, that trade should be left to regulate itself, that monopoly cannot exist. With all the respect justly due to the learned writer who advanced so bold an opinion, it may be asked, since many instances occur, both in sacred and profane history, in ancient times, and in our own days, of provisions, on particular occasions, selling at one hundred times their natural price, (and, every price above the natural one, is called a monopoly price,) how can it be asserted that they may not become an object of monopoly in a more general way, though not at so exorbitant a price? How, it may be asked, can this thing, that has so often occurred in an extreme degree, a thing that is allowed to be possible, be compared with the miraculous effect of witchcraft, of the existence of which there does not appear to be one authentic record? The one, at all events, a natural, and the other, a supernatural effect. How are those to be admitted in fair comparison? If we know that, at the siege of Mantua, the provisions rose to one hundred times their usual price, we may believe the same thing possible, at the siege of Jerusalem, two thousand years ago, and at the siege of Leyden, or at that of Paris. If we know that a guinea is given for a --- {123} Dr. Smith, in his Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations. The author of the notes, and continuation, has, indeed, answered his arguments; but that does not render it less necessary to do so here. -=- [end of page #149] bad dinner at an inn, which is not worth a shilling, merely because some particular circumstance has drawn more people together than can be provided for; and, because hunger admits not patiently of delay, can we dispute the inclination to extortion on the one hand, and the disposition to submit to it on the other? If that is admitted, the interference of the law is allowable on the same principle on which it regulates the interest of money, though not to the same extent; that is, it is allowable, in particular instances, where the effects are similar, but not in all instances, because, in all instances, they are not similar. {124} The rate of provisions is then liable, on particular occasions, to rise to a monopoly price, such as that of those rare productions of nature, the quantity of which cannot be increased, whatever the demand may be. {125} It follows, as an evident consequence, that the price increases as the scarcity augments; but, if it only did so, the evil would not be so great as it really is. In the first place, the anxiety attendant on the risk of wanting so necessary an article creates a greater competition amongst buyers than the degree of scarcity would occasion in an article of less necessity and importance. In a wealthy nation, the evil is still farther increased, by two other causes. The high price which one part of the society is able to afford, and the wealth of those who sell, enables them to keep back the provisions from the market; the first cause operates in all countries nearly alike, for, the anxiety to have food is nearly equal all the world over. But the last two operate more or less, according to the wealth of the buyers and of the sellers, as the eagerness and ability of the former to purchase, and the interest and ability of the latter to keep back from selling, are regulated by the degree of wealth in a country. {126} --- {124} The law concerning money is a general law, because, at all times, there are some individuals in want of it, and would be liable to grant exorbitant interest. It is not so with provisions, for, it is only occasionally that they cannot be had at reasonable prices. {125} Dr. Smith divides produce into three different sorts; the two first are such as can be only produced in a certain quantity, whatever the demand may be; and such as can be produced always in sufficient quantity. {126} This was proved by what happened in Paris in 1789, and in England in 1790. The [end of page #150] want in Paris was so real that there often was not, in that great city, bread, and materials to make it, more than sufficient for twenty-four hours: yet it never rose to above double the usual price, or twopence English the pound, (that is, sixteen sols for the four-pound loaf,) although the people were obliged to wait from six in the morning till two or three in the afternoon, before they could get a loaf a piece, and more they were not permitted to purchase or carry away. In London, where bread could always be had in plenty, for money, it rose to more than three times the usual price, (one and tenpence the quartern loaf,) yet bread is a much more necessary article to the poor in Paris than in London. But the case was, in London, the people are richer, and, in each place, it rose as high as the people were found able to pay. -=- When the necessaries of life become dear, and arrive at a monopoly- price, then all taxes and other burthens laid on the people become a matter comparatively of little importance. In England, where the taxes are higher than in any nation in the world, they do not come on the poor to above three pounds a head; {127} and, of those, at least one- half can be avoided by a little self-denial. But, when the provisions increase one-half in price, it amounts to at least four pounds a head to each person; so that the effect falls on the population of the country, with a most extraordinary degree of severity. But, great as this evil is, it has, by the circumstances and nature of things, a tendency to increase the very cause in which it originates. Though the highness of price diminishes the consumption of victuals in general, it diminishes the consumption of vegetable food, or bread, more than it does that of animal food. Though all sorts of eatables rise in price, in times of scarcity, yet bread, being the article that excites the greatest anxiety, rises higher in proportion than the others. This affords an encouragement to gratify the propensity for eating animal food; and this propensity is encouraged by an absurd and mistaken policy, by which (or perhaps rather an affectation of policy) economy in bread is prescribed, and not in other food; so that when people devour animal food, and increase the evil, they think they are most patriotically and humanely diminishing it. {128} --- {127} The whole taxes in this country do not amount to above four pounds a head, of which one-third is paid entirely by those wealthy, or at least affluent; it is, then, putting the share paid by the labouring body very high to put it at three pounds each person. {128} Both in France and England, during the last scarcity, the use of every other sort of [end of page #151] food was recommended, to save the consumption of bread-corn. Potatoes are the only substitute that tended really to relieve the distress; all others, and, in particular, animal food, had an effect in augmenting it. -=- The danger of wanting food, though very formidable, does not act so instantaneously as to serve as an excuse for want of reflection, like an alarm of fire, where the anxiety to escape sometimes prevents the possibility of doing so; yet the fact is, that all the measures that have generally been taken, in times of scarcity, have tended rather to increase than to diminish the evil. In monopoly, a sort of combination is supposed to exist between the sellers of an article, when the article does not happen to be all in the hands of one person, or one body of persons. But combinations are of various sorts; there are express combinations entered into by people having the same interest for a particular purpose. Those are done by a sort of an agreement, when the interest of the individual and of the body are the same. Such combinations are generally effectual, {129} but unlawful. There are combinations not less effectual, that arise merely from circulating intelligence of prices, and certain circumstances on which prices are known to depend, amongst all those concerned, who immediately know how to act in unison.--This is not unlawful. An elegant historian has said that there was a time when the sovereign pontiff, like the leader of a band of musicians, could regulate all the clergy in Europe, so that the same tones should proceed from all the pulpits on the same day. The list of prices, at a great corn-market, has the same effect on the minds of all the sellers within a certain distance. Intelligence now flies so swift that there is no interval of uncertainty; the whole of the dealers know how to act, according to circumstances, and they are all led to act nearly as if they were in one single body. Like gamesters, who have won a great deal, rather than hasten to sell, even when they fear that prices may fall, they keep back their stock, and risk to lose something of what they have gained, by continuing to speculate on the agreeable and winning chance by which they have already profited. --- {129} There are sometimes combinations which it is the interest of a whole body to preserve, but of each individual to break, if he can with impunity; such generally soon fall to the ground. -=- [end of page #152] The dealers in an article of ready sale, or for which there is a certain demand, have never any difficulty, in a wealthy country, of procuring money to make purchases, or to enable them to keep their stock; and the gains are so immense that there is no speculation equally attractive. As the rent of land, in England, is reckoned at twenty-five millions a year; and it is reckoned that, in a common year, the rent is worth one- third of the produce; it follows that, of all sorts of produce of land, the value is seventy-five millions. But, in the year 1799, when the prices were more than doubled, the value was one hundred and fifty millions, of which the landlord received (as usual) twenty-five to his share, leaving for the farmer, &c. one hundred and twenty-five, instead of fifty, the usual sum. As the wages of servants remained the same, and, in an ordinary year, would amount to one-third of the rent, eight millions went for that, leaving one-hundred and seventeen millions, in place of forty-two, the usual residue. Two-thirds of the value of rent, or sixteen millions, is, in an ordinary year, supposed to go for seed, the maintenance of cattle, and labourers; so that, in that year, the portion so consumed must be estimated at double value, or thirty-four millions, which, deducted from one hundred and seventeen, leaves eighty-three for the farmers, in place of twenty-five, in an ordinary year: so that, when the price doubles, the farmers =sic= profit does more than triple. In the year 1799, the farmers were known to have the profit of four ordinary years, supposing that they had been the actual sellers in the market. The fact was otherwise no doubt, with regard to those who pocketed the profit, which went in part only to farmers, and the rest went to the monopolists, dealers, regraters, forestallers, &c. who advanced money to keep up the price. To the public who paid, the matter is the same, and, to the business itself, there is little difference as to who profited, or who found capital; for, as they shared the profit amongst them, and as they received three times as much as in an ordinary year, they could, out of the sales of the first four or five months, make all the payments [end of page #153] for the whole year to the landlord; and, therefore, could have the means of keeping the remainder, just as long as they thought proper. Thus, then, while there is any degree of scarcity, the provisions of a country are at a monopoly-price; and the dealers act, though individually, as if they enjoyed one general monopoly. {130} Before leaving his important subject, it is necessary to observe, that, though dealers in provisions, in times of any degree of scarcity, that is, when there is not quite enough fully to supply the consumption of the country, act, in keeping up prices, as if they had an exclusive privilege for monopoly, yet that is the only cases =sic= in which they do so. A single monopolizer can diminish the quantity, and perhaps destroy a part of it with advantage to himself. Thus the Dutch East India company were said to have done with the spices. {131} But the individual dealer, though he is interested in a general high price and monopoly, is still more interested in selling as much as he can; and the higher the price, the more careful he is not to waste or consume more than he can help. In this respect, the monopoly of the many is not half so hurtful as the individual monopoly. This proves that all the vulgar errors, which occasion reports of farmers and dealers destroying their corn, are not only without foundation, but would produce an effect quite contrary to the avaricious principle, by which such men are considered as being governed. {132} --- {130} There is one moment only when they do not, that is, when they find out, for certain, that prices are going to fall. There, for a moment, individual interest, and general interest are opposite, and they hasten to sell, and to reduce the price too much. But even this does not relieve the public; for, though it makes the reduction very rapid for a time, and may sometimes bring it below the level, it quickly rises again and finishes when the panic amongst the dealers is over, by remaining higher than it ought to be. {131} If diminishing the quantity one-quarter rises =sic= the price one-half, then the monopolist gains, if he possesses the whole market; but the individual dealer, if he were to burn his whole stock, would not diminish the quantity in the country one-thousandth part, and therefore make no sensible difference. {132} Both in London and Paris, the reports of this sort, and, (making a little allowance for the language and nature of the people,) exceedingly similar in nature and tendency, prevailed during the scarcity of 1789 and 1799. -=- [end of page #154] Monopoly of this sort, by raising the prices of the necessaries of life, in the end, augments the prices of labour, the rent of land, and the taxes of a country. We have already examined the tendency of all this; it is only necessary to observe that the rise in prices, or depreciation of money, which other causes bring on by degrees, this brings on violently and suddenly. {133} This cause will always exist in a country that cannot provide enough for its own subsistence. How far this may go it is not easy to say; for if it is clear that the farmer, by double prices, gets eighty-three pounds in place of twenty- five, he can certainly afford to give his landlord something more. If he gave him double the usual rent, it would still leave more than double for himself. {134} Of all the causes, then, that hasten the crisis of a country, none is equal to that of the produce becoming unequal to the maintenance of the inhabitants; for it is only in that case that the effects of monopoly are to be dreaded. In the case of animal food becoming too much in request, there is a remedy which may be easily applied; of which it will be our purpose to speak, in treating of the application of the present inquiry to the advantage of the British dominions. --- {133} The few years of dearth altered wages and rent more than had been known for half a century before. Wages rose more, from 1790 to 1802, than they had done from 1740 to 1790. {134} As the usual rent was twenty-five, and the usual profit twenty- five, the landlord and tenant had fifty to divide, at ordinary prices; but, at double prices, they had eighty-three added to twenty-five, or one hundred and seven to divide: so that, if the farmer gave fifty, that is, double, he would still have fifty-seven to himself, which is more than double, by nearly one-third over and above. No allowance has been made in this calculation for the diminution in quantity. The reason is, that was comparatively very small; increased consumption, rather than deficiency of produce, being the cause. Besides, we only stated the rise as being double the usual price, whereas, it was three times greater. [end of page #155] -=- CHAP. VII. _Of the Increase of the Poor, as general Affluence becomes greater.-- Of Children left unprovided for.--Of their Division into two Classes-- Those that can labour more or less, and those that can do no Labour_. In the career of wealth, in its early state, when individual industry is almost without any aid from capital, men are as nearly on an equality as the nature of things can admit. But, in proportion as capital comes in to the aid of industry, that equality dies away, and men, who have nothing but industry, lose their means of exerting it with advantage, some become then incapable of maintaining their rank in society altogether. At the same time that this is taking place, articles of every sort, that are necessary for the existence of men, are becoming dearer. As some ranks of society have been described as bringing up their children not to know the existence of necessity, others, who are depressed below the natural situation of men, are bringing them up to feel the extreme pressure of want. There is no situation of things in which a man, with natural strength, and a very slender capacity, may not gain sufficient to maintain himself, if he will be industrious; but, in a wealthy country, numbers are so pressed upon by penury, in their younger years, that neither the powers of their body, nor of their mind, arrive at maturity. Accustomed, from an early age, to depend rather upon chance, or charity, for existence, than upon industry, or energy of their own, they neither know the value of labour, nor are they accustomed to look to it for a supply to their wants. Whilst the foundation of idleness and poverty is laid in, for one part of a nation, from the affluence of their parents, another portion seems as if it were chained down to misery, from the indigence in which they were born and brought up. [end of page #156] The depressed and degraded populace of great and wealthy cities are not the accidental victims of misfortune; they are born to its hard inheritance, and their numbers contaminate more, who, were it not for their own misconduct and imprudence, might have shared a better lot. When nations increase in wealth, the fate of individuals ceases to become an object of attention; and, of all the animals that exist, and are capable of labour, the least value is set upon the human species. {135} Like individuals who rise to wealth, and forget their origin, societies forget the first foundation of all wealth, happiness, and power. That individuals should do so is not to be wondered at. They never saw society in an infant state; nor is it the business of individual citizens to occupy themselves with public affairs; but those who are intrusted with their management, and whose business is to know the original sources of prosperity, ought to attend to and counteract this growing evil. When the Romans were poor, the people depended on exertion, and they enjoyed plenty; but when Lucullus and other citizens were squandering millions, at a single banquet, the people were clamouring for bread. While the person of a Roman lady was ornamented with the wealth of a province, the multitude were covered with rags, and depressed with misery. It would have been no hard matter, then, to have foretold the fate of Rome. The natural order of things was deranged to too violent an extreme to be of long duration. The state was become like a wall that had declined from the perpendicular, while age was every day weakening the cement, by which it was held together, and though of the time and hour of destruction no man knew, the event was certain. It would, at first sight, appear that great cities are the only places in which misery of this description arises; but that is not the case. --- {135} It was never heard of, that a young horse, or any useful animal of the brute creation, was left to die with hunger in a land of plenty; but it happens to many of the human race, because there is no provision made, by which those who furnish them food may be repaid by their labour, which would be a very easy matter to adjust, if a little attention were paid to the subject. -=- [end of page #157] Great cities are the refuge of the miserable, who, perhaps, find it in some shapes augmented, by a residence in so friendless an asylum; but there they avoid shame, they see not the faces that have smiled upon them in better days; they are more at ease amongst strangers, and they are kept in countenance by companions in penury and want. {136} In every wealthy nation, the rich shun the view of wretchedness, which is attended with a silent reproach. Those who have property, mistrust the honesty, and blame the conduct of those who have none. In this state of things, the country affords no retreat nor residence, and want and wretchedness find the evils of a crowded society, where they pass unnoticed, much more tolerable. In most countries, the law has taken precautions to punish, or to stop the evil in the individual; but in no great and wealthy country has it been thought of sufficient importance to take effectual means to prevent it. In small states, when society is new, and under some absolute sovereigns, (remarkable for their penetration, genius, and love of their people,) a momentary stop has been put to this career of misery; but, in the first place, there has been no such monarch in any wealthy country; and, in the second, as soon as power fell into other hands, the progress has begun again where it left off. One great cause of the increase of mendicity is the increase of unproductive labourers, as a state becomes more wealthy, who, dying before their children are able to provide for themselves, increase the number of the indigent. Men living by active industry naturally marry at an early age; menial servants, revenue officers, and all those who administer to the gratifications of a wealthy and luxurious people, marry later in life; and besides their not having an industrious example to set before their children, are torn from them sooner, by the course of things. --- {136} If one of the brute creation is in want, it will supply that where it is most easily to be had, physical difficulty is the only one it knows; bodily pain the only one it feels. But men are different, they often undergo great want amongst strangers, to avoid more insufferable feelings amongst friends. -=- [end of page #158] It has been noticed, that, in every society, as wealth increases hospitality dies away. And those good offices interchanged between man and man, to which life owes many of its comforts in a less advanced state of society, and which protect individuals from the frowns of fortune, gradually disappear. The social feelings become less active, and men turn selfish and interested, thinking for themselves, and careless for the community; while, on the other hand, the causes for poverty increase; on the other, the means of relief are misapplied, neglected, or squandered away. The funds that ought to be administered with disinteredness and integrity are committed to the hands of men who live on the general misfortune, and thus the wretched, who are relieved, are not fairly treated, while the public, that is burthened with their misfortunes, is loaded far beyond its proper degree. The population of a country is diminished in a double ratio as the poor increases: they create nothing, but they consume; and if a country sees one-tenth of its population living on charity, it is equivalent at least to seeing one-seventh diminished in numbers altogether. Most sorts of labour require those employed in it to have some capital, such as decent clothes, or tools, or money to live upon till wages are due. Little as that capital is, yet thousands are reduced to absolute beggary for want of it; their industry finding no means of exertion. A man becomes dependant =sic= on charity for existence; and, though able to work, eats the bread of idleness, and that without being in fault. The number of persons absolutely unable to labour is nearly the same in every country, and is not much augmented by its wealth; so that if there were, as there easily might be, always employment for those who would otherwise be entitled to relief, and if they were allowed a fair price for their labour, they would then cease either to be a burthen to themselves or to the public. Little coercion would, in this case, be necessary. A few proper regulations, to prevent theft and losses, would be all that could be wanted with those who could labour; and those who could not, being few in number, would be provided for in a better manner than when [end of page #159] they can be, where their portion is shared with those who are able to procure for themselves an existence. We must by no means look for relief, in cases of this sort, from difficult or intricate management and regulation. If we look at the nature of things, it points out the way. Those that cannot labour are the only persons who ought to be a burthen on the public; and they are the only ones that would be so, if the matters were properly regulated and attended to. As it is in most countries, there are many who cannot get work to do, and those are provided for in different ways, but always at the expense of the public. Sometimes it is by a regular assessment, sometimes by theft and depredation, sometimes by individual charity, or those other means to which a man has recourse before he will absolutely starve for want. Those who, from philanthropy, are for relieving all, soon find themselves deceived, and unable to proceed. Those who, disgusted with the vices of a few, consider them all as equally culpable are much to blame. Surely, the individual case of a fellow-creature in misfortune is worth attending to; and he must be ignorant indeed who cannot, in most instances, avoid deception. [end of page #160] CHAP. VIII. _Of the Tendency of Capital and Industry to leave a wealthy Country, and of the Depreciation of Money in agricultural and commercial Countries_. As the increase of capital in every country is the consequence of former productive industry, so also is it the support of future exertion. When the capital of a country has become sufficient for all the employment that can be procured for it, the first effect is the lowering of interest, which sinks down under the rate appointed by law, and under the rate at which it is lent out at in other countries. When capital is not in sufficient quantity, those who want to borrow are more numerous than those who have money to lend; then the competition is amongst the borrowers to obtain the preference, and they all give as high an interest as the law allows, and would give more if they could avoid the penalty, which, in all countries, has been attached to accepting more than the regulated sum; a sum regulated merely to prevent the effect of competition, which might induce people to give more than in the end they would find they could afford to pay. When capital becomes over abundant, the very reverse takes place; the lenders become rivals, and offer to lend at an under rate of interest. The first effect of this is, that people who were but scantily supplied with capital before borrow, and carry on business more at ease, so that more capital is employed in business, and new employments are found out for capital. The usual employments for a superabundant capital are improving lands, building houses, erecting machines, digging canals, &c. for the use of trade; and finally, giving longer credit to merchants in other countries, {137} as well as to those who are running in debt in their own. The stock on hand in manufactured goods increases something also. But when all these have taken place, to as great an extent as wanted, then the money begins to flow into other countries. By degrees, more money is sent away than should go, and the persons who are the proprietors of it frequently follow. If the capital that leaves a country were only that which cannot find employment in it, the harm would not be great, though it would tend to enrich other countries, and bring them nearer a level. But that is not the case, the advantage of lending money abroad, if regularly paid at a higher interest than can be obtained at home, induces people to draw their money from trade, and vest it in the hands of foreigners. The Venetians, the Genoese, the Dutch, the Hanseatic Towns, and the cities of Flanders, did this; and the capital, which, when employed at home, formerly maintained perhaps one hundred people in affluence and industry, only supported one single family living in indolence and splendid penury. {138} After being in possession of money for a considerable time, men prefer a certain employment at a low interest to one attended with risk, even where the interest is higher; and when great sums have been got by trade, those who have got them retire and live on the interest, which men, who have only gained a small capital cannot do. There are many other circumstances, besides the abundance of capital, that tend to carry it away from a wealthy country. The depreciation of money that takes place, in every country that grows --- {137} As the subject is here treated in the general way, applicable to all nations, the employment found by national debt, and the funds rising is not taken into account, as it will be noticed in the case of England. When money is plenty, all individuals in trade give longer credit; but this employs little more capital, when they give it to each other it employs no more, but when to consumers it does. {138} The manner in which those families live is peculiar to themselves; great shew with great economy, and without the smallest spark of love, either for their fellow-citizens or their country. -=- [end of page #162] rich, falls nearly all on the lender at interest, {139} who, as he cannot bring back things to their former value, seeks enjoyment in another country, and obtains, by change of place, what he lost by lapse of time. The weight of taxes is another cause that drives capital from wealthy to poorer countries; and last of all, in case of anxiety, or of mistrust, the capitalists are generally the first to emigrate. [{140}] Anxiety and mistrust are periodical amongst a wealthy people. As the burthens sustained by a people in prosperity are generally great, in proportion to their capital and industry, it is clear, that when capital and industry diminish, the burthens, (which do not admit of being diminished in the same proportion,) fall more heavily on those who remain; this increased cause produces, naturally, an increased effect. Thus, like a falling column, the weight increases, and the momentum becomes irresistible. It is then that necessity, the spur to industry in new and rising nations, (that spur which taxes and rent continue to excite, for the good of mankind, for a certain period,) begins to crush what it had raised, and to stab where it formerly stimulated. Then it is that the money-lenders, who, at first, sent off their capital, having ceased to be engaged in trade, withdraw, by degrees, and rather content themselves with a diminished income in another country, than struggle with the difficulties they find they have to encounter in their own. --- {139} Money lent out at interest loses, money laid out in purchases gains, in a country that is advancing in riches. If a man, who had 2000 L. thirty years ago, had laid out 1000 L. at interest, and, with the other bought land, he would, indeed, have got less rent for his land at first, but now it would be doubled, he would get 60 L. a year, and if he wished to sell he would get 2000 L. whereas, the other 1000 L. would only produce 50 L. and, if called in, the single thousand would be all he would receive. {140} [Transcriber's note: footnote not assigned a place in the original text, intended location assumed to be as shown] This was seen at the beginning of the French revolution, though the assignats, by lowering the rate of exchange, frightened many from transferring their money, at an apparent loss of twelve or fifteen per cent. But those that overlooked this loss have rejoiced in it ever since, as the others have repented bitterly the avarice that made them risk all to save a little, and to become beggars. -=- [end of page #163] It is difficult to say at what point this would stop, if the effect produced did not affix the boundary. The prices of land, of rent, of houses, and of provisions, sink low, and induce some people to remain; for, as those articles cannot be transported, or carried off, and are always worth possessing and enjoying, it is clear there must be a term set to the decay and emigration, by the nature of things. Unfortunately for countries that have been great, that term does not seem to arrive till it is reduced far below the level of other nations. {141} There are, however, some peculiar causes that operate in some modern nations, in counteracting this effect, so far as it is occasioned by a superabundance of capital; but, as this is not general to all nations, the proper place for speaking of it will be when we come to treat of the tendency of capital to quit this country. The effects, arising from that depreciation of money, which takes place in every wealthy country, are great and numerous, and have been always found where wealth abounded. The people in such countries can easily command the labour of others that are not so rich, but the others cannot afford to pay for theirs; this tends to remove industry. On the other hand, if a supply of the necessaries of life are wanted in a rich country, they may be obtained from countries where the value of money is less, without throwing prices out of their level; whereas, in the country where money is of great value, that is not the case. The price of bread, for instance, is, at Paris, one penny the pound, and in London at eight-pence the quartern loaf, which weighs just four French pounds, the price is exactly double. If every thing was conducted in a fair way, corn, from all countries, where it is equally as cheap as in France, might be brought and sold in London, at the --- {141} At Bruges, (in Flanders) at Antwerp, Cologne, Ghent, or any of those decayed towns, house-rent was fallen, before the French revolution, to little more than an acknowledgement for occupation, where the houses were large and retired. This induced people to live at those places, who would not otherwise have done so. Small houses, lately built, were more expensive than the large old ones, built in the time that commerce flourished. -=- [end of page #164] usual market price; but, before Paris could get a supply from London, the bread would cost three times its usual price. This circumstance, if properly managed, might be turned to advantage; why it is not, is difficult to say, and is a proof that there are either regulations, or practices without regulation, that counteract the true nature of things; for it would not cost a farthing a pound to bring the corn from Paris to the London market. Paris is only mentioned here for the sake of comparison, and because the average prices have nearly the proportion of one to two. The reasons why corn is not brought from thence are no secret, but the same reasoning will apply to American corn, corn from Barbary, or the Baltic, and from other places, where the value of money is greater than in England. {142} The principal of the other effects of the depreciation of money are to be found in the chapter on the exterior Causes of the Decline of Nations, as it is in its foreign transactions that the depreciation of money is the most felt. In the interior, that depreciation only acts when there is a considerable lapse of time, during which the value has altered; it has, in general, no effect on transactions that are begun and finished within a short period, and in the interior of the country itself. The depreciation of money, wherever it takes place, would cause an increase of taxes, even if there were no other reason for it; but, in so far it counteracts itself, by making them to be more easily born. =sic= Whatever its particular effects may be, and however complicated they are, the general tendency of the depreciation of money is to depress industry in that country, and to encourage it in others, where the value is greater than in it. --- {142} In America the value of money is less than in England, compared with wages; but the usual proportion, between the wages of labour and the price of corn, is different in that country from every other with which we have any connection. -=- [end of page #165] CHAP. IX. _Conclusion of the interior Causes.--Their Co-operation.--Their general Effect on the Government and on the People.--The Danger arising from them does not appear till the Progress in Decline is far advanced_. Though these causes enumerated have all one general tendency, yet their distinguishing characteristics deserve attention. Some begin their operation from the moment the wealth of a country commences, others are only felt late in the progress of its decline. The effects of some may be diminished greatly, others may be prevented entirely; but, in all cases, the attention of government is necessary, and that before the operation of decline is actually commenced; for, prevention, and not remedy, is what ought to be aimed at, besides which, when decline has once begun, governments are too feeble to be capable of any effectual regulations. To assist nature, in every case where her operations are favourable to the enjoyment and happiness of men, and to counteract those that are unfavourable, is the business of individuals and of states. What the individual is unable to do, should be done by those to whom the care of public affairs is given; by those who act for the benefit of all, and in the name of all. From the first approaches of a state to wealth and greatness, we find that there are a combination of causes that begin to operate in promoting its decline. The first moving principle, necessity, is gradually done away, and with it flies industry; so that, from one generation to another, both the moral and physical man becomes changed, till he is unable to sustain the weight that he has raised; and, at last, he is crushed by the decent =sic= of the ponderous mass. While a gradual progress destroys that industry, from which all wealth springs, other causes act to remove or misapply the labour [end of page #166] that is left, while others again are putting capital to flight, or leading to a misapplication of it. Last of all come discord and war, the most universal cause of all those that tend to depopulate a country, and to diminish as well as degrade the inhabitants, thus giving durability to misfortune, and rendering hopeless the fate of a fallen nation. Amongst all the causes of decline, one alone is found that has a double effect, and counteracts in one direction what it promotes in another. This is taxation, a very certain cause of ruin if carried too far, and always dangerous; but, for a length of time, having a very powerful effect in repressing the progress of luxury, in continuing the action of necessity, the mother of industry, and in preventing that species of consumption that lays the foundation for the depopulation of a country. From this it would seem to be almost as dangerous to take off the burthens that have been laid upon a people, as to lay them on with too heavy a hand. There is not any example worth noticing of such a case, therefore, it must stand on its own ground: history informs us nothing on the subject. The supposed case would be thus. That a nation should rise to a high pitch of wealth by industry, and support a heavy load of taxes, still increasing in wealth, and superior to most other nations. We are to suppose the load of taxes greatly diminished, and then to investigate the consequences. Perhaps this is an useless hyyothesis =sic=, the case never has been, and perhaps never will be; but, still it is, at least, a possible case; it is a matter of curiosity, at least, if it is not one of utility, and I have a great example to plead as my apology. Dr. Adam Smith amused himself in his inquiry into the causes of the wealth of nations =sic= in a similar manner, by a hypothesis concerning the taxation of the British colonies. Supposing the pressure of necessity were to be suddenly taken away, those whose income is regulated by their efforts would relax in exertion; that is to say, the productive labourers of the country would relax, while those whose incomes are fixed, that is principally [end of page #167] the unproductive labourers, would become comparatively more opulent, and their luxury would increase. This is an effect very different from what the public expects. The most useful class would gain little or nothing, while the drones of society would find their wealth greatly augmented, which would be one of the most unfortunate effects that could well be conceived, and might very soon bring about a very serious and disagreeable event. In the course of investigating the national debt of England, in the Fourth Book =sic--there is none.=, it will be necessary to examine this at length, but, there it will be attended with another circumstance, not one of general consideration; (as national debt is not any general or necessary appendage to a government) namely, the letting loose a great monied capital, which must either be employed here, or it will seek employment in another country, which may rise on the ruin of this. In considering the reduction of taxes that have been long standing, and have risen to a great amount, there is certainly reason to fear evil consequences, though this is no argument in favour of taxation; on the contrary, it is a reason for avoiding it, for, it is in all cases dangerous to do what it will be attended with danger to undo. Though the precise case of taxes being done away may never come before us, there is, at this time, an operation going on that is nearly similar, and the result of which will soon be known. The French people were loaded with nearly twenty-five millions sterling annually to the church, and they do not now pay three. This, indeed, was partly in taxes, and part in church-lands; they have also got rid of a great deal of rent, by the sale of emigrant estates, the lands have got into the hands of men, who mostly cultivate them themselves, and have no rent to pay. On the supposition that the new government is not more expensive than the old, (and it ought not to be so, the debts having been nearly all wiped off,) the burthens on industry will be much less than formerly, it will then be curious to observe if agriculture flourishes more, if prices are reduced, and if the taxes that still remain are better paid. There are, indeed, many concomitant circumstances that will tend to derange the experiment, or render the conclusion uncertain; but, still it is an in-[end of page #168] teresting and a great event, and will be worth attentive observation. {143} We must, so far as this investigation goes, conclude, that, unless the natural tendency of things to decline is powerfully counteracted, every country that rises to wealth must have a fall; and that, therefore, it merits investigation, whether it is or is not possible to counteract the tendency to decline, without interrupting the progress towards greater prosperity, and, to manage matters so, that whether it is not possible, after having attained the summit of wealth, we may remain there instead of immediately descending, as most nations have hitherto done. From individuals, the exertion necessary is not to be expected; but, it may be looked for from the government of a country, which, though composed of individuals, the succession of persons is differently carried on; it is not from age to age, and from an old father to a young son, but from men in the vigour of life, to men in the vigour of life, who, while they are occupied in public affairs, may be considered, with respect to whatever is to be done for the good of the nation, (for its prosperity, defence, or protection,) as animated with the same spirit, without any interruption. With respect to the interior causes of decline, they may be counteracted always with more or less effect, by a proper system of govern- --- {143} The burthens on the industry of old France, were, Livres. Rent of land 700,000,000 Revenues of clergy 600,000,000 Taxes, including the expense of levying 800,000,000 ____________ 2,100,000,000 In sterling money L. 87,500,000 Half land now occupied by the cultivators, } and the remainder let at lower rents } 350,000,000 Revenues of clergy, and the expenses 50,000,000 Taxes as before 800,000,000 _____________ 1,200,000,000 Or in sterling money L. 50,400,000 This makes a diminution of L. 37,100,000; or something more than a third of the whole expense, and more than all the taxes to the state estimated at the highest rate. -=- [end of page #169] ment. In the latter portion of this work we shall endeavour to shew how that may be attempted with safety, if not accomplished with full success. Before, however, we conclude this subject, and rely on government, it is necessary to mention that, in treating with other nations, a kind of overbearing haughty pride is natural to those who govern a powerful and wealthy people. In that case, they act as individuals, and are not to be trusted; and the less so, that a nation of proud pampered citizens is but too apt to applaud insolence in those who govern them. This pride has been a very constant forerunner of the fall of wealthy and great nations, and, in Rome excepted, it has never failed. The emperors of Rome were much less haughty than the ambassadors of the republic; a love of false splendour had supplanted a ferocious affectation of dignity, yet, the former was the less humiliating of the two to other nations. {144} While the rulers of wealthy nations are apt to act haughtily to others, they are liable to fall into another error, in mistaking the strength of their own people, and loading them too heavily, trusting too much both to their internal energy, and external force. As the near observers of the inability of the people are generally afraid to carry unwelcome tidings to their superior; and, if they did, as he is seldom inclined to give credit to unwelcome news, the ruin of a nation has probably made a very considerable progress before he, whose business it is to put a stop to it, is aware of the danger. The continual clamour that is made about every new burthen that is laid on, and the cry of ruin, which perpetually is sounded in the ears of a minister, and of those who execute his orders, are some ex- --- {144} The appearance of virtue and self-command, which the republican Romans preserved, added to the bravery with which they maintained whatever claims they put in, overawed a great part of their enemies; and those, who were not absolutely overawed thought that defeat and submission were, at least, robbed of their shame, when such was the character of the conqueror; and the claim once allowed was no longer questioned. Very different was the case, when the emperor was a fidler, or a buffoon, the senators puppets, and the pro- consuls themselves robbers. -=- [end of page #170] cuses for their not attending to them; but the consequence is not the less fatal to the nation on that account. A nation that is feeble has, at least, the advantage of knowing it, and is not insensible if she receives a wound; but the government of a powerful nation is like the pilot of a ship, who navigates in a sea, the depth of which he cannot sound, and who spreads all his sails: if he strikes upon a rock, his ship is dashed to pieces in a moment. The other, sailing amongst shallows and sands, proceeds with caution, avoids them if possible, and, if she touches, it is so gently, that even her feeble frame is scarcely injured. The rulers of nations appear, in general, not to be aware of the evil that arises from the government they have to manage becoming too unwieldly =sic=, or too complicated; in either case, a check, though but of short duration, is irretrievable. This is a great oversight, and, at least, greatly augments the chances against the durability of a government. In proportion as the machine is unmanageable and complex, the embarrassment of those who have the conduct of it will be great, and the enemies will be proportionately bold and audacious. In all such conflicts, much depends on the spirit of the combatants, and more still on that of those who, at first, are lookers on, who act in consequence of the opinion they have of the force or feebleness of either party. {145} The tendency that a nation has to decline is not, then, in general, counteracted, by the government; but, on the contrary, is pushed on by it, and precipitated into the gulf. No wonder, then, that the career is rapid, and the fall irretrievable. It is, nevertheless, to the government, and to it alone, that we must look for that counteracting force that is to stay the general current. Individuals can only look to their own conduct, and they neither can --- {145} Not only when the French revolution began, but a hundred times afterwards, did the party triumph that appeared the strongest, merely because it appeared so. All those who stand neutral at first, take a side the moment they have fixed their opinion as to the strength of the contending parties, and this decision is always in favour of the party they think the strongest. -=- [end of page #171] be expected to have time nor inclination to study the public welfare, and, even if they had, they would want the means. Government can never be better employed than in counteracting this tendency to decay. It has the means, and is but performing its duty in doing so. The previous step to all this, however, is a knowledge of what is to be done, a full sense of the necessity of doing it, and a disposition to submit to the regimen necessary. For this purpose, both the government and the people must give up something. The people must allow government to interfere in the education of children, and, in that, give up a little of their liberty; {146} and those who govern must attend to many things which are generally neglected. To do the routine business of the day is the occupation of most of the governments of Europe, whether in war or at peace; they therefore habitually become agents of necessity, and what can be procrastinated is never done; that is to say, what is good is very seldom done, and what is necessary to prevent immediate evil, is always the chief, and sometimes the only, occupation. There are some men in the world who prosper merely because they look beforehand, and conduct their affairs. There are others who, with equal industry, and much more trouble and care, are always a little behind, and allow their affairs to conduct them; such men never succeed, and, if they can keep off the extreme of misfortune, it is all that is to be expected. Most governments, in wealthy nations, are like those latter species of individuals,--they do not conduct their affairs, but are conducted by them, and think they succeed, when the necessary business of the day is done. This listlessness must be done away, and, though the --- {146} From the impossibility of a nation, once immersed in sloth and luxury, returning to the tone and energy of a new people, we may judge of the impossibility of a nation going on progressively towards wealth, not suffering from the manner of educating children. The leading distinction between a rising and a fallen people is the disposition to industry and exertion, in the one, and to sloth and negligence, in the other. It is while a nation is increasing in wealth that this alteration gradually takes place; and, as this is the main point on which all depends, the nation is safe when it is well attended to, even if other things are, in some degree, neglected. -=- [end of page #172] governments of countries that are wealthy have no occasion, like Peter the Great, or the founders of new states, to create new institutions, and eternally try to ameliorate, they ought to be very carefully and constantly employed in preventing those good things that they enjoy from escaping their grasp, so far as it depends upon interior arrangement. Exterior causes are not within their power to regulate, therefore they should be the more attentive to those that are; and, though exterior causes are out of their dominion, yet, sometimes, by wise interior regulations, the evil effects of exterior ones may be prevented. Nothing of all this can be done, however, until the government rises above the routine business of the day, and until all the necessary and pressing business is got over. The first thing, then, for a government is to extricate itself from the situation of one who struggles with necessity, after which, but not before, it may study what is beneficial, and of permanent utility. So far it would appear all nations are situated alike, with regard to the general tendency to decay; {147} and so far all of them may be guided by general rules, but as to the particular manner of applying those rules, it must depend on the peculiar circumstances of the nation to which they are meant to be applied. In general, revenue has become the great object with modern nations: and, as their rulers have not ventured to tax the necessaries of the people to any high degree, but have laid their vices, rather than their wants, under contribution, the revenue-system, (as it may be called,) tends to make a government encourage expensive vice, by which it profits, and check innocent enjoyment, by which it has nothing to gain. This is a terrible, but it is a very prevalent system; it is immoral, inhuman, and impolitic. So far as this goes, a government, instead of checking, accelerates the decline of a people; but, as this is not a natural cause of decline, as it is not universal or necessary, it is to be considered with due --- {147} The Chinese, and, in general, the nations of Asia have not been considered as included in this inquiry. The Chinese, in particular, are a people in a permanent situation: they do not increase in riches, and they seem to have no tendency to decline. Their laws and mode of education and living remain the same. -=- [end of page #173] regard to particular circumstances. In general, we may say, that, in place of inviting the lower classes to pass their time in drinking, by the innumerable receptacles that there are for those who are addicted to that vice, every impediment should be put in the way. Drinking is a vice, the disposition to which grows with its gratification; most other avocations (for drinking in moderation is only such) have no tendency of the sort. Those enjoyments which have a tendency to degenerate into vice should be kept under some check; those which have no such tendency ought to be encouraged; for, where the main and general mass of the population of a country is corrupted, it is impossible to prevent its decline. If it remains uncorrupted, the matter is very easy, or, more properly, it may be said that prosperity is the natural consequence. Manners will always be found of more consequence than laws, and they depend, in a great measure, on the wise regulations of government in every country. Not only do most governments profit by laying the vices of the people under contribution; but, as revenue is, by a very false rule, taken as a criterion from which the prosperity of a nation may be estimated, the very evil that brings on decay serves to disguise its approach. A nation may be irretrievably undone, before it is perceived that it has any tendency to decline; it is, therefore, unwise for governments to wait till they see the effects of decay, and then to hope to counteract them; they must look before-hand, and prevent, otherwise all their exertions will prove ineffectual. [end of page #174] CHAP. X. _Of the external Causes of Decline.--the Envy and Enmity of other Nations.--their Efforts, both in Peace and War, to bring Wealthy Nations down to their level_. The external causes of the decline of nations are much more simple in themselves than the internal ones, besides which, their action is more visible; the way of operation is such as to excite attention, and has made them thought more worthy of being recorded. The origin of envy and enmity are the same. The possession of what is desirable, in a superior degree, is the cause of envy. That occasions injurious and unjust proceedings, and enmity is the consequence, though both originated in the same feeling at first, they assume distinct characteristics in the course of time. The desire of possession, in order to enjoy, is the cause of enmity and envy; and all the crimes of nations, and of individuals, have the same common origin. It follows, as a natural consequence, arising from this state of things, that those nations which enjoyed a superior degree of wealth, became the objects of the envy of others. If that wealth was accompanied by sufficient power for its protection, then the only way to endeavour to share it was by imitation; but if the wealth was found unprotected, then conquest or violence was always considered as the most ready way of obtaining possession. The wandering Arabs, who are the only nations that profess robbery at the present day, (by land,) follow still the same maxim with regard to those whose wealth they mean to enjoy. If too powerful to be compelled by force to give up what they have got, they traffic and barter with the merchants of a caravan; but if they find themselves able to take, they never give themselves the trouble to adopt the legitimate but less expeditious method of plunder and robbery =sic=. [end of page #175] As it has been found that wealth operates, by degrees, in destroying the bravery of a people, after a certain time, so it happens that, in the common course of things, a moment arrives when it is considered safe, by some one power or other, to attack the wealthy nation, and partake of its riches; thus it was that the cities of Tyre and of Babylon were attacked by Alexander; and thus it was that his successors, in their turn, were attacked and conquered by the Romans; and, again, the Romans themselves, by the barbarous nations of the north. Besides those great revolutions, of which the consequences were permanent, there have been endless and innumerable struggles for the possession of wealth, amongst different nations; but the real and leading causes are so uniform, and so evident, that there is not a shadow of a doubt left on that subject. Mr. Burke had good reason to say that the external causes were much easier traced, and more simple, than the internal ones; for, the Romans excepted, the instances of rich nations attacking and conquering poor ones are very rare indeed. The Romans had erected their republic on a different plan from that of any other; they had neither arts, industry, nor territory of their own, and they conquered nations upon speculation, and for the sake of civilizing the people, and making them contribute revenue; how they were successful has been explained. But even the Romans would not have attacked poor nations, if they had been, at an earlier period, possessed of the means of attacking those that were wealthy. Necessity obliged them to begin with Italy: their safety made them defend themselves against the Gauls, and, till they had a navy, it was impracticable to carry their conquests into Asia or Africa; but, after they had conquered Carthage, they lost very little time in attacking Egypt, and those countries occupied by the successors of Alexander. The taking of Constantinople was the last decided victory of this sort, and in nothing but time and circumstance did it differ from the others; in all the great outlines it was exactly the same. [end of page #176] The effeminacy and luxury of the rich, those interior causes, of which we have already spoken, always give facility to those efforts which envy and avarice excite. The rivalship, in time of peace, is a contest confined to modern nations; or, at least, but little known to the ancients. Indeed, it is only amongst commercial nations that it can exist. There can be no competition in agriculture; and, indeed, it is only in war, or in commerce, that nations can interfere with each other. The Phoenicians were the only commercial people of antiquity. Carthage was the colony, and received the Indian produce at second hand. It was in no way a rival. When Solomon mounted on the throne of his father David, he applied himself to commerce; but the wisdom and power he possessed were such as bore down all opposition during his reign. Having married the daughter of the King of Egypt, who assisted him in several conquests, he founded the city of Palmyra, or Tadmore in the Wilderness, for the greater conveniency of the Eastern trade. The King of Tyre was his ally, but he was so, most probably, from necessity, for the alliance was very unnatural; and, soon after the death of Solomon, the Tyrians excited the King of Babylon to destroy Jerusalem: so, that if there had been, in ancient times, more people concerned in commerce, there is no doubt there would likewise have been more envy and rivality. =sic= The cities of Italy, the Dutch, the Flemish, the English, and the French, have been incessantly struggling to supplant each other in manufactures and commerce; and the war of custom-house duties and drawbacks has become very active and formidable. This modern species of warfare is not only less bloody, but the object is more legitimate, and the consequences neither so sudden nor so fatal as open force; to which is to be added, that if a nation will but determine to be industrious, it never can be greatly injured. If it enjoyed any peculiarly great advantages, those may, indeed, be wrested from it, but that is only taking away what it has no right to possess, and what it may always do without. [end of page #177] The intention of this inquiry is not to discover a method by which a nation may engross the trade that ought to belong to others, it is only to enable it, by industry and other means, to guard against the approaches of adversity, which tend to sink it far below its level, thereby making way for the elevation of some other nation, on the ruins of its greatness. As, in the interior causes of decline, we have traced the most part to the manners and habits of the people, so, in the exterior causes, it will be found that much depends upon the conduct of the government. [end of page #178] CHAP. XI. _Why the Intercourse between Nations is ultimately in Favour of the poorer one, though not so at first_. In all commercial intercourse with each other, (or competition in selling to a third nation,) the poorer nation has the advantage in its gain; but this advantage is generally prevented by the length of credit which the wealthy nation is enabled to give, by which manufacturers are sometimes ruined in their own country by strangers, who can neither rival them in lowness of price nor goodness in quality. In countries that are poor, those who have the selling, but not the manufacturing of goods, are so much greater gainers by selling goods purchased on credit, of which they can keep a good stock and assortment, than in selling from a shop or store scantily supplied with ready money, that there is not almost any question about either price or quality; there is not scarcely an alternative. In one line, a man can begin who has scarcely any capital, and do a great deal of business; he can even afford to sell the articles he purchases on credit with very little profit, because they procure him ready money; whereas, if he sells an article upon which he has no credit, he must replace it with another, by paying money immediately. The consequence is, that while those who sell to the public are poor, the nation or manufacturer that gives the longest credit will have the preference; but this is daily diminishing, for even with the capital of the rich nation itself, the manufactures of the poor one are encouraged; the manner is as follows: A, at New York, purchases goods for one thousand pounds from B, at London, which he sells without any profit, and, perhaps, at a considerable loss; because B gives him twelve months credit. But A, who has, by this means, got hold of money, as if by a loan, will not lay that out with B, nor let him touch it till the year's end; and, having made no profit by the sale of B's goods, he must turn to advantage the money he obtained for them. According to the situation of mat-[end of page #179] ters in the country, and the nature of A's concerns, he will make more or less, but what he makes it is not the business to investigate; it is sufficient to know, that he will lay his ready money out with those who will sell cheap, in order to get by it; that is to say, he will lay it out with some person in his own country. {148} Thus, though the rich nation sells goods on credit at a price which cannot be obtained for them by the purchaser, yet its capital serves to give activity to the manufacturers in the poor country. It is true, that this operation is slow, but it produces an effect in time, and finishes by robbing the wealthy nation of its superiority, obtained by giving credit. It is thus that in all their intercourse, the first advantage is to the rich nation, but terminates in favour of the poor; for whenever equality of prices are the question, and both can give sufficient credit, the poorer nation has the advantage in point of price. With regard to rivalling each other, in a third place, the poor nation has the advantage, if the merchants there have the means of paying with ready money, because the price is lower than that of the richer country. {149} If they have not that means, they cannot deal with them, but must wait till they have, by perseverance; and, in course of time, come to have the means when the poor nation is certain to enter into competition with advantage. But this is not the only way in which the capital of a rich nation is employed in fostering a rivalship in a poorer nation. Were the manufacturers the only persons who sold goods, it would be confined to this; but that is not the case, for merchants, who are the sellers, study only where they can purchase the cheapest; thus English merchants purchase cloths in Silesia, watches in Switzerland, fire- arms at Liege, --- {148} The Dutch used to give long credit, and buy with ready money, by which means they had great advantage for a long time; but, at last, the ready money they paid to some, and the credit they gave to others, set their industry at work, and they became rivals. Dutch capital was, at one period, of great service to the English, as that of England now is to the Americans. {149} This is not meant to apply to any particular sort of manufacture. In some, a nation may have a permanent advantage over another; in others, only a temporary one, and in the greater portion no other advantage than what arises from superior capital. -=- [end of page #180] in preference to laying out the money in England or Ireland; and they will give credit, as before explained, to the nation that wants it. In this manner it is, that the capital of a rich country supplies the want of it in poorer ones, and that, by degrees, a nation saps the foundation of its own wealth and greatness, and gives encouragement to them in others. It is then that the weight of taxes, the high price of commodities, and the various causes which encumber those who live in wealthy nations, begin to produce a pernicious effect. The tendency of industry is to remove its abode, and the capital of the merchants, who know no country, but understand arithmetic, and the profits of trade, gives the industry the means of doing it with more ease and promptitude. The Dutch, for the last century, employed their capital in this manner, and, at one time, were the chief carriers, for they secured custom by paying readily and giving credit largely. They ruined many of their own manufactures in this manner, but it is impossible to separate the calculation of gain from the mercantile system and mercantile practice in individuals; therefore it is no reproach to their patriotism, for patriotism cannot be the rule in purchasing goods from an individual. A merchant can have no other rule, but his own advantage, or, if he has, he will soon be ruined. There are many manufactures in England that originally rose by means of Dutch capital, not lent capital, but by ready money paid for goods, which were carried to other nations, and sold here upon credit. The English have, for a long time, been able to do this piece of business for themselves; and, of course, the Dutch did not find the same means of supporting their carrying trade; and as they had ruined many of their own manufactures, they sunk both as a commercial and manufacturing people. If the time should ever come that capital should be so abundant in all nations, as that obtaining credit will not be an object, then it will be seen that no nation will have so very great a share of manufactures and commerce more than others, as has hitherto been the case. In countries where the common practice is to sell, chiefly, for [end of page #181] ready money, great fortunes are seldom gained. Even in wealthy countries, in branches of business where no credit is given, great fortunes are very seldom got, and for a very simple reason. The business is pretty equally divided. But in a country that gives long credits, or in a branch of trade on which long credits are given, we always see some individuals gaining immense fortunes, by means of doing a great deal more business than others, who, having less capital, are enabled to do less. There is not any one thing in which a nation resembles an individual so much, as in mercantile transactions; the rule of one is the rule of all, and the rich individual acts like a rich nation, and the poor one like a poor nation. The consequences are the same in both cases. The rich carry on an extensive trade, by means of great capital; the poor, a limited one, dependant =sic= chiefly on industry; but wherever the poor persevere in good conduct, they finish by getting the command of the capital of the rich, and then becoming their rivals. There is one thing peculiar to the intercourse of rich and poor nations, in which it differs from the intercourse between rich and poor individuals in the same country. Money, which is the common measure of value, has a different price in different countries, and, indeed, in different parts of the same country. If a man, from a poor country, carries a bushel of corn with him into a rich, he can live as long upon it as if he had remained where he was; but if he carry the money, that would have bought a bushel of corn at home, he perhaps may not be able to live upon it half so long. {150} The effect that this produces, in the intercourse between two countries, is, that in proportion as the difference becomes greater, the rich country feels it can command more of the industry of the poor, and the poor feels it can command less of the industry of the rich; so that --- {150} In common life, this difference, between carrying money and necessaries, is perfectly well understood, but it is experience that is the teacher; and the rough countryman, or woman, when they have the opportunity of judging from fact, understand the motives as well as the most profound and ingenius =sic= writer on political economy. -=- [end of page #182] when their industry can be both applied, with any degree of equality, to the same object, the poor supplies the rich, and therefore increases its own wealth. It is thus that great numbers of the people in London are fed with butcher-meat from Scotland, and wear shoes from Yorkshire; but there would be a very limited sale in either of those places for meat from Smithfield, or shoes manufactured in London. {151} This diminution of the value of money, that takes place in all rich countries, serves farther to increase the advantage of poorer ones in manufacturing, and accelerates the natural effect of competition, which is facilitated, as has been said, by the capital of the rich country giving activity to the industry of the poorer one. This last neither can be called an exterior nor an interior cause, as it is derived entirely from the relative situations of the two countries, and belongs to both, or originates in both; but, as it raises the poor nation nearer the level of the rich one, its effect gradually becomes less powerful. Though there is no means of preventing the operation of two nations coming nearly to a level by this means, yet it does not appear to be a necessary consequence that the nation that was the richer should become the poorer. As this, however, has been a general case, we must conclude it to be a natural one, but there we stop, and make a distinction between what is natural only, and what is a necessary effect. Their coming to a level was a necessary effect; but, though the other may be natural, it cannot be necessary, and therefore may be counteracted; to find the means of doing this, is all that is proposed by the present inquiry. --- {151} If it was not for taxes and rent, that are chiefly spent in large towns, as well as law-expenses, and the prices of luxuries, of dress, and furniture, the cities, like London, would soon be reduced. -=- [end of page #183] CHAP. XII. _Conclusion of exteror Causes.--Are seldom of much Importance, unless favoured by interior ones.--Rich Nations, with care, capable, in most Cases, of prolonging their Prosperity.--Digression on the Importance of Public Revenue, illustrated by a statistical Chart_. The exterior causes of the decline of any nation, that has risen above its level, though formidable, are nothing, in comparison to the interior causes, and are of no great effect without their co-operation. As the government of a country has an influence over the interior causes, so its alliances, and the laws of nations, though not very well attended to, (yet seldom altogether forgot,) have a tendency to stop the progress of the exterior causes, before they advance too far; that is to say, before they absolutely depress a nation. For several centuries, the stronger nations of Europe protected the weaker, and the matter was carried so far, that the weak powers generally gained the most. Prussia and Sardinia are two examples of nations rising by political connections; and though the system is lately changed, and Poland has been despoiled and divided amongst nations, to each of which it was superior in power only two centuries ago, and though Holland and Switzerland groan under the yoke of France, yet, it is to be hoped, the old system is not abandoned, otherwise there will be no end to the encroachments of the great powers on the smaller. The means of communicating, between nations, are now easy; they have felt the advantage of preserving a sort of balance, {152} and the ad- --- {152} The expression, balance of power, gives a false idea. It seems to imply, that alliances in Europe were so nicely arranged, as to make the force of nations, in opposite interests, equal; but this never was the case for half an hour, nor was it ever intended. The whole [end of page #184] that is meant, is to prevent the present order from being overturned, by one nation annihilating or subduing another; and then, by their united strength, swallowing up a third, as was the case with the Romans. -=- vantages are so great, that they probably never will be entirely abandoned, though we have strong proofs, of late years, that they are not always held very sacred. The chart subjoined to this, giving a statistical representation of the powers of Europe, shews nearly in what manner power is distributed at this time; the population and extent are there represented with accuracy: these are the foundation of power; and the amount of the revenue may be said to shew the means, which a nation has of exerting that power. (For the description and explanation see the page opposite the chart). [Transcriber's note: seemingly a reference to Chart No. 2; the explanation in fact appears on page 190.] The balance of power, however well attended to, could not prevent the decline of a nation from interior causes. It may prevent the operation of exterior causes from pushing a nation to the extreme of humiliation, by taking advantage of its internal situation. But the decline of almost every nation has commenced within its own bosom, and has been completed by causes acting from without. The common termination of the interior causes of decline is revolt, or a division into parties, when the party that has the disadvantage generally calls in some neighbour to its aid. This is the most miserable fate that can befal =sic= a country, and no punishment is sufficiently severe for the men, who have so far lost every sentiment of patriotism as to have recourse to such a step. The exterior causes of decline, namely, rivalship in peace and the combined efforts of enemies in war may be considered as irresistible, if the government, which has the direction of a nation, does not act wisely; but, if it does, they may be put at defiance. If a nation preserves its interior sources of prosperity, and acts with moderation and firmness towards others, their envy and efforts will be without effect, and need never be a cause of much uneasiness. In its relation to other nations, the government of a country acts like an individual. The first thing is to regulate its interior affairs, and, the next is, in treating with others, to consider circumstances, and take justice and moderation for a rule of conduct. [end of page #185] The circuitous politics attributed to ambassadors, who represent states, is a common theme of invective: as custom has established it as a sort of rule, in all such transactions as they conduct, to conceal a part of what is meant, to demand more than is expected to be obtained, and offer less than is intended to be given, there is no immediate remedy; but this is only in the mode and manner of treating, and does not necessarily imply unfair intention. If it has become a custom to ask three by way of obtaining two, and of offering only two to prevent the necessity of giving four, (which would be expected if three, the number intended to be given, were offered at first) it is an abuse of language, in so far that what is expressed is neither meant by one, nor understood by the other to be meant; but, it is nothing more: neither is it a custom void of meaning; it is founded on the nature of man. If men were perfect, and capable of seeing at one view what was fair, each might come prepared to ask exactly what he wanted, and determined not to yield any thing; and it would result from their being perfect, that each would just demand what was right, and the other was disposed to give; but, as men are not perfect, and as it is the inclination and even the duty of each to obtain the most favourable terms he can, (and as he does not see exactly what is right,) he naturally demands more than he has a right to expect, or than the other is disposed to give. If ambassadors met together with a determination to speak explicitly at first, and with a determination not to recede, the consequence would probably be, that they would not treat at all, so that the mode of receding a little does not absolutely imply that more is asked than is wished for, but that each party over-rates its own pretensions, in order to obtain what is right. One thing is certain, that the treaties that have been the best observed have been those founded on equity, where the contracting parties were neither of them under the influence of fear or necessity. The exterior dangers of a country are not only more simple in their nature than the interior ones, but, being less silent and gradual in their progress have been more noticed by historians. Even the ambitious rapacity of the Romans was first directed [end of page #186] against Carthage, on account of its pride and injustice in attacking other states; and, in the history of the nations of the world, there is scarcely a single example of national prosperity being unattended with some degree of pride, arrogance, and injustice; nor can it easily be otherwise, for, notwithstanding all the boasted law of nations, power seems amongst them to be one of the principal claims on which right is founded, though, in the moral nature of things, power and right have not the most distant connection. It is then an object for those who govern nations, in the first place, to counteract as much as possible the internal tendency to decline, arising from the causes that have been enumerated; and, after having done that, to regulate their conduct with regard to other nations, so as to protect themselves from those external causes of decline, on the existence of which they have no direct influence, but which are not capable of producing any great effect, unless favoured by the internal state of the country, and by the unwise conduct of those by whom it is governed. ======== _Digression concerning the Importance of Public Revenue_. No state, what ever its wealth may be, can possess power, unless a certain portion of that wealth is applicable to public purposes. As the want of revenue has not been a very common cause of weakness, we shall give, as an example, the almost solitary, but very strong, case of Poland. Its feebleness, in repelling the attacks of its enemies, was occasioned, in a great measure, by want of revenue. It was with far superior population, with more fertile soil, and a people no way inferior in bravery, greatly inferior in actual exertion to Prussia. When, at last, the Poles, seeing their danger, united together, and were willing to make every personal exertion and sacrifice, to preserve their country, they had no means of executing their good intentions. They had not kept up an army when it was not wanted, and they could not, on the emergency, create one when it was become necessary. [end of page #187] The definition given of power makes it a relative thing, and, therefore, the revenue necessary to maintain that power or force must be relative also; it, therefore, depends on circumstances, what is to be considered as a sufficient or insufficient revenue. If the United States of America were accessible with ease to European nations, or if they had powerful neighbours on their own soil, they would find their present revenues quite unequal to preserving their independence; but, as it is, perhaps they are the most wealthy civilized nation in the world, if an excess of revenue constitutes wealth. In Europe, whatever nations are unable to keep up forces sufficient to make those exertions which, according to their alliances and dangers, may be necessary, they are weak from want of revenue, and ought to augment it. In the course of making greater exertions than the revenues would bear, some nations have contracted debts. It is not the purpose here to enter into the complication such debts occasion, and the alterations they make on the revenue, and the disposal of the revenue of a country; but, so far as that subject is yet understood, it appears that the clear revenue, after paying the interest of the debt, ought to be as great as it would be altogether, if there were no debt; that is to say, after paying interest, there ought to remain a sufficient surplus to pay all the expenses necessary for government and defence. The money that goes for the payment of interest has some tendency to increase the influence of government at home, but is of no manner of use with regard to enemies. From the statistical chart here annexed, which shews the relative proportion of the revenues of all the nations in Europe, as well as their actual amount, it is perfectly clear, that, great and extensive as the Russian empire is, it will not be very powerful until its revenues are considerably increased. The great value of money, and the prices of provisions, and many sorts of warlike stores, enable great armies to be maintained in that country, even with small revenues; but the Russians can make no great effort, at a distance from home, till their revenues are augmented. The revenues of Spain are considerable; but the free revenue is not, [end of page #188] and it has no credit to supply the place. The same thing may be said of Portugal; and if England had no credit, it would be in the same situation; but as it has better credit than any nation ever had, so, likewise, it is the only one whose efforts have never been in any way, or at any time, either restricted or suspended, for want of money to carry them into effect. The Dutch were, at one time, situated nearly as England is now; they had not sufficient free revenue, but they had good credit; of which, however, they were not willing to make the necessary use, and the French marched into Amsterdam with greater ease than the Russians did into Warsaw. The greatest victories of the French, during the revolution, were gained at a time when her regular revenues were inconsiderable, and when she was in a state of absolute bankruptcy. This is considered by some as a proof that force is independent of revenue, and that Frederick the Great was mistaken in saying, that money was the sinews of war; but this case has been misunderstood as well as misrepresented. Though, in general, regular resources for money are necessary to support war, and regular resources imply revenue, it never was asserted, that, if irregular resources could be obtained, they would not answer the same purpose, so long as they lasted. During the first five years of the French revolution, a sum equal to at least four hundred millions sterling was consumed, besides what was pillaged from the enemy. So that at the time that France was without regular revenue, she was actually expending seventy-five millions sterling per annum: a sum greater than any other nation ever had at its disposal. The impossibility of such a resource continuing is of no importance in the present argument, although it is luckily of very great importance to the peace of mankind. France supported war, for a certain time, by consuming capital, and without revenue, but not without money; so that what his Prussian Majesty said, stands uncontroverted, and the necessity of revenue, regular and durable, for the maintenance of regular and durable force, is established beyond the power of contradiction. [end of page #189] EXPLANATION OF STATISTICAL CHART, NO. 2. In this chart, the different nations of Europe are represented by circles, bearing the proportion of their relative extent. This is done in order to give a better idea of the proportions than a geographical map, where the dissimilar and irregular forms prevent the eye from making a comparison. The graduated scale of lines represents millions of pounds sterling; and the red lines, that rise on the left of each circle, express the number of inhabitants in millions, which may be known by observing at what cross-line the red one stops. The yellow lines, on the right of the circles, shew the amount of revenue in pounds sterling. The nations stained green, are maritime powers; those stained pale red, are only powerful by land. The dotted lines, to connect the extremities of the lines of population and revenue, serve, by their descent from right to left, or from left to right, to shew how revenue and population are proportioned to each other. The impression made by this chart is such, that it is impossible not to see by what means Sweden and Denmark are of little importance, as to wealth or power; for, though population and territory are the original foundation of power, finances are the means of exerting it. What must the consequences be if the Russian empire should one day become like other nations? If ever that should happen, it either will be divided, or it will crush all Europe. The prodigious territory of Russia, and the immense revenues of England, are the most astonishing things represented in that chart; they are out of all proportion to the rest. [end of page #190] ========= BOOK III. ========= CHAP. I. _Result of the foregoing Inquiry applied to Britain.--Its present State, in what its Wealth consists, illustrated by a Chart, shewing the Increase of Revenue and Commerce_. Having now taken a view, and inquired into the causes that have ruined nations that have been great and wealthy, from the earliest to the present time; having also inquired into the causes that naturally will operate where those did not, and that would, at a later period, have produced the same effect; it is now the business to examine how far and in what way the result of the inquiry applies to the British empire. The power and wealth of Britain, according to the definition given at the beginning of this work, are founded not on conquests, extent of territory, superior population, or a more favourable soil or climate, or even in bravery; for in those it is but on a par with other nations. The only natural advantages of Britain are, its insular situation and the disposition of the people, and the excellent form of its government. From the two first have arisen that good government, commerce, and industry; and on those have arisen again a great naval power, and an uncommon degree of wealth. In arms, it does not appear that England is so powerful by land, in proportion as in former times: her power must then be considered as a naval power, and that founded principally on commerce. {153} --- {153} Our last brilliant achievements by land were under the Duke of Marlborough; but even then, with allies to assist, we were but a balance to France. Before the conquest, England seems to have been far below the level of most other nations, as a power by land. Soon after [end of page #191] she appears to have risen above France, and other nations, or they probably rather sunk; but, ever since England became formidable at sea, she has lost her superiority in the army; although she has never sunk under the level, and never, in any instance, were her armies beat when the numbers were equal to those of the enemy. -=- {Here appears at page 192 the second chart, entitled "Chart Representing the Extent, Population & Revenue -of the- PRINCIPAL NATIONS in EUROPE --in 1804--by W. Playfair"} As such then we have only to examine the foundation on which she stands, and find in what she is vulnerable. We must first begin with the interior situation, to follow the same order that has been attended to in the rest of the work. Changes of manners, habits of education, and the natural effects of luxury, are as likely to operate on the British empire, as on some others which they have destroyed. From the unequal division of property, there is perhaps less danger, but from the employment of capital there is more than almost in any other nation. From the abuses of law and public institutions and _l'esprit du corps_, we run a very great risk; more indeed than under an arbitrary government or even a republic. These last are the dangers that most seriously threaten a nation living under a mixed government. As to the produce of the soil becoming unequal to the maintenance of a people addicted to luxurious habits, we have much also to fear from that: the operation is begun, and its effects will soon be most serious: they are already felt, and very visible. From taxation, unproductive and idle people, we have more to fear than most nations; and from an alteration in the manner of thinking, and persons and property leaving the nation, we have as much as any other nation, according to the degree of wealth that we possess; so that, upon the whole, the interior causes of decline are such as it is extremely necessary to guard against in the most attentive manner. In respect to the exterior causes, we are exempt entirely from some, from others we are not; and, in one case, we have exterior causes for hope that no nation ever yet had. The advancement of other nations, their enmity and envy, are full as likely to operate against this nation as against any other that ever existed; but as we owe none of our superiority to geographical situa- [end of page #192] tion like the Greek islands, the Delta of Egypt, and borders of the Mediterranean Sea, we run no risk of any discovery in geography, or in navigation, operating much to our disadvantage. We are not so far advanced before other nations in arts as to have any great reason to dread that their advancement will be our ruin; but still we must allow, that a number of external causes may combine to bring us to their level, when the effects of our present wealth may soon operate in reducing us under it. Since, then, commerce is the foundation of our wealth, and since our power, which is naval, is built upon commerce, let us begin with taking a view of its present situation. The increase of the trade of Britain to foreign parts, within these last fifteen years, though a very natural effect of the causes that have operated during that period, is not itself a natural increase, because the causes that produced it are uncommon, temporary, and unnatural. The East and West India trades have been both lost to France and Holland. The French, before the revolution, had a greater share of the West India trade than ever we had, and they could undersell us in foreign markets. The Dutch and French together had a very great share of the commerce of the East; this partly accounts for the rapid increase of English commerce since they lost theirs. Besides, the French nation itself, which formerly consumed scarcely any English manufactures, and supplied Germany, and many parts of Europe, with its own, has been employed for several years in consuming its manufactured stock, eating up its capital, and ruining its own manufactories; so that France itself, Germany, and a great portion of the continent, have been obliged to apply to Britain, both for manufactures and colonial produce, as well as for the goods that come from India. Add to this, that capital on the continent of Europe has suffered an unexampled diminution, from a variety of causes. A great part has been consumed in France, and in all the countries into which her armies have penetrated, particularly in Holland; and that confidence, [end of page #193] which serves in place of capital, has been impaired in all countries, and ruined in many. It has already been shewn that the want of capital prevents a poor nation from supplying itself, and furnishes a rich one with the means of supplying it, and, as it were, extorting usury from it by giving credit. The misfortunes of the continent had, by this means, all of them a direct tendency to advance the commercial prosperity of England; but still the matter does not rest even here, for the real capital that fled from the continent of Europe has, in part, taken refuge in England. We have risen, (for the moment,) by their depression; and though the advantage will be of some duration, yet we ought not to consider it as permanent. {154} Those causes have operated, as indeed might be expected, in a most powerful manner, but that operation has already begun to cease. In such uncommon and unexampled circumstances as the present, it is impossible to forsee =sic= what may happen, yet it is scarcely possible to suppose things will remain as they are. Terror and alarm are too painful to continue their action long on the human mind; and even if the cause were not diminished, the effect would become less violent with time and custom. Again, we are not to suppose, that such times as those of 1793 and 1794 are ever to return, therefore the alarm will be diminished, new capital will rise up, and, as security of private property is now understood to be the basis of all wealth and prosperity, confidence will be restored by degrees. The increase of trade is not then to be expected from the same causes that have of late operated with so rapid and powerful an effect: on the contrary, they may be expected so far to cease, as to occasion a diminution of our exports. This will, however, be counteracted by some circumstances, while others will tend to augment the violence of its effects. The trade with the American States and with Russia increase, from --- {154} As one proof of capital taking refuge in England, the sudden rise of stock, during the first three years of the French revolution, may be adduced, without fear of being contradicted as to the fact, or the assigned cause controverted. [end of page #194] -=- no temporary or fallacious cause. In the former country, population very rapidly increases, and, in the latter, wealth and civilization, which have a similar effect {155} upon the wants of a nation. These are in favour of a manufacturing country, like England. These two are not only, then, permanent, but augmenting causes for our commerce; {156} they are causes that augment rapidly, and may, with proper care, be carried to a great extent. The superiority in the West India trade is so far of a permanent nature, that France will never again be a formidable rival there. St. Domingo is not only lost, but probably lost for ever, while it is expected that Britain may retain her islands. This trade, then, may be set down as permanent; that is to say, that there does not seem to be any immediate cause for its decline; {157} and the government of this country is sufficiently aware of consequences not to neglect taking every precaution possible. The East India trade does not, indeed, appear equally secure. There we are powerfully rivalled by the Americans, and the merchants of other countries; but, on the other hand, the demand for the produce of Asia is augmenting rapidly all over the continent of Europe; so that perhaps we may be able to maintain our ground, even though other nations regain part of the trade they have lost. To remain, then, in the situation in which we are, with respect to --- {155} The great augmentation of fine fertile territory, in America, will retard the progress of manufactures and commerce in that country, by employing the capital and attention of the inhabitants on agriculture. This may be the case for half a century, and, if England improves, the circumstances may continue to operate in favour of British manufactures for many centuries to come. {156} The ports in the Black Sea add a new district to the commercial world, which, in course of time, must greatly increase the demand for such articles, as a civilized people consume. The fineness of the climate and of the country will enable the inhabitants to gratify the taste which civilization will bring along with it. {157} It would be quite foreign to the end of this inquiry to examine into the interior state of the West India islands, or as to their continuing subject to Great Britain. This is entirely a political affair, unconnected with commerce, though its effects on it would be prodigious. [end of page #195] -=- foreign trade, we must exert ourselves; those external causes that have forced trade upon us, for these last fifteen years, being but of a temporary nature. In order to be more sensible of this necessity, let us consider a few other circumstances. The wealth of England, which was the envy of Europe, even previous to the American war, in which we stood single-handed and alone (having the three most powerful maritime nations against us, and none to take our part) has now become more conspicuous, and much more likely to excite envy. Not only the situation of Britain is much more exalted, but the other nations feel a comparison that is infinitely more humiliating; add to this, that old attachments, and a regard to the laws of nations, and to a balance of power in Europe, are much enfeebled, or rather nearly done away. Britain has alone, for some time, stood forward to resist the innovations and power of France; and, after having at first subsidized every nation that would fight in the common cause, it has alone maintained the common right itself, thereby adding a double humiliation to those who wanted means of assisting, or whose courage had failed. France, with all its acquisition of territory and alliance, with all that influence over neutral nations, which terror of its arms inspires, will never cease to combat the prosperity of England. Some other nations, through envy or shame, stimulated by a hope of partaking in the wealth that England loses, will either sit passive or assist. {158} The East India trade is that which excites the greatest portion of envy, and it will be difficult to resist its effects. This superior degree of envy is occasioned by three principal causes: The splendid establishments of the East India company, its fleets, --- {158} Gratitude, some will say, may prevent this; but nations have no gratitude, they only know their interest, and nothing retrospective is any motive for action. We need not search into remote periods for proofs of this, see Holland, Spain, Russia, &c. during the latter part of the last war. [end of page #196] -=- and the fact that it is the greatest commercial company that does now, or ever did, exist, constitute the first cause, not only for envy, but for a wish to participate in the trade. The second cause arises from the extent of our possessions, the immensity of the territorial revenues, and the evident injustice of a company of merchants becoming sovereigns, and holding the ancient princes of the East, and the successors of the Great Mogul, as tributary vassals. {159} It is in vain that we say the people are happier than they were before we did them the honour to become their masters. Whether this is true or not, there is no means of proving it, besides there can be no right established by London merchants to force the inhabitants of Hindostan to become happy, whether they will or not. The same pretence has been used by the French, in subduing Flanders and Brabant, in governing Holland and Switzerland; but they have not been able to obtain credit. The regular governments, who partitioned Poland, have pretended the same thing; and our slave-merchants and planters give very positive assurances that the negroes toiling on the West India plantations are much happier than they were in their own country; yet, in defiance of all this cloud of witnesses, there is something in the human breast that resists and rejects such evidence; evidence doubtful, on account of the quarter from whence it comes, and the interests of the witnesses, as well as con- --- {159} However we may look upon this, other nations certainly see the matter as iniquitous and unjust; and it is well known with what feelings such a belief is entertained. Though the revolutions in Farther Asia have not made any part of the basis of our inquiry, yet it is impossible, having mentioned the Mogul empire, not to notice its rapid and terrible fall. In 1707, only ninety- eight years ago, the Great Mogul ruled over a country equal in extent, and little inferior in population, to France, Spain, Germany, and England. His revenues amounted to thirty-two millions sterling, which, at that time, was nearly equal to the whole revenues of all the monarchs of Europe. He is now circumscribed to a territory less than the smallest county in England, and is the vassal at will of a company of English merchants, who, with all their greatness, do not divide profits equal to one week of his former revenues! [end of page #197] -=- trary to the natural feelings of beings endowed with the power of reason; at variance, also, with an opinion of a very ancient origin, "that coercion and force are enemies to enjoyment." In defiance, then, of our assertions, the other nations of Europe will and do view this acquired territory with anger, as well as envy; and, though it is true, that, out of the immense revenues that arise to the company, they divide little profit, though their debts are annually augmenting, yet individual Englishmen, it must be admitted, bring home great fortunes. This fact is not to be denied, and is so much the worse, that though a government even of merchants may be supposed to obtain revenues fairly, individuals, who rapidly acquire great wealth are always supposed to do it by extortion or unfair means. {160} The third cause for envy is of great antiquity. The commerce of the East, from the earliest ages, has been that which has enriched all the nations that ever possessed it; and, consequently, has been a perpetual cause of envy and contention, as we have already seen, in its proper place. For all those reasons, not one of which we can remove entirely, the East India trade is a particular object of envy; and, unless great care is taken, will entail the same danger on this country, as it has on all those that ever possessed it. Tyre and Sidon, in Syria, Alexandria, in Egypt, Venice, Genoa, the Hans Towns, and Portugal, have all been raised and ruined by this trade, which seems to --- {160} So far back as 1793, Mr. Dundas estimated the sums remitted by individuals at an annual million; add to this, plunder arising from war, (which is become as natural a state in India as peace,) and we shall see that now the revenues and establishments are nearly doubled. The following will not be an unfair estimate: Private fortunes remitted in 1793 L. 1,000,000 Average ditto arising from years of war, the plunder of Seringapatam, &c 300,000 Increase remitted home since, in proportion to revenue 700,000 ____________ Remitted now by the same description of men L. 2,000,000 Besides what is remitted home, those servants of the company expend immense sums in the country, living there in the greatest luxury. [end of page #198] -=- have been the cradle and the grave of most of those nations that have become rich and powerful by the means of commerce. Our West India wealth, though derived from a source still more, or at least equally, impure, and though not inferior in amount, is, for several reasons, not the cause of so much envy. It is not confined to a company, and therefore the splendour and ostentation that, in the case of the Asiatic trade, occasion envy, do not exist in that to the American islands. Our monopoly is by no means so complete, which has a double effect in our favour; for, besides preventing others from envying us so much, it prevents them from condemning us so severely. The same nations that see, in its full force, the injustice of subjecting the inhabitants of the East, in their own country, in a way that, at the worst, is not very rigorous, join cordially in robbing Africa of its inhabitants, to make them slaves in America, in a way, that, at the best, is very rigorous. Such are the baneful effects of sordid interest acting on the mind of man! But our business is not here to investigate opinions, but their result; and, in the present instance, we find that to admit participation in criminality is the only way to avoid envy and offence. The third cause for envy is likewise wanting. The commerce with the West Indies is but of a recent date, and no nation has ever owed its greatness or decline to that single source. {161} It is not like the Asiatic trade, a sort of hereditary cause of quarrel; a species of heirloom, entailing upon the possessor the envy and enmity of all other nations. The envy occasioned by the West India trade is farther diminished by the circumstance that the plantations have been raised with the money of the persons by whom they are possessed; and that if they had no original right to the soil in its barren state, the cultivation at least is owing to their capital and industry. The most solid and secure portion of our trade is that which con- --- {161} France was the nation that, before the revolution, gained the most by this trade; indeed, no nation has, to this date, gained so much as it did. -=- [end of page #199] sists of our manufactures at home. In those, though we excite envy, we excite no other of the hateful passions. Emulation is natural, and admiration is unavoidable, on seeing the vast progress that arts and industry have made in this country; so that England is absolutely considered as the first country in the world for manufactures. This cause of greatness and wealth operates in a more uniform and durable manner; though, like others, it has its bounds, yet the nature of them is not easily ascertained. In this there are two things essential,--the procuring a market, and the means of supplying it. We have always yet found the means of supplying every market we have got; but we have not always been able to extend our market so much as it might have been wished. America and Russia offer new markets, as has already been observed, but, to extend our old markets, we must either reduce the price, improve the quality, or extend the credit, and invention is the only means by which these things can be done; and there is no possibility of knowing where to set bounds to invention, aided by capital and the division of labour. We are, however, not to forget that priority in point of time being one of the causes of a nation's rise, and being of a nature to be destroyed in the course of years, the superiority we enjoy may leave us, as it did other nations in former times. When a country produces the raw material, and labour is cheap, and the art established, we might suppose the superiority secure; but it is not. The cotton trade was first established in the East Indies, where the material grows, where the labour is not a tenth of the price that it is in England, and the quality of the manufactured article is good; yet machinery and capital have transplanted it to England. But the same machinery may give a superiority, or at least an equality, to some other country; it is, therefore, our business to persevere in encouraging invention, by the means that have hitherto been found so successful. {162} --- {162} The law of patents, and the premiums offered by the Society of Arts, suggest improvements, and reward them when made. To those, to the security of property, and nature of the government, we chiefly owe the great improvements made in England. -=- [end of page #200] The most necessary thing for our commerce is the support of mercantile credit, without which it is in vain to expect that trade will be carried on to any great amount. In 1772, when a great failure occasioned want of confidence, the exports of the country fell off above three millions, but its imports fell off very little. {163} In 1793, when the internal credit of the mercantile people was staggered, precisely the same effect was produced. These are the only two instances of individual credit being staggered to such a degree, as to prevent mercantile men from putting confidence in each other; and they are the only two instances of any very great falling off in the exports in one year, except during the American war, when the chief branches of trade in the country were cut off or diminished. The falling off, in exports, in 1803, which was very great indeed, (being no less than one-third of the whole,) was not occasioned by the same cause, but appears to have been owing to three others of a different nature. First, the French had actually shut us out from a great extent of coast, and this occasioned a diminution of exports, which will, in part, be done away, when new channels of conveyance are found out. It will nevertheless operate in causing some diminution, as circuitous channels render goods more difficult to be introduced, and consequently dearer to the consumers. The second cause appears to have been, the uncertainty of our merchants where to send the goods, and who to trust, as the fear of the extension of French power took away confidence, and produced a sort of irresolution, which is always hurtful to business. The third cause of the diminution of trade, no doubt, arose from the cessation of that alarm about property, that has been described as having occasioned so much to be sent from the continent to England. In other words, it is the return of the pendulum which had vibrated, --- {163} This is a sort of paradox: when money became scarce, the nation bought nearly as much as ever, but sold less. This is not the case with individuals, and, at first sight, does not appear natural. -=- [end of page #201] through a temporary impulse, beyond the natural perpendicular. Had there been no revolution in France, and had it not been conducted on the principles it was, our trade could not have augmented so fast as it did; but a falling off of fifteen millions in one year is too much to be ascribed to that cause alone. An examination of the branches that did fall off will elucidate this. The commerce with the United States of America is one of those that has fallen off, and is the only one that does not appear to be directly connected with these causes. There are some reasons, however, for thinking that it had an indirect connection with them. Whatever interrupts our connection with the continent of Europe, or renders it unsafe, has, in some degree, the same effect with a stagnation of credit at home. This has taken place; and as it of course affected every branch of trade, that with America felt the blow amongst the rest, and, indeed, more than in proportion; for, as there is no course of exchange with any town in America, and as the credits there are long, the exportation to that country suffers in a particular manner when there is any heaviness in the money market here. Thus it was that, in 1772, the American exports suffered a diminution of two millions from the stagnation; and, in 1793, of rather more than half a million. In the former case, the American trade seems alone almost to have suffered, and, even in the latter case, it fell off more than in its just proportion. It has been observed, that the improving our manufactures at home is the most secure support of our foreign trade, which chiefly depends on superior skill, industry, and invention, the wages of labour being greatly against us. We shall consider by what stability of tenure we hold that advantage. The nation or individual that proceeds first in improvement is always uncertain how much farther it can be carried; those who follow, on the contrary, know what can be done, and therefore act with certainty and confidence. As to individuals, those who are the foremost in improvement have great difficulties to encounter; they seldom can procure the pecuniary aid necessary, and always do so with great difficulty; whereas, those who copy, without half their merit, or, [end of page #202] perhaps, without any merit at all, meet with support from every quarter. {164} From this it is very evident, that the nation the farthest advanced in invention has only to remain stationary a few years, and it will soon be overtaken, and perhaps surpassed. Holland, Flanders, and France, were all originally superior, in the arts of manufacturing most goods, to England; and, indeed, it is no great length of time since we obtained the superiority over Holland in several articles of importance, and in particular where machinery was wanting. If it were necessary, it would not be difficult to give examples, to shew with what eagerness those who imported inventions were taken by the hand, on the bare probability of success, while the inventors of machines, and of methods of manufacturing entirely new, and of still more importance, were left to grope their way, and, until crowned with success, rather considered as objects of pity than of praise or admiration. {165} It is not then altogether by a sure or lasting tenure that we hold this superiority of manufactures. We have examined several other sources of wealth, and the general conclusion is, that, without care and atten- --- {164} Mr. Arkwright, who produced the cotton-spinning machine, underwent great difficulties for many years; as also did Mr. Watt, the ingenious and scientific improver of the steam-engine; and, had not good fortune thrown him in the way of Mr. Boulton, a man of fortune and resource, and himself a man of genius, he probably must have languished in obscurity, and the nation remained without his admirable invention. The profits derived from the spinning-machine may, at first sight, appear the greater national advantage of the two; but it is not so in reality, for the spinning-machine only manufactures a raw material, brought from another country, cheaper than before; whereas, the steam-engine enables us to obtain raw materials from our own soil cheaper; a thing more important, more permanent, and of which we were more in want: besides this, the steam-engine is extending the scope of its utility every day; whereas, the spinning machines can go little farther. But to leave this digression, which is not altogether foreign to the purpose, and return to the facility with which inventors are followed, it is a fact, that in almost every country in Europe, money can be got by any adventurer who will propose to establish either a cotton spinning machine, or a manufactory of steam- engines; and it is a fact, that immense sums have been, and are still given, for those purposes. {165} Slitting-mills, saw-mills, the art of imitating porcelain, and of making good earthen-ware, and paper, together with a vast number of other inventions, were imported from Holland; in every one of which we have gone beyond the Dutch, just as they got the better of the Flemings in the art of curing herrings. Priority of invention is not then a permanent tenure. -=- [end of page #203] tion, this nation cannot be expected long to maintain its superiority over others, in the degree it at present enjoys. The American market, {166} and the Russian (in a smaller degree,) however, hold out a prospect of increased commerce to us, from external causes, that we cannot flatter ourselves with in the internal ones. It is to those we must look, and to those only, for the extension of the sale of our manufactures; but, even in this case, we must use efforts, for it is very seldom that a good end is effected by accident, or without a view towards its accomplishment. Having now taken a view of the situation of this country, and seen that, though it is not likely to be deprived of its commerce by conquest, like Babylon, Tyre, or Alexandria, or by a new discovery in geography and the art of navigation, like Venice and Genoa; though, indeed, it has no great appearance of sharing the fate of Spain, Portugal, or Holland, yet there are other causes that may stop its career. If it is exempt from the dangers they laboured under, it is subject to others from which they were free. We have already examined the effect of taxes and national debt on the industry of a country, even whilst augmenting in wealth; but we have not examined what that effect will be when a country comes to be on a level with other nations that do not labour under the same burthens. There is no possibility of standing long still with a burthen on the shoulders, it must either be thrown off or it will become a cause of decline. Let us endeavour to point out methods by which that may be averted, or at least procrastinated. In doing this, we are either exposing our ignorance and presumption, or doing a signal service to our country. --- {166} The American exports from this country consist almost entirely in manufactures; we neither supply that country with East or West India produce. The Russians are aspiring at possessions in the West Indies, and, no doubt, will succeed; they are advancing still more rapidly in power than the Americans are in population. It was only in 1769, (not forty years ago,) that the first Russian flag was seen in the Mediterranean Sea, and now Russia stands fair to be sovereign of a number of the Greek islands; and, at any rate, by the Dardanelles, to carry on a great commerce. What may thirty years more not effect with such a country, and such a race of sovereigns? -=- [end of page #204] The load must be taken off, or it will crush the bearer; but how this is to be done is the difficulty. If our debt is paid off, the capital will go to other nations, for it will not find employment amongst ourselves; and this will reduce the nation, and raise others. If it continues, we sink under it; and, if we break faith with the creditors, it destroys confidence for ever; we can no longer give law, by means of our capital, to the markets in other nations, and we probably overturn the government of our own. Amongst the _exterior_ causes of decline that are general, none applies so completely to Great Britain as that of the envy and enmity, occasioned by the possession of colonies we have settled, or countries we have conquered. The wealth of Britain and its power arise from agriculture, manufactures, commerce, colonies, and conquests. The envy they excite is not, however, in proportion to the wealth that arises from them, but rather to the right we have to possess them, and the consequent right that others have to contest the possession. Improved agriculture has never been a source of enmity amongst civilized nations, though it has been an object of conquest when an opportunity presented itself. Manufactures, the great source of our wealth, are, in a certain degree, beyond the reach of our enemies. Our greatest consumption for them is amongst ourselves, and if we did not export to any part of the world, except enough to procure materials, we should enjoy nearly all that we now do. Our wealth would not be very materially diminished, though our naval strength would. The means of destroying our manufactures is not then very easily to be found. The commerce with other nations, our enemies, or rivals, have a more effectual means of diminishing, by the laying on duties on our manufactures, and augmenting those duties when the goods happen to be carried in English vessels; but still the advantage we enjoy in this competition is great. Not so with our colonies and conquests. The whole imports from the East Indies, from 1700 to the present day, have only amounted [end of page #205] to 165,000,000 L. and our exports, during the same period, to 83,000,000 L. while our total exports have amounted to 1,486,000 L. during the same period. {167} There would be much affectation, and little accuracy, in attempting to make any thing like a strict comparison between the relative proportions of the wealth procured by general trade, and that procured by trade with India. The exports amount to about one-nineteenth part of the whole; and, perhaps, as they are manufactured goods, to about one-tenth part of the whole manufactures of the country exported: but the manufactures exported are not equal to one-third part of those consumed at home, so that not above one-thirtieth part of our manufacturers are maintained by the trade to India. In 1793, when the charter of the company was renewed, the India- budget stated the private fortunes acquired and brought home, at one million annually: that has probably increased since then; but it was at that time greater than it had been before: if, then, we take the annual arrival, since the year 1765, at one million, it will make forty millions, which, compared with the balance of trade during that period, amounts to about one-sixth part of the balance supposed to come into the country. How much of our national debt might be set down to the account of India, is another question. By debt contracted, and interest of debt paid, during the same period, we have disbursed the sum of 1,100,000,000 L. which is equal to more than twelve times the whole of the property acquired by our India affairs, supposing the 45,000,000 L. --- {167} Comparison between the total foreign trade of the country, to that with the East Indies only, for 104 years. Total Exports. Total Balance Exports to India. in our favour. From 1700 to 1760, L540,000,000 L249,000,000 L18,000,000 1760 to 1785, L370,000,000 L101,000,000 L25,000,000 1785 to 1805, L576,000,000 L142,000,000 L40,000,000 ____________ ____________ ____________ L1,486,000,000 L492,000,000 L80,000,000 ____________ ____________ ____________ [Transcriber's note: L=GBP/Pounds Sterling.] This is about a nineteenth part of our foreign trade, and the balance is greatly against us. -=- [end of page #206] remitted, to be all gain, together with one-half of the 83,000,000 L. which surely is allowing the gain at the highest rate for both. {168} Supposing, then, that the wars that India has occasioned have cost (or the proportion of the debt they have occasioned) one-sixth part of the whole of our debt, and that the profits on goods to India, and private fortunes, came into the public treasury, there would still have been a great loss to the state; but this has not been the case, the interest of the debt has been levied on the people, and will continue to be so, till all is paid off; which, according to the plan of the sinking fund, will be in thirty-five years, so that we shall have about 750,000,000 L. more to pay, {169} supposing we have peace all that time, and continue to possess India. There is something very gloomy in this view of national affairs, and yet there is no apparent method of making it more pleasing. It is, on the contrary, very possible, that as Malta, on account of its being supposed the key to India, has cost us 20,000,000 L. within a few years, that, in less than thirty-five years, it may cost us _something_ more; and, it is not by any means impossible, that, before that period, we may either lose India, or give it away; on either of which suppositions, the arithmetical balance of profit and loss will be greatly altered, to our farther disadvantage. On the possessions in India, and the complicated manner in which our imports (again exported) affect the nation, a volume might be written, but it would be to very little purpose, in a general inquiry of this sort. It is sufficient to shew here that the wealth obtained by that channel is not of great magnitude, in comparison either of the --- {168} The nearness of the balance of trade, to the amount of debt contracted, will naturally excite attention, but it appears merely accidental, and to have not any real connection. Debt borrowed L500,000,000 Interest paid L590,000,000 ______________ L1,090,000,000 [Transcriber's note: L=GBP/Pounds Sterling.] {169} Let the future profits and expenses be set against each other, like the last. -=- [end of page #207] wealth acquired by foreign trade, or by our industry at home; and that, at the same time, we see that it excites more envy and jealousy than all the rest of the advantages we enjoy put together. Badly as men act in matters of interest, and much as envy blinds them in cases of rivalship, yet still there is a certain degree of justice predominant in the mind, that admits the claim of merit and true desert. Every person, who has heard the conversation, or read the opinions of people in other nations, on the wealth and greatness of England, will allow, that, as commercial men, and as manufacturers, we are the wonder of the world, and excite admiration; but, concerning our dominion over India, and our plantations in the American islands, foreigners speak very differently. In order to bring down a nation, that has risen above its level, there is followed a system of enmity in war, and rivalship in peace. The Portuguese seized on a lucky opportunity to undermine and supplant the Venecians and the Genoese, who had long been the envy of all nations, for the wealth they obtained, by the monopoly of the trade to India. The Dutch soon rivalled the Portuguese in trade, and the Flemings in manufactures; and, indeed, there is no saying in how great a variety of ways the superiority of a nation may not be pulled down. England, commencing later than any, has now obtained her full share of the commerce of the East, and of manufactures; but the nations that envy the wealth of others have always several great advantages. The nation that is highest treads in discovery, invention, &c. a new path, and is never certain how far she can go, nor how to proceed. Those who follow have, in general, but to copy, and, in doing that, it is generally pretty easy to improve. At all events, a day must arrive when the nation that is highest, ceasing to proceed, the others must overtake it. As the nation that is farthest advanced is ignorant of the improvements that may be made, it does not feel what it wants; and, like a man in full health, will give no encouragement to the physician. The countries that follow behind act differently; and they generally, in order [end of page #208] to protect their rising manufactures, impose duties on similar ones imported; thus preventing a competition between old established manufactures, and those recently begun. So far as priority of settlement, or of invention, give a superiority to a nation over others, the equalizing principle acts with a very natural and evident force; but, when the manners and modes of thinking of a people have once taken a settled turn, in addition to their proficiency in manufactures, it does not appear easily to be altered. The Germans excelled at working in metals, and possessed most of the arts, in a superior degree to any other people in Europe, a few centuries ago. In some arts they have been surpassed by the French, in more by the Dutch, and in nearly all by the English. {170} Conquests and colonies are wrested from nations suddenly and by force; arts and manufactures leave them in time of peace, silently and by degrees, without noise or convulsion; but the consequences are not the less fatal on that account; nor, indeed, is the effect slower, though more silent. Though colonies or conquests pass away at once, such changes only take place after a long chain of causes have prepared the way for them; whereas, manufactures are perpetually emigrating from one country to another: the operation, though slow and silent, is incessant, and the ultimate effect great beyond calculation. A good government, and wise laws, that protect industry and property, and preserve, in purity, the manners of the people, are the most difficult obstacles for a rival nation to overcome. Prosperity, which is founded upon that basis, is of all others the most secure. There are sometimes customs and habits that favour industry, the operation of which is not perceptible to those who wish to imitate and rival successful and wealthy nations. In general, it is not to be expected that the southern nations can come in competition with those living in more northerly climates in --- {170} The individual German workmen have not been excelled by the workmen of any other nation, but the German nation itself has been outdone. -=- [end of page #209] those manufactures, where continued or hard labour is necessary. Nature has compensated the inhabitants of such countries for this incapacity, by giving them a fine climate, and, in general, a fertile soil; and, when they do justice to it, they may live affluent and happy. But, since industry and civilization have got into northern countries, it is impossible for the southern ones to rival them in manufactures. It would be impossible for any people living on the banks of the Nile, where the finest linen was once manufactured, to rival the cloths of Silesia, or of Ireland: as well might we think to bring back the commerce with India to Alexandria by the Red Sea. The fine manufactures of India, notwithstanding the materials are all found in the country, the lowness of labour, and the antiquity of their establishment, are, in many cases, unable to keep their ground against the invention and industry of Europeans. The art of making porcelain- ware, from a want of some of the materials, has not, in every respect, equalled that manufactured in China; but in everything else, except material, it excels so much, that the trade to that country in that article is entirely over. Many of the finest stuffs are nearly sharing the same fate, and they all probably will do so in time. Those whom we hope to surpass are determined to remain as they are, while Europeans aim at going as far in improvement as the nature of things will allow. But the nations that follow others in arts are not always confined to imitation, though we have seen that even there they have a great advantage. It frequently happens that they get hold of some invention which renders them superior, in a particular line, to those whom they only intended to imitate. When the superiority of a nation arises from the natural produce of the earth, such as valuable minerals, then it is very difficult for others to rival it with advantage; and it is very unwise of any nation to employ its efforts in rivalling another in an article where nature has given to the other a decided advantage; and it is equally ill-judged of a nation to neglect cultivating the advantages which she enjoys from nature, as they are the most permanent and their possession the most certain of any she can enjoy. [end of page #210] If nations were to consider in what branches of manufacture they are best fitted to excel, it would save much rivalship, misunderstanding, and jealousy; at the same time that it would tend greatly to increase the general aggregate wealth of mankind. It is not to industry and effort alone that mankind owe wealth, but to industry and effort well directed. This is well explained in the excellent Inquiry into the Causes of the Wealth of Nations, and it is to be regretted that this truth is not more generally understood; for it would contribute still more to the peace and happiness of mankind, than to their commercial wealth. There is not, however, any subject on which nations are so apt to err, and, indeed, the error is natural enough, if the ambition of a rival is not checked by judgement and attention to circumstances. When a nation is particularly successful in one branch of manufacture more than in any other, it is generally because some peculiar circumstances give it an advantage. This ought to operate as a reason for doubting whether it might be prudent to attempt to rival a nation in an object in which it had particular advantages; but quite the contrary is the case; a rival nation aims directly at the thing in which another excels the most, and frequently fails when, in any other object, she might have proved successful. {171} The changes of the taste and manners of mankind, as well as discoveries in arts and science, lay a foundation for political changes; but it is an irregular foundation for change; its operation is sometimes in favour of, and sometimes against the same nation, and it never can be calculated beforehand. As the nations that have improved in manufactures the latest have always carried them to the greatest perfection, it is natural to inquire how this happens. The exertion of the mind and body are both of them greatly aug- --- {171} How many ridiculous attempts have been made, in the north, to rival the Italians in raising silk, and by enlightened men too; but it is not sufficient to be enlightened, it is necessary to follow a proper train of reasoning.--Good natural sense sometimes supplies the place of regular reasoning, and, as if it were intuitively, arrives at a true conclusion. -=- [end of page #211] mented by success, and diminished by any thing of a contrary description. The rising nation has always an increased energy, and that which is about being rivalled a sort of discouragement and dismay. This is one cause, but there are others. So far as methods of working and machinery are connected, the imitating nation has the advantage; it copies the best sort of machine, and the best manner of working at once. The workmen have neither an attachment to the old inferior methods, nor do they use old inferior machines, to avoid the expense of new ones. {172} In short, they adopt all improvements without much additional expense; and, as men's minds are always more occupied in thinking about a new object than an old one, they are even more likely to make improvements. As to difficulties in rivalling a nation in skill, in any mechanical art, there are none. The only difficulties in manufactures are in the inventions and improvements, and those have been overcome by the leading nation, and are no difficulties to that which follows. There are, indeed, some arts which require particular talents, and a real exertion of genius; but those are so few in number, and have so little connection with the common affairs of mankind, or the wealth of nations, that they do not deserve to be noticed. There is nothing in the art of weaving, or working in metals, or in any other material for common use, that is of such difficulty but that any man, with a common capacity, may do it nearly as well as any other man. The habits and manners of mankind, their disposition to labour, and the nature of the government under which they live, may encourage or discourage manufacturing; but both the strength and capacity of any of the natives of Europe, taking them on an average, are fully sufficient to enable them to excel in any work. --- {172} Where machines are very expensive, new improvements, that require other machinery, are sometimes crushed and rejected on that account. To adopt them, a man must sometimes begin by sacrificing half his fortune, by destroying his old machinery. There have been several instances of this seen, particularly in the making of iron, when it was proposed to convert the rough gueze into good malleable iron bar, by rolling it at a welding heat, instead of hammering it by a forge-mill. -=- [end of page #212] {Here appears at page 212 the third chart, entitled "Chart Shewing the Amount of the Exports and Imports -of- ENGLAND to and from all parts from 1800 to 1805"} The British nation has begun to seek for wealth from agriculture. It had long been the mode to pay attention and give the preference to manufactures; but the current is, for the present, set in, in another direction. Calculation has, till of late, been confined to mercantile men; but, after all, they have not carried it to a very great length: and, as to their speculative wisdom, it consists chiefly in taking a ready advantage of some immediate object. EXPLANATION OF PLATE NO. III. The space from right to left is divided into years, each line representing the year marked under and above. From the beginning of the last century, till the year 1770, every tenth year only is expressed, and the average amount of exports and imports only is shewn; but, from 1770 to the present time, every year is separately represented by a line going from the top to the bottom. The divisions from top to bottom are millions of pounds sterling, each representing a million, measuring from the bottom, the number of millions indicated is marked on the right margin. As the exports, which are expressed by a red line, increased or diminished, the red line rises or falls, crossing the division representing the year at the line which indicates the number of millions to which the exports amounted that year. The yellow line is drawn on the same principle, and represents the imports for the same years; the difference between the two, which is stained green, being the balance for or against England. Thus, for example, we see that, till the year 1775, the exports rose very fast, and were far above the imports, but that then their proportion begun =sic= to vary; insomuch that, in 1781, the yellow line rose above the red, when the balance in favour of England turned against it, to the amount of a million for one year. In 1782, the balance again became favourable; but, though the trade was increasing, the balance was once more, in 1785, against England; ever since which it has been more or less in our favour. The difference between the two lines is stained pale green, when the balance was favourable, but of a pale red when against England. [end of page #213] The advantages proposed by this mode of representing matters are the same that maps and plans have over descriptions, and dimensions written in figures; and the same accuracy is in one case as the other; for, whatever quantities can be expressed in numbers may be represented by lines; and, where proportional progression is the business, what the eye does in an instant, would otherwise require much time. The impression is not only simple, but it is as lasting in retaining as it is easy in receiving. Such are the advantages claimed for the invention twenty years ago, when it first appeared; the claim has been allowed by many, and not objected to, so far as the inventor knows, either in this or in any other country. EXPLANATION OF PLATE NO. IV. Chart of revenue, from the time of Queen Elizabeth to the present day. Till the accession of William III. in 1688, the materials for this are not altogether accurate; but they are not far wrong, and indeed, the low state of the revenue, previous to that period, is such that it is a matter of little importance whether or not they are very exact. It is represented here rather as a contrast to the present high revenue, and a matter of curiosity, than as being of much importance. The pale red part expresses the free revenue, or what is over, after paying the interest of our debt. This free revenue has not increased so fast as the value of money has decreased, previous to the year 1793; and certainly, at that time, the annual sum of 7,000,000 L. was no equal to 4,000,000 L. in the reign of Queen Anne. The green part shews the annual interest of the national debt, and proves, beyond contradiction, that, under such a system, expenses of war (for the whole debt has been contracted for wars) augment in much more than a simple proportion. The yellow part, bounded by a curved line, shews the manner in which the sinking fund will increase in its operation of paying off the debt, on the supposition that the nation continues to borrow as it has [end of page #214] done for the last twelve years; setting apart one per cent. on every new loan, for its liquidation. As comparative views are the great object of these charts, a yellow dotted line is made, representing the amount of the revenue of France during the same period, till 1789, when the revolution stopped its progress; since which its amount has not been regularly known. {173} --- {173} The author published an Atlas, containing twenty-seven charts of the different branches of commerce, revenue, and finance, of England, which was translated into French. The fifth edition, much improved, and brought to the present time, is now printing, and will be published in November. -=- [end of page #215] CHAP. III. [=sic=--error in printer's copy, should read II.] _Of Education, as conducted in England.--Amelioration proposed.-- Necessity of Government interfering, without touching the Liberty of the Subject_. The importance of education has been already mentioned, as it in general regards all nations, and certainly when we have examples to shew what are the lasting and terrible consequences of degradation of national character and manners, it is impossible to pay too strict an attention to that subject. The natural tendency in a nation, while growing richer, to alter its character, owing to the different manner in which the children are educated and brought up, applies particularly to England, and to every nation getting rich by trade or manufactures. In another part, it has been observed, that where the wealth of a country circulates amongst the labouring classes first, it alters the manner of living more than when it originates with the higher; it produces, also, a greater change on the education of children. No part of the general inquiry is so particularly applicable to England, in an excessive degree, as that relative to education. In proportion as ignorant people arrive at that sort of affluence, which manufactures and trade produce, in that same proportion do they ruin their children. The manners, the nature of the government, and the way of thinking of the people, all lead to this in England; and so far as it is possible to observe the effect, it may be said to appear as if it operated with rapidity at the present period. Many volumes have been written on education, by the ablest men; but it has already been observed, that they have all treated the subject in a manner much too intricate and complex. Fully aware of the importance, they seem to have thought that it could not be treated too much at length, or investigated too minutely; and, by this means, what they have said is little applicable to general purposes; for, if to educate a man for common life were a difficult complicated operation, it would very seldom be performed. [end of page #216] {Here appears at page 216 the fourth and final chart, entitled "Chart Representing the Increase of the Annual Revenues -of- ENGLAND AND FRANCE, from the beginning of the 17th Century to the present time"} The word education itself appears to be misapplied or misunderstood, owing, probably, to its original construction and use, and no other word having been substituted in its place. By education was meant, in former times, the teaching to read and write; and these accomplishments, which, at that time, distinguished a gentleman from the lower classes, and, by that means, education is still considered as only applying to the learning of what is taught at schools or universities. It is principally in this light that those who have written on it have viewed it, though in fact _well brought up (bien eleve)_ comes nearer to the meaning than being _well learnt_, which is equivalent to well educated. In this, as in every other thing, the end in view should never be forgotten; but, as it happens with respect to the middling and lower orders, it is forgotten so soon as affluence has made a little progress in a country. The education of the higher classes is generally pretty well conducted; and, indeed, human beings, when beyond the reach of want, who do not inherit the necessity derived from Adam, of gaining their bread by the sweat of their brows, require much more teaching than others, whose conduct is regulated by necessity, and who have not the means of giving way to the passions that beset human nature. With respect, however, to the higher classes, it is scarcely possible for a government to interfere to much purpose. Those who are possessed of fortune will act according to inclination; and, in respect to this class of society, in England, it is already in less need of reform or interference than any others, while the lower and middling classes require it more. There is no possibility for an ignorant man to become of any importance in this country, even with the aid of wealth and fortune. An immoral character, or a mean selfish one, has not a much better chance, while, by talents and good conduct, every thing desirable may be obtained: perhaps, nothing further can be done to excite men of rank and fortune to emulation and virtue. With respect to the learned professions, the modes by which students are brought up to them are by no means unexceptionable; but that is not a point of very great national importance; at any rate, [end of page #217] it is not the part in which England stands the most in need of attention {174} and interference from the government of the country. The two classes to whom bringing up, as it is generally understood, would apply better than the word education, are the middle rank of society, and the lower order of people in trade. The middle rank of society is, in all countries, the most important in point of principles and manners. To keep it pure is always of the highest importance, and it is the most difficult, for there a baneful change is the most apt to take place. Gentlemen of rank, in all countries, resemble each other very nearly; not, perhaps, in exterior, because that depends on fashion, which is arbitrary, but in mind and manners there is less difference than between men in a second rank of society. The lower orders, so far as they are forced, by necessity, to labour, resemble each other also; they are pressed by necessities and passions on one side, and the desire of rest on the other; and a fair allowance being made for variety of climate, of circumstances, and of natural dispositions, there is nothing very different amongst them. {175} What applies with respect to the higher and lower orders does not --- {174} Our lawyers (barristers) are probably superior to those of any other nation, and the clergy are, at least, equal. This is not, indeed, saying a great deal; but it is so difficult, in matters of religion, to temper zeal, and draw a line between emulation and fanaticism, that, perhaps, it is better that they should be a little remiss than righteous overmuch. It is not in the education of churchmen, but in the manner of paying and providing for them, that the error lies; and that subject is treated elsewhere. {175} Cervantes, in his admirable romance of Don Quixote, paints the mind of a gentleman, which all countries will acknowledge to be like the truth. The madness apart, the manner of thinking and acting was that of the gentleman of Spain, France, Germany, or England. Neither was he the gentleman of the fifteenth or eighteenth century, but of any other century. His dress was Spanish; his madness and manners belonged to the ages of chivalry and romance, but the mind and principles of the gentleman suited all ages and all countries. Sancho, again, barring likewise his oddities, is the peasant of all countries; studying to live as well as he can, and labour as little as he may. In short, a mind continually occupied about personal wants, and alive to personal interest. In the middle ranks of society there is no such similarity. -=- [end of page #218] apply at all to the middling classes, nor even to the most wealthy class of labourers in a manufacturing country: in those we can find no fixed character; it is as variable as the circumstances in which the individuals are placed, and it is there that a government should interfere. It should interfere in guiding the richer classes of working people, and the middling ranks, in the education of their children, and in assisting those of the lower orders, who are too much pressed upon by indigence. The end in view in all education is to make the persons, whether men or women, fill their place well and properly in life; and this is only to be done by setting a good example, instilling good principles, accustoming them, when young, to good habits; and, above all, by teaching them how to gain more than they are habituated to spend. It follows from this, that industry, and a trade, are the chief parts of education, that reading and writing are not, being but of a very doubtful utility to the labouring class of society. On this subject, it is absolutely necessary to advert to what Dr. Smith says relative to apprenticeships; the opinion of so great a writer is of too much importance not to be examined, and refuted, if found wrong. Apprenticeships, or teaching a trade, is the basis of the future happiness and prosperity of the individual in the lower and middle classes. On this subject, however, Mr. Smith says quite the contrary. That the idleness of apprentices is well known, that their inducement to industry is small, and that, as to what they have to learn, a few weeks, or sometimes a few days, would, in most cases, be sufficient. In short, he maintains, that they would learn better, be more industrious and useful, if employed on wages, than if bound for a term of years; and, finally, that there were no apprentices amongst the ancients. As to there being no apprentices in the ancient world, if that was the case, is no argument with respect to the present state of things; for, while most part of working men were slaves, there could not possibly be much occasion for apprentices; but are we quite certain, that the freed men, so often mentioned, were not people who had served apprenticeships? Freed men are so often mentioned, that there must have been probably something else to which they owed their freedom, besides the goodwill or [end of page #219] caprice of their masters, particularly as that goodwill must have been exercised to deserving objects, and consequently the sacrifice made in giving liberty was the greater. {176} As men cultivated difficult arts; that is, as luxury increased, it must have become difficult to get labour done by slaves, merely by compulsive means; there must have been bargain and mutual interest settled between the master and the slave, so as to accomplish the end intended. {177} Amongst rewards to a slave, liberty, at a certain period, is not only the greatest, but is the only one that effectually serves the slave; for, while he remains the property of a master, his rewards can consist of little else than good treatment, as all property given is liable to be taken back again. Supposing, however, the point yielded, and that there were no apprentices in the early ages; but that the practice originated in the days of ignorance; in the dark ages, under the feudal system, together with the invention of corporations and privileged bodies, against whose existence the whole set of economists have leagued together, as the Greeks did against Troy; still the obscurity of the origin is no objection. A constitution like that of Britain, for example, is not an invention of antiquity; it took its rise in the dark ages and in times of ignorance, but it is not for that the less an object of admiration. Many other examples may be furnished of the admirable things that took rise in the dark ages; and amongst them, not the least, is the abolition of slavery itself. {178} Let us, however, examine the effect of apprenticeships in those places where they can be compared with persons brought up entirely free. --- {176} We may form some idea of the difficulty of getting work done by people in no way interested in the success, by the workhouses in this country. The smallest quantity, and of the most simple nature, is all we get done, because the overseers are ignorant, and the nation inattentive, and the labour compulsive. {177} In Egypt, and most other ancient countries, the son followed, by law, the trade of his father: this was equivalent to an apprenticeship. {178} Whether it arose from the mixture of a northern with the southern people, or from what other cause, it is certain, that, during the ages of ignorance, the foundation was laid for almost all that is great, at the present time. -=- [end of page #220] If there are trades, where it is true, (as Mr. Smith affirms,) that the art of working may be learnt in a few weeks, what are the consequences? At the age of sixteen or seventeen, a boy can get as much money as he will be able to earn at any future time in his life; he will be able to get as much as a man, who has a wife and five or six children to maintain. There will be required a very great share of moderation and wisdom, indeed, under such circumstances, to prevent such a boy from wasting his money in ways that will incapacitate him from living easy when he shall become a father of a family himself, or from idling away the spare time that his gains afford him. He will, naturally, do part of both: but the way that is generally done is this. Without controul from a master, and totally independent of parents, who are quite left behind in poverty, (not having more to maintain their whole family than the youth himself earns,) he despises them, saves a little money at first, and purchases finery. The novelty of dress soon wears off, and the more immediate pleasures of eating, drinking, and keeping company, as it is termed, take the lead. The consequence of the same is idleness and rags. Ashamed to shew himself amongst persons of better conduct, the youth changes his place of residence and work; habit has got hold of him, and labour becomes hateful; a soldier's life appears the best for a youth of such a description; and, it is an undoubted fact, that, at those places where trades are carried on, that can be learnt in a short time, {179} there are more recruits obtained for the army than in any other districts of equal population. It is also an undoubted fact, that, in these same districts, the most respectable people bind their sons apprentices; and, in doing so, they are guided by experience, and affection for their children, not by interested motives. --- {179} This is not the case with many trades, and Mr. Smith is under a mistake as to the fact; but, granting it to be true, the places in question, Birmingham, Sheffield, Manchester, and other towns where the division of labour reduces every operation to great simplicity, are the best for recruiting the army. In those places, all respectable people, who can afford it, bind their sons apprentices, to prevent the danger. -=- [end of page #221] In the other case, again, where a trade is not easily learnt, how is skill to be obtained but by an apprenticeship. The bringing the son up to his father's trade, a practice that prevails in the eastern parts of Asia, is one way; parental authority needs not the aid of a written indenture; but, where this is not the case, who is to teach a youth, if he is not to be bound for a certain number of years, but to go away as soon as he has learnt a trade? The father, in some cases, may be able to pay for his son learning the trade, and this experiment has sometimes been tried, but generally with very imperfect success. The youth, for the most part, in those cases, considers himself as independent of the master, and gives himself very little trouble to learn his business. Where the reward of the master, or rather the remuneration for his pains and trouble, is to arise from the labour of the boy, the master is interested in his learning; and the other feels an obligation, as well as an interest in learning. Though the apprentice is not absolutely paid for what he does, he finds his ease, his importance, and comfort, all depend on his proficiency; and, with young minds, such motives are much more powerful, and act through a better channel than avarice. The power that the legislature gives to a master over his apprentice appears not only to be wise but necessary; and, if rewards for earning a trade could be given, in addition to that without infringing on liberty, or burthening the state, it would be a great advantage. But learning a trade is not the only advantage of an apprenticeship; a good moral conduct, fidelity, and attention to his duties, are all acquired at the same time, or ought to be so; whereas, the youth who, at an early age, is left without control, is apt to learn just the contrary. Where people have fortune, circumstances give them a control over their children by expectancies; but, where there is no fortune, and children must provide for themselves, an apprenticeship is a substitute for expectancies, which appears highly necessary; and it is wonderful how so discriminating and profound a man as Dr. Smith could overlook so material a circumstance. It shews how far prejudice, and an [end of page #222] opinion once adopted, will lead men of the first judgement and genius astray; {180} for it is not to be supposed that any person will stand forward of himself to maintain an opinion against which experience speaks so decidedly. To learn a trade, and be taught a good moral conduct, and attention to one's duty, is certainly the essential part of education, both in the lower and middling classes; and that portion of education, which appears to have got an exclusive title to the name, reading and writing, are, with the working classes, a very inferior object. One of the duties of government, then, is to watch over the education of the children of the middling and lower orders, which has a tendency to grow worse, as the nation advances in wealth. In England, the pride of the middling classes is to have their children educated at boarding-schools, where the business of eating, sleeping, dressing, and exercise, is pretty well understood; where the branches of education, pretended to be taught, are little attended to, (writing, and some exterior accomplishments, of which the father and mother can judge, excepted,) where moral conduct, the duties in life, and the conduct necessary to be followed, are scarcely once thought of. It is true, that, till a certain age, it is generally not known for what particular line of life a young man is intended; but, there are certain things necessary to every line of life, and those should never be neglected. The habits contracted at schools are very often of a sort never to be got the better of; and how can good habits be contracted when no attention is bestowed on the subject? The consequence of this is, that, when the good sense of the father or mother, or of the boy himself, does not correct the evil, he is bred up to consider himself as born to be waited on, and provided for, without any effort of his own; he is led to suppose that he is to indulge --- {180} In the notes upon the Wealth of Nations, this case is argued, but the matter is too important not to be examined on every occasion and opportunity. The opinion here alluded to is that general way of thinking, respecting corporations, privileges, and regulations, or restraints of every sort imposed on trade, which the writers on political economy, in general, think ought all to be entirely done away. -=- [end of page #223] in a life similar to that his father leads at home, where a few indulgencies =sic= are the natural consequences of age, and the fair returns for a life employed in care and industry. In England, it would be absolutely necessary to make school-masters undergo an examination; not only at first, and before the school should be licensed, but the boys should be examined twice a year, and the result enregistered, so that the business would really be to learn something, and not merely to spend the time. The small proficiency made in the schools, in England, and around London in particular, is incredible. It is even difficult to conceive how the boys avoid learning a little more than they generally do, during eight or ten years. {181} The masters pretend, for the most part, to teach boys Latin, by way of teaching them English, but without almost ever accomplishing it. In arithmetic, the common rules are taught, but scarcely ever decimal fractions, and almost never book-keeping, so useful and so easy an art. Writing and spelling are better taught, perhaps, than in any other country, and, certainly, those are great advantages; but, according to the time and money spent, it is the least that can be expected. Here we may remark, that those are the only acquirements with the proficiency in which the father and mother are necessarily acquainted; it therefore gives reason for thinking, that, if the same check were held in other branches of their education, they would be excited to make equal progress. When the time comes that it is fixed on what line of life a young man is to adopt, then there should be schools for different branches, where --- {181} Without contesting the point, whether dead languages are of any use, it will be allowed that the study costs pretty dear. Three- quarters of the time, for seven years employed on that is equal to five years employed constantly, and twenty pounds a year, at least, is the expense. Not above one in one hundred learns to read even Latin decently well, that is one good reader for every 10,000 L. expended. As to speaking Latin, perhaps, one out of one thousand may learn that, so that there is a speaker for each sum of 100,000 L. spent on the language. It will, perhaps, be said, that Latin is necessary to the understanding English, but the Greeks, (particularly at Athens,) who learnt no language but their own, understood and spoke it better than the people of any other country. -=- [end of page #224] there should be knowledge taught, analogous to the profession. For the mercantile line, for agriculture, for every line of life, boys should be prepared; and, above all, it should never be neglected to instil into them the advantages of attention to industry, to doing their duty, and in every case making themselves worthy of trust. Public examinations, such honours and rewards as would be gratifying, but not expensive, for those that excelled, would produce emulation. Though, perhaps, it is not of very great importance to excel in some of the studies to which a young man applies at school, yet it is of great importance to be taught that habit of application that produces excellence. With regard to the education of the lower classes, it would be no great additional burthen to the nation if there were proper schools established in every parish in the kingdom, at the expense of the public, in order that there might be a proper control over those who teach, and over what is taught. {182} Without going so far as to compel people of the lower classes to send their children to school, they might be induced to do it for a short time, and, at all events, care should be taken that the teachers were fit for the office they undertake. In no country do the lower classes neglect the care of their children more, or set them a worse example, than in England; they are mostly brought up as if the business of eating and drinking were the chief purpose of human existence; they are taught to be difficult to please, and to consider as necessary what, in every other nation in Europe, is considered, by the same rank of people, as superfluous. Although the lower orders have as good a right as the most affluent to indulge in every enjoyment they can afford, yet to teach this to children, without knowing what may be their lot, is doing both them and society an injury. A great number of crimes arise from early indul- --- {182} As there are between nine and ten thousand parishes, twenty pounds given in each, to which the schoolmaster would be allowed to add what those who were able could pay, might perhaps answer the purpose, and would not amount to a great sum. -=- [end of page #225] gence of children, and from neglecting to instil into them those principles which are necessary to make them go through life with credit and contentment. {183} The Spartans used to shew their youth slaves or Helots in a state of intoxication, in order to make them detest the vice of drunkenness; but this was the exhibition of a contemptible and mean person in a disgraceful situation. The effect is very different when children see those they love and respect in this state; it must have the effect of either rendering the parent contemptible, or the vice less odious, it perhaps has some effect both ways; but, at all events, it must operate as a bad example, and, amongst the lower classes, it is a very common one. When a nation becomes the slave of its revenue, and sacrifices very =sic= thing to that object, abuses that favour revenue are difficult to reform; but surely it would be well to take some mode to prevent the facility with which people get drunk, and the temptation that is laid to do so. The immense number of public houses, and the way in which they give credit, are undoubtedly, in part, causes of this evil. It would be easy to lessen the number, without hurting liberty, and it would be no injustice if publicans were prevented from legal recovery for beer or spirits consumed in their houses, in the same manner that payment cannot be enforced of any person under twenty-one years of age, unless for necessaries. There could be no hardship in this, and it would produce a great reform in the manners of the lower orders. There are only three modes of teaching youth the way to well-doing,-- by precept, by example, and by habit at an early age. Precept, without example and habit, has but little weight, yet how can a child have either of these, if the parents are encouraged and assisted in living a vicious life? Nations and individuals should guard --- {183} The French, before the revolution, were not be =sic= considered as a more virtuous people than the English, yet there were fewer crimes, and less dissipation amongst the lower orders than in England, and more amongst the higher. The French, particularly the mothers, have less affection for their children, yet they brought them up better, both in habits and in principles. -=- [end of page #226] against those vices to which they find they have a natural disposition; and drinking and gluttony are the vices to which the common people in this country are the most addicted. Whatever other things may be taught, let this truth be instilled into all children brought up to earn their bread, that in proportion to their diligence will be their ease and enjoyment, and that this world is a world of sorrow and grief to the idle and the ignorant; that knowledge does not consist in being able to read books, but in understanding one's business and duty in life, and that industry consists in doing it. Female education, in England, requires as much reform as that of the other sex; but, though the subject is not much less important, it is perhaps still more difficult. It has been remarked, by those who have travelled abroad, that, in other countries, women are in general not better, but rather worse dressed than men of the same rank: in England it is different; for, at an early age, the women are dressed, both as to style and quality of clothes, far above their rank. This might, perhaps, not be difficult to account for, but it undoubtedly is a misfortune, and one that is greatly increased by the mode of education and manner of thinking; for the main and indispensable virtue of that amiable sex excepted, (for which Englishwomen are highly distinguished,) perhaps no women in the world are brought up in a more frivolous unmeaning manner. The French women, with all their vivacity and giddy airs, have more accomplishment; {184} and, as they speak their mind pretty plainly, they have, on many occasions, testified surprise to find English ladies, who had studied music for years, who could scarcely play a tune, and who, after devoting years to the needle, were incapable of embroidering a pin-cushion. Novels, a species of light, insipid, and dangerous reading, are the bane of English female education. They teach a sort of false romantic sentiment, and withdraw the mind from attention to the duties of --- {184} The emigrants have taught to ladies of rank, fashions; and to those of an inferior class, arts and industry. The English women did not know half what they could do, till the French came amongst them, about twelve years ago. -=- [end of page #227] life, at a time when it should be taught to learn their high importance. In female education the government should interfere; for the education of the mother will always have an influence on the education of the son, as her conduct in life must have on that of her husband. As one general observation, relative to the education given at most public schools, it may be observed, that, whilst much time is taken up in teaching things that can never probably be of great utility, that species of knowledge that does not belong to any particular class, but which is of the utmost importance, is left to chance and to accident. While a boy is tormented with learning a dead language he is left to glean, as in a barren field, for all those rules of conduct on which the prosperity and happiness of his future life depends. {185} A public education is, in many respects, better than a private one for boys, but, in some things, it is inferior: consequently those who can afford it, and wish to give their sons the most complete education, try to unite the advantages of both, by sending them to a public school, under the care of a private tutor. It is not in the power of the middling classes to do this; but modes should be adopted to give the boys, either by books or public lectures, those instructions, relative to moral conduct, to prudence, behaviour, &c. which a private tutor gives to those under his particular charge. As to female education, it is a difficult subject: one great improvement would, nevertheless, be not to allow above a certain number in any one seminary; to have people of irreproachable conduct over them, and, wherever the parents can, to bring them home at the age of thirteen or fourteen. The public education ought certainly to finish at an early age, and, in all cases, with respect to females, a private is much preferable to a public education. {186} --- {185} The most virtuous of the Roman emperors attributed to his preceptors every one of those excellent qualities he possessed. The ancient education of Greece and Rome was very different from that of the moderns. {186} Since this was written, we understand a book for this very purpose is about to be printed, with the professed design of uniting the advantages of a public and private education. -=- [end of page #228] CHAP. III. _Of the Effects of Taxation in England_. What has been said of the increase of taxes, their tendency to ruin a nation, and bring on its decline, together with the counteraction occasioned by the continuance of necessity, as being applicable to all nations in general, applies, in every sense, to England, and even more to England than to any other nation. Taxes are carried to greater excess than in any other country; and, as England flourishes by trade and manufactures, (the price of which taxes enhance,) they gradually tend to shut foreign markets against us. This has already been explained; we, however, still have to inquire into the particular manner in which it operates upon this country. That the system of taxation, though irregular in England, is less so than in any other country, in proportion to the extent to which it has been carried, is true; but still, however, if a number of the most troublesome and ill-contrived taxes were done away, and others established in their place, it would be a great advantage. Greater danger arises from the augmentation of taxes in a wealthy country than in a poor one, when they stretch beyond the proper line, because the general prosperity hinders the effect from being visible, till it has advanced beyond the power of remedy; whereas, in a poor country, the injury is soon felt. The invention and industry of this country have been most wonderfully increased by the necessity of exertion, under the protection of good laws, which rendered property secure. But we trust too much to our resources, and, like men in health and vigour, are the most likely to injure our constitution. The most part of the arts, in point of manufacturing, seem to have come to nearly the last degree of perfection, so far as abbreviation of labour can carry them. [end of page #229] The division of labour, and the modes of working in the iron and metal branches, have not of late been in any material degree improved in our towns, the most famous for them; and as to any particular gift of bringing things to perfection, or reducing prices, it does not appear to be confined to England. Watches and fire-arms are two of the most ingenious and nice branches of metal manufactures; yet, at Liege, the latter is carried to greater perfection than at Birmingham, and London and Lancashire are outdone by Switzerland, in the former. Those, indeed, are not manufactures of which the taste or form is constantly altering; but they are a proof of the ability to work with equal advantage, both as to quality and price, with the manufacturers of this country. The next great branches are the weaving. For silks, France has always had the advantage of us; and our fine woollen cloths have never equalled those of Louvier and Sedan for quality, although, in point of price, they have the advantage. In linens, we enjoy no particular pre-eminence; and, in the American market, we are beginning to be undersold by those of Silesia. For a second quality of woollen cloth, and for the manufacture of cotton, in all its branches, we still have the superiority; but our great advantage, the cause of the general preference to our manufactures is the long credit we give, which, if it should ever cease to be practicable, would ruin not one, but all our manufactures, nearly at a stroke. It is very natural and very well for Englishmen, who have never been out of their own country, to ascribe to superiority of quality, (and inferiority of price is the same thing,) the great success they have in selling their goods in foreign countries; but such as have had an opportunity to see how it really is, know the contrary; and those who have not, may know it by observing who are the individuals in any branch of business at home that do the most, and they will find it always to be those who have the power of giving the longest credit. It is true that, in the course of time, and by struggling hard, those who have little means of extending their business at first, do it by degrees; but, until they do, they never can, in point of quantity, rival those who give long credit. [end of page #230] In the inability of other nations to give equal length of credit, consists our principal advantage; but we have seen, by the vicissitudes of ancient nations, that the wants of others, or their being behindhand, are but a very insecure tenure for the prosperity of any nation. The exportation of Britain was but inconsiderable at the beginning of last =sic= century, or about one-ninth of what it was two years ago.{187} Previous to the American war, it gradually increased to about three times what it was in the year 1700; that is, in seventy-five years. The progression was pretty regular till the year 1750, when it had risen to nearly double; but, in twenty-five years after, it increased as much as it had in fifty years before. The American war threw it back forty years, but it soon got up again to where it probably would have been, had the American war not intervened; it, however, rose beyond any thing that had ever been seen. It doubled in less than ten years; and, from this, we are led to conclude, that the taxes had not then begun to hurt national industry. But we shall see the reason, for the great increase was not owing so much to any cause inherent in this nation, as to the absolute impossibility of other nations continuing their commerce. We had got all the East and West India trade of the French and Dutch, and America had again become our greatest customer for British manufactures. Capital that could be removed was, in a manner, banished from the continent of Europe, and had taken refuge in England, and a great extent of the continent had been desolated with war. We are not, however, to expect this amazing export trade to continue; indeed, it has already fallen, in one year, as much as it ever rose in any three years; it fell fifteen millions in one year. The taxes may have operated much against our prosperity, without our knowing it, in a crisis of this sort, though they did not absolutely counteract the favourable effect produced by other causes. The commerce of the American states, which were, (like England,) out of the vortex of danger, and secure, increased in fully as rapid --- {187} In 1802, the exports amounted to 45,500,000 L. In 1702 to 5,500,000 L. -=- [end of page #231] a manner as ours, and fell off in the same way. We must not then, consider as durable, or owing to ourselves, circumstances that arose out of the general and temporary situation of other nations. It has been said in the general chapter on taxation, and again repeated in that on national debt, that both the one and the other operate, for a certain time, in augmenting the industry and wealth of a country, but that there is some point at which they begin to have a contrary effect; that point, however, being dependent on a variety of circumstances, is not a fixed one, it cannot be discovered by investigation before the time, but it may by symptoms and signs that become visible soon after. It is a sign that a nation has passed the point at which taxes cease to be a spur to industry, when the duties on consumption, or optional duties, which one may avoid paying, by not using the article taxed, become less productive than formerly, and when it is found necessary to lay taxes on land, houses, and such sort of property as can be made to pay, independent of the will of the proprietor. When taxes are laid upon property, not on consumption, it is to be supposed the latter can bear no more. Taxes on property are forced taxes; on consnmption =sic=, they are generally, to a certain degree, voluntary, though not always so. The augmentation of wealth has, in this country, been great, but it has never been regular or uninterrupted; that of taxation has, on the contrary, been uninterrupted, and this is better seen from the chart than from any thing that can be said. There can be no doubt that, though hitherto our increasing prosperity has been so great as to counteract the effect of heavy taxation, yet that the same thing cannot be expected to continue long. How long it may continue, or whether it has not already ceased, or is on the point of ceasing, is uncertain; but there is nothing more positive, than that, if taxes increase, they must, in process of time, crush industry, and, therefore, at all events, they should be kept as low as possible. The whole income of the country is estimated only at 150,000,000 L. The taxes to the state amount to 40,000,000 L. and those for the maintenance of the poor to 5,500,000 L. But this is the mere money ac-[end of page #232] count, without estimating loss of time, trouble, and inconvenience; so that it may fairly and reasonably be put down at one-third of the whole revenue or income of the individuals, yet the complaints are not so loud, and the clamour is not so great, as when they did not amount to one-twentieth of that revenue. This may, however, be accounted for. One-third part of revenue is derived from the state itself, so that there are but two-thirds remain independent of it. The habit of bearing burthens, and experience of the inutility of complaint, are likewise reasons for acquiescence; besides these, we cannot but all be sensible, that complaints were very violent when there was little occasion for them. We cannot deny, that the nation has been prospering for a hundred years, while the cry of ruin has been resounding perpetually in every corner; it is therefore natural to mistrust our fears, and sit in silence, waiting the event. The portion of our expense that consists in interest of money, on which no economy can operate, is so great, that it prevents any hope of much diminution from economy; and, indeed, in the time of peace, no economy that could be practised, more than what has commonly been done, would diminish our burthens one-fiftieth part. Even that would be very difficult, perhaps impracticable; for our free revenue, in time of peace, has not augmented in proportion to the diminution of the value of money; so that, in 1792, the expenses of the state were comparatively less than in the reign of Queen Anne. Economy, then, is not the mode in which we must seek relief in time of peace. To carry on war in a less expensive manner in future, and take a solid and effectual method of reducing our debts, are the means, both of which are treated of in their proper place. The modes of relief then, are three: 1. Economy in war. 2. A solid and fair method of reducing the present interest. 3. Attention, to render the system of taxation as little troublesome, and as fair and equal as possible. [end of page #233] CHAP. IV. _Of the National Debt and Sinking Fund.--Advantages and Disadvantages of both.--Errors committed in calculating their Effects.--Causes of Error.--Mode proposed for preventing future Increase_. In no circumstance does the British empire differ so widely from all nations recorded in history, or from any now in existence, as with regard to the national debt. Not only the invention of contracting debt to carry on war is but of recent origin, but no nation has ever carried it to near the extent that it has arrived at in England. The Italian states, in which this mode was first practised, never had the means of carrying it very far. In Spain, France, and Holland, national debt met with obstacles that arrested its progress long before it arrived at the pitch to which it has now come in this country. The interest of the debt is above thrice the free revenue of the country, in time of peace, as that revenue was, previous to hostilities in 1793. Whenever any operation is begun, the result of which is not known, owing to its being new, but which is in itself of great importance; the anxiety it occasions must be great, and, generally, the alarm is more than proportioned to the danger. If ever this truth was exemplified in any thing, it has been with regard to the national debt of England, which has been a continual object of terror since its first creation; not a public terror, merely amongst the ignorant, but the most profound and enlightened statesmen. Calculators, and writers on political economy, have served to augment the uneasiness by their predictions of a fatal termination. While the debt has been augmenting with great rapidity, the wealth and resources of the nation have, at least, augmented equally fast, and the matter of fact has given the lie to all the forebodings of those who [end of page #234] occasioned the alarm. This very extraordinary circumstance merits an investigation. It unfortunately happens, that, where people are deeply interested in a subject, they form their opinion before they begin to examine and investigate, and consequently the mind commences with a bias, and acts under its influence, the consequence of which is, that the conclusion is not so accurate as it otherwise would be. Not that, in calculating with figures, the disposition of the mind can make an unit of difference, the question being once fairly stated; but the previous impression on the mind tends to prevent the fair statement of the question. That an uninterrupted practice of borrowing must end in an inability to pay is a self-evident axiom. It is not a matter that admits of dispute; but to fix the point where the inability will commence is a problem to resolve of a very difficult nature; it is indeed a problem, the re- solution =sic= of which depends upon some circumstances that cannot be ascertained. There are, it is true, certain fixed principles; but there are some points also that depend on events entirely unconnected with the debt, and, in themselves, uncertain. Two great considerations, that operate powerfully, have been omitted by most writers on this subject. The first, is the increased energy of human exertion, under an increased operation of necessity; the second, is the effect that the depreciation of money has, on lessening the apparent burthen occasioned by the interest of the debt. That these two causes, which have not been taken into account, have rendered the calculations erroneous, there is not a doubt; and how far they may still continue to operate is, at this time, as uncertain as ever; but they ought not to be considered as of operation beyond a certain unknown point, else the practice of contracting debt would be capable of infinite extension, which is impossible. But the augmentation of the debt itself is not the only circumstance that excites attention, as intimately connected with the fate of this nation. The increasing wealth and prosperity of the nation, under the heavy load of taxes, of which the debt is the principal occasion, is as much a matter of surprize as the ultimate result is an object of anxiety. So long, however, as the nation is not actually born =sic= down by the [end of page #235] weight of taxes, its wealth must increase; and, what is considered as a very strange phenomenon, is only the natural and necessary consequence of increased taxation. When men inhabit and cultivate land of their own, they are under no necessity of creating any greater value than they consume; but, when they pay RENT and TAXES, they are laid under a necessity of producing enough to supply their own wants, and to pay the rent and taxes to which they are subject. The same is the case with regard to manufacturers in every line of business, for though they do not, perhaps, consume any part of what they produce, (what comes to the same thing is that,) they are obliged to produce as much as will exchange, or sell, for all they want to consume, over and above paying their rent and taxes. Without rent and taxes there are only three things that excite the exertion of man:--Necessity, arising from natural wants; a love of pleasure; or, a love of accumulation. When a man labours no more than for his mere natural necessities, he is a poor man, in the usual acceptation =sic= of the word, that is, he has no wealth; {188} and a nation, peopled with such men, would justly be called a poor nation. When a man labours for nothing more than what he expends on pleasure, or to gratify his taste and passions, it is still the same, he consumes what he creates, and there is an end of the matter; and, whether he creates much or little, as his consumption is regulated by it, no difference is made to society; but, when rent and taxes constitute a part of the price of every commodity, the consumption of every man, whether he pays any taxes directly or not, himself, is attended with an increase to the revenues of those who receive the rent and taxes, and obliges him to create more than he consumes. --- {188} Some philosophers call a man rich, who wants little, and has that little; they are quite right, in their way, but that does not apply here. Perhaps, according to their definition, the Lazzaroni of Naples are richer than the merchants of London; and, a man who is contented in a parish work-house, is, beyond dispute, rich; to say that such a man is wealthy would be absurd, because wealth, with writers on political economy, implies being possessed of real tangible property. -=- [end of page #236] It arises from this, that the aggregate wealth of a people increases with rent and taxes; for, where there are neither, the desire of accumulation is the only thing that increases wealth. {189} It is for this reason, that, by obliging a man to create more than he himself consumes, taxation increases the wealth of a nation; so that the flourishing state of England is a very natural effect of heavy taxation. The misery and poverty of those people who have little or nothing to pay, is equally natural, though it does not astonish one quite so much. As there is nothing in the world without a bound, and a limit, it is clear, that, in laying it down as a principle, that rent and taxes occasion wealth instead of poverty, it is only to be understood, to a certain extent; that is to say, to the length to which the nature of things will admit of the exertion of man augmenting his industry, but not a step farther. To ascertain this point would be to solve a most curious problem; observing, that the solution would, in every case, depend on a great variety of particular circumstances. Something like a general investigation, however, is possible. It will not be accurate, nor is that wanted, but it may lay the foundation for understanding the matter better at a future period. In London, rent and taxes are heavier than in any other part of the kingdom, and in Scotland they are less than in any other; yet, the working people, from all parts of the kingdom, come to London, and from the poorest places, in the greatest numbers. Ireland, Scotland, and Wales, are the poor countries, _lightly taxed_, and from them --- {189} Accumulation is sometimes not a passion, but arises from necessity; by accumulation, is meant the increasing the value of the stock you possess, whether it consists of land, cattle, money, or merchandize. Thus, for example, the Americans are increasing in wealth, from necessity, because their country is becoming better, by being cultivated, in order to produce what is necessary. They cannot have what they want, in the way they wish, without increasing or bettering the property of which they have taken possession. If they had no more rent and taxes than they have, and if this were not the case, they would remain a poor people. Thus, the inhabitants of Syria, of Egypt, of Arabia Felix, formerly the finest countries in the world, having a property that does not better in their possession, and having scarcely either rent or taxes to pay, remain, from generation to generation, creating little, and consuming what they create. -=- [end of page #237] people come, perpetually, to pay _heavy taxes_ in London. Yes, but it will be said, in answer, these are poor countries. They are, however, richer than England was in the days of Queen Elizabeth; and, if the nature of things could have admitted of people _changing centuries_, as they _change countries_, the people of the seventeenth century, with light taxes, would have emigrated to the nineteenth century, with all its heavy taxes, just as those Irish and Scotch come to London. This proves that, even in London, the excess of taxes is not yet such as to create a retrograde effect, and it proves it in a very striking manner. Though there may, at first sight, appear something ludicrous in the idea of emigrating from the seventeenth to the nineteenth, from the reign of Queen Elizabeth to that of his present majesty, it is a perfectly fair comparison, and will hold good, examine it as much as one will. The common expression, (and a very significant one it is,) that one part of the country is a century behind another, or twenty years, or fifty years, is exactly the same idea, expressed in other words, for it is a comparison between the changes which a lapse of time makes in one case, and a removal of place in the other. The present times are then better to live in than those of Elizabeth, as London is better than any distant part of the country. That the ability of the nation to sustain a given burthen, for a certain number of years, is no proof of a permanent ability to support it, must be admitted, even if the same annual resources were to continue; but, that permanent ability becomes much less certain, when we consider that the annual resources are perpetually varying, that, therefore, they have so many uncertain quantities, that it is impossible to resolve the problem. As to the effect, with respect to the increasing the burthens of the people, that has been treated under the general head of taxation. Whether the money goes to pay for a ship of war, a regiment of soldiers, or the interest of loans, makes no difference to him who pays the tax; and, indeed, makes little to the general system of national economy, as, in every case, what is paid to the state is employed on unproductive labourers or idle people. That is to say, it is consumed, and never appears again. [end of page #238] National debt, then, so far as it increases the taxes of a country, is like any other national expenditure; and, in maintaining unproductive and idle people, it is also the same; but it has, in another point of view, a different effect, and that effect is an advantageous one. In every nation, the greatest part of the capital is employed, or, as it is called, sunk. Land, houses, machines, merchandize, &c. are the principal employments of capital. As those are transferred from one to another, or as the use or produce of them is paid for, by one to another, money is wanted occasionally; and, if there were no other employments, money must either be lying idle in some persons =sic= hands, till an employment could be found for it, or the possessor of it must begin some enterprise, and sink it himself. But, when money is thus employed, it is no longer in the power of the proprietor; and, though money may be borrowed on such sort of security, it is slowly, and with difficulty. The expense, the inconveniency =sic=, and time necessary, prevent the lenders of money from lending any for occasional purposes on such sort of security; but when a nation borrows, and the stock is divisible and transferable at will, money can always be realized when it is wanted for any purpose that affords a greater advantage than the stock affords. {190} Without this had been one of the effects of national debt, how could the facility of borrowing have increased, {191} as it has done? or how could merchants and individuals raise the sums they now do? {192} --- {190} In 1793, 5,000,000 L. was lent to merchants on exchequer-bills. The property, on which the money was secured, was really merchandize, but the lenders would have nothing to do with the goods; government stepped in, and took the goods as a security, creating a stock transferrable, that represented the same goods, and, as if by magic, the money was found in a moment. I know of no operation so fit for elucidating the advantage of national debt as this. {191} Borrowing on life rents is bad, for this reason; where there is no employment of this sort, all money is constantly employed in some sort of trade or enterprise that will produce profit, but cannot be realised. Example, Paris, &c. {192} When money was wanted, in Queen Anne's time, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, (Mr. Montague,) attended by the Lord Mayor and Sheriffs, went about, from shop to shop, to borrow it, much in the way that is occasionally practised by the beadles for a public charity!! Yet England's credit was good, it owed little, the war was popular, and the country rich. -=- [end of page #239] It must be allowed that one hundred millions, or at least a much smaller sum than our debts amount to now, would have produced this effect, and might answer every purpose of this sort, but there is still a consideration arising from the fluctuations in a stock, when it is small, and also from the number of persons possessed of it. People buy in and sell out with total indifference when the quantity is great, and the fluctuations small; but, the moment the funds are agitated, whether in rising or falling, money becomes scarce for those who want it for other purposes. That the number of persons ready to buy and sell must be proportioned, in some degree, to the quantity of stock, is of itself so evident, that it would be useless to enlarge upon it; but it must be granted that the national debt has long ago passed the sum that was necessary to produce this advantage. We find, then, that the evils attending the increase of debt are greatly counteracted by the debt itself, and that, to a certain amount, it is productive of a very considerable advantage to a trading nation. As those who calculated its ill effects, and foretold the ruin it would bring upon the state, did not take into account those circumstances, the result of their enquiries was necessarily wrong, in point of time, though the effect of which they spoke is perfectly certain to take place, if the debt continues to increase. Their reasoning may be compared to that of an astronomer, who observed the position of a planet, but, in his calculations, made no allowance for the refraction of the atmosphere, who would therefore err as to the place of the star, but not as to its existence. Let us now consider the natural consequence, supposing that future increase is prevented by means of the sinking fund established for that purpose. As to the probability of this, it depends on so many circumstances that are concealed in the womb of time, that it would be madness to give any other than a hypothetical solution of the question. If the war continues, and expenses increase nearly as they have hitherto done, great as is the operation of a sinking fund, it will not have time to counteract the evil. If the war stops soon, it will dim- [end of page #240] inish the debt with a most prodigious rapidity, {193} if it continues; the question, whether taxes can be found to pay the interest or not? can only be answered as a matter of opinion, which is, in a case of this sort, equivalent to no answer at all. With respect to the supposed case of the debt augmenting, the observations that apply to that have been made already; they now only remain to be made with respect to the debt being paid off. It has been observed already, in the chapter on Taxation, that the case of taxes being taken off to a great amount would be a new one of sudden and hurtful operation. Wages of labour would be diminished, as well as the burthens on those who live on settled income; it would therefore render people of fixed income more affluent, without giving ease to those who want it; in short, as the augmentation of taxes falls most on people with fixed incomes, so the advantages of this would principally be felt by them; and, as the baneful operation carries a sort of counteracting antidote with it, so, likewise, this beneficial operation would be attended with some drawback and inconveniency =sic=. The diminution of taxes, though the ultimate is not, however, the immediate consequence of the operation of the sinking fund, the efficacy of which depends on the taxes being kept up to their full extent for a considerable time. =sic= The first effect of the fund is, that a large sum, annually expended, as revenue drawn from the subject, is reimbursed to the stockholders, and becomes capital. This would immediately raise the funds, and thereby would counteract the sinking fund itself in a very material degree. Money would become abundant for all the purposes of trade, and it would be difficult --- {193} A sort of ridicule has been thrown on the operation of compound interest, because its effects are so amazing as not to be capable of being realized; but, on this subject, two things are to be said,--first of all, it has never been to the operation during the first hundred years that either incredulity or ridicule have applied, and the sinking fund was never meant to continue to operate so long. Secondly, though there are many drawbacks on the employment of large sums laid out at interest, that diminish, and would at last destroy, the result of the calculation in accumulating; it is not so in paying off debt, where the effect calculated is produced with the greatest certainty. -=- [end of page #241] to find employment for it; and, if the progress continued, part of it would most undoubtedly be sent to other countries, and so be the means of impoverishing this. If, then, we could suppose fifty years of peace, and that the national debt could be paid off, (as it might be in that time,) the situation of productive labourers would be worse; of unproductive, better; and, finally, capital would leave the country, which would be deprived of that transferable stock, the beneficial effects of which have been mentioned. The necessity that creates industry would be diminished, so that nothing could tend more effectually to bring on the decline of the nation than if all the debt were to be paid off; an operation which, though possible in calculation, never certainly would take place; the evils attending it would be so manifest, so clear, and so palpably felt before that was accomplished. To let the national debt continue to increase is, then, certain ruin, at some period unknown, but perhaps not very distant; to pay it off would be equally dangerous: what then are we to do? We must try to raise the resources necessary for war within the year, by which means we may avoid augmenting the debt. That is not, however, to be done while the present heavy interest remains, and that cannot be got rid of, according to any method yet publicly known, without bankruptcy, breaking faith with creditors, or paying off the debt; a resource in itself dangerous, and one that, after all, would bring relief at a very distant day. Since the debt has been contracted, let it be kept up; but let a mode be taken of reducing the interest, without breaking faith with the creditors of the state, so that we may never be obliged to borrow any more. At present, the sum that goes annually for interest, and for the sinking fund, (that is for paying off capital,) amounts to twenty-four millions, and the expenses of a year of war do not exceed that sum. Twelve millions of this may be found by war-taxes, and twelve millions diminution of the interest would just leave a residue sufficient to pay for a constant state of war; and, if peace came, the war-taxes would be taken off. The enemies of England would then not be able to make notches [end of page #242] in a stick, and say, "When we come to such a notch England will be ruined." If this could be done it would be a solid and permanent system of revenue, arising out of an unsolid and transitory one. Any thing like want of faith with the creditors would, however, not only be disgraceful and dishonourable, but would reduce such numbers to beggary, and ruin credit so completely, that the nation would be lost for ever; and, certainly, if we are to be ruined, there is no balancing between ruin with honour and ruin with disgrace. There is a mode that would be fair and practicable, and the present is the most favourable moment for executing it; indeed, it is perhaps the only one when it has been practicable or would be just. By practicability and justice, two words very well understood, we mean, in this instance, that it is a moment when those who would have to pay the difference would be willing to do it, would see their interest in doing it, and would feel that they ought to do it. We mean not to propose any of those imaginary means, by which debts will be paid off without burthens laid on. We have no talent for schemes, where all is produced from nothing, and no faith in their practicability. The late and present wars, which have occasioned one-half of the debt, and for which our exertions are to be continued, were undertaken for the preservation of property; for, though the French system is so completely bad that even the beggars in England would be losers by adopting it, yet, it will be allowed, that the evil to people of property would be much greater than to those who have no property. Let us look to Flanders, Holland, and other countries, and say no if we can. It was on this idea that an income-tax, afterwards termed a property- tax, was laid on, by which the rich are made to pay, and the poor are exempted. The justice and expediency of this was universally admitted: there might be some difference of opinion as to modes and rates, but there was none as to the general principle. We would, then, propose to RAISE LOANS, at a low rate of interest to reimburse the present creditors, ON THE SAME PRINCIPLE ON WHICH THE PROPERTY-TAX EXISTS, in the following manner: There are, by Mr. Pitt's calculation, (and his may be taken [end of page #243] in order to prevent caviling) 2,400,000,000 L. of capital in the kingdom. Let us then create a two and a half per cent. stock, into which every person possessed of property should be _compelled_ to purchase at par, in proportion to their capital, so as to redeem fifty millions every year, thereby creating fifty millions of new debt at two and a half per cent. and reimbursing an equal sum bearing an interest of five per cent. A loan of two per cent. per annum, on each man's capital would do this, and would never be an object for the safety of the whole, particularly as it would only last for ten years. As he would have interest at two and a half per cent. he would, in reality, only lose half, that is, one per cent. a year during twelve years; so that a man, with 10,000 L. would only have given 100 L. a year for twelve years. At the end of ten years, the interest of the national debt would be reduced to one-half its present amount, which, together with the war- taxes, would be sufficient to prevent the necessity of creating more debt. This, however, is not all, a more prompt effect and advantage may be expected. It is more than probable, that the moment our enemy found that the nation, could, without any great exertion, put its finances on a permanent footing, the present contest would finish. It is now only continued, in hopes of ruining our finances, and it is on the accumulation of the debt that the expectation of that is alone founded. We observed, in the beginning of this Chapter, that most people are biased by hope or fear, in examining a question of great importance; and that, therefore, they do not state it quite fairly, without being sensible of their error. In the case of the gloomy calculators of this country, fear and anxiety operated in causing a misstatement; but, with regard to our enemies, hope is the cause of their magnifying the effect of our national debt, and, it must be allowed, that hope had seldom ever a more easy business to perform. The general conclusion is certain, and all the question that remains, is with respect to time. The only mode of putting an end to this hope of our enemy, and to the war, at once, will be by shewing that enemy _that it is quite out of his power to augment our debt_, but untill =sic= a method shall be adopted by [end of page #244] us, that is PRACTICABLE AND EASILY UNDERSTOOD, that will not be believed by our enemy. The rapidity of the operation of a sinking fund is easily calculated, but not so easily credited, particularly by people not inclined to do so, and who would not themselves have the constancy and self-denial to leave it time to operate. Besides, by this operation, we shall not get free of debt till the taxes are raised far above their present amount. Our enemies may be pardoned for believing it impracticable, particularly as many of our friends are of the same opinion. France, which has always been the rival of this country, and hates it now more than ever, (envy being now an ingredient of its hatred,) knows well that it is fallen and degraded, that it has less wealth and happiness than England; but then it considers, that, however bad its finances may be, they are getting no worse; that to continue the war for twenty years will bring no more ruin on the nation, while half the term would probably ruin us. Till we show the fallacy of this calculation, we cannot expect a durable peace. Our ruin is become an object, not only of ambition, but of necessity, as it were, to France; and nothing but despair of being able to accomplish their object will make them abandon the attempt. We must be permitted here to ask a few questions: Is not the time favourable for the plan here proposed? Would it not be fair in its operation? Would it not bring relief effectually and speedily? Would it not reduce our burthens, without breaking faith with the creditors of the state? Would it not reduce the interest, without setting too much capital afloat, that might leave the country? Could our enemies then calculate on the national debt destroying England? The affairs of nations, it has been observed, become so complicated, and the details so multiplied, that those who have the management of them are scarcely equal to the business of the day; and they have no leisure to inquire into the best modes of keeping off evil when it is yet distant; of this we have had ample experience. [end of page #245] Allowing all the credit possible to the sinking fund, (and a great deal is due,) still during war its operation is a sort of paradox; it does not obtain relief: it is liable to be questioned; but we are come to a point, where the stability of our finances ought to be put out of doubt, and beyond all question. The mode of settling our affairs ought not only to be such as in the end may succeed, but its efficacy and practicability ought to be such as our enemies can understand and give credit to. Without this, we shall have no end to the contest. With respect to what our enemies will give credit to, a good deal depends on their own natural disposition. A fickle and arbitrary people, who are continually breaking their faith, can have little belief in the constancy of a sinking fund, but they will be perfectly well inclined to believe, that men of property may be compelled, and will even be glad to pay one per cent. a year, for ten years, to ensure the safety of that property. Supposing then that the sinking fund were the better plan of the two in reality, it would not be so in the present circumstances, because it would not obtain credit, and the other will. As to the rest, deprive the French of their hopes of ruining our finances, and they will make peace on reasonable terms, whenever we please; their object for continuing the war will then be at an end; and, if they do continue it, we can go on as long as they can, without any addition to our burthens. Whatever the cause of a war may be, the hope of success is the only possible motive for persisting in it. The French have been led into two errors; first, by the comparison of this country to Carthage, and of their own to Rome, (an absurd comparison that does not hold,) and, in the second place, by looking on our ruin, from the increase of our debt, as certain. We ought to undeceive them, and then they will have less inclination to persist in war. No pains has hitherto been taken to set them right; nor, indeed, with respect to the national debt, can it ever be done by the present method, till they see the effect; for though the progress of a sinking fund in peace is easily understood, in time of war there is much appearance of deception; it looks like slight =sic= of hand more than a real and solid transaction. [end of page #246] CHAP. V. _Of Taxes for the Maintenance of the Poor.--Their enormous Increase.--The Cause.--Comparison between those of England and Scotland.--Simple, easy, and humane Mode of reducing them_. Amongst the interior causes that threaten England with decline, none is more alarming than the increasing expenses of the poor; expenses evidently rising in a proportion beyond our prosperity, and totally without example, either in the history of past times, or in that of any modern nation. The poor of England cost more to maintain than the free revenue of the country amounted to thirty years ago, and to nearly three times the amount of the whole revenues of the nation, at the time of the revolution. The proportion between the healthy and the sick cannot have changed so much as to account for this augmentation; we must, therefore, seek for the cause elsewhere. It probably arises from several causes; the increasing luxury, which leaves more persons in indigence when they come to an advanced age, owing to their being unwilling or unable to undergo the hardships to which nature subjects those who have been born to labour, and outlive their vigour; being thereby deprived of those indulgences which, in better days, they have experienced. In England, menial servants are accustomed to consume more than people of moderate fortune do in other countries, and they are the race of people most likely to be left to penury in their old age. In countries where there are, indeed, greater trains of menial attendants than in England, they, in general, belong to the great, who make some provision for them, or who, keeping them from ostentation, can retain them to a more advanced age; and, at all events, as they live a less luxurious life, they can make a better stand against that penury which it is their hard destiny to encounter. [end of page #247] In a commercial country there is less attachment between master and servant, than in any other; and the instances of provision for them are very rare. In proportion as a nation gets wealthy, the human race shares the same fate with other animals employed in labour; they are worked hard, and well fed while they are able to work, but their services are not regarded when they can do but little. {194} Want of economy in the management of the funds destined for the purpose of their maintenance is another cause of increase in the expense of the poor. In a nation where every individual is fully occupied with his affairs, and has little time to attend to any thing else, those who manage the affairs of the poor find that few are inclined to look close into matters, and fewer still have the means of doing it if they would; so that abuses increase, as is always the case when there is no counteracting check to keep them within bounds. Another cause, no doubt, is that, as the number of unproductive labourers increase, greater numbers of children are left in want. To all those causes we must add the increase of towns, and the decrease of hamlets and villages. Towns are the places where indigence has the greatest consolation, and where the relief which is held out is attended with the least degree of humiliation and reproach. When we compare the cases of England and Scotland, the causes cannot be doubted; for, there, servants live harder, the working class do not labour so hard, and are not so soon worn out, neither have the towns increased so much, at the expense of the hamlets and villages. The greatest of all the causes of the increase of poor, however, arises from taxation and rent. It has been observed, in the chapter on Taxation, that, for a certain length, taxes and rent are productive of industry, and that, at last, they finish by crushing it entirely. --- {194} If it were the custom to keep horses that were worn out till they died a natural death, the maintenance of them would cost more in England than in any other country; for their vigour is exhausted before the term of old age arrives. The calculation is in this country, to pay well, and be well served. -=- [end of page #248] The manner that this happens, is, that long before a country is as highly taxed as the majority of its inhabitants will bear, those who are the least able to pay are crushed, and reduced to absolute poverty. There are two causes which may render a person unable to support the burthen of taxation: the one is, having a great family; the other is, being able to gain but little from weakness, or some other cause; and, where there are two causes that tend to produce the same effect, though they operate separately, they must, of course, sometimes act in conjunction. The weakest part of society gives way first, in every country; and, on account of the arbitrary and ignorant, though lavish method of relieving that portion of society, in England, the evil is increased to more than double. There is no relief at home in their own houses, no help, no aid, for the indigent, which might produce so admirable an effect, by counteracting the ruin brought on by heavy taxes and high prices; no, the family must support itself, or go wholesale to the workhouse. This is one of those clumsy rude modes of proceeding that a wealthy people, not overburthened with knowledge, naturally takes to overcome a difficulty, but without care or tenderness for the feelings of those relieved, or that regard for public interest, which ought to go hand in hand. For this it would be well to search a remedy. A father and mother, and six children, will cost, at least, fifty pounds a year in a workhouse; but, perhaps, the aid of twelve or fifteen pounds would keep them from going there, and by that means save the greatest part of the money, while the country, which loses their industry, would be doubly a gainer. There is a sort of rough, vulgar, and unfeeling character, prevalent amongst the parish-officers, that is a disgrace to the country and to the character of Englishmen. It is highly prejudicial to the nation; and, if there were no moral evil attending it, if the feelings of the poor were no object, =sic= the rich ought to attend to it for self-interest. If they will not, the government of the country is interested, both in honour and in interest, to do so. Exemption from taxes will do little or nothing, the lower orders [end of page #249] are nearly all exempt, but that general dearness, that is the consequence of a general weight of taxes, is severely felt by them, and from that they cannot be exempted. They must get relief by assistance, and that assistance ought to be given in a manner that will not throw them altogether a burthen on the public. {195} It is impossible to tax the people of a nation so highly, as they can all bear, because, before some will feel, others will be crushed; before the bachelor feels the tax, the father of a large family is obliged to starve his innocent offspring. Before he who has only two children feels the hard pressure, the family of twelve will be reduced to want; and so in proportion. The mode, then, to raise the most money possible, would be to tax the whole nearly as high as the bachelor can bear, and then to give a drawback in favour of the man with the children, they would then be on a perfect equality as to taxation, and the highest sum possible might be raised without hurting any one portion of the people more than another. If the links of a chain are not all equally strong, before any strain is felt by the strong links the weak ones give way, and the chain is broken. The case is the same with the members of a community. Now, when you lay on taxes, the general tendency is to raise the price of food and labour; most labourers receive the advantage of the price of labour, but many pay unequally for the rise of food. A tax on the wealthy, it will be said, is the thing proposed, but no, that would do nothing, it must be a premium or drawback to men with families who are poor, not merely to counteract the effect of any one tax, but the total effect of taxation with respect to maintaining their children. Wide, indeed, is the difference between a tax on those who are well able to pay, and a premium or drawback in favour of those who are not. The manner of providing for the poor in England leads to a degree --- {195} Probably, the reason that so small a sum serves the purpose in Scotland is, that relief is administered to the families, at their own houses, by the minister and elders of the parish. It is a rare instance of an administration, without emoluments and without controul. The funds are distributed with clean hands, in all cases, and impartially in most. -=- [end of page #250] of wastefulness and improvidence unknown in any other country. Improvidence ought as much as possible to be discouraged; for, with those who labour hard and are indigent, the desire to gratify some pressing want, or present appetite, is continually uppermost. This may be termed the war between the belly and the back, in which the former is generally the conqueror. It would be a small evil if this victory were decided seldom, as in other countries, but in the great towns of England there is as it were a continual state of hostility. In London, the battle is fought, on an average, at least, once a week; and idleness, and the profits of those sort of petty usurers, called pawnbrokers, are greatly promoted by it. Some part of this evil cannot, perhaps, be remedied, but there are certain articles that ought not to be taken in pledge, such as the clothes of young children and working tools. {196} There is no doubt but, that, in a populous inhospitable trading town, where there is no means of obtaining aid, from friendship, where the want is sometimes extreme, the resource of pledging is a necessary one. This is to be admitted in the degree, but by no means without limitation; for the facility creates the want, (even when it is a real want) for it brings on improvidence and carelessness. The lower classes come to consider their apparel as money, only that it requires changing before it is quite current. {197} If this matter were well looked into, together with the other causes from which mendicity proceeds, which increases so rapidly, we should --- {196} In Scripture it is forbidden to pledge the upper or the nether mill-stone. This is a proof, of very great antiquity, and indisputable authority, of the care taken to prevent that sort of improvidence that hurts the general interest of a people. It should be imitated in this country with regard, to all portable implements of labour, such as mill-stones were in those early times. {197} In Scotland, twenty years ago, there were not so many pawnbrokers as there are in Brentford, or any little village round London. In Paris, as debauched a town as London, and where charity was as little to be expected, there was only one lending company, the profits of which, after dividing six per cent., went to the Foundling Hospital. It was, as in London, a resource in cases of necessity, but there was too much trouble to run it on every trifling occasion, as is done in London, and, indeed, in most towns in England. -=- [end of page #251] soon perceive a diminution of the poors' rates, and the wealthiest country of Europe would not exhibit the greatest and most multiplied scenes of misery and distress. The numbers of children left in indigence, by their parents, would be comparatively lower, and there would not be that waste in the administration of the funds on which they are supported. There is, probably, no means of greatly diminishing the number of helpless poor, but by an encouragement to lay up in the hour of health an abundance to supply the wants of feebleness and age, but this might go a great way to diminishing the evil. All persons who have places under government, of whatever nature, ought to be compelled to subscribe to such institutions; this would be doing the individuals, as well as the community, a real service, and would go a great way to the counteracting of the evil. {198} Preventatives are first to be applied, and after those have operated as far as may be, remedies. The poor, &c. to whose maintenance 5,500,000 L. a year goes, (a sum greater than the revenues of any second rate monarchy in Europe,) may be divided into three classes: First, Those who by proper means might be prevented from wanting aid. Second, Those who, for various reasons, cannot get a living in the regular way, but might, with a little aid, either maintain themselves, or nearly so; and, Third, Those who, from inability, extreme age, tender youth, or bodily disease, are unable to do any thing, and must be supported at the public expense. Nobody will dispute that there are of all those descriptions maintained at pressnt =sic=; and, therefore, all that can create a difference of opinion is about the proportions between the three. It is probable that one-half, at least, could maintain, or nearly --- {198} The widows scheme, as it is called in Scotland, for the aid of the widows and children of clergymen, is a most excellent institution; it has been attended with the best effects, both on individual happiness and national prosperity so far as it goes. The plan is such as might, with very little variation, be applied to all the officers of the revenue, clerks in office, &c. &c. -=- [end of page #252] maintain, themselves; one-quarter might be prevented from ever requiring any aid at all; and the other quarter would be assisted as at present. This would reduce the expenses to less than one-third, and, probably, to one-quarter of what they are now; that is, of 5,500,000 L. there would be a saving of 3,500,000 L. but that is not all, for the national industry would be augmented by 2,000,000 L. and more; that is to say, by the industry of the half that maintained themselves, so that the nation would gain partly in money saved, and partly in money got, 5,500,000 L. According to the true spirit of the English nation, in which there is a great fund of generosity and goodness at the bottom, it may perhaps be said, that the poor are not able to labour at all, and, that the plan would not answer. This is but a rough manner of answering a proposal, which neither is in reality, nor is meant to be, void of humanity. There were, by last years =sic= accounts, nearly 900,000 persons of one sort and another maintained or relieved, which does not make above six pounds a year for each person, now, where is there a person that can work at all, that cannot earn above four-pence a day in England? {199} The plan for remedying this abuse ought to be very simple, for it will be administered by such ignorant and rough directors, that, if it is not simple, it must fail entirely. --- {199} It would be foreign to the plan of this Inquiry to enter into the details of the poor persons, and shew the absurdity of the management; but, it is very evident, from those that are printed, that they get no work to do, the quantity of materials delivered to them to work upon will not admit of earning money to maintain themselves. The following is a specimen of the attention given to this subject, and the means taken to enable the poor to pay for their maintenance, by their labour. In Middlesex, where the expense amounted, in 1803, to 123,700 L. or about 340 L. a day, the sum expended to buy materials amounted to no more than 4L.1s.11d. !!! It is impossible to comprehend how this capital stock could be distributed amongst above ten thousand labourers. It is not very easy to conceive the impertinence of those who presented this item, as a statement to the House of Commons, which would have done well to have committed to the custody of the sergeant-at-mace, the persons who so grossly insulted it. One thing, however, is very easily understood and collected from all this. The business altogether is conducted with ignorance, and executed carelessly and negligently, and that to an extreme and shameful degree. -=- [end of page #253] To have a good surgeon or physician is essential; and those who would not work, and who were able, should have the same allowance that a prisoner has in a jail; but those who would work should be paid a fair price, and allowed to lay out the money, to hoard it, or do as they please, except drinking to excess. [{200}] Though many for want of vigour are refused employment in a workshop, some for want of character, and others for various reasons, become burthensome, yet there are not a few, who, from mere laziness, throw themselves upon the parish, where they live a careless life, free from hunger, cold, and labour. When the mind is once reconciled to this situation, the temptation is considerable, and there are many of those poor people, who will boast that the have themselves been overseers, and paid their share to the expenses. Whatever evil is found to have a tendency to increase with the wealth of a nation ought, most carefully, to be kept under; and this is one not of the least formidable, and, of all others, most evidently arising from bad management and want of attention. It would be necessary to have all sorts of employment, that the persons in such places can, with advantage, be occupied in doing, and a small allowance should be made to defray general expenses; amongst which, ought to be that of surveyors of districts, who should, like those employed by the excise-office, inspect into the state of the different poor-houses, and the whole should be reported, in a proper and regular manner, to the government of the country, from time to time. Those little paltry parish democracies that tax one part of the people, and maltreat the other, ought to be under some proper con- --- {200} [Transcriber's note: assumed location--footnote not assigned a place in the text.] The system, in England, of only employing people in the vigour of life is a source of much mischief, and is an increasing evil, which government, the East India company, and all the public bodies, are encouraging. Men are treated in this instance exactly like horses. They are worked hard and well rewarded in their vigour; but, in so wealthy a county =sic= as this, those occupied in commerce, and men in power, will not be troubled with any but such as can do their business with little trouble to the master. They do not consider what mischief they are preparing for their country. Shenstone, the poet, seems to have thought of this when he says, in a case of woe: "But power and wealth's unvarying cheek was dry." -=- [end of page #254] troul; and the happiness and prosperity of England should not be left at their mercy. In a country where every thing is done with such admirable accuracy in the revenue-department, as England, it would be useless to attempt pointing out the manner of executing the plan; it is sufficient to shew its practicability and the necessity of attending to it. If, in the first instance, the advantage would be such as is here mentioned, it would, in a few years, be much greater, particularly in so far as fewer families would be left in a state of indigence; for, it is clear, that such families are a continual encumbrance on the rising generation, and tend to the diminution of the general mass of useful citizens. If it should so happen, that taxes augment, or that trade falls off, (both of which may very likely happen,) then the interference of government may become a matter of absolute necessity; but then, perhaps, it may be too late. It would be much better if government would interfere, before the evil is actually come to the highest pitch. The parishes might, perhaps, look with jealousy on an interference of this sort, as being an infringement on their rights; for Englishmen are sometimes very tenacious of privileges that are highly pernicious to themselves. This difficulty, (for it probably would be one,) might be got over, by previously establishing inspectors in the different bishop's sees, who should be obliged to render an account to the bishop, to be communicated to government, by which means, the evil would either be removed, or its existence ascertained, so as to answer the complaints that might be made, and thereby prevent all discontent on the subject. Without being able to say what might absolutely be the best remedy, it is, at least, fair to ask the question, whether it is fit that the administration of 5,500,000 L. a year should be intrusted to the hands of ignorant men? It may likewise be asked, if the feelings of the necessitous ranks of society (as keen in many instances as those of their betters,) should be wounded by men, who have not sufficient knowledge of any sort to act with the humanity necessary. The candidates for popular favour, amongst the lower housekeepers, are generally flattering, fauning =sic=, cringing men, and such are almost without exception, cunning, ignorant, and overbearing, wherever they have the least [end of page #255] authority over others. Such, in general, are the parish-officers, to whose care this important affair is committed. Though this is an institution almost on the purely democratic principle of equal representation, it is a very bad specimen of that mode of government. The shameful lawsuits between parishes, about paupers, the disgraceful and barbarous treatment of women, who have been betrayed and abandoned, admit of no excuse. They are not productive even of gain or economy. Amongst some tribes of savage Indians, the aged and helpless are put to death, that they may not remain a burthen on those who are able and in health; and it is equally true, that, in England, the young innocents, who have not parents to protect them, are considered as a burthen; and, if they are not absolutely sent out of the world, the means necessary to preserve them in it are very inadequate to the purpose. If criminality could be engraved on a graduated scale, their deaths ought in general to be written down at some intermediate point between accidental homicide and wilful murder. The persecution of this unfortunate race may be said to commence before they are born; and, though the strength of a nation depends much on its population, less care is taken to encourage it, than to produce mushrooms, or to preserve hares and partridges. [end of page #256] CHAP. VI. _Causes of Decline, peculiar to England_. In addition to the causes of decline which Britain, as a wealthy country, has, in common with most other nations, it has some peculiar to itself, (or of which the degree at least is peculiar to it). The national debt, the high rate of taxation, the prodigious expense of the poor, and the nature of the government, are peculiar to this country. There are other circumstances in its favour, of which we shall speak in the next chapter; but, in this, we shall review those that are against it, and of an unfavourable nature and operation. The high rate of taxation, for the very reason that it is the highest ever known, inspires our enemies with hopes of our downfall, and makes them persevere in continuing to put us to expense. The unprecedented commerce we enjoy, of which every other nation would wish to have a share, (and of which each, most mistakenly, thinks it would have a share, if Britain was undone,) is a cause of attracting envy and enmity, and repelling friendship. Our colonies in the West, and our possessions in the East, act like the conductors that draw the electric fluid to a building, but they do not, like those conductors, serve to protect it from violence. We have seen, that the advantage arising from them is more than doubtful, that they enrich individuals and impoverish the state; but all this would be nothing new, were it not for the vast scale on which those evils exist. The poor's rate, which is in itself completely unexampled, though a common thing to all nations, is so exorbitant in England, that it may very properly be ranked amongst the dangers peculiar to this country. Who would believe, that Frederick the Great of Prussia carried on his brilliant and successful wars against the most formidable enemies, expended more than one-eighth of his revenues annually on the encouragement of industry, and left his treasury well stored, yet all this with an income, less by one-fourth than the sums that go to support [end of page #257] the poor in England, notwithstanding all the miserable manoeuvres that are practiced =sic= to avoid giving them assistance? The form of government in England, though best for the liberty of the subject, and for the security of persons and property, is deficient in the means of repressing those infringements which particular bodies of people make upon the community at large. The representative system, when well understood, divides itself into parties, having different interests. There are the commercial, the landed, the East India, the West India, and the law, all of which have great parliamentary influence, and can be formidable to any minister; they therefore have a means of defending their interests, and they are concerned so deeply as to take a very active part whenever any questions are agitated relative to them. The landed interest and the law are, indeed, the only ones that have any great party in the House of Peers; but then the House of Peers seldom interferes in matters that concern the interests of the others. The Lords seem not to think it their province; and, in general, more through diffidence than negligence, they avoid meddling, though, to do that honourable house justice, to it we owe much. Many bills, of a dangerous tendency, have been thrown out by it, after they had passed the other house; and it has been generally done with a wisdom, magnanimity, and moderation, which is only to be accounted for by a true love of the country and an upright intention. {201} --- {201} It is wonderful to what a length good intention, (zeal apart,) will go in leading men right, even when they have not paid very particular attention to a subject. There is a feeling of what is wise, as well as of what is right, that partakes a little of instinct, perhaps, but is more unerring than far fetched theory on many occasions. This was seen in a most exemplary manner, at the time that the principles of the French revolution were most approved of here. Those principles were plausible, though flimsy, and founded on sophisms, and a species of reasoning, that plain unlettered men could not answer, and men who did give themselves the pains to reason might have answered; yet, three times in four, it was the man who could not answer it, who, guided by upright intentions, rejected it as bad, without being able to tell why. The most acute were, in this case, the most deceived; for it must now be allowed, that all approbation of the theories, relative to the rights of man, and the manner of asserting them were wrong. Many of those who fell into the error had, no doubt, unblameable intentions, but they did not consult common sense. -=- [end of page #258] In every assembly, a small number, who completely understand their own interest, can do a great deal, if they will act together; but, this is not all, they can use arguments with a minister that pave the way for obtaining the ends they have in view, while the general interests of the country alarm no one but upon great occasions. Under arbitrary monarchs, all bodies with separate interests, are kept in due order, they have no means of defending themselves but by remonstrance, which, against power, is but a very inadequate protection. There is nothing forced or chimerical in this statement of the case, and the consequence is, that no country ever saw any bodies rise to such a height, except the clergy in Roman Catholic countries, and the barons during the feudal system, when they had arms in their hands; who, if they could not absolutely resist their sovereign, were at least able to refuse him aid, and could annoy him greatly. But those examples will bear no comparison with the separate interests in England at this time. The barons have long lost their power, and the Roman Catholic clergy have lost the greatest part of their power and revenue also. If they had not, wealthy and powerful kingdoms would not have existed. Under a free government, where people think that an opposition to a minister in parliament is a most excellent thing, the energies of the nation, as to war, are greatly lessened. This must, in its connections with other nations, produce very hurtful effects; but, where the evil is without a remedy, there is no advantage in dwelling upon it; and it does not appear that there is any possibility of separating from a free government, some sort of an opposing power, that must hamper the executive, and lessen the energies of the nation. Under pure monarchies, kings can reward merit; they can encourage talents, and act according to circumstances. In England, the king, or his ministers, have no fund from which they can do this. An application to parliament is expensive and troublesome; and, in many cases, where the object would be fair, it would be unattainable. But this is not all, for when, by act of parliament, any thing of the sort is [end of page #259] once done, it is left without proper controul, and the expense is generally double what it ought to be. On the whole, there is too little of discretional =sic= power in a representative government; good cannot be done but by rules, which, in many cases, it is impossible to comply with. This is a disadvantage which we labour under, and is a sort of drawback on our excellent form of government; but this is not like the opposition in the senate, it may be got over, and merits attention. Such appear to be the disadvantages to which Britain is peculiarly liable, either in toto, or in the degree; but, on the other hand, she has many circumstances in her favour, if they are properly taken hold of; and, indeed, some, of which the effect will be favourable, whether any particular attention is paid to them or not. To those we shall advert with peculiar pleasure, and hope that they will not be neglected, but that they may afford a means of continuing our career of prosperity on the increasing scale, or that, at least, they may prevent us from sharing the fate of those nations that have gone before. [end of page #260] CHAP. VII. _Circumstances peculiar to England, and favourable to it_. It has been observed, that, in northern nations, where luxury is not attended with such a degree of sloth and effeminacy as in warm climates, the habits of industry can never so completely leave a country. The feelings of cold and a keen appetite are enemies to sloth and laziness; indeed they are totally incompatible with those habits and that degradation of character, that are to be found in southern climates. This advantage Britain shares with other nations of the north; but she has some peculiar to herself. Situated in an island, the people have a character peculiar to themselves, that prevents foreigners and foreign influence from producing those baneful effects that are so evident in many nations, where they come and depart with more facility, and where a greater similarity in manners and in character enable them to act a conspicuous and a very dangerous part, in the cases of misunderstanding and party dispute. In all the wars, bloody and long-contested as they were, between the houses of York and Lancaster, foreign influence never produced any effect such as that of Spain did in France, previous to the accession of Henry IV. or as the influence of France and Spain have produced in Italy, or that of France on Spain itself, or those of Russia and Prussia in Poland, with numerous other examples on the continent. We know of no ideal boundaries in this country. In this country we are all one people, and can distinguish ourselves from any other; indeed, the national character is rather too averse to mixing with people from the continent; but this, that seems now a fault, may some day be considered as a very useful virtue. Even in the times when an unfortunate jealousy and mistaken interest kept England and Scotland at variance, and when the latter kingdom was in the habit of adopting the politics of France, and [end of page #261] embracing its interests, there seems to have been some repelling principle that kept the little nation out of the gripe of the great one. The French never had any preponderating power there, and, indeed, in latter times so little, as not to be able to defend Queen Mary or the Romish religion against the reformers; to do both of which there was no want of inclination. It appears, then, very clearly, that though, on the best terms of friendship, the Scotch had at the bottom that British mistrust of foreigners, that, ever since it was civilized, has freed the island from foreign influence. The form of government, the security of property, and the free scope that is given to exertion in every line of business, will continue to enable this country to hold itself high, even if some of its present sources of wealth should be dried up; and, whatever may be the feelings of the representatives of the people upon ordinary occasions, the moment that any real danger occurs, they will, we are certain, act like men, determined to stand by their country. How feeble was the former French government when assailed with difficulty? It was at once as if struck motionless, or, the little animation that was left was just sufficient to enable it to go from one blunder to another. How different has England been on every emergency? In place of the arm of government seeming to slacken in the day of danger, it has risen superior to it. We have never seen the same scenes happen here, that have taken place in Poland, Sweden, and so many other places. In the three attempts to invasion, {202} (Monmouth's and the two other rebellions,) where foreign influence was used, the event was the most fatal possible to those who made them; they were contemptible in the extreme; and, if it is considered in whose favour they were, it is probable the support from a foreign power rather did injury to the cause. --- {202} Here we must not confound the case of the Stuarts with that of the King of France. In England, it was the government that was divided, the legislative being against the executive; _one_ part of the government was feeble, but the other was not, and therefore we cannot say that the government was feeble. In France, the king and ministers governed alone, they were the whole government, and therefore as they were feeble, the government may be taxed with weakness. -=- [end of page #262] The form of government has this great advantage in it, that, as abilities are the way to preferment, the higher classes (at least) have a better education than the same rank of persons in any other nation, so far as regards the interest of the public, and the nature of the connection between the different orders of society; ignorance of which, is the surest way to be destroyed. In all new and rising states the higher orders, even under despotic governments, and where all the distinctions of ranks are completely established, have a proper regard for the importance and welfare of the lower orders of people. As they increase in wealth and have lost sight of its origin, which is industry, they change their mode of thinking; and, by degrees, the lower classes are considered as only made for the convenience of the rich. The degradation into which the lower orders themselves fall, by vice and indolence, widens the difference and increases the contempt in which they are held. This is one of the invariable marks of the decline of nations; but the nature of the English government prevents that, by keeping up a connection and mutual dependence amongst the poor and the rich, which is not found either under absolute monarchies or in republics. In republics, the people become factious and idle, when they become any way wealthy. In this country, besides the insular situation, circumstances in general are such as to prevent the lower classes from falling into that sort of idleness, apathy, and contempt, that they do in other countries, even supposing these burthens were done away, that at present necessitate exertion. To those causes let another still be added, the religious worship of the country, which, without any dispute or question, is greatly in its favour. To speak nothing of the religious opinions or modes of worship in ancient times, there are three at present that merit attention and admit of comparison. The Christian religion is distinguished for raising men in character, and the Mahomedan for sinking them low. Whenever the Mahomedan faith has extended, the people are degraded in their manners, and the governments despotic. The disposition of a Mahomedan king [end of page #263] or emperor is more different in its nature, from that of a Christian sovereign, than the form of a hat is from that of a turban. Under the most despotic Christian sovereigns, matters are governed by law, there are no regular murders committed by the hand of power, without the intervention of justice; and if plenitude of power admits of the greatest excesses in the sovereign, in some Christian countries, the opinion of his fellow men, the fear of his God, or some sentiment or principle in his own breast, restrains him in the exercise of it. It is not so with Mahomedan princes: with them, nothing is sacred that they hate, nothing shameful that they do. Whatever their conscience may be, whatever may be the nature of their moral rules, rapine and murder are certainly not forbidden by them, or the law is not obeyed. In proportion to the despotism and ferocity of the sovereign, is the slavishness of the people, their brutality, and vice, in all Mahomedan countries; their character and its great inferiority is so well known, that it is impossible for any person to be ignorant of it. When the Mahomedan governments possess power, they are proud and overbearing; the people luxurious, and given to every refinement in vice. When they sink, that pride becomes ferocity, and the luxury degenerates into brutality and sloth; but neither in the one nor in the other case have they the proper value for science, for literature, for liberty, or for any of the acquirements that either make a man estimable or useful. They neither excel in arts, nor in science; phisically =sic=, they are inferior in utility, and their minds are less instructed. They are not equal to Christians either in war or in peace, nor to be compared to them for any one good quality. The greatest and the best portion of the old world is, however, in their hands; but, in point of wealth or power, they are of little importance, and every day they are sinking lower still. Amongst those who profess Christianity it has been remarked, by all who have travelled, and who have had an opportunity of observing it, that agriculture, commerce, and manufactures, flourish most in Protestant countries. Even where there are different sects of the Christian religion in the same country, arts, manufactures, and commerce, appear to have flourished most amongst the Protestants. The [end of page #264] cruelties of the Duke of Alva, and the absurd bigotry of Louis XIV. drove the most industrious inhabitants from the Netherlands, and from France, merely because they happened to be Protestants, which is a proof that there is a connection between that branch of the Christian religion and industry. The Protestants were the most industrious. The Protestants appear also to be the most attentive to preserving a good form of government, and to set a greater value upon liberty than people of any other religion. In this, England has an advantage that is inappretiable. {203} The reformation in religion, and the establishment of manufactures in England, date from nearly the same period; it was about the same time, also, that the spirit of liberty began to break out first in Scotland, and then in England, which terminated in the revolution. There are, therefore, many reasons, from experience, for believing that the Protestant religion is particularly favourable to industry and freedom. There are other reasons, likewise, that arise from a consideration of the subject, that would lead one to the same conclusion, even if there were no experience of the fact. Whatever frees the human mind from useless prejudice, and leads it to pure morality, gives dignity to man, and increases his power of becoming a good and useful member of society. The Christian religion not only contains the most pure moral code, but the best, most useful, and simple rules for conduct in life are --- {203} The great influence, founded on attachment to her person, and the feeling of the long happiness they had enjoyed, under Queen Elizabeth: her great authority, supported by esteem, and confirmed by long habit, restrained the spirit of freedom which so soon after tormented her successors. James had had full experience of that spirit before he left Scotland; and, when he mounted the English throne, was known, frequently, to exclaim against presbytry, as the enemy of monarchy. He, as was very natural, thought that the difference of religion caused the superior love of freedom in Scotland, for he was not sensible of the different effects produced by the calm, steady, and dignified deportment of Elizabeth, and the unsteady conduct of his unhappy mother, Mary. He also confounded hatred for arbitrary prerogative in kings, with hatred for kings themselves; and considered monarchy, and his own sort of monarchy, as essentially the same. Had he lived in our days, he would have experienced the difference, and not have considered the church of Scotland as being a greater enemy to kingly power than that of England, or as being more favourable to liberty. -=- [end of page #265] there promulgated. The Roman Catholic faith was clogged, in the early days of the church, with a great number, both of dogmatical and practical errors, that tend not only to fetter the mind, but actually embarrass the business of human life. In a former chapter, we had occasion to speak of the encroachments made by public bodies on the general mass of the people, but none ever was so pernicious in its effects, so grasping, and so well calculated to retain, as the Roman Catholic church. Their celibacy took away from the clergy every disposition to alienate even personal property, while the practice of auricular confession, and the doctrine of the remission of sins, gave them an opportunity of besieging the human mind in its weakest moment, and the weakest place, in order to rob posterity, and enrich the church. In the moment of weakness, when a man's mind is occupied in reflecting on the errors, and perhaps the crimes, of a long and variegated life; when his ties to this world are loosened, and his interest in eternity becomes more lively, and near; a religion that enables a zealous or interested priest (aided by the casuistry and argument of centuries) to barter a promise of everlasting bliss, for lands and tenements bequeathed to the church, provides amply for the acquisition of earthly treasure, for its ministers, and those devoted to a life of religious pursuits. It is, indeed, wonderful, that, with such means, the church, in Roman Catholic countries, did not become more wealthy than it was. {204} With a continual means of acquiring, and none of alienating, it appears well qualified for absorbing the whole landed property of a nation. Such an encroachment on the public wealth, and industry of a people, is a sufficient reason for the Protestant countries (where the clergy have not the same means) becoming more wealthy and industrious. It would not be difficult to prove that there is an effect produced on the minds of individuals in Protestant countries, that is favourable to industry; but a discussion of this nature might seem displaced in a book of this sort. It is sufficient that we see, from experience and --- {204} In France, before the revolution, the revenues of the clergy, in lands, tythes, &c. were reckoned to amount to 25,000,000 L. sterling per annum. The number of feasts and fasts was also a great drawback on industry. -=- [end of page #266] reason, that, of all religions, the Christian is the most favourable to the prosperity of a people, and that of its different branches, the Protestant, or what is termed the Reformed Religion, is again the best. It is the religion established in Britain. Another source of hope arises from a circumstance of very great importance, and very peculiarly favourable to Great Britain. It has been observed, that the colonies in the West, and conquests in the East, cost a great deal and produce little; that, in short, their possession is of very doubtful advantage. The possession of the North American provinces, now the United States, were a great burthen to England, from their first settlement till about the year 1755, when their trade began to be of advantage to this nation; but, in twenty years after, the revolt took place, and cost England a prodigious sum. To enter into a long detail on this subject it is not necessary; but no sooner were the hostilities at an end, than the American states bought more of our manufactures than ever. Their laws and manners are similar to our own, the same language, and a government evidently approaching as near to ours as a republican well can to a monarchical form. There is not, at this time, any branch of trade, either so great in its amount, or beneficial in its nature, as that with the United States; with this farther advantage, that it is every day augmenting, {205} and as no country ever increased so fast in population and wealth, so none ever promised to afford so extensive a market for our mannfactures =sic= as the United States. This market is the more secure, that it will not be the interest of the people who have got possession of that immense tract of country to neglect agriculture and become manufacturers, for a long period of time. The greatest project, by which any nation ever endeavoured to enrich itself, was certainly that of peopling America with a civilized race of inhabitants. It was a fair and legitimate mode of extending her means of acquiring riches; but Britain failed in the manner of obtaining her object, though not in the object itself, and --- {205} By this is not literally meant, that the trade every year is greater than the preceding, but that it continues to increase. -=- [end of page #267] the United States promise to support the industry of England, now that it has humbled its ambition, far more than both the Indies, which gratify it so much. It is highly probable, that America will increase more rapidly in wealth and population than in manufactures, such as she at present takes from great Britain; but if the ratio merely continues the same that it is now, the purpose will be completely answered, and a market for British manufactures insured for ages to come. In 1802, by the last census, the inhabitants of the United States amounted to about eight millions; and, for several years together, the exports of British goods have amounted to seven millions, so that it is fair to reckon a consumption equal to sixteen shillings a year to each person. It was about the same in 1774, previous to the revolt; and, as the population doubles in about fifteen years, in the course of thirty years more, the exports to that country alone would amount to 24,000,000 L. provided we continue to be able to sell at such rates as not to be undersold by others =sic= nations in the American market. There is nothing great, nothing brilliant, in this commerce, all is solid and good; it is a connection founded on mutual wants and mutual conveniencey, not on monopoly, restriction, or coercion; for that reason it will be the more durable, and ought to be the more valued; but it is not. Governments, like individuals, are most attached to what is dear to purchase and difficult to keep. It is to be hoped, however, that this matter will be seen in its true light. One circumstance, that makes the matter still more favourable for Britain is, that the western country of America, by far the most fertile, as well as the most extensive, is now peopling very rapidly. The labour and capital of the inhabitants are entirely turned to agriculture and not to manufactures, and will be so for a great number of years; for, when there are fifty millions of inhabitants in the United States, their population will not amount to one-half of what may naturally be expected, or sufficient to occupy the lands. The fertility of the soil will enable the Americans, with great ease to themselves, to make returns in produce wanted in Europe, so that we may expect a durable, a great, and an advantageous trade with them. In British [end of page #268] manufactures our trade was not near so great before the revolt, for we then supplied America with every article. This, however, will depend partly on our circumstances; for, if wages and the prices of our manufactures rise, as they lately have done, our merchants will buy upon the continent of Europe, what they otherwise would purchase in England, to supply the American market. America is the only country in the world where, with respect to the wages of labour, and the produce of industry, money is of less value than in England. The Americans will then be able to afford to purchase English goods, when other nations will not; but then, they will only purchase such articles as cannot be had elsewhere; for though they may and will continue able to purchase, they will not do it if they can get goods that suit them elsewhere. {206} No country, that we read of in history, ever enjoyed equal advantages with the American states; they have good laws, a free government, and are possessed of all the inventions and knowledge of the old world. Arts are now conveyed across the Atlantic with more ease than they formerly were from one village to another. It is possible, that a new market of so great an extent being opened may do away those jealousies of commerce, which have, for these two or three last centuries, occasioned many quarrels, and which are peculiarly dangerous to a nation that has risen high above its level. All those things, with care and attention, will prove advantageous to Britain in a superior degree. They afford us much reason for hope and comfort, and do away one of the causes for fearing a decline that has been stated, namely, the being supplanted by poorer nations, or by not having a market for our increasing manufactures. There remains yet another consideration in favour of Britain, as a manufacturing and a commercial country; for, as such, we must view it, reckoning more on industry than on the ideal wealth of our colonies in the West, and our conquests in the East. It is this, we are the --- {206} England begins already to lose the market for linen-cloth, window-glass, fire-arms, and a number of other articles. It would have entirely lost that of books, if any nation on the continent of Europe could print English correctly. As, it is, they are printing in America, in place of our keeping the trade, which we might have done with great profit and advantage. -=- [end of page #269] latest of European nations that has risen to wealth by commerce and manufactures. In looking over the map, there does not seem to be any one to supplant us; all those, who have great advantages, have already gone before, and, till we see the example of a country renewing itself, we have a right to disbelieve that it is possible. Russia is the only country in Europe that is newer than England, and many circumstances will prevent it from becoming a rival in commerce. It does not, nor it ever can increase in population, and carry civilization and manufactures to the same point. Though, very new, as a powerful European nation, the people are as ancient as most others in Europe; the territory is so extensive, the climate so cold, and the Baltic Sea so much to the north, and frozen so many months in the year, that it never will either be a carrying or a manufacturing country. To cultivate its soil, and export the produce of its mines, the skins, tallow, hides, timber, &c. &c. will be more profitable, and suit better the inhabitants than any competition in manufactures. It is not in great extensive empires that manufactures thrive the most, they are great objects for small countries, like England or Holland; but, for such as Russia, Turkey, or France, they are a less object than attention to soil and natural productions; and, thus we see, that China, the greatest of all countries in extent, encourages interior trade and manufactures, but despises foreign commerce. {207} One peculiar advantage England enjoys favourable to manufactures, deserves notice. The law of patents, if it does not make people invent or seek after new inventions, it at least encourages and enables them to improve their inventions. Invention is the least part of the business in respect to public wealth and utility. There has long been a collection of models, at Paris, made by one of the most in- --- {207} The smaller a district, or an island is, the exports and imports will be the greater, when compared with the number of inhabitants. Take the exports and imports of all Europe, with the other quarters of the world;--considering Europe as one country, and it will not be found to amount to one shilling a person per annum. Take the amount in Britain, it will be found about forty shillings a person. Consider what is bought and sold by a single village, and it will be still greater than that; and, last of all, a single labouring family buys all that it uses, and sells all that it produces. And the meanest family, taken in this way, does proportionably =sic= more buying and selling than the richest state, taken in a body. Consider the whole earth as one state, and it neither exports nor imports. -=- [end of page #270] genious mechanics of the last century, (Mr. Vaucusson,) at the expense of that government, in which were nearly all the curious inventions brought forth in England, together with many not known in it. Some Englishmen, in going through it, brought over new inventions here, for which they obtained patents, and, by which, they, as well as the public, were gainers, while the inventions lay useless and dormant in France. Invention is not a thing in a man's power, and great inventions are generally more the effect of accident than of superior abilities; at any rate, no encouragement is certain to produce invention, but it always will produce improvement on invention. When a man has a patent for fourteen years, he does every thing in his power to make the object of that patent become as generally useful as possible, and this is only to be done by carrying the improvements as far as he is able. {208} Others, again, who have no patent, but are of the same trade, endeavour to preserve their business by improvement, and to this contest in excellence may be attributed the great progress, made in England, in bringing manufactures to a higher degree of perfection than in any other country. The great inventions, from which others branch out and spring, are not due, it has often been asserted, to natives of this country. Probably this may be owing to the circumstance, that they were known before the advancement of this country in any of the arts; but let that be as it may, there are a vast number of inventions carried to greater --- {208} This is sufficiently important to deserve to be illustrated by some examples. The improvement of the steam-engine, by Mr. Watt, was a matter of accident; an accident, indeed, that could not have happened, had he been an ignorant man; but the improvement of it was not accidental. It was, in consequence of great encouragement given, and to the prolongation of the patent, by an express act of parliament. This patent has been the occasion of almost totally changing the machine, and of extending its use to a vast variety of objects, to which it probably might never have been extended, had it not been the sole business of a very able man, aided by a number of other ingenious persons, whom he was enabled to employ. It was the cause of improving the mechanism of mills for grinding corn, and others of different descriptions, far beyond what they had been, although the most able engineer in that line (Mr. Smeaton) died before the last and greatest improvements were made. The same thing may be observed of the cotton-spinning-machines, and with a little difference of all the inventions that have been brought to perfection, under the influence of exclusive privileges. -=- [end of page #271] perfection, and turned to more advantage in this country than in any other. This advantage, which England enjoys over other countries, is a more solid one than it appears to be, for it is intimately connected with the government and laws of the country, and with that spirit which sees the law well administered, which, in the case of patents, is a matter of no small difficulty, and prevents others from becoming our rivals, or attaining the same degree of perfection; {209} for, unless the law is well administered, there can never be the great exertion that is necessary to create excellence. The fine arts and the mechanic arts are quite different in regard to the manner in which they are brought to perfection. Individual capacity and genius will make a man, even without much teaching, excel in one of the fine arts; whereas, in the mechanic arts, to know how an operation is performed is every thing, and all men can do it nearly equally well. The consequence of this is, that, as experience improves the manner of working, the mechanic arts improve, from age to age, as long as they are encouraged and practised. It is not so with the fine arts, or only so in a very small degree, and from this it arises, that, in sculpture, poetry, painting, and music, the ancients, perhaps, excelled the moderns. In the mechanic arts they were quite inferior. The best examples of this, (and better need not be,) are an antique medal, boldly and finely executed, but ragged on the edges, not on a flat ground, or of equal thickness, compared with a new guinea, or a Birmingham button tamely engraved but trimly executed. In the former, there is every mark of the artist, none of the machine. In the latter, there are some faint and flat traces of an artist, but great proof of mechanical excellence. The skill of the artist, necessary to produce the first, cannot be commanded, though it may, by encouragement, be called forth; but the reunion of talents, such as are necessary for the latter, is so certainly obtainable, that it, at all times, may be procured at will, after it has once been possessed. --- {209} In 1790 the French laid down the law of patents, on the English plan, and rather, in some respects, improved; but the people never understood it. The lawyers never understood it; and, even before the anarchy came on, it was evident it would never produce any very great effect, for want of proper administration. -=- [end of page #272] Security, to reap the fruits of improvements, is all that is wanted, and this the law of patents, as applied and enforced in England, affords in a very superior degree. Although, by the communication everywhere, the ground-work of every art whatever is now no longer confinable to any one nation, though the contrary is the case, and that the knowledge necessary circulates freely, and is extended by a regular sort of system, in periodical publications of various descriptions, yet the manner of turning that knowledge to advantage does not, by any means, seem equally easy to communicate. The legislature of the United States of America has, indeed, in this case, done full justice to the encouragement of arts and to inventions; but circumstances, as has been already said, make other objects more advantageous for the employment of labour and skill in that country. For these reasons, therefore, we may look forward with some confidence, to the flourishing of arts and manufactures, for a long term of years, if the same attention that has been paid to their encouragement still continues; but neither this advantage alone, nor all the advantages united, that have been enumerated, will be sufficient to preserve our superiority, if those, who regulate the affairs of the country, do not favour them. It is in consequence of great pains and care, that manufactures have flourished in this country, and they cannot be preserved without a continuation of the same care, although it is individual effort that appears to be the principal cause. Thus, the travellers, on a well-made highway, proceed with rapidity and ease, at their individual expense, and by their individual energy; but, if the road is not kept in repair, their progress must be impeded, and their efforts will cease to produce the same effect, for they cannot individually repair the road. Such appear to be the peculiar circumstances that favour Great Britain; and that under disadvantages that are also peculiarly great, give hopes of prolonging the prosperity of the country. There is still, however, something wanting to increase our advantage. Any person acquainted with the manufactures of England will naturally have observed, that they are all such as meet with a market in this country. We have no mannfactories =sic= for goods, for the sole [end of page #273] purpose of our foreign markets; so that, though we consider ourselves as so much interested in foreign trade, yet we have adapted all our manufacturies, expressly, as if it were to supply the home market. This observation will be found to apply very generally, though there are a few exceptions, and though the quality of the goods manufactured, and intended for exportation, is adapted to the market for which they are destined. This last, indeed, is very natural, nor could it well be otherwise, but that is not going half the length necessary. Instead of carrying our goods into a strange country, and trying whether the inhabitants will purchase, we should bring home patterns of such articles as they use themselves, and try if we can supply them with advantage. Nations vary, exceedingly, in taste, and so they always will. The colour of the stuffs, the figures on printed cottons, and even the forms of cutlery, and articles of utility, are, in some sort, matters of taste. If we are to manufacture for other nations, let us try to suit their taste as we do to suit that of our own people at home. The reasons why we do not do this are pretty evident. In the first place, it would not answer the purpose of an individual to procure the information necessary, and make a collection where the advantage, in case of success, would be divided with all that chose to imitate them; besides this, in many cases, the means are wanting to procure what is necessary. The study of botany has been greatly advanced, and kitchen gardens greatly enriched, by the importation of exotic plants; and, probably, our manufactures might be greatly extended, if the same care were taken to collect foreign articles, the produce of industry. {210} We do not find every foreign plant succeed in this country, but if it seems pro- --- {210} A collection of all sorts of stuffs, with the prices in the country, where worn, and the same of all sorts of hardware, toys, trinkets, &c., should be made, at the public expense, and be open, on application, to the inspection of every person who might apply in a proper manner; and even specimens, or patterns, should be delivered out, on the value being deposited. In Persia, and many places, if we would copy their colours and patterns, we might sell great quantities of cotton stuffs. Our hatchets, and some other of our tools, are not made of a form liked by the Americans. -=- [end of page #274] bable, and worth trying, we never fail to do that; we trust it would be so with foreign manufactures, if we had proper patterns. A fair trial would be made, where success seemed probable, and the event would determine the future exertion. Accidental circumstances, a few centuries ago, brought new plants into this country, they now come into it in consequence of regular exertions for that purpose. What was then true, with regard to plants imported, is still true with respect to manufactures exported. We manufacture for ourselves, and if any thing of the same sort suits other nations, we send it, if not, there is no trade to that part; now, this must be allowed to be an accidental cause, for the promotion of foreign trade. Wherever it is possible to prevent the debasing the quality of an article, so as to hinder it answering the purpose, or gratifying the expectations of the purchaser, that ought to be done, for it has long been such a practice for English manufacturers to undersell each other, that they stick at no means of being able to do so. A variety of qualities, according to price, is necessary. All persons cannot afford to buy the best sort of goods; but, when a reduction of price is carried so far as to be obtained by making an article that is useless, this is a means of losing the trade; and it would be very easy to prove that such examples are very numerous, and that various branches of trade have been lost by that means. With regard to the extent of sea coast, the advantage that may be derived from the fisheries, and the benefit arising from that circumstance to commerce, they are natural advantages, and already perfectly understood. [end of page #275] CHAP. VIII. _Conclusion_. After having gone through the subject of the Inquiry, according to the mode that appeared to be the best, in which there has been one invariable rule, never to oppose theory and reasoning to facts, but to take experience as the surest guide, a recapitulation can scarcely be very necessary; but a conclusion, applicable to the situation of this country, certainly may. This, however, ought to be short, as the reader has all the materials for it in his own power, but it may save him trouble. The great end of all human effort is, to improve upon the means which nature has furnished men with, for obtaining the objects of their wants and wishes, and to obviate, to counteract, or do away those inconveniencies =sic= and disadvantages which nature has thrown in the way of their enjoyment. {211} With the mind, the same course should be used as with material bodies. It is impossible, in either case, to create; but we may turn the good to as profitable an advantage as we are able, and counteract the bad. To attempt to hinder men from following their propensities, when in power, is always arduous, generally ineffectual, and frequently impracticable; besides, when it can be done coercively, it infringes too much on the liberty and the enjoyment of mankind. A controuling power should be employed as seldom as possible. --- {211} Thus, in building a house, you form the stones, the clay, and other materials, which nature has furnished, in order to counteract the effect of heat or cold, moist or dry, as is most agreeable. Thus, men have learned to melt and vitrify the sand on the sea-shore, to make glass, grind it into a form, and make a microscope to view the most minute objects of nature, or to bring the most distant nearer, by the telescope: thus, rectifying the imperfection of human sight. Perhaps the burning of _coals_ to convert _water_ into _steam_, and, with that _steam_, raising _coals_ and _water_ from the mine is the most complete triumph of human skill over physical difficulties. How invention and discovery have improved the state of man since the time that the uses of corn and fire were unknown in Greece!!! -=- [end of page #276] To attempt to smother the passions is vain, to controul them difficult; besides, it is from energy, arising from passions or propensities, that all good, as well as all evil, arise. The business, then, will neither be to curb nor to crush, but to give a proper direction. This is to be done by good habits, when young, and a proper education, which cannot be obtained by individual exertion, without the assistance of government; an assistance that it is therefore bound to give. The general tendency of wealth and power are to enervate people, to make them proud and indolent, and, after a certain time, they leave a country. Individuals have no means to counteract this tendency, unless the governing power of the country gives a general impulse to them, in cases where they can act, and acts itself, with care and attention, where individuals can do nothing. In the case of education and manners, in the case of providing for children, individuals may do much, but government must not only give the means, but the impulse. In the case of the soil becoming insufficient for the inhabitants, and of taxes and national debt increasing, government may stop the progress; and in the cases of individual bodies trenching on the general weal, as well as in the tendency of inventions, capital, &c. to emigrate to other countries, the government may counteract, and, perhaps, totally prevent them all. In all cases, individuals will and must follow their lawful propensities, both in the means of employing capital and expending revenue; that is, they must be left free, in a general way, and only interrupted and regulated in particular cases; but, sometimes, the means must be furnished them of going right, and in other cases the inducements to do so augmented. We shall take the subjects in the same order that they followed in the Second Book. Though the manners of people, arrived at maturity, can only be regulated by their education, when young, if that is properly attended to, it will be sufficient; for though it will not prevent the generation that has attained wealth, from enjoying it according to the prevailing taste, it will prevent contamination being communicated with increased force, as it now is, to the children. The evils then will go on in a simple proportion; they now go on with a compound one, and the evils arising from the [end of page #277] luxury of each generation are doubled on that which follows after. If that is prevented, it will be all that probably is necessary; at all events it is probably all that is possible. In taxation, the government should study to do away what is obnoxious in its mode of collection, for that does more injury to the subject, in many cases, than an equal sum would do levied in another manner; and when payments are to be made, the mode should be rendered as easy as possible. Every unnecessary trouble should be avoided in collecting a tax. In the tax on receipts and bills, why should the sums to which they extend not be printed on them, so as to prevent error, which is sometimes attended with great loss, and always with inconvenience? If this had been done, how many law-suits, how many nefarious tricks, would have been prevented? But not to speak of those inconveniences only, how much useless trouble, uneasiness, and uncertainty, would have been saved in the common way of transacting business? In most cases, the subject is treated as if neither his time, nor his conveniency, nor his feelings, were worth attending to. This is equally impolitic and unjust: there is, perhaps, no country where people are more careful to keep within the pale of the law, than in England; but when they are within it, and have power, no people use it with a more insulting rigour; and for this there is no redress. In many cases, this would be entirely prevented by proper attention in first laying on the tax. There should be a board of taxation, to receive, digest, and examine, the suggestions of others. In short, pains should be taken to bring to perfection the system. At present, it is left to chance; that is to say, it is left for those to do who have not time to do it, and, of consequence, the blunders committed are seen by all the world. {212} --- {212} An act of parliament for a new tax is seldom ever right till it has been evaded a number of times, and even then in perfectioning =sic= it, an increase of revenue is the only object attended to; the conveniency of the subject is scarcely ever thought of. Taxes are laid on, that experience proves to be unproductive and oppressive, and sometimes are, and oftener ought, to be repealed; thousands of persons are sometimes ruined for a mere experiment. As the public pays for it, they, at least, might be indulged with a little attention; nothing costs less than civility. If half the attention were paid to preventing unnecessary trouble to the subject, [end of page #278] in cases of taxation, that is paid to the preservation of partridges, we should have the thing very differently managed. There should also be a public office, to hear just complaints against those who give unnecessary trouble, as there is for hackney coachmen. Men in all situations require to be under some controul, where they have power. Most of those who _drive_ others, go wrong sometimes, unless held in check by some authority. -=- The encroachments of separate bodies on the public, it is entirely in the power of the state to prevent. It is owing to weakness or carelessness, or ignorance, that governments admit of such encroachments, and they are easily to be prevented, partly, as has been shewn, by positive regulation, and partly by counteracting them, whenever they appear to be proceeding in a direction any way doubtful. When they do so, the conclusion may be, that they are working for themselves; and, in that case, they ought to be very minutely examined into; and, as all public bodies, and men belonging to a class that has a particular interest generally derive their means of trenching on the public from government, it may very easily controul their action, or counteract the effect. As lawyers have the administration of justice amongst themselves; as the executive part is in their hand, the law-makers should be particularly careful to make them amenable by law for bad conduct; it ought not to be left in the bosom of a court, to strike off, or keep on, an improper man. It is not right, on the one hand, that attorneys, or any set of men, should be subject to an arbitrary exertion of power; and it is equally unfair for them to be protected, by having those who are to judge between them and the public, always belonging to their own body. In defence of this, it is said, that attornies are servants of the court, and that the business of the court being to do justice, their correction cannot be in better hands. This is a tolerably ingenious assertion, if it were strictly true; but the court consists both of judge and jury; whereas, in this case, the judge assumes all the power; that is to say, when a case is to be determined relative to the conduct of a lawyer, a lawyer is to be the sole judge, and the jury, who represent the public, are to have their power set aside; thus, when their opinion is most wanted, it is not allowed to be given. Under such regulation, what real redress can be expected? As for the taxing costs by a master, it is [end of page #279] rarely that a client, from prudential motives, dares appeal; and, when he does, the remedy is frequently worse than the disease; and, even in this case a lawyer judges a lawyer. Without saying any thing against the judgments, it will be allowed, that in neither case is the principle of Magna Carta adhered to, of a man being judged by his peers; besides, in every other fraud there is punishment proportioned to the crime. In this case there is no punishment, unless the extortion is exorbitant, and then the punishment is too great. It ought to be proportioned to the offence, as in cases of usury, and then it would be effectual; but to let small misdemeanors go free and to punish great ones beyond measure is the way to elude punishment in all cases. A man ought to pay his bill; let the attorney take the money at his peril, and let there be a court to judge fairly, at little expense, and with promptitude, and punish the extortion by a treble fine. This would answer; but all regulations, relative to law, are left to the lawyers themselves; and the fable of the Man, the Lion, and the Picture, was never so well exemplified, Never, in any case, was redress more wanted; perhaps, never was it less likely to be had. The unequal division of property, as has been shewn, arises partly from bad laws, and partly from neglect of regulation; it is, indeed, one of the most delicate points to interfere in; nevertheless, as it has been proved, that laws do already interfere between a man and the use of his property, (and that it is, in some cases, necessary that they should do so) the question is reduced to one of circumstances and expediency, it is not one to be determined, in the abstract, on principle. It is also of too nice a nature to be touched roughly by general regulation; but, if large estates in land, and large farms, were taxed higher in proportion than small ones, it would counteract, to a certain degree, the tendency of landed property to accumulate in any one person's hand; and, except in land, property seldom remains long enough in one family to accumulate to a dangerous degree. {213} --- {213} Besides the above truth, of other property being liable to be dissipated from its nature the law of primogeniture does not attach on it, and the evil, if it did, would not be any way considerable. -=- [end of page #280] The increased consumption of a nation, which we have found one of the causes of decline that increases with its wealth, may be more effectually prevented than any other; not by interfering with the mode in which individuals expend their wealth, but by managing it so that vegetable food shall always be in abundance; and if so, the high prices of animal food, and the low price of vegetables will answer the purpose of counteracting the taste for the former, which is the cause of the dearth, and brings on depopulation; and therefore its hurtful effect will be prevented. {214} To this, gentlemen of landed property may object, and no doubt will object, but let them consider how rapidly ruin is coming on. At the rate matters now go, it would not be a surprising, but a natural effect, if most of the fields in Britain were converted into pasture, and our chief supply of corn obtained from abroad. The rent of land would, indeed, be doubled, the wages of labour would rise more than in an equal proportion, and a very few years would complete the ruin of this country. The landed proprietors surely would not, for any momentary gain, risk the ruin of themselves and of their country, for both may be the consequence of persisting in this system. {215} Or, if they will persist in it, will the government, which has other interests to consult and to protect, allow that single one to swallow up all the rest? It is true, the freedom of trade will be invoked; but the freedom of --- {214} Suppose that, of the waste lands, eleven millions of acres were cultivated, and that as much as possible (suppose five millions) were always in grain, those five millions would be able to supply the nation nearly in an ordinary year. A law might also be made, compelling all landlords and farmers to have only three-fourths in grass; this could be no hardship. There would then be always corn in plenty; monopoly would be prevented, because anxiety would be avoided; for a real deficiency to a small amount gives cause to great anxiety and grievous monopoly. The waste lands, when disposed of, might have whatever condition attached to them was thought fit. {215} We say persisting in this system, for when bread fell to be at a moderate price, last summer, (1804,) the outcry amongst the farmers was great and violent, and the legislature altered the law about exports; the consequence of this was, that the price of wheat rose regularly every week till it was doubled. All this was the effect of opinion, for the price of corn rose too quickly to allow any to be sent out of the kingdom, by the new law. -=- [end of page #281] trade is a principle not to be adopted without limitation, but with due regard to times and circumstances; let it then never be invoked upon a general question, without examination. Though this is the true way of arguing the question, let freedom of trade be taken in another way; let it be considered as a general principle, it will then be immutable, and cannot be changed. {216} The present corn-laws must on that principle be done away, and no bounty allowed for exportation or for importation, which indeed would be the best way; but, at all events, let us have one weight and one measure for both parties, and not invoke freedom of trade to protect the corn-dealers when prices are high, and enact laws to counteract the effects of plenty, which produces low prices. On this subject, government must set itself above every consideration, but that of the welfare of the country: it is too important to be trifled with, or to be bartered for any inferior consideration. The prices of our manufactures will soon become too high for other nations. Our inventions, to abbreviate labour, cannot be perpetual, and, in some cases, they can go no farther than they have already gone; besides, the same inventions, copied by nations where labour is cheaper, give them still a superiority over us. If increased consumption was the leading cause of the destruction of Rome, to which money was sent from tributary nations, and employed to purchase corn, (so that its supply was independent of its industry,) how much more forcible and rapid must be its effects in this country, living by manufactures, and having no other means to procure a supply from strangers, when that is necessary? {217} The burthens of our national taxes continuing the same, those for --- {216} When corn was dear, and the public cry was for regulation, it was announced, in the highest quarters, that trade was free. Ministers acted as if they had been the colleagues of of =sic= the economist Turgot; but, when prices fell, the language was changed, and new regulations were made. Compare the Duke of Portland's letter, in 1799, with the act for the exportation of grain, in 1804. {217} The money sent out of the country for corn is a direct diminution of the balance due to us from other nations, and it now amounts to near three millions a year on an average. The balance in our favour is not much more than twice that sum at the most, and was not equal to that till lately: the imports of grain may soon turn the balance against us. -=- [end of page #282] the poor increasing, our means diminishing; what could possibly produce a more rapid decline? The danger is too great and too evident to require any thing farther to be said; particularly as the last ten years have taught us so much, by experience. It is unnecessary to repeat what was said about the mode of reducing the interest of the national debt without setting too much capital afloat; without breaking faith with the creditors of the state, or burthening the industry of the country. On the increase of the poor and the means of diminishing their numbers enough has been said. That must originate with government in every case and in some cases exclusively belongs to it. They must act of themselves entirely, with respect to the very poor and to their children. With those who are not quite reduced to poverty, they should grant aid, to enable them to struggle against adversity, and prevent their offspring from becoming burthensome to the public. The other affairs well attended to, capital and industry will lose their tendency to leave the country; and, if they should continue to leave it, the case will be desperate; for, after the lands are improved, and the best encouragement given to the employment of capital, and to the greatest extent nothing more can be done. It will find employment elsewhere. The efficacy of a remedy, like every thing else in this world, has a boundary, but the extent and compass of that depends, in a great degree, on exertion and skill, and particularly so in the present instance. It remains with the government to make that exertion, either directly itself, or by putting individuals in the way to make it. The government of a country must then interfere, in an active manner, in the prevention of the interior causes of decline. As to the exterior ones, they do not depend on a country itself; but, so far as they do, it is exclusively on the government, and in no degree on the individual inhabitants. The envy and enmity which superior wealth create, can only be diminished by the moderation and justice with which a nation conducts itself towards others; and if they are sufficiently envious and [end of page #283] unfair to persist, a nation like Britain has nothing to fear. But we must separate from envy and enmity occasioned by the possession of wealth, that envy and enmity that are excited by the unjust manner in which wealth is acquired. In respect to Britain, it has been shewn, that the envy and enmity excited, are chiefly by her possessions in the East Indies; we have seen, also, that the wealth obtained by those possessions is but very inconsiderable, and that they have, at least, brought on one-third of our national debt; it would then be well, magnanimously to state the question, and examine whether we ought not to abandon the possession of such unprofitable, such expensive, and such a dangerous acquisition; till we do so, it is to be feared that we shall never have a true friend, nor be without a bitter enemy. We have had experience from America, which is become precious to us now, that we have lost it, and which was a mill-stone about our neck, while we were in possession of it. Let us take a lesson from experience, and apply its result to what is at this moment going on, and we cannot mistake the conclusion to be formed. Let the nation be above the little vanity of retaining a thing, merely because it has possessed it. {218} Let the great general outline of happiness, and of permanent happiness, be considered, and not that ephemerical splendour and opulence, that gilded pomp that remains but for a day, and leaves a nation in eternal poverty and want. Britain can only be firm and just in its conduct towards other nations, give up useless possessions, defend its true rights to the last point, encourage industry at home, and take every step to prevent the operation of those causes of decline that we have been examining; let merit be encouraged, and --- {218} In this country, public opinion would be against a minister, who proposed to give up any possession abroad, however useless. This is owing to the pride occasioned by wealth. The people are not rapacious for conquests, but once in possession they are very unwilling to let them go. It is not necessary to quit the trade to India, or abandon all our possessions, but to diminish our establishments, circumscribe our conquests, and not aim at possessing more than we had thirty years ago. That moderation would conciliate all nations, and envy would find its occupation gone. -=- [end of page #284] let it never be forgotten or lost sight of, that wealth and greatness can only be supported, for a length of time, by industry and abilities well directed, guided by justice and fair intention. This is the truth of which we are never to lose sight. We may keep sounding for the bottom, and reconnoitring the shore, the better to direct our steps, but we must never lose sight of the beacon, with the help of which alone we can safely enter the wished-for harbour. There is a great disposition in the human mind to give the law, when there is the power of doing it. The abuse of power appears to be natural and dangerous; yet, we have seen, that most nations, both ancient and modern, have fallen into that error. The hour of British insolence has also been mentioned, and, certainly, with regard to America, we did not more materially mistake our power than we did the rights of those with whom we had to treat. It is much to be questioned, whether the undaunted and brave spirit of our naval commanders does not, in some cases, lead them too far in their rencontres with vessels of other nations on the high seas, and we ought not to forget that, in this case, the match played is that of England against all the world. As no other nation is under the same circumstances with this, no one will be inclined to take our part, or to wink at, or pardon, any error we may commit. The Hans Towns, at one time, were paramount at sea; they could bid defiance to all the world; and, at first, they did great actions, and employed their power to a good purpose. They destroyed the pirates, and humbled the Danes, after they had robbed both the English and French, and burnt both London and Paris; but they also had their hour of insolence. They began to be unjust, and to be insolent, and the cities that had begged to be united to them, in the times when their conduct was honourable and wise, withdrew from the participation of their injustice, pride, and arrogance. While they attended to protecting themselves, and to following their own affairs, they did numberless good offices to the ships of foreign nations; they had universal good will and commanded admiration. But, when they became supercilious, and a terror to others, their pride was soon humbled, never again to rise. [end of page #285] In considering the whole, there is a considerable degree of consolation arises to British subjects, to see the very mistaken comparisons that have, in the first place, been made between Rome and Carthage; and, in the second place, the still more unfair comparison made between those two rival powers, and France and England. As opinion and belief have a great power over the minds of men, whether they act in conformity to their views and wishes, or in opposition to them, it is of great importance to remove an error, which was of very long standing, very general, and had the direct tendency to make the people of both countries think the parallel well drawn, and therefore conclude that this mercantile country must, sooner or later, sink under the power of France. But, when it appears that most authors have been inadvertently led into the same mistake, with respect to those two ancient republics, and that, even if there had not been the mistake, the parallel drawn would not have been true, then France will probably cease to found her hopes on that comparison, and we may, at least, cease to feel any apprehension from so ill-grounded a cause. That a nation once gone on in the career of opulence can never go back with impunity is as certain as its tendency to going back is. The possession of riches is of a transitory nature, and their loss attended with innumerable evils. Though nations in affluence, like men in health, refuse to follow any regimen, and use great freedom with themselves, yet they should consider there is a vast difference. A man, well and in health, is in his natural state; yet even that will not resist too much liberty taken with his constitution; but a nation that has risen to more wealth than others is always in an artificial state, insomuch as it owes its superiority, not to nature, but either to peculiar circumstances, our =sic--sc.: or = superior exertion and care; it is therefore not to be supposed capable of being preserved, without some of that attention and care, which are necessary to all nations under similar circumstances, and which, in the history of the world, we have not yet seen one nation able to resist. There are sufficient circumstances, new and favourable in the [end of page #286] case of Britain, to inspire us with the courage necessary for making the effort. There is one part of the application of this Inquiry, to the British dominions, left intentionally incomplete. It has been left so with a design to keep clear of those discussions that awaken a spirit of party, which prevents candid attention. It is of little use to enquire, unless those who read can do it without prevention or prejudice. It is therefore, very necessary not to awaken those feelings, by adding any thing that may rouse a spirit of party; and it is difficult to touch matters that concern men, deeply interested in an object, without that danger. What seems impartial to an unconcerned man, seems partial to those who are concerned; and sometimes the observer is blamed by both the parties, between whom he thinks he is keeping in the middle way. The advantages of the form of government adopted in Britain have been fairly stated in account; but constitutions and forms of government, however good, are only so in the degree; they are never perfect, and have all a tendency to wear out, to get worse, and to get encumbered. The French were the first, perhaps, that ever tried the mad scheme of remedying this by making a constitution that could be renewed at pleasure. But it was a violent remedy, to implant, in the constitution itself, the power of its own destruction, under the idea of renovation. The English constitution has taken, perhaps, the best way that is possible for this purpose; it has given to king, lords, and commons, the power of counteracting each other, and so preserving its first principles. Without going into that inquiry, it is sufficient to say, that the advantages which may be derived from the British constitution can only be expected by the three different powers having that will, and exercising it; for, if they should act together on a system of confidence, without an attention to preserving the balance, they must overset, instead of navigating the vessel. The individuals of whom a nation is composed, we have seen, never can, by their efforts, prevent its decline, as their natural propensities tend to bring it on. It is to the rulers of nations we must look for the [end of page #287] prolongation of prosperity, which they cannot accomplish, unless they look before them, and, in place of seeking for remedies, seek for preventatives. It is very natural and very common for those who wield the power of a great nation, to trust to the exertion of that power, when the moment of necessity arrives; but that will seldom, if ever, be found to answer. The time for the efficacy of remedy will be past before the evil presents itself in the form of pressing necessity; and that very power, which can so effectually be applied in other cases, in this will be diminished, and found unequal to what it has to perform. [end of page #288] _Application of the present Inquiry to Nations in general_ IF there is a lesson taught by political economy that is of greater importance than any other, it is, that industry, well directed, is the way to obtain wealth; and that the modes by which nations sought after it in the early and middle ages, by war and conquest, are, in comparison, very ineffectual. Notwithstanding that princes themselves are now convinced of the truth of this, by a strange fatality, the possession of commercial wealth has itself become the cause of wars, not less ruinous than those that formerly were the chief occupation of mankind. It was discovered a few centuries ago, that small principalities, and even single cities, acquired more wealth by industry, than all the mighty monarchs of the middle ages did by war; but we are not yet advanced to the ultimate end of the lessons that experience and reason give in regard to the interests of nations, with regard to wealth and power. To suppose that mankind will ever live entirely at peace is absurd, and is to suppose them to change their nature. Such a reverie would only suit one of the revolutionists of France; but let us hope that there is still a possibility to lessen the causes of quarrels amongst nations. The true principles of political economy lead to that, and the object is sufficiently important. By _agriculture_ and _manufactures_; that is, by producing such things as are conducive to the happiness of man, the _aggregate wealth of mankind_ can alone be increased. By _commerce_, which consists in conveying or selling the produce of industry, the aggregate wealth of mankind is not increased, but its _distribution is altered_. {219} --- {219} Though the produce of soil is not obtained without industry, yet, to make a distinction that is simple and easily understood and retained, we suppose manufactured produce to go by the name of the produce of industry. -=- [end of page #289] As individuals, and sometimes nations, have obtained great wealth, not by producing, but by altering the distribution of wealth produced; that is, by commerce, that seems, to those who aim at wealth, to be the greatest object of ambition. If every nation in the world were industrious, and contented with consuming the articles it produced, they would all be wealthy and happy without commerce; or, if each nation enjoyed a share of commerce, in proportion to what it produced, there would be no superiority to create envy. Variety of soil and climate, difference of taste, of manners, and an infinity of other causes, have rendered commerce necessary, though it does not increase the aggregate wealth of mankind: but nations are in an error when they set a greater value on commerce than on productive industry. Some nations are situated by nature so as to be commercial, just as others are to raise grapes and fine fruits; therefore, though one nation has more than what appears to be an equal share of commerce, it ought not to be a reason for envy, much less for enmity. Some nations also find it their interest to attend chiefly to agriculture, others may find it necessary to attend more to manufactures; but that ought to be no cause of enmity or rivalship. With a view, if possible, to diminish a little the envy and rivalship that still subsists, let us take a view of this business in its present state. Britain, the wealthiest of nations, at this time, sells little of the produce of her soil, and a great deal of the produce of her industry; but she purchases a great deal of the produce of the soil of other countries, though not much of their industry: in this there is great mutual conveniency and no rivalship. In fact, her wealth arises nearly altogether from internal industry, and, by no means from that commerce that is the envy of other nations; for it is clear, that whoever produces a great deal may consume a great deal, without any exchange of commodities, and without commerce. The English, number for number, produce more, by one-half, than [end of page #290] any other people; they can, therefore, consume more; they are, therefore, richer. If France would cultivate her soil with the same care that we attend to manufactures, (at the same time manufacturing for herself as much as she did before the revolution,) she would be a much richer country than England, without having a single manufacture for exportation. Her wines, brandies, fruits, &c. &c. would procure her amply whatever she might want from other nations. Let France make good laws to favour industry; and, above all, render property secure, and she will have no occasion to envy England. Russia, part of Germany, Spain, Italy, and Portugal, are all in a similar situation with France in this respect; they will each be as rich as England the moment they are as industrious, and have as many inventions for the abbreviation of labour. Holland, Sweden, Denmark, Prussia, and some parts of Germany, are, more or less, in the same situation with England; they require to pay attention to manufactures, for they have not the means of raising produce enough to exchange for all they want. If there is any occasion for rivalship, or ground for envy, it is then but very small, and it happens that the rivalship which exists is between those nations that, in reality, ought to be the least envious of each other, the nations who have the fewest quarrels are those who really might be rivals. Rivalship is natural between those who are in similar situations. France, Spain, and Portugal, might be rivals. England, Holland, Prussia, and Denmark, might also be rivals; but there can be no reason for France envying England her manufactures and commerce, any more than for England envying France for her climate, soil, extent, =sic= of territory and population. The way to produce the most, being to give industry its best direction. Nations, differently situated, ought never to be rivals or enemies, on account of trade. If those, who regulate the affairs of nations, were to consider this in its true light, there would be less jealousy and more industry. [end of page #291] There appears to be only one real cause for war, so far as it is occasioned by a wish to obtain wealth; and that arises from possessions in the East and West Indies, and in America. If there were no such possessions, or if they were more equally divided, there would be very little cause for war amongst nations. It may, very possibly, at some distant time, be an object for a general congress of nations, to settle this point; so that it shall be no longer an object of jealousy. This can be done only by abandoning entirely, or dividing more equally; but, at present, the animosity and enmity occasioned is considerable, though not well founded. The Spaniards are not envied for the possession of Peru, nor the Portuguese for the Brazils, though they draw more wealth from them than ever England or Holland did from their foreign possessions; yet, England is, and Holland was, an object of envy, on account of possessions abroad. This is the more unreasonable, that the Spaniards and Portuguese keep the trade strictly to themselves, while England allows nations, at peace with her, the most liberal conditions for trading with her Indian possessions: conditions, indeed, that give them a superiority over ourselves. {220} This conduct ought not to bring down upon England, envy or enmity, (though it does); for the fact is, that if all nations were at peace with England, they might, if they had capital and skill, (and that they have not is no fault of England,) trade with India to great advantage, while we should have the trouble of defending our establishments, and of keeping the country. Before the revolution, France obtained more produce from Saint Domingo alone, in one year, than Britain did from all her West India Islands together, in three years, and much more than England did from all her foreign possessions together; yet, France was never obnoxious to other nations on that account. --- {220} This may seem strange, but it is literally true; the quarrels between the India Company, and the free trade, as it is called, are an ample proof of the truth of it. The free-trade-merchants chiefly act under the name of agents for Swedish and Danish houses, so liberally has England acted with regard to neutral nations. -=- [end of page #292] It appears, then, very evident, that the envy and jealousy do not arise from the _magnitude or value of foreign possessions_, but from some other cause, though it is laid to that account. This cause is worth inquiring into. It appears that Holland and England have, alone, been causes of jealousy to other nations, on account of foreign possessions; but, that Spain, Portugal, and France, never have, though there was more real reason for envy and jealousy. The reason of this appears to be, that those nations, who excited no envy, escaped it, because their indolence, or internal economy, prevented them from becoming rich; but, that Holland and England, which, in reality, owed their wealth chiefly to internal industry, and very little of it to foreign possessions, have excited great envy, and that England does so to the present hour. {221} It is, then, wealth arising from industry, that is the object to be aimed at, and that cannot be obtained by war or conquest. The purpose is not advanced, but retarded, by such contests; and if those, who rule nations, would condescend to enter into the merits of the case, they would find, not only that the happiness of the people, and every purpose at which they aim, would be better answered than by contesting about the means of wealth, which, consisting in internal industry, does not admit of a transfer. One nation may be ruined, and another may rise, (as, indeed, they are continually doing,) but one nation does not rise merely by ruining another; the wealth of a nation, like the happiness of an individual, draws the source from its own --- {221} From both the East and West Indies, England never has, till within these last ten years, drawn three millions a year, that could be termed profit or gain, and, even in the last and most prosperous times, not eight millions, which is not equal to more than one-twentieth part of the produce of national industry at home. Even the foreign commerce of England, except so far as it procures us things we want, in exchange for things we have to spare, is not productive of much wealth. Supposing the balance in our favour to be six millions a year, which it has never uniformly been, it would only amount to one- twenty-fourth of our internal productive industry. In short, we gain five times as much by a wise division of labour, the use of machinery, ready and expeditious methods of working, as by the possession of both the Indies!!! -=- [end of page #293] bosom. The possession of all the Indies would never make an indolent people rich; and while a people are industrious, and the industry is well directed, they never can be poor. It is to be hoped, that the time is fast approaching, when nations will cease to fight about an object that is not to be obtained by fighting, and that they will seek for what they want, by such means as are safe and practicable. [end of page #294] ====== INDEX. ====== ****************************************************************** [Transcriber's note: the original work itself omits the page references in the many instances where there is a trailing comma.] ****************************************************************** [=sic=--no section heading in original] ABSOLUTE monarchy, in some particular instances, has an advantage over limited monarchy; particularly in preventing the infringement made by corporate bodies or professions on the public, 117, 118, 119. AGES, middle, commerce made slow progress during them, 3.--What places flourished in them, 44 to 50. AGE, golden, the tradition, if that founded in any thing, must have been a very ignorant one, though very happy, 214. ALEXANDER, the Great, history confused before his time, 20.--His conquests had no permanent consequences, 24.--The only permanent consequence was Alexandria supplanting Tyre, 52.--His expedition to India was on purpose to get possession of the fine countries that produced aromatics and precious stones, 53. ALEXANDRIA, rendered Egypt first a commercial country, and brought on the decline of Carthage, 24.--Loses its commerce in the 7th century by the conquests of the Mahomedans, 54, 55. ALFRED the Great, made many efforts to render the people happy, 118. AMBASSADOR. See Diplomacy. AMBITION, sometimes renders labour an enjoyment, 82. AMERICA, its discovery forms a new epoch in the history of commerce, 3.--Little similarity between it and other nations, 103.-- United States, of, their revenues, ib.--May take all the goods Britain can manufacture, 195.--British exports to, consist nearly all of manufactured goods, 204.--Probability of its great increase and consumption of English manufactures, 268, 269.--Encourages arts and inventions, but agriculture a better object to it, 273. ANCIENT nations. See Nations. ANIMAL food, much used in northern nations and by manufacturing people, 138.--Its effects on population, 139 to 146.--Price compared with bread, 147.--In case of the demand becoming too great, a remedy proposed, 155. ANTWERP, at one time acted as a sovereign, 47.--Became, in the north, what Venice was in the south of Europe, 57. APPRENTICES. See Education. ARABIAN Gulf. See Red Sea. ARKWRIGHT, Sir Richard, as an inventor met with great difficulties, 203. ARTS. See Manufactures. ARTS, fine. See Fine Arts. ARTISTS, not unfit for soldiers, 32.--Banished by luxury from a country, 113. ASIA, passage to it by the Cape of Good Hope a new aera in commerce, 3.--Its mode of fighting with elephants only disconcerted the Romans once, 31. ASSIGNATS. See France. ATHENS. See Greece. AUGUSTUS, his resolution to kill himself when supplies of corn were likely to fail, 35. [=sic=--no section heading in original] BABYLON. See Syria. BALANCE of trade, of England, has never much exceeded five millions.--To be seen on the chart 3, p.213, during 105 years.--Is not equal to more than one twenty-fourth of the produce of industry, 293. BALANCE of power could not preserve a nation from interior causes producing decline, 185. BALTIC Sea, manufacturers early established on its southern shores, 45 to 48. BARTER, not an innate principle, as Dr. Smith thinks, 5, 6. BLACK Sea, a new market opened to commerce,195. BIRMINGHAM division of labour renders business easy, 217.-- Apprenticeships not necessary to learn the art, but for other reasons.-- Recruiting service succeeds there, ib. BOARDING Schools. See Education. BODIES Corporate and Public, their tendency to trench on the public, 117 to 124. BOULTON, M. Esq. his spirited conduct in bringing forward the improvements, invented by Mr. Watt, on the steam-engine, 203. BORROWING. See Money. BRAZILS. See Portugal. BREAD, proportion between the price of, and butchers meat, 140.-- Prices in Paris and London,164. BRITAIN, in what its power and wealth consist, 191.--Its interior situation and exterior, 192, 193, 194, 195.--Its conquests and colonies, 196 to 200.--Its great increase, 201.-- [end of page #295] Farthest advanced in manufacture, the consequence of that investigated, 203, 204, 205.--Comparison between its general trade and that to India, 206 to 211.--Begins to encourage agriculture, 213.--Its exports and imports represented in chart 3 described, 213, 214. BRUGES acted once as a sovereign, 47.--Became a depot for India goods in the north, as Venice was in the south, 157. BURKE, Right Honourable Edmund, his opinion relative to exterior causes of decline, 176. BUTCHERS meat. See Animal Food. C. CAPE of Good Hope. Its passage a new epoch in commercial history, 3. CAPITAL, the result of past industry, 161.--Commands trade, but supplies poor countries at the expense of richer ones, 181.--Tends to leave a country when it becomes too abundant, 161, 162, 163.-- Would leave England if the sinking fund were to operate long in time of peace, 242. CARTHAGE, of wealthy places alone escaped the conquests of Alexander, 24.--Mistake relative to its state, 32, 33.--Its fall ruined the Roman manners, ib.--Comparison between it and Rome unfair, 36, 37, 38.--Was never so degraded as Rome, ib. CASPIAN Sea, goods brought by that route from India, 56. CHANGES, interior, take place by degrees, 89.--Most rapid and observable amongst the Romans, 91. CHARLEMAGNE, from the fall of the Roman empire till his time, nothing like wealth or power, 44.--Paved the way for civilizing and enriching the north of Europe, 45. CHARTS, description and explanation of, illustrating the rise and fall of nations, 78, 79, 80.--Statistical explanation of, 190.--Of commerce, exports and imports, 213.--Of revenue and debts, 214. CHILDREN. See Education. CHRISTIAN religion most favourable to industry, 263, 264, 265, 267. COMMERCE, progress slow in feudal times, 3.--Changed its abode when the magnet rendered navigating the ocean practicable, 4.-- Commercial wealth degrades a nation less than wealth obtained by conquests, 33.--Commercial spirit, its operation on national character, 37.--Commerce with India, the only one in the ancient world, 51.-- How carried on, 52.--Its vicissitudes, the envy it created, quarrels and revolutions it occasioned, 53 to 59.--Of Britain during the last fifteen years; the increase great, but not arising from any permanent cause, 193.--Its dependence on credit, 201. CONSTANTINOPLE shares in the trade of India, 56.--Revolution occasioned partly by the contests about that commerce, 57.--Sunk before the discovery of America, by the conquest of the eastern Empire by the Turks, 68. CONSUMPTION of food regulates the population of a country, 140.-- Its nature and tendency in northern nations, 141, 142, 143.--Requires attention from government, 146. CONQUEST first altered the natural state of the world, 2.--Its first effect to lessen taxes, 35.--Ultimately degrades a nation, ib. CONDUCT in life. See Education. CORN, donations of at Rome, 35.--State of crops in England, 145.-- Impossibility, if it fell much short, to find ships to bring over the quantity wanted, ib.--calculations concerning, 146 to 154. CREDIT necessary to carry on trade extensively, 202, 203. CRUSADES tended to extend civilization and commerce, 45. CUSTOMS, the first great branch of public revenue, 106. CURING herrings, an improvement in the mode of, raised Holland above Flanders, 47. D. DEAD languages. See Education. DECAY. See Decline. DECLINE of nations. Though it cannot be finally prevented, may be considered as if it never were to come on in this Inquiry, 7.--Are of two sorts, 10.--Of the Carthaginians attended with less degradation than that of the Romans, 36.--Mistaken or misrepresented by historians in the instances of Rome and Carthage, 37.--Cause of it amongst the Romans, 39, 40, 41, &c.--Cause of in Flanders, 47.-- General in all nations that had been wealthy at the time of the discovery of the passage to India and of America, 49.--Of the Turkish government, 69.--Occasioned by taxation, 167.--How to be prevented or retarded, 169.--Interior causes may be counteracted, ib.-- In general hastened by the conduct of governments, 171.--Might be otherwise, ib.--Certain causes of, common to all nations, 173.-- External causes of operating on a nation, envy, enmity, &c. 176, 177, 178.--Causes of peculiar to Great Britain, 257, 258, 259, 260. DENMARK. Example of comparative power.--Occasions the Hanseatic League by its piracies, and is afterwards pillaged and nearly ruined by that confederacy, 48. DEPRECIATION of money counteracts the effect of taxation, 114, 115.--Takes place where ever wealth is, 164.--Its effects in dealing with poor nations, 165. DIPLOMACY. The circuitous conduct ascribed to ambassadors, partly necessary and not to be blamed, 186. [end of page #296] DIVISION of land. See Property. DIVISION of property. See Property. DUTCH. See Holland. E. EAST INDIES. See India. EASTERN Empire. See Constantinople. EDUCATION of children in all countries grows worse as a nation grows more wealthy, 90.--Brings on a change of manners, 91.-- Would be better managed if parents were aided by govetnment, =sic= 94.--Cannot be properly taken care of without the aid of government, 95.--In what it consists generally, 96, 97, 98.--Has been in general wrong understood =sic= by writers on it, 98, 99.--Female, its importance, ib.--Has been ill understood and conducted, 100, 101.-- Its importance, 216.--Of the higher classes of society is well enough, 217.--Not so of the lower, ib.--Apprenticeships, their advantages, 218.--To become a good member of society, the end of all education, whatever the rank or situation, 219.--Dr. Smith's opinion about apprenticeships examined, ib. and 220, 221, 222, 223, 224, 225, 226.-- Of females in England badly conducted, 227, 228. EGYPT, one of the first countries settled, 20.--Its fertility, &c. 21.-- Its surplus industry appears to have belonged to the sovereign, 22.-- Shared in the commerce to India at an early period, 51, 52.--Became the chief channel for the trade to India after the founding of Alexandria, 54. ELIZABETH, queen, Spanish armada in her reign not equal to the privateers of our merchants now, 8.--Endeavoured to enrich the country, 118. EMIGRANT ladies, astonishment shewn by them at the little progress made in female education at public schools in this country, 228. ENERGY of those who attack greater than that of they =sic= who defend, 17.--Occasioned by poverty, and necessity the cause of changes and revolution, 19. ENGLAND began to see the advantages of manufactures and commerce very late, 48, 74.--Its form of government a great advantage, 191.--Manners likely to change, 193.--Increase of its trade since 1791, owing to temporary causes, 195.--The American and Russian markets great and increasing, 204.--Envy and enmity excited by its conquests in India, 206.--Effects of taxation on it, 229, 230, 231, 232, 233.--Its national debt, 234 to 246.--Causes of decline peculiar to it, 257 to 260.--Circumstances peculiarly favourable to it, 261 to 270.--Ought not to be envied for its possessions in India 291.-- Owes its wealth chiefly to internal industry, 293. ENVY leads to rivalship in peace and brings on war, 14.--One of the external causes of the fall of nations, 175.--Occasioned the fall of Jerusalem after the death of Solomon, 177.--Excited by the wealth of England, and particularly by its possessions in the east, 206. ESPRIT DE CORPS. See Bodies public and corporate. EUPHRATES. See Syria. EUROPE, wealth and power unequally divided in it, 13.--Division of states, with the population and revenues, illustrated by a statistical chart,190. EXCISE, established long after the customs, 107. EXPENDITURE of England consists chiefly in interest of debt, 233.-- Cannot by any economy be much reduced in time of peace. ib. EXPORTS, chart shewing, 213. EXTERNAL causes of decline, cannot be prevented altogether by internal arrangements, but their effect greatly diminished, 173.--More simple than the internal causes, 175.--Envy and enmity, ib.--Opinion of Mr. Burke, 176, 177, 178.--Causes arising from poor nations having the advantage over rich in all dealings, 179.--High value of money in poorer nations, 182.--Conclusion of exterior causes, 184 to 187. F. FALL. See Decline. FINANCES. See Revenue. FINE arts do not flourish in a very wealthy country, 113.--Very different as to their improvement, from the mechanic arts. FLANDERS enriched by manufactures, 3, 46.--The discovery of a bettar =sic= method of curing herrings by the Dutch is hurtful to it, 47. FLORENCE served as a refuge for the nobles of Rome, when the city was taken by the Goths, 44. FOOD. See Animal Food and Corn. FORCE, human, the superiority it gave nearly done away by the invention of gun-powder, 4. FORESTALLING. See MONOPOLY. FRANCE has, since the revolution, invented new modes of fighting, 31.--Does not resemble Rome, 38.--Its assignats the principal cause of the nature of the revolution, 48.--Its monied capital was sent away when the revolution broke out,163.--Its burthens before the revolution, 169.--It expended great sums in the last war, 189.--It, before the revolution, gained more by the west-India trade than any other nation, 193.--Have now nearly lost it, ib.--Its capital greatly diminished, ib.--Will probably never possess great West-India trade again, 195.--Will never cease to be an enemy to England, 196. FREED men. FREE revenue. See Revenue. FUND, public. See National Debt. FUND, sinking. See National Debt. G. GAMING, though attended with painful sensations, is oftener followed from propensity, as a mode of occupying the mind and interesting it, than from a love of gain, 83. [end of page #297] GENTLEMEN resemble each other pretty nearly in all countries, 218. GEOGRAPHICAL discovery so far as connected with the rise and fall of nations nearly at an end, 12. GENOA, why put with Venice in the chart of commercial history, 56.-- Its greatness, ib.--Loses its superiority, 57.--Its power in the Black- Sea, ib. GOLD. See Money. GOLDEN Age. See Age. GOVERNMENTS ought to aid in the education of the lower and middling classes, 94, 95.--Neglect education in the useful arts, 98.-- Should counteract the internal causes of decline, 172, 173, 187.-- Government of Great Britain should take care of education, 225. GRAIN. See Corn. GREEKS, their education peculiar to themselves, 25.--Studied Egyptian learning, 98, 99. GUN-POWDER changed the art of war, 4. H. HANS Towns rose first to wealth in the north of Europe, 3.--Became formidable towards the end twelfth century, 45.--Arose from the circumstances of the times and necessity.--Became conquerors, 48.-- Began to decline through pride and luxury, 49. HERRINGS, a new mode of curing them, discovered by the Dutch, raised that country, and began to make Flanders decline, 47. HISTORY, an appeal to the best mode of inquiry, 1.--Dr. Robertson's complaint about the scarcity of materials, ib.--Is confused previous to the conquests of Alexander the Great, 20.--Commercial chart of, for 3005 years, 78. HOLLAND compared to the Phoenicians, 46.--New method of curing herrings raised it above Flanders. Great industry and economy, 48.-- Triumph over Spain at home, and Portugal in India, 62, 63, 64, 65.-- Increase in wealth till the end of the seventeenth century, 66.--The best example of overcoming difficulties, ib.--How it began to fall, 67.--How it at last sunk before France, 68. HORSES, there =sic= great consumption of food, 147, 157. HOUSE rent. See Rent. HUME, David, Esq. his errors respecting national debt, though a man of great abilities, 114. I. JAMES I. did not understand the true reason, why the Scotch were greater lovers of liberty in his time than the English, 280. IDLENESS, incompatible with riches in a nation, in every case, but not so with an individual, 82. IMPORTS of, England, chart of, 213. INDIA. Its productions seem to have been the first objects of commerce, 51.--Digression concerning this trade, 51 to 69.--Its trade and possessions excite envy, 193, 194, 195.--Our possessions too great, 197.--Budget, its statement and calculation of sums remitted home, 198.--Has lost the cotton trade notwithstanding the low rate of labour, 200.--Its trade compared with that of the country at large, 206, 207.--A peculiar cause of other nations envying England, 257.-- Ought not to be so, as they produce very little wealth compared with what springs from national industry, 291.--The division of labour, ready methods of working, and inventions produce more wealth than both the Indies, 293. INDIES, West, the trade of, lost to France, 193.--Trade of England to, of a permanent nature, 195.--A cause of envy, 196, 197, 198, 199.-- Ought not to be a cause of envy. INDIVIDUALS, some may live without labour, but all those of a country never can, 82.--Can pay for certain things, for which they cannot provide, 95. INDUSTRY caused by poverty and necessity, 19.--A more permanent source of wealth than any other, 42.--Industry in youth, the great advantage of through life, 84.--Diminishes as wealth increases, 90.--Tends to leave a wealthy nation after a certain time, 161.-- Industry of England, the great support of its wealth, and if other nations were as industrious, each in the way most advantageous, they would be as rich as England, 292. INTERIOR causes of decline enumerated and examined as habits of life and manners, 81 to 93.--Arising from education, 94 to 101. The effects on the people and the government, from 102 to 115.--Arising from public bodies, from 116 to 124.--Arising from unequal division of property and employment of capital, from 125 to 136.--Arising from the produce of the soil, becoming unequal to the consumption, from page 137 to 160.--From the tendency of industry and capital to leave a wealthy country, from 161 to 166.--Conclusion of interior causes, from 166 to 174. INTEREST, compound, its progress, more certain in paying off debts than in accumulating capital, 241. INVENTIONS, three great ones almost totally changed the state of mankind, 4.--Inventions render more capital necessary to commerce, 126.--Is one of the things that renders our superiority in manufactures secure, 202.--A nation that remains stationary will soon be surpassed, 203. JOHNSON, Dr. would have been a greater man if he had lived in a poorer nation, 113. ITALY was unable to supply its inhabitants with food in the splendour of the Roman empire, 43. L. LABOUR, some individuals may, but a nation never [end of page #28] can exist without it, 82.--Division of, produces great wealth. LAND, price of, two centuries ago, and comparison of the profit of purchasing, or lending on interest in a nation increasing in wealth, 130.--Its unequal division discourages industry, 132, 133, 134.--Total amount of rent in England, 153, 154, 155. LANGUAGES, dead. See Education. LAWS better administered in England in criminal than civil cases, 119.--Tend to become more complicated, 123. LAWYERS, their ESPRIT DE CORPS, 120, 121, 122.--Individuals have no means to resist their incroachments, 123.--Government ought to do it, 124. LIVERPOOL fitted out privateers last war, equal in tonnage and men to the Spanish Armada, 8. LOANS. See National Debt. LOCAL situation, one of the causes of wealth, 2.--The discoveries in geography and navigation have changed that with regard to particular nations, LONDON burnt by the Danes, 9.--Rent and taxes heavier than in any other place, 237.--People prefer living in London, where all is dear, to the cheaper parts of England, 238, 239. M. MISERS, never a race of them for three or four generations, 83. MOGUL, the prodigious and rapid decline of his empire, 197. MONEY corrupted every thing at Rome when its decline begun, 46.-- Money to borrow, only to be found in Italy and Flanders, 48.--Let =sic= out at interest, loses; laid out to buy land, gains in a country growing rich, 163.--Its value less in England than any country except America, 165.--Though the best measure of value is not accurate, being different in different countries, 182.--Its great value in poor countries serves to enrich them in dealing with wealthy nations, 183. MONARCHY. See Absolute Monarchy. MONOPOLY not an imaginary evil, 49.--Dr. Smith's opinion contradicted by experience, 150.--Proof of its existence, 151, 152, 153, 154.--Augments rent, and labour, and prices, 153. MONTESQUEU, his mistake relative to Rome and Carthage, 32.-- His opinion of the affairs of Rome, 40. MONTAGUE, chancellor of the exchequer, attended by the lord mayor and sheriffs, went from shop to shop in London to borrow money, 239. MORALS. See Education. MOTHERS. See Education. MACHINERY. See Manufactures. MAHOMEDAN RELIGION, its rapid establishment, 54.--Its effects on the commerce with India, ib. MANNERS greatly corrupted at Rome, 43.--A change in them constantly going on, and tending to bring decline, MANUFACTURES settled early on the shores of the Baltic, 3.-- Those who possess them first, lose them by imitation of others, 14.-- India surpassed in them by England, 63.--In ancient times, only, extended to luxuries for the great and simple necessaries for the poor, 73.--Manufacturers less splendid than merchants, 143.--The working men consume more animal food than the same rank of people in any other nation, 144.--England considered as excelling all other nations for manufacturers =sic=, 200.--The effects of the inventions of the steam engine and spinning machines, 203.--Scarcely any thing sold to the American states, except our own manufactures, 204.--Southern nations cannot rival northerly ones, 210.--Manufactures, and agriculture, more conducive to wealth than commerce, are not the same thing, 209. MEDITERRANEAN, its shores the first abodes of commerce, 3 and 4, 20.--Lost its importance by the discovery of America, the magnet, and the passage to India by the Cape, MERCHANTS less splendid than conquerors and planters, 143.--Can have no rule of conduct in transactions but their own advantage, 181. N. NATIONS, none that ever submitted to pay tribute, ever flourished long, 40.--Enriched by commerce, not so certain to decline as by conquests, 41.--There =sic= situation with respect to wealth and power previous to the discovery of America, 49.--Feeble nations have some advantage in knowing their weakness, 171.--Exterior causes of their decline of less importance than interior ones, 184.--Should consider which is the best object on which to employ their industry, 210, 211.--Their comparative extent, revenues, and population, illustrated by an engraved chart, 213, 214.--Nations of Europe, application of the present inquiry to them, 284. NECESSITY consisting of a desire to supply wants, the cause of industry and wealth, 14.--Necessity ceases its operation on the nation that is risen highest, 15, 16.--Operated very powerfully on the Dutch, 47.--Habit prolongs the action of it, 81.--With young men that can, alone, produce industry, 84.--Less and less on each generation as wealth increases, 85. The consequences of this, 87.--Its operation prolonged to a certain degree by taxation, 239.-- NORTHERN countries most favourable to industry, 44. NILE. See Egypt. P. PALMYRA founded by Solomon, King of Israol =sic=, for the purpose of trading with India, PARIS burnt by the Danes soon after the death of Charlemagne. Prices of bread at, compared with those of London, 150. PARISH-OFFICERS defend themselves against the public at the expense of the public, 122.--Bad administrators, 123, 124.--Rough, vulgar, and a disgrace to the country, 249. PATENTS, laws of, its utility, 200, 201. PETER the Great endeavoured to improve his country, and make his people happy, 118. PITT, Right Hon. W. his estimate of national property, 243, 244. POLAND, causes of its decline, and subjugation, different from that of most other nations, 75. POOR, their wretched state at Rome, 43.--Of England cost six times as much, in proportion, as in Scotland, and fifty times as much in reality, 88.--Increase, as capital becomes necessary for industry, 156.-- Causes of their increase, &c. &c. 157, 158, 159, 160.--Of England, cost more to maintain, than the revenues of many kingdoms, 247.-- Causes, inquired into, and remedy, 248 to 256. POPULATION, 142.--Connected with wealth, and the manner of living, so that a nation may not require to import ordinary food in great quantities 159.--May be considered as diminished in a double ratio as the poor increase, 249. PORTUGAL, 65. POWER in nations, sometimes united with wealth, sometimes not, 7.-- Definition of, 8, 9.--Sought after by the Romans, and most nations, too eagerly, 39.--Quitted Rome when wealth was too great, 36. PRICES of animal and vegetable food; highness of price diminishes consumption, 161.--Those of the late dearth at Paris compared with London, ib.--When known to the corn-dealers, they can combine without any express stipulation, 152, 153.--Rises to that of monopoly as soon as an article of necessity becomes scarce, 154, 155.--Of rent and wages have advanced more within these last twelve years, than in half a century before, 155. PRINCIPLES. See Education. PRIORITY of possession of settlement, or of invention, one of the causes of wealth and power, PRODUCE, indulging in eating animal food renders it unequal to maintaining the population of a country, 138, 139.--Of Italy, inadequate to its population in the time of Augustus, 3.--Easier purchased than raised when a nation is rich, PROPERTY at Rome very unequally divided before its fall, 43.--Has a natural tendency to accumulate in particular hands as a nation gets rich, 125, 126, 127.--Its accumulation and unequal division, one of the causes of decline, 128.--In land, the accumulation is the most dangerous, 129 to 136. PROSPERITY. See Wealth and Power. R. REFORMATION favourable to manufactures and industry, RELIGION, Christian, more favourable than any other to industry and good moral conduct, 264.--Protestant still more favourable than the Roman Catholic, 265, 266, 267. RENT. See Prices. REVENUE of Rome wasted on soldiers and public shews, 43.--Want of, tended to ruin Poland, 75.--Digression concerning, 187, 188, 189, 190.--When it becomes the chief object of, to government, encourages vice, 226. REVOLUTIONS in ancient nations traced, 17, 18, 53, 54, 55.--Of Poland, the account of, 75, 76, 77. ROBINSON, Dr. his complaint about ancient history, 1. ROME, her rise not accidental, but from the most unremitting perseverance, 27.--An account of her conduct in war, and internal policy, 28 to 33.--Lost her purity of manners, neglected agriculture and the arts, when she became rich by her conquests in Asia, and the fall of Carthage, 34, 35.--Became more degraded than ever Carthage was, 36, 37.--Her courts of justice became venal, property divided in a very unequal way, taxes became oppressive, her armies enervated, and she fell, 38, 39, 40. S. SARACENS got possession of Egypt, &c. 44. SCHOOLS. See Education. SINKING Fund, its progress shewn in a stained chart, 215.--Will not immediately diminish the taxes, 241.--When the capital was reimbursed to individuals, part of it would leave the country, 242.--If it completely paid off the debt in time of peace, would be productive of much mischief, ib.--Plan proposed to be substituted for it, 243.--If ever so effectual, its operation in time of war will never obtain credit amongst ourselves, and much less with the enemy, 244, 245, 246. SMITH, Dr. Adam, did not make proper allowance about national debt, 114.--His opinions concerning monopoly, examined, 149, 150.-- His opinion about apprentices, 219. SOLOMON, king of Israel, on terms of friendship with the king of Tyre, 21.--Founded Palmyra for the purpose of trade to India, 25.-- After his death, rivalship in trade, and the envy of the Tyrians, caused them to excite the king of Babylon to besiege Jerusalem, 53. SPAIN, its grand armada not equal to the privateers fitted out at Liverpool during the last war, 8.--Persecutes the Flemings, 47.--The effects of wealth on it, 63.--Its insolence and pride, 64.--And sudden decline, ib.--Wealth made it neglect industry, 65.--Gains great sums by South America, yet is not an object of envy, 292. T. TAXES at Rome, in its decline, became terrible, 40,--41, 42.--Taxes in France taken off while the assignats were creating, 42.--So great at Rome, that the citizens envied the barbarians, 43.--The power of laying on depends on circumstances, 92.--Always increasing, 102.-- Of the American States an exception, 103.--Why collected rigorously, 104.--Those which fall on persons or personal property, the most obnoxious, 105.--Of England, laid on better than in any other nation, 106.--Prolong the action of necessity, and augment industry to a certain point, which, when they pass, they crush it, 107, 108.--Their produce expended on unproductive people, 109, 110, 111.--Are like a rent paid for living in a country, 112 to 115.--In England, their effects, 229 to 233.--Taxes and rent augment industry, 236, 237.--In London, heavier than elsewhere, yet people crowd to London, 238, 239.--If taken off suddenly, would be hurtful, 240 to 244.--For the maintenance of poor, 247 to 256. TRADE--See Commerce. TREATIES, the best observed, have been those founded on equity add =sic= mutual interest, 186. TYRE, early commerce, 21, 23.--Its destruction one of the most permanent effects of Alexander's wars, 24.--Excited the king of Babylon to take Jerusalem, 45. V. VENICE, its greatness, 56, 57. UNITED STATES. See States of America. W. WAGES. See Prices. WAR generally occasioned by envy or rivalship, 14, 175, 219.-- Ought not to be followed to procure wealth, as it is much more easily done by industry, 293. WATT, James Esq. his invention of the steam engine, 203. WEALTH, its definition in contra-distinction to power, 8, 9, 10.-- Diminishes the necessity of industry, 29, 30.--Leaves richer to go into poorer countries, 93.--In England arises from industry, not from foreign possessions, 293, 294. WEST Indies. See Indies, West. Y. YOUTH. See Education. ---> _The reader will observe, on one =sic= of the pages, reference to an Appendix, but the design was altered, from the consideration that readers of history do not require solitary facts, by way of illustration, though such are very easy to be produced._ THE END. -------------------------------------- W. Marchant, Printer, Greville-street. -------------------------------------- ************************************************************** [Transcriber's note: In the original work: --the footnotes are designated by [*] but are here serially numbered for ease of reference; --in some cases the same word is spelt differently in various parts of the text, e.g. controul/control; Hans/Hanse Towns, shew/show (one instance only of the latter) etc. These and other vagaries are reproduced largely without special note. Likewise treated are the numerous examples of the number of the subject not agreeing with that of the verb.] ************************************************************** 
27787	----	THE AMERICAN EMPIRE by SCOTT NEARING Author of "Wages in the United States" "Income" "Financing the Wage-Earner's Family" "Anthracite" "Poverty and Riches," etc. New York The Rand School of Social Science 7 East 15th Street 1921 All rights reserved Copyright, 1921, by the Rand School of Social Science First Edition, January, 1921 Second Edition, February, 1921 CONTENTS PART I WHAT IS AMERICA? CHAPTER PAGE I The Promise of 1776 7 II The Course of Empire 14 PART II THE FOUNDATIONS OF EMPIRE. A. THE CONQUEST OF AMERICA. III Subjugating the Indians 26 IV Slavery for a Race 38 V Winning the West 49 VI The Beginnings of World Dominion 60 B. PLUTOCRACY. VII The Struggle for Wealth and Power 74 VIII Their United States 88 IX The Divine Right of Property 103 PART III MANIFEST DESTINY. X Industrial Empires 120 XI The Great War 143 XII The Imperial Highroad 158 PART IV THE UNITED STATES--A WORLD EMPIRE. XIII The United States as a World Competitor 177 XIV The Partition of the Earth 192 XV Pan-Americanism 202 XVI The American Capitalist and World Empire 218 PART V THE CHALLENGE TO IMPERIALISM. XVII The New Imperial Alignment 229 XVIII The Challenge in Europe 243 XIX The American Worker and World Empire 256 The American Empire I. THE PROMISE OF 1776 1. _The American Republic_ The genius of revolution presided at the birth of the American Republic, whose first breath was drawn amid the economic, social and political turmoil of the eighteenth century. The voyaging and discovering of the three preceding centuries had destroyed European isolation and laid the foundation for a new world order of society. The Industrial Revolution was convulsing England and threatening to destroy the Feudal State. Western civilization, in the birthpangs of social revolution, produced first the American and then the French Republic. Feudalism was dying! Divine right, monarchy, aristocracy, oppression, despotism, tyranny--these and all other devils of the old world order were bound for the limbo which awaits outworn, discredited social institutions. The Declaration of Independence officially proclaimed the new order,--challenging "divine right" and maintaining that "all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed." Life, liberty and happiness were the heritage of the human race, and "whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or abolish it, and to institute a new government laying its foundations on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem likely to effect their safety and happiness." Thus the rights of the people were declared superior to the privileges of the rulers; revolution was justified; and the principles of eighteenth century individualism were made the foundation of the new political state. Aristocracy was swept aside and in its stead democracy was enthroned. 2. _The Yearning for Liberty_ The nineteenth century re-echoed with the language of social idealism. Traditional bonds were breaking; men's minds were freed; their imaginations were kindled; their spirits were possessed by a gnawing hunger for justice and truth. Revolting millions shouted: "Liberty, Equality, Fraternity!" Sages mused; philosophers analyzed; prophets exhorted; statesmen organized toward this end. Men felt the fire of the new order burning in their vitals. It purged them. They looked into the eyes of their fellows and saw its reflection. Dreaming of liberty as a maiden dreams of her lover, humanity awoke suddenly, to find liberty on the threshold. Through the ages mankind has sought truth and justice. Vested interests have intervened. The powers of the established order have resisted, but the search has continued. That eternal vigilance and eternal sacrifice which are the price of liberty, are found wherever human society has left a record. At one point the forces of light seem to be winning. At another, liberty and truth are being ruthlessly crushed by the privileged masters of life. The struggle goes on--eternally. Liberty and justice are ideals that exist in the human heart, but they are none the less real. Indeed, they are in a sense more potent, lying thus in immortal embryo, than they could be as tangible institutions. Institutions are brought into being, perfected, kept past their time of highest usefulness and finally discarded. The hopes of men spring eternally, spontaneously. They are the true social immortality. 3. _Government of the People_ Feudalism as a means of organizing society had failed. The newly declared liberties were confided to the newly created state. It was political democracy upon which the founders of the Republic depended to make good the promise of 1776. The American colonists had fled to escape economic, political and religious tyranny in the mother countries. They had drunk the cup of its bitterness in the long contest with England over the rights of taxation, of commerce, of manufacture, and of local political control. They had their fill of a mastery built upon the special privilege of an aristocratic minority. It was liberty and justice they sought and democracy was the instrument that they selected to emancipate themselves from the old forms of privilege and to give to all an equal opportunity for life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. Political democracy was to place the management of community business in the hands of the people--to give them liberty in the control of public affairs. The highest interest of democracy was to be the interest of the people. There could be no higher interest because the people were supreme. The people were to select the public servants; direct their activities; determine public policy; prescribe the law; demand its enforcement; and if need be assert their superior authority over any part of the government, not excepting the constitution.[1] Democracy, in politics, was based on the idea that public affairs could best be run by the public voice. However expert may be the hand that administers the laws, the hand and the heart that renders the final decision in large questions must belong to the public.[2] The people who laid the foundations for democracy in France and the United States feared tyranny. They and their ancestors had been, for centuries, the victims of governmental despotism. They were on their guard constantly against governmental aggression in any form. And they, therefore, placed the strictest limitations upon the powers that governments should enjoy. Special privilege government was run by a special class,--the hereditary aristocracy--in the interest and for the profit of that class. They held the wealth of the nation--the land--and lived comfortably upon its produce. They never worked--no gentleman could work and remain a gentleman. They carried on the affairs of the court--sometimes well, sometimes badly; maintained an extravagant scale of social life; built up a vicious system of secret international diplomacy; commanded in time of war, and at all times; levied rents and taxes which went very largely to increase their own comfort and better their own position in life. The machinery of government and the profits from government remained in the hands of this one class. Class government from its very nature could not be other than oppressive. "All hereditary government over a people is to them a species of slavery and representative government is freedom." "All hereditary government is in its nature tyranny.... To inherit a government is to inherit the people as if they were flocks and herds."[3] 4. _The Source of Authority_ The people were to be the source of authority in the new state. The citizen was to have a voice because he was an adult, capable of rendering judgment in the selection of public servants and in the determination of public policy. All through history there had been men into whose hands supreme power had been committed, who had carried this authority with an astounding degree of wisdom and integrity. For every one who had comported himself with such wisdom in the presence of supreme authority, there were a score, or more likely a hundred, who had used this power stupidly, foolishly, inefficiently, brutally or viciously. Few men are good enough or wise enough to keep their heads while they hold in their hands unlimited authority over their fellows. The pages of human experience were written full of the errors, failures, and abuses of which such men so often have been guilty. The new society, in an effort to prevent just such transgressions of social well being, placed the final power to decide public questions in the hands of the people. It was not contended, or even hoped that the people would make no mistakes, but that the people would make fewer mistakes and mistakes less destructive of public well-being than had been made under class government. At least this much was gained, that the one who abused power must first secure it from those whom he proposed to abuse, and must later exercise it unrestrained to the detriment of those from whom the power was derived and in whom it still resided. The citizen was to be the source of authority. His word, combined with that of the majority of his fellows, was final. He delegated authority. He assented to laws which were administered over all men, including himself. He accepts the authority of which he was the source. 5. _The American Tradition_ This was the American tradition. This was the language of the new, free world. Life, liberty and happiness; popular sovereignty; equal opportunity. This, to the people of the old countries was the meaning of America. This was the promise of 1776. When President Wilson went to Europe, speaking the language of liberty that is taught in every American schoolroom, the plain people turned to him with supreme confidence. To them he was the embodiment of the spirit of the West. Native-born Americans hold the same idea. To them the Declaration of Independence was a final break with the old order of monarchical, imperial Europe. It was the charter of popular rights and human liberties, establishing once for all the principles of self-government and equal opportunity. The Statue of Liberty, guarding the great port of entrance to America, symbolizes the spirit in which foreigners and natives alike think of her--as the champion of the weak and the oppressed; the guardian of justice; the standard-bearer of freedom. This spirit of America is treasured to-day in the hearts of millions of her citizens. To the masses of the American people America stands to-day as she always stood. They believe in her freedom; they boast of her liberties; they have faith in her great destiny as the leader of an emancipated world. They respond, as did their ancestors, to the great truths of liberty, equality, and fraternity that inspired the eighteenth century. The tradition of America is a hope, a faith, a conviction, a burning endeavor, centering in an ideal of liberty and justice for the human race. Patrick Henry voiced this ideal when, a passionate appeal for freedom being interrupted by cries of "Treason, treason!" he faced the objector with the declaration, "If this be treason, make the most of it!" Eighteenth century Europe, struggling against religious and political tyranny, looked to America as the land of Freedom. America to them meant liberty. "What Athens was in miniature, America will be in magnitude," wrote Tom Paine. "The one was the wonder of the ancient world; the other is becoming the admiration, the model of the present." ("The Rights of Man," Part II, Chapter 3.) The promise of 1776 was voiced by men who felt a consuming passion for freedom; a divine discontent with anything less than the highest possible justice; a hatred of tyranny, oppression and every form of special privilege and vested wrong. They yearned over the future and hoped grandly for the human race. FOOTNOTES: [1] "It is, Sir, the people's constitution, the people's government, made for the people, made by the people, and answerable to the people."--Daniel Webster's reply to Hayne, 1830. "Speeches and Orations." E. P. Whipple, Boston, Little, Brown and Co., p. 257. [2] Tom Paine held ardently to this doctrine, "It is always the interest of a far greater number of people in a Nation to have things right than to let them remain wrong; and when public matters are open to debate, and the public judgment free, it will not decide wrong unless it decides too hastily!" "Rights of Man," Part II, Ch. 4. [3] "Rights of Man," Thomas Paine. Part II, Chapter 3. II. THE COURSE OF EMPIRE 1. _Promise and Fulfillment_ A vast gulf yawns between the inspiring promise that a handful of men and women made to the world in 1776, and the fulfillment of that promise that is embodied in twentieth century American life. The pre-war indifference to the loss of liberty; the gradual encroachments on the rights of free speech, and free assemblage and of free press; the war-time suppressions, tyrannies, and denials of justice; the subsequent activities of city, state, and national legislatures and executives in passing and enforcing laws that provided for military training in violation of conscience, the denial of freedom of belief, of thought, of speech, of press and of assemblage,--activities directed specifically to the negation of those very principles of liberty which have constituted so intimate a part of the American tradition of freedom,--form a contrast between the promise of 1776 and the twentieth century fulfillment of that promise which is brutal in its terrible intensity. Many thoughtful Americans have been baffled by this conflict between the aims of the eighteenth century and the accomplishments of the twentieth. The facts they admit. For explanation, either they may say, "It was the war," implying that with the cessation of hostilities and the return to a peace basis, the situation has undergone a radical change; or else they blame some individual or some organization for the extinction of American liberties. Great consequences arise from great causes. A general break-down of liberties cannot be attributed to individual caprice nor to a particular legislative or judicial act. The denial of liberty in the United States is a matter of large import. No mayor, governor, president, legislature, court, magnate, banker, corporation or trust, and no combination of these individuals and organizations could arbitrarily destroy the American Republic. Underneath personality and partisanship are working the forces which have stripped the American people of their essential liberties as the April sun strips the mountains of their snow. No one can read the history of the United States since the drafting of the Declaration of Independence without being struck by the complete transformation in the forms of American life. The Industrial Revolution which had gripped England for half a century, made itself felt in the United States after 1815. Steam, transportation, industrial development, city life, business organization, expansion across the continent--these are the factors that have made of the United States a nation utterly apart from the nation of which those who signed the Declaration of Independence and fought the Revolution dreamed. These economic changes have brought political changes. The American Republic has been thrust aside. Above its remains towers a mighty imperial structure,--the world of business,--bulwarked by usage and convention; safeguarded by legislation, judicial interpretation, and the whole power of organized society. That structure is the American Empire--as real to-day as the Roman Empire in the days of Julius Caesar; the French Empire under the Little Corporal, or the British Empire of the Great Commoner, William E. Gladstone. Approved or disapproved; exalted or condemned; the fact of empire must be evident even to the hasty observer. The student, tracing its ramifications, realizes that the structure has been building for generations. 2. _The Characteristics of Empire_ Many minds will refuse to accept the term "empire" as applied to a republic. Accustomed to link "empire" with "emperor," they conceive of a supreme hereditary ruler as an essential part of imperial life. A little reflection will show the inadequacy of such a concept. "The British Empire" is an official term, used by the British Government, although Great Britain is a limited monarchy, whose king has less power than the President of the United States. On the other hand, eastern potentates, who exercise absolute sway over their tiny dominions do not rule "empires." Recent usage has given the term "empire" a very definite meaning, which refers, not to an "emperor" but to certain relations between the parts of a political or even of an economic organization. The earlier uses of the word "empire" were, of course, largely political. Even in that political sense, however, an "empire" does not necessarily imply the domain of an "emperor." According to the definition appearing in the "New English Dictionary" wherever "supreme and extensive political dominion" is exercised "by a sovereign state over its dependencies" an empire exists. The empire is "an aggregation of subject territories ruled over by a sovereign state." The terms of the definition are political, but it leaves the emperor entirely out of account and makes an empire primarily a matter of organization and not of personality. During the last fifty years colonialism, the search for foreign markets, and the competition for the control of "undeveloped" countries has brought the words "empire" and "imperialism" into a new category, where they relate, not to the ruler--be he King or Emperor--but to the extension of commercial and economic interests. The "financial imperialism" of F. C. Howe and the "imperialism" of J. A. Hobson are primarily economic and only incidentally political. "Empire" conveys the idea of widespread authority, dominion, rule, subjugation. Formerly it referred to political power; to-day it refers to economic power. In either case the characteristics of empire are,-- 1. Conquered territory. 2. Subject peoples. 3. An imperial or ruling class. 4. The exploitation of the subject peoples and the conquered territory for the benefit of the ruling class. Wherever these four characteristics of imperial organization exist, there is an empire, in all of its essential features. They are the acid-test, by which the presence of empire may be determined. Names count for nothing. Rome was an empire, while she still called herself a republic. Napoleon carried on his imperial activities for years under the authority of Republican France. The existence of an empire depends, not upon the presence of an "emperor" but upon the presence of those facts which constitute Empire,--conquered territory; subject peoples; an imperial class; exploitation by and for this class. If these facts exist in Russia, Russia is an empire; if they are found in Germany, Germany is an empire; if they appear in the United States, the United States is an empire none the less surely,--traditions, aspirations and public conviction to the contrary notwithstanding. 3. _The Preservation of Empire_ The first business of an imperial class is the preservation of the empire to which it owes its advantages and privileges. Therefore, in its very essence, imperialism is opposed to popular government. "The greatest good to the greatest number" is the ideal that directs the life of a self-governing community. "The safety and happiness of the ruling class" is the first principle of imperial organization. Imperialism is so generally recognized and so widely accepted as a mortal foe of popular government that the members of an imperial class, just rising into power, are always careful to keep the masses of the people ignorant of the true course of events. This necessity explains the long period, in the history of many great empires, when the name and forms of democracy were preserved, after the imperial structure had been established on solid foundations. Slow changes, carefully directed and well disguised, are necessary to prevent outraged peoples from rising against an imperial order when they discover how they have been sold into slavery. Even with all of the safeguards, under the control of the ablest statesmen, Caesar frequently meets his Brutus. The love of justice; the yearning for liberty; the sense of fair play; the desire to extend opportunity, all operate powerfully upon those to whom the principles of self-government are dearest, leading them to sacrifice position, economic advantage, and sometimes life itself for the sake of the principles to which they have pledged their faith. Therein lies what is perhaps one of the most essential differences between popular government and empire. The former rests upon certain ideas of popular rights and liberties. The latter is a weapon of exploitation in the hands of the ruling class. Popular government lies in the hopes and beliefs of the people. Empire is the servant of ambition and the shadow of greed. Popular government has been evolved by the human race at an immense sacrifice during centuries of struggle against the forms and ideas that underly imperialism. Since men have set their backs on the past and turned their faces with resolute hope to the future, empire has repelled them, while democracy has called and beckoned. Empires have been made possible by "bread and circuses"; by appealing to an abnormally developed sense of patriotism; by the rule of might where largess and cajolery have failed. Rome, Germany and Britain are excellent examples of these three methods. In each case, millions of citizens have had faith in the empire, believing in its promise of glory and of victory; but on the other hand, this belief could be maintained only by a continuous propaganda--triumphs in Rome, school-books and "boilerplate" in Germany and England. Even then, the imperial class is none too secure in its privileges. Always from the abysses of popular discontent, there arises some Spartacus, some Liebknecht, some Smillie, crying that "the future belongs to the people." The imperial class, its privileges unceasingly threatened by the popular love of freedom--devotes not a little attention to the problem of "preserving law and order" by suppressing those who speak in the name of liberty, and by carrying on a generous advertising campaign, the object of which is to persuade the people of the advantages which they derive from imperial rule. During the earlier stages in the development of empire, the imperial class is able to keep itself and its designs in the background. As time passes, however, the power of the imperialist becomes more and more evident, until some great crisis forces the empire builders to step out into the open. They then appear as the frank apologists, spokesmen and defenders of the order for which they have so faithfully labored and from which they expect to gain so much. Finally, the ambition of some aggressive leader among the imperialists, or a crisis in the affairs of the empire leads to the next step--the appointment of a "dictator," "supreme ruler" or "emperor." This is the last act of the imperial drama. Henceforth, the imperial class divides its attention between,-- 1. The suppression of agitation and revolt among the people at home; 2. Maintaining the imperial sway over conquered territory; 3. Extending the boundaries of the empire and 4. The unending struggle between contending factions of the ruling class for the right to carry on the work of exploitation at home and abroad. 4. _The Price of Empire_ Since the imperial or ruling class is willing to go to any lengths in order to preserve the empire upon which its privileges depend, it follows that the price of empire must be reckoned in the losses that the masses of the people suffer while safeguarding the privileges of the few. As a matter of course, conquered and dependent people pay with their liberty for their incorporation into the empire that holds dominion over them. On any other basis, empire is unthinkable. Indeed the terms "dependencies," "domination," and "subject" carry with them only one possible implication--the subordination or extinction of the liberties of the peoples in question. The imperial class--a minority--depends for its continued supremacy upon the ownership of some form of property, whether this property be slaves, or land, or industrial capital. As Veblen puts it: "The emergence of the leisure class coincides with the beginning of ownership." ("Theory of the Leisure Class," T. Veblen, New York. B. W. Huebsch, 1899, p. 22.) Necessarily, therefore, the imperial class will sacrifice the so-called human or personal rights of the home population to the protection of its property rights. Indeed the property rights come to be regarded as the essential human rights, although there is but a small minority of the community that can boast of the possession of property. The superiority of ruling class property rights over the personal rights and liberties of the inhabitants in a subject territory is taken as a matter of course. Even in the home country, where the issue is clearly made, the imperial class will sacrifice the happiness, the health, the longevity, and the lives of the propertyless class in the interest of "law and order" and "the protection of property." The stories of the Roman populace; of the French peasants under Louis XIV; of the English factory workers (men, women and children) during the past hundred years, and of the low skilled workers in the United States since the Civil War, furnish ample proof of the correctness of this contention. The life, liberty and happiness of the individual citizen is a matter of small importance so long as the empire is saved. A crisis in imperial affairs is always regarded, by the ruling class, as a legitimate reason for curtailing the rights of the people. Under ordinary circumstances, the imperial class will gain rather than lose from the exercise of "popular liberties." Indeed, the exercise of these liberties is of the greatest assistance in convincing the people that they are enjoying freedom and thus keeping them satisfied with their lot. But in a period of turmoil, with men's hearts stirred, and their souls aflamed with conviction and idealism, there is always danger that the people may exercise their "unalienable right" to "alter or abolish" their form of government. Consequently, during a crisis, the imperial class takes temporary charge of popular liberties. Every great empire engaged in the recent war passed through such an experience. In each country the ruling class announced that the war was a matter of life and death. Papers were suppressed or censored; free speech was denied; men were conscripted against will and conscience; constitutions were thrust aside; laws "slumbered"; writers and thinkers were jailed for their opinions; food was rationed; industries were controlled--all in the interest of "winning the war." After the war was won, the victors practiced an even more rigorous suppression while they were "making the peace." Then followed months and years of protests and demands, until, one by one, the liberties were retaken by the people or else the war-tyranny, once firmly established, became a part of "the heritage of empire." In such cases, where liberties were not regained, the plain people learned to do without them. Liberty is the price of empire. Imperialism presupposes that the people will be willing, at any time, to surrender their "rights" at the call of the rulers. 5. _The Universality of Empire_ Imperialism is not new, nor is it confined to one nation or to one race. On the contrary it is as old as history and as wide as the world. Before Rome, there was Carthage. Before Carthage, there were Greece, Macedonia, Egypt, Assyria, China. Where history has a record, it is a record of empire. During modern times, international affairs have been dominated by empires. The great war was a war between empires. During the first three years, the two chief contestants were the British Empire on the one hand and the German Empire on the other. Behind these leaders were the Russian Empire, the Italian Empire, the French Empire, and the Japanese Empire. The Peace of Versailles was a peace between empires. Five empires dominated the peace table--Great Britain, France, Italy, Japan and the United States. The avowedly anti-imperial nations of Europe--Russia and Hungary--were not only excluded from the deliberations of the Peace Table, but were made the object of constant diplomatic, military and economic aggression by the leading imperialist nations. 6. _The Evolution of Empire_ Empires do not spring, full grown, from the surroundings of some great historic crisis. Rather they, like all other social institutions, are the result of a long series of changes that lead by degrees from the pre-imperial to the imperial stage. Many of the great empires of the past two thousand years have begun as republics, or, as they are sometimes called, "democracies," and the processes of transformation from the republican to the imperial stage have been so gradual that the great mass of the people were not aware that any change had occurred until the emperor ascended the throne. The development of empire is of necessity a slow process. There are the dependent people to be subjected; the territory to conquered; the imperial class to be built up. This last process takes, perhaps, more time than either of the other two. Class consciousness is not created in a day. It requires long experience with the exercise of imperial power before the time has come to proclaim an emperor, and forcibly to take possession of the machinery of public affairs. 7. _The United States and the Stages of Empire_ Any one who is familiar with its history will realize at once that the United States is passing through some of the more advanced stages in the development of empire. The name "Republic" still remains; the traditions of the Republic are cherished by millions; the republican forms are almost intact, but the relations of the United States to its conquered territory and its subject peoples; the rapid maturation of the plutocracy as a governing class or caste; the shamelessness of the exploitation in which the rulers have indulged; and the character of the forces that are now shaping public policy, proclaim to all the world the fact of empire. The chief characteristics of empire exist in the United States. Here are conquered territory; subject peoples; an imperial, ruling class, and the exploitation by that class of the people at home and abroad. During generations the processes of empire have been working, unobserved, in the United States. Through more than two centuries the American people have been busily laying the foundations and erecting the imperial structure. For the most part, they have been unconscious of the work that they were doing, as the dock laborer, is ordinarily unconscious of his part in the mechanism of industry. Consciously or unconsciously, the American people have reared the imperial structure, until it stands, to-day, imposing in its grandeur, upon the spot where many of the founders of the American government hoped to see a republic. The entrance of the United States into the war did not greatly alter the character of the forces at work, nor did it in any large degree change the direction in which the country was moving. Rather, it brought to the surface of public attention factors of American life that had been evolving unnoticed, for generations. The world situation created by the war compelled the American imperial class to come out in the open and to occupy a position that, while wholly inconsistent with the traditions of American life, is nevertheless in keeping with the demands of imperial necessity. The ruling class in the United States has taken a logical step and has made a logical stand. The masters of American life have done the only thing that they could do in the interests of the imperial forces that they represent. They are the victims, as much as were the Kaiser and the Czar on the one hand, and the Belgians and the Serbs on the other, of that imperial necessity that knows no law save the preservation of its own most sacred interests. Certain liberal American thinkers have taken the stand that the incidents of 1917-1918 were the result of the failure of the President, and of certain of his advisers, to follow the theories which he had enunciated, and to stand by the cause that he had espoused. These critics overlook the incidental character of the war as a factor in American domestic policy. The war never assumed anything like the importance in the United States that it did among the European belligerents. On the surface, it created a furore, but underneath the big fact staring the administration in the face was the united front of the business interests, and their organized demands for action. The far-seeing among the business men realized that the plutocratic structure the world over was in peril, and that the fate of the whole imperial régime was involved in the European struggle. The Russian Revolution of March 1917 was the last straw. From that time on the entrance of the United States into the war became a certainty as the only means of "saving (capitalist) civilization." The thoughtful student of the situation in the United States is not deceived by personalities and names. He realizes that the events of 1917-1918 have behind them generations of causes which lead logically to just such results; that he is witnessing one phase of a great process in the life of the American nation--a process that is old in its principles yet ever new in its manifestations. Traditional liberties have always given way before imperial necessity. An examination of the situation in which the ruling class of the United States found itself in 1917, and of the forces that were operating to determine public policy, must convince even the enthusiast that the occurrences of 1917 and the succeeding years were the logical outcome of imperial necessity. To what extent that explanation will account for the discrepancy between the promise of 1776 and the twentieth century fulfillment of that promise must appear from a further examination of the evidence. III. SUBJUGATING THE INDIANS 1. _The Conquering Peoples_ The first step in the establishment of empire--the conquest of territory and the subjugation of the conquered populations,--was taken by the people of the United States at the time of their earliest settlements. They took the step naturally, unaffectedly, as became the sons of their fathers. The Spanish, French, and English who made the first settlement in North America were direct descendants of the tribes that have swept across Europe and portions of Asia during the past three or four thousand years. These tribes, grouped on the basis of similarity in language under the general term "Aryan," hold a record of conquest that fills the pages of written history. Hunger; the pressure of surplus population; the inrush of new hordes of invaders, drove them on. Ambition; the love of adventure; the lure of new opportunities in new lands, called them further. Meliorism,--the desire to better the conditions of life for themselves and for their children--animated them. In later years the necessity of disposing of surplus wealth impelled them. Driven, lured, coerced, these Aryan tribes have inundated the earth. Passing beyond the boundaries of Europe, they have crossed the seas into Africa, Asia, America and Australia. Among the Aryans, after bitter strife, the Teutons have attained supremacy. The "Teutonic Peoples" are "the English speaking inhabitants of the British Isles, the German speaking inhabitants of Germany, Austria-Hungary and Switzerland, the Flemish speaking inhabitants of Belgium, the Scandinavian inhabitants of Sweden and Norway and practically all of the inhabitants of Holland and Denmark." ("Encyclopedia Britannica.") This Teutonic domination has been established only by the bitterest of struggles. During the time when North America was being settled, the English dispossessed first the Spanish and later the French. Since the Battle of Waterloo--won by English and German troops; and the Crimean War--won by British against Russian troops--the Teutonic power has gone unchallenged and so it remains to-day. The dominant power in the United States for nearly two centuries has been the English speaking power. Thus the Americans draw their inspiration, not only from the Aryan, but from the English speaking Teutons--the most aggressive and dominating group among the Aryans. Three hundred years ago the title to North America was claimed by Spain, France and Great Britain. The land itself was almost entirely in the hands of Indian tribes which held the possession that according to the proverb, is "nine points of the law." The period of American settlement has witnessed the rapid dispossession of the original holders, until, at the present time, the Indians have less than two per cent of the land area of the United States.[4] The conquest, by the English speaking whites, of the three million square miles which comprise the United States has been accomplished in a phenomenally short space of time. Migration; military occupation; appropriation of the lands taken from the "enemy;" settlement, and permanent exploitation--through all these stages of conquest the country has moved. The "Historical Register of the United States Army" (F. B. Heitman, Washington, Govt. Print., 1903, vol. 2, pp. 298-300) contains a list of 114 wars in which the United States has been engaged since 1775. The publication likewise presents a list of 8600 battles and engagements incident to these 114 wars. Two of these wars were with England, one with Mexico and one with Spain. These, together with the Civil War and the War with Germany, constitute the major struggles in which the United States has been engaged. In addition to these six great wars there were the numerous wars with the Indians, the last of which (with the Chippewa) occurred in 1898. Some of these Indian "wars" were mere policing expeditions. Others, like the wars with the Northwest Indians, with the Seminoles and with the Apaches, lasted for years and involved a considerable outlay of life and money. When the Indian Wars were ended, and the handful of red men had been crushed by the white millions, the American Indians, once possessors of a hunting ground that stretched across the continent, found themselves in reservations, under government tutelage, or else, abandoning their own customs and habits of life, they accepted the "pale-face" standards in preference to their own well-loved traditions. The territory flanking the Mississippi Valley, with its coastal plains and the deposits of mineral wealth, is one of the richest in the world. Only two other areas, China and Russia, can compare with it in resources. This garden spot came into the possession of the English speaking whites almost without a struggle. It was as if destiny had held a door tight shut for centuries and suddenly had opened it to admit her chosen guests. History shows that such areas have almost always been held by one powerful nation after another, and have been the scene of ferocious struggles. Witness the valleys of the Euphrates, the Nile, the Danube, the Po and the Rhine. The barrier of the Atlantic saved North America. Had the Mississippi Valley been in Europe, Asia or Northern Africa, it would doubtless have been blood-soaked for centuries and dominated by highly organized nations, armed to the teeth. Lying isolated, it presented an almost virgin opportunity to the conquering Teutons of Western Europe. Freed by their isolated position from the necessity of contending against outside aggression, the inhabitants of the United States have expended their combative energies against the weaker peoples with whom they came into immediate contact,-- 1. The Indians, from whom they took the land and wrested the right to exploit the resources of the continent; 2. The African Negroes who were captured and brought to America to labor as slaves; 3. The Mexicans, from whom they took additional slave territory at a time when the institution of slavery was in grave danger, and 4. The Spanish Empire from which they took foreign investment opportunities at a time when the business interests of the country first felt the pressure of surplus wealth. Each of these four groups was weak. No one of them could present even the beginnings of an effectual resistance to the onslaught of the conquerors. Each in turn was forced to bow the knee before overwhelming odds. 2. _The First Obstacle to Conquest_ The first obstacle to the spread of English civilization across the continent of North America was the American Indian. He was in possession of the country; he had a culture of his own; he held the white man's civilization in contempt and refused to accept it. He had but one desire,--to be let alone. The continent was a "wilderness" to the whites. To the Indians it was a home. Their villages were scattered from the Atlantic to the Pacific, from the Gulf to Alaska; they knew well its mountains, plains and rivers. A primitive people, supporting themselves largely by hunting, fishing, simple agriculture and such elemental manual arts as pottery and weaving, they found the vast stretches of North America none too large to provide them with the means of satisfying their wants. The ideas of the Indian differed fundamentally from those of the white man. Holding to the Eastern conception which makes the spiritual life paramount, he reduced his material existence to the simplest possible terms. He had no desire for possessions, which he regarded--at the best--as "only means to the end of his ultimate perfection."[5] To him, the white man's desire for wealth was incomprehensible and the white man's sedentary life was contemptible. He must be free at all times to commune with nature in the valleys, and at sunrise and sunset to ascend the mountain peak and salute the Great Spirit. The individual Indian--having no desire for wealth--could not be bribed or bought for gold as could the European. The leaders, democratically selected, and held by the most enduring ties of loyalty to their tribal oaths, were above the mercenary standards of European commerce and statesmanship. Friendly, hospitable, courteous, generous, hostile, bitter, ferocious they were--but they were not for sale. The attitude of the Indian toward the land which the white men coveted was typical of his whole relation with white civilization. "Land ownership, in the sense in which we use the term, was unknown to the Indians till the whites came among them."[6] The land devoted to villages was tribal property; the hunting ground surrounding the village was open to all of the members of the tribe; between the hunting grounds of different tribes there was a neutral territory--no man's land--that was common to both. If a family cultivated a patch of land, the neighbors did not trespass. Among the Indians of the Southwest the village owned the agricultural land and "periodically its governor, elected by popular vote, would distribute or redistribute the arable acres among his constituents who were able to care for them."[7] The Indians believed that the land, like the sunlight, was a gift of the Great Spirit to his children, and they were as willing to part with the one as with the other. They carried their communal ideas still farther. Among the Indians of the Northwest, a man's possessions went at his death to the whole tribe and were distributed among the tribal members. Among the Alaskan Indians, no man, during his life, could possess more than he needed while his neighbor lacked. Food was always regarded as common property. "The rule being to let him who was hungry eat, wherever he found that which would stay the cravings of his stomach."[8] The motto of the Indian was "To each according to his need." Such a communist attitude toward property, coupled with a belief that the land--the gift of the Great Spirit--was a trust committed to the tribe, proved a source of constant irritation to the white colonists who needed additional territory. As the colonies grew, it became more and more imperative to increase the land area open for settlement, and to such encroachments the Indian offered a stubborn resistance. The Indian would not--could not--part with his land, neither would he work, as a slave or a wage-servant. Before such degradation he preferred death. Other peoples--the negroes; the inhabitants of Mexico, Peru and the West Indies; the Hindus and the Chinese--made slaves or servants. The Indian for generations held out stolidly against the efforts of missionaries, farmers and manufacturers alike to convert him into a worker. The Indian could not understand the ideas of "purchase," "sale" and "cash payment" that constitute essential features of the white man's economy. To him strength of limb, courage, endurance, sobriety and personal dignity and reserve were infinitely superior to any of the commercial virtues which the white men possessed. This attitude of the Indian toward European standards of civilization; his indifference to material possessions; his unwillingness to part with the land; and his refusal to work, made it impossible to "assimilate" him, as other peoples were assimilated, into colonial society. The individual Indian would not demean himself by becoming a cog in the white man's machine. He preferred to live and die in the open air of his native hills and plains. The Indian was an intense individualist--trained in a school of experience where initiative and personal qualities were the tests of survival. He placed the soles of his moccasined feet firmly against his native earth, cast his eyes around him and above him and melted harmoniously into his native landscape. Missionaries and teachers labored in vain--once an Indian, always an Indian. The white settlers pushed on across mountain ranges and through valleys. Generations came and went without any marked progress in bringing the white men and the red men together. When the Indian, in the mission or in the government school did become "civilized," he gave over his old life altogether and accepted the white man's codes and standards. The two methods of life were too far apart to make amalgamation possible. 3. _Getting the Land_ The white man must have land! Population was growing. The territory along the frontier seemed rich and alluring. Everywhere, the Indian was in possession, and everywhere he considered the sale of land in the light of parting with a birth-right. He was friendly at first, but he had no sympathy with the standards of white civilization. For such a situation there was only one possible solution. Under the plea that "necessity knows no law" the white man took up the task of eliminating the Indian, with the least friction, and in the most effective manner possible. There were three methods of getting the land away from the Indian--the easiest was by means of treaties, under which certain lands lying along the Atlantic Coast were turned over to the whites in exchange for larger territories west of the Mississippi. The second method was by purchase. The third was by armed conquest. All three methods were employed at some stage in the relations between the whites and each Indian tribe. The experience with the Cherokee Nation is typical of the relation between the whites and the other Indian tribes. (Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. Vol. 5. "The Cherokee Nation," by Charles C. Royce.) The Cherokee nation before the year 1650 was established on the Tennessee River, and exercised dominion over all the country on the east side of the Alleghany Mountains, including the head-waters of the Yadkin, the Catawba, the Broad, the Savannah, the Chattahoochee and the Alabama. In 1775 there were 43 Cherokee towns covering portions of this territory. In 1799 their towns numbered 51. Treaty relations between the whites and the Cherokees began in 1721, when there was a peace council, held between the representatives of 37 towns and the authorities of South Carolina. From that time, until the treaty made with the United States government in 1866, the Cherokees were gradually pushed back from their rich hunting grounds toward the Mississippi valley. By the treaty of 1791, the United States solemnly guaranteed to the Cherokees all of their land, the whites not being permitted even to hunt on them. In 1794 and 1804 new treaties were negotiated, involving additional cessions of land. By the treaty of 1804, a road was to be cut through the Cherokee territory, free for the use of all United States citizens. An agitation arose for the removal of the Cherokees to some point west of the Mississippi River. Some of the Indians accepted the opportunity and went to Arkansas. Others held stubbornly to their villages. Meanwhile white hunters and settlers encroached on their land; white men debauched their women, and white desperadoes stole their stock. By the treaty of 1828 the United States agreed to possess the Cherokees and to guarantee to them forever several millions of acres west of Arkansas, and in addition a perpetual outlet west, and a "free and unmolested use of all the country lying west of the western boundary of the above described limits and as far west as the sovereignty of the United States and their right of soil extend" (p. 229). The Cherokees who had settled in Arkansas agreed to leave their lands within 14 months. By the treaty of 1836 the Cherokees ceded to the United States all lands east of the Mississippi. There was considerable difficulty in enforcing this provision but by degrees most of the Indians were removed west of the river. In 1859 and 1860 the Commissioner of Indian affairs prepared a survey of the Cherokee domain. This was opposed by the head men of the nation. By the Treaty of 1866 other tribes were quartered on land owned by the Cherokees and railroads were run through their territory. Diplomacy, money and the military forces had done their work. The first treaty, made in 1721, found the Cherokee nation in virtual possession of the mountainous regions of Southeastern United States. The twenty-fourth treaty (1866) left them on a tiny reservation, two thousand miles from their former home. Those twenty-four treaties had netted the State and Federal governments 81,220,374 acres of land (p. 378). To-day the Cherokee Nation has 63,211 acres.[9] A great nation of proud, independent, liberty-loving men and women, came into conflict with the whites of the Carolinas and Georgia; with the state and national governments. "For two hundred years a contest involving their very existence as a people has been maintained against the unscrupulous rapacity of Anglo-Saxon civilization. By degrees they were driven from their ancestral domain to an unknown and inhabitable region" (p. 371). Now the contest is ended. The white men have the land. The Cherokees have a little patch of territory; government support; free schools and the right to accept the sovereignty of the nation that has conquered them. The theory upon which the whites proceeded in taking the Indian lands is thus stated by Leupp,--"Originally, the Indians owned all the land; later we needed most of it for ourselves; therefore, it is but just that the Indians should have what is left."[10] 4. _The Triumph of the Whites_ The early white settlers had been, in almost every instance, hospitably or even reverentially welcomed by the Indians, who regarded them as children of the Great White Spirit. During the first bitter winters, it was the Indians who fed the colonists from their supplies of grain; guided them to the better lands, and shared with them their knowledge of hunting, fishing and agriculture. The whites retaliated with that cunning, grasping, bestial ferocity which has spread terror through the earth during the past five centuries. In the early years, when the whites were few and the Indians many, the whites satisfied themselves by debauching the red men with whiskey and bribing them with baubles and trinkets. At the same time they made offensive and defensive alliances with them. The Spanish in the South; the French in the North and the English between, leagued themselves with the various tribes, supplied them with gunpowder and turned them into mercenaries who fought for hire. Heretofore the Indian had been a free man, fighting his wars and feuds as free men have done time out of mind. The whites hired him as a professional soldier and by putting bounties on scalps, plying the Indians with whiskey and inciting them by every known device, they converted them into demons. There is no evidence to show that up to the advent of the white men the Indian tribes did any more fighting among themselves than the nobles of Germany, the city states of Italy or the other inhabitants of western Europe. Indeed there has recently been published a complete translation of the "Constitution of the Five Nations," a league to enforce peace which the Indians organized about the year 1390, A. D.[11] This league which had as its object the establishment of the "Great Peace" was built upon very much the same argument as that advanced for the League of Nations of 1919. When the whites first came to North America, the Indians were a formidable foe. For years they continued to be a menace to the lonely settler or the frontier village. But when the white settlers were once firmly established, the days of uncertainty were over, and the Indians were brushed aside as a man brushes aside a troublesome insect. Their "uprisings" and "wars" counted for little or nothing. They were inferior in numbers; they were poorly armed and equipped; they had no reserves upon which to draw; there was no organization among the tribes in distant portions of the country. The white millions swept onward. The Indian bands made a stand here and there but the tide of white civilization overwhelmed them, smothered them, destroying them and their civilization together. The Indians were the first obstacle to the building of the American Empire. Three hundred years ago the whole three million square miles that is now the United States was theirs. They were the American people. To-day they number 328,111 in a population of 105,118,467 and the total area of their reservations is 53,489 square miles. (Statistical Abstract of the U. S., 1918, pp. 8 and 776.) FOOTNOTES: [4] The total number of square miles in Indian Reservations in 1918 was 53,490 as against 241,800 square miles in 1880. (Statistical Abstract of the United States, 1918, p. 8.) [5] "The Indian of To-day," C. A. Eastman. New York, Doubleday, 1915, p. 4. [6] "The Indian and His Problem," F. E. Leupp. New York, Scribners, 1910, p. 23. [7] Ibid., p. 24. [8] Ibid., p. 10. [9] "Referring to your inquiry of November 20, 1919, concerning the Cherokee Indian Reservation, you are advised that the Cherokee Indian country in the northeastern part of Oklahoma aggregated 4,420,068 acres. "Of said area 4,346,223 acres have been allotted in severalty to the enrolled members of said Cherokee Indian Nation, Oklahoma. Twenty-two thousand eight hundred and eighty acres were disposed of as town lots, or reserved for railway rights of way, churches, schools, cemeteries, etc., and the remaining area has been sold, or otherwise disposed of as provided by law. "The Cherokee tribal land in Oklahoma with the exception of the possible title of said Nation to certain river beds has been disposed of. "In reference to the Eastern band of Cherokees, you are advised that said Indians who have been incorporated hold title in fee to certain land in North Carolina, known as the Qualla Reservation and certain other lands, aggregating 63,211 acres."--Letter from the Office of Indian Affairs. Dec. 9, 1919, "In re Cherokee land." [10] "The Indian and His Problem," F. E. Leupp. New York, Scribners, 1910, p. 24. [11] See Bulletin 184, New York State Museum, Albany, 1916, p. 61. IV. SLAVERY FOR A RACE 1. _The Labor Shortage_ The American colonists took the land which they required for settlement from the Indians. The labor necessary to work this land was not so easily secured. The colonists had set themselves the task of establishing European civilization upon a virgin continent. In order to achieve this result, they had to cut the forests; clear the land; build houses; cultivate the soil; construct ships; smelt iron, and carry on a multitude of activities that were incidental to setting up an old way of life in a new world. The one supreme and immediate need was the need for labor power. From the earliest days of colonization there had been no lack of harbors, fertile soil, timber, minerals and other resources. From the earliest days the colonists experienced a labor shortage. The labor situation was trebly difficult. First, there was no native labor; second, passage from Europe was so long and so hazardous that only the bold and venturesome were willing to attempt it, and third, when these adventurers did reach the new world, they had a choice between taking up free land and working it for themselves and taking service with a master. Men possessing sufficient initiative to leave an old home and make a journey across the sea were not the men to submit themselves to unnecessary authority when they might, at will, become masters of their own fortunes. The appeal of a new life was its own argument, and the newcomers struck out for themselves. Throughout the colonies, and particularly in the South where the plantation culture of rice and tobacco, and later of cotton, called for large numbers of unskilled workers, the labor problem was acute. The abundance of raw materials and fertile land; the speedy growth of industry in the North and of agriculture in the South; the generous profits and expanding markets created a labor demand which far outstripped the meager supply,--a demand that was met by the importation of black slaves from Africa. 2. _The Slave Coast_ The "Slave Coast" from which most of the Negroes came was discovered by Portuguese navigators, who were the first Europeans to venture down the West coast of Africa, and, rounding the "lobe" of the continent, to sail East along the "Gold Coast." The trade in gold and ivory which sprang up as a result of these early explorations led other nations of Europe to begin an eager competition which eventually brought French, Dutch, German, Danish and English commercial interests into sharp conflict with the Portuguese. Ships sailing from the Gold Coast for home ports made a practice of picking up such slaves as they could easily secure. By 1450 the number reaching Portugal each year was placed at 600 or 700.[12] From this small and quite incidental beginning there developed a trade which eventually supplied Europe, the West Indies, North America and South America with black slaves. Along the "Slave Coast," which extended from Cape Verde on the North to Cape St. Martha on the South, and in the hinterland there lived Negroes of varying temperaments and of varying standards of culture. Some of them were fierce and warlike. Others were docile and amenable to discipline. The former made indifferent slaves; the latter were eagerly sought after. "The Wyndahs, Nagoes and Pawpaws of the Slave Coast were generally the most highly esteemed of all. They were lusty and industrious, cheerful and submissive."[13] The natives of the Slave Coast had made some notable cultural advances. They smelted metals; made pottery; wove; manufactured swords and spears of merit; built houses of stone and of mud, and made ornaments of some artistic value. They had developed trade with the interior, taking salt from the coast and bartering it for gold, ivory and other commodities at regular "market places." The native civilization along the West coast of Africa was far from ideal, but it was a civilization which had established itself and which had made progress during historic times. It was a civilization that had evolved language; arts and crafts; tribal unity; village life, and communal organization. This native African civilization, in the seventeenth, eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries was confronted by an insatiable demand for black slaves. The conflicts that resulted from the efforts to supply that demand revolutionized and virtually destroyed all that was worthy of preservation in the native culture. When the whites first went to the Slave Coast there was comparatively little slavery among the natives. Some captives, taken in war; some debtors, unable to meet their obligations, and some violators of religious rites, were held by the chief or the headman of the tribe. On occasion he would sell these slaves, but the slave trade was never established as a business until the white man organized it. The whites came, and with guile and by force they persuaded and compelled the natives to permit the erection of forts and of trading posts. From the time of the first Portuguese settlement, in 1482, the whites began their work with rum and finished it with gun-powder. Rum destroyed the stamina of the native; gun-powder rendered his intertribal wars more destructive. These two agencies of European civilization combined, the one to degenerate, the other to destroy the native tribal life. The traders, adventurers, buccaneers and pirates that gathered along the Slave Coast were not able to teach the natives anything in the way of cruelty, but they could and did give them lessons in cunning, trickery and double dealing. Early in the history of the Gold Coast the whites began using the natives to make war on commercial rivals. In one famous instance, "the Dutch had instigated the King of Fetu to refuse the Assins permission to pass through his territory. These people used to bring a great deal of gold to Cape Coast Castle (English), and the Dutch hoped in this way to divert the trade to their own settlements. The King having complied and plundered some of the traders on the way down, the Assins declared war against him and were assisted by the English with arms and ammunition. The King of Sabol was also paid to help them, and the allied army (20,000 strong) inflicted a crushing defeat on the Fetus."[14] On another occasion, the Dutch were worsted in a war with some of the native tribes. Realizing that if they were to maintain themselves on the Coast they must raise an army as quickly as possible, they approached the Fetus and bargained with them to take the field and fight the Komendas until they had utterly exterminated them, on payment of $4,500. But no sooner had this arrangement been made than the English paid the Fetus an additional $4,500 to remain neutral![15] Before 1750, when the competition for the slaves was less keen, and the supply came nearer to meeting the demand, the slavers were probably as honest in this as they were in any other trade with the natives. The whites encouraged and incited the native tribes to make war upon one another for the benefit of the whites. The whites fostered kidnaping, slavery and the slave trade. The natives were urged to betray one another, and the whites took advantage of their treachery. During the four hundred years that the African slave trade was continued, it was the whites who encouraged it; fostered it; and backed it financially. The slave trade was a white man's trade, carried on under conditions as far removed from the conditions of ordinary African life as the manufacturing and trading of Europe were removed from the manufacturing and trading of the Africans. 3. _The Slave Trade_ With the pressing demand from the Americas for a generous supply of black slaves, the business of securing them became one of the chief commercial activities of the time. "The trade bulked so large in the world's commerce in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries that every important maritime community on the Atlantic sought a share, generally with the sanction and often with the active assistance of its respective sovereign."[16] The catching, holding and shipping of Negroes on the African coast was the means by which the demand for slaves was met. With a few minor exceptions, the whites did not engage directly in slave catching. In most instances they bought their slaves from native brokers who lived in the coast towns. The brokers, in turn, received their slaves from the interior, where they were captured during wars, by professional raiding parties, well supplied with arms and ammunition. Slave-catching, begun as a kidnaping of individuals, developed into a large-scale traffic that provided the revenue of the more war-like natives. Villages were attacked and burned, and whole tribes were destroyed or driven off to the slave-pens on the coast. After 1750, for nearly a hundred years, the demand for slaves was so great and the profits were so large that no pains were spared to secure them. The Slave Coast native was compelled to choose between being a slave-catcher or a slave. As a slave-catcher he spread terror and destruction among his fellows, seized them and sold them to white men. As a slave he made the long journey across the Atlantic. The number of slaves carried away from Africa is variously estimated. Claridge states that "the Guinea Coast as a whole supplied as many as from 70,000 to 100,000 yearly" in 1700.[17] Bogart estimates the number of slaves secured as 2,500 per year in 1700; 15,000 to 20,000 per year from 1713 to 1753; in 1771, 47,000 carried by British ships alone; and in 1768 the slaves shipped from the African coast numbered 97,000.[18] Add to these numbers those who were killed in the raids; those who died in the camps, where the mortality was very high, and those who committed suicide. The total represents the disturbing influence that the slave trade introduced into the native African civilization. In the early years of the trade the ships were small and carried only a few hundred Negroes at most. As the trade grew, larger and faster ships were built with galleries between the decks. On these galleries the blacks were forced to lie with their feet outboard--ironed together, two and two, with the chains fastened to staples in the deck. "They were squeezed so tightly together that the average space allowed to each one was but 16 inches by five and a half feet."[19] The galleries were frequently made of rough lumber, not tightly joined. Later, when the trade was outlawed, the slaves were stowed away out of sight on loose shelves over the cargo. "Where the 'tween decks space was two feet high or more, the slaves were stowed sitting up in rows, one crowded into the lap of another, and with legs on legs, like rider on a crowded toboggan." (Spears, p. 71.) There they stayed for the weeks or the months of the voyage. "In storms the sailors had to put on the hatches and seal tight the openings into the infernal cesspool." (Spears, p. 71.) The odor of a slaver was often unmistakable at a distance of five miles down wind. The terrible revolt of the slaves in the West Indies, beginning in 1781, gave the growing anti-slavery sentiment an immense impetus. It also gave the slave owners pause. The cotton-gin had not yet been invented. Slavery was on a shifty economic basis in the South. Great Britain passed the first law to limit the slave trade in 1788; the United States outlawed the trade in 1794. In 1824 Great Britain declared the slave trade piracy. During these years, and during the years that followed, until the last slaver left New York Harbor in 1863, the trade continued under the American flag, in swift, specially constructed American-built ships. As the restrictions upon the trade became more severe in the face of an increasing demand for slaves, "the fitting out of slavers developed into a flourishing business in the United States, and centered in New York City." _The New York Journal of Commerce_ notes in 1857 that "down-town merchants of wealth and respectability are extensively engaged in buying and selling African Negroes, and have been, with comparatively little interruption for an indefinite number of years." A writer in the _Continental Monthly_ for January, 1862, says:--"The city of New York has been until of late the principal port of the world for this infamous commerce; although the cities of Boston and Portland, are only second to her in distinction." During the years 1859-1860 eighty-five slavers are reported to have fitted out in New York Harbor and these ships alone had a capacity to transport from 30,000 to 60,000 slaves a year.[20] The merchants of the North pursued the slave trade so relentlessly because it paid such enormous profits on the capital outlay. Some of the voyages went wrong, but the trade, on the whole, netted immense returns. At the end of the eighteenth century a good ship, fitted to carry from 300 to 400 slaves, could be built for about $35,000. Such a ship would make a clear profit of from $30,000 to $100,000 in a single voyage. Some of them made as many as five voyages before they became so foul that they had to be abandoned.[21] While some voyages were less profitable than others, there was no avenue of international trade that offered more alluring possibilities. Sanctioned by potentates, blessed by the church, and surrounded with the garments of respectability, the slave trade grew, until, in the words of Samuel Hopkins (1787), "The trade in human species has been the first wheel of commerce in Newport, on which every other movement in business has depended.... By it the inhabitants have gotten most of their wealth and riches." (Spears, p. 20.) After the vigorous measures taken by the British Government for its suppression, the slave trade was carried on chiefly in American-built ships; officered by American citizens; backed by American capital, and under the American flag. The slave trade was the business of the North as slavery was the business of the South. Both flourished until the Proclamation of Emancipation in 1863. 4. _Slavery in the United States_ Slavery and the slave trade date from the earliest colonial times. The first slaves in the English colonies were brought to Jamestown in 1619 by a Dutch ship. The first American-built slave ship was the _Desire_, launched at Marblehead in 1636. There were Negro slaves in New York as early as 1626, although there were only a few hundred slaves in the colonies prior to 1650. Since slave labor is economical only where the slaves can be worked together in gangs, there was never much slavery among the farmers and small business men of the North. On the other hand, in the South, the developing plantation system made it possible for the owner to use large gangs of slaves in the clearing of new land; in the raising of tobacco, and in caring for rice and cotton. The plantation system of agriculture and the cotton gin made slavery the success that it was in the United States. "The characteristic American slave, indeed, was not only a Negro, but a plantation workman."[22] The opening years of the nineteenth century found slavery intrenched over the whole territory of the United States that lay South of the Mason and Dixon line. In that territory slave trading and slave owning were just as much a matter of course as horse trading and horse owning were a matter of course in the North. "Every public auctioneer handled slaves along with other property, and in each city there were brokers, buying them to sell again, and handling them on commission."[23] The position of the broker is indicated in the following typical bill of sale which was published in Charleston, S. C., in 1795. "Gold Coast Negroes. On Thursday, the 17th of March instant, will be exposed to public sale near the exchange ... the remainder of the cargo of negroes imported in the ship _Success_, Captain John Conner, consisting chiefly of likely young boys and girls in good health, and having been here through the winter may be considered in some degree seasoned to the climate."[24] Such a bill of sale attracted no more attention at that time than a similar bill advertising cattle attracts to-day. During the early colonial days, the slaves were better fed and provided for than were the indentured servants. They were of greater money value and, particularly in the later years when slavery became the mainstay of Southern agriculture, a first class Negro, acclimated, healthy, willing and trustworthy, was no mean asset. Toward the end of the eighteenth century slavery began to show itself unprofitable in the South. The best and most accessible land was exhausted. Except for the rice plantations of South Carolina and Georgia, slavery was not paying. The Southern delegates to the Constitutional Convention, with the exception of the delegates from these states, were prepared to abolish the slave trade. Some of them were ready to free their own slaves. Then came the invention of the cotton gin and the rise of the cotton kingdom. The amount of raw cotton consumed by England was 13,000 bales in 1781; 572,000 bales in 1820; and 3,366,000 bales in 1860. During that period, the South was almost the sole source of supply. The attitude of the South, confronted by this wave of slave prosperity, underwent a complete change. Her statesmen had consented, between 1808 and 1820, to severe restrictive laws directed towards the slave trade. After cotton became king, slaves rose rapidly in price; land, once used and discarded, was again brought under cultivation; cotton-planting spread rapidly into the South and Southwest; Texas was annexed; the Mexican War was fought; an agitation was begun for the annexation of Cuba, and Calhoun (1836) declared that he "ever should regret that this term (piracy) had been applied" to the slave trade in our laws.[25] The change of sentiment corresponded with the changing value of the slaves. Phillips publishes a detailed table of slave values in which he estimates that an unskilled, able-bodied young slave man was worth $300 in 1795; $500 to $700 in 1810; $700 to $1200 to in 1840; and $1100 to $1800 in 1860.[26] The factors which resulted in the increased slave prices were the increased demand for cotton, the increased demand for slaves, and the decrease in the importation of negroes due to the greater severity of the prohibitions on the slave trade. 5. _Slavery for a Race_ The American colonists needed labor to develop the wilderness. White labor was scarce and high, so the colonists turned to slave labor performed by imported blacks. The merchants of the North built the ships and carried on the slave trade at an immense profit. The plantation owners of the South exploited the Negroes after they reached the states. The continuance of the slave trade and the provision of a satisfactory supply of slaves for the Southern market depended upon slave-catching in Africa, which, in turn, involved the destruction of an entire civilization. This work of destruction was carried forward by the leading commercial nations of the world. During nearly 250 years the English speaking inhabitants of America took an active part in the business of enslaving, transporting and selling black men. These Americans--citizens of the United States--bought stolen Negroes on the African coast; carried them against their will across the ocean; sold them into slavery, and then, on the plantations, made use of their enforced labor. Both slavery and the slave trade were based on a purely economic motive--the desire for profit. In order to satisfy that desire, the American people helped to depopulate villages,--to devastate, burn, murder and enslave; to wipe out a civilization, and to bring the unwilling objects of their gain-lust thousands of miles across an impassable barrier to alien shores. FOOTNOTES: [12] "History of the Gold Coast," W. W. Claridge. London, Murray, 1915, vol. I, p. 39. [13] "American Negro Slavery," U. B. Phillips. New York, Appleton, 1908, p. 43. [14] "A History of the Gold Coast," W. W. Claridge. London, Murray, 1915, vol. I, p. 144. [15] Ibid., p. 150. [16] "American Negro Slavery," U. B. Phillips. New York, Appleton, 1918, p. 20. [17] "History of the Gold Coast," W. W. Claridge. London, Murray, 1915, vol. I, p. 172. [18] "Economic History of the U. S.," E. L. Bogart. New York, Longmans, 1910 ed., p. 84-5. [19] "The American Slave Trade," J. R. Spears. New York, Scribners, 1901, p. 69. [20] "The Suppression of the American Slave Trade," W. E. B. DuBois. New York, Longmans, 1896, p. 178-9. [21] "The American Slave Trade," J. R. Spears. New York, Scribners, 1901, p. 84-5. [22] "American Negro Slavery," U. B. Phillips. New York, Appleton, 1918, p. VII. [23] Ibid., p. 190. [24] Ibid., p. 40. [25] Benton, "Abridgment of Debates." XII, p. 718. [26] "American Negro Slavery," U. B. Phillips. New York, Appleton, 1918, p. 370. V. THE WINNING OF THE WEST 1. _Westward, Ho!_ The English colonists in America occupied only the narrow strip of country between the Alleghanies and the Atlantic Ocean. The interior was inhabited by the Indians, and claimed by the French, the Spanish and the British, but neither possession nor legal title carried weight with the stream of pioneers that was making a path into the "wilderness," crying its slogan,--"Westward, Ho!" as it moved toward the setting sun. The first objective of the pioneers was the Ohio Valley; the second was the valley of the Mississippi; the third was the Great Plains; the fourth was the Pacific slope, with its golden sands. Each one of these objectives developed itself out of the previous conquest. The settlers who made their way across the mountains into the valley of the Ohio, found themselves in a land of plenty. The game was abundant; the soil was excellent, and soon they were in a position to offer their surplus products for sale. These products could not be successfully transported across the mountains, but they could be floated down the Ohio and the Mississippi--a natural roadway to the sea. But beside the Indians, who claimed all of the land for their own, there were the Spaniards at New Orleans, doing everything in their power to prevent the American Colonists from building up a successful river commerce. The frontiersmen were able to push back the Indians. The Spanish garrisons presented a more serious obstacle. New Orleans was a well fortified post that could be provisioned from the sea. Behind it, therefore, lay the whole power of the Spanish fleet. The right of navigation was finally obtained in the Treaty of 1795. Still friction continued with the Spanish authorities and serious trouble was averted only by the transfer of Louisiana, first to the French (1800) and then by them to the United States (1803). Napoleon had agreed, when he secured this territory from the Spaniards, not to turn it over to the United States. A pressing need of funds, however, led him to strike an easy bargain with the American government which was negotiating for the control of the mouth of the Mississippi. Napoleon insisted that the United States take, not only the mouth of the river, but also the territory to the West which he saw would be useless without this outlet. After some hesitation, Jefferson and his advisers accepted the offer and the Louisiana Purchase was consummated. The Louisiana Purchase gave the young American nation what it needed--a place in the sun. The colonists had taken land for their early requirements from the Indians who inhabited the coastal plain. They had enslaved the Negroes and thus had secured an ample supply of cheap labor. Now, the pressure of population, and the restless, pioneer spirit of those early days, led out into the West. Until 1830 immigration was not a large factor in the increase of the colonial population, but the birth-rate was prodigious. In the closing years of the eighteenth century, Franklin estimated that the average family had eight children. There were sections of the country where the population doubled, by natural increase, once in 23 years. Indeed, the entire population of the United States was increasing at a phenomenal rate. The census of 1800 showed 5,308,483 persons in the country. Twenty years later the population was 9,638,453--an increase of 81 per cent. By 1840 the population was reported as 17,069,453--an increase of 77 per cent over 1820, and of 221 per cent over 1800. The small farmers and tradesmen of the North were settling up the Northwest Territory. The plantation owners of the South, operating on a large scale, and with the wasteful methods that inevitably accompany slavery, were clamoring for new land to replace the tracts that had been exhausted by constant recropping with no attempt at fertilization. Cotton had been enthroned in the South since the invention of the cotton gin in 1792. With the resumption of European trade relations in 1815 the demand for cotton and for cotton lands increased enormously. There was one, and only one logical way to meet this demand--through the possession of the Southwest. 2. _The Southwest_ The pioneers had already broken into the Southwest in large numbers. While Spain still held the Mississippi, there were eager groups of settlers pressing against the frontier which the Spanish guarded so jealously against all comers. The Louisiana Purchase met the momentary demand, but beyond the Louisiana Purchase, and between the settlers and the rich lands of Texas lay the Mexican boundary. The tide of migration into this new field hurled itself against the Mexican border in the same way that an earlier generation had rolled against the frontier of Louisiana. The attitude of these early settlers is described with sympathetic accuracy by Theodore Roosevelt. "Louisiana was added to the United States because the hardy backwoods settlers had swarmed into the valleys of the Tennessee, the Cumberland and the Ohio by hundreds of thousands.... Restless, adventurous, hardy, they looked eagerly across the Mississippi to the fertile solitudes where the Spaniard was the nominal, and the Indian the real master; and with a more immediate longing they fiercely coveted the Creole provinces at the mouth of the river."[27] This fierce coveting could have only one possible outcome--the colonists got what they wanted. The speed with which the Southwest rushed into prominence as a factor in national affairs is indicated by its contribution to the cotton-crop. In 1811 the states and territories from Alabama and Tennessee westward produced one-sixteenth of the cotton grown in the United States. In 1820 they produced a third; in 1830, a half; and by 1860, three-quarters of the cotton raised. At the same time, the population of the Alabama-Mississippi territory was:-- 200,000 in 1810. 445,000 in 1820. 965,000 in 1830. 1,377,000 in 1840. Thus thirty years saw an increase of nearly seven-fold in the population of this region.[28] Meanwhile, slavery had become the issue of the day. The slave power was in control of the Federal Government, and in order to maintain its authority, it needed new slave states to offset the free states that were being carved out of the Northwest. Here were three forces--first the desire of the frontiersmen for "elbow room"; second the demand of King Cotton for unused land from which the extravagant plantation system might draw virgin fertility and third, the necessity that was pressing the South to add territory in order to hold its power. All three forces impelled towards the Southwest, and it was thither that population pressed in the years following 1820. 3. _Texas_ Mexico lay to the Southwest, and therefore Mexico became the object of American territorial ambitions. The district now known as Texas had constituted a part of the Louisiana Purchase (1803); had been ceded to Spain (1819); had been made the object of negotiations looking towards its purchase in 1826; had revolted against Mexico and been recognized as an independent state in 1835. Texas had been settled by Americans who had secured the permission of the Mexican Government to colonize. These settlers made no effort to conceal their opposition to the Mexican Government, with which they were entirely out of sympathy. Many of them were seeking territory in which slavery might be perpetuated, and they introduced slaves into Texas in direct violation of the Mexican Constitution. The Americans did not go to Texas with any idea of becoming Mexican subjects; on the contrary, as soon as they felt themselves strong enough, they declared their independence of Mexico, and began negotiations for the annexation of Texas to the United States. The Texan struggle for independence from Mexico was cordially welcomed in all parts of the United States, but particularly in the South. Despite the protests of Mexico, public meetings were held; funds were raised; volunteers were enlisted and equipped, and supplies and munitions were sent for the assistance of the Texans in ships openly fitted out in New Orleans. No sooner had the Texans established a government than the campaign for annexation was begun. The advocates of annexation--principally Southerners--argued in favor of adding so rich and so logical a prize to the territory of the United States, citing the purchase of Louisiana and of Florida as precedents. Their opponents, first on constitutional grounds and then on grounds of public policy, argued against annexation. Opinion in the South was greatly aroused. Despite the fact that many of her foremost statesmen were against annexation, some of the Southern newspapers even went so far as to threaten the dissolution of the Union if the treaty of ratification failed to pass the Senate. The campaign of 1844 was fought on the issue of annexation and the election of James K. Polk was a pledge that Texas should be annexed to the United States. During the campaign, the line of division on annexation had been a party line--Democrats favoring; Whigs opposing. Between the election and the passage of the joint resolution by which annexation was consummated, it became a sectional issue,--Southern Whigs favoring annexation and Northern Democrats opposing it. So strong was the protest against annexation, that the treaty could not command the necessary two-thirds vote in the Senate. The matter was disposed of by the passage of a joint resolution (March 1, 1845) which required only a majority vote in both houses of Congress. President Polk therefore took office with the mandate of the country and the decision of both houses of the retiring Congress, in favor of annexation. Mexico, in the meantime, had offered to recognize the independence of Texas and to make peace with her if the Texas Congress would reject the joint resolution, and refuse the proffered annexation. This the Texas Congress refused, and with the passage, by that body, of an act providing for annexation, the Mexican minister was withdrawn from Washington, and Mexico began her preparations for war. President Polk had taken office with the avowed intention of buying California from Mexico. The rupture threatened to prevent him from carrying this plan into effect. He therefore sent an unofficial representative to Mexico in an effort to restore friendly relations. Failing in that, he and his advisers determined upon war as the only feasible method of obtaining California and of settling the diplomatic tangle involved in the annexation of Texas. 4. _The Conquest of Mexico_ The Polk Administration made the Mexican War as a part of its expansionist policy. "Although that unfortunate country (Mexico) had officially notified the United States that the annexation of Texas would be treated as a cause of war, so constant were the internal quarrels in Mexico that open hostilities would have been avoided had the conduct of the Administration been more honorable. That was the opinion of Webster, Clay, Calhoun, Benton, and Tyler.... Mexico was actually goaded on to war. The principle of the manifest destiny of this country was invoked as a reason for the attempt to add to our territory at the expense of Mexico."[29] After the annexation of Texas it became the duty of the United States to defend that state against the threatened Mexican invasion. Mexican troops had occupied the southern bank of the Rio Grande. General Zachary Taylor with a small force, moved to a position on the Nueces River. Between the two rivers lay a strip of territory the possession of which was one of the sources of dispute between Mexico and Texas. What followed may be stated in the words of one of the officers who participated in the expedition: "The presence of the United States troops on the edge of the territory farthest from the Mexican settlements was not sufficient to provoke hostilities. We were sent to provoke a fight, but it was essential that Mexico begin it" (p. 41). "Mexico showing no willingness to come to the Nueces to drive the invaders from her soil, it became necessary for the 'invaders' to approach to within a convenient distance to be struck. Accordingly, preparations were begun for moving the army to the Rio Grande, to a point near Matamoras. It was desirable to occupy a position near the largest center of population possible to reach without actually invading territory to which we set up no claim whatever" (p. 45).[30] The occupation, by the United States troops, of the disputed territory soon led to a clash in which several United States soldiers were killed. The incident was taken by the President as a sufficient cause for the declaration of a state of war. The House complied readily with his wishes, passing the necessary resolution. Several members of the Senate begged for a delay during which the actual state of affairs might be ascertained. The President insisted, however, and the war was declared (May 13, 1846). The declaration of war was welcomed with wild enthusiasm in the South. Meetings were called; funds were raised; volunteers were enlisted, equipped and despatched in all haste to the scene of the conflict. The North was less eager. There were protests, petitions, demonstrations. Many of the leaders of northern opinion took a public stand against the war. But the news of the first victories sent the country mad with an enthusiasm in which the North joined the South. The United States troops, during the Mexican War, won brilliant--almost unbelievable successes--against superior forces and in the face of immense natural obstacles. Had the war been less of a military triumph there must have been a far more widely-heard protest from Polk's enemies in the North. Successful beyond the wildest dreams of its promoters, the victorious war carried its own answer to those who questioned the worthiness of the cause. Within two years, the whole of Mexico was under the military control of the United States, and that country was in a position to dictate its own terms. The demands of the United States were mild to the extent of generosity. Under the treaty the annexation of Texas was validated; New Mexico and Upper California were ceded to the United States; the lower Rio Grande was fixed as the southern boundary of Texas, and in considerations of these additions to its territory, the United States agreed to pay Mexico fifteen millions of dollars. Under this plan, Mexico was paid for territory that she did not need and could not use, while the United States gave a money consideration for the title to land that was already hers by right of conquest, and of which she was in actual possession. The details of the treaty are relatively unimportant. The outstanding fact is that Mexico was in possession of certain territory that the ruling power in the United States wanted, and that ruling power took what it wanted by force of arms. "The war was one of conquest in the interest of an institution." It was "one of the most unjust ever waged by a stronger against a weaker nation."[31] Congressman A. P. Gardner of Massachusetts summarized the matter very pithily in his debate with Morris Hillquit (New York, April 2, 1915), "We assisted Texas to get away from Mexico and then we proceeded to annex Texas. Plainly and bluntly stated, our purpose was to get some territory for American development." (Stenographic report in the _New York Call_, April 11, 1915.) 5. _Conquering the Conquered_ The work of conquering the Southwest was not completed by the termination of the war. Mexico ceded the territory--in the neighborhood of a million square miles--but she was giving away something that she had never possessed. Mexico claimed title to land that was occupied by the Indians. She had never conquered it; never settled it; never developed it. Her sovereignty was of the same shadowy sort that Spain had exercised over the country before the Mexican revolution. The new owners of the Southwest had a very different purpose in mind. No empty title would satisfy them. They intended to use the land. The Indians--already in possession--resented the encroachments of the invaders, but they fared no better than the Mexicans, or than their red-skinned brothers who had contended for the right to fish and hunt along their home streams in the Appalachians. The Indians of the Southwest fought stubbornly, but the wars that meant life and death to them were the merest pastime for an army that had just completed the humiliation of a nation of the size and strength of Mexico. The Indians were swept aside, and the country was opened to the trapper, the prospector, the trader and the settler. The Mexican War was a slight affair, involving a relatively small outlay in men and money. The total number of American soldiers killed in the war was 1,721; the wounded were 4,102; the deaths from accident and disease were 11,516, making total casualties of 5,823 and total losses of 15,618.[32] The money cost of the Mexican War--the army and navy appropriations for the years 1846 to 1849 inclusive--was $119,624,000. Obviously the net cost of the war was less than this gross total,--how much less it is impossible to say. No satisfactory figures are available to show the cost in men and money of the Indian Wars in the Southwest. "From 1849 to 1865, the government expended $30,000,000 in the subjugation of the Indians in the territories of New Mexico and Arizona."[33] Their character may be gauged by noting from the "Historical Register" (Vol. 2, p. 281-2) the losses sustained in the four Indian Wars of which a record is preserved. In the Northwest Indian Wars (1790 to 1795) 896 persons were killed and 436 were wounded; in the Seminole War (1817 to 1818) 46 were killed and 36 were wounded; in the Black Hawk War (1831-2) the killed were 26 and the wounded 39; in the Seminole War (1835-1842) 383 were killed and 557 wounded. These were among the most serious of the Indian Wars and in all of them the cost in life and limb was small. Judged on this standard, the losses in the Southwest, during the Indian Wars, were, at most, trifling. The total outlay that was involved in the conquest of the vast domain would not have covered one first class battle of the Great War, and yet this outlay added to the territory of the United States something like a million square miles containing some of the richest and most productive portions of the earth's surface. This domain was won by a process of military conquest; it was taken from the Mexicans and the Indians by force of arms. In order to acquire it, it was necessary to drive whole tribes from their villages; to burn; to maim; to kill. "St. Louis, New Orleans, St. Augustine, San Antonio, Santa Fe and San Francisco are cities that were built by Frenchmen and Spaniards; we did not found them but we conquered them." "The Southwest was conquered only after years of hard fighting with the original owners" (p. 26). "The winning of the West and the Southwest is a stage in the conquest of a continent" (p. 27). "This great westward movement of armed settlers was essentially one of conquest, no less than of colonization" (p. 370).[34] None of the possessors of this territory were properly armed or equipped for effective warfare. All of them fell an easy prey to the organized might of the Government of the United States. FOOTNOTES: [27] "The Winning of the West," Theodore Roosevelt. New York, Putnam's, 1896, vol. 4, p. 262. [28] "American Negro Slavery," U. B. Phillips. New York, Appleton, 1918, pp. 171-2. [29] "History of the United States," James F. Rhoades. New York, Macmillan, 1906, vol. I, p. 87. [30] "Personal Memoirs," U. S. Grant. New York, Century, 1895, vol. I. [31] "Personal Memoirs," U. S. Grant. New York, Century, 1895, vol. I, pp. 115 and 32. [32] "Historical Register of the United States Army," F. B. Heitman. Washington, Govt. Print., vol. 2, p. 282. [33] "The Story of New Mexico," Horatio O. Ladd. Boston, D. Lothrop Co., 1891, p. 333. [34] "The Winning of the West," Theodore Roosevelt. Vol. I, p. 26, 27, and Vol. II, p. 370. VI. THE BEGINNINGS OF WORLD DOMINION 1. _The Shifting of Control_ During the half century that intervened between the War of 1812 and the Civil War of 1861 the policy of the United States government was decided largely by men who came from south of the Mason and Dixon line. The Southern whites,--class-conscious rulers with an institution (slavery) to defend,--acted like any other ruling class under similar circumstances. They favored Southward expansion which meant more territory in which slavery might be established. The Southerners were looking for a place in the sun where slavery, as an institution, might flourish for the profit and power of the slave-holding class. Their most effective move in this direction was the annexation of Texas and the acquisition of territory following the Mexican War. An insistent drive for the annexation of Cuba was cut short by the Civil War. Southern sentiment had supported the Louisiana Purchase of 1803 and the Florida Purchase of 1819. From Jefferson's time Southern statesmen had been advocating the purchase of Cuba. Filibustering expeditions were fitted out in Southern ports with Cuba as an objective; agitation was carried on, inside and outside of Congress; between 1850 and 1861 the acquisition of Cuba was the question of the day. It was an issue in the Campaign of 1853. In 1854 the American ministers to London, France and Madrid met at the direction of the State Department and drew up a document (the "Ostend Manifesto") dealing with the future of Cuba. McMaster summarizes the Manifesto in these words: "The United States ought to buy Cuba because of its nearness to our coast; because it belonged naturally to that great group of states of which the Union was the providential nursery; because it commanded the mouth of the Mississippi whose immense and annually growing trade must seek that way to the ocean, and because the Union could never enjoy repose, could never be secure, till Cuba was within its boundaries." (Vol. viii, pp. 185-6.) If Spain refused to sell Cuba it was suggested that the United States should take it. The Ostend Manifesto was rejected by the State Department, but it was a good picture of the imperialistic sentiment at that time abroad among certain elements in the United States. The Cuban issue featured in the Lincoln-Douglas Debates in 1858. It was hotly discussed by Congress in 1859. Only twenty years had passed since the United States, by force of arms, had taken from Mexico territory that she coveted. Now it was proposed to appropriate territory belonging to Spain. The outbreak of hostilities deferred the project, and when the Civil War was over, the slave power was shattered. From that time forward national policy was guided by the leaders of the new industrial North. The process of this change was fearfully wasteful. The shifting of power from the old régime to the new cost more lives and a greater expenditure of wealth than all of the wars of conquest that had been fought during the preceding half century. The change was complete. The slaves were liberated by Presidential Proclamation. The Southern form of civilization--patriarchal and feudal--disappeared, and upon its ruins--rapidly in the West; slowly in the South--there arose the new structure of an industrial civilization. The new civilization had no need to look outward for economic advantage. Forest tracts, mineral deposits and fertile land afforded ample opportunity at home. It was three thousand miles to the Pacific and at the end of the journey there was gold! The new civilization therefore turned its energies to the problem of subduing the continent and of establishing the machinery necessary to provide for its vastly increasing needs. A small part of the capital required for this purpose came from abroad. Most of it was supplied at home. But the events involved in opening up the territory west of the Rockies, of spanning the country with steel, and providing outlets for the products of the developing industries were so momentous that even the most ambitious might fulfill his dreams of conquest without setting foot on foreign soil. Territorial aggrandizement was forgotten, and men turned with a will to the organization of the East and the exploration and development of the West. The leaders of the new order found time to take over Alaska (1868) with its 590,884 square miles. The move was diplomatic rather than economic, however, and it was many years before the huge wealth of Alaska was even suspected. 2. _Hawaii_ The new capitalist interests began to feel the need of additional territory toward the end of the nineteenth century. The desirable resources of the United States were largely in private hands and most of the available free land had been pre-empted. Beside that, there were certain interests, like sugar and tobacco, that were looking with longing eyes toward the tempting soil and climate of Hawaii, Porto Rico and Cuba. When the South had advocated the annexation of Texas, its statesmen had been denounced as expansionists and imperialists. The same fate awaited the statesmen of the new order who were favoring the extension of United States territory to include some of the contiguous islands that offered special opportunities for certain powerful financial interests. The struggle began over the annexation of Hawaii. After numerous attempts to annex Hawaii to the United States a revolution was finally consummated in Honolulu in 1893. At that time, under treaty provisions, the neutrality of Hawaii was guaranteed by the United States. Likewise, "of the capital invested in the islands, two-thirds is owned by Americans." This statement is made in "Address by the Hawaiian Branches of the Sons of the American Revolution, the Sons of Veterans, and the Grand Army of the Republic to their compatriots in America Concerning the Annexation of Hawaii." (1897.) These advocates of annexation state in the same address that: "The revolution (of 1893) was not the work of filibusterers and adventurers, but of the most conservative and law-abiding citizens, of the principal tax-payers, the leaders of industrial enterprises, etc." The purpose behind the revolution seemed clear. Certain business men who had sugar and other products to sell in the United States, believed that they would gain, financially, by annexation. They engineered the revolution of 1893 and they were actively engaged in the agitation for annexation that lasted until the treaty of annexation was confirmed by the United States in 1898. The matter was debated at length on the floor of the United States Senate, and an investigation revealed the essential facts of the case. The immediate cause of the revolution in 1893 was friction over the Hawaiian Constitution. After some agitation, a "Committee of Safety" was organized for the protection of life and property on the islands. Certain members of the Hawaiian government were in favor of declaring martial law, and dealing summarily with the conspirators. The Queen seems to have hesitated at such a course because of the probable complications with the government of the United States. The _U. S. S. Boston_, sent at the request of United States Minister Stevens to protect American life and property in the Islands, was lying in the harbor of Honolulu. After some negotiations between the "Committee of Safety" and Minister Stevens, the latter requested the Commander of the _Boston_ to land a number of marines. This was done on the afternoon of January 16, 1893. Immediately the Governor of the Island of Oahu and the Minister of Foreign Affairs addressed official communications to the United States Minister, protesting against the landing of troops "without permission from the proper authorities." Minister Stevens replied, assuming full responsibility. On the day following the landing of the marines, the Committee of Safety, under the chairmanship of Judge Dole, who had resigned as Justice of the Supreme Court of Hawaii in order to accept the Chairmanship of the Committee, proceeded to the government building, and there, under cover of the guns of the United States Marines, who were drawn up for the purpose of protecting the Committee against possible attack, a proclamation was read, declaring the abrogation of the Hawaiian monarchy, and the establishment of a provisional government "to exist until terms of union with the United States have been negotiated and agreed upon." Within an hour after the reading of this proclamation, and while the Queen and her government were still in authority, and in possession of the Palace, the Barracks, and the Police Station, the United States Minister gave the Provisional Government his recognition. The Queen, who had 500 soldiers in the Barracks, was inclined to fight, but on the advice of her counselors, she yielded "to the superior force of the United States of America" until the facts could be presented at Washington, and the wrong righted. Two weeks later, on the first of February, Minister Stevens issued a proclamation declaring a protectorate over the islands. This action was later repudiated by the authorities at Washington, but on February 15, President Harrison submitted a treaty of annexation to the Senate. The treaty failed of passage, and President Cleveland, as one of his first official acts, ordered a complete investigation of the whole affair. The Senate Committee on Foreign Relations submitted a report on the matter February 26, 1894. Four members referred to the acts of Minister Stevens as "active, officious and unbecoming participation in the events which led to the revolution." All members of the committee agreed that his action in declaring a protectorate over the Islands was unjustified. The same kind of a fight that developed over the annexation of Texas now took place over the annexation of Hawaii. A group of senators, of whom Senator R. F. Pettigrew was the most conspicuous figure, succeeded in preventing the ratification of the annexation treaty until July 7, 1898. Then, ten weeks after the declaration of the Spanish-American War, under the stress of the war-hysteria, Hawaii was annexed by a joint resolution of Congress. The Annexation of Hawaii marks a turning point in the history of the United States. For the first time, the American people secured possession of territory lying outside of the mainland of North America. For the first time the United States acquired territory lying within the tropics. The annexation of Hawaii was the first imperialistic act after the annexation of Texas, more than fifty years before. It was the first imperialistic act since the capitalists of the North had succeeded the slave-owners of the South as the masters of American public life. 3. _The Spanish-American War_ The real test of the imperial intentions of the United States came with the Spanish-American War. An old, shattered world empire (Spain) held Porto Rico, Cuba and the Philippines. Porto Rico and Cuba were of peculiar value to the sugar and tobacco interests of the United States. They were close to the mainland, they were enormously productive and, furthermore, Cuba contained important deposits of iron ore. Spain had only a feeble grip on her possessions. For years the natives of Cuba and of the Philippines had been in revolt against the Spanish power. At times the revolt was covert. Again it blazed in the open. The situation in Cuba was rendered particularly critical because of the methods used by the Spanish authorities in dealing with the rebellious natives. The Spaniards were simply doing what any empire does to suppress rebellion and enforce obedience, but the brutalities of imperialism, as practiced in Cuba by the Spaniards, gave the American interventionists their opportunity. Day after day the newspapers carried front page stories of Spanish atrocities in Cuba. Day after day the ground was prepared for open intervention in the interests of the oppressed Cubans. There was more than grim humor in the instructions which a great newspaper publisher is reported to have sent his cartoonist in Cuba,--"You provide the pictures; we'll furnish the war." The conflict was precipitated by the blowing up of the United States battleship _Maine_ as she lay in the harbor of Havana (February 15, 1898). It has not been settled to this day whether the _Maine_ was blown up from without or within. At the time it was assumed that the ship was blown up by the Spanish, although "there was no evidence whatever that any one connected with the exercise of Spanish authority in Cuba had had so much as guilty knowledge of the plans made to destroy the _Maine_" (p. 270), and although "toward the last it had begun to look as if the Spanish Government were ready, rather than let the war feeling in the United States put things beyond all possibility of a peaceful solution, to make very substantial concessions to the Cuban insurgents and bring the troubles of the Island to an end" (p. 273-4).[35] Congress, in a joint resolution passed April 20, 1898, declared that "the people of the Island of Cuba are, and of right ought to be, free and independent.... The United States hereby disclaims any intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction or control over said island except for the pacification thereof, and asserts its determination, when that is accomplished, to leave the government and control of the island to its people." The war itself was of no great moment. There was little fighting on land, and the naval battles resulted in overwhelming victories for the American Navy. The treaty, ratified February 6, 1899, provided that Spain should cede to the United States Guam, Porto Rico, Cuba and the Philippines, and that the United States should pay to Spain twenty millions of dollars. As in the case of the Mexican War, the United States took possession of the territory and then paid a bonus for a clear title. The losses in the war were very small. The total number of men who were killed in action and who died of wounds was 289; while 3,949 died of accidents and disease. ("Historical Register," Vol. 2, p. 187.) The cost of the war was comparatively slight. Hostilities lasted from April 21, 1898 to August 12, 1898. The entire military and naval expense for the year 1898 was $443,368,000; for the year 1899, $605,071,000. Again the need for a larger place in the sun had been felt by the people of the United States and again the United States had won immense riches with a tiny outlay in men and money. Now came the real issue,--What should the United States do with the booty? There were many who held that the United States was bound to set the peoples of the conquered territory free. To be sure the specific pledge contained in the joint resolution of April 20, 1898, applied to Cuba alone, but, it was argued, since the people of the Philippines had also been fighting for liberty, and since they had come so near to winning their independence from the Spaniards, they were likewise entitled to it. On the other hand, the advocates of annexation insisted that it was the duty of the United States to accept the responsibilities (the "white man's burden") that the acquisition of these islands involved. As President McKinley put it:--"The Philippines, like Cuba and Porto Rico, were entrusted to our hands by the providence of God." (President McKinley, Boston, February 16, 1899.) How was the country to avoid such a duty? Thus was the issue drawn between the "imperialists" and the "anti-imperialists." The imperialists had the machinery of government, the newspapers, and the prestige of a victorious and very popular war behind them. The anti-imperialists had half a century of unbroken tradition; the accepted principles of self-government; the sayings of men who had organized the Revolution of 1776; written the Declaration of Independence; held exalted offices and piloted the nation through the Civil War. The imperialists used their inside position. The anti-imperialists appealed to public opinion. They organized a league "to aid in holding the United States true to the principles of the Declaration of Independence. It seeks the preservation of the rights of the people as guaranteed to them by the Constitution. Its members hold self-government to be fundamental, and good government to be but incidental. It is its purpose to oppose by all proper means the extension of the sovereignty of the United States over subject peoples. It will contribute to the defeat of any candidate or party that stands for the forcible subjugation of any people." (From the declaration of principle printed on the literature in 1899 and 1900.) Anti-imperialist conferences were held in New York, Philadelphia, Chicago, Indianapolis, Boston and other large cities. The League claimed to have half a million members. An extensive pamphlet literature was published, and every effort was made to arouse the people of the country to the importance of the decision that lay before them. The imperialists said a great deal less than their opponents, but they were more effective in their efforts. The President had said, in his message to Congress (April 1, 1898), "I speak not of forcible annexation, for that cannot be thought of. That, by our code of morals, would be criminal aggression." The phrase was seized eagerly by those who were opposing the annexation of the Spanish possessions. After the war with Spain had begun, the President changed front on the ground that destiny had placed a responsibility upon the American people that they could not shirk. Taking this view of the situation, the President had only one course open to him--to insist upon the annexation of the Philippines, Porto Rico and Guam. This was the course that was followed, and on April 11, 1899, these territories were officially incorporated into the United States. Senator Hoar, in a speech on January 9, 1899, put the issue squarely. He described it as "a greater danger than we have encountered since the Pilgrims landed at Plymouth--the danger that we are to be transformed from a republic, founded on the Declaration of Independence, guided by the counsels of Washington, into a vulgar, commonplace empire, founded upon physical force." Cuba remained to be disposed of. With the specific guarantee of independence contained in the joint resolution passed at the outbreak of the war, it seemed impossible to do otherwise than to give the Cubans self-government. Many influential men lamented the necessity, but it was generally conceded. But how much independence should Cuba have? That question was answered by the passage of the Cuban Treaty with the "Platt Amendment" attached. Under the treaty as ratified the United States does exercise "sovereignty, jurisdiction and control" over the island. 4. _The Philippines_ The territory acquired from Spain was now, in theory, disposed of. Practically, the Philippines remained as a source of difficulty and even of political danger. The people of Cuba were, apparently, satisfied. The Porto Ricans had accepted the authority of the United States without question. But the Filipinos were not content. If the Cubans were to have self-government, why not they? The situation was complicated by the peculiar relations existing between the Filipinos and the United States Government. Immediately after the declaration of war with Spain the United States Consul-General at Singapore had cabled to Admiral Dewey at Hong Kong that Aguinaldo, leader of the insurgent forces in the Philippines, was then at Singapore, and was ready to go to Hong Kong. Commodore Dewey cabled back asking Aguinaldo to come at once to Hong Kong. Aguinaldo left Singapore on April 26, 1898, and, with seventeen other revolutionary Filipino chiefs, was taken from Hong Kong to Manila in the United States naval vessel _McCulloch_. Upon his arrival in Manila, he at once took charge of the insurgents. For three hundred years the inhabitants of the Philippines had been engaged in almost incessant warfare with the Spanish authorities. In the spring of 1898 they were in a fair way to win their independence. They had a large number of men under arms--from 20,000 to 30,000; they had fought the Spanish garrisons to a stand-still, and were in practical control of the situation. Aguinaldo was furnished with 4,000 or 5,000 stands of arms by the American officials, he took additional arms from the Spaniards and he and his people coöperated actively with the Americans in driving the Spanish out of Luzon. The Filipino army captured Iloilo, the second largest city in the Philippines, without the assistance of the Americans. On the day of the surrender of Manila, 15½ miles of the surrounding line was occupied by the Filipinos and 600 yards by the American troops. Throughout the early summer, the relations between the Filipinos and the Americans continued to be friendly. General Anderson, in command of the American Army, wrote a letter to the commander of the Filipinos (July 4, 1898) in which he said,--"I desire to have the most amicable relations with you and to have you and your people coöperate with us in military operations against the Spanish forces." During the summer the American officers called upon the Filipinos for supplies and information and accepted their coöperation. Aguinaldo, on his part, treated the Americans as deliverers, and in his proclamations referred to them as "liberators" and "redeemers." The Filipinos, at the earliest possible moment, organized a government. On June 18 a republic was proclaimed; on the 23rd the cabinet was announced; on the 27th a decree was published providing for elections, and on August 6th an address was issued to foreign governments, announcing that the revolutionary government was in operation, and was in control of fifteen provinces. The real intent of the Americans was foreshadowed in the instructions handed by President McKinley to General Wesley Merritt on May 19, 1898. General Merritt was directed to inform the Filipinos that "we come not to make war upon the people of the Philippines, nor upon any party or faction among them, but to protect them in their homes, in their employments, and in their personal and religious rights. Any persons who, either by active aid or by honest submission, coöperate with the United States in its effort to give effect to this beneficent purpose, will receive the reward of its support and protection." The Filipinos sent a delegation to Paris to lay their claims for independence before the Peace Commission. Meeting with no success, they visited Washington, with no different result. They were not to be free! On September 8, 1898, General Otis, commander of the American forces in the Philippines, notified Aguinaldo that unless he withdrew his forces from Manila and its suburbs by the 15th "I shall be obliged to resort to forcible action." On January 5, 1899, by Presidential Proclamation, McKinley ordered that "The Military Government heretofore maintained by the United States in the city, harbor, and bay of Manila is to be extended with all possible dispatch to the whole of the ceded territory." On February 4, 1899, General Otis reported "Firing upon the Filipinos and the killing of one of them by the Americans, leading to return fire." (Report up to April 6, 1899.) Then followed the Philippine War during which 1,037 Americans were killed in action or died of wounds; 2,818 were wounded, and 2,748 died of disease. ("Historical Register," Vol. II, p. 293.) The Philippines were conquered twice--once in a contest with Spain (in coöperation with the Filipinos, who regarded themselves as our allies), and once in a contest with the Filipinos, the native inhabitants, who were made subjects of the American Empire by this conquest.[36] 5. _Imperialism Accepted_ The Philippine War was the last political episode in the life of the American Republic. From February 4, 1899, the United States accepted the political status of an Empire. Hawaii had been annexed at the behest of the Hawaiian Government; Porto Rico had been occupied as a part of the war strategy and without any protest from the Porto Ricans. The Philippines were taken against the determined opposition of the natives, who continued the struggle for independence during three bitter years. The Filipinos were fighting for independence--fighting to drive invaders from their soil. The United States authorities had no status in the Philippines other than that of military conquerors. Continental North America was occupied by the whites after a long struggle with the Indian tribes. This territory was "conquered"--but it was contiguous--it formed a part of a geographic unity. The Philippines were separated from San Francisco by 8,000 miles of water; geographically they were a part of Asia. They were tropical in character, and were inhabited by tribes having nothing in common with the American people except their common humanity. Nevertheless, despite non-contiguity; despite distance; despite dissimilarity in languages and customs, the soldiers of the United States conquered the Filipinos and the United States Government took control of the islands, acting in the same way that any other empire, under like circumstances, unquestionably would have acted. There was no strategic reason that demanded the Philippines unless the United States desired to have an operating base near to the vast resources and the developing markets of China. As a vantage point from which to wage commercial and military aggression in the Far East, the Philippines may possess certain advantages. There is no other excuse for their conquest and retention by the United States save the economic excuse of advantages to be gained from the possession of the islands themselves. The end of the nineteenth century saw the end of the Republic about which men like Jefferson and Lincoln wrote and dreamed. The New Century marked the opening of a new epoch--the beginning of world dominion for the United States. FOOTNOTES: [35] "A History of the American People," Woodrow Wilson. New York, Harpers, 1902, Vol. V, pp. 273-4. [36] For further details on the Philippine problem see Senate Document 62, Part I, 55th Congress, Third Session. VII. THE STRUGGLE FOR WEALTH AND POWER 1. _Economic Foundations_ The people of the United States, through their contests with the American Indians, the Mexicans and the Filipinos, have established that "supreme and extensive political domination" which is one of the chief characteristics of empire. But the American Empire does not rest upon a political basis. Only the most superficial portions of its superstructure are political in character. Imperialism in the United States, as in every other modern country, is built not upon politics, but upon industry. The struggle between empires has shifted, in recent years, from the political and the military to the economic field. The old imperialism was based on military conquest and political domination. The new "financial" imperialism is based on economic opportunities and advantages. Under this new régime, territorial domination is subordinated to business profit. While American public officials were engaged in the routine task of extending the political boundaries of the United States, the foundations of imperial strength were being laid by the masters of industrial life--the traders, manufacturers, bankers, the organizers of trusts and of industrial combinations. These owners and directors of the nation's wealth have been the real builders of the American Empire. As the United States has developed, the economic motives have come more and more to the surface, until no modern nation--not England herself--has such a record in the search for material possessions. The pursuit of wealth, in the United States, has been carried forward ruthlessly; brutally. "Anything to win" has been the motto. Man against man, and group against group, they have struggled for gain,--first, in order to "get ahead;" then to accumulate the comforts and luxuries, and last of all, to possess the immense power that goes with the control of modern wealth. The early history of the country presaged anything but this. The colonists were seeking to escape tyranny, to establish justice and to inaugurate liberty. Their promises were prophetic. Their early deeds put the world in their debt. Forward looking people everywhere thrilled at the mention of the name "America." Then came the discovery of the fabulous wealth of the new country; the pressure of the growing stream of immigrants; the heaping up of riches; the rapacious search after more! more! the desertion of the dearest principles of America's early promise, and the transcribing of another story of "economic determinism." Until very recent times the American people continued to talk of political affairs as though they were the matters of chief public concern. The recent growth and concentration of economic power have showed plainly, however, that America was destined to play her greatest rôle on the economic field. Capable men therefore ceased to go into politics and instead turned their energies into the whirl of business, where they received a training that made them capable of handling affairs of the greatest intricacy and magnitude. 2. _Every Man for Himself_ The development of American industry, during the hundred years that began with the War of 1812, led inevitably to the unification of business control in the hands of a small group of wealth owners. "Every man for himself" was the principle that the theorists of the eighteenth century bequeathed to the industrial pioneers of the nineteenth. The philosophy of individualism fitted well with the temperament and experience of the English speaking peoples; the practice of individualism under the formula "Every man for himself" seemed a divine ordination for the benefit of the new industry. The eager American population adopted the slogan with enthusiasm. "Every man for himself" was the essence of their frontier lives; it was the breath of the wilderness. But the idea failed in practice. Despite the assurances of its champions that individualism was necessary to preserve initiative and that progress was impossible without it, like many another principle--fine sounding in theory, it broke down in the application. The first struggle that confronted the ambitious conqueror of the new world was the struggle with nature. Her stores were abundant, but they must be prepared for human use. Timber must be sawed; soil tilled; fish caught; coal mined; iron smelted; gold extracted. Rivers must be bridged; mountains spanned; lines of communication maintained. The continent was a vast storehouse of riches--potential riches. Before they could be made of actual use, however, the hand of man must transform them and transport them. These necessary industrial processes were impossible under the "every man for himself" formula. Here was a vast continent, with boundless opportunities for supplying the necessaries and comforts of life--provided men were willing to come together; divide up the work; specialize; and exchange products. Coöperation--alone--could conquer nature. The basis of this coöperation proved to be the machine. Its means was the system of production and transportation built upon the use of steam, electricity, gas, and labor saving appliances. When the United States was discovered, the shuttle was thrown by hand; the hammer was wielded by human arm; the mill-stones were turned by wind and water; the boxes and bales were carried by pack-animals or in sailing vessels,--these processes of production and transportation were conducted in practically the same way as in the time of Pharaoh or of Alexander the Great. A series of discoveries and inventions, made in England between 1735 and 1784, substituted the machine for the tool; the power of steam for the power of wind, water or human muscle; and set up the factory to produce, and the railroad and the steamboat to transport the factory product. American industry, up to 1812, was still conducted on the old, individualistic lines. Factories were little known. Men worked singly, or by twos and threes in sheds or workrooms adjoining their homes. The people lived in small villages or on scattered farms. Within the century American industry was transformed. Production shifted to the factory; about the factory grew up the industrial city in which lived the tens or hundreds of thousands of factory workers and their families. The machine made a new society. The artisan could not compete with the products of the machine. The home workshop disappeared, and in its place rose the factory, with its tens, its hundreds and its thousands of operatives. Under the modern system of machine production, each person has his particular duty to perform. Each depends, for the success of his service, upon that performed by thousands of others. All modern industry is organized on the principle of coöperation, division of labor, and specialization. Each has his task, and unless each task is performed the entire system breaks down. Never were the various branches of the military service more completely dependent upon each other than are the various departments of modern economic life. No man works alone. All are associated more or less intimately with the activities of thousands and millions of their fellows, until the failure of one is the failure of all, and the success of one is the success of all. Such a development could have only one possible result,--people who worked together must live together. Scattered villages gave place to industrial towns and cities. People were compelled to coöperate in their lives as well as in their labor. The theory under which the new industrial society began its operations was "every man for himself." The development of the system has made every man dependent upon his fellows. The principle demanded an extreme individualism. The practice has created a vast network of inter-relations, that leads the cotton spinner of Massachusetts to eat the meat prepared by the packing-house operative in Omaha, while the pottery of Trenton and the clothing of New York are sent to the Yukon in exchange for fish and to the Golden Gate for fruit. Inside as well as outside the nation, the world is united by the strong hands of economic necessity. None can live to himself, alone. Each depends upon the labor of myriads whom he has never seen and of whom he has never heard. Whether we will or no, they are his brothers-in-labor--united in the Atlas fellowship of those who carry the world upon their shoulders. The theory of "every man for himself" failed. The practical exigencies involved in subjugating a continent and wresting from nature the means of livelihood made it necessary to introduce the opposite principle,--"In Union there is strength; coöperation achieves all things." 3. _The Struggle for Organization_ The technical difficulties involved in the mechanical production of wealth compelled even the individualists to work together. The requirements of industrial organization drove them in the same direction. The first great problem before the early Americans was the conquest of nature. To this problem the machine was the answer. The second problem was the building of an organization capable of handling the new mechanism of production--an organization large enough, elastic enough, stable enough and durable enough--to this problem the corporation was the answer. The machine produced the goods. The corporation directed the production, marketed the products and financed both operations. The corporation, as a means of organizing and directing business enterprise is a product of the last hundred years. A century ago the business of the United States was carried on by individuals, partnerships, and a few joint stock companies. At the time of the last Census, more than four-fifths of the manufactured products were turned out under corporate direction; most of the important mining enterprises were corporate, and the railroads, public utilities, banks and insurance companies were virtually all under the corporate form of organization. Thus the passage of a century has witnessed a complete revolution in the form of organizing and directing business enterprise. The corporation, as a form of business organization is immensely superior to individual management and to the partnership. 1. The corporation has perpetual life. In the eyes of the law, it is a person that lives for the term of its charter. Individuals die; partnerships are dissolved; but the corporation with its unbroken existence, possesses a continuity and a permanence that are impossible of attainment under the earlier forms of business organization. 2. Liability, under the corporation, is limited by the amount of the investment. The liability of an individual or a partner engaged in business was as great as his ability to pay. The investor in a corporation cannot lose a sum larger than that represented by his investment. 3. The corporation, through the issuing of stocks and bonds, makes it possible to subdivide the total amount invested in one enterprise into many small units.[37] These chances for small investment mean that a large number of persons may join in subscribing the capital for a business enterprise. They also mean that one well-to-do person may invest his wealth in a score or a hundred enterprises, thus reducing the risk of heavy losses to a minimum. 4. The corporation is not, as were the earlier forms of organization, necessarily a "one man" concern. Many corporations have upon their boards of directors the leading business men, merchants, bankers and financiers. In this way, the investing public has the assurance that the enterprise will be conducted along business lines, while the business men on the board have an opportunity to get in on the "ground floor." The corporation has a permanence, a stability, and a breadth of financial support that are quite impossible in the case of the private venture or of the partnership. It does for business organization what the machine did for production. The corporation came into favor at a time when business was expanding rapidly. Surplus was growing. Wealth and capital were accumulating. Industrial units were increasing in size. It was necessary to find some means by which the surplus wealth in the hands of many individuals could be brought together, large sums of capital concentrated under one unified control, the investments, thus secured, safeguarded against untoward losses, and the business conservatively and efficiently directed. The corporation was the answer to these needs. "United we stand" proved to be as true of organizers and investors as it was of producers. The corporation was the common denominator of people with various industrial and financial interests. The corporation played another rôle of vital consequence. It enabled the banker to dominate the business world. Heretofore, the banker had dealt largely with exchange. The industrial leader was his equal if not his superior. The organization of the corporation put the supreme power in the hands of the banker, who as the intermediary between investor and producer, held the purse strings. 4. _Capitalist against Capitalist_ The early American enterprisers--the pioneers--began a single-handed struggle with nature. Necessity forced them to coöperate. They established a new industry. The factory brought them together. They organized their system of industrial direction and control. The corporation united them. They turned on one another in mortal combat, and the frightfulness of their losses forced them to join hands. The business men of the late nineteenth century had been nurtured upon the idea of competition. "Every man for himself and the devil take the hindermost" summed up their philosophy. Each person who entered the business arena was met by an array of savage competitors whose motto was "Victory or Death." In the struggle that followed, most of them suffered death. Capitalist set himself up against capitalist in bitter strife. The railroads gouged the farmers, the manufacturers and the merchants and fought one another. The big business organizations drove the little man to the wall and then attacked their larger rivals. It was a fight to the finish with no quarter asked or given. The "finish" came with periodic regularity in the seventies, the eighties and the nineties. The number of commercial failures in 1875 was double the number of 1872. The number of failures in 1878 was over three times that of 1871. The same thing happened in the eighties. The liabilities of concerns failing in 1884 were nearly four times the liabilities of those failing in 1880. The climax came in the nineties, after a period of comparative prosperity. Hard times began in 1893. Demand dropped off. Production decreased. Unemployment was widespread. Wages fell. Prices went down, down, under bitter competitive selling, to touch rock bottom in 1896. Business concerns continued to fight one another, though both were going to the wall. Weakened by the struggle, unable to meet the competitive price cutting that was all but the universal business practice of the time, thousands of business houses closed their doors. The effect was cumulative; the fabric of credit, broken at one point, was weakened correspondingly in other places and the guilty and the innocent were alike plunged into the morass of bankruptcy. The destruction wrought in the business world by the panic of 1893 was enormous. The number of commercial failures for 1893 jumped to 15,242. The amount of liabilities involved in these failures was $346,780,000. This catastrophe, coming as it did so close upon the heels of the panics that had immediately preceded it, could not fail to teach its lesson. Competition was not the life, but the death of trade. "Every man for himself" as a policy applied in the business world, led most of those engaged in the struggle over the brink to destruction. There was but one way out--through united action. The period between 1897 and 1902 was one of feverish activity directed to coördinating the affairs of the business world. Trusts were formed in all of the important branches of industry and trade. The public looked upon the trust as a means of picking pockets through trade conspiracies and the boosting of prices. The Sherman Anti-Trust Law had been passed on that assumption. In reality, the trusts were organized by far seeing men who realized that competition was wasteful in practice and unsound in theory. The idea that the failure of one bank or shoe factory was of advantage to other banks and shoe factories, had not stood the test of experience. The tragedies of the nineties had showed conclusively that an injury to one part of the commercial fabric was an injury to all of its parts. The generation of business men trained since 1900 has had no illusions about competition. Rather, it has had as its object the successful combination of various forms of business enterprise into ever larger units. First, there was the uniting of like industries;--cotton mills were linked with cotton mills, mines with mines. Then came the integration of industry--the concentration under one control of all of the steps in the industrial process from the raw material to the finished product,--iron mines, coal mines, blast furnaces, converters, and rail mills united in one organization to take the raw material from the ground and to turn out the finished steel product. Last of all there was the union of unlike industries,--the control, by one group of interests, of as many and as varied activities as could be brought together and operated at a profit. The lengths to which business men have gone in combining various industries is well shown by the recent investigation of the meat packing industry. In the course of that investigation, the Federal Trade Commission was able to show that the five great packers (Wilson, Armour, Swift, Morris and Cudahy) were directly affiliated with 108 business enterprises, including 12 rendering companies; 18 stockyard companies; 8 terminal railway companies; 9 manufacturers of packers' machinery and supplies; 6 cattle loan companies; 4 public service corporations; 18 banks, and a number of miscellaneous companies, and that they controlled 2000 food products not immediately related to the packing industry.[38] Business is consolidated because consolidation pays--not primarily, through the increase of prices, but through the greater stability, the lessened costs, and the growing security that has accompanied the abolition of competition. Again the forces of social organization have triumphed in the face of an almost universal opposition. American business men practiced competition until they found that coöperation was the only possible means of conducting large affairs. Theory advised, "Compete"! Experience warned, "Combine"! Business men--like all other practical people--accepted the dictates of experience as the only sound basis for procedure. Their combination solidified their ranks, preparing them to take their places in a closely knit, dominant class, with clearly marked interests, and a strong feeling of class consciousness and solidarity. It was in the consummation of these combinations, integrations and consolidations that the investment banker came into his own as the keystone in the modern industrial arch. 5. _The Investment Banker_ The investment banker is the directing and coördinating force in the modern business world. The necessities of factory production demanding great outlays of capital; the immense financial requirements of corporations; the consolidation of business ventures on a huge scale; the broadened use of corporate securities as investments--all brought the investment banker into the foreground. Before the Spanish War, the investment banker financed the trusts. After the war he was entrusted with the vast surpluses which the concentration of business control had placed in a few hands. Business consolidation had given the banker position. The control of the surplus brought him power. Henceforth, all who wished access to the world of great industrial and commercial affairs must knock at his door. This concentration of economic control in the hands of a relatively small number of investment bankers has been referred to frequently as the "Money Trust." Investment banking monopoly, or as it is sometimes called, the "Money Trust" was examined in detail by the Pujo Committee of the House of Representatives, which presented a summary of its report on February 28, 1913. The committee placed, at the center of its diagram of financial power, J. P. Morgan & Co., the National City Bank, the First National Bank, the Guaranty Trust Co., and the Bankers Trust Co., all of New York. The report refers to Lee, Higginson & Co., of Boston and New York; to Kidder, Peabody & Co., of Boston and New York, and to Kuhn, Loeb & Co., of New York, together with the Morgan affiliations, as being "the most active agents in forwarding and bringing about the concentration of control of money and credit" (p. 56). The methods by which this control was effected are classed by the Committee under five heads:-- 1. "Through consolidations of competitive or potentially competitive banks and trust companies which consolidations in turn have recently been brought under sympathetic management" (p. 56). 2. Through the purchase by the same interests of the stock of competitive institutions. 3. Through interlocking directorates. 4. "Through the influence which the more powerful banking houses, banks, and trust companies have secured in the management of insurance companies, railroads, producing and trading corporations and public utility corporations, by means of stock holdings, voting trusts, fiscal agency contracts, or representation upon their boards of directors, or through supplying the money requirements of railway, industrial, and public utility corporations and thereby being enabled to participate in the determination of their financial and business policies" (p. 56). 5. "Through partnership or joint account arrangements between a few of the leading banking houses, banks, and trust companies in the purchase of security issues of the great interstate corporations, accompanied by understandings of recent growth--sometimes called 'banking ethics'--which have had the effect of effectually destroying competition between such banking houses, banks, and trust companies in the struggle for business or in the purchase and sale of large issues of such securities" (p. 56). Morgan & Co., the First National Bank, the National City Bank, the Bankers Trust Co., and the Guaranty Trust Co., which were all closely affiliated, had extended their control until they held,-- 118 directorships in 34 banks with combined resources of $2,679,000,000. 30 directorships in 10 insurance companies with total assets of $2,293,000,000. 105 directorships in 32 transportation systems having a total capital of $11,784,000,000. 63 directorships in 24 producing and trading companies having a total capitalization of $3,339,000,000. 25 directorships in 12 public utility corporations with a total capitalization of $2,150,000,000. The investment banker had become, what he was ultimately bound to be, the center of the system built upon the century-long struggle to control the wealth of the continent in the interest of the favored few who happened to own the choicest natural gifts. 6. _The Cohesion of Wealth_ The struggle for wealth and power, actively waged among the business men of the United States for more than a century, has thus by a process of elimination, subordination and survival, placed a few small groups of strong men in a position of immense economic power. The growth of surplus and its importance in the world of affairs has made the investment banker the logical center of this business leadership. He, with his immediate associates, directs and controls the affairs of the economic world. The spirit of competition ruled the American business world at the beginning of the last century, the forces of combination dominated at its close. The new order was the product of necessity, not of choice. The life of the frontier had ingrained in men an individualism that chafed under the restraints of combination. It was the compelling forces of impending calamity and the opportunity for greater economic advantage--not the traditions or accepted standards of the business world--that led to the establishment of the centralized wealth power. American business interests were driven together by the battering of economic loss and lured by the hope of greater economic gains. Years of struggle and experience, by converting a scattered, individualistic wealth owning class into a highly organized, closely knit, homogeneous group with its common interests in the development of industry and the safeguarding of property rights, have brought unity and power to the business world. Individually the members of the wealth-controlling class have learned that "in union there is strength"; collectively they are gripped by the "cohesion of wealth"--the class conscious instinct of an associated group of human beings who have much to gain and everything to lose. FOOTNOTES: [37] The 169 largest railroads in the United States have issued 84,418,796 shares of stock. ("American Labor Year Book," 1917-18, p. 169.) Theoretically, therefore, there might be eighty-four millions of owners of the American railroads. [38] Summary of the Report of the Federal Trade Commission on the Meat Packing Industry, July 3, 1918, Wash., Govt. Print., 1918. VIII. THEIR UNITED STATES 1. _Translating Wealth into Power_ The first object of the economic struggle is wealth. The second is power. At the end of their era of competition, the leaders of American business found themselves masters of such vast stores of wealth that they were released from the paralyzing fear of starvation, and were guaranteed the comforts and luxuries of life. Had these men sought wealth as a means of satisfying their physical needs their object would have been attained. The gratification of personal wants is only a minor element in the lives of the rich. After they have secured the things desired, they strive for the power that will give them control over their fellows. The possession of things, is, in itself, a narrow field. The control over productive machinery gives him who exercises it the power to enjoy those things which the workers with machinery produce. The control over public affairs and over the forces that shape public opinion give him who exercises it the power to direct the thoughts and lives of the people. It is for these reasons that the keen, self-assertive, ambitious men who have come to the top in the rough and tumble of the business struggle have steadily extended their ownership and their control. 2. _The Wealth of the United States_ The bulk of American wealth, which consists for the most part of land and buildings, is concentrated in the centers of commerce and industry--in the regions of supreme business power. The last detailed estimate of the wealth of the United States was made by the Census Bureau for the year 1912. At that time, the total wealth of the country was placed at $187,739,000,000. (The estimate for 1920 is $500,000,000,000.) Roughly speaking, this represented an estimate of exchangeable values. The figures, at best, are rough approximations. Their importance lies, not in their accuracy, but in the picture which they give of relationships. The Total Wealth of the United States, Classified by Groups, with the Percentage of the Total Wealth in Each Group[39] _Total Estimated Wealth_ _Amount_ (000,000 _Per Cent_ _Wealth Groups_ _Omitted_) _of Total_ 1. Real Property (land and buildings) $110,676 59 2. Public Utilities (railroads, street railways, telegraph, telephone, electric light, etc.) 26,415 14 3. Live Stock and Machinery (live stock, farm implements and manufacturing machinery) 13,697 7 4. Raw Materials, Manufactured Products, Merchandise (including gold and silver bullion) 24,193 13 5. Personal Possessions (clothing, personal adornments, furniture, carriages, etc.) 12,758 7 Total of all groups $187,739 100 The bulk of the exchangeable wealth of the United States consists of "productive" or "investment" property. If, to the total of 110 billions given by the Census as the value of real property, are added the real property values of the public utilities, the total will probably exceed three quarters of the total wealth of the United States. If, in addition, account is taken of the fact that much of the wealth classed as "raw materials, etc.," is the immediate product of the land (coal, ore, timber), some idea may be obtained of the extent to which the estimated wealth of the country is in the form of land, its immediate products, and buildings. Furthermore, it must be remembered that great quantities of ore lands, timber lands, waterpower sites, etc., are assessed at only a fraction of their total present value. The personal property of the country is valued at less than one fourteenth of the total wealth. It is in reality a negligible item, as compared with the value of the real property, of the public utilities, and of the raw materials and products of industry. The wealth of the United States is in permanent form--land and improvements; personal possessions are a mere incident in the total. In truth, American wealth is in the main productive (business) wealth, designed for the further production of goods, rather than for the satisfaction of human wants. 3. _Ownership and Control_ Who owns this vast wealth? It is impossible to answer the question with anything like definiteness. Figures have been compiled to show that five per cent of the people own two-thirds to three-quarters of it; that the poorest two-thirds of the people own five per cent of it, and that the well-to-do or middle class own the remainder. These figures would make it appear that more than one-fourth of the population is in the middle class. If the income-tax returns are to be trusted this proportion is far too high. On all hands it is admitted that the wealth of the country is concentrated in the hands of a small fraction of the people and the important wealth--that is, the wealth upon which production, transportation and exchange depends--is in still fewer hands. Neither the total wealth of the country, nor that portion of the total which is owned directly by the propertied class is of most immediate moment. Ownership does not necessarily involve control. A puddler in the Gary Mills may own five shares of stock in the Steel Corporation without ever raising his voice to determine the corporation policy. This is ownership without control. On the other hand, a banking house through a voting trust agreement, may control the policy of a corporation in which it does not own one per cent of the stock. This is control without ownership. Ownership may be quite incidental. It is control that counts in terms of power. Most of the property owners in the United States play no part in the control of prices or of production, in the direction of economic policy, or in the management of economic affairs. Theoretically, stockholders direct the policies of corporations, and, therefore, each holder of 5 or 10 shares of corporate stock would play a part in deciding economic affairs. Practically, the small stockholder has no part in business control. The small farmer--the small business man of largest numerical consequence--has been exploited by the great interests for two generations. Despite his numbers and his organizations, despite his frequent efforts, through anti-trust laws, railway control laws, banking reform laws, and the like, he has little voice in determining important economic policies. The small savings bank depositor or the holder of an ordinary insurance policy is a negative rather than a positive factor in economic control. Not only does he exercise no power over the dollar which he has placed with the bank or with the insurance company, but he has thereby strengthened the hands of these organizations. Each dollar placed with the financier is a dollar's more power for him and his. Suppose--the impossible--that half of the families in the United States "own property." Subtract from this number the small stockholders; the holders of bonds, notes and mortgages; the small tradesman; the small farmer; the home owner and the owner of a savings-bank deposit or of an insurance policy--what remains? There are the large stockholders, the owners and directors of important industries, public utilities, banks, trust companies and insurance companies. These persons, in the aggregate, constitute a fraction of one per cent of the adult population of the United States. Start with the total non-personal wealth of the country, subtract from it the share-values of the small stockholders; the values of all bonds, mortgages and notes; the property of the small tradesman and the small farmer; the value of homes--what remains? There are left the stocks in the hands of the big stockholders; the properties owned and directed by the owners and directors of important industries, public utilities, banks, trust companies and insurance companies. This wealth in the aggregate probably makes up less than 10 per cent of the total wealth of the country and yet the tiny fraction of the population which owns this wealth can exercise a dictatorial control over the economic policies that underlie American public life. 4. _The Avenues of Mastery_ While control rests back directly or indirectly upon some form of ownership, most owners exercise little or no control over economic affairs. Instead they are made the victims of a social system under which one group lives at the expense of another. Against this tendency toward control by one group or class (usually a minority) over the lives of another group or class (usually a majority) the human spirit always has revolted. The United States in its earlier years was an embodiment of the spirit of that revolt. President Wilson characterized it excellently in 1916. Speaking of the American Flag, he said,--"That flag was originally stained in very precious blood, blood spilt, not for any dynasty, nor for any small controversies over national advantage, but in order that a little body of three million men in America might make sure that no man was their master."[40] Against mastery lovers of liberty protest. Mastery means tyranny; mastery means slavery. Mastery has always been based upon some form of ownership. There is in the United States a group, growing in size, of people who take more in keep than they give in service; people who own land; franchises; stocks and bonds and mortgages; real estate and other forms of investment property; people who are living without ever lifting a finger in toil, or giving anything in labor for an unceasing stream of necessaries, comforts and luxuries. These people, directly or indirectly, are the owners of the productive machinery of the United States. Historically there have been a number of stages in the development of mastery. First, there was the ownership of the body. One man owned another man, as he might own a house or a pile of hides. At another stage, the owner of the land--the feudal baron or the landlord--said to the tenant, who worked on his land: "You stay on my land. You toil and work and make bread and I will eat it." The present system of mastery is based on the ownership by one group of people, of the productive wealth upon which depends the livelihood of all. The masters of present day economic society have in their possession the natural resources, the tools, the franchises, patents, and the other phases of the modern industrial system with which the people must work in order to live. The few who own and control the productive wealth have it in their power to say to the many who neither own nor control,--"You may work or you may not work." If the masses obtain work under these conditions the owners can say to them further,--"You work, and toil and earn bread and we will eat it." Thus the few, deriving their power from the means by which their fellows must work for a living, own the jobs. 5. _The Mastery of Job-Ownership_ Job-ownership is the foundation of the latest and probably the most complete system of mastery ever perfected. The slave was held only in physical bondage. Behind serfdom there was land ownership and a religious sanction. "Divine right" and "God's anointed," were terms used to bulwark the position of the owning class, who made an effort to dominate the consciences as well as the bodies of their serfs. Job-ownership owes its effectiveness to a subtle, psychological power that overwhelms the unconscious victim, making him a tool, at once easy to handle and easy to discard. The system of private ownership that succeeded Feudalism taught the lesson of economic ambition so thoroughly that it has permeated the whole world. The conditions of eighteenth century life have passed, perhaps forever, but its psychology lingers everywhere. The job-holder has been taught that he must "get ahead" in the world; that if he practices the economic virtues,--thrift, honesty, earnestness, persistence, efficiency--he will necessarily receive great economic reward; that he must support his family on the standard set by the community, and that to do all of these essential things, he must take a job and hold on to it. Having taken the job, he finds that in order to hold it, he must be faithful to the job-owner, even if that involves faithlessness to his own ideas and ideals, to his health, his manhood, and the lives of his wife and children. The driving power in slavery was the lash. Under serfdom it was the fear of hunger. The modern system of job-ownership owes its effectiveness to the fact that it has been built upon two of the most potent driving forces in all the world--hunger and ambition--the driving force that comes from the empty stomach and the driving force that comes from the desire for betterment. Thus job-owning, based upon an automatic self-drive principle, enables the job-owner to exact a return in faithful service that neither slavery nor serfdom ever made possible. Job-owning is thus the most thorough-going form of mastery yet devised by the ingenuity of man. Unlike the slave owner and the Feudal lord the modern job-owner has no responsibility to the job-holder. The slave owner must feed, clothe and house his slave--otherwise he lost his property. The Feudal lord must protect and assist his tenant. That was a part of his bargain with his overlord. The modern job-owner is at liberty, at any time, to "discharge" the job-holder, and by throwing him out of work take away his chance of earning a living. While he keeps the job-holder on his payroll, he may pay him impossibly low wages and overwork him under conditions that are unfit for the maintenance of decent human life. Barring the factory laws and the health laws, he is at liberty to impose on the job-holder any form of treatment that the job-holder will tolerate. There is no limit to the amount of industrial property that one man may own. Therefore, there is no limit to the number of jobs he may control. It is possible (not immediately likely) that one coterie of men might secure possession of enough industrial property to control the jobs of all of the gainfully occupied people in American industry. If this result could be achieved, these tens of millions would be able to earn a living only in case the small coterie in control permitted them to do so. Job ownership is built, of necessity, on the ownership of land, resources, capital, credit, franchises, and other special privileges. But its power of control goes far beyond this mere physical ownership into the realms of social psychology. The early colonists, who fled from the economic, political, social and religious tyranny of feudalism, believed that liberty and freedom from unjust mastery lay in the private ownership of the job. They had no thought of the modern industrial machine. The abolitionists who fought slavery believed that freedom and liberty could be obtained by unshackling the body. They did not foresee the shackled mind. The modern world, seeking freedom; yearning for liberty and justice; aiming at the overthrow of the mastery that goes with irresponsible power, finds to its dismay that the ownership of the job carries with it, not only economic mastery, but political, social and even religious mastery, as well. 6. _The Ownership of the Product_ The industrial overlord holds control of the job with one hand. With the other he controls the product of industry. From the time the raw material leaves the earth in the form of iron ore, crude petroleum, logs, or coal, through all of the processes of production, it is owned by the industrial master, not by the worker. Workers separate the product from the earth, transport it, refine it, fabricate it. Always, the product, like the machinery, is the possession of the owning class. While industry was competitive, the pressure of competition kept prices at a cost level, and the exploiting power of the owner was confined to the job-holder. To-day, through combinations and consolidations, industry has ceased to be competitive, and the exploiting power of the job-owner is extended through his ownership of the product. The modern town-dweller is almost wholly in the hands of the private owners of the products upon which he depends. The ordinary city dweller spends two-fifths of his income for food; one-fifth for rent, fuel and light, and one-fifth for clothes. Food, houses, fuel (with the exception of gas supply in some cities), and clothing are privately owned. The public ownership of streets and water works, of some gas, electricity, street cars, and public markets, is a negligible factor in the problem. The private monopolist has the upper hand and he is able through the control of transportation, storage, and merchandising facilities, to make handsome profits for the "service" which he renders the consumer. 7. _The Control of the Surplus_ The wealth owners are doubly entrenched. They own the jobs upon which most families depend for a living. They own the necessaries of life which most families must purchase in order to live. Further, they control the surplus wealth of the community. There are three principal channels of surplus. First of all there is the surplus laid aside by business concerns, reinvested in the business, spent for new equipment and disposed of in other ways that add to the value of the property. Second, there are the 19,103 people in the United States with incomes of $50,000 or more per year; the 30,391 people with incomes of $25,000 to $50,000 per year and the 12,502 people with incomes of $10,000 to $25,000 per year. (Figures for 1917.) Many, if not most of these rich people, carry heavy insurance, invest in securities, or in some other way add to surplus. In the third place there are the small investors, savings-bank depositors, insurance policy holders who, from their income, have saved something and have laid it aside for the rainy day. The masters of economic life--bankers, insurance men, property holders, business directors--are in control of all three forms of surplus. The billions of surplus wealth that come each year under the control of the masters carry with them an immense authority over the affairs of the community. The owners of wealth owe much of their immediate power to the fact that they control this surplus, and are in a position to direct its flow into such channels as they may select. 8. _The Channels of Public Opinion_ No one can question the control which business interests exercise over the jobs, the industrial product, and the economic surplus of the community. These facts are universally admitted. But the corollaries which flow naturally from such axioms are not so readily accepted. Yet given the economic power of the business world, the control over the channels of public opinion and over the machinery of government follows as a matter of course. The channels of public opinion--the school, the press, the pulpit,--are not directly productive of tangible economic goods, yet they depend upon tangible economic goods for their maintenance. Whence should these goods come? Whence but from the system that produces them, through the men who control that system! The plutocracy exercises its power over the channels of public opinion in two ways,--the first, by a direct or business office control; and second, by an indirect or social prestige control. The business office control is direct and simple. Schools, colleges, newspapers, magazines and churches need money. They cannot produce tangible wealth directly, and they must, therefore, depend upon the surplus which arises from the productive activities of the economic world. Who controls that surplus? Business men. Who, then, is in a position to dictate terms in financial matters? Who but the dominant forces in business life? The facts are incontrovertible. It is not mere chance that recruits the overwhelming majority of school-board members, college trustees, newspaper managers, and church vestrymen, from the ranks of successful business and professional men. It is necessary for the educator, the journalist, and the minister to work through these men in order to secure the "sinews of war." They are at the focal points of power because they control the sources of surplus wealth. The second method of maintaining control--through the control of social prestige--is indirect, but none the less effective. The young man in college; the young graduate looking for a job; the young man rising in his profession, and the man gaining ascendancy in his chosen career are brought into constant contact with the "influential" members of the business world. It is the business world that dominates the clubs and the vacation spots; it is the business world that is met in church, at the dinner tables and at the social gathering. The man who would "succeed" must retain the favor of this group. He does so automatically, instinctively or semi-consciously--it is the common, accepted practice and he falls in line. The masters need not bribe. They need not resort to illegal or unethical methods. The ordinary channels of advertising, of business acquaintance and patronage, of philanthropy and of social intercourse clinch their power over the channels of public opinion. 9. _The Control of Political Machinery_ The American government,--city, state and nation--is in almost the same position as the schools, newspapers and churches. It does not turn out tangible, economic products. It depends, for its support, upon taxes which are levied, in the first instance, upon property. Who are the owners of this property? The business interests. Who, therefore, pay the bills of the government? The business interests. Nowhere has the issue been stated more clearly or more emphatically than by Woodrow Wilson in certain passages of his "New Freedom." As a student of politics and government--particularly the American Government--he sees the power which those who control economic life are able to exercise over public affairs, and realizes that their influence has grown, until it overtops that of the political world so completely that the machinery of politics is under the domination of the organizers and directors of industry. "We know," writes Mr. Wilson in "The New Freedom," "that something intervenes between the people of the United States and the control of their own affairs at Washington. It is not the people who have been ruling there of late" (p. 28). "The masters of the government of the United States are the combined capitalists and manufacturers of the United States.... Suppose you go to Washington and try to get at your government. You will always find that while you are politely listened to, the men really consulted are the men who have the biggest stakes--the big bankers, the big manufacturers, the big masters of commerce, the heads of railroad corporations and of steamship corporations.... Every time it has come to a critical question, these gentlemen have been yielded to and their demands have been treated as the demands that should be followed as a matter of course. The government of the United States at present is a foster-child of the special interests" (p. 57-58). "The organization of business has become more centralized, vastly more centralized, than the political organization of the country itself" (p. 187). "An invisible empire has been set up above the forms of democracy" (p. 35). "We are all caught in a great economic system which is heartless" (p. 10). This is the direct control exercised by the plutocracy over the machinery of government. Its indirect control is no less important, and is exercised in exactly the same way as in the case of the channels of public opinion. Lawyers receive preferment and fees from business--there is no other large source of support for lawyers. Judges are chosen from among these same lawyers. Usually they are lawyers who have won preferment and emolument. Legislators are lawyers and business men, or the representatives of lawyers and business men. The result is as logical as it is inevitable. The wealth owners control the machinery of government because they pay the taxes and provide the campaign funds. They control public officials because they have been, are, or hope to be, on the payrolls, or participants in the profits of industrial enterprises. 10. _It is "Their United States"_ The man fighting for bread has little time to "turn his eyes up to the eternal stars." The western cult of efficiency makes no allowances for philosophic propensities. Its object is product and it is satisfied with nothing short of that sordid goal. The members of the wealth owning class are relieved from the food struggle. Their ownership of the social machinery guarantees them a secure income from which they need make no appeal. These privileges provide for them and theirs the leisure and the culture that are the only possible excuse for the existence of civilization. The propertied class, because it owns the jobs, the industrial products, the social surplus, the channels of public opinion and the political machinery also enjoys the opportunity that goes with adequately assured income, leisure and culture. The members of the dominant economic class hold a key--property ownership--which opens the structure of social wealth. Those who have access to this key are the blessed ones. Theirs are the things of this world. The property owners enjoy the fleshpots. They hold the vantage points. The vital forces are in their hands. Economically, politically, socially, they are supreme. If the control of material things can make a group secure, the wealth owners in the United States are secure. They hold property, prestige, power. The phrase "our United States" as used by the great majority of the people is a misnomer. With the exception of a theoretically valuable but practically unimportant right called "freedom of contract," the majority of the wage earners in the United States have no more excuse for using the phrase "our United States" than the slaves in the South, before the war, for saying "our Southland." The franchise is a potential power, making it theoretically possible for the electorate to take possession of the country. In practice, the franchise has had no such result. Quite the contrary, the masters of American life by a policy of chicanery and misrepresentation, advertise and support first one and then the other of the "Old Parties," both of which are led by the members of the propertied class or by their retainers. The people, deluded by the press, and ignorant of their real interests, go to the polls year after year and vote for representatives that represent, in all of their interests, the special privileged classes. The economic and social reorganization of the United States during the past fifty years has gone fast and far. The system of perpetual (fee simple) private ownership of the resources has concentrated the control over the natural resources in a small group, not of individuals, but of corporations; has created a new form of social master, in the form of a land-tool-job owner; has thus made possible a type of absentee-landlordism more effective and less human than were any of its predecessors and has decreased the responsibility at the same time that it has augmented the power of the owning group. These changes have been an integral part of a general economic transformation that has occupied the chief energies of the ablest men of the community for the past two generations. The country of many farms, villages and towns, and of a few cities, with opportunity free and easy of access, has become a country of highly organized concentrated wealth power, owned by a small fraction of the people and controlled by a tiny minority of the owners for their benefit and profit. The country which was rightfully called "our United States" in 1840, by 1920 was "their United States" in every important sense of the word. FOOTNOTES: [39] "Estimated Valuation of National Wealth, 1850-1912," Bureau of the Census, 1915, p. 15. [40] "Addresses of President Wilson," House Doc. 803. Sixty-fourth Congress, 1st Session (1916), p. 13. IX. THE DIVINE RIGHT OF PROPERTY 1. _Land Ownership and Liberty_ The owners of American wealth have been molded gradually into a ruling class. Years of brutal, competitive, economic struggle solidified their ranks,--distinguishing friend from enemy; clarifying economic laws, and demonstrating the importance of coördination in economic affairs. Economic control, once firmly established, opened before the wealth owning class an opportunity to dominate the entire field of public life. Before the property owners could feel secure in their possessions, steps must be taken to transmute the popular ideas regarding "property rights" into a public opinion that would permit the concentration of important property in the hands of a small owning class, at the same time that it held to the conviction that society, without privately owned land and machinery, was unthinkable. Many of the leading spirits among the colonists had come to America in the hope of realizing the ideal of "Every man a farm, and every farm a man." Upon this principle they believed that it would be possible to set up the free government which so many were seeking in those dark days of the divine right of kings. For many years after the organization of the Federal Government men spoke of the public domain as if it were to last indefinitely. As late as 1832 Henry Clay, in a discussion of the public lands, could say, "We should rejoice that this bountiful resource possessed by our country, remains in almost undiminished quantity." Later in the same speech he referred to the public lands as being "liberally offered,--in exhaustless quantities, and at moderate prices, enriching individuals and tending to the rapid improvement of the country."[41] The land rose in price as settlers came in greater numbers. Land booms developed. Speculation was rife. Efforts were made to secure additional concessions from the Government. It was in this debate, where the public land was referred to as "refuse land" that Henry Clay felt called upon to remind his fellow-legislators of the significance and growing value of the public land. He said, "A friend of mine in this city bought in Illinois last fall about two thousand acres of this refuse land at the minimum price, for which he has lately refused six dollars per acre.... It is a business, a very profitable business, at which fortunes are made in the new states, to purchase these refuse lands and without improving them to sell them at large advances."[42] A century ago, while it was still almost a wilderness, Illinois began to feel the pressure of limited resources--a pressure which has increased to such a point that it has completely revolutionized the system of society that was known to the men who established the Government of the United States. This early record of a mid-western land boom, with Illinois land at six dollars an acre, tells the story of everything that was to follow. Even in 1832 there was not enough of the good land to go around. Already the community was dividing itself into two classes--those who could get good land and those who could not. A wise man, understanding the part played by economic forces in determining the fate of a people, might have said to Henry Clay on that June day in 1832, "Friend, you have pronounced the obituary of American liberty." Some wise man might have spoken thus, but how strange the utterance would have sounded! There was so much land, and all history seemed to guarantee the beneficial results that are derived from individual land ownership. The democracies of Greece and Rome were built upon such a foundation. The yeomanry of England had proved her pride and stay. In Europe the free workers in the towns had been the guardians of the rights of the people. Throughout historic times, liberty has taken root where there is an economic foundation for the freedom which each man feels he has a right to demand. 2. _Security of "Acquisitions"_ Feudal Europe depended for its living upon agriculture. The Feudal System had concentrated the ownership of practically all of the valuable agricultural land in the hands of the small group of persons which ruled because it controlled economic opportunity. The power of this class rested on its ownership of the resource upon which the majority of the people depended for a livelihood. The Feudal System was transplanted to England, but it never took deep root there. When in 1215 A. D. (only a century and a half after the Great William had made his effort to feudalize England) King John signed the Magna Carta, Feudalism proper gave way to landlordism--the basis of English economic life from that time to this. The system of English landlordism (which showed itself at its worst in the absentee landlordism of Ireland) differed from Feudalism in this essential respect,--Feudalism was based upon the idea of the divine right of kings. English landlordism was based on the idea of divine right of property. English landlordism is the immediate ancestor of the property concept that is universally accepted in the business world of to-day. The evils of Feudalism and of landlordism were well known to the American colonists who were under the impression that they arose not from the fact of ownership, but from the concentration of ownership. The resources of the new world seemed limitless, and the possibility that landlordism might show its ugly head on this side of the Atlantic was too remote for serious consideration. With the independence of the United States assured after the War of 1812; with the growth of industry, and the coming of tens of thousands of new settlers, the future of democracy seemed bright. Daniel Webster characterized the outlook in 1821 by saying, "A country of such vast extent, with such varieties of soil and climate, with so much public spirit and private enterprise, with a population increasing so much beyond former examples, ... so free in its institutions, so mild in its laws, so secure in the title it confers on every man to his own acquisitions,--needs nothing but time and peace to carry it forward to almost any point of advancement."[43] "So free in its institutions, so mild in its laws, so secure in the title it confers on every man to his own acquisitions,"--the words were prophetic. At the moment when they were uttered the forces were busy that were destined to realize Webster's dream, on an imperial scale, at the expense of the freedom which he prized. Men were free to get what they could, and once having secured it, they were safeguarded in its possession. Property ownership was a virtue universally commended. Constitutions were drawn and laws were framed to guarantee to property owners the rights to their property, even in cases where this property consisted of the bodies of their fellow men. The movement toward the protection of property rights has been progressive. Webster as a representative of the dominant interests of the country a hundred years ago rejoiced that every man had a secure title to "his own acquisitions," at a time when the property of the country was generally owned by those who had expended some personal effort in acquiring it. It was a long step from these personal acquisitions to the tens of billions of wealth in the hands of twentieth century American corporations. Daniel Webster helped to bridge the gap. He was responsible, at least in part, for the Dartmouth College Decision (1816) in which the Supreme Court ruled that a charter, granted by a state, is a contract that cannot be modified at will by the state. This decision made the corporation, once created and chartered, a free agent. Then came the Fourteenth Amendment with its provision that "no state shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any state deprive any person of life, liberty or property, without due process of law." The amendment was intended to benefit negroes. It has been used to place property ownership first among the American beatitudes. Corporations are "persons" in the eyes of the law. When the state of California tried to tax the property of the Southern Pacific Railroad at a rate different from that which it imposed on persons, the Supreme Court declared the law unconstitutional. This decision, coupled with that in the Dartmouth College Case secured for a corporation "the same immunities as any other person; and since the charter creating a corporation is a contract, whose obligation cannot be impaired by the one-sided act of a legislature, its constitutional position, as property holder, is much stronger than anywhere in Europe." These decisions "have had the effect of placing the modern industrial corporation in an almost impregnable constitutional position."[44] Surrounded by constitutional guarantees, armed with legal privileges and prerogatives and employing the language of liberty, the private property interests in the United States have gone forward from victory to victory, extending their power as they increased and concentrated their possessions. 3. _Safeguarding Property Rights_ The efforts of Daniel Webster and his contemporaries to protect "acquisitions" have been seconded, with extraordinary ability, by business organizers, accountants, lawyers and bankers, who have broadened the field of their endeavors until it includes not merely "acquisitions," but all "property rights." Daniel Webster lived before the era of corporations. He thought of "acquisitions" as property secured through the personal efforts of the human being who possessed it. To-day more than half of the total property and probably more than three-quarters of productive wealth is owned by corporations. It required ability and foresight to extend the right of "acquisitions" to the rights of corporate stocks and bonds. The leaders among the property owners possessed the necessary qualifications. They did their work masterfully, and to-day corporate property rights are more securely protected than were the rights of acquisitions a hundred years ago. The safeguards that have been thrown about property are simple and effective. They arose quite naturally out of the rapidly developing structure of industrialism. _First_--There was an immense increase in the amount of property and of surplus in the hands of the wealth-owning class. After the new industry was brought into being with the Industrial Revolution, economic life no longer depended so exclusively upon agricultural land. Coal, iron, copper, cement, and many other resources could now be utilized, making possible a wider field for property rights. Again, the amount of surplus that could be produced by one worker, with the assistance of a machine, was much greater than under the agricultural system. _Second_--The new method of conducting economic affairs gave the property owners greater security of possession. Property holders always have been fearful that some fate might overtake their property, forcing them into the ranks of the non-possessors. When property was in the form of bullion or jewels, the danger of loss was comparatively great. The Feudal aristocracy, with its land-holdings, was more secure. Land-holdings were also more satisfactory. Jewels and plate do not pay any rent, but tenants do. Thus the owner of land had security plus a regular income. The corporation facilitated possession by providing a means (stocks and bonds) whereby the property owner was under no obligation other than that of clipping coupons or cashing interest checks upon "securities" that are matters of public record; issued by corporations that make detailed financial reports, and that are subject to vigorous public inspection and, in the cases of banks and other financial organizations, to the most stringent regulation. _Third_--Greater permanence has been secured for property advantages. Corporations have perpetual, uninterrupted life. The deaths of persons do not affect them. The corporation also overcame the danger of the dissipation of property in the process of "three generations from shirt sleeves to shirt sleeves." The worthless son of the thrifty parent may still be able to squander his inheritance, but that simply means a transfer of the title to his stocks and bonds. The property itself remains intact. _Fourth_--Property has secured a claim on income that is, in the last analysis, prior to the claim of the worker. When a man ran his own business, investing his capital, putting back part of his earnings, and taking from the business only what he needed for his personal expenses, "profits" were a matter of good fortune. There were "good years" and "bad years," when profits were high or low. Many years closed with no profit at all. The average farmer still handles his business in that way. The incorporation of business, and the issuing of bonds and stocks has revolutionized this situation. It is no longer possible to "wait till things pick up." If the business has issued a million in bonds, at five per cent, there is an interest charge of $50,000 that must be met each year. There may be no money to lay out for repairs and needed improvements, but if the business is to remain solvent, it must pay the interest on its bonds. Businesses that are issuing securities to the public face the same situation with regard to their stocks. Wise directors see to it that a regular rate, rather than a high rate of dividends, is paid. Regularity means greater certainty and stability, hence better consideration from the investing public. _Fifth_--The practices of the modern economic world have gone far to increase the security of property rights. Business men have worked ardently to "stabilize" business. They have insisted upon the importance of "business sanity;" of conservatism in finance; of the returns due a man who risks his wealth in a business venture; and of the fundamental necessity of maintaining business on a sound basis. After centuries of experiment they have evolved what they regard as a safe and sane method of financial business procedure. Every successful business man tried to live up to the following well-established formula. First, he pays out of his total returns, or gross receipts, the ordinary costs of doing business--materials, labor, repairs and the like. These payments are known as running expenses or up-keep. Second, after up-keep charges are paid he takes the remainder, called gross income, and pays out of it the fixed charges--taxes, insurance, interest and depreciation. Third, the business man, having paid all of the necessary expenses of doing business (the running expenses and the fixed charges), has left a fund (net income) which, roughly speaking, is the profits of the business. Out of this net income, dividends are paid, improvements and extensions of the plant are provided for. Fourth, the careful business man increases the stability of his business by adding something to his surplus or undivided profits. The operating statistics of the United Steel Corporation for 1918 illustrate the principle: 1. Gross Receipts $1,744,312,163 Manufacturing and Operating expenses including ordinary repairs 1,178,032,665 --------------- 2. Gross Earnings $ 566,279,498 Other income 40,474,823 --------------- $ 606,754,321 General Expense, (including commission and selling expense, taxes, etc.) 337,077,986 Interest, depreciation, sinking fund, etc. 144,358,958 -------------- 3. Net Income $ 125,317,377 Dividends 96,382,027 -------------- 4. Surplus for the year $ 28,935,350 Total surplus 460,596,154 Like every carefully handled business, the Steel Corporation,-- 1. Paid its running expenses, 2. Paid its fixed obligations, 3. Divided up its profits, 4. And kept a nest egg. The effectiveness of such means of stabilizing property income is illustrated by a compilation (published in the _Wall Street Journal_ for August 7th, 1919) of the business of 104 American corporations between December 31, 1914, and December 31, 1918. The inventories--value of property owned--had increased from 1,192 millions to 2,624 millions of dollars; the gain in surplus, during the four years, was 1,941 millions; the increase in "working capital" was 1,876 millions. These corporations, representing only a small fraction of the total business of the country, had added billions to their property values during the four years. These various items,--up-keep; depreciation; insurance; taxes; interest; dividends and surplus,--are recognized universally by legislatures and courts as "legitimate" outlays. They, therefore, are elements that are always present in the computation of a "fair" price. The cost to the consumer of coffee, shoes, meat, blankets, coal and transportation are all figured on such a basis. Hence, it will be seen that each time the consumer buys a pair of shoes or a pound of meat, he is paying, with part of his money, for the stabilizing of property. Fifth. Property titles under this system are rendered immortal. A thousand dollars, invested in 1880 in 5 per cent. 40 year bonds, will pay to the owner $2,000 in interest by 1920, at which time the owner gets his original thousand back again to be re-invested so long as he and his descendants care to do so. The dollar, invested in the business of the steel corporation, by the technical processes of bookkeeping, is constantly renewed. Not only does it pay a return to the owner, but literally, it never dies. The community is built upon labor. Its processes are continued and its wealth is re-created by labor. The men who work on the railroad keep the road operating; those who own the railroad owe to it no personal fealty, and perform upon it no personal service. If the worker dies, the train must stop until he is replaced; if the owner dies, the clerk records a change of name in the registry books. The well-ordered society will encourage work. It will aim to develop enthusiasm, to stimulate activity. Nevertheless, in "practical America" a scheme of economic organization is being perfected under which the cream of life goes to the owners. They have the amplest opportunities. They enjoy the first fruits. 4. _Property Rights and Civilization_ Under these circumstances, it is easy to see how "the rights of property" soon comes to mean the same thing as "civilization," and how "the preservation of law and order" is always interpreted as the protection of property. With a community organized on a basis which renders property rights supreme in all essential particulars, it is but natural that the perpetuation of these rights should be regarded as the perpetuation of civilization itself. The present organization of economic life in the United States permits the wealth owners through their ownership to live without doing any work upon the work done by their fellows. As recipients of property income (rent, interest and dividends) they have a return for which they need perform no service,--a return that allows them to "live on their income." The man who fails to assist in productive activity gives nothing of himself in return for the food, clothing and shelter which he enjoys,--that is, he lives on the labor of others. Where some have sowed and reaped, hammered and drilled, he has regaled himself on the fruits of their toil, while never toiling himself. The matter appears most clearly in the case of an heir to an estate. The father dies, leaving his son the title deeds to a piece of city land. If he has no confidence in his son's business ability or if his son is a minor, he may leave the land in trust, and have it administered in his son's interest by some well organized trust company. The father did not make the land, though he did buy it. The son neither made nor bought the land, it merely came to him; and yet each year he receives a rent-payment upon which he is able to live comfortably without doing any work. It must at once be apparent that this son of his father, economically speaking, performs no function in the community, but merely takes from the community an annual toll or rental based on his ownership of a part of the land upon, which his fellowmen depend for a living. Of what will this toll consist? Of bread, shoes, motor-cars, cigars, books and pictures,--the products of the labor of other men. This son of his father is living on his income,--supported by the labor of other people. He performs no labor himself, and yet he is able to exist comfortably in a world where all of the things which are consumed are the direct or indirect product of the labor of some human being. Living on one's income is not a new social experience, but it is relatively new in the United States. The practice found a reasonably effective expression in the feudalism of medieval Europe. It has been brought to extraordinary perfection under the industrialism of Twentieth Century America. Imagine the feelings of the early inhabitants of the American colonies toward those few gentlemen who set themselves up as economically superior beings, and who insisted upon living without any labor, upon the labor performed by their fellows. It was against the suggestion of such a practice that Captain John Smith vociferated his famous "He that will not work, neither shall he eat." The suggestion that some should share in the proceeds of community life without participating in the hardships that were involved in making a living seemed preposterous in those early days. To-day, living on one's income is accepted in every industrial center of the United States as one of the methods of gaining a livelihood. Some men and women work for a living. Other men and women own for a living. Workers are in most cases the humble people of the community. They do not live in the finest homes, eat the best food, wear the most elaborate clothing, or read, travel and enjoy the most of life. The owners as a rule are the well-to-do part of the community. They derive much of all of their income from investments. The return which they make to the community in services is small when compared with the income which they receive from their property holdings. Living on one's income is becoming as much a part of American economic life as living by factory labor, or by mining, or by manufacturing, or by any other occupation upon which the community depends for its products. The difference between these occupations and living on one's income is that they are relatively menial, and it is relatively respectable, that is, they have won the disapprobation and it has won the approbation of American public opinion. The best general picture of the economic situation that permits a few people to live on their incomes, while the masses of the people work for a living, is contained in the reports of the Federal Commissioner of Internal Revenue. The figures for 1917 ("Statistics of Income for 1917" published August 1919) show that 3,472,890 persons filed returns, making one for each six families in the United States. Almost one half of the total number of returns made in 1917 were from persons whose income was between $1000 and $2000. There were 1,832,132 returns showing incomes of $2000 or more, one for each twelve families in the country. The number of persons receiving the higher incomes is comparatively small. There were 270,666 incomes between $5,000 and $10,000; 30,391 between $10,000 and $25,000; 12,439 between $25,000 and $50,000. There were 432,662 returns (22 for each 1000 families in the United States) showing incomes of $5,000 or over; there were 161,996 returns (8 returns for each 1000 families) showing incomes of $10,000 or over; 49,494 showing incomes of $25,000 and over; 19,103 showing incomes of $50,000 and more. Thus the number of moderate and large incomes, compared with the total population of the country, was minute. The portion of the report that is of particular interest, in so far as the present study is concerned, is that which presents a division of the total net income of those reporting $2,000 or more, into three classes--income from personal service, income from business profits and income from the ownership of property. PERSONAL INCOMES BY SOURCES--1917 _Amount of_ _Per Cent_ _Income_ _of Total_ _Source_ _Income_ 1. Income from personal service; salaries, wages; commission, bonuses, director's fees, etc $ 3,648,437,902 30.21 2. Income from business; business, trade, commerce, partnership, farming, and profits from sales of real estate, stocks, bonds, and other property 3,958,670,028 32.77 3. Income from property; rents and royalties 684,343,399 5.67 Interest on bonds, notes, etc. 936,715,456 7.76 Dividends 2,848,842,499 23.59 Total from Property 4,469,901,354 37.02 4. Total income 12,077,009,284 100.00 Those persons who have incomes of $2,000 or more receive 30 cents on the dollar in the form of wages and salaries; 33 cents in the form of business profits, and 37 cents in the form of incomes from the ownership of property. The dividend payments alone--to this group of property owners, are equal to three quarters of the total returns for personal service. These figures refer, of course, to all those in receipt of $2,000 or more per year. Obviously, the smaller incomes are in the form of wages, salaries, and business profits, while the larger incomes take the form of rent, interest and dividends. This is made apparent by a study of the detailed tables published in connection with the "Income Statistics for 1916." Among those of small incomes--$5,000 to $10,000--nearly half of the income was derived from personal services. The proportion of the income resulting from personal service diminished steadily as the incomes rose until, in the highest income group--those receiving $2,000,000 or more per year, less than one-half of one per cent. was the result of personal service while more than 99 per cent. of the incomes came from property ownership. A small portion of the American people are in receipt of incomes that necessitate a report to the revenue officers. Among those persons, a small number are in receipt of incomes that might be termed large--incomes of $10,000 or over, for example. Among these persons with large incomes the majority of the income is secured in the form of rent, interest, dividends and profits. The higher the income group, the larger is the percentage of the income that comes from property holdings. The economic system that exists at the present time in the United States places a premium on property ownership. The recipients of the large incomes are the holders of the large amounts of property. Large incomes are property incomes. The rich are rich because they are property owners. Furthermore, the organization of present-day business makes the owner of property more secure--far more secure in his income, than is the worker who produces the wealth out of which the property income is paid. 5. _Plutocracy_ The owning class in the United States is established on an economic basis,--the private ownership of the earth. No more solid foundation for class integrity and class power has ever been discovered. The owners of the United States are powerfully entrenched. Operating through the corporation, its members have secured possession of the bulk of the more useful resources, the important franchises and the productive capital. Where they do not own outright, they control. The earth, in America, is the landlords and the fullness thereof. They own the productive machinery, and because they own they are able to secure a vast annual income in return for their bare ownership. Families which enjoy property income have one great common interest--that of perpetuating and continuing the property income; hence the "cohesion of wealth." "The cohesion of wealth" is a force that welds individuals and families who receive property income into a unified group or class. The cohesion of wealth is a force of peculiar social significance. It might perhaps be referred to as the class consciousness of the wealthy except that it manifests itself among people who have recently acquired wealth, more violently, in some cases, than it appears among those whose families have possessed wealth for generations. Then, the cohesion of wealth is not always an intelligent force. In the case of some persons it is largely instinctive. Originally, the cohesion of wealth expresses itself instinctively among a group of wealth owners. They may be competing fiercely as in the case of a group of local banks, department stores, or landlords, but let a common enemy appear, with a proposition for currency reform, labor legislation or land taxation and in a twinkling the conflicting interests are thrown to the winds and the property owners are welded into a coherent, unified group. This is the beginning of a wealth cohesion which develops rapidly into a wealth consciousness. American business, a generation ago, was highly competitive. Each business man's hand was raised against his neighbor and the downfall of one was a matter of rejoicing for all. The bitter experience of the nineties drove home some lessons; the struggles with labor brought some more; the efforts at government regulations had their effect; but most of all, the experience of meeting with men in various lines of business and discussing the common problems through the city, state and national and business organizations led to a realization of the fact that those who owned and managed business had more in common than they had in antagonism. By knifing one another they made themselves an easy prey for the unions and the government. By pooling ideas and interests they presented a solid front to the demands of organized labor and the efforts of the public to enforce regulation. "Plutocracy" means control by those who own wealth. The "plutocratic class" consists of that group of persons who control community affairs because they own property. This class, because of its property ownership, is compelled to devote time and infinite pains to the task of safeguarding the sacred rights of property. It is to that task that the leaders of the American plutocracy have committed themselves, and it is from the results of that accomplished work that they are turning to new labors. FOOTNOTES: [41] Speech in the Senate, June 20, 1832. Works Colvin Colton, ed. New York, Putnam's, 1904, vol. 7, p. 503. [42] Ibid., p. 503. [43] "Speeches," E. P. Whipple, ed. Little, Brown & Co., 1910, pp. 59-60. [44] "The Constitutional Position of Property in America," Arthur T. Hadley, _Independent_, April 16, 1908. X. INDUSTRIAL EMPIRES 1. _They Cannot Pause!_ The foundations of Empire have been laid in the United States. Territory has been conquered; peoples have been subjugated or annihilated; an imperial class has established itself. Here are all of the essential characteristics of empire. The American people have been busy laying the political foundations of Empire for three centuries. A great domain, taken by force of arms from the people who were in possession of it has been either incorporated into the Union, or else held as dependent territory. The aborigines have disappeared as a race. The Negroes, kidnaped from their native land, enslaved and later liberated, are still treated as an inferior people who should be the hewers of wood and the drawers of water. A vast territory was taken from Mexico as a result of one war. A quarter million square miles were secured from Spain in another; on the Continent three and a half millions of square miles; in territorial possessions nearly a quarter of a million more--this is the result of little more than two hundred years of struggle; this is the geographic basis for the American Empire. The structure of owning class power is practically complete in the United States. Through long years the business interests have evolved a form of organization that concentrates the essential power over the industrial and financial processes in a very few hands,--the hands of the investment bankers. During this contest for power the plutocracy learned the value of the control of public opinion, and brought the whole machinery for the direction of public affairs under its domination. Thus political and social institutions as well as the processes of economic life were made subject to plutocratic authority. A hundred years has sufficed to promulgate ideas of the sacredness of private property that place its preservation and protection among the chief duties of man. Economic organization; the control of all important branches of public affairs, and the elevation of property rights to a place among the beatitudes--by these three means was the authority of the plutocracy established and safeguarded. Since economic political and social power cover the field of authority that one human being may exercise over another, it might be supposed that the members of the plutocratic class would pause at this point and cease their efforts to increase power. But the owners cannot pause! A force greater than their wills compels them to go on at an ever growing speed. Within the vitals of the economic system upon which it subsists the plutocracy has found a source of never-ending torment in the form of a constantly increasing surplus. 2. _The Knotty Problem of Surplus_ The present system of industry is so organized that the worker is always paid less in wages than he creates in product. A part of this difference between product and wages goes to the upkeep and expansion of the industry in which the worker is employed. Another part in the form of interest, dividends, rents, royalties and profits, goes to the owners of the land and productive machinery. The values produced in industry and handed to the industrial worker or property owner in the form of income, may be used or "spent" either for "consumption goods"--things that are to be used in satisfying human wants, such as street car transportation, clothing, school books, and smoking tobacco; or for production goods--things that are to be used in the making of wealth, such as factory buildings, lathes, harvesting machinery, railroad equipment. Those who have small incomes necessarily spend the greater part for the consumption of goods upon which their existence depends. On the other hand, those who are in receipt of large incomes cannot use more than a limited amount of consumption goods. Therefore, they are in a position to turn part of their surplus into production goods. As a reward for this "saving" the system gives them title to an amount of wealth equal to the amount saved, and in addition, it grants an amount of "interest" so that the next year the recipient of surplus gets the regular share of surplus, and beside that an additional reward in the form of interest. His share of the surplus is thus increased. That is, surplus breeds surplus. The workers are, for the most part, spenders. The great bulk of their income is turned at once into consumption goods. The owners in many instances are capitalists who hold property for the purpose of turning the income derived from it into additional investments. Could the worker buy back dollar for dollar the values which he produces there would be no surplus in the form of rent, interest, dividends and profits. The present economic system is, however, built upon the principle that those who own the lands and the productive machinery should be recompensed for their mere ownership. It follows, of course, that the more land and machinery there is to own the greater will be the amount of surplus which will go to the owners. Since surplus breeds surplus the owners find that it pays them not to use all of their income in the form of consumption, but rather to invest all that they can, thereby increasing the share of surplus that is due them. The worker, on the other hand, finds that he must produce a constantly larger amount of wealth which he never gets, but which is destined for the payment of rent, interest, dividends and profits. Increased incomes yield increased investments. Increased investments necessitate the creation and payment of increased surplus. The payment of increased surplus means increased incomes. Thus the circle is continued--with the returns heaping up in the coffers of the plutocracy. Originally the surplus was utilized to free the members of the owning class from the grinding drudgery of daily toil, by permitting them to enjoy the fruits of the labor of others. Then it was employed in the exercise of power over the economic and social machinery. But that was not the end--instead it proved only the beginning. As property titles were concentrated in fewer and fewer hands, and the amount of property owned by single individuals or groups of individuals becomes greater, their incomes (chiefly in the form of rent, interest, dividends and profits) rose until by 1917 there were 19,103 persons in the United States who declared incomes of $50,000 or more per year, which is the equivalent of $1,000 per week. Among these persons 141 declared annual incomes of over $1,000,000. Besides these personal incomes, each industry which paid these dividends and profits, through its depreciation, amortization, replacement, new construction, and surplus funds was reinvesting in the industries billions of wealth that would be used in the creation of more wealth. The normal processes of the growth of the modern economic system has forced upon the masters of life the problem of disposing of an ever increasing amount of surplus. During prosperous periods, the investment funds of a community like England and the United States grow very rapidly. The more prosperous the nation, the greater is the demand from those who cannot spend their huge incomes for safe, paying investment opportunities. The immense productivity of the present-day system of industry has added greatly to the amount of surplus seeking investment. Each invention, each labor saving device, each substitution of mechanical power that multiplies the productive capacity of industry at the same time increases the surplus at the disposal of the plutocracy. The surplus must be disposed of. There is no other alternative. If hats, flour and gasoline are piled up in the warehouses or stored in tanks, no more of these commodities will be made until this surplus has been used. The whole economic system proceeds on the principle that for each commodity produced, a purchaser must be found before another unit of the commodity is ordered. Demand for commodities stimulates and regulates the machinery of production. Those in control of the modern economic system have no choice but to produce surplus, and once having produced it, they have no choice except to dispose of it. An inexorable fate drives them onward--augmenting their burdens as it multiplies their labors. Investment opportunities, of necessity, are eagerly sought by the plutocracy, since the law of their system is "Invest or perish"! Invest? Where? Where there is some demand for surplus capital--that is in "undeveloped countries." The necessity for disposing of surplus has imposed upon the business men of the world a classification of all countries as "developed" or "undeveloped." "Developed" countries are those in which the capitalist processes have gone far enough to produce a surplus that is sufficient to provide for the upkeep and for the normal expansion of industry. In "developed" countries mines are opened, factories are built, railroads are financed, as rapidly as needed, out of the domestic industrial surplus. "Undeveloped" countries are those which cannot produce sufficient capital for their own needs, and which must, therefore, depend for industrial expansion upon investments of capital from the countries that do produce a surplus. "Developed" countries are those in which the modern industrial system has been thoroughly established. The contrast between developed and undeveloped countries is made clear by an examination of the investments of any investing nation, such as Great Britain. Great Britain in 1913 was surrounded by rich, prosperous neighbors--France, Germany, Holland, Belgium. Each year about a billion dollars in English capital was invested outside of the British Isles. Where did this wealth go? The chief objectives of British investment, aside from the British Dominions and the United States, were (stated in millions of pounds) Argentine 320; Brazil 148; Mexico 99; Russia 67; France 8 and Germany 6. The wealth of Germany or France is greater than that of Argentine, Brazil and Mexico combined, but Germany and France were developed countries, producing enough surplus for their own needs, and, therefore, the investable wealth of Great Britain went, not to her rich neighbors, but to the poorer lands across the sea. Each nation that produces an investable surplus--and in the nature of the present economic system, every capitalist nation must some day reach the point where it can no longer absorb its own surplus wealth--must find some undeveloped country in which to invest its surplus. Otherwise the continuity of the capitalist world is unthinkable. Great Britain, Belgium, Holland, France, Germany and Japan all had reached this stage before the war. The United States was approaching it rapidly. 3. _"Undeveloped Countries"_ Capitalism is so new that the active struggle to secure investment opportunities in undeveloped countries is of the most recent origin. The voyages which resulted in the discovery, by modern Europeans, of the Americas, Australia, Japan, and an easy road to the Orient, were all made within 500 years. The actual processes of capitalism are products of the past 150 years in England, where they had their origin. In France, Germany, Italy and Japan they have existed for less than a century. The great burst of economic activity which has pushed the United States so rapidly to the fore as a producer of surplus wealth dates from the Civil War. Only in the last generation did there arise the financial imperialism that results from the necessity of finding a market for investable surplus. The struggle for world trade had been waged for centuries before the advent of capitalism, but the struggle for investment opportunities in undeveloped countries is strictly modern. The matter is strikingly stated by Amos Pinchot in his "Peace or Armed Peace" (Nov. 11, 1918). "If you will look at the maps following page 554 of Hazen's 'Europe since 1815,' or any other standard colored map showing Africa and Asia in 1884, you will see that, but for a few rare spots of coloration, the whole continent of Africa is pure white. Crossing the Red Sea into Arabia, Persia, Mesopotamia and Asia Minor, you will find the same or rather a more complete lack of color. This is merely the cartographer's way of showing, by tint and lack of tint, that at that time Africa and Western Asia were still in the hands of their native populations. "Let us now turn to the same maps thirty years later, i.e., in 1914. We find them utterly changed. They are no longer white, but a patch work of variegated hues.... "From 1870 to 1900, Great Britain added to her possessions, to say nothing of her spheres of influence, nearly 5,000,000 square miles with an estimated population of 88,000,000. Within a few years after England's permanent occupation of Egypt, which was the signal for the renaissance of French colonialism, France increased hers by 3,500,000 square miles with a population of 37,000,000, not counting Morocco added in 1911. Germany, whose colonialism came later, because home and nearby markets longer absorbed the product of her machines, brought under her dominion from 1884 to 1899 1,000,000 square miles with an estimated population of 14,000,000." This is a picture of the political effects that followed the economic causes summed up in the term "financial imperialism." In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries it was the trader, dealing in raw stuff; in the nineteenth century it was the manufacturer, producing at low cost to cut under his neighbor's price. During the past thirty years the investment banker has occupied the foreground with his efforts to find safe, paying opportunities for the disposal of the surplus committed to his care. British bankers, French bankers, German bankers, Belgian bankers, Dutch bankers--all intent upon the same mission--because behind all, and relentlessly driving, were the accumulating surpluses, demanding an outlet. European bankers found that outlet in Africa, Asia, Australia and the Americas. The stupendous strides in the development of the resources in these countries would have been impossible but for that surplus of European capital. The undeveloped countries to-day have the same characteristics,--virgin resources, industrial and commercial possibilities, and in many cases cheap labor. This is true, for example, in China, Mexico and India. It is true to a less extent in South America and South Africa. The logical destination of capital is the point where the investment will "pay." The investor who has used up the cream of the home investment market turns his eyes abroad. As a recent writer has suggested, "There is a glamor about the foreign investment" which does not hold for a domestic one. Foreign investments have yielded such huge returns in the past that there is always a seeming possibility of wonderful gains for the future. The risk is greater, of course, but this is more than offset by the increased rate of return. If it were not so, the wealth would be invested at home or held idle. 4. _The Great Investing Nations_ The great industrial nations are the great investing nations. An agriculture community produces little surplus wealth. Land values are low, franchises and special privileges are negligible factors. There can be relatively little speculation. Changes in method of production are infrequent. Changes in values and total wealth are gradual. The owning class in an agriculture civilization may live comfortably. If it is very small in proportion to the total population it may live luxuriously, but it cannot derive great revenues such as those secured by the owning classes of an industrial civilization. Industrial civilization possesses all of the factors for augmenting surplus wealth which are lacking in agricultural civilizations. Changes in the forms of industrial production are rapid; special privilege yields rich returns and is the subject of wide speculative activity; land values increase; labor saving machinery multiplies man's capacity to turn out wealth. As much surplus wealth might be produced in a year of this industrial life as could have been turned out in a generation or a century of agricultural activity or of hand-craft industry. England, France, Germany, Holland, Belgium, Japan and the United States, the great industrial nations, have become the great lending nations. Their search for "undeveloped territory" and "spheres of influence" is not a search for trade, but for an opportunity to invest and exploit. If these nations wished to exchange cotton for coffee, or machinery for wheat on even terms, they could exchange with one another, or with one of the undeveloped countries, but they demand an outlet for surplus wealth--an outlet that can only be utilized where the government of the developed country will guarantee the investment of its citizens in the undeveloped territory. The investing nations either want to take the raw products of the undeveloped country, manufacture them and sell them back as finished material (the British policy in India), or else they desire to secure possession of the resources, franchises and other special privileges in the undeveloped country which they can exploit for their own profit (the British policy in South America). The Indians, under the British policy, are thus in relatively the same position as the workers in one of the industrial countries. They are paid for their raw material a fraction of the value of the finished product. They are expected to buy back the finished product, which is a manifest impossibility. There is thus a drastic limitation on the exploitation of undeveloped countries, just as there is a limitation on the exploitation of domestic labor. In both cases the people as consumers can buy back less in value than the exploiters have to sell. Obviously the time must come when all the undeveloped sections of the world have been exploited to the limit. Then surplus will go a-begging. Some of the investors in the great exploiting nations have abandoned the idea of making huge returns by way of the English policy in India. Instead the investors in every nation are buying up resources, franchises and concessions and other special privileges in the undeveloped countries and treating them in exactly the same way that they would treat a domestic investment. In this case the resources and labor of the undeveloped country are exploited for the profit of the foreign investor. The Roman conquerors subjugated the people politically and then exacted an economic return in the form of tribute. The modern imperialists do not bother about the political machinery, so long as it remains in abeyance, but content themselves with securing possession of the economic resources of a region and exacting a return in interest and dividends on the investment. Political tribute is largely a thing of the past. In its place there is a new form--economic tribute--which is safer, cheaper, and on the whole far superior to the Roman method of exploiting undeveloped regions. 5. _The American Home Field_ A hundred years ago the United States was an undeveloped country. Its resources were virgin. Its wealth possibilities were immense. Both domestic and foreign capitalists invested large sums in the canals, the railroads and other American commercial and industrial enterprises. The rapid economic expansion of recent years has involved the outlay of huge sums of new capital. The total capital invested in manufactures was 8,975 millions in 1899 and 22,791 millions in 1914. The total of railway capital was 11,034 millions in 1899 and 20,247 millions in 1914. Manufacturing and railroading alone secured a capital outlay of over 20 billions in 15 years. Some idea of the increase in investments may be gained from the amount of new stocks and bonds listed annually on the New York Stock Exchange. The total amount of new stocks listed for the five years ending with 1914 was 1,420 millions; the total of new bonds was 2,226 million. (_The Financial Review Annual_, 1918, p. 67.) The total capital of new companies (with an authorized capital of at least $100,000) was in 1918, $2,599,753,600; in 1919, $12,677,229,600, and in the first 10 months of 1920, $12,242,577,700. (Bradstreets, Nov. 6, 1920, p. 731.) The figures showing the amount of stocks and bonds issued do not by any means exhaust the field of new capital. Reference has already been made to the fact that the United States Steel Corporation, between 1903 and 1918 increased its issues of stocks and bonds by only $31,600,000, while, in the same time its assets increased $987,000,000. The same fact is illustrated, on a larger scale, in a summary (_Wall Street Journal_, August 7, 1919) of the finances of 104 corporations covering the four years, December 31, 1914, to December 31, 1918. During this time, six of the leading steel companies of the United States increased their working capital by $461,965,000 and their surplus by $617,656,000. This billion was taken out of the earnings of the companies. Concerning the entire 104 corporations, the _Journal_ notes that, "After heavy expenditures for new construction and acquisitions, and record breaking dividends, they added a total of nearly $2,000,000,000 to working capital." In addition, these corporations, in four years, showed a gain of $1,941,498,000 in surplus and a gain in inventories of $1,522,000,000. Considerable amounts of capital are invested in private industry, by individuals and partnerships. No record of these investments ever appears. Farmers invest in animals, machinery and improved buildings--investments that are not represented by stocks or bonds. Again, the great corporations themselves are constantly adding to their assets without increasing their stock or bond issues. In these and other ways, billions of new capital are yearly absorbed by the home investment market. Although most of the enterprises of the United States have been floated with American capital, the investors of Great Britain, Holland, France and other countries took a hand. In 1913 the capitalists of Great Britain had larger investments in the United States than in any other country, or than in any British Dominion. (The U. S., 754,617,000 pounds; Canada and Newfoundland, 514,870,000 pounds; India and Ceylon, 378,776,000 pounds; South Africa, 370,192,000 pounds and so on.) (_Annals_, 1916, Vol. 68, p. 28, Article by C. K. Hobson.) The aggregate amount of European capital invested in the United States was approximately $6,500,000,000 in 1910. Of this sum more than half was British. ("Trade Balance of the United States," George Paisch. National Monetary Commission, 1910, p. 175.) By the beginning of the present century (the U. S. Steel Corporation was organized in 1901) the main work of organization inside of the United States was completed. The bankers had some incidental tasks before them, but the industrial leaders themselves had done their pioneer duty. There were corners to be smoothed off, and bearings to be rubbed down, but the great structural problems had been solved, and the foundations of world industrial empire had been laid. 6. _Leaving the Home Field_ The Spanish-American War marks the beginning of the new era in American business organization. This war found the American people isolated and provincial. It left them with a new feeling for their own importance. The worlds at home had been conquered. The transcontinental railroads had been built; the steel industry, the oil industry, the coal industry, the leather industry, the woolen industry and a host of others had been organized by a whole generation of industrial organizers who had given their lives to this task. Across the borders of the United States--almost within arm's reach of the eager, stirring, high-strung men of the new generation, there were tens of thousands of square miles of undeveloped territory--territory that was fabulously rich in ore, in timber, in oil, in fertility. On every side the lands stretched away--Mexico, the West Indies, Central America, Canada--with opportunity that was to be had for the taking. Opportunity called. Capital, seeking new fields for investment, urged. Youth, enthusiasm and enterprise answered the challenge. The foreign investments of the United States at the time of the Spanish-American War were negligible. By 1910 American business men had two billions invested abroad--$700,000,000 in Mexico; $500,000,000 in Canada; $350,000,000 in Europe, and smaller sums in the West Indies, the Philippines, China, Central and South America. In 1913 there was a billion invested in Mexico and an equal amount in Canada. ("Commercial Policy," W. S. Culbertson, New York, Appleton, 1919, p. 315.) Capital flowed out of the United States in two directions: 1. Toward the resources which were so abundant in certain foreign countries. 2. Toward foreign markets. 7. _Building on Foreign Resources_ The Bethlehem Steel Corporation is a typical industry that has built up foreign connections as a means of exploiting foreign resources. The Corporation has a huge organization in the United States which includes 10 manufacturing plants, a coke producing company, 11 ship building plants, six mines and quarries, and extensive coal deposits in Pennsylvania and West Virginia. The Bethlehem Steel Corporation also controls ore properties near Santiago, Cuba, near Nipe Bay, Cuba, and extensive deposits along the northern coast of Cuba; large ore properties at Tofo, Chile, and the Ore Steamship Corporation, a carrying line for Chilean and Cuban ore. The American Smelting and Refining Company is another illustration of expansion into a foreign country for the purpose of utilizing foreign resources. According to the record of the Company's properties, the Company was operating six refining plants, one located in New Jersey; one in Nebraska; one in California; one in Illinois; one in Maryland, and one in Washington. The Company owned 14 lead smelters and 11 copper smelters, located as follows: Colorado, 4; Utah, 2; Texas, 2; Arizona, 2; New Jersey, 2; Montana, 1; Washington, 1; Nebraska, 1; California, 1; Illinois, 1; Chile, 2; Mexico, 6. Among these 25 plants a third is located outside of the United States. These are but two examples. The rubber, oil, tobacco and sugar interests have pursued a similar policy--extending their organization in such a way as to utilize foreign resources as a source for the raw materials that are destined to be manufactured in the United States. 8. _Manufacturing and Marketing Abroad_ The Bethlehem Steel Corporation and the American Smelting and Refining Company go outside of the United States for the resources upon which their industries depend. Their fabricating industries are carried on inside of the country. There are a number of the great industries of the country that have gone outside of the United States to do their manufacturing and to organize the marketing of their products. The International Harvester Company has built a worldwide organization. It manufactures harvesting machinery, farm implements, gasoline engines, tractors, wagons and separators at Springfield, Ohio; Rock Falls, Ill.; Chicago, Ill.; Auburn, New York; Akron, Ohio; Milwaukee, Wisc., and West Pullman, Ill. It has iron mines, coal mines and steel plants operated by the Wisconsin Steel Company. It has three twine mills and four railways. Foreign plants and branches are listed as follows: Norrkoping, Sweden; Copenhagen, Denmark; Christiania, Norway; Paris, France; Croix, France; Berlin, Germany; Hamilton, Ontario, Canada; Zurich, Switzerland; Vienna, Austria; Lubertzy, Russia; Neuss, Germany; Melbourne, Australia; London, England; Christ Church, New Zealand. One of the greatest industrial empires in the world is the Standard Oil Properties. It is not possible to go into detail with regard to their operations. Space will admit of a brief comment upon one of the constituent parts or "states" of the empire--The Standard Oil Company of New Jersey. With a capital stock of $100,000,000, this Company, from the dissolution of the Standard Oil Company, December 15, 1911, to June 15, 1918, a period of six and a half years, paid dividends of $174,058,932. The company describes itself as "a manufacturing enterprise with a large foreign business. The company drills oil wells, pumps them, refines the crude oil into many forms and sells the product--mostly abroad." (_The Lamp_, May, 1918.) The properties of the Company are thus listed: 1. The Company has 13 refineries, seven of them in New Jersey, Maryland, Oklahoma, Louisiana and West Virginia. Four of the remaining refineries are located in Canada, one is in Mexico and one in Peru. 2. Pipeline properties in New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania and Maryland. 3. A fleet of 54 ocean-going tank steamers with a capacity of 486,480 dead weight tons. (This is about two per cent of the total ocean-going tonnage of the world.) 4. Can and case factories, barrel factories, canning plants, glue factories and pipe shops. 5. Through its subsidiary corporations, the Company controls: a. Oil wells in Pennsylvania, West Virginia, Ohio, Kentucky, Louisiana, Arkansas, Mississippi, Texas, California, Peru and Mexico. In connection with many of these properties refineries are operated. b. One subsidiary has 550 marketing stations in Canada. Others market in various parts of the United States; in the West Indies; in Central and South America; in Germany, Austria, Roumania, the Netherlands, France, Denmark and Italy. The Standard Oil Company of New Jersey comprises only one part--though a very successful part--of the Standard Oil Group of industries. It is one industrial state in a great industrial empire. Foreign resources offer opportunities to the exploiter. Foreign markets beckon. Both calls have been heeded by the American business interests that are busy building the international machinery of business organization. 9. _International Business and Finance_ The steel, smelting, oil, sugar, tobacco, and harvester interests are confined to relatively narrow lines. In their wake have followed general business, and above all, financial activities. The American International Corporation was described by its vice-president (Mr. Connick) before a Senate Committee on March 1, 1918. "Until the Russian situation became too acute, they had offices in Petrograd, London, Paris, Rome, Mexico City. They sent commissions and agents and business men to South America to promote trade.... They were negotiating contracts for a thousand miles of railroad in China. They were practically rebuilding, you might say, the Grand Canal in China. They had acquired the Pacific Mail.... They then bought the New York Shipbuilding Corporation to provide ships for their shipping interests." By 1919 (_New York Times_, Oct. 31, 1919) the Company had acquired Carter Macy & Co., and the Rosin and Turpentine Export Co., and was interested in the International Mercantile Marine and the United Fruit Companies. Another illustration of the same kind of general foreign business appeared in the form of an advertisement inserted on the financial page of the _New York Times_ (July 10, 1919) by three leading financial firms, which called attention to a $3,000,000 note issue of the Haytian American Corporation "Incorporated under the laws of the State of New York, owning and operating sugar, railroad, wharf and public utility companies in the Republic of Hayti." Further, the advertisers note: "The diversity of the Company's operations assures stability of earnings." American manufacturers, traders and industrial empire builders have not gone alone into the foreign field. The bankers have accompanied them. Several of the great financial institutions of the country are advertising their foreign connections. The Guaranty Trust Company (_New York Times_, Jan. 10, 1919) advertises under the caption "Direct Foreign Banking Facilities" offering "a direct and comprehensive banking service for trade with all countries." These connections include: 1. Branches in London and Paris, which are designated United States depositories. "They are American institutions conducted on American lines, and are especially well equipped to render banking service throughout Europe." There are additional branches in Liverpool and Brussels. The Company also has direct connections in Italy and Spain, and representatives in the Scandinavian countries. 2. "Direct connections with the leading financial institutions in Argentina, Uruguay, Chile, and Brazil." A special representative in Buenos Ayres. "Through our affiliation with the Mercantile Bank of the Americas and its connections, we cover Peru, Northern Brazil, Columbia, Ecuador, Venezuela, Nicaragua, Honduras, Guatemala, and other South and Central American countries." 3. "Through the American Mercantile Bank of Cuba, at Havana, we cover direct Cuba and the West Indies." 4. "Direct banking and merchant service throughout British India," together with correspondents in the East Indies and the Straits Settlements. 5. "Direct connections with the National Bank of South Africa, at Cape Town, and its many branches in the Transvaal, Rhodesia, Natal, Mozambique, etc." 6. Direct banking connections and a special representative in Australia and New Zealand. 7. "Through our affiliations with the Asia Banking Corporation we negotiate, direct, banking transactions of every nature in China, Manchuria, Southeastern Siberia, and throughout the Far East. The Asia Banking Corporation has its main office in New York and is establishing branches in these important trade centers: Shanghai, Pekin, Tientsin, Hankow, Harbin, Vladivostok. We are also official correspondents for leading Japanese banks." The advertisement concludes with this statement: "Our Foreign Trade Bureau collects and makes available accurate and up-to-date information relating to foreign trade--export markets, foreign financial and economic conditions, shipping facilities, export technique, etc. It endeavors to bring into touch buyers and sellers here and abroad." The same issue of the _Times_ carries a statement of the Mercantile Bank of the Americas which "offers the services of a banking organization with branches and affiliated banks in important trade centers throughout Central and South America, France and Spain." The Bank describes itself as "an American Bank for Foreign trade." Among its eleven directors are the President and two Vice-Presidents of the Guaranty Trust Company. The Asia Banking Corporation, upon which the Guaranty Trust Company relies for its Eastern connections, was organized in 1918 "to engage in international and foreign banking in China, in the dependencies and insular possessions of the United States, and, ultimately in Siberia" (_Standard Corporation Service_, May-August, 1918, p. 42). The officers elected in August 1918, were Charles H. Sabin, President of the Guaranty Trust Co., President; Albert Breton, Vice-President of the Guaranty Trust Co., and Ralph Dawson, Assistant Secretary of the Guaranty Trust Company, Vice-Presidents, and Robert A. Shaw, of the overseas division of the Guaranty Trust Company, Treasurer. Among the directors are representatives of the Bankers Trust Company and of the Mercantile Bank of the Americas. 10. _The National City Bank_ The National City Bank of New York--the first bank in the history of the Western Hemisphere to show resources exceeding one billion dollars--illustrates in its development the cyclonic changes that the past few years have brought into American business circles. The National City Bank, originally chartered in 1812, had resources of $16,750,929 in 1879 and of $18,214,823 in 1889. From that point its development has been electric. The resources of the Bank totaled 128 millions in 1899; 280 millions in 1909; $1,039,418,324 in 1919. Between 1889 and 1899 they increased 600 per cent; between 1899 and 1919 they increased 700 per cent; during the 40 years from 1889 and 1919 the increase in resources exceeded six thousand per cent. The organization of the Bank is indicative of the organization of modern business. Among the twenty-one directors, all of whom are engaged in some form of business enterprise, there are the names of William Rockefeller, Percy A. Rockefeller, J. Ogden Armour, Cleveland H. Dodge of the Phelps-Dodge Corporation, Cyrus H. McCormick of the International Harvester Co., Philip A. S. Franklin, President of the International Mercantile Marine Co.; Earl D. Babst, President of the American Sugar Refining Co.; Edgar Palmer, President of the New Jersey Zinc Co.; Nathan C. Kingsbury, Vice-President of the Union Pacific Railroad Co., and Frank Krumball, Chairman of the Chesapeake & Ohio Railroad Co. Some of the most powerful mining, manufacturing, transportation and public utility interests in the United States are represented, directly or indirectly, in this list. The domestic organization of the Bank consists of five divisions, each one under a vice-president. New York City constitutes the first division; the second division comprises New England and New York State outside of New York City; the three remaining divisions cover the other portions of the United States. Except for the size and the completeness of its organization, the National City Bank differs in no essential particulars from numerous other large banking institutions. It is a financial superstructure built upon a massive foundation of industrial enterprise. The phase of the Bank's activity that is of peculiar significance at the present juncture is its foreign organization, all of which has been established since the outbreak of the European war. The foreign business of the National City Bank is carried on by the National City Bank proper and the International Banking Corporation. The first foreign branch of the National City Bank was established at Buenos Aires on November 10th, 1914. On January 1st, 1919, the National City Bank had a total of 15 foreign branches; on December 31st, 1919, it had a total of 74 foreign branches. The policy of the Bank in its establishment of foreign branches is described thus in its "Statement of Condition, December 31st, 1919": "The feature of branch development during the year was the expansion in Cuba, where twenty-two new branches were opened, making twenty-four in the island. Cuba is very prosperous, as a result of the expansion of the sugar industry, and as sugar is produced there under very favorable conditions economically, and the location is most convenient for supplying the United States, the industry is on a sound basis, and relations with the United States are likely to continue close and friendly. Cuba is a market of growing importance to the United States, and the system of branches established by the Bank is designed to serve the trade between the two countries." The trader and the Banker are to work hand in hand. The National City Bank has branches in Argentina, Brazil, Belgium, Chile, Colombia, Cuba, Italy, Porto Rico, Russia, Siberia, Spain, Trinidad, Uruguay and Venezuela, all of which have been established since 1914. A portion of the foreign business of the National City Bank is conducted by the International Banking Corporation which was established in 1902 and which became a part of the National City Bank organization in 1915. The International Banking Corporation has a total of twenty-eight branches located in California, China, England, France, India, Japan, Java, Dominican Republic, Philippine Islands, Republic of Panama and the Straits Settlements. Under this arrangement, the financial relations with America are made by the National City Bank proper; while those with Europe and Asia are in the hands of the International Banking Corporation and the combination provides the Bank with 75 branches in addition to its vast organization within the United States. The National City Bank of 1889, with its resources of eighteen millions, was a small affair compared with the billion dollar resources of 1920. Thirty years sufficed for a growth from youth to robust adulthood. Within five years, the Bank built up a system of foreign branches that make it one of the most potent States in the federation of international financial institutions. 11. _Onward_ Exploiters of foreign resources, manufacturers, traders and bankers have moved, side by side, out of the United States into the foreign field. Step by step they have advanced, rearing the economic structure of empire as they went. The business men of the United States had no choice. They could not pause when they had spanned the continent. Ambition called them, surplus compelled them, profits lured them, the will to power dominated their lives. As well expect the Old Guard to pause in the middle of a charge--even before the sunken road at Waterloo--as to expect the business interests of the United States to cease their efforts and lay down their tools of conquest simply because they had reached the ocean in one direction. While there were left other directions in which there was no ocean; while other undeveloped regions offered the possibility of development, an inexorable fate--the fate inherent in the economic and the human stuff with which they were working compelled them to cry "Onward!" and to turn to the tasks that lay ahead. The fathers and grandfathers of these Twentieth Century American Plutocrats, working coatless in their tiny factories; managing their corner stores; serving their local banks, and holding their minor offices had never dreamed of the destiny that lay ahead. No matter. The necessity for expansion had come and with it came the opportunity. The economic pressure complemented the human desire for "more." The structure of business organization, which was erected to conquer one continent could not cease functioning when that one continent was subdued. Rather, high geared and speeded up as it was, it was in fine form to extend its conquests, like the well groomed army that has come scatheless through a great campaign, and that longs, throughout its tensely unified structure to be off on the next mission. The business life of the United States came to the Pacific; touched the Canadian border; surged against the Rio Grande. The continent had been spanned; the objective had been attained. Still, the cry was "Onward!" Onward? Whither? Onward to the lands where resources are abundant and rich; onward where labor is plentiful, docile and cheap; onward where the opportunities for huge profits are met with on every hand; onward into the undeveloped countries of the world. The capitalists of the European nations, faced by a similar necessity for expansion, had been compelled to go half round the earth to India, to South Africa, to the East Indies, to China, to Canada, to South America. Close at home there was no country except Russia that offered great possibilities of development. The business interests of the United States were more fortunate. At their very doors lay the opportunities--in Canada, in Mexico, in the West Indies, in Central and South America. Here were countries with the amplest, richest resources; countries open for capitalist development. To be sure these investment fields had been invaded already by foreign capitalists--British, German, Belgian and Spanish. But at the same time they were surrounded by a tradition of great virility and power--the tradition of "America for the Americans." XI. THE GREAT WAR 1. _Daylight_ The work of industrial empire building had continued for less than half a century when the United States entered the Great War, which was one in a sequence of events that bound America to the wheel of destiny as it bound England and France and Germany and Japan and every other country that had adopted the capitalist method of production. The war-test revealed the United States to the world and to its own people as a great nation playing a mighty rôle in international affairs. Most Europeans had not suspected the extent of its power. Even the Americans did not realize it. Nevertheless, the processes of economic empire building had laid a foundation upon which the superstructure of political empire is reared as a matter of course. Henceforth, no one need ask whether the United States should or should not be an imperial nation. There remained only the task of determining what form American imperialism should take. The Great War rounded out the imperial beginnings of the United States. It strengthened the plutocracy at home; it gave the United States immense prestige abroad. The Era of Imperialism dawned upon the United States in 1898. Daylight broke in 1914, and the night of isolation and of international unimportance gave place to a new day of imperial power. 2. _Plutocracy in the Saddle_ The rapid sweep across a new continent had placed the resources of the United States in the hands of a powerful minority. Nature had been generous and private ownership of the inexhaustible wilderness seemed to be the natural--the obvious method of procedure. The lightning march of the American people across the continent gave the plutocracy its grip on the natural resources. The revolutionary transformations in industry guaranteed its control of the productive machinery. The wizards of industrial activity have changed the structure of business life even more rapidly than they have conquered the wilderness. True sons of their revolutionary ancestors, they have slashed and remodeled and built anew with little regard for the past. Revolutions are the stalking grounds of predatory power. Napoleon built his empire on the French Revolution; Cromwell on the revolt against tyrannical royalty in England. Peaceful times give less opportunity to personal ambition. Institutions are well-rooted, customs and habits are firmly placed, life is regulated and held to earth by a fixed framework of habit and tradition. Revolution comes--fiercely, impetuously--uprooting institutions, overthrowing traditions, tearing customs from their resting places. All is uncertainty--chaos, when, lo! a man on horseback gathers the loose strands together saying, "Good people, I know, follow me!" He does know; but woe to the people who follow him! Yet, what shall they do? Whither shall they turn? How shall they act? Who can be relied upon in this uncertain hour? The man on horseback rises in his stirrups--speaking in mighty accents his message of hope and cheer, reassuring, promising, encouraging, inspiring all who come within the sound of his voice. His is the one assurance in a wilderness of uncertainty. What wonder that the people follow where he leads and beckons! The revolutionary changes in American economic life between the Civil War and the War of 1914 gave the plutocrat his chance. He was the man on horseback, quick, clever, shrewd, farseeing, persuasive, powerful. Through the courses of these revolutionary changes, the Hills, Goulds, Harrimans, Wideners, Weyerhausers, Guggenheims, Rockefellers, Carnegies, and Morgans did to the American economic organization exactly what Napoleon did to the French political organization--they took possession of it. 3. _Making the Plutocracy Be Good_ The American people were still thinking the thoughts of a competitive economic life when the cohorts of an organized plutocracy bore down upon them. High prices, trusts, millionaires, huge profits, corruption, betrayal of public office took the people by surprise, confused them, baffled them, enraged them. Their first thought was of politics, and during the years immediately preceding the war they were busy with the problem of legislating goodness into the plutocracy. The plutocrats were in public disfavor, and their control of natural resources, banks, railroads, mines, factories, political parties, public offices, governmental machinery, the school system, the press, the pulpit, the movie business,--all of this power amounted to nothing unless it was backed by public opinion. How could the plutocracy--the discredited, vilified plutocracy--get public opinion? How could the exploiters gain the confidence of the American people? There was only one way--they must line up with some cause that would command public attention and compel public support. The cause that it chose was the "defense of the United States." 4. _"Preparedness"_ The plutocracy, with a united front, "went in" for the "defense of the United States,"--attacking the people on the side of their greatest weakness; playing upon their primitive emotions of fear and hate. The campaign was intense and dramatic, featuring Japanese invasions, Mexican inroads, and a world conquest by Germany. The preparedness campaign was a marvel of efficient business organization. Its promoters made use of every device known to the advertising profession; the best brains were employed, and the country was blanketed with preparedness propaganda. Officers of the Army and Navy were frank in insisting that the defense of the United States was adequately provided for. (See testimony of General Nelson A. Miles. _Congressional Record_, February 3, 1916, p. 2265.) Still the preparedness campaign continued with vigor. Congressman Clyde H. Tavenner in his speech, "The Navy League Unmasked," showed why. He gave facts like those appearing in George R. Kirkpatrick's book, "War, What For"; in F. C. Howe's "Why War," and in J. A. Hobson's "Imperialism," showing that, in the words of an English authority, "patriotism at from 10 to 15 per cent is a temptation for the best of citizens." Tavenner established the connection between the preparedness campaign and those who were making profits out of the powder business, the nickel business, the copper business, and the steel business, interlocked through interlocking directorates; then he established the connection between the Navy League and the firm of J. P. Morgan & Co., 23 Wall St., New York. Regarding this connection, Congressman Tavenner said, "The Navy League upon close examination would appear to be little more than a branch office of the house of J. P. Morgan & Co., and a general sales promotion bureau for the various armor and munition makers and the steel, nickel, copper and zinc interests."[45] The preparedness movement came from the business interests. It was fostered and financed by the plutocrats. It was their first successful effort at winning public confidence, and so well was it managed that millions of Americans fell into line, fired by the love of the flag and the world-old devotion to family and fireside. 5. _Patriots_ From preparedness to patriotism was an easy step. The preparedness advocates had evoked the spirit of the founders of American democracy and worked upon the emotions of the people until it was generally understood that those who favored preparedness were patriots. Plutocratic patriotism was accepted by the press, the pulpit, the college, and every other important channel of public information in the United States. Editors, ministers, professors and lawyers proclaimed it as though it were their own. Randolph Bourne, in a brilliant article (_Seven Arts_, July, 1917) reminds his readers of "the virtuous horror and stupefaction when they read the manifesto of their ninety-three German colleagues in defense of the war. To the American academic mind of 1914 defense of war was inconceivable. From Bernhardi it recoiled as from a blasphemy, little dreaming that two years later would find it creating its own cleanly reasons for imposing military service on the country and for talking of the rough rude currents of health and regeneration that war would send through the American body politic. They would have thought any one mad who talked of shipping American men by the hundreds of thousands--conscripts--to die on the fields of France...." The American plutocracy was magnified, deified, and consecrated to the task of making the world safe for democracy. Exploiters had turned saviors and were conducting a campaign to raise $100,000,000 for the Red Cross.[46] The "malefactors of great wealth," the predatory business forces, the special privileged few who had exploited the American people for generations, became the prophets and the crusaders, the keepers of the ark of the covenant of American democracy. Radicals who had always opposed war, ministers who had spent their lives preaching peace upon earth, scientists whose work had brought them into contact with the peoples of the whole world, public men who believed that the United States could do greater and better work for democracy by staying out of the war, were branded as traitors and were persecuted as zealously as though they had sided with Protestantism in Catholic Spain under the Inquisition. By a clever move, the plutocrats, wrapped in the flag and proclaiming a crusade to inaugurate democracy in Germany, rallied to their support the professional classes of the United States and millions of the common people. 6. _Business in Control_ After the declaration of war, the mobilization and direction of the economic war work of the government was placed in the hands of the Council of National Defense, an organized group of the leading business men. The Council consisted of six members of the President's Cabinet, assisted by an Advisory Commission and numerous sub-committees. The "Advisory Commission" of the Council (the real working body) contained four business men, an educator, a labor leader and a medical man. ("The Council of National Defense" a bulletin issued by the Council under date of June 28, 1917.) Each member of the Advisory Commission had a group of persons coöperating with him. The make-up of these various committees was significant. Among 706 persons listed in the original schedule of sub-committees, 404 were business men, 200 were professional men, 59 were labor men, 23 were public officials and 20 were miscellaneous. It was only in Mr. Gompers' group that labor had any representation, and even there, out of 138 persons only 59 were workers or officials of unions, while 34 were business men and 33 professional men, so that among Mr. Gompers' assistants the business and professional men combined considerably outnumbered the labor men. The make-up of some of the sub-committees revealed the forces behind the Defense Council. Thus Mr. Willard's sub-committee on "Express" consisted of four vice-presidents, one from the American, one from the Wells-Fargo, one from the Southern and one from the Adams Express Company. His committee on "Locomotives" consisted of the Vice-President of the Porter Locomotive Company, the President of the American Locomotive Company, and the Chairman of the Lima Locomotive Corporation. Mr. Rosenwald's committee on "Shoe and Leather Industries" consisted of eight persons, all of them representing shoe or leather companies. His committee on "Woolen Manufactures" consisted of eight representatives of the woolen industry. The same business supremacy appeared in Mr. Baruch's committees. His committee on "Cement" consisted of the presidents of four of the leading cement companies, the vice-president of a fifth cement company, and a representative of the Bureau of Standards of Washington. His committee on "Copper" had the names of the presidents of the Anaconda Copper Company, the Calumet & Hecla Mining Company, the United Verde Copper Company and the Utah Copper Company. His committee on "Steel and Steel Products" consisted of Elbert H. Gary, Chairman of the United States Steel Corporation; Charles M. Schwab, of the Bethlehem Steel Company; A. C. Dinkey, Vice-President of the Midvale Steel Company; W. L. King, Vice-President of Jones & Loughlin Steel Company, and J. A. Burden, President of the Burden Steel Company. The four other members of the committee represented the Republic Iron and Steel Company, the Lackawanna Steel Company, the American Iron and Steel Institute and the Picklands, Mather Co., of Cleveland. Perhaps the most astounding of all the committees was that on "Oil." The chairman was the President of the Standard Oil Company, and the secretary of the committee gives his address as "26 Broadway," the address of the Standard Oil Company. The other nine members of the committee were oil men from various parts of the country. What thinking American would have suggested, three years before, that the Standard Oil Company would be officially directing a part of the work of the Federal Government? Comment is superfluous. Every great industrial enterprise of the United States had secured representation on the committees of business men that were responsible for the direction of the economic side of war making. Then came the Liberty Loan campaigns and Red Cross drives, the direction of which also was given into the hands of experienced business men. In each community, the leaders in the business world were the leaders in these war-time activities. Since the center of business life was the bank, it followed that the directing power in all of the war-time campaigns rested with the bankers, and thus the whole nation was mobilized under the direction of its financiers. The results of these experiences were far-reaching. During two generations, the people of the United States had been passing anti-trust laws and anti-pooling laws, the aim of which was to prevent the business men of the country from getting together. The war crisis not only brought them together, but when they did assemble, it placed the whole political and economic power of the nation in their hands. The business men learned, by first hand experience, the benefits that arise from united effort. They joined forces across the continent, and they found that it paid. James S. Alexander, President of the National Bank of Commerce (New York), tells the story from the standpoint of a banker (_Manchester Guardian_, January 28, 1920. Signed Article.) In a discussion of "the experience in coöperative action which the war has given American banks" he says, "The responsibility of floating the five great loans issued by the government, together with the work of financing a production of materials speeded up to meet war necessities, enforced a unity of action and coöperation which otherwise could hardly have been obtained in many years." 7. _Economic Winnings_ The war gains of the plutocracy in the field of public control were important, as well as spectacular. Behind them, however, were economic gains--little heralded, but of the most vital consequence to the future of plutocratic power. The war speeded production and added greatly to the national income, to investable surplus, to profits and thus to the economic power of the plutocrats. The most tangible measure of the economic advantage gained by the plutocracy from the war is contained in a report on "Corporate Earnings and Government Revenues" (Senate Document 259. 65th Congress, Second Session). This report shows the profits made by the various industries during 1917--the first war year. The report contains 388 large pages on which are listed the profits ("percent of net income to capital stock in 1917") made by various concerns. A typical food producing industry--"meat packing"--lists 122 firms (p. 95 and 365). Of these firms 31 reported profits for the year of less than 25 percent; 45 reported profits of 25 but under 50 percent; 24 reported profits of 50 but under 100 percent, and 22 reported profits of 100 percent or more. In this case, a third of the profits were more than 25, but less than 50 percent, and half were 50 percent or over. Manufacturers of cotton yarns reported profits ranging slightly higher than those in the meat packing industry (pp. 167, 168, 379). Among the 153 firms reporting, 21 reported profits of less than 25 percent; 61 reported 25 but less than 50 per cent; 55 reported 50 but under 100 percent, and 16 reported 100 percent or more. Profits in the garment manufacturing industry were lower than those in yarn manufacturing. Among the 299 firms reporting (pp. 171, 380) 74 gave their profits as less than 25 percent; 121 gave their profits as 25 but under 50 percent; 65 gave profits of 50 but less than 100 percent, and 39 gave their profits as 100 percent or over. The profits of 49 Steel plants and Rolling Mills (pp. 100, 365) were considerably higher than profits in any of the industries heretofore discussed. Four firms reported profits of less than 25 percent; 13 reported profits of 25 but less than 50 percent; 17 reported profits of 50 but less than 100 percent, and 15 reported profits of more than 100 percent. In this instance two-thirds of the firms show profits of 50 percent or over. Bituminous Coal producers in the Appalachian field (340 in number, pp. 130 and 372) report a range of profits far higher than those secured in the manufacturing industries. Among these 340 firms, 23 reported profits of less than 25 percent; 45 reported profits of 25 but under 50 percent; 79 reported profits of 50 but under 100 percent; 135 reported profits of 100 but under 500 percent; 21 reported profits of 500 but under 1,000 percent, and 14 reported profits of 1,000 percent and over. In the case of these coal mine operators only a fourth had profits of under 50 percent and half had profits of more than 100 percent. The profits in these five industries--food, yarn, clothing, steel and coal--are quite typical of the figures for the tens of thousands of other firms listed in Senate Document 259. Profits of less than 25 percent are the exception. Profits of over 100 percent were reported by 8 percent of the yarn manufacturers, by 13 percent of the garment manufacturers, by 18 percent of the meat packers, by 31 percent of the steel plants, and by 50 percent of the bituminous coal mines. A considerable number of profits ranged above 500 percent, or a gain in one year of five times the entire capital stock. When it is remembered that these figures were supplied by the firms involved; that they were submitted to a tremendously overworked department, lacking the facilities for effective checking-up; and that they were submitted for the purposes of heavy taxation, the showing is nothing less than astounding. 8. _Winnings in the Home Field_ What has the American plutocracy won at home as a result of the war? In two words it has gained social prestige and internal (economic) solidarity. Both are vital as the foundation for future assertions of power. The plutocracy has unified its hold upon the country as a result of the war. Also, it has won an important battle in its struggle with labor. The position held by the American plutocracy at the end of the Great War could hardly be stated more adequately than in a recent Confidential Information Service furnished by an important agency to American business men: "SHALL VICTORS BE MAGNANIMOUS? "There is no doubt about it--Labor is beaten. Mr. Gompers was at his zenith in 1918. Since then he has steadily lost power. He has lost power with his own people because he is no longer able to deliver the goods. He can no longer deliver the goods for two reasons. For one thing, peace urgency has replaced war urgency and we are not willing to bid for peace labor as we were willing to bid for war labor. For another thing, the employing class is immensely more powerful than it was in 1914. "We have an organized labor force more numerous than ever before. Relatively twice as many workers are organized as in 1916. But this same labor force has lost its hold on the public. Furthermore, it is divided in its own camp. It fears capital. It also fears its own factions. It threatens, but it does not dare. "We said that the employing class was immensely more powerful than in 1914. There is more money at its command. Eighteen thousand new millionaires are the war's legacy. This money capacity is more thoroughly unified than ever. In 1914 we had thirty-thousand banks, functioning to a great degree in independence of each other. Then came the Federal Reserve Act and gave us the machinery for consolidation and the emergency of five years war furnished the hammer blows to weld the structure into one. "The war taught the employing class the secret and the power of widespread propaganda. Imperial Europe had been aware of this power. It was new to the United States. Now, when we have anything to sell to the American people we know how to sell it. We have learned. We have the schools. We have the pulpit. The employing class owns the press. There is practically no important paper in the United States but is theirs!" 9. _The Run of the World_ The war gains of the American plutocracy at home were immense. Even more significant, from an imperial standpoint, were the international advantages that came to America with the war. The events of the two years between 1916 and 1918 gave the United States the run of the world. Destiny seemed to be bent upon hurling the American people into a position of world authority. First, there was the matter of credit. The Allies were reaching the end of their economic rope when the United States entered the war. They were not bankrupt, but their credit was strained, their industries were disorganized, their sources of income were narrowed, and they were looking anxiously for some source from which they might draw the immense volume of goods and credit that were necessary for the continuance of the struggle.[47] The United States was that source of supply. During the years from 1915 to 1917, the industries of the United States were shifted gradually from a peace basis to a war basis. Quantities of material destined for use in the war were shipped to the Allies. The unusual profits made on much of this business were not curtailed by heavy war taxation. Thus for more than two years the basic industries of the United States reaped a harvest in profits which were actually free of taxation, at the same time that they placed themselves on a war basis for the supplying of Europe's war demand. When the United States did enter the war, she came with all of the economic advantages that had arisen from selling war material to the belligerents during two and a half years. Throughout those years, while the Allies were bleeding and borrowing and paying, the American plutocracy was growing rich. When the United States entered the war, she entered it as an ally of powers that were economically winded. She herself was fresh. With the greatest estimated wealth of any of the warring countries, she had a public national debt of less than one half of one percent of her total wealth. She had larger quantities of liquid capital and a vast economic surplus. As a consequence, she held the purse strings and was able, during the next two years, to lend to the Allied nations nearly ten billion dollars without straining her resources to any appreciable degree. The nations of Europe had been so deeply engrossed in war-making that they had been unable to provide themselves with the necessary food. All of the warring countries, with the exception of Russia, were importers of food in normal times. The disturbances incident to the war; the insatiable army demands, and the loss of shipping all had their effect in bringing the Allied countries to a point of critical food scarcity in the Winter of 1916-1917. The United States was able to meet this food shortage as easily as it met the European credit shortage--and with no greater sacrifice on the part of the American people. Then, too, with the exception of small amounts of food donated through relief organizations, the food that went to Europe was sold at fancy prices. The United States was therefore in a position to lay down the basic law,--"Submit or starve." With the purse strings and the larder under American control, the temporary supremacy of the United States was assured. She was the one important nation (beside Japan) that had lost little and gained much during the war. She was the only great nation with a surplus of credit, of raw materials and of food. The prosperity incident to this period is reflected in the record of American exports, which rose from an average of about two billions in the years immediately preceding the war to more than six billions in 1917. In the same year the imports were just under three billions, leaving a trade balance--that is, a debt owing by foreign countries to the United States--of more than three billions for that one year. 10. _Victory_ The war had been in progress for nearly three years before the United States took her stand on the side of the Allies. At that time the flower of Europe's manhood had faced, for three winters, a fearful pressure of hardship and exposure, while millions among the non-combatants had suffered, starved, sickened and died. The nerves of Europe were worn and the belly of Europe was empty when the American soldiers entered the trenches. They were never compelled to bear the brunt of the conflict. They arrived when the Central Empires were sagging. Their mere presence was the token of victory. For the first time in history the Americans were matched against the peoples of the old world on the home ground of the old world, and under circumstances that were enormously favorable to the Americans. European capitalism had weakened itself irreparably. The United States entered the war at a juncture that enabled her to take the palm after she had already taken billions of profit without risk or loss. The gain to the United States was immense, beyond the possibility of present estimate. The rulers of the United States became, for the time being, at least, the economic dictators of the world. The Great War brought noteworthy advantages to the American plutocracy. At home its power was clinched. Among the nations, the United States was elevated by the war into a position of commanding importance. In a superficial sense, at least, the Great War "made" the plutocracy at home and "made" the United States among the nations. FOOTNOTES: [45] "The Navy League Unmasked," Speech of December 15, 1915, _Congressional Record_. [46] This campaign was conducted by H. P. Davison, one of the leading members of the firm of J. P. Morgan and Co. Later a great war-fund drive was conducted by John D. Rockefeller, Jr. Cleveland H. Dodge of the Phelps-Dodge corporation was treasurer of another fund. [47] J. Maynard Keynes notes the "immense anxieties and impossible financial requirements" of the period between the Summer of 1916 and the Spring of 1917. The task would soon have become "entirely hopeless" but "from April, 1917" the problems were "of an entirely different order." "The Economic Consequences of the Peace." New York, Harcourt, Brace & Howe, 1920, p. 273. XII. THE IMPERIAL HIGHROAD 1. _A Youthful Traveler_ Along the highroad that leads to empire moves the American people, in the heyday of its youth, sturdy, vigorous, energy-filled, replete with power and promise--conquerors who have swept aside the Indians, enslaved a race of black men, subdued a continent, and begun the extension of territorial control beyond their own borders. More than a hundred million Americans--fast losing their standards of individualism--fast slipping under the domination of a new-made ruling class of wealth-lords and plutocrats--journey, not discontentedly, along the imperial highroad. The preliminary work of empire-building has been accomplished--territory has been conquered; peoples have been subjected and a ruling class organized. The policy of imperialism has been accepted by the people, although they have not thought seriously of its consequences. They have set out, in good faith, as they believe, to seek for life, liberty and happiness. They do not yet realize that, along the road that they are now traveling, the journey will not be ended until they have worn themselves threadbare in their efforts to conquer the earth. The American people,--lacking in political experience and in world wisdom; ignorant of the laws of economic and social change,--have committed themselves, unwittingly, to the world old task of setting up authority over those who have no desire to accept it, and of exacting tribute from those who do not wish to pay it. The early stages of the journey led across a continent. The American people followed it eagerly. Now that the trail leads to other continents they are still willing to go. "Manifest destiny" is the cry of the leaders. "We are called," echo the followers, and the nation moves onward. There was some hesitancy among the American people during the Spanish War. Even the leaders were not ready then. Now the leaders are prepared--for markets, for trade, for investments. They are indifferent to political conquest, but economically they are prepared to go on--into Latin America; into Asia; into Europe. The war taught them the lesson and gave them an inkling of their power. So they move along the imperial highroad--followed by a people who have not yet learned to chant the songs of victory--but who are destined, at no very distant date, to learn victory's lessons and to pay victory's price. Along the path,--far away in the distance they see the earth like a ball, rolling at their feet. It is theirs if they will but reach out their hands to grasp it! 2. _An Imperial People_ This is the American people--locked in the arms of mighty economic and social forces; building industrial empires; compelled, by a world war, to reach out and save "civilization,"--capitalist civilization,--a people that, by its very ancestry, seems destined to follow the course of empire. The sons and daughters of the native born American stock are, in the main, the descendants of the conquering, imperial races of the modern world. During recent times, three great empires--Spain, France and Great Britain--have dominated western civilization. It was these three empires that were responsible for the settlement of America. The past generation has seen the German empire rise to a position that has enabled her to shake the security of the world. The Germans were among the earliest and most numerous settlers of the American colonies. Those who boast colonial ancestry boast the ancestry of conquerors. The Anglo-Saxon-Teutonic races, the titular masters of the modern world; the races that have spread their power where-ever ships sail or trade moves or gain offers, furnished the bulk of the early immigrants to America. The bulk of the early immigration to the United States was from Great Britain and Germany. The records of immigration (kept officially since 1820) show that between that year and 1840 the immigrants from Europe numbered 594,504, among them there were 358,994 (over half) from the British Isles, and 159,215 from Germany, making a total from the two countries of 518,209, or 87 percent of the immigrants arriving in the twenty-year period. During the next twenty years (1840-1860) the total of immigrants from Europe was 4,050,159, of which the British Isles furnished 2,386,846 (over half) and Germany 1,386,293, making, for these two countries, 94 percent of the whole immigration. Even during the years from 1860 to 1880, 82 percent of those who migrated to the United States hailed from Great Britain and Germany. American immigration, from 1820 to 1880, might, without any violence to facts, be described as Anglo-Teutonic, so completely does the British-German immigrant dominate this period. Literally, it is true that the American people have been sired by the masters and would-be masters of the modern earth. 3. _A Place in the Sun_ The Americans, like many another growing people, have sought a place in the sun--widening their boundaries; grasping at promised riches. Unlike other peoples they have accomplished the task without any real opposition. Their "promised land" lay all about them, isolated from the factional warfare of Europe; virgin; awaiting the master of the Western World. The United States has followed the path of empire with a facility unexampled in recent history. When has a people, caught in the net of imperialism, encountered less difficulty in making its imperial dream come true? None of the foes that the American people have encountered, in two centuries of expansion, have been worthy of the name. The Indians were in no position to withstand the onslaught of the Whites. The Mexicans were even less competent to defend themselves. The Spanish Empire crumpled, under attack, like an autumn leaf under the heel of a hunter. Practically for the taking, the American people secured a richly-stocked, compact region, with an area of three millions of square miles--the ideal site for the foundation of a modern civilization. The area of the United States has increased with marvelous rapidity. At the outbreak of the Revolution (1776) the Colonies claimed a territory of 369,000 square miles. The Northwest Territory (275,000 square miles) and the area south of the Ohio River (205,000 square miles) were added largely as a result of the negotiations in 1782. The official figures for 1800 give the total area of the United States as 892,135 square miles. The Louisiana Purchase (1803) added 885,000 square miles at a cost of 15 millions of dollars. Florida, 59,600 square miles, was purchased from Spain (1819) for 5 millions of dollars; Texas, 389,000 square miles was annexed in 1845; the Oregon Country, 285,000 square miles, was secured by treaty in 1846; New Mexico and California, 529,000 square miles, were ceded by Spain (1848) and a payment of 15 millions was made by the United States; in 1853 the Gadsen Purchase added 30,000 square miles at a cost of ten millions of dollars. This completed the territorial possessions of the United States on the mainland (with the exception of Alaska) making a continental area of 3,026,798 square miles. Between 1776 and 1853 the area of the United States was increased more than eight fold. What other nation has been in a position to multiply its home territory by eight in two generations? These vast additions to the continental possessions of the United States were made as the result of a trifling outlay. The most serious losses were involved in the Mexican War when the casualties included more than 13,000 killed and died of wounds and disease. The net money cost of the war did not exceed $100,000,000. In return for this outlay--including the annexation of Texas--the United States secured 918,000 square miles of land.[48] There is no way to estimate the loss of life or the money cost of the Indian Wars. For the most part, the troops engaged in them suffered no more heavily than in ordinary police duty, and the costs were the costs of maintaining the regular army. The total money outlay for purchases and indemnities was about 45 millions of dollars. Within a century the American people gained possession of one of the richest portions of the earth's surfaces--a portion equal in area to more than three times the combined acreage of Belgium, France, Germany, Italy, Japan and the British Isles[49]--in return for an outlay in money and life that would not have provided for one first class battle of the Great War. Additions to the territory of the country were made with equal facility during the period following the Civil War. Alaska was purchased from Russia for $7,200,000; from Spain, as a result of the War of 1898, the United States received the Philippines, Porto Rico, and some lesser islands, at the same time paying Spain $20,000,000; Hawaii was annexed and an indemnity of $10,000,000 was paid to Panama for the Canal strip. During the second half of the nineteenth century, 716,666 square miles were added to the possessions of the United States. The total direct cost of this territory in money was under forty millions. These gains involved no casualties with the exception of the small numbers lost during the Spanish-American and Philippine Wars. One hundred and thirty years have witnessed an addition to the United States of more than two and a half million square miles of contiguous, continental territory, and three-quarters of a million square miles of non-contiguous territory. The area of the United States in 1900 was four times as great as it was in 1800 and more than ten times as great as the area of the Thirteen Original Colonies. For the imperialist, the last century and a half of American history is a fairyland come true. Other empires have been won by the hardest kind of fighting, during which blood and wealth have been spent with a lavish hand. The empire of the French, finally crushed with the defeat of Napoleon, was paid for at such a huge price. The British Empire has been established in savage competition with Holland, Spain, France, Russia, the United States, Germany and a host of lesser powers. The empires of old--Assyria, Egypt, Rome--were built at an intolerable sacrifice. So terrible has been the cost of empire building to some of these nations that by the time they had succeeded in creating an empire the life blood of the people and the resources of the country were devoured and the empire emerged, only to fall an easy prey to the first strong-handed enemy that it encountered. No such fate has overtaken the United States. On the contrary her path has been smoothed before her feet. Inhabiting a garden spot, her immense territory gains in the past hundred and fifty years have been made with less effort than it has cost Japan to gain and hold Korea or England to maintain her dominion over Ireland. Once established, the old-world empire was not secure. If the territory that it possessed was worth having, it was surrounded by hungry-eyed nations that took the first occasion to band together and despoil the spoiler. The holding of an empire was as great a task as the building of empire--often greater because of the larger outlay in men and money that was involved in an incessant warfare. Little by little the glory faded; step by step militarism made its inroads upon the normal life of the people, until the time came for the stronger rival to overthrow the mighty one, or until the inrushing hordes of barbarians should blot out the features of civilization, and enthrone chaos once more. How different has been the fate of the people of the United States! Possessed of what is probably the richest, for the purposes of the present civilization, of any territory of equal size in the world, their isolation has allowed them more than a century of practical freedom from outside interference--a century that they have been able to devote to internal development. The absence of greedy neighbors has reduced the expense of military preparation to a minimum; the old world has failed to realize, until within the last few years, what were the possibilities of the new country; vitality has remained unimpaired, wealth has piled up, industry has been promoted, and on each occasion when a greater extent of territory was required, it has been obtained at a cost that, compared with the experience of other nations, must be described as negligible. So simple has been the process of empire building for the United States; so natural have been the stages by which the American Empire has been evolved; so little have the changes disturbed the routine of normal life that the American people are, for the most part, unaware of the imperial position of their country. They still feel, think and talk as if the United States were a tiny corner, fenced off from the rest of the world to which it owed nothing and from which it expected nothing. The American Empire has been built, as were the palaces of Aladdin, in a night. The morning is dawning, and the early risers who were not even awakened from their slumbers by the sound of hammer and engine, are beginning to rub their eyes, and to ask one another what is the meaning of this apparition, and whether it is real. 4. _The Will to Power_ The forces of America are the forces of Empire,--the geography, the economic organization, the racial qualities--all press in the direction of imperialism. There is logic behind the two centuries of conquest in which the American people have been engaged; there is logic in the rise of the plutocracy. Now it remains for the rulers of America to accept the implications of imperialism,--to thrill with the will to power; to recognize and strengthen imperial purpose; to sell imperialism to the American people--in other words to follow the call of manifest destiny and conquer the earth. The will to power is very old and very strong. Economic and social necessity on the one hand, and the driving pressure of human ambition and the love of domination on the other, have given it a front place in human affairs. The empires of the past were driven into being by this ardent force. As far back as history bears a record, one nation or tribe has made war on its more fortunately situated neighbor; one leader has made cause against his fellow ruler. The Egyptians and Carthaginians have conquered in Africa; the Persians, Assyrians and Babylonians conquered in Asia; the Macedonians, Greeks, Romans, Spanish, Dutch, French, and British built their empires on one or more of the five continents. Conqueror has succeeded conqueror, empire has followed empire. Spoils, domination, world power, have been the objects of their campaigns. Each great nation grew from small beginnings. Each arose from some simple form of tribal or clan organization--more or less democratic in its structure; containing within itself a unified life and a simple folk philosophy. From such plain beginnings empires have developed. The peasants, tending their fertile gardens along the borders of the Nile; the vine dressers of Italy, the husbandmen and craftsmen of France and the yeomen of Merry England had no desire to subjugate the world. If tradition speaks truth, they were slow to take upon themselves anything more than the defense of their own hearthstones. It was not until the traders sailed across the seas; not until stories were brought to them of the vast spoil to be had, without work, in other lands, that the peasants and craftsmen consented to undertake the task of conquest, subjugation and empire building. The plain people do not feel the will to power. They know only the necessities of self-defense. It is in the ambitions of the leisure classes that the demands of conquest have their origin. It is among them that men dream of world empire.[50] The plain people of the United States have no will to power at the present time. They are only asking to be let alone, in order that they may go their several ways in peace. They are babes in the world of international politics. For generations they have been separated by a great gulf of indifference from the remainder of the human race, and they crave the continuance of this isolation because it gives them a chance to engage, unmolested, in the ordinary pursuits of life. The American people are not imperialists. They are proud of their country, jealous of her honor, willing to make sacrifices for their dear ones. They are to-day where the plain folk of Egypt, Rome, France and England were before the will to power gripped the ruling classes of those countries. Far different is the position of the American plutocracy. As a ruling class the plutocracy feels the necessity of preserving and enlarging its privileges. Recently called into a position of leadership, untrained and in a sense unprepared, it nevertheless understands that its claim to consideration depends upon its ability to do what the ruling classes of Egypt, Rome, France and England have done--to build an empire. Almost unconsciously, out of the necessities of the period, has come the structure of the American Empire. In essence it is an empire, although the plain people do not know it, and even the members of the plutocracy are in many instances unaware of its true character. Yet here, in a land dedicated to liberty and settled by men and women who sought to escape from the savage struggles of empire-ridden Europe, the foundations and the superstructure of empire appear. 1. The people of the United States have conquered and now hold possession of approximately three million square miles of continental territory that has been won by armed force from Great Britain, Mexico, Spain, and the American Indians. (The entire area of Europe is only 3,800,000 square miles.) 2. The people of the United States have conquered and now hold under their sway subject people who have enjoyed no opportunity for self-determination. A whole race--the African Negroes--was captured in its native land, transported to America and there sold into slavery. The inhabitants of the Philippine Islands were conquered by the armed forces of the United States and still are subject people. 3. The United States had developed a plutocracy--a property holding class, that is, to all intents and purposes, the imperialist class--controlling and directing public policy. 4. This plutocratic class is exploiting continental United States and its dependencies. After years of savage internal strife, it has developed a high degree of class consciousness, and led by its bankers, it is taking the fat of the land. The plutocrats, who have made the country their United States, are at the present moment busy disposing of their surplus in foreign countries. As they build their industrial empires, they broaden and deepen their power. Thus is the round of imperialism complete. Here are the conquered territory, subject people, an imperial ruling class, and the exploitation, by this class, of the lands and peoples that come within the scope of their power. These are the attributes of empire--the characteristics that have appeared, in one form or another, through the great empires of the past and of the present day. Differing in their forms, they remain similar in the principles that they represent. They are imperialism. 5. _Imperial Purpose_ The building of international industrial empires by the progressive business men of the United States lays the foundation for whatever political imperialism is necessary to protect markets, trade and investment. Gathering floods of economic surplus are the driving forces which are guided by ambition and love of gain and power. The United States emerged from the Great War in a position of unquestioned economic supremacy. With vast stores of all the necessary resources, amply equipped with capital, the country has entered the field as the most dangerous rival that the other capitalist nations must face. Possessed of everything, including the means of providing a navy of any reasonable size and an army of any necessary number, the United States looms as the dominating economic factor in the capitalist world. Imperial policy is frequently bold, rough and at times frankly brutal and unjust. Where subject peoples and weaker neighbors submit to the dictates of the ruling power there is no friction. But where the subject peoples or smaller states attempt to assert their rights of self-determination or of independence, the empire acts as Great Britain has acted in Ireland and in India; as Italy and France have acted in Africa; as Japan has acted in Korea; as the United States has acted in the Philippines, in Hayti, in Nicaragua, and in Mexico. Plain men do not like these things. Animated by the belief in popular rights which is so prevalent among the western peoples, the masses resent imperial atrocities. Therefore it becomes necessary to surround imperial action with such an atmosphere as will convince the man on the street that the acts are necessary or else that they are inevitable. When the Church and the State stood together the Czar and the Kaiser spoke for God as well as for the financial interests. There was thus a double sanction--imperial necessity coupled with divine authority. Those who were not willing to accept the necessity felt enough reverence for the authority to bow their heads in submission to whatever policy the masters of empire might inaugurate. The course of empire upon which the United States has embarked involves a complete departure from all of the most cherished traditions of the American people. Economic, political and social theories must all be thrust aside. Liberty, equality and fraternity must all be forgotten and in their places must be erected new standards of imperial purpose that are acceptable to the economic and political masters of present day American life. The American people have been taught the language of liberty. They believe in freedom for self-determination. Their own government was born as a protest against imperial tyranny and they glory in its origin and speak proudly of its revolutionary background. Americans are still individualists. Their lives and thoughts both have been provincial--perhaps somewhat narrow. They profess the doctrine "Live and let live" and in a large measure they are willing and anxious to practice it. How is it possible to harmonize the Declaration of Independence with the subjugation of peoples and the conquest of territory? If governments "derive their just powers from the consent of the governed," and if it is the right of a people to alter or to abolish any government which does not insure their safety and happiness, then manifestly subjugation and conquest are impossible. The letter and the spirit of the Declaration of Independence contradict the letter and spirit of imperial purpose word for word and line for line. There can be no harmony between these two theories of social life. 6. _Advertising Imperialism_ Since the tradition of the people of the United States and the necessities of imperialism are so utterly at variance, it becomes necessary to convince the American people that they should abandon their traditions and accept a new order of society, under which the will to power shall be substituted for liberty and fraternity. The ruling class of imperial Germany did this frankly and in so many words. The English speaking world is more adroit. The first step in the campaign to advertise and justify imperialism is the teaching of a blind my-country-right-or-wrong patriotism. In the days preceding the war the idea was expressed in the phrase, "Stand behind the President." The object of this teaching is to instill in the minds of the people, and particularly of the young, the principles of "Deutschland über alles," which, in translation, means "America first." There are more than twenty million children in the public schools of the United States who are receiving daily lessons in this first principle of popular support for imperial policy. Having taken this first step and made the state supreme over the individual will and conscience, the imperial class makes its next move--for "national defense." The country is made to appear in constant danger from attack. Men are urged to protect their homes and their families. They are persuaded that the white dove of peace cannot rest securely on anything less than a great navy and army large enough to hold off aggressors. The same forces that are most eager to preach patriotism are the most anxious about national preparedness. Meanwhile the plain people are taught to regard themselves and their civilization as superior to anything else on earth. Those who have a different language or a different color are referred to as "inferior peoples." The people of Panama cannot dig a canal, the people of Cuba cannot drive out yellow fever, the people of the Philippines cannot run a successful educational system, but the people of the United States can do all of these things,--therefore they are justified in interfering in the internal affairs of Panama, Cuba and the Philippines. When there is a threat of trouble with Mexico, the papers refer to "cleaning up Mexico" very much as a mother might refer to cleaning up a dirty child. Patriotism, preparedness and a sense of general superiority lead to that type of international snobbery that says, "Our flag is on the seven seas"; or "The sun never sets on our possessions"; or "Our navy can lick anything on earth." The preliminary work of "Education" has now been done; the way has been prepared. One more step must be taken, and the process of imperializing public opinion is complete. The people are told that the imperialism to which they have been called is the work of "manifest destiny." 7. _Manifest Destiny_ The argument of "manifest destiny" is employed by the strong as a blanket justification for acts of aggression against the weak. Each time that the United States has come face to face with the necessity of adding to its territory at the expense of some weak neighbor, the advocates of expansion have plied this argument with vigor and with uniform success. The American nation began its work of territorial expansion with the purchase of Louisiana. Jefferson, who had been elected on a platform of strict construction of the Constitution, hesitated at an act which he regarded as "beyond the Constitution." (Jefferson's "Works," Vol. IV, p. 198.) Quite different was the language of his more imperialistic contemporaries. Gouverneur Morris said, "France will not sell this territory. If we want it, we must adopt the Spartan policy and obtain it by steel, not by gold."[51] During February, 1803, the United States Senate debated the closing of the Mississippi to American commerce. "To the free navigation of the Mississippi we had an undoubted right from nature and from the position of the Western country,"[52] said Senator Ross (Pennsylvania) on February 14. On February 23rd Senator White (Delaware) went a step farther: "You had as well pretend to dam up the mouth of the Mississippi, and say to the restless waves, 'Ye shall cease here, and never mingle with the ocean,' as to expect they (the settlers) will be prevented from descending it."[53] On the same day (February 23rd) Senator Jackson (Georgia) said: "God and nature have destined New Orleans and the Floridas to belong to this great and rising Empire."[54] God, nature and the requirements of American commerce were the arguments used to justify the purchase, or if necessary, the seizure of New Orleans. The precedent has been followed and the same arguments presented all through the century that followed the momentous decision to extend the territory of the United States. Some reference has been made to the Mexican War and the argument that the Southwest was a "natural" part of the territory of the United States. The same argument was made in regard to Cuba and by the same spokesmen of the slave-power. Stephen A. Douglas (New Orleans, December 13, 1858) was asked: "How about Cuba?" "It is our destiny to have Cuba," he answered, "and you can't prevent it if you try."[55] On another occasion (New York, December, 1858) Douglas stated the matter even more broadly: "This is a young, vigorous and growing nation and must obey the law of increase, must multiply and as fast as we multiply we must expand. You can't resist the law if you try. He is foolish who puts himself in the way of American destiny."[56] President McKinley stated that the Philippines, like Cuba and Porto Rico, "were intrusted to our hands by the Providence of God" (Boston, February 16, 1899), and one of his fellow imperialists--Senator Beveridge of Indiana--carried the argument one step farther (January 9, 1900) when he said in the Senate (_Congressional Record_, January 9, 1900, p. 704): "The Philippines are ours forever.... And just beyond the Philippines are China's illimitable markets. We will not retreat from either. We will not repudiate our duty to the archipelago. We will not abandon our opportunity in the Orient. We will not renounce our part in the mission of our race, trustee, under God, of the civilization of the world." Manifest destiny is now urged to justify further acts of aggression by the United States against her weaker neighbors. _The Chicago Tribune_, discussing the Panama Canal and its implications, says editorially (May 5, 1916): "The Panama Canal has gone a long way towards making our shore continuous and the intervals must and will be filled up; not necessarily by conquest or even formal annexation, but by a decisive control in one form or another." Here the argument of manifest destiny is backed by the argument of "military necessity,"--the argument that led Great Britain to possess herself of Gibraltar, Suez and a score of other strategic points all round the earth, and to maintain, at a ruinous cost, a huge navy; the argument that led Napoleon across Europe in his march of bloody, fatal triumph; the argument that led Germany through Belgium in 1914--one of the weakest and yet one of the most seductive and compelling arguments that falls from the tongue of man. Because we have a western and an eastern front, we must have the Panama Canal. Because we have the Panama Canal, we must dominate Central America. The next step is equally plain; because we dominate Central America and the Panama Canal, there must be a land route straight through to the Canal. In the present state of Mexican unrest, that is impossible, and therefore we must dominate Mexico. The argument was stated with persuasive power by ex-Senator Albert J. Beveridge (_Collier's Weekly_, May 19, 1917). "Thus in halting fashion but nevertheless surely, the chain of power and influence is being forged about the Gulf. To neglect Mexico is to throw away not only one link but a large part of that chain without which the value and usefulness of the remainder are greatly diminished if indeed not rendered negligible." By a similar train of logic, the entire American continent, from Cape Horn to Bering Sea can and will be brought under the dominion of the United States. Some destiny must call, some imperative necessity must beckon, some divine authority must be invoked. The campaign for "100 percent Americanism," carefully thought out, generously financed and carried to every nook and corner of the United States aims to prove this necessity. The war waged by the Department of Justice and by other public officers against the "Reds" is intended to arouse in the American people a sense of the present danger of impending calamity. The divine sanction was expressed by President Wilson in his address to the Senate on July 10, 1919. The President discussed the Peace Treaty in some of its aspects and then said, "It is thus that a new responsibility has come to this great nation that we honor and that we would all wish to lift to yet higher service and achievement. The stage is set, the destiny disclosed. It has come about by no plan of our conceiving but by the hand of God who has led us into this war. We cannot turn back. We can only go forward, with lifted and freshened spirit to follow the vision." 8. _The Open Road_ The American people took a long step forward on November 2, 1920. The era of modern imperialism, begun in 1896 by the election of McKinley, found its expression in the annexation of Hawaii; the conquest of Cuba and the Philippines; the seizure of Panama, and a rapid commercial and financial expansion into Latin America. In 1912 the Republicans were divided. The more conservative elements backed Taft for reëlection. The more aggressive group (notably United States Steel) supported Roosevelt. Between them they divided the Republican strength, and while they polled a total vote of 7,604,463 as compared with Wilson's 6,293,910, the Republican split enabled Wilson to secure a plurality of 2,173,512, although he had less than half of the total vote. President Wilson entered office with the ideals of "The New Freedom." He was out to back the "man on the make," the small tradesman and manufacturer; the small farmer; the worker, ambitious to rise into the ranks of business or professional life. With the support, primarily, of little business, Wilson managed to hold his own for four years, and at the 1916 election to poll a plurality, over the Republican Party, of more than half a million votes. He won, however, primarily because "he kept us out of war." April, 1917, deprived him of that argument. His "New Freedom" doctrines, translated into international politics (in the Fourteen Points) were roughly handled in Paris. The country rejected his leadership in the decisive Congressional elections of 1918, and he and his party went out of power in the avalanche of 1920, when Harding received a plurality nearly three times as great as the highest one ever before given a presidential candidate (Roosevelt, in 1904). Every state north of the Mason and Dixon Line went Republican. Tennessee left the Solid South and joined the same party. The Democrats carried only eleven states--the traditional Democratic stronghold. The victory of Harding is a victory for organized, imperial, American business. The "man on the make" is brushed aside. In his place stands banker, manufacturer and trader, ready to carry American money and American products into Latin America and Asia. Before the United States lies the open road of imperialism. Manifest destiny points the way in gestures that cannot be mistaken. Capitalist society in the United States has evolved to a place where it must make certain pressing demands upon neighboring communities. Surplus is to be invested; investments are to be protected, American authority is to be respected. All of these necessities imply the exercise of imperial power by the government of the United States. Capitalism makes these demands upon the rulers of capitalist society. There is no gainsaying them. A refusal to comply with them means death. Therefore the American nation, under the urge of economic necessity; guided half-intelligently, half-instinctively by the plutocracy, is moving along the imperial highroad, and woe to the man that steps across the path that leads to their fulfillment. He who seeks to thwart imperial destiny will be branded as traitor to his country and as blasphemer against God. FOOTNOTES: [48] "New American History," A. B. Hart. American Book Co., 1917, p. 348. [49] The total area of these countries, exclusive of their colonies, is 807,123 square miles. [50] See "Theory of the Leisure Class," Thorstein Veblen. New York, Huebsch, 1918, Ch. 10. [51] "A History of Missouri," Louis Houck. Chicago, R. R. Donnelly & Sons, 1908, vol. II, p. 346. [52] "History of Louisiana," Charles Gayarre. New Orleans, Hansell & Bros., Ltd., 1903, vol. III, p. 478. [53] Ibid., p. 485. [54] Ibid., p. 486. [55] McMaster's "History of the American People." Vol. VIII, p. 339. [56] Ibid., p. 339. XIII. THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD COMPETITOR 1. _A New World Power_ Youngest among the great nations, the United States holds a position of immense world power. Measured in years and compared with her sister nations in Europe and Asia, she is a babe. Measured in economic strength she is a burly giant. Young America is, but mighty with a vast economic strength. An inexorable destiny seems to be forcing the United States into a position of international importance. Up to the time of the Spanish War, she played only a minor part in the affairs of the world. The Spanish War was the turning point--the United States as a borrowing nation gave way then, to the United States as an investing nation. Economic forces compelled the masters of economic life to look outside of the country for some of their business opportunities. Since the Civil War the United States has been preparing herself for her part in world affairs. During the thirty years that elapsed between 1870 and 1900 she emerged from a position of comparative economic inferiority to take a position of notable economic importance. Between the years 1870 and 1900 the population of the United States increased 97 per cent. During the same period the annual production of wheat increased from 236 million bushels to 522 million bushels; the annual production of corn from 1,094 to 2,105 million bushels; the annual production of cotton from 4,352 to 10,102 thousand bales; the annual production of coal from 29 to 241 million tons; the annual production of petroleum from 221 to 2,672 million gallons; the annual production of pig iron from 1,665 to 13,789 thousand tons; the annual production of steel from 68 to 10,188 thousand tons; the annual production of copper from 12 to 271 thousand tons, and the production of cement (there is no record for 1870) rose from two million barrels in 1880 to 17 million barrels in 1900. Thus while the production of food more than kept pace with the increase of population, the production of those commodities upon which the new industry depends--coal, petroleum, iron, steel, copper and cement--increased many times more rapidly than the population. During one brief generation the United States, with almost unbelievable rapidity, forged ahead in the essentials for supremacy in the new world of industry. By the time of the Spanish War (1898) American industries had found their stride. During the next fourteen years they were overtaking their European competitors in seven league boots. Between 1900 and 1914 while the population of the United States increased by 30 per cent,-- Wheat production increased 70 per cent Corn production increased 27 " " Cotton production increased 58 " " Coal production increased 90 " " Petroleum production increased 317 " " Pig Iron production increased 69 " " Steel production increased 131 " " Copper production increased 89 " " Cement production increased 406 " " The United States was rushing toward a position of economic world power before the catastrophe of 1914 hurled her to the front, first as a producer (at immense profits) for the Allies, and later as the financier of the final stages of the War. The economic position that is now held by the United States among the great competing nations of the world can be in some measure suggested--it cannot be adequately stated--by a comparison of the economic position of the United States and some of the other leading world empires. Neither the geographical area of the United States nor the numerical importance of its people justifies its present world position. The country, with 8 per cent of the area and 6 per cent of the population of the world, looms large in the world's economic affairs,--how large will appear from an examination of certain features that are considered essential to economic success, such as resources, capital, products, shipping, and national wealth and income. 2. _The Resources of the United States_ The most important resource of any country is the fertile, agricultural land. Figures given in the Department of Agriculture Year Book for 1918 (Table 319) show the amount of productive land,--including, beside cultivated land, natural meadows, pastures, forests, woodlots, etc., of the various countries according to pre-war boundary lines. The total of such productive land for the 36 leading countries of the world was 4,591.7 million acres. Russia, including Siberia, had almost a third of this total (1,414.7 million acres). The United States came second with 878.8 million acres, or 19 per cent of the total available productive land. Third in the list was Argentine with 537.8 million acres. British India came fourth with 465.7 million acres. Then there followed in order Austria-Hungary, Germany, France, Australia, Spain and Japan. Austria-Hungary, Germany and France combined had almost exactly four hundred million acres of productive land or less than half the productive area of the United States. The United States, in the area of productive land, is second only to Russia. In the area of land actually under cultivation, however, it stands first, with Russia a close second and British India a close third,--the amounts of cultivated land in each of these countries being 293.8 million acres, 279.6 million acres, and 264.9 million acres respectively. These three countries together contain 64 per cent of the 1,313.8 million acres of cultivated land of the world. The United States alone contains 22 per cent of the total cultivated land. The total forest acreage available for commercial purposes is greatest in Russia (728.4 million acres). The United States stands second with 400 million acres and Canada third with 341 million acres. The Chief of Forest Investigations of the United States Department of Agriculture (Letter of Oct. 11, 1919) places the total forest acreage of both Brazil and Canada ahead of the United States. In the case of Brazil no figures are available showing what portion of the 988 million acres of total area is commercially available. Canada with a total forest acreage of 800 million acres has less timber commercially available than the United States with a total forest area of 500 million acres. The iron ore reserves of the world are estimated at 91,000 million tons ("Iron Ores," Edwin C. Eckel. McGraw Hill Book Co., 1914, pp. 392-3). Of this amount 51,000 millions are placed in Asia and Africa; 12,000 million tons in Europe, and 14,800 million tons in North America. The United States alone is credited with 4,260 million tons or about 5 per cent of the world's supply. The United States Geological Survey (_Bulletin_ 666v) estimates the supply of the United States at 7,550 million tons; the supply in Newfoundland, Mexico and Cuba as 7,000 million tons, and that in South America as 8,000 million tons as against 12,000 million tons for Europe. This estimate would give the United States alone 8 per cent of the iron ore of the world. It would give North America 15 per cent and the Western Hemisphere 25 per cent, as against 15 per cent for Europe. Iron ore furnishes the material out of which industrial civilization is constructed. Until recently the source of industrial power has been coal. Even to-day petroleum and water play a relatively unimportant rôle. Coal still holds the field. The United States alone contains 3,838,657 million tons--more than half of the total coal reserves of the world. ("Coal Resources of the World." Compiled by the Executive Committee, International Geological Congress, 1913, Vol. I, p. XVIII ff.) North America is credited with 5,073,431 million tons or over two-thirds of the world's total coal reserves (7,397,553 millions of tons). The coal reserve of Europe is 784,190 million tons or about one-fifth of the coal reserves of the United States alone. Figures showing the amount of productive land and of timber may be verified. Those dealing with iron ore and coal in the ground are mere estimates and should be treated as such. At the same time they give a rough idea of the economic situation. Of all the essential resources,--land, timber, iron, copper, coal, petroleum and water-power,--the United States has large supplies. As compared with Europe, her supply of most of them is enormous. No other single country (the British Empire is not a single country) that is now competing for the supremacy of the world can compare with the United States in this regard, and if North America be taken as the unit of discussion, its preponderance is enormous. 3. _The Capital of the United States_ The United States apparently enjoys a large superiority over any single country in its reserves of some of the most essential resources. The same thing is true of productive machinery. Figures showing the actual quantities of capital are available in only a small number of cases. Estimates of capital value in terms of money are useless. It is only the figures which show numbers of machines that really give a basis for judging actual differences. Live stock on farms, the chief form of agricultural capital, is reported for the various countries in the Year Book of the United States Department of Agriculture. The United States (1916) heads the list with 61.9 million cattle; 67.8 million hogs; 48.6 million sheep and goats, and 25.8 million horses and mules,--204 million farm animals in all. The Russian Empire (including Russia in Asia) is second (1914) with 52.0 million cattle; 15.0 hogs; 72.0 million sheep and goats, and 34.9 horses and mules,--174 million farm animals in all. British India (1914) reports more cattle than any other country (140.5 million); she is also second in the number of sheep and goats with 64.7 millions, but she has no hogs and 1.9 million horses. Argentina (1914) reports 29.5 million cattle; 2.9 million sheep and goats; and 8.9 million horses and mules. The number of animals on European farms outside of Russia is comparatively small. Germany (1914), United Kingdom (1916), Austria-Hungary (1913), and France (1916) reported 61.8 million cattle, 46.6 million hogs, 60.8 million sheep and goats, and 11.5 million horses and mules, making a total of 180.7 million farm animals. These four countries with a population of about 206 million persons, had less live stock than the United States with its population (1916) of about 100 millions. It would be interesting to compare the amount of farm machinery and farm equipment of the United States with that of other countries. Unfortunately no such figures are available. The figures showing transportation capital are fairly complete. (_Statistical Abstr._ 1918, pp. 844-5.) The total railroad mileage of the world is 729,845. More than one-third of this mileage (266,381 miles) is in the United States. Russia (1916) comes second with 48,950 miles; Germany (1914) third, with 38,600 miles and Canada (1916) fourth with 37,437 miles. The world's total mileage of telegraph wire (Ibid.) is 5,816,219, of which the United States has more than a fourth (1,627,342 miles). Russia (1916) is second with 537,208 miles; Germany (1914) is third with 475,551 miles; and France fourth with 452,192 miles. The Bureau of Railway Economics has published a compilation on "Comparative Railway Statistics" (_Bulletin 100_, Washington, 1916) from which it appears that the United States is far ahead of any other country in its railroad equipment. The total number of locomotives in the United States was 64,760; in Germany 29,520; in United Kingdom 24,718; in Russia (1910) 19,984; and in France 13,828. No other country in the world had as many as ten thousand locomotives. If these figures also showed the locomotive tonnage as well as the number, the lead of the United States would be even more decided as the European locomotives are generally smaller than those used in the United States. This fact is clearly brought out by the figures from the same bulletin showing freight car tonnage (total carrying capacity of all cars). For the United States the tonnage was (1913) 86,978,145. The tonnage of Germany was 10.7 millions; of France 5.0 millions; of Austria-Hungary 3.8 millions. The figures for the United Kingdom were not available. The United States also takes the lead in postal equipment. (_Stat. Abstr._, 1918, pp. 844-5.) There are 324,869 post offices in the world; 54,257 or one-sixth in the United States. The postal routes of the world cover 2,513,997 miles, of which 450,954 miles are in the United States. The total miles of mail service for the world is 2,061 millions. Of this number the United States has 601.3 millions. The most extreme contrast between transportation capital in the United States and foreign countries is furnished by the number of automobiles. _Facts and Figures_, the official organ of the National Automobile Chamber of Commerce (April, 1919) estimates the total number of cars in use on January 1, 1917 as 4,219,246. Of this number almost six-sevenths (3,500,000) were in use in the United States. The total number of cars in Europe as estimated by the Fiat Press Bureau, Italy, was 437,558, or less than one-seventh of the number in use in the United States. Automobile distribution is of peculiar significance because the industry has developed almost entirely since the Spanish-American War and therefore since the time when the United States first began to develop into a world power. The world's cotton spindleage in 1919 is estimated at 149.4 million spindles. (Letter from T. H. Price 10/6/19.) Of this total Great Britain has 57.0 millions; the United States 33.7 millions; Germany 11.0 millions; Russia 8.0 millions, and France and India each 7.0 millions. No effort has been made to cite figures showing the estimated value of various forms of capital, because of the necessary variations in value standards. Enough material showing actual quantities of capital has been presented to prove that in agriculture, in transportation, in certain lines of manufacturing the United States is either at the head of the list, or else stands in second place. In transportation capital (particularly automobiles) the lead of the United States is very great. If figures were available to show the relative amounts of capital used in mining, in merchandising, and in financial transactions they would probably show an equally great advantage in favor of the United States. In this connection it might not be irrelevant to note that in 1915 the total stock of gold money in the world was 8,258 millions of dollars. More than a quarter (2,299 millions) was in the United States. The total stock of silver money was 2,441 millions of dollars of which 756 millions (nearly a third) was in the United States. (_Stat. Abstr._, 1918, pp. 840-1.) 4. _Products of the United States_ Figures showing the amounts of the principal commodities produced in the United States are far more complete than those covering the resources and capital. They are perhaps the best index of the present economic position of the United States in relation to the other countries of the world. The wheat crop of the world in 1916 was 3,701.3 million bushels. Russia, including Siberia, was the leading producer with 686.3 million bushels. The United States was second with 636.7 million bushels or 17 per cent of the world's output. British India, the third wheat producer, had a crop in 1916 of 323.0 million bushels. Canada, with 262.8 million bushels, was fourth on the list. Thus Canada and the United States combined produced almost exactly one-fourth of the world's wheat crop. As a producer of corn the United States is without a peer. The world's corn crop in 1916 was 3,642.1 million bushels. Two-thirds of this crop (2,566.9 million bushels) was produced in the United States. The position of the United States as a producer of corn is almost duplicated in the case of cotton. The _Statistical Abstract_ published by the British Government (No. 39, London, 1914, p. 522) gives the world's cotton production as 21,659,000 bales (1912). Of this number the United States produced 14,313,000--almost exactly two-thirds. British India, which ranks second, reported a production of 3,203,000 bales. Egypt was third with 1,471,000 bales. About one-tenth of the world's output of wool is produced in the United States. World production for 1917 is placed at 2,790,000 pounds. (_Bulletin_, National Association of Wool Manufacturers. 1918, p. 162.) Australia heads the list with a production of 741.8 million pounds. Russia, including Siberia, comes second with 380.0 million pounds. The United States is third with 285.6 million pounds and Argentina fourth with 258.3 million pounds. The United States leads the world in timber production. "Last winter we estimated that the United States has been cutting about 50 per cent of the total world's supply of lumber." (Letter from Chief of Forest Investigation. U. S. Forest Service. Oct. 11, 1919.) The same letter gives the present annual timber cut. The United States 12.5 billion cubic feet; Russia 7.1 billion cubic feet; Canada 3.0 billion cubic feet; Austria-Hungary 2.7 billion cubic feet. A third of the iron ore produced in the world in 1912 came from the United States. The world's production in that year was 154.0 million tons (_British Statistical Abstract_, No. 39, p. 492). The United States produced 56.1 million tons or 36 per cent of the whole; Germany produced 32.7 million tons; France 19.2 million tons; the United Kingdom 14.0 million tons. No other country is reported as producing as much as ten million tons. The position of the United States as a producer of iron and steel was greatly enhanced by the war. _The Daily Consular and Trade Reports_ (July 9, 1919, p. 155) give a comparison between the world's steel and iron output in 1914 and 1918. In 1914 the United States produced 23.3 million tons of pig iron; Germany produced 14.4 million tons; the United Kingdom 8.9 million tons, and France 5.2 million tons. The United States was thus producing 45 per cent of the pig iron turned out in these four countries. For 1918 the pig iron production of the United States was 39.1 million tons. That of the other three countries was 22.0 million tons. In that year the United States produced 64 per cent of the pig iron product of these four countries. An equally great lead is shown in the case of steel production. In 1914 the United States produced 23.5 million tons of steel. Germany, the United Kingdom and France produced 27.6 million tons. By 1918 the production of the United States had nearly doubled (45.1 million tons). The total pig iron output of the world for 1917 was placed at 66.9 millions of tons. The world's production of steel in 1916 was placed at 83 million tons. The United States produced considerably more than half of both commodities. ("The Mineral Industry During 1918." New York, McGraw Hill Book Co., 1919, pp. 379-80). The two chief forms of power upon which modern industry depends are petroleum and coal. The United States is the largest producer of both of these commodities. The world's production of petroleum in 1917 was 506.7 million barrels (_Mineral Resources_, 1917, Part II, p. 867). Of this amount the United States produced 335.3 million barrels or 66 per cent of the total. The second largest producer, Russia, and the third, Mexico, are credited with 69 million barrels and 55.3 million barrels respectively. As a coal producer the United States stands far ahead of all other nations. The United States Geological Survey (_Special Report_, No. 118) placed the total coal production of the world in 1913 at 1,478 million tons. Of this amount 569.9 million tons (38.5 per cent) were produced in the United States. The production for Great Britain was 321.7 million tons; for Germany 305.7 million tons; for Austria-Hungary 60.6 million tons. No other country reported a production of as much as fifty million tons. In 1915 the United States produced 40.5 per cent of the world's coal; in 1917 44.2 per cent; in 1918 46.2 per cent. Copper has become one of the world's chief metals. Two-thirds of all the copper is produced in the United States. Copper production in 1916 totaled 3,107 million pounds (_Mineral Resources in the United States_, 1916, part I, p. 625). The production for the United States was 1,927.9 million pounds (62 per cent of the whole). The second largest producer, Japan, turned out 179.2 million pounds. The precious metals, gold and silver, are largely produced in the United States. The world's gold production for 1917 was 423.6 million dollars (_Mineral Resources_, 1917, p. 613). Africa produced half of this amount (214.6 million dollars). The United States was second with a production of 83.8 million dollars (20 per cent of the whole). The same publication (p. 615) gives the world's silver production in 1917 as 164 million ounces. 77.1 million ounces (43 per cent) were produced in the United States. The second largest producer was Mexico, 31.2 million ounces; and the third Canada, with 22.3 million ounces. These three North American countries produced 76 per cent of the world's output of silver. Judge Gary, speaking at the Annual Meeting of the Iron and Steel Institute (1920) put the situation in this summary form:-- As frequently stated, notwithstanding the United States has only 6% of the world's population and 7% of the world's land, yet we produce: 20% of the world's supply of gold, 25% of the world's supply of wheat, 40% of the world's supply of iron and steel, 40% of the world's supply of lead, 40% of the world's supply of silver, 50% of the world's supply of zinc, 52% of the world's supply of coal, 60% of the world's supply of aluminum, 60% of the world's supply of copper, 60% of the world's supply of cotton, 66% of the world's supply of oil, 75% of the world's supply of corn, 85% of the world's supply of automobiles. With the exception of rubber, practically all of the essential raw materials and food products upon which modern industrial society depends are produced largely in the United States. With less than a sixteenth of the world's population, the United States produced from a fifth to two-thirds of most of the world's essential products. 5. _Shipping_ The rapid increase in the foreign trade of the United States created a demand for American shipping facilities. Before the Civil War the United States held a place as a maritime nation. Between the Civil War and the war with Spain the energies of the American people were devoted to internal improvement. With the advent of expansion that followed the Spanish-American War, came an insistent demand that the United States develop a merchant marine adequate to carry its own foreign trade. The United States Commissioner of Navigation in his report for 1917 (p. 78) gives the net gross tonnage of steam and sailing vessels in 1914 as 45 million tons in all. The tonnage of Great Britain was 19.8 million tons; of Germany 4.9 million tons; of the United States 3.5 million tons; of Norway 2.4 million tons; of France 2.2 million tons; of Japan 1.7 million tons, and of Italy 1.6 million tons. The war brought about great changes in the distribution of the world's shipping. Germany was practically eliminated as a shipping nation. The necessity of recouping the submarine losses, and of transporting troops and supplies led the United States to adopt a ship-building program that made her the second maritime country of the world. Lloyd's Register of Shipping gives the steam tonnage of the United Kingdom as 18,111,000 gross tons in June, 1920. For the same month the tonnage of the United States is given as 12,406,000 gross tons. Japan comes next with a tonnage of 2,996,000 gross tons. According to the same authority the United Kingdom had 41.6 per cent of the world's tonnage in 1914 and 33.6 per cent in 1920; while the United States had 4.7 per cent of the world's tonnage in 1914 and 24 per cent in 1920. 6. _Wealth and Income_ The economic advantages of the United States enumerated in this chapter inevitably are reflected in the figures of national wealth and national income. While these figures are estimates rather than conclusive statements they are, nevertheless, indicative of a general situation. During the war a number of attempts were made to approximate the pre-war wealth and income of the leading nations. Perhaps the most ambitious of these efforts was contained in a paper on "Wealth and Income of the Chief Powers" read before the Royal Statistical Society. (See _The London Economist_, May 24, 1919, pp. 958-9.) This and other estimates were compiled by L. R. Gottlieb and printed in the _Quarterly Journal of Economics_ for Nov. 1919. Mr. Gottlieb estimates the pre-war national wealth of Great Britain, France, Italy, Japan, Russia, Belgium, Germany, Austria-Hungary, Turkey and Bulgaria at 366,100 million dollars. At the same time the wealth of the United States was estimated at 204,400 million dollars. Thus the wealth of the United States was equal to about 36 per cent of the total wealth of the great nations in question. The same article contains an estimate of pre-war national incomes for these great powers. The total is placed at 81,100 million dollars. The income for the United States is placed at 35,300 million dollars, or more than 43 per cent of the total. The war has made important changes in the wealth and income of the principal powers. The wealth and income of Europe have been reduced, while the wealth and income of the United States have been greatly increased. This increase is rendered doubly emphatic by the demoralization in foreign exchange which gives the American dollar a position of unique authority in the financial world. The latest wealth estimates (_Commerce and Finance_, May 26, and July 28, 1920) in terms of dollars at their purchasing-power value, makes the wealth of the whole British Empire 230 billions of dollars; of France, 100 billions; of Russia, 60 billions; of Italy, 40 billions; of Japan, 40 billions; of Germany, 20 billions, and of the United States, 500 billions. These figures are subject to alteration with the alteration of the exchange rates, but they indicate the immense advantage that is possessed by the business men of the United States over the business men of any or of all of the other nations of the world. Before the war, the British were the chief lenders in the international field. In 1913 Great Britain had about 20 billions of dollars of foreign investments, as compared with 9 billions for France and about 6 billions for Germany. At the end of 1920, the British foreign investments had shrunk to a fraction of their former amount, while the United States, from the position of a debtor nation, had become the leading investing nation of the world, with over 9 billions of dollars loaned to the Allied governments; with notice loans estimated at over 10 billions; with foreign investments of 8 billions, and goods on consignment to the extent of 2 billions. The United States therefore began the year 1921 with a greater financial lead, by several times over, than that which she held before the war, when she was credited with a greater wealth and a larger income than that of any other nation in the world. The extent of the advantage enjoyed by the United States at the end of 1920 cannot be stated with any final accuracy, but its proportions are staggering. 7. _The Economic Position of the United States_ Economically the United States is a world power. She occupies one of the three great geographical areas in the temperate zone. If she were to include Canada, Mexico and Central America--the territory north of the Canal Zone--she would have the greatest unified body of economic advantage anywhere in the world. The United States is rich in practically all of the important industrial resources. She has a large, relatively homogeneous population, a great part of which is directly descended from the conquering races of the world. Almost all of the essential raw materials are produced in the United States, and in relatively large quantities. The period since the Spanish War has witnessed a rapid increase in wealth production. The war of 1914 resulted in an even greater increase in shipping. The investable surplus is greater in the United States than in any other nation, and in amount as well as in percent the national debt is less than that in any other important nation except Japan. Economically the position of the United States is unique. The masters of her industries hold a position of great advantage in the capitalist world. XIV. THE PARTITION OF THE EARTH 1. _Economic Power and Political Authority_ Economically the United States is a world power. Her world position in politics follows as a matter of course. While the American people were busy with internal development, they played an unimportant part in world affairs. They were not competing for world trade, because they had relatively little to export; they were not building a merchant marine because of the smallness of their trading activities; they were not engaged in the scramble after undeveloped countries because, with an undeveloped country of their own, calling continually for enlarged investments, they had little surplus capital to employ in foreign enterprises. This economic isolation of the United States was reflected in an equally thoroughgoing political isolation. With the exception of the Monroe Doctrine, which in its original form was intended as a measure of defense against foreign political and military aggression, the United States minded its own affairs, and allowed the remainder of the world to go its way. From time to time, as necessity arose, additional territory was purchased or taken from neighboring countries--but all of these transactions, up to the annexation of Hawaii (1898) were confined to the continent of North America, in which no European nation, with the exception of Great Britain, had any imperative territorial interest. The economic changes which immediately preceded the Spanish War period commanded for the United States a place among the nations. The passing of economic aloofness marked the passing of political aloofness, and the United States entered upon a new era of international relationships. Possessed of abundant natural resources, and having through a long period of peace developed a large working capital with which these resources might be exploited, the United States, at the beginning of the twentieth century, was in a position to export, to trade and to invest in foreign enterprises. The advent of the World War gave the United States a dramatic opportunity to take a position which she must have assumed in any case in a comparatively short time. It had, however, one signal, diplomatic advantage,--it enabled the capitalist governments of Europe to accept, with an excellent grace, the newly acquired economic prominence of the United States and to recognize her without question as one of the leading political powers. The loan of ten billions to Europe; the sending of two million men at double quick time to the battle front; the immense increases in the production of raw material that followed the declaration of war by the United States; the thoroughness displayed by the American people, once they had decided to enter the war, all played their part in the winning of the victory. There were feelings, very strongly expressed, that the United States should have come in sooner; should have sacrificed more and profiteered less. But once in, there could be no question either of the spirit of her armies or of the vast economic power behind them. When it came to dividing the spoils of victory, the United States held, not only the purse strings, but the largest surpluses of food and raw materials as well. Her diplomacy at the Peace Table was weak. Her representatives, inexperienced in such matters, were no match for the trained diplomats of Europe, but her economic position was unquestioned, as was her right to take her place as one of the "big five." 2. _Dividing the Spoils_ The Peace Conference, for purposes of treaty making, separated the nations of the world into five classes: 1. The great capitalist nations. 2. The lesser capitalist states. 3. Enemy nations. 4. Undeveloped territories. 5. The socialist states. The great capitalist states were five in number--Great Britain, France, Italy, Japan and the United States. These five states dominated the armistice commission and the Peace Conference and they were expected to dominate the League of Nations. The position of these five powers was clearly set forth in the regulations governing procedure at the Peace Conference. Rule I reads: "The belligerent powers with general interests--the United States of America, the British Empire, France, Italy and Japan--shall take part in all meetings and commissions." (_New York Times_, January 20, 1919.) Under this rule the Big Five were the Peace Conference, and throughout the subsequent negotiations they continued to act the part. The same concentration of authority was read into the revised covenant of the League of Nations. Article 4 provides that the Executive Council of the League "shall consist of the representatives of the United States of America, of the British Empire, of France, of Italy and of Japan, together with four other members of the League." The authority of the Big Five was to be maintained by giving them five votes out of nine on the executive council of the League, no matter how many other nations might become members. It was among the Big Five, furthermore, that the spoils of victory were divided. The Big Five enjoyed a full meal; the lesser capitalist states had the crumbs. The enemy nations were stripped bare. Their colonies were taken, their foreign investments were confiscated, their merchant ships were appropriated, they were loaded down with enormous indemnities, they were dismembered. In short, they were rendered incapable of future economic competition. The thoroughgoing way in which this stripping was accomplished is discussed in detail by J. M. Keynes in "The Economic Consequences of the Peace" (chapters 4 and 5). The undeveloped territories--the economic opportunities upon which the Big Five were relying for the disposal of their surplus products and surplus capital, were carved and handed about as a butcher carves a carcass. Shantung, which Germany had taken from China, was turned over to Japan under circumstances which made it impossible for China to sign the Treaty--thus leaving her territory open for further aggression. The Near East was divided between Great Britain, France and Italy. Mexico was not invited to sign the treaty and her name was omitted from the list of those eligible to join the League. The German possessions in Africa and in the Pacific were distributed in the form of "mandates" to the Great Powers. The principle underlying this distribution was that all of the unexploited territory should go to the capitalist victors for exploitation. The proportions of the division had been established, previously, in a series of secret treaties that had been entered into during the earlier years of the war. With the Big Five in control, with the lesser capitalist states silenced; with the border states made or in the making; with the enemy reduced to economic impotence, and the unexploited portions of the world assigned for exploitation, the conference was compelled to face still another problem--the Socialist Republic of Russia. Russia, Czar ridden and oppressed, had entered the war as an ally of France and Great Britain. Russia, unshackled and attempting self-government on an economic basis, was an "enemy of civilization." The Allies therefore supported counter-revolution, organized and encouraged warfare by the border states, established and maintained a blockade, the purpose of which was the starvation of the Russian people into submission, and did all that money, munitions, supplies, battleships and army divisions could do to destroy the results of the Russian Revolution. The Big Five--assuming to speak for all of the twenty-three nations that had declared war on Germany--manipulated the geography of Europe, reduced their enemies to penury, disposed of millions of square miles of territory and tens of millions of human beings as a gardener disposes of his produce, and then turned their united strength to the task of crushing the only thing approaching self-government that Russia has had for centuries. A more shameless exhibition of imperial lust is not recorded in history. Never before were five nations in a position to sit down at one table and decide the political fate of the world. The opportunity was unique, and yet the statesmen of the world played the old, savage game of imperial aggression and domination. This brutal policy of dealing with the world and its people was accepted by the United States. Throughout the Conference her representatives occupied a commanding position; at any time they would have been able to speak with a voice of almost conclusive authority; they chose, nevertheless, to play their part in this imperial spectacle. To be sure the Senate refused to ratify the Treaty,--not because of its imperial iniquities, but rather because there was nothing in it for the United States. 3. _Italy, France and Japan_ The shares of spoil falling to Italy and France as a result of the treaty are comparatively small although both countries--and particularly France--carried a terrific war burden. Japan, the least active of any of the leading participants in the war, received territory of vast importance to her future development. Italy,--under the secret treaty of London, signed April 26, 1915, by the representatives of Russia, France, Great Britain and Italy,--was to receive that part of Austria known as the Trentine, the entire southern Tyrol, the city and suburbs of Trieste, the Istrian Islands and the province of Dalmatia with various adjacent islands. Furthermore, Article IX of the Treaty stipulated that, in the division of Turkey, Italy should be entitled to an equal share in the basin of the Mediterranean, and specifically to the province of Adalia. Under Article XIII, "In the event of the expansion of French and English colonial domains in Africa at the expense of Germany, France and Great Britain recognize in principle the Italian right to demand for herself certain compensations in the sense of expansions of her lands in Erithria, Somaliland, in Lybia and colonial districts lying on the boundary, with the colonies of France and England." Substantially, this plan was followed in the Peace Treaty. The territorial claims of France were simple. The secret treaties include a note from the French Minister of Foreign Affairs to the French Ambassador at Petrograd, dated February 1-14, 1917, which stated that under the Peace Treaty: "(1) Alsace and Lorraine to be returned to France. "(2) The boundaries will be extended at least to the limits of the former principality of Lorraine, and will be fixed under the direction of the French Government. At the same time strategic demands must be taken into consideration, so as to include within the French territory the whole of the industrial iron basin of Lorraine and the whole of the industrial coal-basin of the Saar." The Peace Treaty confirmed these provisions, with the exception of the Saar Valley, which is to go to France for 15 years under conditions which will ultimately cause its annexation to France if she desires it. France also gained some slight territorial concessions in Africa. Her real advantage--as a result of the peace--lies in the control of the three provinces with their valuable mineral deposits. The territorial ambitions of Japan were confined to the Far East. The former Russian Ambassador to Tokio, under date of February 8, 1917, makes the statement that Japan was desirous of securing "the succession to all the rights and privileges possessed by Germany in the Shantung province and for the acquisition of the islands north of the Equator." In a secret treaty with Great Britain, Japan secured a guarantee covering such a division of the German holdings in the Pacific. These concessions are of great importance to Japan. By the terms of the Treaty one of her rivals for the trade of the East (Germany) is eliminated, and the territory of that rival goes to Japan. With the control of Port Arthur and Korea and Shantung, Japan holds the gateway to the heart of Northern China. The islands gained by Japan as a result of the Treaty give her a barrier extending from the Kurile Islands, near Kamchatka, through the Empire of Japan proper, to Formosa. Farther out in the Pacific, there are the Ladrones, the Carolines and the Pelew Islands, which, in combination, make a series of submarine bases that render attack by sea difficult or impossible, and that lie, incidentally, between the United States and the Philippine Islands. Japan came away from the Peace Conference with the key to the East in her pocket. 4. _The Lion's Share_ The lion's share of the Peace Conference spoil went to Great Britain. To each of the other participants, certain concessions, agreed upon beforehand, were made. The remainder of the war-spoil was added to the British Empire. This "remainder" comprised at least a million and half square miles of territory, and included some of the most important resources in the world. The territorial gains of Great Britain cover four areas--the Near East, the Far East, Africa, and the South Pacific. The gains of Great Britain in the Near East include Hedjez and Yemen, the control of which gives the British possession of virtually all of the territory bordering on the Red Sea. The Persian Gulf is likewise placed under British control, through her holding of Mesopotamia and her control over Persia and Oman. The eastern end of the Mediterranean is held by the British through their control of Palestine. Thus the gateway to the East,--both by land and by sea, the eastern shores of the Mediterranean, the valleys of the Tigris and the Euphrates and the basin of the Red Sea all fall into the hands of the British, who now hold the heart of the Near East. The gains of Great Britain in Africa include Togoland, German Southwest Africa and German East Africa. With these accessions of territory, Great Britain holds a continuous stretch of country from the Cape to Cairo. A British subject can therefore travel on British soil from Cape Town via the Isthmus of Suez, to Siam, covering a distance as the crow flies of something like 10,000 miles. The British gains in the South Pacific include Kaiser Wilhelm Land and the German islands south of the Equator. What these territorial gains mean in the way of additional resources for the industries of the home country, only the future can decide. Certain it is, that outside of the Americas, Central Europe, Russia, China and Japan, Great Britain succeeded in annexing most of the important territory of the world. The _Chicago Tribune_, in one of its charmingly frank editorials, thus describes the gains to the British Empire as a result of the war. "The British mopped up. They opened up their highway from Cairo to the Cape. They reached out from India and took the rich lands of the Euphrates. They won Mesopotamia and Syria in the war. They won Persia in diplomacy. They won the east coast of the Red Sea. They put protecting territory about Egypt and gave India bulwarks. They made the eastern dream of the Germans a British reality. "The British never had their trade routes so guarded as now. They never had their supremacy of the sea so firmly established. Their naval competitor, Germany, is gone. No navy threatens them. No empire approximates their size, power, and influence. "This is the golden age of the British Empire, its Augustan age. Any imperialistic nation would have fought any war at any time to obtain such results, and as imperialistic nations count costs, the British cost, in spite of its great sums in men and money was small." (January 4, 1920.) 5. _Half the World--Without a Struggle_ Two significant facts stand out in this record of spoils distribution. One is that Great Britain received the lion's share of them in Asia and Africa. The other, that there is no mention of the Americas. Outside of the Western Hemisphere, Great Britain is mistress. In the Americas, with the exception of Canada, the United States is supreme. There are two reasons for this. One is that Germany's ambitions and possessions included Asia and Africa primarily--and not America. The other is that the Peace Conference recognized the right of the United States to dominate the Western Hemisphere. The representatives of the United States declared that their country was asking for nothing from the Peace Conference. Nevertheless, the insistent clamor from across the water led the American delegation to secure the insertion in the revised League Covenant of Article XXI which read: "Nothing in this covenant shall be deemed to affect the validity of international engagements, such as treaties of arbitration or regional understandings like the Monroe Doctrine for securing the maintenance of peace." This article coupled with the first portion of Article X, "The members of the League undertake to respect and preserve as against external aggression the territorial integrity and existing political independence of all members of the League," guarantees to the United States complete authority over Latin America, reserving to her political suzerainty and economic priority. The half of the earth reserved to the United States under these provisions contains some of the richest mineral deposits, some of the largest timber areas, and some of the best agricultural territory in the world. Thus at the opening of the new era, the United States, at the cost of a comparatively small outlay in men and money, has guaranteed to her by all of the leading capitalist powers practically an exclusive privilege for the exploitation of the Western Hemisphere. XV. PAN-AMERICANISM 1. _America for the Americans_ In the partition of the earth, one-half was left under the control of the United States. Among the great nations, parties to the war and the peace, the United States alone asked for nothing--save the acceptance by the world of the Monroe Doctrine. The doctrine, as generally understood, makes her mistress of the Western Hemisphere. The Monroe Doctrine originated in the efforts of Latin America to establish its independence of imperial Europe, and the counter efforts of imperial Europe to fasten its authority on the newly created Latin American Republics. President Monroe, aroused by the European crusade against popular government, wrote a message to Congress (1823) in which he stated the position of the United States as follows: "The American continents, by the free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintained, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European powers." Monroe continues by pointing out that the United States must view any act which aims to establish European authority in the Americas as "dangerous to our peace and safety." "The United States will keep her hands off Europe; she will expect Europe to keep her hands off America," was the essence of the doctrine, which has been popularly expressed in the phrase "America for the Americans." The Doctrine was thus a statement of international aloofness,--a declaration of American independence of the remainder of the world. The Monroe Doctrine soon lost its political character. The southern statesmen who were then guiding the destinies of the United States were looking with longing eyes into Texas, Mexico, Cuba and other potential slave-holding territory. Later, the economic necessities of the northern capitalists led them in the same direction. Professor Roland G. Usher, in his "Pan-Americanism" (New York, The Century Company, 1915, pp. 391-392) insists that the Monroe Doctrine stands "First, for our incontrovertible right of self-defense. In the second place the Monroe Doctrine has stood for the equally undoubted right of the United States to champion and protect its primary economic interest against Europe or America." Through the course of a century this statement of defensive policy has been converted into a doctrine of economic pseudo-sovereignty. It is no longer a case of keeping Europe out of Latin America but of getting the United States into Latin America. The United States does not fear political aggression by Europe against the Western Hemisphere. On the contrary, the aggression to-day is largely economic, and the struggle for the markets and the investment opportunities of Latin America is being waged by the capitalists of every great industrial nation, including the United States. 2. _Latin America_ Four of the Latin American countries, viewed from the standpoint of population and of immediately available assets, rank far ahead of the remainder of Latin America. Mexico, with a population in 1914-1915 of 15,502,000, had an annual government revenue of $72,687,000. The population of Brazil is 27,474,000. The annual revenue (1919) is $183,615,000. Argentine, with a population of 8,284,000, reported annual revenues of $159,000,000 (1918); and Chile, with a population of 3,870,000, had an annual revenue of $77,964,000 (1917). These four states rank in political and economic importance close to Canada. Great Britain holds a number of strategic positions in the West Indies. Other nations have minor possessions in Latin America. None of these possessions, however, is of considerable economic or political importance. There remain Bolivia, Uruguay, Colombia, Ecuador, Paraguay, Peru, Venezuela, and the Central American states. The most populous of these countries is Peru (5,800,000 persons). All of the Central American states combined have a population of less than 6,000,000. The annual revenues of Uruguay (population 1,407,000) are $30,453,000 (1918-19). The combined government revenues of all Central America are less than twenty-five millions. (_Statistical Abstract of the U. S._, 1919, p. 826ff.) Compared with the hundred million population of the United States; its estimated wealth (1918) of 250 billions; and its federal revenues of a billion and a half in 1916, the Latin American republics cut a very small figure indeed. The United States, bristling with economic surplus and armed with the Monroe Doctrine, as accepted and interpreted in the League Covenant, is free to turn her attention to the rich opportunities offered by the undeveloped territory stretching from the Rio Grande to Cape Horn. What is there to hinder her movements in this direction? Nothing but the limitation on her own needs and the adherence to her own public policies. This vast area, containing approximately nine million square miles (three times the area of continental United States), has a population of only a little over seventy millions. The entire government revenues of the territory are in the neighborhood of six hundred million, but so widely scattered are the people, so sharp are their nationalistic differences, and so completely have they failed to build up anything like an effective league to protect their common interests, that skillful maneuvering on the part of American economic and political interests should meet with no effectual or thoroughgoing opposition. The "hands off America" doctrine which the United States has enunciated, and which Europe has accepted, means first that none of the Latin American Republics is permitted to enter into any entangling alliances without the approval of the United States. In the second place it means that the United States is free to treat all Latin American countries in the same way that she has treated Cuba, Hayti and Nicaragua during the past twenty years. 3. _Economic "Latin America"_ The United States is the chief producer--in the Western Hemisphere--of the manufactured supplies needed by the relatively undeveloped countries of Latin America. At the same time, the undeveloped countries of Latin America contain great supplies of ores, minerals, timber and other raw materials that are needed by the expanding manufacturing interests of the United States. The United States is a country with an investible surplus. Latin America offers ample opportunity for the investment of that surplus. Surrounding the entire territory is a Chinese wall in the form of the Monroe Doctrine--intangible but none the less effective. Before the outbreak of the Great War, European capitalists dominated the Latin American investment market. The five years of struggle did much to eliminate European influence in Latin America. The situation was reviewed at length in a publication of the United States Department of Commerce "Investments in Latin America and the British West Indies," by Frederick M. Halsey (Washington Government Printing Office, 1918): "Concerning the undeveloped wealth of various South American countries," writes Mr. Halsey, "it may be said that minerals exist in all the Republics, that the forest resources of all (except possibly Uruguay) are very extensive, that oil deposits have been found in almost every country and are worked commercially in Argentine, Colombia, Chile, Ecuador, Peru and Venezuela, and that there are lands available for the raising of live stock and for agricultural purposes" (p. 20). As to the pre-war investments, Mr. Halsey points out that "Great Britain has long been the largest investor in Latin America" (p. 20). The total of British investments he places at 5,250 millions of dollars. A third of this was invested in Argentine, a fifth in Brazil and nearly a sixth in Mexico. French investments are placed at about one and a half billions of dollars. The German investments were extensive, particularly in financial and trading institutions. United States investments in Latin America before the war "were negligible" (p. 19) outside of the investments in the mining industry and in the packing business. Just how much of a shift the war has occasioned in the ownership of Latin American railways, public utilities, mines, etc., it is impossible to say. Some such change has occurred, however, and it is wholly in the interest of the United States. Generalizations which apply to Latin America have no force in respect to Canada. The capitalism of Canada is closely akin to the capitalism of the United States. Canada possesses certain important resources which are highly essential to the United States. Chief among them are agricultural land and timber. There are two methods by which the industrial interests of the United States might normally proceed with relations to the Canadian resources. One is to attack the situation politically, the other is to absorb it economically. The latter method is being pursued at the present time. To be sure there is a large annual emigration from the United States into Canada (approximately 50,000 in 1919) but capital is migrating faster than human beings. The Canadian Bureau of Statistics reports (letter of May 20, 1920) on "Stocks, Bonds and other Securities held by incorporated and joint stock Companies engaged in manufacturing industries in Canada, 1918," as owned by 8,130,368 individual holders, distributed geographically as follows: Canada, $945,444,000; Great Britain, $153,758,000; United States, $555,943,000, and other countries, $17,221,322. Thus one-third of this form of Canadian investment is held in the United States. 4. _American Protectorates_ The close economic inter-relations that are developing in the Americas, naturally have their counter-part in the political field. As the business interests reach southward for oil, iron, sugar, and tobacco they are accompanied or followed by the protecting arm of the State Department in Washington. Few citizens of the United States realize how thoroughly the conduct of the government, particularly in the Caribbean, reflects the conduct of the bankers and the traders. Professor Hart in his "New American History" (American Book Co., 1917, p. 634) writes, "In addition the United States between 1906 and 1916 obtained a protectorate over the neighboring Latin American States of Cuba, Hayti, Panama, Santo Domingo and Nicaragua. All together these five states include 157,000 square miles and 6,000,000 people." Professor Hart makes this statement under the general topic, "What America Has Done for the World." The Monroe Doctrine, logically applied to Latin America, can have but one possible outcome. Professor Chester Lloyd Jones characterizes that outcome in the following words, "Steadily, quietly, almost unconsciously the extension of international responsibility southward has become practically a fixed policy with the State Department. It is a policy which the record of the last sixteen years shows is followed, not without protest from influential factions, it is true, but none the less followed, by administrations of both parties and decidedly different shades within one of the parties.... Protests will continue but the logic of events is too strong to be overthrown by traditional argument or prejudice." ("Caribbean Interests." New York, Appleton, 1916, p. 125.) Latin America is in the grip of the Monroe Doctrine. Whether the individual states wish it or not they are the victims of a principle that has already shorn them of political sovereignty by making their foreign policy subject to veto by the United States, and that will eventually deprive them of control over their own internal affairs by placing the management of their economic activities under the direction of business interests centering in the United States. The protectorate which the United States will ultimately establish over Latin America was forecast in the treaty which "liberated" Cuba. The resolution declaring war upon Spain was prefaced by a preamble which demanded the independence of Cuba. Presumably this independence meant the right of self-government. Actually the sovereignty of Cuba is annihilated by the treaty of July 1, 1904, which provides: "Article I. The Government of Cuba shall never enter into any treaty or compact with any foreign power or powers which will impair or tend to impair the independence of Cuba, nor in any matter authorize or permit any foreign power or powers to obtain by colonization or for military or naval purposes, or otherwise, lodgement in, or control over any portion of said island." The most drastic limitations upon Cuba's sovereignty are contained in Article 3 which reads, "the Government of Cuba consents that the United States may exercise the right to intervene for the preservation of Cuban independence, the maintenance of a government adequate for the protection of life, property and individual liberty, and for discharging the obligation with respect to Cuba imposed by the Treaty of Paris on the United States now to be assumed and undertaken by the Government of Cuba." Under this article, the United States, at her discretion, may intervene in Cuba's internal affairs. Under these treaty provisions the Cuban Government is not only prevented from exercising normal governmental functions in international matters, but if a change of internal government should take place which in the opinion of the United States jeopardized "life, property and individual liberty" such a government could be suppressed by the armed forces of the United States and a government established in conformity with her wishes. Theoretically, Cuba is an independent nation. Practically, Cuba has signed away in her treaty with the United States every important attribute of sovereignty. The fact that Cuba was a war-prize of the United States might be advanced as an explanation of her anomalous position, were it not for the relations now existing between the Dominican Republic, Hayti and Nicaragua on the one hand and the United States on the other. The United States has never been at war with any of these countries, yet her authority over them is complete. The Convention between the United States and the Dominican Republic, proclaimed July 25, 1907, gave the United States the right to appoint a receiver of Dominican customs in order that the financial affairs of the Republic might be placed on a sound basis. This appointment was followed in 1916 by the landing of the armed forces of the United States in the territory of the Dominican Republic. On November 29, 1916, a military government was set up by the United States Marine Corps under a proclamation approved by the President. "This military government at present conducts the administration of the government" (Letter from State Department, September 29, 1919). The proclamation issued by the Commander of the United States Marine Corps and approved by the President, cited the failure of the Dominican government to live up to its treaty obligations because of internal dissensions and stated that the Republic is made subject to military government and to the exercise of military law applicable to such occupation. Dominican statutes "will continue in effect insofar as they do not conflict with the objects of the Occupation or necessary relations established thereunder, and their lawful administration will continue in the hands of such duly authorized Dominican officials as may be necessary, all under the oversight and control of the United States forces exercising Military Government." The proclamation further announces that the Military Government will collect the revenues and hold them in trust for the Republic. Following this proclamation Captain H. S. Knapp issued a drastic order providing for a press censorship. "Any comment which is intended to be published on the attitude of the United States Government, or upon anything connected with the Occupation and Military Government of Santo Domingo must first be submitted to the local censor for approval. In case of any violation of this rule the publication of any newspaper or periodical will be suspended; and responsible persons,--owners, editors, or others--will further be liable to punishment by the Military Government. The printing and distribution of posters, handbills, or similar means of propaganda in order to disseminate views unfavorable to the United States Government or to the Military Government in Santo Domingo is forbidden." (Order secured from the Navy Department and published by The American Union against Militarism, Dec. 13, 1916.) A similar situation exists in Hayti. The treaty of May 3, 1916, provides that "The Government of the United States will, by its good officers, aid the Haitian Government in the proper and efficient development of its agricultural, mineral and commercial resources and in the establishment of the finances of Hayti on a firm and solid basis." (Article I) "The President of Hayti shall appoint upon nomination by the President of the United States a general receiver and such aids and employees as may be necessary to manage the customs. The President of Hayti shall also appoint a nominee of the President of the United States as 'financial adviser' who shall 'devise an adequate system of public accounting, aid in increasing revenues' and take such other steps 'as may be deemed necessary for the welfare and prosperity of Hayti.'" (Article II.) Article III guarantees "aid and protection of both countries to the General Receiver and the Financial Adviser." Under Article X "The Haitian Government obligates itself ... to create without delay an efficient constabulary, urban and rural, composed of native Haitians. This constabulary shall be organized and officered by Americans." The Haitian Government under Article XI, agrees not to "surrender any of the territory of the Republic by sale, lease or otherwise, or jurisdiction over such territory, to any foreign government or power" nor to enter into any treaty or contract that "will impair or tend to impair the independence of Hayti." Finally, to complete the subjugation of the Republic, Article XIV provides that "should the necessity occur, the United States will lend an efficient aid for the preservation of Haitian independence and the maintenance of a government adequate for the protection of life, property and individual liberty." A year later, on August 20, 1917, the _New York Globe_ carried the following advertisement:-- FORTUNE IN SUGAR "The price of labor in practically all the cane sugar growing countries has gone steadily up for years, except in Hayti, where costs are lowest in the world. "_Hayti now is under U. S. Control._ "The Haitian-American corporation owns the best sugar lands in Hayti, owns railroads, wharf, light and power-plants, and is building sugar mills of the most modern design. There is assured income in the public utilities and large profits in the sugar business. We recommend the purchase of the stock of this corporation. Proceedings are being taken to list this stock on the New York Stock Exchange. "Interesting story 'Sugar in Hayti' mailed on request. "P. W. Chapman & Co., 53 William St., N. Y. C." Hayti remained "under United States control" until the revelations of the summer of 1920 (see _The Nation_, July 10 and August 28, 1920), when it was shown that the natives were being compelled, by the American forces of occupation, to perform enforced labor on the roads and to accept a rule so tyrannous that thousands had refused to obey the orders of the military authorities, and had been shot for their pains. On October 14, 1920, the _New York Times_ printed a statement from Brigadier General George Barnett, formerly Commandant General of the Marine Corps, covering the conditions in Hayti between the time the marines landed (July, 1915) and June, 1920. General Barnett alleges in his report that there was evidence of "indiscriminate" killing of the natives by the American Marines; that "shocking conditions" had been revealed in the trial of two members of the army of occupation, and that the enforced labor system should be abolished forthwith. The report shows that, during the five years of the occupation, 3,250 Haytians had been killed by the Americans. During the same period, the losses to the army of occupation were 1 officer and 12 men killed and 2 officers and 26 men wounded. The attitude of the United States authorities toward the Haytians is well illustrated by the following telegram which the United States Acting Secretary of the Navy sent on October 2, 1915, to Admiral Caperton, in charge of the forces in Hayti: "Whenever the Haytians wish, you may permit the election of a president to take place. The election of Dartiguenave is preferred by the United States." The Cuban Treaty established the precedent; the Great War provided the occasion, and while Great Britain was clinching her hold in Persia, and Japan was strengthening her grip on Korea, the United States was engaged in establishing protectorates over the smaller and weaker Latin-American peoples, who have been subjected, one after another, to the omnipotence of their "Sister Republic" of the North. 5. _The Appropriation of Territory_ Protectorates have been established by the United States, where such action seemed necessary, over some of the weaker Latin-American states. Their customs have been seized, their governments supplanted by military law and the "preservation of law and order" has been delegated to the Army and Navy of the United States. The United States has gone farther, and in Porto Rico and Panama has appropriated particular pieces of territory. The Porto Ricans, during the Spanish-American War, welcomed the Americans as deliverers. The Americans, once in possession, held the Island of Porto Rico as securely as Great Britain holds India or Japan holds Korea. The Porto Ricans were not consulted. They had no opportunity for "self-determination." They were spoils of war and are held to-day as a part of the United States. The Panama episode furnishes an even more striking instance of the policy that the United States has adopted toward Latin-American properties that seemed particularly necessary to her welfare. Efforts to build a Panama Canal had covered centuries. When President Roosevelt took the matter in hand he found that the Government of Colombia was not inclined to grant the United States sovereignty over any portion of its territory. The treaty signed in 1846 and ratified in 1848 placed the good faith of the United States behind the guarantee that Colombia should enjoy her sovereign rights over the Isthmus. During November 1902 the United States ejected the representatives of Colombia from what is now the Panama Canal Zone and recognized a revolutionary government which immediately made the concessions necessary to enable the United States to begin its work of constructing the canal. The issue is made clear by a statement of Mr. Roosevelt frequently reiterated by him (see _The Outlook_, October 7, 1911) and appearing in the _Washington Post_ of March 24, 1911, as follows:--"I am interested in the Panama Canal because I started it. If I had followed the traditional conservative methods I would have submitted a dignified state paper of probably two hundred pages to the Congress and the debate would have been going on yet. But I took the Canal Zone and let the Congress debate, and while the debate goes on, the Canal does also." Article 35 of the Treaty of 1846 between the United States and Colombia (then New Grenada) reads as follows,--"The United States guarantees, positively and efficaciously to New Grenada, by the present stipulation, the perfect neutrality of the before mentioned Isthmus ... and the rights of sovereignty which New Grenada has and possesses over said territory." In 1869 another treaty was negotiated between the United States and Colombia which provided for the building of a ship canal across the Isthmus. This treaty was signed by the presidents of both republics and ratified by the Colombian Congress. The United States Senate refused its assent to the treaty. Another treaty negotiated early in 1902 was ratified by the United States Senate but rejected by the Colombian Congress. The Congress of the United States had passed an act (June 28, 1902) "To provide for the construction of a canal connecting the waters of the Atlantic and the Pacific Oceans." Under this act the President was authorized to negotiate for the building of the canal across the Isthmus of Panama. If that proved impossible within a reasonable time, the President was to turn to the Nicaragua route. The treaty prepared in accordance with this act provided that the United States would pay Colombia ten millions of dollars in exchange for the sovereignty over the Canal Zone. The Colombian Congress after a lengthy debate rejected the treaty and adjourned on the last day of October, 1902. Rumor had been general that if the treaty was not ratified by the Colombian Government, the State of Panama would secede from Colombia, sign the treaty, and thus secure the ten millions. In consequence of these rumors, which threatened transportation across the Isthmus, American war vessels were dispatched to Panama and to Colon. On November 3, 1902, the Republic of Panama was established. On November 13 it was recognized by the United States. Immediately thereafter a treaty was prepared and ratified by both governments and the ten millions were paid to the Government of Panama. Early in the day of November 3, the Department of State was informed that an uprising had occurred. Mr. Loomis wired, "Uprising on Isthmus reported. Keep Department promptly and fully informed." In reply to this the American consul replied, "The uprising has not occurred yet; it is announced that it will take place this evening. The situation is critical." Later the same official advised the Department that (in the words of the Presidential message, 1904) "the uprising had occurred and had been successful with no bloodshed." The Colombian Government had sent troops to put down the insurrection but the Commander of the United States forces, acting under instructions sent from Washington on November 2, prevented the transportation of the troops. His instructions were as follows,--"Maintain free and uninterrupted transit if interruption is threatened by armed force with hostile intent, either governmental or insurgent, at any point within fifty miles of Panama. Government forces reported approaching the Isthmus in vessels. Prevent their landing, if, in your judgment, the landing would precipitate a conflict." Thus a revolution was consummated under the watchful eye of the United States forces; the home government at Bogota was prevented from taking any steps to secure the return of the seceding state of Panama to her lawful sovereignty, and within ten days of the revolution, the new Republic was recognized by the United States Government.[57] (Ten days was the length of time necessary to transmit a letter from Panama to Washington. Greater speed would have been impossible unless the new state had been recognized by telegraph.) 6. _The Logical Exploiters_ The people of the United States are the logical exploiters of the Western Hemisphere--the children of destiny for one half the world. They are pressed by economic necessity. They need the oil of Mexico, the coffee of Brazil, the beef of Argentine, the iron of Chile, the sugar of Cuba, the tobacco of Porto Rico, the hemp of Yucatan, the wheat and timber of Canada. In exchange for these commodities the United States is prepared to ship manufactured products. Furthermore, the masters of the United States have an immense and growing surplus that must be invested in some paying field, such as that provided by the mines, agricultural projects, timber, oil deposits, railroad and other industrial activities of Latin-America. The rulers of the United States are the victims of an economic necessity that compels them to seek and to find raw materials, markets and investment opportunities. They are also the possessors of sufficient economic, financial, military and naval power to make these needs good at their discretion. The rapidly increasing funds of United States capital invested in Latin-America and Canada, will demand more and more protection. There is but one way for the United States to afford that protection--that is to see that these countries preserve law and order, respect property, and follow the wishes of United States diplomacy. Wherever a government fails in this respect, it will be necessary for the State Department in coöperation with the Navy, to see that a government is established that will "make good." Under the Monroe Doctrine, as it has long been interpreted, no Latin-American Government will be permitted to enter into entangling alliances with Europe or Asia. Under the Monroe Doctrine, as it is now being interpreted, no Latin-American people will be permitted to organize a revolutionary government that abolishes the right of private interests to own the oil, coal, timber and other resources. The mere threat of such action by the Carranza Government was enough to show what the policy of the United States must be in such an emergency. The United States need not dominate politically her weaker sister republics. It is not necessary for her to interfere with their "independence." So long as their resources may be exploited by American capitalists; so long as the investments are reasonably safe; so long as markets are open, and so long as the other necessities of United States capitalism are fulfilled, the smaller states of the Western Hemisphere will be left free to pursue their various ways in prosperity and peace. FOOTNOTE: [57] For further details see "The Panama Canal" Papers presented to the Senate by Mr. Lodge, Senate Document 471, 63rd Congress, 2nd Session. XVI. THE AMERICAN CAPITALISTS AND WORLD EMPIRE 1. _The Plutocrats Must Carry On_ The American plutocrats--those who by force of their wealth share in the direction of public policy--must carry on. They have no choice. If they are to continue as plutocrats, they must continue to rule. If they continue to rule, they must shoulder the duties of rulership. They may not relish the responsibility which their economic position has thrust upon them any more than the sojourners in Newfoundland relish the savage winters. Nevertheless, those who own the wealth of a capitalist nation must accept the results of that ownership just as those who remain in Newfoundland must accept the winter storms. The owners of American timber, mines, factories, railroads, banks and newspapers may dislike the connotations of imperialism; may believe firmly in the principles of competition and individualism; may yearn for the nineteenth century isolation which was so intimate a feature of American economic life. But their longings are in vain. The old world has passed forever; the sun has risen on a new day--a day of world contacts for the United States. Henry Cabot Lodge of Massachusetts stated the matter with rare accuracy in a speech which he made during the discussion over the conquest of the Philippines. After explaining that wars come, "never ostensibly, but actually from economic causes," Senator Lodge said (_Congressional Record_, 56th Congress, 2nd Session, p. 637. January 7, 1901): "We occupy a great position economically. We are marching on to a still greater one. You may impede it, you may check it, but you cannot stop the work of economic forces. You cannot stop the advance of the United States.... The American people and the economic forces which underlie all are carrying us forward to the economic supremacy of the world." Senator Lodge spoke the economic truth in 1901. William C. Redfield reënforced it in an address before the American Manufacturers Export Association (_Weekly Bulletin_, April 26, 1920, p. 7): "We cannot be foreign merchants very much longer in this country excepting on a diminishing and diminishing scale--we have got to become foreign constructors; we have got to build with American money--foreign enterprises, railroads, utilities, factories, mills, I know not what, in order that by large ownership in them we may command the trade that normally flows from their operation." That is sound capitalist doctrine. Equally sound is the exhortation that follows: "In so doing we shall be doing nothing new--only new for us. That is the way in which Germany and Great Britain have built up their foreign trade." New it is for America--but it is the course of empire, familiar to every statesman. The lesson which Bismarck, Palmerston and Gray learned in the last century is now being taught by economic pressure to the ruling class of the United States. The elder generation of American business men was not trained for world domination. To them the lesson comes hard. The business men of the younger generation are picking it up, however, with a quickness born of paramount necessity. 2. _Training Imperialists_ Every great imperial structure has had simple beginnings. Each imperial ruling class has doubtless felt misgivings, during the early years of its authority. Hesitating, uncertain, they have cast glances over their shoulders towards that which was, but even while they were looking backward the forces that had made them rulers were thrusting them still farther forward along the path of imperial power. Then as generation succeeded generation, the rulers learned their lesson, building a tradition of rulership and authority that was handed down from father to son; acquiring a vision of world organization and world power that gave them confidence to go forward to their own undoing. The masters of public life in Rome were such people; the present masters of British economic and political affairs are such people. American imperialists still are in the making. Until 1900 their eyes were set almost exclusively upon empire within the United States. Those who, before 1860, dreamed of a slave power surrounding the Gulf of Mexico, were thrust down and their places taken by builders of railroads and organizers of trusts. To-day the sons and grandsons of that generation of exploiters who confined their attention to continental territory, are compelled, by virtue of the organization which their sires and grandsires established, to seek Empire outside the boundaries of North America. During the years when the leaders of American business life were spending the major part of their time in "getting rich," the sweep of social and economic forces was driving the United States toward its present imperial position. Now the position has been attained, those in authority have no choice but to accept the responsibilities which accompany it. Economically the United States is a world power. The war and the subsequent developments have forced the country suddenly into a position of leadership among the capitalist nations. The law of capitalism is: Struggle to dispose of your surplus, otherwise you cannot survive. This law has laid its heavy hand upon Great Britain, upon France, upon Germany, and now it has struck with full force into the isolated, provincial life of the United States. It is the law--immutable as the system of gravitation. While the present system of economic life exists, this law will continue to operate. Therefore the masters of American life have no alternative. If they would survive, they must dispose of their surplus. Politically the United States is recognized as one of the leaders of the world. Despite its tradition of isolation, despite the unwillingness of its statesmen to enter new paths, despite the indifference of its people to international affairs, the resources and raw materials required by the industrial nations of Europe, the rapidly growing surplus and the newly acquired foreign markets and investments make the United States an integral part of the life of the world. The ruling class in the United States has no more choice than the rulers of a growing city whose boundaries are extending with each increment of population. If it is to continue as a ruling class, it must accept conditions as they are. The first of these conditions is that the United States is a world power neither because of its virtue nor because of its intelligence in the delicacies of the world politics, but because of the sheer might of its economic organization. Economic necessity has forced the United States into the front rank among the nations of the world. Economic necessity is forcing the ruling class of the United States to occupy the position of world leadership, to strengthen it, to consolidate it, and to extend it at every opportunity. The forces that played beside the yellow Tiber and the sluggish Nile are very much the same as those which led Napoleon across the wheat fields of Europe and that are to-day operating in Paris, London, and in New York. The forces that pushed the Roman Empire into its position of authority and led to the organization of Imperial Britain are to-day operating with accelerated pace in the United States. The sooner the American people, and particularly those who are directing public policy, wake up to this simple but essential fact, the sooner will doubt and misunderstanding be removed, the sooner will the issues be drawn and the nation's course be charted. 3. _The Logical Goal_ The logical goal of the American plutocracy is the economic and incidentally the political control of the world. The rulers of Macedon and Assyria, Rome and Carthage, of Britain and France labored for similar reasons to reach this same goal. It is economic fate. Kings and generals were its playthings, obeying and following the call of its destiny. The rulers of antiquity were limited by a lack of transportation facilities; their "world" was small, including the basin of the Mediterranean and the land surrounding the Persian Gulf and the Indian Ocean, nevertheless, they set out, one after another, to conquer it. To-day the rapid accumulation of surplus and the speed and ease of communication, the spread of world knowledge and the larger means of organization make it even more necessary than it was of old for the rulers of an empire to find a larger and ever larger place in the sun. The forces are more pressing than ever before. The times call more loudly for a genius with imagination, foresight and courage who will use the power at his disposal to write into political history the gains that have already been made a part of economic life. Let such a one arise in the United States, in the present chaos of public thought, and he could not only himself dictate American public policy for the remainder of his life, but in addition, he could, within a decade, have the whole territory from the Canadian border to the Panama Canal under the American Flag, either as conquered or subject territory; he could establish a Chinese wall around South American trade and opportunities by a very slight extension of the Monroe Doctrine; he could have in hand the problem of an economic if not a political union with Canada, and could be prepared to measure swords with the nearest economic rival, either on the high seas or in any portion of the world where it might prove necessary to join battle. Such a program would be a departure from the traditions of American public life, but the traditions, built by a nation of farmers, have already lost their significance. They are historic, with no contemporary justification. The economic life that has grown up since 1870 of necessity will create new public policies. The success of such a program would depend upon four things: 1. A coördination of American economic life. 2. A fast grip on the agencies for shaping public opinion. 3. A body of citizens, martial, confident, restless, ambitious. 4. A ruling class with sufficient imagination to paint, in warm sympathetic colors, the advantages of world dominion; and with sufficient courage to follow out imperial policy, regardless of ethical niceties, to its logical goal of world conquest. All four of these requisites exist in the United States to-day, awaiting the master hand that shall unite them. Many of the leaders of American public life know this. Some shrink from the issue, because they are unaccustomed to dream great dreams, and are terrified by the immensity of large thoughts. Others lack the courage to face the new issues. Still others are steadily maneuvering themselves into a position where they may take advantage of a crisis to establish their authority and work their imperial will. The situation grows daily more inviting; the opportunity daily more alluring. The war-horse, saddled and bridled, is pawing the earth and neighing. How soon will the rider come? 4. _Eat or Be Eaten_ The American ruling class has been thrown into a position of authority under a system of international economic competition that calls for initiative and courage. Under this system, there are two possibilities,--eat or be eaten! There is no middle ground, no half way measure. It is impossible to stop or to turn back. Like men engaged on a field of battle, the contestants in this international economic struggle must remain with their faces toward the enemy, fighting for every inch that they gain, and holding these gains with their bodies and their blood, or else they must turn their backs, throw away their weapons, run for their lives, and then, hiding on the neighboring hills, watch while the enemy despoils the camp, and then applies a torch to the ruins. The events of the great war prove, beyond peradventure, that in the wolf struggle among the capitalist nations, no rules are respected and no quarter given. Again and again the leaders among the allied statesmen--particularly Mr. Lloyd George and Mr. Wilson--appealed to the German people over the heads of their masters with assurances that the war was being fought against German autocracy, not against Germans. "When will the German people throw off their yoke?" asked one Allied diplomat. The answer came in November, 1918. A revolution was contrived, the Kaiser fled the country, the autocracy was overthrown. Germans ceased to fight with the understanding that Mr. Wilson's Fourteen Points should be made the foundation of the Peace. The armistice terms violated the spirit if not the letter of the fourteen points; the Peace Treaty scattered them to the winds. Under its provisions Germany was stripped of her colonies; her investments in the allied possessions were confiscated; her ships were taken; three-quarters of her iron ore and a third of her coal supply were turned over to other powers; motor trucks, locomotives, and other essential parts of her economic mechanism were appropriated. Austria suffered an even worse fate, being "drawn and quartered" in the fullest sense of the term. After stripping the defeated enemies of all available booty, levying an indeterminate indemnity, and dismembering the German and Austrian Empires, the Allies established for thirty years a Reparation Commission, which is virtually the economic dictator of Europe. Thus for a generation to come, the economic life of the vanquished Empires will be under the active supervision and control of the victors. Never did a farmer's wife pluck a goose barer than the Allies plucked the Central Powers. (See the Treaty, also "The Economic Consequences of the Peace," J. M. Keynes. New York, Harcourt, Brace & Howe, 1920.) Under the armistice terms and the Peace Treaty the Allies did to Germany and Austria exactly what Germany and Austria would have done to France and Great Britain had the war turned out differently. The Allied statesmen talked much about democracy, but when their turn came they plundered and despoiled with a practiced imperial hand. France and Britain, as well as Germany and Austria, were capitalist Empires. The Peace embodies the essential economic morality of capitalist imperialism, the morality of "Eat or be eaten." 5. _The Capitalists and War_ The people and even the masters of America are inexperienced in this international struggle. Among themselves they have experimented with competitive industrialism on a national scale. Now, brought face to face with the world struggle, many of them revolt against it. They deplore the necessities that lead nations to make war on one another. They supported the late war "to end war." They gave, suffered and sacrificed with a keen, idealistic desire to "make the world safe for democracy." They might as well have sought to scatter light and sunshine from a cloudbank. The masters of Europe, who have learned their trade in long years of intrigue, diplomacy and war, feel no such repugnance. They play the game. The American people are of the same race-stocks as the leading contestants in the European struggle. They are not a whit less ingenious, not a whit less courageous, not a whit less determined. When practice has made them perfect they too will play the game just as well as their European cousins and their play will count for more because of the vast economic resources and surpluses which they possess. American statesmen in the field of international diplomacy are like babies, taking their first few steps. Later the steps come easier and easier, until a child, who but a few months ago could not walk, has learned to romp and sport about. The masters of the United States are untrained in the arts of international intrigue. They showed their inferiority in the most painful way during the negotiations over the Paris Treaty. They are as yet unschooled in international trade, banking and finance. They are also inexperienced in war, yet, having only raw troops, and little or no equipment, within two years they made a notable showing on the battlefields of Europe. Now they are busy learning their financial lessons with an equal facility. A generation of contact with world politics will bring to the fore diplomats capable of meeting Europe's best on their own ground. What Europe has learned, America can learn; what Europe has practiced, America can practice, and in the end she may excel her teachers. To-day economic forces are driving relentlessly. Surplus is accumulating in a geometric ratio--surplus piling on surplus. This surplus must be disposed of. While the remainder of the world--except Japan--is staggering under intolerable burdens of debt and disorganization, the United States emerges almost unscathed from the war, and prepares in dead earnest to enter the international struggle,--to play at the master game of "eat or be eaten." Pride, ambition and love of gain and of power are pulling the American plutocrats forward. The world seems to be within their grasp. If they will reach out their hands they may possess it! They have assumed a great responsibility. As good Americans worthy of the tradition of their ancestors, they must see this thing through to the end! They must win, or die in the attempt; and it is in this spirit that they are going forward. The American capitalists do not want war with Great Britain or with any other country. They are not seeking war. They will regret war when it comes. War is expensive, troublesome and dangerous. The experiences of Europe in the War of 1914 have taught some lessons. The leaders and thinkers among the masters of America have visited Europe. They have seen the old institutions destroyed, the old customs uprooted, the old faiths overturned. They have seen the economic order in which they were vitally concerned hurled to the earth and shattered. They have seen the red flag of revolution wave where they had expected nothing but the banner of victory. They have seen whole populations, weary of the old order, throw it aside with an impatient gesture and bring a new order into being. They have good reasons to understand and fear the disturbing influences of war. They have felt them even in the United States--three thousand miles away from the European conflict. How much more pressing might this unrest be if the United States had fought all through the war, instead of coming in when it was practically at an end! Then there is always the danger of losing the war--and such a loss would mean for the United States what it has meant for Germany--economic slavery. Presented with an opportunity to choose between the hazards of war and the certainties of peace most of the capitalist interests in the United States would without question choose peace. There are exceptions. The manufacturers of munitions and of some of the implements and supplies that are needed only for war purposes, undoubtedly have more to gain through war than through peace, but they are only a small element in a capitalist world which has more to gain through peace than through war. But the capitalists cannot choose. They are embedded in an economic system which has driven them--whether they liked it or not--along a path of imperialism. Once having entered upon this path, they are compelled to follow it into the sodden mire of international strife. 6. _The Imperial Task_ The American ruling class--the plutocracy--must plan to dominate the earth; to exploit it, to exact tribute from it. Rome did as much for the basin of the Mediterranean. Great Britain has done it for Africa and Australia, for half of Asia, for four million square miles in North America. If the people of one small island, poorly equipped with resources, can achieve such a result, what may not the people of the United States hope to accomplish? That is the imperial task. 1. American economic life must be unified. Already much of this work has been done. 2. The agencies for shaping public opinion must be secured. Little has been left for accomplishment in this direction. 3. A martial, confident, restless, ambitious spirit must be generated among the people. Such a result is being achieved by the combination of economic and social forces that inhere in the present social system. 4. The ruling class must be schooled in the art of rulership. The next two generations will accomplish that result. The American plutocracy must carry on. It must consolidate its gains and move forward to greater achievements, with the goal clearly in mind and the necessities of imperial power thoroughly mastered and understood. XVII. THE NEW IMPERIAL ALIGNMENT 1. _A Survey of the Evidence_ Through the centuries empires have come and gone. In each age some nation or people has emerged--stronger, better organized, more aggressive, more powerful than its neighbors--and has conquered territory, subjugated populations, and through its ruling class has exploited the workers at home and abroad. Europe has been for a thousand years the center of the imperial struggle,--the struggle which called into being the militarism so hated by the European peoples. It was from that struggle that millions fled to America, where they hoped for liberty and peace. The eighteenth century witnessed the rise of Great Britain to a position of world authority. During the nineteenth century she held her place against all rivals. With the assistance of Prussia, she overthrew Napoleon at Waterloo. In the Crimean War and the Russo-Japanese War she halted the power of the Czar. Half a century after Waterloo Germany, under the leadership of Prussia won the Franco-Prussian War, and by that act became the leading rival of the British Empire. Following the war, which gave Germany control of the important resources included in Alsace and Lorraine, there was a steady increase in her industrial efficiency; the success of her trade was as pronounced as the success of her industries, and by 1913 the Germans had a merchant fleet and a navy second only to those of Great Britain. Germany's economic successes, and her threat to build a railroad from Berlin to Bagdad and tap the riches of the East, led the British to form alliances with their traditional enemies--the French and the Russians. Russia, after the breakdown of Czarism in 1917, dropped out of the Entente, and the United States took her place among the Allies of the British Empire. During the struggle France was reduced to a mere shell of her former power. The War of 1914 bled her white, loaded her with debt, disorganized her industries, demoralized her finances, and although it restored to her important mineral resources, it left her too weak and broken to take real advantage of them. The War of 1914 decided the right of Great Britain to rule the Near East as well as Southern Asia and the strategic points of Africa. In the stripping of the vanquished and in the division of the spoils of war the British lion proved to be the lion indeed. But the same forces that gave the British the run of the Old World called into existence a rival in the New. People from Britain, Germany and the other countries of Northern Europe, speaking the English language and fired with the conquering spirit of the motherland, had been, for three centuries, taming the wilderness of North America. They had found the task immense, but the rewards equally great. When the forces of nature were once brought into subjection, and the wilderness was inventoried, it proved to contain exactly those stores that are needed for the success of modern civilization. With the Indians brushed aside, and the Southwest conquered from Mexico, the new ruling class of successful business men established itself, and the matter of safeguarding property rights, of building industrial empires and of laying up vast stores of capital and surplus followed as a matter of course. Europe, busy with her own affairs, paid little heed to the New World, except to send to it some of her most rugged stock and much of her surplus wealth. The New World, left to itself, pursued its way--in isolation, and with an intensity proportioned to the size of the task in hand and the richness of the reward. The Spanish War in 1898 and the performance of the Canadians in the Boer War of 1899 astounded the world, but it was the War of 1914 that really waked the Europeans to the possibilities of the Western peoples. The Canadians proved their worth to the British armies. The Americans showed that they could produce prodigious amounts of the necessaries of war, and when they did go in, they inaugurated a shipping program, raised and dispatched troops, furnished supplies and provided funds to an extent which, up to that time, was considered impossible. The years from 1914 to 1918 established the fact that there was, in the West, a colossus of economic power. 2. _The New International Line-Up_ There are four major factors in the new international line-up. The first is Russia; the second is the Japanese Empire; the third is the British Empire and the fourth is the American Empire. Italy has neither the resources, the wealth nor the population necessary to make her a factor of large importance in the near future. France is too weak economically, too overloaded with debt and too depleted in population to play a leading rôle in world affairs. The Russian menace is immediate. Bolshevism is not only the antithesis of Capitalism but its mortal enemy. If Bolshevism persists and spreads through Central Europe, India and China, capitalism will be wiped from the earth. A federation of Russia, the Baltic states, the new border provinces, and the Central Empires on a socialist basis would give the socialist states of central and northern Europe most of the European food area, a large portion of the European raw material area and all of the technical skill and machinery necessary to make a self-supporting economic unit. The two hundred and fifty millions of people in Russia and Germany combined in such a socialist federation would be as irresistible economically as they would be from a military point of view. Such a Central European federation, developing as it must along the logical lines that lead into India and China would be the strongest single unit in the world, viewed from the standpoint of resources, of population, of productive power or of military strength. The only possible rivals to such a combination would be the widely scattered forces of the British Empire and the United States, separated from it by the stretches of the Atlantic Ocean. Against such a grouping Japan would be powerless because it would deprive her of the source of raw materials upon which she must rely for her economic development. Great Britain with her relatively small population and her rapidly diminishing resources could make no head against such a combination even with the assistance of her colonial empire. Northern India is as logical a home for Bolshevism as Central China or South-eastern Russia. Connect European Russia, Germany, Austria-Hungary, Siberia, India and China with bonds that make effective coöperation possible and these countries--containing nearly two-thirds of the population of the world, and possessed of the resources necessary to maintain a modern civilization--could laugh at outside interference. Two primary difficulties confront the organizers of the Federated Socialist Republics of Europe and Asia. One is nationality, language, custom and tradition, together with the ancient antagonisms which have been so carefully nurtured through the centuries. The other is the frightful economic disorganization prevalent throughout Central Europe,--a disorganization which would be increased rather than diminished by the establishment of new forms of economic life. Even if such an organization were perfected, it must remain, for a long time to come, on a defensive basis. 3. _The Yellow Peril_ The "yellow peril" thus far is little more than the Japanese menace to British and American trade in the Far East. The Japanese Archipelago is woefully deficient in coal, iron, petroleum, water power and agricultural land. The country is over-populated and must depend for its supplies of food and raw materials upon continental Asia. There seems to be no probability that Japan and China can make any effective working agreement in the near future that will constitute an active menace to the supremacy of the white race. Alone Japan is too weak in resources and too sparse in population. Combined with China she would be formidable, but her military policy in Korea and in the Shantung Province have made any effective coöperation with China at least temporarily impossible. Furthermore, the Japanese are not seeking world conquest. On the contrary, they are bent upon maintaining their traditional aloofness by having a Monroe Doctrine for the East. This doctrine will be summed up in the phrase, "The East for the Easterners,"--the easterners being the Japanese. Such a policy would prove a serious menace to the trade of the United States and of Great Britain. It would prove still more of a hindrance to the investment of American and British capital in the very promising Eastern enterprises, and would close the door on the Western efforts to develop the immense industrial resources of China. The recent "Chinese Consortium," in which Japan joined with great reluctance, suggests that the major capitalist powers have refused to recognize the exclusive right of Japan to the economic advantages of the Far East. How seriously this situation will be taken by the United States and Great Britain depends in part upon the vigor with which Japan prosecutes her claims and in part upon the preoccupation of these two great powers with Bolshevism in Europe and with their own competitive activities in ship building, trade, finance and armament. 4. _The British and the American Empires_ The two remaining major forces in world economics and politics are the British Empire and the American Empire,--the mistress of the world, and her latest rival in the competition for world power. Between them, to-day, most of the world is divided. The British Empire includes the Near East, Southern Asia, Africa, Australia and half of North America. Dogging her are Germany, France, Russia and Italy, and, as she goes to the Far East,--Japan. The United States holds the Western Hemisphere, where she is supreme, with no enemy worthy the name. The British power was shaken by the War of 1914. Never, in modern times, had the British themselves, been compelled to do so much of the actual fighting. The war debt and the disorganization of trade incident to the war period proved serious factors in the curtailment of British economic supremacy. At the same time, the territorial gains of the British were enormous, particularly in the Near East. The Americans secured real advantages from the war. They grew immensely rich in profiteering during the first three years, they emerged with a relatively small debt, with no great loss of life, and with the greatest economic surpluses and the greatest immediate economic advantages possessed by any nation of the world. The British Empire was the acknowledged mistress of the world in 1913. Her nearest rival (Germany) had one battleship to her two; one ton of merchant shipping to her three, and two dollars of foreign investments to her five. This rivalry was punished as the successive rivals of the British Empire have been punished for three hundred years. The war was won by the British Empire and her Allies, but in the hour of victory a new rival appeared. By 1920 that rival had a naval program which promised a fleet larger than the British fleet in 1924 or 1925; within three years she had increased her merchant tonnage to two-thirds of the British tonnage, and her foreign investments were three times the foreign investments of Great Britain. This new rival was the American Empire--whose immense economic strength constituted an immediate threat to the world power of Great Britain. 5. _The Next Incident in the Great War_ Some nation, or some group of nations has always been in control of the known world or else in active competition for the right to exercise such a control. The present is an era of competition. Capitalism has revolutionized the world's economic life. By 1875 the capitalist nations were in a mad race to determine which one should dominate the capitalist world and have first choice among the undeveloped portions of the earth. The competitors were Great Britain, Germany, France, Russia and Italy. Japan and the United States did not really enter the field for another generation. The War of 1914 decided this much:--that France and Italy were too weak to play the big game in a big way, that Germany could not compete effectively for some time to come; that the Russians would no longer play the old game at all. There remained Japan, Great Britain and the United States and it is among these three nations that the capitalist world is now divided. Japan is in control of the Far East. Great Britain holds the Near East, Africa and Australia; the United States dominates the Western Hemisphere. The Great War began in 1914. It will end when the question is decided as to which of these three empires will control the Earth. Great Britain has been the dominant factor in the world for a century. She gained her position after a terrific struggle, and she has maintained it by vanquishing Holland, Spain, France and Germany. The United States is out to capture the economic supremacy of the earth. Her business men say so frankly. Her politicians fear that their constituents are not as yet ready to take such a step. They have been reassured, however, by the presidential vote of November, 1920. American business life already is imperial, and political sentiment is moving rapidly in the same direction. Great Britain holds title to the pickings of the world. America wants some or all of them. The two countries are headed straight for a conflict, which is as inevitable as morning sunrise, unless the menace of Bolshevism grows so strong, and remains so threatening that the great capitalist rivals will be compelled to join forces for the salvation of capitalist society. As economic rivalries increase, competition in military and naval preparation will come as a matter of course. Following these will be the efforts to make political alliances--in the East and elsewhere. These two countries are old time enemies. The roots of that enmity lie deep. Two wars, the white hot feeling during the Civil War, the anti-British propaganda, carried, within a few years, through the American schools, the traditions among the officers in the American navy, the presence of 1,352,251 Irish born persons in the United States (1910), the immense plunder seized by the British during the War of 1914,--these and many other factors will make it easy to whip the American people into a war-frenzy against the British Empire. Were there no economic rivalries, such antagonisms might slumber for decades, but with the economic struggle so active, these other matters will be kept continually in the foreground. The capitalists of Great Britain have faced dark days and have surmounted huge obstacles. They are not to be turned back by the threat of rivalry. The American capitalists are backed by the greatest available surpluses in the world; they are ambitious, full of enthusiasm and energy, they are flushed with their recent victory in the world war, and overwhelmed by the unexpected stores of wealth that have come to them as a result of the conflict. They are imbued with a boundless faith in the possibilities of their country. Neither Great Britain nor the United States is in a frame of mind to make concessions. Each is confident--the British with the traditional confidence of centuries of world leadership; the Americans with the buoyant, idealistic confidence of youth. It is one against the other until the future supremacy of the world is decided. 6. _The Imperial Task_ American business interests are engaged in the work of building an international business structure. American industry, directed from the United States, exploiting foreign resources for American profit, and financed by American institutions, is gaining a footing in Latin America, in Europe and Asia. The business men of Rome built such a structure two thousand years ago. They competed with and finally crushed their rivals in Tyre, Corinth and Carthage. In the early days of the Empire, they were the economic masters, as well as the political masters of the known world. Within two centuries the business men of Great Britain have built an international business structure that has known no equal since the days of the Cæsars. Perhaps it is greater, even, than the economic empire of the Romans. At any rate, for a century that British empire of commerce and industry has gone unchallenged, save by Germany. Germany has been crushed. But there is an industrial empire rising in the West. It is new. Its strength is as yet undetermined. It is uncoördinated. A new era has dawned, however, and the business men of the United States have made up their minds to win the economic supremacy of the earth. Already the war is on between Great Britain and the United States. The two countries are just as much at war to-day as Great Britain and Germany were at war during the twenty years that preceded 1914. The issues are essentially the same in both cases,--commercial and economic in character, and it is these economic and commercial issues that are the chief causes of modern military wars--that are in themselves economic wars which may at any moment be transferred to the military arena. British capitalists are jealously guarding the privileges that they have collected through centuries of business and military conflict. The American capitalists are out to secure these privileges for themselves. On neither side would a military settlement of the issue be welcomed. On both sides it would be regarded as a painful necessity. War is an incident in imperialist policy. Yet the position of the imperialist as an international exploiter depends upon his ability to make war successfully. War is a part of the price that the imperialist must pay for his opportunity to exploit and control the earth. After Sedan, it was Germany versus Great Britain for the control of Europe. After Versailles it is the United States versus Great Britain for the control of the capitalist earth. Both nations must spend the next few years in active preparation for the conflict. The governments of Great Britain and the United States are to-day on terms of greatest intimacy. Soon an issue will arise--perhaps over Mexico, perhaps over Persia, perhaps over Ireland, perhaps over the extension of American control in the Caribbean. There is no difficulty of finding a pretext. Then there will follow the time-honored method of arousing the people on either side to wrath against those across the border. Great Britain will point to the race-riots and negro-lynchings in America as a proof that the people of the United States are barbarians. British editors will cite the wanton taking of the Canal Zone as an indication of the willingness of American statesmen to go to any lengths in their effort to extend their dominion over the earth. The newspapers of the United States will play up the terrorism and suppression in Ireland and there are many Irishmen more than ready to lend a hand in such an enterprise; tyranny in India will come in for a generous share of comment; then there are the relations between Great Britain and the Turks, and above all, there are the evidences in the Paris Treaty of the way in which Great Britain is gradually absorbing the earth. Unless the power of labor is strong enough to turn the blow, or unless the capitalists decide that the safety of the capitalist world depends upon their getting together and dividing the plunder, the result is inevitable. The United States is a world Empire in her own right. She dominates the Western Hemisphere. Young and inexperienced, she nevertheless possesses the economic advantages and political authority that give her a voice in all international controversies. Only twenty years have passed since the organizing genius of America turned its attention from exclusively domestic problems to the problems of financial imperialism that have been agitating Europe for a half a century. The Great War showed that American men make good soldiers, and it also showed that American wealth commands world power. With the aid of Russia, France, Japan and the United States Great Britain crushed her most dangerous rival--Germany. The struggle which destroyed Germany's economic and military power erected in her stead a more menacing economic and military power--the United States. Untrained and inexperienced in world affairs, the master class of the United States has been placed suddenly in the title rôle. America over night has become a world empire and over night her rulers have been called upon to think and act like world emperors. Partly they succeeded, partly they bungled, but they learned much. Their appetites were whetted, their imaginations stirred by the vision of world authority. To-day they are talking and writing, to-morrow they will act--no longer as novices, but as masters of the ruling class in a nation which feels herself destined to rule the earth. The imperial struggle is to continue. The Japanese Empire dominates the Far East; the British Empire dominates Southern Asia, the Near East, Africa and Australia; the American Empire dominates the Western Hemisphere. It is impossible for these three great empires to remain in rivalry and at peace. Economic struggle is a form of war, and the economic struggle between them is now in progress. 7. _Continuing the Imperial Struggle_ The War of 1914 was no war for democracy in spite of the fact that millions of the men who died in the trenches believed that they were fighting for freedom. Rather it was a war to make the world safe for the British Empire. Only in part was the war successful. The old world was made safe by the elimination of Britain's two dangerous rivals--Germany and Russia; but out of the conflict emerged a new rival--unexpectedly strong, well equipped and eager for the conflict. The war did not destroy imperialism. It was fought between five great empires to determine which one should be supreme. In its result, it gave to Great Britain rather than to Germany the right to exploit the undeveloped portions of Asia and of Africa. The Peace--under the form of "mandates"--makes the process of exploitation easier and more legal than it ever has been in the past. The guarantees of territorial integrity, under the League Covenant, do more than has ever been done heretofore to preserve for the imperial masters of the earth their imperial prerogatives. New names are being used but it is the old struggle. Egypt and India helped to win the war, and by that very process, they fastened the shackles of servitude more firmly upon their own hands and feet. The imperialists of the world never had less intention than they have to-day of quitting the game of empire building. Quite the contrary--a wholly new group of empire builders has been quickened into life by the experiences of the past five years. The present struggle for the possession of the oil fields of the world is typical of the economic conflicts that are involved in imperial struggles. For years the capitalists of the great investing nations have been fighting to control the oil fields of Mexico. They have hired brigands, bought governors, corrupted executives. The war settled the Mexican question in favor of the United States. Mexico, considered internationally, is to-day a province of the American Empire. During the blackest days of the war, when Paris seemed doomed, the British divided their forces. One army was operating across the deserts of the Near East. For what purpose? When the Peace was signed, Great Britain held two vantage points--the oil fields of the Near East and the road from Berlin to Bagdad. The late war was not a war to end war, nor was it a war for disarmament. German militarism is not destroyed; the appropriations for military and naval purposes, made by the great nations during the last two years, are greater than they have ever been in any peace years that are known to history. The world is preparing for war to-day as actively as it was in the years preceding the War of 1914. The years from 1914 to 1918 were the opening episodes; the first engagements of the Great War. There is no question, among those who have taken the trouble to inform themselves, but that the War of 1914 was fought for economic and commercial advantage. The same rivalries that preceded 1914 are more active in the world to-day than ever before. Hence the possibilities of war are greater by exactly that amount. The imperial struggle is being continued and a part of the imperial struggle is war. 8. _Again!_ This monstrous thing called war will occur again! Not because any considerable number of people want it, not even because an active minority wills it, but because the present system of competitive capitalism makes war inevitable. Economic rivalries are the basis of modern wars and economic rivalries are the warp and woof of capitalism. To-day the rivalries are economic--in the fields of commerce and industry and finance. To-morrow they will be military. Already the nations have begun the competition in the building of tanks, battleships and airplanes. These instruments of destruction are built for use, and when the time comes, they will be used as they were between 1914 and 1918. Again there will be the war propaganda--subtle at first, then more and more open. There will be stories of atrocities; threats of world conquest. "Preparedness" will be the cry. Again there will be the talk of "My country, right or wrong"; "Stand behind the President"; "Fall in line"; "Go over the top!" Again fear will stalk through the land, while hate and war lust are whipped into a frenzy. Again there will be conscription, and the straightest and strongest of the young men will leave their homes and join the colors. Again the most stalwart men of the nations will "dig themselves in" and slaughter one another for years on end. Again the truth-tellers will be mobbed and jailed and lynched, while those who champion the cause of the workers will be served with injunctions if they refuse to sell out to the masters. Again the profiteers will stop at home and reap their harvests out of the agony and the blood of the nation. Again, when the killing is over, a few old men, sitting around a table, will carve the world--stripping the vanquished while they reward the victors. Again the preparations will begin for the next war. The people will be fed on promises, phrases and lies. They will pay and they will die for the benefit of their masters, and thus the terrible tragedy of imperialism will continue to bathe the world in tears and in blood. XVIII. THE CHALLENGE TO IMPERIALISM 1. _Revolutionary Protest_ Since the Franco-Prussian War the people of Europe have been waking up to the failure of imperialism. The period has been marked by a rapid growth of Socialism on the continent and of trade-unionism in Great Britain. Both movements are expressions of an increasing working-class solidarity; both voice the sentiments of internationalism that were sounded so loudly during the revolutionary period of the eighteenth century. The rapid growth of the European labor movement worried the autocrats and imperialists. Bismarck suppressed it; the Russian police tortured it. Despite all of the efforts to check it or to crush it, the revolutionary movement in Europe gained force. The speeches and writings of the leaders were directed against the capitalist system, and the rank and file of the workers, rendered sharply class conscious by the traditions of class rule, responded to the appeal by organizing new forms of protest. The first revolutionary wave of the twentieth century broke in Russia in 1905. The Russian Revolution of 1917 destroyed the old régime and replaced it first by a moderate or liberal and then by a radical communist control. Like all of the proletarian movements in Europe the Russian revolutionary movement was directed against "capitalism" and "imperialism" and despite the fact that there was no considerable development of the capitalist system in Russia, its imperial organization was so thoroughgoing, and the imperial attitude toward the working class had been so brutally revealed during the revolutionary demonstrations in 1905, that the people reacted with a true Slavic intensity against the despotism that they knew, which was that of an autocratic, feudal master-class. The international doctrines of the new Russian régime were expressed in the phrase "no forcible annexations, no punitive indemnities, the free development of all peoples." The keynote of its internal policy is contained in Section 16 of the Russian Constitution, which makes work the duty of every citizen of the Republic and proclaims as the motto of the new government the doctrine, "He that will not work neither shall he eat." The franchise is restricted. Only workers (including housekeepers) are permitted to vote. Profiteers and exploiters are specifically denied the right to vote or to hold office. Resources are nationalized together with the financial and industrial machinery of Russia. The Bill of Rights contained in the first section of the Russian Constitution is a pronouncement in favor of the liberty of the workers from every form of exploitation and economic oppression. The Russian revolution was directed against capitalism in Russia and against imperialism everywhere. This dramatic assault upon capitalist imperialism centered the eyes of the world upon Russia, making her experiment the outstanding feature of a period during which the workers were striving to realize the possibilities of a more abundant life for the masses of mankind. 2. _Outlawing Bolshevism_ Capitalist diplomats were wary of the Kerensky régime because they did not feel certain how far the Russian people intended to go. The triumph of the Bolsheviki made the issue unmistakably clear. There could be no peace between Bolshevism and capitalism. From that day forward it was a struggle to determine which of the two economic systems should survive. During the years 1918 and 1919 the capitalist world organized one of the most effective advertising campaigns that has ever been staged. Every shred of evidence that, by any stretch of the imagination, could be distorted into an attack upon the Bolshevist régime, was scattered broadcast over the world. Where evidence was lacking, rumor and innuendo were employed. The leading newspapers and magazines, prominent statesmen, educators, clergymen, scientists and public men in every walk of life went out of their way to denounce the Russian experiment in very much the same manner that the propertied interests of Europe had denounced the French experiment during the years that followed 1789. All of the great imperialist governments had at their disposal a vast machinery for the purveying of information--false or true as the case might demand. This public machinery like the machinery of private capitalism was turned against Bolshevism. The capitalist governments went farther by backing with money and supplies the counter revolutionary forces under Yudenich, Denekine, Seminoff, and Kolchak. Allied expeditions were landed on the soil of European and Asiatic Russia "to free the Russian people from the clutches of the Bolsheviki." A blockade was declared in which the Germans were invited to join (after the signing of the armistice), and the whole capitalist world united to starve into submission the men, women and children of revolutionary Russia. No event of recent times, not even the holy war against the autocracy of militarist Germany, had created such a unanimity of action among the Western nations. Bolshevism threatened the very existence of capitalism and as such its destruction became the first task of the capitalist world. The collapse of the capitalist efforts to destroy socialist Russia reflects the power of a new idea over the ancient form. The Allied expeditions into Russia met with hostility instead of welcome. The counter-revolutionary forces were overwhelmed by the red army. The buffer states made peace. The Allied soldiers mutinied when called upon to take part in a war against the forces of revolutionary Russia. "Holy Russia" became holy Russia indeed--recognized and respected by the proletarian forces throughout Europe. 3. _The New Europe_ Russia is the dramatic center of the European movement against capitalist imperialism, but the movement is not confined to Russia. Its activities are extended into every important country on the continent. Since March, 1917, when the first revolution occurred in Russia, absolute monarchy and divine, kingly rights have practically disappeared from Europe. Before the Russian Revolution, four-fifths of the people of Europe were under the sway of monarchs who exercised dictatorial power over the domestic and foreign affairs of their respective nations. Within two years, the Hohenzollerns, the Hapsburgs and the Romanoffs were driven from the thrones of Germany, of Austria and of Russia. Other rulers of lesser importance followed in their wake, until to-day, the old feudal power that held the political control over most of Europe in 1914 has practically disappeared. This is the obvious thing--a revolution in the form of political government--the kind of revolution with which history usually deals. But there is another revolution proceeding in Europe, far more important because more fundamental--the economic and social revolution; the change in the form of breadwinning; the change in the relation between a man and the tools that he uses to earn his livelihood. Every one knows, now, that Czars and Kaisers and Emperors did not really control Europe before 1914, except in so far as they yielded to bankers and to business men. The crown and the scepter gave the appearance of power, but behind them were concessions, monopolies, economic preferments, and special privilege. The European revolution that began in 1917 with the Czar, did not stop with kings. It began with them because they were in such plain sight, but when it had finished with them it went right on to the bankers and the business men. War is destruction, organized and directed by the best brains available. It is merry sport for the organizers and for some of the directors, but like any other destructive agent, it may get out of hand. The War of 1914 was to last for six weeks. It dragged on for five years, and the wars that have grown out of it are still continuing. In the course of those five years, the war destroyed the capitalist system of continental Europe. Patches and shreds of it remained, but they were like the topless, shattered trees on the scarred battle-fields. They were remnants--nothing more. In the first place, the war destroyed the confidence of the people in the capitalist system; in the second place, it smashed up the political machinery of capitalism; in the third place, it weakened or destroyed the economic machinery of capitalism. Each government, to win the war, lied to its people. They were told that their country was invaded. They were assured that the war would be a short affair. Besides that, there were various reasons given for the struggle--it was a war to end war; it was a war to break the iron ring that was crushing a people; it was a war for liberty; it was a struggle to make the world safe for democracy. Not a single important promise of the war was fulfilled, save only the promise of victory. Hundreds of millions, aroused to the heights of an exalted idealism, came back to earth only to find themselves betrayed. With less promise and more fulfillment; with at least an appearance of statesmanship; with some respect for the simple moralities of truth-telling, fair-dealing, and common honor, there might have been some chance for the capitalist system to retain the confidence of the peoples of war-torn Europe, even in the face of the Russian Revolution; but each of these things was lacking, and as one worker put it: "I don't know what Bolshevism is, but it couldn't be any worse than what we have now, so I'm for it!" Such a loss of public confidence would have proved a serious blow to any social system, even were it capable of immediately reëstablishing normal conditions of living among the people. In this case, the same events that destroyed public confidence in the capitalist system, destroyed the system itself. The old political forms of Europe--the czars, emperors and kaisers, who stood as the visible symbols of established order and civilization, were overthrown during the war. The economic forces--the banks and business men--had used these forms for the promotion of their business enterprises. Capitalism depended on czars and kaisers as a blacksmith depends on his hammer. They were among the tools with which business forged the chains of its power. They were the political side of the capitalist system. While the people accepted them and believed in them, the business interests were able to use these political tools at will. The tools were destroyed in the fierce pressure of war and revolution, and with them went one of the chief assets of the European capitalists. There was a third breakdown--far more important than the break in the political machinery of the capitalist system--and that was the annihilation of the old economic life. Economic life is, in its elements, very simple. Raw materials--iron ore, copper, cotton, petroleum, coal and wheat--are converted, by some process of labor, into things that feed, clothe and house people. There are four stages in this process--raw materials; manufacturing; transportation; marketing. If there is a failure in one of the four, all of the rest go wrong, as is very clearly illustrated whenever there is a great miners' or railroad workers' strike, or when there is a failure of a particular crop. During the war, all four of these economic stages went wrong. Between the years 1914 and 1918 the people of Europe busied themselves with a war that put their economic machine out of the running. For a hundred years the European nations had been busy building a finely adjusted economic mechanism; population, finance, commerce--all were knit into the same system. This system the war demolished, and the years that have followed the Armistice have not seen it rebuilt in any essential particular, save in Great Britain and in some of the neutral countries. Not only were the European nations unable to give commodities in exchange for the things they needed but the machinery of finance, by means of which these transactions were formerly facilitated, was crippled almost beyond repair. Under the old system buying and selling were carried on by the use of money, and money ceased to be a stable medium of exchange in Europe. It would be more correct to say that money was no longer taken seriously in many parts of Europe. During the war the European governments printed 75 billions of dollars' worth of paper money. This paper depreciated to a ridiculous extent. Before the war, the franc, the lira, the mark and the crown had about the same value--20 to 23 cents, or about five to a dollar. By 1920 the dollar bought 15 francs; 23 liras; 40 marks, and 250 Austrian crowns. In some of the ready-made countries, constituted under the Treaty or set up by the Allies as a cordon about Russia, hundreds and thousands of crowns could be had for a dollar. Even the pound sterling, which kept its value better than the money of any of the other European combatants, was thirty per cent. below par, when measured in terms of dollars. This situation made it impossible for the nations whose money was at such a heavy discount to purchase supplies from the more fortunate countries. But to make matters even worse, the rate of exchange fluctuated from day to day and from hour to hour so that business transactions could only be negotiated on an immense margin of safety. Add to this financial dissolution the mountains of debt, the huge interest charges and the oppressive taxes, and the picture of economic ruin is complete. The old capitalist world, organized on the theory of competition between the business men within each nation, and between the business men of one nation and those of another nation, reached a point where it would no longer work. In Russia the old system had disappeared, and a new system had been set up in its place. In Germany, and throughout central Europe, the old system was shattered, and the new had not yet emerged. In France, Italy and Great Britain the old system was in process of disintegration--rapid in France and Italy; slower in Great Britain. But in all of these countries intelligent men and women were asking the only question that statesmanship could ask--the question, "What next?" The capitalist system was stronger in Great Britain than in any of the other warring countries of Europe. Before the war, it rested on a surer foundation. During the war, it withstood better than any other the financial and industrial demands. Since the war, it has made the best recovery. Great Britain is the most successful of the capitalist states. The other capitalist nations of Europe regard her as the inner citadel of European capitalism. The British Labor Movement is seeking to take this citadel from within. The British Labor Movement is a formidable affair. There are not more than a hundred thousand members in all of the Socialist parties, in the Independent Labor Party and in the Communist Party combined. There are between six and seven millions of members in the trade unions. Perhaps the best test of the strength of the British Labor Movement came in the summer of 1920, over the prospective war with Russia. Warsaw was threatened. Its fall seemed imminent, and both Millerand and Lloyd-George made it clear that the fall of Warsaw meant war. The situation developed with extraordinary rapidity. It was reported that the British Government had dispatched an ultimatum. The Labor Movement acted with a strength and precision that swept the Government off its feet and compelled an immediate reversal of policy. Over night, the workers of Great Britain were united in the Council of Action. As originally constituted, the "Labor and Russia Council of Action" consisted of five representatives each from the Parliamentary Committee of the Trades Union Congress, the Executive Committee of the Labor Party and the Parliamentary Labor Party. To these fifteen were added eight others, among whom were representatives of every element in the British Labor Movement. This Council of Action did three things--it notified the Government that there must be no war with Russia; it organized meetings and demonstrations in every corner of the United Kingdom to formulate public opinion; it began the organization of local councils of action, of which there were three hundred within four weeks. The Council of Action also called a special conference of the British Labor Movement which met in London on August 13. There were over a thousand delegates at this conference, which opened and closed with the singing of the "Internationale." When the principal resolution of endorsement was passed, approving the formation of the Council of Action, the delegates rose to their feet, cheered the move to the echo, and sang the "Internationale" and "The Red Flag." The closing resolution authorized the Council of Action to take "any steps that may be necessary to give effect to the decisions of the Conference and the declared policy of the Trade Union and Labor Movement." Such was the position in the "Citadel of European Capitalism." The Government was forced to deal with a body that, for all practical purposes, was determining the foreign policy of the Empire. Behind that Council was an organized group of between six and seven millions of workers who were out to get the control of industry into their own hands, and to do it as speedily and as effectually as circumstances would permit. Meanwhile, the mantle of revolutionary activity descended upon Italy, where the red flag was run up over some the largest factories and some of the finest estates. Throughout the war, the revolutionary movement was strong in Italy. The Socialist Party remained consistently an anti-war party, with a radical and vigorous propaganda. The Armistice found the Socialist and Labor Movements strong in the North, with a growing movement in the South for the organization of Agricultural Leagues. The Socialist propaganda in Italy was very consistent and telling. The paper "Avanti," circulating in all parts of the country, was an agency of immense importance. The war, the Treaty, the rising cost of living, the growing taxation--all had prepared the ground for the work that the propagandists were doing. Their message was: "Make ready for the taking over of the industries! Learn what you can, so that, when the day comes, each will play his part. When you get the word, take over the works! There must be no violence--that only helps the other side. Do not linger on the streets, you will be shot. Remain at home or stay in the factories and work as you never worked before!" That, in essence, was the Italian Socialist propaganda--simple, clear and direct, and that was, in effect, what the workers did. The returned soldiers were a factor of large importance in the Italian Revolution. They were radicals throughout the war. The peace made them revolutionists. "The Proletarian League of the Great War" was affiliated with "The International of Former Soldiers," which comprised the radical elements among the ex-service men of Great Britain, Germany, France, Austria, Italy and a number of the smaller countries. There were over a million dues-paying members in this International, and their avowed object was propaganda against war and in favor of an economic system in which the workers control the industries. It was this group in Italy--particularly in the South--that carried through the project of occupying the estates. The workers are in control of the whole social fabric in Russia where the revolution has gone the farthest. In Great Britain, where the labor movement is perhaps more conservative than in any of the other countries of Europe, the Government is compelled to deal with a labor movement that is strong enough to consider and to decide important matters of foreign policy. The workers of Italy have the upper hand. In Czecho-Slovakia, in Bulgaria, in Germany and in the smaller and neutral countries the workers are making their voices heard in opposition to any restoration of the capitalist system; while they busy themselves with the task of creating the framework of a new society. 4. _The Challenge_ This is the challenge of the workers of Europe to the capitalist system. The workers are not satisfied; they are questioning. They mean to have the best that life has to give, and they are convinced that the capitalist system has denied it to them. The world has had more than a century of capitalism. The workers have had ample opportunity to see the system at work. The people of all the great capitalist countries--the common people--have borne the burdens and felt the crushing weight of capitalism--in its enslavement of little children; in its underpaying of women; in long hours of unremitting, monotonous toil; in the dreadful housing; in the starvation wages; in unemployment; in misery. The capitalist system has had a trial and it is upon the workers that the system has been tried out. During this experiment, the workers of the world have been compelled to accept poverty, unemployment and war. These terrible scourges have afflicted the capitalist world, and it is the workers and their families that have borne them in their own persons. In those countries where the capitalist system is the oldest, the workers have suffered the longest. The essence of capitalism is the exploitation of one man by another man, and the longer this exploitation is practiced the more skillful and effective does the master class become in its manipulation. The workers look before them along the path of capitalist imperialism that is now being followed by the nations that are in the lead of the capitalist world. There they see no promise save the same exploitation, the same poverty, the same inequality and the same wars over the commercial rivalries of the imperial nations. The workers of Europe have come to the conclusion that the world should belong to those who build it; that the good things of life should be the property of those who produce them. They see only one course open before them--to declare that those who will not work, shall not eat. The right of self-determination is the international expression of this challenge. The ownership of the job is its industrial equivalent. Together, the two ideas comprise the program of the more advanced workers in all of the great imperial countries of the world. These ideas did not originate in Russia, and they are not confined to Russia any more than capitalism is confined to Great Britain. They are the doctrines of the new order that is coming rapidly into its own. Capitalism has been summed up, heretofore, in the one word "profit." The capitalist cannot abandon that standard. The world has lived beyond it, however, and without it, capitalism, as a system, is meaningless. If the capitalists abandon profit, they abandon capitalism. Without profit the capitalist system falls to pieces, because it is the profit incentive that has always been considered as the binder that holds the capitalist world together. Hence the abandonment of the profit incentive is the surrender of the citadel of capitalism. While profit remains, exploitation persists, and while there is exploitation of one man by another, no human being can call himself free. The capitalists are caught in a beleaguered fortress in which they are defending their economic lives. Profit is the key to this fortress, and if they surrender the key, they are lost. 5. _The Real Struggle_ This is the real struggle for the possession of the earth. Shall the few own and the many labor for the few, or the many own, and labor upon jobs that they themselves possess? The struggle between the capitalist nations is incidental. The struggle between the owners of the world and the workers of the world is fundamental. If Great Britain wins in her conflict with the United States, her capitalists will continue to exploit the workers of Lancashire and Delhi. Her imperialists will continue their policy of world domination, subjugating peoples and utilizing their resources and their labor for the enrichment. If the United States wins in her struggle with Great of the bankers and traders of London. Britain, her capitalists will continue to exploit the workers of Pittsburg and San Juan. Her imperialists will continue their policy of world domination, subjugating the peoples of Latin American first, and then reaching out for the control over other parts of the earth. No matter what imperial nation may triumph in this struggle between the great nations for the right to exploit the weaker peoples and the choice resources, the struggle between capitalism and Socialism must be fought to a finish. If the capitalists win, the world will see the introduction of a new form of serfdom, more complete and more effective than the serfdom of Feudal Europe. If the Socialists win, the world enters upon a new cycle of development. XIX. THE AMERICAN WORKER AND WORLD EMPIRE 1. _Gains and Losses_ The American worker is a citizen of the richest country of the world. Resources are abundant. There is ample machinery to convert these gifts of nature into the things that men need for their food and clothing, their shelter, their education and their recreation. There is enough for all, and to spare, in the United States. But the American worker is not master of his own destinies. He must go to the owners of American capital--to the plutocrats--and from them he must secure the permission to earn a living; he must get a job. Therefore it is the capitalists and not the workers of the United States that are deciding its public policy at the present moment. The American capitalist is a member of one of the most powerful exploiting groups in the world. Behind him are the resources, productive machinery and surplus of the American Empire. Before him are the undeveloped resources of the backward countries. He has gained wealth and power by exploitation at home. He is destined to grow still richer and more powerful as he extends his organization for the purposes of exploitation abroad. The prospects of world empire are as alluring to the American capitalist as have been similar prospects to other exploiting classes throughout history. Empire has always been meat and drink to the rulers. The master class has much to gain through imperialism. The workers have even more to lose. The workers make up the great bulk of the American people. Fully seven-eighths (perhaps nine-tenths) of the adult inhabitants of the United States are wage earners, clerks and working farmers. All of the proprietors, officials, managers, directors, merchants (big and little), lawyers, doctors, preachers, teachers, and the remainder of the business and professional classes constitute not over 10 or 12 percent of the total adult population. The workers are the "plain people" who do not build empires any more than they make wars. If they were left to themselves, they would continue the pursuit of their daily affairs which takes most of their thought and energy--and be content to let their neighbors alone. 2. _The Workers' Business_ The mere fact that the workers are so busy with the routine of daily life is in itself a guarantee that they will mind their own business. The average worker is engaged, outside of working hours, with the duties of a family. His wife, if she has children, is thus employed for the greater portion of her time. Both are far too preoccupied to interfere with the like acts of other workers in some other portion of the world. Furthermore, their preoccupation with these necessary tasks gives them sympathy with those similarly at work elsewhere. The plain people of any country are ready to exercise even more than an ordinary amount of forbearance and patience rather than to be involved in warfare, which wipes out in a fortnight the advantages gained through years of patient industry. The workers have no more to gain from empire building than they have from war making, but they pay the price of both. Empire building and war making are Siamese twins. They are so intimately bound together that they cannot live apart. The empire builder--engaged in conquering and appropriating territory and in subjugating peoples--must have not only the force necessary to set up the empire, but also the force requisite to maintain it. Battleships and army corps are as essential to empires as mortar is to a brick wall. They are the expression of the organized might by which the empire is held together. The plain people are the bricks which the imperial class uses to build into a wall about the empire. They are the mortar also, for they man the ships and fill up the gaps in the infantry ranks and the losses in the machine gun corps. They are the body of the empire as the rulers are its guiding spirit. When ships are required to carry the surplus wealth of the ruling class into foreign markets, the workers build them. When surplus is needed to be utilized in taking advantage of some particularly attractive investment opportunity the workers create it. They lay down the keels of the fighting ships, and their sons aim and fire the guns. They are drafted into the army in time of war and their bodies are fed to the cannon which other workers in other countries, or perhaps in the same country, have made for just such purposes. The workers are the warp and woof of empire, yet they are not the gainers by it. Quite the contrary, they are merely the means by which their masters extend their dominion over other workers who have not yet been scientifically exploited. The work of empire building falls to the lot of the workers. The profits of empire building go to the exploiting class. 3. _The British Workers_ What advantage came to the workers of Rome from the Empire which their hands shaped and which their blood cemented together? Their masters took their farms, converted the small fields into great, slave-worked estates, and drove the husbandmen into the alleys and tenements of the city where they might eke out an existence as best they could. The rank-and-file Roman derived the same advantage from the Roman Empire that the rank-and-file Briton has derived from the British Empire. Great Britain has exercised more world mastery during the past hundred years than any other nation. All that Germany hoped to achieve Great Britain has realized. Her traders carry the world's commerce, her financiers clip profits from international business transactions, her manufacturers sell to the people of every country, the sun never sets on the British flag. Great Britain is the foremost exponent and practitioner of capitalist imperialism. The British Empire is the greatest that the world has known since the Empire of Rome fell to pieces. Whatever benefits modern imperialism brings either for capitalists or for workers should be enjoyed by the capitalists and workers of Great Britain. Until the Great World War the capitalists of Great Britain were the most powerful on earth with a larger foreign trade and a larger foreign investment than any other. At the same time the British workers were amongst the worst exploited of those in any capitalist country in Europe. The entire nineteenth century is one long and terrible record of master-class exploitation inside the British Isles. The miseries of modern India have been paralleled in the lives of the workers of Ireland, Scotland, Wales and England. Gibbins, in his description of the conditions of the child workers in the early years of the nineteenth century ends with the remark, "One dares not trust oneself to try and set down calmly all that might be told of this awful page of the history of industrial England."[58] Even more revolting are the descriptions of the conditions which surrounded the lives of the mine workers in the early part of the nineteenth century. Women as well as men were taken into the mines and in some cases, as the reports of the Parliamentary investigation show, the women dragged cars through passage-ways that were too low to admit the use of ponies or mules. England, mistress of the seas, proud carrier of the traffic of the world, the center of international finance, the richest among all the investing nations--England was reeking with poverty. Beside her factories and warehouses were vile slums in which people huddled as Ruskin said, "so many brace to a garret." There in the back alleys of civilization babies were born and babies died, while those who survived grew to the impotent manhood of the street hooligan. The British Empire girdled the world. For a century its power had grown, practically unchallenged. Superficially it had every appearance of strength and permanence but behind it and beneath it were the hundreds of thousands of exploited factory workers, the underpaid miners, the Cannon Gate of Edinburgh and the Waterloo Junction of London. Capitalist imperialism has not benefited the British workers. Quite the contrary, the rise of the Empire has been accompanied by the disappearance of the stalwart English yeoman; by the disappearance of the agricultural population; by the concentration of the people in huge industrial towns where the workers, no longer the masters of their own destinies, must earn their living by working at machines owned by the capitalist imperialists. The surplus derived from this exploited labor is utilized by the capitalists as the means of further extending their power in foreign lands. Imperialism has brought not prosperity, but poverty to the plain people of England. There is another aspect of the matter. If these degraded conditions attach to the workers in the center of the empire, what must be the situation among the workers in the dependencies that are the objects of imperial exploitation? Let the workers of India answer for Great Britain; the workers of Korea answer for Japan, and the workers of Porto Rico answer for the United States. Their lot is worse than is the lot of the workers at the center of imperial power. Empires yield profits to the masters and victory and glory to the workers. Let any one who does not believe this compare the lives of the workers in small countries like Holland, Norway, Denmark and Switzerland, with the lives of the workers in the neighboring empires--Russia, Germany, France and Great Britain. The advantage is all on the side of those who live in the smaller countries that are minding their own affairs and letting their neighbors alone. 4. _The Long Trail_ The workers of the United States are to-day following the lead of the most powerful group of financial imperialists in the world. The trail is a long one leading to world conquest, unimagined dizzying heights of world power, riches beyond the ken of the present generation, and then, the slow and terrible decay and dissolution that sooner or later overtake those peoples that follow the paths of empire. The rulers will wield the power and enjoy the riches. The people will struggle and suffer and pay the price. The American plutocracy is out to conquer the earth because it is to their interest to do so. The will-o'-the-wisp of world empire has captured their imaginations and they are following it blindly. The American people, on November 2, 1920, gave the American imperialists a blanket authority to go about their imperial business--an authority that the rulers will not be slow to follow. First they will clean house at home--that housecleaning will be called "the campaign for the establishment of the open shop." Then they will go into Mexico, Central America, China, and Europe in search of markets, trade and investment opportunities. Behind the investment will come the flag, carried by battle-ships and army divisions. That flag will be brought front to front with other flags, high words will be spoken, blood will flow, life will ebb, and the imperialists will win their point and pocket their profit. Behind them, in November, and at all other times of the year, there will be the will, expressed or implied, of the working people of the United States, who will produce the surplus for foreign investment; will make the ships and man them; will dig the coal and bore for the oil; will shape the machines. Their hands and the hands of their sons will be the force upon which the ruling class must depend for its power. They will produce, while the ruling class consumes and destroys. The trail is a long one, but it leads none the less certainly to, isolation and death. No people can follow the imperial trail and live. Their liberties go first and then their lives pay the penalty of their rulers' imperial ambition. It was so in the German Empire. It is so to-day in the British Empire. To-morrow, if the present course is followed, it will be equally true in the American Empire. 5. _The New Germany_ One of the chief charges against the Germans, in 1914, was that they were not willing to leave their neighbors in peace. They were out to conquer the world, and they did not care who knew it. It was not the German people who held these plans for world conquest, it was the German ruling class. The German people were quite willing to stay at home and attend to their own affairs. Their rulers, pushed by the need for markets and investment opportunities, and lured by the possibilities of a world empire, were willing to stake the lives and the happiness of the whole nation on the outcome of these ambitious schemes. They threw their dice in the great world game of international rivalries--threw and lost; but in their losing, they carried not only their own fortunes, but the lives and the homes and the happiness of millions of their fellows whose only desire was to remain at home and at peace. Germany's offense was her ambition to gain at the expense of her neighbors. Lacking a place in the sun, she proposed to take it by the strength of her good right arm. This is the method by which all of the great empires have been built and it is the method that the builders of the American Empire have followed up to this point. The land which the ruling class of the United States has needed has heretofore been in the hands of weak peoples--Indians, Mexicans, a broken Spanish Empire. Now, however, the time has come when the rulers of the United States, with the greatest wealth and the greatest available resources of any of the nations, are preparing to take what they want from the great nations, and that imperial purpose can be enforced in only one way--by a resort to arms. The rulers of the United States must take what they would have by force, from those who now possess it. They did not hesitate to take Panama from Colombia; they did not hesitate to take possession of Hayti and of Santo Domingo, and they do not propose to stop there. The people of the world know these things. The inhabitants of Latin America know them by bitter experience. The inhabitants of Europe and of Asia know them by hearsay. Both in the West and in the East, the United States is known as "The New Germany." That means that the peoples of these countries look upon the United States and her foreign policies in exactly the same way that the people of the United States were taught to regard Germany and her foreign policies. To them the United States is a great, rich, brutal Empire, setting her heel and laying her fist where necessity calls. Men and women inside the United States think of themselves and of their fellow citizens as human beings. The people in the other countries read the records of the lynchings, the robberies and the murders inside the United States; of the imperial aggression toward Latin America, and they are learning to believe that the United States is made up of ruthless conquerors who work their will on those that cross their path. The plain American men and women, living quietly in their simple homes, are none the less citizens of an aggressive, conquering Empire. They may not have a thought directed against the well-being of a single human creature, but they pay their taxes into the public treasury; they vote for imperialism on each election day; they read imperialism in their papers and hear it preached in their churches, and when the call comes, their sons will go to the front and shed their blood in the interest of the imperial class. The plain people of the German Empire did not desire to harm their fellows, nevertheless, they furnished the cannon-fodder for the Great War. America's plain folks, by merely following the doctrine, "My country, right or wrong--America first!" will find themselves, at no very distant date, exactly where the German people found themselves in 1914. 6. _The Price_ The historic record, in the matter of empire, is uniform. The masters gain; the workers pay. The workers of the United States will not be exempt from these inexorable necessities of imperialism. On the contrary they will be called upon to pay the same price for empire that the workers in Britain have paid; that the workers in the other empires have paid. What is the price? What will world empire cost the American workers? 1. It will cost them their liberties. An empire cannot be run by a debating society. Empires must act. In order to make this action mobile and efficacious, authority must be centered in the hands of a small group--the ruling class, whose will shall determine imperial policy. Self-government is inconsistent with imperialism. 2. The workers will not only lose their own liberties, but they will be compelled to take liberties away from the peoples that are brought under the domination of the Empire. Self-determination is the direct opposite of imperialism. 3. The American workers, as a part of the price of empire, will be compelled to produce surplus wealth--wealth which they can never consume; wealth the control of which passes into the hands of the imperial ruling class, to be invested by them in the organization of the Empire and the exploitation of the resources and other economic opportunities of the dependent territory. 4. The American workers must be prepared to create and maintain an imperial class, whose function it is to determine the policies and direct the activities of the Empire. This class owes its existence to the existence of empire, without which such a ruling class would be wholly unnecessary. 5. The American workers must be prepared, in peace time as well as in war time, to provide the "sinews of war": the fortifications, the battle fleet, the standing army and the vast naval and military equipment that invariably accompany empire. 6. The American workers must furthermore be ready, at a moment's call, to turn from their occupations, drop their useful pursuits, accept service in the army or in the navy and fight for the preservation of the Empire--against those who attack from without, against those who seek the right of self-determination within. 7. The American workers, in return for these sacrifices, must be prepared to accept the poverty of a subsistence wage; to give the best of their energies in war and in peace, and to stand aside while the imperial class enjoys the fat of the land. 7. _A Way Out_ If the United States follows the course of empire, the workers of the United States have no choice but to pay the price of Empire--pay it in wealth, in misery, and in blood. But there is an alternative. Instead of going on with the old system of the masters, the workers may establish a new economic system--a system belonging to the workers, and managed by them for their benefit. The workers of Europe have tried out imperialism and they have come to the conclusion that the cost is too high. Now they are seeking, through their own movement--the labor movement--to control and direct the economic life of Europe in the interest of those who produce the wealth and thus make the economic life of Europe possible. The American workers have the same opportunity. Will they avail themselves of it? The choice is in their hands. Thus far the workers of the United States have been, for the most part, content to live under the old system, so long as it paid them a living wage and offered them a job. The European workers felt that too in the pre-war days, but they have been compelled--by the terrible experiences of the past few years--to change their minds. It was no longer a question of wages or a job in Europe. It was a question of life or death. Can the American worker profit by that experience? Can he realize that he is living in a country whose rulers have adopted an imperial policy that threatens the peace of the world? Can he see that the pursuit of this policy means war, famine, disease, misery and death to millions in other countries as well as to the millions at home? The workers of Europe have learned the lesson by bitter experience. Is not the American worker wise enough to profit by their example? FOOTNOTE: [58] "Industry in England," H. deB. Gibbins. New York, Scribner's, 1897, p. 390. THE END INDEX. Advertising imperialism, 169 America, conquest of, 27 America first, 170 America for Americans, 202 American capitalists, 218 " " program of, 226 " empire, costs of, 160 " " course of, 158 " " development of, 15 " " economic basis of, 74 " " growth of, 161 " imperialism, 23 " Indian, 29 " industries, growth of, 178 " people, ancestry, 159 " protectorates, 207 " Republic, disappearance of, 72 " tradition, failure of, 12 " worker and empire, 256 Anti-imperialism, 68 Appropriation of territory, 213 Automobile distribution, 183 Bankers, unity of, 150 Bethlehem Steel Co., 132 British Empire, gains of, 198 " " position of, 234 " Labor, position of, 250 Business control, 148 Canada, investments in, 206 Capitalism and Bolshevism, 244 " " war, 225 " breakdown of, 248 " law of, 223 Cherokees, dealings with, 33 Class government, 10 " struggle, in Europe, 254 Coal reserves, 180 Cohesion of wealth, 86, 118 Competition, ferocity of, 223 Competitive industry, 75 Conquering peoples, 26 Conquest of the West, 49 Council of Action, organization, 250 " " National Defense, 148 Cuban independence, 66 " treaty, 208 Dictatorship, possibility of, 222 Dominican Republic, relations with, 209 Education for imperialism, 169 Empire and British workers, 258 " characteristics of, 15 " definition of, 16 " evolution of, 22 " prevalence of, 17 " price of, 20, 264 " stages in, 19 " workers and, 262 Empires, the Big Four, 231 Europe, financial breakdown, 249 " revolution in, 246 Financial imperialism, 135 Foreign investments, 131 France, gains of, 197 Government and business, 99 Great Peace, 36 Great War, 143 " " advantages of, to the United States, 157 " " next incidents of, 235 " " results of, 240 Guaranty Trust Company, 136 Hawaii, annexation of, 62 " revolution in, 63 Hayti, conditions in, 210 Immigrants, race of, 160 Imperial alignment, 229 " goal, 222 " purpose, 165 " sentiments, 166 " task, 237 " " nature of, 228 Imperialism, advantages of, 256 " beginnings of, 65 " challenge to, 243 " cost of, 261 " establishment of, 72 " failure of, 243 " psychology of, 170 Imperialists, training of, 219 Incomes, in the United States, 115 Industrial combination, 81 " organization, 78 " revolution, 76 International exploitation, 128 " finance, 135 " Harvester Co., 133 Investing nations, 127 Investment bankers, 86 Investments in the United States, 130 Italy, gains of, 197 Job ownership, 94 Labor, colonial shortage of, 38 Landlordism, 105 Land ownership, 103 " policy, 104 Latin America, 203 Liberty, desire for, 8 Manifest destiny, 171 Mastery, avenues of, 92 Mexican War, provocation of, 55 " " success of, 56 Mexico, conquest of, 54 Monroe Doctrine, 202 " " logic of, 207 National City Bank, 138 Navy League, 146 Negro civilization, in Africa, 40 " slaves, values of, 47 Negroes, numbers enslaved, 43 New Europe, 246 Next War, contestants in, 236 " " preparations for, 241 " " pretexts for, 238 New Orleans, struggle for, 50 Ownership, advantages of, 114 Panama, relations with, 213 " revolution in, 215 " seizure of, 214 Patriotism, 147 Peace Treaty, provisions of, 224 " " results of, 194 Personal incomes, sources of, 116 Philippines, conquest of, 69 Plutocracy, 117 " control of, 148 " dictatorship of, 92 " domestic power of, 153 " economic gains of, 151 " growing power of, 143 Popular government, 9 Population, increase of, 50 Preparedness, 145 Press censorship, 210 Product ownership, 96 Profiteering, 151 Property, Indian ideas of, 30 " ownership, security of, 107 " rights, and civilization, 113 " rights of, 103 " safeguards to, 108 Public opinion, control of, 98 Resources of the United States, 179 Revolution in Europe, 246 Russia, Allied attack on, 245 " world position of, 231 Slave Coast, 39 " power, defeat of, 61 " trade, America's part in, 44 " " beginnings of, 39 " " conditions of, 43 " " development of, 42 Slavery, and expansion, 60 " beginnings of, 39 " in the United States, 45 Slaves, early demand for, 41 Southwest, conquest of, 51, 57 Sovereignty, source of, 11 Spanish War, 65 Standard Oil Co., 134 Surplus, disposal of, 123 " pressure of, 121 Teutonic peoples, 26 Texas, annexation of, 52 Timber reserves, 180 Transportation facilities, 183 Undeveloped countries, 124 United States, capital of, 181 " " financial power of, 154 " " past isolation, 192 " " position of, 221 " " products of, 184 " " resources of, 179 " " shipping, 188 " " wealth and income, 189 " " world attitude to, 263 " " world power of, 177 Wealth and income, 189 " of the United States, 89 " ownership, 90 Western Hemisphere, and the United States, 200 World conquest, 218 Workers' business, 257 Yellow peril, 232 
45188	----	images of public domain material from the Google Print project.) The International Development of China By Sun Yat-sen _With 16 Maps in the Text and a Folding Map at end_ G. P. Putnam's Sons New York and London The Knickerbocker Press 1922 Copyright, 1922 by Sun Yat-sen Made in the United States of America [Illustration] This work is affectionately dedicated to SIR JAMES AND LADY CANTLIE My revered teacher and devoted friends to whom I once owed my life PREFACE As soon as Armistice was declared in the recent World War, I began to take up the study of the International Development of China, and to form programs accordingly. I was prompted to do so by the desire to contribute my humble part in the realization of world peace. China, a country possessing a territory of 4,289,000 square miles, a population of 400,000,000 people, and the richest mineral and agricultural resources in the world, is now a prey of militaristic and capitalistic powers--a greater bone of contention than the Balkan Peninsula. Unless the Chinese question can be settled peacefully, another world war greater and more terrible than the one just past will be inevitable. In order to solve the Chinese question, I suggest that the vast resources of China be developed internationally under a socialistic scheme, for the good of the world in general and the Chinese people in particular. It is my hope that as a result of this, the present spheres of influence can be abolished; the international commercial war can be done away with; the internecine capitalistic competition can be got rid of, and last, but not least, the class struggle between capital and labor can be avoided. Thus the root of war will be forever exterminated so far as China is concerned. Each part of the different programs in this International Scheme, is but a rough sketch or a general policy produced from a layman's thought with very limited materials at his disposal. So alterations and changes will have to be made after scientific investigation and detailed survey. For instance, in regard to the projected Great Northern Port, which is to be situated between the mouths of the Tsingho and the Lwanho, the writer thought that the entrance of the harbor should be at the eastern side of the port but from actual survey by technical engineers, it is found that the entrance of the harbor should be at the western side of the port instead. So I crave great indulgence on the part of experts and specialists. I wish to thank Dr. Monlin Chiang, Mr. David Yui, Dr. Y. Y. Tsu, Mr. T. Z. Koo, and Dr. John Y. Lee, who have given me great assistance in reading over the manuscripts with me. SUN YAT-SEN. CANTON, April 25, 1921. CONTENTS PAGE THE INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT OF CHINA 1 PROGRAM I 11 PROGRAM II 30 PROGRAM III 77 PROGRAM IV 129 PROGRAM V 197 PROGRAM VI 222 CONCLUSION 231 APPENDIX I 239 APPENDIX II 251 APPENDIX III 257 APPENDIX IV 259 APPENDIX V 260 APPENDIX VI 262 MAPS FACING PAGE FIGURE 1 16 FIGURE 2 17 MAP I 18 MAP II 19 MAP III 32 MAP IV 33 MAP V 44 MAP VI 45 MAP VII 48 MAP VIII 49 MAP IX 54 MAP X 55 MAP XI 82 MAP XII 83 MAP XIII 86 MAP XIV 87 MAP XV 90 MAP XVI 91 MAP AT END The International Development of China THE INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT OF CHINA A PROJECT TO ASSIST THE READJUSTMENT OF POST-BELLUM INDUSTRIES It is estimated that during the last year of the World War the daily expenses of the various fighting nations amounted to two hundred and forty millions of dollars gold. It is accepted by even the most conservative, that only one half of this sum was spent on munitions and other direct war supplies, that is, one hundred and twenty millions of dollars gold. Let us consider these war supplies from a commercial point of view. The battlefield is the market for these new industries, the consumers of which are the soldiers. Various industries had to be enlisted and many new ones created for the supplies. In order to increase the production of these war commodities day by day, people of the warring countries and even those of the neutral states had to be content with the barest necessities of life and had to give up all former comforts and luxuries. Now the war is ended and the sole market of these war supplies has closed, let us hope, forever, for the good of humanity. So, from now on we are concerned with the problem as to how a readjustment may be brought about. What must be considered first is the reconstruction of the various countries, and next the supply of comforts and luxuries that will have to be resumed. We remember that one hundred and twenty million dollars were spent every day on direct war supplies. Let us then suppose that the two items mentioned will take up one half of this sum, that is, sixty millions of dollars a day which will still leave us a balance of sixty million dollars a day. Besides, the many millions of soldiers who were once consumers will from now on become producers again. Furthermore, the unification and nationalization of all the industries, which I might call the Second Industrial Revolution, will be more far-reaching than that of the first one in which Manual Labor was displaced by Machinery. This second industrial revolution will increase the productive power of man many times more than the first one. Consequently, this unification and nationalization of industries on account of the World War will further complicate the readjustment of the post-war industries. Just imagine sixty million dollars a day or twenty-one billions and nine hundred millions of dollars a year of new trade created by the war suddenly have to stop when peace is concluded! Where in this world can Europe and America look for a market to consume this enormous saving from the war? If the billions of dollars worth of war industries can find no place in the post-bellum readjustment, then they will be a pure economic waste. The result will not only disturb the economic condition of the producing countries, but will also be a great loss to the world at large. All the commercial nations are looking to China as the only "dumping ground" for their over-production. The pre-war condition of trade was unfavorable to China. The balance of imports over exports was something over one hundred million dollars gold annually. The market of China under this condition could not expand much for soon after there will be no more money or commodities left for exchanging goods with foreign countries. Fortunately, the natural resources of China are great and their proper development would create an unlimited market for the whole world and would utilize the greater part, if not all of the billions of dollars worth of war industries soon to be turned into peace industries. China is the land that still employs manual labor for production and has not yet entered the first stage of industrial evolution, while in Europe and America the second stage is already reached. So China has to begin the two stages of industrial evolution at once by adopting the machinery as well as the nationalization of production. In this case China will require machinery for her vast agriculture, machinery for her rich mines, machinery for the building of her innumerable factories, machinery for her extensive transportation systems and machinery for all her public utilities. Let us see how this new demand for machinery will help in the readjustment of war industries. The workshops that turn out cannon can easily be made to turn out steam rollers for the construction of roads in China. The workshops that turn out tanks can be made to turn out trucks for the transportation of the raw materials that are lying everywhere in China. And all sorts of warring machinery can be converted into peaceful tools for the general development of China's latent wealth. The Chinese people will welcome the development of our country's resources provided that it can be kept out of Mandarin corruption and ensure the mutual benefit of China and of the countries coöperating with us. It might be feared by some people in Europe and America that the development of China by war machinery, war organization and technical experts might create unfavorable competition to foreign industries. I, therefore, propose a scheme to develop a new market in China big enough both for her own products and for products from foreign countries. The scheme will be along the following lines: I. The Development of a Communications System. (a) 100,000 miles of Railways. (b) 1,000,000 miles of Macadam Roads. (c) Improvement of Existing Canals. (1) Hangchow-Tientsin Canals. (2) Sikiang-Yangtze Canals. (d) Construction of New Canals. (1) Liaoho-Sunghwakiang Canal. (2) Others to be projected. (e) River Conservancy. (1) To regulate the Embankments and Channel of the Yangtze River from Hankow to the Sea thus facilitating Ocean-going Ships to reach that port at all seasons. (2) To regulate the Hoangho Embankments and Channel to prevent floods. (3) To regulate the Sikiang. (4) To regulate the Hwaiho. (5) To regulate various other rivers. (f) The Construction of more Telegraph Lines and Telephone and Wireless Systems all over the Country. II. The Development of Commercial Harbors. (a) Three largest Ocean Ports with future capacity equalling New York Harbor to be constructed in North, Central and South China. (b) Various small Commercial and Fishing Harbors to be constructed along the Coast. (c) Commercial Docks to be constructed along all navigable rivers. III. Modern Cities with public utilities to be constructed in all Railway Centers, Termini and alongside Harbors. IV. Water Power Development. V. Iron and Steel Works and Cement Works on the largest scale in order to supply the above needs. VI. Mineral Development. VII. Agricultural Development. VIII. Irrigational Work on the largest scale in Mongolia and Sinkiang. IX. Reforestation in Central and North China. X. Colonization in Manchuria, Mongolia, Sinkiang, Kokonor, and Thibaut. If the above program could be carried out gradually, China will not only be the "Dumping Ground" for foreign goods but actually will be the "Economic Ocean" capable of absorbing all the surplus capital as quickly as the Industrial Nations can possibly produce by the coming Industrial Revolution of Nationalized Productive Machinery. Then there will be no more competition and commercial struggles in China as well as in the world. The recent World War has proved to Mankind that war is ruinous to both the Conqueror and the Conquered, and worse for the Aggressor. What is true in military warfare is more so in trade warfare. Since President Wilson has proposed a League of Nations to end military war in the future, I desire to propose to end the trade war by coöperation and mutual help in the Development of China. This will root out probably the greatest cause of future wars. The world has been greatly benefited by the development of America as an industrial and a commercial Nation. So a developed China with her four hundred millions of population, will be another New World in the economic sense. The nations which will take part in this development will reap immense advantages. Furthermore, international coöperation of this kind cannot but help to strengthen the Brotherhood of Man. Ultimately, I am sure, this will culminate to be the keystone in the arch of the League of Nations. In order to carry out this project successfully I suggest that three necessary steps must be taken: First, that the various Governments of the Capital-supplying Powers must agree to joint action and a unified policy to form an International Organization with their war work organizers, administrators and experts of various lines to formulate plans and to standardize materials in order to prevent waste and to facilitate work. Second, the confidence of the Chinese people must be secured in order to gain their coöperation and enthusiastic support. If the above two steps are accomplished, then the third step is to open formal negotiation for the final contract of the project with the Chinese Government. For which I suggest that it be on the same basis as the contract I once concluded with the Pauling Company of London, for the construction of the Canton-Chungking Railway, since it was the fairest to both parties and the one most welcomed by the Chinese people, of all contracts that were ever made between China and the foreign countries. And last but not least, a warning must be given that mistakes such as the notorious Sheng Shun Hwai's nationalized Railway Scheme in 1911 must not be committed again. In those days foreign bankers entirely disregarded the will of the Chinese people, and thought that they could do everything with the Chinese Government alone. But to their regret, they found that the contracts which they had concluded with the Government, by heavy bribery, were only to be blocked by the people later on. Had the foreign bankers gone in the right way of first securing the confidence of the Chinese people, and then approaching the Government for a contract, many things might have been accomplished without a hitch. Therefore, in this International Project we must pay more attention to the people's will than ever before. If my proposition is acceptable to the Capital-supplying Powers, I will furnish further details. PROGRAM I The industrial development of China should be carried out along two lines: (1) by private enterprise and (2) by national undertaking. All matters that can be and are better carried out by private enterprise should be left to private hands which should be encouraged and fully protected by liberal laws. And in order to facilitate the industrial development by private enterprise in China, the hitherto suicidal internal taxes must be abolished, the cumbersome currency must be reformed, the various kinds of official obstacles must be removed, and transportation facilities must be provided. All matters that cannot be taken up by private concerns and those that possess monopolistic character should be taken up as national undertakings. It is for this latter line of development that we are here endeavoring to deal with. In this national undertaking, foreign capital have to be invited, foreign experts and organizers have to be enlisted, and gigantic methods have to be adopted. The property thus created will be state owned and will be managed for the benefit of the whole nation. During the construction and the operation of each of these national undertakings, before its capital and interest are fully repaid, it will be managed and supervised by foreign experts under Chinese employment. As one of their obligations, these foreign experts have to undertake the training of Chinese assistants to take their places in the future. When the capital and interest of each undertaking are paid off, the Chinese Government will have the option to employ either foreigners or Chinese to manage the concern as it thinks fit. Before entering into the details of this International development scheme, four principles have to be considered: (1) The most remunerative field must be selected in order to attract foreign capital. (2) The most urgent needs of the nation must be met. (3) The lines of least resistance must be followed. (4) The most suitable positions must be chosen. In conformity with the above principles, I formulate PROGRAM I as follows: I. The construction of a great Northern Port on the Gulf of Pechili. II. The building of a system of railways from the Great Northern Port to the Northwestern extremity of China. III. The Colonization of Mongolia and Sinkiang (Chinese Turkestan). IV. The construction of canals to connect the inland waterway systems of North and Central China with the Great Northern Port. V. The development of the Iron and Coal fields in Shansi and the construction of an Iron and Steel Works. These five projects will be worked out as one program, for each of them will assist and accelerate the development of the others. The Great Northern Port will serve as a base of operation of this International Development Scheme, as well as a connecting link of transportation and communication between China and the outer world. The other four projects will be centered around it. PART I The Great Northern Port I propose that a great deep water and ice free port be constructed on the Gulf of Pechili. The need of such a port in that part of China has been keenly felt for a long time. Several projects have been proposed such as the deepening of the Taku Bar, the construction of a harbor in the Chiho estuary, the Chinwangtao Harbor which has actually been carried out on a small scale and the Hulutao Harbor which is on the point of being constructed. But the site of my projected port is in none of these places for the first two are too far from the deep water line and too near to fresh water which freezes in winter. So it is impossible to make them into deep water and ice free ports, while the last two are too far away from the center of population and are unprofitable as commercial ports. The locality of my projected port is just at midway between Taku and Chinwangtao and at a point between the mouths of the Tsingho and Lwanho, on the cape of the coast line between Taku and Chinwangtao. This is one of the points nearest to deep water in this Gulf. With the fresh water of the Tsingho and Lwanho diverted away, it can be made a deep water and ice free port without much difficulty. Its distance to Tientsin is about seventy or eighty miles less than that of Chinwangtao to Tientsin. Moreover, this port can be connected with the inland waterway systems of North and Central China by canal, whereas in the case of Chinwangtao and Hulutao this could not be done. So this port is far superior as a commercial harbor than Hulutao or Chinwangtao which at present is the only ice free port in the Gulf of Pechili. From a commercial standpoint this port will be a paying proposition from the very beginning of its construction, owing to the fact that it is situated at the center of the greatest salt industry in China. The cheapest salt is produced here by sun evaporation only. If modern methods could be added, also utilizing the cheap coal near by, the production could increase many times more and the cost could thus be made cheaper. Then it can supply the whole of China with much cheaper salt. By this industry alone it is quite sufficient to support a moderate sized harbor which must be the first step of this great project. Besides, there is in the immediate neighborhood the greatest coal mine that has yet been developed in China, the Kailan Mining Company. The output of its colliery is about four million tons a year. At present the company uses its own harbor, Chinwangtao, for shipping its exports. But our projected port is much nearer to its colliery than Chinwangtao. It can be connected with the mine by canal thus providing it with a much cheaper carriage than by rail to Chinwangtao. Furthermore, our projected port will in future consume much of the Kailan coal. Thus eventually the Company must use our port as a shipping stage for its exports. Tientsin, the largest commercial center in North China, has no deep harbor and is ice bound several months a year in winter, and so has to use our projected port entirely as an outlet for its world trade. This is the local need only but for this alone it is quite sufficient to make our projected port a paying proposition. But my idea is to develop this port as large as New York in a reasonable limit of time. Now, let us survey the hinterland to see whether the possibility justifies my ideal or not. To the southwest are the provinces of Chili and Shansi, and the Hoangho valley with a population of nearly a hundred millions. To the northwest are the undeveloped Jehol district and the vast Mongolian Prairie with their virgin soil waiting for development, Chili with its dense population and Shansi with its rich mineral resources have to depend upon this port as their only outlet to the sea. And if the future Dolon Nor and Urga Railway is completed with connection to the Siberian line then Central Siberia will also have to use this as its nearest seaport. Thus its contributing or rather distributing area will be larger than that of New York. Finally, this port will become the true terminus of the future Eurasian Railway System, which will connect the two continents. The land which we select to be the site of our projected port is now almost worth next to nothing. Let us say two or three hundred square miles be taken up as national property absolutely for our future city building. If within forty years we could develop a city as large as Philadelphia, not to say New York, the land value alone will be sufficient to pay off the capital invested in its development. The need of such a port in this part of China goes without saying. For the provinces of Chili, Shansi, Western Shantung, Northern Honan, a part of Fengtien and the greater part of Shensi and Kansu with a population of about 100 millions are lacking of a seaport of this kind. Mongolia and Sinkiang as well as the rich coal and iron fields of Shansi will also have to depend on the Chili coast as their only outlet to the sea. And the millions of congested population of the coast and the Yangtze valley need an entrance to the virgin soil of the Mongolian Prairie and the Tienshan Valley. The port will be the shortest doorway and the cheapest passage to these regions. [Illustration: FIGURE 1] The locality of our projected port is nearest to deep water line, and far away from any large river which might carry silt to fill up the approach of the harbor like those of the Hoangho entrance and the Yangtze estuary which cause great trouble to conservancy work. So it has no great natural obstacle to be overcome. Moreover, it is situated in an arid plain with few people living on it, so it has no artificial hindrance to be overcome. We can do whatever we please in the process of construction. [Illustration: FIGURE 2] As regards the planning and estimation of the work of the harbor construction and city building, I must leave them to experts who have to make extensive surveys and soundings before detailed plan and proper estimation could be made. Whereas for rough reference see Map I, and figures 1 and 2.[A] [A] As soon as this first program reached the American Legation in Peking, the former Minister, Dr. Paul S. Reinsch, immediately sent an expert to survey the site which the writer indicated, and found that it is really the best site on the Chili Coast for a world harbor, excepting that the entrance of the port should be at the west side instead of the east side as the writer proposed. Detailed plans have been made as figures 1 and 2. PART II The Northwestern Railway System Our projected Railway will start at the Great Northern Port and follow the Lwan Valley to the prairie city of Dolon Nor, a distance of three hundred miles. This railway should be built in double tracks at the commencement. As our projected Port is a starting point to the sea, so Dolon Nor is a gate to the vast prairie which our projected Railway System is going to tap. It is from Dolon Nor our Northwestern Railway System is going to radiate. First, a line N. N. E. will run parallel to the Khingan Range to Khailar, and thence to Moho, the gold district on the right bank of the Amur River. This line is about eight hundred miles in length. Second, a line N. N. W. to Kurelun, and thence to the frontier to join the Siberian line near Chita. This line has a distance of about six hundred miles. Third, a trunk line northwest, west, and southwest, skirting off the northern edge of the desert proper, to Urumochi at the western end of China, a distance of about one thousand six hundred miles all on level land. Fourth, a line from Urumochi westward to Ili, a distance of about four hundred miles. Fifth, a line from Urumochi southeast across the Tienshan gap into the Darim basin, then turning southwest running along the fertile zone between the southern watershed of the Tienshan and the northern edge of the Darim Desert, to Kashgar, and thence turning southeast to another fertile zone between the eastern watershed of the Pamir, the northern watershed of the Kuenlum Mountain and the southern edge of the Darim Desert, to the city of Iden or Keria, a distance of about one thousand two hundred miles all on level land. Sixth, a branch from the Dolon Nor Urumochi Trunk Line, which I shall call Junction A, to Urga and thence to the frontier city Kiakata, a distance of about three hundred and fifty miles. Seventh, a branch from Junction B to Uliassutai and beyond N. N. W. up to the frontier, a distance of about six hundred miles. And eighth, a branch from Junction C northwest to the frontier, a distance of about four hundred and fifty miles. See Map II. [Illustration: MAP I] Regarded from the principle of "following the line of least resistance" our projected railways in this program is the most ideal one. For most of the seven thousand miles of lines under this project are on perfectly level land. For instance, the Trunk Line from Dolon Nor to Kashgar and beyond, about a distance of three thousand miles right along is on the most fertile plain and encounters no natural obstacles, neither high mountains nor great rivers. Regarded from the principle of "the most suitable position," our projected railways will command the most dominating position of world importance. It will form a part of the trunk line of the Eurasian system which will connect the two populous centers, Europe and China, together. It will be the shortest line from the Pacific Coast to Europe. Its branch from Ili will connect with the future Indo-European line, and through Bagdad, Damascus and Cairo, will link up also with the future African system. Then there will be a through route from our projected port to Capetown. There is no existing railway commanding such a world important position as this. [Illustration: MAP II] Regarded from the principle of the "most urgent need of the Nation," this railway system becomes the first in importance, for the territories traversed by it are larger than the eighteen provinces of China Proper. Owing to the lack of means of transportation and communication at present these rich territories are left undeveloped and millions of laborers in the congested provinces along the Coast and in the Yangtze Valley are without work. What a great waste of natural and human energies. If there is a railway connecting these vast territories, the waste labor of the congested provinces can go and develop these rich soils for the good not only of China but also of the whole commercial world. So a system of railways to the northwestern part of the country is the most urgent need both politically and economically for China to-day. I have intentionally left out the first principle--"the most remunerative field must be selected"--not because I want to neglect it but because I mean to call more attention to it and treat it more fully. It is commonly known to financiers and railway men that a railway in a densely populated country from end to end is the best paying proposition, and a railway in a thinly settled country from end to end is the least paying one. And a railway in an almost unpopulated country like our projected lines will take a long time to make it a paying business. That is why the United States Government had to grant large tracts of public lands to railway corporations to induce them to build the Transcontinental lines to the Pacific Coast, half a century ago. Whenever I talked with foreign railway men and financiers about the construction of railways to Mongolia and Sinkiang, they generally got very shy of the proposition. Undoubtedly they thought that it is for political and military reasons only that such a line as the Siberian Railway was built, which traversed through a thinly populated land. But they could not grasp the fact which might be entirely new to them, that a railway between a densely populated country and a sparsely settled country will pay far better than one that runs from end to end in a densely populated land. The reason is that in economic conditions the two ends of a well populated country are not so different as that between a thickly populated country and a newly opened country. At the two ends of a well populated country, in many respects, the local people are self-supplying, excepting a few special articles which they depend upon the other end of the road to supply. So the demand and supply between the two places are not very great, thus the trade between the two ends of the railway could not be very lucrative. While the difference of the economic condition between a well populated country and an unpopulated country is very great. The workers of the new land have to depend upon the supplies of the thickly populated country almost in everything excepting foodstuffs and raw materials which they have in abundance and for disposal of which they have to depend upon the demand of the well populated district. Thus the trade between the two ends of the line will be extraordinarily great. Furthermore, a railway in a thickly populated place will not affect much the masses which consist of the majority of the population. It is only the few well-to-do and the merchants and tradesmen that make use of it. While with a railway between a thickly populated country and a sparsely settled or unsettled country, as soon as it is opened to traffic for each mile, the masses of the congested country will use it and rush into the new land in a wholesale manner. Thus the railway will be employed to its utmost capacity in passenger traffic from the beginning. The comparison between the Peking-Hankow Railway and the Peking-Mukden Railway in China is a convincing proof. The Peking-Hankow Railway is a line of over eight hundred miles running from the capital of the country to the commercial center in the heart of China right along in an extraordinarily densely settled country from end to end. While the Peking-Mukden line is barely six hundred miles in length running from a thickly populated country to thinly populated Manchuria. The former is a well paying line but the latter pays far better. The net profit of the shorter Peking-Mukden Line is sometimes three to four millions more yearly than that of the longer Peking-Hankow line. Therefore, it is logically clear that a railway in a thickly populated country is much better than one that is in a thinly populated country in remuneration. But a railway between a very thickly populated and a very thinly populated or unpopulated country is the best paying proposition. This is a law in Railway Economics which hitherto had not been discovered by railway men and financiers. According to this new railway economic law, our projected railway will be the best remunerative project of its kind. For at the one end, we have our projected port which acts as a connecting link with the thickly populated coast of China and the Yangtze Valley and also the two existing lines, the Kingham and the Tsinpu, as feeders to the projected port and the Dolon Nor line. And at the other end, we have a vast and rich territory, larger than China Proper, to be developed. There is no such vast fertile field so near to a center of a population of four hundred millions to be found in any other part of the world. PART III The Colonization of Mongolia and Sinkiang The Colonization of Mongolia and Sinkiang is a complement of the Railway scheme. Each is dependent upon the other for its prosperity. The colonization scheme, besides benefitting the railway, is in itself a greatly profitable undertaking. The results of the United States, Canada, Australia, and Argentina are ample proofs of this. In the case of our project, it is simply a matter of applying waste Chinese labor and foreign machinery to a fertile land for production for which its remuneration is sure. The present Colonization of Manchuria, notwithstanding its topsy turvy way which caused great waste of land and human energy, has been wonderfully prosperous. If we would adopt scientific methods in our colonization project we could certainly obtain better results than all the others. Therefore, I propose that the whole movement be directed in a systematic way by state organization with the help of foreign experts and war organizers, for the good of the colonists particularly and the nation generally. The land should be bought up by the state in order to prevent the speculators from creating the dog-in-the-manger system, to the detriment of the public. The land should be prepared and divided into farmsteads, then leased to colonists on perpetual term. The initial capital, seeds, implements and houses should be furnished by the state at cost price on cash or on the instalment plan. For these services, big organizations should be formed and war work measures should be adopted in order to transport, to feed, to clothe and to house every colonist on credit in his first year. As soon as a sufficient number of colonists is settled in a district, franchise should be given for self-government and the colonists should be trained to manage their own local affairs with perfect democratic spirit. If within ten years we can transport, let us say, ten millions of the people, from the congested provinces of China, to the Northwestern territory to develop its natural resources, the benefit to the commercial world at large will be enormous. No matter how big a capital that shall have been invested in the project it could be repaid within a very short time. So in regard to its bearing to "the principle of remuneration" there is no question about it. Regarded from "the principle of the need of the Nation" colonization is the most urgent need of the first magnitude. At present China has more than a million soldiers to be disbanded. Besides, the dense population will need elbow room to move in. This Colonization project is the best thing for both purposes. The soldiers have to be disbanded at great expense and hundreds of millions of dollars may be needed for disbandment alone, in paying them off with a few months' pay. If nothing more could be done for these soldiers' welfare, they will either be left to starve or to rob for a living. Then the consequences will be unimaginable. This calamity must be prevented and prevented effectively. The best way for this is the colonization scheme. I hope that the friendly foreign financiers, who have the welfare of China at heart, when requested to float a reorganization loan for the Chinese Government in the future, will persist on the point--that the money furnished must first be used to carry out the colonization scheme for the disbanded soldiers. Otherwise, their money will only work disasters to China. For the million or more of the soldiers to be disbanded, the district between our projected port and Dolon Nor is quite enough to accommodate them. This district is quite rich in mineral resources and is very sparsely settled. If a railway is to start at once from the projected port to Dolon Nor these soldiers could be utilized as a pioneer party for the work of the port, of the railway, of the developing of the adjacent land beyond the Great Wall, and of preparing Dolon Nor as a jumping ground for further colonization development of the great northern plain. PART IV The Construction of Canals to connect the Inland Waterway Systems of North and Central China with the Great Northern Port This scheme will include the regulation of the Hoangho and its branches, the Weiho in Shensi, and the Fenho in Shansi and connecting canals. The Hoangho should be deepened at its mouth in order to give a good drawing to clear its bed of silt and carry the same to the sea. For this purpose, jetties should be built far out to the deep sea, as those at the mouths of the Mississippi in America. Its embankments should be parallel in order to make the width of the channel equal right along, so as to give equal velocity to the current which will prevent the deposit of silt at the bottom. By dams and locks, it could be made navigable right up to Lanchow, in the province of Kansu, and at the same time water power could be developed. The Weiho and the Fenho can also be treated in the same manner so as to make them navigable to a great extent in the provinces of Shensi and Shansi. Thus the provinces of Kansu, Shensi, and Shansi can be connected by waterway with our projected port on the Gulf of Pechili, so that cheap carriage can be provided for the rich mineral and other products from these three hitherto secluded provinces. The expenses of regulating the Hoangho may be very great. As a paying project, it may not be very attractive but as a flood preventive measure, it is the most important task to the whole nation. This river has been known as "China's Sorrow" for thousands of years. By its occasional overflow and bursting of its embankments, millions of lives and billions of money have been destroyed. It is a constant source of anxiety in the minds of all China's statesmen from time immemorial. A permanent safeguard must be effected, once for all, despite the expenses that will be incurred. The whole nation must bear the burden of its expenses. To deepen its mouth, to regulate its embankments and to build extra dykes are only half of the work to prevent flood. The entire reforestation of its watershed to prevent the washing off of loess is another half of the work in the prevention of flood. The Grand Canal, the former Great Waterway of China between the North and the South for centuries, and now being reconstructed in certain sections, should be wholly reconstructed from end to end, in order to restore the inland waterway traffic from the Yangtze Valley to the North. The reconstruction of this canal will be a great remunerative concern for it runs right along from Tientsin to Hangchow in an extremely rich and populous country. Another new canal should be constructed from our projected port to Tientsin to link up all the inland waterway systems to the new port. This new canal should be built extra wide and deep, let us say, similar to the present size of the Peiho, for the use of the coasting and shallow-draft vessels which the Peiho now accommodates for other than the winter seasons. The banks of this canal should be prepared for factory sites so as to enable it to pay not only by its traffic but also from the land on both sides of its banks. As for planning and estimating these river and canal works, the assistance of technical experts must be solicited. PART V The Development of the Iron and Coal Fields in Chili and Shansi, and the Construction of Iron and Steel Works Since we have in hand in this program the work of the construction of the Great Northern Port, the work of the building of a system of railways from the Great Northern Port to the North Western Extremity of China, the work of the Colonization of Mongolia and Sinkiang, and the work of the construction of canals and improvement of rivers to connect with the Great Northern Port, the demand for materials will be very great. As the iron and coal resources of every industrial country are decreasing rapidly every year, and as all of them are contemplating the conservation of their natural resources for the use of future generations, if all the materials for the great development of China were to be drawn from them, the draining of the natural resources of those countries will be detrimental for their future generations. Besides, the present need of the post-bellum reconstruction of Europe has already absorbed all the iron and coal that the industrial world could supply. Therefore, new resources must be opened up to meet the extraordinary demand of the development of China. The unlimited iron and coal fields of Shansi and Chili should be developed on a large scale. Let us say a capital of from five hundred to a thousand million dollars Mex. should be invested in this project. For as soon as the general development of China is started we would have created a vast market for iron and steel which the present industrial world will be unable to supply. Think of our railway construction, city building, harbor works, and various kinds of machineries and implements that will be needed! In fact, the development of China means the creation of a new need of various kinds of goods, for which, we must undertake to create the supply also, by utilizing the raw materials near by. Thus a great iron and steel works is an urgent necessity as well as a greatly profitable project. In this FIRST PROGRAM, we have followed the four principles set forth at the outset pretty closely. As needs create new needs and profits promote more profits, so our first program will be the forerunner of the other great developments, which we will deal with shortly. PROGRAM II As the Great Northern Port is the center of our first program, so the Great Eastern Port will be the center of our second program. I shall formulate this program as follows: I. The Great Eastern Port. II. The regulating of the Yangtze Channel and embankments. III. The Construction of River Ports. IV. The Improvement of Existing Waterways and Canals in connection with the Yangtze. V. The Establishment of large Cement Works. PART I The Great Eastern Port Although Shanghai is already the largest port in all China, as it stands it will not meet the future needs and demands of a world harbor. Therefore there is a movement at present among the foreign merchants in China to construct a world port in Shanghai. Several plans have been proposed such as to improve the existing arrangement, to build a wet dock by closing the Whangpoo, to construct a closed harbor on the right bank of the Yangtze outside of Whangpoo, and to excavate a new basin just east of Shanghai with a shipping canal to Hangchow Bay. It is estimated that a cost of over one hundred million dollars Mex. must be spent before Shanghai can be made a first-class port. According to the four principles I set forth in Program I, Shanghai as a world port for Eastern China is not in an ideal position. The best position for a port of that kind is at a point just south of Chapu on the Hangchow Bay. This locality is far superior to Shanghai as an eastern port for China from the standpoint of our four principles as set forth in our first program. Henceforth, in our course of discussion, we shall call this the "Projected Port" so as to distinguish it from Shanghai, the existing port of Eastern China. The Projected Port The "Projected Port" will be on the Bay which lies between the Chapu and the Kanpu promontories, a distance of about fifteen miles. A new sea wall should be built from one promontory to the other and a gap should be left at the Chapu end, a few hundred feet from the hill as an entrance to the harbor. The sea wall should be divided into five sections of three miles each. For the present, one section of three miles in length and one and a half miles in width should be built and a harbor of three or more square miles so formed would be sufficient. With the growth of commerce one section after another could be added to meet the needs. The front sea wall should be built of stone or concrete, while the transverse wall between the sea wall and the land side should be built of sand and bush mattress as a temporary structure to be removed in case of the extension of the harbor. Once a harbor is formed there need be no trouble regarding the future conservancy work, for there is no silt-carrying water in the vicinity by which the harbor and its approaches may be silted up afterwards. The entrance of our harbor is in the deepest part of the Hangchow Bay, and from the entrance to the open sea there is an average depth of six to seven fathoms at low water. The largest ocean liner could therefore come into port at any hour. Thus as a first-class seaport in Central China our Projected Port is superior to Shanghai. See Map III. [Illustration: MAP III] From the viewpoint of the principle of the line of least resistance, our Projected Port will be on new land which will offer absolute freedom for city planning and industrial development. All public utilities and transportation plants can be constructed according to the most up-to-date methods. This point alone is an important factor for a future city like ours which in time is bound to grow as large as New York City. If one hundred years ago human foresight could have foreseen the present size and population of New York, much of the labor and money spent could have been saved and blunders due to shortsightedness avoided in meeting conditions of the ever growing population and commerce of that city. With this in view a great Eastern Port in China should be started on new ground to insure room for growth proportionate to its needs. [Illustration: MAP IV] Moreover, all the natural advantages which Shanghai possesses as a central mart and Yangtze Port in Eastern China are also possessed by our Projected Port. Furthermore, our Projected Port in comparison with Shanghai is of shorter distance, by rail communication, to all the large cities south of the Yangtze. And if the existing waterway between this part of the country and Wuhu were improved then the water communication with the upper Yangtze would also be shorter from our Projected Port than from Shanghai. And all the artificial advantages possessed by Shanghai as a large city and a commercial center in this part of China can be easily attained by our Projected Port within a short time. Comparing Shanghai with our Projected Port from a remunerative point of view in our development scheme, the former is much inferior in position to the latter, for valuable lands have to be bought and costly plants and existing arrangements have to be scrapped the cost of which alone is enough to construct a fine harbor on our projected site. Therefore, it is highly advisable to construct another first-class port for Eastern China like the one I here propose, leaving Shanghai to be an inland mart and manufacturing center as Manchester is in relation to Liverpool, Osaka to Kobe, and Tokyo to Yokohama. Our Projected Port will be a highly remunerative proposition for the cost of construction will be many times cheaper than Shanghai and the work simpler. The land between Chapu and Kanpu and farther on will not cost more than fifty to one hundred dollars a mow. The State should take up a few hundred square miles of land in this neighborhood for the scheme of our future city development. Let us say two hundred square miles of land at the price of one hundred dollars a mow be taken up. As six mows make an acre and six hundred and forty acres a square mile, two hundred square miles would cost 76,000,000 dollars Mex. An enormous sum for a project indeed! But the land could be fixed at the present price and the State could buy only that part of land which will immediately be taken up and used. The other part of the land would remain as State land unpaid for and left to the original owners' use without the right to sell. Thus the State only takes up as much land as it could use in the development scheme at a fixed price which remains permanent. The payment then would be gradual. The State could pay for the land from its unearned increment afterwards. So that only the first allotment of land has to be paid for from the capital fund; the rest will be paid for by its own future value. After the first section of the harbor is completed and the port developed, the price of land then would be bound to rise rapidly, and within ten years the land value within the city limits would rise to various grades from a thousand to a hundred thousand dollars per mow. Thus the land itself would be a source of profit. Besides there would also be the profit from the scheme itself, i.e., the harbor and the city. Because of its commanding position, the harbor has every possibility of becoming a city equal to New York. It would probably be the only deep-water seaport for the Yangtze Valley and beyond, an area peopled by two hundred million inhabitants, twice the population of the whole United States. The rate of growth of such a city would be in proportion to the rate of progress of the working out of the development scheme. If war work methods, that is, gigantic planning and efficient organization, were applied to the construction of the harbor and city, then an Oriental New York City would spring up in a very short time. Shanghai as the Great Eastern Port If only to provide a deep-water harbor for the future commerce in this part of China is our object then there is no question about the choice between Shanghai and our Projected Port. From every point of view Shanghai is doomed. However, in our scheme of development of China, Shanghai has certain claims for our consideration which may prove its salvation as an important city. The curse of Shanghai as a world port for future commerce is the silt of the Yangtze which fills up all its approaches rapidly every year. This silt, according to the estimation of Mr. Von Heidenstam, Engineer-in-chief of the Whangpoo Conservancy Board, is a hundred million tons a year and is sufficient to cover an area of forty square miles ten feet deep. So before Shanghai can be considered ever likely to become a world port this silt problem must first be solved. Fortunately, in our program, we have the regulation of the Yangtze Channels and Embankments, which will coöperate in solving the problem of Shanghai. Thus with this scheme in mind we might just as well consider that the silt question of Shanghai has been solved and let us go ahead, while leaving the regulation of the Yangtze Estuary to the next part, to deal with the improvement of the Shanghai Harbor. There are many plans proposed by experts for improving the Shanghai Harbor as stated before, and some of them will necessitate the scrapping of all the work which has been done by the Whangpoo Conservancy Board for the last twelve years, at the cost of eleven million taels. Here I wish to present a layman's plan for the consideration of specialists and the public. My project for the construction of a world harbor in Shanghai is to leave the existing arrangement intact from the mouth of the Whangpoo to the junction of Kao Chiao Creek above Gough Island. Thus all the work hitherto done by the Whangpoo Conservancy Board for the last twelve years will be saved. The plan is to cut a new canal from the junction of Kao Chiao Creek right into Pootung to prolong that part of the channel which has been completed by the Conservancy Work, and to enlarge the curve along the right side of the Whangpoo River and join it again, at the second turn above Lunghwa Railway Junction, so as to make the river from that point to a point opposite Yangtzepoo Point almost in a straight line and thence a gentle curve to Woosung. This new canal would encircle nearly thirty square miles of land which would form the civic center and the New Bund of our future Shanghai. Of course the present crooked Whangpoo right in front of Shanghai would have to be filled up to form boulevards and business lots. It goes without saying that the reclaimed lots from the Whangpoo would become State property and the land between this and the new river and beyond should be taken up by the State and put at the disposal of the International Development Organization. Thus it may be possible for Shanghai to compete with our Projected Port economically in its construction and therefore to attract foreign capital, to the improvement of Shanghai as a future world port. See Map IV. Below Yangtzepoo Point I propose to build a wet dock. This dock should be laid between the left bank of the present Whangpoo, from Yangtzepoo Point to the turn above Gough Island and the left bank of the new river. The space of the dock should be about six square miles. A lock entrance is to be constructed at the point above Gough Island. The wet dock should be forty feet deep and the new river can also be made the same depth by flushing with the water, not as proposed by experts, from a lock canal between the Yangtze and the Taihu, at Kiangyin, but from our improved waterway between this part of the country and Wuhu so that a much stronger current could be obtained. As we see that the present Whangpoo has to be reclaimed from the second turn above Lunghwa Railway Junction to Yangtzepoo Point for city planning, then the question of how to dispose of the Soochow Creek must be answered. I propose that this stream should be led alongside the right bank of the future defunct river and straight on to the upper end of the wet dock, thence joining the new canal. At the point of contact of the Creek and the wet dock a lock entrance may be provided in order to facilitate water traffic from Soochow as well as the inland water system directly with the wet dock. As the first principle in our program was remuneration, all our plans must strictly follow this principle. To create Pootung Point, therefore, as a civic center and to build a new Bund farther on along the left bank of the new canal in order to increase the value of the new land which would result from this scheme must be kept in mind. Only by so doing would the construction of Shanghai as a deep harbor be worth while. And only by creating some new and valuable property in this fore-doomed port could Shanghai be saved from the competition of our Projected Port. After all, the most important factor for the salvation of Shanghai is the solution of the silt question of the Yangtze Estuaries. Now let us see what effect and bearing the regulating of the Yangtze Channel and Embankments have upon the question, and this we are going to deal with in the next part. PART II The Regulating of the Yangtze River The regulating of the Yangtze River may be divided as follows: a. From the deep-water line of the sea to Whangpoo Junction. b. From Whangpoo Junction to Kiangyin. c. From Kiangyin to Wuhu. d. From Wuhu to Tungliu. e. From Tungliu to Wusueh. f. From Wusueh to Hankow. a. Regulating of the Estuary from Deep-water Line Up to the Junction of Whangpoo It is a natural law that the obstruction to navigation in all rivers is begun at their mouths, therefore the improvement of any river for navigation must start from the estuary. The Yangtze River is no exception to this rule, therefore to regulate the Yangtze, we must begin by dealing with its estuaries. The Yangtze has three estuaries, namely: The North Branch lying between the left bank and the Island of Tsungming, the North Channel lying between the Tsungming Island and the Tungsha Banks and the South Channel lying between the Tungsha Banks and the right bank. Henceforth for the sake of convenience I shall call them the North, Middle, and South Channels. The silting up of a river's mouth is due to the loss of velocity in its current when the water gets into the wide opening at its junction with the sea and causes the silt to deposit there. The remedy is to maintain the velocity of the current by narrowing the mouth of the river so that it equals that of the upper part. In this way the silt is suspended in the water moving on into the deep sea. The narrowing process may be accomplished by walls or training jetties. And thus the silt may be carried by the water into the deepest part of the open sea and before it settles down upon the bottom a returning tide will carry it from the approach into the shallow parts on both sides of the river's mouth. The mouth of a river can be kept clear from deposit of silt by the action and reaction of the ebb and flow tide. The conservancy of an estuary of any river is accomplished by utilizing these natural forces. In order to regulate the estuary of the Yangtze we have to study the three channels which form its mouth and to find out which of these channels is to be selected as the regulated entrance into the sea. In Mr. Von Heidenstam's proposal for the improvement of the approach of Shanghai Harbor, he recommends two alternatives, viz., either to block up the North and Middle Channels and to leave the South Channel only for the mouth of the Yangtze, or to train the South Channel only and leave the other two alone. For the present, he thinks, perhaps for the sake of economy, the latter scheme would be enough. But the training of the South Channel alone as the approach to Shanghai would leave it in a state of perpetual anxiety as has been apprehended by Mr. Von Heidenstam and other experts, for the main volume of the water of the Yangtze may be diverted into either of the other two channels and leave the Southern one to be silted up at any time. Therefore to make the approach of Shanghai once for all safe and permanent, it is necessary to block up two of the three channels, leaving only one as an approach to the port. This is also the only feasible way of regulating the estuary of the Yangtze. In our scheme of regulating the Yangtze Estuary I should recommend using the North Channel only and to block the other two. Because the North Channel is the shortest way to the deep-sea line and by using it as the only mouth of the Yangtze, we have on both sides of it more shallow banks to be reclaimed by its silt. Thus the expenditure would be less and the results greater. But this would leave Shanghai in the lurch. Therefore in a coöperative scheme like this I would apply the theory of killing two birds with one stone by using the Middle Channel, since it would suit both of our purposes. The reason for this is because the regulating of the Yangtze Estuary and the securing of a Shanghai approach have different purposes, hence we must consider them differently. In my project of regulating the Yangtze Estuary I have two aims, namely, to secure a deep channel to the open sea and to save as much silt as possible for the purpose of reclamation of land. The Middle Channel provides three ready receptacles for the deposit of the silt for the formation of new land: the Haimen, the Tsungming, and the Tungsha Banks. Besides these banks there are many hundreds of square miles of shallow bottom which in the course of ten or twenty years will also form land. As remuneration is our first principle we must consider it in every step of our progress. The reclamation of about a thousand square miles of land even in forty not to say twenty years would be ample profit. At the lowest estimate the reclaimed land would be worth twenty dollars per mow. If after ten years five hundred square miles would be ready for cultivation purposes then we would gain a profit of 38,000,000 dollars. Whereas to make an approach by the South Channel the receptacle ground will be on one side only, that is, the Tungsha Banks, while on the right of the approach is the deep Hangchow Bay which would take hundreds of years to fill up, and in the meanwhile half of the silt would be wasted. To Shanghai as a seaport the silt is a curse but to the shallow banks the silt would be a blessing. Since it is a profitable undertaking to reclaim the above mentioned banks and the neighboring shallows, we can quite well afford to build a double stone wall from the shore end of the Yangtze right out into the deep sea far beyond Shaweishan Island which is a distance of about forty miles. A stone wall from one fathom to five fathoms in height at low-water level would likely not exceed an average cost of two hundred thousand dollars a mile as cheap stone can easily be obtained from the granite islands nearby, in the Chusan Archipelago. A wall of forty miles on each side that is eighty miles in all will cost sixteen million dollars or thereabouts. And considering that 200 or 300 square miles of Haimen, Tsungming, and the Tungsha banks could be converted into arable land within a short time, the expense of building the wall is well justified. Furthermore, the construction of this wall means that there will be a safe and permanent approach for a world port in Shanghai as well as a deep outlet for the Yangtze. See Map V. The regulating wall on the right side should be built from the junction of the Whangpoo by prolongation of its right jetty describing a gentle curve into the depths of the South Channel and turning toward the opposite side and cutting through the Blockhouse Island into the Middle Channel, then running eastward right into the five-fathom line southeast of Shaweishan Island. The left wall would be a continuation from that of Tsungming at Tsungpaosha Island parallel with the right wall by a distance of about two miles. This wall should curve to a point at or near Drinkwater Point at Tsungming Island, then project into the five-fathom line at the open sea passing by just at the south side of the Shaweishan Island. A glance at the map here attached would be sufficient to show how the future outlet of the Yangtze as well as the future approach of Shanghai should be. The two regulating submerged walls on both sides would be as high as low-water level so as to give a free passage of the water over the top at flood tide. This will serve the purpose of carrying back the silt from the sea when the tide comes in, thus to reclaim the shallow spaces inclosed behind the walls on both sides of the river more quickly than otherwise. The new channel formed by these two parallel walls would likely be deeper than the present South Channel outside the Whangpoo, which is forty to fifty feet deep because the velocity of the current will be greater than the present one, due to the concentration of three channels into one. Furthermore, the depth would be more uniform and stable than at present. Although the regulating walls end at the five-fathom line, the momentum of the current would continue beyond that point, and so would cut into the deep water outside. This would serve the double purpose of draining the Yangtze Estuary as well as keeping open the approach to Shanghai. [Illustration: MAP V] b. From Whangpoo Junction to Kiangyin This part of the channel of the Yangtze River is most irregular and changeable. The widest part is over ten miles while the Kiangyin Narrow is only but three-quarters of a mile. The depth of the channel at the open part is from five to ten fathoms while that of Kiangyin Narrow is twenty fathoms. Judging by the depth of the water at this point a width of one and a half miles must be provided for the channel in order to slow down the current and to give a uniform velocity right along the river. So the two-mile wide channel at Whangpoo Junction has to be tabulated into one mile and a half at Kiangyin. See Map VI. [Illustration: MAP VI] The north or left embankment commencing at Tsungpao Sha continues with the sea wall and makes a convex curve up to Tsungming Island at a point about six miles northwest from Tsungming city. Then it follows along the shore of Tsungming right up to Mason Point and transversing across the north channel parallel to the north shore at a distance of three or four miles right up to Kinshan Point, thence it cuts across the deep channel which was formed in recent years and curves southwestward to join the shore northeast of Tsingkiang and follows the shore line for a distance of about seven or eight miles, then cuts into the land side to give this part of the river a width of one and a half miles from the fort at the Kiangyin side. This embankment from Tsungpao Sha to Tsingkiang Point opposite Kiangyin fort is about one hundred miles in length. South of Tsungming Island a part of this embankment and a part of the wall that projects into the sea together inclose a shallow space of about 160 square miles good for reclamation purposes. The other part of the embankment, which runs from Mason Point at the head of Tsungming Island to Tsingkiang shore, incloses another space of about 130 square miles. The right embankment starts at the end of the left jetty of Whangpoo Junction and, skirting along the Paoshan shore and passing the Blonde Shoal into the deep, crosses the Confucius Channel on into Actaon Shoal and follows the right side of Harvey Channel on to Plover Point. Then it turns northwest across the deep channel into Langshan Flats, thence recrosses the deep channel at Langshan crossing into Johnson Flats, then joins the Pitman King Island, and thence skirts along the shore right into the foot of the hills at Kiangyin forts. This embankment incloses two shallow spaces: one above and the other below Plover Point, together about 160 square miles. Alongside of both of these embankments there are shallow spaces amounting to about 450 square miles, a great part of which having already formed land and a part already appearing in low water. When these spaces are cut off from the moving current the process of reclamation would be made to work more rapidly so it is not extravagant to hope that within the course of twenty years the whole of these 450 square miles would be completely reclaimed and ready for cultivation. The profits from the new lands thus reclaimed would amount to about $29,760,000 if only taken at $20 per mow. The profits from the new lands would be netted from the beginning of the work and would increase every year up to the completion of the reclamation process. With a profit of $30,000,000 in the course of twenty years before us, it is a worth-while proposition to take up. Now let us see what amount of capital should be invested before the whole project of our reclamation work could be completed. In order to reclaim this 450 square miles of land two hundred miles of embankments have to be built. Part of these projected embankments will be along the shore line, a greater part will be in midstream, and a small part in deep channel. Those along the shore line need not be bothered with except that the concave surface must be protected with stone or concrete work. Those in midstream should be filled up with stone ten feet or less below low-water level just enough to give a resistance to the undercurrent in order to prevent it from running sideward. Thus the main current would follow the line of least resistance and cut the channel, as directed by the rudimental embankment, by its own force. This rudimental embankment would cost less than the sea wall which I estimated at $200,000 per mile. Except at one point, that is, the junction of the North Channel at Mason Point, which has to be blocked up entirely, the cost for which, as has been estimated by experts, would amount to over a million dollars for a distance of two or three miles. Thus the profits accruing from the reclaimed lands would be quite sufficient to pay for the embankments. So far we see that the regulating of the Yangtze from the sea to Kiangyin is a self-paying proposition from the reclamation of land alone, aside from the improvement of the navigation of the Yangtze River. c. From Kiangyin to Wuhu This part of the river is quite different in nature from that below Kiangyin. Its channel is more stable and only in a few places sharp curves occur and the water has cut into the concave sides of the land, thus occasionally making new channels along the sides of the two shores. This section of the river is about 180 miles in length. See Map VII. The regulating works here would be more complicated than those below Kiangyin. For besides the dilated parts which have to be reclaimed in the same manner as those of the lower part of the river, the sharp curves have to be straightened and side channels have to be blocked, and midstream islands have to be removed, and narrows have to be widened to give uniform width to the river. However, most of the existing embankments in this part could be left as they are except some of the concave surfaces of the shores have to be protected by either stone or concrete work. The regulating works of the channel and the embankments can be done by artificial means as well as by natural processes so as to economize as much as possible. The cost of the whole works of this part of the river cannot be accurately estimated until a detail survey is made; but in a rough guess $400,000 per mile may not be very far from the mark. Thus 180 miles will cost $72,000,000 exclusive of the expenses for the widening of the point between Nanking and Pukow, in which case valuable properties will have to be removed. [Illustration: MAP VII] The Kwachow cut is to straighten the three sharp curves in front of and above Chinkiang by converting them into one. Two and a half miles of the land in the northern shore opposite Chinkiang will have to be cut into in order to form a new channel of a mile or more in width. The part of the river in front of, and above and below Chinkiang has to be reclaimed. The new land thus reclaimed would form the water front of Chinkiang city, the value of which may be sufficient to defray the cost of the work and compensate for the land taken away on the northern shore, to form the new channel. So the works of this part will be at least a self-paying proposition. [Illustration: MAP VIII] The narrow between Pukow and Hsiakwan from pier to pier is barely six cables wide. The depth of the water in this narrow from the shallowest to the deepest is six to twenty-two fathoms. The land of the Hsiakwan side had occasionally sunk away on account of the too rapid current and the depth of the water. This indicates that this part is too narrow for the volume of the Yangtze water to pass. Therefore a wider passage must be provided for. In order to do so, the whole town of Hsiakwan must be sacrificed as the river must be widened right up to the foot of the Lion Hill, so as to provide a passage of a mile wide at this point. What the cost for the compensation of this valuable property of Hsiakwan will be will have to be submitted to the experts for a careful investigation before it can be determined. This will be the most costly part of the whole project for the regulating of the Yangtze. But undoubtedly some equally valuable property can be created along the riverside near by in place of Hsiakwan, so that a balance may be realized by the work itself. The channel below the Nanking Pukow Narrow will follow the short passage alongside of the foot of the Mofushan to Wulungshan. The loop around the island north of Nanking will have to be blocked up in order to straighten the course of the river. The section of the river from Nanking to Wuhu is almost in a straight line with three dilatations along its course one just above Nanking the other two just above and below the East and West pillars. To regulate the first dilatation the channel above Me-tse-chow should be blocked up and the island outside of it should be partly cut to widen the proper channel. To regulate the other two dilatations the river should be made to curve toward Taiping Fu to follow the deep channel on the right bank. The left channel should be blocked up. The islands along this curve should be partly or wholly removed. To regulate the dilatation above the Pillars, the Friends Channel should be blocked up and Friends Island be partly cut away. And the left bank below Wuhu should also be cut to give the channel a uniform width. d. From Wuhu to Tungliu This part of the river is about 130 miles in length. Along its course there are six dilatations, the most prominent of which is the one that lies immediately below Tungling, which extends over ten miles from side to side. In each of these dilatations there are usually two or three channels with newly formed islands between them. The deep passage often changes from one side to the other, and it is not uncommon that all of the channels are filled up at the same time, thus stopping navigation altogether for a considerable period. See Map VIII. In regulating the part of the river from ten miles above Wuhu to ten miles below Tatung, I propose to cut a new channel through the midstream islands formed by the three dilatations and the sharp corners of the shore, in order to straighten as well as to shorten the river, as marked by the dotted lines in the map attached here. The cost of the cut could not be estimated until a detail survey is made. But as soon as the embankments are laid out the natural force of the river's own current will do a great part of the dredging work, so that the expenses of the cutting for the new channel will be much less than usual. Above Tatung there are two sharp turns of the left shore to be cut. One is on the left shore at the point where the beacon now stands about twelve miles from Tatung. In this place a few miles of the left shore will have to be cut away. The other cut is just below the city of Anking hence to Kianglung beacon, a distance of about six miles. By this cut we do away with the sharp turns of the river at Chuan Kiang Kau. These cuttings would cost much more than the piling of stone at the lower reach of the river. It is quite certain that the reclamation of the side channels of this part will not cover the cost of the cuttings. Therefore this part of the regulating work will not be self-paying, but the navigation of the Yangtze, the protection it gives to both sides of the land, and the prevention of floods in the future will amply compensate for such work. e. From Tungliu to Wusueh This part of the river is about eighty miles in length. The land along the right bank is generally hilly while that along the left is low. Along its course there are four dilatations. In three of these dilatations the current has cut into the left or northern bank of the river and then turns back into its main course again almost at right angles. At such points the bank is very unstable. Between the channels of these dilatations islands are being formed. See Map IX. The regulating works of this part are much easier to construct than those of the lower part. The three diverting semicircular channels have to be blocked up at the upper ends, and the lower openings left open for silt to go into at flood seasons in order to reclaim them by the natural process. The other dilatations should be narrowed in from both sides by jetties. A few places will have to be cut, the most important being the Pigeon Island and the turn above Siau Ku Shan. Some of the midstream islands will have to be removed, and a few wide places filled up in order to make the channel uniform, so as to give a regular minimum depth of six fathoms right along the whole course. f. From Wusueh to Hankow This part of the river is about one hundred miles long. Above Wusueh we enter into the hilly country on both sides. The river here is generally about half a mile wide, with a depth of from five to twelve fathoms or sometimes more in certain places. See Map X. To regulate this part of the river a few wide spaces have to be reclaimed to give a uniform channel, and the side channels at three or four places closed up. Then we can make a channel with a uniform depth of from six to eight fathoms at all seasons. At Collison Island section of the river the Ayres Channel has to be closed up, leaving the winter channel alone so as to give a gentle curve above and below this island. At Willes Island and Gravenor Island point the Round Channel and the channel between these two islands must be blocked up. The river must be made to cut through Willes Island to make a shorter curve. At Bouncer Island the South channel must be blocked up and above this the Low Point turn must be cut away to form a gentler curve. From this point to Hankow the river should be made narrower first by reclaiming the right side as far as the meeting of the southwest curve with the right bank then the reclamation should start at the opposite side of the left bank and right up along the front of Hankow Settlement until the Han River Mouth is reached. Thus a depth of six to eight fathoms can be secured right up to the Bund of Hankow. To sum up, the whole length of the regulating course of the river from the deep sea to Hankow is about 630 miles. The embankments will be twice this length; that is, 1,260 miles. I have estimated that the sea wall at the mouth of the river could be built at $200,000 a mile, thus for both sides $400,000 a mile will be sufficient for the 140 miles from the deep sea to Kiangyin. For, in this part we have only the two embankments to deal with, which merely requires the tumbling of stones into the water until the pile is strong enough to hold the current to a directed course. As soon as these stone ridges on both sides of the river are formed, nature will do the rest to make the channel deep. The work for this part, therefore, is simple. [Illustration: MAP IX] But the work for certain sections of the upper part of the river is more complicated as about fifty or sixty miles of solid land of from ten to twenty feet above water level and thirty to forty feet below have to be cut in order to straighten the river's course. Of this cutting and removing work, how much will have to be done artificially and how much can be done by nature, I leave to the experts to estimate. Excepting this, the other parts of this work, I think, cannot cost much more than $400,000 a mile. So that the whole work from the sea to Hankow, a distance of 630 miles will cost about $252,000,000, or let us say, including the unknown part, $300,000,000 for the completion of the entire project for the regulating of the Yangtze River. By this regulating of the Yangtze River, we secure an approach of 600 miles inland for ocean-going vessels into the very center of a continent of two hundred millions of people of which half or one hundred million is located immediately along 600 miles of the great water highway. As regards remuneration for the work, this project will be more profitable than either the Suez or Panama Canal. [Illustration: MAP X] Although we could not find means whereby the works above Kiangyin may be made self-paying as those of the sections below by the reclamation of land, profit from city building along the course of the river can be realized after the regulating work is completed. In conclusion, I must say that the figures given concerning the harbor works and the Yangtze regulation are merely rough estimates which must be in the nature of the case. As regards the costs of building the rudimental dikes at the estuary of the Yangtze as well as along the dilating parts of the river, the estimation may seem too low. But the data on which I base my estimate are as follows: First, my own observation of the private enterprise of reclamation by building dikes at the Canton delta around my native village; second, the cheap stone that can be obtained at the Chusan Archipelago; third, the estimation of Mr. Tyler, Coast Inspector of the Maritime Customs for the blocking up of the North Channel at the upper end of Tsungming Island, where the narrowest part is about three miles. He says that a million taels or more is necessary for the work. Or, let us say, in round figures, five hundred thousand dollars (Mex.) a mile. This is two and a half times my estimate. Now, let us compare the difference. The three-mile channel at the upper end of Tsungming has an average depth of twenty feet of water, while in my project the sea wall or dikes will be built in water having an average of less than two thirds of this depth. Moreover, the work of blocking up the North Channel entirely at a right angle is many times more costly than that of building a rudimental dike of the same length in a parallel line with the current. Since five hundred thousand dollars are enough to block up cross-wise a mile of river twenty feet deep, two fifths of that sum should be quite sufficient to finance the work that I have projected. While writing this, I came across an article in the _Chicago Railway Review_, May 17, 1919, dealing with the same subject, which states that steel skeleton is a better and cheaper substitute for stone or other materials for building dikes and jetties in a muddy river like ours. Thus, by this new method, we may be able to construct embankments, with cheaper material than I have hitherto known. So, although the estimate which I have made may be somewhat low, yet it is not so far from correct as it seems at first sight. PART III The Construction of River Ports The construction of river ports along the Yangtze between Hankow and the sea will be one of the most remunerative propositions in our development scheme. For this part of the Yangtze Valley is richest in agricultural and mineral products in China and is very densely populated. With the cheap water transportation provided by the completion of the regulating work both sides of this water highway will surely become industrial beehives. And with cheap labor near by, it will not be a surprise if in the near future both banks will become two continuous cities, as it were, right along the whole extent of the river from Hankow to the sea. In the meantime a few suitable spots should be chosen for profitable city development. For this purpose I will start from the lower part of the river as follows: a. Chinkiang and North Side. b. Nanking and Pukow. c. Wuhu. d. Anking and South Side. e. Poyang Port. f. Wuhan. a. Chinkiang and North Side Chinkiang is situated at the junction of the Grand Canal and the Yangtze. It was an important center of inland water traffic between the north and the south before the steam age. But it will resume its former grandeur and become more important when the old inland waterway is improved, and new ones are constructed. For it is the gateway between the Hoangho and Yangtze valleys. Besides, by the southern portion of the Grand Canal, Chinkiang is connected with the Tsientang valley--the richest part of China. Thus, this city is bound to grow into a great commercial center in the near future. In our regulation work of the Yangtze, we shall add a piece of new land, over six square miles, in front of Chinkiang. This land on the south side of the river will be utilized for city-planning for our new Chinkiang. On the north side, land should also be taken up by the state to build another city. The north side will be bound to outgrow that of the south for the whole of Hoangho Valley could only emerge into the Yangtze by waterway through this point. Docks should be built between here and Yangchow for accommodation of inland vessels, and modern facilities should be provided for transhipment between inland vessels and ocean-going steamers. This port should be made as a distributing center as well as a collecting center for the salt of the eastern coast. This, with the help of modern methods, will reduce transportation expenses. Stone or concrete bunds or quays should be built on both sides of the river and tidal jetties should be provided for train ferries. In time, when commerce grows, tunnels or bridges may be added to facilitate traffic of the two sides. The streets should be wide so as to meet modern demands. The water front and its neighborhood should be planned for industrial and commercial uses and the land beyond should be planned for residential purpose. Every modern public utility should be provided. In regard to the details of planning the city, I must leave them to the expert. b. Nanking and Pukow Nanking was the old capital of China before Peking, and is situated in a fine locality which comprises high mountains, deep water and a vast level plain--a rare site to be found in any part of the world. It also lies at the center of a very rich country on both sides of the lower Yangtze. At present, although ruined and desolate, it still has a population of over a quarter of a million. Once it was the home of many industries especially silk and now the finest satin and velvet are still produced here. Nanking has yet a greater future before her when the resources of the lower Yangtze Valley are properly developed. In the regulation of the Yangtze I propose to cut away the town of Hsiakwan, so that the wharf of Nanking could be removed into the deep channel between Metsechow and the outskirt of Nanking. This channel should be blocked up, thereby a wet dock could be formed to accommodate all ocean-going vessels. This point is much nearer the inhabited parts of the city than Hsiakwan. And the land between this projected wet dock and the city could form a new commercial and industrial quarter which would be many times larger than Hsiakwan. Metsechow in time, when commerce grows, may also be developed into city lots and business quarters. For the future development of Nanking the land within and without the city should be taken up at the present price under the same principle which I have proposed for the Projected Port at Chapu. Pukow, opposite Nanking, on the other side of the river, will be the great terminus of all the railways of the great northern plain to the Yangtze. It will be the nearest river port for the rich coal and iron fields of Shansi and Honan, giving access to the lower Yangtze district and hence to the sea. As the great transcontinental trunk line to the sea whether terminating at Shanghai or at our Projected Port, would pass through this point, the construction of a tunnel under the Yangtze to connect Nanking and Pukow by rail at the same time when the cities are being constructed, will not be at all premature. This will at once make possible a through train journey from Shanghai to Peking. Concrete or stone embankment should be built along the shore above and below the present Pukow point many miles in each direction. Modern streets should be laid out on the land within the embankment so as to be ready for various building purposes. The land on the north side of the river should be taken up by the state for public uses of this international development scheme on the same basis as at our Projected Ports. c. Wuhu Wuhu is a town of 120,000 inhabitants and is the center of the rice trade in the lower part of the Yangtze. It is at this point that I propose to make an intake of the water which will go to flush the Whangpoo River at Shanghai, and which will form the upper end of a canal to the sea at Chapu. In the regulating work of the Yangtze the concave part above the junction of the Yangki Ho has to be filled up and the convex part of the opposite side has to be cut away. The junction of the projected canal and the river will be at about a mile or so below the Lukiang junction. The projected canal will run northeast to a point between the southeast corner of Wuhu city and the foot of the hill. There it joins the Yangki Ho and, following the course as far as Paichiatien, branches off in the northeastern direction. This gives Wuhu a southeast waterfront along the left side of the canal. New bunds should be built along both sides of the canal as well as alongside the Yangtze and at the junction of the canal docks for inland vessels should be constructed with modern plants for transhipment of goods. Wide streets should be laid out from the Bund of the Yangtze far into the inland following the direction of the canal. The bund alongside the Yangtze should be reserved for commercial purposes and those alongside the canal for factories. Wuhu is in the midst of a rich iron and coal field, so it will surely become an industrial center when this iron and coal field is properly developed. Cheap materials, cheap labor, and cheap foodstuffs are abundant at the spot waiting for modern science and machinery to turn them into greater wealth for the benefit of mankind. d. Anking and South Side Anking, the capital of Anhwei, was once a very important city but since its destruction by the Taiping war it has never recovered its former greatness. Its present population is about 40,000 only. Its immediate neighborhood is very rich in mineral and agricultural products. The great tea district of Liu-an and the rich mineral district in the southeastern corner of Honan province will have to make Anking their shipping port when railways are developed. In the Yangtze Conservancy work, the concave turn of the river in front and west of the city has to be filled up. This reclaimed land should be for the extension of a new city, where modern transportation plants should be built. Eagle Point, on the south side opposite Anking should be cut away to make the river curve more gently and to give the channel a uniform width. A new city should be laid out at this point, for from here we command the vast tea districts of southern Anhwei and western Chekiang. The rich inland city of Hweichow, with the highly productive country around it, will have to make this port its shipping station. As Wuhu is the center of the rice trade these twin cities of Anking will be the centers of the tea trade. Like Wuhu, these twin cities are also situated in the midst of rich iron and coal fields which will assist them to become important industrial centers in the near future. So to build twin cities at this point of the river will be a very profitable undertaking. e. The Poyang Port I propose to construct a port at a point between the Poyang Lake and the Yangtze River. This will be the sole port of the Kiangsi province. Every city of this province is connected by natural waterways which, if improved, will become a splendid water transportation system. The province of Kiangsi has a population of 30,000,000 and is extremely rich in mineral resources. A modern port acting as a commercial and industrial center for the development of this resourceful province would be a most remunerative proposition in our project. The site of the port will be on the west side of the entrance to the Poyang Lake and the right bank of the Yangtze. It will be an entirely new city built on new ground, part of which will be reclaimed from the shallow side of the lake. In the regulating work of the Poyang Channel, a training wall should be built from the foot of the Taku Tang Hill to Swain Point opposite to Stone Bell Hill of Hukow. A closed dock should be constructed within this training wall for the accommodation of inland water vessels. The city should be laid out on the triangular space formed by the right bank of the Yangtze, the left side of the Poyang Lake and the foot hill of the Lushan Mountain. This triangle is about 10 miles on each side, excellent for city development. The porcelain industry should be established here instead of at Kingteh Chen, for great damages often occur owing to the lack of transportation facilities, and to the necessity of transhipment for the export of the finished articles from the latter place. Modern plants on a large scale should be adopted for the manufacturing of cheap wares as well as fine articles in our projected Poyang Port, for here we shall have the greater advantage of collecting raw materials than at Kingteh Chen. Thus the concentrating of the various manufactures in an advantageous center will result in quickening the growth of our new city. This Poyang Port is bound to grow into one of the great commercial and manufacturing centers in China, judging from the possibilities of Kiangsi alone. It will not only be a great shipping port of the Yangtze but will also be a railway center between North and South China. Thus to develop this port on a large scale is quite justifiable from an economic point of view. f. Wuhan Wuhan signifies the three cities of Wuchang, Hankow, and Hanyang. This point is the headwater of our projected ocean passage, the pivot of the railway system of China Proper, and will become the most important commercial metropolis in the country. The population of these three cities is over a million and could be easily doubled or trebled if improvements would be made. At present, Hanyang possesses the largest iron works in China, and Hankow, many modern industries, while Wuchang is becoming a great cotton manufacturing city. Besides, Hankow is the trade center of Central and West China, and the greatest tea market we have. The provinces of Hupeh, Hunan, Szechuen, and Kweichow and a part of Honan, Shensi, and Kansu all depend upon Hankow as their only port in the outside world. When railways are developed in China, Wuhan will be still more important and will surely become one of the greatest cities in the world. So in planning the future city of Wuhan we must adopt for its development a scale as large as that of New York or London. In the regulation of the Yangtze embankments, we have to reclaim the front of Hankow from the jetty of Lungwangmiao at the junction of the Han River right along the left bank to the point where the Yangtze turns eastward. This reclaimed space will be at an average of about 500 to 600 yards wide. This will narrow down the river at this part to give a uniform channel of 5 to 6 cables in width and to give the Hankow settlement a strip of valuable land along its waterfront. This will also help to pay a part of the expenses for city construction. The sharp bend of the Han River just before it joins the Yangtze should be straightened so as to make a gentler curve around Lungwangmiao Point and thus enable the currents of both rivers to flow in the same direction at their junction. The Hanyang embankment will follow pretty closely the present shore line but not beyond the iron works jetty. The wide space of the river above Wuchang city should be walled in to make a closed dock for inland water as well as ocean going vessels. Below Wuchang, an embankment parallel to that of the left side should be built so as to make the future city extend far below the present one. A tunnel should be constructed to connect both embankments at a point where the Kinghan railway makes its first turn when it comes to the Yangtze River. And another tunnel or bridge should be constructed between Hankow and Hanyang on one side and Wuchang on the other at the junction of the Han River and the Yangtze. Additional tunnels or bridges may be constructed at different points when the city grows larger in the future. All the outlying land of these trio-cities should be taken up on the same basis as at our projected seaports, so that private monopoly and speculation in land may be prevented, and that the unearned increment will go to the State to help the payment of capital and interest on the foreign loans which are to be made in this international development scheme. PART IV The Improvement of the Existing Waterways and Canals The existing waterways and canals in connection with the Yangtze may be enumerated as follows: a. The Grand Canal. b. The Hweiho. c. The Kiangnan Waterway System. d. The Poyang Waterway System. e. The Han River. f. The Tungting System. g. The Upper Yangtze. a. The Grand Canal The Grand Canal connects with the Yangtze at a point opposite Chinkiang and runs northward right up to Tientsin, a distance of over 600 miles. We understand that a detailed survey of the Kiangpeh part of the canal has begun and the work of improving it will commence soon. In our project, I propose to substitute the Kiangpeh portion of the Grand Canal by the Yangtze outlet of the Hweiho. b. The Hweiho The Hweiho rises in the northwest corner of Honan and runs southeast and east to the north of Anhwei and Kiangsu. Its outlets have been sealed up in recent years so its water has accumulated in the Hungtse Lake and it depends upon evaporation as its only means of disposing the water. Thus in the heavy rainy season, it floods a vast extent of the country surrounding the lake and causes great misery to millions of people. So the conservancy of the Hweiho is a very urgent question of China to-day. Recently many investigations have been made and many plans proposed. Mr. Jameson, chief engineer for the American Red Cross Society, has proposed two outlets for the Hweiho: one following the old course of the Yellow River to the sea and another through Paoying and Kao-yu Lakes to the Yangtze. In this project I propose to follow Mr. Jameson's plan for the sea outlet only as far as the old Yellow River and for the Yangtze outlet only as far as Yangchow. When the sea outlet or north branch reaches the old Yellow River I will lead it across into the Yenho and follow the Yenho to its northern turn. From there, we cut across the narrow strip of land into the Kuanho which enters the sea at the nearest deep water line. This saves a great deal of work of excavating the old course of the Hoangho. When the southern branch reaches Yangchow, I propose to make the canal pass east of that city instead of west as Mr. Jameson proposed, so that its current will join the Yangtze in the same direction at the new curve below Chinkiang city. Both of these outlets or branches of the Hweiho should be made at least twenty feet deep right along, so that coastal vessels from the north to the Yangtze could use them as passage instead of going round the Yangtze estuary, thus shortening the distance by about 300 miles. And with twenty feet depth for both outlets, the Hweiho and the Hungtse Lake would be well drained and the present bottom of the lake, which is sixteen feet above sea level would be converted into agricultural land at once. Thus 6,000,000 mow of land could be reclaimed according to the estimate of Mr. Jameson, from the Hungtse and the neighboring lakes. If twenty dollars a mow be taken for its value, a sum of $120,000,000 could be netted. Besides this direct profit to the Government, there is an area of some 17,000 square miles of occasionally flooded land which would be made flood-proof so that normally we shall have two crops a year instead of two only in five years. That is to say, the 17,000 square miles or 10,880,000 acres will be made to produce five times more than at present. For instance, if the value of the gross production be estimated at fifty dollars an acre, then the total value would be $544,000,000 Mex. and five times this sum would amount to $2,720,000,000 Mex. What an enormous profit to the country! c. The Kiangnan Waterway System This system comprises the South Grand Canal, the Whangpoo, the Taihu, and its connections. The most important improvement I intend to make here is to widen and deepen the Wuhu-Ihsing Waterway between the Yangtze and the Taihu, and from there to dredge a deep channel right through the Taihu to a point midway of the Grand Canal between Suchow and Kashing. At Kashing, divide it into two branches:--one following the Kashing Sunkiang Canal to Whangpoo, and the other, to the Projected Port at Chapu. This waterway between the Yangtze and the Whangpoo, before it reaches Shanghai, should be made as wide and deep as possible so as to make it carry sufficient water to flush the Shanghai harbor as well as to provide a shorter passage for inland water vessels between the Yangtze and the seaports. This waterway will act as silt carrier by which the Taihu and the various lakes alongside of it may be reclaimed in the future. Besides the main object for which this canal is assigned, the reclamation scheme and the local traffic would also add profit to it. This makes its remuneration doubly sure. As no accurate surveys of the shallow Taihu and other lakes and swamps could be obtained, the exact number of mow to be reclaimed could not be given here. But in a rough estimate I should say that the reclaimed space of the Kiangnan Lakes would be about the same in extent as those of Kiangpeh (the North of the Yangtze). d. The Poyang Waterway System This system drains the entire area of Kiangzi province. Every hsien, city, and important town is reached by waterway. Waterways are the only means of communication in this province as well as in all the provinces of Southeastern China, before the advent of railways. The lower part of the Kiangsi waterway system suffers the same irregularities as those of the lower Yangtze as both are on low land. So, to regulate it, a similar work as that for the Yangtze should be applied. The Poyang Lake should be divided by deep channels from the junction of each river, and these should join together to form larger channels and finally unite into one main channel at a point near Chuki and, running through the narrow part of the lake, join the Yangtze at Hukow. The sides of the deep channels should be lined with submerged stone ridges as high as the shallow part of the lake, whereby the channels would serve the purpose of draining as well as of navigation. The shallow space beside those channels will be reclaimed into arable land in due time. So the work of regulating the Poyang channels will be well paid by reclamation. e. The Han River This river is navigable for small crafts through its main body up to Hanchung in the southwest corner of Shensi; and through its branches up to Nanyang and Shekichen in the southwest corner of Honan. This navigable stream commands quite a large area of watershed. The upper part, that is above Siangyang, is in mountainous country. From Siangyang to Shayang it is in a wide, open valley and below Shayang it runs into the Hupeh swamp. To improve this river dams should be built above Siangyang in order to utilize water power as well as to make locks for larger crafts to ascend to the navigable point now navigable only for small crafts. Below Siangyang, where the river is very wide and shallow, rudimental dikes should be constructed of stones or piles in order to restrict its channel and to reclaim the shallow space on both sides by natural process. In the swamp, the river should be straightened and deepened. A new canal between the Han and the Yangtze at Shasi should be constructed to provide a shorter passage between Hankow and Shasi and beyond. This canal in the swamp should be open to the lakes along its course so as to let the silt-carrying water enter into them in the flood season, thus filling them up quicker. f. The Tungting System This system of waterway drains the whole province of Hunan and beyond. The most important branches are the Siangkiang and the Yuankiang. The former runs through Hunan into the northeast corner of Kwangsi province and connects with the Sikiang system by a canal near Kweilin. The latter runs across the west border of Hunan into the eastern part of Kweichow province. Both could be improved for the navigation of large crafts. The canal between the Yangtze and the Sikiang watersheds should be reconstructed and modern locks should be provided in it as well as along the two waterways. Thus, vessels of ten feet draught may freely pass between the Yangtze and the Sikiang. The Tungting Lake should be drained by deep channels in the same manner as the Poyang Lake, and its shallow space reclaimed by natural process. g. The Upper Yangtze I include the part from Hankow to Ichang also in the Upper Yangtze, because it is at Hankow that the ocean navigation ends, and the inland water communication begins. So, in dealing with the improvement of the Upper Yangtze, I will begin at Hankow. At present the Upper Yangtze is navigable for shallow draught steamers up to Kiating, a point about 1,100 miles above Hankow by river. If improvement be made farther on, than shallow draught steamers could navigate right up to Chengtu, the capital of Szechuen province, and the center of the richest plain in West China, about sixty miles up the Min River. To improve the Upper Yangtze from Hankow to Yochow, the work is much similar to that of the lower part. The channel should be regulated by rudimental dikes. The concave embankments in sharp bends should be protected by stone or concrete; obstacles in midstream should be removed. The great loop, called the Farmer Bend, above Kinkow, should be cut through at the neck of Paichow, and the sharp point of Hanchin Kwang should be cut away to make the curve of the river more gentle. The tortuous part of the Yangtze, north of the Tungting Lake, between Kinho Kow and Skipper Point, should be blocked up altogether and a new channel made through Tungting Lake, returning to the Yangtze by the Yochow Channel. This avoids the crooked passage and shortens the river course considerably. From Skipper Point to Ichang the dilatations should be restricted by dikes of stone or piling, and some sharp points of the shores should be cut away to make the curves more gentle. The Yangtze River above Ichang enters the Gorges which run about a hundred miles up to the Szechuen depression, known as the Red Basin. This part of the river from Ichang right along to its source is confined by rocky banks, very narrow and deep, having an average depth of six fathoms and at some particular points even thirty fathoms. Many rapids and obstructions occur along its course. To improve the Upper Yangtze, the rapids should be dammed up to form locks to enable crafts to ascend the river as well as to generate water power. Obstructions should be blasted and boulders removed. Thus, a ten-foot channel right along from Hankow to Chungking could be obtained so that through inland water transportation could be established from Chungking to Peking in the north and to Canton in the south, as well as to all navigable points in China Proper all the year round. In this way, transportation expenses to the richest emporium in West China could be reduced hundredfold. The benefit to the people will be enormous and the encouragement to commerce will indeed be great. PART V The Establishment of Large Cement Works Steel and cement are the basis of modern construction, and the most important factors of the material civilization of the present age. In the various projects of our development scheme, the demand for steel and cement will be so enormous that all manufacturing countries combined will not be able to supply the needs. Therefore, in our first program, I have proposed to establish large steel works in the rich iron and coal fields in the provinces of Shansi and Chili; so in this second program I propose to establish large cement works along the shores of the Yangtze River. The Yangtze Valley is exceptionally rich in materials for cement,--limestone and coal lying side by side at the water edge along the navigable channel from Chinkiang upward. Thus, local supplies could be created for local needs. At present, there is one cement works at Shihuiyau near Hoangshikang at the upper reach. It is situated between a deep water wharf and a limestone hill. The limestone is so near by that it can be cut and shoveled into the kilns immediately. Between Hankow and Kiukiang there are many places possessing the same advantage. Below Kiukiang, there are also many such advantageous positions as Matang, Wushiki and many others between Kiukiang and Anking. Between Anking and Nanking there are exceptionally good locations for putting up cement works such as Tatung, Tikang, and Tsaishisze, all these places being provided abundantly with limestone and coal and iron, lying side by side. With the huge harbor works, city building, and embankment construction, the market for cement will be so great that a capital of one to two hundred million dollars should be invested for the supply. This work should be started gradually in accord with the acceleration of the other works of the general development so that one project will further the other, and over-production and waste of capital individually in any of the parts of the general scheme will be guarded against. This will help make each of them a profitable business by itself. PROGRAM III The main feature of the third program will be the construction of a great southern port which will complete the plan for three first-class seaports in China as proposed in the preliminary part of this International Development Scheme. Our Great Southern Port will naturally be Canton, which is not only the center of commerce in South China but also the largest city in all China. Until recent times it was the largest city on the coasts of the Pacific, and the center of commerce of Asia. With the development of China, Canton will surely resume its former importance. Around this southern metropolis I formulate the third program as follows: I. The Improvement of Canton as a World Port. II. The Improvement of the Waterway System of Canton. III. The Construction of the Southwestern Railway System of China. IV. The Construction of Coast Ports and Fishing Harbors. V. The Establishment of Shipbuilding Yards. PART I The Improvement of Canton as a World Port Canton's position as a seaport has been taken away by Hongkong since its cession to England after the Opium War. But as a commercial center of South China, Canton still holds its own, despite the advantages of deep-water harbor, the artificial improvements of Hongkong, and the political dominance of England. The loss of its position as a seaport is entirely due to the ignorance of the Chinese people who never made any combined effort to improve the welfare of the country, and also to the corrupt government and officials of the Manchu dynasty. Since the establishment of the Republic, the people have begun to awake very rapidly and many schemes have been suggested to make Canton a seaport. This awakening of the millions of Chinese has caused much apprehension to the Hongkong Government. The authorities of that colony have been doing their utmost to hinder every move to restore Canton as a seaport and try to nip every scheme in the bud. Of course, if Canton is improved and made into a world port, then all the services that Hongkong performs for her as a shipping stage would be dispensed with altogether. But a developed Canton and a prosperous China will recompense Hongkong in various ways a hundred times more than its present position as the monopolized ocean port of a backward and poor China. Just look at the port of Victoria in British Columbia, which was once the only seaport of West Canada as well as the Northwestern region of the United States, but it prospered very little then with an undeveloped hinterland despite its monopolistic character. Whereas as soon as the rival ports arose, Vancouver on its own side, and Seattle and Tacoma on the American side, all within the same distance as Hongkong is to Canton, all of them because of a developed hinterland prospered wonderfully, despite the keen competition between them as seaports. Thus, we see that competitive seaports like Vancouver, Seattle, and Tacoma instead of killing Victoria, as was once supposed by shortsighted people, have made it more prosperous than ever. Then, why doubt that a prosperous Canton and a developed China would not give the same result to Hongkong? This is but a natural outcome. Therefore, there should be no fear that a prosperous Canton and a developed China would be harmful to Hongkong as a free port. So, instead of doing the utmost as hitherto to hinder the development of Canton as a seaport, the Hongkong authorities should do their utmost to encourage such a project. Besides, the development of Canton and South China will benefit the English as a whole commercially a hundred times more than Hongkong can do at present. Although the local authorities of that crown colony do not see far enough to realize it, however, I believe that the great statesmen and captains of industries in the now mightiest empire of the world would surely see it. With this belief in my mind I feel quite safe in giving publicity to the scheme of my international development of Canton as a world port in South China. Canton is situated at the head of the Canton Delta, which is formed by the junction of three rivers--the Sikiang or West River, the Peikiang or North River, and the Tungkiang or East River. The area of this delta is about 3,000 square miles and it has the most fertile alluvial soil known in China. The land yields three crops a year--two crops of rice and one crop of other products such as potatoes or beets. In silk culture, it gives eight crops every year. The most delicious fruits of many varieties are produced in this delta. This is the most thickly populated district of all China. Within this delta and its immediate neighborhood, more than half of the population of Kwangtung province is found. This is the reason why, despite the great productivity of this fertile delta, large quantities of foods have to be supplied by the surrounding country as well as by foreign imports. Before the age of machinery Canton for centuries was well known as an industrial center of Eastern Asia. The workmanship and handicraft of its people are still unequaled in many parts of the world. If machinery will be introduced in its industries under our international development scheme, Canton will soon recover its former grandeur as a great manufacturing center. As a world port, Canton is in a most advantageous position. Being situated at the junction of three navigable rivers and at the head of the ocean navigation it is a pivot of inland water as well as ocean communication in South China. If the Southwestern railway system is completed, then Canton will be equal in importance to the two great ports in North and East China, in regard to transportation facilities. The ocean approach of Canton is generally deep excepting at two points which can be easily trained and dredged to enable modern liners to pass in and out at any hour. The deep water line of the ocean reaches up to Lingting Island, where the depth is from 8 to 10 fathoms. Above Lingting, the channel gets shallower (about 3 or 4 fathoms) and runs about 15 miles up to the Fumen Entrance. From this point the water becomes deep again (between 6 and 10 fathoms) right up to the Second Bar--a distance of 20 miles. At the Second Bar, the water is about 18 to 20 feet deep for only a few hundred yards. After crossing the Second Bar, the water becomes deep again for a distance of 10 miles averaging about 30 feet deep up to the First Bar which will be the city limit of our future Canton. To improve the Approach to Canton, I suggest that two submerged training walls be built at the left side of Canton Estuary above Lingting Island--one from the shore to the head of the Kongsu Bank, and another from the end of the same bank to the head of the Lingting Bank. The first training wall will be 3 to 4 feet under water just at the same level of the bank. The second wall will be from 4 feet at one end to 16 feet at the other, which are the levels of the respective banks which it connects. (See (1) (3) Map XI.) It will cross a channel of 24 feet deep between them. These two walls together with the four-foot Kongsu Bank will act as one continuous wall and will direct the undercurrent which now runs between the left shore and Lingting Bank, into the middle part of the estuary, thus cutting a channel between the bar and the bank of the same name to meet the deep water on the west side of Lingting Island. On the right side of the Canton Estuary, a training wall should be built from the lower part of Fraser Bank in a southeasterly direction across the 24-foot channel into the Lingting Bar ending at the east edge of that bar. (See (2) Map XI.) Thus, with these submerged walls on both sides of the estuary to confine the undercurrent in the middle, a very deep channel can be formed to connect with the Fumen Entrance at one end and the Lingting trough at the other both of which are about 50 feet deep so that a thoroughfare from deep sea right up to the Second Bar of the Pearl River will be created. These submerged sea walls taken together are about 8 miles in length and will be built only 6 to 12 feet from the bottom of the sea. The expenses will not be much while the acceleration of the natural reclamation process will be very great. Thus, the lands that will be formed on both sides by these walls will far more than repay the expenses of the work of building these walls. [Illustration: MAP XI] To regulate the Approach of Canton, in that part of the Pearl River from the Fumen Entrance to Whampoa, I suggest that the East River Estuaries be concentrated in a single outlet by using the uppermost channel which joins the Pearl River at the lower point of Davids Island. The other outlets of the East River, which joins the Pearl River below the Second Bar, should be closed up by dams built to the height of the normal water level so as to permit them to serve as flood channels in the rainy season. By concentrating the whole volume of water of the East River above the Second Bar, a stronger current could be obtained to flush the upper part of this section of the river. [Illustration: MAP XII] In the training works of this section, I propose that several jetties should be built as follows: First, a jetty from Elliot Island at point (A) to the farther side of Calcutta Shoal opposite the lower point of Parker Island. This will block the current between Elliot Island and Calcutta Shoal and divert it into the present 36-foot channel thus making it deeper by its natural force. Second, another jetty from Bolton Island, at point (B) to midstream terminating at the lower side of the Second Bar, on the right side of the river. Third, a jetty from the lower point of Pattinger Island at (C) to midstream terminating at the lower side of the same bar on the left side of the river. Thus the Second Bar would be flushed by the concentrated current created by these two jetties. The shallow bottom above these jetties should be dredged to the required depth. If a rocky bottom is found at this bar it should be blasted and removed, so as to give a uniform depth to the whole approach. Fourth, the channel between the right bank of the river and Bolton Island should be blocked up at (D). Fifth, a jetty from Pattinger Island at (E) to the head of the Second Bar Bank in midstream so as to cut off the current at the left side of the river and to increase the velocity in the middle channel. Sixth, a jetty from the right shore at (F) about midway between Danes Island and the Second Bar, should be built to the head of the Midstream Shoal so as to cut off the current at the right side of the river. And seventh, another jetty from the lower point of Davids Island at (G) to midstream opposite to the end of jetty (F). Jetties (G) and (F) will concentrate the current of the upper Pearl River while at the same time jetty (G) will also turn the East River current into the same direction as that of the Pearl River. (See Map XII.) By these seven jetties, the current between Whampoa and Fumen could be controlled and the bottom of the river flushed to a depth of 40 feet or more, thus creating a thoroughfare for ocean-going steamers from the open sea right up to the city of Canton. These jetties taken together will be not more than 5 miles in length and mostly in very shallow water. After the building of these jetties, land will be rapidly formed between jetties along both sides of the channel by natural process. The reclaimed land alone will be quite enough to pay the expenses of constructing these jetties, aside from the fact that the main object of regulating the river and opening up a deep channel for ocean transportation will have been realized. Having dealt with the approach to Canton, we may now take up the improvement of Canton City itself as a world port. The harbor limit of Canton will be at the First Bar. From there, the harbor will follow the deep water of Cambridge Reach and the water between Whampoa and Danes Island into American Reach. At this point it will cut through Actaeon Island to the south of Honam Island and follow the Elliot Passage to Mariners Island. From Mariners Island following the Fatshan Creek, a straight channel should be cut in a southwesterly direction to the Tamchow Channel. Thus, a new waterway will be made from the First Bar to Tamchow Channel, a distance of about 25 miles. This waterway will be the main outlet of the North River as well as a thoroughfare for the West River, and will also serve as the harbor of Canton. By conveying all the water of the North River and a part of that of the West River through this waterway, the current will be strong enough to flush the harbor to a depth of 40 feet or more. (See Map XIII.) The new city of Canton will be extended from Whampoa to Fatshan, separated by the Macao Fort and Shameen Reaches. The section that lies east of this water should be developed into commercial quarters and that west of it into factory quarters. The factory section should be transected by canals connecting with the Fati and Fatshan creeks so as to give cheap transportation facilities to every factory. In the commercial section, tidal wharves with modern plants and warehouses should be provided. A bund should be built from the First Bar Island along the north side of the new waterway, the west side of Honam to connect with the bund of Shameen, and the northwestern side of Canton city. Another bund should be built from above Fati along the east side of Fati Island to Mariners Island thence turning southwest along the left bank of the new waterway. The Front Reach, that is, the river between the present Canton city and Honam Island should be filled up from the upper point of Honam to Whampoa for city building. [Illustration: MAP XIII] In regard to the question of remuneration, the development of Canton as a world port will be the most profitable undertaking of the kind in the International Development Scheme. Because, besides its commanding position as a commercial metropolis and its possession of advantageous facilities as a manufacturing center of South China, a modern residential city is in great demand in this part of the country. The well-to-do people and merchants of this rich delta as well as those retired Chinese merchants and millionaires abroad all over the world are very eager to spend their remaining days at home. But owing to the lack of modern conveniences and comforts they reluctantly remain in foreign countries. Thus to build a new city with modern equipments for residential purposes alone, in Canton, would pay splendidly. The land outside of Canton is at present about 200 dollars a mow. If the land marked off for the future city of Canton should be taken up by the State on the same basis as elsewhere in this International Development Scheme, immediately after the streets are laid out and improvements made, the price of land would rise from ten to fifty times its original value. [Illustration: MAP XIV] The landscape of the environment of Canton is exceptionally beautiful and charming. It is an ideal place for planning a garden city with attractive parks. The location of the city of Canton resembles that of Nanking but is of greater magnitude and beauty. It possesses three natural elements--deep water, high mountains, and vast extent of level land which furnish facilities for an industrial and commercial center and provide as well natural scenery for the enjoyment of man. The beautiful valleys and hills of the northern shore of the Pearl River could be laid out for ideal winter resorts and the high mountain tops could be utilized for summer resorts. Within the city limits at the northwest corner, a rich coal field has been found. When the coal is mined and modern plants for generating electricity and producing gas are provided, then cheap electricity and gas could be had for transportation, for manufacturing, for lighting, heating, and cooking purposes. And so the present wasteful methods of transportation, and expensive fuels for manufacturing and cooking for the populous city of Canton can be done away with entirely. Thus great economic wonders could be wrought by such improvements. The present population of Canton is over a million and if our development plan is carried out, this city would grow in leaps and bounds within a very short time. The population will become greater than any other city and the profit of our undertaking will become correspondingly large. PART II The Improvement of the Waterway System of Canton The most important waterway system in South China is the Canton system. Besides this the others are not of much importance and will be dealt with elsewhere with their ports. In dealing with the Canton system of waterways, I have to divide it as follows: a. The Canton Delta. b. The West River. c. The North River. d. The East River. a. The Canton Delta To improve the Canton Delta we have to consider the proposition from three points of view: First, the problem of flood prevention; second, the problem of navigation; and third, the problem of reclamation. Each of these problems affects the others so the solution of one will help that of the others. First, the problem of flood prevention. The frequent repetition of floods in recent years has wrought great disasters to the people in the neighborhood of Canton. It has destroyed lives by the thousands and property by the millions. The part which suffers most is the country between Canton and Lupao, lying just immediately north of the Canton Delta. This fatal spot is, I think, created by the silting up of the main outlet of the North River immediately below Sainam. On account of this, the North River has to find its outlets through the West River by the short canal at Samshui and through two small streams one from Sainam, and another from Lupao. The former runs in a northeasterly direction and the latter in a southeasterly direction and they join at Kuanyao. From this point, the river takes a northeasterly course as far as Kumli, thence, turning southeast, passes the west suburb of Canton. Since the North River is silted up below Sainam, its channel above that spot is also getting shallower every year. At present the river above Samshui city is only about four or five feet deep. When the North River rises its water generally finds its way into the West River through the Kongkun Canal. But if the West River should rise at the same time, then there would be no outlet for the North River and its water would accumulate until it overflowed its dikes above and below Lupao. This would naturally cause the dikes to break at some point and allow the water to rush out and flood the whole country that is meant to be protected by these dikes. The remedy for the North River is to reopen the main outlet below Sainam and have the whole channel dredged deep from Tsingyuen to the sea. Fortunately, in our improvement of the navigation of the Canton Delta, we have to do the same thing; so this one work will serve two purposes. The remedy for the West River is that the shallow part just at its junction with the sea between Wangkum and Sanchoo Islands should be trained by walls on both sides--a long one on the left, and a short one on the right--so as to concentrate the current to cut the river bed here to a depth of twenty feet or more. In this way, a uniform depth is secured, for after passing the Moto Entrance the West River has an average depth of 20 to 30 feet right along its whole course through this delta. With a uniform depth all the way to the sea, the undercurrent will run quickly and drain off the flood water more rapidly. Besides the deepening process, both shores should be regulated so as to give a uniform width to the channel. Midstream shoals and islands should be removed. The East River Valley does not suffer so severely from floods as those of the other two rivers, the West and the North, and its remedy will be provided in the regulation of the river for navigation. This will be dealt with in that connection. [Illustration: MAP XV] Second, the problem of navigation in the Canton Delta in connection with the three rivers. In dealing with this question we commence with the West River. In former days the traffic between the West River Valley and Canton always passed through Fatshan and Samshui, a distance of about 35 miles. But since the silting up of the Fatshan Channel below Sainam, the traffic has to take a great detour by descending the Pearl River southeastward as far as Fumen, then turn northwest into the Shawan Channel, then southeast into the Tamchow Channel, and then west into the Tailiang Channel and south into the Junction Channel and Maning Reach. Here it enters into the West River and runs a northwesterly direction up to Samshui Junction on this river. The whole journey covers a distance of about 95 miles, which compared with the old route is longer by 60 miles. The traffic between Canton and the West River Valley is very great. At present there are many thousands of steam launches plying between Canton City and the outlying districts, and more than half of that number are carrying traffic to and fro on the West River. Every boat has to run 95 miles on each trip whereas if the channel between Samshui and Canton is improved, the distance would be only 35 miles. What a great saving it will be! [Illustration: MAP XVI] In our project to improve the Canton Approach and Harbor, I suggested the draining of a deep channel from the sea to Whampoa and from Whampoa to Tamchow Channel. We now have to prolong this channel from its Tamchow Junction up to Samshui Junction on the West River. This Channel should be made at least 20 feet deep so as to join the deeper water of the West River above the Samshui Junction. And the same depth should be maintained in the North River itself some distance above Samshui, so as to give facility for the navigation of larger vessels up the river when the whole waterway is improved. To improve the East River for navigation in the Canton Delta we should concentrate the current of its estuaries into one single outlet by using the right channel which joins the Pearl River at Davids Island, thus deepening the channel as well as shortening the distance between Canton and the East River districts when the upper part of the river is improved. Another improvement in the Canton Delta for navigation is the opening of a straight canal between Canton City and Kongmoon so as to shorten the passage of the heavy traffic between this metropolis and the Szeyap districts. This canal should begin by straightening the Chanchun Creek south of Canton as far as Tsznai. Then crossing the Tamchow Channel it should enter into the Shuntuck Creek and follow this creek to its end emerging into the Shuntuck Branch at right angles. From there, a new canal must be cut straight to the turn of the Tailiang Channel near Yungki, then the canal should follow this channel through Yellow Reach as far as the Junction Bend. Here another new canal must be cut through to the Hoichow Creek, then it should follow Kuchan Channel to the main channel of the West River, and crossing it enter into the Kongmoon Branch. Thus, a straight canal can be formed between Canton and Kongmoon. In order to understand the improvement of the Canton Delta more clearly see Maps XIV and XV. Third, the problem of reclamation. A very profitable undertaking in the Canton Delta is the reclamation of new land. This process has been going on for centuries. Many thousands of acres of new land are thus being added to cultivation from year to year. But hitherto all the reclamation has been effected by private enterprise only, and there are no regulations for it. So sometimes this private enterprise causes great detriment to public welfare such as blocking up navigable channels and causing floods. A glaring case is the reclamation work just above the Moto Islands, which blocks more than half of the Main Channel of the West River. In the regulation of the West River, I propose to cut this new land away. In order to protect the public welfare, the reclamation work in this Delta must be taken up by the State and the profits must go to defray the expenses of improving this waterway system for navigation, as well as for the prevention of floods. At present, the area that can be gradually reclaimed is large in extent. On the left side of the Canton Estuary, the available area is about 40 square miles, and on the right side, about 140 square miles. On the estuaries of the West River from Macao to Tongkwa Island, there is an available area of about 200 square miles. Of the 380 square miles, about one fourth would be ready for reclamation within the next ten years. That is to say about 95 square miles could be reclaimed and put to cultivation within a decade. As one square mile contains 640 acres and one acre six mow, so 95 square miles will be equal to 364,800 mow. As cultivated land in this part of China generally costs more than fifty dollars a mow, so, if fifty dollars be taken as the average rate, the value of these 364,800 mow would amount to $18,240,000. This will help a great deal to defray the expenses of improving the waterway for navigation and for preventing floods in this Delta. b. The West River The West River is at present navigable for comparatively large river steamers up to Wuchow, a distance of 220 miles by water from Canton, and for small steamers up to Nanning, a distance of 500 miles from Canton, at all seasons. As for small crafts, the West River is navigable in most of its branches, west to the Yunnan frontier, north to Kweichow, northeast to Hunan and the Yangtze Valley by the Shingan Canal. In improving the West River for navigation I shall divide the work into subsections as follows: (1) From Samshui to Wuchow. (2) From Wuchow to the junction of the Liukiang. (3) Kweikiang or the North Branch of the West River from Wuchow to Kweilin and beyond. (4) The South Branch from Shunchow to Nanning. (1) From Samshui to Wuchow. This part of the West River is generally deep and does not need much improvement for vessels up to ten-foot draught excepting at a few points. The midstream rocks should be blasted and removed and sand banks and dilating parts should be regulated by submerged dikes to secure a uniform channel and to make the velocity of the current even, so that a stable fairway could be maintained all the year round. The traffic of this river would be sufficiently great to pay for all the improvements which we propose to make. (2) From Wuchow to the Junction of the Liukiang. At this junction, a river port should be built to connect the deep navigation from the sea and the shallow navigation of Hungshui Kiang and the Liukiang which penetrate the rich mineral districts of Northwest Kwangsi and Southwest Kweichow. This port will be about fifty miles from Shunchow which is the junction of the Nanning branch of the river. So here, we have only to improve a distance of fifty miles, for the improvement of the river between Shunchow and Wuchow will be included in the plan for the Nanning Port. Dams and locks would be necessary to make this part of the river navigable for ten-foot draught vessels. But these dams at the same time would serve the purpose of producing water power. (3) Kweikiang or the North Branch of the West River from Wuchow to Kweilin and beyond. As Kweikiang is smaller, shallower and has more rapids along its course, so its improvement will be more difficult than that of the other parts of the waterway. But this will be a very profitable proposition in this Southern waterway project, for this river not only serves the purpose of transportation in this rich territory but will also serve as a passage for through traffic between the Yangtze and the West River valleys. The improvement should commence from the junction at Wuchow up to Kweilin, and thence upward to the Shingan Canal, then downward to the Siang River, and thereby connecting with the Yangtze River. A series of dams and locks should be built for vessels to ascend to the inter-watershed canal and another series should descend on the other side. The expenses of building these two series of dams and locks could not be estimated until accurate surveys are made. But I am sure this project will be a paying one. (4) From Shunchow to Nanning. This portion of the Yuhkiang is navigable for small steamers up to Nanning, the center of commerce in South Kwangsi. From Nanning small crafts can navigate through the Yuhkiang as far as the east border of Yunnan, and through Tsokiang as far as the north border of Tongking. If this waterway be improved up to Nanning, then it would be the nearest deep river port for the rich mineral districts of the whole southwest corner of China, which includes the whole province of Yunnan, a greater part of Kweichow and half of Kwangsi. The immediate neighborhood of Nanning is also very rich in minerals, such as antimony, tin, iron, coal and also in agricultural products. So to make Nanning the head of a deep water communication system will be a paying proposition. To improve the waterway up to Nanning, a few dams and locks along its course will have to be built for vessels of ten-foot draught to go up as well as for water power. The expense for this work cannot be estimated without detailed surveys but it would probably be much less than the improvement of Kweikiang from Wuchow to the Shingan Canal. c. The North River The North River from Samshui to Shiuchow is about 140 miles long. The greater part of its course is confined in the hilly districts, but after it emerges from the Tsingyuen Gorge it comes into a wide, open country, which connects with the plain of Canton. Here the dangerous floods occur most often. Since the silting up of its proper outlet below Sainam, the North River from that point up to the gorge has become shallower every year, so the dikes at the left side, that is, on the side of the plain, often break thus causing the inundation of the whole plain above Canton. Thus the regulation of the river at this part has two aspects to be considered: First, the prevention of floods and second, the improvement for navigation. In dealing with the first aspect nothing could be better than deepening the river by dredging. In the improvement of the Canton Approach and Harbor and also of the Canton Delta, we have to cut a deep channel right from the deep sea up to Sainam. In the improvement of the lower part of the North River, we have simply to continue the cutting process higher up until we have a deep channel, say 15 to 20 feet as far as the Tsingyuen Gorge, either by artificial or natural means. By this deepening of the bottom of the river, the present height of the dikes will be quite enough to protect the plains from being flooded. In dealing with the second aspect, as we have already deepened the part of the river from Sainam to the Tsingyuen Gorge for flood prevention, we have at the same time solved the navigation question. It has now only the upper part to be dealt with. I propose to make this river navigable up to Shiuchow, the center of commerce as well as the center of the coal and iron fields of Northern Kwangtung. To improve the part above the gorge for navigation, dams and locks should be built in one or two places before a ten-foot draught vessel can ascend up to that point. Although this river is parallel with the Hankow-Canton Railway, yet if the coal and iron fields of Shiuchow are properly developed, a deep waterway will still be needed for cheap transportation of such heavy freight as iron and coal to the coast. So to build dams for water power and to construct locks for navigation in this river will be a profitable undertaking as well as a necessary condition for the development of this part of the country. d. The East River The East River is navigable for shallow crafts up to Laolung Sze, a distance of about 170 miles from the estuary at the lower point of Davids Island near Whampoa. Along its upper course, rich iron and coal deposits are found. Iron has been mined here since time immemorial. At present most of the utensils used in this province are manufactured from the iron mined. So to make a deep navigable waterway up to these iron and coal fields will be most remunerative. To improve the East River for navigation as well as for flood prevention, I propose to start the work at the lower point of Davids Island as stated in the improvement of the Canton Approach. From here, a deep channel should be dredged up to Suntang, and a mile above that point a new channel should be opened in the direction of Tungkun city, by connecting the various arms of water between these two places and joining the left branch of the East River immediately above Tungkun city. All other channels leading from this new channel to the Pearl River should be closed up to normal water level so as to make these closed-up channels serve as flood outlets in rainy seasons. Thus by blocking up the rest of the estuaries of the East River, all the water would form one strong current which would dredge the river bottom deeper, and maintain the depth permanently. The body of the river should be trained to a uniform width right along its course up to tidal point, and above this point, the river should be narrowed in proportion to its volume of water. Thus the whole river would dredge itself deep far up above Waichow city. The railway bridge at the south side of Shelung should be made a turning bridge so as to permit large steamers to pass through it. Some sharp turns of the river should be reduced to gentle curves and midstream obstacles should be removed. The portion of the river above Waichow should be provided with dams and locks so as to enable ten-foot draught vessels to ascend as near as possible to the iron and coal fields in the valley. PART III The Construction of the Southwestern Railway System of China The southwestern part of China comprises Szechwan, the largest and richest province of China Proper, Yunnan, the second largest province, Kwangsi and Kweichow which are rich in mineral resources, and a part of Hunan and Kwangtung. It has an area of 600,000 square miles, and a population of over 100,000,000. This large and populous part of China is almost untouched by railways, except a French line of narrow gauge from Laokay to Yunnanfu, covering a distance of 290 miles. There are great possibilities for railway development in this part of the country. A network of lines should radiate fan-like from Canton as pivot to connect every important city and rich mineral field with the Great Southern Port. The construction of railways in this part of China is not only needed for the development of Canton but also is essential for the prosperity of all the southwestern provinces. With the construction of railways rich mines of various kinds could be developed and cities and towns could be built along the lines. Developed lands are still very cheap and undeveloped lands and those with mining possibilities cost almost next to nothing even though not state owned. So if all the future city sites and mining lands be taken up by the government before railway construction is started, the profit would be enormous. Thus no matter how large a sum is invested in railway construction, the payment of its interest and principal will be assured. Besides, the development of Canton as a world port is entirely dependent upon this system of railways. If there be no such network of railway traversing the length and breadth of the southwestern section of China, Canton could not be developed up to our expectations. The southwestern section of China is very mountainous, except the Canton and Chengtu plains, which have an area of from 3,000 to 4,000 square miles each. The rest of the country is made up almost entirely of hills and valleys with more or less open space here and there. The mountains in the eastern part of this section are seldom over 3,000 feet high but those near the Tibetan frontier generally have an altitude of 10,000 feet or more. The engineering difficulties in building these railways are much greater than those of the northwestern plain. Many tunnels and loops will have to be constructed and so the construction costs of the railway per mile will be greater than in other parts of China. With Canton as the terminus of this system of railroads, I propose that the following lines be constructed: a. The Canton-Chungking line via Hunan. b. The Canton-Chungking line via Hunan and Kweichow. c. The Canton-Chengtu line via Kweilin and Luchow. d. The Canton-Chengtu line via Wuchow and Suifu. e. The Canton-Yunnanfu-Tali-Tengyueh line ending at the Burma border. f. The Canton-Szemao line. g. The Canton-Yamchow line ending at Tunghing, on the Annam border. a. The Canton-Chungking Line via Hunan This line will start from Canton and follow the same direction as the Canton-Hankow line as far as the junction of the Linkiang with the North River. From that point the railroad turns into the valley of Linkiang, and follows the course of the river upward above the city of Linchow. There it crosses the watershed between the Linkiang and the Taokiang and proceeds to Taochow, Hunan. Thence it follows the Taokiang to Yungchow, Paoking, Sinhwa, and Shenchow, and up to Peiho across the boundary of Hunan into Szechwan by Yuyang. From Yuyang the line proceeds across the mountain to Nanchuen, thence to Chungking after crossing the Yangtze. This railway which has a total length of about 900 miles passes through a rich mineral and agricultural country. In the Linchow district north of Kwangtung, rich coal, antimony, and wolfram deposits are found; in southwestern Hunan, tin, antimony, coal, iron, copper and silver; and at Yuyang, east of Szechwan, antimony and quicksilver. Among agricultural products found along this line we may mention sugar, groundnuts, hemp, tung oil, tea, cotton, tobacco, silk, grains, etc. There is also an abundance of timber, bamboo and various kinds of forest products. b. The Canton-Chungking Line via Hunan and Kweichow This line is about 800 miles in length, but as it runs in the same track with line (a) from Canton to Taochow, a distance of about 250 miles, it leaves only 550 miles to be accounted for. This line, therefore, actually begins at Taochow, Hunan, and goes through the northeastern corner of Kwangsi passing by Chuanchow, and then through the southwestern corner of Hunan passing by Chengpu and Tsingchow. Thence it enters into Kweichow by Sankiang and Tsingkiang and crosses a range of hill to Chengyuan. From Chengyuan this line has to cross the watershed between Yuan Kiang and Wukiang to Tsunyi. From Tsunyi it will follow the trade route which leads to Kikiang and then crosses the Yangtze by the same bridge as line (a) to Chungking. This railway will also pass through rich mineral and timber districts. c. The Canton-Chengtu Line via Kweilin and Luchow This line is about 1,000 miles long. It runs from Canton directly west to Samshui, where it crosses the North River to the mouth of Suikong. Then, it ascends the valley of the same name to Szewui and Kwongning. Next, it enters into Kwangsi at Waisap, thence to Hohsien and Pinglo. From there it follows the course of the Kweikiang up to Kweilin. Thus the rich iron and coal fields that lie between these two provincial capitals, Canton and Kweilin, will be tapped. From Kweilin the road turns west to Yungning and then proceeds to follow the Liukiang valley into Kweichow province at Kuchow. From Kuchow it goes to Tukiang and Pachai and following the same valley it crosses a range of hills into Pingyueh, thence it goes across the Yuankiang watershed into the Wukiang valley at Wengan and Yosejen. From Yosejen it follows the trade route through Luipien hills to Jenhwai, Chishui, and Nachi. Then it crosses the Yangtzekiang to Luchow. From Luchow, it runs through Lungchang, Neikiang, Tzechow, Tseyang and Kienchow to Chengtu. The last part of the line traverses very rich and populous districts of the famous Red Basin of Szechwan province. The middle portion of this line between Kweilin and Luchow lies in a very rich mineral country which possesses great possibilities for further development. This line will open up a thinly populated part for the crowded districts at both ends of the line. d. The Canton-Chengtu Line via Wuchow and Suifu This line is about 1,200 miles in distance. It commences at the west end of the Samshui bridge which crosses the North River at that point for line (c), and following the left bank of the West River enters the Shiuhing Gorge to the Shiuhing city. It passes Takhing, Wuchow, and Tahwang along the same bank. While the river here turns southwestwards the line turns northwestwards to Siangchow and then crosses Liukiang to Liuchow and Kingyuan. Then it goes to Szegenhsien and across the Kwangsi and Kweichow border to Tushan and Tuyun. From Tuyun the line turns more westerly to Kweiyang, the capital of Kweichow Province. Next, it proceeds to Kiensi and Tating and then leaving the Kweichow border at Pichieh it enters Yunnan at Chenhiung. Turning northward to Lohsintu and crossing the Szechwan border at that point, it proceeds to Suifu. From Suifu the road follows the course of the Minkiang, passes by Kiating and enters the Chengtu plain to Chengtu, the capital of Szechwan. This line runs from one densely populated district to another and passes through a wide strip of thinly populated and undeveloped country in the middle. Along its course many rich iron and coal fields, silver, tin, antimony, and other valuable metal deposits are found. e. The Canton-Yunnanfu-Tali-Tengyueh Line This line is about 1,300 miles in length from Canton to the Burma border at Tengyueh. The first 300 miles of the line from Canton to Tahwang will be the same as line (d). From the Tahwang junction this line branches off to Wusuan and following in a general way the course of the Hungshui Kiang passes through Tsienkiang and Tunglan. Then it cuts across the southwestern corner of Kweichow province passing by Sinyihsien and thence enters Yunnan province at Loping and by way of Luliang to Yunnanfu, the capital of the province. From Yunnanfu this line runs through Tsuyung to Tali, then turns southwestwards to Yungchang and Tengyueh ending at the Burma border. At Tunglan, near the Kweichow border in Kwangsi, a branch line of about 400 miles should be projected. This line should follow the Pepan Kiang valley, up to Kotuho, and Weining. Thence it enters Yunnan at Chaotung, and crosses the Yangtze River at Hokeow, where it enters Szechwan. Crossing the Taliang mountain, it goes to Ningyuan. This branch line taps the famous copper field between Chaotung and Ningyuan, the richest of its kind in China. The main line running through the length of Kwangsi and Yunnan from east to west, will be of international importance, for at the frontier it will join the Rangoon Bhamo line of the Burmese Railway System. It will be the shortest road from India to China. It will bring the two populous countries nearer to each other than now. By the new way the journey can be made in a few days, whereas by the present sea-route it takes as many weeks. f. The Canton-Szemao Line This line to the border of Burma is about 1,100 miles long. It starts from south of Canton, passes Fatshan, Kunshan, and crosses the West River from Taipinghü to Samchowhü. Thence it proceeds to Koming, Sinhing, and Loting. After passing Loting it crosses the Kwangsi border at Pingho, and proceeds to Junghsien and then westward, crossing the Yukiang branch of the West River, to Kweihsien. Thence it runs north of Yukiang to Nanning. At Nanning a branch line of 120 miles should be projected. Following the course of the Tsokiang it goes to Lungchow where it turns southward to Chennankwan on the Tongking border to join the French line at that point. The main line from Nanning proceeds in the same course as the upper Yukiang to Poseh. Then it crosses the border into Yunnan at Poyai, and by way of Pamen, Koukan, Tungtu and Putsitang to Amichow, where it crosses the French Laokay-Yunnan line. From Amichow it proceeds to Linanfu, Shihping and Yuankiang where it crosses the river of the same name. Thence it passes through Talang, Puerhfu and Szemao and finally ends at the border of Burma near the Mekong River. This line taps the rich tin, silver, and antimony deposits of south Yunnan and Kwangsi, while rich iron and coal fields are found right along the whole line. Gold, copper, mercury, and lead are also found in many places. As regards agricultural products, rice and groundnuts are found in great abundance, also camphor, cassia, sugar, tobacco, and various kinds of fruits. g. The Canton-Yamchow Line This line is about 400 miles long measuring from the west end of the Sikiang bridge. Starting from Canton it runs on the tracks of line (f) as far as the farther side of the bridge over the West River. Thence it branches off to the southwest to Hoiping and Yanping, and by way of Yeungchun to Kochow and Fachow. At Fachow, a branch line of 100 miles should be projected to Suikai, Luichow and Haian on the Hainan Straits where, by means of a ferry, it connects with Hainan Island. The main line continues from Fachow westward to Sheshing, Limchow, Yamchow and ends on the Annam border at Tunghing, where it may connect with a French line to Haiphong. This line is entirely within the Kwangtung province. It passes through a very populous and productive country. Coal and iron are found along the whole line, while gold and antimony, in some parts. Agricultural products, as sugar, silk, camphor, ramie, indigo, groundnuts, and various kinds of fruits are raised here. The total length of this system as outlined above is about 6,700 miles. In addition there will be two connecting lines between Chengtu and Chungking; another from east of Tsunyi on line (b) southward to Wengan on line (c); another from Pingyueh on line (c) to Tuyun on line (d); another from the border of Kweichow on line (d) through Nantan and Noti to Tunglan on line (e), thence through Szecheng to Poseh on line (f). These connecting lines total about 600 miles. So the grand total will be about 7,300 miles. This system will be intersected by three lines. First, the existing French line from Laokay to Yunnanfu with a projected line from Yunnanfu to Chungking crosses line (f) at Amichow, line (e) at Weining, line (d) at Suifu, line (c) at Luchow, and meets lines (a) and (b) at Chungking. Second, the projected British line from Shasi to Sinyi crosses line (a) at Shenchow, line (b) at Chenyuen, line (c) at Pingyueh, line (d) at Kweiyang and a branch of line (e) at a point west of Yungning. Third, the projected American line from Chuchow to Yamchow crosses line (a) at Yungchow, line (b) at Chuanchow, line (c) at Kweilin, line (d) at Liuchow, line (e) at Tsienkiang, line (f) at Nanning, and meets line (g) at Yamchow. Thus, if this system and the three projected French, British, and American lines are completed, Southwestern China would be well provided with railway communications. All these lines will run through the length and breadth of a vast mineral country, in which most of the essential and valuable metals of the world are found. There is no place in the world which possesses as here so many varieties of rare metals, such as wolfram, tin, antimony, silver, gold, and platinum and at the same time so richly provided with the common but essential metals, such as copper, lead, and iron. Furthermore, almost every district in this region is abundantly provided with coal, so much so that there is a common saying: "Mu mei pu lih cheng," that is, "Nobody would build a city where there is no coal underneath." The idea was that in case of a siege those within the city might obtain fuel from under the ground. In Szechwan, petroleum and natural gas are also found in abundance. Thus, we see that this Southwestern Railway System for the development of mineral resources in the mountainous regions of Southwestern China is just as important as the Northwestern Railway System is for the development of agricultural resources in the vast prairies of Mongolia and Turkestan. These railway systems are a necessity to the Chinese people and a very profitable undertaking to foreign capitalists. They are of about equal length, viz.--about 7,000 miles. The cost per mile of the Southwestern System will be at least twice that of the Northwestern System, but the remuneration from the development of mineral resources will be many times that from the development of agricultural resources. PART IV The Construction of Coast Ports and Fishing Harbors After planning the three world ports on the coast of China, it is time for me to go on and deal with the development of second-and third-class seaports and fishing harbors along the whole coast in order to complete a system of seaports for China. Recently, my projected plan of the Great Northern Port was so enthusiastically received by the people of Chili Province that the Provincial Assembly has approved the project and decided to carry it out at once as a provincial undertaking. For this object, a loan of $40,000,000 has been voted. This is an encouraging sign and doubtless the other projects will be taken up sooner or later by either the provinces or the Central Government, when the people begin to realize their necessity. I propose that four second-class seaports and nine third-class seaports and numerous fishing harbors should be constructed. The four second-class seaports will be arranged so as to be placed in the following manner: one on the extreme north, one on the extreme south, and the other two midway between the three great world ports. I shall deal with them according to the order of their future importance as follows: a. Yingkow. b. Haichow. c. Foochow. d. Yamchow. a. Yingkow Yingkow is situated at the head of the Liaotung Gulf and was once the only seaport of Manchuria. Since the improvement of Talien as a seaport, the trade of Yingkow has dwindled and lost half of its former business. As a seaport, Yingkow has two disadvantages, first, the shallowness of its approach from the sea and second, the blocking up by ice for several months in winter. Its only advantages over Talien is that it is situated at the mouth of the Liaoho and has inland water communication throughout the Liao valley in south Manchuria. The half of the former trade that it still holds at present against Talien is entirely due to the inland water facility. To make Yingkow outmatch Talien again in the future and become first in importance after the three great world ports, we must improve its inland water communication, as well as deepen its approach from the sea. In regard to the improvement of the approach work similar to the improvement of the Canton Approach should be adopted. Besides the construction of a deep channel, about twenty feet in depth, reclamation work should be carried out at the same time. For, the shallow and extensive swamp at the head of the Liaotung Gulf could be turned into rice-producing land from which great profit could be derived. Regarding the inland water communication, not only the water system in the Liao valley but also the Sungari and the Amur Systems have to be improved. The most important work is the construction of a canal to connect these systems and this I shall now discuss in the next paragraph. The Liaoho-Sungari Canal is the most important factor in the future prosperity of Yingkow. It is by this canal only that this port can be made the most important of the second-class seaports in China and further the vast forest lands, the virgin soil and the rich mineral resources of North Manchuria can be connected by water communication with Yingkow. So this canal is all important for Yingkow, without which Yingkow as a seaport could at most hold her present position, a town of 60,000 to 70,000 inhabitants and an annual trade of $30,000,000 to $40,000,000 only and could never gain a place as the first of the second-class seaports in China. This canal can be cut either south of Hwaiteh in a line parallel to the South Manchurian Railway between Fan Kia Tun and Sze Tung Shan, a distance of less than ten miles, or north of Hwaiteh in a line between Tsing-shan-pao and Kaw-shan-tun, a distance of about fifteen miles. In the former case the canal is shorter but it makes the waterway as a whole longer, while in the latter case, the canal is about twice as long but it makes the waterway as a whole shorter between the two systems. In either line, there are no impassable physical obstacles. Both lines are on the plain but the elevation of the one may be higher than that of the other, which is the only factor that will determine the choice between the two. If this canal is constructed, then the rich provinces of Kirin and Heilungkiang and a portion of Outer Mongolia will be brought within direct water communication with China Proper. At present, all water traffic has to go by way of the Russian Lower Amur, then round a great detour of the Japan Sea before reaching China Proper. This canal will not only be a great necessity to Yingkow as a seaport, but will also have a great bearing on the whole Chinese nation economically and politically. With the Liaoho-Sungari Canal completed Yingkow will be the grand terminus of the inland waterway system of all Manchuria and Northeastern Mongolia; and with the approach from the sea deepened it will also be a seaport next in importance only to the three first-class world ports. b. Haichow Haichow is situated on the eastern edge of the central plain of China. This plain is one of the most extensive and fertile areas on earth. As a seaport, Haichow is midway between the two great world ports along the coast line, namely the Great Northern and the Great Eastern Ports. It has been made as the terminus of the Hailan railway, the trunk line of central China from east to west. Haichow also possesses the facility of inland water communication. If the Grand Canal and the other waterway systems are improved, it will be connected with the Hoangho Valley in North China, the Yangtze Valley in Central China, and the Sikiang Valley in South China. Its deep sea approach is comparatively good, being the only spot along the 250 miles of the North Kiangsu coast that could be reached by ocean steamers to within a few miles of the shore. To make Haichow a seaport for 20 feet draught vessels, the approach has to be dredged for many miles from the mouth of the river before the four fathom line could be reached. Although possessing better advantages than Yingkow, in being ice free, Haichow, as a second-class seaport, has to be content to take a second place after Yingkow, because she does not have as vast a hinterland as Yingkow, nor such a monopolistic position in regard to inland water communication. c. Foochow Foochow, the capital of Fukien Province, ranks third among our second-class seaports. Foochow is already a very large city, its inhabitants being nearly a million. It is situated at the lower reach of the Min River, about 30 miles from the sea. The hinterland of this port is confined to the Min Valley with an area of about 30,000 square miles. The territory beyond this valley will be commanded by other coast or river ports, so the area commanded by this port is much smaller than that by Haichow. Consequently, it could be given only the third place in the category of second-class seaports. The Foochow approach from the Outer Bar to Kinpei Entrance is very shallow. After this Entrance is passed, the river is confined on both sides by high hills and becomes narrow and deep right up to Pagoda Anchorage. I propose that a new port should be constructed at the lower part of Nantai Island. For here land is cheap and there will be plenty of room for modern improvement. A locked basin for shipping could be constructed at the lower point of Nantai Island, just above Pagoda Anchorage. The left branch of the Min River above Foochow City should be blocked up so as to concentrate the current to flush the harbor at the south side of Nantai. The blocked-up channel on the north side of that island should be left to be reclaimed by natural process or may be used as a tidal basin to flush the channel below Pagoda Anchorage, if it is found necessary. The upper Min River must be improved as far as possible for inland water traffic. Its lower reach from Pagoda Anchorage to the sea must be trained and regulated to secure a through channel of 30 feet or more to the open sea. Thus Foochow could also be made a calling port for ocean liners that ply between the world ports. d. Yamchow Yamchow is situated at the head of Tongking Gulf in the extreme south of the China Coast. This city is about 400 miles west of Canton--the Great Southern Port. All the districts lying west of Yamchow will find their way to the sea by this port 400 miles shorter than by Canton. As sea transportation is commonly known to be twenty times cheaper than rail transportation, the shortening of a distance of 400 miles to the sea means a great deal economically to the provinces of Szechuan, Yunnan, Kweichow, and a part of Kwangsi. Although Nanning, an inland water port, lying northwest of Yamchow, is much nearer to the hinterland than Yamchow, yet it could not serve this hinterland as a seaport. So all the direct import and export trade will find Yamchow the cheapest shipping stage. To improve Yamchow as a seaport the Lungmen River should be regulated in order to secure a deep channel to the city, and the estuary should be deepened by dredging and training to provide a good approach to the port. This port has been selected as the terminus of the Chuchow Yamchow Railway (Chu-Kin line) which will run from Hunan through Kwangsi into Kwangtung. Although the hinterland of this port is much larger than that of Foochow, yet I still rank it after that city because the area commanded by it is also commanded by Canton, the southern world port, and by Nanning, the river port, and so all internal as well as indirect import and export trade must go to the other two ports. It is only the direct foreign trade that will use Yamchow. Thus, in spite of its extensive hinterland it is very improbable that it could outmatch Foochow in the future as a second-class port. Besides the three great world ports, and the four second-class ports, I propose to construct nine third-class ports along the China coast, from north to south, as follows: a. Hulutao. b. Hoangho Port. c. Chefoo. d. Ningpo. e. Wenchow. f. Amoy. g. Swatow. h. Tienpak. i. Hoihou. a. Hulutao Hulutao is an ice-free and deep-water port, situated on the west side of the head of Liaotung Gulf, about 60 miles from Yingkow. As a winter port for Manchuria, it is in a more advantageous position than Talien for it is about 200 miles shorter by rail to the sea than the latter and is on the edge of a rich coal field. When this coal field and the surrounding mineral resources are developed, Hulutao will become the first of the third-class ports and a good outlet for Jehol and Eastern Mongolia. This port may be projected as an alternative to Yingkow, as the sole port of Manchuria and Eastern Mongolia, if a canal could be constructed to connect it with the Liaoho. It is only by inland water communication that Yingkow could be made the important port of Manchuria in the future and it will be the same in the case of Hulutao. So if inland water communication could be secured for Hulutao it will entirely displace Yingkow. If it is found to be economically cheaper in the long run to construct a Hulutao-Liaoho Canal than to construct a deep harbor at Yingkow, the Hulutao harbor will have to be placed on the northwest side of the peninsula instead of on the southwest as at present projected. For the present site has not enough room for anchorage without building an extensive breakwater into the deep sea, which will be a very expensive work. Furthermore, there would not be room enough for city planning on the narrow peninsula, whereas on the other side, the city could be built on the mainland with unlimited space for its development. I suggest that a sea wall be built from the northern point of Lienshanwan to the northern point of Hulutao to close up the Lienshan Bay and make it into a closed harbor, and an entrance be opened in the neck of Hulutao to the south side where deep water is found. This closed harbor will be over 10 square miles in extent but only some parts need to be dredged to the required depth at present. On the north side of the harbor, another entrance into the neighboring bay should be left open between the sea wall and the shore, and another breakwater should be built across the next bay. From there, a canal should be constructed either by cutting into the shore or by building a wall parallel with the coast line until it reaches the lowland from where a canal should be cut to connect with the Liaoho. If a canal is thus constructed for Hulutao, then it will at once take the place of Yingkow and become the first of the second-class ports. b. The Hoangho Port The Hoangho Port will be situated at the estuary of the Hoangho on the southern side of the Gulf of Pechihli, about 80 miles from our Great Northern Port. When the Hoangho regulation is completed its estuary will be approachable by ocean steamers, and a seaport will naturally spring up there. As it commands a considerable part of the northern plain in the provinces of Shantung, Chili, and Honan and possesses the facility of inland water communication, this port is bound to become an important third-class port. c. Chefoo Chefoo is an old treaty port situated on the northern side of the Shantung Peninsula. Once it was the only ice-free port in the whole of North China. Since the development of Talien in the north and the development of Tsingtau in the south its trade has dwindled considerably. As a seaport, it will undoubtedly hold its own when the railroads in the Shantung Peninsula are developed, and the artificial harbor is completed. d. Ningpo Ningpo is also an old treaty port, situated on a small river, the Yungkiang, in the eastern part of Chekiang province. It has a good approach, deep water reaching right up to the estuary of the river. The harbor can be easily improved by simply training and straightening two bends along its course up to the city. Ningpo commands a very small but rich hinterland. Its people are very enterprising, and are famed for their workmanship and handicrafts second only to those of Canton. Thus Ningpo is bound to become a manufacturing city when China is industrially developed. But owing to the proximity of the Great Eastern Port, Ningpo will not likely have much import and export trade directly with foreign countries. Most of its trade will be carried on with the Great Eastern Port. So a moderate harbor for local and coast-wise traffic will be quite sufficient for Ningpo. e. Wenchow Wenchow is situated near the mouth of the Wukiang in south Chekiang. This seaport has a wider hinterland than Ningpo, its surrounding districts being very productive. If railroads are developed it will undoubtedly command considerable local trade. At present the harbor is very shallow, unapproachable by even moderate-sized coastal steamers. I suggest that a new harbor at Panshiwei, north of Wenchow Island be constructed. For this purpose, a dike should be built between the northern bank and the head of Wenchow Island to block up the river entirely on the northern side of that island leaving only a lock entrance. The Wukiang should be led through the channel on the south side of the island for the purpose of reclaiming the vast expanse of the near-by shallows as well as for draining the upper stream. The approach from the southern side of Hutau Island to the port should be dredged. On the right side of the approach, a wall should be built in the shallow between Wenchow Island and Miau Island and in the shallows between Miau Island and Sanpam Island so as to form a continuous wall to prevent the silt of Wukiang from entering into the approach. Thus a permanent deep channel will be secured for the new port of Wenchow. f. Amoy Amoy, an old treaty port, is situated on the island of Siming. It has a great, deep, and fine harbor, commanding a considerable hinterland in southern Fukien and Kiangsi, very rich in coal and iron deposits. This port carries on a busy trade with the Malay Archipelago and the Southeastern Asian Peninsula. Most of the Chinese residents in the southern islands, Annam, Burma, Siam, and the Malay States are from the neighborhood of Amoy. So the passenger traffic between Amoy and the southern colonies is very great. If railways are developed to tap the rich iron and coal fields in the hinterland, Amoy is bound to develop into a much larger seaport than it is at present. I suggest that a modern port be constructed on the west side of the harbor to act as an outlet for the rich mineral fields of southern Fukien and Kiangsi. This port should be equipped with modern plants in order to connect land and sea transportation. g. Swatow Swatow is situated at the mouth of the Hankiang at the extreme east of Kwangtung. In relation to emigration, Swatow is much similar to Amoy, for it also supplies a great number of colonists to southeastern Asia and the Malay Archipelago. So its passenger traffic with the south is just as busy as Amoy. As a seaport Swatow is far inferior to Amoy, on account of its shallow approach. But in regard to inland water communication, Swatow is in a better position as the Hankiang is navigable for many hundreds of miles inland by shallow crafts. The country around Swatow is very productive agriculturally, being second only to the Canton Delta along the Southern seaboard. In the upper reaches of the Hankiang there are very rich iron and coal deposits. The approach to the port of Swatow can be improved easily by a little training and dredging, thus making it a fine local port. h. Tienpak Tienpak is situated at a point in the coast of Kwangtung province between the estuary of the West River and the island of Hainan. Its surrounding districts are rich in agricultural products and mineral deposits. So a shipping port in this part is quite necessary. Tienpak can be made into a fine harbor by entirely walling in the bay from its west side and by opening a new entrance into the deep water in the neck of the peninsula southeast of the bay. Thus a good approach could be secured. The harbor is very wide but only a part need be dredged for large vessels and the rest of the space could be used by fishing boats and other shallow crafts. i. Hoihou Hoihou is situated on the north side of Hainan Island on the strait of the same name, opposite Haian on the Luichow Peninsula. Hoihou is a treaty port, similar to Amoy and Swatow, supplying a great number of colonists to the south; Hainan is a very rich but undeveloped island. Only the land along the coast is cultivated, the central part being still covered by thick forests and inhabited by aborigines, and it is very rich in mineral deposits. When the whole island is fully developed, the port of Hoihou will be a busy harbor for export and import traffic. The harbor of Hoihou is very shallow, and so even small vessels have to anchor miles away in the roadstead outside. This is very inconvenient for passengers and cargoes, so the improvement of the Hoihou harbor is a necessity. Furthermore this harbor will be the ferry point between this island and the mainland for railway traffic when the railway systems of the mainland and the island are completed. Fishing Harbors As regards fishing harbors all our first-, second-, and third-class ports must also furnish facilities and accommodations for fishery. Thus all of these, i.e., three first-class ports, four second-class ports, and nine third-class ports, will be fishing harbors as well. But besides these sixteen ports there is still room and need to construct more fishing harbors along the coast of China. I propose, therefore, that five fishing harbors be constructed along the northern coast, that is, along the coast of Fengtien, Chihli, and Shantung, as follows: (1) Antung, on Yalu River, on the border of Korea. (2) Haiyangtao, on the Yalu Bay, south of Liaotung Peninsula. (3) Chinwangtao, on the coast of Chihli, between the Liaotung and Pechihli gulfs, the present ice-free port of Chihli province. (4) Lungkau, on the northwestern side of Shantung Peninsula. (5) Shitauwan, at the southeastern point of the Shantung Peninsula. Six fishing harbors should be constructed along the eastern coast, that is, along the coasts of Kiangsu, Chekiang, and Fukien, as follows: (6) Shinyangkang, on the eastern coast of Kiangsu, south of the old mouth of the Hoangho. (7) Luszekang, at the northern point of the Yangtze Estuary. (8) Changtukang, in the midst of Chusan Archipelago. (9) Shipu, north of Sammen Bay, east of Chekiang. (10) Funing, between Foochow and Wenchow, east of Fukien. (11) Meichow Harbor, north of Meichow Island, between Foochow and Amoy. Four fishing harbors should be constructed on the southern coast, that is, along the seaboard of Kwangtung and Hainan Island, as follows. (12) Sanmei, on the eastern coast of Kwangtung, between Hongkong and Swatow. (13) Sikiang Mouth. This harbor should be on the northern side of Wangkum Island. When the Sikiang Mouth is regulated, the Wangkum Island will be connected with the mainland by a sea wall, so a good harbor site could thus be provided. (14) Haian, situated at the end of the Luichow Peninsula opposite to Hoihou, on the other side of Hainan Strait. (15) Yulinkang a fine natural harbor at the extreme south of the Hainan Island. These fifteen fishing harbors with the greater ports, numbering 31 in all, will link up the whole coast line of China from Antung, on the Korean border to Yamchow, near the Annam border, providing, on an average, a port for every 100 miles of coast line. This completes my project of seaports and fishing harbors for China. At first sight objections might be raised that too many seaports and fishing harbors are provided for one country. But I must remind my readers that this one country, China, is as big as Europe and has a population larger than that of Europe. If we take a similar length of the coast line of western Europe we would see that there are many more ports in Europe than in China. Besides, the coast line of Europe is many times longer than that of China, and in every hundred miles of the European coast line there are more than one considerable-sized port. Take Holland, for instance. Its whole area is not larger than the hinterland of Swatow, one of our third-class seaports, yet it possesses two first-class ports, Amsterdam and Rotterdam, and numerous small fishing ports. Let us also compare our country with the United States of America in regard to seaports. America has only one fourth the population of China yet the number of ports on her Atlantic coast alone is many times more than the number provided in my plan. Thus, this number of ports for China for the future is but a bare necessity. And I have considered only those that will pay from the beginning so as to adhere strictly to the principle of remuneration that was laid down at the outset of my first program. See Map XVI. PART V The Establishment of Shipbuilding Yards When China is well developed according to my programs, the possession of an oversea mercantile fleet, of ships for coastal and inland water transportation, and of a large fishing fleet will be an urgent necessity. Before the outbreak of the late World War, the world's seagoing tonnage was 45,000,000 tons. If China is equally developed industrially, according to the proportion of her population, she would need at least 10,000,000 tons of oversea and coastal shipping for her transportation service. The building of this tonnage must be a part of our industrial development scheme; for cheap materials and labor can be obtained in the country, and so we could build ships for ourselves much cheaper than any foreign country could do for us. And besides the building of a seagoing fleet, we have to build our inland water crafts and fishing fleets. Foreign shipping yards could not do this service for us on account of the impracticability of transporting such numerous small crafts across the ocean. Thus, in any case, China has to put up her own yards to build her inland water crafts and fishing fleets. So the establishment of ship building yards is a necessary as well as a profitable undertaking from the beginning. The shipping yards should be established at such river and coastal ports that have the facility of supplying materials and labor. All the yards should be under one central management. Large capital should be invested in the project so as to procure a yearly output of 2,000,000 tons of various kinds of vessels. All types of vessels should be standardized both in design and equipment. The old and wasteful types of inland water crafts and fishing boats should be replaced by modern efficient designs. The inland water crafts should be designed on the basis of certain standard draughts such as the 2-foot, 5-foot, and 10-foot classes. The fishing trawlers should be standardized into the one-day, the five-day, and the ten-day service class. The coastal transports should be standardized into the 2,000-, the 4,000-, and the 6,000-ton class, and for oversea transports we should have standardized ships of 12,000-, 24,000-, and 36,000-ton classes. Thus, the many thousands of inland water crafts and fishing junks that now ply the rivers, lakes, and coasts of China may be displaced by new and cheaper crafts of a few standard types which could perform better services at less expense. PROGRAM IV. In my first and third programs, I have described my plans for the Northwestern Railway System and the Southwestern Railway System. The former is for the purpose of relieving the congestion of population in the coast districts and the Yangtze Valley by opening up for colonization the vast unpopulated territory in Mongolia and Sinkiang, as well as of developing the Great Northern Port. The latter is for the purpose of exploiting the mineral resources of Southwestern China, as well as of developing the Great Southern Port--Canton. More railroads will be needed for the adequate development of the whole country. So in this fourth program, I shall deal entirely with railroads which will complete the 100,000 miles proposed in my introductory part of this International Development Scheme. The program will be as follows: I. The Central Railway System. II. The Southeastern Railway System. III. The Northeastern Railway System. IV. The Extension of the Northwestern Railway System. V. The Highland Railway System. VI. The Establishment of Locomotive and Car Factories. PART I The Central Railway System This will be the most important railway system in China. The area which it serves comprises all of China Proper north of the Yangtze and a part of Mongolia and Sinkiang. The economic nature of this vast region is that the southeastern part is densely populated while the northwestern part is thinly populated, and that the southeastern part possesses great mineral wealth while the northwestern part possesses great potential agricultural resources. So every line of this system will surely pay as the Peking-Mukden line has proved. With the Great Eastern Port and the Great Northern Port as termini of this system of railroads, I propose that, besides the existing and projected lines in this region, the following be constructed, all of which shall constitute the Central Railway System. a. The Great Eastern Port-Tarbogotai line. b. The Great Eastern Port-Urga line. c. The Great Eastern Port-Uliassutai line. d. The Nanking-Loyang line. e. The Nanking-Hankow line. f. The Sian-Tatung line. g. The Sian-Ninghsia line. h. The Sian-Hankow line. i. The Sian-Chungking line. j. The Lanchow-Chungking line. k. The Ansichow-Iden line. l. The Chochiang-Koria line. m. The Great Northern Port-Hami line. n. The Great Northern Port-Sian line. o. The Great Northern Port-Hankow line. p. The Hoangho Port-Hankow line. q. The Chefoo-Hankow line. r. The Haichow-Tsinan line. s. The Haichow-Hankow line. t. The Haichow-Nanking line. u. The Sinyangkang-Hankow line. v. The Luszekang-Nanking line. w. The Coast line. x. The Hwoshan-Kashing line. a. The Great Eastern Port-Tarbogotai Line This line begins at the Great Eastern Port on the seaboard, and runs in a northwesterly direction to Tarbogotai on the Russian frontier, covering a distance of about 3,000 miles. If Shanghai be the Great Eastern Port, the Shanghai-Nanking Railway will form its first section. But if Chapu be chosen, then this line should skirt the Taihu Lake on the southwest through the cities of Huchow, Changhing, and Liyang to Nanking, then crossing the Yangtze at a point south of Nanking, to Chiantsiao and Tingyuen. Thence, the line turns westward to Showchow and Yingshang, and enters Honan province at Sintsai. After crossing the Peking-Hankow line at Kioshan, and passing Piyang, Tanghsien, and Tengchow, it turns northwestward to Sichwan and Kingtsekwan, and enters the province of Shensi. Ascending the Tan Kiang Valley, it passes through Lungkucha and Shangchow, and crosses the Tsinling Pass to Lantien and Sian, the capital of Shensi, formerly the capital of China. From Sian, it goes westward, following the valley of the Weiho. It passes through Chowchih, Meihsien, and Paoki and enters the province of Kansu at Sancha, thence proceeding to Tsinchow, Kungchang, Titao, and Lanchow, the capital of Kansu. From Lanchow it follows the old highway which leads into Liangchow, Kanchow, Suchow, Yumen, and Ansichow. Thence it crosses the desert in a northwesterly direction to Hami, where it turns westward to Turfan. At Turfan this line meets the Northwestern Railway System and runs on the latter's track to Urumochi and Manass where it leaves that track and proceeds northwesterly to Tarbogotai on the frontier, crossing the Shair Mountain on the way. This line runs from one end of the country to the other encountering in its entire length of 3,000 miles only four mountain passes, all of which are not impassable for they have been used from time immemorial, as trade highways of Asia. b. The Great Eastern Port-Urga Line This line starts from the Great Eastern Port and uses the same track as line (a) as far as Tingyuen, the second city after crossing the Yangtze River at Nanking. From Tingyuen, its own track begins and the line proceeds in a northwesterly direction to Hwaiyuan, on the Hwai River, thence to Mongcheng, Kwoyang, and Pochow. Turning more northward, it crosses the Anhwei border into Honan, and passing through Kweiteh it crosses the Honan border into Shantung. After passing through Tsaohsien, Tingtao, and Tsaochow, it crosses the Hoangho and enters Chihli province. Passing through Kaichow it re-enters Honan to Changteh, thence it follows the Tsingchangho valley, in a northwesterly direction, across the Honan border into Shansi. Here the line enters the northeastern corner of the vast iron and coal field of Shansi. After entering Shansi, the line follows the river valley to Liaochow and Yicheng, and crosses the watershed into the Tungkwoshui Valley to Yutse and Taiyuan. From Taiyuan, it proceeds northwestward through another rich iron and coal field of Shansi to Kolan. Thence, it turns westward to Poate, where it crosses the Hoangho to Fuku, in the northeastern corner of Shensi. From Fuku, the line proceeds northward, cuts through the Great Wall into the Suiyuan District and crosses the Hoangho to Saratsi. From Saratsi, the line runs in a northwesterly direction across the vast prairie to Junction A of the Northwestern Trunk Line, where it joins the common track of the Dolon Nor-Urga line to Urga. This line runs from a thickly populated country at one end in Central China to the vast thinly populated but fertile regions of Central Mongolia, having a distance of about 1,300 miles from Tingyuen to Junction A. c. The Great Eastern Port-Uliassutai Line Starting from the Great Eastern Port, this line follows line (a) as far as Tingyuen, and line (b) as far as Pochow. At Pochow, it branches off on its own track and proceeds westward across the border to Luye, in Honan. Thence it turns northwestward to Taikang, Tungsu, and Chungmow where it meets the Hailan line and runs in the same direction with it to Chengchow, Jungyang, and Szeshui. From Szeshui it crosses the Hoangho to Wenhsien, thence to Hwaiking and over the Honan border into Shansi. It now passes through Yangcheng, Chinshui, and Fowshan to Pingyang where it crosses the Fen River and proceeds to Puhsien and Taning, then westward to the border where it crosses the Hoangho into Shensi. Thence it proceeds to Yenchang, and follows the Yenshui Valley to Yenan, Siaokwan, and Tsingpien. Then running along the south side of the Great Wall, it enters Kansu, and crosses the Hoangho to Ninghsia. From Ninghsia, it proceeds northwestward across the Alashan Mountain to Tingyuanying at the edge of the desert. Thence it proceeds in a straight line northwestward to Junction B of the Northwestern Railway System, where it joins that system and runs to Uliassutai. This part of the line passes through desert and grassland both of which could be improved by irrigation. The distance of this line from Pochow to Junction B is 1,800 miles. d. The Nanking-Loyang Line This line runs between two former capitals of China, passes through a very populous and fertile country, and taps a very rich coal field at the Loyang end. It starts from Nanking, running on the common track of lines (a) and (b) and branches off at Hwaiyuan westward to Taiho. After passing Taiho, it crosses the Anhwei border into Honan. Thence it runs alongside the left bank of the Tashaho to Chowkiakow, a large commercial town. From Chowkiakow, it proceeds to Linying where it crosses the Peking-Hankow line thence to Hiangcheng and Yuchow where the rich coal field of Honan lies. After Yuchow it crosses the Sungshan watershed to Loyang where it meets the Hailan line running from east to west. This line is about 300 miles from Hwaiyuan to Loyang. e. The Nanking-Hankow Line This line will run alongside the left bank of the Yangtzekiang, connecting with Kiukiang by a branch line. It starts on the opposite side of Nanking and goes southwest to Hochow, Wuweichow and Anking, the capital of Anwei province. After Anking, it continues in the same direction to Susung and Hwangmei, where a branch should be projected to Siaochikow, thence across the Yangtze River to Kiukiang. After Hwangmei, the line turns westward to Kwangchi, then northwestward to Kishui, and finally westward to Hankow. It covers a distance of about 350 miles through a comparatively level country. f. The Sian-Tatung Line This line starts from Sian and runs northward to Sanyuan, Yaochow, Tungkwan, Yichun, Chungpu, Foochow, Kanchuan, and Yenan, where it meets the Great Eastern Port-Uliassutai line. From Yenan, it turns northeastward to Suiteh, Michih, and Kiachow on the right bank of the Hoangho. Thence it runs along the same bank to the junction of the Weifen River with the Hoangho (on the opposite side), where it crosses the Hoangho to the Weifen Valley and proceeds to Singhsien and Kolan, there crossing the Great Eastern Port-Urga line. From Kolan, it proceeds to Wuchai and Yangfang, where it crosses the Great Wall to Sochow and then Tatung there meeting the Peking-Suiyuan line. This line is about 600 miles long. It passes through the famous oil field in Shensi, and the northern border of the northwestern Shansi coal field. At Tatung, where it ends, it joins the Peking-Suiyuan line and through the section from Tatung to Kalgan it will connect with the future Northwestern System which will link Kalgan and Dolon Nor together. g. The Sian-Ninghsia Line This line will start from Sian in a northwesterly direction to Kingyanghsien, Shunhwa, and Sanshui. After Sanshui, it crosses the Shensi border into Kansu at Chengning and then turns west to Ningchow. From Ningchow, it follows the Hwan Valley along the left bank of the river up to Kingyangfu and Hwanhsien, where it leaves the bank and proceeds to Tsingping and Pingyuan, where it meets the Hwan River again and follows that valley up to the watershed. After crossing the watershed, it proceeds to Lingchow, then across the Hoangho to Ninghsia. This line covers a distance of about 400 miles and passes through a rich mineral and petroleum country. h. The Sian-Hankow Line This is a very important line connecting the richest portion of the Hoangho Valley with the richest portion of the central section of the Yangtze Valley. It starts from Sian on the track of line (a), crosses the Tsingling and descends the Tankiang Valley as far as Sichwan. At this point, it branches off southward across the border into Hupeh, and following the left bank of the Han River, passes Laohokow to Fencheng, opposite Siangyang. After Fencheng, it follows continuously the same bank of the Han River to Anlu, thence proceeding in a direct line southeastward to Hanchwan and Hankow. This line is about 300 miles long. i. The Sian-Chungking Line This line starts from Sian almost directly southward, crosses the Tsingling Mountain into the Han Valley, passes through Ningshen, Shihchuan, and Tzeyang, ascends the Jenho Valley across the southern border of Shensi into the province of Szechwan at Tachuho. Then crossing the watershed of the Tapashan into the Tapingho Valley, it follows that valley down to Suiting and Chuhsien. Thence it turns to the left side of the valley to Linshui and follows the trade road to Kiangpeh and Chungking. The entire distance of this line is about 450 miles through a very productive region and rich timber land. j. The Lanchow-Chungking Line This line starts from Lanchow southwestward and follows the same route as line (a) as far as Titao. Thence, it branches off and ascends the Taoho Valley across the Minshan watershed into the Heishui Valley following it down to Kiaichow and Pikow. After Pikow, it crosses the Kansu border into Szechwan and proceeds to Chaohwa, where the Heishuiho joins the Kialing. From Chaohwa, it follows the course of the Kialing River down to Paoning, Shunking, Hochow, and Chungking. The line is about 600 miles long, running through a very productive and rich mineral land. k. The Ansichow-Iden line This line passes through the fertile belt of land between the Gobi Desert and the Altyntagh Mountain. Although this strip of land is well watered by numerous mountain streams yet it is very sparsely populated, owing to the lack of means of communication. When this line is completed, this strip of land will be most valuable to Chinese colonists. The line starts from Ansichow westward to Tunhwang, and skirts the southern edge of the Lobnor Swamp to Chochiang. From Chochiang, it proceeds in the same direction via Cherchen to Iden where it connects with the terminus of the Northwestern System. With this System, it forms a continuous and direct line from the Great Eastern Port to Kashgar at the extreme west end of China. This line from Ansichow to Iden is about 800 miles in length. l. The Chochiang-Koria Line This line runs across the desert alongside the lower part of the Tarim River. The land on both sides of the line is well watered and will be valuable for colonization as soon as the railroad is completed. This line is about 250 miles in length and connects with the line that runs along the northern edge of the desert. It is a short cut between fertile lands on the two sides of the desert. m. The Great Northern Port-Hami Line This line runs from the Great Northern Port in a northwesterly direction by way of Paoti and Siangho to Peking. From Peking it runs on the same track with the Peking-Kalgan Railway to Kalgan, where it ascends the Mongolian Plateau. Then it follows the caravan road northwestward to Chintai, Bolutai, Sessy, and Tolibulyk. From Tolibulyk, it takes a straight line westward crossing the prairie and desert of both the Inner and Outer Mongolia to Hami where it connects with the Great Eastern Port-Tarbogotai line which runs almost directly west to Urumochi, the capital of Sinkiang. Thus, it will be the direct line from Urumochi to Peking and the Great Northern Port. This line is about 1,500 miles in length, the greater part of which will run through arable land and so when it is completed it will form one of the most valuable railways for colonization. n. The Great Northern Port-Sian Line This line will run westward from the Great Northern Port to Tientsin. From here it runs southwestward to Hokien, passing through Tsinghai and Tachen. From Hokien, it runs more westerly to Shentseh, Wuki, and Chengting where it joins the Chengtai line as well as crosses the Kinhan line. From Chengting it takes the same road as the narrow gauge Chengtai line which has to be reconstructed into standard gauge so as to facilitate through trains to Taiyuan and farther on. From Taiyuan it runs southwestward to Kiaocheng, Wenshui, Fenchow, Sichow, and Taning. After Taning it turns westward and crossing the Hoangho, it turns southwestward to Yichwan, Lochwan, and Chungpu where it joins the Sian-Tatung line and runs on the same tracks to Sian. Its length is about 700 miles over very rich and extensive iron, coal, and petroleum fields, as well as productive agricultural lands. o. The Great Northern Port-Hankow Line This line starts from the Great Northern Port skirting the coast to Petang, Taku, and Chikow, thence to Yenshan and crosses the Chili border into Shantung at Loling. From Loling, it goes to Tehping, Linyi and Yucheng where it crosses the Tientsin-Pukow line, proceeds to Tungchang and Fanhsien, and then crosses the Hoangho to Tsaochow. After Tsaochow it passes the Shantung border into Honan, crossing the Hailan line to Suichow. From Suichow it proceeds to Taikang where it crosses line (c), then to Chenchow and Chowkiakow where it crosses line (d) and thence to Siangcheng, Sintsai, Kwangchow, and Kwangshan. After Kwangshan it crosses the boundary mountain into Hupeh, passing through Hwangan to Hankow. This line is about 700 miles long, running from the Great Northern Port to the commercial center of central China. p. The Hoangho Port-Hankow Line This line starts from the Hoangho Port in a southwesterly direction to Pohsing, Sincheng, and Changshan, then across the Kiauchow-Tsinan line to Poshan. Thence it ascends the watershed into the Wen Valley to Taian where it crosses the Tientsin-Pukow line to Ningyang and Tsining. From Tsining it proceeds in a straight line southwestward to Pochow in Anhwei, and Sintsai in Honan. At Sintsai it joins the Great Northern Port-Hankow line to Hankow. The distance of this line from the Hoangho Port to Sintsai is about 400 miles. q. The Chefoo-Hankow Line This line starts at Chefoo on the northern side of the Shantung Peninsula and crosses that Peninsula to Tsimo, on the southern side, via Laiyang and Kinkiakow. From Tsimo it proceeds southwestward across the shallow mud flat at the head of Kiauchow Bay in a straight line to Chucheng. After Chucheng it crosses the watershed into the Shuho Valley to Chuchow and Ichow, then proceeds to Hsuchow where it meets the Tientsin-Pukow line and the Hailan line. From Hsuchow it runs on the same track with the Tientsin-Pukow line as far as Suchow in Anhwei, then branches off to Mongcheng and Yinchow, and crosses the border into Honan at Kwangchow, where it meets the Great Northern Port-Hankow line and proceeds together to Hankow. This line from Chefoo to Kwangchow is about 550 miles in length. r. The Haichow-Tsinan Line This line starts from Haichow following the Linhung River to Kwantunpu, then turns westward to Ichow. From Ichow it turns first northward then northwestward, passing by Mongyin and Sintai to Tai-an. At Tai-an it joins the Tsinpu line and proceeds in the same track to Tsinan. This line covers a distance, from Haichow to Tai-an, of about 110 miles, tapping the coal and iron fields of southern Shantung. s. The Haichow-Hankow Line This line starts at Haichow in a southwesterly direction, goes to Shuyang and Sutsien, probably in the same route as the projected Hailan line. From Sutsien it proceeds to Szechow and Hwaiyuan, where it crosses the Great Eastern Port Urga and Uliassutai lines. After Hwaiyuan it goes to Showchow and Chenyangkwan, thence continuing in the same direction across the southeastern corner of Honan and the boundary mountain into Hupeh, proceeds to Macheng and Hankow, covering a distance of about 400 miles. t. The Haichow-Nanking Line This line goes from Haichow southward to Antung then inclining a little south to Hwaian. After Hwaian it crosses the Paoying Lake (which will be reclaimed according to the regulation of the Hwaiho in Part IV, Program II) to Tienchang and Luho, thence to Nanking. Distance, about 180 miles. u. The Sinyangkang-Hankow Line This line starts from Sinyangkang to Yencheng, then crossing the Tasung Lake (which will be reclaimed) to Hwaian. From Hwaian it turns southwestward passing over the southeastern corner of the Hungtse Lake (which will also be reclaimed) to Suyi, in Anhwei. After Suyi, it crosses the Tientsin-Pukow line near Mingkwang, to Tingyuen, where it meets lines (b) and (c). After Tingyuen, it proceeds to Lu-an and Hwoshan, then crosses the boundary mountain into Hupeh passing through Lotien to Hankow, a distance of about 420 miles. v. The Luszekang-Nanking Line This line starts at Luszekang, a fishing harbor to be constructed at the extremity of the northern point of the Yangtze Estuary. From Luszekang it proceeds westward to Tungchow where it turns northwestward to Jukao, and then westward to Taichow, Yangchow, Luho, and Nanking. This line is about 200 miles long. w. The Coast Line This line starts at the Great Northern Port, and follows the Great Northern Port-Hankow line as far as Chikow, where it begins its own line. Keeping along the coast, it crosses the Chili border to the Hoangho Port, in Shantung, then proceeds to Laichow where it takes a straight cut away from the coast to Chaoyuan and Chefoo, thus avoiding the projected Chefoo-Weihsien line. From Chefoo it proceeds southeastward through Ninghai to Wenteng, where one branch runs to Jungcheng and another to Shihtao. The main line turns southwestward to Haiyang and Kinkiakow, where it joins the Chefoo-Hankow line, and follows it as far as the western side of Kiauchow Bay, thence southward to Lingshanwei. From Lingshanwei the line proceeds southwestward along the coast to Jichao, and crosses the Shantung border into Kiangsu, passing Kanyu to Haichow. Thence it proceeds southeastward to Yencheng, Tungtai, Tungchow, Haimen, and Tsungming Island which will be connected with the mainland by the regulation works of Yangtze embankment. From Tsungming trains can be ferried over to Shanghai. This line from Chikow to Tsungming is about 1,000 miles in length. x. The Hwoshan-Wuhu-Soochow-Kashing Line This line starts from Hwoshan to Shucheng and Wuwei, then across the Yangtze River to Wuhu. After Wuhu it goes to Kaoshun, Liyang, and Ihing, then crosses over the northern end of Taihu (which will be reclaimed) to Soochow, where it meets the Shanghai-Nanking line. From Soochow it turns southward to Kashing on the Shanghai-Hangchow line. This line runs over very populous and rich districts of Anhwei and Kiangsu provinces, covering a distance of about 300 miles, which will form the greater part of the shortest line from Shanghai to Hankow. PART II The Southeastern Railway System This system covers the irregular triangle which is formed by the Coast line between the Great Eastern and the Great Southern Ports, as the base, by the Yangtze River from Chungking to Shanghai, as one side, and by line (a) of the Canton-Chungking Railway as the other side, with Chungking as the apex. This triangle comprises the provinces of Chekiang, Fukien, and Kiangsi, and a part respectively of Kiangsu, Anhwei, Hupeh, Hunan, and Kwangtung. This region is very rich in mineral and agricultural products, especially iron and coal deposits which are found everywhere. And the whole region is thickly populated. So railway construction will be very remunerative. With the Great Eastern Port and the Great Southern Port and the second-and third-class ports that lie between the two as termini of this system of railroads, I propose that the following lines be constructed: a. The Great Eastern Port-Chungking Line. b. The Great Eastern Port-Canton Line. c. The Foochow-Chinkiang Line. d. The Foochow-Wuchang Line. e. The Foochow-Kweilin Line. f. The Wenchow-Shenchow Line. g. The Amoy-Kienchang Line. h. The Amoy-Canton Line. i. The Swatow-Changteh Line. j. The Nanking-Siuchow Line. k. The Nanking-Kaying Line. l. The Coast Line between the Great Eastern and Great Southern Ports. m. The Kienchang-Yuanchow Line. a. The Great Eastern Port-Chungking Line This line connects the commercial center of western China--Chungking--with the Great Eastern Port in almost a straight route south of the Yangtze River. It starts from the Great Eastern Port and goes to Hangchow, then through Linan, Ghanghwa, to Hweichow, in Anhwei. From Hweichow it proceeds to Siuning and Kimen, then crosses the border into Kiangsi and passing Hukow reaches Kiukiang. From Kiukiang it follows the right bank of the Yangtze, crosses the Hupeh border to Hingkwochow and then proceeds to Tungshan and Tsungyang, where it passes over the border to Yochow in Hunan. From Yochow it takes a straight line across the Tungting Lake (which will be reclaimed) to Changteh. From Changteh it proceeds up the Liu Shui Valley, passing through Tzeli, and crossing the Hunan border to Hofeng, in Hupeh and then to Shinan and Lichwan. At Shinan a branch should be projected northeastward to Ichang, and at Lichwan another branch should be projected northwestward to Wanhsien, both on the left side of the Yangtze River. After Lichwan it crosses the Hupeh border into Szechwan, passing Shihchu to Foochow, then passes the Wukiang and proceeds along the right side of the Yangtze River as far as lines (a) and (b) of the Canton-Chungking Railway and then crosses together on the same bridge to Chungking on the other side of the river. The length of this line including branches, is about 1,200 miles. b. The Great Eastern Port-Canton Line This is a straight line from one first-class seaport to another. It starts from the Great Eastern Port and goes to Hangchow, then turning southwestward, follows the left bank of the Tsien Tang River through Fuyang, Tunglu to Yenchow and Chuchow. Then it proceeds across the Chekiang-Kiangsi border to Kwangsin. From Kwangsin it goes through Shangtsing and Kinki to Kienchang, then proceeds to Nanfeng, Kwangchang, and Ningtu. After Ningtu it proceeds to Yutu, Sinfeng, Lungnan, and crossing the boundary mountain of Kiangsi and Kwangtung, to Changning. Thence via Tsungfa it goes to Canton, covering a distance of about 900 miles. c. The Foochow-Chinkiang Line This line starts from Foochow, goes by way of Loyuan and Ningteh to Fuan, and then proceeds across the Fukien-Chekiang border to Taishun, Kingning, Yunho, and Chuchow. Thence it proceeds to Wuyi, Yiwu, Chukih, and Hangchow. After Hangchow it goes to Tehtsing and Huchow and then crosses the Chekiang border into Kiangsu. Then it proceeds by way of Ihing, Kintan, and Tanyang to Chinkiang. This line is about 550 miles in length. d. The Foochow-Wuchang Line This line starts from Foochow and following the left bank of the Min River and passing Shuikow and Yenping reaches Shaowu. After Shaowu, it proceeds across the Fukien border into Kiangsi and then passes through Kienchang and Fuchow to Nanchang, the capital of Kiangsi. From Nanchang it proceeds to Hingkwo, in Hupeh, and passes on to Wuchang, the capital of Hupeh. It covers a distance of about 550 miles. e. The Foochow-Kweilin Line This line starts from Foochow, crosses the Min River and proceeds by way of Yungfu, Tatien, Ningyang, and Liencheng to Tingchow. Thence it crosses the Fukien-Kiangsi border to Shuikin. From Shuikin it proceeds to Yutu and Kanchow and then to Shangyiu and Chungyi. After Chungyi it crosses the Kiangsi-Hunan border to Kweiyanghsien and Chenchow, where it crosses the Canton-Hankow line to Kweiyangchow. Thence it continues to Sintien, Ningyuan, and Taochow, where it meets lines (a) and (b) of the Canton-Chungking Railway. After Taochow it turns southward following the Taoho Valley to the Kwangsi border and then crossing it, proceeds to Kweilin. This line covers a distance of about 750 miles. f. The Wenchow-Shenchow Line This line begins from the new Wenchow Port and follows the left bank of the Wukiang as far as Tsingtien. From Tsingtien it proceeds to Chuchow and Suenping and turns westward across the Chekiang border to Yushan in Kiangsi. After Yushan it goes to Tehsing, Loping, and then skirting the southern shore of Poyang Lake goes through Yukan to Nanchang, the capital of Kiangsi. From Nanchang it proceeds to Juichow, Shangkao, and Wantsai, then crosses the Kiangsi border to Liuyang in Hunan, and Changsha, the capital of Hunan. After Changsha it goes to Ningsiang, Anhwa, and Shenchow where it connects with line (a) of the Canton-Chungking Railway, and with the Shasi-Singyi line. This line covers a distance of about 850 miles. g. The Amoy-Kienchang Line This line starts from the new port of Amoy and goes to Changtai, then following the Kiulungkiang to Changping, Ningyang, Tsingliu, and Kienning. After Kienning it proceeds across the Kiangsi border to Kienchang, where it connects with the Great Eastern Port-Canton line, the Foochow-Wuchang line, and the Kienchang-Yuanchow line. This line covers a distance of about 250 miles. h. The Amoy-Canton Line This line starts at the new port of Amoy, and proceeds to Changchow, Nantsing, and Siayang, where it crosses the Fukien border to Tapu, in Kwangtung. From Tapu it goes to Tsungkow, Kaying, Hinning, and Wuhwa. After Wuhwa it crosses the watershed between the Hankiang and the Tungkiang rivers to Lungchan, then following the Tungkiang down to Hoyun, it crosses another watershed to Lungmoon, Tsengshin and Canton. This line covers a distance of about 400 miles. i. The Swatow-Changteh Line This line starts from Swatow, proceeds to Chaochow, Kaying, and then crosses the Kwangtung border to Changning in Kiangsi. From Changning it crosses the watershed into Kungkiang Valley and follows that river down to Hweichang and Kanchow. From Kanchow it proceeds to Lungchuan, Yungning, and Lienhwa, where it crosses the Kiangsi border into Hunan. After that, it proceeds to Chuchow and Changsha, the capital of Hunan. From Changsha it goes to Ningsiang, Yiyang, and Changteh where it ends, connecting with the Great Eastern Port-Chungking line, and the Shasia-Singyi line. This line covers a distance of about 650 miles. j. The Nanking-Siuchow Line This line starts from Nanking and runs along the right bank of the Yangtze to Taiping, Wuhu, Tungling, Chichow, and Tungliu. After Tungliu it passes over the Anhwei border into Kiangsi, at Pengtseh, and goes to Hukow. At Hukow it meets the Great Eastern Port-Chungking line and crosses the bridge together with that line to the projected Poyang Port. From the Poyang Port it runs along the west shore of the Poyang Lake through Nanking and Wucheng to Nanchang, where it meets the Wenchow-Shenchow and Foochow-Wuchang lines. From Nanchang it proceeds up the Kan Kiang Valley, via Linkiang to Kian, where it crosses the projected Kienchang-Yuanchow line. After Kian, it proceeds to Kanchow where it crosses the Foochow-Kweilin line. Thence it goes to Nankanghsien and Nanan. After Nanan it crosses the boundary mountain, Tayuling, into Kwangtung at Nanyung, thence passes through Chihing to Siuchow, where it meets the Canton-Hankow line. This line covers a distance of about 800 miles. k. The Nanking-Kaying Line This line starts from Nanking, proceeds to Lishui and Kaoshun and then crosses the Kiangsu border into Anhwei at Suencheng. From Suencheng it proceeds to Ningkwo and Hweichow. After Hweichow it crosses the Anhwei border into Chekiang, passing through Kaihwa, Changshan, and Kiangshan, and leaving Chekiang enters Fukien at Pucheng. From Pucheng it proceeds via Kienningfu to Yenping where it crosses the Foochow-Wuchang line and then goes through Shahsien and Yungan to Ningyang, where it meets the Foochow-Kweilin and Amoy-Kienchang lines. From Ningyang it proceeds to Lungyen and Yungting, then joining the Amoy-Canton line at Tsungkow proceeds together to Kaying, its terminus. This line runs over a distance of about 750 miles. l. The Coast Line Between the Great Eastern and the Great Southern Ports This line starts from the Great Southern Port--Canton--proceeds in the same direction as the Canton-Kowloon line as far as Shelung and then goes its own way following the course of the Tungkiang River to Waichow. From Waichow it proceeds to Samtochuck, Haifung, and Lukfung, then turning northeastward goes to Kityang and Chaochow. After Chaochow it goes to Jaoping, then crossing the Kwangtung-Fukien border to Chaoan. Thence it proceeds to Yunsiao, Changpu, Changchow, and Amoy. From Amoy it proceeds to Chuanchow, Hinghwa, and Foochow, the capital of Fukien. After Foochow it proceeds in the same direction as the Foochow-Chinkiang line, as far as Fuan, then turns eastward to Funing, and northward to Futing. After Futing it crosses the Fukien border into Chekiang and proceeds through Pingyang to Wenchow. At Wenchow it crosses the Wukiang and proceeds to Lotsing, Hwangyen, and Taichow. Thence, it proceeds through Ninghai to Ningpo, its own terminus, where it connects with the Ningpo-Hangchow line, thus linking it up with the Great Eastern Port via Hangchow. This line covers a distance from Canton to Ningpo of about 1,100 miles. m. The Kienchang-Yuanchow Line This line starts from Kienchang and runs through Yihwang, Loan, Yungfeng, and Kishui to Kian, where it crosses the Nanking-Siuchow line. After Kian it proceeds to Yungsin and Lienhwa where it meets the Swatow-Changteh line. Thence it crosses the Kiangsi border into Hunan, at Chaling, then through Anjen to Hengchow where it crosses the Canton-Hankow line. From Hengchow the line proceeds to Paoking where it crosses line (a) of the Canton-Chungking Railway then westward to Yuanchow, its terminus, where it joins with the Shasi-Singyi line. This line covers a distance of about 550 miles. The total length of this Southeastern Railway System is about 9,000 miles. PART III The Northeastern Railway System This system will cover the whole of Manchuria, a part of Mongolia, and a part of Chihli province--an area of nearly 500,000 square miles, with a population of 25,000,000. This region is surrounded by mountains on three sides and opens on the south to the Liaotung Gulf. Amidst these three mountain ranges lies a vast and fertile plain drained by three rivers--the Nonni on the north, the Sungari on the northeast, and the Liaoho on the south. This part of China was once regarded as a desert, but since the completion of the Chinese Eastern Railway it has been found to be the most productive soil in China. It supplies the whole of Japan and a part of China with nitrogenous food in the form of soya bean. This bean, the wonderful properties of which were early discovered by the Chinese, contains the richest nitrogenous substance among vegetables and has been used as a meat substitute for many thousand years. Vegetable milk is extracted from this bean, and from this milk various kinds of preparations are made. The extraction from this bean has been proved by modern chemists to be richer than any kind of meat. The Chinese and the Japanese have used this kind of artificial meat and milk from time immemorial. Recently food administrators in Europe and America have paid great attention to this meat substitute, while the export of soya bean to Europe and America has steadily increased. This Manchu-Mongolian plain is destined to be the source of the world's supply of soya bean. Besides soya bean, this plain also produces a great quantity of various kinds of grains, and supplies the entire Eastern Siberia with wheat. The Manchurian mountains are exceedingly rich in timber and minerals--gold being especially found in great quantities in many localities. Railway construction in this region has proved to be a most profitable undertaking. At present there are already three railway systems tapping this rich country, viz., the Peking-Mukden line, the best paying railroad in China, the Japanese South-Manchurian Railway, also a very remunerative line, and the Chinese Eastern Railway, the best paying portion of the whole Siberian system. Besides these, there are many lines projected by the Japanese. In order to develop this rich region properly a network of railways should be projected. Before dealing with the separate lines of this network of railways, I should like to propose a center for them, just as the spider's nest is to a cobweb. I shall name this central city "Tungchin," the Eastern Mart, which should be situated at a point southwest of the junction of the Sungari and Nonni rivers, about 110 miles west by south from Harbin, and will be in a more advantageous position than the latter. This new city will be the center not only of the railway system but also of the inland water communication when the Liaoho-Sungari Canal is completed. With the projected city of Tungchin as a center, I propose the following lines: a. The Tungchin-Hulutao line. b. The Tungchin-Great Northern Port line. c. The Tungchin-Dolon Nor line. d. The Tungchin-Kerulen line e. The Tungchin-Moho line. f. The Tungchin-Korfen line. g. The Tungchin-Yaoho line. h. The Tungchin-Yenchi line. i. The Tungchin-Changpeh line. j. The Hulutao-Jehol-Peking line. k. The Hulutao-Kerulen line. l. The Hulutao-Hailar line. m. The Hulutao-Antung line. n. The Moho-Suiyuan line. o. The Huma-Chilalin or Shihwei line. p. The Ussuri-Tumen-Yalu-Coast line. q. The Linkiang-Dolon Nor line. r. The Chikatobo-Sansing or Ilan line. s. The Sansing or Ilan-Kirin line. t. The Kirin-Dolon Nor line. a. The Tungchin-Hulutao Line This is the first line that radiates from this projected Manchurian railway center, and is the shorter of the two direct lines that lead to the ice-free ports on the Liaotung-Chihli Gulf. It runs almost parallel to the South Manchurian Railway, the distance between the two lines being about 80 miles at the northern end, converging to 40 miles at Sinmin, and diverging again after that point. According to the original agreement with the former Russian Government, no parallel line within 100 miles was allowed to be built. But such restriction must be abolished under this new International Development Scheme for the benefit of all concerned. This line starts from Tungchin, and proceeds southward across the vast Manchurian plain by Changling, Shuangshan, Liaoyuan, and Kangping, to Sinmin in a straight line covering a distance of about 270 miles. After Sinmin, the line joins the Peking-Mukden Railway and runs on the same track for a distance of about 130 miles to Hulutao. b. The Tungchin-Great Northern Port Line This line is the second that radiates from this railway center direct to a deep water ice-free seaport. It starts from Tungchin, proceeding in a southwesterly direction, passes Kwangan, midway between Tungchin and the West Liaoho, and many other small settlements before it crosses the Liaoho. After crossing the Liaoho, it enters the mountainous regions of the Jehol district by a valley to Fowsin, a hsien city, and crosses the watershed into the Talingho Valley. After passing through the Talingho Valley, the line crosses another watershed into the Luan Valley by a branch of the same river. Then it penetrates the Great Wall and proceeds to the Great Northern Port by way of Yungping and Loting. The whole length of this line is about 550 miles, the first half of which is on level land and the second half in mountainous country. c. The Tungchin-Dolon Nor Line This is the third line that radiates from the railway center and proceeds nearly in a westerly direction across the plain to Taonan where it crosses the projected Aigun-Jehol line (Japanese), and also meets the termini of two other projected lines, the Changchun-Taonan and the Tsengkiatun-Taonan (Japanese). After Taonan, the line turns more southward by skirting along the foothills of the southeastern side of the Great Khingan range where vast virgin forests and rich minerals are found. Then it passes through the upper Liaoho Valley formed by the Great Khingan Mountain on the north, and the Jehol Mountain on the south and through the towns of Linsi and Kingpang to Dolon Nor, where it meets the trunk line of the Northwestern Railway system. This line covers a distance of about 480 miles, a greater part of which is on level land. d. The Tungchin-Kerulen Line This is the fourth line that radiates from the Tungchin Railway center. It runs in a northwesterly direction almost parallel with the Harbin-Manchuli line of the Chinese Eastern Railway, the distance between the two lines varying from 100 to 130 miles. The line starts from Tungchin on the north side of the junction of the Nonni and Sungari rivers and proceeds westward across the Nonni River to Talai, and then turns northwestward across the plain into the valley of the north branch of the Guileli River. After entering the valley, it follows the stream up to its source, then crosses the Great Khingan Mountain watershed into the Mongolian Plain by the Khalka River, and follows the right bank of this river to the north end of Bor Nor Lake. Thence it turns directly westward to the Kerulen River, and follows the south bank of the river to Kerulen. This line covers a distance of about 630 miles. e. The Tungchin-Moho Line This is the fifth line that radiates from this railway center. It starts from the north side of the junction of the Nonni and Sungari rivers, and proceeds northwestward across the northern end of the Great Manchurian Plain to Tsitsiha. At Tsitsiha, it joins the projected Kinchow-Aigun line and proceeds together northwestward alongside the left bank of the Nonni River as far as Nunkiang where it separates from the other. Thence it resumes the northwesterly direction and proceeds into the upper Nonni Valley until the headwater is reached. Then it crosses the northern extremity of the Great Khingan Range to Moho, where it joins the terminus of the Dolon Nor-Moho line. This line is about 600 miles long. About a quarter of this length runs on the plain, the second quarter runs along the lower Nonni Valley, the third along the Upper Valley, and the fourth runs in mountainous but gold-bearing regions, where only physical difficulties are to be expected. f. The Tungchin-Korfen Line This is the sixth line from the railway center. It also starts on the northern side of the Nonni-Sungari junction, and proceeds across the plain by the cities Chaotung and Tsingkang. After Tsingkang it crosses the Tungkun River, proceeds to Hailun, and then, ascending the Tungkun Valley, crosses the watershed of the Little Khingan Mountain. Thence it descends into the Korfen Valley and proceeds by Chelu to Korfen on the right bank of the Amur River. This line covers a distance of 350 miles, two thirds of which run on comparatively level land and one third in mountainous district. This is the shortest line from Tungchin to the Amur River and the Russian territory on yonder side. g. The Tungchin-Yaoho Line This is the seventh line that radiates from this railway center. It starts from the northern side of the Nonni-Sungari junction and traverses the plain on the left of the Sungari River by Chaochow, then crosses the Chinese Eastern Railway, and the Hulan River to Hulan. After Hulan, it proceeds to Payen, Mulan, and Tungho, then crosses the Sungari River to Sansing, now called Ilan. Thence it proceeds into the Wokan Valley and crosses the watershed by Chihsingshitse and Takokai into the Noloho Valley and passing by various villages and towns along this river to Yaohohsien, ends at the junction of the Noloho and the Ussuri River. This line covers a distance of 500 miles in very fertile country. h. The Tungchin-Yenchi Line This is the eighth line that radiates from this railway center. It starts from the eastern side of the Nonni-Sungari junction and proceeds in a southeasterly direction on the right side of the Sungari River to Fuyu or Petunai and various towns along the road on the same side of the river until it comes across the Harbin-Talien Railway, then turns away from the road and proceeds eastward to Yushu and Wuchang. After Wuchang, the line turning more southward, proceeds to Fengtechang and then follows the same direction to Omu. At Omu, it crosses the Mutan River, then proceeds to Liangshuichuan and Shehtauho, where it joins the Japanese Hweining-Kirin line and proceeds together to Yenchi. This line covers a length of about 330 miles through very rich agricultural and mineral country. i. The Tungchin-Changpeh Line This is the ninth line that radiates from the Tungchin railway center. It starts from the south side of the Nonni-Sungari junction and proceeds in a southeasterly direction across the plain to Nungan. After Nungan, it crosses the Itung River and proceeds continuously in the same direction across several branches of the same river to Kiudaichan, where it joins the Changchun-Kirin line and proceeds together as far as Kirin. After Kirin, it goes its own way following the right bank of the Sungari River in a southeasterly direction to the junction of Lafaho River and turns southward along the same bank of the Sungari to Huatien. After Huatien, it continues in the same course up to Toutaokiang, as far as Fusung, then turns southeastward into the Sunghsiangho Valley and proceeds upward to the Changpeh Shan watershed by skirting the south side of the Celestial Lake, then turns southward following the Aikiang River to Changpeh on the Korean frontier. This line covers a distance of about 330 miles. Some great difficulties are to be overcome in the last portion of the line where it crosses the Changpeh watershed. j. The Hulutao-Jehol-Peking Line With this line I shall begin to deal with a new group of the Northeastern Railway System which will make Hulutao, the ice-free port on the Liaotung Gulf as their center and terminus. This, the first line, starts from Hulutao and proceeds westward up the Shaho Valley to Sintaipienmen. Thence it crosses the mountainous district through Haiting, Mangniuyingtse, and Sanshihkiatse to Pingchuan, and continues in the same direction to Jehol or Chengteh. After Jehol, it proceeds by the old imperial highway to Lwanping, then turns southwestward to Kupehkow where it penetrates the Great Wall. Thence it follows the same highway through Miyun and Shunyi to Peking. This line covers a distance of about 270 miles. k. The Hulutao-Kerulen Line This is the second line of the Hulutao radiation. It starts from this seaport and proceeds northward through the mountainous region of Jehol by Kienping and Chihfeng. Thence, the line follows the highway across the Upper Valley of Liaoho to Chianchang, Sitoo, Takinkou, and Linsi. After Linsi, it proceeds up the Lukiako Valley and crosses the watershed at the southern extremity of the Great Khingan Mountain, through Kanchumiao and Yufuchih. Then it proceeds to Payenbolak, Uniket, and Khombukure where it joins with the Dolon Nor-Kerulen line and proceeds together to Kerulen. This line up to Khombukure covers a distance of about 450 miles, tapping a very rich mineral, timber, and agricultural country. l. The Hulutao-Hailar Line This, the third line, starts from Hulutao and proceeds by way of Chinchow along the west side on the Talingho River to Yichow, where it crosses the Talingho to Chinghopienmen and Fowsin. After Fowsin, the line goes northward to Suitung, thence, crossing the Siliaoho to Kailu, it proceeds between the Great and Little Fish Lakes to Kinpan and Tachuan. Then it proceeds across the Great Khingan Mountain into the Oman Valley and follows the same river to Hailar. This line covers a distance of about 600 miles passing through rich mineral and agricultural land and virgin forests. m. The Hulutao-Antung Line This, the fourth line, starts from Hulutao and proceeding northeastward, follows the course of the projected Liaoho-Hulutao Canal, and then goes eastward to Newchwang and Haicheng. From there it proceeds southeastward to Sinmuchen, where it joins the Antung-Mukden line and proceeds together to Antung on the Korean border. This line covers a distance of about 220 miles. This together with the Hulutao-Jehol-Peking line will make the shortest line from Antung and beyond, i.e., Korea, to Peking. n. The Moho-Suiyuan Line With this as the first I am going to deal with another group of lines in this system. These will be the circumferential lines which link up the radii from the Tungchin center in two semicircles, the outer and the inner. This Moho-Suiyuan line starts from Moho and proceeds along the right bank of the Amur River to Ussuri, Omurh, Panga, Kaikukang, Anlo, and Woshimen. After this point, the river bends more southward and the line follows the same bend to Ankan, Chahayen, Wanghata, and Huma. From Huma, it proceeds to Sierhkenchi, Chila, Manchutun, Heiho, and Aigun where it meets the terminus of the Chinchow-Aigun line. After Aigun, the line turns more eastward to Homolerhchin, Chilirh, and Korfen where it meets the terminus of the Tungchin-Korfen line. Thence it proceeds to Wuyun, Foshan, and Lopeh. After Lopeh, it goes to Hokang at the junction of the Amur and Sungari. At this point, the line crosses the Sungari River to Tungkiang and proceeds to Kaitsingkow, Otu, and Suiyuan where it ends. This line covers a distance of 900 miles running all its way through the gold-producing region. o. The Huma-Chilalin or Shihwei Line This is merely a branch of the Moho-Suiyuan line. It starts from Huma and follows the Kumara River passing by the Taleitse Gold Mine and Wapalakow Gold Mine. Then it proceeds up the Kumara River in a westerly and southwesterly direction to its southern source and there it crosses the watershed into the Halarh Valley, thence descending the valley to Chilalin or Shihwei. This line covers a distance of about 320 miles running in an extremely rich gold district. p. The Ussuri-Tumen-Yalu-Coast Line This, the second line of the outer semicircle, starts by continuing the first line at Suiyuan, and proceeds along the left bank of the Ussuri River, passing Kaulan, Fuyeu, and Minkang, to Yaoho, where it meets the terminus of the Tungchin-Yaoho line. From Yaoho, it runs parallel to the Russian Ussuri Railway on the east side of the river as far as Fulin. After Fulin, it parts from the Russian line by turning westward following the Mulingho River to Mishan on the northwestern corner of the Hanka Lake. Thence it goes to Pinganchin, turns southward alongside the boundary line and crosses the Harbin-Vladivostok line at Siusuifen Station to Tungning. After Tungning, it continues the same southward course alongside the boundary line to a point between Szetaukow and Wutaukow, then turns westward to Hunchun, and northwestward to Yenchi where it meets the projected Japanese Hweining-Kirin line. From Yenchi, it follows the Japanese line to Holung, and proceeds southwestward by the left side of the Tumen River across the watershed into the Yalu Valley, where it meets the Tungchin-Changpeh line. After Changpeh it turns westward and northwestward following the right bank of the Yalu to Linkiang, thence southwestward, still following the right bank of the Yalu, to Tsianhsien and then continues in the same direction, along the Yalu bank, to Antung, where it meets the Antung-Mukden Railway. After Antung, it proceeds to Tatungkow at the mouth of the Yalu, thence along the coast to Takushan and Chwangho, then westward through Situn and Pingfangtien to join the South Manchurian Railway at Wukiatun. This line covers a distance of 1,100 miles, which runs from end to end right along the southeastern boundary of Manchuria. q. The Linkiang-Dolon Nor Line This is the third line of the outer semicircle of the Tungchin railway center, and connects the radiating lines south of the center. It starts from Linkiang at the southwestward turn of the Yalu River, and proceeds across the mountainous region passing by Tunghwa, Hingking, and Fushun, to Mukden, where it crosses the South Manchurian Railway. From Mukden, it goes together with the Peking-Mukden line as far as Sinmin, where it crosses the Tungchin-Hulutao line and proceeds northwestward through Sinlihtun to Fowsin. After Fowsin the line enters the hilly district of the upper Liaoho Valley, and proceeds to Chihfeng, after passing through numerous small villages and camping places in this vast pasture. After Chihfeng the line proceeds through the Yinho Valley by Sanchotien, Kungchuling, and Tachientse, to Famuku, thence follows the Tulakanho to Dolon Nor, covering a distance of about 500 miles. r. The Chikatobo-Sansing or Ilan Line This is the first line of the inner semicircle which connects the radiating lines from the Tungchin railway center on the northeast. It starts from Chikatobo on the upper reach of the Amur, and proceeds eastward and southeastward through many valleys and mountains of the Great Khingan Range to Nunkiang. After Nunkiang, it goes in a more southerly direction to Keshan, thence to Hailun, and then crosses the Sungari to Sansing or Ilan. This line covers a distance of about 700 miles, passing through an agricultural and gold-producing country. s. The Sansing or Ilan-Kirin Line This is the second line of the inner semicircle. It starts from Sansing and proceeds southwestward along the right bank of the Mutan River through Tauchan, Erchan, Sanchan, and Szuchan, to Chengtse where it crosses the Harbin-Vladivostok line. Then it goes to Ninguta, after crossing over the Mutan River from right to the left bank. After Ninguta it proceeds southwestward passing through Wungcheng, Lanchichan, Talachan, and Fungwangtien, to Omu. From Omu it joins the Japanese Hweining-Kirin line and proceeds westward to Kirin. This line covers a distance of about 200 miles, along the fertile Mutan Valley. t. The Kirin-Dolon Nor Line This is the third line of the inner semicircle in the Tungchin system. It starts from Kirin and follows the old highway westward to Changchun where it meets the termini of the Chinese Eastern Railway from the north and the Japanese South Manchurian Railway from the south. After Changchun, it proceeds across the plain to Shuangshan where it meets the Tungchin-Hulutao line and the Japanese Szupingkai-Chengkiatun-Taonan line. From Shuangshan, it crosses the Liao River to Liaoyuan, thence it traverses the vast plain, crossing the Tungchin-Great Northern Port line and goes to Suitung where it meets the Hulutao-Hailar line. After Suitung, it proceeds up the Liao Valley where it comes across the Hulutao-Kerulen line and then crosses the watershed to Dolon Nor where it ends. This line covers a distance of 500 miles. This completes the cobweb system of the projected North-Eastern Railway. The total length of this entire system is about 9,000 miles. PART IV The Extension of the Northwestern Railway System The Northwestern Railway System covers the region of Mongolia, Sinkiang, and a part of Kansu, an area of 1,700,000 square miles. This territory exceeds the area of the Argentine Republic by 600,000 square miles. Argentina is now the greatest source of the world's meat supply, while the Mongolian pasture is not yet developed, owing to the lack of transportation facilities. As Argentina has superseded the United States in supplying the world with meat, so the Mongolian pasture will some day take the place of Argentina, when railways are developed and cattle raising is scientifically improved. Thus the construction of railroads in this vast food-producing region is an urgent necessity as a means of relieving the world from food shortage. In the first program of this International Development Scheme, I proposed 7,000 miles of railways for this vast and fertile region, for the purpose of developing the Great Northern Port, and relieving the congested population of southeastern China. But this 7,000 miles of railways form merely a pioneer line. In order to develop this virgin continent properly, more railways have to be constructed. Therefore in this plan, namely, the Extension of the Northwestern Railway System, I propose the following lines: a. The Dolon Nor-Kiakata line. b. The Kalgan-Urga-Tannu Ola line. c. The Suiyuan-Uliassutai-Kobdo line. d. The Tsingpien-Tannu Ola line. e. The Suchow-Kobdo line. f. The Northwestern Frontier line. g. The Tihwa or Urumochi-Ulankom line. h. The Gaskhiun-Tannu Ola line. i. The Uliassutai-Kiakata line. j. The Chensi or Barkul-Urga line. k. The Suchow-Urga line. l. The Desert Junction-Kerulen line. m. The Khobor-Kerulen-Chikatobo line. n. The Wuyuan-Taonan line. o. The Wuyuan-Dolon Nor line. p. The Yenki-Ili line. q. The Ili-Hotien line. r. The Chensi-Kashgar line and its branches. a. The Dolon Nor-Kiakata Line This line starts from Dolon Nor and proceeds in a northwesterly direction, following the caravan road across the vast pasture to Khorkho, Kuoto, and Suliehto. After Suliehto, it crosses the boundary line into Outer Mongolia by the same road to Khoshentun, Lukuchelu, and Yangto. Thence it crosses the Kerulen River to Otukunkholato, and enters the hilly region where it crosses the Kerulen watershed and the Chikoi watershed. The water from the Kerulen watershed flows into the Amur, and thence into the Pacific Ocean, while the water from the Chikoi watershed flows into Lake Baikal, and thence to the Arctic Ocean. After crossing the Chikoi watershed, it follows a branch of the Chikoi River to Kiakata. This line covers a distance of about 800 miles. b. The Kalgan-Urga-Tannu Ola Line This line starts from Kalgan at the Great Wall, and proceeds northwestward up the plateau, crosses a range of hills into the Mongolian prairie, and goes to Mingan, Boroldshi, Ude, and Khobor, where it crosses the Dolon Nor-Urumochi trunk line. After Khobor, it proceeds across the vast and rich pasture of Mubulan, then proceeds in a straight line through Mukata and Nalaiha to Urga. From Urga, it goes into the hilly district crossing Selenga Valley to a point opposite the southern end of Lake Kos Gol, and then turns northward across a range of mountains to Khatkhyl on the southern shore of Kos Gol. After Khatkhyl, it skirts Kos Gol Lake along the western shore for some distance, then turns northwestward and westward, following the course of the Khua Kem River to a point near its exit at the frontier line, then turns southwestward up the Kemtshik Valley to its headwater, passes through Pakuoshwo, and ends at the boundary line between the Russian and Chinese territories. This line covers a distance of about 1,700 miles. c. The Suiyuan-Uliassutai-Kobdo Line This line starts from Suiyuan in the northwestern corner of Shansi, and proceeds in a northwesterly direction across the hilly country into the Mongolian pasture to Tolibulyk, where it crosses the Great Northern Port-Hami line, and the Great Eastern Port-Urga line. After Tolibulyk, it proceeds in a straight line in the same direction passing through Barunsudshi to the capital of Tuchetu. Thence it continues in the same straight line northwestward to Gorida. After Gorida, it follows the caravan road to Kolitikolik where it crosses the Great Northern Port-Urumochi trunk line. From Kolitikolik, the line turns northwestward, then westward and proceeds across many streams and valleys and passes by many small towns to Uliassutai. At Uliassutai, it crosses the B. Junction-Frontier branch of the Great Eastern Port-Urumochi line. After Uliassutai, the line proceeds westward following the trade road, passes through Khuduku, Bogu, Durganor, and Sakhibuluk to Kobdo. Thence the line turns northwestward to Khonga, Ukha, and Clegei, then westward to Beleu and ends at the frontier. This line is about 1,500 miles long. d. The Tsingpien-Tannu Ola Line This line starts from Tsingpien at the Great Wall, on the northern border of Shensi, proceeds through the Ordos country by Bonobalgasun, Orto, and Shinchao, and then crosses the Hoangho to Santaoho. From Santaoho, it proceeds across Charanarinula Mountain into Mongolian prairie in a northwesterly direction to Kurbansihata where it crosses the Peking-Hami line, then it goes to Unikuto and Enkin, where it crosses the Great Northern Port-Urumochi line. After Enkin, the line enters into a valley and watered district, proceeds northward to Karakorum, and then turns northwestward across various streams and valleys of the tributary of the Selenga River by Sabokatai and Tsulimiau. After Tsulimiau, it proceeds in the same direction across the Selenga River, follows its branch, the Telgir Morin River, up to its source and crosses the watershed into Lake Teri Nor. Then it follows the outlet of the Teri Nor to the Khua Kem River, where it ends by joining the Kalgan Urga-Tannu Ola line. This line covers a distance of about 1,200 miles. e. The Suchow-Kobdo Line This line starts from Suchow in a northwesterly direction penetrating the Great Wall at Chiennew, and proceeds to the coal field, about 150 miles from Suchow. Then it goes to Habirhaubuluk and Ilatoli. A short way from this place the line comes across the Peking-Hami line and then proceeds to Balaktai. After this the line passes a bit of pure desert to Timenchi. After entering the hilly and watered country it proceeds to Gaskhiu where it crosses the Great Northern Port-Urumochi trunk line. After Gaskhiun, it proceeds to Wolanhutok, Tabateng, and Tabutu where it joins the Kucheng and Kobdo highway and following it, proceeds to Kobdo, through Batokuntai and Sutai. Here the line ends, covering a distance of about 700 miles. f. The Northwestern Frontier Line This line starts from Ili following the Urumochi-Ili line to Santai, on the eastern side of Zairam Lake, then proceeds northeastward by itself to Tuszusai on the west side of Ebi Lake. After Tuszusai it proceeds to Toli where it crosses the Central Trunk line, that is, the Great Eastern Port-Tarbogotai line. Thence it goes to Namukotai and Stolokaitai by passing through a vast forest and a rich coal field. From Stolokaitai, the line follows the highway and proceeds to Chenghwaszu, the capital of Altai province. Thence it crosses a mountain range by the Urmocaitu Pass into the Kobdo Valley, and follows the course of the Kobdo River to Beleu where it joins the Suiyuan-Kobdo line and proceeds to Clegei. From Clegei, it proceeds by itself to Tabtu via Usungola and Ulamkom. At Tabtu, it joins the other line again and proceeds together to the Khua Kem River in the Tannu Ola district. It then turns eastward ascending the river to the junction of the Bei Kem and Khua Kem rivers, then starts again on its own course, following the former river and proceeds up to its source in a northeasterly direction ending at the frontier. This line covers a distance of about 900 miles. g. The Tihwa or Urumochi-Ulankom Line This line starts from Tihwa following the Dolon Nor trunk line to Fowkang, then proceeds by its own route almost northward through Chipichuan to Khorchute. From Khorchute, it turns northeastward and proceeds across a hilly district to Kaiche, then to Turhuta, where it crosses a branch line from Junction C. of the Great Northern Port-Urumochi line. After Turhuta, it turns northward, proceeds up the Pakaningale Valley to Zehoshita, and then crosses the Tilikta Pass. Thence it turns northeastward proceeding across the newly cultivated country to Kobdo. After Kobdo, it proceeds through a fertile plateau, by crossing many rivers and skirting many lakes to Ulankom, where it ends by joining the Northwestern Frontier line. It covers a distance of about 550 miles. h. The Gaskhiun-Tannu Ola Line This line starts from Gaskhiun and proceeds northeastward across a hilly and watered country through Hatonhutuk and Talangjoleu, to Pornulu. After Pornulu, the line proceeds across the Sapkhyn Valley by Huchirtu and Porkho to Uliassutai where it meets the Suiyuan-Kobdo, and the Great Eastern Port-Uliassutai lines. After Uliassutai, the line proceeds northward to a quite new country by first crossing the headwaters of Selenga, then the headwaters of the Tess River. In the Tess Valley the line crosses a vast virgin forest. After emerging from this forest it proceeds northwestward across the watershed into the Khua Kem Valley in Tannu Ola and ends by joining the Northwestern Frontier line. This line covers a distance of about 650 miles. i. The Uliassutai-Kiakata Line This line starts from Uliassutai and runs on the track of the Gaskhiun-Tannu Ola line, until it reaches the Eder River, a branch of the Selenga. Then, turning off eastward, it begins its own course and proceeds downward following the course of the Eder River, crossing the Tsingpien-Tannu Ola line, to the junction of this river with the Selenga. There it joins the Kalgan-Urga-Tannu Ola line and proceeds together eastward in the common track for some distance until the other line turns southeastward, when this line turns northeastward following the Selenga down to Kiakata. This line covers a distance of about 550 miles, running through a fertile valley. j. The Chensi or Barkul-Urga Line This line starts from Chensi or Barkul and proceeds northeastward across a cultivated region through Tutaku to Urkesiat. After Urkesiat, it crosses the Suchow-Kobdo line, then traverses the vast pasture on the north side of the Gobi Desert to Suchi and Dalantura. Thence it turns more northward across the Great Eastern Port-Uliassutai line, and the Dolon Nor-Urumochi line to Tashunhutuk. After this point the line crosses the Suiyuan-Uliassutai line at Ologai and proceeds over the watershed into the Selenga Valley where it crosses the Tsingpien-Tannu Ola line at Sabokatai. From here it turns eastward across a hilly and watered region to Urga. This line covers a distance of about 800 miles. k. The Suchow-Urga Line This line starts from Suchow and proceeds by Kinta to Maumu, and then follows the Taoho or Edsina River, which waters this strip of oasis, to the lakes. Thence it crosses the Gobi Desert, where it meets the crossing lines of the Peking-Hami and the Great Eastern Port-Uliassutai railways and with them forms a common junction. From this junction it proceeds across desert and pasture lands to another railway crossing which is formed by the Suiyuan-Kobdo and Tsingpien-Tannu Ola lines, also forming a common junction together. Thence it proceeds into pasture land through Hatengtu and Tolik to Sanintalai, where it crosses the Dolon Nor-Urumochi line. After Sanintalai, the line proceeds through Ulanhoshih and many other small towns and encampments to Urga. This line covers a distance of about 700 miles. One third of this length is through the desert and the other two thirds through watered pasture land. l. The Desert Junction-Kerulen Line This line starts from the Desert Junction, proceeds northeastward to the postural land and crosses the Tsingpien-Tannu Ola line south of Ulan Nor Lake. Thence it proceeds to the Tuchetu Capital where it crosses the Suiyuan-Kobdo line. After the Tuchetu Capital it goes across a pasture to Junction A. From Junction A. it proceeds to Ulanhutuk and Chientingche, then crosses the Kalgan-Tannu Ola line to Zesenkhana. From Zesenkhana, the line follows the course of the Kerulen River down in a northeasterly direction to the city of Kerulen, where it crosses the Dolon Nor-Kerulen line, and meets the Kerulen-Tungchin line. This line covers a distance of about 800 miles. m. The Khobor-Kerulen-Chikatobo Line This line starts from Khobor, the crossing junction of the Dolon Nor-Urumochi, and the Kalgan-Urga-Tannu Ola lines, and proceeds northeastward across a vast pasture to Khoshentun, where it crosses the Dolon Nor-Kiakata line. After Khoshentun, it proceeds in the same direction across a similar pasture to Kerulen, where it crosses the Dolon Nor-Kerulen line. Then it proceeds first along the right bank of the Kerulen River, then crosses to the left side, and passes along the northwestern side of Hulan Lake. After Hulan Lake, the line crosses the Chinese Eastern Railway, and the Arguna River, then proceeds along the right bank of the river to Chikatobo, where the line ends by joining the Dolon Nor-Moho and the Chikatobo-Sansing lines. This line covers a distance of about 600 miles. The first half of it runs on dry land and the second half on watered land. n. The Wuyuan-Taonan Line This line starts from Wuyuan at the northwest bend of the Hoangho and proceeds northeastward across the Sheiten Ula Mountain and pasture to Tolibulyk, where it meets the crossing junction of three lines--the Peking-Hami line, the Suiyuan-Kobdo line, and the Great Eastern Port-Urga line. From Tolibulyk the line proceeds continuously in the same direction across a pasture to Khobor where it meets the crossing junction of the Dolon Nor-Urumochi and the Peking-Urga lines, and also the terminus of the Khobor-Kerulen line. After Khobor the line turns more eastward and runs across the Dolon Nor-Kiakata line midway to Khombukure, where it crosses the Dolon Nor-Kerulen and the Hulutao-Kerulen lines. From Khombukure the line proceeds to Dakmusuma, where it crosses the Dolon Nor-Moho line. Thence it goes eastward across the Great Khingan Mountain to Tuchuan, then turns southeastward to Taonan, where it ends. This line covers a distance of about 900 miles. o. The Wuyuan-Dolon Nor Line This line starts from Wuyuan and proceeds northeastward across the Sheiten Ula Mountain to Maomingan, where it crosses the Great Eastern Port-Urga line. Then it proceeds across the vast pasture and the Suiyuan-Kobdo line to Bombotu, where it passes over the Peking-Hami line. After Bombotu, the line turns eastward and proceeds across the Kalgan-Urga-Tannu Ola line, then goes to Dolon Nor, where it ends by joining the Dolon Nor-Mukden-Linkiang line, which forms a direct route from the upper Hoangho Valley to the rich Liaoho Valley. This line covers a distance of about 500 miles. p. The Yenki-Ili Line This line starts from Yenki or Karashar, and proceeds northwestward across the mountain pass into the Ili Valley. It then follows the Kunges River downward, in a westerly direction, traversing a most fertile valley, to Ining and Kuldja or Ili, the principal city of the Ili district near the Russian border, where it joins the Ili-Urumochi line. This line covers a distance of about 400 miles. q. The Ili-Hotien Line This line starts from Ili or Kuldja, proceeds southward across the Ili River, then eastward along the left side of the river and then southeastward and southward to Bordai. From here it turns southwestward into Tekes Valley and proceeding upward crosses the Tekes River to Tienchiao and then ascends the mountain pass. After the mountain pass the line turns southeastward, traverses a vast coal field and then turns southwestward to Shamudai, where it crosses the Turfan-Kashgar line. From Shamudai it turns southward across the fertile zone of the north side of the Tarim Valley, to Bastutakelak. Then it proceeds southwestward to Hotien passing by on the way many small settlements in the fertile zone of the Hotien River which flows across the desert. At Hotien the line meets the Kashgar-Iden line. After Hotien the line proceeds upward to the highland south of the city and ends at the frontier. This line covers a distance of about 700 miles. r. The Chensi-Kashgar Line and Its Branches This line starts from Chensi and proceeds southwestward along the Tienshan pasture through Yenanpoa, Shihkialoong, and Taolaitse to Chikoching, then along the Tienshan forest through Wutungkwo, Tungyenchi, Siyenchi, and Olong to Sensien, where it crosses the Central Trunk line. After Sensien it proceeds along the northern edge of the Tarim Desert through Lakesun City and Shehchuan to Hora, where it crosses the Cherchen-Koria line. From Hora the line proceeds along the course of the Tarim River, passing by many new settlements, fertile regions, and virgin forests, to Bastutakelak, where it crosses the Ili-Hotien line. Thence it goes through Pachu to Kashgar where it meets the Urumochi-Iden line. After Kashgar it proceeds northwestward to the frontier where it ends. Attached to this line are two branches. The first branch proceeds from Hora southwestward through many oases to Cherchen. The second proceeds from Pachu southwestward along the Yarkand River to Sache and then westward to Puli near the frontier. This line including the branches covers a distance of about 1,600 miles. The total length of this entire system is about 16,000 miles. See general map. PART V The Highland Railway System This, the last part of my railway program, is the most difficult and most expensive undertaking of its kind; consequently, it must be the least remunerative of all the railway enterprises in China. So no work should be attempted in this part until all the other parts are fully developed. But when all the other parts are well equipped with railways then railway construction in this highland region will also be remunerative, despite the difficulties and the highly expensive work in construction. The highland region consists of Tibet, Kokonor, and a part of Sinkiang, Kansu, Szechwan, and Yunnan, an area of about 1,000,000 square miles. Tibet is known to be the richest country in the world for gold deposits. Furthermore the adjacent territories possess rich agricultural and pastural lands. This vast region is little known to the outside world. The Chinese call Tibet "the Western Treasury," for, besides gold, there are other kinds of metals especially copper, in great quantities. Indeed the name of the Western Treasury is most appropriately applied to this unknown region. When the world's supply of precious metals are exhausted, we have to resort to this vast mineral bearing region for supply. So railways will be necessary at least for mining purposes. I therefore propose the following lines: a. The Lhasa-Lanchow line. b. The Lhasa-Chengtu line. c. The Lhasa-Tali-Cheli line. d. The Lhasa-Taklongshong line. e. The Lhasa-Yatung line. f. The Lhasa-Laichiyaling line. g. The Lhasa-Nohho line. h. The Lhasa-Iden line. i. The Lanchow-Chochiang line. j. The Chengtu-Dzunsasak line. k. The Ningyuan-Cherchen line. l. The Chengtu-Menkong line. m. The Chengtu-Yuankiang line. n. The Suifu-Tali line. o. The Suifu-Mengting line. p. The Iden-Gortok line. a. The Lhasa-Lanchow Line This is the most important line of this system for it connects the capital city of Tibet--a vast secluded region with several millions of people--with the central trunk line of the country. The route which it passes through is inhabitable and is already slightly inhabited in the region between the ends of the proposed line. So it will probably be a paying line from the beginning. This line starts from Lhasa, following the old imperial highway in a northward direction and proceeds by Talong to Yarh, which lies on the southeastern side of Tengri Nor Lake. After Yarh, the line turns more eastward and proceeds across the watershed from the Sanpo Valley to the Lukiang Valley by the Shuangtsu Pass. Thence turning more eastward the line proceeds across the headwater of the Lukiang to that of the Yangtze by passing many valleys, streams, and mountain passes. Then it crosses the main body of the Upper Yangtze, which is here known as the Kinshakiang, over the Huhusair Bridge. After crossing the bridge, it turns southeastward, then eastward across the Yangtze Valley into the Hoangho Valley, where it passes through many small towns and encampments into the Starry Sea region. At the Starry Sea, the line passes between the lakes of Oring Nor and Tsaring Nor. Thence it turns northeastward across the southeast valley of the Zaidam region, and returns into the Hoangho Valley again. Then it proceeds through Katolapo and various towns to Dangar, now called Hwangyuan, situated near the border between Kansu and Kokonor. After Dangar, the line turns southeastward following the course of the Sining River, proceeds downward through a very rich valley and passes through Sining, Nienpai, and hundreds of small towns and villages to Lanchow. This line covers a distance of 1,100 miles. b. The Lhasa-Chengtu Line This line starts from Lhasa and proceeds northeastward on the former imperial highway by Teking and Nanmo to Motsukungchia. Thence it turns southeastward and northeastward to Giamda. From Giamda, the line turns northward, then northeastward where it proceeds through the Tolala Pass to Lhari. After Lhari the line goes in an easterly direction and passes Pianpa, Shihtuh, and many small towns to Lolongchong. Thence it crosses the Lukiang by the Kayu Bridge and then turns northeastward to Kinda and Chiamdo. After Chiamdo, the line instead of following the imperial highway southeastward to Batang, turns northeastward, following another trade route, and proceeds to Payung at the northwestern corner of Szechwan. From Payung, it proceeds across the Kinshakiang over the bridge near Sawusantusze. The line then turns southeastward, enters the Ichu Valley and proceeds downward to Kantzu on the Yalung River. Thence it proceeds to Chango and Yinker, to Badi on the Great Golden River, and Mongan on the Little Golden River. After Mongan, the line goes through the Balan Pass to Kwanhsien, and entering the Chengtu Plain, reaches Chengtu by Pihsien. This line covers a distance of about 1,000 miles. c. The Lhasa-Tali-Cheli Line This line starts from Lhasa by the same track as the Lhasa-Chengtu line as far as Giamda. From Giamda, it proceeds by its own track southeastward, following a branch of the Sanpo River to Yulu, where this branch joins its main stream. After Yulu, it follows the left bank of the Sanpo River passing by Kongposaga to Timchao. From Timchao, the line turns away from the Sanpo River and proceeds in an eastward direction to Timchong city, Ikung, Kuba, and Shuachong. After Shuachong, the line proceeds southeastward to Lima, thence eastward to Menkong on the Lukiang. From Menkong, the line turns southward and goes along the right bank of the Lukiang passing Samotung to Tantau. Then crossing the Lukiang, it proceeds across the watershed through Gaiwa village to the Lantsang (or Mekong) River, and to Hsiaoweisi beyond it. After Hsiaoweisi, it follows the river bank to the Chenghsin Copper Mine, thence it turns away from the river and proceeds by Hosi, Erhyuan, Tengchow, and Shangkwang to Tali. From Tali, the line proceeds to Hsiakwang, Fengyi, Menghwa, and then meets the Lantsang River again at Paotien. Thence it follows the left bank southward right through to Cheli, where it ends. This line covers a distance of 900 miles. d. The Lhasa-Taklongshong Line This line starts from Lhasa and proceeds southward by way of Teking to the Sanpo River where turning eastward it follows the left bank of the river to Sakorshong. After crossing the Sanpo River to Chetang, it proceeds southward by Chikablung, Menchona, Tawang, Dhirangjong to Taklongshong and continues farther on until it reaches the Assam frontier. This line covers a distance of 200 miles. e. The Lhasa-Yatung Line This line starts from Lhasa and proceeds southwestward by Chashih following the former imperial highway by Yitang and Kiangli to Chushui. At Chushui, it crosses to Sanpo River over the Mulih Bridge to Chakamo on the south side, thence to Tamalung, Paiti, Tabolung, and Nagartse. After Nagartse, the line turns westward to Jungku, Lhaling, and Shachia. At Shachia, the line leaves the former imperial highway and turns southwestward again and proceeds via Kula to Yatung at the Sikkim border. This line covers a distance of 250 miles. f. The Lhasa-Laichiyaling Line and Branches This line starts from Lhasa and proceeds northwestward by Chashih following the former imperial road to Little Taking, and westward to Yangpachin and Sangtolohai. Thence turning southwestward, it proceeds to Namaling and Tangto, and crosses the Sanpo River at Lhaku. After Lhaku, the line turns westward to Shigatse, the second important city in Tibet whence it proceeds in the same direction to Chashihkang, Pangcholing, and Lhatse all on the right side of the Sanpo River. From Lhatse, a branch line starts southwestward via Chayakor and Dingri to Niehlamuh on the Nepal border. The main line, however, crosses to the left side of the Sanpo River and proceeds on the same highway via Nabringtaka to Tadum where another branch line proceeds southwestward to the Nepal border. The main line continues northwestward via Tamusa and Choshan to Gartok, thence turning westward it proceeds to Laichiyaling on the Sutlej River and ends on the Indian border. This line, including the two branches, covers a distance of 850 miles. g. The Lhasa-Nohho Line This line starts from Lhasa and runs in the same track as line (f) to Sangtolohai where it proceeds by its own line northwestward to Teching, Sangchashong, and Taktung. Thence, it enters into the richest gold field in Tibet and through Wengpo, Tulakpa, Kwangkwei, and Ikar reaches Nohho, where the line ends. It covers a distance of 700 miles. h. The Lhasa-Iden Line This line starts from Lhasa, following the common track of lines (f) and (g) to the southwestern corner of Tengri Lake, whence it proceeds by its own track northwestward by Lungmajing, Tipoktolo and four or five other small places to Sari. After Sari, the line penetrates a vast tract of uninhabited land to Pakar and Suketi. Thence crossing the mountain passes and descending from the highland to the Tarim Basin through Sorkek to Yasulakun, the line joins the Cherchen-Iden railway of the Northwestern System and proceeds on the same track to Iden. This line covers a distance of 700 miles. i. The Lanchow-Chochiang Line This line starts from Lanchow, on the same track of the Lhasa-Lanchow line as far as the southeastern corner of the Lake Kokonor. Thence it proceeds on its own track by skirting along the southern shore of Lake Kokonor to Dulankit, where it turns southwestward to Dzunsasak. From Dzunsasak, the line proceeds in a westerly course along the southern side of the Zaidam Swamp, and passes Tunyueh, Halori, and Golmot to Hatikair. After Hatikair, the line turns northwestward by Baipa, Nolinjoha, to Orsinte. Thence turning more northward, it proceeds across the mountain range by Tsesinvitusuik and Tuntunomik to Chochiang, where it ends by joining the Ansi-Iden and Chochiang-Koria lines, covering a distance of 700 miles. j. The Chengtu-Dzunsasak Line This line starts from Chengtu and proceeds to Kwanhsien on the track of the Lhasa-Chengtu line, thence northward on its own track by Wenchuan, to Mauchow. Then, it proceeds northwestward following the course of the Minkiang to Sungpan. After Sungpan, it ascends the Min Valley passing Tungpi to Shangleyao, where it crosses the watershed from the Yangtze River side to that of the Hoangho. Thence the line proceeds to Orguseri, and following a branch of the Hoangho to the northwestern turn of its main stream, it proceeds along its right bank via Chahuntsin to Peilelachabu. There it crosses the Hoangho to the northwest turn of the old imperial road, where it joins the Lhasa-Lanchow line and proceeds as far as Lanipar. Then turning northwestward, it proceeds by its own line to Dzunsasak, where it ends by joining the Lanchow-Chochiang line. This line covers a distance of 650 miles. k. The Ningyuan-Cherchen Line This line starts from Ningyuan and proceeds in a northwestward direction via Hwaiyuanchen to the Yalungkiang. Then it ascends along the left side of that river to Yakiang, and crossing to the right side of that river it proceeds by the old post road to Siolo, where it turns away from the river and follows the same post road to Litang. From Litang it proceeds in the same direction but follows another road to Kangtu, on the left side of the Kinshakiang. Following the same side of the river, it proceeds to Sawusantusze, where it crosses the Lhasa-Chengtu line. After Sawusantusze, the line continues in the same direction and follows the same side of the Kinshakiang via Tashigompa, to the Huhusair Bridge, where it crosses the Lhasa-Lanchow line. Then following a northern branch of the Kinshakiang to its source and crossing the watershed, it proceeds along the caravan road by Hsinszukiang and Olokung to Cherchen, where it ends, covering a distance of about 1,350 miles. This is the longest line of this system. l. The Chengtu-Menkong Line This line starts from Chengtu and proceeds southwestward by Shuangliu, Hsintsin, Mingshan, to Yachow. From Yachow, it turns northwestward and proceeds to Tienchuan, then westward to Tatsienlu, Tunyolo, and Litang. After Litang, the line proceeds southwestward through Batang and Yakalo, to Menkong, covering a distance of about 400 miles of very mountainous country. m. The Chengtu-Yuankiang Line This line starts from Chengtu on the same track of the Chengtu-Menkong line, proceeds to Yachow and thence by its own track in the same direction via Jungching, to Tsingliu. After Tsingliu, the line proceeds southward through Yuehsi to Ningyuan, where it meets the head of the Ningyuan-Cherchen line. After Ningyuan, it goes to Kwaili, then crosses the Kinshakiang to Yunnanfu where it crosses the Canton-Tali line. From Yunnanfu, it proceeds along the west side of the Kunming Lake to Kunyang, and through Hsinshing, Hsingo, to Yuankiang, where the line ends by joining the Canton-Szemo line. It covers a distance of about 600 miles. n. The Suifu-Tali Line This line starts from Suifu and proceeds along the left bank of the Yangtze River to Pingshan and Lupo. After Lupo, it turns away from the river in a southwesterly direction and scales the Taliangshan Mountains to Ningyuan, where it crosses the Chengtu-Yuankiang line and meets the termini of the Canton-Ningyuan line and the Ningyuan-Cherchen line. Thence continuing in the same direction, it crosses the Yalungkiang to Yenyuan and Yungpeh. After Yungpeh, the line turns more southward, across the Kinshakiang to Sincheng and thence to Tali, where it ends by meeting the Canton-Tali line and the Lhasa-Tali line. It covers a distance of about 400 miles. o. The Suifu-Mengting Line This line starts from Suifu on the same track as the Suifu-Tali line as far as Lupo. From Lupo, it goes on its own track across the Yangtze River here known as the Kinshakiang, and follows the right side of that river upward to its southward bend where it crosses the Chengtu-Yuankiang line, to Yuanmow. From Yuanmow, it proceeds to Tsuyung, where it crosses the Canton-Tali line, thence to Kingtung. After Kingtung, it proceeds southwestward across the Lantsangkiang or Mekong River, to Yunchow, thence turning southwestward, it follows a branch of the Lukiang River to Mengting and ends on the frontier. This line covers a distance of about 500 miles. p. The Iden-Gartok Line This line starts from Iden, and proceeds southward along the Keriya River to Polu, thence following the caravan road up the highland to Kuluk. From Kuluk, it proceeds southwestward via Alasa and Tunglong to Nohho, where it meets the terminus of the Lhasa-Nohho line. After Nohho, it skirts around the eastern end of the Noh-tso-Lake to Rudok and proceeds southwestward to Demchok, on the Indus River. From Demchok, it proceeds southeastward following the Indus River up to Gartok, where it ends by joining the Lhasa-Laichiyaling line. This line covers a distance of about 500 miles. This highland system totals about 11,000 miles. PART VI The Establishment of Locomotive and Car Factories The railways projected in the Fourth Program will total about 62,000 miles; and those in the First and the Third Programs about 14,000 miles. Besides these, there will be double tracks in the various trunk lines, which will make up a grand total of no less than 100,000 miles, as stated in the preliminary part of these programs. With this 100,000 miles of railways to be constructed in the coming ten years, the demands for locomotives and cars will be tremendous. The factories of the world will be unable to supply them, especially at this juncture of reconstruction after the great world war. So the establishment of locomotive and car factories in China to supply our own demands of railway equipment will be a necessary as well as a profitable undertaking. China possesses unlimited supplies of raw materials and cheap labor. What we need for establishing such factories is foreign capital and experts. What amount of capital should be invested in this project, I have to leave to experts to decide. I suggest that four large factories should be started simultaneously at the beginning--two on the coast and two on the Yangtze. Of those on the coast, one should be at the Great Northern Port, and the other at the Great Southern Port--Canton. Of those on the Yangtze, one should be at Nanking and the other at Hankow. All four are in centers of both land and water communication, where skilled labor can easily be obtained. They are also near our iron and coal fields. Besides these four great factories, others should be established at suitable centers of iron and coal fields when our railways will be more developed. All the factories should be under one central control. The locomotives and cars of our future railways should be standardized so as to make possible the interchange of parts of machinery and equipment. We should also adopt the standard gauge, that is, the 4 feet 8½ inch gauge which has been adopted by most of the railways of the world. In fact, almost all the railways hitherto built in China are of this gauge. The purpose of the proposed standardization is to secure the highest efficiency as well as the greatest economy. PROGRAM V In the preceding four programs, I dealt exclusively with the development of the key and basic industries. In this one, I am going to deal with the development of the _main_ group of industries which need foreign help. By the main group of industries, I mean those industries which provide every individual and family with the necessaries and comforts of life. Of course, when the key and basic industries are developed, the various other industries will spontaneously spring up all over the country, in a very short time. This had been the case in Europe and America after the industrial revolution. The development of the key and the basic industries will give plenty of work to the people and will raise their wages as well as their standard of living. When wages are high, the price for necessaries and comforts of life will also be increased. So the rise in wages will be accompanied by the rise in the cost of living. Therefore, the aim of the development of some of the main group of industries is to help reduce the high cost of living when China is in the process of international development, by giving to the majority of the people plenty of the essentials and comforts of life as well as higher wages. It is commonly thought that China is the cheapest country to live in. This is a misconception owing to the common notion of measuring everything by the value of money. If we measure the cost of living by the value of labor then it will be found that China is the most expensive country for a common worker to live in. A Chinese coolie, a muscular worker, has to work 14 to 16 hours a day in order to earn a bare subsistence. A clerk in a shop, or a teacher in a village school cannot earn more than a hundred dollars a year. And the farmers after paying their rents and exchanging for a few articles of need with their produce have to live from hand to mouth. Labor is very cheap and plentiful but food and commodities of life are just enough to go round for the great multitude of the four hundred millions in China in an ordinary good year. In a bad year, a great number succumb to want and starvation. This miserable condition among the Chinese proletariat is due to the non-development of the country, the crude methods of production and the wastefulness of labor. The radical cure for all this is industrial development by foreign capital and experts for the benefit of the whole nation. Europe and America are a hundred years ahead of us in industrial development; so in order to catch up in a very short time we have to use their capital, mainly their machinery. If foreign capital cannot be gotten, we will have to get at least their experts and inventors to make for us our own machinery. In any case, we must use machinery to assist our enormous man-power to develop our unlimited resources. In modern civilization, the material essentials of life are five, namely: food, clothing, shelter, means of locomotion, and the printed page. Accordingly I will formulate this program as follows: I. The Food Industry. II. The Clothing Industry. III. The Housing Industry. IV. The Motoring Industry. V. The Printing Industry. PART I The Food Industry The food industry should be treated under the following headings: a. The Production of Food. b. The Storage and Transportation of Food. c. The Preparation and Preservation of Food. d. The Distribution and Exportation of Food. a. The Production of Food Human foods are derived from three sources: the land, the sea and the air. By far the most important and greatest in quantity consumed is aerial food of which oxygen is the most vital element. But this aerial food is abundantly provided by nature, and no human labor is needed for its production except that which is occasionally needed for the airman and the submariner. So this food is free to all. It is not necessary for us to discuss it here. The production of food from the sea which I have already touched upon when I dealt with the construction of fishing harbors and the building of fishing crafts, will also be left out here. It is the specific industries in the production of food from land, which need foreign help that are to be discussed here. China is an agricultural country. About four-fifths of its population is occupied in the work of producing food. The Chinese farmer is very skillful in intensive cultivation. He can make the land yield to its utmost capacity. But vast tracts of arable lands are lying waste in thickly populated districts for one cause or other. Some are due to lack of water, some to too much of it and some to the "dog in the manger" system,--the holding up of arable land by speculators and land sharks for higher rents and prices. The land of the eighteen provinces alone is at present supporting a population of four hundred millions. Yet there is still room for development which can make this same area of land yield more food if the waste land be brought under cultivation, and the already cultivated land be improved by modern machinery and scientific methods. The farmers must be protected and encouraged by liberal land laws by which they can duly reap the fruits of their own labor. In regard to the production of food in our international development scheme, two necessary undertakings should be carried out which will be profitable at the same time. (1) A scientific survey of the land. (2) The establishment of factories for manufacturing agricultural machinery and implements. (1) A scientific survey of the land. China has never been scientifically surveyed and mapped out. The administration of land is in the most chaotic state and the taxation of land is in great confusion, thus causing great hardships on the poor peasants and farmers. So, under any circumstance, the survey of land is the first duty of the government to execute. But this could not be done without foreign help, owing to lack of funds and experts. Therefore, I suggest that this work be taken up by an international organization. This organization should provide the expenses of the work by a loan, and should carry out the work with the required number of experts and equipment. How much will be the expenses for the survey and what is the amount of time required and how large an organization is sufficient to carry on the work, and whether aerial survey by aeroplanes be practical for this work are questions which I shall leave to experts to decide. When the topographical survey is going on a geological survey may be carried out at the same time so as to economize expenses. When the survey work is done and the land of each province is minutely mapped out, we shall be able to readjust the taxation of the already cultivated and improved land. As regards the waste and uncultivated lands we shall be able to determine whether they are suitable for agriculture, for pasture, for forestry, or for mining. In this way, we can estimate their value and lease them out to the users for whatever production that is most suitable. The surplus tax of the cultivated land and the proceeds of waste land will be for the payment of the interest and principal of the foreign loan. Besides the eighteen provinces, we have a vast extent of agricultural and pastural lands in Manchuria, Mongolia, and Sinkiang, and a vast extent of pastural land in Tibet and Kokonor. They will have to be developed by extensive cultivation under the colonization scheme, which is alluded to in the first program. (2) The establishment of factories for manufacturing agricultural machinery and implements. When the waste land is reclaimed, cultivated land improved and waste labor set to work on the land, the demands for agricultural machinery and implements will be very great. As we have cheap labor and plenty of iron and coal, it is better and cheaper for us to manufacture than to import the implements and machinery. For this purpose, much capital should be invested, and factories should be put up in industrial centers or in the neighborhood of iron and coal fields, where labor and material could be easily found. b. The Storage and Transportation of Food The most important foodstuff to be stored and transported is grain. Under the present Chinese method, the storage of grain is most wasteful for if kept in large quantities it is often destroyed by insects or damaged by weather. It is only in small quantities and by great and constant care that grains can be preserved for a certain period of time. And the transportation of grains is also most expensive for the work is mostly done on man's shoulders. When the grains reach the waterway it is carried in a most makeshift way, without the least semblance of system. If the method of storing and transporting of grain be improved, a great economic saving could be accomplished. I propose that a chain of grain elevators be built all over the country and a special transport fleet be equipped all along the waterways by this International Development Organization. What will be the capital for this project and where the elevators should be situated have yet to be investigated by experts. c. The Preparation and Preservation of Food Hitherto the preparation of food is entirely by hand with a few primitive implements. The preservation of food is either by salt or sun heat. Mills and cannery method are scarcely known. I suggest that a system of rice mills should be constructed in all the large cities and towns in the Yangtze Valley and South China where rice is the staple food. Flour mills should be put up in all large cities and towns north of the Yangtze Valley, where wheat, oats, and cereals other than rice are the staple food. All these mills should be under one central management so as to produce the best economic results. What amount of capital should be invested in this mill system by this international development scheme should be subjected to detailed investigation. In regard to the preservation of food, fruits, meats and fishes should be preserved by canning or by refrigeration. If the canning industry is developed there will be created a great demand for tinplates. Therefore the establishment of tinplate factories will be necessary and also profitable. Such factories should be situated near the iron and tin fields. There are many localities in South China where tin, iron, and coal are situated near each other, thus providing ready materials for the factories. The tinplate factories and the canneries should be combined into one enterprise so as to secure best economic results. d. The Distribution and Exportation of Food In ordinary good years, China never lacks food. There is a common saying in China that "One year's tilling will provide three years' wants." In the richer sections of the country, the people generally reserve three or four years' food supply in order to combat a bad year. But when China is developed and organized as an economic whole, one year's food reserve should be kept in the country for the use of the local people and the surplus should be sent out to the industrial centers. As the storage and transportation of food will be under a central management so the distribution and exportation of food should be under the same charge. All surplus grains of a country district should be sent to the nearest town for storage and each town or city should store one year's food. All the staple food should be sold only at cost price to the inhabitants according to their number, by the distributing department. And the surplus food should be exported to foreign countries where it is wanted and where the highest price can be obtained by the export department under the central management. Thus the surplus food will not be wasted as hitherto under the prohibition law. The proceeds of this export will surely amount to a huge sum which will be used in the payment of the interest and principal of the foreign loan invested in this undertaking. We cannot complete this part of the food industry without giving special consideration to the Tea and Soya industries. The former, as a beverage, is well known throughout and used by the civilized world and the latter is just beginning to be realized as an important foodstuff by the scientists and food administrators. Tea, the most healthy and delicious beverage of mankind, is produced in China. Its cultivation and preparation form one of the most important industries of the country. Once China was the only country that supplied the world with tea. Now, China's tea trade has been wrested away from her by India and Japan. But the quality of the Chinese tea is still unequalled. The Indian tea contains too much tannic acid, and the Japanese tea lacks the flavor which the Chinese tea possesses. The best tea is only obtainable in China--the native land of tea. China lost her tea trade owing to the high cost of its production. The high cost of production is caused by the inland tax as well as the export duty and by the old methods of cultivation and preparation. If the tax and duty are done away with and new methods introduced, China can recover her former position in this trade easily. In this International Development Scheme, I suggest that a system of modern factories for the preparation of tea should be established in all the tea districts, so that the tea should be prepared by machinery instead of, as hitherto, by hand. Thus the cost of production can be greatly reduced and the quality improved. As the world's demand for tea is daily increasing and will be more so by a dry United States of America, a project to supply cheaper and better tea will surely be a profitable one. Soya bean as a meat substitute was discovered by the Chinese and used by the Chinese and the Japanese as a staple food for many thousands of years. As meat shortage has been keenly felt in carnivorous countries at present, a solution must be found to relieve it. For this reason I suggest that in this International Development Scheme we should introduce this artificial meat, milk, butter and cheese to Europe and America, by establishing a system of soya bean factories in all the large cities of those countries, so as to provide cheap nitrogenous food to the western people. Modern factories should also be established in China to replace those old and expensive methods of production by hand, so as to procure better economic results as well as to produce better commodities. PART II The Clothing Industry The principal materials for clothes are silk, linen, cotton, wool and animal skins. I shall accordingly deal with them under the following headings: a. The Silk Industry. b. The Linen Industry. c. The Cotton Industry. d. The Woolen Industry. e. The Leather Industry. f. The Manufacturing of Clothing Machinery. a. The Silk Industry Silk is a Chinese discovery and was used as a material for clothes for many thousands of years before the Christian Era. It is one of the important national industries of China. Up to recent times, China was the only country that supplied silk to the world. But now this dominant trade has been taken away from China by Japan, Italy and France, because those countries have adopted scientific methods for silk culture and manufacture, while China still uses the same old methods of many thousand years ago. As the world's demand for silk is increasing daily, the improvement of the culture and manufacture of silk will be a very profitable undertaking. In this International Development Scheme, I suggest first that scientific bureaus be established in every silk district to give directions to the farmers and to provide healthy silk-worm eggs. These bureaus should be under central control. At the same time, they will act as collecting stations for cocoons so as to secure a fair price for the farmers. Secondly, silk filiatures with up-to-date machinery should be established in suitable districts to reel the silk for home as well as for foreign consumption. And lastly, modern factories should be put up for manufacturing silk for both home and foreign markets. All silk filiatures and factories should be under a single national control and will be financed with foreign capital and supervised by experts to secure the best economic results and to produce better and cheaper commodities. b. The Linen Industry This is an old Chinese industry. In southern China there is produced a kind of very fine linen in the form of ramie, known as China-grass. This fiber if treated by modern methods and machinery becomes almost as fine and glossy as silk. But in China, so far as I know, there is not yet such new method and machinery for the manufacturing of this linen. The famous Chinese grass-cloth is manufactured by the old method of hand-looms. I propose that new methods and machinery be introduced into China by this International Development Organization to manufacture this linen. A system of modern factories should be established all over the ramie-producing districts in South China where raw materials and labor are obtainable. c. The Cotton Industry Cotton is a foreign product which was introduced into China centuries ago. It became a very important Chinese industry during the hand-loom age. But after the import of foreign cotton goods into China, this native handicraft industry was gradually killed by the foreign trade. So, great quantities of raw cotton are exported and finished cotton goods are imported in large quantities into China. What an anomaly when we consider the enormous, cheap labor in China. However a few cotton mills have been started recently in treaty ports which have made enormous profits. It is reported that during the last two or three years most of the Shanghai cotton mills declared a dividend of 100 per cent and some even 200 per cent! The demand for cotton goods in China is very great but the supply falls short. It is necessary to put up more mills in China for cotton manufacturing. Therefore, I suggest in this International Development Scheme to put up a system of large cotton mills all over the cotton-producing districts under one central national control. Thus the best economic results will be obtained and cotton goods can be supplied to the people at a lower cost. d. The Woolen Industry Although the whole of Northwestern China--about two-thirds of the entire country is a pastural land yet the woolen industry has never been developed. Every year, plenty of raw materials are exported from China on the one hand and plenty of finished woolen goods imported on the other. Judging by the import and export of the woolen trade the development of woolen industry in China will surely be a profitable business. I suggest that scientific methods be applied to the raising of sheep and to the treatment of wool so as to improve the quality and increase the quantity. Modern factories should be established all over northwestern China for manufacturing all kinds of finished woolen goods. Here we have the raw materials, cheap labor and unlimited market. What we want for the development of this industry is foreign capital and experts. This will be one of the most remunerative projects in our International Development Scheme, for the industry will be a new one and there will be no private competitors on the field. e. The Leather Industry This will also be a new industry in China, despite the fact that there are a few tanneries in the treaty ports. The export of hides from and the import of leather goods into China are increasing every year. So, to establish a system of tanneries and factories for leather goods and foot-gear will be a lucrative undertaking. f. The Manufacturing of Clothing Machinery The machinery for the manufacturing of various kinds of clothing materials is in great demand in China. It is reported that the orders for cotton mill machinery have been filled up for the next three years from manufacturers in Europe and America. If China is developed according to my programs, the demand for machinery will be many times greater than at present and the supply in Europe and America will be too short to meet it. Therefore to establish factories for the manufacturing of clothing machinery is a necessary as well as a profitable undertaking. Such factories should be established in the neighborhood of iron and steel factories, so as to save expenses for transportation of heavy materials. What will be the capital for this undertaking should be decided by experts. PART III The Housing Industry Among the four hundred millions in China the poor still live in huts and hovels, and in caves in the loess region of north China while the middle and the rich classes live in temples. All the so-called houses in China, excepting a few after western style and those in treaty ports are built after the model of a temple. When a Chinese builds a house he has more regard for the dead than for the living. The first consideration of the owner is his ancestral shrine. This must be placed at the center of the house, and all the other parts must be complement and secondary to it. The house is planned not for comfort but for ceremonies, that is, for "the red and white affairs," as they are called in China. The "red affair" is the marriage or other felicitous celebrations of any member of the family, and the "white affair" is the funeral ceremonies. Besides the ancestral shrine there are the shrines of the various household gods. All these are of more importance than man and must be considered before him. There is not a home in old China that is planned for the comfort and convenience of man alone. So now when we plan the housing industry in China in our International Development Scheme, we must take the houses of the entire population of China into consideration. "To build houses for four hundred millions, it is impossible!" some may exclaim. This is the largest job ever conceived by man. But if China is going to give up her foolish traditions and useless habits and customs of the last three thousand years and begin to adopt modern civilization, as our industrial development scheme is going to introduce, the remodelling of all the houses according to modern comforts and conveniences is bound to come, either unconsciously by social evolution or consciously by artificial construction. The modern civilization so far attained by western nations is entirely an unconscious progress, for social and economic sciences are but recent discoveries. But henceforth all human progress will be more or less based upon knowledge, that is upon scientific planning. As we can foresee now, within half a century under our industrial development, the houses of all China will be renewed according to modern comfort and convenience. Is it not far better and cheaper to rebuild the houses of all China by a preconceived scientific plan than by none? I have no doubt that if we plan to build a thousand houses at one time it would be ten times cheaper than to plan and build one at a time, and the more we build the cheaper terms we would get. This is a positive economic law. The only danger in this is over-production. That is the only obstacle for all production on a large scale. Since the industrial revolution in Europe and America, every financial panic before the world war was caused by over-production. In the case of our housing industry in China, there are four hundred million customers. At least fifty million houses will be needed in the coming fifty years. Thus a million houses a year will be the normal demand of the country. Houses are a great factor in civilization. They give men more enjoyment and happiness than food and clothes. More than half of the human industries are contributing to household needs. The housing industry will be the greatest undertaking of our International Development Scheme, and also will be the most profitable part of it. My object of the development of the housing industry is to provide cheap houses to the masses. A ten thousand dollar house now built in the treaty port can be produced for less than a thousand dollars and yet a high margin of profit can be made. In order to accomplish this we have to produce transport, and distribute the materials for construction. After the house is finished, all household equipment must be furnished. Both of these will be comprised in the housing industry which I shall formulate as follows: a. The Production and Transportation of Building Materials. b. The Construction of Houses. c. The Manufacturing of Furniture. d. The Supply of Household Utilities. a. The Production and Transportation of Building Materials The building materials are bricks, tiles, timber, skeleton iron, stone, cement and mortar. Each of these materials must be manufactured or cut out from raw materials. So kilns for the manufacture of tiles and bricks must be put up. Mills for timbers must be established, also factories for skeleton irons. Quarries must be opened and factories for cement and mortar must be started. All these establishments must be put up at suitable districts where materials and markets are near one another. All should be under one central control so as to regulate the output of each of these materials in proportion to the demand. After the materials are ready they must be transported to the places where they are wanted by special bottoms on waterways, and by special cars on railways so as to reduce the cost as low as possible. For this purpose special boats and cars must be built by the shipbuilding department and the car factory. b. The Construction of Houses The houses to be built in China will comprise public buildings and private residences. As the public buildings are to be built with public funds for public uses which will not be a profitable undertaking, a special Government Department should therefore be created to take charge. The houses that are to be built under this International Development Scheme will be private residences only with the object to provide cheap houses for the people, as well as to make profit for this International concern. The houses will be built on standardized types. In cities and towns the houses should be constructed on two lines: the single family and the group family houses. The former should again be sub-divided into eight-roomed, ten-roomed and twelve-roomed houses, and the latter into ten-family, hundred-family and thousand-family houses, with four or six rooms for each family. In the country districts the houses should be classified according to the occupation of the people, and special annexes such as barns and dairies should be provided for the farmers. All houses should be designed and built according to the needs and comfort of man; so a special architectural department should be established to study the habits, occupations and needs of different people and make improvements from time to time. The construction should be performed as much as possible by labor-saving machinery so as to accelerate work and save expenses. c. The Manufacturing of Furniture As all houses in China should be remodelled all furniture should be replaced by up-to-date ones, which are made for the comforts and needs of man. Furniture of the following kinds should be manufactured: the library, the parlor, the bedroom, the kitchen, the bathroom and the toilet. Each kind should be manufactured in a special factory under the management of the International Development Organization. d. The Supply of Household Utilities The household utilities are water, light, heat, fuel and telephones. Except in treaty ports, there is no water-supply system in any of the cities and towns of China. Even many treaty ports possess none as yet. In all the large cities, the people obtain their water from rivers which at the same time act as sewage. The water supply of the large cities and towns in China is most unsanitary, (1) It is an urgent necessity that water supply systems should be installed in all cities and towns in China without delay. Therefore special factories for equipping the water system should be established in order to meet the needs. (2) Lighting plants should be installed in all the cities and towns in China. So factories for the manufacture of the machinery lighting plants should be established. (3) Modern heating plants should be installed in every household, using either electricity, gas, or steam. So the manufacturing of heating equipment is a necessity. Factories should be established for this purpose. (4) Cooking fuel is one of the most costly items in the daily needs of the Chinese people. In the country the people generally devote ten per pent of their working time to gathering firewoods. In town the people spend about twenty per cent of their living expenses for firewood alone. Thus this firewood question accumulates into a great national waste. The firewood and grass as a cooking fuel must be substituted by coal in the country districts, and by gas or electricity in towns and cities. In order to use coal gas and electricity, proper equipment must be provided. So factories for the manufacturing of coal gas, and electricity, stoves for every family must be established by this International Development Organization. (5) Telephones must also be supplied to every family in the cities as well as in the country. So factories for manufacturing the equipment must be put up in China, in order to render them as cheap as possible. PART IV The Motoring Industry The Chinese are a stagnant race. From time immemorial a man is praised for staying at home and caring for his immediate surroundings only. Laotse--a contemporary of Confucius--says: "The good people are those who live in countries so near to each other that they can hear each other's cock crow and dog bark and yet they never have had intercourse with each other during their lifetime." This is often quoted as the Golden Age of the Chinese people. But in modern civilization the condition is entirely changed. Moving about occupies a great part of a man's life time. It is the movement of man that makes civilization progress. China, in order to catch up with modern civilization, must move. And the movement of the individual forms an important part of the national activity. A man must move whenever and wherever he pleases with ease and rapidity. However, China, at present, lacks the means of facility for individual movement, for all the old great highways were ruined and have disappeared, and the automobile has not yet been introduced into the interior of the country. The motor car, a recent invention, is a necessity for rapid movement. If we wish to move quickly and do more work, we must adopt the motor car as a vehicle. But before we can use the motor car, we have to build our roads. In the preliminary part of this International Development Scheme, I proposed to construct one million miles of roads. These should be apportioned according to the ratio of population in each district for construction. In the eighteen provinces of China Proper, there are nearly 2,000 hsiens. If all parts of China are to adopt the hsien administration, there will be nearly 4,000 hsiens in all. Thus the construction of roads for each hsien will be on an average of 250 miles. But some of the hsiens have more people and some have less. If we divide the million miles of roads by the four hundred million people, we shall have one mile to every four hundred. For four hundred people to build one mile of road is not a very difficult task to accomplish. If my scheme of making road-building as a condition for granting local autonomy is adopted by the nation, we shall see one million miles of road built in a very short time as if by a magic wand. As soon as the people of China decide to build roads, this International Development Organization can begin to put up factories for manufacturing motor cars. First start on a small scale and gradually expand the plants to build more and more until they are sufficient to supply the needs of the four hundred million people. The cars should be manufactured to suit different purposes, such as the farmer's car, the artisan's car, the business man's car, the tourist's car, the truck car, etc. All these cars, if turned out on a large scale, can be made much cheaper than at present, so that everybody who wishes it, may have one. Besides supplying cheap cars, we must also supply cheap fuel, otherwise the people will still be unable to use them. So the development of the oil fields in China should follow the motor car industry. This will be dealt with in more detail under the mining industry. PART V The Printing Industry This industry provides man with intellectual food. It is a necessity of modern society, without which mankind cannot progress. All human activities are recorded, and all human knowledge is stored in printing. It is a great factor of civilization. The progress and civilization of different nations of the world are measured largely by the quantity of printed matter they turned out annually. China, though the nation that invented printing, is very backward in the development of its printing industry. In our International Development Scheme, the printing industry must also be given a place. If China is developed industrially according to the lines which I suggested, the demand for printed matter by the four hundred millions will be exceedingly great. In order to meet this demand efficiently, a system of large printing houses must be established in all large cities in the country, to undertake printing of all kinds from newspapers to encyclopædia. The best modern books on various subjects in different countries should be translated into Chinese and published in cheap edition form for the general public in China. All the publishing houses should be organized under one common management, so as to secure the best economic results. In order to make printed matter cheap, other subsidiary industries must be developed at the same time. The most important of these is the paper industry. At present all the paper used by newspapers in China is imported. And the demand for paper is increasing every day. China has plenty of raw materials for making paper, such as the vast virgin forests of the northwestern part of the country, and the wild reeds of the Yangtze and its neighboring swamps which would furnish the best pulps. So, large plants for manufacturing papers should be put up in suitable locations. Besides the paper factories, ink factories, type foundries, printing machine factories, etc., should be established under a central management to produce everything that is needed in the printing industry. PROGRAM VI The Mining Industry Mining and farming are the two most important means of producing raw materials for industries. As farming is to produce food for man, so mining is to produce food for machinery. Machinery is the tree of modern industries, and the mining industry is the root of machinery. Thus, without the mining industry there would be no machinery, and without machinery there would be no modern industries which have revolutionized the economic conditions of mankind. The mining industry, after all, is the greatest factor of material civilization and economic progress. Although in the fifth part of the first program I suggested the development of the iron and coal fields in Chili and Shansi as an auxiliary project for the development of the Great Northern Port, still, a special program should be devoted to mining in general. The mineral lands of China belong to the state, and mining in China is still in its infancy. So to develop the mining industry from the outset as a state enterprise would be a sound economic measure. But mining in general is very risky and to enlist foreign capital in its development in a wholesale manner is unadvisable. Therefore, only such mining projects which are sure to be profitable will be brought under the International Development Scheme. I shall formulate this mining program as follows: I. The Mining of Iron. II. The Mining of Coal. III. The Mining of Oil. IV. The Mining of Copper. V. The Working of Some Particular Mines. VI. The Manufacture of Mining Machinery. VII. The Establishment of Smelting Plants. PART I The Mining of Iron Iron is the most important element in modern industries. Its deposits are found in great quantities in certain areas and can be easily mined. The iron mines should be worked absolutely as a state property. Besides the Chili and Shansi iron mines, the other iron fields must also be developed. There are very rich deposits in the southwestern provinces, the Yangtze Valley and the northwestern provinces in China Proper. Sinkiang, Mongolia, Manchuria, Kokonor, and Tibet also possess large deposits of iron. We have the Han Yeh Ping Iron and Steel Works in the Yangtze Valley and the Pen Chi Hu Iron and Steel Works in South Manchuria, both of which are largely capitalized by Japan and are working very profitably lately. There should be similar works in the vicinity of Canton, the Great Southern Port, and also in Szechuen, and Yunnan, where iron and coal are found side by side. The iron deposits in Sinkiang, Kansu, Mongolia, etc., must also be developed one after the other, according to the needs of the locality. Iron and Steel Works must be put up in each of these regions to supply the local demand for manufactured iron. What amount of capital should be invested in these additional iron and steel works must be thoroughly investigated by experts. But I should say that a sum equal to or double the amount to be invested in the Chili and Shansi iron and steel works will not be too much, because of the great demand which will result in the development of China. PART II The Mining of Coal China is known to be the country most rich in coal deposits, yet her coal fields are scarcely scratched. The output of coal in the United States is about six hundred million tons a year. If China is equally developed she should, according to the proportion of her population, have an output of four times as much coal as the United States. This will be the possibility of coal mining in China which the International Development Organization is to undertake. As coal deposits are found in great quantities in certain areas so its output can be estimated quite accurately beforehand. Thus, the risk is of no consideration and the profit is sure. But as coal is a necessity of civilized community and the sinews of modern industries, the principal object for mining should not be for profit alone, but for supplying the needs of mankind. After the payment of interest and capital of the foreign loans for its development, and the securing of high wages for the miners, the price of coal should be reduced as low as possible so as to meet the demands of the public as well as to give impetus to the development of various industries. I suggest that besides the mining of coal for the iron and steel works, a plan for producing two hundred million tons of coal a year for other uses should be formed at the start. Mines should be opened along the seaboard and navigable rivers. As Europe is now seeking coal from China this amount will not be over-production from the beginning. A few years later when the industries of China will be more developed more coal will be needed. How much capital will be required and what mines are to be worked, have to be submitted to scientific investigation under expert direction. Besides coal mining, the coal products industry must be developed under the same management. This is a new industry without any competition and has an unlimited market in China. Great profits will be assured on the capital invested. PART III The Mining of Oil It is well-known that the richest company in the world is the Standard Oil Company of New York, and that the richest man in the world is Rockefeller, organizer of this company. This proves that oil mining is a most profitable business. China is known to be a very rich oil-bearing country. Oil springs are found in the provinces of Szechuen, Kansu, Sinkiang, and Shensi. How vast is the underground reservoir of oil in China is not yet known. But the already known oil springs have never been worked and made use of, while the import of kerosene, gasoline, and crude oil from abroad is increasing every year. When China is developed as a motoring country, the use of gasoline will be increased a thousand-fold, then the supply from the foreign fields will not be able to meet the demands, as shortage of oil is already felt in Europe and America. The mining of oil in China will soon become a necessity. This enterprise should be taken up by the International Development Organization for the state. Production on a large scale should be started at once. Pipe line systems should be installed between oil districts and populous and industrial centers in the interior and also river and sea ports. What amount of capital should be invested in the project will have to be investigated by experts. PART IV The Mining of Copper The copper deposits, like iron ores, are found in great quantities in different places. So the quantity of ores in each mine can be accurately estimated before it is opened and its working generally runs no risk. Thus, the mining of copper should be taken up as a government enterprise, as was always the case in China, and financed and worked by the International Development Organization. The richest copper deposits in China are found along the border of Szechuen and Yunnan on the Yangtze River. The government copper mine in Chaotung, in the northeastern corner of Yunnan, has been working for many centuries. Cash, the standard currency of China, was made mostly of the copper from Yunnan province. The currency still absorbs an enormous quantity of copper. Owing to the difficulty of transporting the Yunnan copper, most of the metal for currency is being imported from foreign countries. Besides currency, copper is very commonly used for many other purposes and when the industries in China are developed the demand will increase a hundred times. So the demand for this metal will be very great in the market of China alone. I suggest that production on a large scale should be adopted and modern plants should be installed in copper mines. How much capital to be invested in this enterprise should be decided by experts after careful investigation. PART V The Working of Some Particular Mines In regard to the mining of various kinds of metal, some particular mines should be taken up by the International Development Organization. There are many famous mines in China which have been worked for many centuries by hand, such as the Kochui tin mine in Yunnan, the Moho gold mine in Heilungkiang, and the Khotan jade mine in Sinkiang. All these mines are known to have very rich deposits,--the deeper the richer. Hitherto only the surface parts of those mines have been worked and the larger deposits are still untouched, owing to the lack of means of getting rid of the water. Some of the mines are still in the hands of the Government, while others have been given up to private concerns. If modern machinery is adopted the mines should revert to the Government so as to secure economy in working. Many discarded mines of this kind should be thoroughly investigated, and if found profitable, work should be resumed under the International Development Scheme. All future mining, other than government enterprise, should be leased to private concerns on contract, and when the term is up, the government has the option to take them over, if found profitable as a state property. Thus all profitable mines will be socialized in time and the profit will be equally shared by all the people in the country. PART VI The Manufacture of Mining Machinery Most of the metal deposits of the earth are in small quantities and scattered far and wide in various places. Most of the mining enterprises resemble farming in that it is more profitable to work by individuals and small parties. As such is the case, most of the mining enterprises have to be worked out by private concerns. In order to accelerate the development of mining, more liberal laws should be adopted; education and information should be given freely by experts employed by the state; and encouragement and financial assistance should be given by the state and private banks. The part that the International Development Organization should take in general mining enterprises is to manufacture all kinds of mining tools and machinery, and to supply them to the miners at low cost, either on cash or on credit. By distributing tools and machinery to the surplus workers in China, the mining industry would be developed by leaps and bounds. And the more the mining industry is developed the more will be the demand for tools and machinery. Thus the profits for the manufacturing concerns would be limitless, so to speak. Of course, the factories should be started on a small scale and be extended gradually according to the ratio of the development of the mining industry. I suggest that the first factory of this kind should be established at Canton, the seaport of the southwestern mining region, where raw materials and skilled labor can be easily obtained. The other factories should be established in Hankow and the Great Northern Port afterwards. PART VII The Establishment of Smelting Plants Smelting plants for various kinds of metals should be put up in all mining districts to turn ore into metals. These smelting plants should be conducted under the coöperative system. At first, a reasonable price should be paid to the miner when the ore is collected. Afterwards, when the metal is sold, either at home or in foreign markets, the smelting works will take a share of the profit to cover the expenses, the interest, the sinking fund, etc. The surplus profit should be divided among the workers according to their wages, and among the capitalists according to the proportion of ore they contribute to the furnace. In this way we can encourage private mining enterprise which forms the root of other industries. All smelting works should be put up according to local needs and their scale should be determined by experts and managed under a central control. CONCLUSION In this International Development Scheme, I venture to present a practical solution for the three great world questions which are the International War, the Commercial War and the Class War. As it has been discovered by post-Darwin philosophers that the primary force of human evolution is coöperation and not struggle as that of the animal world, so the fighting nature, a residue of the animal instinct in man, must be eliminated from man, the sooner the better. International war is nothing more than pure and simple organized robbery on a grand scale, which all right-minded people deplore. When the United States of America turned the recent European conflict into a world war by taking part in it, the American people to a man determined to make this war end war forever. And the hope of the peace-loving nations in the world was raised so high that we Chinese thought that the "Tatung" or the Great Harmony Age was at hand. But unfortunately, the United States has completely failed in peace, in spite of her great success in war. Thus, the world has been thrown back to the pre-war condition again. The scrambling for territories, the struggle for food, and the fighting for raw materials will begin anew. So instead of disarmament there is going to be a greater increase in the armies and navies of the once allied powers for the next war. China, the most rich and populous country in the world, will be the prize. Some years ago there was great inclination among the Powers to divide China and Imperial Russia actually took steps to colonize Manchuria. But the then chivalrous Japan went to war with Russia and thus saved China from partition. Now the militaristic policy of Japan is to swallow China alone. So long as China is left to the tender mercy of the militaristic powers she must either succumb to partition by several powers or be swallowed up by one power. However, the tide of the world seems to be turning. After centuries of sound slumber, the Chinese people at last are waking up and realizing that we must get up and follow in the world's progress. Now we are at the parting of the ways. Shall we organize for war or shall we organize for peace? Our militarists and reactionaries desire the former, and they are going to Japanize China, so that when the time comes they will start another Boxer Movement once more to defy the civilized world. But as the founder of the Chung Hwa Min Kuo--the Chinese Republic--I desire to have China organized for peace. I, therefore, begin to utilize my pen, which I hope will prove even mightier than the sword that I used to destroy the Manchu Dynasty, to write out these programs for organizing China for peace. During the course of my writing, these programs have been published in various magazines and newspapers time after time and are being spread all over China. They are welcomed everywhere and by everyone in the country. So far there is not a word expressed in disfavor of my proposition. The only anxiety ever expressed regarding my scheme is where can we obtain such huge sums of money to carry out even a small part of this comprehensive project. Fortunately, however, soon after the preliminary part of my programs had been sent out to the different governments and the Peace Conference, a new Consortium was formed in Paris for the purpose of assisting China in developing her natural resources. This was initiated by the American Government. Thus we need not fear the lack of capital to start work in our industrial development. If the Powers are sincere in their motive to coöperate for mutual benefit, then the military struggle for material gain in China could eventually be averted. For by coöperation, they can secure more benefits and advantages than by struggle. The Japanese militarists still think that war is the most profitable national pursuit, and their General Staff keeps on planning a war once in a decade. This Japanese illusion was encouraged and strengthened by the campaign of 1894 against China, a cheap and short one but rich in remuneration for Japan; also by the campaign of 1904 against Russia which was a great success to the Japanese, and its fruit of victory was no less in value; finally by the campaign of 1914 against Germany which formed her part in the world war Japan took. Although Japan took the smallest part in the world war and expended the least in men and money, yet the fruit of her victory was Shantung, a territory as large as Roumania before the war, with a population as numerous as that of France. With such crowning results in every war during the last thirty years no wonder the Japanese militarists think that the most profitable business in this world is War. The effect of the last war in Europe proves, however, just the contrary. An aggressive Germany lost entirely her capital and interests, plus something more, while victorious France gained practically nothing. Since China is awake now, the next aggression from Japan will surely be met by a resolute resistance from the Chinese people. Even granted that Japan could conquer China, it would be an impossibility for Japan to govern China profitably for any period of time. The Japanese financiers possess better foresight than their militarists as was proved during the dispute of the Manchurian and the Mongolian reservations when the former prevailed over the latter thus causing the Japanese Government to give up her monopoly of these territories to the new Consortium, in order to coöperate with the other powers. We, the Chinese people, who desire to organize China for peace will welcome heartily this new Consortium provided it will carry out the principles which are outlined in these programs. Thus, coöperation of various nations can be secured and the military struggle for individual and national gain will cease forever. Commercial war, or competition, is a struggle between the capitalists themselves. This war has no national distinction. It is fought just as furiously and mercilessly between countries as well as within the country. The method of fighting is to undersell each other, in order to exhaust the weaker rivals so that the victor may control the market alone and dictate terms to the consuming public as long as possible. The result of the commercial war is no less harmful and cruel to the vanquished foes than an armed conflict. This war has become more and more furious every day since the adoption of machinery for production. It was once thought by the economists of the Adam Smith school that competition was a beneficent factor and a sound economic system, but modern economists discovered that it is a very wasteful and ruinous system. As a matter of fact, modern economic tendencies work in a contrary direction, that is, towards concentration instead of competition. That is the reason why the trusts in America flourish in spite of the anti-trust law and the public opinion which aim at suppressing them. For trusts, by eliminating waste and cutting down expenses can produce much cheaper than individual producers. Whenever a trust enters into a certain field of industry, it always sweeps that field clean of rivals, by supplying cheap articles to the public. This would prove a blessing to the public but for the unfortunate fact that the trust is a private concern, and its object is to make as much profit as possible. As soon as all rivals are swept dean from the field of competition, the trust would raise the price of its articles as high as possible. Thus the public is oppressed by it. The trust is a result of economic evolution, therefore it is out of human power to suppress it. The proper remedy is to have it owned by all the people of the country. In my International Development Scheme, I intend to make all the national industries of China into a Great Trust owned by the Chinese people, and financed with international capital for mutual benefit. Thus once for all, commercial war will be done away with in the largest market of the world. Class war is a struggle between labor and capital. The war is at present raging at its full height in all the highly developed industrial countries. Labor feels sure of its final victory while capitalists are determined to resist to the bitter end. When will it end and what will be the decision no one dares to predict. China, however, owing to the backwardness of her industrial development, which is a blessing in disguise, in this respect, has not yet entered into the class war. Our laboring class, commonly known as coolies, are living from hand to mouth and will therefore only be too glad to welcome any capitalist who would even put up a sweat shop to exploit them. The capitalist is a rare specimen in China and is only beginning to make his appearance in the treaty ports. However, China must develop her industries by all means. Shall we follow the old path of western civilization? This old path resembles the sea route of Columbus' first trip to America. He set out from Europe by a southwesterly direction through the Canary Islands to San Salvador, in the Bahama Group. But nowadays navigators take a different direction to America and find that the destination can be reached by a distance many times shorter. The path of western civilization was an unknown one and those who went before groped in the dark as Columbus did on his first voyage to America. As a late comer, China can greatly profit in covering the space by following the direction already charted by western pioneers. Thus we can foresee that the final goal of the westward-ho in the Atlantic is not India but the New World. So is the case in the economic ocean. The goal of material civilization is not private profit but public profit. And the shortest route to it is not competition but coöperation. In my International Development Scheme, I propose that the profits of this industrial development should go first to pay the interest and principal of foreign capital invested in it; second to give high wages to labor; and third to improve or extend the machinery of production. Besides these provisions the rest of the profit I should go to the public in the form of reduced prices in all commodities and public services. Thus, all will enjoy, in the same degree, the fruits of modern civilization. This industrial development scheme which is roughly sketched in the above six programs is a part of my general plan for constructing a New China. In a nutshell, it is my idea to make capitalism create socialism in China so that these two economic forces of human evolution will work side by side in future civilization. APPENDIX I PRELIMINARY AGREEMENT PROVIDING FOR THE FINANCING AND CONSTRUCTION OF THE RAILWAY FROM CANTON TO CHUNGKING WITH EXTENSION TO LANCHOW This Agreement is made at Shanghai on the fourth day of the seventh month of the second year of the Republic of China being the fourth day of July, 1913, and the contracting parties are: The Chinese National Railway Corporation (hereinafter termed "the Corporation") duly authorized in virtue of the Presidential Mandate of the ninth day of the ninth month of the Republic of China being the ninth day of September, 1912, and in virtue of the Charter of the Corporation duly promulgated by a Presidential Mandate of the thirty-first day of the third month of the second year of the Republic of China being the thirty-first day of March, 1913, on the one part and Messrs. Pauling and Company, Limited, of 26 Victoria Street, London, S. W. (hereinafter termed "the Contractors") on the other part. NOW IT IS HEREBY AGREED by and between the parties hereto as follows: ARTICLE I The Contractors, or their Assigns, agree to issue on behalf of the Government of the Republic of China a sterling Loan, bearing interest at the rate of five per cent per annum, (hereinafter referred to as "the Loan") for such an amount as may be mutually estimated to be necessary for the completion of the Railway from Canton to Chungking. The Loan shall be of the date on which the first series of Bonds are issued and shall be called "The Chinese National Railways Government five per cent Gold Loan of 1912 for the Canton Chungking Railway." ARTICLE II The proceeds of the Loan are designed for the construction and equipment of the Railway from Canton to Chungking (hereinafter called "the Railway") and for all necessary expenditure appertaining thereto as may be arranged in the Detailed Agreement, referred to in Article 17. ARTICLE III The payment of the interest and the redemption of the Capital of the Loan are guaranteed by the Government of the Republic of China and by a special lien upon the Canton Chungking Railway. This special lien constitutes a first mortgage in favour of the Contractors, acting on behalf of the Bondholders, upon the Railway itself, as and when constructed, and on the revenue of all descriptions derivable therefrom, and upon all materials, rolling stock and buildings of every description purchased or to be purchased for the Railway. Should there be default in payments on the dates fixed of all or part of the half yearly interest or amortization payments, the Contractors shall have the right to exercise on behalf of the Bondholders all the rights of action which accrue to them from the special mortgage. ARTICLE IV During the time of construction of the Railway the interest on the Bonds and on any advances made by the Contractors shall be paid from the proceeds of the Loan. The accruing interest from any proceeds of the Loan not used during the period of construction, and the earnings derived by the Corporation from the working of any sections of the Railway as they are built, are to be used to make up the amount required for the payment of the said interest, and if any deficiency remains it is to be met from the proceeds of the Loan. When the construction of the Railway is wholly completed, the interest on the Bonds is to be paid from the income or earnings of the Railway received by the Corporation, in such manner and on such dates as may be provided for in the Detailed Agreement provided for in Article 17 of this Agreement. If, at any time, the earnings of the Railway, together with the funds available from the proceeds of the Loan, are not sufficient to meet the interest on the Bonds and the repayment of the capital in accordance with the Amortization Schedule to be attached to the Detailed Agreement, the Government of the Republic of China, in approving of this Agreement, unconditionally undertakes and promises to pay the principal of the Loan and the interest of the Loan on the due dates to be fixed therefor in the Detailed Agreement provided for in Article 17 of this Agreement. ARTICLE V The bonds shall be Bonds of the Government of the Republic of China. ARTICLE VI The Loan shall be issued to the public in two or more series of Bonds, the first issue to be made to the amount of from one to two million pounds sterling as soon as possible after the signature of the Detailed Agreement referred to in Article 17 of this Agreement. The issue price of the Bonds shall be fixed by the Corporation and the Contractors sometime before the issue, taking the last price of similar Bonds as a basis for fixing the market price. The price payable to the Corporation shall be the actual rate of issue to the public less a sufficient amount to cover the cost of stamps on the Bonds in the various countries of issue, provided always that at least fifty per cent of the Bonds shall be issued in England, plus floatation charges of four per cent retainable by the Contractors (that is to say, a charge of four pounds for every one hundred pound Bond issued). After the Detailed Agreement referred to in Article 17 is settled, and pending the issue of the Loan, the Contractors shall deposit the sum of fifty thousand pounds with the issuing Bank to the Canton Chungking Railway account, and this amount can be drawn on by the Corporation for survey and other necessary expenses authorized by the Managing Director against certificates signed by the Chief Accountant and Chief Engineer. This sum of fifty thousand pounds shall bear interest at the rate of five per cent per annum and shall be refunded out of the proceeds of the Loan. ARTICLE VII The proceeds of the Loan shall be deposited with the issuing Bank, to be nominated and guaranteed by the Contractors, to the credit of a Canton Chungking Railway Account on such terms as may be mutually arranged in the Detailed Agreement referred to in Article 17. When the work of construction is ready to begin a sum equal to the estimated expenditure in China for six months shall be transferred to a Bank in China to be mutually agreed upon and there placed to the credit of a Canton Chungking Railway Account to be operated upon by the Corporation under certificates signed by the Chief Accountant and the Chief Engineer. This amount of estimated expenditure for six months shall be maintained by subsequent monthly transfers so that, as far as possible, there shall always be six months estimated expenditure in China on deposit in a Bank in China to be mutually agreed upon. ARTICLE VIII Immediately after the signing of the Detailed Agreement, the Corporation will establish a Head Office at Canton for the Canton Chungking Railway. This Office will be under the direction of a Chinese Managing Director to be appointed by the Corporation, with whom will be associated a British Engineer-in-Chief and a British Firm of Public Accountants, of recognized standing, whose representative shall be Chief Accountant (hereinafter called "the Chief Accountant"). These British Employes shall be nominated by the Corporation and the Contractors, jointly, and shall be appointed by the Corporation. Their dismissal shall take place, only, with the joint approval of the Corporation and the Contractors. It is understood that the duties to be performed by these employes are intended to promote the mutual interests of the Corporation and the Bondholders respectively, and it is therefore agreed that all cases of difference arising therefrom shall be referred for amicable adjustment between the Corporation and the Representative of the Contractors. The salaries and other terms of Agreement of the Engineer-in-chief and the Chief Accountant shall be arranged between the Corporation and the Contractors; and the amount of their salaries, etc., shall be paid out of the general accounts of the Railway. For all important technical appointments for the operation of the Railway, Europeans of experience and ability shall be engaged and wherever competent Chinese are available, they shall be employed. All such appointments shall be made, and their functions defined, by the Managing Director and the Engineer-in-Chief in consultation, and shall be submitted for the approval of the Corporation; similar procedure shall be followed in the case of Europeans employed in the Chief Accountant's department. In the event of the misconduct, or the incompetency of these European employes, their services may be dispensed with by the Managing Director, after consultation with the Engineer-in-Chief, and subject to the sanction of the Corporation. The form of Agreements made with these European Employes shall conform to the usual practice. The accounts of the receipts and the disbursements of the Railway's construction and operation, shall be in Chinese and English in the department of the Chief Accountant, whose duty it shall be to organize and supervise the same, and to report thereon for the information of the Corporation through the Managing Director, and of the Contractors as representing the Bondholders. All receipts and payments shall be certified by the Chief Accountant and authorized by the Managing Director. For the general technical staff of the Railway, after completion of construction, the necessary arrangements shall be made by the Managing Director in consultation with the Engineer-in-Chief, and reported to the Corporation in due course. The duties of the Engineer-in-chief shall consist in the efficient and economical maintenance of the Railway, and the general supervision thereof in consultation with the Managing Director. The duties of the Chief Engineer during construction shall be set forth in the Detailed Agreement, referred to in Article 17 of this Agreement. The Engineer-in-chief shall always give courteous consideration to the wishes and instructions of the Corporation, whether conveyed directly or through the Managing Director, and shall always comply therewith, having at the same time due regard to the efficient construction and maintenance of the Railway. A school for the education of Chinese in Railway matters shall be established by the Managing Director subject to the approval of the Corporation. ARTICLE IX The Contractors shall construct and equip the Railway and shall receive as remuneration a sum equal to seven per cent on the actual cost of the construction and equipment of the Railway. The term "Equipment" shall be held to include in its meaning all requirements necessary for the operation of the Railway way and shall therefore include Rolling Stock and Locomotives sufficient for operation. It is clearly understood that the term "Equipment" does not include any purchases made for the Railway after it has been completely constructed and equipped and handed over ready for operation. It is further clearly understood that the cost of land purchased for the Railway, the salaries of the Managing Director, Chief Accountants, Chief Engineer, and the cost of their offices and staff shall not be included in the meaning of the terms "construction and equipment." The Contractors shall have the option of constructing on the same terms the proposed extension of the Railway to Lanchow in the Province of Kansu, or a Railway of similar mileage in some other part of China to be mutually agreed upon, and this option shall be for seven years from the commencement of construction. All other arrangements in connection with the construction and equipment of the Railway shall be settled in the Detailed Agreement referred to in Article 17. ARTICLE X All land that may be required along the whole course of the Railway within survey limits, and for the necessary sidings, stations, repairing shops and car sheds, to be provided for in accordance with the detailed plans, shall be acquired by the Corporation at the actual cost of the land, and shall be paid for out of the proceeds of the Loan. ARTICLE XI The Contractors shall hand over to the Corporation each section of the Railway, when completed, for operation in accordance with the provisions of the Detailed Agreement. ARTICLE XII The Contractors shall be appointed Trustees for the Bondholders and shall receive such remuneration as may be fixed in the Detailed Agreement. ARTICLE XIII The Government of the Republic of China, whenever necessary, will provide protection for the Railway while under construction or when in operation, and all the properties of the Railway as well as Chinese and foreigners employed thereon, are to enjoy protection from the local Officials. The Railway may maintain a force of Chinese Police with Chinese officers, their wages and maintenance to be wholly defrayed as part of the cost of the construction and maintenance of the Railway. In the event of the Railway requiring further protection by the military forces of the Government, the same shall be duly applied for by the Head Office and promptly afforded, it being understood that such military forces shall be maintained at the expense of the Government. ARTICLE XIV All materials of any kind that are required for the construction and working of the Railway, whether imported from abroad or from the Provinces to the scene of work, shall be exempted from Likin or other duties so long as such exemption remains in force in respect of other Chinese Railways. The Bonds of the Loan, together with their coupons and the income of the Railway shall be free from imposts of any kind by the Government of the Republic of China. ARTICLE XV With a view to encouraging Chinese industries, Chinese materials are to be preferred, provided price and quality are suitable. At equal rates and qualities, goods of British manufacture shall be given preference over other goods of foreign origin. ARTICLE XVI The Contractors may, with the approval of the Corporation, and subject to all their obligations, transfer or delegate all or any of their rights, powers, and discretions, to their successors or assigns. ARTICLE XVII As soon as this Preliminary Agreement is signed it shall be forwarded to the Government of the Republic of China for approval. When it has met with the approval of the Government of the Republic of China, a necessary Detailed Agreement shall be made embodying the principles of this Agreement with such amplifications and additions as may be mutually agreed upon between the parties hereto. ARTICLE XVIII On its approval of this Agreement, and acceptance of the obligations set forth herein, the Government of the Republic of China shall officially notify the British Minister at Peking of the fact, and this approval shall be taken as covering the Detailed Agreement referred to in Article 17. ARTICLE XIX This Agreement is executed in quadruplicate in English and Chinese, one copy to be retained by the Corporation, one to be forwarded to the Government of the Republic of China, one to be forwarded to the British Minister at Peking, and one to be retained by the Contractors, and should any doubt arise as to the interpretation of the Agreement the English text shall be accepted as the standard. Signed at Shanghai by the contracting parties on this fourth day of the seventh month of the second year of the Republic of China being the fourth day of July nineteen hundred and thirteen. APPENDIX II Legation of the United States of America Peking, March 17, 1919. Dr. Sun Yat Sen, 29 Rue Molière, Shanghai, Kiangsu. DEAR DR. SUN: I have read with great interest your sketch project for the international development of China as embodied in your letter of February first to me. I congratulate you upon the broad and statesmanlike attitude with which you treat this very important subject. Your suggestion of united international participation in the development of China's resources deserves the support of all friends of China. It would be unfortunate indeed if the old régime of spheres of influence, struggles for concessions and activities flavoring of selfish exploitation should not, with the conclusion of the war, be relegated to the past. You are right in recognizing the necessity of a substitute for the old order and your proposal of a unified policy under international organization with Chinese participation for the larger development in China, naturally assuming that the inalienable rights of the Chinese people are to be amply safeguarded, meets this demand admirably. We are hopeful that conditions in China may become such that the Chinese people themselves may be encouraged to put their money into productive enterprise and participate in the larger developments. We are hopeful that the day is not far distant when the Chinese Government may be able actively to interest itself in the encouragement of native industry to the end that native capital of which there is a very considerable quantity, may be induced to lend itself to productive enterprises, because of a Confidence in constructive policy on the part of the government. If you will permit a suggestion, I would be inclined to reduce your admirable program to one which would be in closer keeping with the limits of the present world's resources in capital. As we all know devastated Europe is calling for capital for rehabilitation and other nations want capital for development programs of considerable proportions. Thus it would seem that China's program of development must of necessity take cognizance of her most immediate and most pressing needs. We are all united in that transportation occupies a prominent place in such a program. 50,000 miles of railway and 100,000 miles of good roads would seem to be sufficient to engage our attention for any plans for the immediate future. This would allow ample opportunity to penetrate the great rich unoccupied regions in the North and West, which should be opened to colonization and development as soon as possible in order to relieve the economic pressure of over population in sections along the coasts and waterways, and to accord opportunities to bring the rich regions of West China into contact with the trade of the rest of China and the world at large. Along with transportation, China needs to develop its resources in iron and coal, the two great essentials to modern industrialism. Arrangements should be made whereby foreign capital can come to China's assistance in these two important industries, but care should be exercised so as to preserve to China the iron and coal necessary for its own uses, and prevent China's steel industry being mortgaged to foreign interests, in a way so as to jeopardize China's future in this important industry. The reform of the currency and reforms in internal tax administrations are questions of immediate importance to China's economic and industrial development. One of the greatest fields of potentiality in the immediate demands of the New China, is agriculture. The country depends in its final analysis upon the prosperity of its agriculture. At present probably as much as 80% of China's population is agricultural. China's greatest problem is the proper feeding and clothing of its vast population. Improved conditions in agriculture, opening of new lands to cultivation, irrigation and conservancy works, the encouragement of the cattle and sheep industries, the development of the cotton industry and the improvement of tea, silk and the seed crops of China, are timely subjects in any program of developments. There is a vast work to be done in agriculture in China, which will lead to prosperity generally, and make possible developments with native capital in other fields of activity, whereas if agricultural improvements are neglected, it will be difficult to insure prosperity in other directions. Thus for the present, I hope the main thought may be centered on improvements in transportation, in currency and tax administrations, in the development of coal and iron industries, and in agriculture. Many of the suggested activities included in your very extensive program will follow as a corollary to the above. In thinking of all these developments, I believe that we should always give thought to the fact that we are not dealing with a new country but with one in which social arrangements are exceedingly intricate and in which a long-tested system of agricultural and industrial organization exists. It is to my mind most important that the transition to new methods of industry and labor should not be sudden but that the old abilities and values should be gradually transmuted. It is important that the artistic ability existing in the silk and porcelain manufacture, etc. should be maintained and fostered, and not superseded by cheaper processes. It is also highly important that no export of food should be permitted, except as to clearly ascertained surpluses of production. It would produce enormous suffering were the food prices in China suddenly to be raised to the world market level. The one factor in modern organization which the Chinese must learn better to understand is the corporation, and the fiduciary relationship which the officers of the corporation ought to occupy with respect to the stockholders. If the Chinese cannot learn to use the corporation properly, the organization of the national credit cannot be effected. Here, too, it is necessary that the capital of personal honesty which was accumulated under the old system should not be lost but transferred to the new methods of doing business. So at every point where we are planning for a better and more efficient organization, it seems necessary to hold on to the values created in the past and not to disturb the entire balance of society by too sudden changes. I wish again to congratulate you upon the statesmanlike view with which you consider the whole question of the development of your country, and the very timely suggestions you have to make in regard to a united policy of international participation in these developments. I am glad to note that the minds of the leaders among the Chinese people today are being centered more and more upon the constructive needs of the country and efforts are being made to meet these needs, in full appreciation of China's relations with the people of other nations, to the end that China's developments in the future may work in harmony with the world developments generally. I should be glad to hear from you further and more in detail concerning development plans. Believe me, with the highest regard, Sincerely yours, (Signed) PAUL S. REINSCH. APPENDIX III DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE Office of the Secretary Washington May 12, 1919. Hon. Sun Yat Sen, 29 Rue Molière, Shanghai, China. YOUR EXCELLENCY: I have read with the greatest interest the project for the International Development of China enclosed in your letter of March 17th, and agree with you that the economic development of China would be of the greatest advantage, not only to China, but to the whole of mankind. The plans you propose, however, are so complex and extensive that it will take many years to work them out in detail. You doubtless are fully aware that it would take billions of dollars to carry out even a small portion of your proposals and that most of them would not be able to pay interest charges and expenses of operation for some years. The first question to be decided, therefore, is how the interest charges on the necessary loans could be met. The revenues of the Chinese Republic are already too heavily burdened with the interest charges on existing Government loans to warrant further charges, and hence it would seem necessary for the present to limit the projects for development to those which seem sufficiently remunerative to attract private capital. The government of the United States has consistently endeavored to manifest its disinterested friendship for the people of China and will undoubtedly coöperate in every proper way in proposals to advance their best interests. Please accept my thanks for your kindness in submitting your proposals. Respectfully, (Signed) WILLIAM C. REDFIELD, _Secretary_. APPENDIX IV Il Ministro Delia Guerra Rome, 17 Maggio, 1919. Most Honorable Sun Yat Sen, 29 Rue Molière, Shanghai, China. HONORABLE SIR: I thank you for having so kindly communicated to me the interesting project regarding how to employ through an International Organization the exuberant industrial activities created by the war, in order to exploit the great hidden riches of China. Though aware of the practical difficulties which present themselves in the accomplishment of this project, it meets with my utmost appreciation, I assure you, for the modern spirit by which it is animated and for the depth of its conception. Accept my best wishes for complete success, in the advantage of your noble country and for the interest of humanity. Believe Me, Faithfully yours, (Signed) GENERAL CAVIGLIA. APPENDIX V Peking, June 17, 1919. Hon. Sun Yat Sen, Shanghai. DEAR SIR: Permit me as a professional railway man to express my pleasure with your article appearing in the Far Eastern Review for June. I will not at this time express approval or disapproval of the route which you have chosen but the idea of a line to connect up the great agricultural interior with the densely populated coast appeals to me strongly. I feel that you are making a definite contribution to railway economic theory in this respect, whereas the line itself would relieve congestion, open up a production area which would lower food costs, furnish employment to large numbers of soldiers to be disbanded, and put in circulation a large amount of hard money which would go far to correct the currency situation. I am especially pleased to have your article appear at this time for I had already written one at the request of the publishers of the forthcoming "Trans-Pacific" magazine in which I touched upon the same line of thought. This will not appear until July and your opinions will have done much to prepare the minds of sceptics upon the subject by that time. I trust that this intrusion of an entire stranger may be pardoned, and that you will continue to support the thought which you have so ably presented. Very truly yours, (Signed) J. E. BAKER. APPENDIX VI 3, Piazza Del Popolo Roma August 30, 1919. Dr. Sun Yat Sen, 29 Rue Molière, Shanghai, China. MY DEAR DR. SUN YAT SEN: I thank you for your very kind letter of June 19th which has just been forwarded to me from my office in Rome, also for your kindness in sending me your splendid project "To assist the Re-adjustment of Post-bellum Industries," and the program for "The International Development of China." I assure you I read your proposals and studied the maps in connection with your able and logical argument with the deepest interest. And I beg you to accept my hearty congratulations. I am entirely convinced that your noble _ideals will be_ realised, not only for the benefit of China and the welfare of your own people, but for the benefit and prosperity of the whole human race. The Nations cannot continue to deny in the future as they have in the past, the unlimited natural resources of your rich fertile country, in foods, minerals, coal and iron, etc.; and your plans for development and activity, as well as your methods of communication for expanding and cultivating almost untouched miles of virgin soil, and bringing these products to the doors of the "World Market" by a practical and economic plan, scientifically studied out, places you at once among the very rare few unselfish humanitarian benefactors, and reveals so clearly your profound international sympathies. The development of China's natural resources will give a new impetus and vitality to industry and commerce in your country and will not only be of incalculable benefit to your own people, but offer undeniable and unlimited advantages to all people in all nations. Therefore Governments and foreign financiers should not hesitate in giving your plans their most careful consideration and support, and come to your assistance in the realisation of your grand humanitarian project. The construction of a great "Northern Port" on the Gulf of Pechili, and the building of a system of railways from this great Northern Port to the northwestern extremity of China, as well as the construction of canals to connect the inland waterways systems of North and Central China with the great "Northern Port," and the development of coal and iron fields in Shansi which would necessitate the construction of iron and steel works would not only offer employment to millions of your country people, but would open wider, and advantageously, the doors of thousands of well organised industries in many nations. It is very encouraging to me, dear Dr. Sun Yat Sen, to know that you look upon my plans of an "International World Centre of Communication" with favor, and that you will further the idea among your countrymen by writing about it in your magazine "The Construction." This city, erected upon neutral grounds would offer at once the practical framework for the essential needs of a League of Nations and could become its dignified "Administrative Centre" crowned by an International Court of Justice. I have presented the plans and proposals of this World Centre to the Rulers and governments of all nations, and hope to be able to go to Washington in October to exhibit the large original drawings and personally explain the project from a practical and economic point of view before the foreign delegates who may meet there to assist in the formation of a League of Nations, and I have written to President Wilson, who after receiving the volumes containing the proposals and plans, wrote that "he valued them very highly." I hope that in the very near future this International World Centre of communication may become a reality. It would be the means of clearly defining and bringing into focus the highest natural products as well as the most important industrial achievements of all countries. This accomplishment would be one of the first definite steps toward more friendly social and economic relations, and the practicability of establishing such coöperation cannot be disputed. This City of Peace should rise and stand as an International Monument, erected by international contribution to commemorate the heroic struggle and noble sacrifice of millions who gave their lives on the battle fields, in the air and on the sea, that justice should triumph and open the ways for humanity to progress in peace, and free from tyranny in the future. With the assurance, dear Dr. Sun Yat Sen, of my most profound sympathies for your noble project, and with my deep gratitude for your keen interest in my plans, I beg to remain, with high esteem Faithfully yours, (Signed) HENDRICK CHRISTIAN ANDERSEN. [Illustration] Transcribers' Notes Punctuation and spelling were made consistent when a predominant preference was found in this book; otherwise they were not changed. Possibly inconsistent spellings of names and place-names have been retained. Simple typographical errors were corrected; occasional unbalanced quotation marks retained. Inconsistent hyphenation and ambiguous hyphens at the ends of lines were retained. "The Chochiang-Koria Line" is spelled that way throughout the book. Page 195: "Great Southern Port" was printed as "Greatern"; changed here. Page 247: "mileage" was printed as "milage"; changed here. 
4543	----	The Querist by George Berkley 1735 The Querist Containing Several Queries Proposed to the Consideration of the Public Part I Query 1. Whether there ever was, is, or will be, an industrious nation poor, or an idle rich? 2. Qu. Whether a people can be called poor, where the common sort are well fed, clothed, and lodged? 3. Qu. Whether the drift and aim of every wise State should not be, to encourage industry in its members? And whether those who employ neither heads nor hands for the common benefit deserve not to be expelled like drones out of a well-governed State? 4. Qu. Whether the four elements, and man's labour therein, be not the true source of wealth? 5. Qu. Whether money be not only so far useful, as it stirreth up industry, enabling men mutually to participate the fruits of each other's labour? 6. Qu. Whether any other means, equally conducing to excite and circulate the industry of mankind, may not be as useful as money. 7. Qu. Whether the real end and aim of men be not power? And whether he who could have everything else at his wish or will would value money? 8. Qu. Whether the public aim in every well-govern'd State be not that each member, according to his just pretensions and industry, should have power? 9. Qu. Whether power be not referred to action; and whether action doth not follow appetite or will? 10. Qu. Whether fashion doth not create appetites; and whether the prevailing will of a nation is not the fashion? 11. Qu. Whether the current of industry and commerce be not determined by this prevailing will? 12. Qu. Whether it be not owing to custom that the fashions are agreeable? 13. Qu. Whether it may not concern the wisdom of the legislature to interpose in the making of fashions; and not leave an affair of so great influence to the management of women and fops, tailors and vintners? 14. Qu. Whether reasonable fashions are a greater restraint on freedom than those which are unreasonable? 15. Qu. Whether a general good taste in a people would not greatly conduce to their thriving? And whether an uneducated gentry be not the greatest of national evils? 16. Qu. Whether customs and fashions do not supply the place of reason in the vulgar of all ranks? Whether, therefore, it doth not very much import that they should be wisely framed? 17. Qu. Whether the imitating those neighbours in our fashions, to whom we bear no likeness in our circumstances, be not one cause of distress to this nation? 18. Qu. Whether frugal fashions in the upper rank, and comfortable living in the lower, be not the means to multiply inhabitants? 19. Qu. Whether the bulk of our Irish natives are not kept from thriving, by that cynical content in dirt and beggary which they possess to a degree beyond any other people in Christendom? 20. Qu. Whether the creating of wants be not the likeliest way to produce industry in a people? And whether, if our peasants were accustomed to eat beef and wear shoes, they would not be more industrious? 21. Qu. Whether other things being given, as climate, soil, etc., the wealth be not proportioned to the industry, and this to the circulation of credit, be the credit circulated or transferred by what marks or tokens soever? 22. Qu. Whether, therefore, less money swiftly circulating, be not, in effect, equivalent to more money slowly circulating? Or, whether, if the circulation be reciprocally as the quantity of coin, the nation can be a loser? 23. Qu. Whether money is to be considered as having an intrinsic value, or as being a commodity, a standard, a measure, or a pledge, as is variously suggested by writers? And whether the true idea of money, as such, be not altogether that of a ticket or counter? 24. Qu. Whether the value or price of things be not a compounded proportion, directly as the demand, and reciprocally as the plenty? 25. Qu. Whether the terms crown, livre, pound sterling, etc., are not to be considered as exponents or denominations of such proportion? And whether gold, silver, and paper are not tickets or counters for reckoning, recording, and transferring thereof? 26. Qu. Whether the denominations being retained, although the bullion were gone, things might not nevertheless be rated, bought, and sold, industry promoted, and a circulation of commerce maintained? 27. Qu. Whether an equal raising of all sorts of gold, silver, and copper coin can have any effect in bringing money into the kingdom? And whether altering the proportions between the kingdom several sorts can have any other effect but multiplying one kind and lessening another, without any increase of the sum total? 28. Qu. Whether arbitrary changing the denomination of coin be not a public cheat? 29. Qu. Whether, nevertheless, the damage would be very considerable, if by degrees our money were brought back to the English value there to rest for ever? 30. Qu. Whether the English crown did not formerly pass with us for six shillings? And what inconvenience ensued to the public upon its reduction to the present value, and whether what hath been may not be? 31. Qu. What makes a wealthy people? Whether mines of gold and silver are capable of doing this? And whether the negroes, amidst the gold sands of Afric, are not poor and destitute? 32. Qu. Whether there be any vertue in gold or silver, other than as they set people at work, or create industry? 33. Qu. Whether it be not the opinion or will of the people, exciting them to industry, that truly enricheth a nation? And whether this doth not principally depend on the means for counting, transferring, and preserving power, that is, property of all kinds? 34. Qu. Whether if there was no silver or gold in the kingdom, our trade might not, nevertheless, supply bills of exchange, sufficient to answer the demands of absentees in England or elsewhere? 35. Qu. Whether current bank notes may not be deemed money? And whether they are not actually the greater part of the money of this kingdom? 36. Qu. Provided the wheels move, whether it is not the same thing, as to the effect of the machine, be this done by the force of wind, or water, or animals? 37. Qu. Whether power to command the industry of others be not real wealth? And whether money be not in truth tickets or tokens for conveying and recording such power, and whether it be of great consequence what materials the tickets are made of? 38. Qu. Whether trade, either foreign or domestic, be in truth any more than this commerce of industry? 39. Qu. Whether to promote, transfer, and secure this commerce, and this property in human labour, or, in other words, this power, be not the sole means of enriching a people, and how far this may be done independently of gold and silver? 40. Qu. Whether it were not wrong to suppose land itself to be wealth? And whether the industry of the people is not first to be consider'd, as that which constitutes wealth, which makes even land and silver to be wealth, neither of which would have, any value but as means and motives to industry? 41. Qu. Whether in the wastes of America a man might not possess twenty miles square of land, and yet want his dinner, or a coat to his back? 42. Qu. Whether a fertile land, and the industry of its inhabitants, would not prove inexhaustible funds of real wealth, be the counters for conveying and recording thereof what you will, paper, gold, or silver? 43. Qu. Whether a single hint be sufficient to overcome a prejudice? And whether even obvious truths will not sometimes bear repeating? 44. Qu. Whether, if human labour be the true source of wealth, it doth not follow that idleness should of all things be discouraged in a wise State? 45. Qu. Whether even gold or silver, if they should lessen the industry of its inhabitants, would not be ruinous to a country? And whether Spain be not an instance of this? 46. Qu. Whether the opinion of men, and their industry consequent thereupon, be not the true wealth of Holland and not the silver supposed to be deposited in the bank at Amsterdam? 47. Qu. Whether there is in truth any such treasure lying dead? And whether it be of great consequence to the public that it should be real rather than notional? 48. Qu. Whether in order to understand the true nature of wealth and commerce, it would not be right to consider a ship's crew cast upon a desert island, and by degrees forming themselves to business and civil life, while industry begot credit, and credit moved to industry? 49. Qu. Whether such men would not all set themselves to work? Whether they would not subsist by the mutual participation of each other's industry? Whether, when one man had in his way procured more than he could consume, he would not exchange his superfluities to supply his wants? Whether this must not produce credit? Whether, to facilitate these conveyances, to record and circulate this credit, they would not soon agree on certain tallies, tokens, tickets, or counters? 50. Qu. Whether reflection in the better sort might not soon remedy our evils? And whether our real defect be not a wrong way of thinking? 51. Qu. Whether it would not be an unhappy turn in our gentlemen, if they should take more thought to create an interest to themselves in this or that county, or borough, than to promote the real interest of their country? 52. Qu. Whether it be not a bull to call that making an interest, whereby a man spendeth much and gaineth nothing? 53. Qu. Whether if a man builds a house he doth not in the first place provide a plan which governs his work? And shall the pubic act without an end, a view, a plan? 54. Qu. Whether by how much the less particular folk think for themselves, the public be not so much the more obliged to think for them? 55. Qu. Whether cunning be not one thing and good sense another? and whether a cunning tradesman doth not stand in his own light? 56. Qu. Whether small gains be not the way to great profit? And if our tradesmen are beggars, whether they may not thank themselves for it? 57. Qu. Whether some way might not be found for making criminals useful in public works, instead of sending them either to America, or to the other world? 58. Qu. Whether we may not, as well as other nations, contrive employment for them? And whether servitude, chains, and hard labour, for a term of years, would not be a more discouraging as well as a more adequate punishment for felons than even death itself? 59. Qu. Whether there are not such things in Holland as bettering houses for bringing young gentlemen to order? And whether such an institution would be useless among us? 60. Qu. Whether it be true that the poor in Holland have no resource but their own labour, and yet there are no beggars in their streets? 61. Qu. Whether he whose luxury consumeth foreign products, and whose industry produceth nothing domestic to exchange for them, is not so far forth injurious to his country? 62. Qu. Whether, consequently, the fine gentlemen, whose employment is only to dress, drink, and play, be not a pubic nuisance? 63. Qu. Whether necessity is not to be hearkened to before convenience, and convenience before luxury? 64. Qu. Whether to provide plentifully for the poor be not feeding the root, the substance whereof will shoot upwards into the branches, and cause the top to flourish? 65. Qu. Whether there be any instance of a State wherein the people, living neatly and plentifully, did not aspire to wealth? 66. Qu. Whether nastiness and beggary do not, on the contrary, extinguish all such ambition, making men listless, hopeless, and slothful? 67. Qu. Whether a country inhabited by people well fed, clothed and lodged would not become every day more populous? And whether a numerous stock of people in such circumstances would? and how far the product of not constitute a flourishing nation; our own country may suffice for the compassing of this end? 68. Qu. Whether a people who had provided themselves with the necessaries of life in good plenty would not soon extend their industry to new arts and new branches of commerce? 69. Qu. Whether those same manufactures which England imports from other countries may not be admitted from Ireland? And, if so, whether lace, carpets, and tapestry, three considerable articles of English importation, might not find encouragement in Ireland? And whether an academy for design might not greatly conduce to the perfecting those manufactures among us? 70. Qu. Whether France and Flanders could have drawn so much money from England for figured silks, lace, and tapestry, if they had not had academies for designing? 71. Qu. Whether, when a room was once prepared, and models in plaster of Paris, the annual expense of such an academy need stand the pubic in above two hundred pounds a year? 72. Qu. Whether our linen-manufacture would not find the benefit of this institution? And whether there be anything that makes us fall short of the Dutch in damasks, diapers, and printed linen, but our ignorance in design? 73. Qu. Whether those specimens of our own manufacture, hung up in a certain public place, do not sufficiently declare such our ignorance? and whether for the honour of the nation they ought not to be removed? 74. Qu. Whether those who may slight this affair as notional have sufficiently considered the extensive use of the art of design, and its influence in most trades and manufactures, wherein the forms of things are often more regarded than the materials? 75. Qu. Whether there be any art sooner learned than that of making carpets? And whether our women, with little time and pains, may not make more beautiful carpets than those imported from Turkey? And whether this branch of the woollen manufacture be not open to us? 76. Qu. Whether human industry can produce, from such cheap materials, a manufacture of so great value by any other art as by those of sculpture and painting? 77. Qu. Whether pictures and statues are not in fact so much treasure? And whether Rome and Florence would not be poor towns without them? 78. Qu. Whether they do not bring ready money as well as jewels? Whether in Italy debts are not paid, and children portioned with them, as with gold and silver? 79. Qu. Whether it would not be more prudent, to strike out and exert ourselves in permitted branches of trade, than to fold our hands, and repine that we are not allowed the woollen? 80. Qu. Whether it be true that two millions are yearly expended by England in foreign lace and linen? 81. Qu. Whether immense sums are not drawn yearly into the Northern countries, for supplying the British navy with hempen manufactures? 82. Qu. Whether there be anything more profitable than hemp? And whether there should not be great premiums for encouraging our hempen trade? What advantages may not Great Britain make of a country where land and labour are so cheap? 83. Qu. Whether Ireland alone might not raise hemp sufficient for the British navy? And whether it would not be vain to expect this from the British Colonies in America, where hands are so scarce, and labour so excessively dear? 84. Qu. Whether, if our own people want will or capacity for such an attempt, it might not be worth while for some undertaking spirits in England to make settlements, and raise hemp in the counties of Clare and Limerick, than which, perhaps, there is not fitter land in the world for that purpose? And whether both nations would not find their advantage therein? 85. Qu. Whether if all the idle hands in this kingdom were employed on hemp and flax, we might not find sufficient vent for these manufactures? 86. Qu. How far it may be in our own power to better our affairs, without interfering with our neighbours? 87. Qu. Whether the prohibition of our woollen trade ought not naturally to put us on other methods which give no jealousy? 88. Qu. Whether paper be not a valuable article of commerce? And whether it be not true that one single bookseller in London yearly expended above four thousand pounds in that foreign commodity? 89. Qu. How it comes to pass that the Venetians and Genoese, who wear so much less linen, and so much worse than we do, should yet make very good paper, and in great quantity, while we make very little? 90. Qu. How long it will be before my countrymen find out that it is worth while to spend a penny in order to get a groat? 91. Qu. If all the land were tilled that is fit for tillage, and all that sowed with hemp and flax that is fit for raising them, whether we should have much sheep-walk beyond what was sufficient to supply the necessities of the kingdom? 92. Qu. Whether other countries have not flourished without the woollen trade? 93. Qu. Whether it be not a sure sign or effect of a country's inhabitants? And, thriving, to see it well cultivated and full of; if so, whether a great quantity of sheep-walk be not ruinous to a country, rendering it waste and thinly inhabited? 94. Qu. Whether the employing so much of our land under sheep be not in fact an Irish blunder? 95. Qu. Whether our hankering after our woollen trade be not the true and only reason which hath created a jealousy in England towards Ireland? And whether anything can hurt us more than such jealousy? 96. Qu. Whether it be not the true interest of both nations to become one people? And whether either be sufficiently apprised of this? 97. Qu. Whether the upper part of this people are not truly English, by blood, language, religion, manners, inclination, and interest? 98. Qu. Whether we are not as much Englishmen as the children of old Romans, born in Britain, were still Romans? 99. Qu. Whether it be not our true interest not to interfere with them; and, in every other case, whether it be not their true interest to befriend us? 100. Qu. Whether a mint in Ireland might not be of great convenience to the kingdom; and whether it could be attended with any possible inconvenience to Great Britain? And whether there were not mints in Naples and Sicily, when those kingdoms were provinces to Spain or the house of Austria? 101. Qu. Whether anything can be more ridiculous than for the north of Ireland to be jealous of a linen manufacturer in the south? 102. Qu. Whether the county of Tipperary be not much better land than the county of Armagh; and yet whether the latter is not much better improved and inhabited than the former? 103. Qu. Whether every landlord in the kingdom doth not know the cause of this? And yet how few are the better for such their knowledge? 104. Qu. Whether large farms under few hands, or small ones under many, are likely to be made most of? And whether flax and tillage do not naturally multiply hands, and divide land into small holdings, and well-improved? 105. Qu. Whether, as our exports are lessened, we ought not to lessen our imports? And whether these will not be lessened as our demands, and these as our wants, and these as our customs or fashions? Of how great consequence therefore are fashions to the public? 106. Qu. Whether it would not be more reasonable to mend our state than to complain of it; and how far this may be in our own power? 107. Qu. What the nation gains by those who live in Ireland upon the produce of foreign Countries? 108. Qu. How far the vanity of our ladies in dressing, and of our gentlemen in drinking, contributes to the general misery of the people? 109. Qu. Whether nations, as wise and opulent as ours, have not made sumptuary laws; and what hinders us from doing the same? 110. Qu. Whether those who drink foreign liquors, and deck themselves and their families with foreign ornaments, are not so far forth to be reckoned absentees? 111. Qu. Whether, as our trade is limited, we ought not to limit our expenses; and whether this be not the natural and obvious remedy? 112. Qu. Whether the dirt, and famine, and nakedness of the bulk of our people might not be remedied, even although we had no foreign trade? And whether this should not be our first care; and whether, if this were once provided for, the conveniences of the rich would not soon follow? 113. Qu. Whether comfortable living doth not produce wants, and wants industry, and industry wealth? 114. Qu. Whether there is not a great difference between Holland and Ireland? And whether foreign commerce, without which the one could not subsist, be so necessary for the other? 115. Qu. Might we not put a hand to the plough, or the spade, although we had no foreign commerce? 116. Qu. Whether the exigencies of nature are not to be answered by industry on our own soil? And how far the conveniences and comforts of life may be procured by a domestic commerce between the several parts of this kingdom? 117. Qu. Whether the women may not sew, spin, weave, embroider sufficiently for the embellishment of their persons, and even enough to raise envy in each other, without being beholden to foreign countries? 118. Qu. Suppose the bulk of our inhabitants had shoes to their feet, clothes to their backs, and beef in their bellies, might not such a state be eligible for the public, even though the squires were condemned to drink ale and cider? 119. Qu. Whether, if drunkenness be a necessary evil, men may not as well drink the growth of their own country? 120. Qu. Whether a nation within itself might not have real wealth, sufficient to give its inhabitants power and distinction, without the help of gold and silver? 121. Qu. Whether, if the arts of sculpture and painting were encouraged among us, we might not furnish our houses in a much nobler manner with our own manufactures? 122. Qu. Whether we have not, or may not have, all the necessary materials for building at home? 123. Qu. Whether tiles and plaster may not supply the place of Norway fir for flooring and wainscot? 124. Qu. Whether plaster be not warmer, as well as more secure, than deal? And whether a modern fashionable house, lined with fir, daubed over with oil and paint, be not like a fire-ship, ready to be lighted up by all accidents? 125. Qu. Whether larger houses, better built and furnished, a greater train of servants, the difference with regard to equipage and table between finer and coarser, more and less elegant, may not be sufficient to feed a reasonable share of vanity, or support all proper distinctions? And whether all these may not be procured by domestic industry out of the four elements, without ransacking the four quarters of the globe? 126. Qu. Whether anything is a nobler ornament, in the eye of the world, than an Italian palace, that is, stone and mortar skilfully put together, and adorned with sculpture and painting; and whether this may not be compassed without foreign trade? 127. Qu. Whether an expense in gardens and plantations would not be an elegant distinction for the rich, a domestic magnificence employing many hands within, and drawing nothing from abroad? 128. Qu. Whether the apology which is made for foreign luxury in England, to wit, that they could not carry on their trade without imports as well as exports, will hold in Ireland? 129. Qu. Whether one may not be allowed to conceive and suppose a society or nation of human creatures, clad in woollen cloths and stuffs, eating good bread, beef and mutton, poultry and fish, in great plenty, drinking ale, mead, and cider, inhabiting decent houses built of brick and marble, taking their pleasure in fair parks and gardens, depending on no foreign imports either for food or raiment? And whether such people ought much to be pitied? 130. Qu. Whether Ireland be not as well qualified for such a state as any nation under the sun? 131. Qu. Whether in such a state the inhabitants may not contrive to pass the twenty-four hours with tolerable ease and cheerfulness? And whether any people upon earth can do more? 132. Qu. Whether they may not eat, drink, play, dress, visit, sleep in good beds, sit by good fires, build, plant, raise a name, make estates, and spend them? 133. Qu. Whether, upon the whole, a domestic trade may not suffice in such a country as Ireland, to nourish and clothe its inhabitants, and provide them with the reasonable conveniences and even comforts of life? 134. Qu. Whether a general habit of living well would not produce numbers and industry' and whether, considering the tendency of human kind, the consequence thereof would not be foreign trade and riches, how unnecessary soever? 135. Qu. Whether, nevertheless, it be a crime to inquire how far we may do without foreign trade, and what would follow on such a supposition? 136. Qu. Whether the number and welfare of the subjects be not the true strength of the crown? 137. Qu. Whether in all public institutions there should not be an end proposed, which is to be the rule and limit of the means? Whether this end should not be the well-being of the whole? And whether, in order to this, the first step should not be to clothe and feed our people? 138. Qu. Whether there be upon earth any Christian or civilized people so beggarly, wretched, and destitute as the common Irish? 139. Qu. Whether, nevertheless, there is any other people whose wants may be more easily supplied from home? 140. Qu. Whether, if there was a wall of brass a thousand cubits high round this kingdom, our natives might not nevertheless live cleanly and comfortably, till the land, and reap the fruits of it? 141. Qu. What should hinder us from exerting ourselves, using our hands and brains, doing something or other, man, woman, and child, like the other inhabitants of God's earth? 142. Qu. Be the restraining our trade well or ill advised in our neighbours, with respect to their own interest, yet whether it be not plainly ours to accommodate ourselves to it? 143. Qu. Whether it be not vain to think of persuading other people to see their interest, while we continue blind to our own? 144. Qu. Whether there be any other nation possess'd of so much good land, and so many able hands to work it, which yet is beholden for bread to foreign countries? 145. Qu. Whether it be true that we import corn to the value of two hundred thousand pounds in some years? 146. Qu. Whether we are not undone by fashions made for other people? And whether it be not madness in a poor nation to imitate a rich one? 147. Qu. Whether a woman of fashion ought not to be declared a public enemy? 148. Qu. Whether it be not certain that from the single town of Cork were exported, in one year, no less than one hundred and seven thousand one hundred and sixty-one barrels of beef; seven thousand three hundred and seventy-nine barrels of pork; thirteen thousand four hundred and sixty-one casks, and eighty-five thousand seven hundred and twenty-seven firkins of butter? And what hands were employed in this manufacture? 149. Qu. Whether a foreigner could imagine that one half of the people were starving, in a country which sent out such plenty of provisions? 150. Qu. Whether an Irish lady, set out with French silks and Flanders lace, may not be said to consume more beef and butter than a hundred of our labouring peasants? 151. Qu. Whether nine-tenths of our foreign trade be not carried on singly to support the article of vanity? 152. Qu. Whether it can be hoped that private persons will not indulge this folly, unless restrained by the public? 153. Qu. How vanity is maintained in other countries? Whether in Hungary, for instance, a proud nobility are not subsisted with small imports from abroad? 154. Qu. Whether there be a prouder people upon earth than the noble Venetians, although they all wear plain black clothes? 155. Qu. Whether a people are to be pitied that will not sacrifice their little particular vanities to the public good? And yet, whether each part would not except their own foible from this public sacrifice, the squire his bottle, the lady her lace? 156. Qu. Whether claret be not often drank rather for vanity than for health, or pleasure? 157. Qu. Whether it be true that men of nice palates have been imposed on, by elder wine for French claret, and by mead for palm sack? 158. Qu. Do not Englishmen abroad purchase beer and cider at ten times the price of wine? 159. Qu. How many gentlemen are there in England of a thousand pounds per annum who never drink wine in their own houses? Whether the same may be said of any in Ireland who have even? one hundred pounds per annum. 160. Qu. What reasons have our neighbours in England for discouraging French wines which may not hold with respect to us also? 161. Qu. How much of the necessary sustenance of our people is yearly exported for brandy? 162. Qu. Whether, if people must poison themselves, they had not better do it with their own growth? 163. Qu. If we imported neither claret from France, nor fir from Norway, what the nation would save by it? 164. Qu. When the root yieldeth insufficient nourishment, whether men do not top the tree to make the lower branches thrive? 165. Qu. Whether, if our ladies drank sage or balm tea out of Irish ware, it would be an insupportable national calamity? 166. Qu. Whether it be really true that such wine is best as most encourages drinking, i.e., that must be given in the largest dose to produce its effect? And whether this holds with regard to any other medicine? 167. Qu. Whether that trade should not be accounted most pernicious wherein the balance is most against us? And whether this be not the trade with France? 168. Qu. Whether it be not even madness to encourage trade with a nation that takes nothing of our manufacture? 169. Qu. Whether Ireland can hope to thrive if the major part of her patriots shall be found in the French interest? 170. Qu. Why, if a bribe by the palate or the purse be in effect the same thing, they should not be alike infamous? 171. Qu. Whether the vanity and luxury of a few ought to stand in competition with the interest of a nation? 172. Qu. Whether national wants ought not to be the rule of trade? And whether the most pressing wants of the majority ought not to be first consider'd? 173. Qu. Whether it is possible the country should be well improved, while our beef is exported, and our labourers live upon potatoes? 174. Qu. If it be resolved that we cannot do without foreign trade, whether, at least, it may not be worth while to consider what branches thereof deserve to be entertained, and how far we may be able to carry it on under our present limitations? 175. Qu. What foreign imports may be necessary for clothing and feeding the families of persons not worth above one hundred pounds a year? And how many wealthier there are in the kingdom, and what proportion they bear to the other inhabitants? 176. Qu. Whether trade be not then on a right foot, when foreign commodities are imported in exchange only for domestic superfluities? 177. Qu. Whether the quantities of beef, butter, wool, and leather, exported from this island, can be reckoned the superfluities of a country, where there are so many natives naked and famished? 178. Qu. Whether it would not be wise so to order our trade as to export manufactures rather than provisions, and of those such as employ most hands? 179. Qu. Whether she would not be a very vile matron, and justly thought either mad or foolish, that should give away the necessaries of life from her naked and famished children, in exchange for pearls to stick in her hair, and sweetmeats to please her own palate? 180. Qu. Whether a nation might not be consider'd as a family? 181. Qu. Whether other methods may not be found for supplying the funds, besides the custom on things imported? 182. Qu. Whether any art or manufacture be so difficult as the making of good laws? 183. Qu. Whether our peers and gentlemen are born legislators? Or, whether that faculty be acquired by study and reflection? 184. Qu. Whether to comprehend the real interest of a people, and the means to procure it, doth not imply some fund of knowledge, historical, moral, and political, with a faculty of reason improved by learning? 185. Qu. Whether every enemy to learning be not a Goth? And whether every such Goth among us be not an enemy to the country? 186. Qu. Whether, therefore, it would not be an omen of ill presage, a dreadful phenomenon in the land, if our great men should take it in their heads to deride learning and education? 187. Qu. Whether, on the contrary, it should not seem worth while to erect a mart of literature in this kingdom, under wiser regulations and better discipline than in any other part of Europe? And whether this would not be an infallible means of drawing men and money into the kingdom? 188. Qu. Whether the governed be not too numerous for the governing part of our college? And whether it might not be expedient to convert thirty natives-places into twenty fellowships? 189. Qu. Whether, if we had two colleges, there might not spring a useful emulation between them? And whether it might not be contrived so to divide the fellows, scholars, and revenues between both, as that no member should be a loser thereby? 190. Qu. Whether ten thousand pounds well laid out might not build a decent college, fit to contain two hundred persons; and whether the purchase money of the chambers would not go a good way towards defraying the expense? 191. Qu. Where this college should be situated? 192. Qu. Whether it is possible a State should not thrive, whereof the lower part were industrious, and the upper wise? 193. Qu. Whether the collected wisdom of ages and nations be not found in books, improved and applied by study? 194. Qu. Whether it was not an Irish professor who first opened the public schools at Oxford? Whether this island hath not been anciently famous for learning? And whether at this day it hath any better chance for being considerable? 195. Qu. Whether we may not with better grace sit down and complain, when we have done all that lies in our power to help ourselves? 196. Qu. Whether the gentleman of estate hath a right to be idle; and whether he ought not to be the great promoter and director of industry among his tenants and neighbours? 197. Qu. Whether the real foundation for wealth must not be laid in the numbers, the frugality, and the industry of the people? And whether all attempts to enrich a nation by other means, as raising the coin, stock-jobbing, and such arts are not vain? 198. Qu. Whether a door ought not to be shut against all other methods of growing rich, save only by industry and merit? And whether wealth got otherwise would not be ruinous to the public? 199. Qu. Whether the abuse of banks and paper-money is a just objection against the use thereof? And whether such abuse might not easily be prevented? 200. Qu. Whether national banks are not found useful in Venice, Holland, and Hamburg? And whether it is not possible to contrive one that may be useful also in Ireland? 201. Qu. Whether any nation ever was in greater want of such an expedient than Ireland? 202. Qu. Whether the banks of Venice and Amsterdam are not in the hands of the public? 203. Qu. Whether it may not be worth while to inform ourselves in the nature of those banks? And what reason can be assigned why Ireland should not reap the benefit of such public banks as well as other countries? 204. Qu. Whether a bank of national credit, supported by public funds and secured by Parliament, be a chimera or impossible thing? And if not, what would follow from the supposal of such a bank? 205. Qu. Whether the currency of a credit so well secured would not be of great advantage to our trade and manufactures? 206. Qu. Whether the notes of such public bank would not have a more general circulation than those of private banks, as being less subject to frauds and hazards? 207. Qu. Whether it be not agreed that paper hath in many respects the advantage above coin, as being of more dispatch in payments, more easily transferred, preserved, and recovered when lost? 208. Qu. Whether, besides these advantages, there be not an evident necessity for circulating credit by paper, from the defect of coin in this kingdom? 209. Qu. Whether the public may not as well save the interest which it now pays? 210. Qu. What would happen if two of our banks should break at once? And whether it be wise to neglect providing against an event which experience hath shewn us not to be impossible? 211. Qu. Whether such an accident would not particularly affect the bankers? And therefore whether a national bank would not be a security even to private bankers? 212. Qu. Whether we may not easily avoid the inconveniencies attending the paper-money of New England, which were incurred by their issuing too great a quantity of notes, by their having no silver in bank to exchange for notes, by their not insisting upon repayment of the loans at the time prefixed, and especially by their want of manufactures to answer their imports from Europe? 213. Qu. Whether a combination of bankers might not do wonders, and whether bankers know their own strength? 214. Qu. Whether a bank in private hands might not even overturn a government? and whether this was not the case of the Bank of St. George in Genoa? [Footnote: See the Vindication and Advancement of our national Constitution and Credit. Printed in London 1710.] 215. Qu. Whether we may not easily prevent the ill effects of such a bank as Mr Law proposed for Scotland, which was faulty in not limiting the quantum of bills, and permitting all persons to take out what bills they pleased, upon the mortgage of lands, whence by a glut of paper, the prices of things must rise? Whence also the fortunes of men must increase in denomination, though not in value; whence pride, idleness, and beggary? 216. Qu. Whether such banks as those of England and Scotland might not be attended with great inconveniences, as lodging too much power in the hands of private men, and giving handle for monopolies, stock-jobbing, and destructive schemes? 217. Qu. Whether the national bank, projected by an anonymous writer in the latter end of Queen Anne's reign, might not on the other hand be attended with as great inconveniencies by lodging too much power in the Government? 218. Qu. Whether the bank projected by Murray, though it partake, in many useful particulars, with that of Amsterdam, yet, as it placeth too great power in the hands of a private society, might not be dangerous to the public? 219. Qu. Whether it be rightly remarked by some that, as banking brings no treasure into the kingdom like trade, private wealth must sink as the bank riseth? And whether whatever causeth industry to flourish and circulate may not be said to increase our treasure? 220. Qu. Whether the ruinous effects of Mississippi, South Sea, and such schemes were not owing to an abuse of paper money or credit, in making it a means for idleness and gaming, instead of a motive and help to industry? 221. Qu. Whether those effects could have happened had there been no stock-jobbing? And whether stock-jobbing could at first have been set on foot, without an imaginary foundation of some improvement to the stock by trade? Whether, therefore, when there are no such prospects, or cheats, or private schemes proposed, the same effects can be justly feared? 222. Qu. Whether by a national bank, be not properly understood a bank, not only established by public authority as the Bank of England, but a bank in the hands of the public, wherein there are no shares: whereof the public alone is proprietor, and reaps all the benefit? 223. Qu. Whether, having considered the conveniencies of banking and paper-credit in some countries, and the inconveniencies thereof in others, we may not contrive to adopt the former, and avoid the latter? 224. Qu. Whether great evils, to which other schemes are liable, may not be prevented, by excluding the managers of the bank from a share in the legislature? 225. Qu. Whether the rise of the bank of Amsterdam was not purely casual, for the security and dispatch of payments? And whether the good effects thereof, in supplying the place of coin, and promoting a ready circulation of industry and commerce may not be a lesson to us, to do that by design which others fell upon by chance? 226. Qu. Whether the bank proposed to be established in Ireland, under the notion of a national bank, by the voluntary subscription of three hundred thousand pounds, to pay off the national debt, the interest of which sum to be paid the subscribers, subject to certain terms of redemption, be not in reality a private bank, as those of England and Scotland, which are national only in name, being in the hands of particular persons, and making dividends on the money paid in by subscribers? [Footnote: See a Proposal for the Relief of Ireland, &c. Printed in Dublin A. D. 1734] 227. Qu. Whether plenty of small cash be not absolutely necessary for keeping up a circulation among the people; that is, whether copper be not more necessary than gold? 228. Qu. Whether it is not worth while to reflect on the expedients made use of by other nations, paper-money, bank-notes, public funds, and credit in all its shapes, to examine what hath been done and devised to add to our own animadversions, and upon the whole offer such hints as seem not unworthy the attention of the public? 229. Qu. Whether that, which increaseth the stock of a nation be not a means of increasing its trade? And whether that which increaseth the current credit of a nation may not be said to increase its stock? 230. Qu. Whether it may not be expedient to appoint certain funds or stock for a national bank, under direction of certain persons, one-third whereof to be named by the Government, and one-third by each House of Parliament? 231. Qu. Whether the directors should not be excluded from sitting in either House, and whether they should not be subject to the audit and visitation of a standing committee of both Houses? 232. Qu. Whether such committee of inspectors should not be changed every two years, one-half going out, and another coming in by ballot? 233. Qu. Whether the notes ought not to be issued in lots, to be let at interest on mortgaged lands, the whole number of lots to be divided among the four provinces, rateably to the number of hearths in each? 234. Qu. Whether it may not be expedient to appoint four counting-houses, one in each province, for converting notes into specie? 235. Qu. Whether a limit should not be fixed, which no person might exceed, in taking out notes? 236. Qu. Whether, the better to answer domestic circulation, it may not be right to issue notes as low as twenty shillings? 237. Qu. Whether all the bills should be issued at once, or rather by degrees, that so men may be gradually accustomed and reconciled to the bank? 238. Qu. Whether the keeping of the cash, and the direction of the bank, ought not to be in different hands, and both under public control? 239. Qu. Whether the same rule should not alway be observed, of lending out money or notes, only to half the value of the mortgaged land? and whether this value should not alway be rated at the same number of years' purchase as at first? 240. Qu. Whether care should not be taken to prevent an undue rise of the value of land? 241. Qu. Whether the increase of industry and people will not of course raise the value of land? And whether this rise may not be sufficient? 242. Qu. Whether land may not be apt to rise on the issuing too great plenty of notes? 243. Qu. Whether this may not be prevented by the gradual and slow issuing of notes, and by frequent sales of lands? 244. Qu. Whether interest doth not measure the true value of land; for instance, where money is at five per cent, whether land is not worth twenty years' purchase? 245. Qu. Whether too small a proportion of money would not hurt the landed man, and too great a proportion the monied man? And whether the quantum of notes ought not to bear proportion to the pubic demand? And whether trial must not shew what this demand will be? 246. Qu. Whether the exceeding this measure might not produce divers bad effects, one whereof would be the loss of our silver? 247. Qu. Whether interest paid into the bank ought not to go on augmenting its stock? 248. Qu. Whether it would or would not be right to appoint that the said interest be paid in notes only? 249. Qu. Whether the notes of this national bank should not be received in all payments into the exchequer? 250. Qu. Whether on supposition that the specie should fail, the credit would not, nevertheless, still pass, being admitted in all payments of the public revenue? 251. Qu. Whether the pubic can become bankrupt so long as the notes are issued on good security? 252. Qu. Whether mismanagement, prodigal living, hazards by trade, which often affect private banks, are equally to be apprehended in a pubic one? 253. Qu. Whether as credit became current, and this raised the value of land, the security must not of course rise? 254. Qu. Whether, as our current domestic credit grew, industry would not grow likewise; and if industry, our manufactures; and if these, our foreign credit? 255. Qu. Whether by degrees, as business and people multiplied, more bills may not be issued, without augmenting the capital stock, provided still, that they are issued on good security; which further issuing of new bills, not to be without consent of Parliament? 256. Qu. Whether such bank would not be secure? Whether the profits accruing to the pubic would not be very considerable? And whether industry in private persons would not be supplied, and a general circulation encouraged? 257. Qu. Whether such bank should, or should not, be allowed to issue notes for money deposited therein? And, if not, whether the bankers would have cause to complain? 258. Qu. Whether, if the public thrives, all particular persons must not feel the benefit thereof, even the bankers themselves? 259. Qu. Whether, beside the Bank-Company, there are not in England many private wealthy bankers, and whether they were more before the erecting of that company? 260. Qu. Whether as industry increased, our manufactures would not flourish; and as these flourished, whether better returns would not be made from estates to their landlords, both within and without the kingdom? 261. Qu. Whether we have not paper-money circulating among, whether, therefore, we might not as well have that us already which is secured by the public, and whereof the pubic reaps the benefit? 262. Qu. Whether there are not two general ways of circulating money, to wit, play and traffic? and whether stock-jobbing is not to be ranked under the former? 263. Qu. Whether there are more than two things that might draw silver out of the bank, when its credit was once well established, to wit, foreign demands and small payments at home? 264. Qu. Whether, if our trade with France were checked, the former of these causes could be supposed to operate at all? and whether the latter could operate to any great degree? 265. Qu. Whether the sure way to supply people with tools and materials, and to set them at work, be not a free circulation of money, whether silver or paper? 266. Qu. Whether in New England all trade and business is not as much at a stand, upon a scarcity of paper-money, as with us from the want of specie? 267. Qu. Whether paper-money or notes may not be issued from the national bank, on the security of hemp, of linen, or other manufactures whereby the poor might be supported in their industry? 268. Qu. Whether it be certain that the quantity of silver in the bank of Amsterdam be greater now than at first; but whether it be not certain that there is a greater circulation of industry and extent of trade, more people, ships, houses, and commodities of all sorts, more power by sea and land? 269. Qu. Whether money, lying dead in the bank of Amsterdam, would not be as useless as in the mine? 270. Qu. Whether our visible security in land could be doubted? And whether there be anything like this in the bank of Amsterdam? 271. Qu. Whether it be just to apprehend danger from trusting a national bank with power to extend its credit, to circulate notes which it shall be felony to counterfeit, to receive goods on loans, to purchase lands, to sell also or alienate them, and to deal in bills of exchange; when these powers are no other than have been trusted for many years with the bank of England, although in truth but a private bank? 272. Qu. Whether the objection from monopolies and an overgrowth of power, which are made against private banks, can possibly hold against a national one? 273. Qu. Whether banks raised by private subscription would be as advantageous to the public as to the subscribers? and whether risks and frauds might not be more justly apprehended from them? 274. Qu. Whether the evil effects which of late years have attended paper-money and credit in Europe did not spring from subscriptions, shares, dividends, and stock-jobbing? 275. Qu. Whether the great evils attending paper-money in the British Plantations of America have not sprung from the overrating their lands, and issuing paper without discretion, and from the legislators breaking their own rules in favour of themselves, thus sacrificing the public to their private benefit? And whether a little sense and honesty might not easily prevent all such inconveniences? 276. Qu. Whether an argument from the abuse of things, against the use of them, be conclusive? 277. Qu. Whether he who is bred to a part be fitted to judge of the whole? 278. Qu. Whether interest be not apt to bias judgment? and whether traders only are to be consulted about trade, or bankers about money? 279. Qu. Whether the subject of Freethinking in religion be not exhausted? And whether it be not high time for our freethinkers to turn their thoughts to the improvement of their country? 280. Qu. Whether any man hath a right to judge, that will not be at the pains to distinguish? 281. Qu. Whether there be not a wide difference between the profits going to augment the national stock, and being divided among private sharers? And whether, in the former case, there can possibly be any gaming or stock-jobbing? 282. Qu. Whether it must not be ruinous for a nation to sit down to game, be it with silver or with paper? 283. Qu. Whether, therefore, the circulating paper, in the late ruinous schemes of France and England, was the true evil, and not rather the circulating thereof without industry? And whether the bank of Amsterdam, where industry had been for so many years subsisted and circulated by transfers on paper, doth not clearly decide this point? 284. Qu. Whether there are not to be seen in America fair towns, wherein the people are well lodged, fed, and clothed, without a beggar in their streets, although there be not one grain of gold or silver current among them? 285. Qu. Whether these people do not exercise all arts and trades, build ships and navigate them to all parts of the world, purchase lands, till and reap the fruits of them, buy and sell, educate and provide for their children? Whether they do not even indulge themselves in foreign vanities? 286. Qu. Whether, whatever inconveniences those people may have incurred from not observing either rules or bounds in their paper money, yet it be not certain that they are in a more flourishing condition, have larger and better built towns, more plenty, more industry, more arts and civility, and a more extensive commerce, than when they had gold and silver current among them? 287. Qu. Whether a view of the ruinous effects of absurd schemes and credit mismanaged, so as to produce gaming and madness instead of industry, can be any just objection against a national bank calculated purely to promote industry? 288. Qu. Whether a scheme for the welfare of this nation should not take in the whole inhabitants? And whether it be not a vain attempt, to project the flourishing of our Protestant gentry, exclusive of the bulk of the natives? 289. Qu. Whether, therefore, it doth not greatly concern the State, that our Irish natives should be converted, and the whole nation united in the same religion, the same allegiance, and the same interest? and how this may most probably be effected? 290. Qu. Whether an oath, testifying allegiance to the king, and disclaiming the pope's authority in temporals, may not be justly required of the Roman Catholics? And whether, in common prudence or policy, any priest should be tolerated who refuseth to take it? 291. Qu. Whether there have not been Popish recusants? and, if so, whether it would be right to object against the foregoing oath, that all would take it, and none think themselves bound by it? 292. Qu. Whether those of the Church of Rome, in converting the Moors of Spain or the Protestants of France, have not set us an example which might justify a similar treatment of themselves, if the laws of Christianity allowed thereof? 293. Qu. Whether compelling men to a profession of faith is not the worst thing in Popery, and, consequently, whether to copy after the Church of Rome therein, were not to become Papists ourselves in the worst sense? 294. Qu. Whether, nevertheless, we may not imitate the Church of Rome, in certain places, where Jews are tolerated, by obliging our Irish Papists, at stated times, to hear Protestant sermons? and whether this would not make missionaries in the Irish tongue useful? 295. Qu. Whether the mere act of hearing, without making any profession of faith, or joining in any part of worship, be a religious act; and, consequently, whether their being obliged to hear, may not consist with the toleration of Roman Catholics? 296. Qu. Whether, if penal laws should be thought oppressive, we may not at least be allowed to give premiums? And whether it would be wrong, if the public encouraged Popish families to become hearers, by paying their hearth-money for them? 297. Qu. Whether in granting toleration, we ought not to distinguish between doctrines purely religious, and such as affect the State? 298. Qu. Whether the case be not very different in regard to a man who only eats fish on Fridays, says his prayers in Latin, or believes transubstantiation, and one who professeth in temporals a subjection to foreign powers, who holdeth himself absolved from all obedience to his natural prince and the laws of his country? who is even persuaded, it may be meritorious to destroy the powers that are? 299. Qu. Whether, therefore, a distinction should not be made between mere Papists and recusants? And whether the latter can expect the same protection from the Government as the former? 300. Qu. Whether our Papists in this kingdom can complain, if they are allowed to be as much Papists as the subjects of France or of the Empire? 301. Qu. Whether there is any such thing as a body of inhabitants, in any Roman Catholic country under the sun, that profess an absolute submission to the pope's orders in matters of an indifferent nature, or that in such points do not think it their duty to obey the civil government? 302. Qu. Whether since the peace of Utrecht, mass was not celebrated and the sacraments administered in divers dioceses of Sicily, notwithstanding the Pope's interdict? 303. Qu. Whether every plea of conscience is to be regarded? Whether, for instance, the German Anabaptists, Levellers, or Fifth Monarchy men would be tolerated on that pretence? 304. Qu. Whether Popish children bred in charity schools, when bound out in apprenticeship to Protestant masters, do generally continue Protestants? 305. Qu. Whether a Sum, which would go but a little way towards erecting hospitals for maintaining and educating the children of the native Irish, might not go far in binding them out apprentices to Protestant masters, for husbandry, useful trades, and the service of families? 306. Qu. Whether if the parents are overlooked, there can be any great hopes of success in converting the children? 307. Qu. Whether there be any instance, of a people's being converted in a Christian sense, otherwise than by preaching to them and instructing them in their own language? 308. Qu. Whether catechists in the Irish tongue may not easily be procured and subsisted? And whether this would not be the most practicable means for converting the natives? 309. Qu. Whether it be not of great advantage to the Church of Rome, that she hath clergy suited to all ranks of men, in gradual subordination from cardinals down to mendicants? 310. Qu. Whether her numerous poor clergy are not very useful in missions, and of much influence with the people? 311. Qu. Whether, in defect of able missionaries, persons conversant in low life, and speaking the Irish tongue, if well instructed in the first principles of religion, and in the popish controversy, though for the rest on a level with the parish clerks, or the school-masters of charity-schools, may not be fit to mix with and bring over our poor illiterate natives to the Established Church? Whether it is not to be wished that some parts of our liturgy and homilies were publicly read in the Irish language? And whether, in these views, it may not be right to breed up some of the better sort of children in the charity-schools, and qualify them for missionaries, catechists, and readers? 312. Qu. Whether there be any nation of men governed by reason? And yet, if there was not, whether this would be a good argument against the use of reason in pubic affairs? 313. Qu. Whether, as others have supposed an Atlantis or Utopia, we also may not suppose an Hyperborean island inhabited by reasonable creatures? 314. Qu. Whether an indifferent person, who looks into all hands, may not be a better judge of the game than a party who sees only his own? 315. Qu. Whether one, whose end is to make his countrymen think, may not gain his end, even though they should not think as he doth? 316. Qu. Whether he, who only asks, asserts? and whether any man can fairly confute the querist? 317. Qu. Whether the interest of a part will not always be preferred to that of the whole? FINIS ERRATA. Page 10. Line 17. for inexhaustable r. inexhaustible P. 14 L. 22. for Helpless r. Hopeless. P. 16 L. ult for than r. as. Part II Query 1. Whether there be any country in Christendom more capable of improvement than Ireland? 2. Qu. Whether we are not as far before other nations with respect to natural advantages, as we are behind them with respect to arts and industry? 3. Qu. Whether we do not live in a most fertile soil and temperate climate, and yet whether our people in general do not feel great want and misery? 4. Qu. Whether my countrymen are not readier at finding excuses than remedies? 5. Qu. Whether it can be reasonably hoped, that our state will mend, so long as property is insecure among us? 6. Qu. Whether in that case the wisest government, or the best laws can avail us? 7. Qu. Whether a few mishaps to particular persons may not throw this nation into the utmost confusion? 8. Qu. Whether the public is not even on the brink of being undone by private accidents? 9. Qu. Whether the wealth and prosperity of our country do not hang by a hair, the probity of one banker, the caution of another, and the lives of all? 10. Qu. Whether we have not been sufficiently admonished of this by some late events? 11. Qu. Whether therefore it be not high time to open our eyes? 12. Qu. Whether a national bank would not at once secure our properties, put an end to usury, facilitate commerce, supply the want of coin, and produce ready payments in all parts of the kingdom? 13. Qu. Whether the use or nature of money, which all men so eagerly pursue, be yet sufficiently understood or considered by all? 14. Qu. Whether mankind are not governed by Citation rather than by reason? 15. Qu. Whether there be not a measure or limit, within which gold and silver are useful, and beyond which they may be hurtful? 16. Qu. Whether that measure be not the circulating of industry? 17. Qu. Whether a discovery of the richest gold mine that ever was, in the heart of this kingdom, would be a real advantage to us? 18. Qu. Whether it would not tempt foreigners to prey upon us? 19. Qu. Whether it would not render us a lazy, proud, and dastardly people? 20. Qu. Whether every man who had money enough would not be a gentleman? And whether a nation of gentlemen would not be a wretched nation? 21. Qu. Whether all things would not bear a high price? And whether men would not increase their fortunes without being the better for it? 22. Qu. Whether the same evils would be apprehended from paper-money under an honest and thrifty regulation? 23. Qu. Whether, therefore, a national bank would not be more beneficial than even a mine of gold? 24. Qu. Whether private ends are not prosecuted with more attention and vigour than the public? And yet, whether all private ends are not included in the pubic? 25. Qu. Whether banking be not absolutely necessary to the pubic weal? 26. Qu. Whether even our private banks, though attended with such hazards as we all know them to be, are not of singular use in defect of a national bank? 27. Qu. Whether without them what little business and industry there is would not stagnate? But whether it be not a mighty privilege for a private person to be able to create a hundred pounds with a dash of his pen? 28. Qu. Whether the mystery of banking did not derive its original from the Italians? Whether this acute people were not, upon a time, bankers over all Europe? Whether that business was not practised by some of their noblest families who made immense profits by it, and whether to that the house of Medici did not originally owe its greatness? 29. Qu. Whether the wise state of Venice was not the first that conceived the advantage of a national bank? 30. Qu. Whether at Venice all payments of bills of exchange and merchants' contracts are not made in the national or pubic bank, the greatest affairs being transacted only by writing the names of the parties, one as debtor the other as creditor in the bank-book? 31. Qu. Whether nevertheless it was not found expedient to provide a chest of ready cash for answering all demands that should happen to be made on account of payments in detail? 32. Qu. Whether this offer of ready cash, instead of transfers in the bank, hath not been found to augment rather than diminish the stock thereof? 33. Qu. Whether at Venice, the difference in the value of bank money above other money be not fixed at twenty per cent? 34. Qu. Whether the bank of Venice be not shut up four times in the year twenty days each time? 35. Qu. Whether by means of this bank the public be not mistress of a million and a half sterling? 36. Qu. Whether the great exactness and integrity with which this bank is managed be not the chief support of that republic? 37. Qu. Whether we may not hope for as much skill and honesty in a Protestant Irish Parliament as in a Popish Senate of Venice? 38. Qu. Whether the bank of Amsterdam was not begun about one hundred and thirty years ago, and whether at this day its stock be not conceived to amount to three thousand tons of gold, or thirty millions sterling? 39. Qu. Whether besides coined money, there be not also great quantities of ingots or bars of gold and silver lodged in this bank? 40. Qu. Whether all payments of contracts for goods in gross, and letters of exchange, must not be made by transfers in the bank-books, provided the sum exceed three hundred florins? 41. Qu. Whether it be not true, that the bank of Amsterdam never makes payments in cash? 42. Qu. Whether, nevertheless, it be not also true, that no man who hath credit in the bank can want money from particular persons, who are willing to become creditors in his stead? 43. Qu. Whether any man thinks himself the poorer, because his money is in the bank? 44. Qu. Whether the creditors of the bank of Amsterdam are not at liberty to withdraw their money when they please, and whether this liberty doth not make them less desirous to use it? 45. Qu. Whether this bank be not shut up twice in the year for ten or fifteen days, during which time the accounts are balanced? 46. Qu. Whether it be not owing to this bank that the city of Amsterdam, without the least confusion, hazard, or trouble, maintains and every day promotes so general and quick a circulation of industry? 47. Qu. Whether it be not the greatest help and spur to commerce that property can be so readily conveyed and so well secured by a compte en banc, that is, by only writing one man's name for another's in the bank-book? 48. Qu. Whether, at the beginning of the last century, those who had lent money to the public during the war with Spain were not satisfied by the sole expedient of placing their names in a compte en banc, with liberty to transfer their claims? 49. Qu. Whether the example of those easy transfers in the compte en banc, thus casually erected, did not tempt other men to become creditors to the public, in order to profit by the same secure and expeditious method of keeping and transferring their wealth? 50. Qu. Whether this compte en banc hath not proved better than a mine of gold to Amsterdam? 51. Qu. Whether that city may not be said to owe her greatness to the unpromising accident of her having been in debt more than she was able to Pay? 52. Qu. Whether it be known that any State from such small beginnings, in so short a time, ever grew to so great wealth and power as the province of Holland hath done; and whether the bank of Amsterdam hath not been the real cause of such extraordinary growth? 53. Qu. Whether we are by nature a more stupid people than the Dutch? And yet whether these things are sufficiently considered by our patriots? 54. Qu. Whether anything less than the utter subversion of those Republics can break the banks of Venice and Amsterdam? 55. Qu. Whether at Hamburgh the citizens have not the management of the bank, without the meddling or inspection of the Senate? 56. Qu. Whether the directors be not four principal burghers chosen by plurality of voices, whose business is to see the rules observed, and furnish the cashiers with money? 57. Qu. Whether the book-keepers are not obliged to balance their accounts every week, and exhibit them to the controllers or directors? 58. Qu. Whether any besides the citizens are admitted to have compte en banc at Hamburgh? 59. Qu. Whether there be not a certain limit, under which no sum can be entered into the bank? 60. Qu. Whether each particular person doth not pay a fee in order to be admitted to a compte en banc at Hamburgh and Amsterdam? 61. Qu. Whether the effects lodged in the bank of Hamburgh are liable to be seized for debt or forfeiture? 62. Qu. Whether this bank doth not lend money upon pawns at low interest and only for half a year, after which term, in default of payment, the pawns are punctually sold by auction? 63. Qu. Whether the book-keepers of the bank of Hamburgh are not obliged upon oath never to reveal what sums of money are paid in or out of the bank, or what effects any particular person has therein? 64. Qu. Whether, therefore, it be possible to know the state or stock of this bank; and yet whether it be not of the greatest reputation and most established credit throughout the North? 65. Qu. Whether the success of those public banks in Venice, Amsterdam and Hamburg would not naturally produce in other States an inclination to the same methods? 66. Qu. Whether an absolute monarchy be so apt to gain credit, and whether the vivacity of some humours could so well suit with the slow steps and discreet management which a bank requires? 67. Qu. Whether the bank called the general bank of France, contrived by Mr Law, and established by letters patent in May, 1716, was not in truth a particular and not a national bank, being in the hands of a particular company privileged and protected by the Government? 68. Qu. Whether the Government did not order that the notes of this bank should pass on a par with ready money in all payments of the revenue? 69. Qu. Whether this bank was not obliged to issue only such notes as were payable at sight? 70. Qu. Whether it was not made a capital crime to forge the notes of this bank? 71. Qu. Whether this bank was not restrained from trading either by sea or land, and from taking up money upon interest? 72. Qu. Whether the original stock thereof was not six millions of livres, divided into actions of a thousand crowns each? 73. Qu. Whether the proprietors were not to hold general assemblies twice in the year, for the regulating of their affairs? 74. Qu. Whether the accompts of this bank were not balanced twice every year? 75. Qu. Whether there were not two chests belonging to this bank, the one called the general chest containing their specie, their bills and their copper plates for the printing of those bills, under the custody of three locks, whereof the keys were kept by the director, the inspector and treasurer, also another called the ordinary chest, containing part of the stock not exceeding two hundred thousand crowns, under the key of the treasurer? 76. Qu. Whether out of this last mentioned sum, each particular cashier was not to be intrusted with a share not exceeding the value of twenty thousand crowns at a time, and that under good security? 77. Qu. Whether the Regent did not reserve to himself the power of calling this bank to account, so often as he should think good, and of appointing the inspector? 78. Qu. Whether in the beginning of the year 1719 the French King did not convert the general bank of France into a Banque Royale, having himself purchased the stock of the company and taken it into his own hands, and appointed the Duke of Orleans chief manager thereof? 79. Qu. Whether from that time, all matters relating to the bank were not transacted in the name, and by the sole authority, of the king? 80. Qu. Whether his Majesty did not undertake to receive and keep the cash of all particular persons, subjects, or foreigners, in his said Royale Banque, without being paid for that trouble? And whether it was not declared, that such cash should not be liable to seizure on any pretext, not even on the king's own account? 81. Qu. Whether the treasurer alone did not sign all the bills, receive all the stock paid into the bank, and keep account of all the in-goings and out-goings? 82. Qu. Whether there were not three registers for the enregistering of the bills kept in the Banque Royale, one by the inspector, another by the controller, and a third by the treasurer? 83. Qu. Whether there was not also a fourth register, containing the profits of the bank, which was visited, at least once a week, by the inspector and controller? 84. Qu. Whether, beside the general bureau or compter in the city of Paris, there were not also appointed five more in the towns of Lyons, Tours, Rochelle, Orleans, and Amiens, each whereof was provided with two chests, one of specie for discharging bills at sight, and another of bank bills to be issued as there should be demand? 85. Qu. Whether, in the above mentioned towns, it was not prohibited to make payments in silver, exceeding the sum of six hundred livres? 86. Qu. Whether all creditors were not empowered to demand payment in bank bills instead of specie? 87. Qu. Whether, in a short compass of time, this bank did not undergo many new changes and regulations by several successive acts of council? 88. Qu. Whether the untimely, repeated, and boundless fabrication of bills did not precipitate the ruin of this bank? 89. Qu. Whether it be not true, that before the end of July, 1719, they had fabricated four hundred millions of livres in bank-notes, to which they added the sum of one hundred and twenty millions more on the twelfth of September following, also the same sum of one hundred and twenty millions on the twenty-fourth of 3 October, and again on the twenty-ninth of December, in the same year, the farther sum of three hundred and sixty millions, making the whole, from an original stock of six millions, mount, within the compass of one year, to a thousand millions of livres? 90. Qu. Whether on the twenty-eighth of February, 1720, the king did not make an union of the bank with the united company of the East and West Indies, which from that time had the administration and profits of the Banque Royale? 91. Qu. Whether the king did not still profess himself responsible for the value of the bank bills, and whether the company were not responsible to his Majesty for their management? 92. Qu. Whether sixteen hundred millions of livres, lent to his majesty by the company, was not a sufficient pledge to indemnify the king? 93. Qu. Whether the new directors were not prohibited to make any more bills without an act of council? 94. Qu. Whether the chests and books of the Banque were not subjected to the joint inspection of a Counsellor of State, and the Prevot des Marchands, assisted by two Echevins, a judge, and a consul, who had power to visit when they would and without warning? 95. Qu. Whether in less than two years the actions or shares of the Indian Company (first established for Mississippi, and afterwards increased by the addition of other compares and further? and whether this privileges) did not rise to near 2000 per cent must be ascribed to real advantages of trade, or to mere frenzy? 96. Qu. Whether, from first to last, there were not fabricated bank bills, of one kind or other, to the value of more than two thousand and six hundred millions of livres, or one hundred and thirty millions sterling? 97. Qu. Whether the credit of the bank did not decline from its union with the Indian Company? 98. Qu. Whether, notwithstanding all the above-mentioned extraordinary measures, the bank bills did not still pass at par with gold and silver to May, 1720, when the French king thought fit, by a new act of council, to make a reduction of their value, which proved a fatal blow, the effects whereof, though soon retracted, no subsequent skill or management could ever repair? 99. Qu. Whether, what no reason, reflexion, or foresight could do, this simple matter of fact (the most powerful argument with the multitude) did not do at once, to wit, open the eyes of the people? 100. Qu. Whether the dealers in that sort of ware had ever troubled their heads with the nature of credit, or the true use and end of banks, but only considered their bills and actions as things, to which the general demand gave a price? 101. Qu. Whether the Government was not in great perplexity to contrive expedients for the getting rid of those bank bills, which had been lately multiplied with such an unlimited passion? 102. Qu. Whether notes to the value of about ninety millions were not sunk by being paid off in specie, with the cash of the Compagnie des Indes, with that of the bank, and that of the Hotels des Monnoyes? Whether five hundred and thirty millions were not converted into annuities at the royal treasury? Whether several hundred millions more in bank bills were not extinguished and replaced by annuities on the City of Paris, on taxes throughout the provinces, &c., &c? 103. Qu. Whether, after all other shifts, the last and grand resource for exhausting that ocean, was not the erecting of a compte en banc in several towns of France? 104. Qu. Whether, when the imagination of a people is thoroughly wrought upon and heated by their own example, and the arts of designing men, this doth not produce a sort of enthusiasm which takes place of reason, and is the most dangerous distemper in a State? 105. Qu. Whether this epidemical madness should not be always before the eyes of a legislature, in the framing of a national bank? 106. Qu. Whether, therefore, it may not be fatal to engraft trade on a national bank, or to propose dividends on the stock thereof? 107. Qu. Whether it be possible for a national bank to subsist and maintain its credit under a French government? 108. Qu. Whether it may not be as useful a lesson to consider the bad management of some as the good management of others? 109. Qu. Whether the rapid and surprising success of the schemes of those who directed the French bank did not turn their brains? 110. Qu. Whether the best institutions may not be made subservient to bad ends? 111. Qu. Whether, as the aim of industry is power, and the aim of a bank is to circulate and secure this power to each individual, it doth not follow that absolute power in one hand is inconsistent with a lasting and a flourishing bank? 112. Qu. Whether our natural appetites, as well as powers, are not limited to their respective ends and uses? But whether artificial appetites may not be infinite? 113. Qu. Whether the simple getting of money, or passing it from hand to hand without industry, be an object worthy of a wise government? 114. Qu. Whether, if money be considered as an end, the appetite thereof be not infinite? But whether the ends of money itself be not bounded? 115. Qu. Whether the mistaking of the means for the end was not a fundamental error in the French councils? 116. Qu. Whether the total sum of all other powers, be it of enjoyment or action, which belong to man, or to all mankind together, is not in truth a very narrow and limited quantity? But whether fancy is not boundless? 117. Qu. Whether this capricious tyrant, which usurps the place of reason, doth not most cruelly torment and delude those poor men, the usurers, stockjobbers, and projectors, of content to themselves from heaping up riches, that is, from gathering counters, from multiplying figures, from enlarging denominations, without knowing what they would be at, and without having a proper regard to the use or end or nature of things? 118. Qu. Whether the ignis fatuus of fancy doth not kindle immoderate desires, and lead men into endless pursuits and wild labyrinths? 119. Qu. Whether counters be not referred to other things, which, so long as they keep pace and proportion with the counters, it must be owned the counters are useful; but whether beyond that to value or covet counters be not direct folly? 120. Qu. Whether the public aim ought not to be, that men's industry should supply their present wants, and the overplus be converted into a stock of power? 121. Qu. Whether the better this power is secured, and the more easily it is transferred, industry be not so much the more encouraged? 122. Qu. Whether money, more than is expedient for those purposes, be not upon the whole hurtful rather than beneficial to a State? 123. Qu. Whether there should not be a constant care to keep the bills at par? 124. Qu. Whether, therefore, bank bills should at any time be multiplied but as trade and business were also multiplied? 125. Qu. Whether it was not madness in France to mint bills and actions, merely to humour the people and rob them of their cash? 126. Qu. Whether we may not profit by their mistakes, and as some things are to be avoided, whether there may not be others worthy of imitation in the conduct of our neighbours? 127. Qu. Whether the way be not clear and open and easy, and whether anything but the will is wanting to our legislature? 128. Qu. Whether jobs and tricks are not detested on all hands, but whether it be not the joint interest of prince and people to promote industry? 129. Qu. Whether, all things considered, a national bank be not the most practicable, sure, and speedy method to mend our affairs, and cause industry to flourish among us? 130. Qu. Whether a compte en banc or current bank bills would best answer our occasions? 131. Qu. Whether a public compte en banc, where effects are received, and accounts kept with particular persons, be not an excellent expedient for a great city? 132. Qu. What effect a general compte en banc would have in the metropolis of this kingdom with one in each province subordinate thereunto? 133. Qu. Whether it may not be proper for a great kingdom to unite both expedients, to wit, bank notes and a compte en banc? 134. Qu. Whether, nevertheless, it would be advisable to begin with both at once, or rather to proceed first with the bills, and afterwards, as business multiplied, and money or effects flowed in, to open the compte en banc? 135. Qu. Whether, for greater security, double books of compte en banc should not be kept in different places and hands? 136. Qu. Whether it would not be right to build the compters and public treasuries, where books and bank notes are kept, without wood, all arched and floored with brick or stone, having chests also and cabinets of iron? 137. Qu. Whether divers registers of the bank notes should not be kept in different hands? 138. Qu. Whether there should not be great discretion in the uttering of bank notes, and whether the attempting to do things per saltum be not often the way to undo them? 139. Qu. Whether the main art be not by slow degrees and cautious measures to reconcile the bank to the public, to wind it insensibly into the affections of men, and interweave it with the constitution? 140. Qu. Whether the promoting of industry should not be always in view, as the true and sole end, the rule and measure, of a national bank? And whether all deviations from that object should not be carefully avoided? 141. Qu. Whether a national bank may not prevent the drawing of specie out of the country (where it circulates in small payments), to be shut up in the chests of particular persons? 142. Qu. Whether it may not be useful, for supplying manufactures and trade with stock, for regulating exchange, for quickening commerce, for putting spirit into the people? 143. Qu. Whether tenants or debtors could have cause to complain of our monies being reduced to the English value if it were withal multiplied in the same, or in a greater proportion? and whether this would not be the consequence of a nation al bank? 144. Qu. If there be an open sure way to thrive, without hazard to ourselves or prejudice to our neighbours, what should hinder us from putting it in practice? 145. Qu. Whether in so numerous a Senate, as that of this kingdom, it may not be easie to find men of pure hands and clear heads fit to contrive and model a public bank? 146. Qu. Whether a view of the precipice be not sufficient, or whether we must tumble headlong before we are roused? 147. Qu. Whether in this drooping and dispirited country, men are quite awake? 148. Qu. Whether we are sufficiently sensible of the peculiar security there is in having a bank that consists of land and paper, one of which cannot be exported, and the other is in no danger of being exported? 149. Qu. Whether it be not delightful to complain? And whether there be not many who had rather utter their complaints than redress their evils? 150. Qu. Whether, if 'the crown of the wise be their riches' (Prov., xiv.24), we are not the foolishest people in Christendom? 151. Qu. Whether we have not all the while great civil as well as natural advantages? 152. Qu. Whether there be any people who have more leisure to cultivate the arts of peace, and study the public weal? 153. Qu. Whether other nations who enjoy any share of freedom, and have great objects in view, be not unavoidably embarrassed and distracted by factions? But whether we do not divide upon trifles, and whether our parties are not a burlesque upon politics? 154. Qu. Whether it be not an advantage that we are not embroiled in foreign affairs, that we hold not the balance of Europe, that we are protected by other fleets and armies, that it is the true interest of a powerful people, from whom we are descended, to guard us on all sides? 155. Qu. Whether England doth not really love us and wish well to us, as bone of her bone, and flesh of her flesh? And whether it be not our part to cultivate this love and affection all manner of ways? 156. Qu. Whether, if we do not reap the benefits that may be made of our country and government, want of will in the lower people, or want of wit in the upper, be most in fault? 157. Qu. What sea-ports or foreign trade have the Swisses; and yet how warm are those people, and how well provided? 158. Qu. Whether there may not be found a people who so contrive as to be impoverished by their trade? And whether we are not that people? 159. Qu. Whether it would not be better for this island, if all our fine folk of both sexes were shipped off, to remain in foreign countries, rather than that they should spend their estates at home in foreign luxury, and spread the contagion thereof through their native land? 160. Qu. Whether our gentry understand or have a notion of magnificence, and whether for want thereof they do not affect very wretched distinctions? 161. Qu. Whether there be not an art or skill in governing human pride, so as to render it subservient to the pubic aim? 162. Qu. Whether the great and general aim of the public should not be to employ the people? 163. Qu. What right an eldest son hath to the worst education? 164. Qu. Whether men's counsels are not the result of their knowledge and their principles? 165. Qu. Whether an assembly of freethinkers, petit maitres, and smart Fellows would not make an admirable Senate? 166. Qu. Whether there be not labour of the brains as well as of the hands, and whether the former is beneath a gentleman? 167. Qu. Whether the public be more interested to protect the property acquired by mere birth than that which is the Mediate fruit of learning and vertue? 168. Qu. Whether it would not be a poor and ill-judged project to attempt to promote the good of the community, by invading the rights of one part thereof, or of one particular order of men? 169. Qu. Whether the public happiness be not proposed by the legislature, and whether such happiness doth not contain that of the individuals? 170. Qu. Whether, therefore, a legislator should be content with a vulgar share of knowledge? Whether he should not be a person of reflexion and thought, who hath made it his study to understand the true nature and interest of mankind, how to guide men's humours and passions, how to incite their active powers, how to make their several talents co-operate to the mutual benefit of each other, and the general good of the whole? 171. Qu. Whether it doth not follow that above all things a gentleman's care should be to keep his own faculties sound and entire? 172. Qu. Whether the natural phlegm of this island needs any additional stupefier? 173. Qu. Whether all spirituous liquors are not in truth opiates? 174. Qu. Whether our men of business are not generally very grave by fifty? 175. Qu. Whether there be really among us any parents so silly, as to encourage drinking in their children? 176. Qu. Whence it is, that our ladies are more alive, and bear age so much better than our gentlemen? 177. Qu. Whether all men have not faculties of mind or body which may be employed for the public benefit? 178. Qu. Whether the main point be not to multiply and employ our people? 179. Qu. Whether hearty food and warm clothing would not enable and encourage the lower sort to labour? 180. Qu. Whether, in such a soil as ours, if there was industry, there could be want? 181. Qu. Whether the way to make men industrious be not to let them taste the fruits of their industry? And whether the labouring ox should be muzzled? 182. Qu. Whether our landlords are to be told that industry and numbers would raise the value of their lands, or that one acre about the Tholsel is worth ten thousand acres in Connaught? 183. Qu. Whether our old native Irish are not the most indolent and supine people in Christendom? 184. Qu. Whether they are yet civilized, and whether their habitations and furniture are not more sordid than those of the savage Americans? 185. Qu. Whether this be altogether their own fault? 186. Qu. Whether it be not a sad circumstance to live among lazy beggars? And whether, on the other hand, it would not be delightful to live in a country swarming, like China, with busy people? 187. Qu. Whether we should not cast about, by all manner of means, to excite industry, and to remove whatever hinders it? And whether every one should not lend a helping hand? 188. Qu. Whether vanity itself should not be engaged in this good work? And whether it is not to be wished that the finding of employment for themselves and others were a fashionable distinction among the ladies? 189. Qu. Whether idleness be the mother or the daughter of spleen? 190. Qu. Whether it may not be worth while to publish the conversation of Ischomachus and his wife in Xenophon, for the use of our ladies? 191. Qu. Whether it is true that there have been, upon a time, one hundred millions of people employed in China, without the woollen trade, or any foreign commerce? 192. Qu. Whether the natural inducements to sloth are not greater in the Mogul's country than in Ireland, and yet whether, in that suffocating and dispiriting climate, the Banyans are not all, men, women, and children, constantly employed? 193. Qu. Whether it be not true that the great Mogul's subjects might undersell us even in our own markets, and clothe our people with their stuffs and calicoes, if they were imported duty free? 194. Qu. Whether there can be a greater reproach on the leading men and the patriots of a country, than that the people should want employment? And whether methods may not be found to employ even the lame and the blind, the dumb, the deaf, and the maimed, in some or other branch of our manufactures? 195. Qu. Whether much may not be expected from a biennial consultation of so many wise men about the public good? 196. Qu. Whether a tax upon dirt would not be one way of encouraging industry? 197. Qu. Whether it may not be right to appoint censors in every parish to observe and make returns of the idle hands? 198. Qu. Whether a register or history of the idleness and industry of a people would be an useless thing? 199. Qu. Whether we are apprized, of all the uses that may be made of political arithmetic? 200. Qu. Whether it would be a great hardship if every parish were obliged to find work for their poor? 201. Qu. Whether children especially should not be inured to labour betimes? 202. Qu. Whether there should not be erected, in each province, an hospital for orphans and foundlings, at the expense of old bachelors? 203. Qu. Whether it be true that in the Dutch workhouses things are so managed that a child four years old may earn its own livelihood? 204. Qu. What a folly is it to build fine houses, or establish lucrative posts and large incomes, under the notion of providing for the poor? 205. Qu. Whether the poor, grown up and in health, need any other provision but their own industry, under public inspection? 206. Qu. Whether the poor-tax in England hath lessened or increased the number of the poor? 207. Qu. Why the workhouse in Dublin, with so good an endowment, should yet be of so little use? and whether this may not be owing to that very endowment? 208. Qu. Whether that income might not, by this time, have gone through the whole kingdom, and erected a dozen workhouses in every county? 209. Qu. Whether workhouses should not be made at the least expense, with clay floors, and walls of rough stone, without plastering, ceiling, or glazing? 210. Qu. Whether the tax on chairs or hackney coaches be not paid, rather by the country gentlemen, than the citizens of Dublin? 211. Qu. Whether it be an impossible attempt to set our people at work, or whether industry be a habit which, like other habits, may by time and skill be introduced among any people? 212. Qu. Whether all manner of means should not be employed to possess the nation in general with an aversion and contempt for idleness and all idle folk? 213. Qu. Whether it would be a hardship on people destitute of all things, if the public furnished them with necessaries which they should be obliged to earn by their labour? 214. Qu. Whether other nations have not found great benefit from the use of slaves in repairing high roads, making rivers navigable, draining bogs, erecting public buildings, bridges, and manufactures? 215. Qu. Whether temporary servitude would not be the best cure for idleness and beggary? 216. Qu. Whether the public hath not a right to employ those who cannot or who will not find employment for themselves? 217. Qu. Whether all sturdy beggars should not be seized and made slaves to the public for a certain term of years? 218. Qu. Whether he who is chained in a jail or dungeon hath not, for the time, lost his liberty? And if so, whether temporary slavery be not already admitted among us? 219. Qu. Whether a state of servitude, wherein he should be well worked, fed, and clothed, would not be a preferment to such a fellow? 220. Qu. Whether criminals in the freest country may not forfeit their liberty, and repair the damage they have done the public by hard labour? 221. Qu. What the word 'servant' signifies in the New Testament? 222. Qu. Whether the view of criminals chained in pairs and kept at hard labour would not be very edifying to the multitude? 223. Qu. Whether the want of such an institution be not plainly seen in England, where the disbelief of a future state hardeneth rogues against the fear of death, and where, through the great growth of robbers and housebreakers, it becomes every day more necessary? 224. Qu. Whether it be not easier to prevent than to remedy, and whether we should not profit by the example of others? 225. Qu. Whether felons are not often spared, and therefore encouraged, by the compassion of those who should prosecute them? 226. Qu. Whether many that would not take away the life of a thief may not nevertheless be willing to bring him to a more adequate punishment? 227. Qu. Whether there should not be a difference between the treatment of criminals and that of other slaves? 228. Qu. Whether the most indolent would be fond of idleness, if they regarded it as the sure road to hard labour? 229. Qu. Whether the industry of the lower part of our people doth not much depend on the expense of the upper? 230. Qu. What would be the consequence if our gentry affected to distinguish themselves by fine houses rather than fine clothes? 231. Qu. Whether any people in Europe are so meanly provided with houses and furniture, in proportion to their incomes, as the men of estates in Ireland? 232. Qu. Whether building would not peculiarly encourage all other arts in this kingdom? 233. Qu. Whether smiths, masons, bricklayers, plasterers, carpenters, joiners, tilers, plumbers, and glaziers would not all find employment if the humour of building prevailed? 234. Qu. Whether the ornaments and furniture of a good house do not employ a number of all sorts of artificers, in iron, wood, marble, brass, pewter, copper, wool, flax, and divers other materials? 235. Qu. Whether in buildings and gardens a great number of day-labourers do not find employment? 236. Qu. Whether by these means much of that sustenance and wealth of this nation which now goes to foreigners would not be kept at home, and nourish and circulate among our own people? 237. Qu. Whether, as industry produced good living, the number of hands and mouths would not be increased; and in proportion thereunto, whether there would not be every day more occasion for agriculture? And whether this article alone would not employ a world of people? 238. Qu. Whether such management would not equally provide for the magnificence of the rich, and the necessities of the poor? 239. Qu. Whether an expense in building and improvements doth not remain at home, pass to the heir, and adorn the public? And whether any of those things can be said of claret? 240. Qu. Whether fools do not make fashions, and wise men follow them? 241. Qu. Whether, for one who hurts his fortune by improvements, twenty do not ruin themselves by foreign luxury? 242. Qu. Whether in proportion as Ireland was improved and beautified by fine seats, the number of absentees would not decrease? 243. Qu. Whether he who employs men in buildings and manufactures doth not put life in the country, and whether the neighbourhood round him be not observed to thrive? 244. Qu. Whether money circulated on the landlord's own lands, and among his own tenants, doth not return into his own pocket? 245. Qu. Whether every squire that made his domain swarm with busy hands, like a bee-hive or ant-hill, would not serve his own interest, as well as that of his country? 246. Qu. Whether a gentleman who hath seen a little of the world, and observed how men live elsewhere, can contentedly sit down in a cold, damp, sordid habitation, in the midst of a bleak country, inhabited by thieves and beggars? 247. Qu. Whether, on the other hand, a handsome seat amidst well-improved lands, fair villages, and a thriving neighbourhood may not invite a man to dwell on his own estate, and quit the life of an insignificant saunterer about town for that of a useful country-gentleman? 248. Qu. Whether it would not be of use and ornament if the towns throughout this kingdom were provided with decent churches, townhouses, workhouses, market-places, and paved streets, with some order taken for cleanliness? 249. Qu. Whether, if each of these towns were addicted to some peculiar manufacture, we should not find that the employing many hands together on the same work was the way to perfect our workmen? And whether all these things might not soon be provided by a domestic industry, if money were not wanting? 250. Qu. Whether money could ever be wanting to the demands of industry, if we had a national bank? 251. Qu. Whether when a motion was made once upon a time to establish a private bank in this kingdom by public authority, divers gentlemen did not shew themselves forward to embark in that design? 252. Qu. Whether it may not now be hoped, that our patriots will be as forward to examine and consider the proposal of a public bank calculated only for the public good? 253. Qu. Whether any people upon earth shew a more early zeal for the service of their country, greater eagerness to bear a part in the legislature, or a more general parturiency with respect to politics and public counsels? 254. Qu. Whether, nevertheless, a light and ludicrous vein be not the reigning humour; but whether there was ever greater cause to be serious? FINIS. ERRATUM Qu. 168, for Indulg'd, read ill judg'd. Part III Query 1. Whether the fable of Hercules and the carter ever suited any nation like this nation of Ireland? 2. Qu. Whether it be not a new spectacle under the sun, to behold, in such a climate and such a soil, and under such a gentle government, so many roads untrodden, fields untilled, houses desolate, and hands unemployed? 3. Qu. Whether there is any country in Christendom, either kingdom or republic, depending or independent, free or enslaved, which may not afford us a useful lesson? 4. Qu. Whether the frugal Swisses have any other commodities but their butter and cheese and a few cattle, for exportation; whether, nevertheless, the single canton of Berne hath not in her public treasury two millions sterling? 5. Qu. Whether that small town of Berne, with its scanty barren territory, in a mountainous corner, without sea-ports, without manufactures, without mines, be not rich by mere dint of frugality? 6. Qu. Whether the Swisses in general have not sumptuary laws, prohibiting the use of gold, jewels, silver, silk, and lace in their apparel, and indulging the women only to wear silk on festivals, weddings, and public solemnities? 7. Qu. Whether there be not two ways of growing rich, sparing and getting? But whether the lazy spendthrift must not be doubly poor? 8. Qu. Whether money circulating be not the life of industry; and whether the want thereof doth not render a State gouty and inactive? 9. Qu. But whether, if we had a national bank, and our present cash (small as it is) were put into the most convenient shape, men should hear any public complaints for want of money? 10. Qu. Whether all circulation be not alike a circulation of credit, whatsoever medium (metal or paper) is employed, and whether gold be any more than credit for so much power? 11. Qu. Whether the wealth of the richest nations in Christendom doth not consist in paper vastly more than in gold and silver? 12. Qu. Whether Lord Clarendon doth not aver of his own knowledge, that the Prince of Orange, with the best credit, and the assistance of the richest men in Amsterdam, was above ten days endeavouring to raise L20,000 in specie, without being able to raise half the sum in all that time? (See Clarendon's History, BK. XII) 13. Qu. Whether the whole city of Amsterdam would not have been troubled to have brought together twenty thousand pounds in one room? 14. Qu. Whether it be not absolutely necessary that there must be a bank and must be a trust? And, if so, whether it be not the most safe and prudent course to have a national bank and trust the legislature? 15. Qu. Whether objections against trust in general avail, when it is allowed there must be a trust, and the only question is where to place this trust, whether in the legislature or in private hands? 16. Qu. Whether it can be expected that private persons should have more regard to the public than the public itself? 17. Qu. Whether, if there be hazards from mismanagement, those may not be provided against in the framing of a pubic bank; but whether any provision can be made against the mismanagement of private banks that are under no check, control, or inspection? 18. Qu. Whatever may be said for the sake of objecting, yet, whether it be not false in fact, that men would prefer a private security to a public security? 19. Qu. Whether a national bank ought to be considered as a new experiment; and whether it be not a motive to try this scheme that it hath been already tried with success in other countries? 20. Qu. If power followeth money, whether this can be anywhere more properly and securely placed, than in the same hands wherein the supreme power is already placed? 21. Qu. Whether there be more danger of abuse in a private than in a public management? 22. Qu. Whether the proper usual remedy for abuses of private banks be not to bring them before Parliament, and subject them to the inspection of a committee; and whether it be not more prudent to prevent than to redress an evil? 23. Qu. Supposing there had been hitherto no such thing as a bank, and the question were now first proposed, whether it would be safer to circulate unlimited bills in a private credit, or bills to a limited value on the public credit of the community, what would men think? 24. Qu. Whether experience and example be not the plainest proof; and whether any instance can be assigned where a national bank hath not been attended with great advantage to the public? 25. Qu. Whether the evils apprehended from a national bank are not much more to be apprehended from private banks; but whether men by custom are not familiarized and reconciled to common dangers, which are therefore thought less than they really are? 26. Qu. Whether it would not be very hard to suppose all sense, honesty, and public spirit were in the keeping of only a few private men, and the public was not fit to be trusted? 27. Qu. Whether it be not ridiculous to suppose a legislature should be afraid to trust itself? 28. Qu. But, whether a private interest be not generally supported and pursued with more zeal than a public? 29. Qu. Whether the maxim, 'What is everybody's business is nobody's,' prevails in any country under the sun more than in Ireland? 30. Qu. Whether, nevertheless, the community of danger, which lulls private men asleep, ought not to awaken the public? 31. Qu. Whether there be not less security where there are more temptations and fewer checks? 32. Qu. If a man is to risk his fortune, whether it be more prudent to risk it on the credit of private men, or in that of the great assembly of the nation? 33. Qu. Where is it most reasonable to expect wise and punctual dealing, whether in a secret impenetrable recess, where credit depends on secrecy, or in a public management regulated and inspected by Parliament? 34. Qu. Whether a supine security be not catching, and whether numbers running the same risk, as they lessen the caution, may not increase the danger? 35. Qu. What real objection lies against a national bank erected by the legislature, and in the management of public deputies, appointed and inspected by the legislature? 36. Qu. What have we to fear from such a bank, which may not be as well feared without it? 37. Qu. How, why, by what means, or for what end, should it become an instrument of oppression? 38. Qu. Whether we can possibly be on a more precarious foot than we are already? Whether it be not in the power of any particular person at once to disappear and convey himself into foreign parts? or whether there can be any security in an estate of land when the demands upon it are unknown? 39. Qu. Whether the establishing of a national bank, if we suppose a concurrence of the government, be not very practicable? 40. Qu. But, whether though a scheme be never so evidently practicable and useful to the pubic, yet, if conceived to interfere with a private interest, it be not forthwith in danger of appearing doubtful, difficult, and impracticable? 41. Qu. Whether the legislative body hath not already sufficient power to hurt, if they may be supposed capable of it, and whether a bank would give them any new power? 42. Qu. What should tempt the pubic to defraud itself? 43. Qu. Whether, if the legislature destroyed the public, it would not be felo de se; and whether it be reasonable to suppose it bent on its own destruction? 44. Qu. Whether the objection to a pubic national bank, from want of secrecy, be not in truth an argument for it? 45. Qu. Whether the secrecy of private banks be not the very thing that renders them so hazardous? and whether, without that, there could have been of late so many sufferers? 46. Qu. Whether when all objections are answered it be still incumbent to answer surmises? 47. Qu. Whether it were just to insinuate that gentlemen would be against any proposal they could not turn into a job? 48. Qu. Suppose the legislature passed their word for any private banker, and regularly visited his books, would not money lodged in his bank be therefore reckoned more secure? 49. Qu. In a country where the legislative body is not fit to be trusted, what security can there be for trusting any one else? 50. Qu. If it be not ridiculous to question whether the pubic can find cash to circulate bills of a limited value when private bankers are supposed to find enough to circulate them to an unlimited value? 51. Qu. Whether the united stock of a nation be not the best security? And whether anything but the ruin of the State can produce a national bankruptcy? 52. Qu. Whether the total sum of the public treasure, power, and wisdom, all co-operating, be not most likely to establish a bank of credit, sufficient to answer the ends, relieve the wants, and satisfy the scruples of all people? 53. Qu. Whether those hazards that in a greater degree attend private banks can be admitted as objections against a public one? 54. Qu. Whether that which is an objection to everything be an objection to anything; and whether the possibility of an abuse be not of that kind? 55. Qu. Whether, in fact, all things are not more or less abused, and yet notwithstanding such abuse, whether many things are not upon the whole expedient and useful? 56. Qu. Whether those things that are subject to the most general inspection are not the least subject to abuse? 57. Qu. Whether, for private ends, it may not be sometimes expedient to object novelty to things that have been often tried, difficulty to the plainest things, and hazard to the safest? 58. Qu. Whether some men will not be apt to argue as if the question was between money and credit, and not (as in fact it is) which ought to be preferred, private credit or public credit? 59. Qu. Whether they will not prudently overlook the evils felt, or to be feared, on one side? 60. Qu. Whether, therefore, those that would make an impartial judgment ought not to be on their guard, keeping both prospects always in view, balancing the inconveniencies on each side and considering neither absolutely? 61. Qu. Whether wilful mistakes, examples without a likeness, and general addresses to the passions are not often more successful than arguments? 62. Qu. Whether there be not an art to puzzle plain cases as well as to explain obscure ones? 63. Qu. Whether private men are not often an over-match for the public; want of weight being made up for by activity? 64. Qu. If we suppose neither sense nor honesty in our leaders or representatives, whether we are not already undone, and so have nothing further to fear? 65. Qu. Suppose a power in the government to hurt the pubic by means of a national bank, yet what should give them the will to do this? Or supposing a will to do mischief, yet how could a national bank, modelled and administered by Parliament, put it in their power? 66. Qu. Whether even a wicked will entrusted with power can be supposed to abuse it for no end? 67. Qu. Whether it be not much more probable that those who maketh such objections do not believe them? 68. Qu. Whether it be not vain to object that our fellow-subjects of Great Britain would malign or obstruct our industry when it is exerted in a way which cannot interfere with their own? 66. Qu. Whether it is to be supposed they should take delight in the dirt and nakedness and famine of our people, or envy them shoes for their feet and beef for their belies? 70. Qu. What possible handle or inclination could our having a national bank give other people to distress us? 71. Qu. Whether it be not ridiculous to conceive that a project for cloathing and feeding our natives should give any umbrage to England? 72. Qu. Whether such unworthy surmises are not the pure effect of spleen? 73. Qu. Whether London is not to be considered as the metropolis of Ireland? And whether our wealth (such as it is) doth not circulate through London and throughout all England, as freely as that of any part of his Majesty's dominions? 74. Qu. Whether therefore it be not evidently the interest of the people of England to encourage rather than to oppose a national bank in this kingdom, as well as every other means for advancing our wealth which shall not impair their own? 75. Qu. Whether it is not our interest to be useful to them rather than rival them; and whether in that case we may not be sure of their good offices? 76. Qu. Whether we can propose to thrive so long as we entertain a wrongheaded distrust of England? 77. Qu. Whether, as a national bank would increase our industry, and that our wealth, England may not be a proportionable gainer; and whether we should not consider the gains of our mother-country as some accession to our own? 78. Qu. Whether the Protestant colony in this kingdom can ever forget what they owe to England? 79. Qu. Whether there ever was in any part of the world a country in such wretched circumstances, and which, at the same time, could be so easily remedied, and nevertheless the remedy not applied? 80. Qu. What must become of a people that can neither see the plainest things nor do the easiest? 81. Qu. Be the money lodged in the bank what it will, yet whether an Act to make good deficiencies would not remove all scruples? 82. Qu. If it be objected that a national bank must lower interest, and therefore hurt the monied man, whether the same objection would not hold as strong against multiplying our gold and silver? 83. Qu. But whether a bank that utters bills, with the sole view of promoting the public weal, may not so proportion their quantity as to avoid several inconveniencies which might attend private banks? 84. Qu. Whether there be any difficulty in comprehending that the whole wealth of the nation is in truth the stock of a national bank? And whether any more than the right comprehension of this be necessary to make all men easy with regard to its credit? 85. Qu. Whether any Thing be more reasonable than that the pubic, which makes the whole profit of the bank, should engage to make good its credit? 86. Qu. Whether the prejudices about gold and silver are not strong, but whether they are not still prejudices? 87. Qu. Whether paper doth not by its stamp and signature acquire a local value, and become as precious and as scarce as gold? And whether it be not much fitter to circulate large sums, and therefore preferable to gold? 88. Qu. Whether, in order to make men see and feel, it be not often necessary to inculcate the same thing, and place it in different lights? 89. Qu. Whether it doth not much import to have a right conception of money? And whether its true and just idea be not that of a ticket, entitling to power, and fitted to record and transfer such power? 90. Qu. Whether the managers and officers of a national bank ought to be considered otherwise than as the cashiers and clerks of private banks? Whether they are not in effect as little trusted, have as little power, are as much limited by rules, and as liable to inspection? 91. Qu. Whether the mistaking this point may not create some prejudice against a national bank, as if it depended on the credit, or wisdom, or honesty, of private men, rather than on the pubic, which is really the sole proprietor and director thereof, and as such obliged to support it? 92. Qu. Though the bank of Amsterdam doth very rarely, if at all, pay out money, yet whether every man possess'd of specie be not ready to convert it into paper, and act as cashier to the bank? And whether, from the same motive, every monied man throughout this kingdom would not be cashier to our national bank? 93. Qu. Whether a national bank would not be the great means and motive for employing our poor in manufactures? 94. Qu. Whether money, though lent out only to the rich, would not soon circulate among the poor? And whether any man borrows but with an intent to circulate? 95. Qu. Whether both government and people would not in the event be gainers by a national bank? And whether anything but wrong conceptions of its nature can make those that wish well to either averse from it? 96. Qu. Whether it may not be right to think, and to have it thought, that England and Ireland, prince and people, have one and the same interest? 97. Qu. Whether, if we had more means to set on foot such manufactures and such commerce as consists with the interest of England, there would not of course be less sheep-walk, and less wool exported to foreign countries? And whether a national bank would not supply such means? 98. Qu. Whether we may not obtain that as friends which it is in vain to hope for as rivals? 99. Qu. Whether in every instance by which we prejudice England, we do not in a greater degree prejudice ourselves? See Part II. qu. 153 and 154. 100. Qu. Whether in the rude original of society the first step was not the exchanging of commodities; the next a substituting of metals by weight as the common medium of circulation; after this the making use of coin; lastly, a further refinement by the use of paper with proper marks and signatures? And whether this, as it is the last, so it be not the greatest improvement? 101. Qu. Whether we are not in fact the only people who may be said to starve in the midst of plenty? 102. Qu. Whether business in general doth not languish among us? Whether our land is not untilled? Whether its inhabitants are not upon the wing? 103. Qu. Whether there can be a worse sign than that people should quit their country for a livelihood? Though men often leave their country for health, or pleasure, or riches, yet to leave it merely for a livelihood, whether this be not exceeding bad, and sheweth some peculiar mismanagement? 104. Qu. Whether our circumstances do not call aloud for some present remedy? And whether that remedy be not in our power? 105. Qu. Whether, in order to redress our evils, artificial helps are not most wanted in a land where industry is most against the natural grain of the people? 106. Qu. Whether, of all the helps to industry that ever were invented, there be any more secure, more easy, and more effectual than a national bank? 107. Qu. Whether medicines do not recommend themselves by experience, even though their reasons be obscure? But whether reason and fact are not equally clear in favour of this political medicine? 108. Qu. Whether, although the prepossessions about gold and silver have taken deep root, yet the example of our Colonies in America doth not make it as plain as day-light that they are not so necessary to the wealth of a nation as the vulgar of all ranks imagine? 109. Qu. Whether it be not evident that we may maintain a much greater inward and outward commerce, and be five times richer than we are, nay, and our bills abroad be of far greater credit, though we had not one ounce of gold or silver in the whole island? 110. Qu. Whether wrongheaded maxims, customs, and fashions are not sufficient to destroy any people which hath so few resources as the inhabitants of Ireland. 111. Qu. Whether it would not be a horrible thing to see our matrons make dress and play their chief concern? 112. Qu. Whether our ladies might not as well endow monasteries as wear Flanders lace? And whether it be not true that Popish nuns are maintained by Protestant contributions? 113. Qu. Whether England, which hath a free trade, whatever she remits for foreign luxury with one hand, doth not with the other receive much more from abroad? Whether, nevertheless, this nation would not be a gainer, if our women would content themselves with the same moderation in point of expense as the English ladies? 114. Qu. But whether it be not a notorious truth that our Irish ladies are on a foot, as to dress, with those of five times their fortune in England? 115. Qu. Whether it be not even certain that the matrons of this forlorn country send out a greater proportion of its wealth, for fine apparel, than any other females on the whole surface of this terraqueous globe? 116. Qu. Whether the expense, great as it is, be the greatest evil; but whether this folly may not produce many other follies, an entire derangement of domestic life, absurd manners, neglect of duties, bad mothers, a general corruption in both sexes? 117. Qu. Whether therefore a tax on all gold and silver in apparel, on all foreign laces and silks, may not raise a fund for the bank, and at the same time have other salutary effects on the public? 118. Qu. But, if gentlemen had rather tax themselves in another way, whether an additional tax of ten shillings the hogshead on wines may not supply a sufficient fund for the national bank, all defects to be made good by Parliament? 119. Qu. Whether upon the whole it may not be right to appoint a national bank? 120. Qu. Whether the stock and security of such bank would not be, in truth, the national stock, or the total sum of the wealth of this kingdom? 121. Qu. Whether, nevertheless, there should not be a particular fund for present use in answering bills and circulating credit? 122. Qu. Whether for this end any fund may not suffice, provided an Act be passed for making good deficiencies? 123. Qu. Whether the sole proprietor of such bank should not be the public, and the sole director the legislature? 124. Qu. Whether the managers, officers, and cashiers should not be servants of the pubic, acting by orders and limited by rules of the legislature? 125. Qu. Whether there should not be a standing number of inspectors, one-third men in great office, the rest members of both houses, half whereof to go out, and half to come in every session? 126. Qu. Whether those inspectors should not, all in a body, visit twice a year, and three as often as they pleased? 127. Qu. Whether the general bank should not be in Dublin, and subordinate banks or compters one in each province of Munster, Ulster, and Connaught? 128. Qu. Whether there should not be such provisions of stamps, signatures, checks, strong boxes, and all other measures for securing the bank notes and cash, as are usual in other banks? 129. Qu. Whether these ten or a dozen last queries may not easily be converted into heads of a bill? 130. Qu. Whether any one concerns himself about the security or funds of the banks of Venice or Amsterdam? And whether in a little time the case would not be the same as to our bank? 131. Qu. Whether the first beginning of expedients do not always meet with prejudices? And whether even the prejudices of a people ought not to be respected? 132. Qu. Whether a national bank be not the true philosopher's stone in a State? 133. Qu. Whether it be not the most obvious remedy for all the inconveniencies we labour under with regard to our coin? 134. Qu. Whether it be not agreed on all hands that our coin is on very bad foot, and calls for some present remedy? 135. Qu. Whether the want of silver hath not introduced a sort of traffic for change, which is purchased at no inconsiderable discount to the great obstruction of our domestic commerce? 136. Qu. Whether, though it be evident silver is wanted, it be yet so evident which is the best way of providing for this want? Whether by lowering the gold, or raising the silver, or partly one, partly the other? 137. Qu. Whether a partial raising of one species be not, in truth, wanting a premium to our bankers for importing such species? And what that species is which deserves most to be encouraged? 138. Qu. Whether it be not just, that all gold should be alike rated according to its weight and fineness? 139. Qu. Whether this may be best done, by lowering some certain species of gold, or by raising others, or by joining both methods together? 140. Qu. Whether all regulations of coin should not be made with a view to encourage industry, and a circulation of commerce, throughout the kingdom? 141. Qu. Whether the North and the South have not, in truth, one and the same interest in this matter? 142. Qu. Whether to oil the wheels of commerce be not a common benefit? And whether this be not done by avoiding fractions and multiplying small silver? 143. Qu. But, whether a pubic benefit ought to be obtained by unjust methods, and therefore, whether any reduction of coin should be thought of which may hurt the properties of private men? 144. Qu. Whether those parts of the kingdom where commerce doth most abound would not be the greatest gainers by having our coin placed on a right foot? 145. Qu. Whether, in case a reduction of coin be thought expedient, the uttering of bank bills at the same time may not prevent the inconveniencies of such a reduction? 146. Qu. But, whether any pubic expediency could countervail a real pressure on those who are least able to bear it, tenants and debtors? 147. Qu. Whether, nevertheless, the political body, as well as the natural, must not sometimes be worse in order to be better? 148. Qu. Whether, all things considered, a general raising the value of gold and silver be not so far from bringing greater quantities thereof into the kingdom that it would produce a direct contrary effect, inasmuch as less, in that case, would serve, and therefore less be wanted? And whether men do not import a commodity in proportion to the demand or want of it? 149. Qu. Whether the lowering of our gold would not create a fever in the State? And whether a fever be not sometimes a cure, but whether it be not the last cure a man would choose? 150. Qu. What if our other gold were raised to a par with Portugal gold, and the value of silver in general raised with regard to that of gold? 151. Qu. Whether the pubic ends may or may not be better answered by such augmentation, than by a reduction of our coin? 152. Qu. Provided silver is multiplied, be it by raising or diminishing the value of our coin, whether the great end is not answered? 153. Qu. Whether raising the value of a particular species will not tend to multiply such species, and to lessen others in proportion thereunto? And whether a much less quantity of cash in silver would not, in reality, enrich the nation more than a much greater in gold? 154. Qu. Whether, if a reduction be thought necessary, the obvious means to prevent all hardships and injustice be not a national bank? 155. Qu. Upon supposition that the cash of this kingdom was five hundred thousand pounds, and by lowering the various species each one-fifth of its value the whole sum was reduced to four hundred thousand pounds, whether the difficulty of getting money, and consequently of paying rents, would not be increased in the proportion of five to four? 156. Qu. Whether such difficulty would not be a great and unmerited distress on all the tenants in the nation? But if at the same time with the aforesaid reduction there were uttered one hundred thousand pounds additional to the former current stock, whether such difficulty or inconvenience would then be felt? 157. Qu. Whether, ceteris paribus, it be not true that the prices of things increase as the quantity of money increaseth, and are diminished as that is diminished? And whether, by the quantity of money is not to be understood the amount of the denominations, all contracts being nominal for pounds, shillings, and pence, and not for weights of gold or silver? 158. Qu. Whether in any foreign market, twopence advance in a kilderkin of corn could greatly affect our trade? 159. Qu. Whether in regard of the far greater changes and fluctuations of prices from the difference of seasons and other accidents, that small rise should seem considerable? 160. Qu. Whether our exports do not consist of such necessaries as other countries cannot well be without? 161. Qu. Whether upon the circulation of a national bank more land would not be tilled, more hands employed, and consequently more commodities exported? 162. Qu. Whether, setting aside the assistance of a national bank, it will be easy to reduce or lower our coin without some hardship (at least for the present) on a great number of particular persons? 163. Qu. Whether, nevertheless, the scheme of a national bank doth not entirely stand clear of this question; and whether such bank may not completely subsist and answer its ends, although there should be no alteration at all made in the value of our coin? 164. Qu. Whether, if the ill state of our coin be not redressed, that scheme would not be still more necessary, inasmuch as a national bank, by putting new life and vigour into our commerce, may prevent our feeling the ill effects of the want of such redress? 165. Qu. Whether men united by interest are not often divided by opinion; and whether such difference in opinion be not an effect of misapprehension? 166. Qu. Whether two things are not manifest, first, that some alteration in the value of our coin is highly expedient, secondly, that whatever alteration is made, the tenderest care should be had of the properties of the people, and even a regard paid to their prejudices? 167. Qu. Whether our taking the coin of another nation for more than it is worth be not, in reality and in event, a cheat upon ourselves? 168. Qu. Whether a particular coin over-rated will not be sure to flow in upon us from other countries beside that where it is coined? 169. Qu. Whether, in case the wisdom of the nation shall think fit to alter our coin, without erecting a national bank, the rule for lessening or avoiding present inconvenience should not be so to order matters, by raising the silver and depressing the gold, as that the total sum of coined cash within the kingdom shall, in denomination, remain the same, or amount to the same nominal value, after the change that it did before? 170. Qu. Whether all inconvenience ought not to be lessened as much as may be; but after, whether it would be prudent, for the sake of a small inconvenience, to obstruct a much greater good? And whether it may not sometimes happen that an inconvenience which in fancy and general discourse seems great shall, when accurately inspected and cast up, appear inconsiderable? 171. Qu. Whether in public councils the sum of things, here and there, present and future, ought not to be regarded? 172. Qu. Whether silver and small money be not that which circulates the quickest, and passeth through all hands, on the road, in the market, at the shop? 173. Qu. Whether, all things considered, it would not be better for a kingdom that its cash consisted of half a million in small silver, than of five times that sum in gold? 174. Qu. Whether there be not every day five hundred lesser payments made for one that requires gold? 175. Qu. Whether Spain, where gold bears the highest value, be not the laziest, and China, where it bears the lowest, be not the most industrious country in the known world? 176. Qu. Money being a ticket which entitles to power and records the title, whether such power avails otherwise than as it is exerted into act? 177. Qu. Whether it be not evidently the interest of every State, that its money should rather circulate than stagnate? 178. Qu. Whether the principal use of cash be not its ready passing from hand to hand, to answer common occasions of the common people, and whether common occasions of all sorts of people are not small ones? 179. Qu. Whether business at fairs and markets is not often at a stand and often hindered, even though the seller hath his commodities at hand and the purchaser his gold, yet for want of change? 180. Qu. Whether beside that value of money which is rated by weight, there be not also another value consisting in its aptness to circulate? 181. Qu. As wealth is really power, and coin a ticket conveying power, whether those tickets which are the fittest for that use ought not to be preferred? 182. Qu. Whether those tickets which singly transfer small shares of power, and, being multiplied, large shares, are not fitter for common use than those which singly transfer large shares? 183. Qu. Whether the public is not more benefited by a shilling that circulates than a pound that lies dead? 184. Qu. Whether sixpence twice paid be not as good as a shilling once paid? 185. Qu. Whether the same shilling circulating in a village may not supply one man with bread, another with stockings, a third with a knife, a fourth with paper, a fifth with nails, and so answer many wants which must otherwise have remained unsatisfied? 186. Qu. Whether facilitating and quickening the circulation of power to supply wants be not the promoting of wealth and industry among the lower people? And whether upon this the wealth of the great doth not depend? 187. Qu. Whether, without the proper means of circulation, it be not vain to hope for thriving manufacturers and a busy people? 188. Qu. Whether four pounds in small cash may not circulate and enliven an Irish market, which many four-pound pieces would permit to stagnate? 189. Qu. Whether a man that could move nothing less than a hundred-pound weight would not be much at a loss to supply his wants; and whether it would not be better for him to be less strong and more active? 190. Qu. Whether the natural body can be in a state of health and vigour without a due circulation of the extremities, even? And whether the political body, any in the fingers and toes more than the natural, can thrive without a proportionable circulation through the minutest and most inconsiderable parts thereof? 191. Qu. If we had a mint for coining only shillings, sixpences, and copper-money, whether the nation would not soon feel the good effects thereof? 192. Qu. Whether the greater waste by wearing of small coins would not be abundantly overbalanced by their usefulness? 193. Qu. Whether it be not the industry of common people that feeds the State, and whether it be possible to keep this industry alive without small money? 194. Qu. Whether the want of this be not a great bar to our employing the people in these manufactures which are open to us, and do not interfere with Great Britain? 195. Qu. Whether therefore such want doth not drive men into the lazy way of employing land under sheep-walk? 196. Qu. Whether the running of wool from Ireland can so effectually be prevented as by encouraging other business and manufactures among our people? 197. Qu. Whatever commodities Great Britain importeth which we might supply, whether it be not her real interest to import them from us rather than from any other people? 198. Qu. Whether the apprehension of many among us (who for that very reason stick to their wool), that England may hereafter prohibit, limit, or discourage our linen trade, when it hath been once, with great pains and expense, thoroughly introduced and settled in this land, be not altogether groundless and unjust? 199. Qu. Whether it is possible for this country, which hath neither mines of gold nor a free trade, to support for any time the sending out of specie? 200. Qu. Whether in fact our payments are not made by bills? And whether our foreign credit doth not depend on our domestic industry, and our bills on that credit? 201. Qu. Whether, in order to mend it, we ought not first to know the peculiar wretchedness of our state? And whether there be any knowing of this but by comparison? 202. Qu. Whether there are not single market towns in England that turn more money in buying and selling than whole counties (perhaps provinces) with us? 203. Qu. Whether the small town of Birmingham alone doth not, upon an average, circulate every week, one way or other, to the value of fifty thousand pounds? But whether the same crown may not be often paid? 204. Qu. Whether there be any woollen manufacture in Birmingham? 205. Qu. Whether bad management may not be worse than slavery? And whether any part of Christendom be in a more languishing condition than this kingdom? 206. Qu. Whether any kingdom in Europe be so good a customer at Bordeaux as Ireland? 207. Qu. Whether the police and economy of France be not governed by wise councils? And whether any one from this country, who sees their towns, and manufactures, and commerce, will not wonder what our senators have been doing? 208. Qu. What variety and number of excellent manufactures are to be met with throughout the whole kingdom of France? 209. Qu. Whether there are not everywhere some or other mills for many uses, forges and furnaces for iron-work, looms for tapestry, glass-houses, and so forth? 210. Qu. What quantities of paper, stockings, hats; what manufactures of wool, silk, linen, hemp, leather, wax, earthenware, brass, lead, tin, &c? 211. Qu. Whether the manufactures and commerce of the single town of Lyons do not amount to a greater value than all the manufactures and all the trade of this kingdom taken together? 212. Qu. Whether it be not true, that within the compass of one year there flowed from the South Sea, when that commerce was open, into the single town of St. Malo's, a sum in gold and silver equal to four times the whole specie of this kingdom? And whether that same part of France doth not at present draw from Cadiz, upwards of two hundred thousand pounds per annum? 213. Qu. Whether, in the anniversary fair at the small town of Beaucaire upon the Rhone, there be not as much money laid out as the current cash of this kingdom amounts to? 214. Qu. Whether it be true that the Dutch make ten millions of livres, every return of the flota and galleons, by their sales at the Indies and at Cadiz? 215. Qu. Whether it be true that England makes at least one hundred thousand pounds per annum by the single article of hats sold in Spain? 216. Qu. Whether the very shreds shorn from woollen cloth, which are thrown away in Ireland, do not make a beautiful tapestry in France? 217. Qu. Whether the toys of Thiers do not employ five thousand families? 218. Qu. Whether there be not a small town Or two in France which supply all Spain with cards? 219. Qu. Whether there be not French towns subsisted merely by making pins? 220. Qu. Whether the coarse fingers of those very women, those same peasants who one part of the year till the ground and dress the vineyards, are not another employed in making the finest French point? 221. Qu. Whether there is not a great number of idle fingers among the wives and daughters of our peasants? 222. Qu. Whether, about twenty-five years ago, they did not first attempt to make porcelain in France; and whether, in a few years, they did not make it so well, as to rival that which comes from China? 223. Qu. Whether the French do not raise a trade from saffron, dyeing drugs, and the like products, which may do with us as well as with them? 224. Qu. Whether we may not have materials of our own growth to supply all manufactures, as well as France, except silk, and whether the bulk of what silk even France manufactures be not imported? 225. Qu. Whether it be possible for this country to grow rich, so long as what is made by domestic industry is spent in foreign luxury? 226. Qu. Whether part of the profits of the bank should not be employed in erecting manufactures of several kinds, which are not likely to be set on foot and carried on to perfection without great stock, public encouragement, general regulations, and the concurrence of many hands? 227. Qu. Whether our natural Irish are not partly Spaniards and partly Tartars, and whether they do not bear signatures of their descent from both these nations, which is also confirmed by all their histories? 228. Qu. Whether the Tartar progeny is not numerous in this land? And whether there is an idler occupation under the sun than to attend flocks and herds of cattle? 229. Qu. Whether the wisdom of the State should not wrestle with this hereditary disposition of our Tartars, and with a high hand introduce agriculture? 230. Qu. Whether it were not to be wished that our people shewed their descent from Spain, rather by their honour and honesty than their pride, and if so, whether they might not easily insinuate themselves into a larger share of the Spanish trade? 231. Qu. Whether once upon a time France did not, by her linen alone, draw yearly from Spain about eight millions of livres? 232. Qu. Whether the French have not suffered in their linen trade with Spain, by not making their cloth of due breadth; and whether any other people have suffered, and are still likely to suffer, through the same prevarication? 233. Qu. Whether the Spaniards are not rich and lazy, and whether they have not a particular inclination and favour for the inhabitants of this island? But whether a punctual people do not love punctual dealers? 234. Qu. Whether about fourteen years ago we had not come into a considerable share of the linen trade with Spain, and what put a stop to this? 235. Qu. Whether we may not, with common industry and common honesty, undersell any nation in Europe? 236. Qu. Whether, if the linen manufacture were carried on in the other provinces as well as in the North, the merchants of Cork, Limerick, and Galway would not soon find the way to Spain? 237. Qu. Whether the woollen manufacture of England is not divided into several parts or branches, appropriated to particular places, where they are only or principally manufactured; fine cloths in Somersetshire, coarse in Yorkshire, long ells at Exeter, saies at Sudbury, crapes at Norwich, linseys at Kendal, blankets at Witney, and so forth? 238. Qu. Whether the united skill, industry, and emulation of many together on the same work be not the way to advance it? And whether it had been otherwise possible for England to have carried on her woollen manufacture to so great perfection? 239. Qu. Whether it would not on many accounts be right if we observed the same course with respect to our linen manufacture; and that diapers were made in one town or district, damasks in another, sheeting in a third, fine wearing linen in a fourth, coarse in a fifth, in another cambrics, in another thread and stockings, in others stamped linen, or striped linen, or tickings, or dyed linen, of which last kinds there is so great a consumption among the seafaring men of all nations? 240. Qu. Whether it may not be worth while to inform ourselves of the different sorts of linen which are in request among different people? 241. Qu. Whether we do not yearly consume of French wines about a thousand tuns more than either Sweden or Denmark, and yet whether those nations pay ready money as we do? 242. Qu. Whether they are not the Swiss that make hay and gather in the harvest throughout Alsatia? 243. Qu. Whether it be not a custom for some thousands of Frenchmen to go about the beginning of March into Spain, and having tilled the lands and gathered the harvest of Spain, to return home with money in their pockets about the end of November? 244. Qu. Whether of late years our Irish labourers do not carry on the same business in England to the great discontent of many there? But whether we have not much more reason than the people of England to be displeased at this commerce? 245. Qu. Whether, notwithstanding the cash supposed to be brought into it, any nation is, in truth, a gainer by such traffic? 246. Qu. Whether the industry of our people employed in foreign lands, while our own are left uncultivated, be not a great loss to the country? 247. Qu. Whether it would not be much better for us, if, instead of sending our men abroad, we could draw men from the neighbouring countries to cultivate our own? 248. Qu. Whether, nevertheless, we are not apt to think the money imported by our labourers to be so much clear gains to this country, but whether a little reflexion and a little political arithmetic may not shew us our mistake? 249. Qu. Whether our prejudices about gold and silver are not very apt to infect or misguide our judgments and reasonings about the public weal? 250. Qu. Whether it be not a good rule whereby to judge of the trade of any city, and its usefulness, to observe whether there is a circulation through the extremities, and whether the people round about are busy and warm? 251. Qu. Whether we had not, some years since, a manufacture of hats at Athlone, and of earthenware at Arklow, and what became of those manufactures? 252. Qu. Why we do not make tiles of our own, for flooring and roofing, rather than bring them from Holland? 253. Qu. What manufactures are there in France and Venice of gilt-leather, how cheap and how splendid a furniture? 254. Qu. Whether we may not, for the same use, manufacture divers things at home of more beauty and variety than wainscot, which is imported at such expense from Norway? 255. Qu. Whether the use and the fashion will not soon make a manufacture? 256. Qu. Whether, if our gentry used to drink mead and cider, we should not soon have those liquors in the utmost perfection and plenty? 257. Qu. Whether it be not wonderful that with such pastures, and so many black cattle, we do not find ourselves in cheese? 258. Qu. Whether great profits may not be made by fisheries; but whether those of our Irish who live by that business do not contrive to be drunk and unemployed one half of the year? 259. Qu. Whether it be not folly to think an inward commerce cannot enrich a State, because it doth not increase its quantity of gold and silver? And whether it is possible a country should? not thrive, while wants are supplied, and business goes on? 260. Qu. Whether plenty of all the necessaries and comforts of life be not real wealth? 261. Qu. Whether Lyons, by the advantage of her midland situation and the rivers Rhone and Saone, be not a great magazine or mart for inward commerce? And whether she doth not maintain a constant trade with most parts of France; with Provence for oils and dried fruits, for wines and cloth with Languedoc, for stuffs with Champagne, for linen with Picardy, Normandy, and Brittany, for corn with Burgundy? 262. Qu. Whether she doth not receive and utter all those commodities, and raise a profit from the distribution thereof, as well as of her own manufactures, throughout the kingdom of France? 263. Qu. Whether the charge of making good roads and navigable rivers across the country would not be really repaid by an inward commerce? 264. Qu. Whether, as our trade and manufactures increased, magazines should not be established in proper places, fitted by their situation, near great roads and navigable rivers, lakes, or canals, for the ready reception and distribution of all sorts of commodities from and to the several parts of the kingdom; and whether the town of Athlone, for instance, may not be fitly situated for such a magazine, or centre of domestic commerce? 265. Qu. Whether an inward trade would not cause industry to flourish, and multiply the circulation of our coin, and whether this may not do as well as multiplying the coin itself? 266. Qu. Whether the benefits of a domestic commerce are sufficiently understood and attended to; and whether the cause thereof be not the prejudiced and narrow way of thinking about gold and silver? 267. Qu. Whether there be any other more easy and unenvied method of increasing the wealth of a people? 268. Qu. Whether we of this island are not from our peculiar circumstances determined to this very commerce above any other, from the number of necessaries and good things that we possess within ourselves, from the extent and variety of our soil, from the navigable rivers and good roads which we have or may have, at a less expense than any people in Europe, from our great plenty of materials for manufactures, and particularly from the restraints we lie under with regard to our foreign trade? 269. Qu. Whether commissioners of trade or other proper persons should not be appointed to draw up plans of our commerce both foreign and domestic, and lay them at the beginning of every session before the Parliament? 270. Qu. Whether registers of industry should not be kept, and the pubic from time to time acquainted what new manufactures are introduced, what increase or decrease of old ones? 271. Qu. Whether annual inventories should not be published of the fairs throughout the kingdom, in order to judge of the growth of its commerce? 272. Qu. Whether there be not every year more cash circulated at the card tables of Dublin than at all the fairs of Ireland? 273. Qu. Whether the wealth of a country will not bear proportion to the skill and industry of its inhabitants? 274. Qu. Whether foreign imports that tend to promote industry should not be encouraged, and such as have a tendency to promote luxury should not be discouraged? 275. Qu. Whether the annual balance of trade between Italy and Lyons be not about four millions in favour of the former, and yet, whether Lyons be not a gainer by this trade? 276. Qu. Whether the general rule, of determining the profit of a commerce by its balance, doth not, like other general rules, admit of exceptions? 277. Qu. Whether it would not be a monstrous folly to import nothing but gold and silver, supposing we might do it, from every foreign part to which we trade? And yet, whether some men may not think this foolish circumstance a very happy one? 278. Qu. But whether we do not all see the ridicule of the Mogul's subjects, who take from us nothing but our silver, and bury it under ground, in order to make sure thereof against the resurrection? 279. Qu. Whether he must not be a wrongheaded patriot or politician, whose ultimate view was drawing money into a country, and keeping it there? 280. Qu. Whether it be not evident that not gold but industry causeth a country to flourish? 281. Qu. Whether it would not be a silly project in any nation to hope to grow rich by prohibiting the exportation of gold and silver? 282. Qu. Whether there can be a greater mistake in politics than to measure the wealth of the nation by its gold and silver? 283. Qu. Whether gold and silver be not a drug, where they do not promote industry? Whether they be not even the bane and undoing of an idle people? 284. Qu. Whether gold will not cause either industry or vice to flourish? And whether a country, where it flowed in without labour, must not be wretched and dissolute like an island inhabited by buccaneers? 285. Qu. Whether arts and vertue are not likely to thrive, where money is made a means to industry? But whether money without this would be a blessing to any people? 286. Qu. Whether therefore Mississippi, South Sea, and such like schemes were not calculated for pubic ruin? 287. Qu. Whether keeping cash at home, or sending it abroad, just as it most serves to promote industry, be not the real interest of every nation? 288. Qu. Whether commodities of all kinds do not naturally flow where there is the greatest demand? Whether the greatest demand for a thing be not where it is of most use? Whether money, like other things, hath not its proper use? Whether this use be not to circulate? Whether therefore there must not of course be money where there is a circulation of industry? 289. Qu. Whether all such princes and statesmen are not greatly deceived who imagine that gold and silver, any way got, will enrich a country? 290. Qu. Whether it is not a great point to know what we would be at? And whether whole States, as well as private persons, do not often fluctuate for want of this knowledge? 291. Qu. Whether gold may not be compared to Sejanus's horse, if we consider its passage through the world, and the fate of those nations which have been successively possess'd thereof? 292. Qu. Whether the effect is not to be considered more than the kind or quantity of money? 293. Qu. Whether means are not so far useful as they answer the end? And whether, in different circumstances, the same ends are not obtained by different means? 294. Qu. If we are a poor nation, abounding with very poor people, will it not follow that a far greater proportion of our stock should be in the smallest and lowest species than would suit with England? 295. Qu. Whether, therefore, it would not be highly expedient if our money were coined of peculiar values, best fitted to the circumstances and uses of our own country; and whether any other people could take umbrage at our consulting our own convenience, in an affair entirely domestic, and that lies within ourselves? 296. Qu. Whether every man doth not know, and hath not long known, that the want of a mint causeth many other wants in this kingdom? 297. Qu. What harm did England sustain about three centuries ago, when silver was coined in this kingdom? 298. Qu. What harm was it to Spain that her provinces of Naples and Sicily had all along mints of their own? 299. Qu. Whether those who have the interests of this kingdom at heart, and are concerned in the councils thereof, ought not to make the most humble and earnest representations to his Majesty, that he may vouchsafe to grant us that favour, the want of which is ruinous to our domestic industry, and the having of which would interfere with no interest of our fellow-subjects? 300. Qu. Whether it may not be presumed that our not having a privilege which every other kingdom in the world enjoys, be not owing to our want of diligence and unanimity in soliciting for it? 301. Qu. Whether his most gracious Majesty hath ever been addressed on this head in a proper manner, and had the case fairly stated for his royal consideration, and if not, whether we may not blame ourselves? 302. Qu. If his Majesty would be pleased to grant us a mint, whether the consequences thereof may not prove a valuable consideration to the crown? 303. Qu. Whether it be not the interest of England that we should cultivate a domestic commerce among ourselves? And whether it could give them any possible jealousy, if our small sum of cash was contrived to go a little further, if there was a little more life in our markets, a little more buying and selling in our shops, a little better provision for the backs and bellies of so many forlorn wretches throughout the towns and villages of this island? 304. Qu. Whether Great Britain ought not to promote the prosperity of her Colonies, by all methods consistent with her own? And whether the Colonies themselves ought to wish or aim at it by others? 305. Qu. Whether the remotest parts from the metropolis, and the lowest of the people, are not to be regarded as the extremities and capillaries of the political body? 306. Qu. Whether, although the capillary vessels are small, yet obstructions in them do not produce great chronical diseases? 307. Qu. Whether faculties are not enlarged and improved by exercise? 308. Qu. Whether the sum of the faculties put into act, or, in other words, the united action of a whole people, doth not constitute the momentum of a State? 309. Qu. Whether such momentum be not the real stock or wealth of a State; and whether its credit be not proportional thereunto? 310. Qu. Whether in every wise State the faculties of the mind are not most considered? 311. Qu. Whether every kind of employment or business, as it implies more skill and exercise of the higher powers, be not more valued? 312. Qu. Whether the momentum of a State doth not imply the whole exertion of its faculties, intellectual and corporeal; and whether the latter without the former could act in concert? 313. Qu. Whether the divided force of men, acting singly, would not be a rope of sand? 314. Qu. Whether the particular motions of the members of a State, in opposite directions, will not destroy each other, and lessen the momentum of the whole; but whether they must not conspire to produce a great effect? 315. Qu. Whether the ready means to put spirit into this State, to fortify and increase its momentum, would not be a national bank, and plenty of small cash? 316. Qu. Whether private endeavours without assistance from the public are likely to advance our manufactures and commerce to any great degree? But whether, as bills uttered from a national bank upon private mortgages would facilitate the purchases and projects of private men, even so the same bills uttered on the public security alone may not answer pubic ends in promoting new works and manufactures throughout the kingdom? 317. Qu. Whether that which employs and exerts the force of a community deserves not to be well considered and well understood? 318. Qu. Whether the immediate mover, the blood and spirits, be not money, paper, or metal; and whether the soul or will of the community, which is the prime mover that governs and directs the whole, be not the legislature? 319. Qu. Supposing the inhabitants of a country quite sunk in sloth, or even fast asleep, whether, upon the gradual awakening and exertion, first of the sensitive and locomotive faculties, next of reason and reflexion, then of justice and piety, the momentum of such country or State would not, in proportion thereunto, become still more and more considerable? 320. Qu. Whether that which in the growth is last attained, and is the finishing perfection of a people, be not the first thing lost in their declension? 321. Qu. Whether force be not of consequence, as it is exerted; and whether great force without great wisdom may not be a nuisance? 322. Qu. Whether the force of a child, applied with art, may not produce greater effects than that of a giant? And whether a small stock in the hands of a wise State may not go further, and produce more considerable effects, than immense sums in the hands of a foolish one? 323. Qu. Whether as many as wish well to their country ought not to aim at increasing its momentum? 324. Qu. Whose fault is it if poor Ireland still continues poor? FINIS ERRATA. Page 4. Line 13 for Silklace, read Silk, Lace, p. 30 l. 7 r. 61 Prices. p. 32 l. 21 r. to be. p. 39, l. 8 r. as Mills. 
41954	----	TRANSCRIBER'S NOTE: The author often uses the South Asian numbering system where, besides the three least significant digits of the integer part, a comma divides every two rather than every three digits (for example 10,00,000 instead of 1,000,000). Italic text has been marked with _underscores_. Inconsistencies in hyphenation and spelling have not been corrected. A list of corrections to the text can be found at the end of the document. THE WHEEL OF FORTUNE Freedom's Battle Swaraj in One Year Indian Home Rule Mahatma Gandhi His Life writings and speeches Foreword by Mrs. Sarojini Naidu 3rd Edition. Revised and Enlarged THE WHEEL OF FORTUNE BY MAHATMA GANDHI Appreciation by DWIJENDRANATH TAGORE MADRAS GANESH & CO. 1922 THE CAMBRIDGE PRESS, MADRAS. CONTENTS Page. Dawn of a New Era ix SWADESHI Non-Co-operation Programme 1 Khilafat and Swadeshi 5 The Secret of Swaraj 8 Swadeshi 16 Swadeshi in the Punjab 26 Swadeshi Stores 31 Indian Economics 34 How to Boycott Foreign Cloth 44 SPINNING The Music of the Spinning Wheel 53 "Handlooms or Powermills?" 58 Hand-spinning and Hand-weaving 64 Hand-spinning again 71 A Plea for Spinning 76 The Duty of Spinning 80 The Duty of Spinning 83 The Doctrine of Charka 85 The Message of the Charka 87 The Charka in the Gita 93 Spinning as Famine Relief 97 The Potency of the Spinning Wheel 107 The Wheel of Fortune 110 The Spinning Wheel 116 APPENDICES I. A Model Weaving-school 123 Spinning Department 133 The Advantage of the thin spindle 136 Hand-Looms 140 What Kind of Loom? 144 Sizing Handspun Yarn 146 II. The Wheel of Fortune 156 DAWN OF A NEW ERA Many critics and some friends of Mahatma Gandhi have found fault with his desire to introduce simpler methods of spinning and weaving and to do away with much of the complicated machinery of Modern Civilisation. The reason why they object is that they fear such methods mean not progress towards a higher state but relapse into a primitive condition of civilisation or even of barbarism. His denunciation of the age of machinery and of the Industrial System has been criticised by many as the ravings of a visionary and of one who is merely an impracticable idealist. This is a strange criticism to come from those who give their allegiance to a form of civilisation or 'Culture' which has led to the unprecedented horrors of the late European War and the century-old disgraces of the Industrial System. Is this present modern civilisation so very desirable that we should wish it to continue in perpetuity? Every civilisation in the History of Man has reached a certain point after which there has been one possibility only for it and that was absolute relapse into semi-darkness in order to give place to a new and higher civilisation. The common starting point of all the civilisations is a kind of night-time. In order that the Babylonian (or Despotic) Civilisation might give way to the Roman (or Heroic), and the Roman give way to the Modern (or Intellectual) Civilisation, it was necessary for each in turn to sink completely into this common night-time. Without this entire destruction of the ancient structure, there would have been only a patchwork of the old, and not a harmonious building of the New. As Christ said: "Ye cannot put old wine into new bottles." The debris of the Past has to be cleared away in order to make way for the structure of the Future. Now with regard to Modern Civilisation, all the signs of the times show that it has failed lamentably and is gradually tottering to a dishonoured grave. Why make any attempts to prop up what Nature so evidently has decided to throw on the scrap-heap? Such attempts are contrary to the teaching of past history. But anything, which tends to reach the common roots of all civilisations, should be encouraged. In order that the spiritual civilisation of the Future may have a real chance of growing in an atmosphere congenial to it, Mahatma Gandhi's demonstration of the right path should be welcomed. His emphasis on simplicity of life and on the simplification of the machinery of living must be realised as a supremely essential condition of the coming of the new Era. In the civilisation of the Future, an Era of natural harmonious living will be inaugurated, and artificial, luxurious and pompous living will be entirely rooted out. Simplicity of life being a condition of spiritual perfection, we may look forward to an Era of Civilisation in the Future, greatly superior to all the civilisations of the Past, if only we accept simplicity of life as the best method of living. The failure and decline of Western or Modern Civilisation need not alarm us; for the experience of History is full of similar declines of once powerful cultures. When Babylonian Civilisation had reached its height, it had to come down to what we may term the zero-point of all civilisation from which Roman Civilisation had made its start. But when Roman Civilisation had reached its zenith, it was much superior to the zenith Civilisation of Babylon, as the zenith Babylonian was superior to the zero-civilisation. And so also of full-fledged Modern Civilisation. We may say that until it returns to the common zero-point, there is no hope of a full and perfect development of a civilisation moulded by spiritual ideals. Let critics of Mahatma Gandhi then look to History before they condemn him for trying to bring this much belauded Modern Civilisation down to the common starting point of all great civilisations. We are at the dawn of a New Era, and Mahatma Gandhi is the one leader who shows to us the right path. He at least is watering the roots, while all others who try to keep alive the Civilisation of the Western nations are like foolish gardeners who lavish water on the withering leaves of a dying tree and never think of watering its roots. SWADESHI THE WHEEL OF FORTUNE BOYCOTT OF GOODS _vs._ NON-CO-OPERATION PROGRAMME Mr. Kasturi Ranga Aiyangar was pleased to answer my argument in favour of the details of the first stage of non-co-operation that I had the honour of explaining at the great Madras Beach meeting. He expressed his dissent from all but the renunciation of titles. He suggested boycott of foreign goods in the place of the other items. Even at the risk of repeating arguments familiar to the readers of "Young India", I must deal with the question of boycott which has now received the imprimatur of so able a publicist as Mr. Kasturi Ranga Aiyangar. In the first place, boycott of British goods has been conceived as a punishment and can have no place in non-co-operation which is conceived in a spirit of self-sacrifice and is a matter of sacred duty. Secondly, any measure of punishment must be swift, certain and adequate for the effect intended to be produced. Resorted to by individuals, therefore, boycott is ineffectual, for, it can give no satisfaction unless it is productive of effect, whereas every act of non-co-operation is its own satisfaction. Thirdly, boycott of British goods is thoroughly unpractical, for, it involves sacrifice of their millions by millionaires. It is in my opinion infinitely more difficult for a merchant to sacrifice his millions than for a lawyer to suspend his practice or for a title-holder to give up his title or for a parent to sacrifice, if need be, the literary instruction of his children. Add to this the important fact that merchants have only lately begun to interest themselves in politics. They are therefore yet timid and cautious. But the class, to which the first stage of non-co-operation is intended to appeal, is the political class which has devoted years to politics and is not mentally unprepared for communal sacrifice. Boycott of British goods to be effective must be taken up by the whole country at once or not at all. It is like a siege. You can carry out a siege only when you have the requisite men and instruments of destruction. One man scratching a wall with his finger nails may hurt his fingers but will produce no effect upon the walls. One title-holder giving up his title has the supreme satisfaction of having washed his hands clean of the guilt of the donor and is unaffected by the refusal of his fellows to give up theirs. The motive of boycott being punitive lacks the inherent practicability of non-co-operation. The spirit of punishment is a sign of weakness. A strengthening of that spirit will retard the process of regeneration. The spirit of sacrifice is a determination to rid ourselves of our weakness. It is therefore an invigorating and purifying process and is therefore also calculated to do good both to us and to those who evoke the spirit of sacrifice in us. Above all, if India has a mission of her own, she will not fulfil it by copying the doubtful example of the West and making even her sacrifice materialistically utilitarian instead of offering a sacrifice spotless and pleasing even in the sight of God. KHILAFAT AND SWADESHI It was not without much misgiving that I consented to include Swadeshi as a plank in non-co-operation. But Maulana Hasrat Mohani by his sheer earnestness bore me down. I fear however that his reasons for including Swadeshi are different from mine. He is a protagonist of boycott of British goods, I cannot reconcile myself to the doctrine as I have explained elsewhere in this issue. But having failed to popularise boycott, Mohani Saheb has accepted Swadeshi as the lesser good. It is however necessary for me to explain how I have come to include Swadeshi in the programme of non-co-operation. Non-co-operation is nothing but discipline in self-sacrifice. And I believe that a nation that is capable of limitless sacrifice is capable of rising to limitless heights. The purer the sacrifice the quicker the progress. Swadeshi offers every man, woman and child an occasion to make a beginning in self-sacrifice of a pure type. It therefore presents an opportunity for testing our capacity for sacrifice. It is the measure for gauging the depth of national feeling on the Khilafat wrong. Does the nation feel sufficiently to move it to go through even the preliminary process of sacrifice? Will the nation revise its taste for the Japanese silk, the Manchester calico or the French lace and find all its decoration out of hand-spun and hand-woven cloth, i.e., Khadi? If crores of people will refuse to wear or use foreign cloth and be satisfied with the simple cloth that we can produce in our homes, it will be proof of our organising ability, energy, co-operation and self-sacrifice that will enable us to secure all we need. It will be a striking demonstration of national solidarity. Such a consummation cannot be achieved for the mere wish. It cannot be achieved by one man, no matter how capable and sincere he may be. It cannot be achieved by dotting India with Swadeshi stores. It can only be achieved by new production and judicious distribution. Production means lacs of women spinning in their own homes. This requires earnest men to be engaged in honestly distributing carded cotton and collecting yarn and paying for it. It means manufacture of thousands of spinning wheels. It means inducing the hereditary weavers to return to their noble calling and distributing home-spun yarn amongst them and selling their manufactures. It is thus only as an energising agent that I can think of Swadeshi as a plank in non-co-operation. But it is not to be despised in that capacity. And I hope that every worker for the cause, even if he can do nothing else, will have done something if he can advance Swadeshi first by increasing production and then distribution. He would be simply moving in a circle if he is satisfied with distributing cloth that is already being manufactured in India. THE SECRET OF SWARAJ The Congress resolution has rightly emphasised the importance of Swadeshi and the amount of greater sacrifice by merchants. India cannot be free so long as India voluntarily encourages or tolerates the economic drain which has been going on for the past century and a half. Boycott of foreign goods means no more and no less than boycott of foreign cloth. Foreign cloth constitutes the largest drain voluntarily permitted by us. It means sixty crores of rupees annually paid by us for piece-goods. If India could make a successful effort to stop that drain, she can gain Swaraj by that one act. India was enslaved for satisfying the greed of the foreign cloth manufacturer. When the East India Company came in, we were able to manufacture all the cloth we needed, and more for export. By processes that need not be described here, India has become practically wholly dependent upon foreign manufacture for her clothing. But we ought not to be dependent. India has the ability to manufacture all her cloth if her children will work for it. Fortunately India has yet enough weavers to supplement the out-turn of her mills. The mills do not and cannot immediately manufacture all the cloth we want. The reader may not know that, even at the present moment, the weavers weave more cloth than the mills. But the latter weave five crore yards of fine foreign counts, equal to forty crore yards of coarser counts. The way to carry out a successful boycott of foreign cloth is to increase the out-put of yarn. And this can only be done by hand-spinning. To bring about such a boycott, it is necessary for our merchants to stop all foreign importation, and to sell out, even at a loss, all foreign cloth already stocked in India, preferably to foreign buyers. They must cease to speculate in cotton, and keep all the cotton required for home use. They must stop purchasing all foreign cotton. The mill-owners should work their mills not for their profits but as a national trust and therefore cease to spin finer counts, and weave only for the home market. The householder has to revise his or her ideas of fashion and, at least for the time being, suspend the use of fine garments which are not always worn to cover the body. He should train himself to see art and beauty in the spotlessly white _khaddar_ and to appreciate its soft unevenness. The householder must learn to use cloth as a miser uses his hoard. And even when the householders have revised their tastes about dress, somebody will have to spin yarn for the weavers. This can only be done by every one spinning during spare hours either for love or money. We are engaged in a spiritual war. We are not living in normal times. Normal activities are always suspended in abnormal times. And if we are out to gain _Swaraj_ in a year's time, it means that we must concentrate upon our goal to the exclusion of every thing else. I therefore venture to suggest to the students all over India to suspend their normal studies for one year and devote their time to the manufacture of yarn by hand-spinning. It will be their greatest act of service to the motherland, and their most natural contribution to the attainment of _Swaraj_. During the late war our rulers attempted to turn every factory into an arsenal for turning out bullets of lead. During this war of ours, I suggest every national school and college being turned into a factory for preparing cones of yarns for the nation. The students will lose nothing by the occupation: they will gain a kingdom here and hereafter. There is a famine of cloth in India. To assist in removing this dearth is surely an act of merit. If it is sinful to use foreign yarn, it is a virtue to manufacture more Swadeshi yarn in order to enable us to cope with the want that would be created by the disuse of foreign yarn. The obvious question asked would be, if it is so necessary to manufacture yarn, why not pay every poor person to do so? The answer is that hand spinning is not, and never was, a calling like weaving, carpentry, etc. Under the pre-British economy of India, spinning was an honourable and leisurely occupation for the women of India. It is difficult to revive the art among the women in the time at our disposal. But it is incredibly simple and easy for the school-goers to respond to the nation's call. Let no one decry the work as being derogatory to the dignity of man or students. It was an art confined to the women of India because the latter had more leisure. And being graceful, musical, and as it did not involve any great exertion, it had become the monopoly of women. But it is certainly as graceful for either sex as is music for instance. In hand-spinning is hidden the protection of women's virtue, the insurance against famine, and the cheapening of prices. In it is hidden the secret of _Swaraj_. The revival of hand spinning is the least penance we must do for the sin of our forefathers in having succumbed to the satanic influences of the foreign manufacturer. The school-goers will restore hand-spinning to its respectable status. They will hasten the process of making _Khaddar_ fashionable. For no mother, or father, worth the name will refuse to wear cloth made out of yarn spun by their children. And the scholars' practical recognition of art will compel the attention of the weavers of India. If we are to wean the Punjabi from the calling not of a soldier but of the murderer of innocent and free people of other lands, we must give back to him the occupation of weaving. The race of the peaceful Julahis of the Punjab is all but extinct. It is for the scholars of the Punjab to make it possible for the Punjabi weaver to return to his innocent calling. I hope to show in a future issue how easy it is to introduce this change in the schools and how quickly, on these terms, we can nationalise our schools and colleges. Everywhere the students have asked me what new things I would introduce into our nationalised schools. I have invariably told them I would certainly introduce spinning. I feel, so much more clearly than ever before that during the transition period, we must devote exclusive attention to spinning and certain other things of immediate national use, so as to make up for past neglect. And the students will be better able and equipped to enter upon the new course of studies. Do I want to put back the hand of the clock of progress? Do I want to replace the mills by hand-spinning and hand-weaving? Do I want to replace the railway by the country cart? Do I want to destroy machinery altogether? These questions have been asked by some journalists and public men. My answer is: I would not weep over the disappearance of machinery or consider it a calamity. But I have no design upon machinery as such. What I want to do at the present moment is to supplement the production of yarn and cloth through our mills, save the millions we send out of India, and distribute them in our cottages. This I cannot do unless and until the nation is prepared to devote its leisure hours to hand-spinning. To that end we must adopt the methods I have ventured to suggest for popularising spinning as a duty rather than as a means of livelihood. SWADESHI In criticising my article entitled 'The Music of the Spinning Wheel!' the "Leader" the other day attributed to me the ideas that I have never entertained. And it is necessary for the purpose of understanding the true value of Swadeshi, to correct some of the current fallacies. The _Leader_ considers that I am putting back the hands of the clock of progress by attempting to replace mill-made cloth and mill-spun yarn by hand-woven and hand-spun yarn. Now, I am making no such attempt at all. I have no quarrel with the mills. My views are incredibly simple. India requires nearly 13 yards of cloth per head per year. She produces, I believe, less than half the amount. India grows all the cotton she needs. She exports several million bales of cotton to Japan and Lancashire and receives much of it back in manufactured calico although she is capable of producing all the cloth and all the yarn necessary for supplying her wants by hand-weaving and hand-spinning. India needs to supplement her main occupation, agriculture, with some other employment. Hand-spinning is the only such employment for millions. It was the national employment a century ago. It is not true to say that economic pressure and modern machinery destroyed hand-spinning and hand-weaving. This great industry was destroyed or almost destroyed by extraordinary and immoral means adopted by the East India Company. This national industry is capable of being revived by exertion and a change in the national taste without damaging the mill industry. Increase of mills is no present remedy for supplying the deficiency. The difficulty can be easily supplied only by hand-spinning and hand-weaving. If this employment were revived, it would prevent sixty million rupees from being annually drained from the country and distribute the amount among lacs of poor women in their own cottages. I therefore consider Swadeshi as an automatic, though partial, solution of the problem of India's grinding poverty. It also constitutes a ready-made insurance policy in times of scarcity of rain. But two things are needful to bring about the needed revival--to create a taste for Khaddar and to provide an organisation for the distribution of carded cotton and collection of yarn against payment. In one year, by the silent labour of a few men, several thousand rupees have been distributed in Gujarat among several thousand poor women who are glad enough to earn a few pice per day to buy milk for their children, etc. The argument does not apply to the sugar industry as the "Leader" has attempted. There is not sufficient cane grown in India to supply India's wants. Sugar was never a national and supplementary industry. Foreign sugar has not supplanted Indian sugar. India's wants of sugar have grown and she therefore imports more sugar. But this importation does not institute a drain in the sense in which importation of foreign cloth does. Production of more sugar means more scientific agriculture, more and better machinery for crushing and refining. The sugar industry therefore stands on a different platform. Swadeshi in sugar is desirable, Swadeshi in cloth is an urgent necessity. The Swadeshi propaganda has been going on in a more or less organised manner now for the past eighteen months. Some of its results are surprising and gratifying. It has taken a fairly firm hold in the Punjab, Madras and the Bombay Presidency. Hand spinning and hand-weaving are steadily increasing in these parts. Several thousand rupees have been distributed in homes where women never did any work before. And if more work of this kind has not been done, it is due to want of workers. This is however written more to note the mistakes of the past than to sum up the bright side. My observations lead me to the conclusion that whilst the inauguration of the three vows and Swadeshi stores have greatly stimulated the Swadeshi spirit, it is no longer possible to advocate the taking of any of the three vows or the opening of new Swadeshi stores for the sale of mill-made cloth. The result of the propaganda has been to send up the prices of yarn and cloth rather than increase production. It is clear that the purpose of Swadeshi is not served until the quantity of yarn and cloth produced is increased. The gain therefore is merely moral and not material. The people have begun to perceive the desirability of wearing only Swadeshi cloth if the real interest of the country is to be advanced. But it is clear that we must take practical steps for meeting the growing demand for Swadeshi cloth. One way, no doubt, is to increase the mills. But it is obvious that capitalists do not need popular encouragement. They know that India needs much more cloth than is manufactured by our mills. But mills do not spring up like mushrooms. It is a matter of getting machinery from outside, let alone the difficulty of getting labour. And after all, India cannot become truly and economically independent so long as she must rely on the supply of machinery from outside for the manufacture of her cloth. The cleanest and the most popular form of Swadeshi, therefore, is to stimulate hand-spinning and hand-weaving and to arrange for a judicious distribution of yarn and cloth so manufactured. With a little talent and a little industry this thing is easy. Even as each home cooks its own food without difficulty, so may each home weave its own yarn. And just as in spite of every home having its own kitchen, restaurants continue to flourish, so will mills continue to supply our additional wants. But even as because of our private kitchens we would not starve if every restaurant was through some accident closed, so would we, by reason of domestic spinning, not have to be naked even if every mill, by a blockade from the west, had to stop work. Not long ago, we knew this secret of our own economic independence and it is possible for us to regain that independence by a little effort, a little organising agency and a little sacrifice. Therefore true Swadeshi consists in introducing the spinning wheel in every household and every household spinning its own yarn. Many a Punjabi woman does it to-day. And though we may not supply our own cloth entirely, we shall be saving yearly crores of rupees. In any event there is no other Swadeshi than increased manufacture by hand-spinning and hand-weaving. Whether we take up hand-spinning and hand-weaving or we do not, it is at least necessary to understand what true Swadeshi is. _How to kill swadeshi_--We are familiar with the official ban put upon the _Khadi_ cap in various parts of India. In Bihar, I heard that a magistrate actually sent hawkers to sell foreign cloth. Mr. Painter of Dharwar fame has gone one better, and has issued an official circular in which he says: "All officers subordinate to the Collector and District Magistrate are desired to take steps to make people realise, that in as much as India produces less than her population requires, a boycott of foreign cloth and its destruction or export must inevitably lead to a serious rise in prices, which may lead to a serious disorder and looting, and that these consequences will be the result, not of any action on the part of Government but of Mr. Gandhi's campaign." In two other paragraphs means are indicated of combating the Swadeshi propaganda _i.e._ by holding meetings, and by dealers who are opposed to boycott attending the Collector's office at stated hours. The Madras Government have issued a still more pedantic circular. The meaning of these circulars is obvious. Pressure is to be put upon the dealers and others not to countenance boycott. The subordinate officials will take liberties which the authors of circulars may not even have contemplated. Fortunately for the country, these threats now produce little or no impression upon the public, and the Swadeshi movement will go on in the teeth of the official opposition, be it secret or open, unscrupulous or honourable. The officials are so ignorant and obstinate, that they will not take the only effective course for avoiding the feared 'disorders and looting,' _viz._ making common cause with the public and stimulating production. Instead of recognising the agitation against foreign cloth as desirable and necessary, they regard it as an evil to be put down. And then it is complained, that I call a system which seeks to thwart healthy public agitation, satanic. Why should there be any dearth of indigenous cloth? Is there not enough cotton in India? Are there not enough men and women who can spin and weave? Is it not possible to manufacture all the required number of wheels in a few days? Why should not each home manufacture its own cloth, even as it cooks its own food? Is it not enough in times of famine to distribute uncooked grain among the famine-striken? Why should it not be enough to distribute raw cotton among those who need clothing? Why this hypocritical or false alarm about the dearth of cloth, when it is possible in India to manufacture enough for India's needs in a month even without the aid of the mills? The people have been purposely or ignorantly kept in the dark hitherto. They have been wrongly taught to believe, that all the cloth needed cannot be manufactured in India's homes as of yore. They have been figuratively amputated and then made to rely upon foreign or mill-made cloth. I wish the people concerned will give the only dignified answer possible to these circulars. They will forthwith burn or send out all their foreign cloth, and courageously make up their minds to spin and weave for their own requirements. It is incredibly easy for every one who is not an idler. _Y. I.--18th Aug, 1920._ SWADESHI IN THE PUNJAB The Joint Secretaries of the Bharat Stri Maha Mandal, Punjab Branch, send a report of the Swadeshi activities of Shrimati Saraladevi Chaudhrani ever since her return to Lahore from Bombay. Miss Roy and Mrs. Roshandal, the Secretaries, state that meetings of women were held respectively on the 23rd, 24th and 25th June at three different places in Lahore. All the meetings were attended by hundreds of women who were deeply interested in what Shrimati Saraladevi had to say. The burden of her discourses was India's deep poverty. She traced the causes and proved that our poverty was primarily due to the abandonment of Swadeshi by the people. The remedy therefore lay in reverting to Swadeshi. Saraladevi herself writes to say that her Khaddar Sari impressed her audiences more than her speeches, and her songs came next, her speeches last. The good ladies of Lahore flocked round her and felt her coarse but beautifully white Sari and admired it. Some took pity on her that she who only the other day was dressed in costly thin silk Saris now decked herself in hand-woven Swadeshi Khaddar. Saraladevi wanted no pity and retorted that their thin foreign scarves lay heavier on their shoulders with the weight of their helpless dependence on foreign manufacture whereas her coarse Khaddar lay light as a feather on her body with the joy of the knowledge that she was free because she wore garments in the manufacture of which her sisters and her brothers had laboured. This statement so pleased her audience that most of the women present resolved to discard foreign clothes. Saraladevi has now been charged by these ladies to open a shop where they could buy Swadeshi goods. She has since addressed more audiences. She spoke at the District Conference at Sialkot and to a meeting exclusively devoted to ladies numbering over one thousand. I hope that the men of Punjab will help Saraladevi in her self-imposed mission. They may harness her talents and her willingness in founding Swadeshi Sabha and organising Swadeshi propaganda on a sound basis. Both men and money are needed to make the work a success. Swadeshi is more than reforms. There is much waste over reforms. There is none in Swadeshi. Every yard of yarn spun is so much labour well spent and so much wealth added to the national treasury. Every drop counts. Swadeshi spells first production and then distribution. Distribution without production means the raising of prices without any corresponding benefit. For to-day demand exceeds the supply. If we will not manufacture more cloth, more foreign imports must continue a painful and sinful necessity. Punjab has a great opportunity. Punjab grows splendid cotton. The art of spinning has not yet died out. Almost every Punjabi woman knows it. This sacred haunt of the Rishis of old has thousands of weavers. Only the leaders need to have faith in their women and themselves. When Saraladevi wrote to me that she might want goods from Bombay, I felt hurt. The Punjab has all the time and all the labour and the material necessary for producing her own cloth. She has brave merchants. She has more than enough capital. She has brains. Has she the will? She can organise her own Swadeshi in less than a year, if the leaders will work at this great cause. It is playing with Swadeshi for the Punjab to have to import cloth from Bombay. The Punjab has to right herself by putting her Swadeshi on a proper basis and by ridding herself of Messrs. Bosworth Smith and Company. She will then be both economically and politically sound. Geographically she stands at the top. She led the way in the older times. Will she again do so? Her men are virile to look at. Have they virility enough to secure without a moment's delay purity of administration? I have not strayed from Swadeshi to politics. My Swadeshi spirit makes me impatient of garments that denude India of her wealth and equally impatient of the Smiths, the O'Briens, the Shri Rams and the Maliks who denude her of her self-respect and insolently touch women's veils with their sticks, chain innocent men as if they were beasts, or shoot them from armoured cars or otherwise terrorise people into subjection. _Y. I.--7th July 1920._ SWADESHI STORES In a previous issue I endeavoured to show how stores for the sake of selling mill-manufactures did not advance Swadeshi in any way whatsoever but on the contrary, tended to send up the price of cloth. I propose to show in this article how with a small capital, it is possible to advance true Swadeshi and earn a modest livelihood. Suppose that there is a family consisting of husband, wife and two children one of whom is ten years old and the other five. If they have a capital of Rs. 500 they can manage a Khaddar Bhandar in a small way. They can hire, say in a place with a population of 20,000 inhabitants a shop with dwelling rooms for Rs. 10 per month. If they sell the whole of the stock at 10 p.c. profit they can have Rs. 50 per month. They have no servants. The wife and the children in their spare time would be expected to help in keeping the shop tidy and looking after it when the husband is out. The wife and children can also devote their spare time to spinning. In the initial stages the Khaddar may not sell at the shop. In that case the husband is expected to hawk the Khaddar from door to door and popularise it. He will soon find a custom for it. The reader must not be surprised at my suggesting 10 p.c. profits. The Khaddar Bhandars are not designed for the poorest. The use of Khaddar saves at least half the cost not necessarily because the Khaddar is more durable (though that it certainly is) but because its use revolutionises our tastes. I know what saving of money its use has meant to me. Those, who buy Khaddar from patriotic motives merely, can easily afford to pay 10 p.c. profits on Khaddar. Lastly the popularising of Khaddar means much care, devotion and labour. And the owner of a Khaddar Bhandar does not buy it at a wholesale shop but he must wander to get the best Khaddar, he must meet the local weavers and induce them to weave hand spun yarn. He must stimulate in his own district hand spinning among its women. He must come in touch with the carders and get them to card cotton. All this means intelligence, organisation and great ability. A man who can exhibit these qualities has a right to take 10 p.c. profits. And a Swadeshi Bhandar conducted on these lines becomes a true centre of Swadeshi activity. I commend my remarks to the attention of the managers of Swadeshi stores that are already in existence. They may not revolutionise their method at once but I have no doubt that they will advance Swadeshi only to the extent that they sell Khaddar. _Y. I.--7th July, 1920._ INDIAN ECONOMICS A friend has placed in my hands a bulletin on Indian Piece Goods Trade prepared by Mr. A. C. Coubrough C. B. E. by order of the Government of India. It contains the following prefatory note: 'The Government of India desire it to be understood that the statements made and the views expressed in this bulletin are those of the author himself.' If so, why has the Government of India burdened the tax-payer with the expense of such bulletins? The one before me is 16th in the series. Do they publish both the sides of the question? The bulletin under review is intended to be an answer to the Swadeshi movement. It is an elaborate note containing a number of charts showing the condition of imports and home manufacture of piece goods including hand-woven. But it does not assist the reader in studying the movement. The painstaking author has bestowed no pains upon a study of the present movement or its scope. That the Government of India treats the greatest constructive and co-operative movement in the country with supreme contempt and devotes people's money to a vain refutation instead of a sympathetic study and treatment is perhaps the best condemnation that can be pronounced upon the system under which it is carried. The author's argument is: (1) The movement if successful will act not as a protective but a prohibitive tariff. (2) This must result in merely enriching the Indian capitalist and punishing the consumer. (3) The imports are non-competitive in that the bulk of the kind of piece goods imported are not manufactured in India. (4) The result of boycotting such piece goods must be high prices without corresponding benefit. (5) The boycott therefore being against the law of supply and demand and against the consumer must fail in the end. (6) The destruction of hand spinning which I have deplored is due to natural causes, _viz._ the invention of time-saving appliances and was therefore inevitable. (7) The Indian farmer is responsible for his own ruin in that he has indolently neglected cotton culture which was once so good. (8) The best service I can render is therefore to induce the agriculturist to improve the quality of cotton. (9) The author concludes, 'If instead of filling homes with useless _Charkhas_ he were to start a propaganda for the more intensive cultivation of cotton and particularly for the production of longer staple cotton, his influence would be felt not only at the present day but for many generations to come.' The reader will thus see, that what I regard as the supreme necessity for the economical salvation of India, the author considers to be rank folly. There is therefore no meeting ground here. And in spite of the prefatory note of the Government of India reproduced by me, the author does represent the Government attitude. I have invited them and the co-operators definitely to make common cause with the people in this movement at any rate. They may not mind its political implications because they do not believe in them. And surely they need not feel sorry if contrary to their expectation, the rise of the _Charkha_ results in an increase in the political power of the people. Instead of waging war against _Khadi_, they might have popularised its use and disarmed the terrible suspicion they labour under of wishing to benefit the foreign manufacturer at the expense of the Indian cultivator. My invitation is open for all time. I prophesy that whatever happens to the other parts of the national programme, Swadeshi in its present shape will bide for ever and must if India's pauperism is to be banished. Even though I am a layman, I make bold to say that the so-called laws laid down in books on economics are not immutable like the laws of Medes and Persians, nor are they universal. The economics of England are different from those of Germany. Germany enriched herself by bounty-fed beet sugar. England enriched herself by exploiting foreign markets. What was possible for a compact area is not possible for an area 1,900 miles long and 1,500 broad. The economics of a nation are determined by its climatic, geological and temperamental conditions. The Indian conditions are different from the English in all these essentials. What is meat for England is in many cases poison for India. Beef tea in the English climate may be good, it is poison for the hot climate of religious India. Fiery whisky in the north of the British Isles may be a necessity, it renders an Indian unfit for work or society. Fur-coats in Scotland are indispensable, they will be an intolerable burden in India. Free trade for a country which has become industrial, whose population can and does live in cities, whose people do not mind preying upon other nations and therefore sustain the biggest navy to protect their unnatural commerce, may be economically sound (though as the reader perceives, I question its morality). Free trade for India has proved her curse and held her in bondage. And now for Mr. Coubrough's propositions. (1) The movement is intended to serve the purpose of a voluntary prohibitive tariff. (2) But it is so conceived as neither unduly to benefit the capitalist nor to injure the consumer. During the very brief transition stage the prices of home manufactures may be, as they are, inflated. But the rise can only be temporary as the vast majority of consumers must become their own manufacturers. This cottage manufacture of yarn and cloth cannot be expensive even as domestic cookery is not expensive and cannot be replaced by hotel cookery. Over twenty-five crores of the population will be doing their own hand-spinning and having yarn thus manufactured woven in neighbouring localities. This population is rooted to the soil and has at least four months in the year to remain idle. If they spin during those hours and have the yarn woven and wear it, no mill-made cloth can compete with their _Khadi_. The cloth thus manufactured will be the cheapest possible for them. If the rest of the population did not take part in the process, it could easily be supplied out of the surplus manufactured by the twenty-five crores. (3) It is true that non-competitive imports are larger than those that compete with the manufactures of Indian mills. In the scheme proposed by me the question does not arise, because the central idea is not so much to carry on a commercial war against foreign countries as to utilise the idle hours of the nation and thus by natural processes to help it to get rid of her growing pauperism. (4) I have already shown that the result of boycott cannot in the end be a rise in the price of cloth. (5) The proposed boycott is not against the law of supply and demand, because it does away with the law by manufacturing enough for the supply. The movement does require a change of taste on the part of those who have adopted finer variety and who patronise fantastic combinations of colours and designs. (6) I have shown in these pages, that the destruction of hand-spinning was designed and carried out in a most inhuman manner by the agents of the East India Company. No amount of appliances would ever have displaced this national art and industry but for this artificial and systematically cruel manner of carrying out the destruction. (7) I am unable to hold the Indian farmer responsible for the deterioration in cotton culture. The whole incentive was taken away when hand-spinning was destroyed. The State never cared for the cultivator. (8) My activity, I am proud to think, has already turned the cultivator's attention to the improvement of cotton. The artistic sense of the nation will insist on fine counts for which long staple is a necessity. Cotton culture by itself cannot solve the problem of India's poverty. For it will still leave the question of enforced idleness untouched. (9) I therefore claim for the _Charkha_ the honour of being able to solve the problem of economic distress in a most natural, simple, unexpensive and business-like manner. The _Charkha_, therefore, is not only not useless as the writer ignorantly suggests, but it is a useful and indispensable article for every home. It is the symbol of the nation's prosperity and therefore, freedom. It is a symbol not of commercial war but of commercial peace. It bears not a message of ill-will towards the nations of the earth but of good-will and self-help. It will not need the protection of a navy threatening a world's peace and exploiting its resources, but it needs the religious determination of millions to spin their yarn in their own homes as to-day they cook their food in their own homes. I may deserve the curses of posterity for many mistakes of omission and commission but I am confident of earning its blessings for suggesting a revival of the _Charkha_. I stake my all on it. For every revolution of the wheel spins peace, good-will and love. And with all that, inasmuch as the loss of it brought about India's slavery, its voluntary revival with all its implications must mean India's freedom. _Y. I.--8th Dec. 1921._ HOW TO BOYCOTT FOREIGN CLOTH It is needless to say at this time of the day, that the proposed boycott of foreign cloth is not a vindictive measure, but is as necessary for national existence as breath is for life. The quicker, therefore, it can be brought about, the better for the country. Without it, Swaraj cannot be established or retained after establishment. It is of the highest importance to know how it can be brought about even before the first day of August next. To arrive at the boycott quickly, it is necessary (1) for the mill-owners to regulate their profits and to manufacture principally for the Indian market, (2) for importers to cease to buy foreign goods. A beginning has already been made by three principal merchants, (3) for the consumers to refuse to buy any foreign cloth and to buy _Khadi_ wherever possible, (4) for the consumers to wear only _Khadi_ cloth, mill cloth being retained for the poor who do not know the distinction between Swadeshi and Pardeshi, (5) for the consumers to use, till Swaraj is established and _Khadi_ manufacture increased, _Khadi_ just enough for covering the body, (6) for the consumers to destroy Pardeshi cloth, as they would destroy intoxicating liquors on taking the vow of abstinence, or to sell it for use abroad, or to wear it out for all dirty work or during private hours. It is to be hoped that all the parties referred to in the foregoing clauses will respond well and simultaneously. But in the end success depends upon the persistent determination of the consumer. He has simply to decline to wear the badge of his slavery. _Abusing the khaddar_--A friend draws attention to the fact that many who have adopted the _khaddar_ costume are using it as a passport for arrogance, insolence, and, what is worse, fraud. He says that they have neither the spirit of non-co-operation in them nor the spirit of truth. They simply use the _khaddar_ dress as a cloak for their deceit. All this is likely, especially during the transition stage, i.e., whilst _khaddar_ is beginning to become fashionable. I would only suggest to my correspondent that such abuse of _khaddar_ must not even unconsciously be allowed to be used as an argument against its use. Its use to-day is obligatory on those who believe that there is not sufficient Indian mill-made cloth to supply the wants of the nation, that the wants must be supplied in the quickest way possible by increasing home manufacture, and that such manufacture is possible only by making home-spinning universal. The use of _khaddar_ represents nothing more than a most practical recognition of the greatest economic necessity of the country. Even a scoundrel may recognise this necessity, and has therefore a perfect right to wear it. And if a Government spy wore it to deceive people, I would welcome his use of _khaddar_ as so much economic gain to the country. Only I would not give the wearer of the _khaddar_ more than his due. And I would therefore not ascribe to him any piety or special virtue. It follows, therefore, that co-operationists or government servants may wear _khaddar_ without incurring the danger of being mistaken for non-co-operationists. We may no more shun _khaddar_, than a devout church-goer may renounce his church because bad characters go to it for duping gullible people. I recall the name of an M. P. who successfully cloaked many of his vices by pretending to be a staunch temperance man. Not very long ago a bold and unscrupulous speculator found entry into most respectable circles by becoming a temperance advocate. Well has a poet said that 'hypocricy is an ode to virtue.' _Some 'ifs'_--If you are a _weaver_ feeling for the country, the Khilafat and the Punjab, (1) You should weave only hand-spun yarn, and charge so as to give you a living. You should overcome all the difficulties of sizing and adjusting your loom to the requirements of coarse yarn. (2) If you cannot possibly tackle hand-spun yarn for warp, you must use Indian mill-spun yarn for it and use hand-spun for woof. (3) Where even the second alternative is not possible, you should use mill-spun yarn for both warp and woof. But you should henceforth cease to use any foreign yarn, whether it is silk or cotton. If you are a _Congress official or worker_, you should get hold of the weavers within your jurisdiction, and place the foregoing propositions before them for acceptance and help them to the best of your ability. If you are a _buyer_, insist upon the first class of cloth, but if you have not the sense or the courage to do so, take up the second or the third, but on no account purchase foreign cloth or cloth woven in India but made of foreign yarn. If you are a _householder_, (1) You should make a fixed determination henceforth not to buy any foreign cloth. (2) You should interview the weaver in your neighbourhood, and get him to weave for you enough _khadi_ out of home-spun and failing that to weave out of Indian mill-spun yarn. (3) You should deliver to the Congress Committee all your foreign cloth for destruction or sending to Smyrna or elsewhere outside India. (4) If you have not the courage to give up your foreign cloth, you may wear it out at home for all dirty work, but never go out in foreign cloth. (5) If you have any leisure, you should devote it to learning the art of spinning even, properly-twisted yarn for the sake of the nation. If you are a _schoolboy or schoolgirl_, you should consider it a sin to receive literary training, before you have spun, carded or woven for the nation for at least four hours per day till the establishment of Swaraj. _Y. I.--6th July 1921._ SPINNING THE MUSIC OF THE SPINNING WHEEL Slowly but surely the music of perhaps the most ancient machine of India is once more permeating society. Pandit Malaviyaji has stated that he is not going to be satisfied until the Ranis and the Maharanis of India spin yarn for the nation, and the Ranas and the Maharanas sit behind the handlooms and weave cloth for the nation. They have the example of Aurangzeb who made his own caps. A greater emperor--Kabir--was himself a weaver and has immortalised the art in his poems. The queens of Europe, before Europe was caught in Satan's trap, spun yarn and considered it a noble calling. The very words, spinster and wife, prove the ancient dignity of the art of spinning and weaving. 'When Adam delved and Eve span, who was then a gentleman,' also reminds one of the same fact. Well may Panditji hope to persuade the royalty of India to return to the ancient calling of this sacred land of ours. Not on the clatter of arms depends the revival of her prosperity and true independence. It depends most largely upon re-introduction, in every home, of the music of the spinning wheel. It gives sweeter music and is more profitable than the execrable harmonium, concertina and the accordian. Whilst Panditji is endeavouring in his inimitably suave manner to persuade the Indian royalty to take up the spinning wheel, Shrimati Sarala Devi Chaudhrani, who is herself a member of the Indian nobility, has learnt the art and has thrown herself heart and soul into the movement. From all the accounts received from her and others, Swadeshi has become a passion with her. She says she feels uncomfortable in her muslin saris and is content to wear her _khaddar_ saris even in the hot weather. Her _khaddar_ saris continue to preach true Swadeshi more eloquently than her tongue. She has spoken to audiences in Amritsar, Ludhiana and elsewhere and has succeeded in enlisting the services, for her Spinning Committee at Amritsar, of Mrs. Ratanchand and Bugga Chowdhry and the famous Ratan Devi who during the frightful night of the 13th April despite the Curfew Order of General Dyer sat, all alone in the midst of the hundreds of the dead and dying, with her dead husband's cold head in her lap. I venture to tender my congratulations to these ladies. May they find solace in the music of the spinning wheel and in the thought that they are doing national work. I hope that the other ladies of Amritsar will help Sarala Devi in her efforts and that the men of Amritsar will realise their own duty in the matter. In Bombay the readers are aware that ladies of noted families have already taken up spinning. Their ranks have been joined by Dr. Mrs. Manekbai Bahudarji who has already learnt the art and who is now trying to introduce it in the Sevasadan. Her Highness the Begum Saheba of Janjira and her sister Mrs. Atia Begum Rahiman, have also undertaken to learn the art. I trust that these good ladies will, having learnt spinning, religiously contribute to the nation their daily quota of yarn. I know that there are friends who laugh at this attempt to revive this great art. They remind me that in these days of mills, sewing machines or typewriters, only a lunatic can hope to succeed in reviving the rusticated spinning wheel. These friends forget that the needle has not yet given place to the sewing machine nor has the hand lost its cunning in spite of the typewriter. There is not the slightest reason why the spinning wheel may not co-exist with the spinning mill even as the domestic kitchen co-exists with the hotels. Indeed typewriters and sewing machines may go, but the needle and the reed pen will survive. The mills may suffer destruction. The spinning wheel is a national necessity. I would ask sceptics to go to the many poor homes where the spinning wheel is again supplementing their slender resources and ask the inmates whether the spinning wheel has not brought joy to their homes. Thank God, the reward issued by Mr. Rewashanker Jagjiwan bids fair to bear fruit. In a short time India will possess a renovated spinning wheel--a wonderful invention of a patient Deccan artisan. It is made out of simple materials. There is no great complication about it. It will be cheap and capable of being easily mended. It will give more yarn than the ordinary wheel and is capable of being worked by a five years old boy or girl. But whether the new machine proves what it claims to be or it does not, I feel convinced that the revival of hand-spinning and hand-weaving will make the largest contribution to the economic and the moral regeneration of India. The millions must have a simple industry to supplement agriculture. Spinning was the cottage industry years ago and if the millions are to be saved from starvation, they must be enabled to reintroduce spinning in their homes, and every village must repossess its own weaver. _Y. I.--21st July 1920._ "HANDLOOMS OR POWERMILLS?" Whenever an attempt has been made, as it is being made to-day, to encourage the use and production of hand-spun and hand-woven cloth, many have looked askance whether it is intended in this age of mechanical industrialism to supplant the latter by medieval handlooms. The issue is placed between the hand power and the power mill. A correspondent of the _Janmabhumi_ falls into this common error. Apparently agitated at the idea of reviving the home industries, he exclaims, "The real question for consideration with us or with any people to-day is not whether the handloom will or will not be able to hold its own against the power loom, or whether it cannot feed millions of families or clothe millions more in home-made dress; but which will contribute to the economic and political power of a nation or country, whether it is the handloom or the power-mill? Handicrafts or machine industries--that is the real issue." It is not quite clear from the above what the notions of the correspondent are about the economic and political power of this country. We cannot imagine him to seriously believe--though his argument runs as if he does--that that power can be achieved without feeding and clothing the millions of our half-starving and half-naked men, women and children. The political and economic power of a nation depends even in this "age of mechanical industrialism," not on its powerful machines but on its powerful men. Germany was equipped with the best and most powerful and modern machinery, but it failed because at the last moment the power of its nation failed. We want to organise our national power. This can be done not by adopting the best methods of production only but by the best method of _both_ the production and the distribution. Production that is the manufacture of cloth in this particular instance can be brought about in two ways; (1) by establishing new mills and increasing the output or producing capacity of each mill and (2) by increasing the number of hand-looms and improving them. All these activities can go together. The notion of a competition between the hand-loom and the power mill has been shown by such an eminent economist as Prof. Radha Kamal Mukerjea to be "altogether wrong." Says Mr. Mukerjea in his _Foundations of Indian Economics_: "The hand-loom does not compete with the mill, it supplements it in the following way: (1) It produces special kinds of goods which cannot be woven in the mills. (2) It utilizes yarn below and above certain counts which cannot at present be used on the power-mill. (3) It will consume the surplus stock of Indian spinning mills which need not then be sent out of the country. (4) Being mainly a village-industry, it supplies the local demand, at the same time gives employment to small capitalists, weavers and other village workmen and (5) lastly it will supply the long-felt want of, and honest field of, work and livelihood for educated Indians." But even this is not all that can be said in favour of hand-loom industry. Mill industry no doubt can be a powerful aid to the promotion of Swadeshi. But apart from the bitter struggle, strife and demoralisation of the capitalist and the workman (as explained by the eminent scholar, administrator and economist, the late Mr. Romesh Chundra Dutt) it has led to, the question is: Can it solve the problem which pure Swadeshi is designed and sought to do and which arises only because of its abandonment? Every writer of note on the industries of India, whatever his ideas and conclusions about the future of Indian Industrialism may be, has shown that there was a time and that was even till the Early British Rule in India--where spinning and weaving, only next to agriculture, were the great national industries of India, when all the cotton was spun by hand and every portion of the work was done by the farming population which augmented its resources by spinning and weaving. Mr. Dutt has given extracts from the statistical observations of Dr. Francis Buchanan's economic enquiries in Southern and Northern India, conducted between 1798 and 1814. They show how many hundreds of thousands of our men, women and children worked on this industry--mostly in their leisure time--each day and earned crores of rupees annually. How our home-industries came to the sad plight they are in to-day is an open secret, admitted by all authorities and need not be repeated here. Suffice it to say that the problem to-day is not to bring about that political and economic re-organisation of our country, which disturbs the West to-day--an organisation which has led to the breaking up of the society by ceaseless struggles, bitterness and rupture between Capital and Labour. We want to work out the real political and economic regeneration of the country by Swadeshi. And the problem of the Swadeshi is the problem of 80 per cent. of our population who spend more than six months of the year in enforced idleness, eking, throughout the year, a miserable, half-starving and half-naked existence. We must find out suitable work for them during their idle hours. We must make them a real asset and power to the nation. Pure Swadeshi alone can do it. _Y. I.--28th July 1920._ HAND-SPINNING AND HAND-WEAVING Some people spurn the idea of making in this age of mechanism hand-spinning and hand-weaving a national industry, but they forget there are millions of their countrymen in this age who, for want of suitable occupation, are eking out a most miserable existence, and thousands who die of starvation and underfeeding every year, whereas only a hundred years ago hand-spinning and hand-weaving proved an insurance against a pauper's death. The extent to which relief was provided by this industry is recorded by Mr. Dutt in his "History of India: Victorian age" from the investigations conducted by Dr. Buchanan for seven years, 1813-1820. Dr. Buchanan travelled throughout of the whole country. And his observations and statistics convinced him that next to agriculture, hand-spinning and hand-weaving were the great national industries. We make no apology for giving some of the facts and figures collected by Dr. Buchanan: In the districts of Patna and Behar with a population of 3,364,420 souls, the number of spinners was 330,426. "By far the greater part of these," observed Dr. Buchanan, "spin only a few hours in the afternoon, and upon the average estimate the whole value of the thread that each spins in a year is worth Rs. 7-2-8 giving a total annual income of Rs. 23,67,277 and by a similar calculation the raw material at the retail price will amount to Rs. 12,86,272, leaving a profit of Rs. 10,81,005 for the spinners or Rs. 3-4-0 per spinner...." In the district of Shahbad, spinning was the chief industry. 159,500 women were employed in spinning and spun yarn to the value of Rs. 12,50,000 a year. Deducting the value of cotton each woman had some thing left to her to add to the income of the family to which she belonged. In the Bhagalpur district (with a population of 2,019,900) where all castes were permitted to spin, 160,000 women spent a part of their time in spinning and each made an annual income of Rs. 4-1/2 after deducting the cost of cotton. This was added to the family income. In the Gorakhpur district (population 1,385,495) 175,600 women found employment in spinning and made an annual income of Rs. 2-1/2 per head. In the Dinjapur district (with a population of 300,000) cotton-spinning which was the principal manufacture occupied the leisure hours 'of all women of higher rank and of the greater part of the farmers' wives.' Three rupees was the annual income each woman made by spinning in her afternoon hours. In the Purniya district (population 2,904,380) all castes considered spinning honourable and a very large population of women of the district did some spinning in their leisure hours. In eastern Mysore women of all castes except Brahmans bought cotton and wool at weekly markets, spun at home, and sold the thread to weavers. Men and women thus found a profitable occupation. In Coimbatore, the wives of all the low class cultivators were great spinners. The statistics of weavers show that they also were as numerous as the spinners. In the Patna city and Behar district, the total number of looms employed in the manufacture of chaddars and table cloths was 750, and the value of the annual manufactures was Rs. 5,40,000 leaving a profit of Rs. 81,400, deducting the value of thread. This gave a profit of Rs. 108 for each loom worked by three persons or an income of Rs. 36 a year for each person. But the greater part of the cloth-weavers made coarse cloth for country use to the value of Rs. 24,386,621 after deducting the cost of thread. This gave a profit of Rs. 28 for each loom. In Shahabad weavers worked in cotton only. 7,025 houses of weavers worked in cotton and had 7,950 looms. Each loom made an annual income of Rs. 20-3/4 a year and each loom required the labour of a man and his wife as well as one boy or girl. But as a family could not be supported for less than Rs. 48 a year, Dr. Buchanan suspected that the income of each loom given above was understated. In the Bhagalpur district some worked in silk alone. A great many near the town made Tasar fabrics of silk and cotton intermixed; 3,275 looms were so employed that the annual profit of each weaver employed in the mixed silk and cotton industry was calculated to be Rs. 46 besides what the woman made. For the weaving of cotton-cloth, there were 7,279 looms. Each loom yielded a profit of Rs. 20 a year. But by another calculation, Dr. Buchanan estimated it to be Rs. 32 a year. In the Gorakhpur district there were 5,434 families of weavers possessing 6,174 looms and each loom brought an income of Rs. 23-1/2. Dr. Buchanan thought this was too low an estimate and believed that each loom brought an income of Rs. 88 in the year. In the Dungarpur district "Maldai" cloth was manufactured. It consisted of silk warp and cotton woof. 4,000 looms were employed in this work and it was said that each loom made Rs. 20 worth of cloth in a month, which Dr. Buchanan considered too high an estimate. About 800 looms were employed in making larger pieces in the form of Elachis. In the Purniya district weavers were numerous.... In Eastern Mysore cotton-weavers made cloth for home-use as silk weavers produced a strong rich fabric. Workmen who made cloth with silk borders earned As. 6 a day and those who made silk cloth earned As. 4. Thus we see that crores of rupees were earned by these spinners and weavers by following their noble and honest calling. The decentralisation of the industry--every village, town and district having always at its command as much supply as it needed--automatically facilitated its distribution and saved the consumer from Railway Excise and all sorts of tariffs and middlemen's profits that he is a victim to to-day. If we cannot return to these days--though there is no reason, except our own bias and doubt why we should not--can we not at least so organise our industries as to do away without much delay with the foreign cloth with which our markets are being dumped to-day? _Y. I.--15th Sep. 1920._ HAND-SPINNING AGAIN _The Servant of India_ has a fling too at spinning and that is based as I shall presently show on ignorance of the facts. Spinning does protect a woman's virtue, because it enables women, who are to-day working on public roads and are often in danger of having their modesty outraged, to protect themselves, and I know no other occupation that lacs of women can follow save spinning. Let me inform the jesting writer that several women have already returned to the sanctity of their homes and taken to spinning which they say is the one occupation which means so much _barkat_ (blessing). I claim for it the properties of a musical instrument, for whilst a hungry and a naked woman will refuse to dance to the accompaniment of a piano, I have seen women beaming with joy to see the spinning wheel work, for they know that they can through that rustic instrument both feed and clothe themselves. Yes, it does solve the problem of India's chronic poverty and is an insurance against famine. The writer of the jests may not know the scandals that I know about irrigation and relief works. These works are largely a fraud. But if my wise counsellors will devote themselves to introducing the wheel in every home, I promise that the wheel will be an almost complete protection against famine. It is idle to cite Austria. I admit the poverty and limitations of my humanity. I can only think of India's _Kamadhenu_, and the spinning wheel is that for India. For India had the spinning wheel in every home before the advent of the East India Company. India being a cotton growing country, it must be considered a crime to import a single yard of yarn from outside. The figures quoted by the writer are irrelevant. The fact is that in spite of the manufacture of 62.7 crores pounds of yarn in 1917-18 India imported several crore yards of foreign yarn which were woven by the mills as well as the weavers. The writer does not also seem to know that more cloth is to-day woven by our weavers than by mills, but the bulk of it is foreign yarn and therefore our weavers are supporting foreign spinners. I would not mind it much if we were doing something else instead. When spinning was almost compulsorily stopped nothing replaced it save slavery and idleness. Our mills cannot to-day spin enough for our wants, and if they did, they will not keep down prices unless they were compelled. They are frankly money-makers and will not therefore regulate prices according to the needs of the nations. Hand-spinning is therefore designed to put millions of rupees in the hands of poor villagers. Every agricultural country requires a supplementary industry to enable the peasants to utilise the spare hours. Such industry for India has always been spinning. Is it such a visionary ideal--an attempt to revive an ancient occupation whose destruction has brought on slavery, pauperism and disappearance of the inimitable artistic talents which was once all expressed in the wonderful fabric of India and which was the envy of the world? And now a few figures. One boy could, if he worked say four hours daily, spin 1/4 lb. of yarn. 64,000 students would, therefore, spin 16,000 lbs. per day, and therefore feed 8,000 weavers if a weaver wove two lbs. of hand-spun yarn. But the students and others are required to spin during this year of purification by way of penance in order to popularise spinning and to add to the manufacture of hand-spun yarn so as to overtake full manufacture during the current year. The nation may be too lazy to do it. But if all put their hands to this work, it is incredibly easy, it involves very little sacrifice and saves an annual drain of sixty crores even if it does nothing else. I have discussed the matter with many mill-owners, several economists, men of business and no one has yet been able to challenge the position herein set forth. I do expect the 'Servant of India' to treat a serious subject with seriousness and accuracy of information. _Y. I.--16th Feb. 1921._ A PLEA FOR SPINNING A determined opposition was put up against the conditions regarding Swadeshi that were laid down in the civil disobedience resolution passed by the All-India Congress Committee at Delhi. It was directed against two requirements, namely, that the civil resister offering resistance in terms of that resolution was bound to know hand-spinning and use only hand-spun and hand-woven _khadi_; and that in the event of a district or tahsil offering civil disobedience _en masse_ the district or the tahsil concerned must manufacture its own yarn and cloth by the hand. The opposition betrayed woeful ignorance of the importance of hand-spinning. Nothing but hand-spinning can banish pauperism from the land. Paupers cannot become willing sufferers. They have never known the pain of plenty to appreciate the happiness of voluntarily suffering hunger or other bodily discomfort. Swaraj for them can only mean ability to support themselves without begging. To awaken among them a feeling of discontent with their lot without providing them with the means of removing the cause thereof is to court certain destruction, anarchy, outrage and plunder in which they themselves will be the chief victims. Hand-spinning alone can possibly supply them with supplementary and additional earnings. Hand-weaving for many and carding for a limited number can provide complete livelihood. But hand-weaving is not a lost art. Several million men know hand-weaving. But very few know hand-spinning in the true sense of the term. Tens of thousands are, it is true, turning the wheel to-day but only a few are spinning yarn. The cry all over is that hand-spun yarn is not good enough for warp. Just as half-baked bread is no bread, even so ill-spun weak thread is no yarn. Thousands of men must know hand-spinning to be able in their respective districts to improve the quality of the yarn that is now being spun in the country. Therefore those who offer civil disobedience for the sake of establishing Swaraj must know hand-spinning. Mark, they are not required to turn out yarn every day. It would be well if they did. But they must know how to spin even properly twisted yarn. It was a happy omen to me, that in spite of the opposition the amendment was rejected by a large majority. One argument advanced in favour of rejection was, that the Sikh men considered it an undignified occupation to spin and looked down upon hand-weaving. I do hope that the sentiment is not representative of the brave community. Any community that despises occupations that bring an honest livelihood is a community going down an incline. If spinning has been the speciality of women, it is because they have more leisure and not because it is an inferior occupation. The underlying suggestion that a wielder of the sword will not wield the wheel is to take a distorted view of a soldier's calling. A man who lives by the sword does _not_ serve his community even as the soldiers in the employ of the Government do not serve the country. The wielding of the sword is an unnatural occupation resorted to among civilized people only on extraordinary occasions and only for self-defence. To live by hand-spinning and hand-weaving is any day more _manly_ than to live by killing. Aurangzeb was not the less a soldier for sewing caps. What we prize in the Sikhs is not their ability to kill. The late Sardar Lachman Singh will go down to posterity as a hero, because he knew how to die. The Mahant of Nankhana Saheb will go down to posterity as a murderer. I hope therefore that no man will decline to learn the beautiful life-giving art of hand-spinning on the ground of its supposed inferiority. _Y. I.--10th Nov. 1921._ THE DUTY OF SPINNING In "The Secret of Swaraj" I have endeavoured to show what home spinning means for our country. In any curriculum of the future, spinning must be a compulsory subject. Just as we cannot live without breathing and without eating, so is it impossible for us to attain economic independence and banish pauperism from this ancient land without reviving home-spinning. I hold the spinning wheel to be as much a necessity in every household as the hearth. No other scheme that can be devised will ever solve the problem of the deepening poverty of the people. How then can spinning be introduced in every home? I have already suggested the introduction of spinning and systematic production of yarn in every national school. Once our boys and girls have learnt the art they can easily carry it to their homes. But this requires organisation. A spinning wheel must be worked for twelve hours per day. A practised spinner can spin two tolas and a half per hour. The price that is being paid at present is on an average four annas per forty tolas or one pound of yarn _i.e._, one pice per hour. Each wheel therefore should give three annas per day. A strong one costs seven rupees. Working, therefore, at the rate of twelve hours per day it can pay for itself in less than 38 days. I have given enough figures to work upon. Any one working at them will find the results to be startling. If every school introduced spinning, it would revolutionize our ideas of financing education. We can work a school for six hours per day and give free education to the pupils. Supposing a boy works at the wheel for four hours daily, he will produce every day 10 tolas of yarn and thus earn for his school one anna per day. Suppose further that he manufactures very little during the first month, and that the school works only twenty six days in the month. He can earn after the first month Rs. 1-10 per month. A class of thirty boys would yield, after the first month, an income of Rs. 48-12 per month. I have said nothing about literary training. It can be given during the two hours out of the six. It is easy to see that every school can be made self supporting without much effort and the nation can engage experienced teachers for its schools. The chief difficulty in working out the scheme is the spinning wheel. We require thousands of wheels if the art becomes popular. Fortunately, every village carpenter can easily construct the machine. It is a serious mistake to order them from the Ashram or any other place. The beauty of spinning is that it is incredibly simple, easily learnt, and can be cheaply introduced in every village. The course suggested by me is intended only for this year of purification and probation. When normal times are reached and Swaraj is established one hour only may be given to spinning and the rest to literary training. _Y. I.--2nd Feb. 1921._ THE DUTY OF SPINNING [Speaking at a monster meeting of students held in Mirzapur Park, Calcutta, Mahatma Gandhi appealed to them to withdraw from educational institutions. In the course of that speech he spoke on the duty of spinning, which portion is printed here.] Our education has been the most deficient in two things. Those who framed our education code neglected the training of the body and the soul. You are receiving the education of the soul but the very fact of non-co-operation for non-co-operation is nothing less and nothing more than withdrawing from participation in the evil that this Government is doing and continuing to do. And if we are withdrawing from evil conscientiously, deliberately, it means that we are walking with our face towards God. That completes or begins the soul training. But seeing that our bodily education has been neglected, and seeing that India has become enslaved because India forgot the spinning wheel, and because India sold herself for a mess of pottage, I am not afraid to place before you, the young men of Bengal, the spinning wheel for adoption. And let a training in spinning and production of as much yarn as you can ever do constitute your main purpose and your main training during this year of probation. Let your ordinary education commence after Swaraj is established, but let every young man, and every girl, of Bengal consider it to be their sacred duty to devote all their time and energy to spinning. I have drawn attention to the parallel, that presents itself before us, from the war. _Y. I.--2nd Feb. 1921._ THE DOCTRINE OF CHARKA [The opening session of the National College, Calcutta, under the auspices of the Board of Education, formed by Srijuts Chittaranjan Das, Jitendralal Banerjee and other non-co-operation leaders, took place on Friday the 4th February 1921. In opening this College, Mahatma Gandhi addressed the students and professors, from which the following is culled.] We have sufficiently talked about Charka and how it is going to free India--how a nation that came through the Charka to this country as traders, merchants and travellers settled themselves down as rulers with our co-operation, and how non-co-operation and by means of that very Indian _Charka_ they will go back to their own country if they cannot live as fellow-citizens in India. There are peoples who say--"how can you expect the Mahomedans to be non-violent." How, I do not want to speak out. I want the _Charka_ itself to speak out. The whole Europe will know when we place these Charkas in our mosques. Something like 800 Charkas had been ordered for the mosques so that the people who come there should be able to produce Indian yarn with which Indian clothes should be woven by Indian hands in Indian homes to clothe our nakedness or at least to provide home-spun shrouds for us. Thus every revolution of the _Charka_ I can assure you, will bring the success of this bloodless revolution the nearer every day. That is the doctrine of _Charka_. Therefore I ask you to work up this doctrine which will be a great advertisement both of our determination to win freedom, and if possible, through peaceful means. If you are determined to have the freedom of your country, if you want to see the cessation of our slavery in which we are living for close upon two centuries, it requires from you a peaceful battle--the battle of the _Charka_. _Y. I.--9th Feb. 1921._ THE MESSAGE OF THE CHARKA The _Indian Social Reformer_ has published a note from a correspondent in praise of the spinning-wheel. The correspondent in the course of his remarks hopes, that the movement will be so organised that the spinners may not weary of it. Mr. Amritlal Thakkar in his valuable note (published in the _Servant of India_) on the experiment which he is conducting in Kathiawad, says that the charkha has been taken up by the peasant women. They are not likely to weary, for to them it is a source of livelihood to which they were used before. It had dried up, because there was no demand for their yarn. Townspeople who have taken to spinning may weary, if they have done so as a craze or a fashion. Those only will be faithful, who consider it their duty to devote their spare hours to doing what is to-day the most useful work for the country. The third class of spinners are the school-going children. I expect the greatest results from the experiment of introducing the charkha in the National Schools. If it is conducted on scientific lines by teachers who believe in the charkha as the most efficient means of making education available to the seven and a half lacs of villages in India, there is not only no danger of weariness, but every prospect of the nation being able to solve the problem of financing mass education without any extra taxation and without having to fall back upon immoral sources of revenue. The writer in the _Indian Social Reformer_ suggests, that an attempt should be made to produce finer counts on the spinning-wheel. I may assure him that the process has already begun, but it will be some time before we arrive at the finish of the Dacca muslin or even twenty counts. Seeing that hand-spinning was only revived last September, and India began to believe in it somewhat only in December, the progress it has made may be regarded as phenomenal. The writer's complaint that hand-spun yarn is not being woven as fast as it is spun, is partly true. But the remedy is not so much to increase the number of looms, as to persuade the existing weavers to use hand-spun yarn. Weaving is a much more complex process than spinning. It is not, like spinning, only a supplementary industry, but a complete means of livelihood. It therefore never died out. There are _enough weavers and enough looms in India to replace the whole of the foreign import of cloth_. It should be understood that our looms--thousands of them in Madras, Maharashtra and Bengal--are engaged in weaving the fine yarn imported from Japan and Manchester. We _must_ utilize these for weaving hand-spun yarn. And for that purpose, the nation has to revise its taste for the thin tawdry and useless muslins. I see no art in weaving muslins, that do not cover but only expose the body. Our ideas of art must undergo a change. But even if the universal weaving of thin fabric be considered desirable in normal conditions, at the present moment whilst we are making a mighty effort to become free and self-supporting, we must be content to wear the cloth that our hand-spun yarn may yield. We have therefore to ask the fashionable on the one hand to be satisfied with coarser garments; we must educate the spinners on the other hand to spin finer and more even yarn. The writer pleads for a reduction in the prices charged by mill-owners for their manufactures. When lovers of Swadeshi begin to consider it their duty to wear khaddar, when the required number of spinning-wheels are working and the weavers are weaving hand-spun yarn, the mill-owners will be bound to reduce prices. It seems almost hopeless merely to appeal to the patriotism of those whose chief aim is to increase their own profits. Incongruities pointed out by the writer such as the wearing of khaddar on public occasions and at other times of the most fashionable English suits, and the smoking of most expensive cigars by wearers of khaddar, must disappear in course of time, as the new fashion gains strength. It is my claim that as soon as we have completed the boycott of foreign cloth, we shall have evolved so far that we shall necessarily give up the present absurdities and remodel national life in keeping with the ideal of simplicity and domesticity implanted in the bosom of the masses. We will not then be dragged into an imperialism, which is built upon exploitation of the weaker races of the earth, and the acceptance of a giddy materialistic civilization protected by naval and air forces that have made peaceful living almost impossible. On the contrary, we shall then refine that imperialism, into a common wealth of nations which will combine, if they do, for the purpose of giving their best to the world and of protecting, not by brute force but by self-suffering, the weaker nations or races of the earth. Non-co-operation aims at nothing less than this revolution in the thought-world. Such a transformation can come only after the complete success of the spinning-wheel. India can become fit for delivering such a message, when she has become proof against temptation and therefore attacks from outside, by becoming self-contained regarding two of her chief needs--food and clothing. _Y. I.--29th June 1921._ THE CHARKA IN THE GITA In the last issue I have endeavoured to answer the objections raised by the Poet against spinning as a sacrament to be performed by all. I have done so in all humility and with the desire to convince the Poet and those who think like him. The reader will be interested in knowing, that my belief is derived largely from the Bhagavadgita. I have quoted the relevant verses in the article itself. I give below Edwin Arnold's rendering of the verses from his Song Celestial for the benefit of those who do not read Sanskrit. Work is more excellent than idleness; The body's life proceeds not, lacking work. There is a task of holiness to do, Unlike world-binding toil, which bindeth not The faithful soul; such earthly duty do Free from desire, and thou shalt well perform Thy heavenly purpose. Spake Prajapati In the beginning, when all men were made, And, with mankind, the sacrifice--"Do this! Work! Sacrifice! Increase and multiply With sacrifice! This shall be Kamadhuk, Your 'Cow of Plenty', giving back her milk Of all abundance. Worship the gods thereby; The gods shall yield ye grace. Those meats ye crave The gods will grant to Labour, when it pays Tithes in the altar-flame. But if one eats Fruits of the earth, rendering to kindly heaven, No gift of toil, that thief steals from his world." Who eat of food after their sacrifice Are quit of fault, but they that spread a feast All for themselves, eat sin and drink of sin. By food the living live; food comes of rain. And rain comes by the pious sacrifice, And sacrifice is paid with tithes of toil; Thus action is of Brahma, who is one, The Only, All--pervading; at all times Present in sacrifice. He that abstains To help the rolling wheels of this great world, Glutting his idle sense, lives a lost life, Shameful and vain. Work here undoubtedly refers to physical labour, and work by way of sacrifice can only be work to be done by all for the common benefit. Such work--such sacrifice can only be spinning. I do not wish to suggest, that the author of the Divine Song had the spinning wheel in mind. He merely laid down a fundamental principle of conduct. And reading in and applying it to India I can only think of spinning as the fittest and most acceptable sacrificial body labour. I cannot imagine anything nobler or more national than that for say one hour in the day we should all do the labour that the poor must do, and thus identify ourselves with them and through them with all mankind. I cannot imagine better worship of God than that in His name I should labour for the poor even as they do. The spinning wheel spells a more equitable distribution of the riches of the earth. _Y. I.--20th Oct. 1921._ SPINNING AS FAMINE RELIEF Mrs. Jaiji Petit has sent the following notes of an experiment being conducted in spinning among the famine-stricken people at Miri near Ahmednagar. I gladly publish the notes as the experiment is being conducted under the supervision of an Englishwoman. The reader will not fail to observe the methodical manner in which the work is being done. All the difficulties have been met and provided for. Even the very small experiment shows what a potent instrument the spinning wheel is for famine relief. Properly organised it cannot but yield startling results.--M. K. G. In the month of August 1920, when the severity of the famine was being felt, the idea of introducing spinning as a famine relief to respectable middle class people was started and Miss Latham kindly gave a spinning wheel to introduce the work. Attempts were made to introduce the work especially among the Dhangars who were used to spinning wool but they proved futile. Spinning a thin thread of cotton was thought an impossibility in a village which did not know anything about it. Doubts were also entertained as to whether the work if taken up would be paying or at least helpful. In such different difficulties and objections, the wheel remained idle for nearly three months, and in spite of vigorous efforts no body seemed willing to take up the work. In December 1920, Miss Latham again sent four more wheels through the kindness of Mrs. J. Petit and some cotton. They were given for trial to different persons. Signs now seemed a little hopeful and at last one Ramoshi woman was prevailed upon to take up the work seriously. This was about the 20th of January 1921, since when the work has assumed a different shape. The example of this woman was copied by two more who undertook to take the work. Through great perseverance 4 lbs. of yarn were prepared by these three spinners and it was sent for sale. In the meantime many women began to make the inquiries and expressed a desire to take it up if it helped them financially in some way. A rate of spinning 6 as. a lb. was therefore fixed and it helped other spinners to join the work. Here another difficulty viz. that of funds came in the way. All the five wheels were engaged and five more prepared locally were also engaged. The stock of cotton was also exhausted. It seemed that the work would suffer for want of funds to prepare wheels, purchase cotton, and pay the workers. Rao Bahadur Chitale personally saw this difficulty and helped the work with a grant of Rs. 100. Miss Latham, when she knew of this difficulty, kindly sent another hundred. These two grants came at the right time and gave a stimulus to the work. Local gentlemen helped with their own cotton. The demand for wheels went on increasing day by day. People being too poor to pay for the wheels, it became necessary to get the wheels prepared locally and lend them to the workers. Twenty seven more wheels were prepared which also gave work to local carpenters who had no work on account of famine. One carpenter improved the wheel by making it more light and useful for finer yarn. The prices of the wheel were paid at Rs. 3, Rs. 3-8, and Rs. 4 per wheel according to the quality. Three of these wheels have been sold for Rs. 9-8. The total sum spent on these wheels is Rs. 103-8-0 which includes the sum for the wheels kindly sent by Mrs. Petit. Though local cotton was secured for the work, it proved too bad for beginners. A new method therefore was introduced to improve the local cotton, which not only helped the work but also provided work for a few more persons. Raw cotton was secured and the dirt and the dry leaves in it were carefully removed before it was ginned. The rate for this work was fixed at one pice per lb. Any old man who did this work got an opportunity of earning one anna a day, by cleaning 4 lbs. of raw cotton. After it was thus cleaned, it was ginned with a hand-gin which gave work to some women who ginned, at the rate of one anna per 10 lbs. One woman could thus earn 2 as. and 6 pies each day. This ginned cotton was then cleaned by a _pinjari_ who charged at the rate of one anna per pound and earned about 8 as. per day. It would have been better and easier too, if cotton had been purchased from the mills, but as this cleaning process of the local cotton provided work for a few workers, it was thought the more desirable in these days. A major portion of these cleaning charges is however made up by the sale of cotton seed secured after ginning. The following statement will show the expenses incurred for this and the price of raw cotton for every 60 lbs. RS. A. P. Price of 60 lbs. of raw cotton @ 20 Rs. a patia (240 lbs.). 5--0--0 Removal of dirt, waste and dry leaves @ 1 pice per pound 0-15--0 Ginning of 52 lbs. of raw clean cotton @ 1 an. per 10 lbs. 0--5--3 Cleaning the Lint (17 lbs.) by a pinjari @ 1 Anna per lb. 1--1--0 -------- Total 7--4--3 Deduct price of cotton seed 35 lbs. @ 20 lbs. per Re. 1-12--0 -------- Net charges for 17 lbs. of clean cotton 5--9--3 Thus the cost of one pound of cotton comes to 5 as. and 3 pies only. The proportion of waste viz. 8 lbs. in 60 lbs. of raw cotton is too high and could be avoided by securing better and cleaner cotton. There are at present 29 wheels going and there is still a great demand for wheels. But the funds being limited, more wheels could not be prepared and provided. Spinning is done by those who absolutely knew nothing about it previously. Consequently the yarn is still of an inferior sort. It is improving day by day but if a competent teacher could be secured, it would improve rapidly. Amongst the spinners, some are full-time workers and others are leisure-time workers. About two lbs. of yarn are now prepared every day and the quantity will increase as the spinners get used to the work. The rate for spinning is fixed at 6 as. a lb., though many workers complain that it is not enough. As the yarn sent for sale realised a price of As. 12 a pound, the spinning charges could not be increased without a loss. Every lb. of yarn requires Annas 11 pies 3 for expenses, as 0-5-3 for cotton and 0-6-0 for spinning. Thus every lb. leaves a profit of 9 pies only. The establishment and other charges are not calculated. With the present rate of spinning at 6 as. a lb., one spinner earns 3 as. per day by spinning 20 to 24 tolas, more earn 2 as. a day by spinning 15 tolas and the rest 1-1/2 as. a day for 10 tolas, the beginners excluded. The more the spinner is used to the work, the more he will earn. An attempt was made to prepare cloth out of the yarn and three and a half lbs. of yarn were given to a weaver for weaving. He however charged an exorbitant rate for weaving. He prepared nine and a half yards of cloth and charged Rs. 3-9 for it, practically 1 rupee a lb. The cloth cost Rs. 6-0-6 and was sold at Rs. 6-3-0, with a profit of as. 2 and pies 6 only. To obviate the difficulty about weaving, a separate loom with one teacher to teach weaving to local persons is urgently required. Many local people wish to learn this art. A separate loom will reduce the cost of the cloth prepared on it below the prevailing market rate. About 6 lbs. of yarn are given to different weavers to ascertain the exact charges, but all this difficulty can only be removed by having a special loom. When there was a shortage of cotton and the workers had no work, wool was introduced for spinning till cotton was ready. This work was willingly taken up by the Dhangar. They were however required to spin finer thread of wool than they usually prepared. They took some time to pick up the work, and now there are 10 wool spinners working fine thread. They are also paid at 6 as. a lb. for spinning. Wool worth Rs. 31 @ 2 lbs. a rupee was purchased, and though the cotton was ready, the wool spinning was continued by starting a separate department, as the Dhangars readily took up the work. The whole process of cleaning the wool is also done by the Dhangar women, who get an extra anna per lb. for it. The sorting of wool is carefully looked to. The majority of wool spinners use their own spinning wheels but a few are now asking for the improved wheel for preparing finer threads. Dhangar weavers being locally available blankets after the Pandharpur and Dawangiri pattern are being prepared from this finer thread and different designs have been suggested to them. The Dhangars being a stubborn race do not readily adopt the new improvement. But this work has set them to work up new designs of blankets which will permanently help them in their own profession. They now require a broader and improved loom and instruction in colouring wool. Efforts are made to secure a clever full time weaver who will introduce a better method of weaving. Two blankets were prepared and sold at cost price, one for Rs. 5-13-6 and the other for Rs. 6-6-0. Orders are being received for blankets now, but to continue the work would require some funds. To keep so many persons working is not only an ideal form of famine relief, but a means to promote village industries, and remove the demoralising effects of successive famines. Thus stands the work of about one month. It now requires an improved handloom, a good teacher, a special loom for wool, more spinning wheels (which the neighbouring villagers are also demanding) and many other things. The work is going on vigorously and it is hoped will not be allowed to suffer for want of funds. _Y. I.--11th May 1921._ THE POTENCY OF THE SPINNING-WHEEL No amount of human ingenuity can manage to distribute water over the whole land, as a shower of rain can. No irrigation department, no rules of precedence, no inspection and no water-cess. Every thing is done with an ease and a gentleness that by their very perfection evade notice. The spinning-wheel, too, has got the same power of distributing work and wealth in millions of houses in the simplest way imaginable. Those of us who do not know what it is to earn a livelihood by the sweat of one's brow, may consider the three annas a day as a pittance beneath the consideration of any man. They do not know that even in these days of high prices, there are districts in India where even three annas a day would be a boon to the poor. But we must not consider the question of the spinning-wheel merely from the point of individual earnings. The spinning-wheel is a force in national regeneration. If we wish for real Swaraj, we must achieve economic independence. Boycott of foreign cloth is its negative aspect. For this we must produce cloth sufficient to clothe the country. This can only be done by hand-spinning. All the mills that we have got, will not be able together to cope with the situation. If all rush for the thin mill-made cloth, it will rise in price beyond the capacity of the poor, and the experience of 1907-08 will be repeated. Moreover, the cloth best suited for the three seasons of India is _Khadi_. Those who have used _Khadi_ during this summer, have come to realise, that after the soft clean touch of _Khadi_ it is impossible to use sticky Malmal or twills. _Khadi_ can enable its wearer to withstand the cold of an average winter as even wool cannot. The climate of India demands that clothes be washed as often as possible. Only _Khadi_ can stand this constant wash. _Khadi_ was once the dress of the nation at large. One must see to believe how venerable the old Patels and Deshmukhs looked when dressed in home-spun _Khadi_. There are instances of whole villages taking a legitimate pride in the fact that they had to import nothing but salt in the whole round of the six seasons. With such conditions, there could be no drain, no exploitation and therefore no Para-raj. A little village could make terms with the rulers of the land consistent with its self-respect, dignity and independence. Is our love of luxury so inveterate, that we cannot control it even for the sake of Swaraj? _Y. I.--6th July 1921._ THE WHEEL OF FORTUNE [A certain correspondent from Sindh writing to Mahatma Gandhi puts the question, "Will the spinning wheel solve the problem of India's poverty? If it will, how?" Here is his answer.] I am more than ever convinced that without the spinning wheel the problem of India's poverty cannot be solved. Millions of India's peasants starve for want of supplementary occupation. If they have spinning to add to their slender resources, they can fight successfully against pauperism and famine. Mills cannot solve the problem. Only hand-spinning--and nothing else--can. When India was forced to give up hand-spinning, she had no other occupation in return. Imagine what would happen to a man who found himself suddenly deprived of a quarter of his bare livelihood. Over eighty-five percent of Her population have more than a quarter of their time lying idle. And, therefore, even apart from the terrible drain rightly pointed out by the Grand Old Man of India, she has steadily grown poorer because of this enforced idleness. The problem is how to utilise these billions of hours of the nation without disturbing the rest. Restoration of the spinning wheel is the only possible answer. This has nothing to do with my special views on machinery or with the boycott of foreign goods in general, India is likely to accept the answer in full during this year. It is madness to tinker with the problem. I am writing this in Puri in front of the murmuring waves. The picture of the crowd of men, women, and children, with their fleshless ribs under the very shadow of Jagannath, haunts me. If I had the power, I would suspend every other activity in schools, and colleges, and everywhere else, and popularise spinning; prepare out of these lads and lasses spinning teachers: inspire every carpenter to prepare spinning wheels; and ask the teachers to take these life-going machines to every home, and teach them spinning. If I had the power, I would stop an ounce of cotton from being exported and would have it turned into yarn in these homes. I would dot India with depots for receiving this yarn and distributing it among weavers. Given sufficient steady and trained workers, I would undertake to drive pauperism out of India during this year. This undoubtedly requires a change in the angle of vision and in the national taste. I regard the Reforms and everything else in the nature of opiates to deaden our conscience. We must refuse to wait for generations to furnish us with a patient solution of a problem which is ever-growing in seriousness. Nature knows no mercy in dealing stern justice. If we do not wake up before long, we shall be wiped out of existence. I invite the sceptics to visit Orissa, penetrate its villages, and find out for themselves where India stands. They will then believe with me that to possess, or to wear, an ounce of foreign cloth is a crime against India and humanity. I am able to restrain myself from committing suicide by starvation, only because I have faith in India's awakening, and her ability to put herself on the way to freedom from this desolating pauperism. Without faith in such a possibility, I should cease to take interest in living. I invite the questioner, and every other intelligent lover of his country, to take part in this privileged national service in making spinning universal by introducing it in every home, and make it profitable for the nation by helping to bring about a complete boycott of foreign cloth during this year. I have finished the questions and endeavoured to answer them. The most important from the practical stand-point was the one regarding spinning. I hope, I have demonstrated the necessity of home-spinning as the only means of dealing with India's poverty. I know, however, that innumerable difficulties face a worker in putting the doctrine into execution. The most difficult, perhaps, is that of getting a proper wheel. Save in the Punjab where the art is still alive, the difficulty is very real. The carpenters have forgotten the construction and the innocent workers are at their wit's end. The chief thing undoubtedly, therefore, is for the worker to make himself acquainted with the art and the handling of spinning wheels. I lay down some simple tests for testing them. No machine that fails to satisfy the tests should be accepted or distributed. (1) The wheel must turn easily, freely, and noiselessly. (2) The turning handle must be rigidly fixed to the axle. (3) The post must be properly driven home and joints well-fixed. (4) The spindle must turn noiselessly and without a throb in its holders. Jarring sound cannot be avoided unless the holders are made of knit straw as in the Punjab, or of tough leather. (5) No machine is properly made unless it manufactures in the hands of a practised spinner at least 2-1/2 tolas of even and properly twisted yarn of six counts in an hour. I know a youngster, who has not had more than perhaps three months' practice, having been able to spin 2-1/2 tolas of the above quality of yarn in 35 minutes. No machine should be given until it has been worked at least full one hour in the manner suggested and found satisfactory. _Y. I.--6th April 1921._ THE SPINNING WHEEL [On February 15, 1922, Mahatma Gandhi has addressed the following letter to Sir Daniel Hamilton from Bardoli on the Spinning Wheel.] DEAR SIR, Mr. Hodge writes to me to say that you would like to have an hour's chat with me, and he has suggested that I should open the ground which I gladly do. I will not take up your time by trying to interest you in any other activity of mine except the spinning wheel. Of all my outward activities, I do believe that the spinning wheel is of the most permanent and the most beneficial. I have abundant proof now to support my statement that the spinning wheel will solve the problem of economic distress in millions of India's homes, and it constitutes an effective insurance, against famines. You know the great Scientist Dr. P. C. Ray, but you may not know that he has also become an enthusiast on behalf of the spinning wheel. India does not need to be industrialized in the modern sense of the term. It has 7,50,000 villages scattered over a vast area 1,900 miles long, 1,500 miles broad. The people are rooted to the soil, and the vast majority are living a hand-to-mouth life. Whatever may be said to the contrary, having travelled throughout the length and breadth of the land with eyes open, and having mixed with millions, there can be no doubt that pauperism is growing. There is no doubt also that the millions are living in enforced idleness for at least 4 months in the year. Agriculture does not need revolutionary changes. The Indian peasant requires a supplementary industry. The most natural is the introduction of the spinning wheel, not the hand-loom. The latter cannot be introduced in every home, whereas the former can, and it used to be so even a century ago. It was driven out not by economic pressure but by force deliberately used as can be proved from authentic records. The restoration, therefore, of the spinning wheel solves the economic problem of India at a stroke. I know that you are a lover of India, that you are deeply interested in the economic and moral uplift of my country. I know too that you have great influence. I would like to enlist it on behalf of the spinning wheel. It is the most effective force for introducing successful Co-Operative Societies. Without honest co-operation of the millions, the enterprise can never be successful, and as it is already proving a means of weaning thousands of women from a life of shame, it is as moral an instrument as it is economic. I hope you will not allow yourself to be prejudiced by anything you might have heard about my strange views about machinery. I have nothing to say against the development of any other industry in India by means of machinery but I do say that to supply India with cloth manufactured either outside or inside through gigantic mills is an economic blunder of the first magnitude just as it would be to supply cheap bread through huge bakeries established in the chief centres in India and to destroy the family stove. Yours faithfully, M. K. GANDHI. APPENDICES BY MAGANLAL K. GANDHI I A MODEL WEAVING-SCHOOL All the external activities of Satyagrahashram in connection with Swadeshi have for some time now been taken over by the Gujarat Provincial Congress Committee. People, who are in need of or wish to know anything about ginning-wheels, spinning-wheels, looms and Khadi, are requested to correspond with the Secretary of the Khadi department of that Committee. The Ashram now only conducts a weaving-school, which teaches all the processes from ginning right up to weaving. The boys of the Ashram school are at present taking the full course of instruction here, and we have not the room to take up students from outside. Some description of the work done is given here in the hope, that it may perhaps furnish suggestions to outside students and to schools desirous of having spinning-classes attached to them. Forty-nine spinning wheels are here regularly at work, over and above twenty-five others which are reserved for beginners. All these are worked three to six hours per day. Some are worked for even seven or eight hours. After a month's training, a friend worked twelve to fourteen hours daily for a number of days and thus proved the possibility of earning three annas a day. Another, a sister, spun nine to ten hours daily for some days after finishing her round of domestic business. In a month and a half, she had spun enough to get _sadlas_ and other cloth woven out of yarn spun by herself, and actually began wearing these things. She is now-a-days spinning at the rate of eight hours a day. One day there was something wrong with this lady's _rentia_. She referred the matter to the present writer who set it right. But she was not satisfied. She complained again, and again was the _rentia_ operated upon. But the wheel apparently suffered from some occult malady, which she was at a loss to diagnose. Every time its spinning power would get enfeebled. At last the poor lady lost all patience and was almost ready to weep. This was reported to me, and this time I examined the wheel very critically and effected a perfect cure. It now moved merrily, and merrily did the sister proceed with her work. It is very desirable that all the wheels in a spinning-class be kept in a perfect condition. When that is the case, the spinner does not tire and works cheerfully and speedily. Our class is attended by five ladies, who spin five or six hours every day, and by twenty-three students of the Ashram school, of whom eighteen are boys and five are girls. The conduct of this class is not an easy job. Their spirits are in continual need of cheering. Some of them spin very rapidly. But sometimes there is a grievous attack of head-ache, at other times the still more grievous attack of idleness. Sometimes the hand is fatigued, at other times the wheel gets out of repair. We are now replacing the thick by a thin spindle. It is true that with the slightest interference or rough handling, this thin spindle bends and begins to wobble. But it makes the movement of the wheel very smooth and easy, and also adds to its speed, as the revolutions are doubled from the fifty of the thick spindle to a hundred in the thin spindle following from one revolution of the large wheel. The doubling of revolutions does not mean a double output, but there is certainly a considerable increase. With the thick spindle, the wheel must go through 8 or 10 revolutions for the drawing and winding of one length of yarn; with the thin spindle, the revolutions of the wheel needed for that purpose are reduced to 4 or 5. Hence with the thin spindle, there is an economy of labour. The speed of drawing the yarn by the hand is clearly limited, so that 200 or 300 revolutions of the spindle instead of 100 would not double or treble the speed or the output. Advanced students draw and wind two feet to two feet and a half of yarn every five seconds. This comes to 8 to 10 yards a minute. If the sliver is good and the student in a spinning-mood, there is less breakage of yarn. Even considering the time lost on account of breakage and joining, some students are easily able to spin 400 to 500 yards of yarn of about 12 counts, fit for warp. This approximates to the speed of a mill spindle, and is therefore quite satisfactory. When the work is over, the student removes the spindle from the wheel and keeps it in good preservation. Yet accidents do occur. The class master must know how to repair a spindle which has thus gone wrong. He must also know how to put the wheel in good working order. The string which makes the spindle revolve often breaks, but if it is well-twisted, treated with wax, and then rubbed well with a piece of cloth, it becomes more durable and lasts for a number of days. The students generally like to work on the _rentia_. But the moment it gets a little wrong and cannot be soon corrected, they rise and flee. Not only the beginners but even advanced scholars are sometimes confused, when called upon to set right such a simple machine as the spinning-wheel. A veteran leader who set the non-co-operating students of engineering at work upon the spinning-wheel, made the remark that English education has incapacitated our young men. It was with great pain that he said this. And it is the simple truth of the matter. We can clearly see, that as a result of this education, we have not only lost the power of our hands and feet, but we also lack in patience and perseverance. We cannot bear to take the trouble of correcting anything that is wrong. Newspaper leader-writers question the educative value of spinning and doubt its efficacy in driving away poverty from our midst. Their doubts would vanish if ever they tried and saw for themselves what children gain from the spinning-wheel. But these writers are themselves the product of English education. To expect them to be patient, is to forget the character of the discipline to which they have been subject. There is no better test than the spinning-wheel, if we wish to ascertain whether our children are educated in the real and the proper sense of that term. Many people still question the economic value of hand spinning. But I believe that the results of our experiments may perhaps lead them to reconsider their views. I will here put down the statistics of our own class. Among our students there are five playful children, who spin only when the spirit possesses them. But all of them spin good yarn fit for warp. Hardly any spin yarn below 10 counts. Many spin yarn of about 15 counts. Now-a-days the boys are giving four hours to spinning. Formerly they used to work six hours daily, but then there was a tendency to occasional slackness. Now we have ruled that when once a student has spun a length of 1000 yards, he may be allowed to leave the spinning class, and learn carding etc. This arrangement has had excellent efforts. All spin without losing a moment and spin 1000 yards in two to four hours according to the skill acquired. And the yarn thus produced is pretty uniform, well twisted, and fit for warp. We have fixed a round wire frame on the axle of the wheel just near the handle, with a circumference of 4 feet. This frame is used for opening the cone into a hank. 750 revolutions of this mean a thousand yards of yarn. Most students count the revolutions, while they are moving the frame, and hence do not take much additional time for calculations. Some are not able to practice this, and they count the length after they have prepared the hank. 1000 yards of yarn of six counts weigh 8 _tolas_. (840 yards make a hank. If six such hanks weigh a pound, the yarn is of 6 counts. Hence 840 yards of six count of yarn weigh 6-2/3 _tolas_.) 4 annas is a quite proper wage for spinning one pound of six-count yarn of a standard quality. This means a wage of nine pies and a half for spinning 8 _tolas_. But most of our students spin yarn of 12 to 15 counts, and even finer. And this is quite good and fit for weaving. The wage for a thousand yards of finer yarn must be proportionately higher; as the finer the yarn, the greater the number of twists to be given to it. Twelve-count yarn requires nearly half as much twisting again as six-count yarn. Hence the wage of a thousand yards of twelve-count yarn must be half as much again as that of the same length of six-count yarn. But this proportionately higher wage makes the hand-spun yarn much dearer than the mill-made yarn of the same count. If we take 8 and 12 annas to be the wage for spinning a pound of yarn of 12 and 16 counts respectively, the wage for spinning a length of 1000 yards of the same counts will be 10 or 11 pies. One student spins this amount in 2 hours, several in 3 hours and the rest in 4. On the last _Amavasya_ it was twenty two days since the students set regularly to work after the _vaishaka_ vacation. Deducting three holidays on Sundays and three half-holidays on Wednesdays, we get seventeen and a half working days. There was an average attendance of twenty two students out of twenty three. Twenty two students spun in seventeen days and a half twenty four _shers_ and a half of yarn of about fourteen counts. If we take ten annas to be the average wage for spinning a _sher_, this comes to fifteen rupees and four annas. This is exclusive of Rs. 1-11-0 which is the wage of 18 pounds of cotton carded and made into slivers by one student in 12 days, calculated at an anna and a half per pound. It is also exclusive of the extra work put in by students on five or six days after finishing their daily quota of 1000 yds. of yarn by way of carding and opening yarn for weaving tapes and carpets. These students gave some of their private time also to this work. There is no doubt, that the figures will mount higher when the students acquire the habit of methodical work. But whatever the pecuniary value of their work might be, method in work itself will be an acquisition beyond all price. So much for the spinning department. I hope to be able to deal with the weaving department on another occasion. _Y. I.--21st July 1921_. SPINNING DEPARTMENT I should like to add a few more facts about the spinning department, before I come to weaving. In _Ashadha_ the students were more energetic than before. The number of regular students was 21, and these in 23 working days (there being six holidays in the month) spun 30 pounds and 24 _tolas_ of yarn of about 12 counts on the average, fit for warp. At ten annas a pound, this means a wage of Rs. 19-2-0. The total number of hours of spinning was 1337. At 4 hours a day it should have been 1932 (23 number of days � 21 number of students � 4). This deficiency is not due to idleness, nor to headache. Complaints of idleness have now quite ceased. And students now understand that headache may prevent one from reading or working sums but not from spinning. They have also realised that if the arms are fatigued by fetching water or swimming, there is nothing like spinning for removing the fatigue. The thing is that those students who have mastered spinning were engaged in carding and other process. If full time had been given to spinning, we would have turned out a proportionately bigger quantity of yarn. The spinning power of the students is increasing every day. The student who spun 7 _tolas_ an hour during the Satyagraha week is now no longer a prodigy and others are fast overtaking him. One day a girl spun 9 _tolas_ of uniform and well-twisted 12-count yarn in 6 hours. At the above rate this means a wage of 2 annas 3 pies. For 8 hours therefore the wage would be 3 annas, for 12 hours 4 annas 6 pies, for 14 hours 5 annas 3 pies. But it is hardly necessary to emphasise the pecuniary value of the work, so far as schools are concerned. The point is that by constituting spinning as a permanent part of our school curricula we provide manual training of the highest kind and at the same time prepare for the re-advent of a day when spinning will be as much a part of our domestic economy as say cooking. _Y. I.--11th Aug. '21_. THE ADVANTAGE OF THE THIN SPINDLE Since we introduced the thin Spindle, we have been keeping a number of them in reserve. When a student has his spindle bent, it is not corrected there and then but he is at once given one of the spare good ones, so there is no delay. Afterwards all the spindles that have gone wrong are collected and corrected together. The _sadi_, i.e. the wrapping on the spindle which serves as a pulley, is often cut by itself and has sometimes to be cut off in order to correct the spindle. A new _sadi_ has to be wrapped and for this a bottle of thick gum is kept ready at hand. It must be made of fine strong yarn, and be wrapped very tight. If it is loose, the string which revolves the spindle (_mala_) sinks in it and cuts it asunder, and at once the spindle stops. If the _sadi_ is made of coarse yarn, it becomes rough, and so the _mala_ does not run smoothly, and the spindle throbs and causes breakage of the yarn while it is being spun. Pairs of _chamarakhan_ (leather-bearing) also are kept in reserve. When these become too soft by an excess of oiling or by rough handling, they must be changed. Now-a-days we make them from raw hides and not from leather or bamboo, and so they keep longer. Formerly a round piece of wood or cardboard used to serve as a rest for winding the cone. But now we have substituted a piece of horn which is more durable. Wax is kept in stock for treating the _mala_. Besides these things we have a small oil-can, a pen-knife, a hammer, a chisel, and a small anvil. The students bring the hank twisted hard in the shape of a stick. The hank weighs two _tolas_, which is the standard weight of the sliver provided. A bigger hank causes trouble while we open it, and the yarn is spoilt. The yarn spun by each student is kept separate with his name upon a wooden tag attached to it. Every student is asked to stick to one particular count all along till he has spun out enough for a length of warp; and then the yarn is sent to the weaving department. Every one is anxious to see when his yarn is sent out for weaving. Three such lengths of warp are being woven at present. About seven are ready waiting to be woven. An eleven year old girl will soon get a piece 20 yards long and 42 inches wide out of yarn spun by herself in the course of three months. This will provide her with two suits of clothing of two small _sadis_, 2 blouses and 2 petticoats. Her father had put in a pound of yarn spun by himself, to finish up the piece, and in return for this, she is going to spare a _dhoti_ for him too. She is as much pleased to see the cloth woven from her own yarn as most girls would be to see brocade. Two other girls have combined their stock of yarn and are daily asking for it to be woven. Those students who have passed out from the spinning class are engaged in other departments, and have not much time to spare for spinning; so they work on holidays and prepare woof for their own warps, which are waiting to be woven. So in the second month, the spinning department is in full swing. _Y. I.--18th Aug. 1921._ HAND-LOOMS The working of the spinning class having been fully described in the first two articles, the process next to be taken up is carding; but having received a number of queries as to the working of hand-looms, I propose to deal with this before going into intermediate processes. Questions are asked as to which will be the most useful loom for weaving hand-spun yarn. Some want our opinion about the automatic looms; others insist upon the necessity of inventing a new swift-working machine, while still others ask for monetary help to prepare such after their own designs. My humble but firm opinion is that the old pit-loom is the best, especially for weaving hand-spun yarn. No doubt it is the slowest working instrument but is the surest of all, and just as our old spinning-wheel in spite of its being the slowest instrument is absolutely capable of spinning out all the cotton that India produces to-day, so the old pit-loom is perfectly capable of weaving out all the yarn that India can produce by means of the spinning wheels and the mills. This is not the time to enter into the figures in support of my statement. I shall only try to show the usefulness of the pit-loom. The fly-shuttle loom has its place in the sphere of home industry as well as of the factory, but the automatic looms have no room in this industry. Its drawbacks can only be realized by a study of the facts and figures regarding concerns which employ such looms. People who newly take up this industry should beware of flashy advertisements. They should not be misled by professed calculations of the working of such looms. The fly-shuttle looms have varying adjustments. In the Muzzaffarpur spinning and weaving exhibition held in May last, a party from this school was present with its wheel and loom. Of all the fly-shuttle looms exhibited, the one from this school was selected as the simplest and lightest of all. It is all made of wood, with the exception of nails and screws required for joining. The pickers are also made entirely of wood. The shuttle and perns are home-made. Other looms had iron bars in their boxes, were operated with foreign shuttles, and their perns were unwieldy. Our loom is modelled upon a type of looms working in thousands in the Madras Presidency. The whole loom with a wooden frame to fit on a pit, with the exception of the shields and reed costs Rs. 45. These latter things are not supplied, as there is no fixed standard of the yarn to be used on it. I wish some public spirited person or firm will come forward in Madras or elsewhere in that presidency and undertake to supply the fly-shuttle loom as described above promptly and at reasonable rates. Any one desirous of taking up this work may correspond with the head of the _Khadi_ Department, Gujarat Provincial Congress Committee Ahmedabad. Thus far as regards the fly-shuttle looms. I suggest to new manufacturers that they cannot do better than start with the old fashioned pit-looms. It is our experience that on account of less breakage of yarn, especially hand-spun yarn, the output of a pit-loom almost equals and in some cases even exceeds that of the fly-shuttle loom. In weaving broader width, however, the fly-shuttle is certainly more convenient. And when the hand-spun yarn is of good test, it enjoys a decided advantage over the old loom in point of swiftness. But we have to remember that we have got to deal with hand-spun yarn which is not likely to have a good test for some time to come. It is therefore that the old loom is the safest and surest weaving instrument to go on with for the present. _Y. I.--25th Aug. 1921._ WHAT KIND OF LOOM? Questions are asked as to the production of cloths in an old-fashioned loom from handspun yarn. The experience in our school is, that a well-practised worker weaves on a pit-loom one yard cloth of 30 inches width and of fairly thick texture in one hour. Cloth of greater or smaller width varies in proportion. Our fly-shuttle pit-loom has not exceeded this figure in handspun yarn so far. When formerly we used mill-made yarn, it yielded about half as much cloth again as the old pit-loom. However in weaving _dhotiyans_ and _sadis_ from handspun as well as mill-made yarn the flyshuttle is very handy. Then there is a question as to the necessity of beaming the yarn. We believe, that where there is no question of room, beaming should be dispensed with. Hand-loom weaving factories situated in thickly populated towns where rates of house-rent are very high, have reason to resort to beaming; but where space allows stretching of the yarn as practised by the professional weavers, it is a time-saving method and is artistic as well. There is an argument in favour of beaming that it allows of the handling of warp as long as 200 or even 300 yards. But if such length of handspun yarn can be prepared, it is equally easy, if not easier, to stretch it in the old style. SIZING HANDSPUN YARN It is said, that the difficulty of sizing handspun yarn is a serious handicap from which the movement suffers. As a matter of fact, the method of sizing it should be no different from that of sizing mill-made yarn. It is slipshod spinning which is at the bottom of this difficulty. The best way out of it is to organise and improve the production of handspun yarn. It is superstition to say that the yarn spun on the _charkha_ cannot be strong and even. Where proper care is taken, it does improve and even surpass mill-made yarn in some respects. Punjab and Marwad, where spinning has been carried on from past times, have also to improve their yarn. Not that the spinners there do not know their work, but they as well as the merchants who purchase their yarn are careless about the quality of the yarn turned out. Unless this work is taken up by men imbued with the true Swadeshi spirit, the condition is not likely to improve. The spinners should be visited at their work from time to time, and proper instructions as to the required twist and test to be given to the yarn should be imparted to them. The payment of a reasonably higher wage than the present is another way of improving the yarn. The wages we have arranged for our guidance are given below in the form of a table. Where living is cheaper than in Gujarat, they can be adjusted accordingly. The yarn having improved, the difficulty of sizing will disappear. When a country weaver shows inability to weave hand-spun yarn, it means that he cannot weave it in the same reed space as he uses for the mill-made yarn. This is quite evident. The hand-spun yarn not being even, it requires wider reed space. The table given below also shows the number of ends of different counts to be drawn in an inch of a reed. Then if the cloth to be woven is meant for shirting or coating and not for _dhotiyan_ or _sadi_, and if the yarn has a good test, two to four ends can be added to the number denoted in the table. Column headings: C: Count. T: Approximate twist per inch. R: Rounds on 4 feet hank frame. +---+------+--------+----+-----+------------+------------+--------------+ | | | | | | Number of | Number of | Rates of | | | | Wage | | | ends in an | double | weaving per | | C | Test.| per | T | R | inch of | ends in an | square yard. | | | | pound. | | | reed. | inch. | Rs. A. P. | +---+------+--------+----+-----+------------+------------+--------------+ | 6 | Warp | 0 4 0 | 10 | 96 | 24 to 28 | 18 to 22 | 0 4 0 | | | | | | | | | | | 6 | Weft | 0 3 0 | 8 | " | ... | ... | ... | | | | | | | | | | | 9 | Warp | 0 6 0 | 12 | 144 | 26 to 32 | 20 to 24 | 0 4 6 | | | | | | | | | | | 9 | Weft | 0 4 6 | 10 | " | ... | ... | ... | | | | | | | | | | |12 | Warp | 0 10 0 | 14 | 192 | 30 to 34 | 22 to 26 | 0 5 0 | | | | | | | | | | |12 | Weft | 0 8 0 | 12 | " | ... | ... | ... | | | | | | | | | | |16 | Warp | 0 12 0 | 16 | 256 | 34 to 38 | 24 to 28 | 0 5 6 | | | | | | | | | | |16 | Weft | 0 10 0 | 13 | " | ... | ... | ... | | | | | | | | | | |20 | Warp | 1 0 0 | 18 | 320 | 40 to 44 | 28 to 32 | 0 6 0 | | | | | | | | | | |20 | Weft | 0 13 0 | 15 | " | ... | ... | ... | +---+------+--------+----+-----+------------+------------+--------------+ If the yarn is very weak and uneven, it should be woven with two ends in warp as well as in weft. This will give a strong texture to the cloth, making the process of weaving easy at the same time. The proportion in this case of ends to be drawn in an inch of the reed space is also given in the above table. If this course is adopted, heaps of handspun yarn that have accumulated all over the country can be woven out without much difficulty. As a fact, the method of sizing traditionally followed by the weavers cannot be improved upon. Their selection of the sizing material is appropriate to the climate, season and circumstances. For the most part they use the staple corn. Jawari and maize being the cheapest are used in many parts. In the rainy season, however, they use wheat flour as a stronger sizing material to counteract the over-softening influence of the moisture present in the air. In the Madras Presidency, a cereal called _ragi_ with a yellowish flour is used for coarse counts, while rice is used for finer counts. Rice and wheat are the best ingredients for sizing. The proportion used is from 10 per cent required for fine yarn to 20 per cent for coarse yarn. Different preparations of various sizing materials are as follow:-- _Wheat_: Weigh the warp first. Then according to its fineness or coarseness, take fine wheat flour or _Menda_ from 10 to 20 per cent of its weight, knead it well with water to form a thin paste, taking care that no lump remains. Boil some water just enough to soak the warp, then add the paste previously prepared and keep on stirring till the granules are well-cooked and the whole substance is reduced to the form of thin gruel. To every such preparation of one pound of flour, one ounce of sesamum or sweet oil should be added. This will give softness and smoothness to the threads of the warp and keep them from sticking to one another. Cocoanut or castor oil is also used as a lubricant. Any of these is good, except only that the castor oil will give a bad odour and a dull colour to the warp. The size thus prepared is then slowly poured on to the warp, which is kept folded on a gunny cloth or a clean slab. The warp is beaten with both the hands, while the process of pouring is going on, and when it is thoroughly saturated all over, it is spread out in the open and brushed repeatedly in one direction, often bringing the down side up till it gets dried. One or two or more persons according to the length of the warp are engaged in brushing, while several others are joining broken threads and shifting the sticks in the warp from one lease to another. This is the most thorough of all the methods of sizing. The ends of fibres lying loose on every thread of the warp are straightened, and stuck fast round the thread by the process of brushing. The thread is rendered smooth and strong like wire, and the work of weaving is made all the easier by it. Thus swiftness in weaving is ensured. To master this requires long practice but it is worth the while of every student to do so. For an energetic youth about three hours' work under an expert every morning for two months or so is sufficient. With two assistants or more he will then be able to manage the brush-sizing himself without the aid of an expert. A less active person will take four or six months' practice. The preparation of size from jawari and maize flour is just the same as from wheat flour, except that the flour of these cereals not being so fine as wheat flour, a larger quantity is required in their case. Some people advise that wheat flour should be soaked for at least two days before it is boiled with water. It is said that the adherent quality of the flour is enhanced by this process. _Rice._ The preparation from rice is simpler still. The required quantity of rice is boiled well with a quantity of water larger than that used for ordinary cooking and is allowed to remain for 12 to 24 hours. It is then strained through a piece of cloth tied over or into the mouth of a large vessel, more water being added as required in the process of straining. The strained matter is then reduced to consistent thinness; then oil is added to it in proportion as described above. Rice is sometimes preferred to wheat, as it gives besides strength a fine gloss to the warp. The thing to be borne in mind is that the yarn meant for preparing warp must be made thoroughly absorbent beforehand. For this, all the hanks must be connected in the form of one chain. It is then folded together, placed into a big vessel, whether of earth or metal, containing water enough to soak the yarn and then well pressed with both the feet for some time. It is left in this condition for two or three days, during which period it is beaten with a wooden club on a slab twice every day. It should be remembered that, unless it is beaten, it does not soak through for days. If it is not soaked well, it is incapable of absorbing the sizing material, and is imperfectly sized. The cotton fibre has a natural oily coating on it, which is removed by soaking it as described before or by boiling it for some time. It does not become thoroughly absorbent, till it is treated in this manner. After two or three days, when the yarn is well soaked, the chain is opened out and dried in shade, every hank being hung separately on a bamboo. Before it gets completely dried, it is well shaken with both the hands twice or thrice, so that the threads do not stick to one another. The Madrasi weavers are used to pouring rice water (generally thrown away when the rice is boiled) on the yarn, before it is dried out in the manner described above. This gives greater strength to the yarn, and causes less breakage in the process of winding and preparing it into warp. The other method of sizing resorted to by the weavers is called hank-sizing. It is an easy process, and though not so efficient as brush-sizing, it answers well if carefully performed. In this case the yarn, before it is made up into a warp, is soaked, hank by hank, into the size prepared from wheat or rice as described above, and after pressing off the size a little from the hank with the thumb and a finger, the hank, wet as it is, is wound up on a bobbin. The warp is prepared immediately while the bobbin is wet, each thread drying on the warping sticks as soon as another is drawn out. The warp thus prepared is fit for weaving. We have tried hank-sizing in a weak solution of ordinary gum. It works well in dry season, but makes the yarn moist in wet season on account of its absorbent quality. II THE WHEEL OF FORTUNE Mr. Gandhi during his visit to Assam and Eastern Bengal has observed, that the type of _charkha_ in use in those parts is deficient in many ways. The same is perhaps the case in other provinces. As we believe that the _charkha_ in the Satyagrahashram is a model of its kind, we give below a diagram with measurements of all its parts with an explanation of their relative functions. [Illustration] The rear base with mark _1_ is one foot 9 inches long, 4 inches wide and 3 inches high. The front base with mark _2_ is 9 inches long, 4 inches wide and 3 inches high. The long piece which joins the two bases, marked _3_, is 3 feet long (including joints), 3 inches wide and 2 inches high. The large uprights marked _4_ are 1 foot 6 inches long including joints, 2 inches wide, and 3 inches deep. They are fixed on the back base 9 inches apart. The holes in which the axle rests are made 2 inches below the top. These holes contain bearings of thin iron plates to secure easy motion of the axle. The bearings are kept open at the top to allow access of oil through a slanting hole bored on the outward sides of both the uprights, one inch above the axle. The small uprights marked _5_ are 9 inches long with joints 1-1/2 inches wide and 1-1/2 inches deep, with holes 4 inches below the top to contain the leather bearings which bear the spindle. They are fixed 3 inches apart on the front base and are connected together 2 inches above the base with a piece of a wood of the same thickness. This joining piece contains in the middle 2 sticks half an inch apart to regulate the position of the _mala_ (the string which revolves the spindle) on the spindle. Another piece marked _6_ and joined parallelly to the left upright is meant to bear a hole for leather bearing when a thin spindle is to be used. The drum or wheel consists of 8 planks such as the one marked _7_, each being 2 feet long, 4 inches wide and 3/4 inch thick. They are divided in two wings of 4 planks each, each containing two couples of planks joined diametrically with a groove in the middle. Both the wings are nailed on to the wooden shaft marked _8_, its size being 4-1/2 inches long and 4 inches diameter. Through the middle of this shaft passes a long round iron bar, which serves as an axle. It is 19 inches long and half an inch thick. Its end, where the handle is fixed is made square to ensure firmness of the handle. A wooden washer one inch thick is fixed to the axle on either side of the drum to avoid its contact with the uprights. The handle is shaped put of a wooden piece of 2 inches � 2 inches � 1-1/2 feet long. The reel noticed in the diagram between the drum and the handle is composed of a wooden disc marked _9_ made out of 1 inch thick and 6 inches square piece of wood. Six brackets made of galvanized wire of 10 gauge radiate from the centre of the disc so as to make a circumference of 4 feet. The brackets are fixed in the back of the disc with bent ends and are further secured with small nails near the circumference of the disc. A wire noose is fixed on the back base just below the reel to regulate the yarn when wound up on the reel from a bobbin or directly from the spindle. A 4 inches long bamboo pin is fixed in the inward side of the front base parallelly to the long plank marked 3. It is meant to hold the bobbin while opening out yarn from it. When the yarn is opened from the spindle directly, it is held in the left hand with the point towards the reel. The right hand is employed in turning the reel by the handle of the _charkha_. The figure _10_, indicates the position of the spinner. CORRECTIONS: Page Original Correction ---- -------- ---------- vii Indian Economics 33 Indian Economics 34 viii Hand Looms 140 Hand-Looms 140 7 and setting their manufactures and selling their manufactures 10 as a miser uses his horde. as a miser uses his hoard. 27 and left her coarse and felt her coarse 28 organasing Swadeshi propaganda organising Swadeshi propaganda 28 Every drop counts Swadeshi Every drop counts. Swadeshi 32 from patroitic motives from patriotic motives 34 expressed in this buelletin expressed in this bulletin 35 being aginst the law being against the law 36 the another does represent the author does represent 40 utlise the idle hours utilise the idle hours 44 It is needness to say It is needless to say 46 more than his due And I more than his due. And I 54 Shrimati Sarala Devi Choudhrani Shrimati Sarala Devi Chaudhrani 57 bids fare to bear fruit. bids fair to bear fruit. 69 earned As. 4 earned As. 4. 69 he is a victim to-day. he is a victim to to-day. 72 of 62·7 crores pounds of 62.7 crores pounds 81 that he maufactures that he manufactures 82 about literary trainning. about literary training. 87 Mr, Amritlal Thakkar Mr. Amritlal Thakkar 97 potent instrument, the spinning potent instrument the spinning 102 who absolutely know nothing who absolutely knew nothing 103 Rs. 3-9 for it practically Rs. 3-9 for it, practically 104 about weaving, a separate room about weaving, a separate loom 123 [missing] A MODEL I [new line] A MODEL 132 will be an acpuisition will be an acquisition 134 The students who spun [...] is The student who spun [...] is 134 for 12 hours 4 annas 6pies for 12 hours 4 annas 6 pies 136 and cuts it as under, and cuts it asunder, 138 too suits of clothing two suits of clothing 138 as most girl would be as most girls would be 139 Y.I.--18th Aug. 1921. [Y. not in italics] 142 of the hields of the shields 142 costs Rs. 45 costs Rs. 45. 142 Provincial Congress Commitee Provincial Congress Committee 
41068	----	[Transcriber's note: It is noted that on page 92 "From December 1, 1894, to September 12, 1892, 329 francs 75 centimes was collected;" that the dates are not sequential. The word _sabotage_ has been consistently placed in italics. Individual correction of printers' errors are listed at the end.] STUDIES IN HISTORY, ECONOMICS AND PUBLIC LAW EDITED BY THE FACULTY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE OF COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY Volume XLVI] [Number 3 Whole Number 116 SYNDICALISM IN FRANCE BY LOUIS LEVINE WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY PROFESSOR FRANKLIN H. GIDDINGS SECOND REVISED EDITION OF "The Labor Movement in France" AMS PRESS NEW YORK COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY STUDIES IN THE SOCIAL SCIENCES 116 COPYRIGHT 1912 BY LOUIS LEVINE The series was formerly known as _Studies in History, Economics and Public Law_. Reprinted with the permission of Columbia University Press From the edition of 1914, New York First AMS EDITION published 1970 Manufactured in the United States of America Library of Congress Catalog Number: 76-127443 International Standard Book Number: Complete Set ... 0-404-51000-0 Number 116 ... 0-404-51116-3 AMS PRESS, INC. New York, N.Y. 10003 The term syndicalism sounds strange to an English reader. Its equivalent in English would be Unionism. A syndicat is a union of workingmen, on a trade or on an industrial basis, for the defense of economic interests. Revolutionary Syndicalism, however, has a broader connotation than the etymology of the term would suggest. A critical analysis of existing institutions, a socialist ideal, and a peculiar conception of revolutionary methods to be used for the realization of the ideal--are all contained in it. Revolutionary Syndicalism appears, therefore, as a phase of the general movement towards a reorganization of society on socialist principles.[1] [1] The term "socialist" is here used in a wide sense to include all varieties, even communistic anarchism. Revolutionary Syndicalism cannot be treated, however, exclusively as a phase of the evolution of Socialism. As the term suggests, it is also a development of the French Labor Movement. The organization which represents Revolutionary Syndicalism in France is the General Confederation of Labor (_La Confédération Générale du Travail_, generally referred to as the C. G. T.)--the central organization of the labor unions or syndicats in France. The history of Revolutionary Syndicalism coincides almost entirely with the history of the General Confederation, and it may be said that its future is entirely bound up with the destinies of this organization. In fact, Revolutionary Syndicalism is an attempt to fuse revolutionary socialism and trade unionism into one coherent movement. Peculiar conditions of French social history have thrown the socialists and anarchists into the syndicats and have secured their leadership there. In this respect, Revolutionary Syndicalism is a unique and interesting chapter in the history of both Socialism and Trades unionism and of their mutual relations. Revolutionary Syndicalism has attracted much attention outside of France. Its more or less rapid development, the turmoil into which it has thrown France several times, the extreme ideas which it expresses, the violent methods it advocates, and its attempts of proselytism outside of France have awakened an interest in it. A number of studies on the movement have appeared in German, Italian, Russian and other European periodicals and books. In English, however, the subject has not received the consideration it would seem to deserve from the theoretical as well as from the practical point of view. Revolutionary Syndicalism is an aggressive movement. Its aim is to do away with existing institutions and to reconstruct society along new lines. It must, therefore, necessarily call forth a definite attitude on the part of those who become acquainted with it. Those who speak about it are either its friends or its enemies, and even those who want to be impartial towards it are generally unable to resist the flood of sentiment which such a movement sets loose in them. Impartiality, however, has been the main effort of the writer of this study. It has appeared to him more important to describe the facts as they are and to understand the conditions back of the facts, than to pass sentence whether of approval or of condemnation. He has made the effort, therefore, to suppress his personality entirely in all that part of his work which is purely descriptive. The method adopted has been to describe ideas and facts sympathetically--whether syndicalist or anti-syndicalist, whether promoting or hindering the development of Revolutionary Syndicalism. The idea that has guided the writer is as follows: Let us imagine that social phenomena could be registered automatically. All social facts would then be recorded with all the sympathies and antipathies with which they are mixed in real life, because the latter are part of the facts. When social descriptions go wrong it is not because they are tinged with feeling, but because they are colored by those feelings which they arouse in the writer and not by those which accompany them in reality. The main task of the writer, therefore, is to try to enter into the feelings which go along with the facts which he is describing. This means that the writer must alternately feel and think as a different person. However difficult this may be, it is still possible by an effort of imagination prompted by a desire to get at the truth. This method seems more correct than an attempt to remain entirely indifferent and not to be swayed by any feeling. Indifference does not secure impartiality; it results mostly in colorlessness. For instance, were the writer to remain indifferent or critical while describing the syndicalist ideas, the latter could not be outlined with all the force and color with which they appear in the exposition of their representatives. This would not produce an impartial description, therefore, but a weak and consequently untrue one. On the contrary, by trying to feel and to think as a revolutionary syndicalist, while describing the syndicalist ideas, it is possible to come nearer to reality. The same method is used in the description of anti-syndicalist ideas and efforts. The result seems to the writer to be the creation of the necessary illusion and the reproduction of the atmosphere in which the movement developed. A critical and personal attitude has been taken only when the writer wished to express his own views. Whether the writer has been more successful than others in this attempt, is for the reader to decide. From the point of view taken in this essay, Revolutionary Syndicalism has to be described both as a theory and as a practice. The effort is made throughout, however, to consider the theory in close relation to the practice. The first chapter is introductory and serves merely to give the necessary historical perspective. This explains its brevity. Revolutionary Syndicalism is undoubtedly a peculiar product of French life and history. Still many of its ideas have a general character and may be of interest to men and women of other countries. After all, the problems that confront the whole civilized world to-day are the same, and the conditions in which their solution has to be tried are everywhere alike in many respects. It has been the writer's sincere hope throughout this work that the history of syndicalism may stimulate the readers of this essay to reflection and criticism that may be of help to them in their efforts to advance the cause of social progress in their own country. The author wishes to make grateful acknowledgments to Professor Vladimir G. Simkhovitch, Professor Henry Rogers Seager and other professors of Columbia University who have in one way or another aided him in the prosecution of his work; but especially is he indebted to Professor Franklin H. Giddings for invaluable criticisms and suggestions which have guided him throughout his work, and to Professor Edwin R. A. Seligman for encouragement and advice, and help in making it possible for the work to appear in its present form. NOVEMBER, 1911. LOUIS LEVINE. PREFACE TO SECOND EDITION The term syndicalism no longer needs an introduction to the English reader. Within the past two years it has been naturalized in all English-speaking countries, and has become more or less widely known. It has even been enriched as a result of its migration. In France it simply expressed the comparatively innocent idea of trade unionism, while both in England and America it has come to designate those explosive and aggressive forms of labor unionism which the French described in the words "revolutionary syndicalism." The English use of the term has reacted upon the French syndicalists who have now generally dropped the adjective "revolutionary" and speak of their movement as "le syndicalisme" or "le syndicalisme français." In a word, as a result of recent industrial events the world over, syndicalism has emerged as a new movement of international scope and character. The most significant manifestation of this new development was the first international syndicalist congress which was held in London during the month of September of last year and at which delegates from France, Germany, Holland, Belgium, the United States, England and other countries were present. The appearance of syndicalist tendencies in other countries has thrown some new light upon the subject. What was considered at one time the peculiar product of France or of the "Latin spirit," appears now to transcend the boundaries of particular countries and of kindred racial groups. It is evidently more closely related to industrial conditions. But its emergence in such countries as England and the United States destroys the familiar hypothesis that syndicalism is bred only by the small workshop. The latter may explain some peculiar aspects of French syndicalism; it can not explain the methods of direct action and the syndicalist spirit common to all countries. The explanation seems to me to lie in the direction indicated in the concluding chapter of this book. Three essential causes for the development of French syndicalism are pointed out in it: namely, political disillusionment, the economic weakness of the labor elements, and the comparatively static character of French industry. Recent industrial developments in England and the United States prove that the same conditions explain the appearance of syndicalist tendencies everywhere. The disappointment of the British workers in the political possibilities of the Labor Party, the general mistrust of "politicians" and the actual disfranchisement of large elements of the working population in the United States are facts which are not disputed, and the influence of which in recent industrial events is no longer denied. The comparative weakness of sectional unionism in England and of the unskilled elements in the American labor movement has been brought home to the workers themselves and has determined their change of tactics. Some French syndicalists have criticized the author of this book for laying too much emphasis on the financial weakness of the syndicats in France. But that is a misunderstanding on their part; the emphasis is not on finances, but on weakness which may be the result of many circumstances. Labor unions may have millions in the banks, and still be weak economically on account of the technical conditions of the industry or of the strong organization of the employers. A consciousness of weakness in certain respects must not lead necessarily to submission or to despair. But it generally leads to efforts in new directions and to new methods of action. It has resulted in the amalgamation of unions in England and in the wonderful effort to create a general spirit of solidarity among all elements of labor the world over. The comparatively static character of industrial life in France has no parallel in England or the United States. This explains why in the latter two countries the ideal aspects of syndicalism have obtained less significance, than in France. In an atmosphere of slow industrial growth, possibilities of immediate industrial gains do not loom up large in the eyes of the workers and no hope of considerable permanent improvement under given conditions is aroused; on the other hand, the forcible acquisition of the whole industrial equipment and its co-operative management seem comparatively easy. In the concluding chapter of this book, the possibilities of a change in the character of French syndicalism which were indicated in the first edition are left unchanged. Developments are not yet ripe to warrant any definite conclusion. Of course, some very important phenomena have taken place. The most significant, perhaps, is the development of the iron and steel industry in the eastern parts of France, particularly in the Department Meurthe-et-Moselle. Something very similar to what happened in the steel industry of the United States is happening there; large plants are being erected, gigantic industrial combinations are being formed, labor organizations are relentlessly fought, and foreign workers are imported from Italy, Belgium, Luxembourg, Austria and other countries. Under these conditions, new problems are thrust upon the French labor movement, and it is significant that the Federation of the metal workers has played the leading part in the recent campaign against the "anarchistic" tendencies of the General Confederation of Labor and has demanded a return to the platform of Amiens (1906) and to a more definite program of labor demands. This does not mean a change in the ideas of French syndicalism, but it certainly indicates a tendency towards the more positive work of organization and of purely trade conquests. It may be many years, before the struggle of tendencies in the General Confederation of Labor is determined either way. Meanwhile, the significance of French Syndicalism to the world of thought and action has become greater than it was before. France continues to present both the ideas and activities of syndicalism in the most lucid and developed form. This fact, I take it, has been partly responsible for the keen interest in the first edition of this book and for the necessity of bringing forth a second edition. LOUIS LEVINE. NEW YORK CITY, MARCH, 1914. CONTENTS PAGE PREFACE TO FIRST EDITION 5 PREFACE TO SECOND EDITION 9 INTRODUCTION, by Professor Franklin H. Giddings 17 CHAPTER I THE LABOR MOVEMENT IN FRANCE TO THE COMMUNE(1789-1871) Legislation of French Revolution on trade associations; law le Chapelier, 1791--Laws of Napoleon--Prohibition of strikes--Violation of these laws--Secret labor organizations in France: compagnonnages, societies of resistance--Revolution of 1848 and the co-operative movement--Influence of Louis Blanc--Reaction during the fifties--Revival of labor movement in 1862--Effort of French Workingmen to break legal barriers--New law on strikes in 1864--Toleration of labor unions by Government of Napoleon III--Syndicats and co-operation--Failure of co-operative central bank in 1868--Communistic and Revolutionary tendencies in "The International"--Success of "The International" in 1869--Franco-Prussian War and its influence on the French labor movement 19 CHAPTER II ORIGIN OF THE GENERAL CONFEDERATION OF LABOR (1871-1895) The influence of the Commune on the syndicats--Barberet and his rôle in the syndical movement (1872-78)--The first Labor Congress in France (1886)--Acceptance of the Socialist program by the syndicats at the congress of Marseilles (1879)--The Socialist groups in France: Guesdists, Broussists, Allemanists, Blanquists, Independents, Anarchists--Their points of agreement and of difference--Influence of socialist divisions on development of labor organizations--Attempts of syndicats to form a central organization--The National Federation of Syndicats; its failure--The Bourse du Travail--The Federation of Bourses du Travail--The idea of the general strike--Its conception--Criticism by Guesdists--Split in National Federation of Syndicats--Formation of General Confederation of Labor by advocates of general strike and opponents of Guesdists 45 CHAPTER III THE FEDERATION OF BOURSES DU TRAVAIL Importance of Bourses du Travail; their rapid growth--Municipal and governmental subventions--Program of Bourses du Travail--Federation of Bourses du Travail organized in 1892--Its original purpose--Fernand Pelloutier Secretary of Federation--His rôle and influence--Conception of syndicat as the cell of future society--Growth of Federation of Bourses; its relations with the General Confederation of Labor 73 CHAPTER IV THE GENERAL CONFEDERATION OF LABOR FROM 1895-1902 Reasons for dividing history of General Confederation into two periods--Weakness of Confederation before 1902--Congress of Tours in 1896--Discussion of the idea of the general strike--Congress of Toulouse in 1897--Discussion of _sabotage_ and boycott and of "Direct Action"--Congress of Rennes in 1898--Congresses of Paris in 1900 and of Lyons in 1901--Revolutionary character of Congress of Lyons: New conception of general strike; revolutionary character of syndicat; anti-militaristic ideas; opposition to labor legislation--Causes of revolutionary ideas: changes in the program and methods of socialist parties; Dreyfus affair; entrance of socialist Millerand into "bourgeois" government--Congress of Montpellier in 1902 and the fusion of the Federation of Bourses du Travail with the General Confederation of Labor 91 CHAPTER V THE DOCTRINE OF REVOLUTIONARY SYNDICALISM Class struggle, its meaning and importance--Syndicat the proper organization for carrying on class struggle--Strength of syndicat by uniting workingmen without distinction of race, religion, political or philosophical ideas--Industrial unionism versus Craft unionism--Syndicats and "Direct Action"--Methods of "Direct Action:" strike, boycott, _sabotage_, label--The direct struggle against the State; exclusion of parliamentary methods--Criticism of democracy--Class struggle versus co-operation of classes--Anti-patriotism--Anti-militarism--General strike the means of emancipating workingmen--The ideal society of the syndicalists: economic federalism--The rôle of the "conscious minority"--Syndicats the true leaders of the working-class 123 CHAPTER VI THE THEORISTS OF REVOLUTIONARY SYNDICALISM Two groups of writers on syndicalism, (_a_) workingmen (_b_) intellectuals--Their points of disagreement--Representative of intellectuals; Georges Sorel--His works--His conception of syndicalism as neo-Marxism--Fundamental idea of Marx; no Utopias--Task of socialists to teach workingmen--The importance of the idea of the general strike--The general strike a "social myth"--What is a "social myth?"--Importance of "social myths" in revolutionary movements--The general strike as a means of producing a complete rupture between working-class and bourgeoisie--Sorel's theory of progress; only technical progress continuous; succession of cultures not continuous--Necessity of combating democracy--Democracy--the régime of professional politicians who rule the people--Class struggle and violence; meaning of violence--General strike a great moral force--Syndicalist ideas founded on pessimistic basis--Pessimism as cause of great historical achievements--Ideas of Bergson--Criticism of Sorel; neo-Marxism not true to spirit of Marx--Lagardelle and his writings--Gustave Hervé and "La Guerre Sociale"--Influence of Sorel--Criticism of Prof. Sombart's views--Syndicalism a development independent of Sorel--Relation of syndicalism to other social theories 141 CHAPTER VII THE GENERAL CONFEDERATION OF LABOR SINCE 1902 Constitution of General Confederation of Labor adopted in 1902--Activity of General Confederation--Movement to suppress employment bureaus--Congress of Bourges in 1904--Triumph of revolutionary syndicalism--Movement for eight-hour day from 1904 to 1906--Agitation in France--Fear of "social revolution"--Government arrests leaders--Results of strike movement--Congress of Amiens in 1906--Struggle between revolutionaries and reformists--Adoption of resolution "the charter of syndicalism"--Revolutionary activity of Confederation after Congress of Amiens Demonstration of Villeneuve St. George in 1908--Collision with troops; killed and wounded; arrest of syndicalist leaders--Congress of Marseilles in 1908--Congress of Toulouse in 1910--Congress of Havre in 1912--Growth of General Confederation of Labor--The demonstrations of the General Confederation against war--The "crisis" of revolutionary syndicalism--Relations of General Confederation with International Secretariat of Labor 162 CHAPTER VIII CHARACTER AND CONDITIONS OF REVOLUTIONARY SYNDICALISM Revolutionary syndicalism as a result of a coalition in the Confederation--The parties to this _bloc_: anarchists, revolutionary socialists, syndicalists--Formation and strength of the _bloc_--The socialist ideal of a free workshop--Historical traditions and the revolutionary spirit in French workingmen--Causes of the distrust of "politicians" and of parliamentary methods--The antagonism between workingman and intellectual--Revolutionary syndicalists not a minority in General Confederation--Conditions of syndicalism: poverty of French syndicats; psychology of French workingmen--Syndicats loosely held together--Weakness as cause of violent methods--French love of theory and of formulas--Similar actions of revolutionists and reformists in Confederation according to circumstances--Conditions necessary for realization of program of revolutionary syndicalism--Outlook for the future 199 BIBLIOGRAPHY 223 INTRODUCTION The democratic social movement has overleaped its platform and escaped out of the hands of its instigators. It is larger than any school of ideas and will not be bound by any program. It can be analyzed in part, and in general terms described, but it can no longer be defined. Socialism as one phase of this unmanaged and unmanageable tide, has itself been profoundly affected by the magnitude, the complexity, and the waywardness of the mass motion. It now has its "Right" and its "Left." There is a conservative, and there is a radical socialism. Each proclaims the class struggle, and both demand the collective ownership of the chief means of production. But conservative socialism lays stress upon collective ownership, and would move toward it by peaceful, evolutionary steps. It relies on the ballot, believes in legislation, in law, and in government; while radical socialism proclaims "the revolution," plans for the general strike, and preaches the expediency of _sabotage_ and violence. At first sight almost identical with radical socialism is Syndicalism, which, however, proves upon examination to be both more and less than any socialistic program. In its most characteristic expression, syndicalism denies the state and would substitute for it a purely voluntary collectivism. So far it is at one with anarchism, and there are those who conceive of syndicalism as an anarchistic movement in opposition to socialism. The trade-union organization of labor the world over is looked upon by the syndicalist as the natural basis and agency of his enterprise, quite as existing political organizations are accepted by the conservative or parliamentary socialist as the best preliminary norms from which to evolve a new social order. In this division of the forces of social democracy into right and left groups over the question of organization and control, we have a significant demonstration of the inadequacy of that Marxian analysis which resolves all social conflict into the antagonism of economic classes. More profound than that antagonism, and in the order of time more ancient, is the unending warfare between those who believe in law and government for all, and those who believe in law and government for none. The more or less paradoxical character of the socialistic movement at the present moment is attributable to the circumstance that, for the time being, these antagonistic forces of socialism and anarchism are confronting a common enemy--the individualist, who believes in law and government for everybody but himself. To describe, explain and estimate a phenomenon so complex as modern revolutionary syndicalism is a task from which the economist and the historian alike might well shrink. To understand it and to enable readers to understand it is an achievement. I think that I am not speaking in terms of exaggeration in saying that Dr. Levine has been more successful in this arduous undertaking than any predecessor. His pages tell us in a clear and dispassionate way what revolutionary syndicalism is, how it began, and how it has grown, what its informing ideas and purposes are, and by what methods it is forcing itself upon the serious attention of the civilized world. I think that it is a book which no student of affairs can afford to overlook, or to read in any other spirit than that of a sincere desire to know what account of the most profound social disturbance of our time is offered by a competent reporter of the facts. FRANKLIN H. GIDDINGS. COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY. CHAPTER I THE LABOR MOVEMENT IN FRANCE TO THE COMMUNE (1789-1871) The economic legislation of the French Revolution was guided by individualistic ideas which expressed the interests of the rising middle classes who felt a necessity of removing the obstacles in the way of economic initiative and of personal effort. These interests and ideas dictated the law of March 2-17, 1791, which abolished the guilds and inaugurated the era of competition in France (_Liberté du Travail_). The law declared that henceforth everybody was "free to do such business, exercise such profession, art, or trade, as he may choose."[2] [2] _Les Associations Professionelles Ouvrières_, Office du Travail (Paris, 1899), vol. i, p. 7. The abolition of the guilds cleared the way for the technical changes that had just begun and the development of which was yet in the future. These changes may be summarized as the application of science to industry and the introduction of machinery. The process went on in France irregularly, affecting different industries and different localities in various degrees. The first machine (_machine à vapeur_) was introduced in France about 1815; in 1830 there were about 600 in operation. Some idea of the later changes may be gained from the following table giving the number of machines in France from 1839 to 1907: _Year_ _No. of Machines_ _Total Horsepower_ 1839 2,450 33,000 1851 5,672 71,000 1861 15,805 191,000 1871 26,146 316,000 1881 44,010 576,000 1891 55,967 916,000 1901 75,866 1,907,000 1910 82,238 2,913,013[3] [3] _Annuaire Statistique_. The introduction of machinery meant the absorption of a larger part of the population in industry, the concentration of industry in a smaller number of establishments and the absolute and relative increase in the numbers of the working population of France. This class of the population was regulated in its economic action for nearly a century by another law passed June 14-17, 1791, and known by the name of its author as the law Le Chapelier. The law Le Chapelier, though dictated by the same general interests and ideas as the law on the guilds, was made necessary by special circumstances. The abolition of the guilds had as one of its effects an agitation among the journeymen for higher wages and for better conditions of employment. During the summer of 1791, Paris was the scene of large meetings of journeymen, at which matters of work and wages were discussed. The movement spread from trade to trade, but the struggle was particularly acute in the building trades. Profiting by the law of August 21, 1790, which gave all citizens the "right to assemble peacefully and to form among themselves free associations subject only to the laws which all citizens must obey,"[4] the carpenters formed _L'Union fraternelle des ouvriers en l'art de la charpente_, an association ostensibly for benevolent purposes only, but which in reality helped the carpenters in their struggle with their masters. The masters repeatedly petitioned the municipality of Paris to put an end to the "disorders," and to the "tyranny" of the journeymen. The masters complained that a general coalition of 80,000 workingmen had been formed in the capital and that the agitation was spreading to the provincial towns.[5] The municipal authorities tried to meet the situation, but their "notices" and "decrees" had no effect. They then appealed to the Constituent Assembly for a general law on associations and combinations. The result was the law Le Chapelier. [4] _Les Associations Professionelles_, vol. i, p. 8. [5] H. Lagardelle, _L'Évolution des Syndicats Ouvriers en France_ (Paris, 1901), p. 13. The report by which the bill was introduced brought out very clearly the individualistic ideas by which the legislators of the Revolution were inspired. "Citizens of certain trades," read this report, "must not be permitted to assemble for their pretended common interests. There is no longer any corporation (guild) in the State; there is but the particular interest of each individual and the general interest...." And further, "It is necessary to abide by the principle that only by free contracts, between individual and individual, may the workday for each workingman be fixed; it is then for the workingman to maintain the agreement which he had made with his employer."[6] [6] _Les Associations Professionelles_, vol. i, pp. 11-12. The law identified the new combinations with the ancient guilds. Its first clause declared that "whereas the abolition of all kinds of corporations of citizens of the same estate (_état_) and of the same trade is one of the fundamental bases of the French Constitution, it is prohibited to re-establish them _de facto_ under any pretext or form whatsoever". The second clause formulated the prohibition to form trade organizations in terms which left nothing to be desired in clearness and precision. It read: "The citizens of the same estate or trade, entrepreneurs, those who run a shop, workingmen in any trade whatsoever, shall not, when assembled together, nominate presidents, nor secretaries, nor syndics, shall not keep any records, shall not deliberate nor pass resolutions nor form any regulations with reference to their pretended common interests." The fourth clause declared all acts contrary to this law unconstitutional, subject to the jurisdiction of the police tribunals, punishable by a fine of 500 _livres_ and by a temporary suspension of active rights of citizenship. The sixth and seventh clauses determined higher penalties in cases of menace and of violence. The eighth clause prohibited all "gatherings composed of artisans, of workingmen, of journeymen or of laborers, or instigated by them and directed against the free exercise of industry and work to which all sorts of persons have a right under all sorts of conditions agreed upon by private contract (_de gré a gré_)". "Such gatherings are declared riotous, are to be dispersed by force, and are to be punished with all the severity which the law permits."[7] [7] _Les Associations Professionelles_, vol. i, pp. 13-14. After the law was passed by the Assembly, the author of the law, Le Chapelier, added: I have heard some say that it would be necessary to make an exception in favor of the Chambers of Commerce in cities. Certainly you understand well that none of us intend to prevent the merchants from discussing their common interests. I therefore propose to insert into the proceedings the following clause: "The National Assembly, considering that the law which it has just passed does not concern the Chambers of Commerce, passes to the order of the day." The proposition was adopted. "This last vote," remarks the official historian of the _Office du Travail_, "demonstrates sufficiently that the law was especially directed against the meetings, associations and coalitions of workingmen."[8] [8] _Les Associations Professionelles_, vol. i, p. 14. The determination to prevent collective action on the part of the workingmen also guided the legislative activity of Napoleon. In 1803, during the Consulate, a law was passed against coalitions; the same law contained a provision whereby all workingmen were to have a special certificate (_livret_)[9] which subjected them to a strict surveillance of the police. The law of 1803 against coalitions was replaced in 1810 by the clauses 414-416 of the Penal Code which prohibited and punished all kinds of coalitions. These articles which made strikes and all collective action a crime, and which showed clearly discrimination against workingmen, were as follows: [9] The obligation of the _livret_ was abolished in 1890. G. Weill, _Histoire du Movement Social en France_ (Paris, 1904), p. 332. Art. 414. Any coalition among those who employ workingmen, tending to force down wages unjustly and abusively, followed by an attempt or a commencement of execution, shall be punished by imprisonment from six days to one month and by a fine of 200 to 3,000 francs. Art. 415. Any coalition on the part of the workingmen to cease work at the same time, to forbid work in a shop, to prevent the coming or leaving before or after certain hours and, in general, to suspend, hinder or make dear labor, if there has been an attempt or a beginning of execution, shall be punished by imprisonment of one month to three months maximum; the leaders and promoters shall be punished by imprisonment of two to five years, and Art. 416. There shall also be subject to penalty indicated in the preceding article and according to the same distinctions, those workingmen who shall have declared fines, prohibitions, interdictions and any other proscriptions under the name of condemnations and under any qualification whatsoever against the directors of the shops and employers, or against each other. In the case of this article as well as in that of the preceding, the leaders and promoters of the crime, after the expiration of their fine, may be made subject to the surveillance of the police for two years at least and five years at most.[10] [10] _Les Associations Professionelles_, vol. i, pp. 18-19. The prohibition against combination and organization was aggravated for the workingmen by articles 291-294 of the Penal Code which forbade any kind of associations of more than twenty persons. These articles were made more stringent by the Law of 1834 which prohibited associations even of twenty persons, if they were branches of a larger association.[11] [11] _Ibid._, pp. 19-20, and p. 26. The workingmen, however, soon began to feel that the _Liberté du Travail_ as interpreted by the laws of the country put them at a disadvantage in the struggle for existence. Individually each one of them was too weak to obtain the best bargain from his employer. This was notoriously so in the industries in which machinery was making headway, but the relations between employer and workingmen were aggravated by competition even in those industries where the old conditions of trade did not change perceptibly for some time. Competition forced the employer to become a "calculator above everything else" and "to consider the workingman only from the point of view of the real value which his hands had on the market without heed to his human needs."[12] The workingman, on the other hand, to remedy his individual helplessness was driven to disregard the law and to enter into combinations with his fellow-workers for concerted action. [12] M. Du Cellier, _Histoire des Classes Laborieuses en France_ (Paris, 1860), p. 362. The figures published by the Department of Justice give the number of those prosecuted for violating the law on strikes--the number of accused, of acquitted and of condemned. These figures are incomplete. They give, however, some idea of the frequency and persistence with which the workingmen had recourse to strikes in spite of the law. The figures have been published since 1825. The table on the next page gives the annual figures from that date to 1864, when a new law on strikes was passed. There is other information to show that the strikes often assumed the character of a general movement, particularly under the influence of political disturbances. During the years that followed the Revolution of July (1830) the workingmen of France were at times in a state of agitation throughout the entire country, formulating everywhere particular demands, such as the regulation of industrial matters, collective contracts and the like.[13] [13] Octave Festy, _Le Movement Ouvrier au Début de la Monarchie de Juillet_, _passim_. ------+------+-------+---------+---------+---------+--------- | | | |Condemned|Condemned| | | | |to Prison|to Prison| |Number| | | for One |for Less |Condemned | of | | | Year or | than a |to Pay a Year |Cases |Accused|Acquitted| More | Year |Fine Only ------+------+-------+---------+---------+---------+--------- 1825 | 92 | 144 | 72 | 1 | 64 | 7 1826 | 40 | 244 | 62 | 3 | 136 | 43 1827 | 29 | 136 | 51 | 2 | 74 | 9 1828 | 28 | 172 | 84 | .. | 85 | 3 1829 | 13 | 68 | 26 | 1 | 39 | 2 1830 | 40 | 206 | 69 | 2 | 134 | 1 1831 | 49 | 396 | 104 | .. | 279 | 13 1832 | 51 | 249 | 85 | 1 | 140 | 23 1833 | 90 | 522 | 218 | 7 | 270 | 27 1834 | 55 | 415 | 155 | 7 | 227 | 26 1835 | 32 | 238 | 84 | 1 | 141 | 12 1836 | 55 | 332 | 87 | .. | 226 | 19 1837 | 51 | 300 | 64 | 5 | 167 | 64 1838 | 44 | 266 | 86 | 1 | 135 | 44 1839 | 64 | 409 | 116 | 3 | 264 | 26 1840 | 130 | 682 | 139 | 22 | 476 | 45 1841 | 68 | 383 | 79 | .. | 237 | 67 1842 | 62 | 371 | 80 | 2 | 263 | 26 1843 | 49 | 321 | 73 | .. | 240 | 8 1844 | 53 | 298 | 48 | .. | 201 | 49 1845 | 48 | 297 | 92 | 3 | 778 | 124 1846 | 53 | 298 | 47 | .. | 220 | 31 1847 | 55 | 401 | 66 | 2 | 301 | 32 1848 | 94 | 560 | 124 | 2 | 399 | 35 1849 | 65 | 345 | 61 | 1 | 241 | 42 1850 | 45 | 329 | 59 | 14 | 182 | 74 1851 | 55 | 267 | 33 | 6 | 199 | 29 1852 | 86 | 573 | 119 | 2 | 396 | 56 1853 | 109 | 718 | 105 | 1 | 530 | 82 1854 | 68 | 315 | 51 | 13 | 196 | 55 1855 | 168 | 1182 | 117 | 24 | 943 | 98 1856 | 73 | 452 | 83 | 4 | 269 | 96 1857 | 55 | 300 | 37 | 11 | 204 | 48 1858 | 58 | 269 | 34 | 1 | 202 | 32 1859 | 58 | 281 | 29 | .. | 223 | 29 1860 | 58 | 297 | 34 | .. | 230 | 33 1861 | 63 | 402 | 78 | .. | 283 | 41 1862 | 44 | 306 | 44 | 1 | 199 | 62 1863 | 29 | 134 | 17 | .. | 43 | 74 ------+------+-------+---------+---------+---------+--------- In many cases, the strikes were spontaneous outbursts of discontent among unorganized workingmen. Frequently, however, the strikes were either consciously called out or directed by organizations which existed by avoiding the law in various ways. These organizations were of three different types: the _compagnonnages_, the friendly societies (_mutualités_) and the "societies of resistance". The _compagnonnages_ originated under the guild-system and can be traced back as far as the fifteenth century. Their development was probably connected with the custom of traveling which became prevalent among the journeymen of France about that time.[14] A journeyman (called _compagnon_ in French) would usually spend some time in visiting the principal cities of France (make his _tour de France_) to perfect himself in his trade. A traveling _compagnon_ would be in need of assistance in many cases and the _compagnonnages_ owed their development to the necessity of meeting this want. [14] Octave Festy, _Le Movement Ouvrier au Début de la Monarchie de France_ (Paris, 1900), vol. i, pp. 600 _et seq._ The _compagnonnages_ consisted of bachelor journeymen only. If a member married or established himself as master, he left the _compagnonnage_. Besides, admission to the _compagnonnage_ was dependent on tests of moral character and of technical skill. Thus, the _compagnonnages_ always embraced but a small part of the workingmen--the élite from the technical point of view. To attain the required technical standard, members had to pass some time as aspirants before they could become _compagnons_. The organization of the _compagnonnages_ was very simple. All the _compagnons_ of the same trade lived together in one house, usually in an inn, kept by the so-called _mère_ (mother) or _père_ (father) of the trade. The _compagnons_ were generally the only boarders in the house. If not numerous enough to occupy the entire house, they had one hall for their exclusive occupation. Here they held their meetings, initiated new members, and kept their records and treasury. Here, also, _compagnons_ arriving from other towns made themselves "recognized" by special signs and symbols. All the _compagnons_ of France were divided among three "orders" called _devoirs_. The _devoirs_ had strange names indicating the legends with which the origins of these organizations were connected. The _devoir_, "Sons of Master Jack" (_Enfants de Maitre Jacques_) was founded, according to the story, by one of the master-builders of King Solomon's Temple. The "Sons of Solomon" (_Enfants de Solomon_) were sure that their order was founded by King Solomon himself. The "Sons of Master Soubise" regarded another builder of Solomon's Temple as the founder of their _devoir_. Each _devoir_ consisted of a number of trades, and sometimes one and the same trade was divided between two _devoirs_. Ceremonies and rites constituted an inseparable part of the _compagnonnages_. The initiation of a new member, the "recognition" of a newly arrived _compagnon_, the meeting of two traveling _compagnons_ on the road, etc., were occasions for strange and complicated ceremonies which had to be accurately performed. These ceremonies were due in a large measure to the secrecy in which the _compagnonnages_ developed under the ancient régime, persecuted as they were by the royal authorities, by the church, and by the master-craftsmen. Within the _compagnonnages_ the feeling of corporate exclusiveness and the idea of hierarchical distinctions were strong. Emblems of distinction, such as ribbons, canes, etc., were worn on solemn occasions, and the way in which they were worn, or their number, or color, indicated the place of the _compagnonnage_ within the whole corporate body. Many riots and bloody encounters were occasioned between _devoir_ and _devoir_ and between different _compagnonnages_ within each _devoir_ by disputes over "ribbons" and other emblems appropriate to each. For instance, the joiners were friends of the carpenters and of the stonecutters, but were enemies of the smiths whom the other two trades accepted. The smiths rejected the harness-makers. The blacksmiths accepted the wheelwrights on condition that the latter wear their colors in a low buttonhole; the wheelwrights promised but did not keep their promise; they wore their colors as high as the blacksmiths; hence hatred and quarrels. The carpenters wore their colors in their hats; the winnowers wanted to wear them in the same way; that was enough to make them sworn enemies.[15] Besides, the _compagnonnages_ did not strive to embrace all members of the same trade or all trades. On the contrary, they were averse to initiating a new trade and it sometimes took decades before a new trade was fully admitted into the organization. [15] _Les Associations Professionelles_, vol. i, p. 95. While these features harked back to the past, the economic functions of the _compagnonnages_ anticipated and really were a primitive form of the later syndicat. The _compagnonnages_ offered effective protection to the _compagnons_ in hard stresses of life as well as in their difficulties with their masters. "The 'devoir' of the compagnons" (read the statutes of one of these societies) "is a fraternal alliance which unites us all by the sacred ties of friendship, the foundations of which are: virtue, frankness, honesty, love of labor, courage, assistance and fidelity."[16] These abstract terms translated themselves in life into concrete deeds of mutual aid and of assistance which were immensely valuable to the traveling _compagnons_. A traveling _compagnon_, on arriving at a city or town, would only have to make himself "recognized" and his fellow-compagnons would take care of him. He would be given lodging and food. Employment would be found for him. If sick or in distress, he would receive aid. If he wished to leave the town to continue his _tour de France_, he would be assisted and would be accompanied some distance on the road. [16] Maxime Leroy, _Syndicats et Services Publics_ (Paris, 1909), p. 12. With their simple organization, the _compagnons_ were able to exert a strong economic influence. They served as bureaus of employment. One _compagnon_, elected _rouleur_, was charged with the duty of finding employment for _compagnons_ and "aspirants". He kept a list of those in need of work and placed them in the order of their inscription. Usually the masters themselves addressed the _rouleurs_ for workingmen, when in need of any. This fact gave the _compagnonnages_ a control over the supply of labor. They could withhold labor from a master who did not comply with their demands. They could direct their members into other towns of the _Tour_ if necessary, as everywhere the _compagnons_ would find friends and protection. They could, therefore, organize strikes and boycott a master or workshop for long periods of time. In fact, by these methods the _compagnonnages_ struggled for higher wages and better conditions of employment as far back as the sixteenth century. During the Great Revolution the _compagnonnages_ existed in twenty-seven trades and directed the strike-movement described above. They attained the height of their development during the first quarter of the nineteenth century when they were the only effective workingmen's organizations exerting an influence in the economic struggles of the time. The _compagnonnages_ persisted in several trades during the larger part of the nineteenth century. After 1830, however, their influence declined. The new industrial conditions reduced the significance of the personal skill of the workingmen, shifted the boundaries of the ancient trades, and entirely transformed most of them. The rapid development of the modern means of communication made the _tour de France_ in its old form an anachronism. The spread of democratic and secular ideas brought the medieval usages and ideas of the _compagnonnages_ into disrepute and ridicule. Several attempts to reform the _compagnonnages_ and to bring them into harmony with the new conditions of life were made by members of the organization, but with no results.[17] [17] On the _compagnonnage_ see, J. Connay, _Le Compagnonnage_, 1909; E. Martin St. Leon, _Le Compagnonnage_, 1901; Agricol Perdiguier, _Le Livre du Compagnonnage_, 1841. While the _compagnonnages_ were reconstituting themselves during the Consulate and the First Empire, another form of organization began to develop among the workingmen. This was the friendly or benevolent society for mutual aid especially in cases of sickness, accident or death. Several such societies had existed before the Revolution and the law Le Chapelier was directed also against them. "It is the business of the nation," was the opinion of Le Chapelier, accepted by the Constituent Assembly, "it is the business of the public officials in the name of the nation to furnish employment to those in need of it and assistance to the infirm".[18] Friendly societies, however, continued to form themselves during the nineteenth century. They were formed generally along trade lines, embracing members of the same trade. In a general way the government did not hinder their development. [18] _Les Assoc. Profess._, vol. i, p. 193. Mrs. Beatrice Webb and Mr. Sidney Webb have shown that a friendly society has often been the nucleus of a trade union in England. In France the friendly societies for a long time played the part of trade unions. The charge of promoting strikes and of interfering with industrial matters was often brought against them.[19] There were 132 such trade organizations in Paris in 1823 with 11,000 members, and their numbers increased during the following years. [19] _Ibid._, p. 199. The form of organization called into being by the new economic conditions was the _société de résistance_, an organization primarily designed for the purpose of exercising control over conditions of employment. These societies of resistance assumed various names. They usually had no benefit features or passed them over lightly in their statutes. They emphasized the purpose of obtaining collective contracts, scales of wages, and general improvements in conditions of employment. These societies were all secret, but free from the religious and ceremonial characteristics of the _compagnonnages_. One of the most famous of these societies in the history of the French working-class was the _Devoir Mutuel_, founded by the weavers of Lyons, in 1823. This society directed the famous strikes of the weavers in 1831 and 1834. Its aim, as formulated in its statutes, was: first, to practice the principles of equity; second, to unite the weavers' efforts in order to obtain a reasonable wage for their labor; third, to do away with the abuses of the factory, and to bring about other improvements in "the moral and physical condition" of its members. The society had 3,000 members in 1833.[20] [20] _Les Associations Professionelles_, vol. i. pp. 201-203. In 1833 the smelters of copper in Paris formed themselves into a society which was to help them in their resistance against employers. Two francs a day was to be paid to every member who lost employment because he did not consent to an unjust reduction in his wages or for any other reason which might be regarded as having in view the support of the trade; in other cases of unemployment, no benefit was allowed, in view of the fact that in ordinary times the smelters were seldom idle.[21] The society was open to all smelters, without any limitation of age; it was administered by a council assisted by a commission of representatives from the shops, elected by the members of the society of each shop. The society was soon deprived, however, of its combative character by the government.[22] [21] _Ibid._, vol. i, p. 204. [22] _Les Associations Professionelles_, vol. i, p. 204. A strong society of resistance was organized by the printers of Paris in 1839. Though secret, it gained the adherence of a large part of the trade. In 1848 it had 1,200 members--half of all the printers at that time in Paris. It was administered by a committee. Through its initiative a mixed commission of employers and workingmen was organized which adopted a general scale of wages. This commission also acted as a board of mediation and conciliation in disputes between employers and workingmen.[23] [23] _Ibid._, pp. 205-6. The _compagnonnages_, _mutualités_ and resistance-societies aimed partly or exclusively to better conditions of employment by exerting pressure upon employers. These societies reveal the efforts that were being made by workingmen to adjust themselves to the economic conditions of the time. But after 1830, other ideas began to find adherents among the French workingmen; namely, the ideas of opposition to the entire economic régime based on private property and the idea of substituting for this system a new industrial organization. The history of the socialist movement of France before 1848 can not here be entered into. It has been written and rewritten and is more or less known. For the purposes of this study, it is only necessary to point out that during this period, and particularly during the revolutionary period of 1848, the idea of co-operation, as a means of abolishing the wage system, made a deep impression upon the minds of French workingmen.[24] [24] On the history of French socialism: R. T. Ely, _French and German Socialism_ (1878); Th. Kirkup, _A History of Socialism_ (1906); G. Isambert, _Les Idées Socialistes en France_ (1905); P. Louis, _Histoire du Socialisme Français_ (1901). The idea of co-operation had been propagated before 1848 by the Saint-Simonists and Fourierists, and particularly by Buchez who had outlined a clear plan of co-operation in his paper _L'Européen_ in 1831-2. Similar ideas were advanced during the forties by a group of workingmen who published _L'Atelier_. But only with the outbreak of the Revolution of 1848, and under the influence of Louis Blanc, did the co-operative idea really become popular with the workingmen. Between 1848 and 1850 the enthusiasm for co-operative societies was great, and a considerable number of them were formed. On July 6, 1848, the Constituent Assembly voted a loan of 3,000,000 francs for co-operative societies, and this sum was divided among 26 societies in Paris and 36 in the provinces.[25] But the number of those founded without assistance was much greater; about 300 in Paris and many more in the provinces. Of these societies most perished within a short time while the rest were dissolved by the administration of Napoleon III after the _coup-d'état_ of 1851.[26] [25] Georges Renard, _La République de 1848_. [26] Albert Thomas, _Le Second Empire_ (Paris, 1907). The Revolution of 1848 was an important moment in the history of the French working-class. Though the socialist idea of the "Organization of Work" (_L'Organisation du Travail_) which was so prominent during the Revolution passed into history after the days of June, it left an impression upon the minds of French workingmen. The belief in a possible social transformation became a tradition with them. Besides, the Revolution gave a strong impulse to purely trade organizations such as the _sociétés de résistance_. Before 1848 they had existed in a few trades only. The period of the Revolution witnessed the formation of a large number of them in various trades and strengthened the tendency towards organization which had manifested itself before. During the first decade of the Second Empire all workingmen's organizations were persecuted; most of them perished; others went again into secrecy or disguised themselves as mutual aid societies. With the advent of the second decade of the Empire the labor movement acquired an amplitude it had never had before. Its main characteristic during this period was a decided effort to break the legal barriers in its way and to come out into the open. The workingmen's chief demands were the abolition of the law on coalitions and the right to organize. The workingmen were given an opportunity to express their views and sentiments on occasions of National and International Exhibitions. It had become a custom in France to send delegations of workingmen to such exhibitions. In 1849 the Chamber of Commerce of Lyons sent a delegation of workingmen to the National Exhibition in Paris. In 1851 the municipality of Paris sent some workingmen to the International Exhibition in London. A delegation was sent again to London in 1862 and to Paris in 1867. The workingmen-delegates published reports in which they formulated their views on the condition of their respective trades and expressed their demands and aspirations. These reports have been called the _cahiers_ of the working-class. The authors of the reports--workingmen themselves, elected by large numbers of workingmen--were representatives in the true sense of the term and voiced the sentiments and ideas of a large part of the French workingmen of their time. The reports published by the delegates of 1862 contain a persistent demand for freedom to combine and to organize. The refrain of all the reports is: "Isolation kills us".[27] The trade unions of England made a deep impression on the French delegates and strengthened their conviction of the necessity of organization. "Of 53 reports emanating from 183 delegates of Paris, 38 by 145 delegates express the desire that syndical chambers be organized in their trades."[27] [27] G. Weill, _op. cit._, pp. 63-65. The government of the Empire, which hoped to interest the workingmen in its existence, gave way before their persistent demands. In 1864, in consequence of a strike of Parisian printers which attracted much public attention, the old law on coalitions was abolished and the right to strike granted. The right to strike, however, was bound up with certain other rights which the French workingmen were still denied. Unless the latter had the right to assemble and to organize, they could profit but little by the new law on coalitions. Besides, the French workingmen were generally averse to strikes. The reports of 1862, though demanding the freedom of coalition, declared that it was not the intention of the workingmen to make strikes their habitual procedure. The delegates of 1867, who formed a commission which met in Paris for two years, discussing all the economic problems that interested the workingmen of the time, were of the same opinion. A special session of the Commission was devoted to the consideration of the means by which strikes might be avoided. All agreed that, as one of the delegates expressed it, strikes were "the misery of the workingmen and the ruin of the employer"[28] and should be resorted to only in cases of absolute necessity. What the delegates demanded was the right to organize and to form "syndical chambers". They hoped that with the help of these organizations, they would avoid strikes and improve their economic condition. [28] _Commission Ouvrière de 1867, Recueil des Procés-Verbaux_, vol. i, p. 28. In the beginning of 1868, a number of delegates to the Exhibition of 1867 were received by the Minister of Agriculture, Commerce and Public Works to present their views and demands. The vice-president of the Commission, M. Parent, indicated clearly what the workingmen meant by "syndical chambers" in the following words: We all agree to proceed by way of conciliation, but we all have also recognized the necessity of guaranteeing our rights by a serious organization which should give the workingmen the possibility of entering easily and without fear into agreement with the employers.... It is thus in order to avoid strikes, guaranteeing at the same time the wages of the workingmen, that the delegates of 1867 solicit the authorization to establish syndicats in each trade in order to counter-balance the formidable organization of the syndical chambers of the merchants and manufacturers.... The workingmen's syndical chambers, composed of syndics elected by the votes of the workingmen of their trade, would have an important rôle to fulfil. Besides the competent experts which they could always furnish for the cases subject to the jurisdiction of the prud'hommes, for justices of the peace and for the tribunals of Commerce, they could furnish arbiters for those conflicts which have not for their cause an increase in wages. Such are: the regulations of the workshops, the use of health-endangering materials, the bad conditions of the machinery and of the factory which affect the health of the workingmen and often endanger their lives, the protection of the inventions made by workingmen, the organization of mutual and professional education, which cannot be entirely instituted without the help of the men of the workshop, etc.[29] [29] Lagardelle, _Évolution des Syndicats_, pp. 218-9. On the 30th of March, 1868, the Minister of Commerce and Public Works announced that without modifying the law on coalitions, the government would henceforth tolerate workingmen's organizations on the same grounds on which it had heretofore tolerated the organizations of employers. With this act began the period of toleration which lasted down to 1884, when the workingmen's organizations were brought under the protection of a special law. The declaration of toleration gave free scope to the workingmen to form their syndical chambers. Some syndicats had been openly formed before. In 1867, the shoemakers had formed a society--the first to bear the name of syndicat--which had openly declared that it would support members on strike and would try to defend and to raise wages. But only after the declaration of the government in 1868 did these societies begin to increase in numbers. While organizing for resistance, the workingmen during this period, however, placed their main hopes in co-operation; the co-operative society of production was to them the only means of solving the labor question. As one of the delegates to the Workingmen's Commission of 1867 put it: "Salvation is in association" (_Le salut c'est l'association_).[30] The main function of the syndical chamber was to promote the organization of co-operative societies. [30] _Commission Ouvrière de 1867_, vol. i, p. 28. The revival of enthusiasm for co-operative societies began in 1863. Men of different political and economic views helped the movement. It found supporters in liberal economists, like M. Say and M. Walras; it was seconded by Proudhon and his followers, while a number of communists took an active part in it. Profiting by the experience of 1848-50, the workingmen now adopted a new plan. The co-operative society of production was to be the crowning part of the work, resting upon a foundation of several other organizations. First the members of one and the same trade were to form a syndical chamber of their trade. The syndical chamber was to encourage the creation of a "society of credit and savings" which should have for its aim the collection of funds by regular dues paid by the members. Such "societies of credit and savings" began to develop after 1860, and they were considered very important; not only because they provided the funds, but also and mainly because they helped the members to become acquainted with one another and to eliminate the inefficient. With a society of credit in existence, it was deemed necessary to create a co-operative of consumption. The productive co-operative society was to complete this series of organizations which, supporting one another, were to give stability to the entire structure. The plan was seldom carried out in full. Co-operatives of production were formed without any such elaborate preparation as outlined above. However, many "societies of credit and saving" were formed. In 1863 there were 200 of them in Paris; and in September, 1863, a central bank, _La Société du Credit au Travail_ was organized. Similar central banks were formed in Lyons, Marseilles, Lille and other large cities. In Paris the _Credit au Travail_ became the center of the co-operative movement between 1863 and 1868. It subsidized successively _L'Association_ (Nov., 1864-July, 1866) and _La Co-opération_ (Sept., 1866-Feb., 1867)--magazines devoted to the spread of co-operative ideas. It gave advice and information for forming co-operatives. Most of the co-operative enterprises of the period were planned and first elaborated in the councils of this society. Finally it furnished the co-operatives with credit. Its business done in 1866 amounted to 10½ million francs.[31] [31] P. Hubert-Valleroux, _La Co-opération_ (Paris, 1904), pp. 14-17. In 1868 the co-operative movement, after several years of development, suffered a terrible blow. On November 2nd, the _Credit au Travail_ became bankrupt; it had immobilized its capital, and had given out loans for too long periods, while some of the other loans were not reimbursed. The bank had to suspend payment and was closed. The disaster for the co-operative movement was complete. The _Credit au Travail_ seemed to incarnate the co-operative movement; "and its failure made many think that the co-operative institution had no future".[32] [32] P. Hubert-Valleroux, _op. cit._, p. 16. The failure of the co-operative movement turned the efforts of the workingmen into other channels. They now began to join the "International Association of Workingmen" in increased numbers and to change their ideas and methods. The "International", as is well known, was formed in 1864 by French and English workingmen. The French section, during the first years of its existence, was composed mainly of the followers of Proudhon, known as _mutuellistes_. The program of the _mutuellistes_ was a peaceful change in social relations by which the idea of justice--conceived as reciprocity or mutuality of services--would be realized. The means advocated were education and the organization of mutual aid societies, of mutual insurance companies, of syndicats, of co-operative societies and the like. Much importance was attached to the organization of mutual credit societies and of popular banks. It was hoped that with the help of cheap credit the means of production would be put at the disposal of all and that co-operative societies of production could then be organized in large numbers. The _Mutuellistes_ emphasized the idea that the social emancipation of the workingmen must be the work of the workingmen themselves. They were opposed to state intervention. Their ideal was a decentralized economic society based upon a new principle of right--the principle of mutuality--which was "the idea of the working-class".[33] Their spokesman and master was Proudhon who formulated the ideas of _mutuellisme_ in his work, _De la Capacité Politique des Classes Ouvrières_. [33] P. J. Proudhon, _De la Capacité Politique des Classes Ouvrières_ (Paris, 1865), p. 59. Between 1864 and 1868, the "International" met with little success in France. The largest number of adherents obtained by it during this period was from five to eight hundred. Persecuted by the government after 1867, it was practically dead in France in 1868.[34] But in 1869 it reappeared with renewed strength under the leadership of men of collectivist and communist ideas, which were partly a revival and survival of the ideas of 1848, partly a new development in socialist thought. [34] A. Thomas, _Le Second Empire_, p. 332. One current of communist ideas was represented by the Blanquists. Blanqui, a life-long conspirator and an ardent republican who had been the leader of the secret revolutionary societies under the Monarchy of July, took up his revolutionary activity again during the latter part of the Second Empire. A republican and revolutionary above everything else, he had, however, gradually come to formulate in a more precise way a communistic program, to be realized by his party when by a revolutionary upheaval it would be carried into power. The Blanquists denounced the "co-operators" and the "mutuellistes" and called upon the workingmen to organize into secret societies ready, at a favorable moment, to seize political power. Towards the end of the Second Empire, the Blanquists numbered about 2,500 members in Paris, mainly among the Republican youth.[35] [35] A. Thomas, _op. cit._, p. 332. The other current of communist ideas had its fountainhead in the "International" which Caesar de-Paepe, Marx and Bakounine succeeded in winning over to their collectivist ideas. The congresses of the "Association" in Brussels in 1868 and in Bâle in 1869 adopted resolutions of a collectivist character, and many members of the French section were won over to the new ideas.[36] [36] E. E. Fribourg, _L'Association Internationale des Travailleurs_ (Paris, 1871). The success of the "International" in France in 1869 was the sudden result of the strike-movement which swept the country during the last years of the Second Empire. The members of the "International" succeeded in obtaining financial support for some strikers. This raised the prestige of the "Association", and a number of syndicats sent in their collective adhesion. It is estimated that toward the end of 1869 the "International" had a membership of about 250,000 in France. These facts had their influence on the French leaders of the "International". They changed their attitude toward the strike, declaring it "the means _par excellence_ for the organization of the revolutionary forces of labor".[37] The idea of the general strike suggested itself to others.[38] At the Congress of Bâle in 1869, one of the French delegates advocated the necessity of organizing syndicats for two reasons: first, because "they are the means of resisting the exploitation of capital in the present;" and second, because "the grouping of different trades in the city will form the commune of the future" ... and then ... "the government will be replaced by federated councils of syndicats and by a committee of their respective delegates regulating the relations of labor--this taking the place of politics."[39] [37] A. Thomas, _op. cit._, p. 363. [38] _Ibid._, p. 358. [39] James Guillaume, _L'Internationale, Documents et Souvenirs_ (Paris, 1905), vol. i, p. 205. Under the influence of the "International" the syndicats of Paris--there were about 70 during the years 1868-1870--founded a local federation under the name of _Chambre Fédérale des sociétés ouvrières de Paris_. This federation formulated its aim in the following terms: This agreement has for its object to put into operation the means recognized as just by the workingmen of all trades for the purpose of making them the possessors of all the instruments of production and to lend them money, in order that they may free themselves from the arbitrariness of the employer and from the exigencies of capital.... The federation has also the aim of assuring to all adhering societies on strike the moral and material support of the other groups by means of loans at the risk of the loaning societies.[40] [40] A. Thomas, _op. cit._, p. 352. These organizations were entirely swept away by the events of 1870-71: the Franco-Prussian War, the Proclamation of the Republic, and especially the Commune. After 1871 the workingmen had to begin the work of organization all over again. But the conquests of the previous period were not lost. The right to strike was recognized. The policy of tolerating workingmen's organizations was continued, notwithstanding a few acts to the contrary. But, above all, the experience of the workingmen was preserved. The form of organization which they generally advocated after the Commune was the syndicat. The other forms (_i. e._, the _Compagnonnages_ and the secret _Société de résistance_) either disappeared or developed independently along different lines, as the friendly societies. In other respects, the continuity of the labor movement after the Commune with that of the preceding period was no less evident. As will be seen in the following chapter the problems raised and the solutions given to them by the French workingmen for some time after the Commune were directly related to the movement of the Second Empire. The idea of co-operation, the _mutuellisme_ of Proudhon, and the collectivism of the "International" reappeared in the labor movement under the Third Republic. CHAPTER II ORIGIN OF THE GENERAL CONFEDERATION OF LABOR (1872-1895) The vigorous suppression of the Commune and the political events which followed it threw the French workingmen for some time into a state of mental depression. Though trade-union meetings were not prohibited, the workingmen avoided the places which had been centers of syndical activity before the Commune. Full of suspicion and fear, they preferred to remain in isolation rather than to risk the persecution of the government. Under these conditions, the initiative in reconstituting the syndicats was taken by a republican journalist, Barberet.[41] Barberet was prompted to undertake this "honorable task" by the desire to do away with strikes. He had observed the strike movement for some years, and had come to the conclusion that strikes were fatal to the workingmen and dangerous to the political institutions of the country. His observations had convinced him that the Second Empire had fallen largely in consequence of the strike movement during 1868-70, and he was anxious to preserve the Republic from similar troubles. As he expressed it, strikes were "a crime of _lèse-democratie_"[42] which it was necessary to prevent by all means. [41] Barberet was afterwards appointed chief of the Bureau of Trade Unions, which was constituted as part of the Dept. of the Interior. [42] J. Barberet, _Monographies Professionelles_ (Paris, 1886), vol. i, p. 16. Barberet outlined the following program for the syndicats. They were to watch over the loyal fulfilment of contracts of apprenticeship; to organize employment bureaus; to create boards of conciliation composed of an equal number of delegates from employers and from workingmen for the peaceful solution of trade disputes; to found libraries and courses in technical education; to utilize their funds not to "foment strikes", but to buy raw materials and instruments of labor; and finally, "to crown these various preparatory steps" by the creation of co-operative workshops "which alone would give groups of workingmen the normal access to industry and to commerce" and which would in time equalize wealth.[43] [43] Barberet, _op. cit._, pp. 20-25. Under Barberet's influence and with his assistance syndicats were reconstituted in a few trades in Paris during 1872. These syndicats felt the necessity of uniting into a larger body, and in August of the same year they founded the _Cercle de l'Union Ouvrière_, which was to form a counter-balance to the employers' organization _L'Union Nationale du Commerce et de l'Industrie_. The _Cercle_ insisted on its peaceful intentions; it declared that its aim was "to realize concord and justice through study" and to convince public opinion "of the moderation with which the workingmen claim their rights."[44] The _Cercle_ was nevertheless dissolved by the government. [44] Fernand Pelloutier, _Histoire des Bourses du Travail_ (Paris, 1902), p. 35. The syndicats, however, were left alone. They slowly increased in numbers and spread to new trades. There were about 135 in Paris in 1875. Following the example of the syndicats of the Second Empire, they organized delegations of workingmen to the Exhibitions of Vienna in 1873 and of Philadelphia in 1876. But their supreme effort was the organization of the first French Labor Congress in Paris in 1876. The Congress was attended by 255 delegates from Paris and 105 from the provincial towns. The delegates represented syndicats, co-operative societies and mutual aid societies. The program of the Congress included eight subjects: (1) The work of women; (2) syndical chambers; (3) councils of _prud'hommes_; (4) apprenticeship and technical education; (5) direct representation of the working class in Parliament; (6) co-operative associations of production, of consumption and of credit; (7) old-age pensions; (8) agricultural associations and the relations between agricultural and industrial workers. The proceedings of the Congress were calm and moderate. The organizers of the Congress were anxious not to arouse the apprehension of the government and not to compromise the republicans with whose help the Congress was organized. The reports and the discussions of the Congress showed that the syndical program outlined by Barberet was accepted by almost all the delegates. They insisted upon the necessity of solving peaceably all industrial difficulties, expressed antipathy for the strike and above all affirmed their belief in the emancipating efficacy of co-operation. At the same time they repudiated socialism, which one of the delegates proclaimed "a bourgeois Utopia".[45] [45] _Séances du Congrès Ouvrier de France_, Session de 1876, p. 43. The syndicats held a second congress in 1876 in Lyons. The Congress of Lyons considered the same questions as did that of Paris, and gave them the same solutions. In general, the character of the second congress was like that of the first. The third Labor Congress held in Marseilles in 1879, was a new departure in the history of the French labor movement. It marked the end of the influence of Barberet and of the "co-operators" and the beginning of socialist influence. The Congress of Marseilles accepted the title of "Socialist Labor Congress", expressed itself in favor of the collective appropriation of the means of production and adopted a resolution to organize a workingmen's social political party. This change in views was brought about by a concurrence of many circumstances. The moderate character of the syndicats between 1872-1879 had been due in large measure to the political conditions of France. The cause of the Republic was in danger and the workingmen were cautious not to increase its difficulties. But after the elections of 1876 and 1877 and upon the election of Grevy to the Presidency, the Republic was more or less securely established, and the workingmen thought that they should now be more outspoken in their economic demands. The Committee which had organized the Congress of Paris had formulated these sentiments in the following terms: "From the moment that the republican form of government was secured", wrote the Committee, "it was indispensable for the working-class, who up to that time had gone hand in hand with the republican bourgeoisie, to affirm their own interests and to seek the means which would permit them to transform their economic condition."[46] It was believed that the means to accomplish this task was co-operation. The belief in co-operation was so intense and general at that time that one of the delegates to the Congress of Paris, M. Finance,[47] himself an opponent of co-operation, predicted a large co-operative movement similar to the movements of 1848-50 and 1864-67. The prediction did not come true. Nothing important was accomplished in this field, and the hopes in co-operation receded before the impossibility of putting the idea into practice. The critics and opponents of co-operation did the rest to discredit the idea. But when the idea of co-operation lost its influence over the syndicats, the ground was cleared for socialism. The Congress of Lyons had declared that "the syndicats must not forget that the wage-system is but a transitory stage from serfdom to an unnamed state."[48] When the hope that this unnamed state would be brought about by co-operation was gone, the "unnamed" state obtained a name, for the Socialists alone held out to the workingmen the promise of a new state which would take the place of the wage system. [46] _Séances du Congrès Ouvrier_, 1876 (Paris, 1877), p. 9. [47] Afterward one of the active members of the _Office du Travail_. [48] _Assoc. Profess._, vol. i, p. 243. On ground thus prepared the Socialists came to sow their seed. A group of collectivists, inspired by the ideas of the "International", had existed in Paris since 1873.[49] But this group began to attract attention only in 1877 when it found a leader in Jules Guesde. Jules Guesde is a remarkable figure in the history of French Socialism and has played a great part in shaping the movement. He had edited a paper, _Les Droits de l'Homme_, in Montpelier in 1870-1 and had expressed his sympathy for the Commune. This cost him a sentence of five years in prison. He preferred exile, went to Switzerland, there came into contact with the "International" and was influenced by Marxian ideas. [49] Terrail-Mermeix, _La France Socialiste_ (Paris, 1886), p. 51. On his return to France, Jules Guesde became the spokesman and propagandist of Marxian or "scientific socialism". Fanatical, vigorous, domineering, he soon made himself the leader of the French collectivists. Towards the end of 1877, he founded a weekly, _L'Égalité_, the first number of which outlined the program which the paper intended to defend. "We believe," wrote _L'Égalité_, "with the collectivist school to which almost all serious minds of the working-class of both hemispheres now belong, that the natural and scientific evolution of mankind leads it irresistibly to the collective appropriation of the soil and of the instruments of labor." In order to achieve this end, _L'Égalité_ declared it necessary for the proletariat to constitute itself a distinct political party which should pursue the aim of conquering the political power of the State.[50] [50] _L'Égalité_, 18 Nov., 1877. The collectivists found a few adherents among the workingmen who actively propagated the new ideas. In 1878, several syndicats of Paris: those of the machinists, joiners, tailors, leather dressers and others, accepted the collectivist program. The collectivist ideas were given wider publicity and influence by the persecution of the government. In 1878, an international congress of workingmen was to be held in Paris during the International Exhibition. The Congress of Lyons (1878) had appointed a special committee to organize this international congress. Arrangements were being made for the congress, when the government prohibited it. The more moderate elements of the Committee gave way before the prohibition of the government, but Guesde and his followers accepted the challenge of the government and continued the preparations for the Congress. The government dispersed the Congress at its very first session and instituted legal proceedings against Guesde and other delegates. The trial made a sensation and widely circulated the ideas which Guesde defended before the tribunal. From the prison where they were incarcerated the collectivists launched an appeal "to the proletarians, peasant proprietors and small masters" which contained an exposition of collectivist principles and proposed the formation of a distinct political party. The appeal gained many adherents from various parts of France.[51] [51] Terrail-Mermeix, _op. cit._, p. 98. The idea of having workingmen's representatives in Parliament had already come up at the Congress of Paris (1876). This Congress, as indicated above, had on its program the question of the "Representation of the Proletariat in Parliament." The reports on this question read at the Congress were extremely interesting. The "moderate co-operators" and "Barberetists", as they were nicknamed by the revolutionary collectivists, insisted in these reports upon the separation which existed between bourgeois and workingmen, upon the inability of the former to understand the interests and the aspirations of the latter, and upon the consequent necessity of having workingmen's representatives in Parliament. These reports revealed the deep-seated sentiments of the workingmen which made it possible for the ideas of class and class struggle to spread among them. The Congress of Lyons (1878) had advanced the question a step further. It had adopted a resolution that journals should be created which should support workingmen-candidates only. With all this ground prepared, the triumph of the Socialists at the Congress of Marseilles (1879) was not so sudden as some have thought it to be. The influences which had brought about this change in sentiment were clearly outlined by the Committee on Organization, as may be seen from the following extract: From the contact of workingmen-delegates from all civilized nations that had appointed a rendezvous at the International Exhibition, a clearly revolutionary idea disentangled itself.... When the International Congress was brutally dispersed by the government, one thing was proven: the working class had no longer to expect its salvation from anybody but itself.... The suspicions of the government with regard to the organizers of the Congress, the iniquitous proceedings which it instituted against them, have led to the revolutionary resolutions of the Congress which show that the French proletariat is self-conscious and is worthy of emancipation.[52] [52] Leon Blum, _Les Congrès Ouvriers et Socialistes Français_ (Paris, 1901), pp. 33-4. To a similar conclusion had come the Committee on Resolutions appointed by the Congress of Lyons. In the intervals between the two Congresses, it had a conference with the deputies of the Department of Rhone and could report only failure. The deputies, one of whom belonged to the Extreme Left, were against the limitation of hours of work in the name of liberty, and against the liberty of association in the name of the superior rights of the State. "The remedy to this state of affairs," concluded the Committee, "is to create in France a workingmen's party such as exists already in several neighboring states."[53] [53] _Ibid._, p. 36. The Congress of Marseilles carried out the task which the collectivists assigned to it. A resolution was adopted declaring that the co-operative societies could by no means be considered a sufficiently powerful means for accomplishing the emancipation of the proletariat. Another declared the aim of the Congress to be: "The collectivity of soil and of subsoil, of instruments of labor, of raw materials--to be given to all and to be rendered inalienable by society to whom they must be returned."[54] This resolution was adopted by 73 votes against 23. [54] Leon de Seilhac, _Les Congrès Ouvriers en France_ (Paris, 1899), p. 47. The Congress also constituted itself a distinct party under the name of the "Federation of Socialist Workingmen of France". The party was organized on a federalist principle. France was divided into six regions: (1) Center or Paris; (2) East or Lyons; (3) Marseilles or South; (4) Bordeaux or West; (5) North or Lille; (6) Algeria. Each region was to have its regional committee and regional congress and be autonomous in its administration. A general committee was to be appointed by the Congress of the Federation, to be held annually in each of the principal regional towns in turn. After the Congress of Marseilles (1879) the leadership of the syndical movement passed to the Socialists. This led to a split at the next Congress held in Havre in 1880. The "moderates" and "co-operators" separated from the revolutionary collectivists. The former grouped themselves about _L'Union des Chambres Syndicales Ouvrières de France_. They held two separate congresses of their own in 1881 and 1882, which attracted little attention and were of no importance. The _Union des Chambres Syndicales_ confined itself to obtaining a reform of the law on syndicats. The Collectivists themselves, however, were not long united. The movement was soon disrupted by internal divisions and factions. At the Congress of Marseilles (1879) the triumph of collectivism was assured by elements which had the principles of collectivism in common, but which differed in other points. In Havre (1880) these elements were still united against the "moderate" elements. But after the Congress of Havre they separated more and more into distinct and warring groups. The first differentiation took place between the parliamentary socialists on the one hand, and the communist-anarchists on the other. Both divisions had a common aim; the collective appropriation of the means of production. They did not differ much in their ideas on distribution; there were communists among the parliamentary socialists. What separated them most was difference in method. The anarchists rejected the idea that the State, which in their view was and always had been an instrument of exploitation, could ever become an instrument of emancipation, even in the hands of a socialist government. The first act in the Social Revolution, in their opinion, had to be the destruction of the State. With this aim in view, the anarchists wished to have nothing to do with parliamentary politics. They denounced parliamentary action as a "pell-mell of compromise, of corruption, of charlatanism and of absurdities, which does no constructive work, while it destroys character and kills the revolutionary spirit by holding the masses under a fatal illusion."[55] The anarchists saw only one way of bringing about the emancipation of the working-class; namely, to carry on an active propaganda and agitation, to organize groups, and at an opportune moment to raise the people in revolt against the State and the propertied classes; then destroy the State, expropriate the capitalist class and reorganize society on communist and federalist principles. This was the Social Revolution they preached.[56] [55] _Pourquoi Guesde n'est-il pas anarchiste?_ p. 6. [56] On the anarchist theory, the works of Bakounin, Kropotkin, Reclus and J. Grave should be consulted; on anarchism in France see Dubois, _Le Péril anarchiste_; Garin, _l'Anarchie_; also various periodicals, particularly, _Le Révolte_ and _Les Temps Nouveaux_. From 1883 onward the anarchist propaganda met with success in various parts of France, particularly in Paris and in the South. There were thousands of workingmen who professed the anarchist ideas, and the success of the anarchists was quite disquieting to the socialists.[57] [57] John Labusquière, _La Troisième République_ (Paris), p. 257. The socialists, on the contrary, called upon the workingmen to participate in the parliamentary life of the country. Political abstention, they asserted, is neither helpful nor possible.[58] The workingman believes in using his right to vote, and to ignore his attitude of mind is of no avail. Besides, to bring about the transformation of capitalist society into a collectivist society, the political machinery of the State must be used. There is no other way of accomplishing this task. The State will disappear after the socialist society has been firmly established. But there is an inevitable transitory period when the main economic reforms must be carried out and during which the political power of the State must be in the hands of the socialist party representing the working-class. The first act of the Social Revolution, therefore, is to conquer the political power of the State.[59] [58] _L'Égalité_, 30 June, 1880. [59] In socialist writings this transition period is always spoken of as the "Dictatorship of the Proletariat." Within the socialist ranks themselves further divisions soon took place. In 1882, at the Congress of St. Etienne, the party was split into two parts; one part followed Guesde, the other followed Paul Brousse. The latter part took the name of _Parti ouvrier socialiste révolutionnaire français_--it dropped the word "_révolutionnaire_" from its title in 1883--and continued to bear as sub-title, the name "Federation of socialist workingmen of France." Guesde's party took the name of _Parti Ouvrier Français_. The _Parti Ouvrier Français_ claimed to represent the "revolutionary" and "scientific" socialism of Marx. It accepted the familiar doctrines of "orthodox" Marxism, which it popularized in France. It affirmed its revolutionary character by denying the possibility of reforms in capitalist society and by insisting upon the necessity of seizing the political power of the State in a revolutionary way. In 1886 J. Guesde wrote as follows: In the capitalist régime, that is, as long as the means of production and of existence are the exclusive property of a few who work less and less, all rights which the constitutions and the codes may grant to others, to those who concentrate within themselves more and more all muscular and cerebral work, will remain always and inevitably a dead letter. In multiplying reforms, one only multiplies shams (_trompe-l'oeil_).[60] [60] Jules Guesde, _Le Socialisme au jour le jour_ (Paris, 1899), p. 268. Inability to carry out real reforms was ascribed to both national legislative bodies and to the municipalities. Therefore, if the party has entered into elections, it is not for the purpose of carving out seats of councillors or deputies, which it leaves to the hemorrhoids of bourgeois of every stamp, but because the electoral period brings under our educational influence that part of the masses which in ordinary times is most indifferent to our meetings.[61] [61] Jules Guesde and Paul Lafargue, _Le Programme du Parti Ouvrier_, 4th edition (Paris, 1897), p. 32. The municipalities conquered were to become just so many centres of recruiting and of struggle. The _Parti Ouvrier_ was to be a "kind of recruiting and instructing sergeant preparing the masses for the final assault upon the State which is the citadel of capitalist society."[62] For only a revolution would permit the productive class to seize the political power and to use it for the economic expropriation of capitalistic France and for the nationalization or socialization of the productive forces. Of course no man and no party can call forth a revolution, but when the revolution which the nineteenth century carried within itself arose as a result of national and international complication, the _Parti Ouvrier_ would be the party to assume the rôle of directing it.[63] [62] _Le Programme du Parti Ouvrier_, p. 52. [63] _Le Programme du Parti Ouvrier_, p. 30. The _Parti Ouvrier_ adopted a centralized form of organization. It became in time the strongest and best organized socialist party of France. It was particularly strong in the _Department du Nord_ and among the textile workers. It was also known as the "Guesdist" party, after its leader Guesde. The _Parti Ouvrier_ denounced the members of the _Parti Ouvrier révolutionnaire socialiste_, or "Broussists," also thus named after their leader Brousse, as "opportunists and possibilists" because they believed in the possibility of reforms and had said that it was necessary "to split up our program until we make it finally possible."[64] The nickname, _possibilists_, has remained as another designation of the _Broussists_. [64] L. Blum, _op. cit._, p. 75. The _Broussists_ cared little for the theories of Marx. They were disposed to allow larger differences of doctrine within their ranks and more local autonomy in their organization. They ascribed much importance to municipal politics. They conceived the conquest of political power as a more peaceful process of a gradual infiltration into the municipal, departmental and national legislative bodies. But like the "Guesdists," they were collectivists and took the class struggle as their point of departure. From the very outset, the _Broussists_ concentrated their efforts upon gaining an entrance into Parliament and into the municipalities. They had a numerous following in Paris among the working population, and among the lower strata of the middle class. The split between _Guesdists_ and _Broussists_ was followed by another in the ranks of the latter. In 1887 the _Broussists_ succeeded in electing seven of their members to the municipal council of Paris. This led to internal difficulties. A number of party members were discontented with the organization which they claimed was entirely "bossed" by its leaders. They grouped themselves in their turn about J. Allemane and became known as "Allemanists." The Allemanists accused the Broussists of being too much absorbed in politics and of neglecting the propaganda and organization of the party. In 1890 they separated from the Broussists and constituted a socialist party of their own. The Allemanists absorbed the more revolutionary elements of the party and were the leading spirits in some of the largest and strongest syndicats. Two more socialist groups must be mentioned in order that the reader may have a complete view of the socialist world in which the syndicats of France were moving during this period. These two were the Blanquists and the Independent Socialists. The Blanquists--known also as the _Comité Révolutionnaire Central_--were held together by a bond of common tradition, namely, by their loyalty to the name of Blanqui, spoken of in the preceding chapter. The leaders of the Blanquists were men who had taken a more or less prominent part in the Commune and who had returned to France after amnesty was granted in 1880. They considered themselves the heirs of Blanqui and the continuators of his ideas; but under the political conditions of the Third Republic they brushed aside the secret practices of former times and entered into politics as a distinct party with a communist program. Their aim was also the conquest of political power for the purpose of realizing a communistic society and they approved of all means that would bring about the realization of this end. The group of Independent Socialists grew out of the "Society for Social Economy" founded in 1885 by Malon, once a member of the "International". The "Society for Social Economy" was organized for the purpose of elaborating legislative projects of a general socialist character which were published in the monthly of the Society, _La Revue Socialiste_.[65] But the Society soon gained adherents among advanced Republicans and Radicals and entered into politics. It advocated the gradual nationalization of public services, laws for the protection of labor, self-government for the communes, etc. The party became an important factor in the political life of France. Some of the best known socialists of France have come from its ranks, as J. Jaurès, Millerand, Viviani and others. [65] On the socialist groups of this period see Leon de Seilhac, _Le Monde Socialiste_ (Paris, 1896). Amid these socialist factions, the syndicats were a coveted bit torn to pieces because everybody wanted the larger part of it. At their Congress of Paris (1883) the "Broussists" adopted a resolution that "the members of the Party will be bound to enter their syndical chamber or respective trade group and to promote the creation of syndical chambers and of trade groups where none exist as yet."[66] The Guesdists in their turn had adopted a similar resolution at their Congress in Roanne in 1882, and at their succeeding Congress, in Roubaix (1884), they adopted a resolution to promote "as soon as possible the formation of national federations of trades which should rescue the isolated syndicats from their fatal weakness."[67] When the Allemanists separated from the Broussists, they, in their turn, made it obligatory for members of their party to belong to their respective syndicats. [66] Seilhac, _Les Congrès Ouvriers_, p. 124. [67] Blum, _op. cit._, p. 93. These acts, while promoting the organization of the syndicats, impressed upon the latter a political character. The syndicats were utilized for electoral purposes, were made to serve the interests of the socialist group to which they adhered, and were drawn into the whirlpool of political dissensions and rivalry. The effect was destructive for the syndicats. The acrimonious and personal polemics of the socialist leaders bred ill-feeling among their workingmen followers; the invective and abuse filling the periodical literature of the socialist groups found an echo in the assemblies of the workingmen; the mutual hatreds separating politically Allemanists from Guesdists, Guesdists from anarchists, were carried over into the syndicats which were hindered thereby in their growth or entirely driven to disintegration. The adherence of a syndicat to any one socialist group generally repelled the non-socialists and enraged the adherents of other socialist groups, and often led to the organization of rival syndicats in the same trade and locality. The literature of the French labor movement is full of instances of the disorganizing effect which these political dissensions exerted upon the syndicats. Economic conditions, however, were impelling the workingmen to union. Since the Commune, the industrial development of France had gone on without interruption, concentrating the economic powers of the employing classes. In the face of the economic organizations of the employers, the scattered and isolated syndicats were of little significance, and the necessity of a larger combination made itself felt. Besides, in 1884, a new law on syndicats was passed. This law authorized the formation of syndicats under certain conditions of which article 4 was obnoxious to the workingmen. This article 4 of the new law made it obligatory for every syndicat to send in the names and addresses of its administrators to the municipal authorities. In Paris they had to be sent to the Prefect of the Police. The workingmen thought that this condition would subject them to the mercy of the police and of the employers, and they wanted to manifest their attitude to the new law. Under these conditions a general congress of syndicats was called in Lyons in October, 1886. Organized workingmen of various political opinions met here and at once the sentiments and needs which brought them together found expression in the report of the Committee on Organization from which the following lines may be quoted: We are organized workingmen who have made a study of social problems and who have recognized that the diversity of doctrines contributes powerfully to divide us instead of uniting us. Slaves of the same master, bearing the same claims, suffering from the same evils, having the same aspirations, the same needs and the same rights, we have decided to set aside our political and other preferences, to march hand in hand, and to combine our forces against the common enemy. The problems of labor have always the power of uniting the workingmen.[68] [68] _Séances du Congrès Ouvrier_, session de 1886, pp. 18-19. The first question on the program of the Congress was the "prospect of a Federation of all workingmen's syndicats." The discussion brought out the fact that the delegates had different ideas on the future rôle of the Federation. Still the majority united on the following resolution: Considering that in face of the powerful bourgeois organization made without and against the working-class, it not only behooves, but it is the duty of the latter to create, by all means possible, groupings and organizations of workingmen against those of the bourgeois, for defense first, and we hope for offensive action soon afterwards; Considering that every organization of workingmen which is not imbued with the distinction of classes, by the very fact of the economic and political conditions of existing society, and which exist only for the sake of giving assent to the will of the government and of the bourgeoisie, or of presenting petty observations of a respectful and therefore of a humiliating nature for the dignity of the working-class, cannot be considered as part of the workingmen's armies marching to the conquest of their rights; for these reasons, A National Federation is founded....[69] [69] _Congrès National des Syndicats Ouvriers, Compte Rendu_, pp. 344-5. The aim of the Federation was to help individual syndicats in their struggles with employers. "The National Federation of Syndicats," however, did not achieve its end. It soon fell into the hands of the Guesdists who utilized the organization for political and electoral purposes. The Congresses of the "National Federation of Syndicats" were held in the same place and about the same time as were those of the _Parti Ouvrier_, were composed of the same men and passed the same resolutions. Besides, the "National Federation of Syndicats" never succeeded in establishing connections between the local syndicats and the central organization (the _Conseil fédéral national_) and could, therefore, exert little economic influence. While the "National Federation of Syndicats" became a war-engine at the service of the Guesdists,[70] another central organization was created by the rivals of the Guesdists. This was the "Federation of Labor Exchanges of France" (_Fédération des Bourses du Travail de France_). The idea of the _Bourse du Travail_ may be traced back to the middle of the nineteenth century and even further back to the Great Revolution.[71] At first the idea was to erect a building where the workingmen in need of work and the employers in need of workingmen could meet. It was proposed that the prevailing rate of wages in each industry be published there day by day and that the quotations of the _Bourse du Travail_ then be inserted in the newspapers.... It was expected that the workingmen of an entire country, even of an entire continent would be enabled in this manner to know, day by day, the places where work might be obtained under the most favorable conditions, and where they might choose to go to demand it.[72] But after the law of 1884 which legalized the syndicats, the _Bourse du Travail_ was conceived in a larger spirit, as a center where all the syndicats of a locality could have their headquarters, arrange meetings, give out information, serve as bureaus of employment, organize educational courses, have their libraries and bring the workingmen of all trades into contact with one another. The municipalities were to promote their creation and to subsidize them.[73] [70] Pelloutier, _op. cit._, p. 60. [71] Charles Franck, _Les Bourses du Travail et la Confédération Générale du Travail_ (Paris, 1910), p. 17. [72] G. de Molinari, _Les Bourses du Travail_ (Paris, 1893), p. 257. [73] Molinari, _op. cit._, p. 280. The first _Bourse du Travail_ was opened in Paris in 1887. The example of Paris was followed by other municipalities of France, and in a short time many of the larger cities of France had their _Bourses du Travail_. The Allemanists obtained the predominating influence in the _Bourses du Travail_, and they conceived the idea of opposing to the "National Federation of Syndicats"--which was an instrument in the hands of the Guesdists--a "Federation of _Bourses du Travail_," in which they would have the leading part.[74] The "Federation of _Bourses du Travail_" was organized in 1892 with the following program: (1) To unify the demands of the workingmen's syndicats and to bring about the realization of these demands; (2) To extend and to propagate the action of the _Bourses du Travail_, in the industrial and agricultural centers; (3) To nominate delegates to the National Secretariat of Labor; (4) To collect statistical data and to communicate them to the adhering Bourses, and at the same time to generalize the gratuitous service of finding employment for workers of both sexes and of all trades.[75] [74] Pelloutier, _op. cit._, p. 64. [75] Seilhac, _Les Congrès Ouvriers_, p. 230. The "National Secretariat of Labor" mentioned was created after the International Socialist Congress of Brussels in 1891. The Congress of Brussels had proposed to create in all countries National Secretariats in order to unify the labor and socialist movement of the world. In France, the National Secretariat of Labor soon experienced the fate of other organizations. In view of political differences, it was abandoned by the Guesdists, Independents, and Broussists. It therefore could not achieve the aim it had in view and lost all significance. Into this situation there now entered another factor, which was to determine the course of further groupings. This factor was the idea of the general strike. The idea was not new in the history of the labor movement and not original with France. It had been widely discussed in England during the 30's[76] and afterwards at the Congresses of the "International".[77] It reappeared in France in the second half of the 80's and seems to have been suggested by the wide strike movement in America during 1886-7. Its first propagandist in France seems to have been a French anarchist workingman, Tortelier, a member of the syndicat of carpenters.[78] [76] B. & S. Webb, _History of Trade Unionism_, pp. 118-122. [77] Dr. E. Georgi, _Theorie und Praxis des Generalstreiks in der modernen Arbeiterbewegung_ (Jena, 1908). [78] H. Lagardelle, _La Grève Générale et le Socialisme_ (Paris, 1905), p. 42. The idea of the general strike was hailed enthusiastically by the French syndicats. On the one hand it seemed to give the workingmen a new weapon in their economic struggles. It was seen above how reluctant French workingmen had been to use the strike during the 60's and 70's. Though forced by economic conditions to use it, the French workingmen still considered it a necessary evil which never fully rewarded the sacrifices it involved. The general strike seemed to repair the defects of the partial strike. It seemed to insure success by increasing the number of strikers and by extending the field of disturbance. On the other hand, the general strike suggested itself as a method of bringing about the Social Revolution. This question was a vital one with the socialist syndicats. It was much debated and discussed and divided deeply the adherents of the various socialist and anarchist groups. "The conquest of political power," the method advocated by Guesdists and others, seemed vague and indefinitely remote; a general revolt, such as advocated by the anarchists, seemed impossible in view of the new armaments and of the new construction of cities which made barricades and street fighting a thing of the past. These two methods eliminated, the general strike seemed to present the only and proper weapon in the hands of the workingmen for the realization of their final emancipation. In this sense, the principle of the general strike was voted for the first time in 1888 at the Congress of the "National Federation of Syndicats" in Bordeaux. The idea spread rapidly. The Allemanists declared in favor of it at their Congresses in 1891 and 1892.[79] Fernand Pelloutier, of whom more will be said in the next chapter, defended it successfully before a socialist congress in Tours in 1892. The same year, Aristide Briand appeared as the eloquent champion of the general strike before the Congress of the "National Federation of Syndicats" in Marseilles.[80] The Blanquists admitted the general strike as one of the possible revolutionary means. Only the Guesdists were against the general strike and at their Congress in Lille (1890) declared it impossible. [79] L. Blum, _op. cit._, pp. 129, 137. [80] _Le Congrès National des Syndicats, Compte Rendu_, pp. 45 _et seq._ The conception of the general strike that prevailed during this period was that of a peaceful cessation of work. The strike, it was agreed, is a right guaranteed by law. Even if a strike were to spread to many industries and assume a general character, the workingmen would still be exercising their rights and could not be lawfully prosecuted. The general strike, therefore, would enable the workingmen to carry out a Revolution by legal means and would make the revolution an easy matter. The general strike must mean revolution because a complete cessation of work would paralyze the life of the country and would reduce the ruling classes to famine. Lasting a few days only, it would compel the government to capitulate before the workingmen, and would carry the workingmen's party into power. Thus, a "peaceful strike of folded arms" (_grève des bras croisés_) would usher in the Social Revolution which would bring about the transformation of society. The feeling prevailed that the general strike could begin any moment and that it assured the speedy realization of the socialist ideal. At first it was thought that the general strike could be organized or decreed, but this idea was soon given up, and the general strike came to be thought of as a spontaneous movement which might be hastened only by propaganda and organization. The conception of the general strike involved one more important point. It implied the superior value of the economic method of organization and struggle over the political. The general strike is a phenomenon of economic life and must be based on an economic organization of the working-class. On this conception of the general strike the Guesdists threw themselves with all the subtlety of their dialectics. They asserted that the idyllic picture of the social revolution was too puerile to be taken seriously; that before the capitalists felt the pangs of hunger, the workingmen would already have starved.[81] They insisted that no such peaceful general strike was possible: that either the workingmen would lose their composure, or the government would provoke a collision. On the other hand, they affirmed that a successful general strike presupposes a degree of organization and solidarity among workingmen which, if realized, would make the general strike itself unnecessary. But, above all, they argued that the general strike could not be successful, because in the economic field the workingmen are weaker than the capitalists and cannot hope to win; that only in the political field are the workingmen equal, and even superior to the employers, because they are the greater number. The conclusion, therefore, was that "the general strike is general nonsense" and that the only hope of the workingmen lay in the conquest of political power. The syndicat could only have a secondary and limited importance in the struggle for emancipation.[82] [81] To meet this criticism the Allemanists argued that the militant workingmen could have "reserves" accumulated little by little which would allow them to await for some time the results of the general strike. [82] G. Deville, _Principes Socialistes_ (Paris, 1896), pp. 191-201. The attitude of the Guesdists towards the general strike brought them into conflict with the "National Federation of Syndicats" which voted in favor of the general strike at Marseilles in 1892. The conflict at first was latent, but soon led to a split in the "National Federation of Syndicats" and to a readjustment of the various elements of the syndicats. This took place in the following way. In 1893 the _Bourse du Travail_ of Paris was authorized by the Second Congress of the "Federation of Bourses" to call a general trade-union Congress in which all syndicats should take part. The Congress was to convene the 18th of July, 1893. About ten days before this, the government closed the _Bourse du Travail_ of Paris. The reason given was that the syndicats adhering to the Bourse had not conformed to the law of 1884. This act of the government provoked an agitation among the workingmen, the Congress took on a character of protest, and a large number of syndicats wished to be represented. The Congress of Paris adopted the principle of the general strike by vote, but in view of governmental persecution, the necessity of unifying the forces of the workingmen was thought to be the most important question. It was discussed at length, and the Congress adopted a resolution, that all existing syndicats, within the shortest possible time, should join the Federation of their trade or constitute such a federation if none as yet existed; that they should form themselves into local federations or _Bourses du Travail_ and that these Federations and _Bourses du Travail_ should form a "National Federation," and the Congress invited the "Federation of Bourses du Travail" and the "National Federation of Syndicats" to merge into one organization. The Congress of Paris also called a general Congress of syndicats for the following year in Nantes and commissioned the _Bourse du Travail_ of Nantes to arrange the Congress. The "Bourse" of Nantes had already received a mandate from the "National Federation of Syndicats" to arrange its Congress. It therefore decided to arrange both Congresses at the same time and to make one Congress out of two. The National Council of the "Federation of Syndicats", where the Guesdists presided, protested, but with no result. A general Congress of syndicats was held in Nantes in 1894. By this time the number of syndicats in France had considerably increased. According to the _Annuaire Statistique_, the growth of the syndicats since 1884 was as follows: _Year_ _Number of syndicats_ _Membership_ 1884 68 1885 221 1886 280 1887 501 1888 725 1889 821 1890 1,006 139,692 1891 1,250 205,152 1892 1,589 288,770 1893 1,926 402,125 1894 2,178 403,440 Of these, 1,662 syndicats were represented at the Congress of Nantes. This fact shows how keen was the interest felt in the idea of the general strike which, it was known, was to be the main question at the Congress. The Congress of Nantes adopted a motion in favor of the general strike, appointed a "Committee for the propaganda of the general strike" and authorized this committee to collect 10 per cent of all subscriptions for strikes. The Guesdist delegates after this vote left the Congress and held a separate Congress by themselves. The majority of the delegates remained and voted the creation of a "National Council" which should form the central organization of all the syndicats of France. The "National Council" functioned unsatisfactorily. At the next general Congress in Limoges (1895) the "National Council" was abolished and the foundations of a new organization were laid. This new organization was the "General Confederation of Labor". The workingman had come to recognize that political divisions were disastrous to the growth of the syndicats. The elimination of politics from the syndicats was, therefore, adopted at Limoges as a condition of admission to the "General Confederation". The first article of the Statutes read: Among the various syndicats and associations of syndicats of workingmen and of employees of both sexes existing in France and in its Colonies, there is hereby created a uniform and collective organization with the name General Confederation of Labor. The elements constituting the General Confederation of Labor will remain independent of all political schools (_en dehors de toute école politique_). The aim of the Confederation was evidently formulated to satisfy all conceptions. Its vague wording was as follows: "The General Confederation of Labor has the exclusive purpose of uniting the workingmen, in the economic domain and by bonds of close solidarity, in the struggle for their integral emancipation."[83] [83] Seilhac, _Les Congrès Ouvriers_, p. 286. The "General Confederation of Labor" incorporated the general strike as part of its program. The creation of the "General Confederation of Labor" may be considered the first important manifestation of the revolutionary tendency in the syndical movement of France. As Mr. Leon de Seilhac justly remarks, "the Congress of Limoges was a victory of the syndicalist revolutionary party over the syndicalist party of politics (_Parti syndical politicien_)." The victory was on the side of those who hailed the general strike, who asserted the superiority of economic action over political and who wanted to keep the syndicats independent of the political parties. These ideas contained the germ of revolutionary syndicalism and the Allemanists who emphasized them before others may thus be said to have pointed out the lines along which revolutionary syndicalism was to develop. The "General Confederation of Labor", however, was not founded by Allemanists alone. Its organization was advocated by Blanquists and non-socialist workingmen. The Blanquists had always insisted upon the necessity of an independent economic organization and had refused to admit syndicats into their political organizations as constituent elements. The non-socialist workingmen, on the other hand, contributed to the foundation of the "General Confederation" because they felt the economic importance of a central syndical organization. The "General Confederation of Labor" took the place of the "National Federation of Syndicats". The Guesdists that had split off at the Congress of Nantes continued for some time to bear the title of "National Federation of Syndicats", but their organization was of no importance and was soon lost in the general organization of the _Parti Ouvrier_. The "National Secretariat of Labor" died a quiet death (in 1896), after having expended the little energy it had. There were, therefore, now two central organizations: (1) The General Confederation of Labor, and (2) The Federation of Bourses du Travail. In these the further history of syndicalism centers. CHAPTER III THE FEDERATION OF BOURSES DU TRAVAIL. (1892-1902) The _Bourses du Travail_ met an important want in the syndical life of France. The local syndicats were generally poor and could accomplish but little in their isolation. The _Bourse du Travail_ furnished them with a center where they could easily come to a common understanding and plan common action. The first _Bourse du Travail_, as indicated above, was opened by the Municipal Council of Paris in 1887. In 1892 there were already fourteen Bourses in existence. Their number increased as follows: _Year_ _Bourses du Travail_ 1894 34 1896 45 1898 55 1899 65 1900 75 1902 96 Outside of Paris, the initiative of creating a _Bourse du Travail_ was generally taken by the workingmen themselves. The local syndicats would elect a committee to work out statutes and a table of probable expenses and income. The project of the committee would then be submitted to the general assembly of the syndicats. The assembly would also elect an administrative council, a secretary, treasurer and other officers. The statutes, the list of adhering syndicats, and the names of the administrative officers would then be presented to the municipal authorities, and the _Bourse du Travail_, which in fact was a local federation of unions, would be formally constituted. In many places, local federations existed before 1887. These simply had to assume the new title to transform themselves into _Bourses du Travail_. The municipalities would then intervene and grant a subvention. Up to 1902 inclusive, the municipalities of France spent 3,166,159 francs in installing _Bourses du Travail_, besides giving the annual subventions. In 1902, the subvention received by all the _Bourses du Travail_ of France from the municipalities amounted to 197,345 francs, and 48,550 francs besides were contributed to their budget by the Departments.[84] The readiness of the municipal councils to subsidize the _Bourses du Travail_ was due mostly, if not always, to political considerations. [84] _Annuaire Statistique_. Though soliciting subventions from the municipalities, the syndicats insisted on being absolutely independent in the administration of the Bourses. The first Congress of the _Bourses du Travail_ in 1892 declared that: Whereas the _Bourses du Travail_ must be absolutely independent in order to render the services which are expected from them; Whereas this institution constitutes the only reform which the workingmen have wrested from the ruling class; The Congress of _Bourses du Travail_ of 1892 declares that the workingmen must reject absolutely the meddling of the administrative and governmental authorities in the functioning of the Bourses,--an interference which was manifested in the declaration of public utility; Invites the workingmen to make the most energetic efforts in order to guarantee the entire independence of the _Bourses du Travail_, and to refuse the municipalities if they or the government desire to interfere with their functioning.[85] [85] Seilhac, _Congrès Ouvriers_, p. 231. The municipalities, on the contrary, wanted to have some control over the funds they furnished. The result was more or less friction. In 1894, the Congress of the _Bourses du Travail_ decided to demand that the Bourses be declared institutions of public utility; this, it was thought, would put them under the protection of the law and make impossible any hostile act on the part of the administration. But the next year the fourth Congress of the _Bourses du Travail_ reversed the decision of the preceding Congress and declared for complete independence. As the _Bourses du Travail_ became more aggressive, the difficulties with regard to the municipalities increased. At the fifth congress of the _Bourses du Travail_ (1896) in Tours, a report was presented showing the Bourses how they could exist without the subvention of the municipalities. The question of financial independence was brought up at later Congresses, but received no solution. The Bourses could not live on their own resources, while they continued the activities which brought them now and then into conflict with the municipal authorities. The program which the _Bourses du Travail_ gradually outlined for themselves has been classified under four heads: (1) Benevolent Services, or as the French term it _Mutualité_; (2) _Instruction_; (3) _Propaganda_; and (4) _Resistance_.[86] [86] On the _Bourses du Travail_ see, F. Pelloutier, _Histoire des Bourses du Travail_, 1902; Ch. Franck, _Les Bourses du Travail et la Confédération Générale du Travail_, 1910; P. Delesalle, _Les Bourses du Travail et la C. G. T._ (Paris, 1910). The services of _Mutualité_ included finding employment for workingmen out of work (_Placement_), assistance to workmen who go from city to city in search of employment (_Viaticum_), aid to other unemployed persons, sick benefit, etc. The Bourses paid particular attention to the service of _placement_. Pelloutier, the Secretary of the Federation of Bourses, wrote: The Placement is in fact the first and greatest advantage which the federative grouping can offer to the workingmen, and it constitutes a powerful instrument of recruiting. In consequence of the instability of employment, the use of private employment bureaus for whose services payment has to be made, soon becomes so onerous that many workingmen exasperated by the necessity of deducting from their future wages (which are more and more reduced) considerable tithes for the services of employment bureaus, prefer often--though losing thereby--to spend their time in search of a place which will secure a livelihood. Besides, it is known--and the proceedings of Parliament have furnished decisive proof--that the habitual practice of the employment bureaus is to procure the most precarious employments so as to multiply the number of visits which the workingmen will have to pay them. It is therefore easy to understand the readiness with which the unfortunates go to the _Bourse du Travail_, which offers desired employment gratuitously. In this manner men who would hold aloof from the syndicats out of ignorance or indifference, enter them under the pressure of need and find there instruction, the utility and importance of which escaped them before.[87] [87] Pelloutier, _op. cit._, pp. 87-88. The services of instruction comprised the founding of libraries, the organization of technical courses, the arrangement of lectures on general subjects (economic, literary, historical, etc.), workingmen's journals, bureaus of information, etc. The propaganda of the Bourses had for its general aim the intellectual development of the workingman and the extension of the syndical movement. The Bourses were to support the syndicats in existence, organize new ones, promote the adherence of single syndicats to their national federations, carry on a propaganda among the agricultural laborers and perform other functions of a similar character. The services of resistance consisted in lending material and moral aid to the workingmen in their economic struggles. The Bourses regarded themselves mainly as societies of resistance whose principal function was to support the workingmen in struggle. The other functions were considered subordinate to this main service. Every Bourse carried out this program only in proportion to its means. The Bourses differed a great deal in number of adherents, in financial resources, in command of organizers, etc. Some consisted of a few syndicats with a few dozen members only; others comprised tens of syndicats with thousands of organized workingmen and with a budget running into the thousands. A few figures may help to form some idea of the extent of the services rendered by the _Bourses du Travail_ during the period considered in this chapter. The number of positions filled by the Bourses were as follows: _Applications _Offers of _Placed at _Placed away _Year_ for employment_ employment_ residence_ from residence_ 1895 38,141 17,190 15,031 5,335 1898 83,648 45,461 47,237 38,159 1902 99,330 60,737 44,631 30,544[88] [88] _Annuaire Statistique_. The service of _viaticum_ was organized differently by different Bourses. Some paid one franc a day, others one and one-half and two francs. In many Bourses the traveling workingmen received part only of the _viaticum_ in money, the rest in kind (tickets to restaurants, lodging, etc.). The reports of the Bourses presented to their Congress at Paris in 1900, contain some information on the subject. The Bourse of Alger spent from 600 to 700 francs a year on the service of _viaticum_. The Bourse of Bordeaux distributed during certain months about 130 francs, during others, only 60; other Bourses spent much less. The following table presents the amounts spent in successive years by the Bourse of Rennes: _Assistance_ _Year_ _Passing Workmen_ _Francs_ _Centimes_ 1894 25 37 50 1895 22 33 1896 47 60 50 1897 41 81 1898 (till Sept.) 32 64 In organizing technical courses, the _Bourses du Travail_ pursued the aim of fighting "the dominant tendency in modern industry to make of the child a laborer, an unconscious accessory of the machine, instead of making him an intelligent collaborator."[89] Again in this respect the services of the Bourses varied. In the Bourse of Etienne, 597 courses of two hours each were attended by 426 pupils from October 1, 1899, to June 30, 1911. The Bourse of Marseilles had in 1900 courses in carpentry, metallurgy, typography and others. The Bourse of Toulouse organized 20 courses and had its own typographical shop. [89] Pelloutier, _op. cit._, pp. 121-2. Nearly all Bourses organized their own libraries, some of which consisted of several hundred volumes, while the library of the _Bourse du Travail_ of Paris contained over 2,000 volumes. Besides, every large Bourse had its periodical, weekly or monthly.[90] [90] There were 23 in 1907. Franck, _op. cit._, pp. 127-8. The _Fédération des Bourses du Travail_ was formed in 1892 to systematize and to unify the activities of the Bourses. Though it owed its origin to political motives, the Federation soon devoted its main energies to the economic functions of the Bourses which it tried to extend and to strengthen. This turn in its policy the Federation owed chiefly to Fernand Pelloutier, who became secretary of the Federation in 1894 and who remained in this post till his death in 1901. Fernand Pelloutier (1867-1901) came from a bourgeois family and was educated in a Catholic school.[91] He entered political life at an early age in a provincial town (St. Nazaire), as an advanced republican, but soon passed into the socialist ranks. Though a member of the _Parti Ouvrier_ (Guesdists), he defended the general strike in 1892 before a socialist Congress in Tours. This caused his break with the _Parti Ouvrier_. In 1893 he came to Paris and here came under the influence of the Anarchist-Communists, whose ideas he fully accepted and professed to his last day. [91] On the life of Pelloutier see Maurice Pelloutier, _F. Pelloutier. Sa Vie, son Oeuvre_ (Paris, 1911). Pelloutier was appointed secretary of the Federation of Bourses in order to assure the political neutrality of the organization. As indicated in the previous chapter, the Federation owed its birth largely to the political interests of the Allemanists. The Federation, however, soon found itself composed of various elements--Blanquists, Guesdists, etc.--but the economic interests which stimulated the growth of the Bourses were strong enough to create a desire on the part of the workingmen to avoid political dissensions and quarrels. An anarchist at the head of the Federation seemed to guarantee the necessary neutrality. Fernand Pelloutier realized the expectations placed in him. He was disgusted with politics and his "dream was to oppose a strong, powerful economic action to political action."[92] The Federation of Bourses became his absorbing interest in life. To it he devoted most of his time and energy. He proved himself a man of steady purpose, of methodical procedure, and of high organizing abilities. He has been recognized as the most able organizer of the working class that modern France has produced. His services to the development of the syndicalist movement have been recognized by men of various opinions and political convictions. M. Seilhac wrote of him in 1897, "a young man, intelligent, educated, sprung from the bourgeoisie, has just entered the Federation as Secretary; M. F. Pelloutier has led the Federation with a talent and a surety of judgment which his most implacable enemies must acknowledge. Having passed through the 'Guesdist' school, M. Pelloutier violently broke away from this intolerant and despotic party and was attracted by pure anarchism. The Federation owes its rapid success in great measure to him."[93] [92] P. Delesalle, _Temps Nouveaux_, 23 Mars, 1901. [93] Seilhac, _Congrès Ouvriers_, p. 272. In 1892 the Federation was formed by ten Bourses out of the fourteen then in existence. Its growth was as follows: _Year_ _Bourses_ _Syndicats_ 1895 34 606 1896 46 862 1897 40 627 1898 51 947 1899 54 981 1900 57 1,061 1902 83 1,112 The Federation was represented by a Federal Committee in Paris. Each Bourse had the right to a delegate in the Committee, but a single delegate could represent several Bourses. As the Federal Committee was in Paris, the delegates were not members of the Bourses they represented. They were chosen by the Bourses from a list sent to them by the Secretary of the Federation and made up of men either personally known by him or recommended to him. This gave rise to dissatisfaction, and it was decided that the secretary should complete the list of candidates with remarks on their political attachments, so that the Bourses might choose representatives expressing exactly their opinions. In this way the Federal Committee came to be composed of various political elements. In 1899 there were 48 Bourses in the Federation; of these three were represented in the Federal Committee by Blanquists, eleven by Allemanists, five by Guesdists. The last named soon left the Federation; the rest did not adhere to any party. "Within the group of their representatives particularly," wrote Pelloutier, "must one look for those convinced libertarians[94] whom the Bourses have maintained as delegates regardless of the reproaches of certain socialist schools, and who, without fuss, have done so much for some years to enhance the individual energy and the development of the syndicats."[95] The Committee had no executive officers, not even a chairman. The business was done by the secretary, an assistant secretary and a treasurer. The first received 1,200 francs a year. Each session began with the reading of the minutes of the preceding session, and of the correspondence; then the discussion of the questions raised by the correspondence, inscribed on the order of the day, or raised by the delegates, occurred. A vote took place only in cases, "extremely rare", when an irreconciliable divergence of views sprang up. The meetings took place twice a month. [94] The anarchists in France call themselves _libertaires_. [95] Pelloutier, _op. cit._, p. 151. Pelloutier wrote: The suppression of the chairmanship and of useless voting dates only from the entrance of the libertarians into the Committee, but experience soon convinced all members that between serious and disinterested men there is no necessity of a monitor because everyone considers it an honor to respect the freedom of discussion and even, (without wavering from his principles) to conduct the debate in a conversational tone. The Federal Committee proceeded in a methodical way. Between 1894-1896 it devoted itself mainly to propaganda and to organization. It invited the local syndicats and unions of syndicats to constitute themselves into _Bourses du Travail_. To guide them Pelloutier wrote a little pamphlet on _The method of organizing and maintaining Bourses du Travail_. After 1895 the Federal Committee thought the multiplication of Bourses too rapid. The Committee feared that the Bourses were constituting themselves without sufficient syndical strength and that they were putting themselves at the mercy of a dissolution or of an unsuccessful strike. The Committee, therefore, thought it wise if not to moderate the organizing enthusiasm of the militant workingmen, at least to call their attention to the utility of extending to arrondissements, sometimes even to an entire department, a propaganda which was till then limited to a local circle. Two or three Bourses per Department, wrote Pelloutier, would group the workingmen more rapidly and at the cost of less efforts than seven or eight insufficiently equipped and necessarily weak.[96] [96] F. Pelloutier, _op. cit._, p. 77. In 1897, at the Congress of Toulouse, Pelloutier read two reports in which he invited the _Bourses du Travail_ to extend their activities to the agricultural population and to the sailors. These reports reveal a thorough study of the conditions in which these two classes of the population spend their lives, and contain indications how to attract them to syndical activity. Pelloutier recommended the Bourses to create commissions which should be specially devoted to agricultural problems and which should train propagandists for the country. He also recommended the institution of homes for sailors in the ports. Some Bourses acted on the suggestion of Pelloutier and since then dates the propaganda carried on by some Bourses among the wood-cutters, the wine-growers, the agricultural laborers, the fishermen, sailors and similar groups of the working population. From 1898 to 1900 the Federal Committee was trying to systematize the services of the _placement_ and of the _viaticum_. The suggestion came from some Bourses, which particularly felt this necessity. Some Bourses had already been placing workingmen at a distance through correspondence. They wanted to generalize this by having the Federal Committee publish statistics of the fluctuations of employment in the various Bourses. On the other hand, the Bourses had difficulties with the service of _viaticum_. The diversity of conditions in this respect gave rise to dissatisfaction, while the Bourses were unable to control abuses. The secretaries could not know the number of visits paid them by workingmen, nor the amounts received by each. At the Congress of Rennes (1898), the Federal Committee presented a plan of a "federal viaticum", and in 1900, the _Office national de statistique et de placement_ was organized. The "federal viaticum" was optional for members of the federation, and though presenting certain advantages for the Bourses, was accepted by very few of them. Organized in 1899, it functioned unsatisfactorily. The _Office national_ began activity in June, 1900. It was organized with the financial aid of the government. In 1900, after the Universal Exhibition, Paris was overcrowded with unemployed workingmen, and the government thought it could make use of the Federation of Bourses to disperse them over the country. Before that, in November, 1899, the Federal Committee had addressed the government for a subsidy of 10,000 francs to organize the _Office national_. In June, 1900, the Government granted 5,000 francs. The _Office_ began to publish a weekly statistical bulletin containing the information on the fluctuation of employment sent to the Federal Committee by the Bourses. The _Office_, however, did not give the expected results. In organizing these services, the Federation of Bourses always kept in mind the interests of the syndicats. It directed workingmen to employers who satisfied the general conditions imposed by the syndicats. The _viaticum_ also served to diminish competition among workingmen in ordinary times, or during strikes. In all its activity the Federal Committee generally followed the same policy. It called the attention of one Bourse to the experiments and to the achievements of others; it made its own suggestions and recommendations and it carried out the decisions of the Congresses. It did not regard itself as a central organ with power to command. Constituted on a federalist basis, the Bourses expected from the Federal Committee merely the preliminary study of problems of a common interest, reserving for themselves the right to reject both the problems and the study; they considered even their Congresses merely as _foyers_ where the instruments of discussion and of work were forged.[97] [97] F. Pelloutier, _op. cit._, p. 154. The activity of the Federal Committee was handicapped by insufficiency of means. The financial state of the Federation between 1892 and 1902 may be gathered from the following table: _Receipts_ _Expenses_ _Francs_ _Centimes_ _Francs_ _Centimes_ 1892-1893 247 209 45 1893-1894 573 95 378 95 1894-1895 1,342 55 960 07 1895-1896 2,380 05 1,979 1896-1897 2,310 75 1,779 45 1897-1900 6,158 75 5,521 45 1900-1901 4,297 85 3,029 71 1901-1902 5,541-- 85 4,320 80 The Bourses paid their dues irregularly and Pelloutier complained that with such means the Committee could not render all the services it was capable of and that it was necessarily reduced to the rôle of a correspondence bureau, "slow and imperfect in its working." Whatever others may have thought of the results obtained by the Federation of Bourses, the leaders themselves felt enthusiastic about the things accomplished. Pelloutier wrote: Enumerate the results obtained by the groupings of workingmen; consult the program, of the courses instituted by the _Bourses du Travail_, a program which omits nothing which goes to make up a moral, complete, dignified and satisfied life; regard the authors who inhabit the workingmen's libraries; admire this syndical and co-operative organization which extends from day to day and embraces new categories of producers, the unification of all the proletarian forces into a close network of syndicats, of co-operative societies, of leagues of resistance; consider the constantly increasing intervention into the diverse manifestations of social life; the examination of methods of production and of distribution and say whether this organization, whether this program, this tendency towards the beautiful and the good, whether this aspiration toward the complete expansion of the individual do not justify the pride the Bourses du Travail feel.[98] [98] F. Pelloutier, _op. cit._, pp. 170-1. This feeling and the preoccupation with socialist ideals led Pelloutier and other members of the Federation to think that the _Bourses du Travail_ could not only render immediate services, but that they were capable of "adapting themselves to a superior social order". Pelloutier thought that the _Bourses du Travail_ were evolving from this time on the elements of a new society, that they were gradually constituting a veritable socialist (economic and anarchic) state within the bourgeois state,[99] and that they would, in time, substitute communistic forms of production and of distribution for those now in existence. The question was brought up for discussion at the Congress of Tours (1896) and two reports were read on the present and future rôle of the _Bourses du Travail_. One report was written by Pelloutier, the other was prepared by the delegates of the Bourse of Nimes, Claude Gignoux and Victorien Briguier (Allemanists). [99] F. Pelloutier, _op. cit._, p. 160. The report of the Bourse of Nimes starts out from the idea that no new plan of a future society need be fabricated; that the _Bourses du Travail_ show themselves already capable of directing the economic activities of society and that with further growth they will become more and more capable of so doing. The natural development of the Bourses, it held, leads them to investigate the number of unemployed in each trade; the causes of industrial perturbation, the cost of maintenance of each individual in comparison with wages received; the number of trades and of workingmen employed in them; the amount of the produce; the totality of products necessary for the population of their region, etc., etc. Now, it further set forth, with all this information at hand, and with all this economic experience, each Bourse could, in case of a social transformation, assume the direction of the industrial life of its region. Each trade organized in a syndicat would elect a council of labor; the syndicats of the same trade would be federated nationally and internationally. The Bourses, knowing the quantity of products which must be produced, would impart this information to the councils of labor of each trade, which employ all members of the trade in the manufacture of necessary products. By their statistics, the Bourses would know where there is excess or want of production in their regions, and would determine the exchange of products between the territories which by nature are adapted for some special production only. The report presupposed that property would become "social and inalienable"; and the assumption was that the workingmen would be stimulated to develop the industrial powers of their regions and to increase the material welfare of the country. The report concluded: This summary outline gives those who live in the syndical movement an idea of the rôle which falls and will fall to the _Bourses du Travail_. It would not do to hurry decisions; the methodical pursuit of the development of our institutions is sufficient to realize our aim, and to avoid many disappointments and retrogressions. It is for us, who have inherited the thought and the science of all those who have come before us, to bring it about that so many riches and so much welfare due to their genius should not serve to engender misery and injustice, but should establish harmony of interests on equality of rights and on the solidarity of all human beings.[100] [100] F. Pelloutier, _op. cit._, p. 163. The report of the Federal Committee, prepared by Pelloutier, contained the same ideas but emphasized some other points. "We start out from the principle," read this report, "that the task of the revolution is to free mankind not only from all authority (_autorité_), but also from every institution which has not for its essential purpose the development of production. Consequently, we can imagine the future society only as a voluntary and free association of producers."[101] In this social system the syndicats and the Bourses are to play the part assigned to them in the report of the Bourse of Nimes. [101] F. Pelloutier, _op. cit._, pp. 163-4. The consequence of this new state, of this suppression of useless social organs, of this simplification of necessary machinery, will be that man will produce better, more and quicker; that he will be able, therefore, to devote long hours to his intellectual development, to accelerate in this way mechanical progress, to free himself more and more from painful work, and to arrange his life in greater conformity to his instinctive aspirations toward studious repose. Pelloutier laid emphasis on the idea that this future state was being gradually prepared and was dependent upon the intellectual and moral development of the working-class; he conceived it as a gradual substitution of institutions evolved by the working-class for those institutions which characterize existing society. He believed that the syndicalist life was the only means of stimulating the power and the initiative of the workingmen and of developing their administrative abilities. His report, quoted above, concluded: "And this is the future in store for the working-class, if becoming conscious of its intellectual faculties, and of its dignity, it will come to draw only from within itself its notion of social duty, will detest and break every authority foreign to it and will finally conquer security and liberty."[102] [102] Seilhac, _Congrès Ouvriers_, p. 317. This conception of the syndicat has since become fundamental with revolutionary syndicalists. Formulating it, the _Fédération des Bourses du Travail_ really laid the foundations of what later became revolutionary syndicalism. The "Federation of Bourses" also made the first step in the propaganda of anti-militarism and in outlining a policy of opposition to the State. The latter ideas, however, were at the same time developed in the General Confederation of Labor and will be considered in connection with the history of that body in the next chapter. From 1894 to 1902 the _Fédération des Bourses du Travail_ was the strongest syndical organization in France. Pelloutier claimed 250,000 members for it, but the figure is exaggerated. There is no way, however, of finding out the true figures. Conscious of its comparative strength, the Federation of Bourses at times ignored, at times dominated the General Confederation of Labor. These two organizations were rivals. The General Confederation of Labor had adopted at Limoges (1895) statutes according to which the Confederation could admit not only National Federations of Syndicats, but single syndicats and single Bourses. This was obnoxious to the Federation of Bourses. The latter wished that the General Confederation should be composed exclusively of two federal committees; one representing the Federation of Bourses; the other representing the National Federations of trade. Until this was accepted, the Federation of Bourses, at its Congress in Tours (1896), refused to give any financial aid to the General Confederation in view "of the little vitality" which it displayed. The General Confederation of Labor modified its statutes year after year, but no harmony between the two organizations could be established for some time. In 1897, the Federation of Bourses joined the General Confederation, but left it again in 1898. The friction was due partly to personal difficulties, partly to the differences of spirit which prevailed in the central committees of the two organizations. After 1900, however, the two organizations, though distinct, co-operated, and the question of unifying the two organizations was more and more emphasized. In 1902, at the Congress of Montpellier, this unity was realized; the Federation of Bourses entered the General Confederation of Labor, and ceased to have a separate existence. CHAPTER IV THE GENERAL CONFEDERATION OF LABOR FROM 1895 TO 1902 The General Confederation of Labor has continued its existence under the same name since its foundation in 1895. Still the period from 1895 to 1902 may be considered separately for two reasons: first, during this period the organization of the Confederation under which it now functions was evolved;[103] and secondly, during this period the tendency known as revolutionary syndicalism became definite and complete. This period may be considered therefore as the formative period both from the point of view of organization and from the point of view of doctrine. [103] The changes in the form of organization which have been made since 1902 are in harmony with the fundamental ideas of the constitution adopted in 1902. The gradual elaboration of organization and of doctrine may best be considered from year to year. The 700 syndicats which formed the General Confederation at Limoges in 1895 aimed to "establish among themselves daily relations which would permit them to formulate in common the demands studied individually; they wanted also and particularly to put an end to the disorganization which penetrated their ranks under cover of the political spirit."[104] [104] _XI Congrès National Corporatif_ (Paris, 1900), p. 35. The Congress held the following year at Tours (1896) showed that the aim was not attained. Only 32 organizations had paid the initiation fee (two francs) as requested by the statutes adopted at Limoges. Of the 32 only four, the _Fédération des Travailleurs du Livre_,[105] the Syndicat of Railway Men, the Circle of Machinists, and the Federation of Porcelain Workers, paid their dues regularly; the rest paid irregularly or did not pay at all. The entire income for the year amounted to 740 francs.[106] [105] Typographical Union. [106] Seilhac, p. 328. The National Council of the Confederation did not function because the number of delegates elected by the adhering organizations was insufficient to constitute the committees among which the work was to be divided. The few delegates that did attend the meetings quarreled for political and other reasons. The Federation of Bourses showed itself hostile, because the statutes adopted at Limoges admitted Bourses, single syndicats, local and regional federations. The "Committee for the propaganda of the General Strike" could also report but little progress. The Committee had been authorized by the Congress of Nantes (1894) to collect 10 per cent of all subscriptions for strikes. The Committee, however, reported to the Congress of Tours, that the syndicats and Bourses did not live up to the decision. From December 1, 1894, to September 12, 1892, 329 francs 75 centimes was collected; for 1895-96, 401 francs 95 centimes. With such limited means but little headway could be made.[107] [107] Seilhac, _Congrès Ouvriers_, p. 325; Ch. Franck, _op. cit._, p. 323. The Congress of Tours tried to remedy the situation by making several changes in the statutes. Single Bourses were not to be admitted. This was a concession to the Federation of Bourses, which was invited to join the Confederation; single syndicats were to be admitted only if there were no national federations in their trades. Each National Federation of trade or of industry could send three delegates to the National Council; syndicats and local federations, only one. Each delegate to the National Council could represent two organizations only, while formerly he could represent five. The National Council was to nominate an executive committee consisting of a secretary, assistant secretary, treasurer, assistant treasurer, and archivist. The work of the Confederation was to be divided among seven committees. Dues were to be paid on a graduated scale according to membership. Besides modifying the statutes, the Congress of Tours discussed several other questions; eight-hour day, weekly rest, the general strike and the establishment of a trade organ. The idea of the general strike, defended by Allemanists and anarchists, was indorsed by the Congress with a greater majority than at previous Congresses. By this time, however, several modifications had taken place in the conception of the general strike. These were emphasized by M. Guérard who defended the idea before the Congress. Said M. Guérard: The conquest of political power is a chimera; there are at present only three or four true socialists in the Chamber of Deputies out of 585. Of 36,000 communes, only 150 have as yet been conquered. The partial strikes fail because the workingmen become demoralized and succumb under the intimidation of the employers protected by the government. The general strike will last a short while and its repression will be impossible; as to intimidation, it is still less to be feared. The necessity of defending the factories, workshops, manufactures, stores, etc., will scatter and disperse the army.... And then, in the fear that the strikes may damage the railways, the signals, the works of art, the government will be obliged to protect the 39,000 kilometers of railroad lines by drawing up the troops all along them. The 300,000 men of the active army, charged with the surveillance of 39 million meters, will be isolated from one another by 130 meters, and this can be done only on the condition of abandoning the protection of the depots, of the stations, of the factories, etc. ... and of abandoning the employers to themselves, thus leaving the field free in the large cities to the revolted workingmen. The principal force of the general strike consists in its power of imposing itself. A strike in one trade, in one branch of industry, must involve other branches. The general strike can not be decreed in advance; it will burst forth suddenly: a strike of the railway men, for instance, if declared, will be the signal of the general strike. It will be the duty of militant workingmen, when this signal is given, to make their comrades in the syndicats leave their work. Those who continue to work on that day will be compelled, or forced, to quit.[108] [108] Seilhac, _Congrès Ouvriers_, pp. 331-2. And M. Guérard, applauded by the audience, concluded: "The general strike will be the Revolution, peaceful or not." However, as a concession to the opponents of the general strike, the Congress of Tours decided that the "Committee for the propaganda of the general strike" should be independent of the Confederation. It was also from now on to collect only five per cent of all strike-subscriptions. The Congress of Tours also admonished the syndicats to abandon their political preoccupations which were held to be the cause of disorganization. These changes helped but little. During 1896-97 the Confederation counted 11 federations, 1 federated union, 1 trade union, the Union of Syndicats of Paris, and three national syndicats. The Federation of Bourses declined either to join or to help the Confederation. The number of delegates to the National Council was again insufficient to constitute the committees. The income for the year, including the balance from the previous year, amounted to 1,558 francs.[109] [109] Ch. Franck, _op. cit._, pp. 226-7. The Congress of Toulouse, therefore, decided to make new changes. Accepting the suggestion of the Federation of Bourses whose adherence was desired, the Confederation was to consist now of (1) the Federation of Bourses du Travail, (2) of National federations of trade and of industry, and (3) of local syndicats or of local federations of trades which were not yet organized nationally or whose national federations refused to join the Confederation. The Confederation was to be represented by the Federal Committee of the Federation of Bourses and by the National Council of the Federations of trade. The Congress of Toulouse again declared that "the general strike was synonymous with Revolution," and decided that sub-committees for the propaganda of the general strike should be established in the _Bourses du Travail_ to keep in touch with the General Committee in Paris. It discussed several other questions: trade-journal, suppression of prison-work, eight-hour day, and among these, for the first time, the questions of the boycott and of _sabotage_. The report on boycott and _sabotage_[110] was prepared by two anarchists, Pouget and Delesalle. The report explained the origin of the boycott and of _sabotage_, and gave instances of their application in different countries. It referred in particular to the _Go Canny_ practice of the English workingmen whose principle the report merely wanted to generalize and to formulate. [110] _Sabotage_ means the obstruction in all possible ways of the regular process of production; _cf._ ch. v. Up to the present time [read the report] the workingmen have declared themselves revolutionary; but most of the time they have remained on theoretical ground: they have labored to extend the ideas of emancipation, they have tried to sketch a plan of a future society from which human exploitation should be eliminated. But why, beside this educational work, the necessity of which is incontestable, has nothing been tried in order to resist the encroachments of capitalists and to render the exigencies of employers less painful to the workingmen? To this end the report recommended the use of the boycott and of _sabotage_, which should take place by the side of the strike as the workingmen's means of defense and offense. The report shows how these methods could be used in particular cases. _Sabotage_ particularly, sometimes applied to the quantity, sometimes to the quality, should bring home to the employer that the workingmen are determined to render "poor work for poor pay". The report concluded: The boycott and its indispensable complement, _sabotage_, furnishes us with an effective means of resistance which--while awaiting the day when the workingmen will be sufficiently strong to emancipate themselves completely--will permit us to stand our ground against the exploitation of which we are the victims. It is necessary that the capitalists should know it: the workingman will respect the machine only on that day when it shall have become for him a friend which shortens labor, instead of being, as it now is, the enemy, the robber of bread, the killer of workingmen.[111] [111] E. Pouget, _Le Sabotage_ (Paris, 1910), pp. 15-16. The Congress adopted unanimously and with great enthusiasm a motion inviting the workingmen to apply the boycott and _sabotage_ when strikes would not yield results. During 1897-98 the Federation of Bourses and the Confederation were to work together, but no harmony was possible. The report presented to the Congress of Rennes (1898) is full of complaints and of accusations on both sides. Personal difficulties between the two secretaries, M. Pelloutier and M. Lagailse, who was an "Allemanist," sprang up; besides, the National Council and the Federal Committee were animated by a different spirit. The Federal Committee evidently tried to dominate the National Council. The latter was weak. It counted only 18 organizations, and no new members were gained during 1897-98. The National Council did not function regularly; the explanation given was that as no functionaries were paid, they had but little time to devote to the business of the Confederation. The dues paid during 1897-8 amounted to 793 francs; the whole income was 1,702 francs. The treasurer thought that this showed that the "General Confederation of Labor was in a flourishing condition." The "Committee for the propaganda of the General Strike" admitted on the contrary that it had accomplished little. Only twenty Bourses formed sub-committees. The five per cent of strike subscriptions was not paid by the syndicats. Only 835 francs came in from this source; together with the income from other sources, the receipts of the Committee totaled 1,086 francs; of this it spent 822 francs. During 1898 the Syndicat of Railroad Workers had a conflict with the railroad companies and a railroad strike was imminent. The Secretary of the General Confederation of Labor sent out a circular to all syndical organizations of France calling their attention to the "formidable consequences for capitalism" which such a strike could have, if joined by all trades. The circular formulated eight demands, such as old-age pensions; eight-hour day, etc., which "could be realized in a few days if the working-class, conscious of its force, and of its rights, was willing to act energetically."[112] [112] _X Congrès National Corporatif_ (IV de la C. G. T.), Rennes, 1898, p. 77. The "Committee for the propaganda of the general strike" also took up the question. It sent out a question to all syndicats for a referendum vote. The question was: "Are you for an immediate general strike in case the railroad workingmen should declare a strike?" The report of the Committee to the Congress of Rennes complained that the syndicats voted for the general strike at conventions but changed their opinions or their disposition "when the hour for action came."[113] "It was disastrous to make such a discovery," read the report, when it was expected that by the strike of our comrades of the railroads, many other trades would be compelled by the force of events to quit work, and that this would have been the starting-point of the general strike, and possibly of that economic revolution which alone can solve the great problems which confront the entire world.[114] [113] _X Congrès National Corporatif_ (Rennes, 1898), p. 334. [114] _Ibid._, p. 334. The Syndicat of the Railroad Workingmen voted for a strike. But the government intercepted the strike order of the National Committee of the Syndicat, and the strike did not take place. The Congress of Rennes made new changes in the statutes of the Confederation. The Federation of Bourses was to leave the Confederation. The latter was to be composed only of national federations of trade and of national syndicats and to be represented by the National Council. The "Committee of the general strike" was to be part of the Confederation, but was to be autonomous and was to live on its own resources. The Congress discussed a number of questions: Alcoholism, suppression of employment bureaus, election of inspectors of industry, etc. Most reports on the various questions adopted by the Congress assert that the workingmen must solicit the co-operation of their representatives in the legislative bodies of the country in order to obtain any reforms. But one report was presented which emphasized the opposite idea of "direct action". This report was presented by the "Committee on the Label, the Boycott, and _Sabotage_." The reporter on the boycott and _sabotage_--M. Pouget--noted the little progress that had been accomplished in the application of these two methods since 1897, but again affirmed their validity and recommended them to the workingman; the report affirmed that the menace, only, of _sabotage_ is often sufficient to produce results. "The Congress," said the report, cannot enter into the details of these tactics; such things depend upon the initiative and the temperament of each and are subordinate to the diversity of industries. We can only lay down the theory and express the wish that the boycott and the _sabotage_ should enter into the arsenal of weapons which the workingmen use in their struggle against capitalists on the same plane as the strike, and that, more and more, the direction of the social movement should be towards the direct action of individuals and towards a greater consciousness of their personal powers.[115] [115] _X Congrès National Corporatif_ (Rennes, 1898), p. 302. The Congress of Paris (1900) again recorded but little progress. In the interval since Rennes (1898-1900) only a few new federations joined the General Confederation. The others, whose adherence was solicited, refused or even were not "polite enough" to make a reply. The adhering organizations paid irregularly; the decisions of the Congresses were not executed. The Committees still did not function because the number of delegates to the National Council was small. The total income for both years amounted to 3,678 francs, of which 1,488 were dues paid. The "Committee for the propaganda of the general strike" had collected during this period (1898-1900) 4,262 francs. Of this 3,172 francs were the five per cent of the strike subscriptions. It may also be interesting to note that the organizations which contributed most to this sum were: Union of Syndicats of Seine, 901 francs; the Union of Machinists of Seine, 727 francs; the Federation of Moulders, 536 francs; the Federation of Metallurgy, 457 francs. The Committee published thirteen numbers of a journal, "The General Strike," and a brochure on the general strike. The general strike was again the subject of a long discussion at the Congress of Paris. But the discussion was given a new turn. The question now was: "The general strike, its organization, its eventuality, its consequences." And the ideas that prevailed revealed some further modifications in the conception. The question was given this turn because certain syndicats thought that the principle of the general strike had been sufficiently affirmed and that it was time to treat the subject practically. As the discussion showed, the majority of the delegates thought that the general strike could take place at any moment and that in order to be successful, it did not presuppose a majority of organized workingmen, nor big sums of money. A daring revolutionary minority conscious of its aim could carry away with it the majority of workingmen and accomplish the act of appropriating the means of production for society as a whole. Some even thought that in order that the general strike should be prompt and lead to the aim in view it was best to have no money at all; everyone would then take what he needed wherever he found it, and the result would be the completest possible emancipation.[116] As one of the delegates expressed it: "Count exclusively upon the enthusiasm (_entrainement_) of the working-class."[117] [116] _XI Congrès National Corporatif_ (Paris, 1900), p. 198. [117] _Ibid._, p. 113. This conception of the general strike attributed to the syndicat a revolutionary rôle, as the syndicat was to take possession of the means of production in the name of society as a whole. It did not exclude however the parallel action of political parties. The latter could profit by the general strike and seize the political power of the State to co-operate in the transformation of society. But the syndicats were not to count upon this possibility; on the contrary it was their task to make the general strike absolutely independent of all political parties, to perform the principal part in the economic revolution and to leave to the new government, if one arose, no other function but that of sanctioning the economic change accomplished by the syndicats. This emphasis upon the revolutionary and preponderant part to be played by the syndicats went together with a mistrust and defiance of political parties. "All politicians are betrayers,"[118] exclaimed one delegate. "In politics one has always to deal with intrigues," said another, and the same sentiment pervaded the other speeches. Though not refusing to make use of all methods, "for the disorganization of capitalism," all delegates emphasized the necessity for the workingmen to rely mainly upon themselves and upon their syndical organizations. [118] _XI Congrès National Corporatif_ (Paris, 1900), p. 110. The majority of delegates recognized also that the general strike must necessarily have a violent character. Though a few still thought of the general strike as of a "peaceful revolution," a "strike of folded arms," the majority rejected this conception as childish and foresaw the inevitable collision to which the general strike would lead. All these ideas were briefly summarized in the conclusions of the Committee appointed by the Congress to report on the question. This Commission recommended leaving the "Committee for the propaganda of the general strike" as free as possible in its action. The Congress merely determined the syndicats which were to elect the members of the Committee. The latter was now to obtain regular monthly dues for the continuation of its work. The revolutionary spirit which manifested itself in the conception of the general strike expressed itself also in the resolution of the Congress on the army. This resolution demanded the suppression of permanent armies, and invited the syndicats to establish relations with the workingmen in military service, to invite them to social gatherings and to assist them financially (to establish the so-called _Sou du Soldat_). The same spirit characterized the report of the Committee which formulated the ideas of the Congress on the "practical means of realizing the international harmony of the workingmen." "Capital," read the report, "in its various forms is international," and it is necessary that labor should also be organized internationally. The slight differences in conditions of life varying from country to country are not important. "The predominating fact everywhere, in all countries, is the division of society into two categories; the producer and the non-producer, the wage-earner and the employer." The report went on to say that the idea of "fatherland" (_patrie_) is a means of protecting the strong against the weak, "an emblem of speculation, of exploitation," "a synonym of property," "a fiction for the workingmen who possess nothing."[119] The practical conclusion of the Committee was to bring together the wage-earners of all countries in an international organization which should be represented by an international secretariat. [119] _XI Congrès National Corporatif_ (Paris, 1900), p. 205. During 1900-1 the Confederation displayed a little more activity than before. The National Council employed a permanent employee to attend to the business of the Confederation, at first for two, then for four hours a day at a remuneration of 50 and then 100 francs a month. In December, 1900, the Confederation began also to publish its own weekly, _La Voix du Peuple_. Since 1896 the question of a trade-journal had been on the order of the day. It was discussed at every Congress and various plans were recommended in order to obtain the financial means for a daily. The Congress of Paris, in view of the financial impossibility of starting a daily and recognizing that "it was more than ever necessary to create a revolutionary syndicalist organ," decided to publish a weekly. One of the Committees of the National Council was to attend to it. The _Voix du Peuple_, however, was not in a satisfactory condition at the time of the Congress of Lyons (1901). Pouget, the editor of the paper and the secretary of the Committee of the _Voix du Peuple_, complained that the _Voix du Peuple_ "suffered from the apathy and the negligence of the comrades." Only 260 syndicats subscribed for the paper (out of 2,700 syndicats then in existence). In Paris only 600 copies were sold weekly. The finances showed a deficit for the year of over 6,000 francs. The number of copies printed fell from 12,000-14,000 during the first months to 800 during the later months. The secretary of the Confederation, M. Guérard, also complained that the "Confederation was anaemic for lack of means." The twenty organizations--federations and syndicats--which adhered to the Confederation during 1900-1901 paid in 1,478 francs. The total income was 4,125 francs. With such limited means the Confederation could do nothing. The Congress of Lyons (1901)--where all these reports were read--was provided for by a subvention from the municipality of Lyons which appropriated 7,000 francs for the purpose. The Congress of Lyons, nevertheless, showed that the Confederation was beginning to feel a little more confidence in its future. The Congress decided that henceforth only syndicats adhering to the Confederation should take part in its Congresses. Previous to that all syndicats were invited to send a delegate or their mandate to the Congresses of the Confederation. The Congresses, therefore, neither revealed the strength of the Confederation, nor had a binding character, and were significant merely as revealing the state of mind of a large part of the organized workingmen of the time. The decision of the Congress of Lyons was to do away with this condition and to give the Congresses of the Confederation a more coherent and binding character. Another decision taken by the Congress of Lyons was to admit local and regional federations of syndicats. This was directed against the Federation of Bourses. Though more friendly since 1900, the relations between the two organizations still gave trouble. The question of unity, however, was urged by many workingmen, and the Congress decided to call a special Congress for 1902 to solve this problem. The Congress of Lyons revealed the further progress of revolutionary ideas among the delegates. There were 226 delegates; these represented 26 Bourses and 8 local federations, comprising 1,035 syndicats with 245,000 members;[120] eight regional federations composed of 264 syndicats with 36,000 members; 8 federations of trade or industry counting 507 syndicats with 196,000 members; 492 syndicats with 60,000 workingmen were represented directly. The exact number of syndicats and of workingmen represented cannot be obtained from these figures, because one syndicat could be represented several times in a local federation, in a Bourse, and in the federation of trade. The delegates, however, came from different parts of the country and were numerous enough to show that the ideas they expressed were accepted by a considerable number of French workingmen. [120] The growth of syndicats in France since 1895 is shown in the following table: _Year_ _Syndicats_ _Members_ 1895 2,163 419,781 1896 2,243 422,777 1898 2,324 437,793 1899 2,361 419,761 1900 2,685 492,647 1901 3,287 588,832 Of the questions discussed at Lyons three had a particular significance as showing the revolutionary tendency which the Confederation was taking. These were the questions of the general strike, of labor-laws, and of the relations to the political parties. The "Committee for the propaganda of the General Strike" reported more activity for the year 1900-1 and greater success in its work. The Committee published a brochure on the General Strike of which 50,000 copies were distributed. It collected over 1,500 francs in monthly dues, and its total income amounted to 2,447 francs. It was in touch with a number of sub-committees in the different _Bourses du Travail_, arranged a number of meetings on various occasions, and lent its support to some strikes. The Committee affirmed that the idea of the general strike had spread widely during the year and attributed this fact to the big strikes which had taken place in France after the International Exhibition of 1900 and which had thrown the workingmen into a state of agitation. At the time the Congress of Lyons was being held, the miners were threatening to strike, if their demands were not granted by the companies. The delegate of the miners was at the Congress, and the discussion that took place under these conditions was very characteristic. The Committee on the general strike which consisted of fifteen members reported: The idea of the general strike is sufficiently understood to-day. In repeatedly putting off the date of its coming, we risk discrediting it forever by enervating the revolutionary energies. What better occasion to realize it! The miners will give the signal on the first of November; the working-class--in case of a revolution--counts upon this movement which must bring them their economic liberation. And the report of the Committee went on to point out the conditions which in its opinion indicated "that the moment had come to try the general strike (_faire la Grève générale_) with strong chances of success."[121] [121] _XII Congrès National Corporatif_ (Lyons, 1901), p. 170. The delegate from the miners said: "If you wish to join us, we will be able not only to strike, but to bring about the revolution; if we were made sure of the co-operation of all trades, even if it were necessary to wait for it two, three, or even six months, we are ready to grant you this concession."[122] [122] _Ibid._, pp. 177-8. The following motion was then adopted: The Congress declares that the General Strike cannot be the means merely of obtaining amelioration for any category of workingmen. Its aim can be only the complete emancipation of the proletariat through the violent expropriation of the capitalist class. The Congress, in view of the situation, declares that the movement which may take place in favor of the miners, the importance or character of which nobody can foresee and which may go to the point of a general emancipation, will be in any case a movement of solidarity which will not impair in the least the revolutionary principle of the general strike of all workingmen.[123] [123] _Ibid._, p. 179. The delegate of the Typographical Union (_La Fédération du Livre_) combated the idea of the general strike and argued that it was impossible in view of the small number of organized workingmen. But his argument had no effect on the Congress. It was rejected as of no importance because the minority of organized workingmen could carry away with it the majority. The question of labor laws was the subject of an animated discussion at the Congress because of its importance. The answer given to this question was to determine the attitude of the General Confederation to legislative reforms and to the State in general. The question was a very practical one. The government of Waldeck-Rousseau (22 June, 1899-6 June, 1902), in which the socialist, Millerand, was Minister of Commerce and Industry, outlined a number of labor laws which touched upon the most vital questions of the labor movement. The most important of these law-projects were on strikes and arbitration, on the composition of the superior Council of Labor, on the institution of Councils of Labor, and on the modification of the law of 1884. The policy of the government in planning these laws was clear and expressly stated. It was the continuation and accentuation of the policy which had guided M. Waldeck-Rousseau in 1884 when he was Minister of the Interior in the Cabinet of Jules Ferry, and which had then found partial expression in the ministerial circular on the application of the new law on syndicats. This "Circular," sent out to the Prefects August 25, 1884, pointed out to the Prefects that it was the duty of the State not merely to watch over the strict observation of the law, but "to favor the spirit of association" among the workingmen and "to stimulate" the latter to make use of the new right. In the conception of the government the syndicats were to be "less a weapon of struggle" than "an instrument of material, moral and intellectual progress." It was "the wish of the Government and of the Chambers to see the propagation, in the largest possible measure, of the trade associations and of the institutions which they were destined to engender" (such as old-age pension funds, mutual credit banks, libraries, co-operative societies, etc.) and the government expected the Prefects "to lend active assistance" in the organization of syndicats and in the creation of syndical institutions.[124] [124] See the "Circulaire" in G. Severac, _Guide Pratique des Syndicats Professionnels_ (Paris, 1908), pp. 125-136. The aim of Waldeck-Rousseau was to bring about the "alliance of the bourgeoisie and of the working-class"[125] which Gambetta and other republican statesmen had untiringly preached as the only condition of maintaining the Republic. In the period 1899-1902 this policy seemed still more indispensable. It was the time when the agitation caused by the Dreyfus affair assumed the character of a struggle between the republican and anti-republican forces of France. Republicans, Radicals, Socialists, and Anarchists were fighting hand in hand against Monarchists, Nationalists, Anti-Semites and Clericals. The cabinet of Waldeck-Rousseau constituted itself a "Cabinet of Republican Defense" and it sought to attain its end by securing the support of all republican elements of the country. This was the cause which prompted Waldeck-Rousseau to invite a socialist, Millerand, to enter his cabinet and to accentuate his policy of attaching the working-class to the Republic by a series of protective labor laws. [125] G. Hanoteaux, _Modern France_ (tr. by J. C. Tarver, New York, 1903-09), vol. ii, p. 181. The policy of the Government was clearly expressed by Millerand in the Chamber of Deputies on November 23, 1899. "It has appeared to me," said he, "that the best means for bringing back the working masses to the Republic, is to show them not by words, but by facts, that the republican government is above everything else the government of the small and of the weak."[126] [126] A. Lavy, _L'Oeuvre de Millerand_ (Paris, 1902), p. 2. The facts by which M. Millerand undertook to show this were a number of decrees by which the government tried to enforce a stricter observation of labor-laws already in existence and a series of new law-projects for the future protection of labor, such as the bill on a ten-hour day, which became law on March 30, 1900. As M. Millerand expressed it, this law was "a measure of moralization, of solidarity, and of social pacification." Social pacification was the supreme aim of M. Millerand and of the government. M. Millerand hoped to attain this by calling workingmen to participation in the legislative activities of the Republic, by accustoming them to peaceable discussions with employers, and by regulating the more violent forms of the economic struggle. A decree from September 1, 1899, modified the constitution of the Superior Council of Labor, in existence since 1891, so that it should henceforth consist of 22 elected workingmen, 22 elected employers and 22 members appointed by the Minister from among the deputies of the Chamber, the senators and other persons representing "general interests." The Superior Council of Labor was "an instrument of study, of information and of consultation" in matters of labor legislation. It studied law-projects affecting the conditions of labor, made its own suggestions to the government, but had no legislative powers. The decree of M. Millerand was particularly significant in one respect: it called upon the workingmen organized in the syndicats to elect fifteen members of the Superior Council of Labor. M. Millerand pointed out the significance of this measure in a speech delivered on June 5, 1900. Said he: The workingmen are henceforth warned, that in order to participate through delegates sprung from their own ranks in the elaboration of economic reforms which concern them most, it is necessary and sufficient that they enter the ranks of that great army of which the syndicats are the battalions. How can they refuse to do this? By inducing them to do so we believe that we are defending their legitimate interests at the same time that we are serving the cause of social peace in this country.[127] [127] A. Lavy, _op. cit._, p. 66. The "Councils of Labor" were organized by two decrees from September 17, 1900, and from January 2, 1901. Composed of an equal number of workingmen and of employers, these Councils had for their principal mission to enlighten the government, as well as workingmen and employers, on the actual and necessary conditions of labor, to facilitate thereby industrial harmony and general agreement between the interested parties, to furnish in cases of collective conflicts competent mediators, and to inform the public authorities on the effects produced by labor legislation.[128] [128] _Ibid._, p. 79. M. Millerand emphasized that the Councils of Labor were to bring workingmen and employers together for the discussion of "their general interests" and that this new institution would be one more motive for the utilization of the law of 1884 on syndicats. "To encourage by all means the formation of these trade-associations, so useful for the progress of social peace," wrote the Minister in his decree, "is a task which a republican government cannot neglect."[129] [129] A. Lavy, _op. cit._, p. 80. To enlarge the possible operations of the syndicats, the government also introduced a bill into the Chamber (November 14, 1899) which contained several modifications of the law of 1884. This bill proposed to extend the commercial capacities of the syndicat and to grant the syndicat the rights of a juridical person. To complete the series of measures which were to impart a peaceful character to the syndical movement, M. Millerand introduced into the chamber a bill (November 15, 1900) on the regulation of strikes and on arbitration. This law-project proposed a complicated mechanism for the settlement of economic conflicts. It hinged on the principle that strikes should be decided by secret ballot and by a majority vote renewed at brief intervals by all workingmen concerned; permanent arbitration boards in the industrial establishments were part of the mechanism.[130] [130] Only the most important measures of M. Millerand are mentioned; they do not by any means exhaust his legislative activities during this period. Toward this series of labor laws the Congress of Lyons was to define its attitude. The principle of the Superior Council of Labor was accepted by a majority of 258 against 205 votes (5 blank); the project on the regulation of strikes and on arbitration was rejected by a unanimous vote minus five; the Councils of Labor proposition was rejected by a majority of 279 against 175 (18 blank). The discussion on the labor laws brought out the fact that the idea of "direct action" had undergone further modifications as a result of the policy of the government. M. Waldeck-Rousseau was denounced by the speakers as "a clever defender of the interests of the bourgeoisie" who wished merely to stop the offensive movement of the workingmen.[131] The legislative measures of the "pseudo-socialist minister",[132] Millerand, were interpreted as schemes for restraining the revolutionary action of the syndicats.[133] The workingmen were warned that, if they accepted the laws, they would "reinforce a power which they wanted to destroy".[134] They were reminded that the main function of the syndicat was to organize the workmen for their final emancipation which presupposes the "abolition of the wage-system" and that all "so-called labor laws" would only retard the hour of final liberation. [131] _XII Congrès National Corporatif_ (VI de la C. G. T.), Lyons, 1901, p. 110. [132] _Ibid._, p. 114. [133] _Ibid._, p. 210. [134] _Ibid._, p. 112. The revolutionary elements of the Congress did not deny, however, the possibility or the desirability of reforms. They insisted only upon particular methods of obtaining reforms and upon a particular kind of reforms. They rejected all peaceful discussion with employers because the interests of employers and of workingmen were held to be distinct and antagonistic. They did not want an "economic parliamentarism"[135] which would necessarily take the sting out of the workingmen's weapons and deprive the syndicats of their force. They wanted such reforms only as should "undermine the foundations"[136] of existing society and which should advance the movement for "integral emancipation" by strengthening the forces and the organization of the workingmen. [135] _Ibid._, p. 218. [136] _Ibid._, p. 110. Such reforms could be obtained only "independently of all parliamentarism",[137] by the workingmen organized in their syndicats displaying all their initiative, manifesting all their energies, relying only upon themselves and not upon intermediaries. Only in this way would the syndicats wrest "piece by piece from capitalistic society reforms the application of which would finally give the exploited class the force which is indispensable in order to bring about the social revolution".[138] [137] _XI Congrès National Corporatif_, p. 114. [138] _Ibid._, p. 119. These ideas showed the further application which the principle of "direct action" was given by the revolutionary elements in the syndicats. The syndicats were not only to carry on their struggle "directly" against employers by strikes, boycotts and _sabotage_, but also against the State, and not only against the State appearing as the "enemy of labor", but also against the State wishing to become the protector and benefactor of the workingmen. This hostility to the State and to its reform-legislation marked a further accentuation of the ideas of revolutionary syndicalism. The Congress of Lyons took, also, a decided stand on the relations of the syndicats to political action. Under "political action" of course the action of the Socialist parties was meant. After the foundation of the General Confederation of Labor certain important changes had taken place in the socialist movement of France which could not but have their effect upon the syndicats. In 1893 the socialist parties had their first big success in the general elections. They obtained about 600,000 votes[139] and elected over 50 deputies. The socialist deputies in the Chamber constituted a Parliamentary Group--_Union Socialiste_--which acted in common. This strengthened the tendency toward union which had already manifested itself, during the elections, when the Socialists had entered into unions among themselves. [139] A. Hamon, _Le Socialisme et le Congrès de Londres_ (Paris, 1897), p. 11. The unity in action was further made possible by a unity in views which was becoming more and more manifest. After 1892, when the Guesdists obtained a large number of votes in the municipal elections and gained a number of municipalities, their ideas on some of the most important points of their program began to change. In 1894, at their Congress of Nantes, the Guesdists elaborated a detailed program of reforms designed to win the votes of the agricultural population. This program made no mention of the collective appropriation of the soil; on the contrary, it stated that, "in the agricultural domain, the means of production, which is the soil, is in many places still in the possession of the producers themselves as individual property" and that "if this state of conditions, characterized by peasant proprietorship, must inevitably disappear, socialism must not precipitate its disappearance."[140] With similar promises of reform the Guesdists addressed other classes of the population: artisans, small merchants and the lower strata of the middle classes. [140] L. Blum, _Congrès Ouvriers et Socialistes_, p. 146. Formerly ardent revolutionists, they now began to emphasize the legal aspect of their activity and the emancipating influence of universal suffrage. Jules Guesde himself in his speeches in the Chamber of Deputies on various occasions expressed his belief that universal suffrage was the instrument with which all questions might be peacefully solved,[141] and that nothing but legal weapons would throw the Republic into the hands of the socialist army. G. Deville, then one of the principal theorists of the party, affirmed in 1896 that the only actual task of the party was to increase the number of socialist electors and representatives.[142] With the affirmation of the emancipating significance of universal suffrage the importance of parliamentary action was more and more emphasized. [141] _Chambre des Deputés, Débats Parlementaires_; July 11, 1895; November 22, 1895. [142] Deville, _Principes Socialistes_. Thus the "revolutionary" socialists were approaching the reformist elements composed of Broussists and of Independents. In 1896 this _rapprochement_ was manifested at the banquet of Saint Mandé arranged on the occasion of the success obtained by the socialists during the municipal elections of that year. All socialist parties took part in it and Millerand delivered a speech in which he outlined the common points of the socialist program. This program emphasized the peaceful and evolutionary character of socialism: "We address ourselves only to universal suffrage," said Millerand, ... "In order to begin the socialization of the means of production, it is necessary and sufficient for the Socialist party to pursue with the help of universal suffrage the conquest of the political powers."[143] Guesde, present at the banquet, approved and "applauded" the definition of Socialism given by Millerand. [143] A. Millerand, _Le Socialisme Réformiste Français_ (Paris, 1903), pp. 31-32. The Dreyfus affair brought the socialists for some time into still closer contact. A "Committee of Harmony" (_Comité d'Entente_) was formed in which all the socialist organizations were represented. The demand for unity was expressed in the socialist periodical press, and J. Jaurès outlined a plan according to which the old separate and rival factions were to disappear in one unified party.[144] The belief in the possibility of such a unified party was general. [144] _Le Mouvement Socialiste_, Jan., 1899. The entrance of Millerand into the Ministry of Waldeck-Rousseau was a sudden shock which again disrupted the elements tending toward union. The Guesdists, Blanquists and a few other groups denounced the act of Millerand as a violation of the principles of class and class-struggle--the fundamental principles of Socialism. The Independents, Broussists and similar elements, on the contrary, insisted upon the necessity of taking part in the general life of the country and of assuming responsibilities when they are inevitable. At two general Congresses of all socialist organizations held in Paris (December, 1899, and September, 1900) this question was discussed. The Congresses ended with a quarrel among the various socialist organizations which led to complete rupture at the following Congress in Lyons in May, 1901. The Guesdists, Blanquists and several regional federations formed the _Parti Socialiste de France_; the Independents, Broussists, and Allemanists formed the _Parti Socialiste Français_, which supported Millerand and the cabinet of Waldeck-Rousseau. Within each new grouping, however, the old organizations remained intact. The "case Millerand" raised such violent polemics, such bitter mutual accusations among the Socialists that many members of the party felt disgusted. Even the French socialist movement, so rich in inner divisions and dissensions, had never before experienced such a critical condition. In view of this situation the organized workingmen were anxious now more than ever to keep politics out of the syndicats. The resolution adopted unanimously by the Congress of Lyons insisted upon the fact that the introduction of politics into the syndicats would cause division in the syndicalist ranks, and therefore invited the syndicats and the federations to remain independent of all political parties, "leaving to individuals the undeniable right to devote themselves to that kind of struggle which they prefer in the political field." The syndicat as an organization, however, should remain neutral; otherwise it would be "false to its true rôle which consists in grouping all the exploited without distinction of race, nationality, philosophical or religious opinions, and political views."[145] [145] _XII Congrès Corporatif_ (Lyons, 1901), p. 151. The reaction of socialist workingmen, however, to the situation created by the "case Millerand" was of a more complicated character. While the entrance of a socialist minister into the government aroused hopes and expectations in the minds of many, to others it seemed the beginning of the end of socialism. Habitually regarding socialism as a class-movement, imbued with the ideas of class and class-struggle, they were shocked and grieved at the "collaboration of classes" which Millerand practised in the government and the Socialists in Parliament. To these socialist workingmen the danger seemed the greater because it presented itself as a crowning act of a policy that had been pursued for some time by all the socialists. As we have seen, even the revolutionary Guesdists had become more and more moderate. They had co-operated in Parliament with the republican parties and had concluded alliances during elections with "bourgeois" parties. At the general Congress of socialists in Paris in 1899, M. Briand in a clever and somewhat biting speech pointed out to the revolutionary socialists that their policy had made the "case Millerand" possible. "It seems," said Briand, "that great astonishment has been aroused in our comrades of the _Parti Ouvrier_ (Guesdists) by the entrance of our comrade Millerand into a bourgeois government. But, citizens of the _Parti Ouvrier_, what has taken place is the very consequence of the policy which by successive concessions you have forced upon the entire socialist party."[146] And Briand pointed out these "successive concessions" which deprived the Guesdists of their revolutionary character. To quote M. Briand again: [146] _Congrès Général des Organisations Socialistes_ (Paris, 1899), p. 152. Yes, you become interested in these [electoral] struggles which gave immediate results, and little by little our militant comrades also became interested in them, took a liking for them to such a degree that they soon came to believe that in order to triumph definitely over the capitalist society nothing was necessary but to storm the ballot-boxes. Thus within recent years the country could gain the impression that the socialist party was no longer a revolutionary party.[147] [147] _Ibid._, p. 155. This impression many socialist workingmen had, and the "case Millerand" strengthened it in them. But preservation of the revolutionary character of socialism was for them a necessity, equivalent to maintaining their belief in the coming of socialism at all. These workingmen of all socialist parties, Allemanists, Blanquists, and even Guesdists, therefore, now threw themselves with greater energy into the syndicalist movement which seemed to them the only refuge for the revolutionary spirit. There they met the Communist-Anarchists who had been taking an active part in the syndicalist movement for some time. The Communist-Anarchists before 1895 had generally shown little sympathy for the syndicats where the workingmen, they said, were either engaged in politics or trying to obtain paltry reforms. But tired of carrying on a merely verbal propaganda and spurred on by Pelloutier,[148] they began to change their attitude after 1895, and after 1899 became influential in many syndicalist organizations. Their criticism of electoral action, their denunciation of political intriguing, now under the conditions created by the "case Millerand," fell on prepared ground and yielded fruit. A decided anti-political tendency gained strength in the syndicats. [148] To understand the change in the attitude of the anarchists towards the syndicats, the disillusioning effect of their terroristic campaign from 1890 to 1894, during which the exploits of Ravachole, Henri, Casiers, and others took place, must also be considered. This tendency was further strengthened by the economic events of the period. During these years, particularly after the Exhibition of Paris, a series of big strikes took place in various parts of France, among the miners in the north, the dockers in the ports of the south, in the Creusot works, etc. These strikes were partly the result of the large expectations aroused in the workingmen by the entrance of a socialist minister into the government. But the government sent troops against some of the strikers and in two or three cases blood was shed. The agitation aroused by the bloodshed was great and intensified the defiance toward Millerand and toward the political parties in general. On the other hand, some of the strikes became more or less general in character and were won by the energetic action of the strikers. This strengthened the conviction in the efficacy of economic action and in the possibility of the general strike. Under the combined influence of all these conditions, the socialist and anarchist workingmen, during this period, began to ascribe to the syndicats a decided preponderance in all respects, and they actively engaged in making their revolutionary ideas predominant in the syndical organizations. The resolutions and discussions at the Congress of Lyons revealed this state of mind and the progress attained. The revolutionary elements of the syndicats had by this time become conscious of themselves, and in opposition to the program of the political socialists, they advanced the idea of the General Confederation of Labor as a distinctly unifying conception which in the future was to play a great social rôle. "The General Confederation of Labor uniting all the workingmen's syndical forces," said the Secretary, Guérard, in his report to the Congress of Lyons, "is destined to become the revolutionary instrument capable of transforming society."[149] In greeting the delegates at the opening of the Congress, Bourchet addressed them as "the representatives of the great party of Labor" (_grand parti du travail_).[150] The same term was used by other delegates,[151] and in the summing-up of the work of the Congress, the emphasis was laid upon the demarcation between the syndicalists and the politicians which the Congress had clearly shown. [149] _XI Congrès Corporatif_, (Lyons, 1901), p. 29. [150] _Ibid._, p. 14. [151] _Ibid._, p. 69. Thus, with the Congress of Lyons the General Confederation of Labor may be said to have entered definitely upon the revolutionary path. The main ideas of revolutionary syndicalism were clearly formulated and consciously accepted. The main functionaries elected after the Congress were revolutionists, viz., the secretary Griffuelhes and the assistant secretary and editor of the _Voix du Peuple_ Pouget. The Congress of Montpellier held next year (1902) showed constant accentuation of the revolutionary tendencies. The Congress of Montpellier was almost entirely occupied with the elaboration of a new constitution which would unite the General Confederation and the Federation of Bourses. Statutes acceptable to both organizations were adopted to go into force on January 1, 1903. At the Congress of Montpellier the report of the Secretary Griffuelhes claimed that during the year the Confederation had made progress. But this progress was very slight. The real growth of the Confederation began after its fusion with the Federation of Bourses. Since then also dates the more active participation of the Confederation in the political and social life of the country. But before taking up the history of the General Confederation since 1902, it seems advisable to sum up the main ideas of revolutionary syndicalism in a more systematic way. CHAPTER V THE DOCTRINE OF REVOLUTIONARY SYNDICALISM When the General Confederation of Labor adopted its new constitution in 1902, the main ideas of revolutionary syndicalism had already been clearly formulated. Since then, however, a considerable amount of literature has appeared on the subject, either clarifying or further developing various points of the doctrine. This literature consists mainly of numerous articles in the periodical press and of pamphlets and is, accordingly, of an unsystematic character. The attempt is made in this chapter to sum up in a systematic way the leading ideas of revolutionary syndicalism common to all who call themselves revolutionary syndicalists. Consideration of individual ideas and of contributions of particular writers will be left to a following chapter. The fundamental idea of revolutionary syndicalism is the idea of class-struggle. Society is divided into two classes, the class of employers who possess the instruments of production and the class of workingmen who own nothing but their labor-power and who live by selling it. Between the two classes an incessant struggle is going on. This struggle is a fact, not a theory in need of proof. It is a fact manifested every day in the relations between employers and wage-earners, a fact inherent in the economic organization of existing society. The class-struggle is not a fact to be deplored; on the contrary, it should be hailed as the creative force in society, as the force which is working for the emancipation of the working-class. It is the class-struggle which is consolidating the workingmen into a compact unity opposed to the exploitation and domination of employers. It is the class-struggle which is evolving new ideas of right (_droit_) in opposition to the existing law. It is the class-struggle which is developing the self-consciousness, the will-power and the moral character of the workingmen and is creating forms of organization proper to them. In a word, it is the class-struggle which is forging the material and moral means of emancipation for the workingmen and putting these weapons into their hands. The task of the syndicalists is to organize the more or less vague class-feeling of the workingmen and to raise it to the clear consciousness of class-interests and of class-ideals. This aim can be attained only by organizing the workingmen into syndicats. The syndicat is an association of workingmen of the same or of similar trades, and is held together by bonds of common interest. In this is its strength. Of all human groupings it is the most fundamental and the most permanent, because men in society are interested above everything else in the satisfaction of their economic needs. The strength, permanence, and class-character of economic groups are made conspicuous by comparison with forms of grouping based on other principles. Political parties, groups of idealists, or communities professing a common creed, are associations which cannot but be weak and transient in view of their heterogeneous composition and of the accidental character of their bond of union. Political bodies, for instance, are made up of men of various interests grouped only by community of ideas. This is true even of the Socialist party which consists of manufacturers, financiers, doctors, and lawyers, as well as of workingmen. Even the Socialist party cannot, therefore, make prominent the class-division of society, and tends to merge all classes into one conglomeration which is unstable and incapable of persistent collective action. Only in groupings of real and fundamental interests such as the syndicats, are men of the same conditions brought together for purposes inextricably bound up with life. The syndicat groups men of one and the same trade in their capacity of workingmen only, regardless of any other qualifications. The workingmen entering a syndicat may be Catholics or Protestants, Republicans, Socialists, or Monarchists, they may be of any color, race or nationality; in their capacity of workingmen they are all equally welcome and legitimate members of the syndicat. A workingman enrolling in a syndicat is not entering a party, not subscribing to a platform, nor accepting a creed. He is simply entering into a relation which is forced upon him by his very position in society, and is grouping himself with his fellowmen in such a way as to derive more strength for himself in the struggle for existence, contributing at the same time to the strength of his fellowmen. These conditions make the syndicat peculiarly fit to serve the interests of the workingmen. The syndicat is a sphere of influence which by the volume of its suggestion and by the constancy and intensity of its action shapes the feelings and ideas of the workingmen after a certain pattern. In the syndicat the workingmen forget the things which divide them and are intent upon that which unites them. In the syndicat the workingmen meet to consider common interests, to discuss their identical situation, to plan together for defense and aggression, and in all ways are made to feel their group-solidarity and their antagonism to the class of employers. In view of this the syndicats should prefer industrial unionism to craft unionism. The separation of workingmen into trades is apt to develop in them a corporate spirit which is not in harmony with the class-idea. The industrial union, on the contrary, widens the mental horizon of the workingman and his range of solidarity with his fellow workers and thus serves better to strengthen his class-consciousness. The syndicat is the instrument with which the workingmen can enter into a "direct" struggle with employers. "Direct action" is what the syndicalists most insist upon, as the only means of educating the workingmen and of preparing them for the final act of emancipation. "Direct action" is action by the workingmen themselves without the help of intermediaries; it is not necessarily violent action, though it may assume violent forms; it is the manifestation of the consciousness and of the will of the workingmen themselves, without the intervention of an external agent: it consists in pressure exerted directly by those interested for the sake of obtaining the ends in view. "Direct action" may assume various forms, but the principal ones in the struggle against employers are: the strike, the boycott, the label, and _sabotage_. The strike, in the view of the syndicalists, is the manifestation of the class-struggle _par excellence_. The strike brings the workingmen face to face with the employers in a clash of interests. A strike clears up, as if by a flash of lightning, the deep antagonism which exists between those who employ and those who work for employers. It further deepens the chasm between them, consolidating the employers on the one hand, and the workingmen on the other, over against one another. It is a revolutionary fact of great value. All strikes, partial, general in a locality, or general in some one trade, have this revolutionary influence, particularly when they are conducted in a certain way. If the workingmen rely only on their treasury, the strike degenerates into a mere contest between two money bags--that of the employer and that of the syndicat--and loses much of its value. Still more are the syndicalists opposed to methods of conciliation and arbitration. The idea of the revolutionary syndicalists is that a strike should be won by _Sturm und Drang_, by quick and energetic pressure on employers. The financial strength of workingmen when striking should not be considered. Money may be supplied by contributions of workingmen of other trades and localities, in itself another means of developing the solidarity of the working-class. Sometimes a strike may be won by calling out sympathetic strikes in other trades. Strikes conducted in this manner yield practical results and serve also as means of educating the workingmen. They reveal to the workingmen their power, as producers, and their importance in the productive system of society. The label, on the other hand, is a means of bringing home to the workingmen their importance as consumers, and of making them wield this power for their own benefit. The boycott reveals the power of the workingmen, either as producers or as consumers. It may be wielded against an employer whose shop is avoided, or against a firm in its capacity as seller. It is an effective means of forcing employers to terms. _Sabotage_ consists in obstructing in all possible ways the regular process of production to the dismay and disadvantage of the employer. The manifestations of _sabotage_ are many, varying with the nature of the industry and with the ingenuity of the workers. In its primitive form, _sabotage_ is a tacit refusal on the part of the workers to exert properly their energy or skill in the performance of their work, in retaliation for any injustice which, in their opinion, had been inflicted upon them by their employers. This form of _sabotage_ includes such practices as those summarized in the Scotch _Ca Canny_ (slow work for low wages) and in the French principle of a _mauvaise paye mauvais travail_ (bad work for bad pay). It also includes the recent practices of the railroad workers in Austria, Italy, and France who disorganized the railway service of their respective countries by obeying literally all the rules and regulations of the service code and by refusing to apply discretion and common sense in the performance of their duties. The distinguishing characteristic of this form of _sabotage_ is that in applying it the workers remain within the limits of their contract and avoid any manifest violation of the law, though the loss inflicted upon the employer may be very heavy. A more aggressive form of _sabotage_ is that which expresses itself in deliberate damage done either to the product of labor or to the nature of the service. An instance of the latter was the so-called _grève perlée_ applied by the French railway men, which consisted in wilful misdirection of baggage and of perishable merchandise. This form of _sabotage_ implies disregard for the laws of property and for the clauses of the labor contract, but it is carried on in a manner which makes detection of motive very difficult.[152] [152] An intermediate form of _sabotage_ is that known as _sabotage à bouche ouverte_ (_sabotage_ of the open mouth). It consists in the disclosure of conditions generally withheld from the public, such as conditions in hotel-kitchens and restaurants, methods of weighing and measuring in stores, practices followed by druggists, frauds resorted to by contractors and builders, etc. From this form of _sabotage_ it is but a short step to the most aggressive and violent kind which finds expression in the deliberate and open disorganization of machinery. This form of _sabotage_ has nothing in common with the destruction of machinery practiced by unorganized workers during the early stages of the capitalist régime. It aims not at the destruction of the machine as a means of production, but at the temporary disability of the machine during strikes for the purpose of preventing employers to carry on production with the help of strikebreakers. Even in this most aggressive form, _sabotage_ may involve very little violence. The syndicalists strongly condemn any act of _sabotage_ which may result in the loss of life. Such are the "direct" methods of struggle against employers. But the revolutionary syndicalists have another enemy, the State, and the struggle against the latter is another aspect of "direct action." The State appears to the syndicalists as the political organization of the capitalist class. Whether monarchist, constitutional, or republican, it is one in character, an organization whose function it is to uphold and to protect the privileges of the property-owners against the demands of the working-class. The workingmen are, therefore, necessarily forced to hurl themselves against the State in their efforts toward emancipation, and they cannot succeed until they have broken the power of the State. The struggle against the State, like the struggle against the employers, must be carried on directly by the workingmen themselves. This excludes the participation of the syndicats in politics and in electoral campaigning. The parliamentary system is a system of representation opposed in principle to "direct action," and serves the interests of the bourgeoisie, for the management of which it is particularly suited. The workingmen can derive no benefit from it. The parliamentary system breeds petty, self-seeking politicians, corrupts the better elements that enter into it and is a source of intrigues and of "wire-pulling." The so-called representatives of the workingman do not and cannot avoid the contagious influence of parliament. Their policy degenerates into bargaining, compromising and collaboration with the bourgeois political parties and weakens the class-struggle. The syndicats, therefore, if not hostile, must remain at least indifferent to parliamentary methods and independent of political parties. They must, however, untiringly pursue their direct struggle against the State. The direct method of forcing the State to yield to the demands of the workingmen consists in exerting external pressure on the public authorities. Agitation in the press, public meetings, manifestations, demonstrations and the like, are the only effective means of making the government reckon with the will of the working-class. By direct pressure on the government the workingmen may obtain reforms of immediate value to themselves. Only such reforms, gained and upheld by force, are real. All other reforms are but a dead letter and a means of deceiving the workingmen. The democratic State talks much about social reforms, labor legislation and the like. In fact, however, all labor laws that are of real importance have been passed only under the pressure of the workingmen. Those which owe their existence to democratic legislators alone are devised to weaken the revolutionary strength of the working-class. Among such laws are those on conciliation and arbitration. All democratic governments are anxious to have Boards of Conciliation and of Arbitration, in order to check strikes which are the main force of the working-class. Workingmen must be opposed to these reforms, which are intended to further the harmony and collaboration of classes, because the ideology of class-harmony is one of the most dangerous snares which are set for the workingmen in a democratic State.[153] This ideology blinds the workingmen to the real facts of inequality and of class-distinctions which are the very foundations of existing society. It allures them into hopes which cannot be fulfilled and leads them astray from the only path of emancipation which is the struggle of classes. [153] The fundamental principle of democracy is that all citizens are equal before the law and that there are no classes in the state. Another idea which is used by the democratic State for the same purpose is the idea of patriotism. "Our country", "our nation", are mottoes inculcated into the mind of the workingman from his very childhood. But these words have no meaning for the workingman. The workingman's country is where he finds work. In search of work he leaves his native land and wanders from place to place. He has no fatherland (_patrie_) in any real meaning of the term. Ties of tradition, of a common intellectual and moral heritage do not exist for him. In his experience as workingman he finds that there is but one real tie, the tie of economic interest which binds him to all the workingmen of the world, and separates him at the same time from all the capitalists of the world. The international solidarity of the workingmen and their anti-patriotism are necessary consequences of the class struggle. The democratic State, like any other State, does not rely upon ideological methods alone in keeping down the workingmen. It has recourse to brute force as well. The judiciary, the administrative machinery and especially the army are used as means of defeating the movements of the working-class. The army is particularly effective as a means of breaking strikes, of crushing the spirit of independence in the workingmen, and as a means of keeping up the spirit of militarism. An anti-militaristic propaganda is, therefore, one of the most important forms of struggle against the State, as well as against capitalism. Anti-militarism consists in carrying on in the army a propaganda of syndicalist ideas. The soldiers are reminded that they are workingmen in uniforms, who will one day return to their homes and shops, and who should not, therefore, forget the solidarity which binds them to their fellow workingmen in blouses. The soldiers are called upon not to use their arms in strikes, and in case of a declaration of war to refuse to take up arms. The syndicalists threaten in case of war to declare a general strike. They are ardent apostles of international peace which is indispensable, in their opinion, to the success of their movement. By "direct action" against employers and the State the workingmen may wrest from the ruling classes reforms which may improve their condition more or less. Such reforms can not pacify the working-class because they do not alter the fundamental conditions of the wage system, but they are conducive to the fortification of the working-class and to its preparation for the final struggle. Every successful strike, every effective boycott, every manifestation of the workingmen's will and power is a blow directed against the existing order; every gain in wages, every shortening of hours of work, every improvement in the general conditions of employment is one more position of importance occupied on the march to the decisive battle, the general strike, which will be the final act of emancipation. The general strike--the supreme act of the class-war--will abolish the classes and will establish new forms of society. The general strike must not be regarded as a _deus ex machina_ which will suddenly appear to solve all difficulties, but as the logical outcome of the syndicalist movement, as the act that is being gradually prepared by the events of every day. However remote it may appear, it is not a Utopia and its possibility cannot be refuted on the ground that general strikes have failed in the past and may continue to fail in the future. The failures of to-day are building the success of to-morrow, and in time the hour of the successful general strike will come. What are the forms of the social organization which will take the place of those now in existence? The Congress of Lyons (1901) had expressed the wish to have this question on the program of the next Congress. In order that the answer to this question should reflect the ideas prevalent among the workingmen, the Confederal Committee submitted the question to the syndicats for study. A questionnaire was sent out containing the following questions: (1) How would your syndicat act in order to transform itself from a group for combat into a group for production? (2) How would you act in order to take possession of the machinery pertaining to your industry? (3) How do you conceive the functions of the organized shops and factories in the future? (4) If your syndicat is a group within the system of highways, of transportation of products or of passengers, of distribution, etc., how do you conceive its functioning? (5) What will be your relations to your federation of trade or of industry after your reorganization? (6) On what principle would the distribution of products take place and how would the productive groups procure the raw material for themselves? (7) What part would the _Bourses du Travail_ play in the transformed society and what would be their task with reference to the statistics and to the distribution of products? At the Congress of Montpellier, in 1902, a number of reports were presented answering the above questions. The reports were in the name of the syndicats and came from different parts of France. Only a limited number of them were printed as appendices to the general report of the Congress. Among them, it may be interesting to note, was the report of the syndicat of agricultural laborers. The rest were summed up in the official organ of the Confederation, _La Voix du Peuple_. The reports differed in details. Some emphasized one point more than another and _vice versa_. But the general character of the reports was identical and showed a consensus of opinion on the main outlines of that "economic federalism" which is the ideal of the syndicalists. According to this ideal, the syndicat will constitute the cell of society. It will group the producers of one and the same trade who will control their means of production. Property, however, will be social or collective, and no one syndicat will be the exclusive owner of any portion of the collective property. It will merely use it with the consent of the entire society. The syndicat will be connected with the rest of society through its relations with the Federation of its trade, the _Bourse du Travail_, and the General Confederation. With the National Federation relations will be mainly technical and special, and the rôle of the Federation will be insignificant. With the General Confederation relations will be indirect and mainly by mediation of the _Bourse du Travail_. Relations with the latter will be of permanent importance, as the _Bourses du Travail_ will be the centers of economic activity. The _Bourse du Travail_--in the ideal system of the syndicalists--will concentrate all local interests and serve as a connecting link between a locality and the rest of the world. In its capacity as local center it will collect all statistical data necessary for the regular flow of economic life. It will keep itself informed on the necessities of the locality and on its resources, and will provide for the proper distribution of products; as intermediary between the locality and the rest of the country it will facilitate the exchange of products between locality and locality and will provide for the introduction of raw materials from outside. In a word, the Bourse will combine in its organization the character both of local and of industrial autonomy. It will destroy the centralized political system of the present State and will counter-balance the centralizing tendencies of industry. To the General Confederation will be left only services of national importance, railways for instance. However, even in the management of national public utilities the National Federation and the Bourses will have the first word. The function of the General Confederation will consist mainly in furnishing general information and in exerting a controlling influence. The General Confederation will also serve as intermediary in international relations. In this social system the State as now constituted will have no place. Of course, one may call the ideal system of the syndicalists a State. All depends on the definition given to the term. But when the syndicalists speak of the State, they mean an organization of society in which a delegated minority centralizes in its hands the power of legislation on all matters. This power may be broken up and divided among a number of governing bodies, as in the federal system of the United States, but it does not thereby change its character. The essential characteristic of the State is to impose its rule _from without_. The legislative assemblies of the present State decide upon questions that are entirely foreign to them, with which they have no real connection in life and which they do not understand. The rules they prescribe, the discipline they impose, come as an external agency to intervene in the processes of social life. The State is, therefore, arbitrary and oppressive in its very nature. To this State-action the syndicalists oppose a discipline coming _from within_, a rule suggested by the processes of collective life itself, and imposed by those whose function it is to carry on those processes. It is, as it were, a specialization of function carried over into the domain of public life and made dependent upon industrial specialization. No one should legislate on matters unless he has the necessary training. The syndicats, the delegates of the syndicats to the _Bourses du Travail_, and so on, only they can properly deal with their respective problems. The rules they would impose would follow from a knowledge of the conditions of their social functions and would be, so to speak, a "natural" discipline made inevitable by the conditions themselves. Besides, many of the functions of the existing State would be abolished as unnecessary in a society based on common ownership, on co-operative work, and on collective solidarity. The necessary functions of local administration would be carried on by the _Bourses du Travail_. In recent years, however, revolutionary syndicalists have not expatiated upon the forms of the future society. Convinced that the social transformation is inevitable, they have not thought it necessary to have any ready-made model upon the lines of which the social organization of the future should be carved. The revolutionary classes of the past had no idea of the new social system they were struggling for, and no ready-made plan is necessary for the working-class. Prepared by all preliminary struggle, the workingmen will find in themselves, when the time comes, sufficient creative power to remake society. The lines of the future, however, are indicated in a general way by the development of the present, and the syndicalist movement is clearly paving the way for an "economic federalism". The workingmen are being prepared for their future rôle by the experiences of syndicalist life. The very struggle which the syndicats carry on trains the workingmen in solidarity, in voluntary discipline, in power and determination to resist oppression, and in other moral qualities which group life requires. Moreover, the syndicats, particularly the _Bourses du Travail_, are centers where educational activities are carried on. Related to the facts of life and to the concrete problems of the day, this educational work, in the form of regular courses, lectures, readings, etc., is devised to develop the intellectual capacities of the workingmen. The struggle of the present and the combat of the future imply the initiative, the example and the leadership of a conscious and energetic minority ardently devoted to the interests of its class. The experience of the labor movement has proven this beyond all doubt. The mass of workingmen, like every large mass, is inert. It needs an impelling force to set it in motion and to put to work its tremendous potential energy. Every strike, every labor demonstration, every movement of the working-class is generally started by an active and daring minority which voices the sentiments of the class to which it belongs. The conscious minority, however, can act only by carrying with it the mass, and by making the latter participate directly in the struggle. The action of the conscious minority is, therefore, just the opposite of the action of parliamentary representatives. The latter are bent on doing everything themselves, on controlling absolutely the affairs of the country, and are, therefore, anxious, to keep the masses as quiet, as inactive and as submissive as possible. The conscious minority, on the contrary, is simply the advance-guard of its class; it cannot succeed, unless backed by the solid forces of the masses; the awareness, the readiness and the energy of the latter are indispensable conditions of success and must be kept up by all means. The idea of the "conscious minority" is opposed to the democratic principle. Democracy is based upon majority-rule, and its method of determining the general will is universal suffrage. But experience has shown that the "general will" is a fiction and that majority-rule really becomes the domination of a minority--which can impose itself upon all and exploit the majority in its own interests. This is inevitably so, because universal suffrage is a clumsy, mechanical device, which brings together a number of disconnected units and makes them act without proper understanding of the thing they are about. The effect of political majorities when they do make themselves felt is to hinder advance and to suppress the progressive, active and more developed minorities. The practice of the labor movement is necessarily the reverse of this. The syndicats do not arise out of universal suffrage and are not the representatives of the majority in the democratic sense of the term. They group but a minority of all workingmen and can hardly expect ever to embrace the totality or even the majority of the latter. The syndicats arise through a process of selection. The more sensitive, the intellectually more able, the more active workingmen come together and constitute themselves a syndicat. They begin to discuss the affairs of their trade. When determined to obtain its demands, the syndicat enters into a struggle, without at first finding out the "general will." It assumes leadership and expects to be followed, because it is convinced that it expresses the feelings of all. The syndicat constitutes the leading conscious minority. The syndicat obtains better conditions not for its members alone, but for all the members of the trade and often for all the workingmen of a locality or of the country. This justifies its self-assumed leadership, because it is not struggling for selfish ends, but for the interests of all. Besides, the syndicat is not a medieval guild and is open to all. If the general mass of workingmen do not enter the syndicats, they themselves renounce the right of determining conditions for the latter. Benefiting by the struggles of the minority, they cannot but submit to its initiative and leadership. The syndicat, therefore, is not to be compared with "cliques," "rings," "political machines," and the like. The syndicat, it must be remembered, is a group of individuals belonging to the same trade. By this very economic situation, the members of a syndicat are bound by ties of common interest with the rest of their fellow-workingmen. A sense of solidarity and an altruistic feeling of devotion to community interests must necessarily arise in the syndicat which is placed in the front ranks of the struggling workingmen. The leadership of the syndicalist minority, therefore, is necessarily disinterested and beneficent and is followed voluntarily by the workingmen. Thus, grouping the active and conscious minority the syndicats lead the workingmen as a class in the struggle for final emancipation. Gradually undermining the foundations of existing society, they are developing within the framework of the old the elements of a new society, and when this process shall have sufficiently advanced, the workingmen rising in the general strike will sweep away the undermined edifice and erect the new society born from their own midst. CHAPTER VI THE THEORISTS OF REVOLUTIONARY SYNDICALISM The writers who have contributed to the development of revolutionary syndicalism may be divided into two groups. One comprises men who, like Pelloutier, Pouget, Griffuelhes, Delesalle, Niel, Yvetot and others, either belong to the working-class, or have completely identified themselves with the workingmen. The other consists of a number of "intellectuals" who stand outside of the syndicalist movement. The members of the first group have played the leading part in building up the syndicalist movement. Pelloutier was secretary of the Federation of Bourses from 1894 to 1901; Griffuelhes was secretary of the General Confederation of Labor from 1901 to 1908; Pouget was assistant secretary of the Confederation and editor of the _Voix du Peuple_ from 1900 to 1908; Yvetot has been one of the secretaries of the Confederation since 1902; Niel was secretary of the General Confederation for a short time in 1909, and the others now occupy or have occupied prominent places in the syndicalist organizations. The close connection of the members of this group with the syndicalist movement and with the General Confederation of Labor has had its influence upon their writings. Their ideas have been stimulated by close observation of the facts of syndicalist life, and the course of their thought has been determined largely by the struggles of the day. There is a stronger emphasis in their writings upon methods, upon "direct action," and upon relations to other existing groups. There is less speculation and pure theorizing. In other respects the men of this group differ. They have come from different political groupings: Pouget and Yvetot, for instance, from the Communist-Anarchists; Griffuelhes from the Allemanists. They have different views on the relation of revolutionary syndicalism to other social theories, differences which will be brought out further on. The second group of writers, the so-called "intellectuals" outside the syndicalist movement, have grouped themselves about the monthly _Le Mouvement Socialiste_, started in 1899 by M. Hubert Lagardelle, a member of the Socialist Party, and about the weekly _La Guerre Sociale_, of which Gustave Hervé is editor. _Le Mouvement Socialiste_ was at first a Socialist monthly review, but accentuated its sympathy for the syndicalists as time went on, and became an expressly revolutionary syndicalist organ in 1904. The _Mouvement Socialiste_ counted among its constant contributors down to 1910 M. Georges Sorel and Edouard Berth. These three writers, Sorel, Lagardelle, and Berth, have tried to systematize the ideas of revolutionary syndicalism and to put them on a philosophical and sociological basis. The most prolific of them and the one who has been proclaimed "the most profound thinker of the new school" is M. Georges Sorel. M. Georges Sorel has written on various subjects. Among the works from his pen are volumes on Socrates, on _The Historical System of Renan_, on _The Ruin of the Ancient World_, a number of articles on ethics and on various other topics. The works that bear on revolutionary syndicalism which alone can be here considered, are: _L'Avenir Socialiste des Syndicats_, _La Décomposition du Marxisme_, _Introduction à l'Économie Moderne_, _Les Illusions du Progrès_, _Réflexions sur la Violence_, and a number of articles in various periodicals. The works of M. Sorel on revolutionary syndicalism stretch over a period of ten to twelve years: _The Socialist Future of the Syndicats_ was written in 1897; the second edition of his _Reflections on Violence_ appeared in 1910. Within this period of time the thought of M. Sorel has not only steadily developed in scope but has also changed in many essential points. It would require a separate study to point out the changes and their significance. This is out of the question in this study. The salient points only of M. Sorel's theories will be treated here, therefore, without consideration of their place in the intellectual history of their author. M. Sorel has attached his theories to the ideas of Marx. Revolutionary syndicalism is to M. Sorel but the revival and further development of the fundamental ideas of Marx. The "new school" considers itself, therefore, "neo-Marxist," true to "the spirit" of Marx[154] though rejecting the current interpretations of Marx and completing the lacunae which it finds in Marx. This work of revision it considers indispensable because, on the one hand, Marx was not always "well inspired,"[155] and often harked back to the past instead of penetrating into the future; and because, on the other hand, Marx did not know all the facts that have now become known; Marx knew well the development of the bourgeoisie, but could not know the development of the labor movement which has become such a tremendous factor in social life.[156] [154] G. Sorel, _L'Avenir Socialiste des Syndicats_ (Paris, 1901), p. 3. [155] G. Sorel, _Réflexions sur la Violence_ (Paris, 1910), p. 249. [156] _Ibid._, p. 246. The "new school" does not consider itself by any means bound to admire "the illusions, the faults, the errors of him who has done so much to elaborate the revolutionary ideas."[157] What it retains of Marx is his essential and fruitful idea of social evolution, namely, that the development of each social system furnishes the material conditions for effective and durable changes in the social relations within which a new system begins its development.[158] Accordingly, Socialists must drop all utopian ideas: they must understand that Socialism is to be developed gradually in the bosom of capitalism itself and is to be liberated from within capitalistic surroundings only when the time is ripe. [157] G. Sorel, _Réflexions sur la Violence_ (Paris, 1910), p. 249. [158] G. Sorel, _L'Avenir Socialiste des Syndicats_, pp. 3-4. The ripening of socialism within capitalism does not mean merely technical development. This is indispensable of course: socialism can be only an economic system based on highly developed and continually progressing productive forces; but this is one aspect of the case only. The other, a no less if not more important aspect, is the development of new moral forces within the old system; that is, the political, juridical and moral development of the working-class,[159] of that class which alone can establish a socialist society. [159] _Ibid._, p. 39. This was also the idea of Marx: "Marx also saw that the workingmen must acquire political and juridical capacity before they can triumph."[160] The revolution which the working-class is pursuing is not a simple change in the personnel or in the form of the government; it is a complete overthrow of the "traditional State" which is to be replaced by the workingmen's organizations. Such a complete transformation presupposes "high moral culture" in the workingmen and a capacity for directing the economic functions of society. The social revolution will thus come only when the workingmen are "ready" for it, that is, when they feel that they can assume the direction of society. The "moral" education of the working-class, therefore, is the essential thing; Socialism will not have to "organize labor", because capitalism will have accomplished this work before. But in order that the working-class should be able to behave like "free men" in the "workshop created by capitalism",[161] they must have developed the necessary capacities. Socialism, therefore, reduces itself "to the revolutionary apprenticeship"[162] of the workingmen; "to teaching the workingmen to will, to instructing them by action, and to revealing to them their proper capacities; such is the whole secret of the socialist education of the people."[163] [160] _Ibid._, p. 4. [161] G. Sorel, _Réflexions sur la Violence_, pp. 289-5. [162] _Ibid._, p. 42. [163] G. Sorel, _Preface_ to Pelloutier's _Histoire des Bourses du Travail_. The workingmen can find the moral training necessary for the triumph of socialism only in the syndicats and in the experience of syndical life. The syndicats develop the administrative and organizing capacities of the workingmen. In the syndicats the workingmen learn to do their business themselves and to reject the dictatorship of "intellectuals" who have conquered the field of politics which they have made to serve their ambitions. The greatest organizing and educating force created by the syndicalist movement is the idea of the general strike. The general strike means a complete and "absolute" revolution. It is the idea of a decisive battle between the bourgeoisie and the working-class assuring the triumph of the latter. This idea is a "social myth" and hence its tremendous historic force. "Social myths" always arise during great social movements. The men who participate in great social movements, represent to themselves their actions in the near future in the form of images of battles assuring the triumph of their cause. These images are "myths." The images of the early Christians on the coming of Christ and on the ruin of the pagan world are an illustration of a "social myth." The period of the Reformation saw the rise of "social myths," because the conditions were such as to make it necessary for the "men of heart" who were inspired by "the will of deliverance" to create "images" which satisfying their "sentiments of struggle" kept up their zeal and their devotion. The "social myth" presupposes a social group which harbors an intense desire of deliverance, which feels all the difficulties in its way and which finds deep satisfaction in picturing to itself its future struggles and future triumph. Such images must not and cannot be analyzed like a thing; they must be taken _en bloc_, and it is particularly necessary to avoid comparing the real historic facts with the representations which were in circulation before the facts took place. "Myths" are indispensable for a revolutionary movement; they concentrate the force of the rising class and intensify it to the point of action. No myth can possibly be free from utopian conceptions. But the utopian elements are not essential. The essentials are the hope back of the myth, the ideal strengthened by the myth, and the impatience of deliverance embodied in the myth. The general strike is the "social myth" of the working-class longing for emancipation. It is the expression of the convictions of the working-class "in the language of movement," the supreme concentration of the desires, the hopes, and the ideals of the working-class. Its importance for the future of Socialism, therefore, is paramount. The idea of the general strike keeps alive and fortifies in the workingmen their class-consciousness and revolutionary feelings. Every strike on account of it assumes the character of a skirmish before the great decisive battle which is to come. Owing to the general strike idea, "socialism remains ever young, the attempts made to realize social peace seem childish, the desertion of comrades who run over into the ranks of the bourgeoisie, far from discouraging the masses, excites them still more to revolt; in a word, the rupture (between bourgeoisie and working-class) is never in danger of disappearing."[164] [164] G. Sorel, _Réflexions sur la Violence_, p. 179. This rupture is an indispensable condition of Socialism. Socialism cannot be the continuation of democracy; it must be, if it can be at all, a totally "new culture" built upon ideas and institutions totally different from the ideas and from the institutions of democracy. Socialism must have its own economic, judicial, political and moral institutions evolved by the working-class independently from those of the bourgeoisie, and not in imitation of the latter. Sorel is bitter in his criticism of democracy; it is, in his view, the régime _par excellence_ in which men are governed "by the magical power of high-sounding words rather than by ideas; by formulas rather than by reasons; by dogmas the origin of which nobody cares to find out, rather than by doctrines based on observation."[165] It is the kingdom of the professionals of politics, over whom the people can have no control. Sorel thinks that even the spread of knowledge does not render the masses more capable of choosing and of supervising their so-called representatives and that the further society advances in the path of democracy, the less effective does control by the people become.[166] The whole system of democracy, in the opinion of M. Sorel, is based on the "fiction of the general will" and is maintained by a mechanism (campaigning, elections, etc.) which can result only in demoralization. It delivers the country into the hands of "charlatans," of office-seekers and of idle talkers who may assume the air of great men, but who are never fit for their task. [165] G. Sorel, _Illusions du Progrès_ (Paris, 1911), p. 10. [166] G. Sorel, _Illusions du Progrès_, p. 59. The working-class must, therefore, break entirely with democracy and evolve from within itself its own ideas and original institutions. This complete rupture between the ideas of the past and those of the future contradicts the conception of progress now in vogue. But the conception of progress is rather a deception than a conception. As held to-day, it is full of illusions, of errors, and of misconceptions. The idea of progress is characteristic of democracy and is cherished by the bourgeois classes because it permits them to enjoy their privileges in peace. Lulled by the optimistic illusion that everything is for the best in this best of all worlds, the privileged classes can peacefully and hopefully pass by the misery and the disorders of existing society. This conception of progress, like all other ideas of democracy, was evolved by the rising middle classes of the eighteenth century, mainly by the functionaries of royalty who furnished the theoretical guides of the Revolution. But, in truth, the only real progress is the development of industrial technique[167]--the constant invention of machinery and the increase of productive forces. The latter create the material conditions out of which a new culture arises, completely breaking with the culture of the past. [167] _Ibid._, p. 276. One of the factors promoting the development of productive forces is "proletarian violence." This violence is not to be thought of after the model of the "Reign of Terror" which was the creation of the bourgeoisie. "Proletarian violence" does not mean that there should be a "great development of brutality" or that "blood should be shed in torrents" (_versé à flots_).[168] It means that the workingmen in their struggle must manifest their force so as to intimidate the employers; it means that "the social conflicts must assume the character of pure struggles similar to those of armies in a campaign."[169] Such violence will show the capitalist class that all their efforts to establish social peace are useless; the capitalists will then turn to their economic interests exclusively; the type of a forceful, energetic "captain of industry" will be the result, and all the possibilities of capitalism will be developed. [168] G. Sorel, _Réflexions sur la Violence_, pp. 256-7. [169] _Ibid._, p. 150. On the other hand, violence stimulates ever anew the class-feelings of the workingmen and their sentiments of the sublime mission which history has imposed upon them. It is necessary that the revolutionary syndicalists should feel that they are fulfiling the great and sublime mission of renovating the world; this is their only compensation for all their struggles and sufferings. The feelings of sublimity and enthusiasm have disappeared from the bourgeois-world, and their absence has contributed to the decadence of the bourgeoisie. The working-class is again introducing these feelings by incorporating them in the idea of the general strike, and is, therefore, making possible a moral rejuvenation of the world. All these ideas may seem tinged with pessimism. But "nothing very great (_très haut_) has been accomplished in this world" without pessimism.[170] Pessimism is a "metaphysics of morals" rather than a theory of the world; it is a conception of "a march towards deliverance" and presupposes an experimental knowledge of the obstacles in the way of our imaginings or in other words "a sentiment of social determinism" and a feeling of our human weakness.[171] The pessimist "regards social conditions as forming a system enchained by an iron law, the necessity of which must be submitted to as it is given _en bloc_, and which can disappear only after a catastrophe involving the whole."[172] This catastrophic character the general strike has and must have, if it is to retain its profound significance. [170] G. Sorel, _Réflexions sur la Violence_, p. 8. [171] _Ibid._, p. 12. [172] _Ibid._, p. 13. The catastrophic character of the general strike enhances its moral value. The workingmen are stimulated by it to prepare themselves for the final combat by a moral effort over themselves. But only in such unique moments of life when "we make an effort to create a new man within ourselves" "do we take possession of ourselves" and become free in the Bergsonian sense of the term. The general strike, therefore, raises socialism to the rôle of the greatest moral factor of our time. Thus, M. Sorel having started out with Marx winds up with Bergson. The attempt to connect his views with the philosophy of Bergson has been made by M. Sorel in all his later works. But all along M. Sorel claims to be "true to the spirit of Marx" and tries to prove this by various quotations from the works of Marx. It is doubtful, however, whether there is an affinity between the "spirit" of Marx and that of Professor Bergson. It appears rather that M. Sorel has tacitly assumed this affinity because he interprets the "spirit" of Marx in a peculiar and arbitrary way. Without any pretense of doing full justice to the subject, three essential points may be indicated which perhaps sufficiently prove that "neo-Marxism" has drifted so far away from Marx as to lose touch with his "spirit." These three points bear upon the very kernel of Marxism: its conception of determinism, its intellectualism, and its emphasis on the technical factors of social evolution. The Marxian conception of social determinism is well known. The social process was thought of by Marx as rigidly "necessary," as an organic, almost as a mechanical process. The impression of social necessity one gets in reading Marx is so strong as to convey the feeling of being carried on by an irresistible process to a definite social end. In M. Sorel's works, on the contrary, social determinism is a word merely, the concept back of it is not assimilated. M. Sorel speaks of the general strike and of Socialism as of possibilities or probabilities, not of necessities. In reading him, one feels that M. Sorel himself never felt the irresistible character of the logical category of necessity. The difference in the second point follows from the difference in the first. Marx never doubted the possibility of revealing the secret of the social process. Trained in the "panlogistic school," Marx always tacitly assumed that socialism could be scientific, that the procedure of science could prove the necessity of social evolution going in one direction and not in any other. It was the glory of having given this proof which he claimed for himself and which has been claimed for him by his disciples. M. Sorel is expressly not "true to the spirit" of Marx in this point. "Science has no way of foreseeing,"[173] says he. His works are full of diatribes against the pretention of science to explain everything. He attributes a large rôle to the unclear, to the subconscious and to the mystical in all social phenomena. A sentence like the following may serve to illustrate this point. Says M. Sorel: [173] G. Sorel, _L'Avenir Socialiste des Syndicats_, p. 54. Socialism is necessarily a very obscure thing, because it treats of production--that is, of what is most mysterious in human activity--and because it proposes to realize a radical transformation in this region which it is impossible to describe with the clearness which is found in the superficial regions of the world. No effort of thought, no progress of knowledge, no reasonable induction will ever be able to dispel the mystery which envelops Socialism.[174] [174] G. Sorel, _Réflexions sur la Violence_, pp. 201-2. This, according to Sorel, is just what "Marxism has recognized": M. Sorel, certainly, "knows his Marx." In the third point, M. Sorel "the revolutionary revisionist," comes very close to M. Bernstein, "the evolutionary revisionist." The coming of Socialism is made independent of those technical and economic processes which Marx so much emphasized. The conceptions of the concentration of capital, of proletarization, etc., are given up. On the contrary, Socialism is to be prepared by the "revolutionary apprenticeship" of the working-class, an apprenticeship to be made in action and under the influence of a "social myth" created by imagination spurred on by the subconscious will. There certainly are pronounced voluntaristic elements in Marx, but this whole conception of M. Sorel seems to attribute to Marx a "spirit" by no means in harmony with his make-up. Though claiming to be a disciple of Marx, M. Sorel seems to be more in harmony with Proudhon whose works he often quotes and whose views, particularly on morals, he accepts. But besides Proudhon many other writers have had a considerable influence on M. Sorel. Besides Bergson, already mentioned, Renan and Nietzsche, to quote but two, have had their share of influence in many of the ideas expressed by M. Sorel. M. Sorel has an essentially mobile mind quick to catch an idea and to give it a somewhat new and original turn. He lacks the ability of systematizing his views and his reader must have considerable patience with him. The systematic way in which his views have been given in this chapter is rather misleading; M. Sorel himself proceeds in a quite different way; he deals with an idea for a while but is led away into digression after digression, to pick up the thread of his previous argument tens of pages later. Lack of system makes it easier for contradictions to live together without detection. It also predisposes a writer to assimilate and to transform any ideas he may meet. With Sorel this is evidently so, though his main claim is "profundity." The pages of his work bristle with the word _approfondir_ which is so often repeated that it makes the poor reader dizzy. The disappointment is sharp, because M. Sorel soon loses the thread of his thought before having had time to fathom his subject. His works, however, savor of freshness of thought and of originality. Quite a different writer is M. Lagardelle. His exposition is regular, systematic, fluent, and clear. While Sorel is mainly interested in the philosophical aspect of his problems and has been called, probably sarcastically, by M. Jaurès "the metaphysician of revolutionary syndicalism," M. Lagardelle considers the economic and political aspects of the new doctrine. His works need not be dwelt upon because his ideas do not differ essentially from those of M. Sorel. Two points, however, may be singled out; M. Lagardelle, though criticizing democracy, is careful to point out that Socialism has been made possible by democracy and that no return to ancient political forms is desired; secondly, he allows a place for the political [socialist] party in the general social system; its rôle is to attend to those problems which are not entirely included within the domain of industrial activities.[175] [175] H. Lagardelle, _Le Socialisme Ouvrier_ (Paris, 1911). While the "Mouvement Socialiste" devoted its attention mainly to the philosophical and sociological aspects of syndicalism, the weekly _La Guerre Sociale_ took up questions of policy and method, particularly the questions of anti-militarism and anti-patriotism. Gustave Hervé, the editor of the paper, attracted widespread attention by his attacks on the army and on the idea of patriotism, and became the _enfant terrible_ of the French socialist movement because of his violent utterances on these questions. On other questions of method, M. Hervé was no less violent being a disciple of the Blanquists who believed in the efficacy of all revolutionary methods including the general strike. However, the theoretical contributions of M. Hervé to the philosophy of the movement are slight. Now, what are the relations of the two groups of writers described in this chapter and what part has each played in the history of the movement? These questions must be carefully considered if a correct understanding of revolutionary syndicalism is desired. The view which prevailed outside of France is that M. Sorel and his disciples "created" the theory of revolutionary socialism in opposition to the parliamentary socialists, and that they have been able to impress their ideas upon a larger or smaller portion of the organized French workingmen. This view was first presented by Professor W. Sombart in his well-known work on _Socialism and the Social Movement_, and has made its way into other writings on revolutionary syndicalism. M. Sorel is often spoken of as the "leader" of the revolutionary syndicalists, and the whole movement is regarded as a form of Marxian revisionism. This view, however, is a "myth" and should be discarded. French writers who have studied the social movement of their country and who are competent judges have tried to dispel the error that has gotten abroad.[176] The theorists of the _Mouvement Socialiste_ themselves have repeatedly declined the "honor" which error has conferred upon them. M. Lagardelle has reiterated time and again that revolutionary syndicalism was born of the experience of the labor movement and worked out by the workingmen themselves. M. Sorel has said that he learned more from the syndicalist workingmen than they could learn from him. And in an article reviewing the book of Professor Sombart, M. Berth has insisted that Professor Sombart was in error. "If we had any part," wrote he, "it was the simple part of interpreters, of translators, of glossers; we have served as spokesmen, that's all; but it is necessary to avoid reducing to a few propositions of a school, a movement which is so essentially working-class and the leading ideas of which, such as direct action and the general strike, are so specifically of a working-class character."[177] [176] See articles of Lagardelle, G. Weil and Cornelissen in the _Archiv für Sozialwissenschaft und Sozialpolitik_, 1907-1910. [177] _Le Mouvement Socialiste_ (May, 1908), p. 390. This must not be taken as over-modesty on the part of "intellectuals" who are careful not to pose as leaders or as inspirers. The facts are there to prove the statements of M. Lagardelle and of M. Sorel. The idea of the general strike was elaborated by workingmen-members of the various committees on the general strike. The idea of "direct action," as has been shown, found its defenders in the first Congresses of the General Confederation of Labor. The theory of the social rôle of the syndicat was formulated by Pelloutier and by other members of the "Federation of Bourses" before M. Sorel wrote his little book on _The Socialist Future of the Syndicats_. Even the statement of M. Berth must be somewhat modified. The theorists of the _Mouvement Socialiste_ have never by any means been the authorized "spokesmen" of the revolutionary syndicalists of the General Confederation. They were no more than a group of writers who, watching the syndicalist movement from the outside, were stimulated by it to their reflections and ideas. They thought they found in the syndicalist movement "a truly original force capable of refreshing the socialist conception", and they formulated their ideas on the subject. They never took any part in the movement, and could not feel themselves its representatives. What then was their influence? In general, the same as that of other socialist writers. They were and are read by the French workingmen just as Kropotkin, Jaurès, Proudhon and other contemporary or former socialist and anarchist writers, and as many non-socialist writers are. Naturally, some workingmen came more under their influence, than under that of others; and such workingmen may be disposed to look upon them as their theoretical guides and leaders. But even the latter interpretation is by no means applicable to all the theories of M. Sorel, for the main ideas of Sorel seem fundamentally incapable of inspiring a movement of large masses. The theory of the "social myth" may be original and attractive, but if accepted by the workingmen could not inspire them to action. If "images of battles" are important for the "rising classes" as an impelling force, they can be so only so long as they are naïvely and fully believed in. The worm of reflection must not touch them. The "men longing for deliverance" must believe that the future will be just as they picture it, otherwise their enthusiasm for these pictures would find no nourishment. Should they come to realize the "utopian" and "mythical" character of their constructions they would abandon them. The pessimistic basis of M. Sorel's _Weltanschauung_ may appeal to literary men, to students of philosophy and to individuals longing for a moral theory. It can not be assimilated by a mass "moving toward emancipation." When one reads the original documents of the syndicalist movement, he is struck, on the contrary, by the powerful torrent of optimism by which the movement is carried along. Only a strong belief in a "speedy emancipation" created the enthusiasm for the idea of the general strike. There may be a subconscious pessimism back of this optimism, but its appearance in the field of clear consciousness would have been destructive for the movement. It is, therefore, quite natural that the writers representing the General Confederation of Labor who address the workingmen directly do not reproduce these theories of M. Sorel. As has been indicated already, their writings bear a different stamp. And if among these writers some, as for instance M. Griffuelhes, seem to have come more under the influence of the group _Le Mouvement Socialiste_, the rest occupy an independent position even from the theoretical point of view. How little M. Sorel could have been the "leader" of the revolutionary syndicalist movement may be illustrated by the following comparison. At the Congress of Lyons in 1901 the secretary of the General Confederation of Labor, M. Guérard, wrote, as we have seen, that the Confederation is destined to transform society. In the same year, M. Sorel, in his preface to Pelloutier's _Histoire des Bourses du Travail_, wrote: "The Confederation of Labor appears to me to be destined to become an officious Council of Labor, and an academy of proletarian ideas, which will present its wishes to the government, as the large agricultural societies do." The history of the General Confederation of Labor since 1902, to be considered in the following chapter, will show that M. Sorel missed the point too far to be able to claim the title of "leader" whose function, presumably, is to point out the way and not to acknowledge it, after it has once been taken. It is necessary to bear all this in mind in order to grasp the real character of revolutionary syndicalism. M. Sorel has recently renounced his revolutionary syndicalist ideas. In December, 1910, he wrote to the Italian revolutionary syndicalists who invited him to their Congress at Boulogne: It seems to the author [of the _Reflections on Violence_] that syndicalism has not realized what was expected from it. Many hope that the future will correct the evils of the present hour; but the author feels himself too old to live in distant hopes; and he has decided to employ the remaining years of his life in the deepening (_approfondir_) of other questions which keenly interest the cultivated youth of France.[178] [178] _Le Mouvement Socialiste_ (March, 1911), pp. 184-5. Previous to that, M. Sorel and M. Berth had both promised collaboration in a so-called neo-monarchist monthly, _La Cité Française_, which, however, did not see the light. This probably seemed to them natural in view of their opposition to democracy. But under the political conditions of France such an act could not but shock the workingmen who may criticise democracy but who are bitterly opposed to everything connected with the _ancien régime_. This act of M. Sorel and M. Berth weakened the group of _Le Mouvement Socialiste_ which, however, is still published by M. Lagardelle, though with less force and _éclat_ than before. The act of M. Sorel, however, could have no perceptible significance for the revolutionary syndicalist movement. The latter is led by other leaders and is determined in its march by other influences. The revolutionary syndicalist ideas embodied in the movement represented by the General Confederation of Labor were evolved, as has been shown, in the syndicalist organizations of France. The Anarchists entering the syndicats largely contributed to the revolutionary turn which the syndicats took. Their influence, hailed by some, deplored by others, is recognized by all. The Anarchists themselves often speak as if they "created" the entire movement, though this is an exaggeration. The rôle of the Allemanists has been considerable, as was shown in the preceding chapters. And the more definite formulation of revolutionary syndicalist ideas in the period of "Millerandism" was the work of revolutionary socialist workingmen of all brands--Allemanists, Anarchists, Blanquists and others. This clears up the question of the relation of revolutionary syndicalism to other social theories. The theorists of the _Mouvement Socialiste_ have proclaimed revolutionary syndicalism as a new social theory. They have been very persistent in trying to delimit their theoretical dominion from parliamentary socialism on the one hand, and from Anarchism on the other. From the latter particularly they wished to be separated, feeling as they did how dangerously close they came to it. Many workingmen have accepted this view, proud to proclaim that they have evolved a theory of their own--the theory of the working-class. Others, however, have taken the correct point of view. They see that the main ideas of revolutionary syndicalism cannot be said to be new. They may all be found in the old "International Association of Workingmen," and especially in the writings of the Bakounist or federalist wing of that Association. If not the terms, the ideas on direct action, on the general strike, on the social rôle of the syndicat, and on the future "economic federalism" may all be found there more or less clearly stated.[179] [179] J. Guillaume, _L'Internationale_, vols. i-iii; also Report of 7th Congress of "International" in Brussels in 1874. Revolutionary syndicalism appears then, from this point of view not as a new theory, but as a return to the old theories of the "International" in which the combined influence of Proudhon, Marx and Bakounin manifested itself. The formulation of revolutionary syndicalism, however, is not to any great degree a conscious return to old ideas, though this conscious factor had its part; Pelloutier, for instance, was expressly guided by the conceptions of Proudhon and Bakounin. References to the "International" are also frequent in the discussions of the Congresses of the General Confederation. The more important factors, however, were the conditions of the French syndical movement itself. The workingmen of different socialist groups meeting on the common ground of the syndicat had to attenuate their differences and to emphasize their common points. Thus, by a process of elimination and of mutual influence a common stock of ideas was elaborated which, absorbing the quintessence of all socialist theories, became what is known as revolutionary syndicalism. Its similarity to the ideas of the "International" is partly due to the fact that in the "International" similar conditions existed. Mainly worked out in the practice of the syndicalist movement, the ideas of revolutionary syndicalism are also mainly determined in their further evolution by this practice. The ideas, therefore, must be judged in connection with the conditions in which they developed. These conditions will be further described in the following chapters. CHAPTER VII THE GENERAL CONFEDERATION OF LABOR SINCE 1902 Before taking up the history of the Confederation after 1902, a general outline of the constitution adopted at Montpellier must be given. Passim will be indicated the changes that have been made since. The General Confederation of Labor consists of National Federations of industries and trades,[180] of National Syndicats, of isolated single syndicats (in that case only if there is no national or regional federation of the trade, or if the federation does not adhere to the Confederation), and of _Bourses du Travail_, considered as local, departmental or regional central unions.[181] [180] In 1906 the statutes were so modified as to admit no new trade federations. This was a decided step in the direction of the industrial form of organization. [181] At the last congress of the Confederation which was held in Havre in September, 1912, a resolution was passed that the Bourses du Travail in each Department of France should form Departmental Unions (Unions Departmentales), and that on January 1, 1914, these Departmental Unions should take the place of the Bourses du Travail in the organization of the Confederation. The resolution has not yet been fully carried into effect, and the process of reorganization is still going on. When it is completed, the General Confederation of Labor will emerge with a more compact and centralized form of organization embracing Federations of industry, on the one hand, and Departmental Unions, on the other. The single Bourses will not disappear, and their functions will not be curtailed; but they will henceforth form the constituent elements of the more comprehensive Departmental Unions and will have no individual representation in the Confederal Committee. The reorganization was made necessary by the rapid growth of Bourses du Travail, the number of which far outstripped the number of Federations of industry and which thus controlled the policies of the Confederal Committee. The number of the Departmental Unions can not exceed eighty-seven (87), as there are but eighty-seven political subdivisions in France called Departments. Every syndicat adhering to the Confederation must fulfil the condition of so-called "double adherence;" that is, it must belong to its national federation of industry or trade, and to the _Bourse du Travail_ of its locality. Besides, every federation must have at least one subscription to the _Voix du Peuple_, which is the official organ of the Confederation. These conditions, however, were, and still are disregarded by a considerable number of syndicats.[182] [182] E. Pouget, _Le Confédération Générale du Travail_ (Paris, 1908), p. 16. The General Confederation is represented by the Confederal Committee which is formed by delegates of the adhering organizations. Each organization is represented by one delegate in the Confederal Committee. This point should be noticed as it is the cause of struggle within the Confederation. It means that a large Federation has only one delegate and one vote in the Confederal Committee, just as another smaller Federation. The number of delegates in the Confederal Committee, however, is not always equal to the number of adhering organizations, because one delegate may represent as many as three organizations. The delegates must be workingmen who have been members of their syndicat for at least a year. The General Confederation has five central organs; two sections and three commissions. The first section is called: "The Section of Federations of trades and of industries and of isolated syndicats;" the second is "The Section of the Federation of _Bourses du Travail_."[183] The three commissions are (1) the Commission of the journal; (2) the Commission of strikes and of the general strike, and (3) the Commission of Control. [183] From Jan. 1, 1914, called the "Section of the Federation of Departmental Unions." The two sections are autonomous in their internal affairs. The first section is formed by the delegates of the National Federations of trades and industries. They take the name of _Comité des Fédérations d'industries et de metiers_. This section appoints it own secretary, assistant secretary, treasurer, assistant treasurer, and archivist, who form the executive committee of the section. This section collects monthly from every adhering organization 40 centimes[184] for every hundred members, or for any fraction of a hundred; isolated syndicats pay five centimes monthly for each member. [184] Increased in 1909 to 60 centimes. For further increase see page 195. The Sections of Federations of industries and trades is convened by its secretary and meets whenever necessary. Its functions are to promote the organization of new federations and to maintain relations between the adhering federations. It takes "all measures necessary for the maintenance of syndical action in the field of economic struggle." It also tries to induce isolated syndicats to join their _Bourses du Travail_. The "Section of the Federation of _Bourses du Travail_" is formed by the delegates of the local, departmental and regional central unions. The delegates take the title of _Comité des Bourses du Travail_.[185] The section appoints its own secretary, assistant secretary, treasurer, assistant treasurer, and archivist, and these five members form the executive committee of the second section. It collects from the _Bourses du Travail_ 35 centimes monthly for each adhering syndicat.[186] [185] When the reorganization is completed, this section will consist of one delegate from each Departmental Union, who will form the _Comité des Unions Departmentales_. See note 181 on page 162. [186] Changed in 1909 to five centimes for each member per year. The second section promotes the creation of new _Bourses du Travail_ and coördinates the activities of the adhering Bourses. Its functions embrace "everything that bears upon syndical administration and upon the moral education of the workingmen;" its task is to collect statistics of production, of consumption, of unemployment; to organize gratuitous employment bureaus, to watch the progress of labor legislation, etc. It also tries to induce single syndicats to join their national federations. This section also meets whenever necessary at the invitation of its secretary. The Commission of the Journal is composed of twelve members, six from each section. It appoints its own secretary. The journal must be edited only by workingmen-members of the Confederation. The Commission of strikes and of the general strike consists also of twelve members, six from each section, and appoints its own secretary. The functions of this commission are: to study the strike movement in all countries, to send speakers and organizers to, and to collect subscriptions in favor of workingmen on strike, to make propaganda for the general strike, and to promote "the penetration of this idea into the minds of organized workingmen." For this purpose the commission creates wherever possible sub-committees of the general strike. This commission has its own resources which consist of 50 per cent of all money collected by the sub-committees, and of 50 per cent of the assessments collected by both sections of the Confederation. The Commission of Control is also formed of twelve members, six from each section; it verifies the financial reports of both sections and of the other two commissions. It appoints its own secretary. The Confederal Committee is formed by the delegates of both sections. It meets every three months, except in extraordinary cases. It executes the decisions of the Congresses, intervenes in all issues concerning the working-class and decides upon all questions of a general character. The Confederal Bureau[187] consists of thirteen members, of the ten members of the bureaus of both sections and of the three secretaries of the three commissions. The Confederal Bureau summons the Confederal Committee and executes the decisions of the latter. The secretary of the "Section of Federations" is the general secretary of the Confederation. The Confederal Bureau is renewed after every Congress, that is every two years, but functionaries whose terms have expired may be re-elected. [187] Executive Committee. Article 37 of the statutes adopted read: "The General Confederation of Labor, based on the principles of federalism and of liberty, assures and respects the complete autonomy of the organizations which conform to the present statutes." The _Bourses du Travail_ and the Federations of industries and of trades were, therefore, to pursue independently the activities that concerned them alone. The _Bourses du Travail_ continued in the main the activities described in the third chapter. Their growth was steady both in number of organizations and in membership, as may be seen from the following table: -----+-------------------+--------------------- | Number of Bourses | Number of Syndicats | belonging to the | in Bourses of | Confederation | Confederation. | of Labor. | -----+-------------------+--------------------- 1902 | 83 | 1,112 1904 | 110 | 1,349 1906 | 135 | 1,609 1908 | 157 | 2,028 1910 | 154 | 1,826 1912 | 153 | -----+-------------------+--------------------- After 1906 Bourses of the same region or Department began to form regional and Departmental Unions in order to coördinate their activities and to influence larger groups of the working population. This has led to the process described above, which is transforming the basis of representation in the General Confederation of Labor. In matters of administration the _Bourses du Travail_ have made a step in advance since the early part of the century. They have succeeded in organizing the _viaticum_ (aid to workingman traveling from town to town in search of work) on a national basis, and have amplified their services as employment bureaus. They are now systematizing their statistical work by making monthly and quarterly reports on the state of employment in their locality, on strikes, on the growth of organization, and on other industrial matters of interest. Their financial situation has been considerably improved, and in a number of cities they have left the municipal buildings and have built their own "people's houses" (_maisons du peuple_). Regard for matters of administration has not diminished the zeal of the Bourses for anti-militaristic propaganda. Most of them have organized in recent years the so-called _Sou du Soldat_ (Soldier's Penny). They send financial aid to workingmen who are doing military service, invite them to the social gatherings of the syndicats, distribute syndicalist literature among them, and in all ways try to maintain in the soldiers a feeling of solidarity with the organized workers. The Federations of industries and trades after 1902 concentrated their attention upon their particular trade and industrial interests. The story of these Federations is the story of organization, education, and strikes which can not be told here in detail. While the Bourses and industrial federations attended to the particular, local and administrative interests of their respective organizations, the General Confederation of labor intervened or took the initiative in questions that interested all or a considerable part of all workingmen. The new statutes went into force on January 1, 1903. The elections secured the predominance of the revolutionary syndicalists in the Confederal Committee; Griffuelhes was elected secretary of the Confederation; Pouget, assistant; Yvetot, secretary of the Section of Bourses. In October of the same year the Confederal Committee was summoned to an extraordinary meeting to consider the question of the suppression of employment bureaus. This question had agitated a considerable part of the working-class for many years. The workingmen had protested time and again against the methods and procedure of these bureaus, and their protests had been found to be well founded by all who investigated the matter.[188] The methods of the employment bureaus had been condemned in Parliament, and the Chamber had passed a bill to suppress the employment bureaus with indemnity in 1901-2. The Senate, however, rejected it in February, 1902, and the question was dropped indefinitely. [188] Senator Paul Straus in _La Grande Revue_ (Feb., 1914), pp. 320 _et seq._ The workingmen of the food-producing industries (_alimentation_) were particularly interested in the suppression of the employment bureaus. In October, 1903, exasperated by the fact that twenty-five years of lobbying and of petitioning had produced no results, they decided to take the matter into their own hands. October 29th, a "veritable riot" took place in the _Bourse du Travail_ of Paris, the police used their arms, and many were wounded on both sides.[189] [189] _Journal des Débats_ (Nov. 6, 1903), p. 865. The Confederal Committee decided to lend its help to the workingmen in the struggle. It appointed a special committee to direct the movement. The plan adopted was to carry on a wide agitation for some time and then to arrange protest-meetings on the same day in all industrial centers of France. December 5, 1903, hundreds of meetings were held all over France, at which the same demand was made that the employment offices be abolished. The meetings were arranged with the help of the _Bourses du Travail_ which appear in all such cases as the centers of agitation. November 5, 1903, the Chamber, by 495 votes against 14, voted a law suppressing the Employment Bureaus within a period of five years, with an indemnity of six million francs. In February, 1904, the law passed the Senate with some modifications. The agitation for the suppression of the employment bureaus appeared to all as a manifestation of the new theories on "Direct Action." "The socialist syndicats have wrested the vote of the Chamber by the pressure of rebellion (_Coup d'émeutes_)" wrote the _Journal des Économistes_.[190] The revolutionary syndicalists themselves considered the agitation as an illustration of their methods, and the success obtained as a proof of the efficiency of the latter. The report to the Congress of Bourges (1904) read: [190] _Journal des Économistes_ (November, 1903), p. 315. Under the pressure of the workingmen the Government, till then refractory to the reform, capitulated.... To-day it is an accomplished fact; wherever syndicalist action was exercised with perseverance and energy, the employment bureaus have gone. This fact is characteristic. The General Confederation has the merit, thanks to the immense effort of the interested themselves, of having obtained a reform in a relatively short time, if it is compared with the slowness with which everything concerning the workingmen is done.[191] [191] _XIV Congrès National Corporatif_ (Bourges, 1904), p. 8. The policy of the General Confederation, however, had opponents within the Confederation itself. A struggle for supremacy between the two tendencies was inevitable, and it took place at the very next Congress of the Confederation at Bourges (1904). The report presented to the Congress of Bourges showed that the Confederation had made considerable progress since 1902. It counted now 53 Federations of industries and trades, and National syndicats (against 30 in 1902), 15 isolated syndicats, and 110 _Bourses du Travail_, a total of 1,792 syndicats (against 1,043 in 1902), with 150,000 members. The Section of Federations of industries had received in dues for the two years, 11,076 francs; its total budget amounted to 17,882 francs; the Section of _Bourses du Travail_ had collected in dues 9,016 francs and had a total budget of 12,213 francs. The _Voix du Peuple_ was now self-supporting, and had increased the number of its subscriptions. The Congress of Bourges, for the first time, was organized on the financial resources of the syndicats without municipal or governmental subsidies. It was known before that the Congress of Bourges would discuss the question of methods, and both sides, the revolutionary syndicalists and those who were called "reformists," made all efforts possible to obtain a majority at the Congress. There were 1,178 mandates from as many syndicats. This was the system of representation adopted by the Statutes of the Confederation in 1902. At its Congress the Confederation resolves itself into an association of syndicats; the Federations and Bourses disappear and their constituent elements, the syndicats, take their place. Each syndicat--no matter how large or how small--has one vote; and one delegate may represent as many as ten syndicats. At the Congress of Bourges the 1,178 mandates were distributed among 400 delegates, of whom 350 came from the Provinces and 50 from Paris. The attack on the Confederal Committee was led by M. Keufer, the delegate and secretary of the Typographical Union (_La Fédération du Livre_). He accused the Confederal Committee of violating the statutes, of being partial and biased and of trying in every way to harm the _Fédération du Livre_, because the latter pursued "reformist" methods. "Yes," said M. Keufer, "we prefer the reformist method, because we believe that direct and violent action, commended by the anarchists, will cost thousands of workingmen their lives, without assuring durable results."[192] He insisted that it was necessary to try conciliatory methods before declaring strikes and to solicit the help of representatives in the legislative bodies. He showed that, on the one hand, even the revolutionary syndicalists were compelled by circumstances to use such methods, while the _Fédération du Livre_, on the other hand, did not shrink from strikes and from direct action, when that was inevitable. M. Keufer was supported by M. Lauche, the delegate of the machinists, and by M. Guérard, the delegate of the railway workers. [192] _XIV Congrès Corporatif_ (Bourges, 1904), pp. 95-6. The accusations of the "reformists" were repudiated by a number of revolutionary syndicalists who reaffirmed in their speeches adherence to the ideas, described in the preceding chapters, on the State, on direct action, etc. They were the victors, and the report of the Confederal Committee was approved by 812 votes against 361 and 11 blank. The main struggle, however, centered on the question of proportional representation. This question had been brought up at previous Congresses by the delegates of some larger syndicats. At one time even some of the revolutionary syndicalists had advocated proportional representation as a means of finding out the real strength of the various tendencies in the Confederation. But after the Confederation became decidedly revolutionary, the revolutionary syndicalists became decidedly opposed to proportional representation which they now regarded as a move on the part of the "reformist" element to obtain control of the Confederation.[193] [193] _Mouvement Socialiste_ (Nov., 1904), p. 61. Proportional representation was defended by the delegates of the Typographical Union, of the Machinists and of the Railway Workers. They criticised the statutes adopted at Montpellier which gave every organization, regardless of its numbers, one vote only in the Confederal Committee. This system, they declared, vitiated the character of the Confederation, and gave predominance to the minority. They claimed that the delegates in the Confederal Committee expressed the opinions shared by a small proportion only of the organized workingmen and that the Confederation was, therefore, a tool in the hands of a few "turbulent" individuals. They demanded that some system of proportional representation should be adopted which should give every organization a number of votes in the Confederal Committee proportional to the number of its members. The opponents of proportional representation argued that this system would stifle the small syndicats; that all syndicats were of equal value from the point of view of the economic struggle, because small syndicats often achieve as much, and even more, than large ones; they pointed out that proportional representation would make necessary continual changes in the number of delegates in the Confederal Committee, because the effective force of the syndicats is in constant flux and that it would be impossible to find out the true figures. They claimed that proportional representation could not be applied to economic life, because it was no fault of any one trade or industry if only a few thousand workers were employed in it, while other industries required hundreds of thousands of workingmen. Even from the point of view of strength, they argued, a small syndicat may have more value than a large one because it may embrace a larger proportion of workingmen employed in the trade. The opponents of proportional representation repudiated the assertion that only the small syndicats were with them and pointed out that some of the largest federations, as the Metallurgical Federation with 11,500 members, the Federation of Marine with 12,000 members and others, were against proportional representation. The opponents of proportional representation carried the day and the proposition of "reformist" delegates was rejected by a vote of 822 against 388 (one abstained). The Congress of Bourges thus sanctioned the revolutionary character of the Confederation. The "reformists" frankly admitted that they had suffered a defeat and attributed it to the fact that two-thirds of the delegates were new men in the movement and under the influence of the anarchists.[194] The revolutionary syndicalists triumphed, and extolled the historical significance of the Congress of Bourges which, in their opinion, was a "landmark" in the history of syndicalism. [194] A. Keufer, _Le Mouvement Socialiste_ (Nov., 1904), p. 93. The Congress of Bourges adopted a resolution which was to concentrate the attention of the Confederation for the next two years on one question: an eight-hour working day. The Committee appointed by the Congress to consider the question reported that two ways of obtaining an eight-hour day had been indicated. One proposed to prepare a bill to be presented to the public authorities and to organize public meetings in order to show the government that public opinion demanded the passage of the law. This method was rejected by the Committee because ever since 1889, workingmen had presented such petitions to the public authorities on the first of May, but without any results whatsoever. On the contrary, the other "direct" method which recommended the workingmen to "hold aloof" from the public authorities, and to exert all possible pressure "on their adversaries" was adopted by the Committee. The Committee argued that the experience with the employment agencies had shown that this method gave better results. The report of the Committee read: If the recent campaign has resulted in the suppression of the employment bureaus, it is because the movement was becoming dangerous. Every day employment bureaus were abolished, anonymous violence was committed against the owners of the offices (_placeurs_), a considerable number of shops were damaged, numerous collisions took place between the police and the workingmen, Paris was in a state of siege, and it was in order to calm this agitation that Parliament voted a law making it permissive for the municipalities to abolish the employment bureaus.[195] [195] _XIV Congrès Corporatif_ (Bourges, 1904), pp. 205-6. The Committee, therefore, recommended that the same method be used to obtain an eight-hour day, that big manifestations be organized all over France on the 1st of May, 1905, and that afterwards an active propaganda be carried on by a special commission appointed for that purpose by the Confederal Committee "in order that beginning with the 1st of May, 1906, no workingman should consent to work more than eight hours a day nor for a wage below the minimum established by the interested organizations."[196] The recommendation of the Committee was adopted by the Congress with an amendment of Pouget which still more emphasized the "direct" method to be used. [196] _Ibid._, p. 207. To carry out the decisions of the Congress, the Confederal Committee appointed a special commission to direct the movement for an eight-hour day. The Commission sent out a questionnaire to all syndical organizations, asking all those who were in favor of the movement to lend their help. A number of manifestoes, posters and pamphlets were published and spread abroad in tens of thousands of copies in which the meaning of the movement and its importance were explained. In the trade-journals, in the cars, in the streets, and wherever possible, brief mottoes were posted, such as: "Eight hours of work means more rest and more health," "To work more than eight hours means to lower your wages," etc. On the _Bourse du Travail_ of Paris a big placard was put up with the words: "From the first of May, 1906, we shall not work more than eight hours." Delegates were sent out on repeated tours into the province to carry on the propaganda and agitation. On the first of May, 1905, over 150 meetings were arranged in different parts of France at which the question of the eight-hour day was considered. As May 1, 1906, neared, the agitation in the country became more and more intense. A number of events helped to increase the agitation. In March, 1906, a catastrophe occurred in the mining districts of Northern France which resulted in the loss of workingmen's lives. A strike accompanied by violence followed. In April, the letter carriers of Paris struck, causing some disorganization in the service for a few days. Toward the end of April the number of strikes and manifestations increased in Paris. The agitation was exploited by the enemies of the government and particularly by the monarchist papers. The Government of M. Clemenceau, on the other hand, tried to discredit the movement by spreading rumors that a plot against the Republic had been discovered in which monarchists and leaders of the Confederation were involved. The _Voix du Peuple_ published a protest of the Confederal Committee against this accusation. Nevertheless the government searched at the same time the houses of Monarchists, Bonapartists and of leading members of the Confederation, and on the eve of the first of May, it arrested Griffuelhes, Pouget, Merrheim and other syndicalists together with a number of well-known monarchists. The first of May found Paris in a state of siege. Premier Clemenceau had collected numerous troops in the capital. Since the days of the Commune Paris had not seen so many. Among the bourgeoisie a real panic reigned. Many left Paris and crossed the Channel. Those who remained in Paris made provision for food for days to come. The papers spoke of the "coming revolution" which the General Confederation of Labor was to let loose on society.[197] [197] _Journal des Débats_ (27 April, 1906), p. 769. The strike movement was very wide. According to official statistics, the agitation of the Confederation affected 2,585 industrial establishments and involved 202,507 workingmen. The sweep of the movement may be grasped from the following table giving the statistics of strikes in France since 1892: _Year_ _Number of _Number of _Number of strikes_ establishments_ workingmen_ 1892 261 500 50,000 1893 634 4,286 170,123 1894 391 1,731 54,576 1895 405 1,298 45,801 1896 476 2,178 49,851 1897 356 2,568 68,875 1898 368 1,967 82,065 1899 740 4,290 176,826 1900 902 10,253 222,714 1901 523 6,970 111,414 1902 512 1,820 212,704 1903 567 3,246 123,151 1904 1,026 17,250 271,097 1905 830 5,302 177,666 1906 1,309 19,637 438,466 1907 1,275 8,365 197,961[198] [198] _Statistique des Grèves_, 1893-1908. The movement assumed various forms in different trades. The printers, for instance, pursued their conciliatory methods and obtained a nine-hour day in about 150 towns. In some trades the strikes developed a more or less acute character and continued for several months after the first of May. Some of the "reformists" declared that the movement was a complete failure.[199] According to official statistics,[200] the results of the strike movement were as follows: [199] _XV Congrès National Corporatif_ (Amiens, 1906), p. 103. [200] _Statistique des Grèves_, 1906, pp. 774 _et seq._ A: Strikes B: Establishments C: Strikers -----------+----------------+--------------------+-------------------- | Success | Compromise | Failure Demand |----------------|--------------------|-------------------- | A | B | C | A | B | C | A | B | C -----------+----+-----+-----|----+-------+-------|----+-------+------- 8 hour day| 2 | 5 | 45 | 13 | 1,970 |25,520 | 88 | 7,556 |109,786 9 hour day| 36 | 135 |2723 | 28 | 994 |30,750 | 45 | 755 | 17,023 10 hour day| 40 | 582 |7409 | 16 | 220 | 2,000 | 27 | 368 | 7,251 -----------+----------------+--------------------+-------------------- The revolutionary syndicalists did not claim much material success, but they argued that this had not been expected. The main purpose of the movement, they asserted, was, "by an immense effort, to spread among the large mass of workingmen the ideas which animate the militant groups and the syndical organizations. The problem to be solved, at first, was, thus, by means of a vigorous propaganda to reach the workingmen who had remained indifferent to the syndicalist movement."[201] And this task, in the opinion of the revolutionary syndicalists, had been accomplished. The agitation had aroused the workingmen in all parts of France. [201] _XV Congrès Corporatif_ (Amiens, 1906), p. 3. In September, 1906, the Congress of the Confederation met at Amiens. The report of the secretary showed continued progress of the Confederation since 1904. The Section of Federations of industries now counted 61 federal organizations with 2,399 syndicats and 203,273 members. The dues collected by this section for the two years amounted to 17,650 francs; and its total budget to 20,586 francs. The section of the Federation of Bourses consisted now of 135 Bourses with 1,609 syndicats; it collected in dues 11,821 francs, and had a total budget of 15,566 francs. The report of the Confederal Committee again called forth the attacks of "reformist" syndicalists, but was approved by 781 votes against 115 (21 blank and 10 contested). But the main question which absorbed the largest part of the work of the Congress was the relation of the General Confederation of Labor to the Socialist Party. This question had again assumed a new character. The International Socialist Congress of Amsterdam (1904) had exhorted and advised the French Socialists to accomplish as soon as possible the unification of their separate parties into one national Socialist Party. In April, 1905, a "Congress of Unification" was held at Paris, at which the _Parti Socialiste de France_ and the _Parti Socialiste Français_ formed the _Parti Socialiste Unifié_. A common program was accepted and a new form of organization elaborated. At its first Congress in Chalons in October, 1905, the Unified Party counted 35,000 paying members distributed in 2,000 groups, 67 federations and 77 departments. In the elections of 1906 the Unified Party obtained an increase of votes and elected 54 members to Parliament. It now seemed to many that there was no reason for the General Confederation of Labor to keep aloof from the Socialist Party. The reason heretofore given was that the divisions in the Socialist Party disorganized the syndicats, but since the Socialist Party was now unified, the reason lost all significance, and it seemed possible to establish some form of union between the two organizations. The question was taken up soon after the unification of the Socialist Party by the "Federation of Textile Workers" who had it inserted in the program of the coming Congress of Amiens. The question was discussed for some time before the Congress in the socialist and syndicalist press, and the decision that would be taken could have been foreseen from the discussion. M. Renard, the Secretary of the "Federation of Textile Workers," defended the proposition that permanent relations should be established between the General Confederation and the Unified Socialist Party. His argument was that in the struggle of the working-class for emancipation, various methods must be used, and that various forms of organization were accordingly necessary. The syndicat, in his opinion, could not suffice for all purposes; it was an instrument in economic struggles against employers, but by the side of this economic action, political action must be carried on to obtain protective labor legislation. For this purpose he considered it necessary to maintain relations with the Socialist Party, which had "always proposed and voted laws having for their object the amelioration of the conditions of the working-class as well as their definitive emancipation."[202] Besides, argued M. Renard, "if a revolutionary situation should be created to-day," the syndicats now in existence, with their present organization could not "regulate production and organize exchange," and "would be compelled to make use of the machinery of the government." The co-operation of the Confederation with the Socialist Party, therefore, was useful and necessary from the point of view both of the present and of the future. [202] _XV Congrès Corporatif_ (Amiens, 1906), pp. 135-6. M. Renard repudiated the accusation that he meant to introduce politics into the syndicats or to fuse the latter in the Socialist Party. On the contrary, he accused the Confederal Committee of carrying on political agitation under the cover of neutrality. Against this "special politics" his proposition was directed. "When anti-militarism is carried on," said M. Renard, "when anti-patriotism is indulged in, when [electoral] abstention is preached, it is politics."[203] This anarchistic policy has prevailed since the "libertarians have invaded the Confederation and have transformed the latter into a war-engine against the Socialist Party. The Federation of Textile Workers wants to put an end to the present state of affairs."[204] [203] _Ibid._, p. 134. [204] _Ibid._, p. 165. The proposition of the Textile workers was combated by revolutionary and "reformist" syndicalists alike. M. Keufer, who had bitterly attacked the revolutionary syndicalists at Bourges (1904), now fought the political syndicalists. He agreed with M. Renard that political action was necessary though he did not place "too great hopes in legislative action and in the intervention of the State;" still he thought that the latter was inevitable, and alluded to the fact that the revolutionary syndicalists themselves were constantly soliciting the intervention of the public authorities. But to secure a successful parallel economic and political action, M. Keufer believed that it was better for the Confederation to remain entirely independent of the Socialist Party, and he proposed a resolution repudiating both "anarchist and anti-parliamentarian agitation" and permanent relations with any political party.[205] [205] _XIV Congrès Corporatif_ (Amiens, 1906), pp. 154-157. * * * * * The revolutionary syndicalists in their turn criticised the part assigned to the syndicat both by the political syndicalists and by the "reformists." They emphasized the "integral" and revolutionary rôle of the syndicat which makes it unnecessary and dangerous to conclude any alliance with any political party. They denied that the Confederal Committee was carrying on an anarchist propaganda. Said M. Griffuelhes: Keufer insists very much on the presence of libertarians in the Confederal Committee; they are not so numerous as the legend has it; this is only a stratagem to arouse the fear of an anarchist peril which does not exist. On the contrary, the vitality of the Confederation is the result of a co-operation of various political elements. When, after the entrance of M. Millerand into the government, the latter began its policy of "domesticating" the workingmen, a coalition of Anarchists, Guesdists, Blanquists, Allemanists and other elements took place in order to isolate the government from the syndicats. This coalition has maintained itself and has been the very life of the Confederation.[206] [206] _XV Congrès Corporatif_ (Amiens, 1906), p. 167. The proposition of the Textile Federation was rejected by 724 votes against 34 (37 blank). The defeat for the political syndicalists was complete. By an overwhelming majority of 830 against 8 (one blank), the Congress adopted the following proposition of Griffuelhes: The Confederal Congress of Amiens confirms article 2 of the constitution of the General Federation. The C. G. T. groups, independent of all political schools, all the workingmen who are conscious of the struggle to be carried on for the disappearance of the wage system.... The Congress considers that this declaration is a recognition of the class struggle which, on an economic basis, places the workingmen in revolt against all forms of exploitation and oppression, material and moral, put into operation by the capitalist class against the working-class. The Congress makes this theoretic affirmation more precise by adding the following points: With regard to the every-day demands, syndicalism pursues the coördination of the efforts of the workingmen, the increase of the workingmen's welfare through the realization of immediate ameliorations, such as the diminution of working hours, the increase of wages, etc. But this is only one aspect of its work; syndicalism is preparing the integral emancipation which can be realized only by the expropriation of the capitalist class; it commends as a means to this end the general strike, and considers that the syndicat, now a group of resistance, will be in the future the group of production and of distribution, the basis of social organization. The Congress declares that this double task of every-day life and of the future follows from the very situation of the wage-earners, which exerts its pressure upon the working-class and which makes it a duty for all workingmen, whatever their opinions or their political and philosophical tendencies, to belong to the essential group which is the syndicat; consequently, so far as individuals are concerned, the Congress declares entire liberty for every syndicalist to participate, outside of the trade organization, in any forms of struggle which correspond to his philosophical or political ideas, confining itself only to asking of him, in return, not to introduce into the syndicat the opinions which he professes outside of it. In so far as organizations are concerned, the Congress decides that, in order that syndicalism may attain its maximum effectiveness, economic action should be exercised directly against the class of employers, and the Confederal organizations must not, as syndical groups, pay any attention to parties and sects which, outside and by their side, may pursue in full liberty the transformation of society. The vote on this resolution showed that all parties interpreted the resolution in their own way. To the "reformists" it meant complete political neutrality, to the political syndicalist it emphasized the liberty of political action outside the syndicat; the revolutionary syndicats saw in the resolution the "Charter of French Syndicalism" in which their theories were succinctly formulated. After the Congress of Amiens the General Confederation continued its policy of direct action. During 1907 it helped the movement for a law on a weekly rest (_Repos Hebdamodaire_) which was carried on by the commercial employees and by workingmen of certain trades. The movement expressed itself often in street demonstrations and riotous gatherings and brought the Confederation into conflict with the government. The government of M. Clemenceau took a determined attitude towards the Confederation. Papers like the _Temps_ called upon the government to dissolve the Confederation. "Against syndicalism," wrote the _Temps_, "are valid all the arguments of law and of fact as against anarchy." Members of the Confederal Committee were arrested here and there for incendiary speeches and for anti-militaristic propaganda. In the Chamber of Deputies the Confederation was the subject of a heated debate which lasted several days, and in which radicals, conservatives, socialists, and members of the government took part. The Confederal Committee in its turn vehemently attacked the government. In June, 1907, troubles occurred among the wine-growers in the south of France, and blood was shed. The Confederal Committee launched a manifesto against the government with the heading, "Government of Assassins," in which it praised one of the regiments that had refused to shoot into the crowd at the order of the officers. The government instituted legal proceedings against twelve members of the Confederal Committee for "insults to the army." The trial took place in February, 1908; all the accused were acquitted. In June, 1908, a strike in one of the towns near Paris, Draveuil, occasioned the intervention of the police. Shooting took place, one workingman was killed, one mortally wounded, and several others severely wounded. On the 4th of June the Confederal Committee published a protest calling the government "a government of assassins" and Premier Clemenceau, "Clemenceau the murderer" (_Clemenceau le Tueur_) and called upon the syndicats to protest against the action of the government. As the strike in Draveuil was among workingmen of the building trades, the "Federation of the Building Trades," the most revolutionary syndical organization in France, took the lead in the movement, seconded by the Confederal Committee. Manifestations took place at the funerals of the killed workingmen in Draveuil and Villeneuve St. George (neighboring communes) in which bloody collisions with the police were avoided with difficulty. The "Federation of the Building Trades" and many members of the Confederal Committee advocated a general strike as a protest against the action of the government. Meanwhile the strike at Draveuil was going on. On the 27th of July a collision between the police and the strikers again took place, and the "Federation of Building Trades" decided upon a general strike and upon a demonstration for the 30th of July. Some members of the Confederal Committee, the Secretary Griffuelhes, for instance, were opposed to the manifestation, but the decision was taken against their advice. The manifestation of Villeneuve St. George resulted in a violent collision; there were many killed and wounded. The agitation grew, and the Confederal Committee together with the federal committee of the Building Trades called upon the other trades to join them in a general strike to be continued as a protest against the "massacres." The call of the Confederal Committee was only partly followed. The events of Villeneuve St. George aroused the press and the government against the Confederation. The "Confederal Committee," wrote the _Temps_, "is not an instrument for trade conquests. It is a purely insurrectional Committee. It should be treated as such." The government arrested all the leading members of the Confederal Committee. On the 4th of August, as a move against the government, the Confederal Committee which constituted itself after the arrests and of which M. Luquet was temporary secretary, admitted the Federation of Miners with 60,000 members into the Confederation. The Federation of Miners had for some time expressed its wish to enter the Confederation, but certain difficulties, more or less personal, had stood in the way. After Villeneuve St. George these difficulties were smoothed and the adherence of the Miners to the Confederation was made possible. The events of Villeneuve St. George aroused some protests within the Confederation. The collisions and the bloodshed were ascribed by the opponents of the Confederal Committee to revolutionary methods and "anarchist" tactics. The polemics between the "reformist" and "revolutionary" elements which had not ceased since the Congress of Amiens now became more and more bitter. In September, 1908, the Congress of the Confederation met at Marseilles. The reports to the Congress showed that the Section of Federations of industries counted 68 federal organizations with 2,586 syndicats and 294,398 members; total receipts amounted to 24,719 francs. The Section of Bourses counted 157 _Bourses du Travail_ with 2,028 syndicats and with a budget of 16,081 francs. The Congress of Marseilles expressed its sympathy with the arrested members of the Confederation, and "denounced before the entire public the abominable procedures" of the government. The reports of the Confederal Committee were approved by 947 with none against and 109 blanks, "not because the members of the Confederal Bureau were arrested, but because the acts of the Bureau and of the Confederal Committee were the expression of the mandate entrusted to them." The Congress of Marseilles rejected the proposition to apply the principle of proportional representation which was again advanced. It discussed the question of industrial and trade unionism and decided in favor of the former, inviting all trade federations to fuse into industrial federations. But the main question which agitated the Congress was that of anti-militarism. At Amiens (1906) an anti-militaristic resolution introduced by Yvetot (Secretary of the Section of _Bourses du Travail_) had been passed. But it was passed in a hurry, as there was no time to discuss it, and it raised strong opposition among the "reformist" elements. It was taken to the Congress of Marseilles, therefore, for another discussion. The Congress of Marseilles accepted the resolution introduced by Yvetot. The resolution read: The Congress of Marseilles, repeats and renders more precise the decision of Amiens, namely: Considering that the army tends more and more to take the place of the workingmen on strike in the factory, in the fields, in the workshop, when it has not the function of shooting them, as in Narbonnes, Raon-L'Etape, and Villeneuve St. George; Considering that the exercise of the right to strike will be only a fraud as long as the soldiers agree to substitute the workers in civil work and to massacre the workingmen; the Congress, keeping within purely economic limits, recommends the instruction of the recruits (_jeunes_) in order that on the day when they put on the military uniform they should be convinced that they should remain nevertheless members of the family of workingmen and that in the conflict between capital and labor their duty is not to use their arms against their brethren, the workingmen; Considering that the geographical boundaries are modifiable at the will of the possessors, the workingmen recognize only the economic boundaries separating the two class-enemies--the working-class and the capitalist class. The Congress repeats the formula of the International: "The workingmen have no fatherland;" and adds: That whereas, consequently, every war is but an outrage (_attentat_) against the workingmen; that it is a bloody and terrible means of diverting them from their demands, the Congress declares it necessary, from the international point of view, to enlighten the workingmen, in order that in case of war they may reply to the declaration of war by a declaration of a revolutionary general strike.[207] [207] _XVI Congrès National Corporatif_, p. 213. The resolution was adopted by 681 votes against 421 and 43 blank. Many voted against the resolution because of its anti-patriotic character, though they accepted the part bearing upon the use of the army in strikes. In November, 1909, the government freed the arrested members of the Confederal Committee, but they did not regain their former positions of authority. In February, 1909, the "reformist" elements succeeded in electing as secretary of the Confederation their candidate, M. Niel, who was once a revolutionary but had become more moderate. M. Niel was elected by a majority of one vote, and his position was very difficult in the Confederal Committee. He aimed, as he expressed it, to bring about "moral unity" in the Confederation, but was hampered in his activities by the revolutionaries and not sufficiently supported by the "reformists." In March, 1909, the Post Office employees went on strike. The Confederation took no part in the movement but invited the workingmen to sympathize with the strikers. The strike was successful, and the government promised to consider the grievances of the Post Office employees whose main demand was the removal of the Secretary of the Department. The promises of the government were unofficial, and the strikers after some time claimed that the government had not kept its word. A second strike followed in May, but there was less enthusiasm among the employees, and a failure was inevitable. The leaders of the strike appealed to the Confederation for help. The Confederal Committee invited the workingmen of Paris to go out on a general strike, but the invitation of the Confederation found very little response, and the Post Office employees returned to work. The failure was ascribed to the "reformists", M. Guérard,[208] secretary of the Railway Workers, and to M. Niel, who had delivered a speech on the eve of the general strike declaring that the miners were not ready for it. This speech, the revolutionaries alleged, produced an impression disastrous for the general strike. The bitter criticism of the revolutionists forced Niel to resign on May 28, 1909. The election of Jouhaux secured the triumph of the revolutionary syndicalists once more. [208] M. Guérard, once revolutionary, had become moderate. The dissensions between "reformists" and "revolutionaries" became still more acute after the resignation of M. Niel. The rumor that the "reformist" syndicats would leave the Confederation circulated more persistently than before. The "reformists" formed in July, 1909, a _Comité d'Union Syndicaliste_ to react against the anarchistic syndicalism, to realize the union of workingmen, independent of all politics, in the exclusively economic and industrial domain.[209] The situation was considered very critical by both friends and enemies of the Confederation. [209] G. Weill, _Histoire du Mouvement Social du France_, 386. The struggle of tendencies and personalities within the Confederation came to a climax at the next congress held at Toulouse from Oct. 3 to Oct. 10, 1910. The greater part of the time of the congress was consumed in discussing the resignation of Niel, the accusations against the former secretary Griffuelhes, and the quarrels of "reformists" and revolutionists generally. Both sides were disgusted with the proceedings, but hoped that the atmosphere of mutual hostility and distrust would be cleared thereby, and that a new period of harmonious action would be the result. The Congress was hardly over, when a strike unexpectedly broke out among the railway men of the _Paris-Nord_. The National Syndicat of Railway workers had been considering the advisability of a general strike for some time, but was postponing action in the hope of effecting a peaceful settlement. The Syndicat of railway workers was among the so-called "reformist" syndicats, and its leaders laid great stress on peaceful negotiations with employers and on soliciting the co-operation of the government. The demands of the railway men were: an increase in wages, one day of rest in the week, the retroactive application of the old-age pension law passed in 1909, and several other concessions relating to conditions of work and matters of discipline. The railway companies had refused to meet the representatives of the railway men, and M. Briand, who was Premier at the time, advised the officials of the railway union that he could do nothing to make the railway companies change their attitude. The leaders of the syndicat, however, were still continuing their efforts to bring pressure to bear upon the companies, when their plans were frustrated by the sudden outbreak on the railroad system known as Paris-Nord. The strike, begun in Paris on October 10, rapidly spread over the system Paris-Nord. The next day the strike committee ordered a general railroad strike, and the order was followed on October 12 by the Western system of railroads. On October 13 M. Briand arrested the members of the strike committee and ordered the striking railway men under colors, thus putting them under martial law. A second strike committee automatically took the place of the leaders who were arrested, but it did not display much energy. Besides, the response to the strike order on the eastern and southern railroad lines was very slight, and towards the end of the week the strike was practically defeated. By order of the second strike committee work was resumed on all lines on October 18. The failure of the railway strike was a heavy blow not only to the syndicat of Railway Workers, but to the general labor movement of France. It resulted in the disorganization of one of the strongest syndicats and added fuel to the dying embers of factional strife. The revolutionary elements in the Confederation attributed the failure of the strike to the hesitating tactics of the "reformist" leaders and to the intervention of the socialist politicians who tried to make political capital out of the strike situation. The "reformists," on the other hand, accused the revolutionists of precipitating the strike and of defeating the general movement by hasty action on the Paris-Nord. Two facts, however, stand out clear: first, that the Confederation of Labor did not direct the strike, which was a purely trade movement largely dominated by reformist and political elements; secondly, that the strike was defeated mainly by the quick and energetic action of M. Briand, who treated the strike as a revolt, sent soldiers to replace the strikers, and mobilized the latter for military service. The dissensions provoked by the railway strike accentuated the "crisis" in the General Confederation of Labor and hampered its activities. Still, amid these internal struggles, the Confederal Committee made persistent efforts to carry out the program of action which was outlined for it at the congress of Toulouse. During 1910-1911 it carried on a relentless campaign against the old-age pension law which was passed in April, 1910. The French workingmen were opposed to the age limit imposed by the law (65 years), to the system of capitalization, and to the obligatory deductions of the worker's contribution from his wages. The campaign was effective to the extent of forcing several important modifications in the law in favor of the workers. At the same time the Confederation carried on a campaign against the high cost of living ascribing it to speculation and to the protective system. Meetings were held throughout France, and demonstrations were arranged; in many places bread riots took place in which the leaders of the Bourses and of the Confederal Committee took part. But the greatest part of the energy of the Confederation was directed against the wave of militarism and nationalism which began to sweep France after the incident of Agadir in the summer of 1910. The Confederation of Labor felt that the labor movement in general and the revolutionary tendencies in particular were endangered by the nationalist spirit and military excitement which was stirring the country. Meetings were organized all over France to protest against war and militarism; several international meetings were arranged in Berlin, Madrid, Paris, and London, at which speakers representing all European countries spoke against war and in favor of international peace. The idea of a general strike in case of war was revived and agitated in the syndicalist organizations as a warning to the French government. In September, 1912, the twelfth congress of the Confederation was held at Toulouse. The report of the Confederal Committee showed that the Confederation was not making as much progress as before. The growth of the General Confederation of Labor in relation to the general labor movement of the country may be judged from the following table: -----+---------+------------+-------------+-------------+------------- | | | Number of | | | Total |Total Number| Federations | | |Number of|of Organized| of industry | Syndicats | |Syndicats| Workingmen | adhering to | adhering to | Members of Year |in France| in France |Confederation|Confederation|Confederation -----+---------+------------+-------------+-------------+------------- 1902 | 3,680 | 614,204 | 30 | 1,043 | | | | | | 1904 | 4,227 | 715,576 | 53 | 1,792 | 150,000 | | | | | 1906 | 4,857 | 836,134 | 61 | 2,399 | 203,273 | | | | | 1908 | 5,524 | 957,102 | 63 | 2,586 | 294,398 | | | | | 1910 | 5,260 | 977,350 | 57 | 3,012 | 357,814 | | | | | 1912 | 5,217 | 1,064,000 | 53 | 2,837 | 400,000 -----+---------+------------+-------------+-------------+------------- The slackening in the growth of the Confederation was attributed partly to the persistent persecutions of the government, but in the main to internal dissensions and struggles. As a result of the latter, many of the old militants who had taken a leading part in the syndicalist organizations had become disillusioned and had left the movement. Many of the syndicats had lost in membership, and new syndicats were formed with great difficulty. The supreme effort of the Congress of Toulouse was, therefore, to assert once more the leading ideas of syndicalism and to unite all labor elements upon a common platform of action. A long debate between representatives of the various tendencies took place in consequence of which the Congress reaffirmed the resolution of Amiens (1906) known as the "charter of syndicalism."[210] The most important resolution, however, was that in favor of a general movement for the reduction of hours of labor, particularly for the establishment of the "English week" (La semaine Anglaise, i. e. half holiday on Saturday). The Confederal Committee was authorized to carry on a campaign similar in character to the Campaign of 1906 in favor of the eight hour day. To meet the necessary expenses the dues were raised to ten francs per thousand members for each Federation of industry and to seven francs per thousand members for each Departmental Union. [210] See page 183. The discussion at the Congress of Toulouse showed very clearly that the leaders of the syndicalist organizations were becoming tired of perennial debates and that they were anxious to save the Confederation from its present critical condition by a vigorous campaign for shorter hours, which would appeal to the mass of working men and women. The Confederal Committee, however, has not been very successful in this since the congress of Toulouse, for two principal reasons: the militaristic excitement of Europe and the general industrial depression. During 1913, the Confederation was engaged in fighting the increase in military expenses and particularly the passage of the three years' military service law. In May and June a number of revolts took place in the barracks, mainly among the soldiers who would have been released in 1913, had not the new law been made retroactive. The government accused the Confederation of instigating the revolts of the soldiers, and made numerous arrests among the leaders of the principal syndicats in Paris and in the province. The Confederation repudiated complicity in the revolts, but asserted its right to maintain relations with the soldiers by means of the _Sou du Soldat_. A number of protest meetings were held in Paris and other cities against the new military law, and there can be little doubt that this agitation resulted in the modifications of the law which practically reduced the actual time of service by several months. At the same time, the activities of the General Confederation of Labor during 1913 revealed a conscious determination to steer clear of hazardous movements of a revolutionary character. In July, 1913, the Federations of industries and the Bourses du Travail held their third annual Conference in Paris, at which questions of administration and policy were discussed. A number of delegates demanded that a general strike be declared on September 24, when the soldiers ought to have been released from the barracks. This proposition was defeated as an unwise measure. Among those who spoke against the proposition were some of the ablest representatives of the revolutionary syndicalists, like Jouhaux, the general secretary; Merrheim, the secretary of the Federation of the metal industry, and others. The cautious action of the Confederation incensed the anarchist groups who had supported the Confederation all along, and they began to criticise the latter for "turning to the right." The leaders of the Confederation, however, explained their action not by any change in ideas, but by a desire to hew to the line of strictly labor demands for the time being. While making efforts to increase its strength at home, the Confederation of Labor has been endeavoring in recent years to spread the ideas of French syndicalism abroad, and has been watching with great interest the new tendencies in the labor movement of England and the activities of the Industrial Workers of the World in the United States. Its main efforts outside of France, have been exerted at the conferences of the International Secretariat of Labor. These conferences have been held every two years since 1903 by the secretaries of the adhering National Trade Union Centers.[211] The General Confederation took part in the Conference of Dublin in 1903, but sent no delegates to the Conferences of Amsterdam (1905) or of Christiana (1907) because these conferences refused to discuss the questions of the general strike and of anti-militarism. The relations of the Confederation to the International Secretariat have been much discussed at the Congresses of the Confederation and in the press. The Congress of Marseilles, though approving the policy of the Confederal Committee, recommended that the latter enter into closer relations with the International Secretariat. Since then the Confederation has taken part in the Conferences of Paris in 1909,[212] Budapest (1911), and Zurich (1913). [211] The first two conferences were held at Balberstadt (1900) and at Stuttgart (1902). [212] An account of the Paris conference is given in Mr. Gompers' _Labor in Europe and America_ (New York, 1910). In the International organization the Confederation tries to enforce its views on the general strike and advocates the organization of International Labor Congresses. Its ideas meet here, however, with the opposition of American, English, German and Austrian trades unions. The latter are the more numerous. Germany pays dues to the International Secretariat for 2,017,000 organized workingmen; the United States for 1,700,000; England for 725,000; Austria for 480,000; France for 340,000. The total number of organized workingmen affiliated with the International Secretariat is 6,033,500.[213] [213] These figures are for 1911. CHAPTER VIII CHARACTER AND CONDITIONS OF REVOLUTIONARY SYNDICALISM The history of the General Confederation of Labor as told in the preceding chapters has brought out in a general way the character of revolutionary syndicalism and the conditions which have influenced its rise and development. It remains now in this last chapter to emphasize the principal points and to strengthen them by a more complete analysis of facts and conditions. It has been maintained throughout this work that revolutionary syndicalism was created by a _bloc_ of revolutionary elements in the Confederation. This character of a _bloc_ has been denied by many. Those hostile to the Confederation are anxious to create the impression that the latter is exclusively the creation and the tool of the anarchists. Others more or less impartial fail to acknowledge the part played in the movement by the non-anarchist elements. Some anarchists themselves are only too glad to be considered the creators of the movement and to maintain a view which is a tribute to their organizing ability and to their influence. Many revolutionary syndicalists, however, protest against being considered anarchists. Some of them are active members of the Unified Socialist Party. Others do not belong to the Socialist party, but have never been connected with the Anarchists. They are revolutionary syndicalists, "pure and simple." And these two other elements are by no means less influential in the Confederation than the Anarchists. The three elements enumerated have somewhat different ways of regarding revolutionary syndicalism. To the anarchists revolutionary syndicalism is but a partial application of anarchist ideas. M. Yvetot, secretary of the section of Bourses, said at the recent Congress of Toulouse (1910): "I am reproached with confusing syndicalism and anarchism. It is not my fault if anarchism and syndicalism have the same ends in view. The former pursues the integral emancipation of the individual; the latter the integral emancipation of the workingman. I find the whole of syndicalism in anarchism."[214] [214] _La Vie Ouvrière_, 20 Oct., 1910, p. 483; _XVII Congrès National Corporatif_ (Toulouse, 1910), p. 226. To the revolutionary socialists in the Confederation syndicalism is the primary and fundamental form of revolutionary socialism. It does not exclude, however, other forms; on the contrary, it must be completed by the political organization of the Socialist party, because it has no answer of its own to many social problems. The third group of revolutionary syndicalists regards revolutionary syndicalism as self-sufficing and independent of both anarchism and socialism. This group, like the first, emphasizes the fact that there is an irreconcilable antagonism between syndicalism and political socialism. "It is necessary," writes Jouhaux, secretary of the Confederation, "that the proletariat should know that between parliamentary socialism, which is tending more and more toward a simple democratization of existing social forms, and syndicalism, which pursues the aim of a complete social transformation, there is not only divergence of methods, but particularly divergence of aims."[215] [215] L. Jouhaux, _Le Terrassier_, 20 June, 1911. Those who consciously call themselves revolutionary syndicalists belong to one of the groups described, and the three groups constitute the _bloc_ spoken of above. To understand revolutionary syndicalism means to understand this _bloc_ of revolutionary elements, how it was made possible, why it is maintained, and what conditions have secured for it the leadership in the General Confederation of Labor. It has been shown in the preceding chapters that since 1830 a considerable part of the French workingmen, the so-called "militant" workingmen, have always cherished the hope of a "complete" or "integral" emancipation which should free them from the wage-system and from the economic domination of the employer. The desire of independence had guided the life of the journeyman under the guild-system, and its birth under modern economic conditions is natural enough to need no explanation. But while under the guild-system this desire had an individualistic character, under the technical conditions of the present time it necessarily led to collectivist ideas. With the development of highly expensive means of production, only an insignificant number of workingmen could hope to become economically independent by individual action, and the only way to attain economic freedom and equality for all pointed to the collective appropriation of the means of production and to the collective management of industrial activities. The insistence on economic freedom--in the sense indicated--runs through all the literature of the French Labor Movement. It is not only and not so much the inequality of wealth, the contrasts of distribution that stimulate the militant workingmen to their collectivist hopes, as it is the protest against the "arbitrariness" of the employer and the ideal of a "free workshop." To attain the latter is the main thing and forms the program of the General Confederation as formulated in the first clause of its statutes. The sensitiveness to economic inferiority is increased in the French militant workingmen by the fact that in a country like France economic distinctions are combined with social distinctions. Owing to the traditions of the past, economic classes are separated by a number of other elements, in which intellectual, social and other influences combine and which transform the economic classes into social classes. The aspiration towards economic equality increases, therefore, in volume and becomes a striving after social equality. The historical traditions of France combined with the impatience for emancipation explain the revolutionary spirit of the French socialist workingman. All who have come into contact with French life have convinced themselves of the power which the revolutionary traditions of the past exert over the people. The French workingman is brought up in the admiration of the men of the Great Revolution; his modern history is full of revolutionary secret societies, of insurrections, and of revolutionary struggles. He cherishes the memory of the Revolution of 1848, his indignation is aroused by the story of the Days of June, his pity and sympathy are stimulated by the events of the Commune. Looking backward into the history of the past century and a half, he can only get the feeling of political instability, and the conviction is strengthened in him that "his" revolution will come just as the revolution of the "Third-Estate" had come. Combined with the desire to attain the "integral" emancipation as soon as possible, these conditions engender in him the revolutionary spirit.[216] [216] On the peculiar character of French history see Adams, _Growth of the French Nation_; Berry, _France since Waterloo_; Barrett Wendell, _France of To-day_. The revolutionary spirit predisposes the socialist workingman to a skeptical attitude toward parliamentary action which rests on conciliation and on compromise and is slow in operation. He seeks for other methods which seem to promise quicker results. The methods themselves may change; they were insurrection once, they are now the general strike. But the end they serve remains the same: to keep up the hope of a speedy liberation. The distrust of parliamentary methods has been strengthened in the French socialist workingman by another fact. The French workingmen have seen their political leaders rise to the very top, become Ministers and Premiers (_e. g._, Millerand, Viviani, Briand), and then turn against their "comrades" of old. The feeling has been thereby created in the socialist workingmen that parliamentary methods are merely a means to a brilliant career for individuals who know how to make use of them. The mistrust of "politicians" finds some nourishment in the fact that the political leaders of the Socialist movement are generally the "intellectuals," between whom and the workingmen there is also some antagonism. The "intellectuals" are thrown out upon the social arena principally by the lower and middle bourgeoisie and generally enter the liberal professions. But whether lawyer, writer, doctor or teacher, the French "intellectual" sooner or later enters the field of "politics" which allures him by the vaster possibilities it seems to offer. In fact, the "intellectual" has always been a conspicuous figure in the history of French Socialism. As a socialist poet, Pierre Dupont, sang, "Socialism has two wings, The student and the workingman." And as the socialist ideas have spread, the number of "intellectuals" in the socialist movement has been constantly increasing. The "two wings" of the Socialists, however, cannot perfectly adapt themselves to one another. The "intellectual" generally lacks the "impatience for deliverance" which characterizes the socialist workingman. The "intellectual" is bound by more solid ties to the _status quo_; his intellectual preoccupations predispose him to a calmer view of things, to regard society as a slow evolutionary process. Besides, the "intellectual" takes pride in the fact that he supplies "the proletariat with fresh elements of enlightenment and progress"; he is inclined, therefore, to dominate the workingman as his "minor brother", and to advocate methods which secure his own predominant part in the movement. Parliamentary action is the field best adapted to his character and powers. The socialist workingman, on the other hand, protests against the tendencies of the "intellectual", particularly against the dominating impulses of the latter. He is anxious to limit the powers of his leaders, if possible, and to create such forms of organization as shall assure his own independence. When the syndicats began to develop in France, the revolutionary workingmen seized upon them as a form of organization particularly adapted to their demands. The syndicat was an organization which could take up the ideal of social emancipation; in the general strike, which the syndicat seemed to carry within itself, there was a method of speedy liberation; the syndicat excluded the "intellectuals" and above all by its "direct action" it maintained and strengthened the revolutionary spirit and safeguarded the revolutionary ideal from the compromises and dangers to which politics and the parliamentary socialists subjected it. These conditions: the hope of social emancipation, the impatience for deliverance, the revolutionary spirit, and the defiance of the "intellectuals" and of the "politicians," gave and continue to give life to revolutionary syndicalism. They brought into being the "revolutionary _bloc_" in the General Confederation of Labor and maintain it there. Of course, differences of temperament and shadings of opinion exist. On the one extreme are those who are most vehement in their propaganda and who combat the Socialist party; on the other, are the revolutionary socialists who are disposed to co-operate with the parliamentary socialists, but who want to have an independent organization to fall back upon in case of disagreement with the political party. But differing in details, the revolutionary elements agree in the main points and they stamp upon the Confederation the character which it bears and which is described in the terms "revolutionary syndicalism." The opponents of the revolutionary syndicalists claim that the latter are followed only by a minority in the General Confederation and that they maintain their leadership by means of the existing system of representation and by other more or less arbitrary devices. This statement, however, cannot be proved in any satisfactory way. The best way of obtaining the exact number of revolutionary syndicalists in the Confederation would seem to be by means of an analysis of the votes taken at the Congresses. This method, however, is defective for several reasons. In the first place, not all the syndicats adhering to the Confederation are represented at the Congresses. At the Congress of Bourges (1904), 1,178 syndicats out of 1,792 were represented; at the Congress of Amiens, 1,040 out of 2,399; at the Congress of Marseilles, 1,102 out of 2,586, and at the Congress of Toulouse, 1,390 out of 3,012. It is evident, therefore, that even if all the votes were taken unanimously, they would still express the opinion of less than half the syndicats of the Confederation. In the second place, the votes of the Confederation being taken by syndicats, to get the exact figures it would be necessary to know how many syndicats in each federation are revolutionary or not, and what is the proportional strength of both tendencies in each syndicat. This is impossible in the present state of statistical information furnished by the Confederation. At the Congress of Amiens, for instance, the vote approving the report of the Confederal Committee (Section of Federation) stood 815 against 106 (18 blanks). This vote is important, because to approve or to reject the report meant to approve or to reject the ideas by which the General Confederation is guided. Now, an analysis of the vote at Amiens shows that while some organizations voted solidly for the Confederal Committee, none voted solidly against it and that the votes of many organizations were divided. But even the number of those represented by the unanimous vote of their syndicats cannot in the most cases be ascertained. For instance, the agricultural syndicats cast their 28 votes for the Confederal Committee; the report of the Confederal Committee gives the Federation of Agricultural Laborers 4,405 members; but the same report says that the Federation consisted of 106 syndicats; of these 106 syndicats only 28 were represented at the Congress, and how many members they represented there is no possibility of ascertaining. The same is true of those Federations in which the syndicats did not cast the same vote. This difficulty is felt by those who try to prove by figures that the Confederation is dominated by a minority. M. Ch. Franck, for instance, calculates that at the Congress of Marseilles 46 organizations with 716 mandates representing 143,191 members obtained the majority for the _statu quo_ against the proposition of proportional representation; while the minority consisted of 15 organizations with 379 mandates representing 145,440 members. In favor of the anti-militaristic resolution, he calculates further, 33 organizations with 670 mandates representing 114,491 members obtained the majority against 19 organizations with 406 mandates representing 126,540 members. But he is compelled to add immediately: "These figures have no absolute value, because we have taken each organization in its entirety, while in the same federation some syndicats have not voted with the majority"; he thinks that the proportion remains nevertheless the same because he did not take into consideration the divisions on each side.[217] [217] _Op. cit._, pp. 345-6. The last assumption, however, is arbitrary, because the syndicats dissenting on the one side may have been more numerous than those not voting with the majority on the other side; the whole calculation, besides, is fallacious, because it takes the figures of the federations in their entirety, while only a part of the syndicats composing them took part in the votes. The attempt, therefore, to estimate the exact number of the revolutionary syndicalists in the Confederation must be given up for the present. The approximate estimate on either side can be given. According to M. Pawlowski,[218] 250,000 members of the Confederation (out of 400,000) repudiate the revolutionary doctrine; the revolutionary syndicalists, on the other hand, claim a majority of two-thirds for themselves. The impartial student must leave the question open. [218] A. Pawlowski, _La Confédération Générale du Travail_ (Paris, 1910), p. 51. It must be pointed out, however, that the system of representation which exists now in the Confederation affects both revolutionary and reformist syndicalists in a more or less equal degree. At the Congress of Amiens, for instance, the _Fédération du Livre_, with its 10,000 members, had 135 votes; the Railway Syndicat, with its 24,275 members, had only 36 votes; these two organizations were among the "reformists" who combated the Confederal Committee. On the other hand, the revolutionary Federation of Metallurgy had 84 votes for its 14,000 members, but the Federation of Marine, which is also revolutionary, disposed of six votes only for its 12,000 members. The revolutionary syndicalists, therefore, may be right in their assertion that proportional representation would not change the leadership of the Confederation. This belief is strengthened in them by the fact that in all so-called "reformist" organizations, as the _Fédération du Livre_, the Railway Syndicat, etc., there are strong and numerous revolutionary minorities. It is often asserted that only the small syndicats, mostly belonging to the small trades, follow the revolutionary syndicalists. This assertion, however, is inexact. An examination of the syndicats which are considered revolutionary shows that some of them are very large and that others belong to the most centralized industries of France. For instance, the Federation of Building Trades is the most revolutionary organization in the Confederation; at the same time it is the most numerous, and its members pay the highest dues (after the _Fédération du Livre_) in France.[219] The revolutionary Federation of Metallurgy is also one of the large organizations in the Confederation and belongs to an industry which is one of the most centralized in France. The total horse-power of machines used in the metallurgic industries has increased from 175,070 in 1891 to 419,128 in 1906; the number of establishments has diminished from 4,642 in 1891 to 4,544 in 1906; that is, the total horse-power of machinery used in every industrial establishment has increased during this period from 38 to 92;[220] the number of workingmen per industrial establishment has also increased from 508 in 1896 to 697 in 1901 and to 711 in 1906. In fact the metallurgic industry occupies the second place after the mining industry which is the most centralized in France.[221] [219] _Mouvement Socialiste_, May, 1911. [220] E. Thery, _Les Progrès Économiques de la France_ (Paris, 1909), p. 181. [221] _Journal des Économistes_, Jan., 1911, p. 133. A diversity of conditions prevails in the industries to which the other revolutionary organizations belong. On the other hand, the so-called reformist organizations, the Federation of Mines, the _Fédération du Livre_, the Federation of Employees, differ in many respects and are determined in their policy by many considerations and conditions which are peculiar to each one of them. The influence of the revolutionary syndicalists, therefore, can be explained not by special technical conditions, but by general conditions which are economic, political and psychological. To bring out the relation of these conditions to the syndicalist doctrine it is necessary to analyze the latter into its constituent elements and to discuss them one by one. The fundamental condition which determines the policy of "direct action" is the poverty of French syndicalism. Except the _Fédération du Livre_, only a very few federations pay a more or less regular strike benefit; the rest have barely means enough to provide for their administrative and organizing expenses and can not collect any strike funds worth mentioning. In 1908, for instance, there were 1,073 strikes; of these 837 were conducted by organized workingmen. Only in 46 strikes was regular assistance assured for the strikers, and in 36 cases only was the assistance given in money.[222] The French workingmen, therefore, are forced to fall back on other means during strikes. Quick action, intimidation, _sabotage_, are then suggested to them by their very situation and by their desire to win. [222] _Statistique des Grèves_, 1909, vi-vii. The lack of financial strength explains also the enthusiasm and the sentiments of general solidarity which characterize French strikes. An atmosphere of enthusiasm must be created in order to keep up the fighting spirit in the strikers. To the particular struggle in any one trade a wider and more general significance must be attributed; it must be interpreted as a partial manifestation of a more general class-struggle. In this way the determination to struggle on is strengthened in those who strike and a moral justification is created for an appeal to the solidarity of all workingmen. These appeals are made constantly during strikes. Subscription lists are kept in the _Bourses du Travail_, in the Confederal Committee on Strikes, and are opened in the workingmen's and socialist newspapers whenever any big strike occurs. New means to make up for the lack of financial resources are constantly devised. Of these means two which have come into existence within recent years are the _soupes communistes_ and the "exodus of children." The _soupes communistes_ are organized by the _Bourses du Travail_ and consist of meals distributed to those on strike. The _soupes communistes_ permit the feeding of a comparatively large number of strikers at small expense. Distribution occurs at certain points. The workingmen, if they wish, may take their meals home. The last Conferences of the section of Bourses have discussed the question how to organize these _soupes communistes_ more systematically and as cheaply as possible. The "exodus of children" consists in sending away the children of the strikers to workingmen of other towns while the strike is going on. It has been used during several strikes and attracted widespread attention. The "exodus of children" relieves the strikers at home and creates sympathy for them over the country at large. Financial weakness has also led French syndicats in recent years to reconsider the question of co-operation. Various federations have expressed themselves at their federal congresses in favor of "syndicalist co-operatives" in which all associates are at the same time members of the syndicat and organized on a communist basis. The main argument brought forward in favor of such co-operatives is the support they could furnish to workingmen on strike. The poverty of the French syndicats is the result of the reluctance of the French workingmen to pay high dues. In the _Fédération du Livre_, which has the highest dues, every member pays a little over two francs a month. In other federations the dues are lower, coming down in some organizations to 10 centimes a month. In recent years there has been a general tendency in all federations to increase dues, but the efforts of the syndicalist functionaries in this direction have met with but slow and partial success. The reluctance to high dues is in part the result of the comparatively low wages which prevail in France. Another factor is the psychology of the French workingman. "Our impulsive and rebellious (_frondeur_) temperament," wrote the Commission which organized the Congress of Montpellier, "does not lend itself to high dues, and if we are always ready to painful sacrifices of another nature, we have not yet been able to understand the enormous advantages which would follow from strong syndicalist treasuries maintained by higher assessments."[223] The French workingmen are conscious of their peculiar traits, and the literature of the syndicalist movement is full of both jeremiads and panegyrics with regard to these traits, according to the speaker and to the circumstances. The French workingmen recognize that they lack method, persistence and foresight, while they are sensitive, impulsive and combative.[224] [223] _XIII Congrès National Corporatif_, 1902, pp. 30-31. [224] _X Congrès National Corporatif_, p. 203; _XII Congrès National Corporatif_, pp. 15, 29, 44. The result of this psychology is not only poor syndicats, but syndicats weak in other respects. Many syndicats are but loosely held together, are easily dissolved and are composed of a more or less variable and shifting membership. The instability is increased of course by the absence of benevolent features in the syndicats. The _Fédération du Livre_ alone pays sick and other benefits. The weakness of the syndicats predisposes the French workingmen to more and more generalized forms of struggle. Syndicats on strike impelled by the desire to increase their forces try to involve as many trades and workingmen as possible and to enhance their own chances by enlarging the field of struggle. This is why such general movements, as the movement for an eight-hour day in 1906, described in the preceding chapter, are advocated by the syndicats. The latter feel that in order to gain any important demand they must be backed by as large a number of workingmen as possible. But in view of their weakness, the syndicats can start a large movement only by stirring up the country, by formulating some general demand which appeals to all workingmen. The same conditions explain in part the favor which the idea of the general strike has found in the syndicats. Such forms of struggle must necessarily bring the syndicats into conflict with the State, particularly in France where the State is highly centralized and assumes so many functions. With a people so impulsive as the French, the intervention of the forces of the State in the economic struggles must inevitably lead to collisions of a more or less serious character. The result is a feeling of bitterness in the workingmen towards the army, the police and the government in general. The ground is thus prepared for anti-militaristic, anti-State and anti-patriotic ideas. The organized workingmen are a minority of the working-class. Still they must act as if they were the majority or the entirety of the workingmen. The contradiction must be smoothed over by some explanation, and the theory of the "conscious minority" arises to meet the situation. The weaker the syndicats and the more often they are exposed to the danger of dissolution the greater the necessity of the theory. A disorganized syndicat generally leaves behind a handful of militant workingmen determined to keep up the organization. The theory of the "conscious minority" is both a stimulus to and a justification for the activities of these persistent "militants." To the conditions described the French love of theory, of high-sounding phrases, and of idealistic formulas must be added. For a Frenchman it is not sufficient to act under necessity: the act must be generalized into a principle, the principles systematized, and the system of theory compressed into concise and catching formulas. And once abstracted, systematized and formulated, the ideas become a distinct force exerting an influence in the same direction as the conditions to which they correspond. When all this is taken into account, it is easier to understand the influence of the revolutionary syndicalists. It is insufficient to explain their leadership by clever machinations of the Confederal Committee, as M. Mermeix and many others do. It is quite true that the Confederal Committee tries to maintain its power by all means possible. It sends out delegates to Federal Congresses, on conference tours over the country, to assist workingmen on strikes, etc. In most cases it sends only men who represent the revolutionary ideas of the Committee and who, therefore, strengthen the influence of the latter by word and deed. It is also true that in most _Bourses du Travail_ the secretaries are revolutionary and that they help to consolidate the influence of the Confederal Committee. But these secretaries have not usurped their power. They are elected because they have come to the front as speakers, writers, organizers, strike-leaders, etc. And they could come to the front only because conditions were such as to make their ideas and services helpful. Whatever one's attitude to the Confederation, one must acknowledge the results it has achieved. The strike statistics of France, given in the following table, show the following facts: _Per cent of _Per cent of _Period_ strikes which strikers who lost failed_ their strikes_ 1890-1899 44.61 38.63 1891-1900 43.86 34.17 1892-1901 42.69 35.42 1893-1902 42.48 31.75 1894-1903 42.13 26.98 1895-1904 40.24 25.09 1896-1905 39.07 23.76 1897-1906 38.05 25.91 1898-1907 38.14 25.37 1899-1908 35.79 25.83 Of course, these results can not be attributed entirely to the action of the Confederation. On the other hand, the influence of the Confederation on the improvement of general conditions of employment, on social legislation, etc., is undeniable. "In all branches of human activity," says M. Pawlowski, "wages have risen with a disconcerting and disquieting rapidity."[225] The agitation for the eight-hour day and the rising of 1906 hastened the vote on the weekly rest, induced the government to consider the application of the ten-hour day, popularized the practice of the "English week," etc.[226] [225] A. Pawlowski, _La Confédération Générale du Travail_, p. 130. [226] _Ibid._, p. 123. Whether the same or better results could have been obtained by "reformist" methods, is not a question to be considered, because in most cases the syndicats have no choice. A strike once begun, the character of the struggle is determined by conditions which exist and not by any that would be desirable. This is proved by the fact that very often the so-called "reformist" syndicats carry on their struggles in the same way and by the same methods as do the revolutionary ones. The comparative influence of the Confederation explains the fact why the "reformists" do not leave the organization, though they are bitter in their opposition to the revolutionists. The "reformists" feel that they would thereby lose a support which is of value to them. Besides, in many cases such an act would lead to divisions within the reformist federations, all of which, as already indicated, contain considerable revolutionary minorities. The revolutionary syndicalists, however, are in their turn compelled to make concessions to those exigences of the labor movement which have nothing to do with revolutionary ends. Of course, the revolutionary syndicalists are workingmen and they are interested in the immediate improvement of economic conditions. But there can be little doubt that the leaders and the more conscious and pronounced revolutionary syndicalists are mainly interested in their revolutionary ideal, in the abolition of capitalism and of the wage-system. The struggles for higher wages, shorter hours, etc., are a necessity which they must make a virtue of while awaiting the hoped-for final struggle. And when they theorize about the continuity of the struggles of to-day with the great struggles of to-morrow, when they interpret their every-day activities as part of a continuous social warfare, they are merely creating a theory which in its turn justifies their practice and preserves their revolutionary fire from extinction. But theorizing does not essentially change the character of all syndicalist activities. The Confederal Committee must attend to the administrative and other questions, such as the questions of _viaticum_, of the label, etc. The necessities of the syndical movement often lead the members of the Confederal Committee into the antechambers of Parliament or into the private rooms of the Ministers whose assistance is solicited. The most revolutionary federations can not help entering into negotiations with employers for the settlement of strikes. In practice, therefore, the distinction between "revolutionary" and "reformist" syndicalists is often obscured, because both act as they must and not as they would.[227] [227] This is admitted by both sides. See reports of last Congress held at Toulouse (1910), p. 111. This must not be interpreted to mean that there is any conscious hypocrisy or undue personal interest on the part of the leaders of the revolutionary syndicalists. On the contrary, the most bitter opponents of the Confederation must admit that the reverse is true. "However one may judge their propaganda," says M. Mermeix, "he is obliged to acknowledge the disinterestedness of the libertarians who lead the syndicalist movement. They do not work for money...."[228] There is also no field in the Confederation for political ambition. Still the movement has its demands which require suppleness and pliability on the part of the leaders and which make impossible the rigid application of principles. [228] Terrail-Mermeix, _La Syndicalisme contre le Socialisme_ (Paris, 1907), p. 231. On the other hand, the revolutionary syndicalists have in the syndicats a tremendous force for their revolutionary ends. The close relation of syndical life to all political and economic problems gives the Confederal Committee the opportunity to participate in all questions of interest. The high cost of living, the danger of a war, the legislative policy of the government, troubles among the wine-growers, any public question, indeed, is the occasion for the intervention of the Confederal Committee. The latter appears, then, also as a revolutionary organization which is always ready to criticise, to discredit and to attack the government, and which is openly pursuing the overthrow of existing institutions in France. And when one keeps in mind the indefatigable anti-militaristic and anti-patriotic propaganda carried on by the _Bourses du Travail_ all over the country, the revolutionary character of the Confederation may be fully appreciated. What is the future that may be predicted for the General Confederation of Labor? Will the synthesis of revolutionism and of unionism that has been achieved in it continue more or less stable until the "final" triumph of the revolutionary syndicalists? Or will the latter be overpowered by the "reformist" elements who will impress their ideas on the Confederation and who will change the character of French syndicalism? These questions cannot at present be answered. The movement is so young that no clear tendencies either way can be discerned. The two possibilities, however, may be considered in connection with the conditions that would be required to transform them into realities. Those who predict a change in the character of French syndicalism generally have the history of English Trades Unionism in mind. They compare revolutionary syndicalism to the revolutionary period of English Trades Unionism and think of the change that came about in the latter in the third quarter of the past century. But the comparison is of little value, because the conditions of France are different from those of England, and because the international economic situation to-day is very different from what it was fifty years ago. It is probable that if the French syndicats should develop into large and strong unions, highly centralized and provided with large treasuries, other ideas and methods would prevail in the syndicalist movement. But this change is dependent on a change in the economic life of France. France must cease to be "the banker of Europe," must cease to let other countries use its piled-up millions[229] for the development of their natural resources and industry, and must devote itself to the intensification of its own industrial activities. Such a change could bring about greater productivity, higher wages, and a higher concentration of the workingmen of the country. This change in conditions of life might result in a modification of the psychology of the French workingmen, though how rapid and how thorough-going such a process could be is a matter of conjecture. But whether France will or can follow the example of England or of Germany, in view of its natural resources and of the situation of the international market, it does not seem possible to say.[230] Besides, to change completely the character of French syndicalism, it would be necessary to wipe out the political history of France and its revolutionary traditions. [229] It is estimated that France has about 40,000,000,000 francs invested in foreign countries. [230] See Preface to Second Edition. On the other hand, the triumph of the revolutionary syndicalists presupposes a total readjustment of groups and of interests. The Confederation counts now about 600,000 members. Official statistics count over 1,000,000 organized workingmen in France. But it must be remembered that the federations underestimate their numbers for the Confederation in order to pay less, while they exaggerate their numbers for the _Annuaire Statistique_ in order to appear more formidable. The Confederation, besides, for various reasons rejects a number of organizations which desire to join it. It may be safe to say, therefore, that the Confederation brings under its influence the greater part of the organized workingmen of France. But the total number of workingmen in France, according to the Census of 1906, is about 10,000,000, of which about 5,000,000 are employed in industry and in transportation. The numbers of independent producers in industry, commerce, and agriculture is about 9,000,000, of which about 2,000,000 are _petits patrons_. Over a million and a half persons are engaged in the liberal professions and in the public services.[231] [231] The active population in 1906 was over 20,000,000, out of a total population of over 39,000,000. _Journal des Économistes_, Jan., 1911. Among the latter the revolutionary syndicalists have met with success in recent years. The ideas of revolutionary syndicalism have gained adherents among the employees of the Post Office, Telegraph and Telephone, and among the teachers of the public schools. The recent Congresses of the teachers have declared themselves ready to collaborate with the workingmen for the realization of their ideal society. The following motion adopted by the recent Congress of Nantes, at which 500 delegates were present, is very characteristic: "The professional associations of teachers (men and women), employees of the State, of the Departments and of the Communes," reads the motion, "assembled in the _Bourses du Travail_, declare their sympathy for the working-class, declare that the best form of professional action is the syndical form; express their will to work together with the workingmen's organizations for the realization of the Social Republic."[232] [232] _L'Humanité_, August 8, 1911. Also among the industrial and commercial middle classes there are some who look with favor on syndicalism. The French middle classes have for the last quarter of a century tried to organize themselves for resistance against the "financial feudalism" from which they suffer. Several organizations have been formed among the small merchants and masters, and in 1908 the "Association for the Defense of the Middle Classes" was constituted. The president of this Association, M. Colrat, wrote: "The ideas of the bourgeois syndicalism on the future are the same as those of the workingmen's syndicalism.... Far from contradicting one another, the syndicalism of the middle classes and the syndicalism of the working-classes reinforce each other in many respects, and notwithstanding many vexations, they lead to a state of relative equilibrium by a certain equality of opposing forces."[233] In the struggle against the big capitalists the leaders of the middle classes appear to be ready to form an alliance with the working-class. There can be little doubt, however, that the middle classes in general are opposed to the revolutionary ideals of the syndicalists. To succeed, the revolutionary syndicalists must bring about a change in the attitude of these classes, for the history of France has shown that the fear of "Communism" may throw the middle classes into the arms of a Caesar. [233] M. Colrat, _Vers l'équilibre social_, quoted by Mr. J. L. Puecht, "Le Mouvement des Classes Moyennes," in _La Grande Revue_, Dec., 1910. Whatever possibility may become a reality, France seems destined to go through a series of more or less serious struggles. Hampered by the elements which hark back to the past and which have not yet lost all importance, disorganized by the revolutionists who look forward to the future for the realization of their ideal, the Republic of France is still lacking the stability which could save her from upheavals and from historical surprises. The highly centralized form of government and the dominating position which Paris still holds in the life of France make such surprises easier and more tempting than would otherwise be the case. The process of social readjustment which is going on all over the world at present, therefore, must lead in France to a more or less catastrophic collision of the discordant elements which her political and economic history have brought into existence. The struggle has already begun. 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Revue Syndicaliste Bi-mensuelle. Paris. Villetard, Edmond. _History of the International_. Tr. from the French, 1874. _Voix du Peuple_. Organe de la Confédération Générale du Travail. Warbasse, James Peter. _The Ethics of Sabotage_. Pamphlet. New York, 1913. Ware, Fabian. _The Worker and his Country_. London, 1912. Warin, Robert. _Les Syndicats Jaunes_. Paris, 1908. Webb, Sydney and Beatrice. _An Examination of Syndicalism_. London, 1912. Webb, B. and S. _History of Trade Unionism_. Weill, George. _Histoire du mouvement social en France_. First edition, 1904. Second edition, 1910. Weill, G. "Die Formen der Arbeiterbewegung in Frankreich." _Archiv für Sozialwissenschaft und Sozialpolitik_. Tübingen, 1909. Yvetot, George. _A. B. C. syndicaliste_. Paris. Yvetot, G. _Manuel du soldat_. Paris. Zévaès, Alexandre. _Histoire des partis socialistes en France_. 11 volumes. Paris, 1911. Zévaès, Alexandre. _Le Socialisme en France depuis 1871_. Paris, 1908. Zévaès, Alexandre. _Le Syndicalisme Contemporain_. Paris, 1911. Zévaès, Alexandre. _Le Socialisme en 1912_. Vol. 11 of Histoire des partis socialistes. Paris, 1912. Zévaès, Alexandre. _De la semaine sanglante au Congrès de Marseille (1871-1879)_. Vol. 2 of Histoire des partis socialistes, edited by Zévaès. Paris, 1911. Zévaès, Alexandre. _Les Guesdistes_. Vol. 3 of Histoire des partis socialistes. Paris, 1911. [Transcriber's note: List of corrected printers' errors: pages 14, 15, 48, 132, 145, 183 and 189 "working class" changed to "working-class" Page 5 "devolpment" changed to "development" ("it is also a development of the French Labor Movement.") page 13 "coöperative" changed to "co-operative" ("Revolution of 1848 and the co-operative movement") and ("Failure of co-operative central bank in 1868") page 13 "coöperation" changed to "co-operation" ("--Syndicats and co-operation--") page 16 -- added ("French workingmen--Causes of the") page 30 "Perdigiuer" changed to "Perdiguier" ("Agricol Perdiguier, _Le Livre du Compagnonnage_, 1841.") page 32 "resistance" change to "résistance" ("was the _société de résistance_") Page 32 "." replaced with "," ("_Les Associations Professionelles_, vol. i. pp. 201-203.") page 35 "presecuted" changed to "persecuted" ("organizations were persecuted;") page 40 "Cöopération" changed to "Co-opération" ("_La Co-opération_ (Paris, 1904)") page 51 "bourgois" changed to "bourgeois" ("separation which existed between bourgeois and workingmen") page 52 footnote reference altered, referred to wrong footnote page 56 "hemmoroids" changed to "hemorrhoids" ("which it leaves to the hemorrhoids of bourgeois of every stamp") page 62 "Counseil" changed to "Conseil" ("(the _Conseil fédéral national_)") page 65 "Arbeiter-bewegung" changed to "Arbeiterbewegung" ("_Theorie und Praxis des Generalstreiks in der modernen Arbeiterbewegung_") page 68 missing "not" added ("they argued that the general strike could not be successful") page 71 "employes" changed to "employees" ("of workingmen and of employees of both sexes") page 71 missing " added ("(_Parti syndical politicien_)."") page 75 missing "(" added ("_Bourses du Travail_ (1896)") page 80 "Nouveoux" changed to "Nouveaux" ("_Temps Nouveaux_, 23 Mars, 1901.") page 93 "Alemanists" changed to "Allemanists" ("defended by Allemanists and anarchists,") page 93 "Guerard" changed to "Guérard" ("M. Guérard who defended the idea before the Congress. Said M. Guérard:") page 94 "Guerard" changed to "Guérard" ("And M. Guérard, applauded by the audience,") page 96 "recomended" changed to "recommended" ("To this end the report recommended") page 97 "sub-committes" changed to "sub-committees" ("Only twenty Bourses formed sub-committees.") page 98 "Congès" changed to "Congrès" ("_X Congrès National Corporatif_") page 101 removed " ("the completest possible emancipation.") page 103 "posesses" changed to "possess" ("the workingmen who possess nothing.") page 104 "Guerard" changed to "Guérard" ("The secretary of the Confederation, M. Guérard,") page 104 , removed "," from "complained that the _Voix du Peuple_" page 109 "bourgeoise" changed to "bourgeoisie" ("alliance of the bourgeoisie and of the working-class") page 111 footnote reference altered, referred to wrong footnote page 113 removed " ("stop the offensive movement of the workingmen.") page 114 missing " added (""independently of all parliamentarism"") page 116 "Parlémentaires" changed to "Parlementaires" ("_Chambre des Deputés, Débats Parlementaires_") page 117 "Francais" changed to "Français" ("_Parti Socialiste Français_") page 117 "Jaures" changed to "Jaurès" ("and J. Jaurès outlined a plan according") page 126 "," replaced with "." ("the strike, the boycott, the label, and _sabotage_.") page 127 missing "." added ("It is a revolutionary fact of great value.") page 129 "merchchandise" change to "merchandise" ("and of perishable merchandise.") page 130 missing " added to end of phrase ("source of intrigues and of "wire-pulling."") page 135 "counterbalance" changed to "counter-balance" ("will counter-balance the centralizing tendencies") page 137 "particulary" changed to "particularly" ("Moreover, the syndicats, particularly") page 137 "train" changed to "trains" ("The very struggle which the syndicats carry on trains the workingmen") page 138 "workinmen" changed to "workingmen" ("The mass of workingmen") page 138 "massess" changed to "masses" ("keep the masses as quiet,") page 154 "Jaures" changed to "Jaurès" ("by M. Jaurès "the metaphysician of revolutionary syndicalism,"") page 155 "Movement" changed to "Mouvement" ("_Mouvement Socialiste_") page 155 "Sozialwissenchaft" changed to "Sozialwissenschaft" ("_Archiv für Sozialwissenschaft und Sozialpolitik_") page 156 "Les" changed "Le" ("_Le Mouvement Socialiste_ (May, 1908), p. 390.") page 157 "Jaures" changed to "Jaurès" ("just as Kropotkin, Jaurès, Proudhon") page 158 "Guerard" changed to "Guérard" ("General Confederation of Labor, M. Guérard, wrote,") page 159 "approfundir" changed to "approfondir" ("his life in the deepening (_approfondir_)") page 164 "," replaced with "." ("relations between the adhering federations.") page 164 "it" replaced with "its" ("This section appoints its own secretary,") page 169 "idemnity" changed to "indemnity" ("employment bureaus with indemnity in 1901-2.") page 170 "Economistes" changed to "Économistes" ("_Journal des Économistes_") page 172 "Guerard" changed to "Guérard"("and by M. Guérard, the delegate of the railway workers.") page 177 "Debats" changed to "Débats" ("_Journal des Débats_ (27 April, 1906), p. 769.") page 181 "economie" changed to "economic" ("it was an instrument in economic struggles") page 182 "coöperation" changed to "co-operation" ("a co-operation of various political elements.") page 187 "," replaced with "." ("of the government. The reports of the") page 190 "Offie" changed to "Office" ("employees grievances of the Post Office employees") page 190 missing " added (""revolutionaries"") page 191 "coöperation" changed to "co-operation" ("soliciting the co-operation of the government.") page 196 extra "the" removed ("the passage of the three years'") page 200 missing " added ("" ... but particularly divergence of aims."") page 200 "sydicalists" changed to "syndicalists" ("The third group of revolutionary syndicalists") page 203 "Vivani" changed to "Viviani" ("(_e. g._, Millerand, Viviani, Briand)") page 209 "Economistes" changed to "Économistes" ("_Journal des Économistes_") page 211 extra "and" removed ("the strikers at home and creates") page 211 "yeas" changed to "years" ("in recent years") page 211 "Fèdèration" changed to "Fédération" ("_Fédération du Livre_") page 214 "sytematized" changed to "systematized" ("the principles systematized,") page 224 "Etude" changed to "Étude" ("_Étude historique, économique et juridique sur les coalitions et les grèves_") page 225 "Ecole" changed to "École" ("Conferences organisées a la Société des anciens élèves de l'École libre des Sciences politiques.") page 226 "Evolution" changed to "Évolution" ("Kritsky. _L'Évolution du syndicalisme en France_.") page 226 "," replaced with "." ("Louis, Paul.")] 
49419	----	ENGLISH INTERFERENCE WITH IRISH INDUSTRIES. ENGLISH INTERFERENCE WITH IRISH INDUSTRIES. BY J. G. SWIFT MACNEILL, M.A., CHRIST CHURCH, OXFORD; BARRISTER-AT-LAW, PROFESSOR OF CONSTITUTIONAL AND CRIMINAL LAW IN THE HONOURABLE SOCIETY OF THE KING'S INNS, DUBLIN; AND AUTHOR OF "THE IRISH PARLIAMENT: WHAT IT WAS, AND WHAT IT DID." CASSELL & COMPANY, LIMITED: _LONDON, PARIS, NEW YORK & MELBOURNE_. 1886. [ALL RIGHTS RESERVED.] PREFACE. Agriculture is at the present time almost the only industry in Ireland. This fact has frequently been noticed and deplored. Public men of widely different views on other matters agree in their estimate of Ireland's economic condition, of which they give but one explanation. Thus Mr. Gladstone, on the introduction of the Irish Land Bill in April, 1881, spoke of "that old and standing evil of Ireland, that land-hunger, which must not be described as if it were merely an infirmity of the people for it, and really means land scarcity."[1] "In Ireland," says Mr. Bright, "land, from certain causes that are not difficult to discover, is the only thing for the employment of the people, with the exception of some portion of the country in the North; the income for the maintenance of their homes, and whatever comfort they have, or prospect of saving money for themselves or their families, comes from the cultivation of the soil, and scarcely at all from those various resources to which the people of England have recourse in the course of their industrial lives."[2] "It is generally admitted, I think, on both sides of the House," Mr. Bright observes in another debate, "that in discussing the Irish question one fact must always be kept in mind--that is, that apart from the land of Ireland there are few, if any, means of subsistence for the population, and, consequently, there has always been for its possession an exceptional and unnatural demand. This, again, has led to most serious abuses, including nearly all those constant causes of trouble and complaint we are for ever hearing of in Ireland."[3] "The truth is," says Mr. Chaplin, from his place in the House of Commons, "that the English Parliament and the English people are mainly responsible for those conditions of the country which have driven the people to the land, and the land alone, for their support. It was not always so; there were other industries in Ireland in former days, which flourished, and flourished to a considerable extent, until they first aroused, and were afterwards suppressed by, the selfish fears and commercial jealousy of England--England, who was alarmed at a rivalry and competition that she dreaded at the hands and from the resources and energy of the Irish people."[4] "I am convinced that it is in the history of these cruel laws that lies the secret of that fatal competition for the land, in which--and it may well be a just retribution upon us--the source of all the troubles and all the difficulties that you have to deal with will be found."[5] "To understand the Irish land question of to-day," writes Sir C. Russell, the present Attorney-General for England, "it is necessary to look back. I have no desire needlessly to rake up bygone wrongs. I wish to Heaven the Irish people could forget the past. For them it is in the main a melancholy retrospect. But England ought not to forget the past--until, at least, a great act of reparation has been done. Even among men of some education in England, remarkable ignorance of the evil wrought in past times by England towards Ireland prevails. There is, indeed, a vague general impression that in very remote times England, when engaged in the endeavour to conquer Ireland, was guilty of cruelties, as most conquering nations are, but that those things have done very little harm; that their effects have ceased to tell, and that the only purpose served by keeping alive their memory is to irritate the temper of the Irish people and prompt them to look back rather than look forward. Emphatically I say this is not so. The effects have not ceased. It is not too much to say that Ireland and Irishmen of to-day are such as English government has made them." Sir Charles Russell then proceeds to place foremost among "the agencies employed by England which have left enduring evil marks upon Ireland," "the direct legislation avowedly contrived to hinder the development of Irish commerce and manufactures."[6] "If people felt impatient with the Irish," said Mr. Fawcett, addressing a political meeting at Shoreditch on November 2nd, 1881, "they should remember that the Irish were, to a great extent, what England had made them. If there were some Irishmen now displaying bitter hostility to England, it should be remembered that for a long time Ireland had been treated as if she had been a hostile or a foreign country. A mass of vexatious restrictions were imposed on her industry, and it was thought that if any branch of Irish trade interfered with English profits, that branch of Irish trade was immediately to be discouraged. For a long time, for instance, to please the agricultural interests of this country, the importation of live cattle from Ireland was absolutely prohibited." These statements of leading public men are strong evidence of the far-reaching effects upon Ireland of a system which Mr. John Morley, writing on a literary topic, has not hesitated to designate as "the atrocious fiscal policy of Great Britain,"[7] and for which Earl Cowper, speaking at Belfast as Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, could find no gentler adjectives than "unjust and iniquitous."[8] In the following pages I propose to exhibit summarily the material injuries inflicted upon Ireland by the commercial or anti-commercial arrangements of Great Britain. With this view, I will endeavour to sketch in outline the political relations of Ireland to Great Britain which rendered such arrangements possible (Chap. I.); the principal laws made by the English Parliament in restraint of Irish trade stating them in a plain and popular manner (Chap. II.); the opposition of the English Government to the efforts of the Irish Parliament to promote Irish trade (Chap. III.); the immediate effects of English legislation on Irish trade (Chap. IV.); the Irish Volunteer Movement and free trade (Chap. V.); the commercial arrangements between Great Britain and Ireland, 1782-1800 (Chap. VI.); the commercial arrangements effected between Great Britain and Ireland by the Act of Legislative Union (Chap. VII.). In this inquiry I will, as far as possible, confine myself to an examination of the statutes, which will speak for themselves; to the journals of the Parliaments of England and Ireland; and to the statements of contemporary speakers and writers whose accuracy has not, so far as I am aware, been impeached. FOOTNOTES: [1] Hansard, 260, Third Series, p. 893. [2] Hansard, 261, Third Series, p. 96. [3] Hansard, 261, Third Series, pp. 831, 832. [4] Hansard, 261, Third Series, P. 851. [5] Hansard, 261, Third Series, p. 853. [6] "New Views on Ireland," by C. Russell, Q.C., M.P., pp. 83, 84. [7] "English Men of Letters"--"Edmund Burke," by John Morley, p. 76. [8] _Freeman's Journal_, Nov. 24th, 1881. CONTENTS. PAGE CHAPTER I. THE POLITICAL RELATIONS OF IRELAND TO GREAT BRITAIN 13 CHAPTER II. ENGLISH LEGISLATION IN RESTRAINT OF IRISH TRADE 16 CHAPTER III. ENGLISH OPPOSITION TO EFFORTS OF THE IRISH PARLIAMENT IN FAVOUR OF IRISH TRADE 42 CHAPTER IV. THE IMMEDIATE EFFECTS OF ENGLISH LEGISLATION ON IRISH TRADE 56 CHAPTER V. THE IRISH VOLUNTEER MOVEMENT AND FREE TRADE 74 CHAPTER VI. THE COMMERCIAL ARRANGEMENTS BETWEEN ENGLAND AND IRELAND, 1782-1800 91 CHAPTER VII. THE COMMERCIAL ARRANGEMENTS BETWEEN ENGLAND AND IRELAND EFFECTED BY THE ACT OF LEGISLATIVE UNION 104 ENGLISH INTERFERENCE WITH IRISH INDUSTRIES. CHAPTER I. THE POLITICAL RELATIONS OF IRELAND TO GREAT BRITAIN. The interference of the English Government with Irish trade before 1782 was twofold, direct and indirect. The direct interference arose from statutes passed in the English Parliament in restraint of Irish commerce. The indirect interference arose from the influence of the English Government over the legislation of the Irish Parliament, under the provisions of the statute known as Poynings' Act. "From the admitted dependence," says Mr. Butt, "of the Crown of Ireland upon that of England, arose the claim of the English Parliament to legislate for Ireland. Over all the colonies and dependencies of the British Crown, the British Parliament had exercised the right of legislation. Over Ireland they asserted the same right. I need not tell you how fiercely it was contested, and that it was finally abandoned in 1782. But, up to 1782, the right was asserted, and occasionally exercised."[9] These English statutes were chiefly aimed against the Irish manufactures, and were, of course, clear violations of Ireland's Parliamentary independence. The 6th Geo. I. passed by the English Parliament[10] claimed the power of British legislation over Ireland, a power which had been exercised long previously. "If that power," said Mr. O'Connell, "so claimed, had really existed, where was the necessity for passing that statute? and while this Act proclaims the slavery of Ireland, it admits the pre-existence of freedom."[11] The nature and effects of Poynings' Act, and the control given to the English Government by its provisions over Irish legislation, are thus concisely stated by Mr. Butt: "To complete our view of the Irish Parliament, we must remember that by an Act of that Parliament itself a most important restriction was placed upon its legislative powers. By an Irish Act of Parliament, passed in the reign of Henry VII., in the year 1495, it was enacted that no bill should be presented to the Irish Parliament until the heads of it had been submitted to the English Privy Council, and certified as approved of under the Great Seal of England. This law is known as Poynings' Law, from the name of the person who was Lord Deputy when it was passed. This law was a matter entirely distinct from any claim of the English Parliament to legislate for Ireland; it was a law of the Irish Parliament itself, passed by the King, Lords, and Commons of Ireland, deriving its authority from a source entirely independent of the English claim, and continuing in force when that claim was abandoned. The original law required the assent of the English Privy Council to be given to the intended bill before Parliament met. In the reign of Queen Mary it was modified so as to admit of that assent being given while Parliament was sitting; but that assent was still necessary to authorise the introduction of the bill. With this modification the law of Poynings continued in force up to 1782."[12] We see, accordingly, that England claimed or exercised direct legislative control in her own Parliament over Ireland; while no Irish bills could become law or, indeed, in strictness, be introduced into the Irish Parliament without the sanction of the English Privy Council.[13] "Ireland," says Mr. Froude, "was regarded as a colony to be administered, not for her own benefit, but for the convenience of the mother country."[14] FOOTNOTES: [9] "Proceedings of the Home Rule Conference," 1873, p. 8. [10] 6 Geo. I., c. 5 (Eng.). [11] "Report of the Discussion in the Dublin Corporation on Repeal of the Union," 1843, p. 23. [12] "Proceedings of the Home Rule Conference," 1873, pp. 8, 9. [13] For further account of the constitution and powers of the Irish Parliament, see "The Irish Parliament: What it Was, and What it Did," by J. G. Swift MacNeill, published by Cassell & Company, Limited. [14] "English in Ireland," vol. i., p. 178. CHAPTER II. ENGLISH LEGISLATION IN RESTRAINT OF IRISH TRADE. Persons familiar with the relative economic conditions of Great Britain and Ireland at the present time, will find it difficult to realise that at one period Ireland enjoyed natural advantages in no respect inferior to those of the sister country. This, before the development of steam-power, was undoubtedly the fact. This would be still the case were it not for the dearth of coal in Ireland.[15] The evidence of public men of the last century, who were well acquainted with the circumstances of both countries, is on this point conclusive. "Ireland," writes Edmund Burke in 1778, "is a country in the same climate and of the same natural qualities and productions with this (England)."[16] "In Ireland," writes Hely Hutchinson in 1779, "the climate, soil, growth, and productions are the same as in England."[17] Plunket, in his speech against the Union, delivered in the Irish Parliament on the 15th of January, 1800, draws a comparison between England and Ireland, in which he describes England as "another happy little island placed beside her (Ireland) in the bosom of the Atlantic, of little more than double her territory and population, and possessing resources not nearly so superior to her wants."[18] Mr. Froude's researches lead him to a similar conclusion: "Before the days of coal and steam, the unlimited water-power of Ireland gave her natural advantages in the race of manufactures, which, if she had received fair play, would have attracted thither thousands of skilled immigrants."[19] I do not propose to furnish an exhaustive statement of the various laws passed by the English Parliament for the avowed purpose of destroying Irish trade and manufactures. I will deal only with the salient features of that system whose effects are, at the present day, sadly apparent. Till the reign of Charles II., England placed no restriction on Irish commerce or manufactures. "Before the Restoration," says Lord North, in the British House of Commons, "they (the Irish) enjoyed every commercial advantage and benefit in common with England."[20] "Ireland," writes Hely Hutchinson, "was in possession of the English common law and of Magna Charta. The former secures the subject in the enjoyment of property of every kind, and by the latter _the liberties of all the ports of the Kingdom are established_."[21] "Our trade," says Mr. Gardiner in the Irish House of Commons, "was guaranteed by Magna Charta, our exports acknowledged by that venerable statute--no treaty was made in which we were not nominally or virtually included."[22] By one of the provisions of Poynings' Law, passed in 1495, all statutes hitherto in force in England were extended to Ireland. Before that enactment, however, Ireland is expressly mentioned in several English commercial statutes, in which clauses are inserted for the protection of her trade.[23] "At this period (1495)," says Hely Hutchinson, "the English commercial system and the Irish, so far as it depended on English statute law, was the same; and before this period, so far as it depended on the common law and Magna Charta, was also the same. From that time till the 15th of King Charles II., which takes in a period of 167 years, the commercial constitution of Ireland was as much favoured and protected as that of England."[24] The first Navigation Act of 1660 put England and Ireland on exact terms of equality.[25] This community of rights was emphasised by an Act of the following year, which provided that foreign-built ships should not have the privilege of ships belonging to England and Ireland.[26] "But," as Mr. Froude observes, "the equality of privilege lasted only till the conclusion of the settlement and till the revenue had been assigned to the Crown."[27] In the amended Navigation Act of 1663, Ireland was left out. Lord North, on December 13, 1779, when Prime Minister of England, in introducing a bill to abrogate some of the restrictions on Irish trade, thus described the Act of 1663: "The first commercial restriction was laid on Ireland not directly, but by a side-wind and by deductive interpretation. When the Act (the Navigation Act of 1660) first passed there was a general governing clause for giving bonds to perform the conditions of the Act; but when the Act was amended in the 15 Car. II. the word 'Ireland' was omitted, whence a conclusion was drawn that the Acts of the two preceding Parliaments, 12 & 13 and 14 Car. II., were thereby repealed, though it was as clearly expressed in those Acts as it was possible for words to convey, that ships built in Ireland, navigated with the people thereof, were deemed British, and qualified to trade to and from British Plantations, and that ships built in Ireland and navigated with his Majesty's subjects of Ireland, were entitled to the same abatement and privileges to which imports and exports of goods in British-made ships were entitled by the book of rates. Ireland was, however, omitted in the manner he had already mentioned."[28] This Act, which is entitled "An Act for the Encouragement of Trade," prohibited all _exports_ from Ireland to the colonies.[29] It likewise prohibited the importation of Irish cattle into England. It states that "a very great part of the richest and best land of this kingdom (England) is, and cannot so well otherwise be employed and made use of as in the feeding and fattening of cattle, and that by the coming in of late in vast numbers of cattle already fatted such lands are in many places much fallen, and like daily to fall more in their rents and values, and in consequence other lands also, to the great prejudice, detriment, and impoverishment of this kingdom;"[30] and it imposes a penalty on every head of great cattle imported. A subsequent British Act declares the importation of Irish cattle into England to be "a publick and common nuisance."[31] It likewise forbids the importation of beef, pork, or bacon. Butter and cheese from Ireland were subsequently excluded, and the previous statute excluding cattle was made perpetual.[32] In 1670 the exportation to Ireland from the English Plantations of sugar, tobacco, cotton-wool, indigo, ginger, fustic or other dyeing wood, the growth of the said Plantations, was prohibited by statute. It is stated in the statute that this restraint was intended by the Act of 1663, but not effectively expressed.[33] "There are," says Lord North, "anecdotes still extant relative to the real causes of those harsh and restrictive laws. They were supposed to have originated in a dislike or jealousy of the growing power of the then Duke of Ormonde, who, from his great estate and possessions in Ireland, was supposed to have a personal interest in the prosperity of that kingdom. Indeed, so far was this spirit carried, whether from personal enmity to the Duke of Ormonde, from narrow prejudices, or a blind policy, that the Parliament of England passed a law to prohibit the importation of Irish lean cattle."[34] An extensive and profitable cattle trade which Ireland had established with Bristol, Milford, and Liverpool was annihilated by this legislation. With the restriction of her chief exports, her shipping trade suffered a simultaneous eclipse. Such direct trade as she retained was with France, Spain, and Portugal, as if England wished to force her, in spite of herself, to feel the Catholic countries to be her best friends.[35] Till 1663 the Irish had, according to Carte, no commerce but with England, and scarcely entertained a thought of trafficking with other countries.[36] This writer gives melancholy evidence as to the immediate effect of that restrictive legislation. "The people," he says, "had no money to pay the subsidies granted by Parliament, and their cattle was grown such a drug, that horses that used to be sold for 30s. were now sold for dogs' meat at 12d. apiece, and beeves that brought before 50s. were now sold for ten."[37] Deprived of their trade, the Irish people, under the guidance of the Duke of Ormonde, set themselves resolutely to improve their own manufactures. "The history of Ireland," says Chief Justice Whiteside, "for nigh half a century may be read in the life, actions, and adventures of this able, virtuous, and illustrious man. His chivalrous courage, his unflinching loyalty, his disinterested patriotism, mark him out as one of the foremost men of his noble family, and as one of the finest characters of his age."[38] In 1692, Lord Sydney, the Lord-Lieutenant, in his speech from the Throne, was able, from his former knowledge of the country, to testify to its vastly increased prosperity.[39] "The cause of this prosperity should," says Hely Hutchinson "be mentioned. James, the first Duke of Ormonde, whose memory should ever be revered by every friend of Ireland, to heal the wound that this country had received by the prohibition of the export of her cattle to England, obtained from Charles II. a letter, dated the 23rd of March, 1667, by which he directed that all restraints upon the exportation of commodities of the growth or manufacture of Ireland to foreign parts should be taken off, but not to interfere with the Plantation laws, or the charters to the trading companies, and that this should be notified to his subjects of this kingdom, which was accordingly done by a proclamation from the Lord-Lieutenant and Council; and at the same time, by his Majesty's permission, they prohibited the importation from Scotland of linen, woollen, and other manufactures and commodities, as drawing large sums of money out of Ireland, and a great hindrance to manufactures. His grace successfully executed his schemes of national improvement, having by his own constant attention, the exertion of his extensive influence, and the most princely munificence, greatly advanced the woollen and revived the linen manufactures."[40] Ormonde established a woollen manufactory at Clonmel, "the capital of his county palatine of Tipperary, bringing over five hundred Walloon families from the neighbourhood of Canterbury to carry it on, and giving houses and land on long leases with only an acknowledgment instead of rent from the undertakers. Also in Kilkenny and Carrick-on-Suir the duke established large colonies of those industrious foreigners, so well skilled in the preparation and weaving of wool."[41] The woollen manufacture was the "true and natural staple of the Irish, their climate and extensive sheep-grounds insuring to them a steady and cheap supply of the raw material, much beyond their home consumption."[42] It was cultivated for several years after the Revolution without any interference by the English Parliament. It had, however, long previously excited the jealous hatred of English statesmen. "I am of opinion," says Lord Strafford, writing, when Lord-Lieutenant, from Ireland to Charles I. in 1634, "that all wisdom advises to keep this kingdom as much subordinate and dependent upon England as is possible, and holding them from the manufacture of wool (which, unless otherwise directed, I shall by all means discourage), and then enforcing them to fetch their clothing from thence, and to take their salt from the King (being that which preserves and gives value to all their native staple commodities), how can they depart from us without nakedness and beggary? Which is of itself so mighty a consideration that a small profit should not bear it down."[43] This proposal I will not characterise. "In 1673, Sir William Temple, at the request of the Earl of Essex, then Viceroy of Ireland, publicly proposed that the manufacture of woollens (except in the inferior branches) should be relinquished in Ireland as tending to interfere prejudicially with the English trade. In all probability the Irish manufacturers of broadcloths would gain on their English rivals, and the improvement of woollen fabrics in Ireland, argued the statesman, 'would give so great a damp to the trade of England, that it seems not fit to be encouraged here.'"[44] These suggestions were not immediately acted on. In 1660 no doubt the exportation of Irish woollen goods to England was prohibited, but this enactment did not at the time inflict material injury on Ireland.[45] In 1697 a bill was introduced into the English House of Commons, forbidding all export from Ireland of her woollen manufactures. It reached the House of Lords, but Parliament was dissolved before it passed its final stage in that assembly. The destruction of the woollen trade is one of the most disastrous chapters of Irish history. The circumstances attending this transaction are detailed in an Appendix to the "Report from the Select Committee on the Linen Trade of Ireland," which was printed on the 6th of June, 1825, by order of the House of Commons. This paper was prepared by Lord Oriel, who, as Mr. Foster, was Chancellor of the Irish Exchequer and afterwards Speaker of the Irish House of Commons. He was one of the greatest authorities of his time on trade and finance. The Report thus describes an incident which is, I believe, without parallel. "This export (the woollen) was supposed to interfere, and very probably did, with the export from Britain, and a plan was in consequence undertaken there to annihilate the woollen trade of Ireland, and to confine us to the linen manufacture in its place. "Accordingly an Act was passed in England, 1696 (7 & 8 Will., c. 39), for inviting foreign Protestants to settle in Ireland, as the preamble recites, and with that view enacting that the imports of all sorts of hemp and flax, and all the productions thereof, should from thenceforth be admitted duty free from Ireland into England, giving a preference by that exemption from duty to the linen manufacture of Ireland over the foreign, estimated at the time, as a report of the Irish House of Commons, on the 11th February, 1774, states, to be equal to 25 per cent. "This happened in 1696, and in pursuance of the foregoing plan both Houses of the English Parliament addressed King William on the 9th June, 1698. "The Lords stated in their Address that 'the growing manufacture of cloth in Ireland, both by the cheapness of all sorts of necessaries of life, and the goodness of materials for making all manner of cloth, doth invite your subjects of England, with their families and servants, to leave their habitations and settle there, to the increase of the woollen manufacture in Ireland, which makes your loyal subjects in this kingdom very apprehensive that the further growth of it may greatly prejudice the said manufacture here, by which the trade of this nation and the value of lands will greatly decrease, and the number of your people be much lessened here; wherefore we humbly beseech your most Sacred Majesty that your Majesty would be pleased, in the most public and effectual way that may be, to declare to all your subjects of Ireland that the growth and increase of the woollen manufacture there hath long and will be ever looked upon with great jealousy by all your subjects of this kingdom, and if not timely remedied, may occasion very strict laws totally to prohibit and suppress the same; and, on the other hand, if they turn their industry to the settling and improving the _linen manufacture_, for which generally the lands are very proper, _they shall receive all the countenance, favour, and protection from your royal influence for the encouragement and promotion of the linen manufacture to all the advantage and profit they can be capable of_.' "The Commons stated their sentiments at the same time in the following terms: 'We,[46] your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Commons in Parliament assembled, being very sensible that the wealth and power of this kingdom do in a great measure depend on the preservation of the woollen manufacture as much as possible entire to this realm, think it becomes us, like our ancestors, to be jealous of the increase and establishment of it elsewhere, and to use our utmost endeavours to prevent it. And, therefore, we cannot without trouble observe that Ireland, which is dependent on and protected by England in the enjoyment of all they have, and which is so proper for the linen manufacture, the establishment and growth of which there would be so enriching to themselves, and so profitable to England, should of late apply itself to the woollen manufacture, to the great prejudice of the trade of this kingdom, and so unwillingly promote the linen trade, which would benefit both themselves and us; the consequence whereof will necessitate your Parliament of England to interpose to prevent the mischief that threatens us, unless your Majesty by your authority and great wisdom shall find means to secure the trade of England, by making your subjects of Ireland to pursue the joint interests of both kingdoms. And we do most humbly implore your Majesty's protection and favour in this matter, that you will make it your royal care, and enjoin all those you employ in Ireland to make it their care, and use their utmost diligence, to hinder the exportation of wool from Ireland except to be imported hither, and for discouraging the woollen manufacture and encouraging the linen manufacture of Ireland, _to which we shall always be ready to give our utmost assistance_.' "His Majesty thus replied to the Commons[47]:--'_I shall do all that in me lies to_ discourage the woollen manufacture in Ireland _and encourage the linen manufacture there_, and to promote the trade of England.' "Stronger declarations could not well be made than in these Addresses and answers, that if the Irish would come into the compact of giving up their then great staple of woollens to England, and cultivating the linens in lieu thereof, they should receive '_all the countenance, favour, and protection for the encouragement and promotion of their linen manufacture to all the advantages their kingdom was capable of_,' that the Commons would always be ready to give their utmost assistance, and his Majesty would do all that in him lay _to encourage the linen manufacture there_; and they had the effect of inducing the Parliament of Ireland to accede, as will appear from what follows. "The Lords Justices of Ireland say, in their speech to the Irish Parliament, the 27th September, 1698:[48] 'Amongst those bills there is one for the encouragement of the linen and hempen manufactures. At our first meeting we recommended to you that matter, and we have now endeavoured to render that bill practicable and useful for that effect, and as such we now recommend it to you. The settlement of this manufacture will contribute much to people the country, and will be found much more advantageous to this kingdom than the woollen manufacture, which, being the settled staple trade of England, can never be encouraged here for that purpose; _whereas the linen and hempen manufactures will not only be encouraged, as consistent with the trade of England, but will render the trade of this kingdom both useful and necessary to England_.' "The Commons replied: 'We pray leave to assure your Excellencies that we shall heartily endeavour to establish a linen and hempen manufacture here, and to render the same useful to England, as well as advantageous to this kingdom; and we hope to find such a _temperament_ in respect to the woollen trade here that the same may not be injurious to England.'[49] In pursuance of this answer they evinced that _temperament_ most effectually by passing an Act[50] for laying prohibitory duties on the export of _their own_ woollen manufacture--thus accepting the national compact and fully performing their part of the agreement, and by that performance giving an incontrovertible claim to Ireland upon England, and consequently upon Great Britain, for a perpetual encouragement of the linen manufacture '_to all the advantage and profit that Ireland should at any time be capable of_.' "It is to be observed that so anxious was England to confirm and enforce this ratification given by Ireland, that their Parliament soon after passed a law affecting to enact what subsequent times have shown it was incompetent to, and which we therefore here mention merely to point out the stress which England laid on the sacrifice made by Ireland of its great and natural staple trade, in exchange for a new staple resting on a material not the natural growth of the country, and the establishment of which was but in its infancy, though nurtured for near sixty years by the Government of the kingdom. The Act we refer to is the 10 & 11 Will. III., cap. 10, which recites 'that wool and the woollen manufacture of cloth, serge, bays, kerseys, and other stuffs made or mixed with wool, are the greatest and most profitable commodities of the kingdom, on which the value of lands and the trade of the nation do chiefly depend; that great quantities of the _like manufactures_ have of late been made, and _are daily increasing in the kingdom of Ireland_, and in the English Plantations in America, _and are exported from thence to foreign markets heretofore supplied from England_: all which inevitably tends to injure the value of lands, and to ruin the trade and woollen manufactures of the realm; and that for the prevention thereof the export of wool and of the woollen manufacture from Ireland be prohibited under the forfeiture of goods and ship, and a penalty of £500 for every such offence.'" Ireland's woollen manufacture was thus sacrificed to England's commercial jealousy.[51] I will give hereafter some account of the widespread misery this industrial calamity entailed. It might have been expected that the solemn compact for the encouragement of the linen trade would have been scrupulously observed. This, however, was not the case. The English Parliament deliberately broke faith with the Irish people. This charge I will substantiate by quotations from the speeches of public men in the English Parliament, the words of the English statute book, and the admissions of English writers. Lord Rockingham, speaking in the English House of Lords on the 11th of May, 1779, "reminded their lordships of the compact made between both kingdoms in King William's time, when the Parliament of Ireland consented to prohibit the export of their own woollen manufacture, in order to give that of England a preference, by laying a duty equal to a full prohibition on every species of woollens, or even of the raw commodity, and of the solemn assurances given by both Houses of the British Parliament that they would give every possible encouragement, and abstain from every measure which could prevent the linen manufacture to be rendered the staple of Ireland. But how had England kept its word? By laying duties or granting bounties to the linens of British manufacture equal to a prohibition of the Irish, and at the same time giving every kind of private and public encouragement to render Scotland a real rival to Ireland in almost every species of her linen fabrics."[52] "Ireland," says Lord North when Prime Minister of England, in the speech from which I have previously quoted, "gave up her woollen trade by compact. The compact was an exclusive linen trade, rather a fair competition with England. Ireland, of her own accord, gave up the woollen trade by an Act of her own Legislature, which, when it expired, was made perpetual by an Act of the British Parliament. But this compact was no sooner made than it was violated by England, for, instead of prohibiting foreign linens, duties were laid on and necessarily collected, so far from amounting to a prohibition on the import of the Dutch, German, and East Country linen manufactures, that those manufactures have been able, after having the duties imposed on them by the British Parliament, to meet, and in some instances to undersell, Ireland both in Great Britain and the West Indies, and several other parts of the British Empire."[53] Writing in 1778 to the opponents of some trifling relaxation of the commercial restraints of Ireland, Edmund Burke asks: "Do they forget that the whole woollen manufacture of Ireland, the most extensive and profitable of any, and the natural staple of that kingdom, has been in a manner so destroyed by restrictive laws of _their own_, that in a few years it is probable they (the Irish) will not be able to wear a coat of their own fabric? Is this equality? Do gentlemen forget that the understood faith upon which they were persuaded to such an unnatural act has not been kept, and that a linen manufacture has been set up and highly encouraged against them?"[54] In the year 1750 heavy taxes were laid on the import to England of sail-cloth made of Irish hemp, contrary, of course, to the express stipulation of 1698. An address presented in 1774 to Lord Harcourt, the Viceroy, by the Irish House of Commons thus describes the effect of this measure: "They had been confined by law to the manufacture of flax and hemp. They had submitted to their condition, and had manufactured these articles to such good purpose that at one time they had supplied sails for the whole British navy. Their English rivals had now crippled them by laying a disabling duty on their sail-cloths, in the hope of taking the trade out of their hands, but they had injured Ireland without benefiting themselves. The British market was now supplied from Holland and Germany and Russia, while to the Empire the result was only the ruin of Ulster and the flight of the Protestant population to America."[55] I have dwelt thus at length on the chief commercial restraints laid on Ireland by the direct legislation of England. This interference was, however, carried to almost every branch of Irish trade. To take a few examples. Lord North in the English Parliament gives the following account of England's dealings with the Irish glass trade:-- "Previous to the 19th Geo. II., Ireland imported glass from other countries, and at length began to make some slow progress in the lower branches of the manufacture itself. By the Act alluded to, however, the Irish were prohibited from importing any kind of glass other than the manufacture of Great Britain, and in section 24 of that Act a most extraordinary clause was inserted. It not only ordained that no glass, the manufacture of that kingdom, should be exported, but it was penned so curiously, and with so much severe precision, that no glass of the manufacture of Ireland was to be exported, or so much as to be laden on any horse or carriage with intent to be so exported. This was, in his opinion, a very extraordinary stretch of the legislative power of Great Britain, considering the smallness of the object. The Act was much, very much complained of in Ireland, and apparently with very great justice both as to principle and effect. It was an article of general use in Ireland. The manufacturers of glass there, when thus restrained both as to export and import, could not pretend to vie with the British; the consequence of which was that the latter, having the whole trade to themselves, fixed the price of the commodity as they liked."[56] By the 9 Anne, c. 12, and 5 Geo. II., c. 2, and 7 Geo. II., c. 19, no hops but of British growth could be imported into Ireland. By the 6 Geo. I., it was enacted that the duty on hops exported from England should not be drawn back in favour of Irish consumers.[57] Irish cotton manufactures imported to England were subject to an import duty of twenty-five per cent., while a statute of Geo. I. enacted penalties on the wearing of such manufactures in Great Britain unless they were made there. The raw material for silk came to Ireland through England. The original import duty in England was 12d. in the pound, of which 3d. in the pound was retained there.[58] Irish beer and malt, too, were excluded from England, whereas English beer and malt were imported into Ireland at a nominal duty. "Hats, gunpowder, coals, bar-iron, iron-ware, and several other matters, some of which Ireland had not to export, and others of which she had very little, were at different times the objects of English restrictions, whenever it was fancied that English interests were at all threatened by them."[59] It was this legislation that caused Edmund Burke to ask, "Is Ireland united to the Crown of Great Britain for no other purpose than that we should counteract the bounty of Providence in her favour, and in proportion as that bounty has been liberal that we are to regard it as an evil which is to be met with in every sort of corrective?"[60] "England," says Mr. Froude, "governed Ireland for what she deemed her own interest, making her calculation on the gross balance of her trade ledgers, and leaving her moral obligations to accumulate, as if right and wrong had been blotted out of the statute book of the universe."[61] "One by one of each of our nascent industries," observes Lord Dufferin, "was either strangled in its birth, or handed over gagged and bound to the jealous custody of the rival interest of England, until at last every fountain of wealth was hermetically sealed, and even the traditions of commercial enterprise have perished through desuetude." This sketch of English legislation for Irish trade would leave the impression that the Parliaments of Great Britain were as lavish in their efforts to suppress industrial enterprise in that country as any British trader could reasonably desire. It will surprise us to find that this atrocious code was not regarded as sufficiently thorough. "In the year 1698," says Hely Hutchinson, "two petitions were preferred from Folkestone and Aldborough, stating a singular grievance that they suffered from Ireland 'by the Irish catching herrings at _Waterford and Wexford_, and sending them to the Streights, and thereby _forestalling_ and ruining petitioners' markets;' but these petitioners had the _hard lot_ of having motions in their favour rejected."[62] FOOTNOTES: [15] Ireland, however, has natural advantages which must not be forgotten in any estimate of her economical position, and which, although they do not compensate her for the want of coal, would under proper application do much to promote her prosperity. Thus Mr. O'Connell, towards the conclusion of his speech in his own defence, in the State Trials of 1844, says: "The country is intersected with noble estuaries. Ships of 500 tons' burthen ride into the heart of the country, safe from every wind that blows. No country possesses such advantages for commerce; the machinery of the world might be turned by the water-power of Ireland. Take the map and dissect it, and you will find that a good harbour is not more remote from any spot in Ireland than thirty miles." (R. _v._ O'Connell, p. 649.) Mr. Chaplin, in the speech to which I have referred, remarks: "No doubt Ireland does possess exceptional advantages in water-power which might be turned to great advantage." (Hansard, 261, Third Series, p. 836.) Ireland is not, however, absolutely devoid of coal. "Though," says Mr. C. Dawson, "we make no boast of our mineral treasures, they are, according to competent authority, well worthy of development. According to Professor Hull, the Leinster coal-basin contains 118 million tons, only outputting 83,000 tons per annum. In the North, especially in Tyrone, at Coal Island, there are 17,000 acres of coal-bed (30,000,000 tons), which the Professor says are by far the most valuable in Ireland. In the other districts in Ireland there are over 70,000,000 tons. Sir R. Kane supports the suggestion that borings should be made by the Government in this district to ascertain if the mineral wealth existed to the extent computed by Professor Hull, and he adds that when the panic arose in England about the duration of its coal supply, coal was looked for then outside the limits of the recognised coal-fields, and following them down into the Chalk in Kent and other places, of which Ireland was one." ("The Influence of an Irish Parliament on Irish Industries," Lecture by Mr. Charles Dawson, _Freeman's Journal_, Jan. 5, 1886.) [16] "Burke on Irish Affairs," by M. Arnold, p. 101. [17] "Commercial Restraints," p. 156. Mr. Secretary Orde, in introducing in the Irish House of Commons, in 1785, the Commercial Propositions, said: "Great Britain was aware of the preferable commercial situation of Ireland." ("Irish Debates," iv., p. 120.) [18] "Life and Speeches of Lord Plunket," by the Right Hon. D. Plunket, vol. i., pp. 173, 174. [19] "English in Ireland," vol. i., p. 178. [20] "Parliamentary Debates," xv., p. 175. [21] "Commercial Restraints," p. 164. [22] "Irish Debates," iii., p. 123. Henry, Archbishop of Dublin, is mentioned in Magna Charta as one of the barons whose "advice" led to the signing of that instrument by John. This prelate, Henry de Loundres, or "the Londoner," erected St. Patrick's Church, Dublin, into a cathedral, and created the offices of Precentor, Chancellor, Treasurer, and Dean--the last a post destined to be rendered famous five centuries later by the incumbency of Swift. Strange that at far-distant periods of time St. Patrick's Cathedral should be associated with the names of two illustrious assertors of liberty! [23] These enactments are mentioned in the "Commercial Restraints," pp. 164-169. [24] "Commercial Restraints," p. 169. [25] 12 Car. II., c. 18. [26] 13 & 14 Car. II., c. 11, s. 6. [27] "English in Ireland," i., p. 179. [28] "Parliamentary Debates," xv., pp. 175, 176. Edmund Burke, speaking in the British House of Commons, on May 6th, 1778, thus commented on this transaction: "In the 12 Car. II. the Navigation Acts passed, extending to Ireland, as well as England. A kind of left-handed policy, however, had deprived her of the freedom she enjoyed under that Act, and she had ever since remained under the most cruel, oppressive, and unnatural restrictions." ("Parliamentary Debates," viii., p. 265.) [29] Except victuals, servants, horses, and salt, for the fisheries of New England and Newfoundland. [30] 15 Car. II., c. 7, s. 13. [31] 18 Car. II., c. 2. [32] 32 Car. II., c. 2. Irish cattle were readmitted into England by the 32 Geo. II., c. 11. This was but a temporary enactment, but it was renewed without difficulty. Hely Hutchinson says it was acknowledged that the importation did not lower English rents. ("Commercial Restraints," p. 86.) [33] 22 & 23 Car. II., c. 26. [34] "Parliamentary Debates," xv., p. 176. [35] "English in Ireland," i. 180. [36] Carte's "Ormonde," ii. 357. [37] Carte's "Ormonde," ii. 329. [38] "Life and Death of the Irish Parliament," p. 69. [39] "Irish Commons' Journals," ii. 577. [40] "Commercial Restraints," p. 20. [41] "Irish Wool and Woollens," by S. A., p. 67. [42] "Report from the Select Committee on the Linen Trade of Ireland, 6th June, 1825." [43] "Life of Thomas Wentworth, Earl of Strafford," by Elizabeth Cooper, i., pp. 185, 186. Miss Cooper comments severely "on the stolid unconsciousness of wrongdoing by such a design, the undreamed-of suspicion that such a proposal could be received with any other feeling than that of approbation." It is but just to the memory of Strafford to state that he endeavoured to develop the linen manufacture in Ireland. He sent to Holland for flax seed, and invited Flemish and French artisans to settle in Ireland. "In order to stimulate the new industry, the earl himself embarked in it, and expended not less than £30,000 of his private fortune in the enterprise. It was afterwards made one of the grounds of his impeachment that he had obstructed the industry of the country by introducing new and unknown processes into the manufacture of flax. It was, nevertheless, greatly to the credit of the earl that he should have endeavoured to improve the industry of Ireland by introducing the superior processes employed by foreign artisans, and had he not attempted to turn the improved flax manufacture to his own advantage by erecting it into a personal monopoly, he might have been entitled to regard as a genuine benefactor of Ireland." (Smiles's "Huguenots," p. 126.) Dr. Smiles, in this passage, speaks of the linen manufacture as a "new industry." The "Report from the Select Committee on the Linen Trade of Ireland" states that that trade was "first planted in Ireland by Lord Strafford" (Appendix, p. 6), and Miss Cooper gives him credit "for the establishment of the linen manufacture in Ireland." ("Life of Lord Strafford," i., p. 346.) These statements are not, I think, historically correct. Mr. Lecky shows that, although Lord Strafford stimulated the linen trade, he did not found it. "The linen manufacture may, indeed, be dimly traced far back into Irish history. It is noticed in an English poem in the early part of the fifteenth century. A century later Guicciardini, in his 'Description of the Low Countries,' mentions coarse linen as among the products imported from Ireland to Antwerp. Strafford had done much to encourage it, and after the calamities of the Cromwellian period the Duke of Ormonde had laboured with some success to revive it." ("England in the Eighteenth Century," ii., pp. 211, 212.) See also, for some very valuable remarks on this subject, "Irish Wool and Woollens," pp. 63, 64. [44] "Irish Wool and Woollens," p. 70. See also Newenham on "The Population of Ireland," pp. 40, 41. [45] 12 Car. II., c. 4. A duty equal to a prohibition was laid on those goods. [46] "English Commons' Journals," xii., p. 338. [47] "English Commons' Journals," xii. 339. [48] "Irish Commons' Journals," ii., p. 241. [49] "Irish Commons' Journals," ii., p. 243. [50] Irish Statutes, 10 Will. III., c. 3. [51] Subsequent Acts completed this annihilation. "The next Act," says Lord North, after enumerating the Acts mentioned above, "was an Act of the 5th Geo. I., the next the 5th and 12th of the late King (Geo. II.), which last went so far as to prohibit the export of a kind of woollen manufacture called waddings, and one or two other articles excepted out of the 10th and 11th of King William; but these three last Acts swept everything before them." ("Parliamentary Debates," xv. 176, 177.) [52] "Parliamentary Debates," vol. xiii., 330. [53] "Parliamentary Debates," vol. xv., 181. [54] "Irish Affairs," pp. 112, 113. [55] "English in Ireland," vol. ii., p. 177. Mr. Lecky thus succinctly states the particulars attending the breach of the Linen Compact:--"The main industry of Ireland had been deliberately destroyed because it had so prospered that English manufacturers had begun to regard it as a competitor with their own. It is true, indeed, that a promise was made that the linen and hempen manufacture should be encouraged as a compensation, but even if it had been a just principle that a nation should be restricted by force of law to one or two forms of industry, there was no proportion between that which was destroyed and that which was to be favoured, and no real reciprocity established between the two countries." Mr. Lecky having stated the antiquity of the linen manufacture and its vicissitudes in Ireland, and having mentioned that "in 1700 the value of the export of Irish linen amounted to little more than £14,000," thus proceeds:--"The English utterly suppressed the existing woollen manufacture in Ireland in order to reserve that industry entirely to themselves, but the English and Scotch continued, as usual, their manufacture of linen. The Irish trade was ruined in 1699, but no legislative encouragement was given to the Irish linen manufacture till 1705, when, at the urgent petition of the Irish Parliament, the Irish were allowed to export their white and brown linens, but these only to the British colonies, and they were not permitted to bring any colonial goods in return. The Irish linen manufacture was undoubtedly encouraged by bounties, but not until 1743, when the country had sunk into a condition of appalling wretchedness. In spite of the compact of 1698, the hempen manufacture was so discouraged that it positively ceased. Disabling duties were imposed on Irish sail-cloth imported into England. Irish checked, striped, and dyed linens were absolutely excluded from the colonies. They were virtually excluded from England by the imposition of a duty of 30 per cent., and Ireland was not allowed to participate in the bounties granted for the exportation of these descriptions of linen from Great Britain to foreign countries."--"Eighteenth Century," vol. ii., pp. 211-212. See also, "An Argument for Ireland," by J. O'Connell, M.P., pp. 147-154. [56] "Parliamentary Debates," vol. xv., 179, 180. [57] "Commercial Restraints," pp. 229, 230. [58] See "An Argument for Ireland," p. 161. [59] "An Argument for Ireland," by J. O'Connell, M.P., p. 161. [60] Burke on "Irish Affairs," p. 101. [61] "English in Ireland," vol. i., p. 657. [62] "Commercial Restraints," pp. 125, 126. See "English Commons' Journals," 22, p. 178. In this summary of the laws enacted by the English Parliament in restraint of Irish trade, I have dealt merely with legislation of a permanent character. "When," says Hely Hutchinson, in 1779, "the commercial restraints of Ireland are the subject, a source of occasional and ruinous restrictions ought not to be passed over. Since the year 1740 there have been twenty-four embargoes in Ireland, one of which lasted three years." "Commercial Restraints," pp. 231, 232. The system of embargoes called forth the indignation of Arthur Young, the celebrated English traveller. The prohibition of woollens, etc., was, he says, at least advantageous to similar manufactures in England, but "in respect to embargoes, even this shallow pretence is wanting; a whole kingdom is sacrificed and plundered, not to enrich England, but three or four London contractors." See also Lecky's "Eighteenth Century," iv., p. 442. CHAPTER III. ENGLISH OPPOSITION TO EFFORTS OF THE IRISH PARLIAMENT IN FAVOUR OF IRISH TRADE. Mr. Fox, speaking in the British House of Commons on the 17th of May, 1782, as a responsible Minister of the Crown, thus stated the nature and effect of the legislation of the English Parliament with reference to Irish trade: "The power of external legislation had been employed against Ireland as an instrument of oppression, to establish an impolitic monopoly in trade, to enrich one country at the expense of the other."[63] The English Government was, previously to the Revolution of 1782, able to dominate the legislation of the Irish Parliament under the provisions of Poynings' Law. That power was used to induce the Irish Parliament to pass laws prejudicial to the liberties or the commerce of their country, and to prevent the enactment of laws for the protection of Irish liberty, and the development of Irish industrial energies. Thus, when the English Houses of Parliament addressed William III. on the subject of the Irish woollen trade, both Lords and Commons suggested that the King should use his influence to induce the Irish Parliament to restrain that manufacture, without rendering English legislation for the purpose necessary. A few days after these Addresses were presented, the King wrote to Lord Galway, one of the Lords Justices of Ireland, as follows:-- "The chief thing that must be prevented is that the Irish Parliament take no notice of this here, and that you make effectual laws for the linen manufacture, and discourage as far as possible the woollen. It never was of such importance to have a good session of Parliament."[64] Ireland was thus, in the words of Mr. Froude, "invited to apply the knife to her own throat."[65] "The Irish Houses, in dread of abolition if they refused, relying on the promise of encouragement to their linen trade, and otherwise unable to help themselves, acquiesced."[66] The enactment which they passed was temporary. Hely Hutchinson says that this law has every appearance of being framed on the part of the Administration. The servile body who assented to it soon had reason to know that to tolerate slavery is to embrace it. The law did not satisfy the English Parliament, who passed the perpetual enactment to which reference has been previously made.[67] This is, however, one of the few instances in which the Irish Parliament was prevailed on to pass laws in restraint of their own trade. Even in this case the destruction of the woollen industry was not considered complete until English legislation gave it a final blow. The direct attacks on Irish trade were almost exclusively the work of the English Parliament; while the English Privy Council strangled at its birth every beneficial enactment of the Irish Parliament. The following instances will explain and illustrate the difficulties with which the Irish Parliament had to contend in every effort to promote the material prosperity of their country:-- "With," says Mr. Froude, "their shipping destroyed by the Navigation Act, their woollen manufactures taken from them, their trade in all its branches crippled and confined, the single resource left to those of the Irish who still nourished dreams of improving their unfortunate country was agriculture. The soil was at least their own, which needed only to be drained, cleared of weeds, and manured to produce grass crops and corn crops as rich as the best in England. Here was employment for a population three times more numerous than as yet existed. Here was a prospect, if not of commercial wealth, yet of substantial comfort and material abundance."[68] After some further observations, Mr. Froude thus proceeds:--"The tenants were forbidden in their leases to break or plough the soil. The people no longer employed were driven away into holes and corners, and eked out a wretched subsistence by potato gardens or by keeping starving cattle of their own on the neglected bogs. Their numbers increased, for they married early, and they were no longer liable, as in the old times, to be killed off like dogs in forays. They grew up in compulsory idleness, encouraged once more in their inherited dislike of labour,[69] and inured to wretchedness and hunger; and on every failure of the potato crop, hundreds of thousands were starving. Of corn very little was grown anywhere in Ireland. It was imported from England, Holland, Italy, and France, but in quantities unequal to any sudden demand. The disgrace of allowing a nation of human beings to subsist upon such conditions forced itself at last on the conscience of the Irish Parliament, and though composed of landowners who were tempted as much as others to let their farms on the terms most profitable to them, the House of Commons in 1716 resolved unanimously to make an effort for a general change of system, and to reclaim both people and country by bringing back and stimulating agriculture. They passed a vote that covenants which prohibited the breaking soil with the plough were impolitic, and should have no binding force. They passed heads of a bill, which they recommended with the utmost earnestness to the consideration of the English Council, enjoining that for every hundred acres which any tenant held he should break up and cultivate five, and, as a further encouragement, that a trifling bounty should be granted by the Government on corn grown for exportation. "And what did England answer? England which was so wisely anxious for the prosperity of the Protestant interest in Ireland: England which was struggling so pathetically to make the Irish peers and gentlemen understand the things that belonged to their peace? The bounty system might or might not have been well calculated to produce the effect which Ireland desired. It was the system which England herself practised with every industry which she wished to encourage, and it was not on economic grounds that the Privy Council rejected a Bill which they ought rather to have thrust of their own accord on Irish acceptance. The real motive was probably the same which had led to the suppression of the manufactures--the detestable opinion that to govern Ireland conveniently Ireland must be kept weak. Although the corn consumed in Ireland had been for many years imported, the English farmers were haunted with a terror of being undersold in their own and foreign markets by a country where labour was cheap. A motive so iniquitous could not be confessed, but the objections which the Council were not ashamed to allege were scarcely less disgraceful to them. The English manufacturers having secured, as they supposed, the monopoly of Irish wool on their own terms, conceived that the whole soil of Ireland ought to be devoted to growing it. The merchants of Tiverton and Bideford had recently memorialised the Crown on the diminution of the number of fleeces which reached them from the Irish ports. They attributed the falling off to the contraband trade between Ireland and France, which shortened their supplies, enhanced the price, and gave the French weavers an advantage over them. Their conjecture, as will be hereafter shown, was perfectly just. The contraband trade, as had been foreseen when the restrictions were imposed, had become enormous. But the Commissioners of the Irish Revenue were unwilling to confess to carelessness. They pretended that the Irish farmers, forgetting their obligations to England, and thinking wickedly only of their own interests, were diminishing their stock of sheep, breaking up the soil, and growing wheat and barley. The allegation, unhappily, was utterly untrue. But the mere rumour of a rise of industry in Ireland created a panic in the commercial circles of England. Although the change existed as yet only in desire, and the sheep-farming, with its attending miseries, was increasing rather than diminishing, Stanhope, Walpole, Sutherland, and the other advisers of the English Crown, met the overtures of the Irish Parliament in a spirit of settled hostility, and, with an infatuation which now appears insanity, determined to keep closed the one remaining avenue by which Ireland could have recovered a gleam of prosperity. "The heads of the Bill were carried in Ireland without a serious suspicion that it would be received unfavourably. A few scornful members dared to say that England would consent to nothing which would really benefit Ireland, but they were indignantly silenced by the friends of the Government. It was sent over by the Duke of Grafton, with the fullest expectation that it would be returned. He learnt first with great surprise that 'the Tillage Bill was meeting with difficulties.' 'It was a measure,' he said, 'which the gentlemen of the country had very much at heart, as the only way left them to improve their estates while they were under such hard restrictions in point of trade.' 'It would be unkind,' he urged, in a second and more pressing letter, 'to refuse Ireland anything not unreasonable in itself. He conceived the Corn Bill was not of that nature, and therefore earnestly requested his Majesty would be pleased to indulge them in it.' "Stanhope forwarded in answer a report of the English Commissioners of Customs, which had the merit of partial candour. 'Corn,' they said, 'is supposed to be at so low a rate in Ireland in comparison with England, that an encouragement to the exportation of it would prejudice the English trade.' "The Lords Justices returned the conclusive rejoinder that for some years past Ireland had imported large quantities of corn from England, which would have been impossible had her own corn been cheaper. 'They could not help representing,' they said, 'the concern they were under to find that verified which those all along foretold who obstructed the King's affairs, and which his friends had constantly denied, that all the marks they had given of duty and affection would not procure one bill for the benefit of the nation.' "The fact of the importation of corn from England could not be evaded; but the commercial leaders were possessed with a terror of Irish rivalry which could not be exorcised. The bill was at last transmitted, but a clause had been slipped in empowering the Council to suspend the premiums at their pleasure; and the House of Commons in disgust refused to take back a measure which had been mutilated into a mockery."[70] To take another instance, illustrative of the same system, which was in full operation sixty years later. The heads of a bill were introduced in 1771 to prevent corn from being wasted in making whisky, and to put some restraint on the vice of drunkenness, which was increasing. This bill was warmly recommended to the English Privy Council by Townshend, the Lord-Lieutenant of the day, who said, "the whisky shops were ruining the peasantry and the workmen. There was an earnest and general desire to limit them. It will be a loss to the revenue, but it is a very popular bill, and will give general content and satisfaction throughout the kingdom."[71] "The Whisky Bill," says Mr. Froude, "was rejected because the Treasury could not spare a few thousand pounds which were levied upon drunkenness."[72] It must also be borne in mind that although the English Parliament could, and, in fact, did, place prohibitory duties on Irish goods imported into England, it was quite impossible for the Irish Parliament to exercise the same power. Bills of such a nature would, of course, never obtain the sanction of the English Privy Council, to whom they must have been submitted. The difference between the duties on the same goods when imported from England into Ireland, and from Ireland into England, were in some cases striking. "In Ireland," says Mr. Parsons, speaking in the Irish Parliament in 1784, "no more than 6d. a yard was imposed on the importation of English cloths, while ours in England were charged with a duty of £2 0s. 6d."[73] Mr. Pitt, speaking as Prime Minister in the British House of Commons in February, 1785, stated that on most of the manufactures of Ireland prohibitory duties were laid by Great Britain. "They (the Irish) had not," he said, "admitted our commodities totally free from duties; they bore, upon an average, about ten per cent."[74] The helplessness of the Irish Parliament during this period is demonstrated by Hely Hutchinson. He states that in 1721, during a period of great distress, the speech from the Throne, and the Addresses to the King and the Lord-Lieutenant declare in the strongest terms the great decay of trade, and the very low and impoverished state to which the country was reduced. "But," he says, "it is a melancholy proof of the desponding state of this kingdom, that no law whatever was then proposed for encouraging trade or manufactures, or, to follow the words of the address, for reviving trade or making us a flourishing people, unless that for amending laws as to butter and tallow casks deserves to be so called. And why? Because it was well understood by both Houses of Parliament that they had no power to remove those restraints which prohibited trade and discouraged manufactures, and that any application for that purpose would at that time have only offended the people on one side of the Channel, without bringing any relief to those on the other."[75] The Irish Parliament did, however, what they could. Thus, "in the sessions of 1703, 1705, and 1707, the House of Commons resolved unanimously that it would greatly conduce to the relief of the poor and the good of the kingdom, that the inhabitants thereof should use none other but the manufactures of this kingdom in their apparel, and the furniture of their houses; and in the last of those sessions, the members engaged their honours to each other that they would conform to the said resolution."[76] Many of their suggestions for the encouragement of home produce are of extraordinary ingenuity. In 1727, the Privy Council allowed a bill to become law, entitled "An Act to encourage the home consumption of wool by burying in wool only," providing that no person should be buried "in any stuff or thing other than what is made of sheep or lambs' wool only."[77] The custom, now grotesque and unmeaning, but still in vogue in Ireland, of wearing scarfs at funerals, was recommended in the interest of the linen manufacture, and was first introduced in 1729 at the funeral of Mr. Conolly, Speaker of the Irish House of Commons.[78] So, too, spinning schools were established in every county, and a board of trustees was appointed to watch over the interests of the linen manufacture; "but the utter want of capital, the neglect of the grand juries, the ignorance, poverty, and degradation of the inhabitants, made the attempt to create a new manufacture hopeless."[79] These efforts of the Irish Parliament, though of little practical effect, demonstrate their keen appreciation of the sufferings around them and their sympathy with the wants and wishes of their people, who were crushed by a system which Mr. Pitt has characterised as one "of cruel and abominable restraint."[80] Speaking in the English House of Commons in 1785, that statesman bade members "recollect that from the Revolution to a period within the memory of every man who heard him, indeed until these very few years, the system had been that of debarring Ireland from the enjoyment and use of her own resources, to make that kingdom completely subservient to the interests and opulence of this country, without suffering her to share in the bounties of nature, in the industries of her citizens, or making them contribute to the general interests and strength of the empire."[81] "No country," says Mr. Lecky, "ever exercised a more complete control over the destinies of another than did England over those of Ireland, for three-quarters of a century after the Revolution. No serious resistance of any kind was attempted. The nation was as passive as clay in the hands of the potter, and it is a circumstance of peculiar aggravation that a large part of the legislation I have recounted was a distinct violation of a solemn treaty.[82] The commercial legislation which ruined Irish industry, the confiscation of Irish land which demoralised and impoverished the nation, were all directly due to the English Government, and the English Parliament."[83] "If," says Mr. Froude, "the high persons at the head of the great British Empire had deliberately considered by what means they could condemn Ireland to remain the scandal of their rule, they could have chosen no measures better suited to their end than those which they pursued unrelentingly through three-quarters of a century."[84] FOOTNOTES: [63] "Parliamentary Register," p. 7. [64] Rapin, xvii., p. 417. The date of this letter is 16th of July, 1698. The matter was so urgent that William III. wrote two letters. See "English in Ireland," i. 297. [65] "English in Ireland," vol. i., p. 297. [66] _Ibid._, p. 297. [67] 10 & 11 Will. III., c. 10. [68] "English in Ireland," vol. i., p. 439. [69] The charge of indolence which Mr. Froude has here preferred against the Irish peasantry has frequently been refuted. The accusation is an old one. Speaking in the Irish House of Commons in 1784, the Right Hon. Luke Gardiner thus repelled it:--"Those who render our people idle are the first to ridicule them for that idleness, and to ridicule them without a cause. National characteristics are always unjust, as there never was a country that has not produced both good and bad." "They are general assertions, as false as they are illiberal. Irishmen have shown spirit and genius in whatever they have undertaken." "I call upon gentlemen to specify one instance where the people were indolent when the laws of their country protected them in their endeavours." ("Irish Debates," iii., p. 127.) "It is a cant in England," says Mr. O'Connell, "that they (the Irish) are an idle people, but how can that be said when they are to be found seeking employment through every part of the world? They are to be found making roads in Scotland and digging canals in the poisonous marshes of New Orleans." ("Discussion in Dublin Corporation on Repeal of the Union," in 1843, p. 58) The _Times_ of the 26th of June, 1845, in an article to which I will refer hereafter, says "The Irishman is disposed to work." [70] "English in Ireland," vol. i., 441-446. The subsequent history of this Bill as related by Mr. Froude is interesting. It became law in 1727, but was practically ineffective. See Lecky's "Eighteenth Century," ii., 248. [71] "English in Ireland," vol. ii., 113, 114. [72] "English in Ireland," vol. ii., 114. [73] "Irish Debates," vol. iii., 132. [74] "Parliamentary Register," 17, 255. [75] "Commercial Restraints," pp. 40-41. Speaking of the great distress in the years 1740 and 1741, Hely Hutchinson again deplores the inability of the Irish Parliament to alleviate the misery of the poor. "They (the Commons) could not have been insensible of the miseries of their fellow-creatures, many thousands of whom were lost in those years, some from absolute want and many from disorders occasioned by bad provisions. Why was no attempt made for their relief? Because the Commons knew that the evil was out of their reach, and the poor were not employed because they were discouraged by restrictive laws from working up the materials of their own country, and that agriculture could not be encouraged when the lower classes of the people were not enabled by their industry to purchase the produce of the farmer's labour."--("Commercial Restraints," pp. 47-48.) [76] "Commercial Restraints," pp. 210, 211. [77] 7 George II. (Irish) c. 13. This Irish Statute was framed on the model of an Act passed by the English Parliament in 1678, providing that all dead bodies should be wrapped in woollen shrouds. Dean Swift warmly approved of this measure which, however, he seemed to think would never pass the Privy Councils. "What," he says, "if we should agree to make burying in woollen a fashion, as our neighbours have made it a law?" Swift's Works (Scott's Ed.), vi., p. 274. [78] Finlayson's "Monumental Inscriptions in Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin," p. 27. [79] Lecky's "Eighteenth Century," vol. ii., 215. [80] "Parliamentary Register," 17, 249. Mr. Lecky pays a high compliment to the exertions of the Irish Parliament to protect the material interests of their country. "During the greater part of the century (18th century) it had little power except that of protesting against laws crushing Irish commerce, but what little it could do it appears to have done."--"Leaders of Public Opinion in Ireland," p. 187. [81] "Parliamentary Register," 17, 249. [82] Mr. Lecky refers doubtless to the Treaty of Limerick. [83] "Eighteenth Century," vol. ii., 256. [84] "English in Ireland," vol. ii., 213. CHAPTER IV. THE IMMEDIATE EFFECTS OF ENGLISH LEGISLATION ON IRISH TRADE. The immediate effects produced upon Ireland by the commercial policy of Great Britain were such as might reasonably be anticipated from the brief and necessarily imperfect account I have given of that system. The best and most energetic members of the industrial community sought refuge in exile from a land where honest labour was robbed by law of its reward. The weaker ones, who were compelled to remain, this terrible system defrauded, impoverished, and degraded. It afflicted every Irishman, whether at home or abroad, with a sense of intolerable wrong, and created that passionate resentment towards England, which has been transmitted to succeeding generations. "One of the most obvious consequences," says Mr. Lecky, "was that for the space of about a century Ireland underwent a steady process of depletion, most men of energy, ambition, talent, or character being driven from her shores."[85] "If the ambition of an Irishman lay in the paths of manufacture and commerce he was almost compelled to emigrate, for industrial and commercial enterprise had been deliberately crushed."[86] This legislation, it must be remembered, fell most severely on the Protestant population of Ireland, although, of course, it grievously affected every class, and, indeed, every member of the community. Twenty thousand Puritans left Ulster on the destruction of the woollen trade.[87] "Until the spell of tyranny was broken, in 1782, annual ship-loads of families poured themselves out from Belfast and Londonderry. The resentment they carried with them continued to burn in their new homes; and, in the War of Independence, England had no fiercer enemies than the great-grandsons of the Presbyterians who had held Ulster against Tyrconnel."[88] At the beginning of the eighteenth century, Mr. Lecky thinks the population of Ireland slightly exceeded two millions,[89] and he adopts the calculation of a contemporary writer that the woollen manufacture at the time of its suppression afforded employment to 12,000 Protestant families in the metropolis, and 30,000 dispersed over the rest of the kingdom.[90] We can, therefore, see at a glance how large a fraction of the entire population of the country were directly deprived of bread by that measure. Swift, whose deanery lay in the liberties of Dublin, the principal seat of the woollen manufacture, and who witnessed the results of its suppression, thus writes:--"Three parts in four of the inhabitants of that district of the town where I dwell were English manufacturers, whom either misfortunes in trade, little petty debts contracted through illness, or the presence of a numerous family, had driven into our cheap country. These were employed in working up our worse wool, while the finest was sent into England. Several of these had taken the children of the native Irish apprentices to them who, being humbled by the forfeiture of upwards of three millions by the Revolution, were obliged to stoop to a mechanic industry. Upon the passing of this bill, we were obliged to dismiss thousands of these people from our service. Those who had settled their affairs returned home, and overstocked England with workmen; those whose debts were unsatisfied, went to France, Spain, and the Netherlands, where they met with good encouragement, whereby the natives having got a firm footing in the trade, being acute fellows, so became as good workmen as any we have, and supply the foreign manufacturers with a constant supply of artisans."[91] "Upon the checking the export of our woollen manufactures," writes Mr. Arthur Dobbs, in 1729, "and by laying on heavy duties on its being exported to England in 1699 and 1700, equivalent to a prohibition, most of those who were embarked in it were laid under a necessity of removing elsewhere; and, being piqued at the difficulties they were laid under, many of the Protestants removed into Germany, and settled in the Protestant states there, who received them with open arms. Several Papists at the same time removed into the northern parts of Spain, where they laid the foundations of a manufacture highly prejudicial to England. Many also of the Protestants who were embarked with Papists in the woollen manufacture, removed into France, and settled at Roan and other parts. Notwithstanding Louis XIV. had repealed the Edict of Nantes, and forced abroad the French Protestants into different parts of Europe, yet these were kindly received by him, had great encouragement given to them, and were protected in their religion. From these beginnings they have in many branches so much improved the woollen manufactures of France, as not only to supply themselves, but even to vie with the English in the foreign markets; and by their correspondence they have laid the foundation for the running of wool thither both from England and Ireland, highly to the prejudice of Britain, which pernicious practice is still carried on in spite of all the care and precaution made use of to discountenance and prevent it. Thus a check is put upon the sale of our woollen manufactures abroad, which would have given employment to all the industrious poor both of Britain and Ireland, had not our manufacturers been forced away into France, Spain, and Germany, where they are now so improved as in great measure to supply themselves with many sorts they formerly had from England."[92] In 1773 the Irish House of Commons "had to hear from the Linen Board that 'many thousands of the best manufacturers and weavers, with their families, had gone to seek their bread in America, and thousands were preparing to follow.' Again a committee was appointed to inquire. This time the blame was laid on England, which had broken the linen compact, given bounties to Lancashire mill-owners, which Belfast was not allowed to share, and in 'jealousy of Irish manufactures,' had laid duties on Irish sail-cloth contrary to express stipulation. The accusation, as the reader knows, was true."[93] "If," wrote Mr. Newenham, in 1805, "we said that, during fifty years of the last century, the average annual emigration to America and the West Indies amounted to 4,000, and consequently that in that space of time 200,000 had emigrated to the British Plantations, I am disposed to think we should rather fall short of than exceed the truth."[94] It would be easy to adduce further evidence of the extent of this emigration caused by the destruction of Irish manufactures and its results. The speech, however, of the Right Hon. Luke Gardiner, delivered in the Irish House of Commons on the 2nd of April, 1784, is noteworthy. Having described the destruction of the woollen trade, which was initiated by the Irish Act laying it under temporary prohibitions, passed by "a corrupt majority in this House;" the consequent emigration of the manufacturers, their favourable reception in foreign countries, and especially in France, who, availing herself of their industry, was enabled, not only "to rival Great Britain, but to undersell her in every market in Europe," the speaker proceeded thus-- "England, from unhappy experience, is convinced of the pernicious effects of her impolicy. The emigration of the Irish manufacturers in the reign of King William is not the only instance that has taught that nation the ruinous effects of restrictive laws. Our own remembrance has furnished a sad instance of the truth of this assertion--furnished it in the American war. America was lost by Irish emigrants. These emigrations are fresh in the recollection of every gentleman in this House; and when the unhappy differences took place, I am assured, from the best authority, that the major part of the American army was composed of Irish, and that the Irish language was as commonly spoken in the American ranks as English. I am also informed it was their valour determined the conquest; so that England not only lost a principal protection of her woollen trade, but also had America detached from her by force of Irish emigrants."[95] The weaker and more defenceless members of the Irish industrial community were forced by circumstances to remain at home, and were accordingly exposed to the sufferings entailed by this policy of unenlightened selfishness and exasperation. The following extracts, taken from a mass of contemporaneous documents, will give some idea of their condition. "From the time," says Hely Hutchinson, "of this prohibition [of the woollen manufactures] no Parliament was held in Ireland till the year 1703. Five years were suffered to elapse before any opportunity was given to apply a remedy to the many evils which such a prohibition must necessarily have occasioned. The linen trade was then not thoroughly established in Ireland; the woollen manufacture was the staple trade, and wool the principal material of that kingdom. The consequences of the prohibition appear in the session of 1713. The Commons lay before Queen Anne a most affecting representation containing, to use their own words, 'a true state of our deplorable condition,' protesting that no groundless discontent was the motive for that application, but a deep sense of the evil state of their country, and of the further mischiefs they have reason to fear will fall upon it if not timely prevented. They set forth the vast decay and loss of its trade, its being almost exhausted of coin that they are hindered from earning their livelihoods, and from maintaining their own manufactures; that their poor have thereby become very numerous; that great numbers of Protestant families have been constrained to remove out of the kingdom, as well into Scotland as into the dominions of foreign princes and states; and that their foreign trade and its returns are under such restrictions and discouragements as to be then become in a manner impracticable, although that kingdom had by its blood and treasure contributed to secure the plantation trade to the people of England. "In a further Address to the Queen, laid before the Duke of Ormonde, then Lord-Lieutenant, by the House, with its Speaker, they mention the distressed condition of that kingdom, and more especially of the industrious Protestants, by the almost total loss of trade and decay of their manufactures, and, to preserve the country from utter ruin, apply for liberty to export their linen manufactures to the Plantations. "In a subsequent part of this session the Commons resolve that, by reason of the great decay of trade and discouragement of the manufactures of this kingdom, many poor tradesmen were reduced to extreme want and beggary. This resolution was agreed to _nem. con._, and the Speaker, Mr. Broderick, then his Majesty's Solicitor-General, and afterwards Lord Chancellor, in his speech at the end of the session, informs the Lord-Lieutenant that 'the representation of the Commons was, as to the matters contained in it, the unanimous voice and consent of a very full House, and that the soft and gentle tones used by the Commons in laying the distressed condition of the kingdom before his Majesty, showed that their complaints proceeded not from querulousness, but from a necessity of seeking redress.'"[96] In his proposal for the use of Irish manufactures, which was published in 1720, Dean Swift says: "The Scripture tells us that oppression makes a wise man mad, therefore, consequently speaking, the reason why some men are not mad is because they are not wise. However, it were to be wished that oppression would in time teach a little wisdom to fools."[97] "Whoever travels in this country and observes the face of nature, and the faces and habits and dwellings of the natives, will hardly think himself in a land where law, religion, or common humanity is professed."[98] Nicholson, an Englishman, translated from the Bishopric of Carlisle to that of Derry, in a letter to the Archbishop of Canterbury, written in the same year, gives a similar account of the prevailing destitution: "Never did I behold in Picardy, Westphalia, and Scotland, such dismal marks of hunger and want as appeared in the countenances of most of the poor creatures I met with on the road." He states that one of his carriage horses having been killed by accident, it was surrounded by "fifty or sixty famished cottagers, struggling desperately to obtain a morsel of flesh for themselves and their children."[99] Swift, writing in 1727, says: "The conveniency of ports and harbours, which nature has bestowed so liberally on this country, is of no more use to us than a beautiful prospect to a man shut up in a dungeon."[100] "Ireland is the only kingdom I ever heard of, either in ancient or modern story, which was denied the liberty of exporting their native commodities and manufactures wherever they pleased, except to countries at war with their own Prince or State; yet this privilege, by the mere superiority of power, is refused us in the most momentous parts of our commerce; besides an Act of Navigation, to which we never consented, pinned down upon us, rigorously executed, and a thousand other unexampled circumstances, as grievous as they are invidious to mention."[101] "If we do flourish it must be against every law of nature and reason, like the thorn of Glastonbury, that blossoms in the midst of the winter."[102] "The miserable dress, diet, and dwelling of the people, the general desolation in most parts of the kingdom, the old seats of the nobility in ruins, and no new ones in their stead, the families of farmers, who pay great rents, living in filth and nastiness, upon butter-milk and potatoes, without a shoe or stocking to their feet, or a house so convenient as an English hogsty to receive them. These, indeed, may be comfortable sights to an English spectator, who comes for a short time only to learn the language, and returns back to his own country whence he finds all his wealth transmitted. "Nostra miseria magna est. There is not one argument used to prove the riches of Ireland which is not a logical demonstration of its poverty."[103] "Ireland is the poorest of all civilised countries, with every advantage to make it one of the richest."[104] "The great scarcity of corn," says Hely Hutchinson, "had been so universal in this kingdom in the years 1728 and 1729 as to expose thousands of families to the utmost necessities, and even to the danger of famine, many artificers and housekeepers having been obliged to beg for bread in the streets of Dublin."[105] This is probably the distress to which Swift, writing in 1729, alludes: "Our present calamities are not to be represented. You can have no notion of them without beholding them. Numbers of miserable objects crowd our doors, begging us to take their wares at any price to prevent their families from immediate starving."[106] "In twenty years," says Mr. Lecky, "there were at least three or four of absolute famine."[107] The writer of a pamphlet entitled "The Groans of Ireland in a Letter to a Member of Parliament," published in Dublin in 1741, thus begins:-- "I have been absent from this country for some years, and on my return to it last summer found it the most miserable scene of universal distress that I ever read of in history. "Want and misery in every face, the rich unable, almost as they were unwilling, to relieve the poor; the roads spread with dead and dying bodies; mankind of the colour of the docks and nettles which they fed on; two or three, sometimes more, on a car going to the grave for want of bearers, to carry them, and many buried only in the fields and ditches where they perished. This universal scarcity was ensued by malignant fevers, which swept off multitudes of all sorts; whole villages were laid waste by want and sickness and death in various shapes, and scarce a house in the whole island escaped from tears and mourning. "It were to be wished, Sir, that some curious enquirer had made a calculation of the numbers lost in this terrible calamity. If one for every house in the kingdom died (and that is very probable, when we consider that whole families and villages were swept off in many parts together), the loss must have been upwards of 400,000 souls. If but one for every other house (and it was certainly more), 200,000 perished--a loss too great for this ill-peopled country to bear and the more grievous as the loss was mostly of the grown-up part of the working people." The writer then proceeds to emphasise the fact to which Swift had previously directed attention: that Irish famines are _artificial_. "Sir,--When a stranger travels through this country and beholds its wide extended and fertile plains, its great flocks of sheep and black cattle, and all its natural wealth and conveniences for tillage, manufactures, and trade, he must be astonished that such misery and want could possibly be felt by its inhabitants; but you, who know the Constitution and are acquainted with its weaknesses, can easily see the reason."[108] Writing in the year 1779, Hely Hutchinson says, "In this and the last year about twenty thousand manufacturers in this metropolis were reduced to beggary for want of employment; they were for a considerable length of time supported by alms; a part of the contribution came from England, and this assistance was much wanting, from the general distress of all ranks of people in this country. Public and private credit are annihilated."[109] Again, "A country will sooner recover from the miseries and devastation occasioned by war, invasion, rebellion, and massacre, than from laws restraining the commerce, discouraging the manufactures, fettering the industry, and, above all, breaking the spirits of the people."[110] He thus summarises the effects of the eighty years' restrictive legislation, between the destruction of the woollen trade in 1699 and 1779, the date at which he was writing. "Can the history of any other fruitful country on the globe, enjoying peace for fourscore years, and not visited by plague or pestilence, produce so many recorded instances of the poverty and wretchedness, and of the reiterated want and misery of the lower orders of the people? There is no such example in ancient or modern story. If the ineffectual endeavours by the representatives of those poor people to give them employment or food had not left sufficient memorials of their wretchedness, if their habitations, apparel, and food were not sufficient proofs, I should appeal to the human countenance for my voucher, and rest the evidence on that hopeless despondency that hangs on the brow of unemployed industry."[111] Such were the more striking effects of this pernicious legislation. Its remoter consequences were likewise disastrous. Crime and outrage were promoted by the suppression of national industry. "In the year 1762," says Hely Hutchinson, "a new evil made its appearance, which all the exertions of the Government and of the Legislature have not since been able to eradicate. I mean the risings of the White Boys. They appear in those parts of the kingdom where manufactures are not established, and are a proof of the poverty and want of employment of the lower classes of our people."[112] Then again, this system divorced law from public opinion. Sir Henry Maine has well observed, that social necessities and social opinion are always more or less in advance of law, and that the greater or less happiness of a nation depends on the degree of promptitude with which the gulf between them is narrowed.[113] In Ireland that gulf was deliberately widened; and the people learned, with good reason, to regard the law, not as a protector, but as a plunderer of their rightful gains, and as an agency to make havoc of their industry. "When England," says Mr. Froude, "in defence of her monopolies, thought proper to lay restrictions on the Irish woollen trade, it was foretold that the inevitable result would be an enormous development of smuggling."[114] "The entire nation, high and low, was enlisted in an organised confederacy against the law. Distinctions of creed were obliterated, and resistance to law became a bond of union between Catholic and Protestant, Irish Celt and English colonist."[115] Hely Hutchinson, in a paper laid before Lord Buckinghamshire, in July, 1779, places this matter in a clear light. "You have forced us into an illicit commerce, and our very existence depends now upon it. Ireland has paid Great Britain for eleven years past double the sum that she collects from the whole world in all the trade which Great Britain allows her, a fact not to be paralleled in the history of the world. Whence did the money come? But one answer is possible. It came from the contraband trade, and surely it is madness to suffer an important part of the empire to continue in that condition. You defeat your own objects."[116] Again, this system embittered the relations between landlord and tenant in Ireland by raising unduly the creation of farms, the cultivation of the soil being the only industrial resource left to the people. "Rents," says Mr. Lecky, "were regulated by competition; but it was competition between a half starving population, who had no other resource except the soil, and were prepared to promise anything rather than be deprived of it.[117] The mass of the people," the same writer continues, "became cottiers, because it was impossible to gain a livelihood as agricultural labourers or in mechanical pursuits. This impossibility was due to the extreme paucity of circulating capital, and may be chiefly traced to the destruction of Irish manufactures and to the absence of a considerable class of resident landlords, who would naturally give employment to the poor."[118] Such were some of the more immediate effects upon Ireland of the commercial arrangements of Great Britain. That system was thus described in the Irish House of Commons in October, 1779, by Hussey Burgh, who then held the office of Prime Serjeant, and afterwards became Lord Chief Baron of the Court of Exchequer. "The usurped authority of a foreign Parliament has kept up the most wicked laws that a jealous, monopolising, ungrateful spirit could desire, to restrain the bounty of Providence and enslave a nation whose inhabitants are recorded to be a brave, loyal, generous people; by the English code of laws, to answer the most sordid views, they have been treated with a savage cruelty; the words penalty, punishment, and Ireland are synonymous; they are marked in blood on the margin of their statutes, and though time may have softened the calamities of the nation, the baneful and destructive influence of those laws have borne her down to a state of Egyptian bondage. The English have sowed their laws like serpents' teeth; they have sprung up as armed men."[119] Few will be disposed to disagree with Mr. Froude in his estimate of the effects of this policy. "By a curious combination this system worked the extremity of mischief, commercially, socially, and politically."[120] FOOTNOTES: [85] "Eighteenth Century," vol. ii., 257, 258. [86] "Eighteenth Century," vol. ii., 259. [87] "English in Ireland," vol. i., 435. [88] "English in Ireland," vol. i., 436. [89] "Eighteenth Century," vol. ii., 255. [90] "Eighteenth Century," vol. ii., 213. [91] Swift's Works (Scott's Ed.), vol. vii., 195. [92] "An Essay upon the Trade of Ireland"--"Tracts and Treatises" (Ireland), 2, p. 335-6. [93] "English in Ireland," vol. ii., 137. [94] Newenham on "Population," p. 60. This remark is quoted by Mr. Lecky. [95] "Irish Debates," vol. iii., 130. [96] "Commercial Restraints," pp. 24-27. [97] Swift's Works (Scott's Edition), vol. vi., p. 277. [98] Swift's Works (Scott's Edition), vol. vi., 281, 282. [99] "England in the Eighteenth Century," vol. ii., 216. [100] Swift's Works (Scott's Edition), vol. vii., p. 115. [101] _Ibid._, pp. 115, 116. [102] _Ibid._, p. 118. [103] Swift's Works (Scott's Edition), vol. vii., pp. 118, 119. [104] _Ibid._, p. 135. [105] "Commercial Restraints," p. 44. [106] Swift's Works (Scott's Edition), vol. vii., p. 199. [107] "Eighteenth Century," vol. ii., p. 218. [108] The resemblance between this account of the famine of 1740 and the account of the condition of Ireland in the June preceding the last Irish Famine, as given by the _Times_, is striking. In an article of the 26th June, 1845, that paper says--"The facts of Irish destitution are ridiculously simple. They are almost too commonplace to be told. The people have not enough to eat. They are suffering a real, though an artificial, famine. Nature does her duty. The land is fruitful enough. Nor can it be fairly said that man is wanting. The Irishman is disposed to work. In fact, man and Nature together do produce abundantly. The island is full and overflowing with human food. But something ever interposes between the hungry mouth and the ample banquet. The famished victim of a mysterious sentence stretches out his hand to the viands which his own industry has placed before his eyes, but no sooner are they touched than they fly. A perpetual decree of _sic vos non nobis_ condemns him to toil without enjoyment. Social atrophy drains off the vital juices of the nation." Mr. Lecky quotes from "The Groans of Ireland," a copy of which he found in the Halliday Collection of Pamphlets in the Irish Academy ("Eighteenth Century," vol. ii., p. 218). My attention was attracted by the reference, and, on inquiry, I ascertained that there were several copies of this pamphlet in the Library of the King's Inns. [109] "Commercial Restraints," p. 3. [110] _Ibid._, pp. 31, 32. [111] "Commercial Restraints," pp. 78, 79. [112] _Ibid._, p. 69. [113] "Ancient Law," p. 24. [114] "English in Ireland," vol. i., p. 497. [115] _Ibid._, p. 500. [116] _Ibid._, vol. ii., p. 247. [117] "Eighteenth Century," vol. ii., p. 241. [118] _Ibid._, p. 243. [119] "MacNevin's Volunteers," p. 117. Mr. Froude well observes that these memorable words "had nothing to do with penal laws, and related entirely to the restrictions on trade." "English in Ireland," vol. ii., p. 264. [120] "English in Ireland," vol. i., p. 502. In these pages I have designedly refrained from referring to the Penal Code. I have confined myself entirely to a recital of the leading features of the restrictions imposed by England on Irish trade. It is, in my opinion, impossible to estimate, in distinct scales, the evils done by these terrible agencies. They acted and re-acted on each other, and affected not merely the special objects of legislation, but more or less directly every interest in the community. The able writer of a pamphlet, "Irish Wool and Woollens," to which I have frequently referred, says:--"Possibly the laws that annihilated the wool trade wrought more destruction than the legislation that aimed at stamping out the Catholic faith, for the trade Acts snatched bread from the mouth, filched hope from the heart, and wrenched power from the hands of the industrial sections of the community." (p. 43.) From this opinion I am constrained to differ. Speaking as a Protestant, I have no hesitation in saying that the injuries inflicted on Ireland by the Penal Code exceeded the injuries inflicted on her by the trade regulations. "Well," says the Rev. Canon MacColl, "may Mr. Matthew Arnold speak of that Penal Code, of which the monstrosity is not half known to Englishmen, and may be studied by them with profit." ("Arguments For and Against Home Rule," p. 60.) CHAPTER V. THE IRISH VOLUNTEER MOVEMENT AND FREE TRADE. The nature and effects of the Irish Volunteer Movement have often been stated and explained. I can only touch upon this movement in a very cursory manner, confining myself strictly to its bearings on the commercial arrangements between Great Britain and Ireland. A very superficial study of Irish history will show that national movements have a tendency to grow out of controversies on trade and mercantile questions. Thus the destruction of the woollen trade by the English Parliament led Irish politicians to question the right of that Parliament to legislate for Ireland at all. William Molyneux, in his celebrated "Case of Ireland stated," published in 1698, asks, "Shall we of this kingdom be denied the birthright of every free-born English subject by having laws imposed on us when we are neither personally nor representatively present?"[121] "That book," says Chief Justice Whiteside, "met with a fate which it did not deserve. The English Parliament ordered that it should be burned, and thereby much increased the estimation in which it was held in Ireland."[122] Thus, too, the agitation against Wood's half-pence, a purely commercial topic, assumed insensibly a national complexion. In his fourth Drapier's letter, Swift changes the controversy into an examination of Ireland's political condition. "The remedy," he says, "is wholly in your own hands, and therefore I have digressed a little in order to refresh and continue that spirit so seasonably raised among you, and to let you see that by the laws of God, of nature, and of nations, and of your country, you are and ought to be as free a people as your brethren in England."[123] Swift's prosecution by the Government of the day and its failure are well known. Lord Chief Justice Whiteside thus comments on his public conduct. "Had there been a few in the Irish Parliament possessed of the originality, energy, honesty, and capacity of Swift, the management of political affairs and the true interests of the country would have been speedily improved instead of being shamefully neglected. Swift created a public opinion; Swift inspired hope, courage, and a spirit of justifiable resistance in the people; Swift taught Irishmen they had a country to love, to raise, and to cherish. No man who recalls the affectionate respect paid by his countrymen to Swift while he lived, to his memory when dead, can impute political ingratitude to be amongst the vices of the Irish people."[124] Then, again, besides actively disputing England's right to destroy the trade and manufactures of the country, there was another remedy which lay in the people's own hands. They could, by the exercise of self-control, use Irish manufactures alone. "England," says Mr. Froude, "might lay a veto on every healthy effort of parliamentary legislation; but England could not touch the self-made laws which the conscience and spirit of the nation might impose upon themselves." Hely Hutchinson has pointed out, that "the not importing goods from England is one of the remedies recommended by the Council of Trade in 1676 for alleviating some distress that was felt at the time; and Sir William Temple, a zealous friend to the trade and manufactures of England, recommends to Lord Essex, then Lord Lieutenant, to introduce, as far as can be, a vein of parsimony throughout the country in all things that are not perfectly the native growths and manufactures. The people of England cannot reasonably object to a conduct of which they have given a memorable example. In 1697 the English House of Lords presented an Address to King William to discourage the use and wearing of all sorts of furniture and cloths not of the growth and manufacture of that kingdom, and beseech him, by his royal example, effectually to encourage the use and wearing of all sorts of furniture and wearing cloths that are the growth of that kingdom or manufactured there; and King William assures them that he would give the example to his subjects, and would endeavour to make it effectually followed. The reason assigned by the Lords for this Address was that the trade of the nation had suffered by the late long and expensive war. But it does not appear that there was any pressing necessity at the time, or that their manufacturers were starving for want of employment. "Common sense must discover to every man that when foreign trade is restrained, discouraged, or prevented in any country, and where that country has the materials for manufactures, a fruitful soil, and numerous inhabitants, the home trade is its best resource. If this is thought by men of great knowledge to be the most valuable of all trades, because it makes the speediest and surest returns, and because it increases at the same time two capitals in the same country, there is no nation on the globe whose wealth, population, strength, and happiness would be promoted by such a trade in a greater degree than ours."[125] The author of the "Commercial Restraints" was a barrister of great eminence, who had been Prime Serjeant, was a member of the Irish Privy Council, Principal Secretary of State, and Provost of Trinity College, and a distinguished member of the Irish Parliament. This book, however, obtained a reception similar to that accorded to the "Case of Ireland," and the fourth Drapier's letter. In the fly-leaf of the copy in the Library of the Honourable Society of the King's Inns, which I have utilised in arranging this treatise, there are the following observations:--"Of this remarkable book see the _Times_ of February 14, 1846. Extract of a letter of Sir Valentine Blake, M.P. for Galway, in which he says, 'that immediately after its publication it was suppressed, and burned by the common hangman, and that Mr. Flood, in his place in the House of Commons, said he would give one thousand pounds for a copy, and that the libraries of all the three branches of the Legislature could not procure one copy of this valuable work.'" The editor of a new edition tells us that there are two copies of the work in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin, both of which have been recently obtained, and from one of them the reprint is taken.[126] When Hely Hutchinson, in 1779, advocated "the necessity of using our own manufactures," he stated with accuracy that such arguments, though never so universal as at that time, were no new idea in Ireland. It had been recommended half a century before by Swift, and the celebrated Bishop Berkeley. "I heard," said Swift, writing in 1720, "the late Archbishop of Tuam (Dr. John Vesey) make a pleasant observation that Ireland would never be happy till a law was made for burning everything that came from England, except their people and their coals."[127] Again, in 1727, he says, "The directions to Ireland are very short and simple, to encourage agriculture and home consumption, and utterly discard all importations that are not absolutely necessary for health or life."[128] Bishop Berkeley, in the "Querist," published in 1731, asks these questions, which show clearly his views:--"Whether there be upon the earth any Christian or civilised people so beggarly wretched or destitute as the common Irish? Whether, nevertheless, there is any other people whose wants may be more easily supplied from home?"[129] This advice was acted on by the Irish people "after fifty years of expectation." "A great figure," says Chief Justice Whiteside, "now appears upon the stage of public life--Henry Grattan, who took his seat for Charlemont in December, 1775, and began his splendid, though chequered career. The condition of Ireland at this epoch was deplorable. Her industry was shackled, her trade was paralysed, her landed interest was depressed, her exchequer empty, her pension list enormous, her shores undefended, her army withdrawn. The policy and maxims of Swift were revived, a spirit of discontent and a spirit of independence pervaded the nation; the colonies had revolted, republican ideas were afloat in the world, and Ireland was menaced with invasion. The Government, on being applied to for troops, declared they had none to spare, and that Ireland must protect herself. The Volunteer Movement then commenced, and, to the amazement of ministers, they soon stood face to face with an armed nation."[130] Mr. Froude draws this picture of the condition of Ireland in 1779. "The grand juries represented that the fields and highways were filled with crowds of wretched beings half naked and starving. Foreign markets were closed to them. The home market was destroyed by internal distress, and the poor artisans who had supported themselves by weaving were without work and without food. They had bought English goods as long as they had the means to buy them. Now in their time of dire distress they had hoped the English Parliament would be their friend. They learnt with pain and surprise that the only boon which could give them relief was still withheld. They besought the king to interpose in their favour, and procure them leave to export and sell at least the coarse frieze blankets and flannels, which the peasants' wives and children produced in their cabins. Eloquence and entreaty were alike in vain. The English Parliament, though compelled at least to listen to the truth, could not yet bend itself to act upon it. The House of Commons still refused to open the woollen trade in whole or in part, and Ireland, now desperate and determined, and treading ominously in the steps of America, adopted the measures which long before had been recommended by Swift, and resolved to exclude from the Irish market every article of British manufacture which could be produced at home."[131] The Earl of Shelburne, speaking in the British House of Lords on the 1st of December, 1779, thus described the attitude of Ireland:-- "Ireland disclaimed any connection with Great Britain, she instantly put herself in a condition of defence against her foreign enemies; oppressed at one time by England, and at length reduced to a state of calamity and distress experienced by no other country that ever existed, unless visited by war or famine, and perceiving that all prospect of justice or relief was in a manner finally closed, and that she must perish or work out her own salvation, she united as one man to rescue herself from that approaching destruction which seemed to await her. The people instantly armed themselves and the numbers armed soon increased to upwards of 40,000 men, and were daily augmenting. This most formidable body was not composed of mercenaries, who had little or no interest in the issue, but of the nobility, gentry, merchants, citizens, and respectable yeomanry, men able and willing to devote their time and part of their property to the defence of the whole and the protection and security of their country. The Government had been abdicated and the people resumed the powers vested in it, and in doing so were fully authorised by every principle of the Constitution, and every motive of self-preservation, and whenever they should again delegate their inherent power they firmly and wisely determined to have it so regulated and placed upon so large and liberal a basis that they should not be liable to suffer from the same oppression in time to come, nor feel the fatal effects and complicated evils of maladministration, of calamity without hope of redress, or of iron-handed power without protection. "To prove that these were the declared and real sentiments of the whole Irish nation, he should not dwell upon this or that particular circumstance, upon the resolutions of country or town meetings, upon the language of the associations, upon the general prevalent spirit of all descriptions of men of all religions; matters of this kind, however true or manifest, were subject to and might admit of controversy. He would solely confine himself to a passage contained in a State paper, he meant the Address of both Houses of the Irish Parliament, declaring that nothing but the granting the kingdom a 'free trade' could save it from certain ruin. Here was the united voice of the country conveyed through its proper constitutional organs, both Houses of Parliament, to his Majesty, against which there was but one dissentient voice in the Houses, not a second, he believed, in the whole kingdom. Church of England men and Roman Catholics, Dissenters, and sections of all denominations, Whigs and Tories, if any such were to be found in Ireland, placemen, pensioners, and county gentlemen, Englishmen by birth, in short, every man in and out of the House, except the single instance mentioned, had all united in a single opinion that nothing would relieve the country short of a free trade."[132] His lordship proceeds to explain the meaning of the expression "free trade," which was used in a sense different from the modern acceptation of that term:-- "A free trade, he was well persuaded, by no means imported an equal trade. He had many public and private reasons to think so. A free trade imported, in his opinion, an unrestrained trade to every part of the world, independent of the control, regulation, or interference of the British Legislature. It was not a speculative proposition, confined to theory or mere matter of argument; the people of Ireland had explained the context, if any ambiguity called for such an explanation; he received accounts from Ireland that a trade was opened between the northern part of Ireland and North America with the privity of Congress, and indemnification from capture by our enemies; that provision ships had sailed to the same place--nay, more, that Doctor Franklyn, the American Minister at Paris, had been furnished with full power to treat with Ireland upon regulations of commerce and mutual interest and support, and that whether or not any such treaty should take place, the mutual interests of both countries, their very near affinity in blood, and their established intercourse, cemented farther by the general advantages arising from an open and unrestrained trade between them, would necessarily perfect what had already actually begun."[133] Mr. Lecky thus accurately and distinctly describes the nature of the commercial arrangements under which Ireland obtained the limited free trade which she enjoyed, with some modifications, till the Union:-- "The fear of bankruptcy in Ireland; the non-importation agreements, which were beginning to tell upon English industries; the threatening aspect of an armed body, which already counted more than 40,000 men; the determined and unanimous attitude of the Irish Parliament; the prediction of the Lord-Lieutenant that all future military grants in Ireland depended upon his (Lord North's) course; the danger that England, in the midst of a great and disastrous war, should be left absolutely without a friend, all weighed upon his mind; and at the close of 1779, and in the beginning of 1780, a series of measures was carried in England which exceeded the utmost that a few years before the most sanguine Irishman could have either expected or demanded. The Acts which prohibited the Irish from exporting their woollen manufactures and their glass were wholly repealed, and the great trade of the colonies was freely thrown open to them. It was enacted that all goods that might be legally imported from the British settlements in America and Africa to Great Britain, may be in like manner imported directly from those settlements into Ireland, and that all goods which may be legally exported from Great Britain into those settlements may in like manner be exported from Ireland, on the sole condition that duties equal to those in British ports be imposed by the Irish Parliament on the goods and exports of Ireland. The Acts which prohibited carrying gold and silver into Ireland were repealed. The Irish were allowed to import foreign hops. They were allowed to become members of the Turkey Company, and to carry on a direct trade between Ireland and the Levant Sea.[134] "Thus fell to the ground that great system of commercial restriction which began under Charles II., which under William III. acquired a crushing severity, and which had received several additional clauses in the succeeding reigns. The measures of Lord North, though obviously due in a great measure to intimidation and extreme necessity, were at least largely, wisely, and generously conceived, and they were the main sources of whatever material prosperity Ireland enjoyed during the next twenty years. The English Parliament had been accustomed to grant a small bounty--rising in the best years to £13,000--on the importation into England of the plainer kinds of Irish linen. After the immense concessions made to Irish trade, no one could have complained if this bounty had been withdrawn, but North determined to continue it. He showed that it had been of real use to the Irish linen manufacture, and he strongly maintained that the prosperity of Ireland must ultimately prove a blessing to England."[135] Speaking at the Guildhall in Bristol in 1780, Edmund Burke thus described the concessions to Ireland and the series of circumstances to which these measures owed their origin:-- "The whole kingdom of Ireland was instantly in a flame. Threatened by foreigners, and, as they thought, insulted by England, they resolved at once to resist the power of France and to cast off yours. As for us, we were able neither to protect nor to restrain them. Forty thousand men were raised and disciplined without commission from the Crown; two illegal armies were seen with banners displayed at the same time and in the same country. No executive magistrate, no judicature in Ireland, would acknowledge the legality of the army which bore the King's commission, and no law or appearance of law authorised the army commissioned by itself. In this unexampled state of things, which the least error, the least trespass on our part would have hurried down the precipice into an abyss of blood and confusion, the people of Ireland demanded a freedom of trade with arms in their hands. They interdict all commerce between the two nations; they deny all new Supply in the House of Commons, although in time of war; they stint the trust of the old revenue given for two years to all the King's predecessors to six months. The British Parliament, in a former session frightened into a limited concession by the menaces of Ireland, frightened out of it by the menaces of England, were now frightened back again, and made an universal surrender of all that had been thought the peculiar, reserved, uncommunicable rights of England--the exclusive commerce of America, of Africa, of the West Indies, all the enumerations of the Acts of Navigation, all the manufactures--iron, glass, even the sacred fleece itself--all went together. No reserve, no exception, no debate, no discussion. A sudden light broke in upon us all. It broke in, not through well-contrived and well-disposed windows, but through flaws and breaches, through the yawning chasms of our ruin. We were taught wisdom by humiliation. No town in England presumed to have a prejudice or dared to mutter a petition. What was worse, the whole Parliament of England, which retained authority for nothing but surrenders, was despoiled of every shadow of its superintendence. It was, without any qualification, denied in theory as it had been trampled upon in practice."[136] "The chain," says Mr. Froude, "was allowed to remain till it was broken by the revolt of the American colonies, and Ireland was to learn the deadly lesson that her real wrongs would receive attention only when England was compelled to remember them through fear."[137] The commercial privileges thus obtained would have been practically valueless unless accompanied with legislative independence. I have explained the system by which measures proposed by the Irish Parliament were robbed of their efficiency by the action of the English and Irish Privy Councils. "To prevent," says Mr. Froude, "the Irish Parliament from being troublesome, it was chained by Poynings' Act; and when the Parliament was recalcitrant, laws were passed by England over its head." At this time the English Privy Council actively exercised its influence on the commercial legislation of the Irish Parliament. "The business of sugar-refining had recently taken great head in Ireland, and the Irish Parliament sought to defend it against the English monopoly by an import duty on refined sugar; while they sought to give it a fair stimulus by admitting raw sugar at a low rate. This the Privy Council reversed, reducing the duty on refined sugar 20 per cent. under the drawback allowed in England to the English refiner on export, and thereby giving the latter a virtual premium to that amount, and also increasing the duty on the raw sugar. The time was ill-chosen for further invasions on Irish rights."[138] "Several minor circumstances concurred to exasperate the Irish people still further, and to render irrevocable and, soon after, irresistible, their determination to have a free Parliament, without which they said they never could obtain the extension of their trade amongst other benefits sought, nor even be sure of preserving what had been conceded to them."[139] Chief Justice Whiteside has given, in a few words, this spirited and accurate description of the attainment of Irish legislative independence--"Down went Poynings' Law, useful in its day; down went the Act of Philip and Mary; down went the obnoxious statute of George I.; the Mutiny Bill was limited; restrictions on Irish trade vanished; the ports were opened; the Judges were made irremovable and independent. I cannot join in the usual exultation at the proceedings of the volunteers; on the contrary, I regret their occurrence. Not that I think the resolutions carried at Dungannon were in themselves unjust; not that I would hesitate to claim for Ireland all the rights possessed by our English fellow-subjects; but because all these inestimable advantages were not granted by the wisdom of the Government, through the recognised channel of Parliament, and were carried at the point of the bayonet. The precedent was dangerous. Had Walpole been alive he would have repented his blunder in listening to Primate Boulter, and refusing to be advised by the counsels of Swift. But the deed was done."[140] On the 16th of April, 1782, in the Irish House of Commons, Grattan thus expressed his high-wrought enthusiasm:-- "I found Ireland on her knees. I watched over her with an eternal solicitude. I have traced her progress from injuries to arms, and from arms to liberty. Spirit of Swift, spirit of Molyneux, your genius has prevailed. Ireland is now a nation. In that new character I hail her, and bowing in her august presence, I say, Esto Perpetua."[141] FOOTNOTES: [121] Reg. _v._ O'Connell, p. 533. This observation was made by Mr. (afterwards Chief Justice) Whiteside in his speech in defence of Mr. (now Sir C. Gavan) Duffy, in the State Trials, 1844. [122] "Case of Ireland," p. 105. [123] Swift's Works (Scott's Edition), vol. vi., p. 448. [124] "Life and Death of the Irish Parliament," p. 89. [125] "Commercial Restraints," pp. 211-213. [126] "Commercial Restraints," re-edited, with sketch of the author's life, introduction, notes, and index, by Rev. W. G. Carroll, M.A. Dublin: M. H. Gill & Son. [127] Swift's Works (Scott's Edition), vol. vi., p. 275. [128] _Ibid._, vol. vii., p. 182. [129] "Tracts and Treatises" (Ireland), 2, p. 161. [130] "Life and Death of the Irish Parliament," p. 125. [131] "English in Ireland," ii. 239, 240. [132] The dissentient voice was that of Sir R. Heron, Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant. [133] "Parliamentary Debates," 14, pp. 83-85. [134] 20 Geo, III. (Eng.), cc. 6, 10, 18. [135] "Eighteenth Century," iv. 500, 501. Some commercial concessions which were, however, manifestly insufficient, had been previously granted. See "Eighteenth Century," iv., pp. 429, 430, 451. [136] Edmund Burke on "Irish Affairs," edited by M. Arnold, pp. 129, 130. [137] "English in Ireland," vol. ii., p. 104. [138] "An Argument for Ireland," by J. O'Connell, M.P., p. 171. [139] "An Argument for Ireland," p. 172. [140] "Life and Death of the Irish Parliament," p. 126. [141] Grattan's "Speeches," i. 183. CHAPTER VI. THE COMMERCIAL ARRANGEMENTS BETWEEN ENGLAND AND IRELAND, 1782-1800. The commercial relations between England and Ireland in the interval between 1782 and 1800 should be clearly understood. Ireland had, by the Acts of 1779 and 1780, obtained the freedom of foreign and colonial trade, both of export and of import. By an Act of 1793, she had obtained liberty to re-export foreign and colonial goods from her own shores to England.[142] She had, by an English Act of the same year, got the illusory privilege of having an eight-hundred-ton East Indiaman to make up a cargo for the East in her ports. But she had not free trade to the East, nor had she the admission to English ports for her goods.[143] "The practical boon," says Mr. Butt, "that was won for the Irish nation (by the Volunteers), was the right of the Parliament of Ireland to control our own harbours, and to regulate our own trade. Of course the trade of Ireland was subject to the interference which England could exercise by her dominion over the colonies and dependencies of the Imperial Crown. A law which would have prohibited the exportation of Irish goods either to England or France or Canada, would have been beyond the power of the English Parliament to pass, but it was perfectly competent to that Parliament to prohibit the importation of these goods into England or Canada, just in the same manner as the French Government might have prohibited their importation into France. The English Parliament was the supreme legislature for England and the colonies, and had just the same power of legislating against the importation of Irish products, as they would have had against those of Holland or of France." Thus stood the Irish Parliament in constitutional position from 1782 until its dissolution.[144] England, as we have seen, had laid prohibitory duties on Irish manufactures, whereas Ireland, bound by the chain of Poynings' Law, was unable to protect her own industries. "It was very natural," in the words of Mr. Pitt, "that Ireland, with an independent legislature, should now look for perfect equality." In 1783 Mr. Griffiths, advocating in the Irish House of Commons the protection of Irish manufacturers, said: "Lord North knew very well when he granted you a free trade that he gave you nothing, or, at most, a useless bauble, and when petitions were delivered against our free trade by several manufacturing towns in England, he assured them in circular letters that nothing effectual had or should be granted to Ireland."[145] The Irish Parliament, however, on obtaining legislative independence, refrained from measures of retaliation in the hope that the commercial relations of both countries would be settled on a satisfactory basis. Mr. Pitt, in introducing in the English House of Commons his celebrated Commercial Propositions for the regulation of trade between England and Ireland, thus speaks: "To this moment (February, 1785) no change had taken place in the intercourse between Great Britain and Ireland themselves. Some trivial points, indeed, had been changed, but no considerable changes had taken place in our manufactures exported to Ireland, or in theirs imported to England. That, therefore, which had been done was still believed by the people of Ireland to be insufficient, and clamours were excited and suggestions published in Dublin and elsewhere of putting duties on our products and manufactures under the name of protecting duties."[146] Chief Justice Whiteside thus states summarily the scope of Mr. Pitt's propositions:-- "It was proposed to allow the importation of the produce of all other countries through Great Britain into Ireland, or through Ireland into Great Britain, without any increase of duty on that account. It was proposed, as to any article produced or manufactured in Ireland or in England, where the duties were then different on importation into either country, to reduce those duties in the kingdom where they were highest down to the lower scale. And it was asked from Ireland that when the gross hereditary revenue should rise above a fixed sum, the surplus should be appropriated towards the support of the naval force of the Empire. These propositions passed through both branches of the Irish Legislature, were remitted to England, and by Pitt laid before the British House of Commons. He was immediately attacked by Fox and the Whigs, aided by Lord North, who one and all declared themselves the uncompromising enemies of free trade. And these factious men declared that in the interests of the British manufacturers they could not allow Irish fustians to be brought into England to ruin English manufacturers. The fustian they affected to fear was nothing to be compared with the fustian of their speeches. The enlightened views of the great Conservative minister were in a measure baffled by the shameful opposition of Fox, and of his friends in Parliament, and of thick-headed cotton manufacturers out of the House. The result was that Pitt was coerced to introduce exceptions and limitations. The eleven propositions grew up to twenty, the additional propositions relating to various subjects, patents, copyrights, fisheries, colonial produce, navigation laws, the enactment as to which was that whatever navigation laws were then, or should thereafter be enacted by the Legislature of Great Britain, should also be enacted by the Legislature of Ireland; and in favour of the old East India Company monopoly, Ireland was debarred from all trade beyond the Cape of Good Hope to the Straits of Magellan." "There seemed to be nothing hurtful to the pride of Ireland in the affair. But when Fox found that his great rival defeated him on the commercial part of the question, he artfully, as Lord Stanhope shows, changed his ground of attack, and availing himself of the limitations which Pitt had been compelled to introduce into his original scheme, Fox cried out that this was a breach of Ireland's newly-granted independence. 'I will not,' said Fox, with incredible hypocrisy, or with incredible folly, 'I will not barter English commerce for Irish slavery, this is not the price I would pay, nor is this the thing I would purchase.'" "When the twenty propositions of Mr. Pitt were returned to the Irish Parliament, they encountered a fierce and protracted opposition. Mr. Grattan's speech has been extolled as one of his ablest--it is not intemperate. His chief objection was to the fourth resolution, by which he said, 'We are to agree to subscribe whatever laws the Parliament (of England) shall subscribe respecting navigation; we are to have no legislative power--then there is an end of your free trade and of your free Constitution.' He also curiously objected that the measure was 'an union--an incipient and a creeping union--a virtual union establishing one will in the general concerns of commerce and navigation, and reposing that will in the Parliament of Great Britain.'" "Dublin was illuminated, the people exulted in the abandonment of the scheme."[147] "It was not," says Mr. John O'Connell, "till after a fair experiment and delay that the Irish Parliament, despairing of getting England to terms by fair means, commenced retaliation. To this we have the incontestable testimony of the Commissioners of Revenue Inquiry in 1822, an authority by no means disposed to be over-favourable to Irish interests or over-anxious for the credit of the Irish Parliament. In their fourth report, speaking of the system of restrictions on English goods and bounties on their own, to which that Parliament had recourse, they say: "Ireland was undoubtedly instigated to the adoption of this course by the exclusive spirit of the commercial policy of England. It will be found that few exceptions in favour of the sister kingdom were inserted in the list of goods absolutely prohibited to be imported into this country (England), in which list all goods made of cotton-wool, every description of manufactured woollen, silk, and leather, together with cattle, sheep, malt, stuffs, and other less important articles were at one time comprehended. In this embarrassing situation of exclusion from the markets of Great Britain, and deriving little assistance from foreign trade, Ireland had no other course to pursue for the protection of her own industry except that of maintaining, by restrictive duties on the importations from Great Britain, the manufacturing means she possessed for the supply of her own markets."[148] That Ireland made a great advance in prosperity in the interval between 1782 and 1800 is in my judgment incontrovertible. Mr. O'Connell, when conducting his own defence in the State Trials of 1844, thus spoke with reference to this subject: "I may be asked whether I have proved that the prophecy of Fox was realised--that the prosperity that was promised to Ireland was actually gained by reason of her legislative independence. Now, pray, listen to me; I shall tell you the evidence by which I shall demonstrate this fact. It is curious that the first of them is from Mr. Pitt, again in the speech he made in 1799 in favour of the resolutions for carrying the Union. If he could have shown that Ireland was in distress and destitution, that her commerce was lessened, that her manufactures were diminished, that she was in a state of suffering and want by reason of, or during the legislative independence of the country, of course he would have made it his topic in support of his case, to show that a separate Legislature had worked badly, and produced calamities and not blessings; but the fact was too powerful for him. He had ingenuity to avail himself of the fact, which fact he admitted; and let us see how he admitted it. He admitted the prosperity of Ireland, and here was his reasoning. Now, mark it. 'As Ireland,' he said, 'was so prosperous under her own Parliament, we can calculate that the amount of her prosperity will be trebled under a British Legislature.' He first quoted a speech of Mr. Foster's in 1785, in these words:--'The exportation of Irish produce to England amounts to two millions and a half annually, and the exportation of British produce to Ireland amounts to one million.' Instead of saying, 'You are in want and destitution; unite with England, and you will be prosperous,' he was driven to admit this: 'Ireland is prosperous now with her own Parliament, but it will be trebly prosperous when you give up that Parliament, or have it joined with the Parliament of England.' So absurd a proposition was never yet uttered; but it shows how completely forced he was to admit Irish prosperity, when no other argument was left in his power; but the absurd observation I have read to you. He gives another quotation from Foster, in which it is said Britain imports annually £2,500,000 of our products, all, or nearly all, duty free, and we import a million of hers, and raise a revenue on almost every article of it. This relates to the year 1785. Pitt goes on to say: 'But how stands the case now (1799)? The trade at this time is infinitely more advantageous to Ireland. It will be proved from the documents I hold in my hand--as far as relates to the mere interchange of manufactures--that the manufactures exported to Ireland from Great Britain in 1797 very little exceeded one million sterling (the articles of produce amount to nearly the same sum); whilst Great Britain, on the other hand, imported from Ireland to the amount of more than three millions in the manufacture of linen and linen-yarn, and between two and three millions in provisions and cattle, besides corn and other articles of produce.' 'That,' said Mr. Pitt, 'was in 1785, three years after her legislative independence; that was the state of Ireland.' You have seen, gentlemen, that picture. You have heard that description. You have heard that proof of the prosperity of Ireland. She then imported little more than one million's worth of English manufacture; she exported two and a half millions of linen and linen-yarn, adding to that the million of other exports. There is a picture given of her internal prosperity. Recollect that we now (1844) import largely English manufactures, and that the greatest part of the price of these manufactures consists of wages which the manufacturer gives to the persons who manufacture them. £2,500,000 worth of linen and linen-yarn were exported, and one million of other goods. Compare that with the present state of things. Does not every one of you know there is scarcely anything now manufactured in Ireland, that nearly all the manufactures used in Ireland are imported from England? I am now showing the state of Irish prosperity at the time I am talking of. I gave you the authority of Foster (no small one) and of Pitt for Irish prosperity during that time. I will give you the authority of another man that was not very friendly to the people of this country--that of Lord Clare. Lord Clare made a speech in 1798, which he subsequently published, and in which I find this remarkable passage, to which I beg leave to direct your particular attention. 'There is not,' said his lordship, 'a nation on the face of the habitable globe which has advanced in cultivation, in manufactures, with the same rapidity in the same period as Ireland' (namely, from 1782 to 1798). That was the way in which Irish legislative independence worked, and I have in support of it the evidence of Pitt, Foster, and Lord Clare; and Lord Grey, in 1799, talking of Scotland in the same years, says: 'In truth, for a period of more than forty years after the [Scottish] Union, Scotland exhibited no proofs of increased industry and rising wealth.' Lord Grey, in continuation, stated that 'till after 1748 there was no sensible advance of the commerce of Scotland. Several of her manufactures were not established till sixty years after the Union, and her principal branch of manufacture was not set up, I believe, till 1781. The abolition of the heritable jurisdictions was the first great measure that gave an impulse to the spirit of improvement in Scotland. Since that time the prosperity of Scotland has been considerable, but certainly not so great as that of Ireland has been within the same period.' Lord Plunket, in his speech in 1799, in one of his happiest efforts of oratory, speaks of her as of 'a little island, with a population of four or five millions of people, hardy, gallant, and enthusiastic, possessed of all the means of civilisation, agriculture, and commerce well pursued and understood, a Constitution fully recognised and established, her revenues, her trade, her manufactures thriving beyond her hope, or the example of any other country of her extent, within these few years advancing with a rapidity astonishing even to herself, not complaining of deficiency in these respects, but enjoying and acknowledging her prosperity.' "Gentlemen of the Jury, I will now direct your attention to such documents as will tend to corroborate the facts contained in those I have already adverted to. You have heard that in 1810 a meeting was held in Dublin to petition the Legislature for a Repeal of the Union. I will read an unconnected passage from a speech delivered by a gentleman belonging to a most respectable house in this city.[149] It is as follows:--'Some of us remember this country before we recovered and brought back our Constitution in the year 1782. We are reminded of it by the present period. Then as now our merchants were without trade, our shopkeepers without customers, our workmen without employment; then as now it became the universal feeling that nothing but the recovery of our rights could save us. Our rights were recovered, and how soon afterwards, as if by magic, plenty smiled on us, and we soon became prosperous and happy.' Let me next adduce the testimony of a class of citizens who, from their position and the nature of their avocations, were well calculated to supply important evidence on the state of Ireland subsequent to the glorious achievements of 1782. The bankers of Dublin held a meeting on the 18th of December, 1798, at which they passed the following resolutions:--'Resolved, that since the renunciation of the power of Great Britain in 1782 to legislate for Ireland, the commerce and prosperity of this kingdom have eminently increased,' 'Resolved, that we attribute these blessings, under Providence, to the wisdom of the Irish Parliament.' The Guild of Merchants met on the 14th January, 1799, and passed a resolution declaring 'That the commerce of Ireland has increased, and her manufactures improved beyond example, since the independence of this kingdom was restored by the exertions of our countrymen in 1782. Resolved, that we look with abhorrence on any attempt to deprive the people of Ireland of their Parliament, and thereby of their constitutional right and immediate power to legislate for themselves.' I have given abundance of proofs, from extracts I have read, of the prosperity of Ireland under the fostering care of her own Parliament. A Parliamentary document shows that, from 1785 to the period of the Union, the increase in the consumption of teas in Ireland was 84 per cent., while it was only 45 per cent. in England. The increase of tobacco in Ireland was 100 per cent., in England 64; in wine, in Ireland 74 per cent., in England 52; in sugar, 57 per cent. in Ireland, and in England 53; in coffee, in Ireland 600 per cent., in England 75. You have this proof of the growing prosperity of Ireland from the most incontestable evidence. No country ever so rapidly improved as Ireland did in that period."[150] FOOTNOTES: [142] 33 Geo. III. (Eng.), c. 63. [143] "An Argument for Ireland," p. 210. [144] "Irish Federalism," pp. 38, 39. [145] "Irish Debates," iii. 133. [146] "Parliamentary Register," xvii., p. 250. [147] "Life and Death of the Irish Parliament," pp. 142-145. Mr. Morley's account of the part taken by Fox in this transaction is substantially in accord with that given by Chief Justice Whiteside. See "English Men of Letters"--"Edmund Burke," by John Morley, p. 125. [148] "An Argument for Ireland," p. 211. [149] A Mr. Hutton, the head of a great carriage manufactory in Dublin. [150] "R. _v._ O'Connell," pp. 623-626. This part of Mr. O'Connell's speech is simply an echo of the speech he delivered in 1843 during the discussion in the Dublin Corporation on Repeal of the Union, in which he relied on the same documentary evidence of Ireland's material prosperity between 1782 and 1800. These proofs could easily be multiplied. Thus Mr. Jebb, afterwards a Justice of the Court of King's Bench in Ireland, published a pamphlet in 1798, in which he says: "In the course of fifteen years our commerce, our agriculture, and our manufactures have swelled to an amount that the most sanguine friends of Ireland could not have dared to prognosticate." CHAPTER VII. THE COMMERCIAL ARRANGEMENTS BETWEEN ENGLAND AND IRELAND EFFECTED BY THE ACT OF LEGISLATIVE UNION. The commercial arrangements effected between England and Ireland at the time of the Union are embodied in the sixth article of the Act of Union. This article provides that in respect of trade and navigation the subjects of Great Britain and Ireland are to be on the same footing from the 1st of January, 1801; that there are to be no duties or bounties on the exportation of produce of one country to the other; that all articles (except certain specified articles scheduled, which were to be subject to certain countervailing duties) the produce of either country are to be imported free from duty; that articles enumerated in Schedule II. are to be subject for twenty years to the duties therein mentioned; that the woollen manufacturers are to pay on importation into each country from the other the duties now payable on importation into Ireland; that the duties on salt, hops, and wools are not to exceed the duties that were then paid on importation into Ireland; that the duties on calicoes and muslins are to be liable to the duties then payable on these commodities on importation from Great Britain to Ireland till the 5th of January, 1808; that after that date these duties are to be reduced to 10 per cent. till January 5th, 1821, and then to cease altogether; that duties on cotton-yarn and cotton-twist are to be liable to the duties then payable on these commodities[151] till January 5th, 1808; that these duties are to be reduced annually from that date, and on the 5th of January, 1816, to cease altogether; that the produce of either country, subject to internal duty, is, on importation into each country, to be subject to countervailing duty; that the produce of either country exported through the other is to be subject to the same charges as if it had been exported directly from the country producing it; that duties charged on the import of foreign or colonial produce into either country are, on their export to the other, to be drawn back so long as the expenditure of the United Kingdom shall be defrayed by proportional contributions, but that this provision is not to extend to duties on corn. The Speaker of the Irish Commons--the Right Hon. John Foster (afterwards Lord Oriel)--was the chief among several able opponents of these regulations. In 1799 and in 1800 he made powerful speeches in opposition, and went largely into the subject of the commercial relations of the two countries, and exposed their past and future inequalities and injustices towards Irish interests. His objections to the 6th Article of Union were, briefly, as follows:-- "That they lowered all protecting duties that were above 10 per cent. to that amount, and thus exposed the infant manufactures of Ireland (which the Irish Parliament had in latter years begun to protect) to the overwhelming competition of the great capital and long-established skill and ability of England. That no less than seventy articles of our manufacture would thus be injured, and our cotton manufactures in particular, in which we had begun to make most promising advances, would be nearly ruined. That no preference over foreign goods in the British market was given. That the 'new and excessive' duties on salt were made perpetual, those on hops and coals unalterable. That our brewery was left unprotected, etc., etc." The opponents of the Union drew up a solemn and elaborate protest in order to perpetuate on the records of Parliament, and hand down to posterity, their views on that subject. Lord Corry moved the Protest and Address to the King, which thus speaks of the commercial arrangements proposed and subsequently carried out under the provisions of the Act of Union: "Were all the advantages which without any foundation they have declared that this measure offers, to be its instant and immediate consequence, we do not hesitate to say expressly that we could not harbour the thought of accepting them in exchange for our Parliament, or that we could or would barter our freedom for commerce, or our constitution for revenue; but the offers are mere impositions, and we state with the firmest confidence that in commerce or trade their measure confirms no one advantage, nor can it confirm any, for by your Majesty's gracious and paternal attention to this your ancient realm of Ireland, every restriction under which its commerce laboured has been removed during your Majesty's auspicious reign, and we are now as free to trade to all the world as Britain is. In manufactures, any attempt it makes to offer any benefit which we do not now enjoy is vain and delusive, and whenever it is to have effect, that effect will be to our injury. Most of the duties on imports which operate as protections to our manufactures, are under its provisions either to be removed or reduced immediately, and those which will be reduced are to cease entirely at a limited time, though many of our manufacturers owe their existence to the protection of those duties, and though it is not in the power of human wisdom to foresee any precise time when they may be able to thrive without them. Your Majesty's faithful Commons feel more than an ordinary interest in laying this fact before you, because they have under your Majesty's approbation raised up and nursed many of those manufactures, and by so doing have encouraged much capital to be vested in them, the proprietors of which are now to be left unprotected, and to be deprived of the Parliament on whose faith they embarked themselves, their families, and properties in the undertaking."[152] Mr. Pitt could not have been ignorant of the effect which English competition would produce on the infant and practically unprotected manufactures of Ireland. Thus fifteen years previously, when introducing his Commercial Propositions of 1785 in the English House of Commons, he calmed the fears and raised the hopes of the English manufacturers:-- "It was said that our manufactures were all loaded with heavy taxes. It was certainly true, but with that disadvantage they had always been able to triumph over the Irish in their own markets, paying an additional ten per cent. on the importation to Ireland, and all the charges. But the low price of labour was mentioned. Would that enable them to undersell us? Manufacturers thought otherwise--there were great obstacles to the planting of any manufacture. It would require time for arts and capital, and the capital would not increase without the demand also, and in an established manufacture improvement was so rapid as to bid defiance to rivalship."[153] The Irish Parliament, in wishing to protect their infant manufactures, were strictly within the lines of modern economic science. Thus Mr. John Stuart Mill speaks of the wisdom of protecting duties in countries whose conditions are similar to those of Ireland as described by Mr. Pitt:-- "The only case in which, on mere principles of political economy, protecting duties can be defensible, is when they are imposed temporarily (especially in a young and rising nation) in the hopes of naturalising a foreign industry in itself perfectly suitable to the circumstances of the country. The superiority of one country over another in a branch of production often arises only from having begun it sooner. There may be no inherent advantage on one part or disadvantage on the other, but only a present superiority of acquired skill and experience. A country which has this skill and experience yet to acquire may in other respects be better adapted to the production than those that were earlier in the field; and, besides, it is a just remark of Mr. Rae that nothing has a greater tendency to promote improvements in any branch of production than its trial under a new set of conditions. But it cannot be expected that individuals should at their own risk, or rather to their certain loss, introduce a new manufacture and bear the burthen of carrying it on until the producers have been educated up to the level of those with whom the processes are traditional. A protecting duty continued for a reasonable time will sometimes be the least inconvenient mode in which the nation can tax itself for the support of such an experiment. But the protection should be confined to cases in which there is good ground of assurance that the industry which it fosters will, after a time, be able to dispense with it, nor should the domestic producers ever be allowed to expect that it will be continued to them beyond the time necessary for a fair trial of what they are capable of accomplishing."[154] The Irish manufactures, which had revived by the protecting care of the Irish Parliament, died when that safeguard was removed. Mr. Bushe, who was eighteen years Solicitor-General under a Tory Administration, and twenty years Chief Justice of Ireland, thus briefly described in the Irish Parliament the course of policy pursued by England towards the "sister country":-- "For centuries have the British nation and Parliament kept you down, shackled your commerce, paralysed your exertions, despised your character, and ridiculed your pretensions to any privileges, commercial or constitutional."[155] "I cannot think," says Mr. Chaplin, from his place in the English House of Commons, "that any reforms or remedial legislation that may be adopted (for Ireland) can be considered satisfactory or complete which do not include encouragement and, if necessary, assistance for the re-establishment of those industries which in former days were destroyed by the bitterly unjust and selfish policy of England."[156] PRINTED BY CASSELL & COMPANY, LIMITED, LA BELLE SALVAGE, LONDON, E.C. FOOTNOTES: [151] On importation from Great Britain to Ireland. [152] Mr. Whiteside read this Protest in his speech in defence of Mr. C. G. Duffy, in the State Trials, 1844. ("R. _v._ O'Connell," pp. 528, 529.) [153] "Parliamentary Register," xvii., pp. 255, 256. [154] "Principles of Political Economy," p. 556. [155] "Life of Plunket," ii., p. 354. [156] Hansard, 261, Third Series, p. 836. _By the same Author._ The Irish Parliament: What it Was and What it Did. By J. G. SWIFT MACNEILL, M.A. Price 1s. "_It contains, I think, within a wonderfully narrow compass, the heart and pith of a large as well as sad chapter of history._"--RT. HON. W. E. GLADSTONE, M.P. "Mr. Swift MacNeill explains the constitution of the Irish Parliament, both before 1782 and--what has been called Grattan's Parliament--after 1782, and shows the differences and relations between it and the English Parliament; and he offers such an account of the working of the system--impartial in spirit and supported by abundant quotations from contemporary public men, both Irish and English--as is fitted to warn us against its revival, at least without serious modifications."--_Contemporary Review._ "The history of the national Parliamentary government of Ireland is but vaguely known, and it is important just now that information respecting it should be accessible in a popular form. This work puts the subject into a nutshell."--_Literary World._ "We have never seen the workings of the old Irish Parliament placed before the reader in so accessible a form as in this volume, for which both Mr. MacNeill and Messrs. Cassell & Co., who are the publishers, deserve the best thanks of every reader."--_Liverpool Mercury._ "The book has a value which it would not be easy to overrate, and should find its way into the hands of every politician."--_Plymouth Western Daily Mercury._ "A little book of exceeding value."--_Londonderry Journal._ "This concise but clear and comprehensive treatise from the pen of Mr. J. G. Swift MacNeill, M.A., is issued at a peculiarly appropriate time, and will from that circumstance, no less than from its own merits, be gratefully welcomed by those who are anxious for light and leading on a question which has suddenly become one of the most pressing, as it has long been one of the most important, with which the statesmen of the present day are called upon to grapple."--_Nottingham Guardian._ CASSELL & COMPANY, LIMITED, _Ludgate Hill, London_. _Eleventh and Cheap Edition, cloth_, 3s. 6d. The Life of the Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone. _By G. BARNETT SMITH._ "A trustworthy and interesting picture of a noble life and character."--_Daily News._ "A sober, solid, but interesting contribution to the political history of the Victorian epoch."--_Daily Telegraph._ "The book should be read by every one who takes the least interest in the political history of the country."--_Daily Chronicle._ "An elaborate and ably-written biography of Mr. Gladstone as a statesman and a writer."--_Echo._ "Mr. Barnett Smith's Life of Mr. Gladstone is _a work of national importance_, and it should be read and studied by all classes."--_Nottingham Daily Express._ "Many a thoughtful working man will hasten to add this book to his little store of fondly-cherished volumes."--_North British Daily Mail._ "A very complete account of Mr. Gladstone's relations to the history of the past forty years."--_Observer._ "A noble biography of a noble man."--_Aberdeen Free Press._ "The minute accuracy of the painstaking record is indeed wonderful, considering the vastness of the field over which the biographer has been obliged to travel. _The volumes are, in fact, a history of England during the past half century_, as well as a biography of the individual whose name they bear."--_Freeman._ "The most superficial glance at the book is enough to secure the impression of great power in many departments on the part of the subject of it, and of great penetration, care, deliberation, and tact on the part of the author."--_Nonconformist._ "_The most comprehensive and satisfactory Life of Mr. Gladstone_ which has yet been compiled and given to the public."--_Edinburgh Daily Review._ CASSELL & COMPANY, LIMITED, _Ludgate Hill, London_. 
38841	----	generously made available by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.) COMMERCIAL RESTRAINTS OF IRELAND. [Illustration: FROM A PAINTING BY SIR JOSHUA REYNOLDS.] THE COMMERCIAL RESTRAINTS OF IRELAND CONSIDERED IN A SERIES OF LETTERS TO A NOBLE LORD, CONTAINING AN HISTORICAL ACCOUNT OF THE AFFAIRS OF THAT KINGDOM. DUBLIN, 1779. BY JOHN HELY HUTCHINSON, PROVOST OF TRINITY COLLEGE, ETC. "----the best exposition which exists of the poisonous forces which had so long been working in the country."--_Froude._ "This valuable and rare book is, perhaps, the best ever written on the subject of Irish trade, and the restrictions put upon it by England."--_Mr. Blackburne._ Re-Edited, WITH A SKETCH OF THE AUTHOR'S LIFE, INTRODUCTION, NOTES, AND INDEX, BY W. G. CARROLL, M.A. S.S. BRIDE'S AND MICHAEL LE POLE'S, DUBLIN. DUBLIN M. H. GILL & SON, 50 UPPER SACKVILLE STREET LONDON: SIMPKIN, MARSHALL & CO., STATIONERS'-HALL COURT. 1882 "Good Heaven! for what peculiar crimes, Beyond the guilt of former times, Is Ireland ever doom'd by fate To groan beneath Oppression's weight."--_Baratariana._ "If your vessel is frequently in danger of foundering in the midst of a calm, if by the smallest addition of sail she is near oversetting, let the gale be ever so steady, you would neither reproach the crew nor accuse the pilot or the master; you would look to the construction of the vessel and see how she had been originally framed and whether any new works had been added to her that retard or endanger her course."--_Commercial Restraints._ PRINTED BY M. H. GILL AND SON, 50 UPPER SACKVILLE-ST., DUBLIN. The Publishers desire to express their best thanks to the Provost and Senior Fellows of Trinity College for their kindness in lending the Library copy of the "Commercial Restraints," and the portrait of Provost Hely Hutchinson, by Sir Joshua Reynolds; also for the extracts from the College Register, and for free access to the Matriculation and Judgment Books. The Publishers have, likewise, to acknowledge their obligation to Sir Samuel Ferguson for the courteous favour of the fac-simile of Provost Hutchinson's autograph which underlines the frontispiece. CONTENTS. PAGE Life ix Notes: (A) The Hutchinson Family lxxix (B) Dr. Leland lxxxv (C) Dr. Duigenan lxxxvii (D) Grattan and Fitzgibbon's College Course lxxxix (E) Lists of the Secretaries of State, Chancellors of the Exchequer, Speakers of the Irish House of Commons, and Chief Secretaries xciv Introduction xcix Commercial Restraints 1 Appendix 165 Index 169 LIFE OF PROVOST HELY HUTCHINSON. THE RIGHT HON. JOHN HELY HUTCHINSON, author of the "Commercial Restraints," was certainly one of the most remarkable men that this country ever produced; and he took, amidst an unequalled combination of brilliant rivals, a very prominent part in the most interesting and splendid period of Ireland's internal history. He was, according to Dr. Duigenan, a man of humble parents. He entered Trinity College as a Pensioner, in the year 1740, under the name John Hely,[1] and after his marriage he adopted the name Hutchinson, on succeeding to the estate of his wife's uncle. In 1744 he obtained his B.A., and Duigenan admits that in his Undergraduate Course he won some premiums at the quarterly examinations. In 1765 he was presented with the degree of LL.D. _Honoris Causâ_. The _College Calendar_, in the list of Provosts, has, "1774. The Rt. Hon. John Hely Hutchinson, LL.D., educated in Trin. Coll., Dublin, but not a Fellow; admitted Provost by Letters Patent of George III., July 15; Member of Parliament for the City of Cork, and Secretary of State. Died Provost, Sep. 4, 1794, at Buxton."[2] This is all the mention which the published records of the College make of, perhaps, its most celebrated Provost. The Calendar is inaccurate as to the year of his matriculation, and it does not even tell that he was the author of the "Commercial Restraints"--its memorial notices being extremely scanty and brief; but in other contemporary writings we find several notices of him, unfavourable and favourable. He was called to the Bar in 1748; King's Counsel, 1758; Member for Lanesborough as John Hely Hutchinson of Knocklofty, 1759;[3] in 1760 he received, in a silver case, the freedom of Dublin for his patriotic services in parliament.[4] He was Member for Cork City as John Hely Hutchinson of Palmerston, and afterwards as Right Hon., 1761; Prime Serjeant, sometimes going Judge of Assize, and Privy Councillor, 1761; Alnager,[5] 1763; Major in a Cavalry Regiment, which, when threatened with a court-martial for non-attendance to duty, he sold forthwith for £3,000; Provost and Searcher of Strangford,[6] 1774; Principal Secretary of State, 1777;[7] M.P. for Taghmon, 1790; died 1794 (according to the _College Calendar_ at Buxton, and according to the _Gentleman's Magazine_ in Dublin). He was also Treasurer of Erasmus Smith's Board, and one of the Commissioners for inquiring into Education Endowments, and he strove perseveringly but fruitlessly to obtain besides the Chancellorship of the Exchequer. The most important and most historic of all these appointments was the Provostship, and it is in connection with the Provostship that we know most about him. He won the high office, for which, in regard of any sort of learning, he was totally disqualified, by a dexterous intrigue with the Chief Secretary of the day, Sir John Blacquiere; and those who cared most for Hutchinson considered that the manoeuvre was an unwise one for him. It forfeited his assured prospects at the Bar, and it fastened on him the odious imputation of an insatiable avarice. The appointment, moreover, was regarded as an affront and an injury by the body over which he was placed. Fellows and Scholars in various ways resented the indignity, and Hutchinson had to face a very surly temper inside the walls. He faced it with a light heart, and triumphed over it; but it often turned on him, and stung him. He considered that it was well worth the cost; for in the first place it was an appointment for life; and then he had not to give up his lucrative practice in the law courts, which Froude says was worth nearly £5,000 a year; and in fact he never ceased to angle for the Mastership of the Rolls. In the next place, he got in addition a splendid town residence, on which eleven thousand pounds had just been expended; he got an income of two thousand one hundred a year; he got a very wide patronage, and he calculated on getting the control of the parliamentary representation of the University, which at that time was in the hands of the Fellows and Scholars. This last object would have been an immense acquisition for him; but he failed to win the game, the playing of which led him, according to Duigenan and others, into some of his most reprehensible courses. As has been said above, in the rivalries of public life Hutchinson was pitted against a phalanx of as able men as ever appeared together in any country; and most of these men he supplanted and surpassed. They avenged themselves by lampooning him, and they were masters in the art. The Provost was assailed in prose and in verse, in couplet and in cartoon, in newspapers and pamphlets, in the "Lachrymæ Academicæ," "Baratariana," and "Pranceriana;" and these two last _pasquinades_ are unique in English literature. Their satire is as broad and as wounding as that of Junius, while it is often far more finished and playful; and there is no other instance of so many men of the same ability and station being combined in such a mosaic of detraction.[8] "BARATARIANA," so called from Sancho Panza's island-kingdom, was written in verse and in prose, and it appeared originally as letters in the _Freeman's Journal_, which at that time, previous to its removal to "Macænas' Head" in Bride-street, was published over St. Audeon's Arch.[9] The principal writers of these letters were Sir Hercules Langrishe,[10] Flood, Grattan, Yelverton, Gervase Bushe, and Philip Tisdall. The volume is "a collection of pieces published during the administration of Lord Townshend," and in it the Lord Lieutenant figures as "Sancho," Anthony Malone as "Don Antonio," Provost Andrews as "Don Francesco Andrea del Bumperoso," and Hely Hutchinson under the various titles of "Don John Alnagero, Autochthon, Terræ Filius, Monopolist, Single Session, and Serjeant Rufinus." It was in one of these papers that Grattan, with an audacious drollery, drew his celebrated character of Lord Chatham, as a privileged extract from a manuscript copy of Robertson's forthcoming "History of America." The description given by Langrishe of Hutchinson, who was not Provost at that time, is: "He talks plausibly and with full confidence, and whatever Pro-consul is deputed here Rufin immediately kidnaps him into a guardianship, and like another Trinculo erects himself into a viceroy over him. His whole elocution is alike futile and superficial. It has verdure without soil, like the fields imagined in a Calenture. He has great fluency, but little or no argument. He has some fancy, too, but it serves just to wrap him into the clouds and leave him there, while he holds himself suspended, planing and warbling like a lark, without one thought to interrupt the song. If he has any forte it is in vituperation or abuse. In 1766 he defeated the first Militia Bill.[11] His first stride in apostasy was supporting the Privy Council Money Bill in 1767 [for opposing which Anthony Malone[12] had previously lost the Prime Serjeancy in 1754, and the Chancellorship of the Exchequer[13] in 1761;] his next was in defending the motion for the additional regiments, whereby we were treated like a ravaged country, where contributions are levied to maintain the very force that oppresses it." For these ministerial services Hutchinson got the Prime Serjeancy, with an extra salary of £500 a year. In the next session he was useful to the Crown in regard of the Pensions Enquiry Bill and the Embargo Corn Bill, and was rewarded with the sinecure Alnager's place, worth £1,000 a year. He was made a Privy Councillor, got the reversionary grant of the Principal Secretaryship of State, and the commission of a half-pay majority, and was what Primate Stone termed "a ready-money voter." "He got more," says Flood, "for ruining one kingdom than Admiral Hawke got for saving three."[14] The "List of the Pack," one of the rhymes in the volume, has: "Yet Tisdal unfeeling and void of remorse, Is still not the worst--Hely Hutchinson's worse; Who feels every crime, yet his feeling denies, And each day stabs his country, with tears in his eyes." Philip Tisdall, in "Baratariana," gives the following humorous description of Hutchinson: "He is jealous of me, and as peevish as an old maid. I love to tease him. I endeavour to put him on as odious ground as I can in parliament, and then I am the first to complain to him that Government should expose their servants to so much obloquy without occasion. I magnify to him the favours and confidence I receive from Government, and my correspondence with Rigby, which nettles him to the heart. He is too finical for Lord Townshend, who makes very good sport of him. One day he dined at the Castle, and when the company broke up, Lord Townshend, who pretended to be more in liquor than he was, threw his arms about his neck and cried out, 'My dear Tisdall, my sheet anchor, my whole dependence! don't let little Hutchinson come near me; keep him off, my dear friend; keep him off--he's damned tiresome.' At other times His Excellency makes formal appointments to dine at Palmerston[15] at a distant day. The Prime Serjeant invites all the officers of State; Mrs. Hutchinson is in a flurry; they send to me for my cook; and after a fortnight's bustle, when dinner is half spoiled, His Excellency sends an excuse, and dines with any common acquaintance that he happens to meet in strolling about the streets that morning. This g'emman has a pretty method enough of expressing himself, indeed, but in points of law there are better opinions. My friend, the late Primate, who knew men, said, that the Prime Serjeant was the only person he had ever met with who got ready money, in effect, for every vote he gave in parliament. He has got among the rest the reversion of my Secretary's office; but I think I shall outlive him."[16] Another note in "Baratariana" records that Tisdall, whose Government salaries exceeded £5,000 a year, had also a reversion of the Alnager's place, with its £1,000 a year, on the death of Hutchinson; and this mutuality of Reversions, no doubt, accounts for the warm affection that subsisted between Hutchinson and Tisdall. Blacquiere got the Alnagership as the price of the Provostship, as before mentioned. Besides the Alnagership Hutchinson was obliged also to resign the Prime Serjeancy, which was given to Dennis; but even in regard of emolument the Provostship was well worth these two sacrifices, the united income of which was only £1,300. He retained his sinecure of £1,800 a year, and the State Secretaryship, and he was further compensated by the sinecure office of Searcher of the Port of Strangford, with a patented salary of £1,000 a year for his own life and the lives of his two elder sons. He had thus altogether, besides his lucrative practice at the Bar and his own estate, about £6,000 a year, together with the Provost's House, while his eldest son was Commissioner of Accounts, with £500 a year, and with the reversion of the Second Remembrancership of the Exchequer, worth £800 a year, and his second son had a troop of dragoons.[17] "PRANCERIANA" derives its title from "Prancer," or "Jack Prance," the nickname which was given to the Provost, "Restorer of the art of dancing, And mighty prototype of prancing," from his effort to establish in the College a riding and dancing-school, in imitation of the Oxford schools. "Each college duty shall be done in dance, And hopeful students shall not walk, but prance." The articles were originally published in the _Hibernian Journal_ and _Freeman's Journal_,[18] and the two volumes, which appeared in 1776, were announced as "A collection of fugitive pieces published since the appointment of the present Provost." The collection was dedicated to "J-n H-y H-n, Doctor of Laws, P.T.C., late Major in the Fourth Regiment of Horse, Representative in the late and present Parliament of the city of Cork, one of his Majesty's Counsel at Law, Reversionary Remembrancer of the Exchequer, Secretary of State, one of His Majesty's Most Honourable Privy Council, and Searcher, Packer, and Gauger of the Port of Strangford."[19] It attacks the Provost all round with every asperity; it mocks his want of learning by calling him "the Potosi of Erudition;" it makes fun of his riding and dancing-schools; and it ridicules his boasted college reforms. Alluding to his efforts to banish card-playing there is the rhyme-- "You bag and baggage made them pack Old Whist, and Slam that Saucy jack, Ombre, Quadrille, Pope Joan, Piquet, And Brag and Cribbage--cursed set." It is obliged to admit, however ungraciously, that the Provost effected some improvements. He obtained from the Erasmus Smith board, of which he was treasurer, the £200 a year for the oratory and composition premiums,[20] as well as the £2,500 for building the theatre, which Duigenan declares the College did not want. He established also the Modern Languages Professorships, the latter-day English Parliament treatment of which is such a curious passage in the history of the University. "Pranceriana" admits, too, that by the Provost the park was walled in,[21] and that common rooms inside the walls, supplied with coffee and papers, were provided for the students; that "tardies" [i.e. returns of students as passing into College between 9 and 12 P.M.] were lessened, that "chapels" required to be attended by them were increased, and that the calling of examination rolls was finished by eight o'clock in the morning, the hours of the Quarterly Examination being at that time from 8 to 12, A.M., and 2 to 4, P.M. Hutchinson was unquestionably very arbitrary and offensive in some of his regulations, but whether he was right or wrong he met the same cynical measure in "Pranceriana."[22] The "LACHRYMÆ," published in 1777, was the work of Dr. Duigenan alone (see note B), and in it he gives full fling to his hatred of the Provost. It is an able and envenomed indictment, and the author hits his victim with the utmost roughness. He accuses the Provost of violating every clause of the Provost's oath, and of being guilty of every possible abuse of his high office; he, moreover, defames Dr. Leland (see note C), and the other Fellows who were or became civil and courteous to the Provost. Duigenan acknowledges that he set himself to be insolent to the Provost; he tells what brave plans of defiance and revenge he formed, and how, after all, the Provost punished him and put him down. The "Lachrymæ" records all this in piquant and entertaining fashion; and, besides being damaging to the Provost's character, it is interesting still as a sort of College Calendar of the period, giving antiquarian information of much value concerning the administration, economies, and discipline of the College a hundred years ago. It begins with reciting the naked and unprincipled manoeuvre with Sir John Blacquiere, the Chief Secretary[23] to Lord Lieutenant Harcourt, by which Hutchinson, a layman, was appointed Provost, by virtue of the Crown's dispensing with the Statute which required the office to be filled by a Doctor or Bachelor in Divinity. Blacquiere's origin, Duigenan says, was like the source of the Nile, only to be guessed at, and Blacquiere himself was insolent, illiterate, and avaricious. On the death of Provost Andrews, in 1774, he recommended as his successor John Hely Hutchinson, who resigned in his patron's favour the office of Alnager, which Blacquiere ere long farmed out at £1,200 per annum. Duigenan says that whilst the bargain was in agitation Blacquiere represented the Provostship as much more valuable than it was. He adds that Hutchinson "complained loudly that he had been bitten," and that to make the best of a bad bargain he took in hands the College Estate. Henry Flood was an eager candidate for the Provostship, and was put off with a vice-treasurership, and a salary of £3,500 a year. Blacquiere would have given him the Provostship if he could have paid a higher price than Hutchinson; and "he would have sold it to a chimney-sweeper if he had been the highest bidder." Duigenan says that all he knew of Flood was that he had been bought by Blacquiere, but he had no doubt that he would have made a better Provost than Hutchinson.[24] His disgust against Hutchinson is so intense that it overrides his sour nationality and his jealousy for the rights of the body to which he belonged; and he declares that he would have preferred the appointment of an Oxford or Cambridge clergyman. In the _Gazette_ announcement of Hutchinson's appointment his "LL.D." was puffed, but Duigenan strips the degree of all merit by explaining that it was only an "honorary" one--that it had no Academic significance--that every member of the Irish Parliament had a customary right to it--that it had just been conferred on an ignorant carpenter, one John Magill[25]--and that, as the climax of the prostitution, he himself, Duigenan, in his capacity of Regins Professor of Civil Law, had officially presented Blacquiere for the honour![26] Non-fellow, unlearned, and layman as he was, Hutchinson got the Provostship, and he was not long in finding out that the constitution of the college afforded a sphere for energy which precisely suited him. By the "New Statutes," i.e., the Charter and Statutes drawn up by Archbishop Laud, the Provost possessed, or was supposed traditionally to possess,[27] almost absolutely, the management of the college estates, the disposal of its revenues, the nomination of fellows and scholars, and the power of rewarding and punishing fellows and scholars. The choice of parliamentary representatives for the University rested--not as since the Reform Act, with the registered Masters of Arts and Ex Scholars at large--with the corporate body of the fellows and scholars for the time being, all of whom were in a great degree subject to the statutable powers and underhand influence of the Provost. The body consisted of twenty-two fellows and seventy scholars. The College was the only asylum in the kingdom for friendless merit, and Duigenan knew five contemporary bishops who had been fellows.[28] All its usefulness and all its glories were swept away by the appointment of "Mr."--for he would not call him Dr.--Hutchinson. Duigenan explains that it took five years' hard study to get a fellowship; that the juniors were subject to incessant toil and irksome bondage as tutors, and that their single compensating prospect was co-option. The income of the juniors was only £40 a year, but the seniors at that time handed over to them the pupils to help their scanty maintenances.[29] The "Natives' Places" were held by Scholars who were Irish born, and who succeeded to the Places by seniority and diligent attendance on college duties. Sizarships were given by nomination, the Provost claiming eight nominations to one of each of the senior fellows, the previous system of election by examination having been superseded by Hutchinson. There was not one of these departments in which, according to Duigenan, Provost Hely Hutchinson did not traffic--and Duigenan's statements are borne out by the evidence before the parliamentary committee.[30] It was the same with "non-coing," i.e., allowing money in lieu of commons in the hall; the same in the matter of chambers, the same in regard of leaves of absence, the same in regard of fines, and the same in everything. In all these matters benefits were given to those who would vote for the Provost's sons, and rights were refused to those who would not so vote. The Fellows in those days used to have to purchase their rooms from the college--they could be compelled by the Provost to attend the lectures of the professors, and Duigenan says that the Provost once ordered him to leave the law courts to attend one of these lectures. Fellows had the right of visiting the students' rooms--they used to chum together--they used to be allowed to borrow money from the College, and under this arrangement Duigenan owed £300, while Leland and others owed more. From the time of the "Glorious Revolution" none but Fellows had ever been made Provosts, although during that period five Provosts had been appointed. Dr. Andrew's Fellowship was a sort of excuse for appointing him, although he was a layman; and Duigenan, in calculating the pecuniary losses which he sustained through Hutchinson, intimates that a similar dispensation might have been exercised towards himself if in due course he had succeeded to his Senior Fellowship. These losses he sets down at £3,000 actual, and £6,000 on the calculation of contingencies. The Provostship was worth £2,100 a year, besides a splendid residence. A Senior-Fellowship, we are told, was worth £700 a year; a Junior-Fellowship, including pupils, £200; Scholars had free commons, and there were thirty Native Places, with £20 a year each additional; the Beadle of the University had £20 a year; the Porters £5 a year, with clothes and food in the hall. On an average two Fellowships became vacant every three years. All these particulars Duigenan gives, and they all are made to serve as counts in his indictment of the Provost. Hutchinson had the College estates surveyed, and Duigenan makes a grievous complaint of this proceeding. He says the survey cost the College two thousand pounds, and that it was an iniquitous device for raising the College rents upon improvements that had been effected by the tenants.[31] He declares that from the rent-raising there resulted beggary, discontent, and emigration. The renewal fines were divided into nine parts, of which two went to the Provost, and one to each of the seven seniors. In the year 1850, the fines were transferred to the College account, and the Senior Fellows were compensated out of the "Cista communis."[32] The "LACHRYMÆ" tells how the Provost got the large old college plate melted down, and turned into a modern service, destroying the engraved coats-of-arms and names of the donors, at an expense to the college of £400.[33] He soon after had it moved out to Palmerston House, and Duigenan does not seem to feel at all sure about its honest return. Most of the Fellows were in the Provost's power by being married, and Duigenan says that he used the power tyrannically.[34] A Fellow going out on a living was allowed only five months' benefit of salary.[35] Duigenan seems to hold the Provost responsible for the "mean and decayed" condition of the chapel, and he more than once rails at him for being of mean parentage.[36] He finds that since the time of Charles I. no Provost, except Hutchinson and his predecessor, had ever sat in the House of Commons. He is obliged to admit that Dr. Andrews' conduct in private life was somewhat too loose and unguarded for a Provost; but still he was better than Hutchinson, though he was told that the latter was a good husband and father. Mr. Hutchinson might be a good husband and father, "but no one would think the better of a wolf because the beast was kind to its mate and cubs." Hutchinson had destroyed the seclusion and retirement of the college by infesting its walks and gardens with his wife, adult daughters, infant children with nurses and go-carts, and military officers on prancing horses. He had endeavoured to institute a riding-school and a professorship of horsemanship after the example of Oxford, and he had desecrated the Convocation or Senate Hall by making it a fencing-school. Duelling had become the fashion among the students under the influence of the Provost's evil example, and the college park was made the ground for pistol practice.[37] We are told further by Duigenan that the number of students then on the college books was 598, of whom 228 were intern.[38] We see by the _Liber Munerum Hiberniæ_ that by 1792 the number of students had so much increased, consequently on the liberal education spirit of Grattan's parliament, that a King's Letter was obtained raising the quarterly examination days from two to four. In the following year was the King's Letter directing the admission of Catholics to degrees on taking the oath of Abjuration and Allegiance, in accordance with the Act of the Irish Parliament, and in 1794 appears the first "R. C." entry (Thomas Fitzgerald, of Limerick) on the College Matriculation Books. From that date onward the religious denomination of pupils has always been recorded. "PRANCERIANA," i.e., probably Duigenan, asserts that the Provost, on the eve of the second election in which his son was returned, offered to supply to a voter amongst the candidates for Fellowship a copy of the questions which he was to give in Moral Science for the ensuing examinations;[39] and Duigenan openly says that the Provost was determined that no one should be elected a Scholar who would not previously promise to vote as he should direct him. He kept an electioneering agent inside the walls, a spy and a corrupter,--"in short, the Blacquiere of Mr. Hutchison." Duigenan gives a long list of the Provost's insolences to himself and to other members of the body. He resisted marriage dispensations to the Fellows who were his opponents, while he procured them for his creatures--Leland and Dabzac. On the death of Shewbridge the Fellow, which was attributed to Hutchison's refusing him leave to go to the country for change of air, the students defied the Provost's order for a private interment at 6 o'clock in the morning. They had the bell rung, had a night burial and a torchlight procession, attended the funeral in mourning, and afterwards broke into the Provost's house. In the first year of his office the Provost dispersed a meeting of the Scholars and some of the Fellows that was held by advertisement at Ryan's in Fownes-street, "the principal tavern in the city," for the purpose of nominating candidates for the representation of the University against the Provost's nominees. Duigenan goes on to relate how Hutchinson discharged the various duties of the high office which he had acquired by the traffic above stated. He made an exhibition of his ignorance at a Fellowship Examination by suggesting that Alexander the Great died in the time of the Peloponessian War; but ridiculous a figure as he made in the Scholarship and Fellowship Examinations, he would not withdraw from them, because unless he examined he could not vote or nominate at the election of the Scholars and Fellows. This nomination power was with him a darling object in the execution of his electioneering projects of making the College a family borough, and he abstained from no methods to effectuate his scheme. We are told at length how the Provost, with the consent of a majority of the Board, deprived Berwick of his Scholarship for absence, because Berwick would not vote for his son, and how the Visitors, on appeal, restored him.[40] How he deprived Mr. Gamble of the buttery clerkship, and replaced him, on the threat of an appeal, suggested and drawn up by Duigenan. How the Provost refused Mr. FitzGerald, a Fellow, leave to accompany his sick wife to the country, and tried to provoke FitzGerald's hot temper. The Provost's cruelties and injuries to Duigenan himself knew no limits. He says, that for the purpose of keeping him from being co-opted, the Provost had the Board Registry falsified, that he set the porters to watch him, that he persecuted him, and mulcted him in the buttery books, for sleeping out of college without leave. He relates that he was attacked by the Provost's gang, and was obliged in consequence to wear arms; and that, finally, Hutchinson compelled him to go out on the Laws' Professorship on a salary which was raised to £460 a year.[41] The "Lachrymæ Academicæ" shows how Duigenan spent the leisure hours of his enforced retirement. It was dedicated to King George III. Duigenan had "dragged this Cacus (the Provost) from his den," and he appealed to the Duke of Gloucester as Chancellor, and to the archbishops of Armagh and Dublin as Visitors, to rescue the college out of the hands of this worse than Vandalic destroyer, this molten calf, and pasteboard Goliath. As this remedy might fail, from the uncertainty of all events in this world, Duigenan pointed out two other remedies, the application of which lay with the King. One was to have the Provost's patent voided by a _scire facias_, and the other was to deprive him of all power, authority, or revenue in the college, during his life. His authority was to be transferred to the Board, and his revenue to be appropriated to pay for the new building. These suggestions were not adopted, but the _Lachrymæ_ did not by any means fall still-born from the press. It produced a powerful sensation within the walls and in outer circles. On the 19th of July it was censured by the Board in the following resolution:-- "Whereas, a pamphlet hath lately been published in the city of Dublin, with the title of "Lachrymæ Academicæ," to which the name of Patrick Duigenan, LL.D., is prefixed as author, traducing the character of the Right Honourable the Provost and some respectable Fellows of this society, and misrepresenting and vilifying the conduct of the said Provost and Fellows, and the government of the said college, without regard to truth or decency. "Resolved by the Provost and Senior Fellows that the author and publishers of the said pamphlet shall be prosecuted in the course of law, and that orders to that purpose be given to the law agent of the college. "Ordered that the said resolution be published in the English and Irish newspapers."--[_Extract from College Register, July 19, 1777._] The censure was officially published in the _Dublin Journal_, and in _Saunders' News Letter_; whereupon Duigenan inserted in the _Freeman_ the following advertisement:-- "Whereas, a false and malicious advertisement has been inserted in the _Dublin Journal_, and in _Saunders' News Letter_, containing a resolution of the Board of Trinity College, Dublin, relative to a book written and published by me, entitled, 'Lachrymæ Academicæ; or, the present deplorable state of the College of the Holy and undivided Trinity, of Queen Elizabeth, near Dublin.' It is necessary to inform the public that the said resolution was carried at the Board by the votes of Drs. Leland, Dabzac, Wilson, and Forsayeth (the very same persons who voted for the unstatutable deprivation of Mr. Berwick), against the opinions of Mr. Clement, the Vice-Provost, of Dr. Murray, and Dr. Kearney. It is also necessary to observe that three of these gentlemen who voted for the above resolution are persons whom I have declared my intention, in my book, of accusing, before the Visitors, of having committed unstatutable crimes; which intention I shall most certainly execute.[42] And I do hereby pledge myself to the public that I will effectually prosecute at law every one of the junto for the said scurrilous advertisement, and the resolution therein contained. "PAT. DUIGENAN, "Chancery Lane, July 21st, 1777." "N.B.--Dr. Murray signed the said advertisement officially as Registrar of the College, who is obliged to sign resolutions of the majority of the Board. He strenuously opposed the resolution therein contained, and the insertion of it in the Public Prints." Besides these Board proceedings, the "Lachrymæ" led to a plentiful crop of litigation in the Courts. In Michaelmas Term, 1777, in the King's Bench, Serjeant Wood moved for an information against Duigenan at the suit of the Provost on account of the defamation in the "Lachrymæ," and the application was granted. The same time Barry Yelverton, on the part of Dr. Arthur Browne, Fellow, and Member for the University, moved for an information against the _Hibernian Journal_, and Fitzgibbon moved for informations against two persons for challenging Duigenan. Applications granted. In 1778 Counsellors Smith, Burgh, &c., showed cause on behalf of Dr. Duigenan against making absolute the Rule for information against the "Lachrymæ," when Judge Robinson dismissed the case, saying that it had already taken up fifteen days of the public time, and that he "left the School to its own correctors."[43] In 1776, Duigenan insulted the Provost in the Four Courts, and the Provost, disdaining Duigenan, called upon Tisdall to make him responsible for his follower's conduct. He told Tisdall to consider that he had insulted him with a view to provoke a challenge. This was the occasion on which Duigenan threatened to bulge the Provost's eye. Tisdall at once applied for an information against him in the King's Bench. Seventeen counsel were engaged in the cause. Hutchinson argued his own case before the Court with consummate ability. He delivered a most masterly speech, and offered an apology for calling Tisdall an old scoundrel and an old rascal. He did not recollect having used these expressions, but if he did use them, it was out of Court. He referred pathetically to all the annoyance and ridicule that he was undergoing by pamphlets and in the public press; and he excused his appearing in his own defence by the circumstance that his lawyers were harassed in attendance on the six different suits promoted against him on very unaccountable motives. The Court of King's Bench made the rule against him absolute, but the proceedings collapsed in consequence of Tisdall's death.[44] Duigenan says that Hutchinson was once publicly chastised by a gentleman whom he had affronted, but we have no other account of the circumstance. Duigenan makes out that he was a coward as well as a tyrant and impostor, and he compares him to "Cacofogo," the usurer in Beaumont and Fletcher's play. In 1789, the Provost supported Grattan in the Regency Bill, and in the motions connected with it. For this he was liable to be dismissed from the lucrative offices which he held under the Crown, and to save himself from this penalty he signed the "Round Robin" of the twenty peers and thirty-seven commoners who were in a similar predicament. This famous instrument which was drawn up in the Provost's house, pledged the co-signers to stand or fall together, and bound them as a body "to make Government impossible" if the Viceroy, Lord Buckingham, were to venture to punish any of them. Fitzgibbon, then Attorney-General, mercilessly crushed and humbled the "Parliamentary Whiteboys;" he made the synagogue of Satan come and worship before his feet,[45] and the most abject of the recreants was the Provost.[46] To secure the control of the parliamentary representation of the University was, as has been said, one of Hutchinson's dearest plans. The pursuit of it led him, according to all accounts, into some of his most dishonourable and vindictive actions, and after all he won but temporary and chequered success in the ambitious experiment. In the prosecution of these election aims, the Provost stuck at nothing. He had agents and emissaries everywhere; and through them as well as by his own direct efforts he instituted an all-pervading system of corruption. He knew how to make subtle but palpable advances to the voters that were under his eye, and to tamper at the same time with their friends and parents at a distance. He ransacked every department of Academic life so as to be expert at turning the whole system of collegiate rewards and punishments into an organised instrumentality for bribery. All the emoluments, rewards, and conveniences of the college were reserved for those who promised their vote to the Provost, and all the obsolete and vexatious disciplines were enforced against those who were disposed to assert their independence in exercising the franchise. By an unscrupulous use of both his patronage, and his powers as Returning Officer, he was enabled to get two of his sons returned for the University, but he saw powerful and damaging petitions against both of them. In 1776, he returned his eldest son Richard against Tisdall, the Attorney-General. Tisdall lodged a petition in June, which the House ordered to be considered in July, but before that day the Parliament was prorogued, and did not meet again till October in the following year. Meanwhile, Tisdall died; the petition was moved by Madden and King, and ultimately, in March, 1778, the Select Committee unseated Hutchinson. John Fitzgibbon conducted the petition, and thereby established his position as a lawyer. He was elected for the University in Hutchinson's room, and the foundation of his coming greatness was laid.[47] Richard Hutchinson, it maybe observed, fell back on Sligo, to which he had been elected at the same time that he was elected for the University, and where he seems to have escaped another petition by choosing the University constituency. In the debate as to whether a new writ should be issued for Sligo, in 1778, the Provost took a forward part, and bewailed that he "was forced to go there out of his sick bed to defend his son." The Gravamina of the College petition of 1778 were almost identical with those of the petition of 1790, and while Parliament was unseating the Provost's son, the Court of Common Pleas was dealing with the Provost himself. The Rev. Edward Berwick, whose case is related in the "Lachrymæ," took an action against the Returning Officer for refusing his vote. The Court, overruling the Provost's objection, made an order that the Plaintiff should have liberty to inspect all the College books that could be of use to him in his suit. The verdict was against the defendant, without costs.[48] After the disastrous parliamentary petition of 1778, the Provost took no family part in the College elections until the year 1790, when his second son Francis was returned. His return led to a parliamentary inquiry; and the case, which is fully reported, is a very interesting passage in the history of the College and of Hutchinson.[49] The committee, consisting of fourteen members, besides the chairman, W. Burston, Esq., was chosen on the 14th day of Feb., 1791, and on it sat, amongst the others, the Hon. Arthur Wesley (Duke of Wellington), Right Hon. Lord Edward Fitzgerald, and Right Hon. Denis Daly. There were two petitions, one by Laurence Parsons, Esq., the defeated candidate, and the other by some scholars and other electors of the borough. The sitting member was the Hon. Francis Hely Hutchinson, and the returning officer was his father the Provost. There was a powerful bar. Beresford Burston, Michael Smith (afterwards Master of the Rolls), Peter Burrowes, and William Conyngham Plunket, were for the petitioners; Tankerville Chamberlain (afterwards Judge of the Queen's Bench), and Luke Fox (afterwards judge), were for the sitting member; and Robert Boyd (afterwards Judge of King's Bench), and Denis George, Recorder of Dublin (and afterwards Baron of the Exchequer), were for the Provost. The total constituency was 92, and out of these "84 and no more" tendered their votes. Arthur Browne was returned at the head of the poll by 62 votes, Parsons had 43, and Hutchinson 39. The Provost, on the scrutiny, reduced Browne's votes to 51, Parsons' to 34, and his son's to 36, thus returning his son by a majority of two over Parsons. Against this return the petitioners set forth that the Provost received for his son the votes of several persons who had no right to vote; that he refused for Parsons the votes of several who were legally entitled to vote; that on the scrutiny, he received illegal evidence; that he acted as agent for his son, and by undue means procured votes for him; that he exerted his prerogative antecedently to the election for the purpose of illegally influencing the electors; and that by illegal and partial scrutiny he reduced the number of the votes for Parsons below the number of the votes for his son. Burston stated the case, and referred to the election of 1776, when the Provost's eldest son was unseated for undue influence. He gave numerous instances of the Provost's abuse of his powers in the matters of "non-coing" and leaves of absence. He complained of his rejecting votes on the ground of minority on the evidence chiefly of the Matriculation-book. Amongst the witnesses examined were the Very Rev. Wensley Bond, Sch., 1761, Dean of Ross; G. Miller, Fellow (and afterwards Master of Armagh Royal School); William Magee, Fellow and Junior Dean (and afterwards Archbishop of Dublin); Toomy, a scholar (and afterwards Professor of Medicine); Dr. Marsh, Fellow, and Registrar of the college; Whitly Stokes, Fellow (and afterwards Professor of Physic), &c. &c. The examination of the witnesses brought out a great many curious and interesting facts relative to college men and college administration a hundred years ago. For instance, Mr. Fox, in arguing against the right of Scholars, being minors, to vote, referred to the election of 1739, when Alexander MacAulay, Dean Swift's nominee,[50] was elected against Philip Tisdall; and when the election was set aside by the House of Commons on account of the vote of Mr. Sullivan[51] (afterwards Professor of Laws), who, being elected a Fellow at nineteen years of age in 1738, was a minor when he voted. Plunket and Smith argued on the other side that Scholars, being minors, were entitled to their votes, and that these votes were allowed in the contested election of 1761, when Lord Clonmel ran French against the Attorney General, Tisdall, on account of the latter's hesitancy about the Octennial Bill. It was argued further that the Matriculation-book was not legal evidence as to age, inasmuch as "boys without any sanction gave in their ages older than they really were, from a desire to be thought men." Finally, the committee resolved unanimously that Fellows and Scholars, though minors, have a right to vote for members to represent the University. Mr. Miller[52] deposed that he was applied to by the Provost for his vote, and that he was offered a copy of the Provost's fellowship examination questions in Morality,[53] "an advantage," said Burrowes, "which would have made a docile parrot appear superior to Sir Isaac Newton." Three of the senior fellows voted for Hutchinson at the election. Toomey, a Scholar, was a Catholic, and refused to vote because the Junior Fellows could prove that he was a Catholic, and would take his pupils from him. He would not conform, although the Provost's eldest son pressed him, and told him that his own ancestors were Catholics and had conformed, and that he himself would be a Catholic if he lived in a Catholic country. Toomey knew that Casey, a Scholar, was a Catholic, and that he was chapel roll-keeper, attended college chapel twenty times a week, and partook of the Sacrament. Toomey "did not vote at the election because his vote would be of no use as he was a Roman Catholic."[54] James Hely, a Scholar, was a Catholic in Limerick, and had conformed in St. Werburgh's Church, in Dublin, to the Rev. Mr. L'Estrange, curate. The petitioners strove to disqualify Hely "for Popery," but his conformity was admitted by the committee. Mr. Graves, Fellow (afterwards Professor of Divinity and Dean of Ardagh), had voted for Hutchinson, and he believed that the Provost did declare to the Senior Fellows that he would nominate him to the Fellowship even against the majority of the Board. Dr. Hales' pupils were worth £500 or £600 a year to him;[55] and on his resignation the Provost claimed the power of distributing his pupils amongst the other Fellows. Hales had sixty or seventy pupils. Fellow-commoners paid £12, pensioners £6, per annum. It was deposed by another witness that the Provost nominated Mr. Ussher to a Fellowship in 1790--and it is so stated in the Calendar--although he had but two votes amongst the Senior Fellows, and those two were Drs. Kearney and Barrett. Mr. Magee, Junior Dean, stated, that after his election to Fellowship he was desirous to go to the bar, and that the dispensation was prevented by the Provost. Shortly before the election, however, the Provost offered to obtain the dispensation for him, with commons money and the usual allowance, if he would either vote for Hutchinson or go out of the way. Magee declined both proposals, and lost the dispensation; but probably he got on as well in the Church as he would have succeeded at the Bar. In the course of Mr. Magee's examination the following passage occurred: "Counsel--Is not Dr. Fitzgerald a warm man? Magee--There are other warm men in college besides Dr. Fitzgerald. Counsel--I perceive there are." Mr. Toomy, a Scholar of the house, acknowledged that he was a Catholic. He told about "Regulators' Places" for Sizars, worth about £16 a year, and about "Natives' Places" for Scholars worth the same, and the electioneering use which the Provost made of these appointments. Mr. Stordy, the college clerk, told a great deal about the system of "non-coing." A Scholar's non-co was worth £16 a year, and a Fellow's was worth, for one half year, 7s. 7d. a week, and for the other half, 8s. 6d. a week, or about £21 a year. Dr. Marsh, Senior Fellow, was twice refused leave of absence by the Provost. The Provost gave the Vice-Chancellor's rooms to his own supporters. A Scholar could have leave for thirty-two days, and a fellow for sixty-three.[56] By Yelverton's Act, Trinity College students could be called to the bar three years before non-graduates. Mr. Whitley Stokes, Fellow, gave instances of the Provost's partiality at the election. Mr. Fox opened the case for the sitting Member, and maintained that there was no instance of undue influence, and he was followed by Mr. Boyd on the part of the Provost. Then Mr. Plunkett spoke to evidence, against the Provost and the sitting Member. The Recorder replied for the Provost in very eulogistic terms, mentioning his seven Under-Graduate premiums, his college reforms, improvements, &c. He disparaged the made-up arithmetical evidence of Miller and Magee, and was followed by Mr. Chamberlaine for the sitting Member. Mr. Burrowes closed the argument in a very eloquent speech, which was as severe on the Provost as the "Lachrymæ" or "Pranceriana" was. It is noticeable, by the way, that Duigenan took no part in the petitions, and that he was neither employed in the case nor even named in the examination. Burrowes said that Miller's rejection of the Provost's offer of his questions was "a moral miracle." It was Miller's third attempt for fellowship. Burrowes "lamented the necessity of the odious investigation which exposed to public view the disgraceful and disastrous state of the University--condoning the undue influence would make the college as corrupt as any pot-walloping borough--the University would be shortly depopulated, and its only remaining trace would be the octennial convention of an unresisted Provost, and unresisting electors, to return suitable representatives to Parliament, and celebrate the festival of banished literature and vanquished public spirit. The decay of the University in such an event, would be desirable; its honours ought to be a brand of disgrace in society, and the contaminated Scholar ought to become a despised and abandoned citizen." Burrowes was full of pride and loyalty for the old place. He was himself an Ex-Scholar,[57] as were also amongst the lawyers in the case Beresford Burston, Plunket, Smith, Fox, and Boyd; and he was jealous for the honour of the Academic prize. "Some of the most important officers in the state," he exclaimed, "are filled by men who were Scholars of the University; in the learned professions the most eminent men have in their youth been Scholars. The most respectable divines, the most eminent lawyers, a considerable number of the Judges of the land, have been Scholars. Every individual of the eight lawyers[58] who appeared before this Committee have been Scholars of the University."[59] Burrowes closed his speech:--"I sit down assured you cannot pronounce the Honourable Francis Hely Hutchison to have been duly elected." Forty-one witnesses were produced by the petitioners, of whom ten were Fellows and thirteen Scholars. The Hutchisons produced six witnesses--no Fellow, one Scholar, and a lady. The Committee sat from the 14th February to the 24th March, when, by a majority of one, including the double vote of the chairman, it resolved (Wellington and Lord E. Fitzgerald voting in the minority) "That the Hon. Francis Hely Hutchinson had made use of no undue influence; that he was duly elected a burgess to represent the University in the present Parliament; and that the Provost, as Returning Officer of the University, acted legally and impartially at and before the election." Perhaps the most significant fact evolved by the investigation was that some of the Scholars were Catholics, the Statutes and the Anglican Sacrament notwithstanding. There was no reserve in the statement, and no remark on it was made by any member of Committee.[60] The point was not brought forward in the petition, nor pressed by any of the Council, except in the case of one Scholar, whose conformity was accepted by the Committee. In fact the "Popery" seems to have been taken quite as an understood thing,[61] and this coincides entirely with the famous declaration of Fitzgibbon. In 1782, speaking on Gardiner's Bill, in the Irish House of Commons, as Member for the University, he asserted that "the University of Dublin was already open, by connivance, and that no religious conformity was required." It is not easy to reconcile this with the then existing regulations for students as well as for Scholars, and in that debate the Provost did not speak exactly in this strain. On the contrary, he lamented that the religious disabilities did exist, and he was urgent for a King's Letter to give the Catholics equality in the University, under a Theological Professor of their own.[62] That debate, it may be noticed, is memorable for the cordial and consenting speeches of the Provost and of the two Members for the University, Hussey Burgh and Fitzgibbon. They all were in favour of Catholic relief, especially in the matter of education, and they all would have opened the College freely and liberally to Catholics. It was in this debate that Hussey Burgh protested against the Irish Bishops' practice of ordaining men on Scotch degrees. The Provost warmly thanked Burgh for sustaining the right and the dignity of the University. He said that the number of yearly degrees had risen from 95 to 109, and that Trinity College Graduates could be supplied for as many curacies as had the legal allowance of £50 a year.[63] Plunket was very indignant at the miserable bribery and corruption that were administered by the Provost, but he had not a word to say against the deeper and wider corruption that was ingrained in the sectarian exclusiveness of the constitution of the place. How could he say anything, being himself in the same condemnation? He was the son of a Unitarian minister;[64] and is said to have lived and died an Unitarian, and still he was a Scholar of the House. In 1790, a very able pamphlet, suggested by Provost Hutchison's despotic _regime_, was published anonymously, entitled: "An Inquiry how far the Provost of Trinity College, Dublin, is invested with a negative on the proceedings of the Senior Fellows by the Charter and Statutes of the College." The pamphlet is traditionally ascribed to the Rev. G. Miller, F.T.C.D., who gave such important evidence before the parliamentary committee; and, substantially, it is based upon the arbitrary acts of the Provost, which were brought out before the committee, and which are more fully stated in the "Lachrymæ" and "Pranceriana." The "Enquiry" asserts that the Provost claimed and exerted a negative upon all Board proceedings; and that in the election of Fellows and Scholars he had not only a negative but a final affirmative. The writer maintains that this, although the traditional, was not the true sense of the Statutes; and that by the Statutes the Provost had no greater power than the head of any other Corporation. He argues very closely and clearly to this purpose in regard of elections especially, from the grammatical meaning of "_unâ cum_" and "_cum_;" and he shows that what the Statute requires is merely the _presence_ of the Provost, and that then, like the rest, he is bound by a majority decision. The writer is more subtle and less convincing in his solution of the last clause of the statute beginning "_Quod si primo_."[65] Mr. Miller submitted a statement of the case for legal opinion, and obtained opinions supporting his own view from Sir William Scott (Lord Stowel), Sir Michael Smith, (Baron of the Exchequer and Master of the Rolls), Edward Law (Lord Ellenborough), Arthur Wolfe (Lord Kilwarden, Lord Chief Justice), and others. The three questions were: (1) Had the Provost an absolute negative on Board Proceedings? (2) Was he concluded by the concurring votes of five Senior Fellows? (3) Could he nominate Fellows and Scholars to the exclusion of a candidate by a majority of the electors? The first and third were answered in the negative; and the second in the affirmative by all the lawyers.[66] While all these people were amusing themselves anatomising the Provost, he was not by any means silent on his own side. Besides his speeches in Parliament and his utterances at the Privy Council and at the Board, he had recourse to the public press. He sent a vindication of himself to the _Hibernian Journal_, which Duigenan says was the beginning of all the writing. The Provost also published by Leathley, Bookseller to the University, a pamphlet entitled, "Regulations made in Trinity College since the appointment of the Provost," and "Pranceriana" says that the unlucky pamphlet was withdrawn promptly after the attack made upon it in the _Hibernian_. It was for this attack that the Provost had the editor of the journal, Mr. James Mills, ducked under the College pump. This smashing article is No. 27 in the "Pranceriana Collection," and it certainly is a notable piece of criticism. It was attributed to the pen of Malone, the editor of "Shakespeare." It is, perhaps, worth mentioning here, that as the College Library was without a copy of the Provost's book until the year 1853, so it was without a copy of "Pranceriana" until the year 1880. _Trinitas incuriosa suorum!_ The copy of the "Pranceriana" in the Library is the Second Edition, 1784, with the Appendix of 1776. All the foregoing testimonies are damaging to the Provost's memory; but it is only fair to remember that all of them are the utterances of men who were his envious and unscrupulous personal enemies. In some respects John Hely Hutchinson was bad enough, but the most abiding charge against him is that of greediness and place-traffic; and in this transgression it is probable that he only sinned more deeply than most of the public men around him. He certainly was audacious in his demands, but he was a king in jobbery. What Duigenan does not at all account for is, how Hutchinson was able to drive all these flourishing bargains, and to hold such high place under various administrations and in the teeth of combining rivalries--and still this is a circumstance that ought, biographically, to be accounted for. The etiology is supplied in other contemporary sources, written in a more discerning spirit--and it is this, that the Provost was a man of immense ability, and of rare personal ascendency. He possessed, moreover, in a signal degree, the undaunted personal courage which, as mentioned further on,[67] was inherited by his sons and grandson; although Duigenan, who was himself very much of the Bob Acre type, refuses him even this credit, and mocks his sham duels.[68] He knew how to make himself both dreaded and desired by the Government, for he could be either its greatest help or its most formidable opponent. He knew the men he had to deal with, and he dealt with them according to the knowledge. We have descriptions of the Provost in many contemporary works, and these descriptions, while they make no secret of his rapacity, present a strong reverse side to the "Pranceriana" picture.[69] Thus Hardy[70] says: "John Hely Hutchinson, father to the Earl of Donoughmore and Lord Hutchinson, introduced a classical idiom into the House of Commons. No member was ever more extolled than he was on his first appearance there. He opposed Government on almost every question, but his opposition was of no long continuance. As an orator his expression was fluent, easy, and lively; his wit fertile and abundant; his invective admirable, not so much from any particular energy of temperament or diction, as from being always unclogged with anything superfluous, or which could at all diminish the justness and brilliancy of its colouring. It ran along with the feelings of the House and never went beyond them.... The consequence of this assumed calmness was that he never was stopped.... The members for a long time remembered his satire, and the objects of it seldom forgave it.... In his personal contests with Mr. Flood (and in the more early part of their parliamentary careers they were engaged in many) he is supposed to have had the advantage.... To Flood's anger, Hutchinson opposed the powers of ridicule; to his strength he opposed refinement; to the weight of his oratory an easy, flexible ingenuity, nice discrimination, and graceful appeal to the passions. As the debate ran high, Flood's eloquence alternately displayed austere reasoning and tempestuous reproof; its colours were chaste but gloomy; Hutchinson's, on the contrary, were of 'those which April wears,' bright, various, and transitory; but it was a vernal evening after a storm, and he was esteemed the most successful because he was the most pleasing.... Mr. Gerrard Hamilton (than whom a better judge of public speaking has seldom been seen) observed that in his support of Government Hutchinson had always something to say which gratified the House. 'He can go out in all weathers, and as a debater is therefore inestimable.' He had attended much to the stage, and in his younger days he lived on great habits of intimacy with Quin, who admired his talents and improved his elocution.... He never recommended a bad measure, nor appeared a champion for British interest in preference to that of his own country. He was not awed into silence; he supported the Octennial Bill, the Free Trade Bill, and the Catholic Bill.... His acceptance of the Provostship of Trinity College was an unwise step.... After a long enjoyment of parliamentary fame it was then said that he was no speaker, and after the most lucrative practice at the Bar that he was no lawyer.... His country thought far otherwise, and his reputation as a man of genius, and an active, well-informed statesman, remained undiminished to the last. He left the opposition in 1760, and took the Prime Serjeancy.... In private life he was amiable, and in the several duties of father and husband most exemplary. In 1789, on the debate about the Prince of Wales's regency, Grattan opposing the administration was supported with great ability by Hutchinson, then Secretary of State. In the Lords, Lord Donoughmore took the same side. In 1792, in the debate on Langrishe's Bill for the restoration of the elective franchise to Irish Catholics, Hutchinson's two sons (Francis [?], afterwards Lord Donoughmore, and the one afterwards Lord Hutchinson) voted in the minority with the patriots." The _Gentleman's Magazine_ (1794) says that he was a wondrously gifted man and one of the most remarkable persons that this country ever produced. At the same time it calls him a rank courtier, and recites most of the "Pranceriana" and "Lachrymæ" tattle against him. Grattan and Grattan's son held a very high opinion both of his genius and of his fidelity to the interests of Ireland. Both of the Grattans, on the other hand, had a horror of Duigenan, as a truculent and coarse vulgarian. It is in Grattan's "Life" that we are told about Duigenan's threatening in the Law Courts to "bulge the Provost's eye," and it is there that Curran's epigram on Duigenan's oratory is preserved.[71] Grattan says that Hutchinson supported every honest measure--all the main and essential ones, such as the Claim of Right, Free Trade, the Catholic Bills, Reform, and the Pension Bill. "_He was the servant of many governments, but he was an Irishman notwithstanding._" He possessed greater power of satire than any man of his day, and Grattan quotes Horace Walpole's anecdote about his habit of annoying Rigby and the Government when he wanted to make himself disagreeable to them. At other times he was immensely useful to the Government. Grattan considered that his chief fault was want of openness and directness of character, together with love of self-advancement. He was an enthusiastic admirer of Grattan, and took a prominent part in demanding for him the national presentation in 1782. Taylor[72] says that Hutchinson was a very effective Provost, that he restored the discipline of the place, and that to him the University owes the improvement of the modern languages professorships. Taylor adds that he was a man of an enlightened mind and extended views, and that it is now admitted his views were consonant with the best principles of education. Lord North knew Hutchinson's peculiarity well, and he said that "if England and Ireland were given to him he would want the Isle of Man for a potato garden." The Duke of Rutland, Lord Lieutenant here in 1784, formed a similar estimate, when he wrote that "the Provost had always some object in view, and that his objects were not generally marked with the character of moderation and humility."[73] Dr. Wills[74] gives Provost Hely Hutchinson a very high place amongst the eminent men of the country, and mentions his eloquence and college reforms as well as his greed. Even Mr. Froude,[75] who vastly dislikes himself and his sons, is constrained to call him the "able and brilliant Hely Hutchinson," and to tell of his "meridian splendour." He quotes Lord Lieutenant Townshend's statement that he was "the most popular man in parliament to conduct a debate." The famous Colonel Isaac Barrè,[76] who, as he got Scholarship in 1744, was a college class-fellow of Hutchinson, gives the following description of him in 1768:--"When the Army Augmentation Bill was introduced by Tom Connoly, it was opposed by Sexten Pery on constitutional grounds, and by the Attorney General (Tisdall) on grounds that left him free to support the Bill afterwards if it were his interest to do so.[77] "The Prime Serjeant (Hutchinson)" says Barrè "was not so prudent[78] (as Tisdall), and opposed it in a long, languid speech, full of false calculations; among the rest this curious one, that adding £40,000 per annum to the national expense was, in fact, adding a million to its debt, and that the nation, in the next session, would be £1,800,000 in debt. If all this is true, how will he have the impudence to support this measure hereafter? But, indeed, he has contradicted himself three or four times in the course of this session upon this subject.[79] He talks now of being dismissed. His profit by his employment is trifling, not above three or four hundred a year.[80] "He is personally disliked, a mean gambler--not one great point in him--and exceedingly unpopular in this country. I must tell you a short anecdote which put him very much out of temper. The day after the first division he came to Council in a hackney chair, which happened, unluckily, to be No. 108 (the number of the majority). A young officer at the Castle wrote under the number of the chair, "COURT" in large characters, and at the top a coronet was drawn.[81] "He denied positively in the beginning of his speech, any bargain or terms proposed by him at the Castle, but was not believed.... As far as I am able to judge," continues Barrè, "this country is manageable easily enough. The prevailing faction exists only by your want of system in England. They have no abilities, and their present and only friend, Hutchinson (for Tisdall is quite broken), cannot be depended on for a moment." In the last volume (vol. viii.) of the "Historical Manuscripts Report" we find some very interesting mentions of Hutchinson in the letters that passed between "Single Speech" Hamilton and Edmund Sexten Pery. Both of these eminent men entertained a high opinion of, and a sincere personal regard for, the Provost. In 1771, Hamilton, who was Chancellor of the Irish Exchequer, and had been Chief Secretary to two Lord Lieutenants (Lords Halifax and Northumberland) wrote to Pery, the Speaker[82] of the House:--"As long as you and Andrews and Hutchinson are in being and business, Ireland will never want attractions sufficient to make me prefer it to a situation of 'more splendour and greater influence.'" Two years later, Hamilton wrote to Pery about the collapse of the negotiations for his resigning the Exchequer Chancellorship in Hutchinson's favour, and begged that Hutchinson would not again require him to sacrifice his own solid and substantial interests. Another letter, dated 1779, says that Flood was eagerly canvassing for the post, and that Hutchinson was discontented. The Chancellorship was not given to either of the rivals--it was given to Foster, who was afterwards Speaker; and Hutchinson accordingly failed to score a second triumph over "the generous-minded, ornamental, sonorous-voiced Henry Flood, who was eclipsing his meridian splendour."[83] In 1777 the Corporation of Dublin petitioned the Provost and Board for a free education for the son of the deceased patriot, Dr. Lucas. The College authorities responded in a literal spirit, and generously granted to the lad not only a remission of fees, but free rooms and free commons as well.[84] In 1779, were published the "Commercial Restraints," which in its original shape was, a contribution to Lord Lieutenant Buckinghamshire as to the best method of extricating the country from its discontent and troubles. Froude says (vol. ii., p. 223), that it was the most important of all the opinions gathered by the Viceroy, and that it earned Hutchinson's pardon from Irish patriotism for his subserviency to the Court and Lord Townshend. The work is an extremely able review of the whole history and condition of our native Irish trade and industries, and it is as loyal in its nationality as it is able. It is the only specimen we have to show us the Provost as a writer and as an economist, and it certainly secures him a high place in these two estimates. In this aspect the work possesses a great biographical value, inasmuch as it serves to complete the likeness of the Provost, and the complement which it supplies falls in line with the best features of the original. Although his sentences are often slovenly and sometimes ungrammatical, he could write forcibly and clearly, as well as speak persuasively and rhetorically; he could make facts and figures deliver their lesson; he could summon up the ghost of the past to illustrate and enforce the duties of the present; he could enwrap a message of peace in a mantle of warning; and when no selfish interest intervened he could fling his sword into the scale that was freighted with his country's welfare. During Hutchinson's Provostship His Excellency the Lord Lieutenant, Lord Buckinghamshire, went in state to the University, and was received at the entrance of the Old Hall by the Provost and Fellows. At his entrance, Dr. Kearney made an eloquent oration; at the printing office, where H. E. was entertained with a view of the artists, another oration was delivered by Mr. Hutchinson, youngest (?) son of the Provost; at the Anatomy and Philosophical Rooms addresses were delivered by the Hon. Dr. Decourcy, son of Lord Kinsale, and the Hon. Mr. Jones, son of Lord Ranelagh. Thence he went to the Library, where an excellent oration was made by Dr. Leland, the Librarian, Orator, and Professor. H. E. afterwards dined in the New Hall with the Provost and Fellows, and numbers of the nobility and gentry. The elegance of the entertainment cannot be described, and is imagined to stand the College in no less than £700.[85] In 1791 a Visitation by Lord Chancellor Lord Clare as Vice-Chancellor, and Dr. Fowler, Archbishop of Dublin, was held in the New Theatre, at the instance of the Provost, in reference to the complaint of Mr. Allen of having been unjustly kept out of Fellowship in 1790. The Visitors ruled that the question was not open to discussion, in consequence of the length of time which had elapsed. The Provost then brought forward his claim to the negative power over the proceedings of the Board, and was replied to by Drs. Kearney and Brown. The Provost argued from the Statutes and especially from the _Unâ cum Præposito_ clauses, and spoke for three hours and a half with great ability. Mr. Miller spoke on behalf of the Junior Fellows, touching their right to retain the emoluments of their pupils when they went out on livings. Miller was rebuked by the Chancellor for accusing the Provost of wanting to turn the disposal of pupils into a matter of patronage. The Rev. Mr. Burrowes and Mr. Magee spoke on the same side. Magee was personal, and on the Provost's protest the Chancellor stopped him. The Visitors declined to decide whether the Provost has an arbitrary election negative at the election of Fellows and Scholars; they ruled that the Provost has the power of disposing of pupils; and that he is bound by the majority of the Board. The Lord Chancellor bewailed the internal dissensions, alluded to his "own education in the College, and declared that there was not another University in Europe better calculated for the great purposes of promoting virtue and learning." The Visitation lasted three days. In 1792, Hutchinson saw the Gardiner-Hobart Catholic Relief Bill carried, and three days after, the 26th of February, he saw the House of Parliament burned. On the 1st of March following Sir John Blacquiere repaid the University for its honorary degree by moving the thanks of the house to the College students for their spirited exertions in extinguishing the fire; and by suggesting that in acknowledgment of the daring bravery of the youths their old privilege of right of admission to the gallery should be restored to them. Mr. Hutchinson, the Member for the University, acknowledged the compliment with becoming pride and dignity. The Provost's last reported appearance in parliament was on the 6th of July, 1793, when he spoke in support of the Bill for the Charitable Musical Society. In the previous month, on one of the Militia Bills, he defended his son Francis from a rebuke of Mr. Secretary Hobart, though he voted against the son. In that his last session, he saw carried--and along with Grattan, Forbes, Yelverton, Gardiner, and the other Liberals helped to carry--the Place, Pensions, Barren Land, and India Trade Acts. He introduced the bills for the Parliament grant of £1,300 to establish the College Botanical Gardens, and he earnestly supported Knox's Bill for admitting Catholics to Parliament. He presided at the Board of Trinity College for the last time on the 25th of August this same year. His health was giving way, and his old enemy, the gout, was prevailing against him. In the political side of his career Hutchinson saw a wondrous change in the meaning and method of Irish parliamentary life. When he began (1759) to take part in public affairs, the Irish parliament was at about its lowest level of degradation. Having been abolished by Cromwell and re-created by Charles II., it had become from the time of the Restoration little else than an office for registering and levying the English orders for pensions and salaries, and for passing the Money Bills. Poyning's Act and the 6th of George I. were in such active operation that the Government asserted the power of originating and altering the Money Bills, and that Anthony Malone was dismissed first from the Prime Serjeancy and later from the Exchequer Chancellorship for denying his right. A few years later, Lord Lieutenant Townshend, came over here for the express purpose of smashing the Irish Junto, and he smashed it by the simple process of taking the bribery into his own hands,[87] and making it, what Sir Arthur Wellesley[88] forty years after found it, an English state department.[89] He was so indignant with the Commons for rejecting an altered Money Bill that he entered a protest on the Lords' Journal and prorogued the Parliament.[90] Down to Hutchinson's time the Lord Lieutenants were absentees, and the Lords Justices were the centre of the Junto of "Undertakers" who undertook to the English Government to manage business here--i.e. "their own business"--on their own conditions. In the National Senate there was no national or intellectual life, and scarcely a name has survived in history. There are no Reports of debates until the year 1781; for over 50 years scarcely a single important measure was passed;[91] place holders in parliament were multiplied, and the pension and salary lists increased in proportion.[92] To lessen the balance available for this bribery, the surplus revenue was expended in local and private jobs.[93] The Mutiny Act was perpetual; parliaments ran for the monarch's life, judges held at pleasure, Catholics were debarred the franchise and education; Anglican State Protestantism was built up by cruelty and crime, complaints of grievances were met by commendations of the Charter Schools, and the trade and industries of the country were suffered, without remonstrance, to lie strangled under the jealous and grasping commercial restraints imposed by the English Parliament. All these things Hely Hutchinson saw when he first looked out on the field of Irish administration; and before he died he saw most of these reproaches swept away by the operation of the courage, and intellect, and vigour which, contemporaneously with himself, found their way into the Commons House. Sexten Pery was a few years before him, and "Sexten Pery," says Grattan, "was the original fountain of all the good that befell Ireland." Flood entered parliament the same year as Hutchinson, Hussey Burgh, and Gardiner a few years later, and then came Yelverton and Grattan, and by the power of these resolute anti-Englishers the face of the country was changed. They found Ireland a child, and they watched her growth from infancy to arms, and from arms to liberty. They led the Volunteers to victory, and wrung back a portion of the people's rights from the frightened oppressor.[94] To this change Hutchinson directly, and still more indirectly, contributed. He quickened the parliamentary tone, and lifted its level. He was the father of the cultivated style of oratory which henceforward characterised the debates; he was the best debater in the house, and, after Grattan, the finest speaker. He could patriotise, and he could philippise; and whether he patriotised or philippised, he did it formidably and efficiently. He was venal, but he feared no man's face; he was a ready-money voter, but he could go out in all weathers. He trafficked, without satiety, in patents and sinecures for himself and his sons, but he insisted on Free Trade for Ireland.[95] Take him for all in all, and the first John Hely Hutchinson certainly presents a very rare combination of striking features. He was a representative man of a remarkable age, and he sprung out of the conditions of a period which he very much helped to mould. He was endowed with leading abilities, and was disfigured by hideous blemishes. From an humble start in life he made his way to the high places of the field, and, without any surroundings, he raised himself to be a living power in the State. He was mighty in speech, in courage, in council, and in achievement; and he could be craven, vindictive, corrupting, and paltry. In invective he was unequalled; and he was more sorely scorched by ridicule and rebuke than any man of his day. He lived in perpetual discords and in endless schemes, and the success which, in the main, followed him was chequered by bitter defeats and mortifications. He enjoyed a splendid fortune, maintained a lordly style, and wielded vast influence, and not a single generous action is recorded of him. Negligent of learning, he became the head of the University in one of its periods of peculiar brilliancy, and, having for twenty years drawn its revenues and exploited its resources, he is not named in its list of benefactors. He reared a numerous, affectionate, gifted, and successful family, and he founded a peerage.[96] However unprincipled Hutchinson was in his bargainings with the Castle, he was often sound and straight on national and Catholic questions. He was an enthusiastic admirer of Grattan, and, on essential matters touching the interests and dignity of the country, he gave Grattan a cordial and effective support. The proudest passage in his life was the day (16th April, 1782) when, as Principal Secretary of State, he read out to the Irish Parliament the king's message, practically conceding independence.[97] There is not in Anglo-Irish history another event of equal grandeur; and Hely Hutchinson's Provostship for ever and inseparably connects the College with the climax of a triumph over English arrogance and obstinacy which, in the main, was won by a phalanx of her own sons when the prince of all the land led them on.[98] * * * * * The Will of "John Hely Hutchinson, His Majesty's Principal Secretary of State," made in 1788--proved and probate granted in November, 1794, by the Right Worshipful Patrick Duigenan, Doctor of Laws, Commissary, and so forth, is in the Public Record Office. There are seven codicils of various dates, down to the year of the Provost's death. He says that no man ever had better or more dutiful and affectionate children--God bless them all--and amongst them he left £5,000 to each of his two eldest daughters, with 5 per cent. interest, and £4,000 to each of the two younger. He left £5,000 to his son Francis, as engaged at the time of his marriage, and to his sons John, Abraham, Christopher, and Lorenzo £4,000 each; £500 to Jane, eldest daughter of his worthy friend, Dr. Wilson. If any children should die before 21, or marriage, their share was to go amongst the younger children, but so as no younger child was to have more than £5,000 on the whole. All his real and personal estate,[99] subject to the foregoing legacies, he left to his dearly-beloved son, Lord Donoughmore, his sole executor. He was to raise the portions of the two younger daughters to £5,000, if the estate could afford it. His office in the Port of Strangford he considered part of his personal estate, having purchased it with the knowledge and at the desire of the Irish Government;[100] and he included it in the bequest to Lord Donoughmore for the lives in being. In a codicil (1789) he bequeathed £200 each to John, and to Abraham and Christopher while they shall continue at the Temple. Later codicils mention that some of these sums had been paid in full, and the legacies were accordingly revoked. He left his books on Morality, Divinity, and Poetry to Abraham, the law books to Francis, and the rest of his books to John. In a codicil of 1794, he left to Abraham "whose health is delicate," £100 a year till he shall obtain a net income of £200 yearly by some ecclesiastical preferment, this being in addition to the former legacy.[101] To his butler he left £20 a year, and to another servant £20. He desired his manuscript essay towards a history of the College[102] to be published, being first perused by his son, Lord Donoughmore.[103] He directed his body to be opened, and to be laid by his late dear wife. * * * * * The following Will which laid the foundation of the fortunes of the family is also in the Public Record Office:-- "The last Will and Testament of Richard Hutchinson of Knocklofty, in the county of Tipperary, Esq. Whereas I have this day executed a deed, whereby it appears that there are several sums now affecting my estate, and amounting in the whole to the sum of ten thousand nine hundred and fifty-two pounds four shillings and a farthing; and whereas Ann Mauzy, widow, and Lewis Mauzy, her son, have agreed to accept the sum of four thousand pounds in lieu of all their claims and demands. Now it is my will that such personal fortune as I now, or at the time of my death shall be possessed of shall be applied, in the first place, towards paying and discharging such sums of money as John Hely Hutchinson, Esq., shall think proper to pay the said Ann Mauzy, provided the same does not exceed the said sum of four thousand pounds; and the rest and residue of my personal estate and fortune if anything shall remain, I bequeath to my beloved niece, Christian Hely Hutchinson. "Witness my hand and seal, this fourth day of August, one thousand seven hundred and fifty-seven. "RICHARD HUTCHINSON." NOTES. NOTE A. Page x. THE HUTCHINSON FAMILY. The Provost left six sons and four daughters. Five of the sons took degrees in the University, viz.:-- Richard Hely--on an Oxford Ad Eundem--B.A. 1775, M.A. 1780, LL.B. and LL.D. 1780. Francis Hely--B.A. 1779, M.A. 1783. Christopher Hely--B.A. 1788. Abraham Hely--B.A. 1788, M.A. 1791; and Lorenzo Hely--B.A. 1790. RICHARD HELY, the eldest son, and the first Lord Donoughmore, was a Commissioner of Accounts, Second Remembrancer, Chief Commissioner of Excise, Commissioner of Customs, Commissioner of Stamps, and Postmaster-General. In 1776, he was elected simultaneously representative for Sligo and for the University (against the Attorney-General, Philip Tisdall), and chose the latter. He was unseated by parliamentary committee as not duly elected; and, in 1777, he was re-elected for Sligo without a new writ. In the University he was replaced by John Fitzgibbon (Earl of Clare). In 1783 he was M.P. for Taghmon. In 1788, he succeeded to the title, on the death of his mother, and served in the Upper House, while his father and his two brothers were in the Commons. In 1794, according to the custom of the times, he raised a regiment, and got the command of it for his celebrated brother John. FRANCIS HELY was returned for the University in the election of 1790. In the following year took place the celebrated petition against his return, which is related in page xlii, &c. In 1799, he was member for Naas, and was re-elected in 1800, on having been appointed to the office of collector for the Port of Dublin. In 1792, on the debate on receiving the Catholic petition in connection with Langrishe's Bill for giving, or giving back, the franchise, &c., to the Catholics, Mr. Froude says that: "Francis Hutchinson, the Provost's second son, soared into nationalist rhetoric. 'When the pride of Britain was humbled in the dust,' he said, 'her enemies led captive the brightest jewel of the imperial crown torn from her diadem, at the moment when the combined fleets of the two great Catholic powers of Europe threatened a descent upon our coasts, from whom did we derive our protection then?'... 'We found it in the support of three millions of our fellow-citizens, in the spirit of our national character--in the virtue of our Catholic brethren.' The motion for the petition was lost by 208 votes to 23, and Langrishe's Bill was carried."--[_English in Ireland_, vol. iii., p. 53.] Sir Jonah Barrington, in his "Personal Sketches." tells of the duel which Francis had at Donnybrook with Lord Mountmorris in 1798, in which his lordship was wounded. CHRISTOPHER HELY was called to the Bar, but never much relished the profession, being altogether of a military turn. In 1795 he was elected member for Taghmon, county Wexford, in the Irish parliament on his father's death; and after the Union he represented Cork city in the Imperial parliament. He was Escheator of the Province of Munster. He was an earnest champion of the Catholic claims, as were also his father and brothers; he was a thorough supporter of the liberal policy of Lord Lieutenant Fitzwilliam; he mistrusted Lord Lieutenant Camden and Pitt, and he opposed the Union scheme. He is, however, far more celebrated as a soldier than as a lawyer or politician, and in 1796 he resigned his seat. He adored his brother John, rivalled his brilliant courage, and served under him and with him at home and abroad with great distinction. He joined him in Ireland as a volunteer on the breaking out of the disturbances in 1798; but both of the brothers speedily got disgusted with the odious work, as did Cornwallis, and Moore, and Abercrombie, and Lake, and every other high-minded soldier, including Colin Campbell, afterwards in the tithe war. John soon got ordered off to Flanders, under Abercrombie, to fight the French; and thither Christopher followed him, and was wounded at the battle of Alkmar. Christopher followed John also to Egypt, and afterwards on his mission to St. Petersburgh, and to Berlin. Christopher, on his own account, fought in the Russian ranks against the French, and was badly wounded by Benningsen's side at the battle of Eylau, in 1807. He fought also at the battle of Friedland. He died at Hampsted in 1825--[_Suppl. Biog. Univer._] It is worth noticing that this invaluable biographical dictionary makes a mistake in regard of the Castlebar battle in 1798, and a mistake of a kind that is not usual in French historians in affairs that concern the military glory of France. At Castlebar the French were victorious, and the Hutchinsons and the English troops were defeated disgracefully. The _Biog. Univer._, however, under "_Christophe Elie Hutchinson Cinquième fils de Jean Elie Hutchinson, Prevot de l'Universite de Dublin_," says: "_Il eut part a l'affaire de Castlebar et fit prisonniers les deux Generaux Francais Lafontaine et Sorrazin au moment ou environnè par leur corps il se croyait et devoit se croire perdu, et s'acquit ainsi l'estime de General en Chef Lord Cornwallis_." The writer confounds Castlebar with Ballinamuck. ABRAHAM HELY was Commissioner of Customs, and Port duties, according to the Lib. Mun. and Sir Bernard Burke; and a clergyman, according to his father's will. Lorenzo Hely took Holy Orders. Besides these five the Provost had a son--his second born-- JOHN HELY HUTCHINSON, the most distinguished of all. He was born in 1757, and entered the army in 1774, the year in which his father was made Provost. In 1789 he became M.P. for Taghmon, county Wexford, on his brother Richard's call to the upper house, and in 1790 he became member for Cork city (the father going to Taghmon), and continued so until the Union. In 1792, in the debate on receiving the Catholic Petition, "Prominent amongst their (Catholic) champions was Colonel Hutchinson, the Provost's son, who inherited his father's eloquence without his shrewdness. He talked the Liberal cant of the day, which may be compared instructively with the modern Papal syllabus."--[_Froude_, vol. iii., p. 53.] Mr. Froude cannot have read this speech. It is a fervid denunciation of the penal laws, and of their cruelties and mischief; and it does not "talk either Liberal cant or Papal syllabus." Colonel Hutchinson's two speeches on the Petition and on Langrishe's Bill, even as summarised in the Irish Parliamentary Report, are enlightened, able, and eloquent oratory. He was for complete emancipation. His liberal address to the Cork constituency, in 1796, is given by Plowden. Hutchinson was an enthusiastic admirer of Lafayette, and of his ardent principles of popular liberty. When in Paris he attached himself closely to the general, and served on his personal staff. During the troubles of 1798 he was employed here at the head of his brother's regiment, under Abercrombie. He sat in the Irish parliament in 1800, and voted for the Union!--[_Webb, and Barrington's "Black List."_] He commanded against the French at Castlebar, and he shared in the humiliating defeat which Humbert's handful of men, supported by a body of Irish peasantry, inflicted on the royal army. Hutchinson was unable to stay the panic. His troops, which had signalised and enervated themselves by their licentious brutalities on a defenceless population, broke and fled--as Abercrombie foretold they would do--before the enemy. Their rout was as complete as it was disgraceful, and the barbarities which they committed on their retreat were diabolical. Hutchinson afterwards had the satisfaction of taking part in the affair at Ballinamuck, county Longford, where the French, including Generals Humbert, Sorrazin, and La Fontaine, laid down their arms.--[_Cornwallis's Correspondence_, vol. ii., p. 396; _Knight's History of England_, vol. vii., p. 367; _Haverty's History of Ireland_, p. 760; _and Bishop Stock's Narrative of Killala_.] Hutchinson left the sickening Irish scenes, along with Abercrombie, for Flanders, in the Duke of York's expedition. After that he accompanied Abercrombie to Egypt as second in command, and on his death at Aboukir he succeeded as chief. He was reinforced from home, and by Sir David Baird's expeditionary contingent from India, took Alexandria and Cairo, and drove Menou and the French out of Egypt. For these distinguished achievements he was created Lord Hutchinson of Alexandria and Knocklofty; and, notwithstanding these achievements, he was never again employed in war service by the English Government. He made no secret of his anti-Toryism, and this was enough to ensure his rejection by a Government that selected the Chathams and Burrards. Lord Hutchinson was afterwards employed on some high diplomatic commissions at St. Petersburg and Berlin, and in these his independence of judgment was not altogether palatable to the London authorities. In 1825, on the death of his eldest brother, he succeeded to the Donoughmore title and estates, which, on his death without issue, in 1832, passed to his nephew, the third peer, better known as "Lavalette Hutchinson." This JOHN HELY HUTCHINSON, the third of the name, was born in Wexford, in 1788. Having served through the Waterloo campaign, he was, on the allied occupation of Paris, in 1815, quartered there as Captain of the First Regiment of Grenadiers of the Guards. While there, in 1816, he, together with Lieutenant Bruce of his own regiment, and the celebrated Sir R. Wilson, effected Lavalette's escape from France, after his deliverance from the Conciergerie by the romantic devotion and bravery of his wife. The three friends were prosecuted in Paris for this violation of the law. They declined to insist on their right of having half the jury English, and trusted themselves entirely to the honour of the Frenchmen. They admitted what was charged against them, and were condemned in the mild sentence of three months' imprisonment, and the costs of the prosecution. Captain Hutchinson, on the trial, told how he had lodged Lavalette in his own chambers for one night, supplied him with an English officer's costume from a Paris tailor, procured passes, and on horseback escorted to the frontier Lavalette, who was in a carriage with Wilson. He was willing to give a distinct answer to any fair question about himself, but he peremptorily refused to say anything that would compromise anyone else. He declared that there was not a particle of political animus in the adventure. The French historians tell how the chivalrous young Irishman's exploit was applauded by the whole nation, and how, on the trial, his manly and gracious bearing captured the court, which had to find him guilty of the deed that he acknowledged and related. Sir R. Wilson had been aide-de-camp to Hutchinson's uncle the general. [_Biog. des Contemp. and The Accusation, Examination, and Trial of Wilson, Hutchinson, and Bruce._] Captain Hutchinson succeeded to the title in 1832. He lived and died at Palmerston, and in Chapelizod church a memorial tablet is erected to him, with the following inscription:--"Sacred to the memory of John Hely Hutchinson, third Earl of Donoughmore, Knight of St. Patrick, Lord Lieutenant of the county of Tipperary, and a Privy Councillor, having served his country in the Peninsular War and the Senate; and his country in troublous times. He died on the 12th of September, 1851, in the 64th year of his age, loved, respected, and regretted by all who knew him. This tablet has been erected in the church where he usually worshipped to record his many virtues by his widow." In Chapelizod churchyard there is a tombstone inscribed: "Beneath this stone rest the earthly remains of Mrs. Hely Hutchinson; departed this life 1st June, 1830, aged 72 years. Between the Provost and his four sons they represented, for over 40 years, 11 constituencies, and besides this, one was in the Irish and English, and another in the English House of Lords. The names of the Provost and of his son Richard are on the roll of the Irish M.P.'s (1783-90) which Dr. Ingram has had framed and hung up in the Fagel wing of the College Library. The present Lord Donoughmore, who is sixth in descent from the Provost, was one of the European Commission for organising Eastern Roumelia under the Berlin Treaty, and he is also the originator of the Lords' Committee of inquiry on the Irish Land Act. His lordship's father, in 1854, moved the second reading of Lord Dufferin's Liberal "Leasing Powers, and Landlord and Tenant Bills;" and in 1865 he made an able speech in the House of Lords on the grievances of the officers of the East India Company's army. He had previously served as a soldier with distinction in the East, and was always listened to with deserved attention by the peers.--[_Lord Dufferin's Speeches and Addresses._] NOTE B. Page xxi. DR. LELAND. DUIGENAN'S disparaging mention of Dr. Leland is one of the most spiteful and unjust of his utterances. There does not seem to be any proof that Leland was guilty of any Academic disloyalty in being or becoming friendly to the Provost, and outside this indictment the celebrity of his varied intellectual distinctions added greatly to the lustre and dignity of the College. He was probably the best classical scholar of the country; he was an eloquent and popular preacher, constantly advocating the charities of the city, and although he did not contribute to either _Baratariana_ or _Pranceriana_ he was the most learned Irish author of the period. Dr. Thomas Leland was born in Dublin in 1722, and was educated in Sheridan's famous school in Capel-street. He entered College in 1737, got Scholarship in 1741, and Fellowship in 1746. In 1746 he was appointed Southwell lecturer in St. Werburgh's Church. He was Erasmus Smith Professor of Oratory and Modern History in the University, Librarian, Chaplain to Lord Lieutenant Townshend, Prebendary of St. Patrick's Cathedral, and Rector of Rathmichael, which living he exchanged for St. Anne's, Dublin, with the Vicar, Dr. Benjamin Domville Barrington. In 1781 he resigned his Senior Fellowship and retired on Ardstraw, which he held by dispensation along with St. Anne's until his death, in 1785. He was a vehement opposer of pluralists until he became himself a pluralist. He published a "Translation of Demosthenes," "The History of Philip of Macedon," and "The History of Ireland" in three volumes, quarto. This last-named history is really a work of very superior merit. Leland supported the English in the spirit of Primate Boulter; and like Delany, he may have hunted for a bishopric from the English Government; but as a historian, he gave an honest and able record. No one need set out more fairly and forcibly the rapacity of our Irish Reformationists, the frauds of Strafford, and the barbarities of Cromwell. His book was furthermore quite a novelty in regard of fresh material, and would be almost worth re-editing. After Leland's death three volumes of his sermons were published, by subscription, by M'Kenzie of Dame-street, and the list of subscribers contains the names of Provost Hutchinson, the Vice-Provost, many of the Fellows, the Library, bishops, judges, peers, members of parliament, and most of the celebrities of the day, but it does not contain the name of Patrick Duigenan. Concerning the "History of Ireland," Leland's greatest work, we see by the recently-issued Historical Manuscripts Commission Report, that it was Charles O'Connor of Belanagare, the then most capable recordist of Ireland, who moved him (1767) to undertake it "because he has abilities and philosophy equal to the task." O'Connor writes again, that "we undoubtedly have [in Trinity College Library], by Dr. Leland's care, the best collection of old annals now in these islands. That learned and worthy gentleman has made me free of the College Library." In another letter O'Connor says: "Dr. Leland is now librarian, and promises me a warm room and all the liberty I can require relative to the College MSS., which are now a noble collection, indeed." It was Charles O'Connor who made Lord Lyttleton and Dr. Leland acquainted with each other, and we do not find it recorded that the English peer was of any service to the Irish scholar, although Dr. Leland generously supplied his lordship with valuable historical information for his history of Henry II.; and that, when he himself was engaged in describing the same events in his own work.--[See _Life_ prefixed to Sermons, and vol. viii. of _Hist. Man. Com. Reports_, 1881, p. 486.] Dr. Johnston had a high regard for Dr. Leland, and he wrote to him a letter of personal thanks for the Dublin University's honorary LL.D. in 1765. Johnston complained to O'Connor that Leland "begins his history too late," and that he should have been more exact in regard of "the times, for such there were, when Ireland was the school of the West, the quiet habitation of sanctity and literature." It was the chance mention of Leland's history that drew from Johnston the indignant exclamation "The Irish are in a most unnatural state, for we see there the minority prevailing over the majority. There is no instance, even in the ten persecutions, of such severity as that which the Protestants of Ireland have exercised against the Catholics."--[_Boswell._] In the _Anthologia Hibernica_ for March, 1793, vol. i., p. 165, there is a notice of Leland which sharply disparages his "History of Ireland." The notice is otherwise friendly and appreciative, and it quotes Dr. Parr's eulogy on Dr. Leland. His "History of Ireland" closes with the surrender of Limerick in 1691, and Hutchinson was correct in stating ("Letter 3," p. 23, _ante_) that Ireland had no professed historian of its own since that era, and that history furnished very imperfect and often partial views of her affairs. NOTE C. Page xxi. DR. DUIGENAN. DR. PATRICK DUIGENAN, more familiarly termed "Paddy," was one of the most remarkable men enumerated in the list of the Fellows of Trinity College. He was the son of the Master of St. Bride's Parish School, and, doubtless, he received his early education in the school which, in his father's days, was kept first in Golden-lane and afterwards in Little Ship-street. In allusion to this, Watty Coxe's Journal twits him with the diploma of "St. Bride's College." From St. Bride's Parish School the lad Patrick was sent to St. Patrick's Cathedral School, then presided over by Mr. Sheills (or Shiel), and thence in the year 1753 he entered Trinity College, as a Sizar. Whether he obtained the Sizarship by competition or by nomination we do not find recorded; but _quocunque modo_ a sizar he entered, and next to him on the form sat another sizar stripling, Barry Yelverton, afterwards an usher in Buck's School in North King-street, and subsequently Lord Chief Baron and Lord Avonmore.[104] In 1756, Duigenan obtained Scholarship; in 1761, Fellowship; and in 1776, he retired on the Professorship of Laws, having been, in fact, turned out by Provost Hutchinson. He was M.P. for Armagh, King's Advocate-General, Privy Councillor, Vicar-General, and Judge of the Prerogative Court. He was a blustering and honest man; a fanatical anti-Catholic and a fierce Unionist, and he is accordingly hero-worshipped by Mr. Froude. He was a hanger-on, first of Philip Tisdall, and then of Lord Clare. Wills, in his "Distinguished Irishmen," says that Duigenan was the son of the parish clerk of St. Werburgh's; and Dr. Madden, in his "United Irishmen," gives a letter saying the same, and that the father died a Catholic. There is no foundation for either of these assertions. Hugh Duigenan, the father, died St. Bride's parish schoolmaster, and he, as well as his wife Priscilla, was buried in St. Bride's churchyard. It is said in the "Life of Curran" that Duigenan once avowed in the House of Commons that he was the son of a parish clerk, and if so the father must have held that office in Derry before he came to Dublin. Dr. Maddens contributor says that Duigenan was appointed to St. Bride's School through the influence of Fitzgibbon, the father of Lord Clare. This is quite probable, as the Fitzgibbons lived in the parish--in Stephen-street, and many of the family were baptised in the church and buried in the graveyard. There may be truth in the tradition that the father was originally a Catholic and conformed. Grattan says that Duigenan was educated for the Roman Catholic priesthood; that he was a hanger-on of Tisdall: that his manner of speaking resembled that of a mob-man in the last stage of agony; and Curran said his "_oratory was like the unrolling of a mummy, nothing but old bones and rotten rags_," and that he had a vicious way of "gnawing the names of papists." He was employed by Castlereagh to administer the Union bribe of a million and a half, and in 1807 he was employed by Sir Arthur Wellesley, then Chief Secretary, to negotiate about the Charter Schools and the Irish Protestant bishops.[105] He was also one of the Public Record Commissioners. His first wife was a Miss Cusack, a Catholic, and to her, in regard of religious matters he was most indulgent. This was the only instance of toleration that Duigenan was ever known to show. In 1799 he supported Toler's (Lord Norbury) Indemnity Bill, freeing all who in 1798 had committed illegal acts against the people. It must have cost him some trouble of mind when, as Vicar-General in 1783, he had to license Dr. Betagh's Catholic School in Fishamble-street, as well as some other Catholic Schools, in obedience to Gardiner's Catholic Relief Act of the previous year. His second wife was the widow of Hepenstal, the "Walking Gallows." Duigenan died at Sandymount in 1816, and bequeathed his fortune to his first wife's nephew, Baron Smith. It was a brave thing of Duigenan when he had become a prominent man to go and reside in Chancery-lane amongst the lawyers, within a stone's throw of the lane in which he was reared as a poor boy; and it was not less brave of him to be a liberal subscriber to St. Bride's parish school. He was not ashamed to look back at the rock whence he was hewn. Very few parvenus have this sort of nobility. NOTE D. Page lxxiv. The life-long competition between Fitzgibbon and Grattan was so individual and so keen, and commenced so early, that the following quotations from the College books, now for the first time given, will probably be interesting. Can any other University produce a corresponding record? The two splendid rivals, it will be remembered, carried far into public life their early friendship. Fitzgibbon was as earnest as Grattan for Irish parliamentary independence. He was one of Grattan's most fervid eulogists, and it was Grattan that got him made Attorney-General in 1785. Their first serious difference was on the Navigation Act in 1786; three years later they fell out finally on the Regency Bill. EXTRACTS FROM THE MATRICULATION BOOK, T.C.D. "1763. "John Fitzgibbon, F.C., June 6th (next class). Educated by Mr. Ball. Tutor--Mr. Law. Class begins July 8th, 1763. "Brought over to this class, with five others, John Fitzgibbon, F.C. "1763. "Henry Grattan, F.C., Nov. 1st, 6 a.m. Educated by Dr. Campbell. Tutor--Mr. Law." These entries show that Fitzgibbon and Grattan entered college the same year, under the same college tutor, and that they were in the same class. They graduated in the same Commencements. They were, moreover, in the same division, sitting within two of each other, Fitzgibbon, from his earlier entrance, sitting above Grattan in the hall. This proximity gives even a quicker interest to their neck and neck race, as detailed in the following record of their examination judgments:-- EXTRACTS FROM THE EXAMINATION BOOK, T.C.D. "1764. "Hilary Term--Junior Freshmen. "1st Division--Mr. Stock, Examiner. "Mr. Fitzgibbon, 3 V.B. 1 B. (i.e., Valde Bene and Bene). "Mr. Grattan, V.B. in omnibus. Præmium. "Easter Examinations, May, 1764. "8th Division--Mr. Smyth, Examiner. "Mr. Grattan, V.B. in omn. Certificate. "Names of scholars who missed (i.e., did not go in for) the Examination. "Mr. Fitzgibbon. "Trinity Term. "1st Division--Mr. Connor, Examiner. "Mr. Fitzgibbon, 3 V.B., 1 B. Præmium. "Mr. Grattan, V.B. in omnibus. Certificate. "Remarkably diligent at Greek Lecture-- "Mr. Grattan. "Michaelmas Examinations, October 19th, 1764. "1st Division--Mr. Connor, Examiner. "Mr. Fitzgibbon, V.B. in omnibus. Certificate. "Mr. Grattan, 3 V.B., 1 B. "1765. "Hilary Term Examinations--Senior Freshmen. "1st Division--Mr. Smyth, Examiner. "Mr. Fitzgibbon, V.B. in omn. Præmium. "Mr. Grattan, 3 V.B., 1 B. "Hilary Term--Senior Freshmen. "Mr. Fitzgibbon, Th. for G.L. "Mr. Grattan, Th. for G.L. "Easter Term Examinations, April, 1765. "1st Division--Mr. Lucas, Examiner. "Mr. Fitzgibbon, V.B. in omn. Certificate. "Mr. Grattan, V.B. in omn. Præmium. "Trinity Term Examinations, June 21st, 1765. "1st Division--Mr. Stock, Examiner. "Mr. Grattan, senior, 5 V.B. Certificate. "Missed the Examination--Mr. Fitzgibbon. "Easter and Trinity Terms--Senior Freshmen. "Mr. Fitzgibbon, Th. for G.L. "Mr. Grattan, senior, Th. for G.L. [N.B.--"Th." means _thanks_, "Rem. Th." _remarkable thanks_, and "G.L." _Greek_ and _Latin_.] "Michaelmas Examinations, October 21st, 1765. "Mr. Smyth, Examiner. "Log. Math. Gr. Lat. Th. "Mr. Fitzgibbon, V.B. in omnibus. Certificate. "Mr. Grattan, senior, 4 V.B., 1 B. (in Th.) "Michaelmas Term--Junior Sophisters. "Mr. Fitzgibbon, Rem. Th. for G.L. "1766. "Christmas Examinations (generally called 'Hilary'), January 20th, 1766. "Junior Sophisters--Mr. Law, Examiner. "Log. Math. Astr. Phys. Eth. Gr. Lat. Th. "Mr. Fitzgibbon, 5 V.B., optime in Ethics. Præmium. "Mr. Grattan, senior, V.B. in omnibus. "Easter Examinations, April 18th, 1766. "Mr. Forsayeth, Examiner. "Mr. Fitzgibbon, 5 V.B., 2 B. "Mr. Grattan, senior, 2 V.B., 3 B. (2 blanks). "Michaelmas Term Examinations (Degree Examination), October 20th, 1766. "Mr. Forsayeth, Examiner. "Candidates. "Mr. Fitzgibbon, 5 V.B., 1 S.B., 2 B. "Mr. Grattan, V.B. all through." This table of judgments bears out Archbishop Magee's statement in his funeral sermon on Lord Clare, that Grattan was best in the first and Fitzgibbon in the closing years of their college course; while Grattan came to the front again at the Degree Examination. The table exhibits also the old system of awarding examination premiums in T.C.D.; and it shows the then curriculum in the Sophister year. It shows also that Fellow-Commoners obtained their B.A. degree on a shortened Academic course. Grattan entered in November, 1763, he answered for his degree in October, 1766, i.e., at the close of his Junior Sophister year--and he took his B.A. in Spring, 1767. The Matriculation Book shows that Fitzgibbon was educated at Ball's famous school, under the old Round Tower, in Great Ship-street.[106] Grattan was educated in the same school along with Fitzgibbon, and was removed from it shortly before entrance, as his "Life" tells, and as the Matriculation Book also shows. Fitzgibbon was born in 1749, and, therefore, was only fourteen or fifteen years of age when he was collaring Grattan, who was three years his senior. Fitzgibbon was reared in his father's house,[107] in Stephen-street, and Grattan was reared within a few yards of him, in his father's house in Chancery-lane. In the same school, at the same time, were educated Macaulay Boyd, one of the reputed authors of Junius' Letters (son of Alexander Macaulay, who lived in Great Ship-street); Sir Samuel Bradstreet, the steady patriot, who procured "Habeas Corpus" for Ireland, and who lived in the same street; and John Forbes, who lived in the same street with the Fitzgibbons, was a thorough supporter of Grattan, a forward champion of Catholic claims, and the resolute and successful assailant of the Pension List. The University conferred its LL.D. _Honoris Causâ_ on Fitzgibbon--notwithstanding his anti-Hutchinson performances. It had no honorary degree for Grattan, and the loss is to its own muster-roll of fame. The name would have honoured and ennobled the Register. NOTE E. PRINCIPAL SECRETARIES OF STATE--CALLED ALSO PRINCIPAL SECRETARIES OF THE COUNCIL, AND KEEPERS OF THE PRIVY SIGNET OR PRIVY SEAL--FROM THE RESTORATION. 1661, Sir Paul Davys; 1678, Sir John Davys; 1690, Sir R. Southwell; 1702, Sir E. Southwell and his son, 1775, Thomas Carter (Master of the Rolls); 1760, Philip Tisdall (Attorney-General); 1777, John Hely Hutchinson (Provost, &c.); 1795, Lord Glentworth; 1796, Hon. Thomas Pelham; 1797, Robert Stewart (Castlereagh); 1801, Charles Abbott (afterwards Speaker of English House of Commons, and Lord Colchester.) IRISH CHANCELLORS OF THE EXCHEQUER. 1761, William Yorke--_vice_ Anthony Malone; 1763, William Gerard Hamilton ("Single Speech"); 1784, John Foster (Speaker, &c.); 1785, Sir John Parnell; 1799, Isaac Corry; 1804, John Foster; 1806, Sir John Newport; 1807, John Foster; 1811, Wellesley Pole; 1812, William Fitzgerald; 1817, Nicholas Vansittart. SPEAKERS OF THE IRISH HOUSE OF COMMONS SINCE THE RESTORATION. 1661, Sir Audley Mervin; 1692, Sir R. Levinge, H.M.'s Solicitor-General; 1695, Rt. Hon. Robert Rochfort, Attorney-General; 1703, Broderick Allen; 1710, Hon. John Forster; 1715, Rt. Hon. Wm. Connolly; 1729, Sir Ralph Gore; 1733, Hon. Henry Boyle (Lord Shannon); 1756, Rt. Hon. John Ponsonby; 1771, Rt. Hon. Edmund Sexton Pery (Lord Pery); 1785, Rt. Hon. John Foster. CHIEF SECRETARIES TO LORD LIEUTENANTS. -------------------------------------------------------------------- _Year._ | _Chief Secretary._ | _Lord Lieutenant._ ---------|----------------------------|----------------------------- 1703. | Sir E. Southwell (also | Duke of Ormonde. | Principal Secretary of | | State). | | | 1707. | Joshua Dawson. | Lord Pembroke. | | 1709. | George Bubb Doddington | Lord Wharton. | (also Clerk of the Pells). | | | 1711. | ---- Southwell. | Duke of Ormonde again. | | 1713. | Sir John Stanley. | Duke of Shrewsbury. | | 1724. | Thomas Clutterbuck. | Lord Carteret. | | 1731. | Walter Carey. | Duke of Dorset. | | 1738. | Edward Walpole, and | Duke of Devonshire. | Nicholas Bonfoy. (This | | was the Mr. Walpole who | | had the escapade with the | | notorious Letitia | | Pilkington). | | | 1740. | Henry Legg, and Nicholas | Do. Do. | Bonfoy. | | | 1742. | Lord Duncannon and | Do. Do. | Nicholas Bonfoy, Esq. | | | 1745. | B. Liddell (a Cornish | Lord Chesterfield. | M.P.), and William Bristow.| | | 1747. | ---- Wayte. | Lord Harrington. | | 1751. | Lord G. Sackville (also | Duke of Dorset again. | Clerk of the Council, and | | Keeper of Phoenix Park). | | | 1755. | Robert Maxwell. | Marquis of Hartington. | | 1757. | Richard Rigby (also Master | Duke of Bedford. | of the Rolls). | | | 1761. | "Single Speech" Hamilton | Lord Halifax. | (also Chancellor of the | | Exchequer). | | | 1763. | Hamilton again, and Lord | Lord Northumberland. | Drogheda. | | | 1765. | Edward Thurlow. | Lord Weymouth, who did | | not come. | | 1765. | Lord Beauchamp. | Lord Hertford. | | 1766. | Lord Aug. Hervey. | Lord Bristol (did not come). | | 1767. | Sir G., afterwards Lord | Marquis Townshend. | McCartney (Governor of | | Madras), and Lord Fk. | | Campbell. | | | 1772. | Sir John Blacquiere (also | Lord Hartcourt. | Alnager, and afterwards | | Lord Blacquiere). | | | 1777. | Sir Rd. Heron (his | Lord Buckinghamshire. | Excellency's land agent; | | also Searcher, Packer, and | | Gauger of the Port of | | Cork). | | | 1780. | W. Eden (afterwards Lord | Lord Carlisle. | Auckland). | | | 1782. | Colonel Fitzpatrick. | Duke of Portland. | | " | Lord Grenville (also Chief | Lord Temple, Buckingham. | Remembrancer, with £4,000 | | a year). | | | 1783. | Thomas Pelham and William | Lord Northington. | Wyndham. | | | 1784. | Thomas Orde (afterwards | Duke of Rutland. | Lord Bolton). | | | 1787. | Alleyne Fitzherbert | Marquis of Buckingham again. | (afterwards Lord St. | | Helens). | | | 1790. | Major Hobart (afterwards | Lord Westmoreland. | Lord Buckinghamshire). | | | 1795. | Syl. Douglas (Lord | Lord Fitzwilliam. | Glenbervie). | " | G. Damer (afterwards Lord | Lord Camden. | Milton). T. Pelham | | (afterwards Lord | | Chichester). | | | 1798. | Lord Castlereagh. | Lord Cornwallis. | | 1801. | Charles Abbott (afterwards}| | Speaker of English House }| | of Commons, and Lord }| | Colchester); W. Wickham; }| | Sir Evan Napean }| | (Treasurer of Irish }| Lord Hardwick. | Exchequer); Nicholas }| | Vansittart (afterwards }| | Lord Bexley); Charles Long}| | (afterwards Lord }| | Farnborough). }| | | 1801. | W. Elliott. | Duke of Bedford. | | 1807. | Sir A. Wellesley, Robert }| | Dundas (afterwards Lord }| | Melville), Wellesley Pole }| | (also Chancellor of the }| Duke of Richmond. | Irish Exchequer, and }| | afterwards Lord }| | Maryborough). }| | | 1812. | Sir R. Peel. | Lord Whitworth. | | 1818. | Charles Grant (Lord | Lord Talbot. | Glenleg). | | | 1821. | Henry Goulburn. | Marquis Wellesley. | | 1827. | W. Lamb (Lord Melbourne). | Do. Do. | | 1828. | Lord F. Levenson Gower | Marquis of Anglesey and Duke | (Lord Ellesmere). | of Northumberland. | | 1830. | Sir H. Hardinge (afterwards| Marquis of Anglesey again. | Lord Hardinge). | | | " | Edward Stanley (Lord | Do. Do. | Derby). | | | 1833. | Cam Hobhouse, E. J. | Marquis of Wellesley again. | Littleton (Lord Hatherton.)| | | 1834. | Sir H. Hardinge again. | Lord Haddington, and Lord | | Mulgrave, and Lord Fortescue. | | " | G. F. W. Howard (Lord | | Carlisle). | | | 1841. | Lord Elliott (Earl St. | Lord De Grey. | Germains). | | | 1845. | Sir Thos. Freemantle. | Lord Heytesbury. | | 1846. | Lord Lincoln. | Lord Bessborough. | | " | Henry Labouchere. | Do. Do. | | 1847. | Sir William Somerville. | Lord Clarendon. | | 1853. | Lord Naas. | Lord Eglinton. | | 1854. | Sir John Young. | Lord St. Germains. | | 1855. | Edward Horsman, and Hon. | Lord Carlisle. | H. Herbert. | | | 1858. | Lord Naas. | Lord Eglinton again. | | 1860. | Edward Cardwell. | Lord Carlisle again. | | 1862. | Sir R. Peel. | Lord Carlisle. | | 1865. | Do. Do. | Lord Kimberley. | | 1866. | Chichester Fortescue | Do. Do. | (afterwards Lord | | Carlingford). | | | 1867. | Lord Naas (afterwards Lord | Duke of Abercorn. | Mayo). | | | 1868. | Chichester Fortescue again.| Lord Spencer. | | 1871. | Marquis of Hartington. | Do. Do. | | 1873. | Sir M. H. Beach. | Duke of Abercorn again. | | 1879. | James Lowther. | Duke of Marlborough. | | 1880. | W. E. Forster. | Lord Cowper. -------------------------------------------------------------------- N.B.--It is instructive to note how very few of the here-mentioned eighty Chief Secretaries, the persons mainly entrusted with the government of the country for 180 years, belonged to the country, or had any real knowledge of its condition and requirements. If the other kingdoms of the earth were administered on this principle, the "_quam parvâ sapientiâ_" would excite no astonishment. INTRODUCTION. Although this work was published anonymously, there never was any question as to who was its author. It was always known to be the production of Provost Hely Hutchinson, and its first appearance was greeted with two different sorts of reception. It was burned by the Common Hangman so effectually, that Mr. Flood said he would give a thousand pounds for a copy and that the libraries of all the three branches of the legislature could not produce a copy[108]--and at the same time it "earned Mr. Hely Hutchinson's pardon from Irish patriotism for his subserviency to the Court and Lord Townshend."[109] The book was the outcome of the stubborn inability of English rulers to interpret the face of this country; and the first sketch of the publication was the papers which the author contributed to Lord Lieutenant Buckinghamshire in 1779 as to the cause of the existing ruin here and as to its cure. The purport of the Letters was to exhibit, calmly and seriously, and as by a friend to both countries, the grievous oppressions which the greedy spirit of English trade inflicted on the commerce, industries, and manufactures of Ireland during the century and a quarter that extended from the Restoration of Charles II. to the rise of Grattan. The author draws all his statements from the Statute Books and Commons Journals of both kingdoms, while he does not fail to support his own conclusions and comments by State Papers and Statistical Returns that possess an authority equal to that of the Statutes. He lays the whole length and breadth of the position steadily and searchingly before the Viceroy's eyes. He shows him that the then state of Ireland teemed with every circumstance of national poverty, while the country itself abounded in the conditions of national prosperity. Of productiveness there was no lack; but land produce was greatly reduced in value; wool had fallen one half, wheat one third, black cattle in the same proportion, and hides in a much greater. There were no buyers, tenants were not to be found, landlords lost one fourth of their rents, merchants could do no business, and within two years over twenty thousand manufacturers in this city were disemployed, beggared, and supported by alms. All this was after a period of fourscore years of profound internal peace--and the question was, what was the cause of it? This is what the author sets himself to investigate in the Letters, and in regard of sweep of survey, historic retrospect, statistical quotation, and close economic comment, the investigation leaves little to be desired. The Provost is anxious, in the first place, to point out that it was not absentee rents, salaries, profits of offices, and pensions that caused the decline--and this forestalling admonition is no more than what might be expected from a man who was such an insatiable trafficker in places, and salaries, and profits, and pensions. He admits that these things made the decline more rapid, but a "more radical" cause was to be assigned for a malady that arose out of the constitution itself. He maintains that Ireland was flourishing, prosperous, and wealthy under James and Charles I., and that after the Restoration it was one of the most improved and improving spots in Europe. This is a somewhat poetical view, especially when we remember how Strafford ruined the landowners and destroyed the wool trade; but wretched as was the condition of the people under the Stuarts, it may have been less unendurable than the condition under "a succession of five excellent sovereigns." In truth, talking about the perpetually developed prosperity of the Irish people under the several successions of English misrule is the very irony of pharisaism, although the recital is a stereotyped phrase of English officials from the Tudor _employés_ down to those of our own days,[110] none of whom ever fail to find "the strings of the Irish harp all in tune." In some periods the distress may have been more intense than in others, and in all periods there were not wanting instances of individual aggrandisement--but the general wretchedness remained fast fixed. England has been a constant source of woe to Ireland, and suffering is the badge of all our tribe. In any strict assize Hutchinson would be laughed out of Court for essaying to plead the wealth and prosperity of Ireland directly after the devastations of the Carews and Mountjoys, after the Desmond and Ulster confiscations and evictions, and after the Cromwellian atrocities. Hutchinson knew quite well what the condition of the people was all through; but it suited him, rhetorically, to cut out a corner of the picture and to colour that corner very highly. Graziers used to make a good thing of their cattle and of their wool, and economic returns of their exports showed pleasant balance sheets; but graziers were not the Irish people any more than Manchester is England now. In fact, they were chiefly English landowners here, and the extent of their exports is only the measure of the misery which they left unpitied and unrelieved. This, however, was not the philosophy which Hutchinson wanted to preach; and he was far too clear-headed a man to make a mistake as to what he wanted to say. He accordingly lays hold on the figures that set off his argument, and out of fancy premises he draws a solid conclusion which in no sense needed such controvertible data. What was certain was that Ireland possessed the conditions of prosperity, and that it teemed with actual poverty. The question was, what caused this contradiction? The answer was, England caused it; and this is the answer which Hutchinson plainly and nakedly gives. In all the rest of his book--i.e. from Letter III. to the close--he sustains this thesis with a directness that cannot be gainsayed or resisted. Having related the efforts of Strafford--one of the most malignant enemies that Ireland ever encountered--to crush the wool trade here in the time of Charles I., Hutchinson comes to the acts of the English under Charles II. and William III. Charles, so far as he could have a liking for anything outside his pleasures, had a liking for Ireland; and William feeling that he had already done Ireland wrong enough, was disposed at last to be merciful and liberal towards her; but both of the kings were overborne by their English parliaments. In 1663, the English Act "for encouragement of Trade"! contained an insidious clause, imposing a penalty of £2 on each head of Irish cattle, and 10_s._ on each sheep imported into England between July and December. In 1666, the "Act against importing cattle from Ireland and other places beyond seas, and fish taken by foreigners" was passed, and to annoy the king the importation was termed a "nuisance."[111] This Act was made perpetual by the "Act of 1678, prohibiting the importation of cattle from Ireland." This latter Act was not repealed until the 5th of George III., when the permission was granted for seven years; the permission was made perpetual by the 16th of the same reign. Carte[112] relates at length and with an honest sympathy with Ireland, the whole incident of 1663-8. He tells how the Duke of Ormond, who was then Lord Lieutenant here, together with his valiant son, Lord Ossory, strove manfully for this country, and how he prevailed with the king to delay the obnoxious measure. He mentions also Ormond's noble enterprise in establishing at Clonmel the flourishing Walloon woollen manufactory. Carte records likewise how, in 1666, the Dublin people, when scant of money by virtue of English jealousy, sent over a contribution of 30,000 fat oxen to feed the Londoners who had suffered by the great fire, and how ungraciously the generous boon was received by the ill-mannered English victuallers and by their bribed spokesmen in high places.[113] Notwithstanding this benevolence of the Irish people, the English persisted in ruining their cattle trade, and before the end of William's reign they passed a further law to ruin the Irish woollen trade. This was in 1699, and the long depression and degradation which resulted from it prove, says Hutchinson, "this melancholy truth, that a country will sooner recover from the miseries and devastations occasioned by war, invasion, rebellion, and massacre, than from laws restraining the commerce, discouraging the manufactures, fettering the industry, and, above all, breaking the spirit of the people." This melancholy truth the Provost goes on to illustrate and enforce, and he does this by reciting the facts from the beginning, and from year to year continually, as they are recorded in the journals of Parliament. The restriction of the cattle trade in 1666, when the people, in reliance on the continuance of the trade, had greatly increased their live-stocks, compelled the Irish to develop their wool trade. They had been encouraged by their English rulers to devote their energies to this industry, because the "country was so fertile by nature, and so advantageously situated for trade and navigation." Suddenly a Bill was introduced into the English parliament in 1697 and passed in 1699, restraining the exportation of woollen manufactures from Ireland, and beseeching His Majesty "in the most public and effectual way that may be, to declare to all his subjects of Ireland, that the growth and increase of the woollen manufacture hath long, and will ever be, looked upon with jealousy by all his subjects of this [England] kingdom," and further "to enjoin all those he employed in Ireland to make it their care and use their utmost diligence, to hinder the exportation of wool from Ireland except to be imported hither [to England], and for the discouraging the woollen manufacture," &c. To this address King William gave the ever memorable reply: "_I shall do all that in me lies to discourage the woollen trade in Ireland, and to encourage the linen manufacture there;[114] and to promote the trade of England_;" and he wrote to the Lords Justices over here to have a measure to that effect passed in the Irish parliament. The Lords Justices accordingly made "a quickening speech" to both Houses; a Bill for their acceptance was transmitted from the Castle, and the Irish parliament, in which the Williamite influence was dominant, passed the measure that annihilated the industry and prosperity of their country.[115] By this law an additional duty of twenty per cent. was imposed on broadcloth, and of ten per cent. on all new draperies except friezes; and the law which was enacted in January, 1699, was to be in force for three years. This law, prohibitive as it was, did not, however, satisfy England. In the June of the same year the English parliament passed a perpetual law, not overtaxing but expressly prohibiting the exportation from Ireland of all goods made of or mixed with wool, except to England and Wales, and with the licence of the Revenue Commissioners. Previous English Acts had made the duties on the importation into England practically prohibitive, and therefore the last Act operated as a suppression of exportation. The Irish were already prevented from importing dye-stuffs from the colonies, and from exporting their woollen manufactures thither. What England wanted was, not a fair competition with Ireland, but a monopoly; she was resolved to prevent Ireland not merely from underselling her in foreign markets, but from selling there at all. The natural and actual result of this exorbitant greed was that the Irish people were driven to have recourse to the method of "running the wool," i.e. smuggling it away to foreign markets. The severest penalties were enacted by the British legislature and by the Irish House of Commons against this practice, but they were enacted in vain. It was impossible to seal up a country of whose thirty-two counties nineteen are maritime and the rest washed by fine rivers that empty themselves into the sea. The wool running prevailed to an immense extent, and by means of it France, Germany, and Spain were able to undersell England in the foreign markets, and England lost millions of pounds by virtue of the Irish contraband supplies. The market price of Europe mocked the English importation duties, and more than defeated the prohibition. At last, in 1739, after forty years of oppression here and loss to herself, England relaxed the severity of the restrictions, and as her own House of Commons Journal acknowledges, this relaxation was made for the benefit of the English woollen manufactures. For the twenty-three years that succeeded King William's pledge to ruin the best trade in this country, there is an unvaried record of the depression and misery of the Irish people, and during all this period and in the face of all this acknowledgment, there was not even a proposal of any law, saving one about casks for butter and tallow, to encourage our manufactures, or to tolerate our trade, or to let the country revive. There was a native parliament here, and why did they exhibit this wondrous apathy? "Because," says our author, "it was well understood by both Houses of Parliament that they had no power to remove those restraints which prohibited trade and discouraged manufactures, and that any application for that purpose would at that time have only offended the people on one side of the Channel without bringing any relief to those on the other." In 1723, the petition of the woollen weavers and clothiers of Dublin forced from the Lord Lieutenant in his speech from the throne a recommendation to find out some employment for the poor, but neither petition nor speech produced any effect. From 1723 to 1729 the distress continued; in the latter year it was aggravated by a famine. The scarcity was caused not by any blight of the land produce, but by the despair of the farmers; for when exportation is prohibited, and the manufacturing class at home is without employment and without money to buy, farmers will abandon tillage and dearth must ensue. In a few years more there was another scarcity of food, and then the Lord Lieutenant congratulated the country on the success of the linen trade, and recommended the encouragement of tillage. Nothing, however, was done to alter the conditions on which the improvement of the tillage depended, "because the Commons said that the evil was out of their reach and that the poor were not employed because they were discouraged by restrictive laws from working up the materials of the country." Thus matters went on from bad to worse until after the peace of 1745, when there came an influx of money, by which the debt that had been contracted for England's Jacobite war of 1715 was paid off in 1754, and the result of this discharge was increased burdens on the country without any accompanying relief to commerce and industries. The Treasury balance led, in 1753, to a dispute as to the right of disposing of it between the King and the Commons; and this dispute was the first beginning of parliamentary life in Ireland.[116] To get rid of the redundancy and to leave the less for English pensions and Government salaries, works of local improvement were undertaken, and these undertakings, so far as they were carried out, helped to give employment and to stimulate agriculture. This, however, was but a partial and insufficient remedy for the universal distress, and small as it was, it was obtained against the will of the English Government. No real relief was conferred on the country, and within a couple of years more the revenue fell off, and £20,000 was voted for the relief of the poor. In 1757[117] it was thought an amazing feat when Pery carried his Land Carriage and Coal Acts; and then, in 1761, came the augmentation of the army.[118] On the breaking out of the Spanish war, there was a fresh vote of credit, and still no relief to manufacturers or to agriculturists. This distress, caused by English-made laws, Hutchinson points out, produced the White Boys, and for the cure of this distress an increased attention to the Charter Schools was recommended. By 1771 the National Debt had largely increased, while income had diminished, and in a couple of years more the linen trade was rapidly declining, while pensions and charges on the establishment were greatly increased. The Provost dwells on the illustrative fact, that, whether the Debt was increased or diminished, and however much the pensions and salaries were multiplied, the distress and wretchedness of the body of the people continued the same. The linen manufacture for a while prospered, and afforded a limited relief in a few places; but tillage was declining, and destitution was all round. The distress was noticed in the House, but nothing effectual was attempted, and Hutchinson cannot refrain from exclaiming: "Can the history of any other fruitful country on the globe, enjoying peace for fourscore years, and not visited by plague or pestilence, produce so many recorded instances of the poverty and wretchedness, and of the reiterated want and misery of the lower orders of the people? There is no such example in ancient or modern story. If the ineffectual endeavours by the representatives of those poor people to give them employment and food, had not left sufficient memorials of their wretchedness; if their habitations, apparel, and food, were not sufficient proofs, I should appeal to the human countenance for my voucher, and rest the evidence on that hopeless despondency that hangs on the brow of unemployed industry." All these restrictions were enacted by England, not from any actual loss that she had sustained by Irish competition, but from an apprehension of loss. Hutchinson shows how groundless the apprehension was, and he protests against the iniquity of sacrificing the happiness of a great and ancient kingdom, and the welfare of millions of its people, to guard against an imagined decrease in the value of English land. If wool-spinning was cheaper in Ireland than in England, that was because the Irish operatives had to live on food--"potatoes and milk, or more frequently water"[119]--with which the English would not be content; but wages and the cost of producing would increase with the opening of trade, and with the increase of manufactures. England's greedy monopoly was sinking the Irish people, while fair trade would really lessen the cheap labour competition which the English masters professed to dread. An open wool trade in Ireland would, moreover, be mainly carried on by English capitalists and by English shipping, just as in ancient Egypt, China, and Hindostan, the export trade used to be conducted by foreigners; and just as in the victualling trade of Ireland, the natives were but factors to the English. On every side, therefore, the English themselves suffered as much by the restrictions as the Irish, and they would be, if they could but see it, proportionate gainers by the removal of the restrictions. Hutchinson goes on to show that England gets one-third of the wealth of Ireland, and that she would get more than the half of the benefit of the wool trade; but that even so the country would be the better for the small share of the gains that would be allowed to remain with her. Agriculture would be encouraged, and manufactures would be promoted; and there would be a circulation of money amongst the people. Taxes were proportionately heavier in Ireland than in England, when the annual earnings, expenditure, rentals, circulating specie, and personal property of the two countries were compared. The English were mistaken in some of the calculations on which they grounded the commercial restrictions, and they would be commercial gainers by the removal of the restrictions; but it was not for the benefit of England, and it was for the benefit of Ireland, that the Provost demanded free and open commerce for the produce and manufactures of this country. This was what he claimed and argued for, and this was what he very largely helped to obtain for Ireland; and this was the service that won him back a great deal of the popularity which he had forfeited by his hired subserviency to the English party. There is a good deal of repetition in the Provost's book as we have it, but this is accounted for by the fact that the book was originally published in the form of letters.[120] The repetitions, moreover, are not altogether artistic blemishes, for they are made to intensify, and, as it were, to multiply, the identical facts by presenting them in fresh connections. This is notably the case in regard of the Provost's doublings back on the wool trade, and on the linen trade, and on England's dealings with Ireland in regard of both these trades. After the destruction of the cattle trade these were the two sources of industry left to this country, and therefore the record of the treatment and evolution of these trades is in fact the history of the commercial relations between England and this country. The Provost accordingly takes the wool and the linen trade as the fixed pillars of his discourse, and he interpolates the spaces between them with coincident statistics that illustrate his thesis. It is thus that in page 83 he comes back to the wool trade to show the falsehood of the English trade returns, which asserted that the trade "was set up here since the reduction of Ireland" by Cromwell. The trade had been a flourishing one in this country from the time of Edward III. Then in the Sixth Letter the Provost takes up the linen trade again, for the purpose of showing more emphatically, in the first place, that it was forced on Ireland as an equivalent for the loss of the wool trade; in the second place, that it was not at all an equivalent--and in the third place, that England before long broke her stipulations with this country, and so _discouraged_ the hemp and linen manufacture of Ireland, that the Irish had to abandon the flax culture altogether. In 1705, leave was given to Ireland to export some sorts of linen to the colonies, but leave was not given to bring back dye stuffs or other colonial produce. In 1743, bounties were offered on exports of Irish linen, provided they were shipped from English ports; but there was already a duty of thirty per cent. on _foreign_ linen imported into England; and thus Ireland was, of course, deprived of the colonial and other markets. Not till 1777 were the American markets opened to Ireland, and by that time the emigration of the Ulster linen-workers had become so enormous, that America was, in fact, a rival in the trade. What words can more offensively and more bitterly express the oppression of the country than this leave to trade with other countries? It took Grattan and Hussey Burgh "with their coats off," and it took the Volunteers with their motto "Free Trade, or ----," to sweep away this badge of slavery. All the time England was multiplying pensions and salaries here; she was levying taxes and draining rents; and, as Hutchinson clearly puts it, Ireland "was paying to Great Britain double the sum that she collects from the whole world in all the trade which Great Britain allows her. It would be difficult to find a similar instance in the history of mankind." Again and again the Provost comes back to point out the open tyranny and the underhand unfairness of England's commercial legislation for this country, and in the Seventh Letter he repeats that this legislation was a departure from the policy which was guaranteed by Magna Charta, and which had prevailed from the time of Edward III. When a supposed compensation was afterwards offered, it was no more than what Ireland had had before, and the liberty granted by Queen Anne was merely allowing us to do in regard of one manufacture what had previously been a right in every instance. "At this earlier period, then," says Hutchinson, "the English commercial system and the Irish, so far as it depended upon the English statute law, was the same; and before this period, so far as it depended upon the common law and Magna Charta, it was also the same." "This was the voice of nature," he adds, "and the dictate of sound and generous policy; it proclaimed to the nations that they should not give to strangers the bread of their own children; that the produce of the soil should support the inhabitants of the country; that their industry should be exercised on their own materials, and that the poor should be employed, clothed, and fed. "This policy was liberal, just, and equal; it opened the resources and cultivated the strength of every part of the empire." From this liberal and profitable policy, however, England departed towards the close of the seventeenth century, and manifold were the wrongs which the departure inflicted on this country. The Provost details these wrongs with the indignation of a patriot; he rails at the oppression which, by depriving the people of liberty, robbed them of half their vigour; but still as a courtier and as a Government man, he was able to "_revere that conquest which has given to Ireland the Common Law and the Magna Charta of England_." Why he revered the Conquest, when the Common Law and Magna Charta failed to protect the welfare of Ireland, the Provost does not state. Two things stand out clearly throughout the treatise--one is that Ireland, both as a producer and as a consumer, has been immensely profitable to England; and the other is that England has been the source of vast evil and suffering to Ireland. The purport of "The Commercial Restraints" is to set forth these two great truths, and the record may be read now without prejudice on one side of the Channel, and without panic or passion on the other. The teaching of the book ought to be palpable enough for the men of the present day. It ought to convince Englishmen that it is time for them to distrust their "resources of civilisation," and to let this country prosper; and it ought to remind Irishmen that they are the best judges of what they want, and that their road to prosperity is independence of English conceit, together with a sturdy development of their own native resources. In and since Provost Hutchinson's time Ireland has won vast conquests from her oppressor, and she has won them all by the same weapon--firm and constitutional discontent. She has much to win still, and she will surely win it by the same method, while outside that method she is powerless. Free Trade and Parliamentary Independence were won without shedding a drop of blood, and the conditions of the fight for what is required now are far more propitious and hopeful than they were a century ago. Then, Ireland had to contend with an obstinate king, a wrong-headed minister, and a greedy nation; now, all these things are changed. The men of '82, no doubt, had at their back the Irish Volunteers that England feared, and there are no Irish Volunteers now; their place, however, is supplied by a more coercive force, and that force is the spirit of justice which is spreading through the Liberals of England, and is fed by the Liberals of Ireland. But even supposing that all these demands touching land, education, and autonomy, were granted, there still remains another object for Irishmen to work out, namely, the recreation of their home industries and manufactures. The land, after all, is not everything--all the people cannot live by it and out of it--and, as Hutchinson observes, no one industry is sufficient to maintain a numerous population in prosperity and comfort. In past times, as a couple of months ago the Lord Lieutenant at Belfast, and Mr. Fawcett at Shoreditch, were saying,[121] all these industries in the country were prohibited by unjust and iniquitous legislation, and by a mass of vexatious restrictions; but there are no prohibitions now, and the country abounds with the conditions and materials of prosperity. Bishop Berkeley wrote, when the prohibiting laws had been seventy years in operation, and when the force that swept them away had not yet begun to breathe in the country. He regarded the laws with despair, and piteously bemoaned the destitution and degradation in which the people were fixed. His earnest exhortation to them was to compensate themselves for the loss of the foreign trade by developing home industries and manufactures; and he asked[122] whether the natives might not be able to effect their own prosperity and elevation, even though "there was a wall of brass a thousand cubits high round this kingdom?" Lord Clare, in his Union speech, declared that Ireland made more progress in her eighteen years of freedom than ever nation made in the same period; and it will be now for the working-men of this generation to show that, in enterprise and trades-craft they are not degenerate from their half-taught forefathers who won Fitzgibbon's testimony. There is every ground for confident anticipation, that this year's National Exhibition will profoundly and widely strengthen the effort for the revival of our Native Industries, and it is with the desire to contribute somewhat to the all-important and patriotic impulse that "The Commercial Restraints of Ireland" is now reproduced by the publishers. THE COMMERCIAL RESTRAINTS OF IRELAND CONSIDERED. First Letter. _Dublin, 20th Aug., 1779._ MY LORD, You desire my thoughts on the affairs of Ireland, a subject little considered, and consequently not understood in England. The Lords and Commons of Great Britain have addressed his Majesty to take the distressed and impoverished state of this country into consideration; have called for information and resolved to pursue effectual methods for promoting the common strength, wealth, and commerce of both kingdoms, and his Majesty has been pleased to express in his speech from the throne his entire approbation of their attention to the present state of Ireland. The occasion calls for the assistance of every friend of the British Empire, and those who can give material information are bound to communicate it. The attempt, however, is full of difficulty; it will require more than ordinary caution to write with such moderation as not to offend the prejudices of one country and with such freedom as not to wound the feelings of the other. The present state of Ireland teems with every circumstance of national poverty. Whatever the land produces is greatly reduced in its value: wool is fallen one-half in its usual price, wheat one-third, black cattle of all kinds in the same proportion, and hides in a much greater. Buyers are not had without difficulty at those low rates, and from the principal fairs men commonly return with the commodities they brought there; rents are everywhere reduced--in many places it is impossible to collect them;--the farmers are all distressed, and many of them have failed; when leases expire tenants are not easily found; the landlord is often obliged to take his lands into his own hands for want of bidders at reasonable rents, and finds his estate fallen one-fourth in its value. The merchant justly complains that all business is at a stand, that he cannot discount his bills, and that neither money nor paper circulates. In this and the last year above twenty thousand manufacturers in this metropolis were reduced to beggary for want of employment, they were for a considerable length of time supported by alms, a part of the contribution came from England and this assistance was much wanting from the general distress of all ranks of people in this country. Public and private credit are annihilated, Parliament, that always raises money in Ireland on easy terms, when there is any to be borrowed in the country, in 1778, gave £7-1/2 per cent. in annuities, which, in 1773 and 1775, were earnestly sought after at £6, then thought to be a very high rate. The expenses of a country nearly bankrupt must be inconsiderable; almost every branch of the revenue has fallen, and the receipts in the Treasury for the two years ending Lady-day, 1779, were less than those for the two years ending Lady-day, 1777, deducting the sums received on account of loans in each period, in a sum of £334,900 18_s._ 9-1/2_d._ There was due on the 25th of March last, on the establishments, and for extraordinary expenses, an arrear amounting to £373,706 13_s._ 6-1/2_d._; a sum of £600,000 will probably be now wanting to supply the deficiencies on the establishments and extraordinary charges of government, and an annual sum of between £50,000 and £60,000 yearly to pay interest and annuities. In the last session £466,000 was borrowed. If the sum wanting could now be raised, the debt would be increased in a sum of above £1,000,000 in less than three years; and if the expenses and the revenues should continue the same as in the last two years, there is a probability of an annual deficiency of £300,000. The nation in the last two years has not been able to pay for its own defence: a militia law passed in the last session could not be carried into execution for want of money. Instead of paying forces abroad,[123] Ireland has not been able in this year to pay the forces kept in the kingdom: it has again relapsed into its ancient state of imbecility, and Great Britain has been lately obliged to send over money to pay the army[124] which defends this impoverished country. Our distress and poverty are of the utmost notoriety; the proof does not depend solely upon calculation or estimate, it is palpable in every public and private transaction, and is deeply felt among all orders of our people. This kingdom has been long declining. The annual deficiency of its revenues for the payment of the public expenses has been for many years supplied by borrowing. The American rebellion, which considerably diminished the demand for our linens; an embargo on provisions continued for three years,[125] and highly injurious to our victualling trade; the increasing drain of remittances to England for rents, salaries, profits of offices, pensions and interest, and for the payment of forces abroad, have made the decline more rapid, but have not occasioned it. If we are determined to investigate the truth we must assign a more radical cause; when the human or political body is unsound or infirm it is in vain to inquire what accidental circumstances appear to have occasioned those maladies which arise from the constitution itself. If in a period of fourscore years of profound internal peace any country shall appear to have often experienced the extremes of poverty and distress; if at the times of her greatest supposed affluence and prosperity the slightest causes have been sufficient to obstruct her progress, to annihilate her credit, and to spread dejection and dismay among all ranks of her people; and if such a country is blessed with a temperate climate and fruitful soil, abounds with excellent harbours and great rivers, with the necessaries of life and materials of manufacture, and is inhabited by a race of men, brave, active, and intelligent, some permanent cause of such disastrous effects must be sought for. If your vessel is frequently in danger of foundering in the midst of a calm, if by the smallest addition of sail she is near oversetting, let the gale be ever so steady, you would neither reproach the crew nor accuse the pilot or the master; you would look to the construction of the vessel and see how she had been originally framed and whether any new works had been added to her that retard or endanger her course. But for such an examination more time and attention are necessary than have been usually bestowed upon this subject in Great Britain, and as I have now the honour to address a person of rank and station in that kingdom on the affairs of Ireland I should be brief in my first audience, or I may happen never to obtain the favour of a second. I have the honour to be, my Lord, &c. Second Letter. _Dublin, 23rd August, 1779._ MY LORD, If there is any such permanent cause from which the frequent distresses of so considerable a part of the British Empire have arisen, it is of the utmost consequence that it should be fully explained and generally understood. Let us endeavour to trace it by its effects; these will manifestly appear by an attentive review of the state of Ireland at different periods. From the time that King James the First had established a regular administration of justice in every part of the kingdom, until the rebellion of 1641, which takes in a period of between thirty and forty years, the growth of Ireland was considerable.[126] In the Act recognising the title of King James, the Lords and Commons acknowledge, "that many blessings and benefits had, within these few years past, been poured upon this realm;"[127] and at the end of the Parliament, in 1615, the Commons return thanks for the extraordinary pains taken for the good of this republic, whereby they say: "We all of us sit under our own vines, and the whole realm reapeth the happy fruits of peace."[128] In his reign the little that could be given by the people was given with general consent,[129] and received with extraordinary marks of royal favour. He desires the Lord Deputy to return them thanks for their subsidy, and for their granting it with universal consent,[130] and to assure them that he holds his subjects of that kingdom in equal favour with those of his other kingdoms, and that he will be as careful to provide for their prosperous and flourishing state as for his own person. Davis, who had served him in great stations in this kingdom, and had visited every province of it, mentions the prosperous state of the country, and that the revenue of the Crown, both certain and casual, had been raised to a double proportion. He takes notice how this was effected "by the encouragement given to the maritime towns and cities, as well to increase the trade of merchandize as to cherish mechanical arts;" and mentions the consequence, "that the strings of this Irish harp were all in tune."[131] In the succeeding reign, Ireland, for fourteen or fifteen years, appears to have greatly advanced in prosperity. The Commons granted in the session of 1634 six entire subsidies, which they agreed should amount in the collection to £250,000,[132] and the free gifts previously given to King Charles the First at different times amounted to £310,000.[133] In the session of 1639 they gave four entire subsidies, and the clergy eight; the customs, which had been farmed at £500 yearly in the beginning of this reign, were in the progress of it set for £54,000.[134] The commodities exported were twice as much in value as the foreign merchandize imported, and shipping is said to have increased an hundred-fold.[135] Their Parliament was encouraged to frame laws conducive to the happiness of themselves and their posterities, for the enacting and "consummating" whereof the king passes his royal word, and assures his subjects of Ireland that they were equally of as much respect and dearness to him as any others.[136] In the Speaker's speech in 1639, when he was offered for approbation to the Lord Deputy, he mentions the free and happy condition of the people of Ireland, sets forth the particulars, and in enumerating the national blessings, mentions as one "that our in-gates and out-gates do stand open for trade and traffic;"[137] and as the Lord Chancellor declared his Excellency's "high liking of this oration," it may be considered as a fair account of the condition of Ireland at that time. When the Commons had afterwards caught the infection of the times, and were little disposed to pay compliments, they acknowledge that this kingdom, when the Earl of Strafford obtained the government, "was in a flourishing, wealthy, and happy estate."[138] After the Restoration, from the time that the acts of settlement and explanation had been fully carried into execution to the year 1688, Ireland made great advances, and continued for several years in a most prosperous condition.[139] Lands were everywhere improved; rents were doubled; the kingdom abounded with money; trade flourished to the envy of our neighbours; cities increased exceedingly; many places of the kingdom equalled the improvements of England; the king's revenue increased proportionably to the advance of the kingdom, which was every day growing, and was _well established in plenty and wealth_;[140] manufactures were set on foot in divers parts; the meanest inhabitants were at once enriched and civilized; and this kingdom is then represented to be the most improved and improving spot of ground in Europe. I repeat the words of persons of high rank, great character, and superior knowledge, who could not be deceived themselves, and were incapable of deceiving others. In the former of these periods Parliaments were seldom convened in Ireland; in the latter, they were suspended for the space of twenty-six years; during that time the English ministers frequently showed dispositions unfavourable to the prosperity of this kingdom; and in the interval between those two periods it had been laid waste, and almost depopulated by civil rage and religious fury. And yet, after being blessed with an internal peace of ninety years, and with a succession of five excellent sovereigns, who were most justly the objects of our affection and gratitude, and to whom the people of this country were deservedly dear; after so long and happy an intercourse of protection, grace, and favour from the Crown, and of duty and loyalty from the subjects, it would be difficult to find any subsequent period where so flattering a view has been given of the industry and prosperity of Ireland. The cause of this prosperity should be mentioned. James, the first Duke of Ormond, whose memory should be ever revered by every friend of Ireland, to heal the wound that this country had received by the prohibition of the export of her cattle to England, obtained from Charles the Second a letter[141] dated the 23rd of March, 1667, by which he directed that all restraints upon the exportation of commodities of the growth or manufacture of Ireland to foreign parts should be taken off, but not to interfere with the plantation laws, or the charters to the trading companies, and that this should be notified to his subjects of this kingdom, which was accordingly done by a proclamation from the Lord Lieutenant and Council; and at the same time, by his Majesty's permission, they prohibited the importation from Scotland of linen, woollen, and other manufactures and commodities, as drawing large sums of money out of Ireland, and a great hindrance to its manufactures. His Grace successfully executed his schemes of national improvement, having by his own constant attention, the exertion of his extensive influence, and the most princely munificence, greatly advanced the woollen and revived[142] the linen manufactures, which England then encouraged in this kingdom as a compensation for the loss of that trade of which she had deprived it, and this encouragement from that time to the Revolution had greatly increased the wealth and promoted the improvement of Ireland. The tyranny and persecuting policy of James the Second,[143] after his arrival in Ireland, ruined its trade and revenue; the many great oppressions which the people suffered during the revolution had occasioned almost the _utter desolation_ of the country.[144] But the nation must have been restored in the reign of William to a considerable degree of strength and vigour; their exertions in raising supplies to a great amount, from the year 1692 to the year 1698, are some proof of it. They taxed their goods, their lands, their persons, in support of a prince whom they justly called their deliverer and defender, and of a government on which their own preservation depended. Those sums were granted,[145] not only without murmur, but with the utmost cheerfulness, and without any complaint of the inability, or representation of the distressed state of the country. The money brought in for the army at the revolution gave life to all business, and much sooner than could have been expected retrieved the affairs of Ireland. This money furnished capitals for carrying on the manufactures of the kingdom. Our exports increased in '96, '97, and '98, and our imports did not rise in proportion, which occasioned a great balance in our favour; and this increase was owing principally to the woollen manufacture. In the last of those years the balance in favour of Ireland in the account of exports and imports was £419,442.[146] But in the latter end of this reign the political horizon was overcast, the national growth was checked, and the national vigour and industry impaired by the law made in England restraining, in fact prohibiting, the exportation of all woollen manufactures from Ireland. From the time of this prohibition no parliament was held in Ireland until the year 1703. Five years were suffered to pass before any opportunity was given to apply a remedy to the many evils which such a prohibition must necessarily have occasioned. The linen trade was then not thoroughly established in Ireland; the woollen manufacture was the staple trade, and wool the principal material of that kingdom. The consequences of this prohibition appear in the session of 1703.[147] The Commons[148] lay before Queen Anne a most affecting representation, containing, to use their own words, "a true state of our deplorable condition," protesting that no groundless discontent was the motive for that application, but a deep sense of the evil state of their country, and of the farther mischiefs they have reason to fear will fall upon it if not timely prevented. They set forth the vast decay and loss of its trade, its being almost exhausted of coin, that they are hindered from earning their livelihoods and from maintaining their own manufactures, that their poor have thereby become very numerous; that great numbers of Protestant families have been constrained to remove out of the kingdom, as well into Scotland as into the dominions of foreign princes and states, and that their foreign trade and its returns are under such restrictions and discouragements as to be then become in a manner impracticable, although that kingdom had by its blood and treasure contributed to secure the plantation trade to the people of England. In a further address to the Queen,[149] laid before the Duke of Ormond, then Lord Lieutenant, by the House, with its Speaker, they mention the distressed condition of that kingdom, and more especially of the industrious Protestants, by the almost total loss of trade and decay of their manufactures, and, to preserve the country from utter ruin, apply for liberty to export their linen manufactures to the plantations. In a subsequent part of this session[150] the Commons resolve that, by reason of the great decay of trade and discouragement of the manufactures of this kingdom, many poor tradesmen were reduced to extreme want and beggary. This resolution was _nem. con._, and the Speaker, Mr. Broderick, then his Majesty's Solicitor-General, and afterwards Lord Chancellor, in his speech at the end of the session[151] informs the Lord Lieutenant, that the representation of the Commons was, as to the matters contained in it, the unanimous voice and consent of a very full house, and that the soft and gentle terms used by the Commons in laying the distressed condition of the kingdom before his Majesty, showed that their complaints proceeded not from querulousness, but from a necessity of seeking redress, He adds: "It is to be hoped they may be allowed such a proportion of trade that they may recover from the great poverty they now lie under;" and in presenting the bill of supply says, the Commons have granted it "in time of extreme poverty." The impoverished state of Ireland, at that time, appears in the speech from the throne at the conclusion of the session, in which it is mentioned that the Commons could not then provide for what was owing to the civil and military lists.[152] The supply given for two years, commencing at Michaelmas, 1703,[153] was a sum not exceeding £150,000, which, considering that no Parliament was held in Ireland since the year 1698, is at the rate of £30,000 yearly, commencing in 1699, and ending in the year 1705. The great distress of Ireland, from the year 1699 to the year 1703, and the cause of that distress, cannot be doubted. Let it now be considered, whether the same cause has operated since the year 1703. In the year 1704[154] it appears, that the Commons were not able, from the circumstances of the nation at that time, to make provision for repairing the necessary fortifications; or for arms and ammunition for the public safety: and the difficulties which the kingdom then laboured under, and the decay of trade appear by the addresses of the Commons[155] to the Queen, and to the Duke of Ormond, then Lord Lieutenant, who was well acquainted with the state of this country; by the Queen's answer,[156] and the address of thanks for it. In the year 1707,[157] the revenue was deficient for payment of the army and defraying the charges of government, and the Commons promise to supply the deficiency "as far as the present circumstances of the nation will allow." In 1709, it appears,[158] by the unanimous address of the Commons to the Lord Lieutenant, that the kingdom was in an impoverished and exhausted state: in 1711,[159] they express their approbation of the frugality of the Queen's administration, by which their expenses were lessened, and by that means the kingdom preserved from taxes, which might have proved too weighty and burdensome. In their address to the Lord Lieutenant at, the close of the session, they request that he should represent to her Majesty, that they had given all the supplies which her Majesty desired, and which they, in their present condition, were able to grant:[160] and yet those supplies amounted, for two years, to a sum not exceeding £167,023 8_s._ 5_d._;[161] though powder magazines, the council chamber, the treasury office, and other offices were then to be built. From the Short Parliament of 1713, nothing can be collected, but that the House was inflamed and divided by party dissensions, and that the fear of danger to the succession of the present illustrious family, excluded every other consideration from the minds of the majority. This last period, from the year 1699 to the death of Queen Anne, is marked with the strongest circumstances of national distress and despondency. The representatives of the people, who were the best judges, and several of whom were members of the House of Commons before and after these restraints, have assigned the reason. No other can be assigned. That the woollen manufactures were the great source of industry in Ireland, appears from the Irish statute of the 17th and 18th of Charles II., ch. 15;[162] from the resolutions of the Commons, in 1695,[163] for regulating those manufactures, the resolutions of the Committee of Supply in that session;[164] and from the preamble to the English statute of the 10th and 11th of William III., ch. 10; in which it is recited, that great quantities of those manufactures were made, and were daily increasing in Ireland, and were exported from thence to foreign markets. Of the exportation of all those manufactures the Irish were at once totally deprived: the linen manufacture, proposed as a substitute, must have required the attention of many years before it could be thoroughly established. What must have been the consequences to Ireland in the meantime the journals of the Commons in Queen Anne's reign have informed us. Compare this period with the three former, and you will prove this melancholy truth: that a country will sooner recover from the miseries and devastation occasioned by war, invasion, rebellion, massacre, than from laws restraining the commerce, discouraging the manufactures, fettering the industry, and above all breaking the spirits of the people. It would be injustice not to acknowledge that Great Britain has, for a long series of years, made great exertions to repair the evils arising from these restraints. She has opened her great markets to part of the linen manufacture of Ireland; she has encouraged it by granting, for a great length of time, large sums of her own money[165] on the exportation of it; and under her protection, and by the persevering industry of our people, this manufacture has attained to a great degree of perfection and prosperity, in some parts of this country. If the kind and constant attention of that great kingdom with which we are connected, to this important object; or if the lenient course of time had at length healed those wounds, which commercial jealousy had given to the trade and industry of this country, it would not be a friendly hand to either kingdom that would attempt to open them: but, if upon every accident they bleed anew, they should be carefully examined, and searched to the bottom. If the cause of the poverty and distress of Ireland in the reign of Queen Anne has since continued to operate, though not always in so great a degree, yet sufficient frequently to reduce to misery, and constantly to check the growth and impair the strength of that kingdom, and to weaken the force and to reduce the resources of Great Britain; that man ought to be considered as a friend to the British Empire who endeavours to establish this important truth, and to explain a subject so little understood. If in this attempt there shall appear no intention to raise jealousies, inflame discontents, or agitate constitutional questions, it is hoped that those letters may be read without prejudice on one side of the water, and without passion or resentment on the other. I have the honour to be, my Lord, &c. Third Letter. _Dublin, 25th August, 1779._ MY LORD, To an inquirer after truth, history, since the year 1699 furnishes very imperfect and often partial views of the affairs of Great Britain and Ireland. The latter has no professed historian of its own since that era, and is so slightly mentioned in the histories of the former kingdom, that it seems to be introduced rather to show the accuracy of the accomptant, than as an article to be read and examined; pamphlets are often written to serve occasional purposes, and with an intention to misrepresent; and party writers are not worthy of any regard. We must then endeavour to find some other guide, and look into the best materials for history, by considering the facts as recorded in the journals of Parliament; these have evinced the poverty of Ireland for the first fourteen years of this century. That this poverty continued in the year 1716, appears by the unanimous address of the House of Commons to George the First.[166] This address was to congratulate his Majesty on his success in extinguishing the rebellion, an occasion most joyful to them, and on which no disagreeable circumstance would have been stated, had not truth and the necessities of their country extorted it from them. A small debt of £16,106 11_s._ 0-1/2_d._,[167] due at Michaelmas, 1715, was, by their exertions to strengthen the hands of Government in that year, increased at midsummer, 1717, to a sum of £91,537 17_s._ 1-5/8_d._,[168] which was considered as such an augmentation of the national debt, that the Lord Lieutenant, the Duke of Bolton, thought it necessary to take notice in his speech from the throne, that the debt was considerably augmented, and to declare at the same time that his Majesty had ordered reductions in the military, and had thought proper to lessen the civil list. There cannot be a stronger proof of the want of resources in any country, than that a debt of so small an amount should alarm the persons entrusted with the government of it. That those apprehensions were well founded, will appear from the repeated distresses of Ireland, from time to time, for many years afterwards. In 1721, the speech from the throne,[169] and the addresses to the king and to the Lord Lieutenant, state, in the strongest terms, the great decay of her trade, and the very low and impoverished state to which she was reduced. That this proceeded, in some measure, from calamities and misfortunes which affected the neighbouring kingdoms, is true: but their effects on Ireland, little interested in the South Sea project, could not be considerable. The poverty under which she laboured arose principally from her own situation. The Lord Lieutenant says there is ground to hope that in this session such remedies may be applied as will restore the nation to a flourishing condition; and the Commons return the king thanks for giving them that opportunity to consider of the best methods for reviving their decayed trade and making them a flourishing and happy people. But it is a melancholy proof of the desponding state of this kingdom, that no law whatever was then proposed for encouraging trade or manufactures, or to follow the words of the address, for reviving trade, or making us a flourishing people, unless that for amending the laws as to butter and tallow casks deserves to be so called. And why? Because it was well understood by both Houses of Parliament that they had no power to remove those restraints which prohibited trade and discouraged manufactures, and that any application for that purpose would at that time have only offended the people on one side of the channel without bringing any relief to those on the other. The remedy proposed by Government, and partly executed, by directing a commission under the Great Seal for receiving voluntary subscriptions[170] in order to establish a bank, was a scheme to circulate paper without money; and considering that it came so soon after the South Sea Bubble had burst, it is more surprising that it should have been at first applauded,[171] than that it was, in the same session, disliked, censured, and abandoned.[172] The total inefficacy of the remedy proved however the inveteracy of the disease, and furnishes a farther proof of the desperate situation of Ireland, when nothing could be thought of for its relief, but that paper should circulate without money, trade, or manufactures.[173] In the following session of 1723, it appears that the condition of our manufacturers, and of the lowest classes of our people, must have been distressed, as the Duke of Grafton, in his speech from the throne, particularly recommends to their consideration the finding out of some method for the better employing of the poor;[174] and though the debt of the nation was no more than £66,318 8_s._ 3-1/4_d._,[175] and was less than in the _last_ session,[176] yet the Commons thought it necessary to present an address to the king, to give such directions as he, in his great goodness, should think proper, to prevent the increase of the debt of the nation. This address was presented[177] by the House, with its Speaker, and passed _nem. con._, and was occasioned by the distressed state of the country, and by their apprehensions that it might be further exhausted by the project of Wood's halfpence: it could not be meant as any want of respect to their Lord Lieutenant, as they had not long since returned him thanks for his wise conduct and frugality in not increasing the debt of the nation.[178] This address of the Commons, and the Lord Lieutenant's recommendation for the better employing the poor, seems to be explained by a petition of the woollen drapers, weavers, and clothiers of the city of Dublin (the principal seat of the woollen manufacture of Ireland) in behalf of themselves and the other drapers, weavers, and clothiers of this kingdom, praying relief in relation to the great decay of trade in the woollen manufacture.[179] But this address had no effect; the debt of the nation in the ensuing session of 1725, was nearly doubled.[180] In the speeches from the throne, in 1727, Lord Carteret takes notice of our success in the linen trade, and yet observes, in 1729, that the revenue had fallen short, and that thereby a considerable arrear was due to the establishment. But notwithstanding the success of the linen manufacture,[181] Ireland was in a most miserable condition. The great scarcity of corn had been so universal in this kingdom in the years 1728 and 1729, as to expose thousands of families to the utmost necessities, and even to the danger of famine; many artificers and housekeepers having been obliged to beg for bread in the streets of Dublin. It appeared before the House of Commons that the import of corn for one year and six months, ending the 29th day of September, 1729, amounted in value to the sum of £274,000, an amazing sum compared with the circumstances of the kingdom at that time! and the Commons resolved that public granaries would greatly contribute to the increasing of tillage, and providing against such wants as have frequently befallen the people of this kingdom, and hereafter may befall them, unless proper precautions shall be taken against so great a calamity. The great scarcity which happened in the years '28 and '29, and frequently before and since, is a decisive proof that the distresses of this kingdom have been occasioned by the discouragement of manufactures. If the manufacturers have not sufficient employment, they cannot buy the superfluous produce of the land; the farmers will be discouraged from tilling, and general distress and poverty must ensue. The consequences of the want of employment among manufacturers and labourers must be more fatal in Ireland than in most other countries; of the numbers of her people it has been computed that 1,887,220 live in houses with but one hearth, and may therefore be reasonably presumed to belong for the most part to those classes. In the year 1731[182] there was a great deficiency in the public revenue, and the national debt had considerably increased. The exhausted kingdom lay under great difficulties by the decay of trade, the scarcity of money, and the universal poverty of the country, which the Speaker represents[183] in very affecting terms, in offering the money bills for the royal assent, and adds, "that the Commons hope, from his Majesty's goodness, and his Grace's _free_ and _impartial_ representation of the state and condition of this kingdom, that _they_ may enjoy a _share_ of the blessings of public tranquillity by the increase of their trade, and the encouragement of their manufactures." But in the next session, of 1733, they are told in the speech from the throne, what this share was to be. The Lord Lieutenant informs them that the peace cannot fail of contributing to their welfare, by enabling them to improve those branches of trade and manufactures[184] which _are properly their own_, meaning the trade and manufacture of linen. Whether this idea of property has been preserved inviolate will hereafter appear. The years '40 and '41 were seasons of great scarcity, and in consequence of the want of wholesome provisions great numbers of our people perished miserably, and the speech from the throne recommends it to both Houses to consider of proper measures to prevent the like calamity for the future. The employment of the poor and the encouragement of tillage are the remedies proposed[185] by the Lord Lieutenant and approved of by the Commons, but no laws for those purposes were introduced, and why they were not affords matter for melancholy conjecture. They could not have been insensible of the miseries of their fellow-creatures, many thousands of whom were lost in those years, some from absolute want, and many from disorders occasioned by bad provisions. Why was no attempt made for their relief? Because the Commons knew that the evil was out of their reach, that the poor were not employed because they were discouraged by restrictive laws from working up the materials of their own country, and that agriculture could not be encouraged where the lower classes of the people were not enabled by their industry to purchase the produce of the farmer's labour. For above forty years after making those restrictive laws[186] Ireland was always poor and often in great want, distress, and misery,[187] though the linen manufacture had made great progress during that time. In the war before the last, she was not able to give any assistance. The Duke of Devonshire, in the year 1741, takes notice from the throne, that during a war for the protection of the trade of all his Majesty's dominions there had been no increase of the charge of the establishment; and in the year 1745, the country was so little able to bear expense, that lord Chesterfield discouraged and prevented any augmentation of the army, though much desired by many gentlemen of the House of Commons, from a sense of the great danger that then impended. An influx of money after the peace, and the further success of the linen trade, increased our wealth, and enabled us to reduce by degrees, and afterwards to discharge the national debt. This was not effected until the first of March, 1754.[188] This debt was occasioned principally by the expenses incurred by the rebellion in Great Britain in the year 1715; an unlimited vote of credit was then given.[189] From the lowness of the revenue, and the want of resources, not from any further exertions on the part of the kingdom in point of expense, the debt of £16,106 11_s._ 0-1/2_d._, due in 1715, was increased at Lady-day,[190] 1733, to £371,312 12_s._ 2-1/2_d._ That Government and the House of Commons should for such a length of time have considered the reduction and discharge of this debt as an object of so great importance, and that nearly forty years should have passed before the constant attention and strictest economy of both could have accomplished that purpose, is a strong proof of the weakness and poverty of this country, during that period. After the payment of this debt, the wealth and ability of Ireland were greatly overrated, both here and in Great Britain. The consequences of this mistaken opinion were increased expenses on the part of government and of the country, more than it was able to bear. The strict economy of old times was no longer practised. The representatives of the people set the example of profusion and the ministers of the Crown were not backward in following it. A large redundancy of money in the Treasury, gave a delusive appearance of national wealth. At Lady-day, 1755, the sum in credit to the nation was £471,404 5_s._ 6-3/8_d._,[191] and the money remaining in the Treasury of the ordinary unappropriated revenue on the 29th day of September, 1755,[192] £457,959 12_s._ 7-1/8_d._ But this great increase of revenue arose from an increase of imports, particularly in the year 1754, by which the kingdom was greatly over-stocked, and which raised the revenue in that year £208,309 19_s._ 2-1/4_d._ higher than it was in the year 1748, when the revenue first began to rise considerably;[193] and though what a nation spends is one method of estimating its wealth, yet a nation, like an individual, may live beyond its means, and spend on credit which may far exceed its income. This was the fact as to Ireland in the year 1754, for some years before and for many years after; it appeared in an inquiry before the House of Commons in the session of 1755, that many persons had circulated paper to a very great amount, far exceeding not only their own capitals,[194] but that just proportion which the quantity of paper ought to bear to the national specie.[195] This gave credit to many individuals, who without property became merchant importers, and at the same time increased the receipts of the Treasury and lessened the wealth of the kingdom. At the very time that so great a balance was in the Treasury, public credit was in a very low way, and the House of Commons was employed in preparing a law to restore it. In '54 and '55 three principal banks[196] failed, and the legislature took up much time in inquiring into their affairs, and in framing laws for the relief of their creditors.[197] Yet in this session, the liberality of the House of Commons was excessive. The redundancy in the Treasury had, in the session of 1753, occasioned a dispute between the Crown and the House of Commons on the question whether the king's previous consent was necessary for the application of it. They wished to avoid any future contest of that kind, and were flattered to grant the public money from enlarged views of national improvements. The making rivers navigable, the making and improving harbours, and the improvement of husbandry and other useful arts, were objects worthy of the representatives of the people; and had the faithfulness of the execution answered the goodness of the intention in many instances, the public in general might have had no great reason to complain. Many of those grants prove the poverty of the country. There were not private stocks to carry on the projects of individuals, nor funds sufficient for incorporating and supporting companies, nor profits to be had by the undertakings sufficient to reimburse the money necessary to be expended. The Commons therefore advanced the money, for the benefit of the public; and it can never be supposed that they would have continued to do so for above twenty years, if they were not convinced that there were not funds in the hands of individuals sufficient to carry on those useful undertakings, nor trade enough in the kingdom to make adequate returns to the adventurers. Having gone through more than half the century, it is time to pause. In this long gloomy period, the poverty of Ireland appears to have been misery and desolation, and her wealth a symptom of decline and a prelude to poverty; the low retiring ebb from the spring-tide of deceitful prosperity, has left our shores bare, and has opened a waste and desolate prospect of barren sand, and uncultivated country. I have the honour to be, my Lord, &c. Fourth Letter. _Dublin, 27th August, 1779._ MY LORD, The revenue, for the reasons already given, decreased in 1755,[198] fell lower in 1756, and still lower in '57. In the last year the vaunted prosperity of Ireland was changed into misery and distress; the lower classes of our people wanted food;[199] the money arising from the extravagance of the rich was freely applied to alleviate the sufferings of the poor.[200] One of the first steps of the late Duke of Bedford's administration--and which reflects honour on his memory--was obtaining a king's letter, dated 31st March, 1757, for £20,000, to be laid out as his Grace should think the most likely to afford the most speedy and effectual relief to his Majesty's poor subjects of this kingdom. His Grace, in his speech from the throne, humanely expresses his wish, that some method might be found out to prevent the calamities that are the consequences of a want of corn, which had been in part felt the last year, and to which this country had been too often exposed; the Commons acknowledge that those calamities had been frequently and were too sensibly and fatally experienced in the course of the last year, thank his Grace for his early and charitable attention to the necessities of the poor of this country in their late distresses, and make use of those remarkable expressions,--"that they will most cheerfully embrace[201] every _practicable_ method to promote tillage."[202] They knew that the encouragement of manufactures were the effectual means, and that these means were not in their power. The ability of the nation was estimated by the money in the Treasury, and the pensions on the civil establishment, exclusive of French, which at Lady-Day, 1755, were £38,003 15_s._, amounted at Lady-Day, '57, to £49,293 15_s._[203] The same ideas were entertained of the resources of this country in the session of 1759. Great Britain had made extraordinary efforts, and engaged in enormous expenses for the protection of the whole empire. This country was in immediate danger of an invasion. Every Irishman was agreed that she should assist Great Britain to the utmost of her ability, but this ability was too highly estimated. The nation abounded rather in loyalty than in wealth.[204] Our brethren in Great Britain, had, however, formed a different opinion, and, surveying their own strength, were incomplete judges of our weakness. A Lord Lieutenant of too much virtue and magnanimity to speak what he did not think, takes notice from the throne, "of the prosperous state of this country, improving daily in its manufactures and commerce."[205] His Grace had done much to bring it to that state, by obtaining for us some of the best laws[206] in our books of statutes. But this part of the speech was not taken notice of, either in the address to his Majesty or to his Grace, from a House of Commons well disposed to give every mark of duty and respect, and to pay every compliment consistent with truth. The event proved the wisdom of their reserve. The public expenses were greatly increased, the pensions on the civil establishment exclusive of French, at Lady-Day, 1759, amounted to £55,497 5_s._;[207] there was, at the same time a great augmentation of military expense.[208] Six new regiments and a troop were raised in a very short space of time. An unanimous and unlimited address of confidence to his Grace,[209] a specific vote of credit for £150,000,[210] which was afterwards provided for in the Loan Bill[211] of that session, a second vote of credit in the same session for £300,000,[212] the raising the rate of interest paid by Government, one per cent., and the payment out of the Treasury[213] in little more than one year of £703,957 3_s._ 1-1/2_d._,[214] were the consequences of those increased expenses. The effects of these exertions were immediately and severely felt by the kingdom. These loans could not be supplied by a poor country, without draining the bankers of their cash; three of the principal houses,[215] among them stopped payment; the three remaining banks in Dublin discounted no paper, and, in fact, did no business. Public and private credit, that had been drooping since the year 1754, had now fallen prostrate. At a general meeting of the merchants of Dublin, in April, 1860, with several members of the House of Commons, the inability of the former to carry on business was universally acknowledged, not from the want of capital, but from the stoppage of all paper circulation, and the refusal of the remaining bankers to discount the bills even of the first houses. The merchants and traders of Dublin, in their petition[216] to the House of Commons, represent "the low state to which public and private credit had been of late reduced in this kingdom, and particularly in this city, of which the successive failures of so many banks, and of private traders in different parts of this kingdom, in so short a time as since October last, were incontestable proofs. The petitioners, sensible that the necessary consequences of these misfortunes must be the loss of foreign trade, the diminution of his Majesty's revenue, and what is still more fatal, the decay of the manufactures of this kingdom, have in vain repeatedly attempted to support the sinking credit of the nation by associations and otherwise; and are satisfied that no resource is now left but what may be expected from the wisdom of parliament, to avert the calamities with which this kingdom is at present threatened." The committee, to whom it was referred, resolve[217] that they had proved the several matters alleged in their petition; that the quantity of paper circulating was not near sufficient for supporting the trade and manufactures of this kingdom; and that the house should engage, to the first of May, '62, for each of the then subsisting banks in Dublin, to the amount of £50,000 for each bank; and that an address should be presented to the Lord Lieutenant, to thank his Grace for having given directions that bankers' notes should be received as cash from the several subscribers to the loan, and that he would be pleased to give directions that their notes should be taken as cash in all payments at the Treasury, and by the several collectors for the city and county of Dublin. The house agreed to those resolutions and to that for giving credit to the banks, _nem. con._ The speech from the throne takes notice of the care the House of Commons had taken for establishing public credit, which the Lord Lieutenant says he flatters himself will answer the end proposed, and effect that circulation so necessary for carrying on the commerce of the country.[218] Those facts are not stated as any imputation on the then chief governor: the vigour of his mind incited him to make the Crown as useful as possible to the subject, and the subject to the Crown. He succeeded in both, but in the latter part of the experiment, the weakness of the country was shown. The great law which we owe to his interposition, I speak of that which gives a bounty on the land carriage of corn and flour to Dublin,[219] has saved this country from utter destruction; this law, which reflects the highest honour on the author and promoter, is still a proof of the poverty of that country where such a law is necessary. Its true principle is to bring the market of Dublin to the door of the farmer, and that was done in the year ending the 25th of March, 1777, at the expense of £61,789 18_s._ 6_d._, to the public; a large but a most useful and necessary expenditure.[220] The adoption of this principle proves, what we in this country know to be a certain truth, that there is no other market in Ireland on which the farmer can rely for the certain sale of his corn and flour; a decisive circumstance to show the wretched state of the manufactures of this kingdom. In the beginning of the next parliament the rupture with Spain occasioned a new augmentation of military expense. The ever loyal Commons return an address of thanks to the message mentioning the addition of five new battalions[221] and unanimously promise to provide for them; and with the same unanimity pass a vote of credit for £200,000.[222] The amount of pensions on the civil establishment, exclusive of French, had for one year ending the 25th of March, 1761, amounted to £64,127 5_s._,[223] and our manufacturers were then distressed by the expense and havoc of a burdensome war.[224] In the year 1762 a national evil made its appearance, which all the exertions of the Government and of the legislature have not since been able to eradicate; I mean the risings of the White Boys. They appear in those parts of the kingdom where manufactures are not established, and are a proof of the poverty and want of employment of the lower classes of our people. Lord Northumberland mentions, in his speech from the throne[225] in 1763, that the means of industry would be the remedy; from whence it seems to follow that the want of those means must be the cause. To attain this great end the Commons promise their attention to the Protestant charter schools and linen manufacture.[226] The wretched men who were guilty of those violations of the law, were too mature for the first, and totally ignorant of the second; but long established usage had given those words a privilege in speeches and addresses to stand for everything that related to the improvement of Ireland. The state of pensions remained nearly the same[227] by the peace the military expenses were considerably reduced; of the military establishment to be provided for in the session 1763, compared with the military establishment as it stood on the 31st of March, 1763, the net decrease was £119,037 0_s._ 10_d._ per annum; but as a peace establishment it was high, and compared with that of the 31st of March, 1756[228] being the year preceding the last war, the annual increase was £110,422 9_s._ 5-1/4_d._ The debt of the nation at Lady Day, 1763, and which was entirely incurred in the last war, was £521,161 16_s._ 6-7/8_d._,[229] and would have been much greater if the several Lord Lieutenants had not used with great economy the power of borrowing, which the House of Commons had from session to session given them. That this debt should have been contracted in an expensive war, in which Ireland was called upon for the first time to contribute, is not to be wondered at, but the continual increase of this debt, in sixteen years of peace, should be accounted for. The same mistaken estimate of the ability of Ireland that occasioned our being called upon to bear part of the British burden during the war, produced similar effects at the time of the peace, and after it. The heavy peace establishment was increased by an augmentation of our army in 1769, which induced an additional charge, taking in the expenses of exchange and remittance of £54,118 12_s._ 6_d._ yearly, for the first year; but this charge was afterwards considerably increased, and amounted, from the year 1769 to Christmas, 1778, when it was discontinued, to the sum of £620,824 0_s._ 9-1/4_d._, and this increased expense was more felt, because it was for the purpose of paying forces out of this kingdom. As our expenses increased our income diminished; the revenue for the two years, ending the 25th of March, 1771,[230] was far short of former years, and not nearly sufficient to pay the charges of Government, and the sums payable for bounties and public works.[231] The debt of the nation at Lady-Day, 1771, was increased to £782,320 0_s._ 0-1/4_d._[232] The want of income was endeavoured to be supplied by a loan. In the money bill of the October Session, 1771, there was a clause empowering Government to borrow £200,000. Immediately after the linen trade declined rapidly; in 1772, 1773, and 1774, the decay in that trade was general in every part of the kingdom where it was established; the quantity manufactured was not above two-thirds of what used formerly to be made, and that quantity did not sell for above three-fourths of its former price. The linen and linen yarn exported for one year, ending the 25th of March, 1773,[233] fell short of the exports of one year, ending the 25th of March, 1771, to the amount in value of £788,821 1_s._ 3_d._ At Lady-day, 1773,[234] the debt increased to £994,890 10_s._ 10-1/8_d._ The attempt in the Session of 1773,[235] to equalise the annual income and expenses failed, and borrowing on tontine in the Sessions of 1773, 1775, and 1777, added greatly to the annual expense, and to the sums of money remitted out of the kingdom. The debt now bearing interest amounts to the sum of £1,017,600, besides a sum of £740,000 raised on annuities, which amount to £48,900 yearly, with some incidental expenses. The great increase of those national burdens, likely to take place in the approaching Session, has been already mentioned. The debt of Ireland has arisen from the following causes: the expenses of the late war, the heavy peace establishment in the year 1763, the increase of that establishment in the year 1769, the sums paid from 1759 to forces out of the kingdom, the great increase of pensions and other additional charges on the civil establishment, which, however considerable, bears but a small proportion to the increased military expenses, the falling of the revenue, and the sums paid for bounties and public works; these are mentioned last, because it is apprehended that they have not operated to increase this debt in so great a degree as some persons have imagined; for, though the amount is large, yet no part of the money was sent out of the kingdom, and several of the grants were for useful purposes, some of which made returns to the public and to the Treasury exceeding the amount of those grants. When those facts are considered, no doubt can be entertained but that the supposed wealth of Ireland has led to real poverty; and when it is known, that from the year 1751 to Christmas, 1778, the sums remitted by Ireland to pay troops serving abroad, amounted to the sum of £1,401,925 19_s._ 4_d._, it will be equally clear from whence this poverty has principally arisen. In those seasons of expense and borrowing the lower classes were equally subject to poverty and distress, as in the period of national economy. In 1762, Lord Halifax, in his speech from the throne,[236] acknowledges that our manufactures were distressed by the war. In 1763, the corporation of weavers, by a petition to the House of Commons, complain that, notwithstanding the great increase both in number and wealth of the inhabitants of the metropolis, they found a very great decay of several branches of trade and manufactures[237] of this city, particularly in the silken and woollen. In 1765 there was a scarcity caused by the failure of potatoes in general throughout the kingdom, which distressed the common people; the spring corn had also failed, and grain was so high, that it was thought necessary to appoint a committee[238] to inquire what may be the best method to reduce it; and to prevent a great dearth, two acts were passed early in that session, to stop the distillery, and to prevent the exportation of corn, for a limited time. In Spring, 1766, those fears appear to have been well-founded; several towns were in great distress for corn; and by the humanity of the Lord Lieutenant, Lord Hertford, money was issued out of the Treasury to buy corn for such places as applied to his lordship for that relief. The years 1770 and 1771 were seasons of great distress in Ireland, and in the month of February, in the latter year, the high price of corn is mentioned from the throne[239] as an object of the first importance, which demanded the utmost attention. In 1778 and 1779 there was great plenty of corn, but the manufacturers were not able to buy, and many thousands of them were supported by charity; the consequence was that corn fell to so low a price that the farmers in many places were unable to pay their rents, and everywhere were under great difficulties. That the linen manufacture has been of the utmost consequence to this country, that it has greatly prospered, that it has been long encouraged by the protection of Great Britain, that whatever wealth Ireland is possessed of arises, for the most part, from that trade, is freely acknowledged; but in far the greatest part of the kingdom it has not yet been established, and many attempts to introduce it have, after long perseverance and great expense, proved fruitless. Though that manufacture made great advances from 1727 to 1758,[240] yet the tillage of this kingdom declined during the whole of that period, and we have not since been free from scarcity. Notwithstanding the success of that manufacture, the bulk of our people have always continued poor, and in a great many seasons have wanted food. Can the history of any other fruitful country on the globe, enjoying peace for fourscore years, and not visited by plague or pestilence, produce so many recorded instances of the poverty and wretchedness, and of the reiterated want and misery of the lower orders of the people? There is no such example in ancient or modern story. If the ineffectual endeavours by the representatives of those poor people to give them employment and food, had not left sufficient memorials of their wretchedness; if their habitations, apparel, and food, were not sufficient proofs, I should appeal to the human countenance for my voucher, and rest the evidence on that hopeless despondency that hangs on the brow of unemployed industry. That, since the success of the linen manufacture, the money and the rents of Ireland have been greatly increased, is acknowledged; but it is affirmed, and the fact is of notoriety, that the lower orders, not of that trade, are not less wretched. Those employed in the favourite manufacture generally buy from that country to which they principally sell; and the rise in lands is a misfortune to the poor, where their wages do not rise proportionably, which will not happen where manufactures and agriculture are not sufficiently encouraged. Give premiums by land or by water, arrange your exports and imports in what manner you will; if you discourage the people from working up the principal materials of their country, the bulk of that people must ever continue miserable, the growth of the nation will be checked, and the sinews of the State enfeebled. I have stated a tedious detail of instances, to show that the sufferings of the lower classes of our people have continued the same (with an exception only of those employed in the linen trade) since the time of Queen Anne, as they were during her reign; that the cause remains the same, namely, that our manufacturers have not sufficient employment, and cannot afford to buy from the farmer, and that therefore manufactures and agriculture must both be prejudiced. After revolving those repeated instances, and almost continued chain of distress, for such a series of years, among the inhabitants of a temperate climate, surrounded by the bounties of Providence and the means of abundance, and being unable to discover any accidental or natural causes for those evils, we are led to inquire whether they have arisen from the mistaken policy of man. I have the honour to be, my Lord, &c. Fifth Letter. _Dublin, 30th Aug., 1779._ MY LORD, Every man of discernment, who attends to the facts which have been stated, would conclude, that there must be some political institutions in this country counteracting the natural course of things, and obstructing the prosperity of the people. Those institutions should be considered, that as from the effects the cause has been traced, this also should be examined, to show that such consequences are necessarily deducible from it. For several years the exportation of live cattle to England[241] was the principal trade of Ireland. This was thought, most erroneously,[242] as has since been acknowledged,[243] to lower the rents of lands in England. From this, and perhaps from some less worthy motive[244] a law passed in England,[245] to restrain and afterwards to prohibit the exportation of cattle from Ireland. The Irish, deprived of their principal trade, and reduced to the utmost distress by this prohibition, had no resource but to work up their own commodities, to which they applied themselves with great ardour.[246] After this prohibition they increased their number of sheep, and at the Revolution were possessed of very numerous flocks. They had good reasons to think that this object of industry was not only left open, but recommended to them. The ineffectual attempt by Lord Strafford, in 1639, to prevent the making of broadcloths in Ireland,[247] the relinquishment of that scheme by never afterwards reviving it, the encouragement given to their woollen manufactures by many English Acts of Parliament from the reign of Edward III.[248] to the 12th of Charles II., and several of them for the express purpose of exportation; the letter of Charles II., in 1667, with the advice of his Privy Council in England, and the proclamation in pursuance of that letter, encouraging the exportation of their manufactures to foreign countries; by the Irish statutes of the 13th Henry VIII. ch. 2; 28th Henry VIII. ch. 17; of the 11th Elizabeth, ch. 10, and 17th and 18th Charles II., ch. 15 (all of which, the Act of 28th Henry VIII. excepted, received the approbation of the Privy Council of England, having been returned under the Great Seal of that kingdom) afforded as strong grounds of assurance as any country could possess for the continuance of any trade or manufacture. Great numbers of their flocks had been destroyed at the time of the Revolution, but they were replaced, at great expense, and became more numerous and flourishing than before. The woollen manufacture was cultivated in Ireland for ages before, and for several years after the Revolution, without any appearance of jealousy from England, the attempt by Lord Strafford excepted. No discouragement is intimated in any speech from the throne until the year 1698; Lord Sydney's, in 1692, imparts the contrary. "Their Majesties," says he,[249] "being in their own royal judgments satisfied that a country so fertile by nature, and so advantageously situated for _trade and navigation_, can want nothing but the blessing of peace, and the help of some good laws to make it as rich and flourishing _as most of its neighbours_; I am ordered to assure you that nothing shall be wanting on their parts that may contribute to your perfect and lasting happiness." Several laws had been made[250] in England to prevent the exportation of wool, yarn made of wool, fuller's earth, or any kind of scouring earth or fulling clay from England or Ireland, into any places out of the kingdoms of England or Ireland. But those laws were equally restrictive on both kingdoms. In the first year[251] of William and Mary certain ports were mentioned in Ireland, from which only wool should be shipped from that kingdom, and certain ports in England into which only it should be imported; and a register was directed to be kept in the Custom House of London of all the wool from time to time imported from Ireland. By a subsequent Act in this reign,[252] passed in 1696, the Commissioners or Farmers of the Customs in Ireland are directed, once in every six months, to transmit to the Commissioners of Customs in England, an account of all wool exported from Ireland to England, and this last Act, in its title, professes the intention of encouraging the importation of wool from Ireland. The prohibition of exporting the materials from either kingdom, except to the other, and the encouragement to export it from Ireland to England, mentioned in the title of the last-mentioned Act, but for which no provision seems to be made, unless the designation of particular ports may be so called, was the system that then seemed to be settled, for preventing the wool of Ireland from being prejudicial to England; but the prevention of the exportation of the manufacture was an idea that seemed never to have been entertained until the year 1697, when a bill for that purpose was brought into the English House of Commons,[253] and passed that house; but after great consideration was not passed by the Lords in that parliament.[254] There does not appear to have been any increase at that time in the woollen manufacture of Ireland sufficient to have raised any jealousy in England. By a report from the Commissioners of Trade in that kingdom, dated on the 23rd of December, 1697, and laid before the House of Commons, in 1698, they find that the woollen manufacture in Ireland had increased since the year 1665, as follows: Years. New draperies. Old draperies. Frieze. Pieces. Pieces. Yards. 1665 224 32 444,381 1687 11,360 103 1,129,716 1696 4,413 34-3/4 104,167 The bill for restraining the exportation of woollen manufactures from Ireland was brought into the English House of Commons on the 23rd of February, 1697, but the law did not pass until the year 1699, in the first session of the new parliament. I have not been able to obtain an account of the exportation of woollen manufactures for the year 1697,[255] but from the 25th of December, 1697, to the 25th of December, 1698, being the first year in which the exports in books extant are registered in the Custom House at Dublin, the amount appears to be of New drapery. Old drapery. Frieze. Pieces. Pieces. Yards. 23,285-1/2 281-1/2 666,901 though this increase of export shows that the trade was advancing in Ireland, yet the total amount or the comparative increase since 1687 could scarcely "sink the value of lands and tend to the ruin of the trade and woollen manufactures of England."[256] The apprehensions of England seem rather to have arisen from the fears of future, than from the experience of any past rivalship in this trade. I have more than once heard Lord Bowes, the late chancellor of this kingdom, mention a conversation that he had with Sir Robert Walpole on this subject, who assured him that the jealousies entertained in England of the woollen trade in Ireland, and the restraints of that trade had at first taken their rise from the boasts of some of our countrymen in London, of the great success of that manufacture here. Whatever was the cause, both houses of parliament in England addressed King William, in very strong terms, on this subject; but on considering those addresses they seem to be founded, not on the state at that time of that manufacture here, but the probability of its further increase. As those proceedings are of great importance to two of the principal manufactures of this country, it is thought necessary to state them particularly. The lords represent, "that the _growing_ manufacture of cloth in Ireland[257] both by the cheapness of all sorts of necessaries for life, and _goodness of materials for making all manner of cloth_, doth invite your subjects of England, with their families and servants, to leave their habitations to settle there, to the increase of the woollen manufacture in Ireland, which makes your loyal subjects in this kingdom very apprehensive that _the further growth_ of it _may_ greatly prejudice the said manufacture here; by which the trade of the nation and the value of lands will very much decrease, and the numbers of your people be much lessened here." They then beseech his majesty "in the most public and effectual way, that may be, to declare to all your subjects of Ireland, that the _growth_ and _increase_ of the woollen manufacture hath long, and will ever be looked upon with jealousy by all your subjects of this kingdom; _and if not timely remedied_, may occasion very strict laws, totally to prohibit and suppress the same; and, on the other hand, if they turn their industry and skill to the settling and improving the linen manufacture, for which generally the lands of that kingdom are very proper, they shall receive all countenance, favour, and protection from your _royal influence_, for the encouragement and promoting of the said linen manufacture, to _all the advantage and profit that kingdom can be capable of_." King William in his answer says, "His Majesty will take care to do what their lordships have desired;" and the lords direct that the Lord Chancellor should order that the address and answer be forthwith printed and published.[258] In the address of the Commons[259] they say, that "being sensible that the wealth and peace of this kingdom do, in a great measure, depend on preserving the woollen manufacture, as much as possible, _entire_ to this realm, they think it becomes them, like their ancestors, to be jealous of the _establishment_ and _increase_ thereof elsewhere; and to use their utmost endeavours to prevent it, and therefore, they cannot without trouble observe, that Ireland, dependent on, and protected by England in the enjoyment of all they have, and which is so proper for the linen manufacture, the establishment and growth of which there would be so enriching to themselves, and so profitable to England, should _of late_ apply itself to the woollen manufacture, to the great prejudice of the trade of this kingdom, and so unwillingly promote the linen trade, which would benefit both them and us. "The consequence whereof will necessitate your parliament of England to interpose, to prevent the mischief that _threatens_ us, unless your Majesty, by your authority and great wisdom, shall find means to secure the trade of England by making your subjects of Ireland to pursue the joint interest of both kingdoms. "And we do most humbly implore your Majesty's protection and favour in this matter; and that you will make it your royal care, and enjoin all those you employ in Ireland, to make it their care, and use their utmost diligence, to hinder the _exportation of wool_ from Ireland, except to be imported hither, and for the discouraging the woollen manufactures, and encouraging the linen manufactures in Ireland, to which we shall be _always_ ready to give our _utmost_ assistance." This address was presented to his Majesty by the house: The answer is explicit: "I shall do all that in me lies to discourage the woollen trade in Ireland, and encourage the linen manufacture there; and to promote the trade of England." He soon after wrote a letter[260] to Lord Galway, then one of the lord's justices of this kingdom, in which he tells him, "that it was never of such importance to have at present a good session of parliament, not only in regard to my affairs of that kingdom, but especially of this here. The chief thing that must be tried to be prevented is, that the Irish parliament takes no notice of what has passed in this here,[261] and that you make effectual laws for the linen manufacture, and discourage _as far as possible_ the woollen." It would be unjust to infer from any of those proceedings that this great prince wanted affection for this country. They were times of party. He was often under the necessity of complying against his own opinion and wishes, and about this time was obliged to send away his favourite guards, in compliance with the desire of the Commons. The houses of parliament in England originally intended, that the business should be done in the parliament of Ireland by the exertion of that great and just influence which King William had acquired in that kingdom. On the first day of the following session[262] the lords justices, in their speech, mention a bill transmitted for the encouragement of the linen and hempen manufactures, which they recommend in the following words: "The settlement of this manufacture will contribute much to people the country, and will be found _much more advantageous to this kingdom_ than the woollen manufacture, which being the settled staple trade of England, from _whence all foreign markets_ are supplied, can never be encouraged _here_ for that purpose; whereas the linen and hempen manufactures will not only be encouraged as consistent with the trade of England, but will render the trade of this kingdom both useful and necessary to England." The Commons in their address[263] promise their hearty endeavours to establish a linen and hempen manufacture in Ireland, and say that they hoped to find such a temperament in respect to the woollen trade here, that the same may not be injurious to England. They referred the consideration of that subject to the committee of supply, who resolved that an additional duty be laid on old and new drapery of the manufacture of this kingdom,[264] that shall be exported, friezes excepted; to which the House agreed.[265] But there were petitions presented against this duty, and relative to the quantity of it, and the committee appointed to consider of this duty were not it seems so expeditious in their proceedings as the impatience of the times required.[266] On the 2nd of October the lords justices made a quickening speech to both houses, taking notice, that the progress which they expected was not made, in the business of the session, and use those remarkable words: "The matters we recommended to you are so necessary, and the prosperity of this kingdom depends so much on the good success of this session, that since we know his Majesty's affairs cannot permit your sitting very long, we thought the greatest mark we could give of our kindness and concern for you, was to come hither, and desire you to hasten the despatch of the matters under your consideration; in which we are the more earnest, because we must be sensible, that if the present opportunity his majesty's affection to you hath put into your hands be lost, it seems hardly to be recovered.[267] On the 2nd of January, 1698, O. S. the House resolved that the report from the committee of the whole House, appointed to consider of a duty to be laid on the woollen manufactures of this kingdom, should be made on the next day, and nothing to intervene. But on that day a message was delivered from the lords justices in the following words: "We have received his majesty's commands[268] to send unto you a bill, entitled an act for laying an additional duty upon woollen manufactures exported out of this kingdom; the passing of which in this session his majesty recommended to you, as what may be of great advantage for the preservation of the trade of this kingdom." The bill which accompanied this message was presented, and a question for receiving it was carried in the affirmative, by 74 against 34. This bill must have been transmitted from the Council of Ireland. Whilst the Commons were proceeding with the utmost temper and moderation, were exerting great firmness in restraining all attempts to inflame the minds of the people,[269] and were deliberating on the most important subject that could arise, it was taken out of their hands; but the bill passed, though not without opposition,[270] and received the royal assent on the 29th day of January, 1698. By this act an additional duty was imposed of 4_s._ for every 20_s._ in value of broadcloth exported out of Ireland, and 2_s._ on every 20_s._ in value of new drapery, friezes only excepted, from the 25th of March, 1699, to the 25th of March, 1702;[271] the only woollen manufacture excepted was one of which Ireland had been in possession before the reign of Edward III., and in which she had been always distinguished.[272] This law has every appearance of having been framed on the part of the Administration.[273] But it did not satisfy the English parliament, where a perpetual law was made, prohibiting, from the 20th of June, 1699,[274] the exportation from Ireland of all goods made or mixed with wool, except to England and Wales, and with the licence of the Commissioners of the Revenue; duties[275] had been before aid on the importation into England equal to a prohibition, therefore this Act has operated as a total prohibition of the exportation. Before these laws the Irish were under great disadvantages in the woollen trade, by not being allowed to export their woollen manufactures to the English colonies,[276] or to import dye stuffs directly from thence; and the English in this respect, and in having those exclusive markets, possessed considerable advantages. Let it now be considered what are the usual means taken to promote the prosperity of any country in respect of trade and manufactures? She is encouraged to work up her own materials, to export her manufactures to other nations, to import from them the material for manufacture, and to export none of her own that she is able to work up; not to buy what she is capable of selling to others, and to promote the carrying trade and ship-building. If these are the most obvious means by which a nation may advance in strength and riches, institutions counteracting those means must necessarily tend to reduce it to weakness and poverty; and, therefore, the advocates for the continuance of those institutions will find it difficult to satisfy the world that such a system of policy is either reasonable or just. The cheapness of labour, the excellence of materials, and the success of the manufacture in the excluded country,[277] may appear to an unprejudiced man to be rather reasons for the encouragement than for the prohibition. But the preamble of the English Act of the 10th and 11th of William III. affirms, that the exportation from Ireland and the English plantations in America to foreign markets, heretofore supplied from England, would inevitably sink the value of lands, and tend to the ruin of the trade and manufactures of that realm. I shall only consider this assertion as relative to Ireland. A fact upon which the happiness of a great and ancient kingdom, and of millions of people depends, ought to have been supported by the most incontestable evidence, and should never be suffered to rest in speculation, or to be taken from the mere suggestion or distant apprehension of commercial jealousy. Those fears for the future were not founded on any experience of the past. From what market had the woollen manufactures of Ireland ever excluded England? What part of her trade, and which of her manufactures had been ruined; and where did any of her lands fall by the woollen exports of Ireland? Were any of those facts attempted to be proved at the time of the prohibition? The amount of the Irish export proves it to have been impossible that those facts could have then existed. The consequences mentioned as likely to arise to England from the supposed increase of those manufactures in Ireland, had no other foundation but the apprehensions of rivalship among trading people, who, in excluding their fellow-citizens, have opened the gates for the admission of the enemy. Whether those apprehensions are now well-founded, should be carefully considered. Justice, sound policy, and the general good of the British Empire require it. The arguments in support of those restraints are principally these:--That labour is cheaper, and taxes lower, in Ireland than in England, and that the former would be able to undersell the latter in all foreign markets. Spinning is now certainly cheaper in Ireland, because the persons employed in it live on food[278] with which the English would not be content; but the wages of spinners would soon rise if the trade was opened. At the loom, I am informed, that the same quantity of work is done cheaper in England than in Ireland; and we have the misfortune of daily experience to convince us that the English, notwithstanding the supposed advantages of the Irish in this trade, undersell them at their own markets in every branch of the woollen manufacture. A decisive proof that they cannot undersell the English in foreign markets. With the increase of manufactures, agriculture, and commerce in Ireland, the demand for labour, and consequently its price, would increase.[279] That price would be soon higher in Ireland than in England. It is not in the richest countries, but in those that are growing rich the fastest, that the wages of labour are highest,[280] though the price of provisions is much lower in the latter; this, before the present rebellion, was in both respects the case of England and North America. Any difference in the price of labour is more than balanced by the difference in the price of material, which has been for many years past higher in Ireland than in England, and would become more valuable if the export of the manufacture was allowed. The English have also great advantages in this trade from their habits of diligence, superior skill, and large capital. From these circumstances, though the Scotch have full liberty to export their woollen manufactures, the English work up their wool,[281] and the Scotch make only some kind of coarse cloths for the lower classes of their people; and this is said to be for want of a capital to manufacture it at home.[282] If the woollen trade was now open to Ireland, it would be for the most part carried on by English capitals, and by merchants resident there. Nearly one-half of the stock which carried on the foreign trade of Ireland in 1672, inconsiderable as it then was, belonged to those who lived out of Ireland.[283] The greater part of the exportation and coasting trade of British America was carried on by the capitals of merchants who resided in Great Britain; even many of the stores and warehouses from which goods were retailed in some of their principal provinces, particularly in Virginia and Maryland, belonged to merchants who resided in Great Britain, and the retail trade was carried on by those who were not resident in the country.[284] It is said that in ancient Egypt, China, and Indostan, the greater part of their exportation trade was carried on by foreigners.[285] The same thing happened formerly in Ireland, where the whole commerce of the country was carried on by the Dutch;[286] and at present, in the victualling trade of Ireland, the Irish are but factors to the English. This is not without example in Great Britain, where there are many little manufacturing towns, the inhabitants of which have not capitals sufficient to transport the produce of their own industry to those distant markets where there is demand and consumption for it, and their merchants are properly only the agents of wealthier merchants, who reside in some of the great commercial cities.[287] The Irish are deficient in all kinds of stock, they have not sufficient for the cultivation of their lands, and are deficient in the stocks of master manufacturers, wholesale merchants, and even of retailers. Of what Ireland gains, it is computed that one-third centres in Great Britain.[288] Of our woollen manufacture the greatest part of the profit would go directly there. But the manufacturers of Ireland would be employed, would be enabled to buy from the farmers the superfluous produce of their labour, the people would become industrious, their numbers would greatly increase, the British State would be strengthened, though probably, this country would not for many years find any great influx of wealth; it would be, however, more equally distributed, from which the people and the Government would derive many important advantages. Whatever wealth might be gained by Ireland would be, in every respect, an accession to Great Britain. Not only a considerable part of it would flow to the seat of government, and of final judicature, and to the centre of commerce; but when Ireland should be able she would be found willing, as in justice she ought to be, to bear her part of those expenses which Great Britain may hereafter incur, in her efforts for the protection of the whole British empire. If Ireland cheerfully and spontaneously, but when she was ill able, contributed, particularly in the years 1759, 1761, 1769, and continued to do so in the midst of distress and poverty, without murmur, to the end of the year 1778, when Great Britain thought proper to relieve her from a burden which she was no longer able to bear, no doubt can be entertained of her contributing, in a much greater proportion, when the means of acquiring shall be open to her. I form this opinion, not only from the proofs which the experience of many years, and in many signal instances has given, but the nature of the Irish Constitution, which requires that the laws of Ireland should be certified under the Great Seal of England, and the superintending protection of Great Britain, necessary to the existence of Ireland, would make it her interest to cultivate, at all times, a good understanding with her sister kingdom. The lowness of taxes in Ireland seems to fall within the objection arising from the cheapness of labour. But the disproportion between the taxes of the two kingdoms is much overrated in Great Britain. Hearth-money in Ireland amounts to about £59,000 yearly, the sums raised by Grand Juries are said to exceed the annual sum of £140,000, and the duties on beef, butter, pork, and tallow exported, at a medium from 1772 to 1778, amount to £26,577 11_s._ yearly. These are payable out of lands, or their immediate produce, and may well be considered as a land-tax. These, with the many other taxes payable in Ireland, compared either with the annual amount of the sums which the inhabitants can earn or expend, with the rental of the lands, the amount of the circulating specie, of personal property, or of the trade of Ireland, it is apprehended would appear not to be inferior in proportion to the taxes of England compared with any of those objects in that country.[289] The sums remitted to absentees[290] are worse than so much paid in taxes, because a large proportion of these is usually expended in the country. If this reasoning is admitted, it will require no calculation to show that Ireland pays more taxes in proportion to its small income than England does in proportion to its great one. Of excisable commodities, the consumption by each manufacturer is not so considerable as to make the great difference commonly imagined in the price of labour. It is an acknowledged fact that Ireland pays in excises as much as she is able to bear, and that her inability to bear more arises from those very restraints. But supposing the disproportion to be as great as is erroneously imagined in Great Britain, it will not conclude in favour of the prohibition. The land-tax is nearly four times as high in some counties of England as in others, and provisions are much cheaper in some parts of that kingdom than in others, and yet they have all sufficient employment, and go to market upon equal terms. But a monopoly and not an equal market was plainly the object in 1698; it was not to prevent the Irish from underselling at foreign markets, but to prevent their selling there at all. The consequences to the excluded country have been mentioned. England has also been a great sufferer by this mistaken policy. Mr. Dobbs, who wrote in 1729,[291] affirms that by this law of 1699, our woollen manufacturers were forced away into France, Germany, and Spain; that they had in many branches so much improved the woollen manufacture of France, as not only to supply themselves, but to vie with the English in foreign markets, and that by their correspondence, they had laid the foundation for the running of wool thither both from England and Ireland. He says that those nations were then so improved, as in a great measure to supply themselves with many sorts they formerly had from England, and since that time have deprived Britain of millions, instead of thousands that Ireland might have made. It is now acknowledged that the French undersell the English; and as far as they are supplied with Irish wool, the loss to the British empire is double what it would be, if the Irish exported their goods manufactured. This is mentioned by Sir Matthew Decker[292] as the cause of the decline of the English, and the increase of the French woollen manufactures; and he asserts that the Irish can recover that trade out of their hands. England, since the passing of this law, has got much less of our wool than before.[293] In 1698, the export of our wool to England amounted to 377,520-3/4 stone; at a medium of eight years, to Lady-day, 1728, it was only 227,049 stone, which is 148,000 stone less than in 1698, and was a loss of more than half a million yearly to England. In the last ten years the quantity exported has been so greatly reduced, that in one of these years[294] it amounted only to 1007 st. 11 lb., and in the last year did not exceed 1665 st. 12 lb.[295] The price of wool under an absolute prohibition, is £50 or £60 per cent. under the market price of Europe, which will always defeat the prohibition.[296] The impracticability of preventing the pernicious practice of running wool is now well understood. Of the thirty-two counties in Ireland nineteen are maritime, and the rest are washed by a number of fine rivers that empty themselves into the sea. Can such an extent of ocean, such a range of coasts, such a multitude of harbours, bays, and creeks, be effectually guarded? The prohibition of the export of live cattle forced the Irish into the re-establishment of their woollen manufacture; and the restraint of the woollen manufacture was a strong temptation to the running of wool. The severest penalties were enacted, the British legislature, the Government, and House of Commons in Ireland, exerted all possible efforts to remove this growing evil, but in vain, until the law was made in Great Britain[297] in 1739 to take off the duties from woollen or bay yarn exported from Ireland, excepting worsted yarn of two or more threads, which has certainly given a considerable check to the running of wool, and has shown that the policy of opening is far more efficacious than that of restraining. The world is become a great commercial society; exclude trade from one channel, and it seldom fails to find another. To show the absolute necessity of Great Britain's opening to Ireland some new means of acquiring, let the annual balance of exports and imports returned from the entries in the different custom houses, in favour of Ireland, on all her trade with the whole world, in every year from 1768 to 1778, be compared with the remittances made from Ireland to England in each of those years, it will evidently appear that those remittances could not be made out of that balance. The entries of exports made at custom houses are well known to exceed the real amount of those exports in all countries, and this excess is greater in times of diffidence, when merchants wish to acquire credit by giving themselves the appearance of being great traders. This balance in favour of Ireland on her general trade, appears by those returns to have been, in 1776, £606,190 11_s._ 0-1/4_d._; in 1777, £24,203 3_s._ 10-1/4_d._; in 1778, £386,384 3_s._ 7_d._; and, taken at a medium of eleven years, from 1768 to 1778, both inclusive, it amounts to the sum of £605,083 7_s._ 5_d._ The sums remitted from Ireland to Great Britain for rents, interest of money, pensions, salaries, and profits of offices, amounted, at the lowest computation, from 1768 to 1773, to £1,100,000 yearly;[298] and from 1773, when the tontines were introduced, from which period large sums were borrowed from England, those remittances were considerably increased, and are now not less than between 12 and £13,000 yearly. Ireland then pays to Great Britain double the sum that she collects from the whole world in all the trade which Great Britain allows her. It will be difficult to find a similar instance in the history of mankind. Those great and constant issues of her wealth without any return, not felt by any other country in such a degree, are reasons for granting advantages to Ireland to supply this consuming waste, instead of depriving her of any which Nature has bestowed. If any of the resources which have hitherto enabled her to hear this prodigious drain are injurious to the manufactures both of England and Ireland, and highly advantageous to the rivals and enemies of both, is it wise in Great Britain by persevering in an inpracticable system of commercial policy, repugnant to the natural course and order of things, to suffer so very considerable a part of the empire to remain in such a situation? The experiment of an equal and reasonable system of commerce is worth making; that which has been found the best conductor in philosophy is the surest guide in commerce. Would you consult persons employed in the trade? They have in one respect an interest opposite to that of the public. To narrow the competition is advantageous to the dealers,[299] but prejudicial to the public. If Edward I. had not preferred the general welfare of his subjects to the interested opinions and petitions of the traders, all merchant traders (who were then mostly strangers) would have been sent away from London,[300] for which purpose the Commons offered him the fiftieth part of their movables.[301] What was the information given by the trading towns in 1697 and 1698 on the subject of the woollen manufacture of Ireland? Several of their[302] petitions state that the woollen manufacture was _set-up_ in Ireland, as if it had been lately introduced there; and one of them goes so far as to represent the particular time and manner of introducing it. "Many of the poor of that kingdom," says this extraordinary petition, "during the late rebellion there, fled into the west of England, where they were put to work in the woollen manufacture to learn that trade; and since the reduction of Ireland _endeavours were used to set up_ those manufactures there.[303] Would any man suppose that this could relate to a manufacture in which this kingdom excelled before the time of Edward III., which had been the subject of so many laws in both kingdoms, and which was always cultivated here, and before this rebellion with more success than after it? The trading towns gave accounts totally inconsistent of the state of this manufacture at that time in England: from Exeter it is represented as greatly decayed and discouraged[304] in those parts, and diminished in England. But a petition from Leeds represents this manufacture as having very much increased[305] since the revolution in all its several branches, to the general interest of England; and yet, in two days after the clothiers from three towns in Gloucestershire assert that the trade has decayed, and that the poor are almost starved.[306] The Commissioners of Trade differ in opinion from them and by their report it appears that the woollen manufacture was then very much increased and improved.[307] The traders have sometimes mistaken their own interests on those subjects. In 1698 a petition for prohibiting the importation from Ireland of all worsted and woollen yarn, represents that the poor of England are ready to perish by this importation;[308] and in 1739 several petitions were preferred against taking off the duties[309] from worsted and bay yarn exported from Ireland to England. But this has been done in the manner before mentioned, and is now acknowledged to be highly useful to England. Trading people have ever aimed at exclusive privileges. Of this there are two extraordinary instances: in the year 1698 two petitions were preferred from Folkstone and Aldborough, stating a singular grievance that they suffered from Ireland, "by the Irish catching herrings _at Waterford and Wexford_,[310] and sending them to the Streights, and thereby _forestalling_ and ruining petitioners' markets;" but these petitioners had the _hard lot_ of having motions in their favour rejected. I wish that the fullest information may be had in this important investigation, but between the inconsistent accounts and opinions that will probably be given, experience only can decide; and experience will demonstrate that the removal of those restraints will promote the prosperity of both kingdoms. I have the honour to be, my Lord, &c. Sixth Letter. _Dublin, 1st September, 1779._ MY LORD, By the proceedings in the English Parliament, in the year 1698, and the speech of the Lords Justices to the Irish Parliament in that year, it appears that the linen was intended to be given to this country as an equivalent for the woollen manufacture. The opinion that this supposed equivalent was accepted as such by Ireland is mistaken. The temperament which the Commons of Ireland in their address said they hoped to find was no more than a partial and temporary duty on exportation, as an experiment only, and not as an established system, reserving the exportation of frieze, then much the most valuable part to Ireland.[311] The English intended the linen manufacture as a compensation, and declared that they thought it would be much more advantageous to Ireland[312] than the woollen trade. This idea of an equivalent has led several persons, and, among the rest, two very able writers[313] into mistakes from the want of information in some facts which are necessary to be known, that this transaction may be fully understood, and, therefore, ought to be particularly stated. The Irish had before this period applied themselves to the linen trade. This appears by two of their statutes, in the reign of Elizabeth, one laying a duty on the export of flax and linen yarn,[314] and the other making it felony to ship them without paying such duty.[315] In the reign of Charles I. great pains were taken by Lord Strafford to encourage this manufacture, and in the succeeding reign[316] the great and munificent efforts of the first duke of Ormond were crowned with merited success. The blasts of civil dissensions nipped those opening buds of industry; and, when the season was more favourable, it is probable that, like England, they found the woollen manufacture a more useful object of national pursuit, which may be collected from the address of the English House of Commons, "that they so unwillingly promote the linen trade,"[317] and it was natural for a poor and exhausted country to work up the materials of which it was possessed. In 1696 the English had given encouragement to the manufactures of hemp and flax in Ireland, but without stipulating any restraint of the export of woollen goods. The English Act made in that year recites that great sums of money were yearly exported out of England for the purchasing of hemp, flax, and linen, and the productions thereof, which might be prevented by being supplied from Ireland, and allows natives of England and Ireland to import into England, free of all duties,[318] hemp and flax, and all the productions thereof. In the same session[319] a law passed in England for the more effectually preventing the exportation of wool, and for encouraging the importation thereof from Ireland. Both those manufactures were under the consideration of Parliament this session, and it was thought, from enlarged views of the welfare of both kingdoms, that England should encourage the linen without discouraging the woollen manufacture of Ireland. There was no further encouragement given by England to our linen manufacture for some years after the year 1696.[320] _In 1696 there was no equivalent whatever given_ for the prohibition of the export of our woollen manufactures. It is true the assurances given by both Houses of Parliament in England for the encouragement of our linen trade were as strong as words could express; but was this intended encouragement, if immediately carried into execution, an equivalent to Ireland for what she had lost? Let it first be considered whether it was an equivalent at the time of the prohibition. The woollen was then the principal manufacture and trade of Ireland. That it was then considered as her staple, appears from the several Acts of Parliament before mentioned, and from the attempt made in 1695 by the Irish House of Commons to lay a duty on all old and new drapery imported. The amount of the export proves[321] the value of the trade to so poor a country as Ireland, and makes it probable that she then clothed her own people. The address of the English House of Lords shows that this manufacture was "growing" amongst us, and the goodness of our own materials "for making _all manner_ of cloth."[322] And the English Act of 1698 is a voucher that this manufacture was then in so flourishing a state as to give apprehensions, however ill founded, of its rivalling England in foreign markets. The immediate consequences to Ireland showed the value of what she lost; many thousands of manufacturers were obliged to leave this kingdom for want of employment; many parts of the southern and western counties were so far depopulated that they have not yet recovered a reasonable number of inhabitants; and the whole kingdom was reduced to the greatest poverty and distress.[323] The linen trade of Ireland was then of little consideration, compared with the woollen.[324] The whole exportation of linens, in 1700,[325] amounted only in value to £14,112. It was an experiment substituted in the place of an established trade. The English ports in Asia, Africa, and America were then shut against our linens; and, when they were opened[326] for our white and brown linens, the restraints of imports from thence to Ireland made that concession of less value, and she still found it her interest to send, for the most part, her linens to England. The linen could not have been a compensation for the woollen manufacture, which employs by far a greater number of hands, and yields much greater profit to the public, as well as to the manufacturers.[327] Of this manufacture there are not many countries which have the primum in equal perfection with England and Ireland; and no countries, taking in the various kinds of those extensive manufactures, so fit for carrying them on. There cannot be many rivals in this trade: in the linen they are most numerous. Other parts of the world are more fit for it than Ireland, and many equally so. If this could be supposed to have been an equivalent at the time, or to have become so by its success, it can no longer be considered in that light. The commercial state of Europe is greatly altered. Ireland can no longer enjoy the benefit intended for her. It was intended that the great sums of money remitted out of England to foreign countries in this branch of commerce should all centre in Ireland, and that England should be supplied with linen from thence;[328] but foreigners now draw great sums from England in this trade, and rival the Irish in the English markets. The Russians are becoming powerful rivals to the Irish, and undersell them in the coarse kinds of linen. This is now the staple manufacture of Scotland. England, that had formerly cultivated this manufacture without success, and had taken linens[329] from France to the amount of £700,000 yearly, has now made great progress in it. The encouragement of this trade in England and Scotland has been long a principal object to the British Legislature; and the nation that encouraged us to the undertaking has now become our rival in it.[330] That this is not too strong an expression will appear by considering two British statutes, one of which[331] has laid a duty on the importation of Irish sail-cloth into Great Britain, as long as the bounties should be paid on the exportation from[332] Ireland, which obliged us to discontinue them; and the other[333] has given a bounty on the exportation of _British_ chequered and striped linens exported out of _Great Britain_ to Africa, America, Spain, Portugal, Gibraltar, the island of Minorca, or the East Indies. This is now become a very valuable part of the manufacture, which Great Britain, by the operation of this bounty, keeps to herself. The bounties on the exportation of all other linen, which she has generously given to ours as well as to her own,[334] operate much more strongly in favour of the latter;[335] the expense of freight, insurance, commission, &c., in sending the linens from Ireland to England has been computed at four per cent.; and if this computation is right, when the British linens obtain £12 per cent., the full amount of the premium, the Irish do not receive above eight. Those bounties, though acknowledged to be a favour to Ireland, give Great Britain a further and a very important advantage in this trade, by inducing us to send all our linens to England, from whence other countries are supplied. The great hinge upon which the stipulation on the part of England, in the year 1698, turned was, that England should give every possible encouragement to the linen and hempen manufactures in Ireland. Encouraging those manufactures in another country was not compatible with this intention. The course of events made it necessary to do this in Scotland;[336] the course of trade made it necessary for England to do the same. A commercial country must cultivate every considerable manufacture of which she has or can get the primum. These circumstances have totally changed the state of the question; and if it was reasonable and just that Ireland, in 1698, should have accepted of the linen in the place of the woollen manufactures, it deserves to be considered whether by the almost total change of the circumstances it is not now unreasonable and unjust. America itself, the opening of whose markets[337] to Irish linens was thought to have been one of the principal encouragements to that trade, is now become a rival and an enemy; and when she puts off the latter character, will appear in the former with new force and infinite advantages. The emigration for many years of such great multitudes of our linen manufacturers to America,[338] proves incontrovertibly that they can carry on their trade with more success in America than in Ireland. But let us examine the facts to determine whether the proposed encouragements have taken place. The declaration of the Lords of England for the encouragement of the linen manufacture of Ireland was "to all the advantage and profit that kingdom can be capable of;" and of the Commons, "that they shall be _always_ ready to give it their _utmost_ assistance." The speech of the Lords Justices shows the extent of this engagement, and promises the encouragement of England "to the linen and hempen manufactures of Ireland." In the year 1705[339] liberty was given to the natives of England or Ireland to export from Ireland to the English plantations white and brown linens only, but no liberty given to bring in return any goods from thence to Ireland, which will appear from the account in the Appendix to have made this law of inconsiderable effect. In 1743 premiums were given on the exportation of English and Irish linens from Great Britain; and the bounty granted by Great Britain, in 1774, on flax seed imported into Ireland is a further proof of the munificent attention of Great Britain to our linen trade. But chequered, striped, printed, painted, stained, or dyed linens were not until lately admitted into the plantations from Ireland; and the statutes of Queen Anne,[340] laying duties at the rate of thirty per cent. on such linens made in _foreign_ parts and imported into Great Britain, have been, rather by a forced construction, extended to Ireland, which is deprived of the British markets[341] for those goods, and, until the year 1777,[342] was excluded from the American markets also. But it is thought, as to chequered and striped linens, which are a valuable branch of the linen trade, that this Act will have little effect in favour of this country, from the operation of the before-mentioned British Act of the 10th G. 3, which, by granting a bounty on the exportation of those goods of the manufacture of Great Britain only gives a direct preference to the British linen manufacture before the Irish. The hempen manufacture of Ireland has been, so far, _discouraged_ by Great Britain, that the Irish have totally abandoned the culture of hemp.[343] I hope to be excused for weighing scrupulously a proposed equivalent, for which the receiver was obliged to part with the advantages of which he was possessed. The equivalent, given in 1667, for the almost entire exclusion of Ireland from the ports of England and America, was the exportation of our manufactures to foreign nations. The prohibition of 1699 was not altogether consistent with the equivalent of 1667; and from the equivalent of 1698 the superior encouragement since given to English and Scotch linen, and the discouragement to the chequer and stamped linen and sail-cloth of Ireland must make a large deduction. But why must one manufacture only be encouraged? The linen and the woollen trades of Ireland were formerly both encouraged by the legislatures of both kingdoms; they are now both equally encouraged in England. If this single trade was found sufficient employment for 1,000,000 men who remained in this country at the time of this restraint (the contrary of which has been shown), it would require the interposition of more than human wisdom to divide it among 2,500,000 men at this day, and to send the multitude away satisfied. No populous commercial country can subsist on one manufacture; if the world has ever produced such an instance I have not been able to find it. Reason and experience demonstrate that, to make society happy, the members of it must be able to supply the wants of each other, as far as their country affords the means; and, where it does not, by exchanging the produce of their industry for that of their neighbours. When the former is discouraged, or the latter prevented, that community cannot be happy. If they are not allowed to send to other countries the manufactured produce of their own, the people who enjoy that liberty will undersell them in their own markets; the restrained manufacturers will be reduced to poverty, and will hang like paralytic limbs on the rest of the body. If England's commercial system would have been incomplete, had she failed to cultivate any one principal manufacture of which she had or could obtain the material, what shall we say to the commercial state of that country, restrained in a manufacture of which she has the materials in abundance, and in which she had made great progress, and almost confined to one manufacture of which she has not the primum. Manufactures, though they may flourish for a time, generally fail in countries that do not produce the principal materials of them. Of this there are many instances. Venice and the other Italian states carried on the woollen manufacture until the countries which produced the materials manufactured them, when the Italian manufactures declined, and dwindled into little consideration in comparison of their former splendour. The Flemings, from their vicinity to those countries that produced the materials, beat the Italians out of their markets. But when England cultivated that manufacture, the Flemings lost it. That this, and not oppression, was the cause, appears from the following state of the linen manufacture[344] there, because it consumes flax, the native produce of the soil; and it is much to be feared that those islands will be obliged to yield the superiority in this trade to other nations that have great extent of country, and sufficient land to spare for this impoverishing production. That some parts of Ireland may produce good flax must be allowed, and also that parts of Flanders would produce fine wool. But though the legislature has for many years made it a capital object to encourage the growth of flax and the raising of flax-seed in this kingdom, yet it is obliged to pay above £9,000 yearly in premiums on the importation of flax-seed, which is now almost imported, and costs us between £70,000 and £80,000 yearly. Flax farming, in any large quantity, is become a precarious and losing trade,[345] and those who have been induced to attempt it by premiums from the Linen Board have, after receiving those premiums, generally found themselves losers, and have declined that branch of tillage. When the imported flax-seed is unsound and fails, in particular districts, which very frequently happens, the distress, confusion, and litigation that arise among manufacturers, farmers, retailers, and merchants, affords a melancholy proof of the dangerous consequences to a populous nation when the industry of the people and the hope of the rising year rest on a single manufacture, for the materials of which we must depend upon the courtesy and good faith of other nations. Let me appeal to the experience of very near a century in the very instance now before you. A single manufacture is highly encouraged; it obtains large premiums, not only from the legislature of its own country, but from that of a great neighbouring kingdom; it becomes not only the first, but almost the sole national object; immense sums of money are expended in the cultivation of it,[346] and the success exceeds our most sanguine expectations. But look into the state of this country; you will find property circulating slowly and languidly, and in the most numerous classes of your people no circulation or property at all. You will frequently find them in want of employment and of food, and reduced in a vast number of instances from the slightest causes to distress and beggary. All other manufacturers will continue spiritless, poor, and distressed, and derive from uncertain employment a precarious and miserable subsistence; they gain little by the success of the prosperous trade, the dealers in which are tempted to buy from that country to which they principally sell; the disease of those morbid parts must spread through the whole body, and will at length reach the persons employed in the favoured manufacture. These will become poor and wretched, and discontented; they emigrate by thousands; in vain you represent the crime of deserting their country, the folly of forsaking their friends, the temerity of wandering to distant, and, perhaps, inhospitable climates; their despondency is deaf to the suggestions of prudence, and will answer, that they can no longer stay "where hope never comes," but will fly from these "regions of sorrow."[347] Let me not be thought to undervalue the bounties and generosity of that great nation which has taken our linen trade under its protection. There is much ill-breeding, though, perhaps, some good sense, in the churlish reply of the philosopher to the request of the prince who visited his humble dwelling, and desired to know, and to gratify his wishes; that they were no more than this, that the prince should not stand between the philosopher and the sun. Had he been a man of the world he might have expressed the same idea with more address, though with less force and significance; he might have said, "I am sensible of your greatness and of your power; I have no doubts of your liberality; but Nature has abundantly given me all that I wish; intercept not one of her greatest gifts; allow me to enjoy the bounties of her hand, and the contentment of my own mind will furnish the rest." I have the honour to be, my Lord, &c. Seventh Letter. _Dublin, 3rd September, 1779._ MY LORD, By comparing the restrictive law of 1699 with the statutes which had been previously enacted in England from the fifteenth year of the reign of Charles II., relative to the colonies, it appears that this restrictive law originated in a system of colonisation. The principle of that system was that the colonies should send their materials to England and take from thence her manufactures, and that the making those manufactures in the colonies should be prohibited or discouraged. But was it reasonable to extend this principle to Ireland? The climate, growth, and productions of the colonies were different from those of the parent country. England had no sugar-canes, coffee, dying stuff, and little tobacco. She took all those from her colonies only, and it was thought reasonable that they should take from her only the manufactures which she made. But in Ireland the climate, soil, growth, and productions are the same as in England, who could give no such equivalent to Ireland as she gave to America, and was so far from considering her when this system first prevailed, as a proper subject for such regulations, that she was allowed the benefits arising from those colonies equally with England, until the fifteenth year of the reign of King Charles II.[348] By an Act passed in that year, Ireland had no longer the privilege of sending any of her exports, except servants, horses, victuals, and salt, to any of the colonies; the reasons are assigned in the preamble "to make this kingdom a staple, not only of the commodities of those plantations, but also of the commodities of other countries and places for the supplying of them, and it being the usage of other nations to keep their plantation trade to themselves."[349] At the time of passing this law, though less liberal ideas in respect of Ireland were then entertained, it went no further than not to extend to her the benefits of those colony regulations; but it was not then thought that this kingdom was a proper subject for any such regulations. The scheme of substituting there, instead of the woollen, the linen trade, was not at that time thought of. The English were desirous to establish it among themselves, and by an Act of Parliament,[350] made in that year for encouraging the manufacture of linen, granted to all foreigners who shall set up in England the privileges of natural born subjects. But it appears by the English Statute of the 7th and 8th of William III.,[351] which has been before stated, that this scheme had not succeeded in England, and from this act it is manifest that England considered itself as well as Ireland interested to encourage the linen manufacture there; and it does not then appear to have been thought just that Ireland should purchase this benefit for both, by giving up the exportation of any other manufacture. But in 1698 a different principle prevailed, in effect the same, so far as relates to the woollen manufacture, with that which had prevailed as to the commerce of the colonies. This is evident from the preamble of the English law,[352] made in 1699, "for as much as wool and woollen manufactures of cloth, serge, bays, kersies, and other stuffs, made or mixed with wool, are the greatest and most profitable commodities of this kingdom, on which the value of lands and the trade of the nation do chiefly depend, and whereas great quantities of like manufactures have of late been made and are daily increasing in the kingdom of Ireland, and _in the English plantations_ in America, and are exported from thence to foreign markets heretofore supplied from England, which will inevitably sink the value of lands, and tend to the ruin of the trade and woollen manufactures of this realm; for the prevention whereof and for the encouragement of the woollen manufactures in this kingdom, &c. The ruinous consequences of the woollen manufactures of Ireland to the value of lands, trade, and manufactures of England, stated in this Act, are apprehensions that were entertained, and not events that had happened; and before those facts are taken for granted, I request the mischief recited in the Acts[353] made in England to prevent the importation of cattle dead or alive from Ireland, may be considered. The mischiefs stated in those several laws are supposed to be as ruinous to England as those recited in the Act of 1699, and yet are now allowed to be groundless apprehensions occasioned by short and mistaken views of the real interests of England. Sir W. Petty[354] demonstrates that the opinion entertained in England at the time of his prohibition of the import of cattle from Ireland was ill-founded; he calls it a strange conceit. If he was now living, he would probably consider the prohibition of our woollen exports as not having a much better foundation. Connecting this preamble of the Act of 1699, with the speech made from the throne to the parliament of Ireland in the year 1698, with the addresses of both houses in England, and with the prohibition by this and by other Acts, formerly made in England, of exporting wool from Ireland except to that kingdom, the object of this new commercial regulation is obvious. It was to discourage the woollen manufacture in Ireland and in effect to prohibit the exportation from thence because it was the principal branch of manufacture and trade in England; to induce us to send to them our materials for that manufacture, and that we should be supplied with it by them; and to encourage, as a compensation to Ireland, the linen manufacture, which was not at that time a commercial object of any importance to England. This I take to be a part of the system of colony regulations. Whether it was reasonable or just to bring this kingdom into that system, has been already submitted from arguments drawn from the climates and productions of the different countries. The supposed compensation was no more than what Ireland had before; no further encouragement was given by England to our linen manufacture until six years after this prohibition, when at the request of the Irish House of Commons and after a representation of the ruinous state of the country, liberty was given by an English Act of Parliament[355] to export our white and brown linens into the colonies, which was allowing us to do as to one manufacture what, before the fifteenth of King Charles II., was permitted in every instance. It would be presumption in a private man to decide on the weight of those arguments; but to select and arrange facts that lie dispersed in journals and books of Statutes in both kingdoms, and to make observations on those facts with caution and respect, can never give offence to those who inquire for the purpose of relieving a distressed nation and of promoting the general welfare. In that confidence I beg leave to place this subject in a different view, and to request that it may be considered what the commercial system of this kingdom was at the time of passing this law of 1699, and whether it was, in this respect, reasonable or just that such a regulation should have been then made? The great object which the Lords and Commons of Great Britain have determined to investigate led to such a discussion; determined as they are to pursue effectual methods "for promoting the common strength, wealth, and commerce of both kingdoms." What better guides can they follow than the examples of their ancestors and the means used by them for many centuries, and in the happiest times, for attaining the same great purposes. In my opinion it would be improper, in the present state of the British Empire, to agitate disputed questions that may inflame the passions of men. May no such questions ever arise between two affectionate sister kingdoms. It is my purpose only to state acknowledged facts, which never have been contested, and from those facts to lay before you the commercial system of Ireland before the year 1699. For several centuries before this period Ireland was in possession of the English Common law[356] and of Magna Charta. The former secures the subject in the enjoyment of property of every kind; and by the latter _the liberties of all the ports of the kingdom are established_. The Statutes made in England for the common and public weal are,[357] by an Irish Act of the 10th of Henry VII., made laws in Ireland; and the English Commercial Statutes, in which Ireland is expressly mentioned, will place the former state of commerce in this country in a light very different from that in which it has been generally considered in Great Britain. By the 17th of Edward III., ch. 1, all sorts of merchandises may be exported from Ireland, except to the King's enemies. By the 27th of Edward III., ch. 18, merchants of Ireland and Wales may bring their merchandise to the staple of England; and by the 34th of the same king, ch. 17, all kinds of merchandises may be exported from and imported into Ireland, as well by aliens as denizens. In the same year there is another Statute, ch. 18, that all persons who have lands or possessions in Ireland might freely import thither and export from that kingdom _their own commodities_; and by the 50th of Edward III., ch. 8, no alnage is to be paid, if frieze ware, which are made in Ireland. This freedom of commerce was beneficial to both countries. It enabled Ireland to be very serviceable to Edward III., as it had been to his father and grandfather, in supplying numbers of armed vessels for transporting their great lords and their attendants and troops[358] to Scotland and also to Portsmouth for his French wars. But the reign of Edward IV. furnishes still stronger instances of the regard shown by England to the trade and manufactures of this country. In the third year of that monarch's reign the artificers of England complained to parliament that they were greatly impoverished, and _could not live_ by bringing in divers commodities and wares ready wrought.[359] An Act passed reciting those complaints, and ordaining that no merchant born a subject of the king, denisen or stranger, or other person, should bring into England or Wales any woollen cloths, &c., and enumerates many other manufactures on pain of forfeiture, provided that all wares and "chaffers" made and wrought in Ireland or Wales may be brought in and sold in the realm of England, as they were wont before the making of that Act.[360] In the next year another Act[361] passed in that kingdom, that all woollen cloth brought into England, and set to sale, should be forfeited, except cloths made in Wales or Ireland. In those reigns England was as careful of the commerce and manufactures of her ancient sister kingdom, particularly in her great staple trade, as she was of her own. Of this attention there were further instances in the years 1468 and 1478. In two treaties concluded in those years between England and the Duke of Bretagne, the merchandise to be traded in between England, Ireland, and Calais on the one part, and Bretagne on the other, is specified, and woollen cloths are particularly mentioned.[362] And in a treaty between Henry VII. and the Netherlands, Ireland is included, both as to exports and imports.[363] The commercial Acts of Parliament in which Ireland is mentioned have only been stated, because they are not generally known. But the laws made in England before the 10th Henry VII. for the protection of merchants and the security of trade, being laws for the common and public weal, are also made laws here by the Irish statute of that year, which was returned under the great seal of England, and must have been previously considered in the privy council of that kingdom. At this period, then, the English commercial system and the Irish, so far as it depended upon the English statute law, was the same; and before this period, so far as it depended upon the common law and Magna Charta, was also the same. From that time until the 15th of King Charles II., which takes in a period of 167 years, the commercial constitution of Ireland was as much favoured and protected as that of England. "The free enlargement of common traffic which his Majesty's subjects of Ireland enjoyed," is taken notice of incidentally in an English statute, in the reign of King James I.,[364] and in 1627, King Charles I. made a strong declaration in favour of the trade and manufactures of this country. By several English statutes in the reign of King Charles II., an equal attention was shown to the woollen manufactures in both kingdoms; in the 12th year of his reign[365] the exportation of wool, wool-felts, fuller's earth, or any kind of scowering earth, was prohibited from both. But let the reasons mentioned in the preamble for passing this law be adverted to: "For preventing inconveniences and losses that happened, and that daily do and may happen, to the kingdom of England, dominion of Wales, and kingdom of Ireland, through the secret exportation of wool out of and from the said kingdoms and dominions; and for the _better setting on work the poor people_ and inhabitants of the kingdoms and dominions aforesaid, and to the intent that the full use and benefit of _the principal native commodities_ of the same kingdom and dominion may come, redound, and be unto the subjects and inhabitants of the same." This was the voice of nature, and the dictate of sound and general policy; it proclaimed to the nations that they should not give to strangers the bread of their own children; that the produce of the soil should support the inhabitants of the country; that their industry should be exercised on their own materials, and that the poor should be employed, clothed, and fed. The shipping and navigation of England and Ireland were at this time equally favoured and protected. By another Act of the same year no goods or commodities[366] of the growth, production or manufacture of Asia, Africa, or America, shall be imported into England, _Ireland_, or Wales, but in ships which belong to the people of England or _Ireland_, the dominion of Wales, or town of Berwick-upon-Tweed, or which are of the built of the said lands, and of which the master and three-fourths of the mariners are English; and a subsequent statute[367] makes the encouragement to navigation in both countries equal, by ordaining that the subjects of Ireland and of the Plantations shall be accounted English within the meaning of that clause. Another law[368] of the same reign shows that the navigation, commerce, and woollen manufactures of both kingdoms were equally protected by the English legislature. This Act lays on the same restraint as the above-mentioned Act of the 12th of Charles II., and makes the transgression still more penal. It recites that wool, wool-felts, &c., are secretly exported from England and Ireland to foreign parts to the great decay of the woollen manufactures, and the destruction of the navigation and commerce of _these kingdoms_. From those laws it appears that the commerce, navigation, and manufactures of this country were not only favoured and protected by the English legislature, but that we had in those times the full benefit of their Plantation trade; whilst the woollen manufactures were protected and encouraged in England and Ireland, the planting of tobacco in both was prohibited, because "it was one of the main products of several of the Plantations, and upon which their welfare and subsistence do depend."[369] This policy was liberal, just, and equal; it opened the resources and cultivated the strength of every part of the empire. This commercial system of Ireland was enforced by several Acts of her own legislature; two statutes passed in the reign of Henry VIII. to prevent the exportation of wool, because, says the first of those laws, "it hath been the cause of dearth of cloth and idleness of many folks,"[370] and "tends to the desolation and ruin of this poor land." The second of those laws enforces the prohibition[371] by additional penalties; it recites "that the said beneficial law had taken little effect, but that since the making thereof great plenty of wool had been conveyed out of this land to the great and inestimable hurt, decay, and impoverishment of the King's poor subjects within the said land, for redress whereof, and in consideration that conveying of the wool of the growth of this land out of the same is one of the greatest occasions of the idleness of the people, waste, ruin, and desolation of the King's cities and borough towns, and other places of his dominion within this land." The 11th of Elizabeth[372] lays duties on the exportation equal to a prohibition, and the reason given in the preamble ought to be mentioned: "That the said commodities may be more abundantly wrought in this realm ere they shall be so transported than presently they are, which shall set many now living idle on work, to the great relief and commodity of this realm.[373] By the preamble of one of those Acts,[374] made in the reign of Charles II., it appears that the sale of Irish woollen goods in foreign markets was encouraged by England, "whereas there is a general complaint in _England_, France, and other parts beyond the seas (whither the woollen cloths and other commodities made of wool in this, his Majesty's kingdom of Ireland, are transported) of the false, deceitful, uneven, and uncertain making thereof, which cometh to pass by reason that the clothiers and makers thereof do not observe any certain assize for length, breadth, and weight for making their clothes and other commodities aforesaid in this kingdom, as they do in the realm of England, and as they ought also to do here, by which means the merchants, buyers, and users of the said cloth and other commodities are much abused and deceived, and the credit, esteem, and sale of the said cloth and commodities is thereby much impaired and undervalued, to the great and general hurt and hindrance of the trade of clothing in this whole realm." After the ports of England were shut against our cattle, and our trade to the English colonies was restrained, still this commercial system was adhered to by encouraging the manufactures of this country, and the exportation of them to foreign countries. In 1667, when the power of the Crown was not so well understood as at present, the proclamation before mentioned was published by the Lord Lieutenant and Privy Council of Ireland,[375] in pursuance of a letter from Charles II., by the advice of his council in England, notifying to all his subjects of this kingdom the allowance of a free trade to all foreign countries, either at war or peace with his Majesty. In the year 1663 the distinction between the trade of England and Ireland,[376] and the restraints on that of the latter commenced. By an English Act passed in that year, entitled an Act "for the encouragement of trade," a title not very applicable to the parts of it that related to Ireland; besides laying a prohibition on cattle imported into England from that kingdom, the exportation of all commodities except victuals, servants, horses, and salt for the fisheries of New England and Newfoundland, from thence to the English plantations, was prohibited from the 25th March, 1764. The exports allowed were useful to them, but prejudicial to Ireland, as they consisted of our people, our provisions, and a material for manufacture which we might have used more profitably on our own coasts. In 1670, another Act[377] passed in England to prohibit from the 24th of March, 1671, the exportation from the English plantations to Ireland of several materials for manufactures[378] without first unloading in England or Wales. We are informed by this Act that the restraint of the exportation from the English plantations to Ireland was intended by the Act of 1663; but the intention is not effectuated, though the importation of those commodities into Ireland _from England_, without first unloading there is, in effect, prohibited by that Act. The prohibition of importing into Ireland any plantation goods, unless the same had been first landed in England, and had paid the duties, is made general, without any exception, by the English Act of the 7th and 8th W. III., ch. 22. But by subsequent British Acts[379] it is made lawful to import from his Majesty's plantations all goods of their growth or manufactures, the articles enumerated in those several Acts excepted.[380] By a late British Act[381] there is a considerable extension of the exports from Ireland to the British plantations. But it is apprehended that this law will not answer the kind intentions of the British legislature. Denying the import from those countries to Ireland is, in effect, preventing the export from Ireland to those countries. Money cannot be expected for our goods there, we must take theirs in exchange; and this can never answer on the terms of our being obliged, in our return, to pass by Ireland, to land those goods in England, to ship them a second time, and then to sail back again to Ireland. No trade will bear such an unnecessary delay and expense. The quickness and the security of the return are the great inducements to every trade. One is lost and the other hazarded by such embarrassments; those who are not subject to them carry on the trade with such advantages over those who are so entangled as totally to exclude them from it. This is no longer the subject of speculation, it has been proved by the experience of above seventy years. Since the year 1705, when liberty was given to import white and brown linen from Ireland into the English plantations, the quantities sent there directly from Ireland were at all times very inconsiderable notwithstanding this liberty; they were sent for the most part from Ireland to England before any bounty was given on the exportation from thence, which did not take place until the year 1743; and from England the English plantations were supplied. There cannot be a more decisive proof that the liberty of exporting without a direct import in return, will not be beneficial to Ireland. This country is the part of the British empire most conveniently situated for trade with the colonies. If not suffered to have any beneficial intercourse with them, she will be deprived of one of the great advantages of her situation; and such an obstruction to the prosperity of so considerable a part must necessarily diminish the strength of the whole British empire. Those laws laid Ireland under restraints highly prejudicial to her commerce and navigation. From those countries the materials for ship-building[382] and some of those used in perfecting their staple manufactures were had; Ireland was, by those laws, excluded from almost all the trade of three quarters of the globe, and from all direct beneficial intercourse with her fellow-subjects in those countries, which were partly stocked from her own loins. But still, though deprived at that time of the benefit of those colonies, she was not then considered as a colony herself, her manufacturers were not in any other manner discouraged, her ports were left open, and she was at liberty to look for a market among strangers, though not among her fellow-subjects in Asia, Africa, or America.[383] By the law of 1699 she was, as to her staple manufacture, deprived of those resources; she was brought within a system of colonisation, but on worse terms than any of the plantations who were allowed to trade with each other.[384] She could send her principal materials for manufacture to England only; but those manufactures were encouraged in England and discouraged in Ireland. The probable consequence of which was, and the event has answered the expectation, that we should take those manufactures from that country; and that, therefore, in those various trades which employ the greatest numbers of men, the English should work for our people; the rich should work for the poor. Let the histories of both kingdoms, and the statute books of both parliaments be examined, and no precedent will be found for the Act of 1699, or for the system which it introduced. The whole tenor of the English statutes relative to the trade of this country, and which, by our Act of the 10th of Henry VII., became a part of our commercial constitution, breathe a spirit totally repugnant to the principle of that law; and it is, therefore, with the utmost deference, submitted to those who have the power to decide whether this law was agreeable to the commercial constitution of Ireland, which, for 500 years, has never produced a similar instance. It might be naturally supposed, by a person not versed in our story, that in the seventeenth century there had been some offence given or some demerit on our part. He would be surprised to hear that during this period our loyalty had been exemplary, and our sufferings on that account great. In 1641, great numbers of the Protestants of Ireland were destroyed, and many of them were deprived of their property and driven out of their country from their attachment to the English Government in this kingdom, and to that religion and constitution which they happily enjoyed under it. At the Revolution they were constant in the same principles, and successfully staked their lives and properties against domestic and foreign enemies in support of the rights of the English crown, and of the religious and civil liberties of Britain and of Ireland. They bravely shared with her in all her dangers, and liberally partook of all her adversities. Whatever were their rights, they had forfeited none of them. Whatever favours they enjoyed, they had new claims from their merit and their sufferings to a continuance of them. They now wanted more than ever the care of that fostering hand which, by rescuing them twice from oppression (obligations never to be forgotton by the Protestants of Ireland), established the liberties, confirmed the strength, and raised the glory of the British empire. In speaking of a commercial system, it is not intended to touch upon the power of making or altering laws; the present subject leads us only to consider whether that power has been exercised in any instances contrary to reason, justice, and public utility. When we consider, with the utmost deference to established authority, what is _reasonable, useful, and just_, principles equally applicable to an independent or a subordinate, to a rich or a poor country: _Quod æque pauperibus prodest, locupletibus æque_. Should any man talk of a conquest above 500 years since, between kingdoms long united like those, in blood, interest, and constitution, he does not speak to the purpose; he may as well talk of the conquest of the Norman, and use the antiquated language of obsolete despotism. I revere that conquest which has given to Ireland the common law and the Magna Charta of England. When we consider what is _reasonable, useful, and just_, and address our sentiments to a nation renowned for wisdom and justice, should pride pervert the question, talk of the power of Britain, and, in the character of that great country, ask, like Tancred, who shall control me? I answer, like the sober Siffredi--_thyself_. The power of regulating trade in a great empire is perverted, when exercised for the destruction of trade in any part of it; but whatever or wherever that power is, if it says to the subject on one side of a channel, you may work and navigate, buy and sell; and to the subject on the other side, you shall not work or navigate, buy or sell, but under such restrictions as will extinguish the genius and unnerve the arm of industry; I will only say that it uses a language repugnant to the free spirit of commerce, and of the British and Irish constitution. Great eulogiums on the virtues of our people have been pronounced by some of the most respected English authors.[385] Yet indolence is objected to them by those who discourage their industry; but they do not reflect that each of these proceeds from habit, and that the noble observation made on virtue in general is equally applicable to industry; the day that it loses its liberty half of its vigour is gone.[386] The great expenditure of money by England on account of this country is an argument more fit for the limited views of a compting-house than for the enlarged policy of statesmen deliberating on the general good of a great empire. Very large sums, it is true, were advanced by England for the relief and recovery of Ireland; but these have been reimbursed fifty-fold by the profits and advantages which have since arisen to England from its trade and intercourse with this kingdom. This argument may be further pursued, but accounts of mutual benefits between intimate friends and near relations should always be kept open, and every attempt to strike a balance between them tends rather to raise jealousies than to promote good will. It has been said that the interest of England required that those restraints should be imposed. The contrary has been shown; one of the maxims of her own law instructs us to enjoy our own property, so as not to injure that of our neighbour,[387] and the true interest of a great country lies in the population, wealth, and strength of the whole empire. If this restrictive system was founded in justice and sound policy towards the middle and at the conclusion of the last century, the present state of the British empire requires new counsels and a system of commerce and of policy totally different from those which the circumstances of these countries, in the years 1663, 1670, and 1698, might have suggested. But it is time to give your lordship a little relief before I enter into a new part of my subject. I have the honour to be, My lord, &c. Eighth Letter. _Dublin, 6th September, 1779._ MY LORD, Between the 23rd of October, 1641, and the same day in the year 1652, five hundred and four thousand of the inhabitants of Ireland are said to have perished and been wasted by the sword, plague, famine, hardship, and banishment.[388] If it had not been for the numbers of British which those wars had brought over,[389] and such who, either as adventurers or soldiers, seated themselves here on account of the satisfaction made to them in lands, the country had been, by the rebellion of 1641 and the plague that followed it, nearly desolate. At the restoration almost the whole property of the kingdom was in a state of the utmost anarchy and confusion. To satisfy the clashing interests of the numerous claimants, and to determine the various and intricate disputes that arose relative to titles, required a considerable length of time. Peace and settlement, or, to use the words of one of the Acts of Parliament[390] of that time, the repairing the ruins and desolation of the kingdom were the great objects of this period. The English law[391] of 1663, restraining the exportation from Ireland to America, was at that time, and for some years after, scarcely felt in this kingdom, which had then little to export except live cattle, not proper for so distant a market. The Act of Settlement, passed in Ireland the year before this restrictive law, and the explanatory statute for the settlement of this kingdom, was not enacted until two years after. The country continued for a considerable time in a state of litigation, which is never favourable to industry. In 1661, the people must have been poor; the number of them of all degrees who paid poll money in that year was about 360,000.[392] In 1672, when the country had greatly improved, the manufacture bestowed upon a year's exportation from Ireland did not exceed eight thousand pounds,[393] and the clothing trade had not then arrived to what it had been before the last rebellion. But still the kingdom had much increased in wealth, though not in manufactured exports. The customs which set in 1656 for £12,000 yearly were, in 1672, worth £80,000[394] yearly, and the improvement in domestic wealth, that is to say, in building, planting, furniture, coaches, &c., is said to have advanced from 1652 to 1673 in a proportion of from one to four. Sir William Petty, in the year 1672, complains not of the restraints on the exportation from Ireland to America,[395] but of the prohibition of exporting our cattle to England, and of our being obliged to unlade in that kingdom[396] the ships bound from America to Ireland, the latter regulation he considers as highly prejudicial to this country.[396] The immediate object of Ireland at this time seems to have been to get materials to employ her people at home, without thinking of foreign exportations. When we advanced in the export of our woollen goods the law of 1663,[397] which excluded them from the American markets, must have been a great loss to this kingdom; and after we were allowed to export our linens to the British colonies in America, the restraints imposed by the law of 1670 upon our importations from thence became more prejudicial, and will be much more so if ever the late extension of our exports to America should under those restraints have any effect. For it is certainly a great discouragement to the carrying on trade with any country where we are allowed only to sell our manufactures and produce, but are not permitted to carry from them directly to our own country their principal manufactures or produce. The people to whom we are thus permitted to sell want the principal inducement for dealing with us, and the great spring of commerce, which is mutual exchange, is wanting between us. As the British legislature has thought it reasonable to extend, to a very considerable degree, our exportation to their colonies, and has, doubtless, intended that this favour should be useful to Ireland, it is hoped that those restraints on the importation from thence, which must render that favour of little effect, will be no longer continued. From those considerations it is evident that many strong reasons respecting Ireland are now to be found against the continuance of those restrictive laws of 1663 and 1670, that did not exist at the time of making them. The prohibition of 1699 was immediately and universally felt in this country; but in the course of human events various and powerful reasons have arisen against the continuance of that statute, which did not exist, and could not have been foreseen when it was enacted. At the Restoration the inhabitants of Ireland consisted of three different nations--English, Scotch, and Irish--divided by political and religious principles, exasperated against each other by former animosities, and by present contests for property. When the settlement of the country was completed, the people became industrious, manufactures greatly increased, and the kingdom began to flourish. The prohibition of exporting cattle to England, and perhaps that of importing directly from America the materials of other manufactures, obliged the Irish to increase and to manufacture their own material. They made so great a progress in both, from 1672 to 1687, that in the latter year the exports of the woollen manufacture alone amounted in value to £70,521 14_s._ 0_d._ But the religious and civil animosities continued. The papists objected to the settlement of property made after the Restoration,[398] wished to reverse the outlawries, and to rescind the laws on which that settlement was founded, hoped to establish their own as the national religion, to get the power of the kingdom into their own hands, and to effect all those purposes by a king of their own religion. They endeavoured to attain all those objects by laws[399] passed at a meeting which they called a parliament, held under this prince after his abdication; and by their conduct at this period, as well as in the year 1642,[400] showed dispositions unfavourable to the subordination of Ireland to the Crown of England. They could not be supposed to be well affected to that great prince who defeated all their purposes. At the time of the revolution the numbers of our people were again very much reduced; but a great majority of the remaining inhabitants consisted of papists. Those, notwithstanding their disappointment at that era, were thought to entertain expectations of the restoration of their Popish king, and designs unfavourable to the established constitution in Church and State. It is not to the present purpose to inquire how long this disposition prevailed. It cannot be doubted but that this was the opinion conceived of their views and principles at the time of passing this law in the year 1699. England could not then consider a country under such unfortunate circumstances as any great additional strength to it. Foreign Protestants were invited to settle in it, and the emigration of papists in great numbers to other countries was allowed, if not encouraged. Though at this period a regard to liberty as well as to economy, occasioned the disbanding of all the army in England, except 7,000, it was thought necessary for the security of Ireland that an army of 12,000 men should be kept there; and for many years afterwards it was not allowed that this army should be recruited in this kingdom. This distinction of parties in Ireland was in those times the mainspring in every movement relative to that kingdom, and affected not only political but commercial regulations. The reason assigned by the English statute, allowing the exportation of Irish linen cloth to the plantations, is, after reciting the restrictive law of 1663,[401] "_yet_, forasmuch as the Protestant interest of Ireland ought to be supported, by giving the utmost encouragement to the linen manufactures of that kingdom, in tender regard to her Majesty's good Protestant subjects of her said kingdom, be it enacted," &c. The papists, then disabled from acquiring permanent property in lands, had not the same interest with Protestants in the defence of their country and in the prosperity of the British Empire. But those seeds of disunion and diffidence no longer remain. No man looks now for the return of the exiled family any more than for that of Perken Warbec; and the repeal of Magna Charta is as much expected as of the Act of Settlement. The papists, indulged with the exercise of their religious worship, and now at liberty to acquire permanent property in lands, are interested as well as Protestants in the security and prosperity of this country; and sensible of the benign influence of our Sovereign, and of the protection and happiness which they enjoy under his reign, seem to be as well affected to the King and to the constitution of the State as any other class of subjects, and at this most dangerous crisis have contributed their money to raise men for his Majesty's service, and declared their readiness, had the laws permitted, to have taken arms for the defence of their country. They owe much to the favour and protection of the Crown, and to the liberal and benevolent spirit of the British legislature which led the way to their relief, and they are peculiarly interested to cultivate the good opinion of their Sovereign, and of their fellow-subjects in Great Britain. The numbers of our people, since the year 1698, are more than doubled; but in point of real strength to the British Empire are increased in a proportion of above eight to one. In the year 1698 the numbers of our people did not much, if at all, exceed one million. Of these 300,000 are thought to be a liberal allowance for Protestants of all denominations. It is now supposed that there are not less in this kingdom than 2,500,000 loyal and affectionate subjects to his Majesty, and well affected to the constitution and happiness of their country. A political and commercial constitution, if it could have been considered as wisely framed for the years 1663, 1670, and 1698, ought to be reconsidered in the year 1779; what might have been good and necessary policy in the government of one million of men disunited among themselves, and a majority of them not to be relied upon in support of their king and of the laws and constitution of their country, is bad policy in the government of two millions and a-half of men now united among themselves, and all interested in the support of the Crown, the laws, and the constitution. What might have been sufficient employment, and the means of acquiring a competent subsistence for one million of people, when a man, by working two days in the week, might have earned a sufficient support for him and his family, will never answer for two millions and a-half of people,[402] when the hard labour of six days in the week can scarcely supply a scanty subsistence. Nor can the resources which enabled us in the last century to remit £200,000 yearly to England[403] support remittances to the amount of more than six times that sum. Let the reasons for this restrictive system at the time of its formation be examined, and let us judge impartially whether any one of the purposes then intended has been answered. The reasons respecting America were to confine the Plantation trade to England, and to make that country a storehouse of all commodities for its colonies. But the commercial jealousy that has prevailed among the different states of Europe has made it difficult for any nation to keep great markets to herself in exclusion of the rest of the world. It was not foreseen at those periods that the colonies, whilst they all continued dependent, should have traded with foreign nations, notwithstanding the utmost efforts of Great Britain to prevent it. It was not foreseen that those colonies would have refused to have taken any commodities whatever from their parent country, that they should afterwards have separated themselves from her empire, declared themselves independent, resisted her fleets and armies, obtained the most powerful alliances, and occasioned the most dangerous and destructive war in which Great Britain was ever engaged. Nor could it have been foreseen that Ireland, excluded from almost all direct intercourse with them, should have been nearly undone by the contest. The reasons then respecting America no longer exist, and whatever may be the event of the conflict, will never exist to the extent expected when this system of restraints and penalties was adopted. The reasons relating to Ireland have failed also. The circumstances of this country relative to the woollen manufacture are totally changed since the year 1699. The Lords and Commons of England appear to have founded the law of that year on the proportion which they supposed that the charge of the woollen manufacture in England then bore to the charge of that manufacture in Ireland. In the representation from the Commissioners of Trade, laid before both houses,[404] they think it a reasonable conjecture to take the difference between both wool and labour in the two countries to be one-third; and estimating on that supposition, they find that 43-7/8 per cent. may be laid on broadcloth exported out of Ireland, more than on the like cloth exported out of England, to bring them both to an equality. This must have been an alarming representation to England. But if those calculations were just at the time, which is very doubtful, the supposed facts on which they were founded do certainly no longer exist. Wool is now generally at a higher price in Ireland than in England, and the trifling difference in the price of labour is more than overbalanced by this and the other circumstances in favour of England, which have been before stated; and that those facts supposed in 1698, and the inferences drawn from them, have no foundation in the present state of this country is plain from the experience every day, which shows that instead of our underselling the English, they undersell us in our own markets. Besides our exclusion from foreign markets, England had two objects in the discouragement of our woollen trade. It was intended that Ireland should send her wool to England, and take from that country her woollen manufactures.[405] It has been already shown that the first object has not been attained, the second has been carried so far as, for the future, to defeat its own purpose. Whilst our own manufacturers were starving for want of employment, and our wool sold for less than one-half its usual price, we have imported from England, in the years 1777 and 1778, woollen goods to the enormous amount of £715,740 13_s._ 0_d._, as valued at our Custom House, and of the manufactures of linen, cotton, and silk mixed, to the amount of £98,086 1_s._ 11_d._, making in the whole in those two years of distress, £813,826 14_s._ 11_d._[406] Between 20 and 30,000 of our manufacturers in those branches were in those two years supported by public charity. From this fact it is hoped that every reasonable man will allow the necessity of our using our own manufactures. Agreements among our people for this purpose are not, as it has been supposed, a new idea in this country. It was never so universal as at present, but has been frequently resorted to in times of distress. In the sessions of 1703, 1705, and 1707,[407] the House of Commons resolved unanimously, that it would greatly conduce to the relief of the poor and the good of the kingdom, that the inhabitants thereof should use none other but the manufactures of this kingdom in their apparel and the furniture of their houses; and in the last of those sessions the members engaged their honours to each other, that they would conform to the said resolution. The not importing goods from England is one of the remedies recommended by the council of trade in 1676, for alleviating some distress that was felt at that time;[408] and Sir William Temple, a zealous friend to the trade and manufactures of England, recommends to Lord Essex, then Lord Lieutenant, "to introduce, as far as can be, a vein of parsimony throughout the country in all things that are not perfectly the native growths and manufactures."[409] The people of England cannot reasonably object to a conduct of which they have given a memorable example.[410] In 1697 the English House of Lords presented an address to King William to discourage the use and wearing of all sorts of furniture and cloths, not of the growth or manufacture of that kingdom; and beseech him by his royal example effectually to encourage the use and wearing of all sorts of furniture and wearing cloths that are the growth of that kingdom, or manufactured there; and King William assures them that he would give the example to his subjects,[411] and would endeavour to make it effectually followed. The reason assigned by the Lords for this address was that the trade of the nation had suffered by the late long and expensive war. But it does not appear that there was any pressing necessity at the time, or that their manufacturers were starving for want of employment. Common sense must discover to every man that, where foreign trade is restrained, discouraged, or prevented in any country, and where that country has the materials of manufactures, a fruitful soil, and numerous inhabitants, the home-trade is its best resource. If this is thought, by men of great knowledge, to be the most valuable of all trades,[412] because it makes the speediest and the surest returns, and because it increases at the same time two capitals in the same country, there is no nation on the globe whose wealth, population, strength, and happiness would be promoted by such a trade in a greater degree than ours.[413] Two other reasons were assigned for this prohibition: that the Irish had shown themselves unwilling to promote the linen manufacture,[414] and that there were great quantities of wool in Ireland. But they have since cultivated the linen trade with great success, and great numbers of their people are employed in it. Of late years by the operation of the land-carriage bounty, agriculture has increased in a degree never before known in this country; extensive tracts of lands, formerly sheep-pasture, are now under tillage, and much greater rents are given for that purpose than can be paid by stocking with sheep; the quantity of wool is greatly diminished from what it was in the year 1699, supposing it to have been then equal to the quantity in 1687,[415] it has been for several years lessening, and is not likely to be increased. In those two important circumstances the grounds of the apprehensions of England have ceased, and the state of Ireland has been materially altered since the year 1699. Another reason respecting England and foreign States, particularly France, has failed. England was, in 1698, in possession of the woollen trade in most of the foreign markets, and expected still to continue to supply them, as appears by the preamble of her Statute passed in that year. She at that time expected to keep this manufacture to herself. The people of Leeds, Halifax, and Newberry,[416] petition the House of Commons "that by some means the woollen manufacture may be prevented from being set up in foreign countries;" and the Commons, in their address, mention the keeping it as much as possible _entire_ to themselves. But experience has proved the vanity of those expectations; several other countries cultivate this trade with success. France now undersells her. England has lost some of those markets, and it is thought probable that Ireland, if admitted to them, might have preserved and may now recover the trade that England has lost. A perseverance in this restrictive policy will be ruinous to the trade of Great Britain. Whatever may be the state of America, great numbers of the inhabitants of Ireland, if the circumstances of this country shall continue to be the same as at present in respect of trade, will emigrate there; this will give strength to that part of the empire on which Great Britain can least, and take it from that part on which at present she may most securely depend. But this is not all the mischief; those emigrants will be mostly manufacturers, and will transfer to America the woollen and linen manufactures, to the great prejudice of those trades in England, Scotland, and Ireland; and then one of the means used to keep the colonies dependent by introducing this country into a system of colonisation, will be the occasion of lessening, if not dissolving, the connection between them and their parent State. Great Britain, weakened in her extremities, should fortify the heart of her empire; Great Britain, with powerful foreign enemies united in lasting bonds against her, and with scarcely any foreign alliance to sustain her, should exert every possible effort to strengthen herself at home. The number of people in Ireland have more than doubled in fourscore years. How much more rapid would be the increase if the growth of the human race was cherished by finding sufficient employment and food for this prolific nation! it would probably double again in half a century. What a vast accession of strength such numbers of brave and active men, living almost within the sound of a trumpet, must bring to Great Britain, now said to be decreasing considerably in population!--a greater certainty than double those numbers dispersed in distant parts of the globe, the expense of defending and governing of which must at all times be great. Sir W. Temple,[417] in 1673, takes notice of the circumstances prejudicial to the trade and riches of Ireland, which had hitherto, he says, made it of more loss than value to England. They have already been mentioned. The course of time has removed some of them, and the wisdom and philanthropy of Britain may remove the rest. "Without these circumstances (says that honest and able statesman), the native fertility of the soils and seas, in so many rich commodities, improved by multitudes of people and industry, with the advantage of so many excellent havens, and a situation so commodious for all sorts of foreign trade, must needs have rendered this kingdom one of the richest in Europe, and made a mighty increase both of strength and revenue to the crown of England."[418] During this century, Ireland has been, without exaggeration, a mine of wealth to England, far beyond what any calculation has yet made it. When poor and thinly inhabited she was an expense and a burden to England; when she had acquired some proportion of riches and grew more numerous, she was one of the principal sources of her wealth. When she becomes poor again, those advantages are greatly diminished. The exports from Great Britain to Ireland, in 1778,[419] were less than the medium value of the four preceding years in a sum of £634,444 3_s._ 0_d_; and in the year 1779, Great Britain is obliged, partly at her own expense, to defend this country, and for that purpose has generously bestowed out of her own exchequer a large sum of money. Those facts demonstrate that the poverty of Ireland ever has been a drain, and her riches an influx of wealth to England, to which the greater part of it will ever flow, and it imports not to that country through what channel; but the source must be cleared from obstructions, or the stream cannot continue to flow. Such a liberal system would increase the wealth of this kingdom by means that would strengthen the hands of government, and promote the happiness of the people. Ireland would be then able to contribute largely to the support of the British Empire, not only from the increase of her wealth, but from the more equal distribution of it into a greater number of hands among the various orders of the community. The present inability of Ireland arises principally from this circumstance, that her lower and middle classes have little or no property, and are not able, to any considerable amount, either to pay taxes or consume those commodities that are the usual subjects of them; and this has been the consequence of the laws which prevent trade and discourage manufactures. The same quantity of property distributed through the different classes of the people would supply resources much superior to those which can be found in the present state of Ireland.[420] The increase of people there under its present restraints makes but a small addition to the resources of the State in respect of taxes.[421] In 1685, the amount of the inland excise in Ireland was £75,169. In 1762, it increased only to £92,842. Those years are taken as periods of a considerable degree of prosperity in Ireland. The people had increased, from 1685 to 1762, in a proportion of nearly 7 to 4,[422] which appears from this circumstance, that in 1685 hearth-money amounted to £32,659, and in 1762 to £56,611. At the former period the law made to restrain and discourage the principal trade and manufacture of Ireland had not been made. There were then vast numbers of sheep in Ireland, and the woollen manufacture was probably in a flourishing state. At the former of those periods the lower classes of the people were able to consume excisable commodities; in the latter they lived for the most part on the immediate produce of the soil. The numbers of people in a state, like those of a private family, if the individuals have the means of acquiring, add to the wealth, and if they have not those means, to the poverty of the community. Population is not always a proof of the prosperity of a nation; the people may be very numerous and very poor and wretched. A temperate climate, fruitful soil, bays and rivers well stocked with fish, the habits of life among the lower classes, and a long peace, are sufficient to increase the numbers of people: these are the true wealth of every state that has wisdom to encourage the industry of its inhabitants, and a country which supplies in abundance the materials for that industry. If the state or the family should discourage industry, and not allow one of the family to work, because another is of the same trade, the consequences to the great or the little community must be equally fatal. Is there not business enough in this great world for the people of two adjoining islands, without depressing the inhabitants of one of them? Let the magnanimity and philanthropy of Great Britain address her poor sister kingdom in the same language which the good-natured Uncle Toby uses to the fly in setting it at liberty:--"Poor fly; there's room enough for thee and me." I have the honour to be, My Lord, &c. Ninth Letter. _Dublin, 10th Sept., 1779._ MY LORD, Besides those already mentioned, various other commercial restraints and prohibitions give the British trader and manufacturer many great and important advantages over the Irish. Whilst our markets are at all times open to all their productions and manufactures, with inconsiderable duties on the import, their markets are open or shut against us as suits their conveniency. On several articles of the first importance, and on almost all our own manufactures imported into Great Britain, duties are imposed equal to a prohibition. In the instance of woollen goods, theirs in our ports pay but a small duty; ours in their ports are loaded with duties[423] which amount to a prohibition.[424] Theirs on the exportation are subject to no duty; ours, if permitted to be exported, would, as the law now stands, be subject to a duty[425] over and above that payable for alnage and for the alnager's fee. If the Act of 1699 was repealed, the English would still have many great advantages over us in the woollen trade. In our staple manufacture, the bounties given on the exportation of white and brown Irish linen from Great Britain would still continue that trade in the hands of the British merchant. On all coloured linens a duty[426] equal to a prohibition is imposed on the importation into Great Britain; but theirs, imported to us, are subject[427] to ten per cent., and under that duty they have imported considerably. This inequality of duty, and the bounty given by the British Act of the tenth of Geo. III., on the exportation of their chequered and striped linens from Great Britain, secures to them the continuance of the great superiority which they have acquired over us in those very valuable branches of this trade. In many other articles they have given themselves great advantages. Beer they export to us in such quantities as almost to ruin our brewery; but they prevent our exportation to them by duties, laid on the import there, equal to a prohibition. Of malt they make large exports to us, to the prejudice of our agriculture, but have absolutely prohibited our exportation of that commodity to them. Some manufactures they retain solely to themselves, which we are prohibited from exporting, and cannot import from any country but Great Britain, as glass of all kinds. Hops they do not allow us to import from any other place, and in a facetious style of interdiction, pronounce such importation to be a common nuisance.[428] They go further, and by laying a duty on the export, and denying the draw-back, oblige the Irish consumer to pay a tax appropriated, it is said, to the payment of a British debt. I shall make no political, but the subject requires a commercial observation--it is this: the man who keeps a market solely to himself, in exclusion of all others, whether he appears as buyer[429] or seller, fixes his own price, and becomes the arbiter of the profit and loss of every customer. The various manufactures[430] made or mixed with cotton are subject, by several British Acts, to duties on the importation amounting to 25 per cent. By another Act, penalties[431] are imposed on wearing any of those manufactures in Great Britain, unless made in that country. Those laws have effectually excluded the Irish manufactures, in all those branches, from the British markets; and it has been already shown that they cannot be sent to the American. From Great Britain into Ireland all those articles are imported in immense quantities, being subject here to duties amounting to 10 per cent. only. But it would be tedious to descend into a further detail, and disgusting to write a book of rates instead of a letter.[432] Their superior capitals and expertness give them decisive advantages in every species of trade and manufacture. By the extension of the commerce of Ireland, Great Britain would acquire new and important advantages, not only by the wealth it would bring to that country, and the increase of strength to the empire, but by opening to the British merchant new sources of trade from Ireland. It is time to draw to a conclusion. I have reviewed my letters to your lordship, for the purpose of avoiding every possible occasion of offence. I flatter myself every reader will discern that they have been written with upright and friendly intentions, not to excite jealousies, but to remove prejudices, to moderate, and conciliate; and that they are intended as an appeal, not to the passions of the multitude, but to the wisdom, justice, and generosity of Britain. Shakespeare could place a tongue in every wound of Cæsar; but Antony meant to inflame; and the only purpose of those letters is to persuade. I have, therefore, not even removed the mantle except where necessity required it. In extraordinary cases where the facts are stronger than the voice of the pleader, it is not unusual to allow the client to speak for himself. Will you, my lord, one of the leading advocates for Ireland, allow her to address her elder sister, and to state her own case; not in the strains of passion or resentment, nor in the tone of remonstrance, but with a modest enumeration of unexaggerated facts in pathetic simplicity. She will tell her, with a countenance full of affection and tenderness, "I have received from you invaluable gifts--the law of[433] common right, your great charter, and the fundamentals of your constitution. The temple of liberty in your country has been frequently fortified, improved, and embellished; mine, erected many centuries since the perfect model of your own, you will not suffer me to strengthen, secure, or repair; firm and well-cemented as it is, it must moulder under the hand of Time for want of that attention which is due to the venerable fabric.[434] We are connected by the strongest ties of natural affection, common security, and a long interchange of the kindest offices on both sides. But for more than a century you have, in some instances, mistaken our mutual interest. I sent you my herds and my flocks, filled your people with abundance, and gave them leisure to attend to more profitable pursuits than the humble employment of shepherds and of herdsmen. But you rejected my produce,[435] and reprobated this intercourse in terms the most opprobrious. I submitted; the temporary loss was mine, but the perpetual prejudice your own. I incited my children to industry, and gave them my principal materials to manufacture. Their honest labours were attended with moderate success, but sufficient to awaken the commercial jealousy of some of your sons; indulging their groundless apprehensions, you desired my materials, and discouraged the industry of my people. I complied with your wishes, and gave to your children the bread of my own; but the enemies of our race were the gainers. They applied themselves with tenfold increase to those pursuits which were restrained in my people, who would have added to the wealth and strength of your empire what, by this fatal error, you transferred to foreign nations. You held out another object to me with promises of the utmost encouragement. I wanted the means, but I obtained them from other countries, and have long cultivated, at great expense, and with the most unremitted efforts, that species of industry which you recommended. You soon united with another great family, engaged in the same pursuit, which you were also obliged to encourage among them, and afterwards embarked in it yourself, and became my rival in that which you had destined for my principal support. This support is now become inadequate to the increased number of my offspring, many of whom want the means of subsistence. My ports are ever hospitably open for your reception, and shut, whenever your interest requires it, against all others; but yours are, in many instances, barred against me. With your dominions in Asia, Africa, and America my sons were long deprived of all beneficial intercourse, and yet to those colonies I transported my treasures for the payment of your armies, and in a war waged for their defence one hundred thousand of my sons fought by your side.[436] Conquest attended our arms. You gained a great increase of empire and of commerce, and my people a further extension of restraints and prohibitions.[437] In those efforts I have exhausted my strength, mortgaged my territories, and am now sinking under the pressure of enormous debts, contracted from my zealous attachment to your interests, to the extension of your empire, and the increase of your glory. By the present unhappy war for the recovery of those colonies, from which they were long excluded, my children are reduced to the lowest ebb of poverty and distress. It is true you have lately, with the kindest intentions, allowed me an extensive liberty of selling to the inhabitants of those parts of your empire; but they have no inducement to buy, because I cannot take their produce in return. Your liberality has opened a new fountain, but your caution will not suffer me to draw from it. The stream of commerce intended to refresh the exhausted strength of my children flies untasted from their parched lips. "The common parent of all has been equally beneficent to us both. We both possess in great abundance the means of industry and happiness. My fields are not less fertile nor my harbours less numerous than yours. My sons are not less renowned than your own for valour, justice, and generosity. Many of them are your descendants, and have some of your best blood in their veins. But the narrow policy of man has counteracted the instincts and the bounties of nature. In the midst of those fertile fields some of my children perish before my eyes for want of food, and others fly for refuge to hostile nations. Suffer no longer, respected sister, the narrow jealousy of commerce to mislead the wisdom and to impair the strength of your state. Increase my resources, they shall be yours, my riches and strength, my poverty and weakness will become your own. What a triumph to our enemies, and what an affliction to me, in the present distracted circumstances of the empire, to see my people reduced by the necessity of avoiding famine, to the resolution of trafficing almost solely with themselves! Great and powerful enemies are combined against you; many of your distant connections have deserted you. Increase your strength at home, open and extend the numerous resources of my country, of which you have not hitherto availed yourself, or allowed me the benefit. Our increased force, and the full exertions of our strength, will be the most effectual means of resisting the combination formed against you by foreign enemies and distant subjects, and of giving new lustre to our crowns, and happiness and contentment to our people." APPENDIX.--No. I. Quantity of Wool, Woollen, and Worsted Yarn exported from Ireland to Great Britain in the following years:-- +-------------------------------------------------------+ | Years | WOOL. | YARN. | | Ending |-------------|------------------------------| | the 25th | | _Woollen._ | _Worsted._ | | of March.| stones. lbs.| stones. lbs.| stones. lbs.| |----------|-------------|---------------|--------------| | 1764 | 10,128 6 | 9,991 14 | 139,412 12 | | 1795 | 17,316 0 | 13,450 12 | 149,915 9 | | 1766 | 21,722 13 | 7,980 0 | 152,122 0 | | 1767 | 48,733 8 | 7,553 0 | 151,940 9 | | 1768 | 28,521 11 | 11,387 6 | 157,721 3 | | 1769 | 3,840 16 | 5,012 0 | 131,365 2 | | 1770 | 2,578 0 | 3,833 0 | 117,735 9 | | 1771 | 2,118 5 | 4,868 2 | 139,378 14 | | 1772 | 2,045 6 | 5,947 0 | 115,904 4 | | 1773 | 1,839 2 | -- | 94,098 10 | | 1774 | 1,007 11 | -- | 63,920 10 | | 1775 | 2,007 13 | -- | 78,896 14 | | 1776 | 1,059 15 | -- | 86,527 0 | | 1777 | 1,734 7 | -- | 114,703 2 | | 1778 | 1,665 12 | -- | 122,755 15 | +-------------------------------------------------------+ APPENDIX.--No. II. +----------------------------------------------------------------------+ | Years| DRAPERY. | LINEN COTTON. | |ending|----------------------------------------------|----------------| | the | | | Silk, mixed | | 25th | New. | Old. | manufacture. | | of |------------------------|---------------------|----------------| |March.|Quantity. Value. |Quantity. Value. | Value. | |------|------------------------|---------------------|----------------| | | | £ s. d. | | £ s. d.| £ s. d. | | 1769 |394,553|49,319 3 9 |207,117|144,982 8 6|13,402 10 7 | | 1770 |462,499|57,812 7 6 |249,666|174,766 14 6|20,907 18 2-1/2| | 1771 |362,096|45,262 0 0 |217,395|152,176 10 0|20,282 5 8 | | 1772 |314,703|39,337 18 9 |153,566|107,496 4 0|14,081 15 6-1/2| | 1773 |387,143|48,392 17 6 |200,065|147,045 13 6|20,472 7 3-1/2| | 1774 |461,407|57,675 17 6 |282,317|197,621 18 0|21,611 10 3-1/4| | 1775 |465,611|58,201 9 4-1/2|281,379|196,965 13 0|24,234 16 9-1/2| | 1776 |676,485|84,560 12 6 |290,215|203,150 10 0|30,371 16 8-1/2| | 1777 |731,819|91,477 8 9 |381,330|266,931 0 0|45,411 3 7 | | 1778 |741,426|92,678 6 3 |378,077|264,653 18 0|52,675 1 11 | +----------------------------------------------------------------------+ APPENDIX.--No. III. An account of the Quantity of Linen Cloth exported out of Ireland to Great Britain and Plantations, prior to the year 1743. +-----------------------------------------------+ | Years | Linen Cloth exported to | | Ending | Great Britain. Plantations. | |the 25th |-------------------------------------| |of March.| Yards. | Yards. | |---------|----------------|--------------------| | 1705 | 739,278 | 19,742 | | 1706 | 1,325,771 | 62,727 | | 1707 | 1,847,564 | 81,037 | | 1708 | 343,359 | 29,606 | | 1709 | 1,539,250 | 113,939 | | 1710 | 1,528,185 | 136,844 | | 1711 | 1,131,629 | 89,262 | | 1712 | 1,320,968 | 43,011 | | 1713 | 1,721,003 | 86,357 | | 1714 | 2,071,814 | 91,916 | | 1715 | 2,000,581 | 133,752 | | 1716 | 1,968,568 | 195,825 | | 1717 | 2,260,243 | 151,240 | | 1718 | 2,120,075 | 113,790 | | 1719 | 2,235,357 | 117,288 | | 1720 | 2,560,113 | 69,579 | | 1721 | 2,398,103 | 95,488 | | 1722 | 3,036,431 | 127,934 | | 1723 | 4,060,402 | 112,952 | | 1724 | 3,767,063 | 94,816 | | 1725 | 3,755,430 | 70,052 | | 1726 | 4,231,676 | 117,213 | | 1727 | 4,596,089 | 151,977 | | 1728 | 4,517,152 | 140,049 | | 1729 | 3,701,485 | 183,363 | | 1730 | 3,821,188 | 218,220 | | 1731 | 3,591,316 | 137,039 | | 1733 | 4,621,127 | 129,244 | | 1734 | 5,194,241 | 213,250 | | 1735 | 6,508,748 | 202,759 | | 1736 | 6,168,333 | 262,242 | | 1737 | 5,758,408 | 309,827 | | 1738 | 4,897,169 | 232,947 | | 1739 | 5,737,834 | 197,671 | | 1740 | 6,403,569 | 183,471 | | 1741 | 6,760,025 | 394,374 | | 1742 | 6,793,009 | 244,546 | +-----------------------------------------------+ POSTSCRIPT. Since these papers were sent to the press, the Commons of Ireland have, in their address to his Majesty, resolved, unanimously, "that it is not by temporary expedients, but by a free trade alone that this nation is now to be saved from impending ruin." And the Lords have in their address unanimously entered into a resolution of the same import. INDEX. A. Abercrombie, Lord, in Ireland and in Egypt, lxxx-lxxxii Abraham Hutchinson, lxxxv Absentees, remittances to, 76 Acts of Parliament quoted: " Edward III., 17th, 34th, and 50th of, 110 " Edward IV., 3rd of, 4th of, 111 " Henry VII., 10th of, 112 " (English), Henry VIII., 13th and 28th of, &c., 116 " Elizabeth, 87, 116 " James I., 8 " Charles II., 87 " of Settlement and Explanation, 131 " 12th, 57 " 13th and 14th of, 115 " 17th and 18th of, 20 " 20th and 22nd of, 106 " 22nd and 23rd of, 119 " William and Mary, first of, 57 " William III., 7th and 8th of, 57 " (English) Acts of 1697, 59 " (Irish) Acts of 1695, 10th and 11th of, 20, 88, 91, 105 " for encouraging Tillage, 38 note " for Bounties on Land, Carriage and Coal Supply to Dublin, lxx, 39 " 3rd and 4th of Anne, 108 " 10th, 11th, and 22nd of Anne, 96 " 1st of George II, 122 " 4th and 6th of, 120 " (English), 32nd of George II, 54, note " (1750), taxing Irish Exports, 92 " George III., 10th of, 93-96 " 18th of, 96 " Imposing Duty on Woollen Goods, 67 " Loan, 1759, 40 Address of English Parliament to William III., 62-65 Admiral Hawke, xv Aldborough, Petition of, 85 Aldred Mr., of Oxford, xlv Advance, in Linen Trade, 51 Alexander the Great, xxxiv Alexandria, Lord Hutchinson of, lxxxvi Alnager, Office and Fees of, x and 155, note America, Robertson's History of, xiii " Wool and Linen Trades transferred to, by Irish Emigrants, 147 Anderson, Dr., quoted, 72, note Andrews, Provost, xxxi Anthologia Hibernica, lxxxvi Archbishop Craddock, xxxiv, note Archbishop Fowler, lxvi Archbishop King quoted, 10 Archbishop Laud quoted, xxv Arms of Militia given to Volunteers, xiv, note Army Augmentation, 40, 44, 48 Asia, Africa, and America, closed against Ireland, 90 B. Baird, Sir David, his Expedition from India to Egypt, lxxxii Ballinamuck, Battle of, French defeated at, lxxxi Banks in Dublin failed, 35-40 Bankruptcy Law not known here in 1755, 35, note Barlow, Mr., T.C.D., Exercising the Veto, xxv, note Barrè, Colonel Isaac, his description of Hutchinson, lx, &c., and note Batchelor, the, xii _Baratariana_, meaning of name, xiii " Written by, xiii " Extracts from, xv, xvii, xxi, note " appeared originally in _Freeman's Journal_, xiii Beaconsfield, Lord, x, note Bedford, Duke of, Lord Lieutenant (Speech from the Throne), 37 Beer, Exports and Imports of, 156 Berkeley, Bishop, his Opinion on State of Irish People, cxviii Berwick, Rev. Edward, deprived of Scholarship by Provost Hutchinson, and reinstated by Visitors, xxxiv Bessborough Commission, xxix, note Biographie "Generale," "Universale," and "des contemporanes," quoted, lxxxi Bishops, Irish, ordaining on Scotch degrees, liii Black-Dog prison, cvi, note Blackburne, Mr., quoted, xcix Blacquiere, Sir John, xxiii, lxxvii Board and Provost of Trinity College, the, Publisher's thanks to, v Bolton, Duke of, Lord Lieutenant (Speech from the Throne), 24 Boulter, Primate, his desire to have Englishmen appointed to Irish Bishoprics, xxvi, note; xlvi, note Bounty on Land Carriage, and on Coals, to Dublin, lxx, cx, 43 Bowes, Lord Chancellor, 60 Boyle, Lord Shannon, Speaker, xciv Bretagne, Duke of, Treaty with, 112 Broderick, Speaker, Solicitor-General, Lord Chancellor, 17 Brown, Prime-Sergeant, pumped on Mr. Mills, xix, note Bruce, Lieutenant, aided in effecting Lavalette's escape, lxxxiii Buckinghamshire, Lord Lieutenant. The Letters addressed to, xcix " " " Entertained by Trinity College, lxvi " " " A jobber in a mask, lxviii, note Burke, Sir Bernard, quoted, xxiii, lxxxi Burgh, Hussey, his Speech for opening the College to Catholics; do. on the Irish bishops; do. on a Money Bill, and Dismissal from Office, liii, lxxii, note Burrowes, Peter, his speech, xlix " Robert, xlix Buyers, none at fairs, 2 Byron, Lord, x, note C. Campbell, Dr., his "Political Survey", 72 Carson, Rev. Dr., S.F.T.C.D., his extract from College Register, xxxvii, note Carte, his life of Ormond quoted, cv, 12, 54 Carteret, Lord Lieutenant, 28 Castlebar, Battle of, English defeated at, strange mistake by French Encyclopædists, lxxxvi " atrocities of English army in retreat from, lxxxvi Castlereagh, Lord, Chief Secretary, xcvi Catalogue of College Plate, by Mr. Hingston, xxix, note Cattle, Exportation Prohibition Act, cv and 55 Catholic Scholars, T.C.D., xlv, li, and note Catholics, admitted to the College by connivance; how debarred from Scholarship and from voting, xlvi, li, note Cattle Trade destroyed by England, loss of, drove the Irish into the wool trade, cxi, 11 Cattle, Present of, sent to London after the great fire, and ungraciously received, cv Causes of Ireland's debt, 48 Chaffers, In Act of Edward IV., 111 Chancellors of the Exchequer, Irish, xciv Chancery-lane, xiv-xxiii Chapelizod Church, Inscriptions in, to the third Earl of Donoughmore, lxxxiv "Chapels" in T.C.D., xx Charles I., Subsidies to, 9 Charles II., Letter from, 12 Charles II. _See_ Acts. Charlemont, Lord, Life of, quoted, lvi Charter Schools, cxi, 45 Chesterfield, Lord Lieutenant, 32 China, Trade of, 73, cxii Cista Communis, xxix Civil Establishment pensions, lxix, 45, 4 Clarendon, Lord, his "History", 10 Clonmel, Factory at, cv, 13 College Plate in South Kensington Exhibition, xxix, note College rack-renting, as alleged by Mr. Duigenan--as explained by Mr. Galbraith, xxix, note College Park, xx, note Commercial Restraints and Colonial Trade, 1 Commission of Trade, 67 Committees, Parliamentary, on the Hutchinsons, xl, xli Colonies, Ireland excluded from commerce with, 68 Commons, House of, could not cure the evil, 31 " pass the Act against Irish trade, cvii, and 66 " advanced money for local purposes, 36 " (Irish), Dispute with the Crown, 35 " What they effected in 1782, lxxi, note " English, Address to William III., 62 Commons, in Trinity College, xlviii Condition of Irish people, 26 Cooke's Institutes, 110 Constellation, The, Captain of, cv, note Corporation of Weavers, 49 Council of Ireland present a Bill to Parliament, 67 Corporation of Dublin petition the College for Lucas' son, lxiv Cowper, Lord Lieutenant, his speech at Belfast, cxviii Cox, his history of Ireland, 9 Croker, Crofton, Popular songs, quoted, xxxi, note Curates, Salary of, liii D. Davis, Sir John, quoted, 7 and note, 9, 110, 127, 149 Decker, his "Decline of Foreign Trade", 74-78 Debt, National, smallness of in Ireland in 1715, 24 " the alarm caused by the slight increase of, a proof of the destitution of the country, 24 " how increased, 46 Delany, Dr., F.T.C.D., his pupils and income, xlvi, note Devonshire, Duke of, Lord Lieutenant, 32 Donoughmore estate, The, lxxv, note Donoughmore, Lord, "blood relations of," xxxi, note Distress in Ireland, 23-29 Dobbs, Mr., on the trade of Ireland, 14, 77, note Dorset, Duke of, 29, 78 " Distress in, 1759, 40 " Sir Bernard de Gomme's Map of, xx, note " Scandinavian Kingdom of, xx, note Dublin, Collection in, for the Waldenses--for New England-- " its freedom given to Hutchinson, x " " " to Captain Porter, cv, note " aid for the Londoners, cv, note Duigenan, Dr. Patrick, F.T.C.D., &c., his "Lachrymæ Academicæ," xxi " " Sketch of his Life, 1, note " " educated in St. Bride's Parish School, lived in Chancery-lane, lxxxvii " " his sham duel, lvi, note " " his oratory, lix " " a fanatical anti-Catholic and anti-Nationalist, lxxxviii " " did not bring the Provost before the Visitors, xxxvii, note Dunkin, Rev. Mr., Master of Great Ship-street School, had an annuity from the College, lxiv Dutch carried on the Trade of Ireland, 73 Duty paid on Export of Linen, 21 E. Edward III. and IV.'s Acts, 110 Egypt, trade at, cxi Embargo on Irish provisions, 1776, 5 Emigration of linen workers from Ulster, 101 Embargoes in Ireland, 24; from 1740 to 1779, 157 England, prohibition of cattle exportation to, civ, note, 5 " remittances to, more than double the entire trade of Ireland, 81 " Great Seal of, to certify Irish Acts, 75 " and Ireland compared as to taxation, 76 " a sufferer by her restrictions on Ireland, 77 " in 1779, had to pay for Irish army, 4 " a gainer by Ireland, cxvii, 149 " the cause of Irish distress, cxvii " repaid fifty-fold for advances to Ireland, 128 English Parliament's Address to William III., to destroy Irish wool trade, cvii, and 61 Equivalent of linen trade an imposture, 97 Essex, Lord, Lord Lieutenant, 143 Explanation, Act of, 131 Exshaw's Magazine, xli, xlvi, note F. Failures of Dublin Bankers, Ferral and French, 35 Farmers of Customs, 57 Farming in Ireland depressed, and why, 2 Fashion, former, of Chancery-lane, Stephen-street, Ship-street, &c. &c., xiv, note Faulkner's epistle to Howard, lvi, note Fawcett, Postmaster-General, his Speech at Shoreditch, cxviii Fellows of Trinity College, Bishops, &c., xxvi, note Fellows of Trinity College, their income, xxviii-xlvi Fellowship, worth of, xxxiii Ferguson, Sir Samuel, the Publisher's thanks to, viii Fitzgerald, Lord Edward, on College Parliamentary Committee, xliii " " voted against Hutchinson, l " " served in Irish force in America, lxi Fitzgibbon, John, Earl of Clare, educated in St. Michael le Pole's School; his college contests with Grattan, xcii his early and rapid successes, x, note unseats the Provost's son for the University, and replaces him, xli At first a parliamentary supporter and great admirer of Grattan; his final quarrel with Grattan, lxxxix crushed the Round Robin and humbled the Provost, xxxix as Vice-Chancellor holds a College Visitation, lxvi had an Honorary L.L.D. from the University, lxxxix his speech on the progress of Ireland, during the 18 years of freedom, quoted, cxix Fitzgerald, Rev. Mr., Fellow, treated harshly by Provost Hutchinson, xxxiv Flanders producing good wool, 99 Flax-seed imported into Ireland, bounty on, 1776, 95 Flax an uncertain crop, 99 Flemings; they beat the Italians out of the wool markets, and are beaten by the English, 99 Flood, Henry, Candidate for the Provostship, xxiv " His Will, do., note " Life of, quoted, do., note Folkestone, Petition of, 84 Food of the Irish people in 1672, and in 1779, cxii, and note Forbes, John, supporter of Grattan, opposed pension list, educated in St. Michael le Pole's School in Great Ship-street, lived in Stephen-street, xciii Foreign Trade of Ireland annihilated, 74 France used to supply England with linen, 92 Free Trade, Meaning of, lxxii, note _Freeman's Journal_ published on St. Audoen's Arch, and in Macoena's Head, Bride-street (1776), xiii " " printer of, prosecuted, xviii " " quoted, xiii, xviii note, xix note, xxvi, xli note twice, xlv note, liii note, cxvii. French Pensioners, 38 Friezes exempted from tax, 65 Froude, Mr., quoted, xii, xviii, note, xxix, note twice, xxxvi, xxxvii, xli, note twice, xlv note, lii, note, cxviii. G. Galbraith, The Rev. J. A., S.F.T.C.D., Letter on College Rents, xxix, note Galway, Lord, Lord Lieutenant, his speech from the throne, 63 Gardiner's Relief Bill, lxvii _Gentleman's Magazine_, quoted, xi, lviii George II., Acts of, 54-120 George III., Acts of, 121 Gladstone, Mr., his speech in 1880, quoted, xciv Gloucestershire, Petition from, 84 Grafton, Duke of, Lord Lieutenant, 1723, his speech from the throne, 27 Grattan's Life of Grattan, lix Grattan, partly educated at St. Michael le Pole's, lxxxix " his College Course and early contests with Fitzgibbon, xc Graziers prosperous under cattle and wool trade, xcii Great Britain, Sums remitted to, from Ireland, in pensions and salary, double the whole of Irish Trade, 81 "Groves of Blarney," Verse of, xxxi H. Habeas Corpus for Ireland, Heads of Bills for, cushioned in England, 159 " carried in '82, lxxxi, note Haliday Collection, R. I. Academy, xxix, note, liv, note Halifax, Lord Lieutenant, his speech from the throne, 1762, 44 Hardy, his Life of Lord Charlemont, lvi Harris, his Life of William III. quoted, 13 Haughton, Dr., Senior Lecturer, quoted, xxxii, note Hearth Money, 75-151 Herrings from Waterford and Wexford prohibited by England, 85 Hertford, Lord Lieutenant, his speech from the throne, 50 Hessians, The, refused by Irish Parliament, lxi, note _Hibernian Journal_, xviii Hindostan, Trade of, by foreigners, cxii Historical Manuscripts Commission Report, xvii, note Hingston, Mr., his catalogue of the College Plate; in charge of the plate at South Kensington Exhibition, xxix, note Historian, no professed, of Ireland, since 1669, 23 Homer, quoted, cxiv, 127 Hours of Examination in College formerly, xx House of Commons Journal, quoted, xli Husbandry, Grants for, prove the poverty of the country, 35 Hutchinson, Rt. Hon. John Hely, Provost, &c., ix his Matriculation, x mention of, in College Calendar; his career and numerous appointments, xi made Provost by Sir John Blacquiere, Chief Secretary, xxxii and the price of the appointment, x-xiv accused of a corrupt use of the office, xxi trampled on Duigenan, xxi challenged Dr. Doyle, Lucas, and Tisdall, xxxii prosecuted in King's Bench and defended himself, xxxviii a warm supporter of Grattan, lix inculpated before a Parliamentary Committee, and acquitted, l evidence brought forward there concerning him, lxv Miller's Pamphlet on, and Young's, liv Lord North's saying about him, lx Hardy's, Grattan's, Taylor's, Will's, Barre's, Pery's, and Single Speech Hamilton's favourable opinions of him, &c., lvi published the "Commercial Restraints", lxiv entertained the Lord Lieutenant in the College, lxv his liberal and national politics, lxvii the constitutional changes which he witnessed and helped to produce, lxviii read the King's message to the Irish Parliament in 1782, lxxxiv his death and will, lxxxiv his family, lxxvi a good husband and father, xxxi his love for his children, lxxxviii his likeness by Sir Joshua Reynolds, _Frontispiece_ " Richard Hely, Lord Donoughmore, his appointments, lxxix " " elected for the University and unseated by John Fitzgibbon,--member for Sligo, lxxix " Francis Hely, member for the University, lxxviii " " petitioned against and sustained " " his duel, lxxviii " " Member for Naas, lxxx " Abraham Hely, his volunteer military career in Ireland, Egypt, and Russia, lxxviii " " member for Taghmon, lxxix " " Commissioner and Clergyman, lxxxi " John Hely (2nd), his services in the army in Ireland, Flanders, and Egypt; his defeat at Castlebar, and his conquest of the French in Egypt; voted for the Union, made Lord Hutchinson, and became Lord Donoughmore, lxxx " John Hely (3rd), "Lavalette," delivered Lavalette, and became Earl of Donoughmore, died at Chapelizod, tablet in Chapelizod Church, lxxxiii " the fourth peer, served as an officer in India, lxxxiv and in the House of Lords advocated the case of the East India Company's officers, and supports Lord Dufferin's Land Leasing Bill, do. " The present peer, the 5th Earl, was one of the European Commission for organising Eastern Roumelia under the Berlin Treaty. He is also the creator of the Lords' Committee of Inquiry on the Irish Land Act, lxxxiv I. Independence, Parliamentary, of Ireland, College identified with, lxxiv Ireland deprived of the Cattle Trade, cix " of the Wool Trade, Colonial Trade, and trade with all the world, cxvii " sold in the linen trade, 47 " constant wretchedness of, caused by England, 44 " possesses abundant means of prosperity, cxix, 2 " oppressed by the Navigation Law, 122 " loyal to English Crown, 125 " a great commercial gain to England, 149 " a mine of wealth to England, cxvii, 149 " Bishop Berkeley's opinion on, cxix " ought to depend on her own resources, cxvii " its people fond of equal justice: their food, 145, and note " good wool-spinners, 71 " had no professed historian since 1699, 23 " overtaxed in consequence of paying its share of the National Debt, 33 " supposed wealth caused real poverty, 48 " her debt for the war of 1761 was accountable, but its increase during 16 years of peace unaccountable, 46 Ireland, distress of, arose, not from natural causes but from bad laws, 53 Irish, the indolence of, from loss of liberty, 127 Irish shipping useful to Edward I. in his French wars, 111 Irish, population of, more than doubled in 80 years, 148 " population of, in 1779, 148 " able to pay taxes, 151 " residing in houses of one hearth, 151, note " Non-distribution of property caused by bad English laws, 150 " home trade most important for, 145 " trade of, various restrictions on, 154, 157 " troops, 100,000, served in English army and navy in French and Spanish war, 161 J. James II. ruined the trade and revenue of Ireland, 13 Jocelyn, Lord, his return of Pension List, lxix, note Johnston, Dr., his Hon. degree from T.C.D., and letter to Leland, lxxxvi " his opinion of Leland's "History", do. " his opinion of England's treatment of Ireland, do. Judges appointed for life in Ireland in 1782, lxxi Junto, The, xxiii, lxviii K. Keating, Lord Chief Justice, 11, note King, Archbishop, his "State of the Protestants in Ireland", 135 Knocklofty, Mr. Richard Hutchinson of, x-lxxv " Lord Hutchinson of, lxxx L. "Lacrymæ Academicæ," by Duigenan, xxi, &c. " its severe attack on the Provost, do. " its interesting record of College events and College life, do. " censured by the Board, xxxiv " and the censure replied to by Duigenan in _Freeman's Journal_, xxxvii " in King's Bench, do. Langrishe, Sir Hercules, wrote in _Baratariana_, xiii " obtained a grant for clothing for the Volunteers, xiii, note " one of his bon mots, do. Land Carriage Act, 1757, 43 " improved the agriculture of Ireland, 145 Land Bill, 1759, 40 Latin Schools of Dublin, xcii, note Laud, Archbishop, his statutes for the University, xxv "Lavalette" Hutchinson, lxxxiii Lavalette, his escape from France, lxxxiii Leaves of absence allowed to Fellows and to Scholars, xlviii Leland, Dr. S.F., T.C.D, quoted, 9 " Duigenan's attacks on, xxi " Dr. Johnston's letter to, lxxxvi " mentioned in the Historical Manuscripts, do. " Commission Report, do. " Estimate of his history, lxxxv Leeds, Petition from, 84 "Liber munerum," quoted, xxxii, xxxv, note, lxx Linen trade no equivalent for suppressed wool trade, 20 " a hypocrisy and imposture, ciii, note " sums paid on exportation of, 21, note " caused the decay of agriculture, 51 " declined, 1771, 4 " Ireland not specially adapted for, 91 " world shut against, 91 London, The Dublin contribution to, cv Lord Lieutenants, List of, xcv Lucas, Dr., his son had free education from the Board of T.C.D., lxiv Lyttleton, Lord George, his history of Henry II., helped by Leland, lxxxvi " applied to by Swift for Macaulay, xliv M. Macaulay, Alexander, supported by Swift, xliv " returned for College and unseated, do. " lived in Great Ship-street, xciii Macaulay, Boyd, his son, educated in Great Ship-street School, do. Macaulay, Catherine, her history quoted, 135 Magee, Archbishop, his evidence, xlvii " he wanted to go to the Bar, do. " his sermon on Lord Clare, xcii Magill, John, got an Honorary LL.D., was a carpenter and a Commissioner of Barracks, xxv, note Malone, Anthony, dismissed from Prime Serjeancy, and from the Irish\ Exchequer, lxviii " lived in Chancery-lane, xiv, note Malady, The, of Emigration, 147 Mathers, Rev. Nathaniel, made collection in Dublin, cvi, note " Rev. Samuel, do. do. do. Matthew Paris, quoted, 16 Militia Bill defeated by Hutchinson, 1766, xiv, and note " dropped in 1778, 4 Militia, Arms for, given to the Volunteers in 1779, xiv, note £20,000 for clothing, do. enrolled in 1785, do. Miller, Rev. G., F.T.C.D., &c., lxiv and note " his evidence, Case, and works, xliv " his Pamphlet and case for legal opinion, liv Mills, Michael, the printer, under the College pump, xix, note Moira, Lord, lxi, note Mutiny Act, perpetual and repealed, lxx and lxxi N. Natives, Places in Trinity College, xxvii Navigation Act, 7th and 8th, William III., compelled Irish ships coming from America to pass by Ireland and unlade at England, and ship again for Ireland, 120 Navigation Acts, Petty's opinion on, 123 Netherlands, Treaty with, by Henry VII., includes Ireland as to both Exports and Imports, 112 New England, Dublin Subscription for, by Rev. Mr. Mather, cv Non-Coing, xxvii " value of, to Scholars, xlvii " " and to Fellows, do. North, Lord, his saying about Provost Hutchinson, lx O. O'Connor, Charles, of Ballenagare, lxxxvi " his opinion of Leland, and of the T.C.D. MSS., do. Offices formerly on the Irish Establishment, List of, lxx O'Hagan, Lord, his Address to the Social Science Congress, Introd., ci, note O'Hagan, Mr. Justice, his judgment on the Stackpoole Lease, Introd., ci, note Ormonde, Duke of, Lord Lieutenant, 12, 16, 18 " " his fidelity to Ireland, set up the wool trade at Clonmel, opposed the Cattle Act, lv, 12 " " made collection here for Londoners after the great fire, cv " " Personal prejudice against, 55 " " Carte's Life of, cv Ossory, Lord, challenged Duke of Buckingham, do. P. Parliaments seldom convened in Ireland under James and Charles I., 11 " suspended over for 26 years after the Restoration, 11 " Composition of, lxix " Independence of, 1782, lxxiv " Acts of, in 1782, lxxi " Addresses of, to Lord Lieutenant, 15, 24, 25, 27, &c. Parliamentary Committee on Election of Francis Hutchinson for the University, Duke of Wellington and Lord Castlereagh on it, xlii " Counsel employed, evidence brought forward, Committee decided in favour of Hutchinson by double vote of Chairman, l " Catholic Scholars, Toomey and Casey, xlv, li " Burrowes' Speech, xlix Park, The College, levelled and walled in, xx, and note " infested by the Hutchinsons, xxxi " formerly a place for pistol practice, xxxii Pensions, Amount of, 38, 40, 44 " French, Amount of, 38, 40 Pepys, his Diary, quoted, civ, note Peroration, Eloquent, of the "Restraints", 158 Pery, Edward Sexten, Speaker, 43 " " Notice of, xvii, note " " the fountain of all the good that befel Ireland, lxxi Petty, Sir William, quoted, 54, 72, 106, 123, 130, 131, 132 " " his estimate of the Irish destroyed in the Civil War of 1641, 130 " " his opinion of the prohibition of the cattle trade, 55 " " on the navigation laws, 123 and 132 " " his description of the people's food, cxii, note Places, List of, lxx, note Placemen in Parliament, List of, lxix, note Plantation goods for Ireland, 120 " to be first unloaded in England, do. Plate, College, Some of, melted down by Hutchinson, xxix and note " note on, do. Plowden, quoted, xxxix, note, lxii, note Plunket, (Lord Chancellor), his speech before the Parliamentary Committee, xlviii " son of a Unitarian minister, lii Poll-tax paid by 360,000 people in 1661, 131 Pope applied to by Swift, xliv " his translation of the passage from Homer, cxiv Potatoes, Failure of, 1765, 49 Potter, Captain of the Constellation brought over American supply in last famine, cv, note and receives the Freedom of Dublin, do. "Prancer," nickname of the Provost, xvii "Pranceriana, Pranceriana Poetica" extracts from, note on, xviii, note " " originally in _Freeman's Journal_, xviii Private works here, carried on by public money, to lessen the balance in the Treasury available for Pensions, &c., 35 " they prove the poverty of the country, 35 Proclamation of 1776, on all provision ships laden in Ireland, 5, note " " partly withdrawn, 1779, 5, note Provost Andrews, xiii " Hely Hutchinson, xxv " The present, the Publisher's thanks to, v Provost's house built at a cost of £11,000, xii Pryn, quoted, 109, note Pupils of Fellows, xlvi, and note Q. Quickening Speech to Irish Parliament, cvii R. Rack-renting, by Provost Hutchinson, xxviii, and note "Rapin's History" quoted, 63 Record Office, Public, xxi, note " Gatherings from, xxiii, note " fac-simile of Provost Hutchinson's autograph given by Sir S. Ferguson, _Frontispiece_ Redundancy in the Treasury caused the dispute between the Crown and the Commons in 1753, 35 and lxx, note Regulators' places, xlv Relief not attempted by Irish of Commons, and why, 31 Remedy proposed by Government, to circulate paper without money, 26 Renewal Fines, Dr. Duigenan and Mr. Stack, S.F.T.C.D., on, xxix, and note Resnal, Abbé, quoted, 83, note Reynolds, Sir Joshua, his likeness of Provost Hutchinson, _Frontispiece_ Robinson, Primate, held visitation in College in 1776, and ruled against Provost Hutchinson, xxxiv Rolls in Examination Hall, xx Round Tower in Great Ship-street, xcii Russia, a powerful rival to Ireland in linen trade, 12 S. Sancho Panza, xiii "Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin," quoted, xx, note Scholars of Trinity College, l, note Scholarship, worth of, xxviii Scotland, Protestant families had to remove into, 10, 92 Secretaries, Principal, of State, xciv " Chief, to Lords, List, Lieutenants, List of, xcv Shaw, Mr., M.P., his speech, 1880, quoted, lxi, note Shelburne, Lord, Life of, lx, lxi, lxiii, note Shewbridge, Mr., F.T.C.D., his death and funeral, 94 Smith's "Wealth of Nations", 72, 73, 145 Smith's "Memoirs of Wool", 59, 77, 107, 145 South Sea Bubble, 25-26 Speakers of Irish House of Commons from the Restoration, List of, xciv Speaker Perry, xviii, and note Stack, Rev. T., S.F.T.C.D., letter in Bessborough Commission Report, xxix Strafford, Lord, his destruction of the wool trade and substitution of the linen trade, his oppression of the country, 10, 13, 56, 73, 87 Stubbs, Rev. Dr., F.T.C.D., quoted, xx, note St. Michael le Pole's School, in Great Ship-street, illustrious men educated in, xciii Subsidies granted to Charles I. by Commons and by Clergy, 9 Swift, Dean, exerted himself for Grattan the Fellow, xlviii " wrote for Alexander Macaulay, xliv, note " applied to the Board of College for Dunkin, lxiv " his estimate of Dr. Delany's income, xlvi Sydney, Lord Justice, his "Quickening Speech" to the Irish Parliament to suppress the trade of the country, 11, 13 T. "Tardies", xx Taxes comparatively heavier in Ireland than in England, cxiii Taylor, his estimate of Provost Hutchinson, lix Temple, Sir William, 11, 107, 130, 148 Tisdall, Philip, his description of Hutchinson, xv " description of himself, xxi, note " verses on, do. " sketch of, do. " lived in Chancery-lane, xxiii, note Tontines introduced, 1773, 81 Townshend, Lord Lieutenant, briber, lxviii, note Traynor, Mr., of Essex-quay, xix, note Trinity College, the one home of friendless merit, xxvi " its plate, xxix, note " estates, xxix, note " Park, xx " Calendar, Registry, Judgment, and Matriculation Books quoted, l, xxii, xxvi, xc U. Ulster lost 30,000 people by emigration in two years (1779), 94 "Una Cum," Clause of, in letters patent of Charles I., quoted, discussed by Mr. Miller, liii " not decided by Lord Clare, lxvi " expunged in alterations made by queen's Letter in 1857, liii, and note V. Visitations in Trinity College in Hutchinson's time, in 1776 and 1791, xxxiv, and lxvi W. Walker's Hibernian Magazine, quoted, xxxviii, xli, lxvi, lxvii Walpole, Sir Robert, 60 Walpole, Horace, lix Walpole, Sir Edward, xcv Warbeck, Perkin, 137 War with Spain, English, Ireland first time taxed for, 44 Weavers of Dublin, their distress and petition, 27 Webb, Alfred, his "Irish Biography," quoted, xxi Webb, Professor, Q.C., his "Faust," quoted, x, note "Wellington Correspondence", lxvii Wellesley, Sir Arthur, lxviii, and lxxxviii Werburgh's, St., Church, Conformity in, xlvi Wesley, Hon. Arthur (Duke of Wellington), on College Parliamentary Committee, voted against Hutchinson, xliii-l " Chief Secretary for Ireland, lxxxviii White Boys, 1762, caused by want of means of industry, 44 " produced by the English laws, do. Will of Provost Hutchinson, lxxiv " of Mr. Richard Hutchinson, lxxvi " of Philip Tisdall, xxiii " of Dr. Duigenan, lxxxix Wills, Dr., his sketch of Provost Hutchinson, lx " " of Dr. Duigenan, lxxxviii William III., his Acts, cvii " his pledge to ruin the Irish wool trade, cvii " willing to act fairly by Ireland, civ Wilson, Sir Robert, lxxxiii "Winstanley's Poems," xx, note Wool trade, Ireland's great staple trade, and protected from the time of Edward III., 55 " ruined by William III., cvii, 59 Wool-running detrimental to England, and beneficial to her Continental rivals, 77 " could not be prevented in this country, 79 Y. Yelverton, Barry, his matriculation, a sizar, an usher in Buck's school, Lord Chief Baron, Lord Avonmore, lxxxvii, note " Attorney-General, Recorder of Carrickfergus, M.P., presents the address to Hussey Burgh, his Act for T.C.D. Graduate Law Students, xii Young, Dr., Bishop of Clonfert, Ex-F.T.C.D., liv Printed by M. H. Gill & Son 50 Upper Sackville-street, Dublin. FOOTNOTES: [1] His Matriculation is--"1740, April 29th. Johannes Hely, Filius Francisci Gen. Annum agens 17. Natus Corcagii. Educatus sub Dr. Baly. (Tutor) Mr. Lawson." [2] See Note A. [3] Hutchinson had thus achieved very considerable success and distinction when he was thirty-seven years of age--"the fatal year" in the development of genius, according to Lord Beaconsfield. Grattan accomplished his great work at the age of thirty-six, the age at which Lord Byron had finished his poetry. Fitzgibbon, too, ran high in this respect. At twenty-nine he was a leading lawyer, and M.P. for the University, having displaced and replaced the Provost's son; at thirty-four he was Attorney-General, governing the country. He was Lord Chancellor and a peer before he had attained what Dr. Webb, in his "Faust," calls "the mature age of forty-one." He died at 53. [4] [Pue's Occur.] [5] Alnager, or Aulnager, from the Latin _Ulna_, an ell, was an officer for measuring and stamping cloth in the wool trade. _Pranceriana Poetica_ has the line:-- "Send Prancer back to stamping friezes." [6] See his will. [7] See Note E. [8] Lord Lieutenant Townshend's organ was "The Batchelor; or, Speculations of Jeoffrey Wagstaffe, Esq.," published at the _Mercury_ in Parliament-street, by one Hoey, a popish printer. To be "mimicked by Jephson and libelled by Hoey," were amongst the social terrors of the period.--[_Baratariana._] [9] _Pranceriana_ has the line, "To storm her fane in Owen's Arch." [10] It was Sir Hercules Langrishe who accounted to Lord Lieutenant Townshend for the marshy and undrained condition of Phoenix Park, by observing that the English Government "had been too much engaged in _draining_ the rest of the kingdom." [11] In 1779 the arms which had been intended for the Militia were given by Government to the Volunteers, the Militia Enrolment Act of the previous years not having been carried out, from want of money. In 1783 the Volunteers were--prematurely--disbanded, and in 1785 the Militia were enrolled, and Langrishe's Bill obtained from parliament £20,000 for clothing them. Subsequently the Commissioners of Array were appointed. [12] Anthony Malone, along with so many other grandees of the period, lived in Chancery-lane. It requires an effort of historic faith to realise that the Chancery-lane of to-day was a couple of generations ago the abode of such fashion and rank. The fact, however, is quite certain. St. Bride's Vestry Book contains a copy of Anthony Malone's and Alexander MacAulay's Opinions _in re_ Powell's Legacy to the Dublin parishes. [13] See note E. [14] Froude details the bargain. In 1771 it was important to secure for the Army Augmentation Bill the support of Hutchinson, who had been patriotising on the Surplus, Pension, and Septennial Bills. His terms to Lord Lieutenant Townshend were, "a provision for the lives of his two sons, one aged 11 and the other 10, by a grant to them or the survivor of them of some office of at least £500 a year. If no vacancy occurred, then either a pension, or a salary to that amount to be attached to some office for them--and his wife to be created a Viscountess."--"English in Ireland," vol. i., p. 632, and elsewhere. [15] Palmerston, the Provost's private country residence, was a noble and beautifully situated mansion on the banks of the Liffey, between Chapelizod and Lucan. It is now occupied by Stewart's Idiot Asylum. [16] Tisdall did not outlive him, and Hutchinson got the Principal Secretaryship. [17] One of the severest letters in the collection is No. 22, on Edmund Sexten Pery, who, for fourteen years, was Speaker of the House of Commons. Patriotic and eminent as Pery was, and upright and loyal as he always was in the Chair, it cannot be denied that he got the Speakership by an unworthy manoeuvre. The passage is fully and bitterly rehearsed in the last volume of the Historical Manuscript Reports. Pery was bought by the corrupter Townshend at the same time with Hutchinson, Tisdall, Flood, &c. [18] The Court of King's Bench granted an information in the name of the king, at the prosecution of the Right Hon. Hely Hutchinson, against Samuel Leathley, the printer of the _Freeman's Journal_, for publishing in that paper the article signed "Crito," in November, 1776. The article is not in the "Pranceriana."--[_Freeman's Journal_, June 9th, 1777.] [19] The _Pranceriana Poetica_, or _Prancer's Garland_, published in 1779, opens, "A harlequin provost, cognomine prancer; A duellist, scribbler, a fop, and a dancer; A lawyer, prime sergeant, and judge of assizes; A parliament man, and a stamper of friezes; A councillor privy; a cavalry major; A searcher and packer, comptroller and gauger; A speecher, a critic, prescriber of rules; A founder of fencing and 'questrian schools. If various employments can give a man knowledge, Then who knows so much as the head of the College? * * * * * The Seniors and Juniors in this are agreed, As a Consul of Rome was Caligula's steed; They very much fear that if Prancer was dead Sir John would appoint a Jackass in his stead." (_Halliday Collection_) This book also is a collection of fugitive pieces, and it is dedicated to "Sir John Blacquiere, Knight of the Bath, Alnager of all Ireland, and Bailiff of the Phoenix Park." There is not a copy in the College Library. The Royal Irish Academy copies have the excellent woodcuts. In an autograph note to his own copy of the book, Dr. Stock, F.T.C.D., afterwards Bishop of Killala, says that the engravings were made by his brother, Mr. Frederick Stock, who kept a woollen draper's shop in Dame-street. He states that the printer, Michael Mills, was forced from his house by a party of college lads, who conveyed him to the College, and there pumped on him; and that the late Prime Serjeant Browne, then a student, had a share in the outrage. Dr. Stock gives the key to the "Poetica," viz.--Moderator, Prancer, and Hipparchus = the Provost; Dr. Pomposo and Mendex = Dr. Leland; Matthew Ben Sadi and Dr. Dilemma = Dr. Forsayeth; Billy Bib = Dr. Hales; and Bezabel Black-letter = Michael Mills. A copy of the extract is in the possession of Mr. Traynor, Bookseller, Essex-quay. [20] "Pranceriana Poetica" says that the Provost multiplied the composition premiums as means of bribery. It gives one of the Provost's advertisements (1777): "Any student may be a candidate for all, or for _any more_ of the said premiums!" [21] In Sir Bernard de Gomme's map of the city and harbour of Dublin, in 1673, given in Mr. Prendergast's edition of "The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin," p. 229, the college park is marked as set out in paddocks. Dr. Stubbs says that the park was thrown into its present champaign form, laid out, and planted in the year 1722, as appears from "Winstanley's Poems," vol. i., p. 269. Dublin: 1742. [22] Other persons also were satirised occasionally in "Pranceriana," as, for instance, Philip Tisdall in the following description:--"He was a man formed by nature, and fashioned by long practice, for all manner of court intrigue. His stature was low, so as to excite neither envy nor observation; his countenance dismal, his public manners grave, and his address _humble_. But as in public he covered his prostitution by a solemnity of carriage, so in private he endeavoured to captivate by convivial humour, and to discountenance all public virtue by the exercise of a perpetual, and sometimes not unsuccessful, irony. To these qualifications he added an extraordinary magnificence of living.(1) His table was furnished with everything that splendour could suggest, or luxury could conceive, and his position and policy united to solicit a multitude of guests. To his house, then, resorted all those who wished through him to obtain, or learn from him to enjoy, without remorse, those public endowments which are the purchase of _public infidelity_." Tisdall was depicted in "Baratariana" also. In the pungent rhyme on "The rejection of the Altered Money Bill," in 1772, we have-- "The next that stepped forward was innocent Phil, Who said 'that in things of the kind he'd no skill, But yet that he thought it a mighty good bill,' Which nobody can deny." And again, in "A list of the Pack," we have-- "Lo, Tisdall, whose looks would make honest men start, Who hangs out in his face the black sign of his heart; If you thought him no devil his aim he would miss, For he would, if he could, appear worse than he is. Then kick out these rascally knaves, boys; Freemen we will be to our graves, boys; Better be dead than be slaves, boys; A coffin or freedom for me." Philip Tisdall enjoyed a long tenure of very distinguished success. He was educated at Sheridan's celebrated school in Capel-street, and thence entered Trinity College as a fellow-commoner in 1718. His Matriculation is:--"1718, Nov. 11th. Philip Tisdel. Soc. Com. Educatus Dub. Mag. Sheridan. (Tutor) Mr. Delany." He took his B.A. in the spring commencements of 1722, the shortened three-and-a-half years' academic course, as exemplified in the case of Grattan and Fitzgibbon [see note D], being a fellow-commoner's privilege. In 1739, Tisdall was elected simultaneously M.P. for Armagh and for the University. He chose the latter, and succeeded in a parliamentary petition against Alexander Macaulay. He afterwards contested the seat successfully in 1761 against Mr. French, Lord Clonmel's nominee; and in 1776 unsuccessfully against Provost Hutchinson's second son. In 1741, Tisdall was promoted Third-Serjeant, in 1751 he was Solicitor-General, and from 1761 till his death he was Attorney-General. In 1761 he was presented by the City of Cork with its freedom in a silver box. The Solicitor-General Gore was, in consequence of some of Tisdall's trimming, appointed over his head Chief Justice of the King's Bench, and soon after was created Lord Annaly. Tisdall was a very eminent lawyer, and although not at all an orator, he had great weight and influence in the House of Commons. He commenced political life as a patriot, and became the organ of the Junto. He was then, along with Pery and Hutchinson, bought by the corrupter, Lord Lieutenant Townshend. Tisdall's house was in Chancery-lane, and his country villa was in Stillorgan. He died in 1777. He was son of Richard Tisdall, Registrar in Chancery, and succeeded his father in the office, 1744. Philip's wife, Mary, had a pension of one hundred a year, and his brother Thomas was Registrar of the Court of Admiralty. In his will, made 1772, which is in the Public Record Office, he leaves a remembrance to his daughter, Elizabeth Morgan, "heretofore amply provided for." The whole of his real and personal estate he leaves to his wife Mary. His daughter Elizabeth, by his wife Mary (Singleton), niece and co-heiress of Lord Chief Justice Singleton, was baptised in St. Bride's Church. She was married to Colonel Morgan, of Cork Abbey, county Wicklow, and was grandmother to the late H. U. Tighe, Dean of Ardagh, and of the Chapel Royal, Dublin, and afterwards of Londonderry.--[Burke's Landed Gentry, Art., "Tighe of Mitchelstown;" Life of Charlemont. Life of Shelbourne, Record Office, and S. Bride's Register.] (1) In the pre-Union times, when a home parliament secured the residence of our aristocracy and gentry, Dublin was famous for its fashion and hospitalities. Primate Stone maintained a lordly style at Leixlip Castle; while, as we read in "Mrs. Delany's Letters," Bishop Clayton at St. Woolstons, close by, and in St. Stephen's-green, kept up an equal grandeur. His house in the Green had a front like Devonshire House, and was _magnifique_. Mrs. Clayton's coach, with six flouncing Flanders mares, was not "out-looked by any equipage except the Duke of Dorset's, for she would not be outshone by her neighbours, a thing not easily done here." The Delanys entertained Viceroyalty at Delville, fed their own deer, and went about in a coach-and-six. Luke Gardiner's (Lord Mountjoy) house in the Phoenix Park was the head-quarters of fashionable life(_a_); and Hussey Burgh drove his coach-and-six, with outriders. The wealthy wool, linen, silk, &c., mercers, of Bride-street and Golden-lane, kept good style and equipages also, as appears by their wills in the Public Record Office. (_a_) Gardiner was Master of the Revels, and Surveyor-General of Customs. [23] See note E. [24] Flood, who did not get the provostship, bequeathed, by his will, in 1791, to the college, his estate in Kilkenny, worth £5,000 a year, to found and endow a professorship of the Erse or Irish language, and to establish a library of manuscripts and books in that language, and in the modern polished languages. Provost Hutchinson did not leave a shilling to the college. Flood's bequest fell through owing to his illegitimacy. He entered Trinity College as a fellow-commoner, completed his junior sophister terms, and then migrated _ad eundem_ to Oxford.--[Flood's "Life of Flood," and Webb's "Com. Biog."] [25] He was a Commissioner of Barracks; as was also Sir Herc. Langrishe. Langrishe was, besides, Commissioner of Revenue and Commissioner of Excise. [26] There does not seem to have been any Mr. Barlow in these servile days to exercise the ancient tribunitial power of the Senior Master Non Regent--the power to veto, in the name of the community, dishonouring presentations to honorary degrees. [27] See page liii. [28] In 1726, Primate Boulter wrote that unless a new Englishman was appointed to a then vacant bishopric there would be thirteen Irish bishops to nine English, to the Primate's great dismay. The Editor of "Boulter's Letters," in 1770, adds, in a note, that there was at one time in the Irish House of Lords a majority of native bishops, of whom five had been fellows of the University, viz., Drs. Howard, Synge, Clayton, Whitcombe (Archbishop of Cashel), and Berkeley. These are, probably, the five alluded to by Duigenan. In a pamphlet entitled "Thoughts on the Present State of the College of Dublin," published in 1782, the well-informed author says that in King William's reign, at or nearly at the same time, "the people saw ten prelates on the bench, who had been Fellows." The writer says that there was a great increase in the number of students--that the undergraduates were 565, the average of entrances 144 yearly, and the average of B.A. degrees, 78.--[_Halliday Collection._] We can ourselves remember, dating from the year 1830, eight bishops and one archbishop, all Ex-Fellows. Altogether "there have been seven archbishops and forty-two bishops of the Irish Church chosen from amongst the Fellows of Trinity College. Eight have become Members of Parliament, and six have been raised to the Judicial Bench."--[_Coll. Cal._] [29] This seems not to have been the case in Dr. Delany's time. See Primate Boulter's Letters, and Mrs. Delany's, and Swift's. [30] See page xlv, &c. [31] The rack-renting cannot have been very exorbitant, inasmuch as the average rent per acre now paid to the College by its perpetuity tenants is four shillings and twopence. The great bulk of the College property is situated in the counties of Armagh, Kerry, and Donegal. The following statement gives in round numbers the acreage and rental:-- Rent Acres. Rent. per acre. Armagh, 23,000 £9,600 8s. 4d. Kerry, 60,000 11,500 3s. 10d. Donegal, 62,700 9,000 2s. 10d. ------- ------- -------- Total, 145,700 £30,100 4s. 2d. The number of perpetuity holdings let by the College are in all fifty-four; four only are let to persons of the class of tenant-farmers; of the remaining fifty, sixteen, containing over 60,000 acres, are enjoyed by three lessees, who pay the College an average rent of 3s. 5d. per acre.--[See Letter by Rev. J. A. Galbraith, S.F.T.C.D., Bursar, _Freeman's Journal_, March 6, 1882, and also "Statement to the Chief Secretary."--_Freeman_, March, 15, 1882.] [32] The renewal fines in 1850 averaged £6,700 a year. The arbitration at that time between the College and the tenants cost the College £3,000.--[See Letter by Rev. T. Stack, S.F.T.C.D., Registrar, printed in the Report of the Bessborough Commission, and also "Statement" as above.] [33] This charge, as it stands, rests on a slender foundation, and is very misleading. The catalogue of the College plate, which, to guard against such imputations in future, Mr. Hingston, the Chief Steward, has drawn up with so much care and skill, shows that the old inscribed plate is still in use; and it enumerates pieces dated as early as 1632 and 1638. A selection of the service was sent over, in Mr. Hingston's charge, to the late South Kensington Exhibition, and was greatly admired by all who were conversant with antique silver art--some of the choicest pieces being facsimiled for the London Institution. The collection of plate is abundant, and the store was accumulated in this way. It used to be the custom that all students at entrance should deposit "caution money," which was returned to them on graduation. The rich men and Fellow Commoners, instead of taking back the money, used to present it to the College in the form of inscribed goblets or tankards, and in the course of years there was a large assortment of these offerings. Provost Hutchinson had a number of these tankards melted down and refashioned into the present silver plates, and this he did with the consent of the Board. Before Hutchinson's time a large quantity of the plate was sold by the Board, and the produce was invested in the purchase of land. In 1689, when James II. seized on the College, the Vice-Provost and Fellows sold £30 worth of the plate for subsistence of themselves and the Scholars. At the same time all the rest of the plate was seized on and taken away to the Custom House by Col. Luttrel, King James's Governor of the city, but it was preserved and afterwards restored to the College.--[See Mr. Hingston's Catalogue and _Coll. Cal._ List of Fellows, 1689.] [34] In 1775, seven marriage dispensations by King's Letters were obtained.--[Lib. Mun.] [35] In 1796, the term of grace was extended to a twelvemonth by a King's Letter.--[Lib. Mun.] [36] The following--the 5th verse in Milliken's ever popular song, "The Groves of Blarney"--was an _impromptu_ addition at an electioneering dinner in the south of Ireland in 1798. It is said to have been intended as an insult to Lord Donoughmore, who was present, but his Lordship's readiness completely turned the tables. He applauded the verse, and in a humorous speech acknowledged the relationship, thanked the author, and toasted the Murphy's, Clearys, Helys, and others who in the recent political contest had ventured life and limb in support of the Hutchinson cause, and had thus made their blood-relationship with him unquestionable. "'Tis there's the kitchen hangs many a flitch in, With the maids a stitching upon the stair; The bread and biske', the beer and whiskey, Would make you frisky if you were there. 'Tis there you'd see Peg Murphy's daughter A washing _praties_ forenint the door, With Roger Cleary, and Father Healy, All blood relations to my Lord Donoughmore. Oh, Ullagoane." Lord Hutchinson always heartily enjoyed this verse, which has become completely identified with Milliken's song.--(See Crofton Croker's "Popular Songs of Ireland," pp. 144-8.) Father Prout has not translated this verse. Why does not Professor Tyrrell render it, _Græce et Latine_? [37] He challenged Mr. Doyle to single combat for daring to issue an address to the University constituency against his (the Provost's) son's candidature. Mr. Doyle was a helpless invalid at the time, and had to stand on a spread-out coat, for fear of cold; the combatants met on Summer-hill, "fired a pistol each, and made up the matter without blood." Hutchinson had previously challenged Dr. Lucas, the patriot, who was crippled with rheumatism. [38] The number now is 1,338, of whom 789 are "Residents"--_i.e._, living within reach of College opportunities. [See Dr. Haughton's return analysis, quoted in the _Freeman's Journal_ of January 7, 1882.] The number of students on the books under the degree of M.A. is 1,253 [see _College Calendar_ for 1882, page 434]. The number of interns now is 250. [39] See page xlv. [40] On this Visitation "Pranc. Poet." has-- "Disgrac'd by libels, worried by his foes Poor Prancer labours under endless woes; He therefore only supplicates your Grace That right or wrong you'll keep him in his place." The Visitation lasted five days, and was held before Primate Robinson as Vice-Chancellor for the Duke of Gloucester, and Archbishop Cradock of Dublin. Hutchinson published a pamphlet reviling the Visitors, and pronouncing their decision invalid. [41] A King's Letter was obtained for raising the salary for this special occasion.--_Lib. Mun._ [42] Duigenan did not execute this intention, as appears by the following record, kindly supplied by Dr. Carson, S.F.T.C.D.:--"I have to inform you that I have gone carefully through the College Register for the years 1777 and 1778, and I cannot find therein the least trace of any Visitation having been held in either of these years. The censure on Dr. Duigenan is duly recorded under its proper date, in the year 1777; but no further Collegiate notice appears to have been taken of it." [43] Walker's Hiber. Mag. 177-8. [44] Grattan's Life, and _Hib. Mag._ [45] The Round Robiners probably bethought of the case of 1753 when the patriots who resisted the Court in the matter of the disposal of surplus revenue were dismissed from office by Primate Stone. They, no doubt, were afterwards reinstated with honour, but the conspirators of 1789 had to deal with John Fitzgibbon.--[See "Plowden," p. 311, &c.] [46] Froude, vol. ii., p. 509. [47] Barry Yelverton was an unsuccessful candidate in this College Election of 1776. In the next year he was elected for Donegal, Belfast, and Carrickfergus, and chose the last.--[_Ho. Co. Jour._] It was as Recorder of Carrickfergus that Barry Yelverton presented Hussey Burgh with an address and the freedom of that Corporation in a gold box for resisting the Government on the question of Supplies while Prime Serjeant, and losing his place thereby. [_Freeman's Journal_, Jan. 4, 1780.] [48] _Walker's Hibernian Magazine_, _Freeman's Journal_, and _Exshaw's Magazine_. [49] "The case of the Borough of Trinity College, near Dublin, as heard before a Select Committee of the House of Commons, A.D. 1791." [50] Swift made an eager canvass for MacAulay, and wrote to Pope, asking him to write to Lord George (then Mr.) Lyttleton, who was private secretary to Frederick, Prince of Wales, the Chancellor of the University. The prince complied with the request, and Tisdall's supporters sent over a remonstrance.--["Swift's Letters."] [51] This Francis Stoughton Sullivan got Scholarship, in 1744, at fifteen, and was probably one of the youngest Scholars and the youngest Fellow in the college records. [52] He published, through the University Press, in 1797, a scholarly Edition of "Longinus," and was the author of several other works. (See an interesting sketch of his life prefixed to Bohn's edition of his "Philosophy of History.") [53] "About a month ago considerable sensation was created in Oxford by the rumour that one of the University examiners, who is also a "coach," had prepared his private pupils in the precise questions set for examination. This, we may observe, was one of the heavy charges brought against Provost Hely Hutchinson, of Trinity College, about a century ago, the Provost having had recourse to the unprincipled manoeuvre as an electioneering dodge. The ever-memorable Counsellor Peter Burrowes, when arraigning the Provost before a committee of the Irish House of Commons, said that his trick "would have made a docile parrot appear superior to Sir Isaac Newton;" but the committee condoned the Provost, against the judgment and votes of Arthur Wesley (Duke of Wellington) and Lord Edward Fitzgerald. The Oxford authorities seem not to be disposed to view so leniently the action of Mr. Philip Aldred, D.C.L. When the matter was reported to the Vice-Chancellor a substitute for the transgressing examiner was at once appointed. We believe that a University committee has been appointed to consider the expediency of taking away Mr. Aldred's degrees--as was done in the Tractarian controversy days with Mr. Ward, the author of the "Ideal;" and, meanwhile, Mr. Aldred is now about to bring his case before the public, with the protest that he has been condemned unheard, after challenging investigation, and that he is able and willing to meet every charge brought against him."--[_Freeman's Journal_, Jan. 13th, 1882.] [54] He was prevented from voting, not by any University or College statute, but by the Penal Law of 1727, which took away the franchise from Catholics. All the long past exclusiveness of the college, detrimental as it was to the college and to the country, was enjoined by the foreign power which cared little for the advancement of either. Down to this period the English legislature did not recognise at all the existence of Catholics in the college, believing them to be effectually excluded by the statute enforcing attendance at Anglican worship and Sacrament, and by the Supremacy and anti-Transubstantiation Declarations for Degrees, which were swept away by the Act of 1792. [55] In 1725, Primate Boulter estimated that Dr. Delany, a Senior Fellow, and "the greatest pupil-monger," had from Fellowship and pupils six or seven hundred pounds per annum.--[_Letters._] Swift, in 1730, computed that Delany, "by the benefit of the pupils, and his Senior Fellowship, with all its perquisites, received every year between nine hundred and a thousand pounds."--[_Works_, vol. xiii., p. 82.] Duigenan, in 1777, reckoned Dr. Leland's Senior Fellowship at "£800, one year with another."--[_Lachrymæ._] In 1777, it was considered surprising that Dr. Leland refused the living of Benburb, worth £1,000 a year, while his college income fell short of £700 a year.--[_Exshaw's Magazine_, 1777.] [56] In 1713, Swift wrote to Stella:--"I have been employed in endeavouring to save one of your Junior Fellows (Mr. Charles Grattan) who came over here for a dispensation from taking orders, and in soliciting it has run out his time, and now his Fellowship is void if the College pleases, unless the queen suspends the execution and gives him time to take Orders. I spoke to all the ministers about it yesterday; but they say, 'the queen is angry and thought it but a trick to deceive her;' and she is positive, and so the man must be ruined, for I cannot help him. I never saw him in my life, but the case was so hard, I could not forbear interposing. Your Government recommended him to the Duke of Ormond, and he thought they would grant it; and by the time it was refused, the Fellowship by rigour is forfeited." The College Calendar has, "Charles Grattan, Fellow, 1710--removed for not taking Holy Orders, May 25th, 1713--Master of Enniskillen School, 1714."--[_Journal_, Letter lxii., March 29th.] [57] He got Scholarship along with his brother Robert, in 1775. The brothers Roberts, the present Senior Fellows, did the same in 1836. [58] Denis George's name does not appear in the list of scholars. He took his B.A. in 1773. Neither does Tankerville Chamberlain's. He graduated in 1774. [59] From the ranks of the Scholars have proceeded 13 Provosts, 199 Fellows; 1 Archbishop; 16 Bishops, of whom two held English sees; 4 Lord Chancellors; 2 Lords Justices; 29 Judges; 27 M.P.'s; 4 Vice-Chancellors; 18 Deans; 14 Governors, &c., of British dependencies; renowned Professors in all the Faculties, and nearly all the distinguished schoolmasters of the country; 1 Poet Laureate, and several celebrated authors and editors, besides numerous eminent clergymen and lawyers. This is exclusive of the enumeration [page xxvi] of the dignities obtained by Scholar-Fellows. [60] It is even more remarkable that this matter was not mentioned by Duigenan. [61] In the petition of 1778 one of the points set forth was that Scholars and Fellows should be legal Protestants to entitle them to vote, whereas the Provost had received for his son and Yelverton the votes of some who were not Protestants at the time of their election. [62] Catholics and Nonconformists were not excluded from Scholarship by the statutes or by any oath. They were, however, designedly, and in the main effectually, excluded by the statute that all scholars, students, and sizars should attend chapel and partake of Holy Communion as often as it was administered (see "History of University," _Coll. Cal._, 1876, vol. ii. p. 9), and the "Heron Visitation" (Chartæ and Statuta, vol. ii., p. 3, 1862). Attendance on the Anglican Chapel service and Communicating were of course intended as tests and pledges of Conformity. [63] Parliamentary Debates. [64] William Conyngham, Lord, and Lord Chancellor Plunket was the son of the Rev. Thomas Plunket, minister of the Strand-street Unitarian Congregation, who died on the 18th Sept., 1776. There is a very eulogistic notice of him in the _Freeman's Journal_ of the date. [65] Down to the alterations made in the Statutes by the Queen's Letter of 1855, the words of the Lit. Pat. of Charles I. were:--"_in quem vel quos major pars Sociorum Seniorum unâ cum Præposito, vel eo absente, Vice Præposito consensisse deprehendetur, is, vel illi pro electo vel electis habeantur, et mox pronunciabuntur a Præposito. Quod si primo, vel Secundo Scrutinio electorum major pars, cum Præposito, vel eo absente, Vice Præposito non consenserint, eo casu in tertio Scrutinio, is, vel illi pro electo, vel electis sunto, quem, vel quos, Præpositus, vel eo absente Vice Præpositus, nominabit_." [Caput xxv. De Elect. form. et temp.] [66] See also "An Enquiry how far the Provost of Trinity College is invested with a negative on the Proceedings of the Senior Fellows" (1790), by Dr. Young, Ex-Fellow and afterwards Bishop of Clonfert. It takes the same view of the case as that put forward in Miller's pamphlet.--[_Halliday Collection._] [67] Note A. [68] Hutchinson had to say to three of these affairs of honour, and according to Duigenan he came badly out of all of them. Duigenan himself, it should be observed, once had a sham duel, in which he did not figure at all brilliantly, according to the orthodox interpretation of the code. He had insulted Sir Richard Borough so grossly that a meeting could not be evaded, and when the paces were measured Duigenan refused to take up the pistols, which in due form were laid at his feet. He then shouted to the "old rascal to fire away," and when Borough thereon left the field Duigenan declined to fight with his second, because he "had too great a regard for him to kill him." [69] In George Faulkner's "Epistle to Howard" (1771), contained in the Halliday Collection in the Royal Irish Academy, we have-- "Thou Hutchinson whom every muse With winning grace and art endues, Whose power 'gainst prejudice contends And proves that law and wit are friends-- In that promiscuous page alone By letters J. H. H. art known." [70] ["Life of Lord Charlemont."] [71] See Note C. [72] "History of the University of Dublin," p. 253, &c. [73] "Froude," vol. ii. p. 104. [74] "Distinguished Irishmen," vol. v. p. 233, &c. [75] "English in Ireland," _passim_. [76] Barrè was over here at that time as Vice-Treasurer, &c. He received the Freedom of Dublin in 1776. [77] The Bill was to raise the army in Ireland to 15,500 men. Pery and the Nationalists saw that the object of the Crown was to have troops to send to America to crush the Colonists, and this they would not have on any terms. The Government, in reply, passed an Act through the English Parliament, giving satisfactory security that the full force of 12,000 should be kept in Ireland. Nationalists now have not to complain of any want of troops in this country, and we do not hear of their demanding any "satisfactory assurance" of the permanence of the forces. Nothing could exceed the eagerness of the English Ministry to have the Army Augmentation Bill passed through the Irish Parliament. Lord Shelbourne, the English Home Secretary, wrote to Lord Lieutenant Townshend (March 1768) (_a_) that he would not hear of Malone's and Hutchinson's suggestions of delay in bringing in the Bill. He further announced that the English Parliament had passed an Act taking off the limitation of the troops in Ireland, imposed by the 10th of William III., and pledging that a full force of 12,000 men should be kept in Ireland. Sexten Pery led the opposition, which defeated the Bill by a majority of four. The Irish parliament was prorogued and dissolved, and did not meet for sixteen months, when they again threw out the Army Bill. Eventually, in November, 1769, Townshend succeeded in having the clause carried in another Act, whereby 3,235 men, in addition to the 12,000 to be kept here, were voted. In 1775, Lord Lieutenant Harcourt asked for 4,000 men for the king out of the Irish establishment to be despatched to America, and he offered to supply their place by German Protestant troops. Anthony Malone was chairman of the Parliamentary Committee which, after a warm debate, granted the contingent as "armed negotiators," but rejected the Hessians. Grattan afterwards fiercely, and not unfairly, assailed Flood for carrying this discreditable measure. The troops were in time for the surrenders at Saratoga and Yorktown. Lord Edward Fitzgerald, one regrets to read, served on this expedition as aide-de-camp to Lord Moira. Lord Effingham, on the other hand, resigned his regiment rather than serve against those who were struggling for freedom, and he was twice publicly thanked by the people of Dublin.--[_Plowden_ and _Mitchell_.] In 1782, the king was allowed to draw 5,000 men out of the kingdom. In 1793, the Irish force was raised to 20,232. Most of these acts were for one year. (_a_) "Life of Shelbourne," vol. ii., p. 12. [78] In the debate (1772) on the Altered Money Bill, Hutchinson seems to have recovered his prudence. [79] Another page shows how he was compensated for this "trifling profit" of the Prime Serjeancy. [80] _Baratariana_ says:-- "The Prime Serjeant, then, with a shuffling preamble Like a nag that before he can canter must amble, Betwixt right and wrong made a whimsical shamble, Which nobody can deny. 'Twas important, he said, and availed not a groat; But whether 'twas right or whether 'twas naught, Or whether he'd vote for it, or whether he'd not He'd neither assert nor deny." [81] One of the rewards that Hutchinson demanded from the Government as the price of his support was, that his wife should be made a baroness. [Lord Lieutenant Townshend's letter, quoted by Froude, vol. ii., p. 67, and by Lord Fitzmaurice, vol. ii., p. 102.] [82] See note E. [83] _Froude_, vol. ii., p. 50. [84] [_Plowden._] In 1736 the Board granted an allowance of £100 a year to Mr. Dunkin (who was Ball's predecessor in the Great Ship-street School), on Swift's appeal.--[_See Swift's Letters._] [85] Walk. _Hib. Mag._ 1777. [86] Walk. _Hib. Mag._ 1791. [87] In 1771, John Ponsonby resigned the Speakership rather than present to Lord Townshend the adulatory Address of the House of Commons, and Pery was, by Government influence, elected in his room. [88] See Wellington's Correspondence. [89] Grattan said Townsend was a corrupter, and Buckingham a jobber in a mask. [90] On this prorogation, "Baratariana" has-- "Our worthy Lieutenant comes down to the House, Protests their proceedings are not worth a louse, And leaving undone the affairs of the nation, The session concludes with a d----d prorogation, Derry down. "Here mark, my dear friends, that our ruin's completed Since a parliament's useless which thus can be treated; While they served his foul purpose he'll fawn and collogue them, But if once they do right he'll that instant prorogue them. Derry down." [91] In 1739 the English parliament passed an Act removing the duties on some of the Irish Woollen Exports, and this was done for the benefit of the English wool manufacturers. [92] Out of 300 members 104 held places, and 120 were nominated by patrons under the influence of Government. The civil establishment, with its contingent expenses, amounted to over half a million sterling a year, while the entire revenue of the kingdom was under a million and a quarter.--[_Pery._] In 1789, Lord Jocelyn presented to the House, by order, the list of pensions. The civil pensions amounted to £97,850, and the military pensions to £5,827. In Grattan's Life, vol. iv., p. 14, the placemen in parliament are enumerated, and the list shows:-- In the military department 36 In the law do 38 In the revenue do 38 In state and miscellaneous do 9 Pensions 7 ---- Total 109 _Lib. Mun._ vol. i. part 1, enumerates 389 patent offices in the establishment of Ireland--amongst them are: Keeper of the Signet, Under Secretary of State for the Civil Department, do. for Military Do., Pursuivant, Master of the Game, Interpreter of Irish tongue, Star Chamber, with Commissioners, Marshals, clerks, &c., Courts of Wards and Liveries with Masters; foedaries, &c., the Court of Palatines, the Lord Almoner, the Vice-Treasurer, Transcriptor and Foreign Apposer, Summonister and Clerk of Estreats, the Trustees of the Linen Manufacture, Commissioners of Wide Streets, Commissioners of Array, Constables of Castles, Muster Master General, Commissioners for Victualling, Provincial Provost Martials, Alnager, Clerk of the Pells, Vice-treasurer, Clerk of the Lords, Clerk of the Commons, six Clerks of Chancery, Principal Secretaries of State, Prime Serjeant, Lord High Treasurer, Chancellor of the Exchequer, Auditor-General, Commissioners of Treasury, Commissioners of Accounts, First Clerk, Second and Third Clerk to do.; Commissioner of Appeals, Commissioners of Stamps, Hearth Money Collectors, Poll Tax Collectors, Cursitors in Chancery, Register of Appeals Spiritual, Clerk of the Pipe, Prothonotary, Philizer, or Filacer Clerk of Privy Council, Wine-taster, Escheator, Searcher, Packers, Craners, Seneschals, Presidents of the Four Provinces, Governors of Forts, Clerks of the First Fruits, Deputy Master of the Rolls, Examinators, Master of the Revels, Clerk of the Nickells, Exigenter, Clerk of the Outlawries, Clerk of the Essions, Chirographers, Sirographers, &c., &c. [93] The first real and important debate in the Irish Parliament was in 1753, on the Money Bill, on the Commons' power to dispose of surplus revenue. The beginning of useful practical legislation for the country was made in 1757 by Edmund Sexten Pery's Land Carriage Act, giving bounties on the land carriage of corn to Dublin. In the same year he carried another Act giving bounties on ship carriage of coal to Dublin. [94] In the single year of 1782 (short parliaments and free trade having been already secured)-- The Bank of Ireland was established. Habeas Corpus was made law. The Sacramental test for Protestant nonconformists was abolished. Poyning's Act and 6th of George I. were repealed. The perpetual Mutiny Act was repealed. Judges appointed _quam diu_. A great Catholic Relief Act, including education, was carried. Parliamentary independence was achieved. Grattan's parliament did not keep up to this high level of public spirit. It sank and perished by its own unreformed corruption. [95] "Free Trade for Ireland," in 1779, meant something quite distinct from the political economy free trade of the present day. The latter means an exemption from all duties to the State on exports and imports; whereas the former meant a release from the restrictions on Irish trade imposed by England for the benefit of England. The reform of 1779 continued the duties, but enjoined that they should be imposed by the native parliament for the benefit of the Irish kingdom. The Irish Free Trade Parliament was Protectionist. In the November of 1779 Grattan's amendment on the Address, supported by Hussey Burgh and the volunteers, demanding Free Trade, was carried. In February 1780 the concession was made by England, and the Provost's book had a large share in the triumph.--[See Mitchel.] It was on the debate on the Short Supply in connection with this measure that Hussey Burgh said, and lost the Prime Serjeancy for saying, "The English have sowed their laws like serpents' teeth and they have sprung up in armed men." [96] One other provost, Archbishop Loftus; one chancellor, Lord Cairns; two vice-chancellors, Bishop Jones and John Fitzgibbon; one fellow, Bishop Howard; and three scholars, Yelverton, Wolfe, and Plunket, also founded noble houses. [97] See the summary of his speech in Plowden. [98] See Note D. [99] It is not said what either the real or the personal estate amounted to. In De Burgh's "Landowners of Ireland," the Donoughmore property is set down at 11,950 acres, with the Government valuation of £10,466. The Tipperary portion is 4,711 acres, and £4,764. The other portions are situate in Galway, Cork, Dublin, Kilkenny, Louth, Monahan, Waterford, and Wexford. [100] He does not say what price he paid for it, or from whom he purchased it. Probably it was part of his place-traffic with Blaquiere. [101] Doubtless this is the "A. Hely Hutchinson" whose autograph appears in the Preacher's Book of S. Bride's, Dublin, in the year 1796. Under the autograph there is written, in a different hand and in different ink, "Now an officer in H.M.'s Service." [102] This is the only mention of the College; in the Will. The Provost left it no bequest, and did not even designate himself as Provost. [103] This direction has never been carried out. The MS. is known to be in existence; and would it not be seemly and desirable to have it deposited in the College Manuscript Room? [104] Duigenan's matriculation is-- 1753--June. Patricius Duigenan, Siz., Filius ______ Annum agens 16. Educatus sub ferula Mr. Sheill. Natus in Comtu Derri. DR. LAWSON. It would be a pity not to give the matriculation above his-- "Barry Yelverton, Siz. Filius Franc. Gen. Annum agens 17. Educatus sub. fer. Mr. Egan. Natus in Comtu Cork. MR. RADCLIFFE." These two poor Sizar boys, one from the North and the other from the South--meeting probably for the first time in the College hall and sitting side by side--what careers the College opened to them! Probably, there is not in all the matriculation books a more interesting page than the page which contains these two consecutive entries. [105] "Wellington Correspondence." [106] For a full account of this school see "The Old Latin Schools of Dublin," by the Editor. [107] Fitzgibbon's father had been a Catholic, and was intended for the priesthood. He and his wife Eleanor are buried in St. Bride's churchyard, without any sort of monument or tombstone. [108] Mr. Blackburne's "Causes of the Decadence of the Industries of Ireland," p. 19. There are two copies of the work in the College Library, both of which have been recently obtained, and from one of them, by the obliging indulgence of the Provost and Board, the present re-issue is taken. [109] Froude--"English in Ireland," vol. ii., p. 228. [110] See the State Papers of Henry VIII., and the official certificates almost ever since. See also Lord O'Hagan's Address to the Social Science Congress in Dublin, 1881. If any of these pronouncements were right, it would be difficult to discover any room for future improvement. All of these glowing congratulations were, however, invariably exposed and exploded by sober contemporary historians and observers, and the O'Hagan passage illustrates the process. His lordship said: "I have indicated to you the results of honest effort by Irishmen of this generation in obtaining for their country amended laws, cheap and facile justice--education liberal, unconditioned, and available to all--... increased provision for the national health and comfort--and security in his possessions and encouragement to his industry for the tiller of the soil. In the midst of many troubles and much discouragement, these have been steps of real cheering progress--improvements, permanently conquered from the past, and auspicious, as they will be fruitful, of a happier future." Compare with this charming view the following versions. In his speech in the adjourned debate on the Address in the House of Commons, January, 1881, Mr. Shaw, M.P. for Cork County, showed the value of this "real cheering progress," and of the "permanent improvements and increased provisions for the national health and comfort." "Within three or four months," said Mr. Shaw, "I have gone through various parts of the country, and I must say this--I did not think it possible for human beings to exist as I found tenant-farmers existing in the West of Ireland.... It is a disgrace to the landlords, it is a disgrace to the Government, it is a disgrace to every institution in the country to think of it that now for years, for generations, this cry year after year has been coming up from the people." In the debate on the 28th of January MR. GLADSTONE said that "there are still hundreds of thousands in Ireland who live more or less on the brink of starvation, and that forty years ago that was the case not with hundreds of thousands but with millions." A writer in the current number of the _Quarterly Review_, after picturing the maddened and disturbed state of the country, adds:-- "And all this with between four and five hundred suspects in gaols with an army of 50,000 men in the country, with Land Bills, Coercion Bills, Proclamations, new magisterial boards, the island parcelled out into military districts, spies, informers, and all the endless appliances of a Liberal Government in full operation." See, too, what Mr. Justice O'Hagan said in his judgment on the Stacpoole leases. It is not very easy to reconcile these four unassailable statements of facts with the smooth optimism of the ex-Lord Chancellor, although without question the "Conquests" enumerated by him have been, as he says, won. The truth is that these specialist statistics are no more a real index of the condition of the country than a brick is an index of the quality of a house. There is no use in attempting to deny that England--both when meaning well and meaning ill--has kept Ireland in a deplorable condition. [111] Concerning this debate "Pepys' Diary," vol. iv., p. 109, records--1666--October 8th:--"The House did this day order to be engrossed the Bill against importing Irish Cattle--a thing, it seems, carried on by the Western Parliament men wholly against the sense of most of the rest of the House; who think if you do this you give the Irish again cause to rebel. Thus plenty on both sides makes us mad." P. 135--1666. October 27th:--"Thence to talk about publique business; he [Lord Belassis] tells me how the two Houses begun to lie troublesome, the Lords to have quarrels one with another. My Lord Duke of Buckingham having said to the Lord Chancellor (who is against the passing of the Bill for prohibiting the bringing over of Irish cattle) that whoever was against the Bill was there led to it by an Irish interest or an Irish understanding, which is as much as to say he is a foole. This bred heat from my Lord Chancellor, and something he [Buckingham] said did offend my Lord of Ossory (my Lord Duke of Ormonde's son), and they two had hard words, upon which the latter sends a challenge to the former; of which the former complains to the House, and so the business is to be heard on Monday." Clarendon and Carte attribute cowardice to Buckingham in the matter. Both he and Ossory were sent to the Tower. The Bill, as noticed above, was subsequently passed. [112] "Life of Ormond," vol. iv., p. 234, &c. [113] Ten years later Dublin sent out a cargo of provisions valued at £937 13_s._ to New England, and the benevolence was gratefully and gracefully commemorated in 1880 by Captain Potter, of the _Constellation_, when he brought over America's consignment to our famishing agriculturists, and received the honorary freedom of our city. It may be noted, too, that ten years before the contribution to London, Dublin sent a relief amounting to £1,000 to the Waldenses, when suffering from the persecution of the Duke of Savoy. The last-named collection was made by a Cromwellian Fellow of Trinity College, the Rev. Samuel Mather, an excellent man, who on the Restoration was thrown into a Dublin prison, probably the "Black Dog," for declining to sign the Act of Uniformity. The New England collection was made by his brother, the Rev. Nathaniel Mather, Minister of the New-row Meeting-house. The collection for London was made by the Duke of Ormond. [114] This encouragement of the linen trade here proved a hypocrisy and imposture. The linen trade was never an equivalent for the wool trade. [115] Excepting, perhaps, Poyning's Act, and the Act of Union, this was the most disgraceful Act ever passed by an Irish Parliament. [116] See page lxx, note, and 35. [117] See page lxx, note, and 43. [118] It was on the Army Augmentation Bill that Hutchinson made one of his early "strides in apostasy." It was on this occasion also that Ireland was for the first time called upon to contribute to England's war expenses. She passed a vote of credit for £200,000. See pages 44, 46. [119] The condition of the people would thus seem to have declined from what it was a century before. In 1672, Petty stated in his "Political Anatomy," that the drink of the Irish people was milk, and in winter small beer or water; and that their food was bread made into cakes, with eggs and rancid butter, and with muscles, cockles, and oysters, on the sea-shore parts. [120] There are also several inaccuracies in the printed edition, which are reproduced as they stand. _E.g._, in page 81 "between £12,000 and £13,000" is set down as an increase on £1,100,000; and Petty's "Survey" is throughout put for his Political Anatomy. In the note to page 127 the literal misprints in the Greek quotation are corrected. The line is given "as Homer quoted by Longinus," and as if it were a Homeric line, but it is not a hexameter at all. The quotation joins the beginning of one line to a portion of another, and it is needless to say that the break was duly notified by Longinus, though apparently it was not perceived by the Provost. The passage occurs in the 17th book of the Odyssey, V.V. 323-3:-- [Greek: "Hêmisu gar t aretês apoainutai euruopa Zeus Aneros, eut an min kata doulion êmar helêsin."] Rendered by Pope, "Jove fix'd it certain, that whatever day Makes man a slave, takes half his worth away." [121] See _Freeman's Journal_, Nov. 3 and Nov. 24, 1881. [122] _Querist_, 134. [123] On account of the inability of Ireland, Great Britain, since Christmas, 1778, relieved her from the burden of paying forces abroad. [124] A sum of £50,000 has been lately sent from England for that purpose. [125] By a Proclamation, dated the 3rd of February, 1776, on all ships and vessels laden in any of the ports in this kingdom with provisions of any kind, but not to extend to ships carrying salted beef, pork, butter and bacon into Great Britain or provisions to any part of the British empire except the Colonies mentioned in the said Proclamation. 4th of January, 1779, taken off as far as it relates to ships carrying provisions to any of the ports of Europe. [126] Its tranquillity was so well established in 1611, that King James reduced his army in Ireland to 176 horse and 1,450 foot; additional judges were appointed, circuits established throughout the kingdom (2nd Cox, 17); and Sir John Davis observes that no nation under the sun loves equal and indifferent justice better than the Irish (Davis, pp. 184-196). [127] 13 Jac., ch. 1. [128] Vol. i. Com. Journ., p. 92. [129] Vol. i. Com. Journ., p. 61. [130] Ib., p. 88. [131] 1 Davis, pp. 1, 193, 194. [132] Cox's Hist. of Ireland, vol. ii., p. 91. [133] Ib. Some of these subsidies, from the subsequent times of confusion, were not raised. [134] Cox, vol. ii., p. 33. [135] Leland's Hist. of Ireland, vol. iii., p. 31. [136] Lord Strafford's Letters, vol. ii., p. 297. [137] Ir. Com. Journ., vol. i., pp. 228-229. [138] Lord Clarendon, Cox, ib., Ir. Com. Journ., vol. ii., pp. 280, 311. [139] Archbishop King in his State of the Protestants of Ireland, pp. 52, 53, 445, 446; Lord Chief Justice Keating's Address to James the Second, and his Letters to Sir John Temple. Ib. The prohibition of the exportation of our cattle to England, though a great, was but a temporary distress; and in its consequences greatly promoted the general welfare of this country. [140] Lord Sydney's words, in his speech from the throne in 1692, from his own former knowledge of this country. Ir. Com. Journ., vol. ii., p. 577. [141] Carte, vol. ii., pp. 342, 344. [142] Lord Strafford laid the foundation of the linen manufacture in Ireland, but the troubles which soon after broke out had entirely stopped the progress of it. [143] Harris's Life of K. W., 116. [144] The words of Lord Sydney, in his speech from the throne in 1692. Com. Journ., vol. ii., p. 576. [145] Ir. Com. Journ., vol. iii., pp. 45 and 65, that great supplies were given during this period. [146] Dobbs, pp. 5, 6, 7, 19. [147] Com. Journ., vol. iii., p. 45. [148] Ir. Com. Journ., vol. iii., pp. 65, 66. [149] Com. Journ., vol. iii., p. 149. [150] Ib. p. 195. [151] Ir. Com. Journ., vol. iii., pp. 207, 208. [152] Com. Journ., vol. iii., p. 210. [153] Ib., pp. 79, 94. [154] Com. Journ., vol. iii., p. 298. [155] Ib., pp. 225, 266. [156] Ib., pp. 253, 258. [157] Ib., pp. 364, 368, 369. [158] Ib., p. 573. [159] Com. Journ., vol. iii., p. 827. [160] Ib., p. 929. [161] Ib., p. 876. [162] In the same session an act was made for the advancement of the linen manufacture, which shows that both kingdoms then thought (for these laws came to us through England) that each of these manufactures was to be encouraged in Ireland. [163] Ir. Com. Journ., vol. ii., p. 725. [164] Ib., p. 733. [165] The sums paid on the exportation of Irish linens from Great Britain, at a medium of twenty-nine years, from 1743 to 1773, amount to something under £10,000 yearly.--Ir. Com. Journ., vol. xvi., p. 374, the account returned from the Inspector-General's Office in Great Britain. [166] Com. Journ., vol. iv., p. 249. [167] Ib., p. 296. [168] Ib., p. 335. [169] Com. Journ., vol. iv., pp. 694, 700, 701. [170] Ir. Com. Journ., vol. iv., p. 694. [171] Ib., p. 720. [172] Ib., p. 832. [173] It is not here intended to enter into the question, whether in different circumstances a national bank might not be useful to Ireland. [174] Com. Journ., vol. v., p. 12. [175] Ib., p. 102. [176] It was then £77,261 6_s._ 7_d._ Vol. iv., p. 778. [177] Com. Journ., vol. iv., p. 108. [178] Ib., p. 16. [179] Com. Journ., vol. iv., p. 136. [180] At midsummer, 1725, it amounted to £119,215 5_s._ 3-5/8_d._ Vol. v., Com. Journ., pp. 282, 295, 434, 435, 642. [181] Com. Journ., vol. v., pp. 732, 755. [182] Duke of Dorset's speech from the throne. Com. Journ., vol. vi., p. 12. [183] Com. Journ., vol. vi., p. 143. [184] Ib., vol. vi., p. 189. [185] Com. Journ., vol. v., pp. 214, 220, 222. [186] The act entitled an act for better regulation of partnerships and to encourage the trade and manufactures of this kingdom has not a word relative to the latter part of the title. [187] Com. Journ., vol. vi., p. 694; ib., vol. vii., p. 742. [188] The sum remaining due on the loans at Lady-day, 1753, was £85,585 0_s._ 9-1/2_d._ The whole credit of the nation to that day was £332,747 19_s._ 1-1/8_d._, and deducting the sums due on the loans amounted to £247,162 18_s._ 3-1/8_d._ Com. Journ., vol. ix. pp. 3, 349, 352. [189] Com. Journ., vol. iv., p. 195. [190] Com. Journ., vol. vi., p. 289. [191] Ib., vol. ix., p. 352. [192] Ib., p. 332. [193] Com. Journ., vol. x., p. 751. [194] Ib., vol. ix., p. 818. [195] Ib., pp. 819, 829, 846, 865. [196] March 6, 1754, Thomas Dillon and Richard Ferral, failed. 3rd March, 1755, William Lennox and George French. Same day, John Wilcocks and John Dawson. [197] There was then no bankruptcy law in Ireland. [198] Com. Journ., vol. x., p. 751. [199] Ib., p. 16, speech from the throne, and ib., p. 25, address from the House of Commons to the king. [200] Ib., p. 25. Address from the House of Commons to the king. [201] Com. Journ., vol. x., p. 25. [202] They brought in a law for the encouragement of tillage, which was ineffectual (see post 42); but the preamble of that Act is a legislative proof of the unhappy condition of the poor of this country before that time. The preamble recites, "the _extreme_ necessity to which the poor of this kingdom had been too frequently reduced for want of provisions." [203] Com. Journ., vol. x., p. 285. [204] Com. Journ. vol. xi., p. 472. Speaker's speech. [205] Ib., p. 16. [206] The Acts passed in '58, giving bounties on the land carriage of corn, and on coals brought to Dublin. [207] Com. Journ., vol. xi., p. 212. [208] Ib., from 826 to 837. [209] Ib., vol. xi., p. 141. [210] Ib., p. 408. [211] Ib., p. 473. [212] Ib., p. 862. [213] Ib. [214] Ib., p. 982, from 25th March, '59, to 21st of April, '60, exclusive. [215] Clement's, Dawson's, and Mitchell's. [216] Com. Journ., vol. xi., p. 966, April 15, 1760. [217] Com. Journ., vol. xi., pp. 993, 994. [218] Ib., p. 1049. [219] Brought in by Mr. Pery the present Speaker. [220] In the year ending Lady-Day, 1778, it amounted to £71,533 1_s._, and in that ending Lady-Day, 1779, to £67,864 8_s._ 10_d._ [221] Com. Journ., vol. xii, p. 700. [222] Ib. p. 728. [223] Ib., p. 443. [224] Ib. p. 929. Speech of Lord Hallifax from the throne, 30th April, 1762. [225] Ir. Com. Journ., vol. xiii., p. 21. [226] Com. Journ., vol. xiii., p. 23. [227] For a year ending 25th March, 1763, they were £66,477 5_s._; they afterwards rose to £89,095 17_s._ 6_d._ in September, 1777, at the highest; and in this year, ending the 25th March last, amounted to £85,971 2_s._ 6_d._ [228] Com. Journ. vol. xiii., p. 576. [229] Ib. pp. 574, 621. [230] Com. Journ., vol. xiv., p. 715. [231] Com. Journ., vol. xv., p. 710. [232] Ib., p. 153. [233] Ib., vol. xvi., p. 372. [234] Ib., pp. 190, 191, 193. [235] Ib., p. 256. [236] Com. Journ., vol. xii., p. 928. [237] Ib., vol. xiii., p. 987. [238] Ib., vol. xiv., pp. 69, 114, 151. [239] Com. Journ., vol. xiv., p. 665. [240] Com. Journ., vol. xiv., p. 467, report from committee, and ib., p. 501, agreed to by the House, _nem. con._ [241] Carte, vol. ii., pp. 318, 319. [242] Sir W. Petty's "Political Survey," pp. 69, 70. Sir W. Temple, vol. iii., pp. 22, 23. [243] By several British acts (32 G. 2, ch. 11; 5 G. 3, ch. 10; 12 G. 3, ch. 56), allowing from time to time the free importation of all sorts of cattle from Ireland. [244] Personal prejudice against the Duke of Ormond (Carte, vol. ii., pp. 332, 337.) [245] 15 Ch. 2, ch. 7. 18 Ch. 2, ch. 2. [246] Carte, vol. ii., p. 332. [247] Com. Journ., vol. i., p. 208, by a clause to be inserted in an Irish act. [248] See post, those acts stated. [249] Com. Journ., vol. ii., p. 576. [250] English acts, 12 Ch. 2, ch. 32, 13 and 14. Ch. 2, ch. 18. [251] 1 W., and M. ch. 32. [252] 7 and 8 W., ch. 28. [253] 14th Jan., 1697. [254] 7th July, 1698, dissolved. [255] In a pamphlet cited by Dr. Smith (vol. ii., p. 244, in his memoirs of wool) it is said that the total value of those manufactures exported in 1697, was £23,614 9_s._ 6_d._, namely, in friezes and stockings, £14,625 12_s._; in old and new draperies, £8,988 17_s._ 6_d._; and that though the Irish had been every year increasing, yet they had not recovered above one-third of the woollen trade which they had before the war (ib. 243). The value in 1687, according to the same authority, was £70,521 14_s._; of which the friezes were £56,485 16_s._; stockings, £2,520 18_s._; and old and new drapery (which it is there said could alone interfere with the English trade), £11,514 10_s._ [256] Preamble of English act of 1699. [257] 9th June, 1698, vol. of Lords' Journals, p. 314. [258] Lords' Journ., p. 315. [259] 30th June, 1698. [260] 16th July, 1698. [261] Rapin's Hist., vol. xvii., p. 417. [262] 27th September, 1698, vol. ii., p. 994. [263] Com. Journ., vol. ii., p. 997. [264] Ib., vol. ii., p. 1022. [265] October 24, 1698. [266] Com. Journ., vol. ii., pp. 1007, 1035. [267] Com. Journ., p. 1032. [268] Ib., vol. ii., p. 1082. [269] Com. Journ., vol. ii., p. 1007. [270] Ib., 1104, by 105 against 41. [271] 10 W. 3, ch. 5. [272] And. on Com. Journ., vol. i., 204. [273] The Commissioners of Trade in England, by their representation of the 11th October, 1698, say (Eng. Com. Journ., vol. xii., p. 437), "they conceive it not necessary to make any alteration whatsoever in this Act," but take notice that the duties on broadcloth, of which very little is made in Ireland, is 20 per cent.; but the duty on new drapery, of which much is made, is but 10 per cent. [274] Eng. Stat., 10 and 11 William III., ch. 10, passed in 1699. [275] 12 Ch. II. ch. 4, Eng., and afterwards continued by 11 Geo. I., ch. 7. Brit. [276] By an Eng. Act, made in 1663, the same which laid the first restraint on the exportation of cattle. [277] See the Address of the English House of Lords. [278] Potatoes and milk, or more frequently water. [279] Dr. Smith's "Wealth of Nations," vol. i., p. 94. [280] Ib., pp. 85, 86. [281] Dr. Smith's "Wealth of Nations," vol. i., p. 445; Dr. Campbell's "Polit. Survey of Great Britain," vol. ii., p. 159; Anderson on "Industry." [282] Smith, ib. [283] Sir W. Petty's "Political Survey of Ireland," p. 90. [284] Smith's "Wealth of Nations," vol. i., p. 446. [285] Ib. [286] Lord Strafford's Letters, vol. i., p. 33. [287] Smith's "Wealth of Nations," vol. i., p. 445. [288] Sir M. Decker's "Decline of Foreign Trade," p. 155, and Anderson on "Commerce," vol. ii., p. 149. [289] Compare the circumstances of the two countries in one of those articles which affects all the rest. The sums raised in Great Britain in time of peace are said to amount to ten millions, in Ireland to more than one million yearly. The circulating cash of the former is estimated at twenty-three millions, of the latter at two. [290] See post 81. [291] Essay on the "Trade of Ireland," pp. 6, 7. [292] "Decline of Foreign Trades," pp. 55, 56, 155. [293] Dobb's, p. 76. [294] In 1774. [295] Nor was this deficiency made up by the exportation of yarn. The quantities of these several articles exported from 1764 to 1778 are mentioned in the Appendix, number. [296] Smith's "Memoirs of Wool," vol. ii., p. 554. The only way to prevent it, is to enable us to work it up at home. Ib., p. 293. [297] This was done for the benefit of the woollen manufacture in England. Eng. Com. Journ., vol. xxii., p. 442. [298] This is stated considerably under the computation made in the list of absentees published in Dublin in 1769, which makes the amount at that time £1,208,982 14_s._ 6_d._ [299] Smith's "Wealth of Nations," vol. i., p. 316. [300] Anderson on Com., vol. i., p. 131. [301] The wish of traders for a monopoly is not confined to England; in the same kingdom some parts are restrained in favour of others, as in Sweden to this hour. Abbé Resnal, vol. ii., p. 28. [302] Eng. Com. Journ., vol. xii., pp. 64, 68. [303] Ib., p. 64. [304] Ib., p. 7. [305] Eng. Com. Journ., vol. xii., p. 527. [306] Ib., p. 530. [307] Ib., p. 434. [308] Ib., p. 387. [309] Ib., vol. xxii. [310] Eng. Com. Journ., vol. xxii., p. 178. [311] The Lords Commissioners of Trade in England, by their report of the 31st August, 1697 (Eng. Com. Journ., vol., xii., p. 428), relating to the trade between England and Ireland, though they recommend the restraining of the exportation of all sorts of woollen manufactures out of Ireland, make the following exception, "except only that of their frieze, as is wont, to England." [312] See before speech of Lords Justices. [313] Mr. Dobbs, and after him Dr. Smith. [314] 11 Elizabeth, session 3, ch. 10. [315] 13 Elizabeth, session 5, ch. 4. [316] 17 and 18, ch. 2; ch. 9 for the advancement of the linen manufacture. Carte. [317] See before. [318] 7 and 8 W. 3, ch. 39, from the 1st of August, 1696. [319] 7 and 8 W., ch. 28. [320] Not till the year 1705. [321] Com. Journ., vol. ii., p. 725, 733; vol. xvi., p. 360. [322] See before. [323] Dobbs, 6, 7. [324] Com. Journ., vol. xvi., p. 362. [325] Ib., p. 363. [326] By 3rd and 4th Anne, ch. 9. [327] And. on Comm., vol. ii., p. 225. [328] This appears by the preamble to the English Act of the 7th and 8th W. 3, ch. 39. [329] Anderson on Commerce, vol. ii., p. 177. [330] Com. Journ., vol. xvi., p. 365. [331] In 1750. [332] By the law of 1750, and the bounties given on the exportation of sail-cloth from Great Britain to foreign countries, Ireland has almost lost this trade; she cannot now supply herself. Great Britain has not been the gainer; the quantities of sail-cloth imported there, in 1774, exceeding, according to the return from the Custom House in London, the quantities imported in the year 1750, when the restrictive law was made. It has been taken from Ireland and given to the Russians, Germans, and Dutch (Ir. Com. Journ., vol. xvi., p. 363). [333] 10 G. 3, ch.--continued by act of last session to the year 1786. [334] In the year 1743. [335] Com. Journ., vol. xvi., 369, pp. 389. [336] _To please the English_ Scotland has for half a century past exerted herself as much as possible to improve the linen manufacture.--Anderson on Industry, vol. ii., p. 233. [337] Com. Journ., vol. xvi., p. 370. [338] The province of Ulster, in two years, is said to have lost 30,000 of its inhabitants. Com. Journ., vol. xvi., p. 381. [339] From 24th June, 1705, 3 and 4 Anne, ch. 8, for 11 years, but afterwards continued. [340] Brit. Acts, 10 Anne, ch. 19; 11 and 12 Anne, ch. 9; 6 G. 1, ch. 4. [341] Brit. Act. 18 G. 3, ch. 53. [342] Ir. Com. Journ., vol xvi., pp. 363, 364. [343] Ib., p. 365 [344] Anderson on Industry, vol. i., pp. 34 to 40 [345] Com. Journ., vol. xvi., p. 370. [346] See Com. Journ., vol. xvii., pp. 263 to 287, for the sums paid from 1700 to 1775. They amount to £803,486 0_s._ 2-3/4_d._ [347] This malady of emigration among our linen manufacturers has appeared at many different periods during this century. [348] 12 Ch. II., ch. 7. [349] As other nations did the same, Ireland was shut out from the New World and a considerable part of the Old in Asia and Africa. [350] 15 Ch. II., ch. 15. [351] Ch. 39. [352] 10th and 11th Wm. III., ch. 10. [353] 15 Ch. II., ch. 7. 18 Ch. II., ch. 2. 20 Ch. II., ch. 7. 22nd & 23rd Ch. II., ch. 2. [354] Petty's "Political Survey of Ireland," p. 70, and _ib._ "Report from the Council of Trade," pages 117, 118. Sir W. Temple, vol. iii, pp. 22, 23, that England was evidently a loser by the prohibition of cattle. Dr. Smith's "Memoirs of Wool," vol. ii, p. 337, that the English have since sufficiently felt the mischiefs of this proceeding. [355] 3 and 4 Anne, ch. 8. [356] 4 Inst., 349. Matth. Paris, anno. 1172, pp. 121, 220. Vit. H. 2. Pryn, against the 4 Inst., c. 76, pp. 250, 252. Sir John Davis's Hist., p. 71. Lord Lyttleton's Hist. of, H. 2. vol. iii., pp. 89, 90. 7 Co., 22, 23. 4th Black, 429. [357] Cooke's 4th Inst., 351. [358] Anderson on Commerce, vol. i., p. 174. [359] 3rd Edward IV., ch. 4. [360] The part of this law which mentions that it shall be determinable, at the King's pleasure, has the prohibition for its object, and does not lessen the force of the argument in favour of Ireland. [361] 4th Edward IV., ch. 1. [362] Anderson on Commerce, vol. i., p. 285. [363] Ib., p. 319. [364] 3rd James, ch. 6. [365] 12th Ch. II., ch. [366] 12th Ch. II., ch. 18. [367] 13th and 14th Ch. II., ch. 11. [368] Ib., ch. 18. [369] 12th Ch. II., ch. 27. [370] Ir. Act, 13th H. VIII, ch. 2. [371] 28th H. VIII., ch. 17. [372] Ch. 10. [373] The necessity of encouraging the people of Ireland to manufacture their own wool appears by divers statutes to have been the sense of the legislature of both kingdoms for some centuries. [374] Ir. Act of 17 and 18 Ch. II., ch. 15. [375] Carte, vol. ii., p. 344. [376] 15th Ch. II., ch. 7. [377] 22nd and 23rd Ch. II., ch. 26. [378] Sugar, tobacco, cotton, wool, indigo, steel or Jamaica wood, fustick or other dying wood, the growth of the said plantations. [379] 4th Geo. II., ch. 15; 6th Geo. II., ch. 15; 4th Geo. II., ch. 15. [380] The articles in the last note, and also rice, molasses, beaver skins, and other furs, copper ore, pitch, tar, turpentine, masts, yards, and bowsprits, pimento, cocoa-nuts, whale fins, raw silk, hides and skins, pot and pearl ashes, iron and lumber. [381] From the 24th of June, 1778, it shall be lawful to export from Ireland directly into any of the British plantations in America or the West Indies, or into any of the settlements belonging to Great Britain on the coast of Africa, any goods being the produce or manufacture of Ireland (wool and woollen manufactures in all its branches, mixed or unmixed, cotton manufactures of all sorts, mixed or unmixed, hats, glass, hops; gunpowder, and coals only excepted); and all goods, &c., of the growth, produce, or manufacture of Great Britain which may be legally imported from thence into Ireland (woollen manufacture in all its branches and glass excepted), and all foreign certificate goods that may be legally imported from Great Britain into Ireland. Two of the principal manufactures are excepted, and one of them closely connected with, if not a part of, the linen manufacture.--18th Geo. III., ch. 55. [382] This appears by the English Acts (3 and 4 Anne, ch. 10, 8 Anne, ch. 1, 2 Geo. II., ch. 35), giving bounties on the importation of those articles into Great Britain. [383] Sir William Petty mentions that "the English who have lands in Ireland were forced to trade only with strangers, and became unacquainted with their own country, and that England gained more than it lost by a free commerce (with Ireland), as exporting hither three times as much as it received from hence," and mentions his surprise at their being debarred from bringing commodities from America directly home, and being obliged to bring them round from England, with extreme hazard and loss.--"Political Survey of Ireland," p. 123. [384] 22nd and 23rd Ch. II., ch. 26, sec. 11. [385] Sir John Davis and Sir Edward Cooke. [386] [Greek: Hêmisu gar t' aretês apoainytai doulion hêmar] Homer, as quoted by Longinus. [387] Sic utere tuo, alienum non lædas. [388] Sir William Petty's "Political Survey of Ireland," p. 19. [389] Sir William Temple, vol. iii., p. 7. [390] The Act of Explanation. [391] 15 Ch. II. [392] Sir W. Petty, p. 9. [393] Ib. pp. 9 and 110. [394] Sir W. Petty, p. 89. [395] Ib., pp. 9 and 10. [396] Ib, pp. 34, 71, 125. [397] 15 Ch. II., ch. 7. [398] Carte, vol. ii., pp. 425 to 428, 465. [399] Archb. Bishop King's State, 209. James II., in his speech from the throne in Ireland, recommended the repeal of the Act of Settlement. [400] Their demands in 1642 were the restitution of all the plantation lands to the old inhabitants, repeal of Poyning's Act, &c.--Macaulay's Hist., vol. iii, p. 222. In the meeting called a parliament, held by James in Ireland, they repealed the Acts of Settlement and Explanation, passed a law that the Parliament of England cannot bind Ireland, and against writs of error and appeal to England. [401] 3rd and 4th Anne, ch. 8. [402] Sir W. Petty's "Survey." [403] Ib., p. 117. [404] Order 14th March, 1698, Lords' Journ., vol. xvi. Eng. Com. Journs., 18th Jan., 1698, vol. xii., p. 440. [405] The Commissioners of Trade, in their representation dated 11th November, 1697, relating to the trade between England and Ireland, advise a duty to be laid upon the importation of oil, upon teasles, whether imported or _growing_ there, and upon _all the utensils_ employed in the making any woollen manufactures, on the utensils of worsted combers, and particularly a duty by the yard upon all cloth and woollen stuffs, except friezes, before they are taken off the loom. Eng. Com. Journ., vol. x., p. 428. [406] See in the Appendix an account of those articles imported from England into Ireland for ten years, commencing in 1769, and ending in 1778. [407] Com. Journ., vol. iii., pp. 348, 548. [408] Sir W. Petty's "Political Survey," p. 123. [409] Sir W. Temple, vol. iii., p. 11. [410] Lord's Journ., 16th Feb., 1697. [411] Lord's Journ., 19th Feb., 1697. [412] See Dr. Smith's "Wealth of Nations." [413] The consumption of our own people is the best and greatest market for the product and manufactures of our own country. Foreign trade is but a part of the benefit arising from the woollen manufacture, and the least part; it is a small article in respect to the benefit arising to the community, and Dr. Smith affirms that all the foreign markets of England cannot be equal to one-twentieth part of her own.--Dr. Smith's "Memoirs of Wool," vol. ii., pp. 113, 529, 530, and 556, from the _British Merchant_ and Dr. Davenant. [414] Address of Eng. Commons, _ante_. [415] King's Stat., pp. 160, 161. [416] Eng. Com. Journ., vol. xii., pp. 514, 523, 528. [417] Vol. iii., p. 8. [418] See Sir John Davis's "Discourses," pp. 5, 6, 194. [419] Summary of Imports and Exports to and from Ireland, laid before the British House of Commons in 1779. [420] Those states are least able to pay great charges for public disbursements whose wealth resteth chiefly in the hands of the nobility and gentry.--Bac., vol. i., p. 10; Smith's "Wealth of Nations," vol. ii., p. 22. [421] A very judicious friend of mine has, with great pains and attention, made a calculation of the numbers of people in Ireland in the year 1774, and he makes the numbers of people to amount to 2,325,041; but supposes his calculation to be under the real number. I have, therefore, followed the calculation commonly received, which makes their number amount to 2,500,000. He computes, as has been before mentioned, the persons who reside in houses of one hearth, to be 1,877,220. Those find it very difficult to pay hearth money, and are thought to be unable to pay any other taxes. If this is so, according to this calculation, there are but 447,821 people in Ireland able to pay taxes. [422] Ireland was much more numerous in 1685 than at any time, after the Revolution, during that century, there having been a great waste of people in the rebellion at that era. [423] 12 Ch. II., ch. 4. Eng. [424] Yet, in favour of Great Britain, old and new drapery imported into Ireland from other countries are subject to duties equal to a prohibition. Ir. Act 14th and 15th, Ch. II., ch. 8. [425] On every piece of old drapery exported, containing thirty-six yards, and so for a greater or lesser quantity, 3_s._ 4_d._, and of new drapery 9_d._, for the subsidy of alnage and alnager's fee. See 17th and 18th Ch. II., ch. 15. Ir. But the English have taken off these and all other duties from their manufactures made or mixed with wool. Eng. Act 11 and 12 W. III., ch. 20. [426] 30 per cent. by the British acts of 9 and 10 Anne, ch. 39., and 12 Anne, ch. 9. [427] This tax is _ad valorem_, and the linen not valued. [428] Brit. Act, 9 Anne, ch. 12. [429] Hence it is that the price of wool in England is said to be 50 per cent. below the market price of Europe.--Smith's "Memoir's of Wool." [430] 12 Ch. II., ch. 5. 3 and 4 Anne, ch. 4. 4 and 5 W. and M., ch. 5. [431] 7 G. I., ch. 7. [432] When the commercial restraints of Ireland are the subject, a source of occasional and ruinous restrictions ought not to be passed over. Since the year 1740, there have been twenty-four embargoes in Ireland, one of which lasted three years. [433] The common law of England. [434] Heads of bills for passing into a law the Habeas Corpus Act, and that for making the tenure of judges during good behaviour, have repeatedly passed the Irish House of Commons, but were not returned. [435] The Eng. Act of Ch. II, ch. --, calls the importation of cattle from Ireland a common nuisance. [436] This number of Irishmen was computed to have served in the fleets and armies of Great Britain during the last war. [437] The furs of Canada, the indigo of Florida, the sugars of Dominica, St. Vincent, and the Grenadas, with every other valuable production of those acquisitions Ireland was prohibited to receive but through another channel. Her poverty scarcely gathered a crumb from the sumptuous table of her sister. Transcriber's Notes: Passages in italics are indicated by _italics_. The original text includes Greek characters. For this text version these letters have been replaced with transliterations. The original text includes an intentional blank space. Thie is represented by ______ in this text version. Foonote 86 appears on page lxvii of the text, but there is no corresponding marker on the page. 
6876	----	This file was produced from images generously made available by the Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions. THE BRITISH ASSOCIATION'S VISIT TO MONTREAL, 1884. LETTERS BY CLARA LADY RAYLEIGH, Printed for Private Circulation. INTRODUCTION. THE BRITISH ASSOCIATION. (Reprinted from The Times, 1884) It seems early to begin to speak of the arrangements for the next meeting of the British Association, but it is a far cry to Montreal, and a proportionately long start must be made before the final leap is taken. So heartily have the Dominion Government and the Canadian _savants_ entered into the preparations that everything is ready; all the presidents, vice-presidents and secretaries of sections have been selected; all arrangements made with steamship companies and American railways; all excursions have been planned, and all possible routes provided for; instructions of the most detailed kind have been drawn up for the guidance of members; nothing has been left, indeed, except what depends on contingencies of time and place, so that Professor Bonney and his legion of officials may at any moment take up their portmanteaus and walk on shipboard. All this forwardness and completeness are largely due to the zeal of the High Commissioner, Sir Charles Tupper, and his energetic and obliging secretary, Mr. Colmer. When the decision was come to at Southampton to hold the meeting of 1884 in Canada there was widely expressed disapproval of the step, and doubt as to its legitimacy; but the prospect of entertaining the upper thousand of English science has evidently so greatly gratified our Canadian brothers that even the most stiff-necked opponent of the migration must be compelled to give in if he has a shred of good nature and brotherly feeling left. There are doubtless a few grumblers who will maintain that the Montreal assembly will not be a meeting of the _British_ Association; but after all this Imperial Parliament of Science could not be better occupied than in doing something to promote science in one of the most important sections of the British dominions. Indeed, since some maintain that so far as this country is concerned it has almost ceased to have a _raison d'etre_, might it not extend its functions and endeavour to exercise the same effective influence on the promotion of science in other parts of the Empire as it has undoubtedly done in the past in the Mother Country? It can scarcely hope ever to hold a meeting either in Australia or India, nor even, we fear, in South Africa; but there are other means Which it might adopt more appropriately than any other body to encourage the progress of science in these parts of the Empire, and make accessible to the public interested in it the good work which is being done, at least in some of the Australian colonies. In Canada itself there are several important scientific societies; but so far as we know, they have no common bond of union. Seeing that there is already an efficient American Association, we should not advocate the formation of a separate Canadian body; but possibly the Montreal meeting might be able to do something to federalise the separate Canadian societies. We suggested some years ago that the Association might do such a service to the numerous local societies in this country, and we are glad to know that the suggestion has borne fruit, and that already a real advance has been made in this direction. But whatever may be the results of the Montreal meeting, it is clear from the programme which has been drawn up that everything possible is being done to render the occasion one of genuine enjoyment to all who are fortunate enough to be present. The Canadian Parliament has voted so handsome a sum for the entertainment of the Association that its expenses are likely to be less than at an ordinary meeting. Provision has been made for free passages and free living for fifty of the officials, who need not spend a penny from the time they set foot upon the steamer until they step ashore again upon their native land. Not only so, but a sum of $14,000 has been allotted for the reduction of members' passages to Canada in addition to any abatement of fares allowed by the steamship companies. The most important of these companies, sailing not only to Quebec and Montreal, but to New York and Newport, offer reductions averaging about 10 per, cent, on the ordinary fares. The companies who offer these advantages are the Allan, the Dominion, the Beaver, White Star, Cunard, National, Anchor, Guion, Inman, Monarch, and Union lines; so that intending visitors have ample choice of route. On the other side, again, all the railway companies have shown the greatest liberality. The Government railways are free to all who produce members' vouchers. The Canada Pacific Line will from July 1 up to the date of the departure of the special free excursion to the Rocky Mountains, grant to visiting members free passes over its lines to the northward (Rocky Mountains, Lake Superior, &c.) and intermediate points. This company also offers to one hundred and fifty members of the Association a free special excursion to the Rocky Mountains, by way of Georgian Bay, Thursday Bay, and Winnipeg, providing that those places passed during the night on the outward journey will be repassed during the day on the return. The only thing members will have to pay for will be meals, which will be provided at a rate not exceeding 2s. Arrangements, moreover, will be made for trips and excursions from Toronto, across Lake Ontario to Niagara, under the direction of local committees to be formed in both places, giving to all members an opportunity of visiting the Falls. Various other excursions have been liberally arranged for by the company, so that visitors will have ample opportunity of seeing most that is worth seeing in Canada for practically nothing. The Canada Atlantic Railway has also arranged for several free excursions, while the Grand Trunk, the North Shore, the Central Vermont, and other railways in the States offer tickets to members at something like half the usual rates; thus those who proceed to New York may visit various parts of the States before proceeding northwards to Canada at extremely cheap rates. At all the Canadian cities to be visited local committees will be organized to receive the excursionists and to care for them during their stay. The circular prepared for the members gives every information as to routes, distances, fares, &c., so that they may make all their arrangements before leaving England. The telegraph companies, not to be behindhand, undertake to transmit messages during the meeting for members from Montreal to all parts of Canada and the United States free of charge. Of course, it is not to be expected that all those advantages will be given indiscriminately to all who may apply, and doubtless the great accession of members at the Southport meeting was partly due to the prospective visit to Canada. But only those members elected at or before the Southampton meeting will share in the benefit of the $14,000 allotted for reduction of passage money, and until further notice no new members or associates can be elected except by special vote of the Council. This is as it should be, otherwise the meeting would be largely one of mere "trippers," instead of genuine representatives of British science. The Council have taken every precaution to render the Montreal Meeting one of real work, and no mere holiday; from respect to itself as well as to its hosts, the Association is bound to show itself at its best. At the same time, the Council have extended all the privileges of associates to the near relatives of members to the number of three for each, so that members will have no excuse for doing Canada _en garcon_. Of course those applying for the privileges mentioned must produce satisfactory evidence of their identity, and in return will receive vouchers which will serve as passports on the other side. Those desirous of obtaining information as to hotels and other local matters, must apply to the local secretary, care of Mr. S. C. Stevenson, 181, St. James's Street, Montreal. Already somewhere about six hundred applications nave been received, and it is quite probable that at least one thousand members and associates may be crowding across next August. Those members who wish to share in the subsidy of $14,000 must apply before March 25, and no voucher will be issued after July 20. We may say that the reduced railway fares mainly extend from August 1 to the end of September. The active and courteous secretary, Professor Bonney, on whom so much depends, will arrive in Montreal three weeks before the opening of the meeting, August 27, for the purpose of securing that everything is in train. It is expected that all the addresses will be printed here in time for transmission to Montreal. So far at least as the officials are concerned, the Canada Meeting will be a representative one. The President elect, Lord Rayleigh, one of the most solid exponents of British science, will certainly prove equal to the occasion. The vice-presidents show a large Transatlantic contingent; they are, his Excellency the Governor-General, Sir John A. Macdonald, Sir Lyon Playfair, Sir Alexander Gait, Sir Charles Tupper, Sir Narcisse Dorion, Hon. Dr. Chauveau, Principal Dawson, Professor Frankland, Dr. L. H. Hingston, and Professor Sterry Hunt. Sir Joseph Hooker, we may say, has also been nominated by the Council a vice-president, in place of the late Sir C. W. Siemens. Perhaps it is scarcely necessary to state that the general treasurer, Professor A W. Williamson, and the general secretaries, Captain Douglas Galton and Mr. A. G. Vernon Harcourt, will be present. There are five local secretaries and a local treasurer. The presidents of the sections are all men of the highest standing in their particular departments; it would be difficult, indeed, to suggest a better selection. In Section A, Mathematical and Physical Science, it is a great thing that Professor Sir William Thomson has been persuaded to preside. No more representative chemist than Professor Roscoe could have been obtained for Section B; in C, Geology; Mr. W. T. Blanford, the head of the Indian Geological Survey, is sure to do honour to his subject; in Section D, Biology, Professor Moseley, a man of thoroughly Darwinian type of mind, will preside; in F, Economic Science, Sir Richard Temple will be a host in himself; while in G, Mechanical Science, Sir F J. Bramwell is sure to be vigorous and original; finally, in the new section H, Anthropology, Dr. E. B. Tylor is the very man that ought to have been selected. Lord Aberdare, we regret to say, has been compelled to retire from the presidency of the Geographical Section; but for a Canadian meeting no more suitable president could be obtained than the veteran Arctic explorer, Sir Leopold McClintock, who, we trust, will be persuaded to take the place of Lord Aberdare. All the vice-presidents and secretaries of sections have been chosen with equal care; and thus the Association has taken the very best means of proving to the Canadians how highly they, appreciate the honour of the invitation, and in what respect they hold their prospective audiences. For the public lectures, the popular feature of the meetings, it is hoped to secure the services of Professor W. G. Adams, the able Professor of Physics in King's College, London, who it is hoped will be able to go; Dr. Dallinger, the well-known-biologist, and Professor Ball, the witty and eloquent Astronomer Royal for Ireland, who will deliver the popular lecture _par excellence_. Thus it will be seen that every possible arrangement has been made that could be made beforehand to insure complete success, and there can be little doubt that neither the Association nor the Canadians will be disappointed. Section A is following the example set last year in Section D by Professor Ray Lankester. The Committee, as we have already announced, are sending out a circular inviting mathematicians and physicists to co-operate with them in sustaining discussions and contributing papers; one of the special subjects for discussion in this section on September 1st will be the vexed one of the connection between sun spots and terrestrial phenomena. In conclusion we may say that the American Association will meet in Philadelphia on September 3rd, and those who have not had enough of science at Montreal can enjoy another week of it at the Quaker City. The Philadelphia Committee have sent a cordial invitation to the members of the British Association to attend their meetings, offering to do the utmost in their power to make the visit at once pleasant and profitable. This will be a red letter year in the history of both Associations. Letter No. 1. _Thursday, August 21st, 1884; on board "PARISIAN,"--getting near Newfoundland._ My beloved Mother.--I sent you some lines from the train on Saturday 16th, and a card to Clara after we arrived on board. This is a capital ship, and lucky for us it is so, for we have had a regular gale. I little thought it was possible that I should dislike any sea as I do this Atlantic! It has been dreadful weather--grey in the clouds above and waters beneath, and blowing hard, without anything to brighten the vast waste of waters, and I have heartily wished myself away from it. This truly humiliating state of things will cause you to triumph over me, no doubt! I became uncomfortable and headachy and could do nothing, nor bear to stay in the saloon, and the drawing room, such as it is, is taken possession of by the men, who lay themselves down full length on the seats and leave no room for any ladies, so I have stayed in my cabin. Dr. Protheroe Smith has been quite a comfort to me. He is such a good man, and so pleasant, and has given me things to read, and relates interesting medical and religious experiences. While I write, an enormous wave has dashed against my port light and given me a flash of darkness. Hedley has been rather ill, but has never quite lost his appetite. Gibson and the two others have held out well. Evelyn has been in her berth since Monday, when it began to blow, but she has not been really ill. John and Dick have braved the storm on deck, and say the sight of the waves from the stern was magnificent, but I don't care for this kind of awful uncomfortable magnificence, which makes me feel a miserable shrimp, whose fate it is to be swallowed up by these raging waves, and who well deserves it. So I only made a feeble attempt to get to the deck on Monday, and was glad, to leave it in half an hour when it rained. I went down to the drawing room to look at some men playing chess, but as the others stared at me as if I had no right to be there, and the motion was very bad, I had soon to leave ignominiously. Mr. Barrett has entertained me with some ghost stories, well authenticated and printed for private circulation. I have begun writing this to-day because there seems some chance of posting it on Saturday or Sunday, when Sir Leonard and Lady Tilley and two sons are to be landed at New Brunswick as we pass down the Straits of Belle Isle, I think. I shall not see your birth-place as we shall be too far off. _Friday, 22nd._--I went upon deck after breakfast in a great hurry to see an iceberg. I was greeted with great kindness by every one after my three days' seclusion, and thoroughly enjoyed the day and the ocean for the first time. It was very cold but clear and sparkling, and there was no motion to speak of; after the gale, and the great hills and valleys of the Atlantic roll in a storm, it seemed impossible it could be so smooth; but we are to have every experience of weather, as a fog came on and we steamed very slowly and blew fog signals for an hour! However, the sun broke forth and lifted the curtain of fog, and within a quarter of a mile we saw a beautiful iceberg twelve or fifteen hundred feet deep, they said, and so beautiful in its ultra marine colouring. The shape was like a village church somewhat in ruins. Miss Fox, a sister of Caroline Fox, is on board and sketched the icebergs and the waves during the storm very cleverly. They were also photographed by Mr. Barrett and a professional. After dinner we were all on deck again and watched for the lights on the coast of Labrador, which mark the entrance into the Straits of Belle Isle, and at last a twinkle caught my eye and we all greeted it with joy! Isn't it wonderful that a ship can be steered across that vast expanse of water straight to this light, in spite of clouds and storms and without the sight of sun or moon or stars? If I was teaching a class I should quote this as a good illustration of "God's mysterious ways." We wander on through all the changes, and chances of this mortal life, and we don't know the why, or when, or where, but at last we see the lights of heaven looming on our horizon and are at the haven where we would be. Then we realize that all the time He was guiding us by ways that we knew not! In the evening we heard an auction amusingly carried on, though I did not approve of the gambling connected with it; and then Mr. Barrett gave a short account of apparitions, and there was a discussion. I am now writing after breakfast on Saturday and we expect to reach Quebec on Sunday night. It will be a dreadful disappointment if we don't see the first view, which is so fine, by daylight. We entered the Gulf of St. Lawrence last night (Friday). I give you a list of our saloon fellow passengers and you will see that I knew a good many of them before. LIST OF SALOON PASSENGERS PER S. "PARISIAN," (CAPTAIN JAMES WYLIE,) FOR QUEBEC, AUGUST 16TH, 1884. Mr. H. Alabaster Mr. A. H. Allen Dr. J. T. Arlidge Mr. Atchison Mr. B. Baker Major E. Bance Miss Barlow Mr. W. F. Barrett Dr. Beamish Mr. G Belyea Mr. G W. Bloxam Miss Bodman Dr. H. Borns Mr. Stephen Bourne Miss E E. Bourne Miss E. M. Bourne Mr. A. H. Bradley Sir Frederick Bramwell Mr. R. G. Brook Mr. Robert Capper Mrs. Capper Mr. G. C. Chatterton Mr. W. H. Clemmey Mr. C. Cooke Mrs. Cooper Miss Cooper Mr. F. B. C. Costelloe Mr. Crampton Mrs. Crampton Mr. Crookshank Mr. W. C. Davy Miss Daw Mr. W. Boyd Dawkins Mr. Thomas Denman Prof. Dewar Mrs. Dewar Mr. G. E. Dobson Mr. R. Edminson Mr. E. Farnworth Mr. J. Fewings Prof. G. Forbes Mr. R Formby Mr. C. Le Neve Foster Mr. Howard Fox Miss Fox Prof. Fream Hon. C. W. Fremantle Capt. Douglas Galton Mr. John L. Garsed Dr. J. H. Gilbert Mrs. Gilbert Mr. J. H. Gladstone Miss Gladstone Miss Gladstone Miss Gladstone Mr. J. H. Glover Mr. A. G. Greenhill Mr. Egbert de Hamel Mr. N. C. Hardcastle Mr. B. W. Hardcastle Dr. G. Harley Mr. N. B. Harley Miss Harris Mr. R. T. Herford Miss A. C. Herford Mr. Horniman Mr. W. Hurst Mr. John Jones Rev. Harry Jones Mr. George Oliver Jones Miss Fanny Jones Mr. R. H. Jones Hon. Mrs. Joyce Rev. A. G. Joyce Mr. Simeon Kaye Mr. J. W. Leahy Mr. B. T. Leech Mrs. Leech General Sir J. H. Lefroy, K. C. M. G. Lady Lefroy, and Maid Mr. James A. Love Mr. William Lukes Mr. W. Macandrew Mr. G. Mackay Mr. U. Mackay Mr. Harry Mackeson Mr. James Mackrell Mr. Samuel Marsden Mr. James Mactear Mr. W. P. Marshall Dr. W. R. McNab Mr. C. T. Mitchell Mr. W. J. Muirhead Mr. Hugo M. Muller Mr. E. K. Muspratt Miss J. Muspratt Mr. J. S. O'Halloran Admiral Sir E. Ommanney Mr. W. H. Perkin Mr. W. H. Perkin, Jun. Mr. L. G. Pike Mr. Benjamin Pilling Mr. John Pilling Mrs. Pilling Mr. John Powell Mr. W. H. Preece Mr. P. Price Mrs. Price Lord Rayleigh Lady Rayleigh Clara Lady Rayleigh, and Maid Mr. J. B. Readman Mr. A. W. Reinold Mr. C. Richardson Mr. R. Richardson Mrs. Richardson Mr. A. Rigg Mr. A. F. Riddell Mrs. Riddell Rev. J. Robberds Prof. W. Chandler Roberts Mrs. Roberts Mr. G. H. Robertson Mrs. Robertson Canon Rogers Mr. W. Rogers Earl of Rosse Mr. P. L. Sclater Mr. W. L. Sclater Mr. Sydney C. Scott Mr. A. Sedgwick Prof. H. S. Hele Shaw Prof. J. P. Sheldon Mr. George Smith Dr. P. Smith Dr. H. Smith Prof. W. J. Sollas Mr. E. Sollas Mr. Sowden Mr. A. Sowden Dr. W. D. Spanton Mr. Russell Stephenson Mr. T. H. Stockwell Hon. R. Strutt Hon. H. V. Strutt Mr. A. Summers Mr. R. W. Cooke-Taylor Mrs. Cooke-Taylor Mr. T. H. Thomas Dr. Alex. S. Thomson Mr. William Thomson Mr. W. J. Thomson Dr. H. G. Thompson Sir Leonard Tilley, K.C.M.G., C.B. Lady Tilley Master Herbert Tilley Master Leonard Tilley Mr. W. Topley Mr. W. Tribe Mr. G. S. Turner Capt. H. S. Walker Mrs. Walker Mr. Ward Miss Ward Mr. C. A. Wells Rev. E. Wells Mr. Westgarth Mrs. Westgarth Mrs. Westgarth Mr. W. Whitaker Miss E. H. Williamson Mr. E. S. Williams Miss Wilson Rev. H. H. Winwood Mr. Alfred Wood Mrs. Wood Mr. H. T. Wood Mr. A. W. Worthington Miss Worthington Mr. T. Wrightson Mr. F. York Mrs. York This afternoon was very dull and grey. I played a game of four chess, and there was a concert in the evening,--every two or three minutes broken in upon by the roar of a wild beast called the fog horn. It was very funny to hear the apropos way it came in when Canon Rogers was reciting Hiawatha. "Minnihaha said ----" then a roar! One of the party read a paper, and a really witty burlesque on this supposed wild beast and its anatomy. John is so well and, I think, very popular: Evelyn is a much better sailor than one anticipated. Captain Douglas Galton told me John's address was admirable, but I would not read it, as I want to judge of it as others will, when it is delivered. I have had no _whist!_ think of that--at first people were too ill, and then so much on deck, and they play in the smoking room, I hear, and perhaps gamble for higher stakes than I like!--which perhaps you will say is not surprising as I never play for anything. _Sunday, August 24th._--We have had a bright but cold day and brisk wind--in fact I have felt colder than when the icebergs were round us! We had service in the morning--Mr. Joyce read prayers' and Canon Rogers preached; and at three we Lad the excitement of seeing Sir Leonard and Lady Tilley, and two sons, with innumerable packages, taken off in a tug to New Brunswick--_Rimouski_ was the name of the town, and the still greater excitement followed of receiving from it the Secretary of the Lodging Committee at Montreal, who brought quantities of letters, papers, &c. I had a letter from Mr. Angus, asking me and a son to stay with them during our visit to Montreal, and it is close to where Dick is invited (Mr. and Mrs. McClennan's), and near John and E---. I also heard from Mr. Dobell, very kindly offering his house and carriage for my use while at Quebec; he and his family are away camping in the woods. You never saw a scene of greater excitement than the appearance of the saloon when the President opened the parcel containing letters, newspapers, and telegrams, after a week's total abstinence from all news; everyone _seized_ upon their respective letters, &c., with eagerness; the only person who did not look happy, was John, for he found the arrangements made would be too much for him, and he and Captain Gallon set themselves to try and alter them, in which I hope they will succeed. The Secretary sat opposite me at dinner, and told me how anxious they all were to make everything comfortable for us. It is doubtful whether we stay at Quebec to-morrow night, or go on to Montreal at once, as there is to be an excursion on Friday next to Quebec, and grand reception, and picnic or garden party on the following day. If you find a difficulty in reading the indelible pencil, tell me; it is more convenient to use travelling. We had an interesting conference on prayer this afternoon (Sunday), and I have just returned from another smaller one. A scientific man asked questions as to whether we could _prove_ answers to prayer would be given for _physical_ blessings, or what we consider such; or whether prayer was only a sentiment (as Tyndal thinks)? Professor Barrett and a dear old clergyman, Canon Rogers (who, in my ignorance, I had thought, at first, was a "dry stick") argued the matter with him, and also Dr. P. Smith and his son, and Miss Fox and I said a few words. Now, about nine o'clock, they are all singing hymns, very much out of tune. I must finish this up now for it must be posted to-morrow, or may miss the mail on Tuesday. I have thoroughly enjoyed the last three days, and am almost sorry the voyage is over, and so, I think, are many of my fellow passengers. Some of them are very good and nice. Miss Fox is delightful--upwards of eighty, and yet so full of interest in everything good and beautiful; she is like a piece cut out of the old past, and a very wonderful old fossil, full of energy and cleverness. Hedley desires his love, and is very well and happy. We go to 240, Drummond Street, Montreal, on Monday or Tuesday, Dick in same street, and John and E--- near. Gibson has never been ill at all! Good-bye, now, and God bless you all, darling Mother, and everyone dear to me at home. Two or three times during the gale, Hedley and I said to each other, "How nice it would be to be sitting with you at No. 90, O--- G---."--but now we have not that desire' From your loving child,--C. R. Letter No. 2. _Tuesday, August 26th, Beavoir, Quebec._ My first letter was brought up to 24th. I forgot to tell you then of an interesting discussion with a clever and honest infidel, Mr. X---. Through ---- (who had told me about him), I had lent him "Natural Law," and (seeing him standing about looking, I thought, rather sad as we were all singing "Rock of Ages, cleft for me") I asked him his opinion of the book, and he said "on Mr. D.'s assumption of the existence of a Personal God, it is very clever, and with your views I would certainly circulate it." Of course, I could not argue with a man well armed at all points for attack (as these infidels generally are), though they are weak enough at defence, their explanations of life's mysteries being as unsatisfactory and vague as that of any ignorant Bible woman; and so when others joined us I gave way, and he said as a _crusher_--"I see you are a very sincere and conscientious lady, but you are very _fanatical_." I replied, as my parting shot, "Well, of course, I cannot do justice to my cause, but at any rate you have nothing to offer _me_; convince me and others, if you can, that we are wrong (and thank God we have a noble army on our side), what have you to give us in the place of our beliefs? Nothing! a mere negation." He answered--"What have you to give me?" "Oh," I replied, "a mere _nothing, only_ peace and power for holiness now and a glorious hope for the future, and so (shaking hands) good bye." I could scarcely speak to him for crying, for it was so painful to hear his words about our Blessed Saviour. After our discussion on prayer in the back cabin, a young man who was there and who was sitting near me while I was writing to you, began to talk it over. "Well," I said, "the best answer to those objections about prayer that I know, is to try it, and then I am sure no arguments will then shake your confidence that there is a God who heareth and answereth prayer." It is like our Lord's cure of the blind man. "How did He do it?" they ask, and ask in vain for any explanation which could be understood, but the man says "I don't know, but whereas I was blind, now I see," and the Pharisees beat themselves to pieces against that rock. You may imagine I went to my berth heartily tired after the excitement of this long day. _Monday, 25th._--I got up at six and rushed on deck, and with a lovely clear sky and shining sun and a brisk breeze, I found we were steaming along the river St. Lawrence. We devoured with our eyes the beautiful views on each side, mountains of blue and violet, wooded to their summits, and Canadian villages nestling at their feet on the banks of the river, with glittering spires of _blanche_ for every seven miles, like tall milestones, and then we reached the entrance to Quebec, which is indeed magnificent! the splendid water-way, with the fine position of Quebec, makes it a grand sight, and I was not disappointed; and the clear and brilliant morning sunshine showed us all to perfection. Then came such a scene of hurry and confusion,--but we were favored: Captain R. Stephenson, the Governor-General's A.D.C., who had been our fellow passenger, received instructions from him, and we were conveyed in a police steamboat to the other side--to the Citadel; there was also a letter from Lord Lansdowne to John, asking him and E--- and any of his party to breakfast, brought by Captain Streatfield, another A.D.C. Our maids and luggage were left in charge of the police at their wharf station. On reaching the wharf a carriage conveyed us to the Citadel,--such a drive, up the side of a house! over a great many boulders. A curious old town is Quebec--thoroughly like a French town, with French spoken everywhere, and French dirt and air of poverty and untidiness, as in the remoter and older towns of France. Lord and Lady Lansdowne received us most kindly, and besides there was Lady Florence Anson (her niece, who is engaged to Captain Streatfield), Lady Melgund, whose husband is away in Ottawa looking after canoe men for Egypt, and a young Mr. Anson, A.D.C. After seeing the view from the balcony--a splendid panorama of Quebec and the river St. Lawrence, with its tributary St. Charles, and the surrounding country backed by blue mountains, we went in to our second breakfast, and much we enjoyed our tea. Lord Lansdowne sat next me and was very pleasant. Afterwards he asked John and E--- and me and the boys to dine, apologising for not asking us all to sleep there, on the grounds of not having room, which is true enough, for the house is not large. I thought it best to decline for myself and two sons, as I was going with them for the night to this place (Mr. Dobell's), four miles away. Then came a Secretary of the Local Committee to discuss arrangements with John, and alter the programme somewhat for next Friday and Saturday, when we are expected to revisit Quebec. John is much afraid that the long-list of engagements will bring on his rheumatism and knock him up for the real Business in Montreal. After this we had the carriage and drove in state to the Hotel where John and E--- were to sleep, arranged about our berths on the steamer for Montreal, saw numbers of our fellow-passengers who had not gone to Montreal, and drove to the wharf and only brought a little luggage to come here with. They told me I should not want umbrellas ("Our climate here is very different from yours," said they), nor wraps, but I persisted in bringing a few, fortunately, for it has been pouring all night and up to this time (twelve o'clock Wednesday), and it was so cold besides. While at the hotel (I forgot to mention _that_) a card was handed to me with Mr. Price's name on it. I could not think who he was, but he soon came and mentioned Capt. F--- (Julia Spicer's son-in-law), and then I remembered he had promised to mention us to the Prices. He offered to drive one of the ladies in his buggy to his house near the Montmerenci Falls, where we were all to lunch, and E--- went in it, and the rest of us drove in another carriage to his place, about five miles off. The drive was delightful and his cottage a picture--a little, fat, fair motherly woman for a wife, with two little chicks, and a lady friend. They took us down some steps to the Falls, the river Montmerenci falling 500 feet, and it was very fine, the view being improved by the figures of our fellow-passengers on the opposite side making struggling efforts to gain good positions, which we achieved in all ease and comfort. Then we returned to an excellent luncheon, very pleasantly diversified to us by Indian corn, which we learned to eat in an ungraceful but excellent fashion on the cob, blueberry tart and cream. This was our _third_ substantial meal on Tuesday. Several visitors called, and among them our fellow-passengers, Mr. Stephen Bourne and his daughters and two friends, who are also staying here, a gentleman with three other ladies (two of whom had been on the "Parisian") who said he had been staying lately with one of them in Cheshire, so I concluded he was an English-Canadian and said heartily: "That's right, keep up with the old country. You come to see us and we come to see you." And he responded graciously, but I heard after that he was a French-Canadian and R. C., and they are not fond of England, but cling very much to French ways and customs and are entirely in the hands of their priests. They are a quiet, moral people, marry very young and have very large families. It is quite common to hare ten children, and they live at what we should call a starvation rate; yet they will not go to service, contribute hardly anything to the revenue, and so the English, who are the only active and money-making section of the population, are heavily taxed; of course _I_ speak of the poor and working classes. The province of Quebec is, therefore, not a favourite one with enterprising spirits from our shores or from other parts of Canada. After these visitors were gone, Mr. Price drove me and E---, and the rest walked, to the "Natural Steps." It was a beautiful spot, the clear torrent of the river Montmerenci falling in cascades over a curious formation of layers of stone and steps on either side, with the bright green _arbor vitae_, which they call cedar, growing above and in every niche it can find a bit of soil; wild raspberries and strawberries too, which, alas, were over. We met several of our fellow-passengers, and we greet one another like long-lost friends. On our return we found Mrs. Price had cuddled her ailing boy to sleep and could give us some attention. We had delicious tea and cake (our fourth meal). Mr. Price comes from Boss, in Herefordshire, and has been twelve years away from it. He is very nice and intelligent. Her brother owns the Falls and lives in a pretty cottage near. Edison, the electric light inventor, has bought the power of these falls for electric purposes. John was thinking all the time how useful they might be made. We returned to the hotel in time for John and E--- to dress for the Governor-General's dinner party. We took a little baggage and Gibson and came here--a dark drive, and we were shaken to bits in what is justly called a _rockaway_ carriage. We were met at the door by Mr. Dobell, much to our surprise, for he and his family had returned unexpectedly from camping out, as it proved a failure, and rushed home to receive us. She is handsome, and quite English in tone and manner, daughter of the Minister of the Interior, Sir David Macpherson. Mr. Dobell is very bright and pleasant-looking, the house pretty and comfortable, with large conservatory. We Had a tremendous supper (our fifth meal) and so I could hardly do justice to it. I went to bed very tired after this hard day's work and awoke this morning to find it pouring, so I have been taking advantage of the quiet to write to you. Dick and Mr. Dobell went to Quebec, and we follow at three. They hope to have some organ-playing in the Cathedral. Mr. S. Bourne and his young ladies are also gone, and we are to leave at three and start at five in the river steamboat for Montreal. Tell Edward and Lisa, &c., &c., about us. We all thoroughly enjoyed everything yesterday except that we wanted warmer clothes. They had tremendous heat here before we arrived, and so every one was advising us to wear light clothing!--and the weather changed! LETTER NO. 3 _August 29th, 240, Drummond Street, Montreal._ We left the hospitable Dobells on Tuesday, 26th, took our luggage from the police station, receiving many bows and much politeness from the several Canadians in charge and, with about one thousand others, besides soldiers, went on board a very large steamer--a new experience, for these river steamers are quite different from anything we see on this side, even I think, on the Rhine,--the Lansdownes were in it and we saw something of them. An uncomfortable night, and were glad to reach this, Wednesday morning, at about eight o'clock. Such a mass of luggage and people, but as Mr. Angus kindly sent a carriage and man to meet us, I did very well and arrived safely with all mine. I drove with Hedley and Miss Angus in the afternoon (there are four grown-up young ladies) and finally got out at the Queen's Hall, where the Mayor read an address in French, and after Sir William Thomson had spoken, John said a few words. There was a great crowd here, and we sang "God Save the Queen" with enthusiasm. We dined at half-past six and afterwards the two Misses Angus and Hedley and I drove to the Hall. Lord and Lady Lansdowne sat on the platform, and after a nice speech from him, Sir William Thomson introduced John as the new President with many compliments. Then, dear John, looking so nice, with a clear voice, read his address, and I am told it was heard even in the gallery at the end. I liked it extremely, and people seem to think it was very good. Our party, Evelyn, Dick, &c., sat in the front row, and when John read one or two passages which he thought would particularly "fetch" me, he looked with a little twinkle in my direction and of course I twinkled in return. [The following account is reprinted from the "Montreal Gazette," August 28th, 1884.] Everything combined to favour the opening day of the British Association meeting yesterday. Bright skies overhead, and weather not too warm, and tempered by a cooling breeze, made what outdoor work had to be done pleasant and prevented indoor proceedings from being oppressive. Adding to these conditions the general enthusiasm which prevailed, the presence of so many notable personages, distinguished in the worlds of science, of politics, of letters and of mercantile pursuits, and the attendance of so large a number of the fair sex, who evinced the greatest interest in the proceedings, and it will be seen that the opening could not have taken place under more pleasing auspices. Whilst the city in general showed an extra amount of life and bustle, the interest naturally centered in the grounds of McGill University, which presented a bright and lively scene. In the reception room in the William Molson Hall there was a constant succession of visitors, and the various offices wore a busy air. In the grounds a new and picturesque effect was made by a couple of marquees wherein luncheon was served, and the grounds themselves, the grassy lawns and wooded walks, were the constant resort of ladies and gentlemen. The morning was spent by the visitors either in visits to the offices and reception rooms, the arrangement of papers, or in "doing" the city. At one o'clock the first work of the meeting commenced in the meeting of the general committee. Subsequently, at half past four, the visitors were formally welcomed by the mayor and corporation in the Queen's Hall, which was the scene of a brilliant gathering, and in the evening the first general meeting of the Association took place in the same hall, when the representative of the retiring president resigned the presidential office, which was assumed by the new president, Lord Rayleigh. Additional interest and distinction was given to the proceedings yesterday by the presence of His Excellency the Governor-General and the Marchioness of Lansdowns, and the Right Hon. Sir John A. Macdonald, Premier of the Dominion. Full reports of all the meetings and speeches together with other particulars of interest will be found subjoined. MEETING OF THE GENERAL COMMITTEE. A meeting of the general committee of the Association was held in the James Ferrier Hall, Wesleyan College, at one o'clock yesterday afternoon, Sir William Thomson presiding. The minutes of the meeting at Southport were read by the secretary, Rev. Prof. Bonney, and confirmed. THE REPORT OF THE COUNCIL. Capt. Douglas Galton, General Secretary, then read the annual report of the council, which stated that since the meeting at Southport, Dr. F. Lindemaun and Dr. Ernst Schroeder had been elected corresponding members of the Association, and proceeded as follows:--"The present meeting of the British Association, the fifty-fourth in number, is likely to be long memorable in its annals, as the first held beyond the limits of the United Kingdom. It marks a new point of departure, and one probably never contemplated by the founders of the Association, although not forbidden by the laws which they drew up. The experiment was doubtless a hazardous one, but it seems likely to be justified by success, and it may be hoped that the vigour and vitality gained by new experience may ultimately compensate for the absence from this meeting of not a few familiar faces among the older members; there will, however, be as large a gathering of members of more than one year's standing as is usual at a successful meeting in Great Britain, and the efforts which have been made by our hosts to facilitate the coming of members and render their stay in Canada both pleasant and instructive, call for the warmest acknowledgment. The inducements offered to undertake the journey were indeed so great that the council felt that it would be necessary to place some restriction upon the election of new members, which for many years past, though not unchecked in theory, has been almost a matter of course in practice. Obviously these offers of the Canadian hosts of the British Association were made to its members, not to those on whom they might operate as an inducement to be enrolled among its members. The council, therefore, before the close of the Southport meeting, published the following resolution:--"That after the termination of the present month (September, 1883), until further notice, new members be only elected by special resolution of the council." Applications for admission under these terms were very numerous, and were carefully sifted by the council. Still, although the council as time progressed and the number augmented, increased the stringency of their requirements, it became evident that the newly elected members would soon assume an unduly large proportion to those of older standing, so that on May 6th, after electing 130 members under this rule, it was resolved to make no more elections until the commencement of the Montreal meeting, when it would be safe to revert to the usual practice. The details of the arrangements made for the journey have already been communicated to the members, so that it is needless to make any further special reference to them, but the council have to acknowledge the great liberality of the associated cable companies in granting, under certain restrictions, free ocean telegraphy to the members of the Association during the meeting. The death of Sir William Siemens has deprived the Association of one of its most earnest supporters and friends. It was during his presidency at Southampton that the invitation to Montreal was accepted, and he was appointed at Southport a vice-president for this meeting. The council nominated Sir J. D. Hooker a vice-president, but he was unfortunately obliged, for domestic reasons, to resign the nomination in the early part of the summer. It has been the custom at meetings of the Association to invite the attendance of distinguished men of science from all parts of the world, but the council considered that on the present occasion it would be well to offer a special welcome to the American Association (of which also several eminent Canadian men of science are members); they have accordingly issued an invitation to the standing committee and fellows of that Association to attend the meeting at Montreal on the footing of honorary members." The Report then referred to the fact that the general treasurer had been prevented from being present at the meeting, and that as the usual assistant to the general treasurer could not also be present, they had nominated Admiral Sir Erasmus Ommanney, C.B., F.R.S., as deputy treasurer, and Mr. Harry Brown, assistant secretary of University College, London, as financial officer. The Report proceeded to state that the council had, after consideration, decided to form a separate section of anthropology, and reported with reference to the resolution referred to them by the general committee, "That application be made to the Admiralty to institute a Physical and Biological Survey of Milford Haven, and the adjacent coast of Pembrokeshire, on the plan followed by the American Fisheries Commission." They had done so, and had been informed by the Lords of H. M. Treasury, that they regretted to be unable to institute such a survey, as the Admiralty had no vessels available for this service. With regard to the Report of the Committee of Section A respecting the suppression of four of the seven principal observatories of the Meteorological Council, and to forward a copy of the same to the Meteorological Council, they reported that arrangements had been made, whereby three out of the four observatories relinquished by the Meteorological Council would be continued, though on a somewhat different footing. The council also reported that they had sent a communication to the Executive Committee of the International Fisheries Exhibition, urging upon that body the appropriation of a sufficient sum out of the surplus funds remaining in their hands at the close of the Exhibition, to found a laboratory on the British Coast for the study of marine zoology; but there did not seem any prospect of such an appropriation of the surplus funds. The Report then referred to the Report of the Committee on local scientific societies, and detailed the alterations which its adoption would make necessary in the rules, stating that it was proposed to reserve the consideration of this question by the general Committee for the meeting to be held in London in November. The Report concluded as follows: "The vacancies in the council to be declared at the General Committee Meeting in November will be Lord Rayleigh, who has assumed the presidency, together with the following who retire in the ordinary course: Mr. G. Darwin, Mr. Hastings, Dr. Huggins and Dr. Burdon Sanderson, and the council will recommend for re-election on that occasion the other ordinary members of council, with the addition of the gentlemen whose names are distinguished by an asterisk in the following list:--*Abney, Capt. R. E., Adams, Professor W. G., *Ball, Professor B. S., Bateman, J. F. La Trobe, Esq., Bramwell, Sir F. Dawkins, Professor W. Boyd, De La Rue, Dr. Warren, Dewar, Professor J., Evans, Captain Sir F., Flower, Professor W. H., Gladstone, Dr. J. H., Glaisher, J. W. L., Esq., Godwin-Austen, Lieut-Col. H. H., Hawkshaw, J. Clarke, Esq., Henrici, Professor 0., Hughes, Professor T. McK., Jeffreys, Dr. J. Gwyn, *Moseley, Professor H. N, *Ommaney, Admiral Sir E, Pengelly, W., Esq., Perkin, W. H., Esq., Prestwich, Professor, Sclater-Booth, The Right Hon. George, Sorby, Dr. H. C., *Temple, Sir R." In accordance with the decision arrived at by them at Southport, the General Committee will meet on Tuesday, 11th November, at Three o'clock in the afternoon in the Theatre of the Royal Institution, Albemarle Street, London, W., for the transaction of the following business, viz:--To elect the president, officers and council for 1884-85; to fix the date of meeting for 1885; to appoint the place of meeting for 1886; and to consider the alteration of rules necessary to give effect to the recommendation of the Committee on local scientific societies. On motion of the Chairman the Report was adopted. AN ADDRESS FROM THE ROYAL SOCIETY. The President of the Royal Society, Dr. T. Sterry-Hunt, then read the following address:-- _To the President and Council of the British Association for the Advancement of Science._ The Royal Society of Canada greets with cordial welcome the members of your Association on the occasion of its first visit to the American continent, and rejoices to find among those who have accepted the invitation of the citizens of Montreal so many names, renowned as leaders of scientific research. The Royal Society of Canada, which is a body recently organized and in the third year of its existence, includes not only students of natural history and natural philosophy, who make up together one-half of its eighty members, but others devoted to the history and the literature of the two great European races, who are to-day engaged in the task of building up in North America a new nation under the shelter of the British flag. Recognizing the fact that material progress can only be made in conjunction with advancement in literature and in science, we hail your visit as an event destined to give a new impulse to the labours of our own students, believing at the same time that the great problems of material nature, not less than the social and political aspects of this vast realm, will afford you subjects for profitable study, and trusting that when your short visit is over, you will return to your native land with kindly memories of Canada and a confidence that its growth in all that makes a people good and great is secured. T. STERRY HUNT, President, JOHN GEO. Bourniot, Hon. Secretary. _Montreal, August 27, 1884._ Dr. Hunt's predecessor in office, the Hon. Dr. CHAUVEAU, followed and after a few introductory remarks read the address in French. Sir WILLIAM THOMSON, in replying, said:--I am sure all the members of the general committee are greatly gratified with the warm welcome accorded to us in the addresses just delivered on behalf of the two great divisions of our countrymen in this province, the English and French races. It is very gratifying to see this cordial unanimity existing between them, and in the name of the general committee I beg to express our warmest thanks for these addresses of welcome. (Applause.) Dr. T. STERRY HUNT said he would now, with their permission, read an address which had been transmitted by the committee of reception at the neighbouring town of Chambly, where a memorial tablet was to be placed at the old fort at that place on Saturday next. The address was as follows:-- Mr. STERRY HUNT will please do the reception committee at Chambly the honour to represent them before the members of the British Association for the advancement of science, and to inform them that at Chambly, on the 30th instant, at half-past three o'clock, there will be the ceremony of placing a tablet in the old Fort Chartrain, built by France in 1711 against the English, now its allies. The presence of members of the British Association at this ceremony will be regarded as an honour by the Canadian people of the shores of the Richelieu. It will be for them an encouragement, and for our young country a proof of the interest felt in Europe for all that belongs to history, whether shown in the preservation of old monuments, or in the placing therein of memorial tablets. Chambly was long a military post occupied at times by men famous alike in French and English annals. It is also the birthplace of Albam, the famous Canadian singer, and here are buried the remains of de Salaberry, the Canadian Leonidas, in whose honour a statue has lately been erected. Mr. Sterry Hunt will please present the respects of the Chambly committee to the members of the British Association while accepting them for himself, and will believe me his most obedient servant, J. O. Dies, Secretary-General of the Committee. _Chambly, August 25,1884._ On Saturday next, Dr. Hunt explained there would be an excursion at 2 p.m. to Chambly from the city. He knew that other excursions had been arranged for to Quebec and elsewhere, and he had no wish to interfere with these arrangements, but those who chose to avail themselves of his cordial invitation would find a visit to Chambly exceedingly interesting. Sir WM. THOMPSON returned cordial thanks to Mr. Dion for his kind invitation, and felt sure many members of the association would avail themselves of it. THE CIVIC RECEPTION. Fully an hour before the time for presenting the civic address crowds of people began to ascend the stairs leading to the Queen's Hall, and by half-past four o'clock the hall was filled to overflowing, and when the mayor and aldermen, with the members of the British Association put in an appearance, they were heartily received by the audience. His Worship, Mayor Beaudry (who wore his chain of office) presided, and was supported on the right by Sir William Thomson (representing the retiring president, Prof. Cayley), and the Right Hon. Lord Rayleigh (president-elect), and on his left by the Premier of the Dominion, the Right Honourable Sir John A. Macdonald. Amongst others present--were Sir Lyon Playfair, Capt. Douglas Galton, Prof. Henry E. Boscoe, Sir James Douglass, Prof. Chandler Roberts, Mr. W. Terlawney Saunders, Prof. Glaisher, Hon. C. W, Freemantle, Capt. Bedford Pim, Rev. Prof. Bonney, Sir Richard Temple, Dr. Alexander, Principal Dawson, C.M.G., Prof. Cheriman, Mr. M. H. Gault, M.P., Hon. J. S. C. Wurtele, Dr. Persiford Frazer, U. S. Consul-General Stearns, Andrew Robertson, and the following members of the city corporation: Aldermen Grenier, Fairbairn, Laurent, Stevenson, Rainville, Donovan, Beauchamp, Archibald, Robert, Prefontaine, Holland, Tansey, Beausoleil, Mount, Rolland, Hood, J. C. Wilson, Thos. Wilson, Mooney, Jeannotte, Farrell and Genereux; Mr. Charles Glackmeyer, city clerk; Mr. Perceval W. St. George, city surveyor; Mr. J. F. D. Black, city treasurer; and Mr. H. Paradis, chief of police. Mr. W. R Spence, organist of the Church of St. John the Evangelist, presided at the organ. His Worship the Mayor opened the proceedings by reading the following:-- ADDRESS. _To the President and Members of the British Association for the Advancement of Science_: GENTLEMEN,--It is with no common pleasure that we, the mayor and aldermen of Montreal welcome to this city and to Canada, so distinguished a body as the British Association for the Advancement of Science. Already indeed, not only here, but through the length and breadth of the land, that welcome has been pronounced with a heartiness to which we are proud to add the confirmation of formal expression. During the last two years, and especially since the acceptance of our invitation made it a certainty, your coming amongst us has been looked forward to as an event of deep and manifold importance to the Dominion. Aware of the devotion with which the Association had for more than half a century, applied itself to the object indicated in its name, and knowing that its present membership comprised the most eminent of those noble students and investigators who have made the search after truth the aim of their lives, we could not fail to perceive that Canada would gain by the presence of observers and thinkers so exact and so unprejudiced. Nor were we without the hope that in the vast and varied expanse of territory which constitutes the Dominion, our learned visitors would meet with features of interest that should be some compensation for so long and wearisome a journey here in that great stretch of diversified region between the Atlantic and the Pacific, the student of almost every branch of science must find something worth learning whilst for certain sections of the Association there are few portions of the world in which the explorer is more likely to be gratified and rewarded. Throughout this broad domain of ours, rock and herb, forest and prairie, lake and river, air and soil, with whatever life or whatever relic of life in past ages, they may severally contain,--afford to the diligent seeker of knowledge various and ample scope for research. Nor to the student of man at a social and political being, is there less of opportunity for acquiring fresh facts and themes for reflection in a young commonwealth like this. We flatter ourselves that here you will find a people not unworthy of the great races from which it has sprung, and that on your return to the mother land, you will be able to speak with satisfaction, from your own experience, of our federal system, our resources, our agriculture our manufactures, our commerce, our institutions of learning, our progress and our destinies. You have come and we place our land, ourselves and all we are and have at your disposal. We bid you a hearty welcome, and in so honouring ourselves we only ask you to consider yourselves at home, remembering that you are still on British soil. In conclusion Mr. President and Gentlemen, we sincerely hope that your stay in this portion of Her Majesty's Empire may be as happy and as fruitful to the Association as it is grateful for so many reasons to the people of Montreal and of the Dominion. J L BEAUDRY, Mayor CHAS GLACKMEYER, City Clerk Sir WM THOMSON acknowledged in cordial terms the hearty welcome expressed in this address. The Association, he continued, when it commenced the experiment of being a peripatetic Association for the advancement of science, made an experiment which many considered of a doubtful character. It was urged that although zeal for a new thing might carry the Association on for a few years successfully, the success would cease with the novelty. This prophecy had not been fulfilled. On the contrary, the experiment had been crowned with brilliant success. He did not think the founders of the Association, fifty-two years ago, when they drew up the wise plan and regulations of the society which have since continued in force almost without change, imagined, for a moment, the possibility of a meeting being held on this side of the Atlantic. (Applause) Their meeting here was strictly within the letter of the law and wholly in accordance with the spirit by which the British Association was directed, and that was to carry through the British Empire any advancement in science that could be promoted by the existence of the Association. At the outset, when the body was formed, some fifty years ago, the mathematical section, of which he was now president, held that it was impossible for a steamboat to cross the Atlantic. As president of that section, he ought to be ashamed that it had adopted such a conclusion. The business of the Association was to advance science and never to stand still. Many misgivings had been felt as to the success of the experiment of visiting this side of the water, but none were felt as to the kindness with which they would be received. Nobody doubted that the warmest welcome would be given by their countrymen on this side, and none knew better how to give a warm welcome. With respect to his own feelings, he felt most deeply the privilege and honour of filling the position be held, but it was accompanied with one regret and that was the absence of Professor Cayley, who would have been in his place had not circumstances compelled him to remain on the other side. He concluded by again expressing his warm thanks and those of the Association for the magnificent welcome given them. Lord RAYLEIGH, as president-elect, joined in the expression of thanks for the hearty welcome. We all, he said, felt great interest in visiting, many of us for the first time, this extensive and diversified land, which has become the borne of so many of our fellow countrymen. Before the day is out I am afraid the tones of my voice will have become only too familiar to you, and I will therefore say nothing more than that we most cordially reciprocate the sentiments expressed in the address presented to us. Sir JOHN A. MICDONALD was then requested to address the meeting. As he came forward, looking as vigorous and cheery as if time had consented to roll backwards in his favour, the enthusiasm and delight of the audience found vent in a perfect ovation of applause. On all sides among our visitors, as well as our own citizens, were heard expressions of genial interest on the one hand and of delight on the other. Sir John gained the heart of the audience at once, and, after the applause had subsided, said:--I really do not know in what capacity I am called upon to address this audience, whether it is as a scientist or as a Canadian or as a member of the government. I cannot well say--I will say, however--I come here as a scientist. I am not yet settled in my own mind to which section I will attach myself. I think I will wait awhile, use my Scotch discretion, hear all that has to be said on all those questions before finally deciding. (Laughter.) We all cordially join in the sentiments expressed in the address from the corporation. It was a great pleasure to us all in Canada to know there was a possibility of the British Association extending their visits to Canada. I first thought, when the proposition was made, it was asking too much, but the cordial response made and the large attendance, showed these fears were not well founded. I am glad the weather is fine, the country is prosperous, the fields are groaning with products, and altogether we put on our best clothes to do honour to those gentlemen who have honoured Canada (applause and laughter), and I really hope they will not be disappointed. I can assure them, if they wanted the assurance, the people of Canada are proud and grateful for their visit. If there are any shortcomings among us it is because we are a young country; but we will do our best any way and you must take the will for the deed. (Applause.) I am sure I express the sentiments of all in giving the Association a most hearty greeting to the Dominion of Canada. (Loud applause.) The national anthem was then sung by the entire audience, and on three cheers being given for the Queen, the meeting dispersed. THE GENERAL MEETING. The first general meeting of the Association was held in the Queen's Hall at eight o'clock last evening, the hall being crowded to its utmost capacity, many having to stand, while others were unable to obtain admission. Sir William Thomson occupied the chair, and beside him on the platform were His Excellency the Governor General and Lady Lansdowne and suite, the Right Hon. Sir John Macdonald, and the president-elect, the Right Hon. Lord Rayleigh. His EXCELLENCY THE GOVERNOR-GENERAL was first introduced, and delivered the following address of welcome:-- Lord Rayleigh, ladies and gentlemen,--I am given to understand that it would be in accordance with the rules under which the business of the British Association is carried on, that the proceedings of to-day should commence with the vacation of the president's chair and by the installation of the president-elect in the place which he will so honourably fill. The occasion, however, which has brought us together is so remarkable, and will be so memorable, not only in the annals of the Association, but in the history of the Dominion, that I believe you will pardon the slight irregularity of which, as a member of the Association, I am guilty, in rising to address a few words to this distinguished audience. The occasion, Lord Rayleigh, is the first upon which the British Association has held a meeting beyond the narrow limits of the United Kingdom. Such a departure from the usage which you have hitherto observed, though an inauguration, is certainly not inconsistent with the objects of the Association or with the designs of its founders; its earliest records contain the statement that it was instituted for the promotion of intercourse between those who cultivated science in different parts, not merely of the British Islands, but of the British Empire. I question whether any means of promoting this intercourse could have been discovered more effectual than the holding of your annual meeting in one of the great cities of this colony, and my object in now addressing you is to express at the very outset the satisfaction with which the people, not only of Montreal, but of the whole Dominion, hail your arrival here and to welcome you in their name to these shores. (Loud applause.) Perhaps you will allow me to state my own belief that if you were to select for your place of meeting a spot within the colonial empire of England, you could not have selected a colony which better deserved the distinction, either in respect of the warmth of its affection for the mother country, or in respect of the desire of its inhabitants for the diffusion of knowledge and of culture. (Applause) In a young country such pursuits must be carried on in the face of some difficulty and of the competition of that material activity which must to a great extent engross the time and absorb the attention of a rapidly developing community such as this. We may, however, claim for Canada that she has done her best, that she has above all spared no pains to provide for the interest of science in the future, and that amongst those who have done scientific work within the Dominion are men known and respected far beyond the bounds of their own nation. In this connection I cannot deny myself the pleasure of referring to the honours which have been conferred upon Sir William Dawson within the last few days. (Loud and long continued applause.) He is, unless I am misinformed, more responsible than any one person for the visit of the Association, and I feel sure that I shall command the acquiescence of all those who have worked in the cause of Canadian culture when I say that we regard the knighthood which Her Majesty has bestowed upon him as an appropriate recognition of his distinguished services, and as an opportune compliment to Canadian science. (Applause.) But the significance of this meeting is far greater than it would be if its results were to be measured merely by the addition which it will make to the scientific wealth of the empire. When we find a society which for fifty years has never met outside the British Islands transferring its operations to the Dominion--when we see several hundred of our best known Englishmen, who have acquired a public reputation, not only in the scientific, but in the political and the literary world, arriving here mingling with our citizens, and dispersing in all directions over this continent; when we see in Montreal the bearers of such names as Rayleigh, Playfair, Frankland, Burdon, Sanderson, Thomson, Roscoe, Blanford, Moseley, Lefroy, Temple, Bramwell, Tylor, Galton, Harcourt and Bonney, we feel that one more step has been taken towards the establishment of that close intimacy between the mother country and her offspring, which both here and at home all good citizens of the empire are determined to promote. (Loud applause.) The desire for such closer intimacy is one of the most remarkable and one of the best features in the political life of the present day. Our periodical literature, our proceedings in parliament, the public discussions which have recently taken place and in which some of our most prominent Canadians have taken a part, all indicate a remarkable awakening to the importance of the noblest colonial empire which the world has ever seen, and a desire to draw closer the ties of sympathy and allegiance which bind us reciprocally. (Applause.) And, ladies and gentlemen, whatever difficulty there may be in the way of a revision of the political relations of the mother country and her colonies, it is satisfactory to reflect that there are none in the way of such an alliance as that which you are establishing to-day between the culture of the old world and that of the new. (Applause.) In the domain of science there can be no conflict of local and imperial interests--no constitution to revise--no embarrassing considerations of foreign and domestic policy. We are all partners and co-heirs of a great empire, and we may work side by side without misgiving, and with a certainty that every addition to the common fund of knowledge and mutual enlightenment is an unmixed advantage to the whole empire. (Loud applause.) I believe, Lord Rayleigh, that your visit will be fraught with far reaching advantages both to hosts and guests. We shall gain in acquaintance with our visitors, and in the publicity which their visit will give to the resources and attractions of this country. We believe that it will be more justly appreciated in proportion as it becomes more widely known and more thoroughly understood. (Applause.) Sympathy, as a distinguished Canadian has lately written, begets knowledge, and knowledge again adds to sympathy. You, ladies and gentlemen, who have lately left the mother country, will gain in the opportunity which will be afforded you of studying the life of a people younger than your own but engaged in the solution of many problems similar to those which engage our attention at home, and observing the conduct of your own race amidst the surroundings of another hemisphere. On every side you will find objects of interest. Our political system, the working of federation, the arrangements of the different provinces for the education of our youth, our railways pushed across this continent with an enterprise which has never been surpassed by the oldest and largest communities--(loud applause)--our forests, our geology, our mineral resources, our agriculture in all its different phases ranging from the quiet homesteads and skilful cultivation of the older provinces to the newly reclaimed prairies of the North-west, which we expect to yield us this season a surplus of from six to nine millions of bushels, the history and characteristics of our native races, and the manner in which we have dealt with them--all these will afford you opportunities of study which few other portions of the globe could present in such variety. (Applause.) Of the facilities which will be afforded to you and of the pains which have been taken to render your explorations easy and agreeable, I need not speak. Some of you are aware that a distinguished member of an assembly to which you and I, Lord Rayleigh, have both the honour to belong, has lately been cautioning the English public against the dangers of legislation by picnic. (Loud applause.) I have heard that in some quarters misgivings have been expressed. We too should be exposed to similar danger, and lest the attractions which the British Association is offered here should conflict with its more strictly scientific objects. These are probably _rumores senum severiorum_, and I will only say of them, if there is any ground for such apprehensions, you must remember that hospitality is an instinct with our people, and that it is their desire that you should see and learn a great deal, and that you should see and learn it in the pleasantest manner possible. (Applause.) I have only one word more to say. I wish to express the pleasure with which I see in this room representatives, not only of English and Continental and Canadian science, but also many distinguished representatives of that great people which, at a time when the relations of the mother country and her colonies were less wisely regulated than at present, ceased to be subjects of the British Crown, but did not cease to become our kinsmen. Many of you will pass from these meetings to the great re-union to be held a few days hence at Philadelphia, where you will be again reminded that there are ties which bind together not only the constituent parts of the British empire, but the whole of the British race--ties of mutual sympathy and good-will which such intercourse will strengthen and which, I believe, each succeeding decade will draw more closely and firmly together. (Applause.) I have now only to apologize for having intervened in your proceedings. I feel that what I have said would have come better from the lips of a Canadian. Others will, however, have ample opportunities for supplementing both by word and deed the shortcomings of which I may have been guilty. It was my duty--and I have much pleasure in discharging it--as the representative of the Crown in this part of the empire to bid you in the name of our people a hearty welcome to the Dominion. (Loud and long continued applause.) Sir WM. THOMSON, in responding, said:--You will allow me, in the first place, to offer my warmest thanks to His Excellency the Governor-General for coming among us this evening, and for the very kind and warm welcome which he has offered to the British Association, on the part of the Dominion. Your Excellency, it devolves upon me as representing Professor Cayley, the president of the British Association, to do what I wish he were here to do himself, and which it would have been a well-earned pleasure for him to do--to introduce to you Lord Rayleigh as his successor in the office of President of the British Association. Professor Cayley has devoted his life to the advancement of pure mathematics. It is indeed peculiarly appropriate that he should be followed in the honourable post of president by one who has done so much to apply mathematical power in the various branches of physical science as Lord Rayleigh has done. In the field of the discovery and demonstration of natural phenomena Lord Rayleigh has, above all others enriched physical science by the application of mathematical analysis; and when I speak of mathematics you must not suppose mathematics to be harsh and crabbed. (Laughter.) The Association learned last year at Southport what a glorious realm of beauty there was in pure mathematics. I will not, however, be hard on those who insist that it is harsh and crabbed. In reading some of the pages of the greatest investigators of mathematics one is apt to become wearied, and I must confess that some of the pages of Lord Rayleigh's work have taxed me most severely, but the strain was well repaid. When we pass from the instrument which is harsh and crabbed to those who do not give themselves the trouble to learn it thoroughly, to the application of the instrument, see what a splendid world of light, beauty and music is opened to us through such investigations as those of Lord Rayleigh. His book on sound is the greatest piece of mathematical investigation we know of applied to a branch of physical science. The branches of music are mere developments of mathematical formulas, and of every note and wave in music the equation lies in the pages of Lord Rayleigh's book. (Laughter and applause.) There are some who have no ear for music, but all who are blessed with eyes can admire the beauties of nature, and among those one which is seen in Canada frequently, in England often, in Scotland rarely, is the blue sky. (Laughter) Lord Rayleigh's brilliant piece of mathematical work on the dynamics of blue sky is a monument to the application of mathematics to a subject of supreme difficulty, and on the subject of refraction of light he has pointed out the way towards finding all that has to be known, though he has ended his work by admitting that the explanation of the fundamentals of the reflection and refraction of light is still wanting and is a subject for the efforts of the British Association for the Advancement of Science. But there is still another subject, electricity and the electric light, and here again Lord Rayleigh's work is fundamental, and one may hope from the suggestions it contains that electricity may yet be put upon the level of ordinary mechanics, and that the electrician may be able to weigh out electric quantities as easily and readily as a merchant could a quantity of tea or sugar. (Applause.) It remains for me only to fulfil the commission which Professor Cayley has entrusted to me of expressing his great regret that his engagements in England prevented his being with us, and in his name to vacate the chair of president of the Association and to ask Lord Rayleigh to take his place as President for 1884. (Applause.) [_Lord Rayleigh then delivered the Presidential Address, a copy of which is appended to this work._] Lord Rayleigh was loudly applauded at the conclusion of his address. HON. DR. CHAVEAU in an eloquent speech in French proposed a vote of thanks to Lord Rayleigh for the interesting sketch he had given of modern science. In this scientific review Lord Rayleigh had also displayed great literary ability. The reunion to-day of the British Association was significant in the sense that it extended the operations of the society to all parts of the British Empire, so that while on the other side the question of a federation of the British Empire was being raised, the British Association had taken the lead in its sphere by casting out the roots of a scientific federation. In this connection he spoke of the work the Royal Society was doing in Canada. He was glad to see that Lord Rayleigh did not hold extreme views as to the elimination of classical studies from our schools, for he believed that in those stores of antiquity our modern mind found a great deal of its strength, and were this study abolished our mental grasp and vigour would be greatly lessened. What Canada required was the greater development of our universities. In this way would science be most benefited, for we would have a greater number of men able to devote themselves entirely to the study of scientific subjects. He expressed the pleasure he felt at the honour of knighthood conferred on Principal Dawson, an honour in which the whole Canadian people felt pride, and concluded amidst great applause. Mr. HUGH MCLENNAN in seconding the resolution said the very interesting address which Lord Rayleigh had given them was not only a source of pleasure to the audience, but gave them an adequate idea of the wide field of knowledge and research opened by those who devoted themselves to different scientific pursuits. The presence of so many men devoted to scientific pursuits in our midst could not fail to give an impetus to the study of science in this country. We had not many scientific men, owing principally to the fact that the people who settled here had given their attention to material pursuits, but a new era was now opening. The worthy chief of the government must be gratified at the success of his wise policy in encouraging this movement, which could not fail to be of great profit to Canadians, and he felt sure that no vote would be more heartily given than the vote of thanks to Lord Rayleigh, which he had much pleasure in seconding. Sir Wm Thomson put the motion, which was adopted unanimously amidst loud applause. Lord Rayleigh returned thanks for the honour done him, and the meeting adjourned until Friday next, when Professor Ball will deliver a lecture. * * * * * It was not very surprising that after all this excitement I had a very bad night and awoke quite ill Thursday morning, remained all day in bed nursing and starving, and could not, therefore, go to two afternoon parties for which we had invitations, nor to the grand evening reception at the college. This morning I am feeling quite well, and it is pouring with rain. _Friday Evening_.--After luncheon Dr. P. Smith called and went with me to Section A, but we were too late to hear John's paper--He told me that he and E--- start for Quebec to-night after a lecture on "Dust," and stay at the Lansdownes for the festivities there (we three have settled not to go), and return Sunday evening. We went then to Section B to hear something of Chemistry, and to the Vicars Boyle's at the Windsor Hotel, and found her at home. I have had a letter asking us all to go to the Macpherson's at Toronto. Hedley and I called on the McClennan's (Dick's hosts) and found her to be a nice clever woman, with seven sons and two daughters. Mrs. Stephen had called in my absence and waited some time to see me, and left a message for us to drink tea there Sunday, but I shall probably be occupied elsewhere. Dick went to see the Victoria Bridge to-day and dines here. Mr. Angus has been telling us delightful accounts of some of the new routes through the Rocky Mountains down to British Columbia, which the Canadian Pacific Railway will take, and which will be finished by the spring of next year. Their surveyor, Mr. Van Horn, has just returned from an exploration, and gave very curious details in answer to Professor G. Ramsay's questions (brother of Sir James Ramsay). Mr. Van Horn says the mountains sheer up eight to eleven thousand feet; glaciers are eighteen to twenty miles long; trees two hundred and fifty feet high and thirty in circumference. They have only to cut one down and it makes a capital bridge at once. He told us a curious story of a Mr. Rogers, who started with a young engineer to find a pass for the railroad over the Rocky mountains which would, on its discovery, make him famous. After their six days' provisions were all exhausted, Mr. Carroll, the young engineer, said: "It is all very well for you, but what shall _I_ gain by risking my life and going on?" "Well," said Mr. Rogers, "let us go to that high plateau and think." While there, he decided to go on, upon which Mr. Carroll again expostulated. Mr. Rogers then exclaimed: "You see all these magnificent peaks, which probably no human eye has seen before--now the grandest of these shall be named after you if I succeed." Just then a caribou went past. They gave chase and he took them nine miles into a valley where they did not find _him_ but _did_ find a _cache_ of food--and then the _pass_! And the highest mountain is called Mount Carroll at this day. Mr. Angus does not encourage me much to go to the Rocky Mountains, on the ground of fatigue and hardships. _Wednesday, September 2nd_--I must bring up my journal to this date. On Saturday there were no sections. John and E--- Lansdownes and many others went to Quebec. Owing to showers of rain the festivities there were rather a failure. Miss Angus drove H--- and me to Mount Royal, where we had a splendid view; Dick walked up. We then went to the market, and saw there all sorts of new vegetables, fruits, and fish. The melons here are delicious, and we have had buckwheat cakes, and rice cakes, and sweet potatoes, and blueberries. The living here is very good, and nothing can be more comfortable than we are; but the flies are sometimes an annoyance, and the darkness of the rooms--which are kept dark to prevent their getting in. Saturday afternoon Dick, H--- and I went to see La Chine by rail to the steamer, and then down the rapids, which were less dangerous looking than we expected. A violent thunder-storm came on, and in the middle of it we got into the whirlpool of the rapids, and then a fiery red sun broke out among a mass of dense black clouds; a great fire appeared also near the banks of the river, and all this combined, produced very striking effects. We met on the steamer Mr. George Darwin and his Bride--a charming looking American girl--he looks already much better and happier. _Sunday_.--Miss A---, H---, and I went to the cathedral, a full simple service and good sermon from Mr. Champion. In the afternoon I went with Dick to a musical service at St. James' Church--such a sermon! from a man who nearly wriggled himself out of the pulpit; he came from Norwood, I heard. _Monday_.--We went in the afternoon to a party at Mrs. Redpath's; her son, "now gone to his home above," she said, had known one of mine at Cambridge. It is a pretty place, on a hill near this, and a good many people there; it got very damp after sunset. We none of us went to an evening party going on at Mrs. Gault's, being too tired. Mr. C--- called early and went with me to sections; John joined me, and we saw and heard Captains Ray and Greely of Arctic fame. They say he (Greely) and his living companions saved themselves from starvation by eating their dead ones--a dreadful alternative, but I don't think they were to blame; it didn't agree with him, for he looks horribly ill, poor man! In the afternoon we all went to see the Indian game of La Crosse played between twelve Montrealists and twelve Indians. It is pretty and exciting, something between lawn tennis and football--I could have watched it for hours! we were all comfortably seated in places of honour on a covered stand, which partly accounts for my enjoyment. After this we went to tea with Mr. and Mrs. G. Stephens, and there with John and E--- we finally settled with Mr. Stephens to go by Canadian Pacific Railway to the north-west; Mr. Stephens offered us a private car, provisioned, &c.; we take _his_ to Toronto, and stay there with Sir David and Lady Macpherson. This invitation is the result of an introduction I had from a friend in England. Several invites have come from Philadelphia and New York. I sent a telegram to you yesterday, but according to the rules of the Company (who allow us to send free, subject to these conditions), it must first go to 90, O--- G---; you will write next to New York, and I will give directions there respecting all letters. Please tell Edward at T. P. and Mary. _Wednesday_.--I went to Sections for last time; in afternoon to the closing meeting of British Association, when they all butter one another; the buttering of John was, of course, very nice and justifiable Sir William Dawson said among other things that John was to be loved and admired as a man as well as a scientist. He certainly looks gentlemanlike and sweet, and though nervous, he always expresses himself well; he and others received the honour of D.C.L. from the McGill University here. I forgot to say that on Tuesday evening there was a grand reception by the civic authorities at the skating rink, a very large hall, where we paraded up and down, and the young ones danced (Hedley with Miss Angus), and then I sat in a state gallery with E--- and other grandees. I cannot say I was struck with the beauty of the company. I made acquaintance with Captain Greely--he does not look any better, poor man, but has a nice expression. Wednesday evening we went to a pretty party at Mr. Donald Smith's, the richest man in Canada, and so kind and simple; he had a ball-room built at a day or two's notice, and tent for supper, and Chinese lanterns lighted up the garden, &c. It was a lovely night with full moon, and I was very glad to walk outside, for the heat was very great. Mr. D. Smith asked me to "Silver Heights," his place at Winnipeg. H--- and Dick are both rather unwell to-day, and I hear poor Mr. Walter Brown is dying. I am well enough now. It is extremely hot, but there is always air. John has shirked the Toronto function, and also the American Association at Philadelphia--some of the B. A. are starting there soon. We go alone to Toronto, and also to Winnipeg and the Rocky Mountains. Miss Becker and Mrs. Hallett called to see me, and I signed a memorial of thanks to Sir John Macdonald (the Premier of Canada), for proposing Women's Suffrage here. THE AMERICAN ASSOCIATION The fact that the British Association meets this year in Canada gives unusual interest to the meeting of the American Association for the Advancement of Science at Philadelphia, from September 4 to 11. After the Montreal meeting those who feel inclined can make their way leisurely to Philadelphia where it is evident from the information before us, they will meet with a warm reception. On the Friday evening, September 5, after the address of the retiring president (Professor C. A. Young, of New Jersey) a general reception will be tendered by the citizens and ladies of Philadelphia to the members of the British and American Associations, and the ladies accompanying them. The British Association has been cordially invited, both by the American Association to take part in the proceedings, and by the local committee representing the citizens of Philadelphia, to accept the warm welcome which will be tendered them during the joint session. The local committee has, indeed, been divided into a number of subcommittees for the sole purpose of rendering the stay of their visitors agreeable It will, therefore, only be courteous on the part of Britons who intend to be present at the American meeting to comply with the committee's request, and send their names, together with the number of ladies and gentlemen in their parties, as early as possible, to Dr. Persifor Frazer, 201, South Fifth street, Philadelphia. During the week occupied by the session there will be a number of receptions, entertainments, and excursions, and a day will be set apart for the examination of the International Electrical Exhibition, to be held at Philadelphia under the auspices of the Franklin Institute, and commencing September 2. By an arrangement between the Canadian and United States Trunk lines, members of the British Association will be conveyed between Montreal and Philadelphia at specially low fares, while the hotel charges at the latter city during the meeting are not expected to exceed three dollars a day. We believe the number who have already promised to be at the Montreal meeting is about seven-hundred and fifty, so that with those who will go without promising, added to the many Canadian and United States scientists who are sure to be present, the meeting is likely to be in numbers more than an average one. Letter No. 4. _September 17th, Toronto, The "Chestnuts."_ My beloved Mother.--I forgot to mention your birthday when I last wrote, but you know how glad I am that you were born! And how much I prize every year that is added to your life; and now as this will find you at dear Mary's, please give her my fond love and best wishes for this day, and I shall drink her health to-day, and call upon my sons to do the same. I posted my last letter at Montreal on Thursday; Dick was quite ill that day, and after seeing him twice and shopping, I bid good-bye to Mr. Angus, who went to New York, and then Miss Angus drove me to see poor Mrs. Walter Brown, whose husband was dying at the Hospital. I sent my card in and she asked to see me. I did not know her much, but it was very touching, and I felt my heart quite drawn to the poor young woman, who came out with her husband on a pleasure trip, and now has to leave him buried in a far land. He got typhoid fever, and inflammation of the lungs, and was lying unconscious on a hospital bed, while she sobbed on my shoulder, and said "Oh what shall I do? what shall I do?" I asked her if she had any difficulty about money matters, but she said Captain Douglas Galton had called and kindly arranged everything for her with one of our kind hosts at Montreal. Her father was coming out to her as fast as he could, but could not be at New York till the 12th, and her poor husband died that night, and was buried yesterday. After this, which upset me much, I went to the Stephens' and met John and E--- and told them, and John went off also to see Mrs. Brown, for Mr. Brown had been a friend of his. The Stephens' house is very gorgeous, and full of beautiful satin-wood walls, and the staircase finely carved mahogany. Mr. Angus' house, too, has much beautiful carved wood about it, but the houses are kept so dark on account of the heat and flies, that one can hardly see well enough to appreciate these beauties. Excepting in this respect, and the amount of carved wood, the style is very like the houses of the middle class of well-to-do men in Scotland. _Friday_.--I got up at six, and walked to see Dick, and found him better, and he arranged, if well enough, to follow us to Toronto; then we breakfasted and all the family were up to see us off, and we joined John and E--- at the station and arranged ourselves in the Directors' car (Canadian Pacific Railway), a drawing-room with beds (sofas), dining-room and table in centre, a little kitchen, private bedroom, and two lavatories. We had a very hot and dusty journey but were otherwise comfortable, and arrived at Ottawa about twelve. John and E--- went off to lunch with Lady Melgund at Rido, but as she did not know we were coming I was not invited, and so Hedley and I lunched in our car, and then drove to lionize the Claudiere Falls, where the Ottawa River falls about two hundred feet. The quantity of wood piled about is amazing (lumber they call it) and it chokes up and destroys the effect of the river, but it is not in itself ugly, for they arrange it so beautifully and the colouring is bright. Then we drove to the Government buildings, and there I was agreeably surprised by the beautiful view, not so grand as Quebec certainly, but very fine--the Ottawa, with headlands, well wooded, frequently breaking the line of the river, and the far reach of country with blue mountains in the background, and then the air so deliciously sweet and pure, and reviving. We returned there again in the afternoon, and sat reading till half-past seven, when we returned to our small house and John and E---, and the conductor gave us a capital dinner--champagne and all sorts of good things, and we all enjoyed it. Then we chatted and played whist, and then to bed. Hedley and I in the drawing-room, and John and E--- in small room, the maids in dining-room. I can't say I slept well for they moved our car once, causing our conductor to storm at them for their impertinence, and the arrival and departure of various trains and fog signals, &c., were not calculated to favour one's slumbers! Hedley declares that a fog signal in the morning did not awake me, but he slept through all. About twelve, Dick arrived from Montreal, much better, and our car was fastened to the train and on we went to Toronto. We all tried to read, but oh! the shaking, and dust, and heat were overpowering; still it was interesting to see what appeared a primitive country with forests half burned, with stations at "cities" consisting of apparently two or three wooden houses in the wood--I say apparently, for Sir D. Macpherson told me there were splendid farms near the railway. Sometimes we saw a pretty lake with park-like scenery around, and we thought "here we could make a pretty country place." At ten o'clock Saturday night we arrived at Toronto, and Sir David Macpherson and his carriage were waiting for us, and it was so delightful to drive in an open carriage with a lovely moon shining and the sweet, cool air refreshing us, that we were very sorry the drive was so short. Lady M--- and her daughter, Miss M---, only in their house, which seems like an English one in the style of arrangements--servants and conservatories, and greenhouses, &c., and my bedroom is furnished like a Scotch one, full of pretty quilts and muslin covers, and odds and ends. I was delighted to find myself between two very fine sheets, and slept like a top. Evelyn had a headache and did not get up or go to church. We drove to the nearest and had a nice service and fair sermon from a Mr. de Barr, son of a Canadian Judge; Dick, Miss, M---, and I stayed to Holy Communion, and I was struck with the remarkable number of young people who remained. After luncheon I had a long talk with Sir David. He says we are quite wrong about free trade: as the world is, it should be fair trade, or England will continue to lose, as she is now losing, every year. The Canadians are obliged to have Protection on account of the United States, who would send their manufactured goods by English vessels and so ruin Canadian workshops. No country can grow and prosper which only produces the raw article of food, &c. Land alone cannot make a people rich or great; he thinks the Conservative party are not half, active or energetic enough, and we must have workmen orators stumping all over the country to reach their own class, or we shall lose all influence with those who will really be the ruling power. Here, he says, the Conservatives are two to one in the House of Commons; the Radicals here abuse their country, and try to hinder and injure all the enterprise which would enlarge its borders and bring emigrants to take possession, and do all they can to lower it in the estimation of outsiders, in hopes that if things come to smash they might have a chance of a reign of power. Doesn't this remind one of some people in our own country? Radicals are called "grits" here, and they say you can recognize a "grit" when you see him, for though they are not at all from one class or one industry, they have heads that might betoken a sojourn in a penitentiary! _Monday, September 8th_.--We did not go anywhere last evening but strolled about the garden. Mr. Brand, son of the late Speaker, Mr. Morris, member of the Senate, and another man, dined. Mr. Morris was Governor of Manitoba. He said in the year 1870 Winnipeg was a little wild village. Now, when I asked him about buying a few things at Toronto for the Rocky Mountains expedition, he exclaimed "Oh! wait until you get to Winnipeg, you can get everything there!" He described a ball he had given to some royalties (I forget which) and how he had to scour the country for three hundred miles round to get provisions enough for the supper, in the year 1874. In my youth I remember reading of Winnipeg, Fort William and Lake Superior as the outposts of the Hudson Bay Company, and how travellers, trappers, &c., endured all manner of hardships, and crossed hikes with Indians carrying the canoes from lake to lake, and guiding them through endless swamps and rocky bills, until half-frozen and starved they arrived quite exhausted at these distant forts. Now we travel by rail in a private car, and Mr. Donald Smith has a country house near Winnipeg, to which he invited us, and all along there are "rising cities" which did not exist in any shape five years ago. When this Canadian Pacific Railway is finished to British Columbia, and the Atlantic and Pacific are united by it in one, our "Dominion" then ought to have a splendid future. I don't think I told you about Mr. Tan Horn's conversation with me at Montreal he said "we are a great deal too quiet in Canada; we don't puff ourselves enough or make enough of our advantages and our doings. Why, we live next door to fifty millions of liars and we must brag or we shall be talked out." _Monday, later_.--I have just returned from a drive with Miss M--- and Hedley to Toronto, and I am surprised at its size and importance, and busy look and general air of English prosperity and neatness. Though Montreal is very pretty, the town is too French and idle-looking to be impressive--there are numbers of well-kept villas and gardens here. We are now going out to see a regatta on Lake Ontario and to the island. Lady M--- said last night, when making arrangements, "I think this will suit the young people," and I exclaimed "Don't put me among the old ones, please," so I am going. Sir D--- has gone to Ottawa on Ministerial business. Letter No. 5. _September 12th, Niagara Falls._ On Tuesday we drove with John, and Dr. Wilson showed us over the University and some pretty sketches he had taken. We got berths on board the steamer from Owen Sound on Saturday. It is difficult to find out who manages these things, and we had telegrams going to two or three places before we could make certain of our berths. At four o'clock all sorts of people called, being Lady Macpherson's "at home" day, and many on me and E---. I don't admire Canadian women _especially_! We had fourteen at dinner and a delightful old Irishman, Chief Justice Haggerty, took me in. The Lieutenant-Governor, Mr. Robinson, though only the Provincial Governor, is treated as the representative of the Queen, and goes before every one. Professor Godwin Smith and his wife were also of the party. He says (but I am sure he is prejudiced and that it is not true) that the Canadian Government is just as corrupt and that there is as much bribery as in the States. Mr. G. Smith differs in opinion with every one, for the Liberal side would not publish his letters in the papers, and so he sent them to the Conservatives, and he says they are far more impartial and just. _Wednesday, 10th_.--We started here at one o'clock, first by steamer on Lake Ontario. It was refreshing after being nearly melted at Toronto, for there was a good breeze. The size of these inland seas strike one much. We arrived at Niagara about four, and found Mr. Plumb, John's quondam friend of eighteen years ago, waiting for us in waggonette, and we drove at once to his pretty house, surrounded by peach orchards and vines, an untidy but pretty garden. He asked after Leonard and Mary. Then we had tea, presided over by his pretty daughter of sixteen, and then the train by his orders stopped for us at his garden door, and, as he informed me, the last time it did so, was for the Prince of Wales! We arrived here, Clifton House, the Hotel, by a picturesque railway journey, and are opposite the American Falls, and the Horse Shoe Falls are on our right, nearly facing us. Like many other people, I am rather ashamed to confess I am not as much impressed and overwhelmed as I ought to be! Dick took a note from Mr. Plumb to his nephew, Mr. Macklem, and he arranged to call for us at three. In the morning we drove to the Rapids and Whirlpool, and went up and down all sorts of queer places in _queerer_ elevators. The river looked beautiful, a blue-green colour, and the whirlpool is mysteriously curious, where poor Captain Webb disappeared! In the afternoon the Macklems took us to the American side on the fine Suspension Bridge, and then to Prospect Park, Goat Island, and different peeps and vistas of the Falls and Rapids. I think the immense breadth and volume of water, with the incessant rush and roar of the river, strike me more than the actual Falls. We saw some rapids between the islands "Weird Sisters," and finally drove to Mr. Macklem's place, surrounded by rapid streams of the Niagara and very pretty. There seems no end to this river, it has so many turns and arms and rapids. We had tea (by this time I was nearly dead), and three dear small boys appeared; one only two and half had a violin, and he imitated a person playing on it, and made the sounds with his voice in the most amusing clever way, and laughed so merrily when we shouted applause. Mr. Macklem drove us home, and after dinner we played whist in E---'s nice bedroom. This morning I am not well! We have seen the maids off with the luggage by early rail and boat for Toronto and follow in afternoon. _Friday, continuing_.--I was unable to see anything more of Niagara; the others crossed the ferry. We left at twenty minutes to five, and owing to the steamer being late on Lake Ontario we did not reach the Macpherson's till half-past nine. They waited dinner, and we rushed down, at least I did, just twelve minutes after my arrival, and also dressed! A Mr. Pattison, a very agreeable-looking man, who seems an authority on farming, and a Mr. and Mrs. Plumb (son of our Niagara friend), who was once at T--- P---, but I had entirely forgotten him. Mr. Pattison spoke of the ignorant, idle, good-for-nothing young men sent out here to make a living by their worried relations, sometimes with scarcely a sixpence, in which case they starved but for the charity of himself and others, or if with any money they fell into bad hands and lost everything. So many are sent here that he has made a kind of home for the destitute. _Saturday Morning_.--Sir David M--- returned from Ottawa, and we breakfasted together. We nearly missed the train at Toronto (not having Miss M--- to keep us in order; I call her Queen Christina, she is so masterful), but just managed to get ourselves and luggage in, and to see George Bunburg, whom I had made several attempts to see before, and who I hear is enterprising and likely to do well. We reached Owen Sound, and got into the steamer all right about three o'clock. Nice farms nearly all along the line. _Sunday, 14th September_.--I slept pretty comfortably. We got into a narrow passage between Lakes Superior and Huron, which was pretty and curious, great numbers of islands and a very narrow path marked out for steamers, which, as we met several, made the risk of collision seem very imminent; they moved very slowly, and have established regular rules of the road, but cannot travel by night, or if a fog comes on. St. Mary le Soult is a pretty place, on one side American, where they have made a lock to avoid the rapids from Lake Huron to Lake Superior. We waited some time to get into the lock, and then found ourselves in the largest lake in the world, five hundred miles long by three hundred and fifty miles wide. Of course, it is like the sea, and while I am writing it is rough enough to make it difficult. No land is in sight. I have had a talk with an Archdeacon who lives near St. John's College, Winnipeg, and is reading "Natural Law;" it is really getting very rough and I must stop. _Tuesday, 16th_.--I am writing in the train, and I am thankful to be alive in it. We arrived at Port Arthur at eight o'clock yesterday, 15th, but could hear nothing of our private car, and when the train arrived no car still to be seen. At last, after hunting about and asking, everyone, it turned up, and was very satisfactory. Two men were there to wait on us, and it was well provisioned, and we set off about an hour and-half late, but no one minds such a trifle in these parts. At first the line was fairly straight and smooth, but then the country became wonderfully wild, with rocky hills covered with stumpy trees and undergrowth of brilliant colouring, and wooded lakes without end. In and out we wound, sometimes over most light and primitive bridges, and over high embankments, often running along the margin of the lakes, consisting of loose sand, which frequently rolled down the sides as we went over them. It rained nearly all day, and towards night it poured and was pitch dark. I was just undressed, and congratulating myself that we had been standing still at a station, and so I had been able to do it comfortably, and just got into my sofa bed, with Dick and Hedley opposite me behind their curtains, when we set off, and in a few minutes I felt a violent concussion; so many jerks come in common course that I was not frightened, but we stopped, and then our head man came to the door and said with dignity, "I think it right to announce to you, my lady, that an accident has happened." "What is it?" "The engine went over a culvert bridge all right, but the baggage wagon next to it fell, down off the line, and as we were going slowly they put on the brake and no other carriage followed." "Can we go on to-night?" "Oh no, the roadway is broken up." This was a shock to my nerves, but at any rate we were safe for the night, and after running in and telling John and E---, we soon all fell asleep. During the night they tacked on an engine, with its great lamp eye at the back of our car (we are the last carriage), and every few minutes this monster gave a tremendous snort, but nothing awoke Hedley, who slumbered peacefully through it all. We got up early, rushed off to the scene of the disaster, as did all the other passengers. It was marvellous that the engine went over that bridge, for really the rails were almost suspended in mid air, but fortunately for us it did, or we should have followed and telescoped, and probably been hurt or killed, the baggage wagon being suspended between the engine and cars, all on one side and down the bank close to the lake, the window broken through which the guard jumped out. We trembled for our luggage, which was all there. The lakes and gaily coloured hills that elsewhere I should admire, make our railroad so dangerous that we have to creep along, sometimes over long spidery wooden bridges, and again on most shaky and uncertain looking embankments, and round sharp corners; every now and then we stop for no apparent reason, and then all rush to the platform of our car to see what is the matter. Once a party of the railway officials got out and ran back; we thought some of our luggage had fallen out, but it seems one of the bridges over which we had just passed was rather shaky, and they went to investigate. If we had gone on last night we meant to be detached at Rat Portage, or Lake of the Woods, but now we go on to Winnipeg if, please God, we can get there. _Wednesday 17th_.--Soon after writing yesterday, our steward came in with a solemn face and said: "I have unpleasant news to communicate; a wire has just come to forbid the train crossing the tressel bridge in front of us, so every one must walk, and the luggage be carried over." The railroad is only lately completed, and they have had no experience hitherto of the effect of heavy rains. Some of the bridges are only temporary ones, but no doubt it will be a good and safe line soon. When one considers the country it passes through, and the difficulties of all sorts that they have had to encounter, I think the Canadian Pacific Railway Company and engineers, &c., deserve great credit. "There is a train to meet us on the other aide of the bridge to take us on to Winnipeg;" upon which there was a general outcry. "Part with our comfortable car and provisions Forbid the thought!" "How long will it take to repair the bridge?" "I don't know at all; it may be days or a fortnight." After confabulating with the conductor of the train, we settled to remain this side of the bridge, and be shunted off till it was repaired, and tacked on to a train again for Winnipeg. We went as far as the bridge, and a curious scene was before us; the passengers for Rocky Mountains on the other side had been waiting there for hours, our train being delayed by the accident, and they proved to be some of our long lost friends of the British Association; we greeted each other with effusion; they rushed on our car, and spoke _all at once_ about the glories of the Rockies and the dangers they had escaped, and the _fun_ they had, &c. Some conducted me to the bridge to see what had happened there; considering that there was a great gap in the bridge, and the tressels were lying about anyhow, and a great iron crane hung suspended over the hole by one hook, and the engine lay on its side below, the wire message telling us it would not be safe to go over was rather ironical! All the luggage of the two trains was spread all over the rocks and bushes, and people running here and there, the silent lake so pretty and lovely in contrast. The men with the crane were coming to our assistance at Termillion Bay (where our culvert bridge gave way), and the engineer felt the tressels bending as the engine crossed, and was considering whether to jump off or stay; he decided to remain in the cab of the engine, as the jump was a very high one, and down they went to the bottom, but the men were only cut and bruised, and one broke his leg. This accounted for the delay in our getting assistance, and fortunately for us all, that our small accident happened when it did. As our friends from Winnipeg thankfully exclaimed, "if it had not been for your accident, which was happily so harmless, we should have gone over that bridge, and as our train was faster and heavier there would probably hare been a greater smash;" and we exclaimed, "but for our comparatively harmless accident, we should have gone over that bridge that night and come to great grief." Wasn't it a mercy we escaped? We had Professor Boyd Dawkins, Professor Shaw, Mr. de Hamel, Bishop of Ontario, Mr. Stephen Bourne, &c., on our car for some miles on our way _back_, and then we were shunted on a siding to wait as patiently as we could. At this _Hawk_ something station we parted with our British Association friends, with many good wishes and waving of handkerchiefs, and were left shunted on the edge of a disagreeable embankment over the lake. After all this excitement we read, had dinner and played whist; then made our own beds, and all the 'boys' slept in the drawing room with me last night, and E--- had the state cabin to herself. It was very cold in the night, and I had to hunt up another rug. We breakfasted at half-past eight, and now the others are taking a walk while I write. I forgot to say Gibson and Roberts went on with our luggage, across the bridge (or rather, by its side), in the train which returned to Winnipeg, and there they will stay till we return from the Rockies. E--- and the boys are just off in the cab of an engine exploring to the broken bridge. It will he fun, perhaps, for them, but _I_ find I have frights enough to endure in our necessary journeys. There is actually a cow at this station, so we had milk for porridge and tea; moreover, there is a piece of ploughed land, a rare sight in this wild stony _watery_ country. The Canadian Pacific Railway have not had experience before this autumn of the effect of heavy rains on their roads, bridges, &c., and things have sometimes come to grief in consequence; some bridges are very good and not temporary. _Later_.--Since writing the foregoing, John and E--- and Hedley went off on the cow-catcher of an engine for two or three miles excursion! Dick did not "paddle his own canoe," but the station master did for him on the lake here, and he _nearly_ succeeded in catching a large trout! He and I wandered afterwards on the Rocky Hill, and picked enough blueberries for dinner, and I refreshed my eyes with some lovely-berried red-leaved little shrubs. Since luncheon a telegram came, telling us we might go over the bridge, and so off we went, and on arriving walked all about, some sketching the fallen engine, &c. We set off with Mr. Egan the manager, in his car in front of us, _en route_ for Eat Portage, where I am finishing this journal up to this date, Wednesday, September 17th. It is lovely weather now, and this place is very pretty, and looks quite civilized after our wilderness kind of scenery. Mr. Egan is now going on to Winnipeg, and will post this for me. After our return from the Rockies to Winnipeg, we shall go to Chicago, Washington and Philadelphia, where write. Letter No. 6. _September 21st_, 1884.--I am beginning this in our car _en route_ to the Rockies, in fact with their snow-covered summits well in sight. I posted a letter to you, No. 5, at Winnipeg, and also a newspaper for Mary. From Winnipeg the Canadian Pacific Railway is much more comfortable, for on the boundless flat of the prairies there is no need for many tressel bridges or crumbling embankments, and we went along without fear, excepting that in the neighbourhood of settled parts, we had to look out for cows. Once we stopped very suddenly (their brakes are so good in America), having near gone over one in the dark. They use sometimes a curious kind of sound from the engine, not unlike the _moo_ of a cow in distress, and I saw it effectually drive some off the line. The maids met us at Winnipeg Station, and seemed anxious to go to the Rockies, so we settled they might, and they rushed back for their things, but they returned only in time to see our train off! On the whole we thought it was as well they had not come, for maids don't generally like this kind of life, and we did not need them. We changed cooks at Winnipeg against my wish, but the others were not satisfied with our first one, and we have certainly not changed for the better; he is a coloured man called David, and has been ill, or pretends to be, since yesterday, and another coloured man whom, we call Jonathan, comes in to help him. _Saturday_.--We arrived at Moose Jaw after a very rocking journey, so bad that I could not sleep, and sat in a chair part of the night; at last, however, the cold and sleepiness overcame all fear, and I slept in my bed soundly. We saw lots of Indians in red and white blankets, ugly and uninteresting creatures. We made acquaintance with the Roman Catholic Archbishop, who has been travelling in the car next to ours. He is a French Canadian, but talked English well. He is very pleasant. He introduced me to two priests, one of whom had been working among the Indians thirty years. Afterwards he had a talk with John, and remarked upon my youthfulness to be his mother. Of course, I am always being taken for his wife, and they seem very much puzzled about it altogether. _Saturday night, the 20th_.--We reached Calgary after a quieter night--quite an important city. A good many wooden houses, two or three churches (I think the congregations must be very small in each), and on Sunday morning all the inhabitants were out in their best, the men loafing and smoking about, and quite smart-looking young ladies showing their finery with great enjoyment, as they do at home. A mounted police officer drove a pair of good horses to meet some of his men, and there are cavalry barracks here for them. The train twice a week from Winnipeg is their only communication with the outer world, so when it arrives everyone, even from long distances, crowds the platform. We always take a walk at these resting places, but it is nervous work to go far, as the train starts without any notice, and they never keep to the time named. _Wednesday, September 25th_.--After leaving Calgary, which I forgot to say is near a coal mine (Mr. de Winton, son of Sir Francis, has a ranch near), and is likely to be an important place some day, we went to Laggan, which is well into the mountains, and there we saw Professor George Ramsay, brother of Sir James, and he told us to get hold of the contractor, Mr. Ross, who would help us about going further on. The railway people, &c., all said to our great disgust that ladies would not be allowed to go down the steep incline to British Columbia; upon this we found out Mr. Boss, and he kindly consented to take us down the Pacific slope in his own car. At first the boys said I had better remain behind in our own car, but I felt that if there was a risk I would rather encounter it with them, and I wanted to see more of the country, so we prepared to start on Monday, but it poured, and Mr. Ross would not go till Tuesday. We took a small bag with night-gown, brush and comb, &c., and left the rest of our goods in charge of the odious, but I think honest, David, and started yesterday morning in Mr. Ross's car, in some respects a more convenient one than ours, for it has a writing table and a stove in the sitting room after an early breakfast at half-past seven. It was a glorious sunny day. We had two engines reversed, one before and one behind, and no end of brakes with safety 'switches,' every now and then to be turned on and to send us up hill if the engines ran away with us, and we crept down very slowly. It was very exciting, and the scenery magnificent, vistas of snowy mountains opening continually as we turned the corners, covered with brilliant yellow and red and purple foliage; and when we came to the foot of Mount Stephen (called after Mr. George Stephen, of Montreal), Mr. Ross said, "we ought to call one mountain Rayleigh." I exclaimed, "Oh, yes! There is a beautiful snow one which has been in sight all the way coming down, let that be Raleigh." And so it was agreed, and E--- and I sketched it.--Afterward Mr. Ross, said, "Rayleigh has quite a family after him," a curious succession of gradually decreasing tops, and we agreed that they should be _his five brothers_. At one place we went down to a bridge, very high over a river, and I thought, "it would be unpleasant if the engine runs away here," but curiously enough I was not at all nervous, for I felt so much care was taken, and it was a glorious day, and the scenery lifted one's soul above the small things of life _here_, and made one think of Him who created all these wonders, and yet became our human friend and sympathizer, and now lives to give us bye and bye even "greater things than these!" At last we got to the _Flats_ all safe, and then John and Dick walked to the end of the "construction," about five miles. If one was prepared to ride and rough it exceedingly, one could reach the Pacific in ten days, but ladies could not undergo the hardships, and we would not be left alone. Mr. Ross informed us that we must return soon to Kicking Horse Lake and Laggan, as there would be no train later. However, we said that John was extremely anxious to see the working of the line at the end, and it would be a great pity for him not to have the time, and "_could_ we stay the night?" He replied, "certainly." Hedley and E--- walked on at a great pace after the other two, beyond my powers, and I sauntered on quietly alone, only meeting a few men, belonging to the railway in most cases and working on the line, which is the only _road_ which one can walk on comfortably here, and I got three miles, but then a horrid bridge stopped me, as I hate walking on planks far apart over a height without a helping hand. I have been all along struck with the far superior accent and good English of the working men in America (Canada especially); they have often very good features, too, and wear a well-shaped moustache, and meet one with a smile. They treat one as equals, but they are not at all rude, and are always willing to help. I spoke to some in my solitary walk, and only that they were hard at work hammering in nails, &c., I should have liked to "tell them a story." They all returned from end of "construction" on a truck train, Dick and E--- on an open car, and Hedley and John in the cab of the engine. We then dined; such a fat coloured man Mr. Ross has in his car! He could hardly squeeze through the narrow passages, but he managed to give us something to eat. Mr. Ross received a telegram later to say Mr. Angus, our host at Montreal, Mr. Donald Smith, both directors of the Canadian Pacific Railway, Mr. Cyrus Field, &c., &c., were at Calgarry, and wanted to _come on_, so all is arranged for them, and they are expected soon, and we hope to return with them this afternoon to Laggan, to our own car. Last evening E--- suddenly said, "I wish we could sleep in a tent?" Mr. Ross answered, "I can easily manage it for you," and accordingly two men of business (I think contractors for food, &c.), were turned out of their tent, and came to our car, and John and E--- slept in their small tent near the river. I don't think they will want to do it _again_, and I was better off in a nice room all to myself, where I could dress comfortably, but had not many appliances for that end. We all met at eight o'clock breakfast, and our black man (who looked more than ever like a large bolster, well filled and tied at the top for his head), cooked us an eatable beef-steak, and after this John and Mr. Ross's brother "_Jack_" rode off to penetrate as far as they could beyond "construction." I am a little nervous about his ride, for the road is a mere track, and very rough, however, wagons and mules _do_ travel on it. E--- has made many pretty sketches; mine are scanty and perfectly horrid. I don't improve at all. The sun is trying to come out. We are on a siding, close to numbers of tents and mules and wagons, a sort of depot for provisions, clothes, &c. I have never seen a tipsy man or woman since I landed at Quebec! and in many parts of Canada alcohol cannot be bought, and the penalty is _always_ severe for selling or giving it to an Indian. Further on I passed yesterday quite a "city" of tents; over one was printed "Hotel Fletcher," another, "Restaurant, meals at all hours," "Denver Hotel," "Laundry," "Saloon," &c. These are _speculations_, and are not connected with railway officials. Some of the men (one was taking a photograph of "the city,") have the American _twang_. Mr. Rosa is going off directly the directors arrive, far into the interior, on an exploring tour into the Selkirk range, &c. The line is "graded" about fifty miles further on, and the bridges and tunnels are making. They are working the other end from Port Moodie on the Pacific, and will meet by the spring of next year. What a pity the British Association's visit to Canada was not in 1885 instead of 1884? Some day are going to carry the line higher up, so as to avoid the steep incline down which we travelled so cautiously, but they are very anxious to get the line done _somehow_, and it is really wonderful at what a pace they go. _Calgarry, September 27th_.--On Wednesday, 24th, after John had gone off riding, Dick and I waited about for the directors' car, which we expected that morning, but alas! though it arrived at eleven, they only stopped at the telegraph office a moment, took no notice of us, and went on to the end of "construction," returning in about an hour, (John got back much later, and we wondered why Mr. Ross advised him to go, as it obliged him to miss this car); they again only made a pause, during which Dick spoke to Mr. Angus, and E--- also had a few words with Mr. D. Smith, but she was too modest in urging our claims to be helped on up the incline and they went and left us in the lurch. I heard afterwards that the American part of the company were in a great hurry to get on, Mr. Angus Field having telegrams following him all along the line, but we should not have detained them, and they would only have had to drop us at Laggan, where our own car was waiting. So we had to wait another night, and all went to bed very grumpy! _Thursday, 25th_.--After breakfast we walked some way, and then Hedley and I remained at the telegraph station (this is the only source of information in these parts), and the others went on. An hour or two later the freight train began to think of starting up the incline, and Hedley and I got into the cab of the engine. We soon came up with E---, who joined us there. Some two or three miles further on John and Dick appeared, wildly gesticulating as they stood on the middle of the line to try and stop us, but the engineer declared we were now on too steep an incline, and on we went, much to our dismay, for this entailed thirty or forty miles walk for rheumatic John and not over-strong Dick. We reached the top all right, and found ourselves at "Kicking Horse Lake," and to our great relief up walked John and Dick. It seems they made a rush at the train as it passed, and John jumped on an open car all right--but Dick caught his foot in a sleeper and fell down, but had the presence of mind to pick himself up very quickly, and caught the last engine (we had one at each end) and jumped on the cow catcher! I shuddered to think what _might_ have happened to Dick when he fell, but he only got a bruise on his knee and a severe injury to his trousers! We reached Laggan about half-past one, and found our cook still much of an invalid, with a real negro to assist him! I think the negroes are much more manly and altogether pleasanter than the half-breeds, who are mean, discontented, and impertinent when they dare. This negro was a capital servant, and had lived with his present master (to whom he was returning after the said master's absence in Europe) twelve years. We left Laggan at half-past nine, Friday 26th, and had glorious scenery, most of which we had previously passed in the dark. Rocky mountains with their snowy tops all about us, and the lovely yellow and red and purple colouring on their sides. E--- sketched vigorously and I smudged! We reached Calgarry about five, and found the Indians in great force, for they had received their treaty money quite lately, and were arrayed in gorgeous blankets of red and white and blue, and any number of gold and coloured beads! They are quiet enough, and don't look at all as if they would venture to scalp us, or make an oration like "Chincanchooke" with dignified eloquence; the expression of the elder ones is unpleasant, and you can see at once the results of even a _little_ education by the brighter and happier countenances of the boys and girls. I took a lonely walk on the prairie, over which a strong cold wind was blowing. I saw several people riding in the distance. We left Calgarry on 27th, Saturday, by a train partly freight, and consequently it rocked and jumped, and crashed and crunched, and we could scarcely play whist, or hear each other speak, and when we went to bed sleep was banished, at least from _my_ eyes. I watched the stars instead, and the brilliant morning star about three or four o'clock shining like a small moon, and then the sun rise over the prairie. We arrived at Winnipeg about six o'clock, on _Monday, 29th_; our _nasty_ cook had no dinner provided for us, and though we had authority for remaining that night in the car to sleep, conflicting orders produced all kinds of unpleasantness, and we were shunted about and taken two or three miles off from the depot where alone we could get anything to eat. After making a great fuss we were taken back and had a good dinner at the restaurant, which we enjoyed after our monotonous fare in the car. Our maids, who had been a fortnight at the Hotel doing nothing but spending our money, met us and brought letters, &c. Dick heard from Augusta for the first time--her letters had not reached him. LORD RAYLEIGH, THE PRESIDENT OF THE BRITISH ASSOCIATION, AND PARTY RETURN FROM THE ROCKIES. Lord Rayleigh, the president of the British Association for the advancement of Science, Lady Rayleigh, Clara Lady Rayleigh, Hon. Hedley Strutt and Hon. Richard Strutt returned yesterday afternoon from the Rookies in a private car attached to the regular train. A TIMES reporter boarded the car about nine o'clock last night, and had a pleasant chat with Lord Rayleigh and the members of the party. They went to within a few miles of the Columbia River, saw the rails being laid on the Canadian Pacific Railway and were very much pleased with the wonderful rapidity the work was being done. Lord Rayleigh said he thought the Rockies were one of the wonders of the world--next to the Canadian Pacific, chimed in Mr. Strutt and Clara Lady Rayleigh. The latter said the party were struck with the brightness, intelligence and kindness of the men along the Canadian Pacific Railway line. The kindness they had shown to them would never be forgotten. The party could scarcely believe that the towns along the railway had grown up to their present size within the past two or three years, as they did not think it possible in a new country like this. They were loud in their praises of the country, and predicted that thousands of emigrants would come from England to Manitoba as a result of the Association's visit here. The party put up at the Potter House to-day, and will leave for the east to-night--_Winnipeg Daily Times, September 30th._ Letter No. 7 _Washington, Sunday, 5th_ I was obliged to leave off yesterday, and now proceed to take up the tale begun in the train to Chicago. I was telling you about our arrival at Winnipeg, &c. We returned to our car after dinner and found ourselves, during our first sleep, shunted off to a repairing shed, and presently I heard what seemed a shower of stones thrown all over the car. I could look out of a window sitting up in my bed, and on doing so, I saw two men violently throwing water over it from a hose, and some of it came into my bed, upon which I showed my lovely countenance with dishevelled hair and indignant expression, and called out: "Are you going to drown me in my bed?" and then I heard a man say--"La! there is a young lady at the window! don't disturb her!" however, just at dawn they were at it again, and at six o'clock began to move us into the shed. I jumped up and expostulated in my dressing gown on the platform (all the rest were in their beds) and insisted upon their asking for orders from headquarters; just then, fortunately, an early bird in the shape of a representative of the _Press_ appeared, and I got John to talk to him, and he went off to the authorities, and we were shunted to the depot again, and so got our breakfast by ten o'clock; the reporters always think I am John's wife (E--- is generally out of the way), and I believe the last idea is, that John and I have a grown up family, of which E--- is one! It is rather fun to be _interviewed_, and John is now less shy about it, and consents to be pumped (in a _measure_). After breakfast we all drove in a horse-car up the main street, and were twice off the rails and sunk into a mud hole, and the boys had to help in lifting the omnibus out of it. They are slowly paving the streets, but there _never_ was such a muddy lane calling itself a street anywhere before, I am sure; there are nice shops, however, and respectably dressed people walking or driving. We lunched and _cleaned_ ourselves at _Potter House_, where the maids had been living during our absence in the Rockies, and it seems Mrs. Smith, the landlady, came from Lady Ward's, and knew the Claughtons, and lived, for years with the Miss Bakers at Boss, (these unexpected encounters make one realize how narrow the world is). The country is ugly about Winnipeg, and so after paying a visit to the Archdeacon, whom we met in going there some fortnight ago, and seeing his nice house and wife, we dined at the depot and left for _Chicago_, our coloured cook was walking and dawdling about apparently quite well, now that he had got rid of us. We had sleeping berths in the train--an unknown man slept in the one over mine, and I had to dress and undress behind the curtains of my own. We breakfasted at Barnsville Wednesday morning, and that evening stopped in pouring rain at _Milwaukie_; it is a finely situated town, but the station had been lately burnt down, and we were very cold and uncomfortable for two hours. Poking about to amuse themselves, the boys saw a large long deal box, directed Mrs. J. Stacey, and on a card attached, "This is to certify Mr. J. Stacey did not die of any infectious complaint." So he was waiting there to be sent on to her by next train, and we hope she got him safely. _Thursday, Two o'clock p.m._, we reached Chicago. Minnieappolis, which we passed through, is likely to be a fine city. We went to the Grand Pacific Hotel and were separated by long corridors and staircases, and spent our time chiefly in trying to find one another amidst its vast solitudes. Of course one never sees a chambermaid, or any one, and the quantity of little dishes and fine sounding names which one is served with at meals does not make up for the other discomforts. _Friday, 3rd._--John had a letter to the pork-killing man, Mr. Armour, and he kindly sent two carriages for us, with an assistant, who was to lionize us about. We drove first to the Bank and got some money, and then through the best parts of the town, along the Michigan Boulevards, through which we had glimpses of the Lake, but everything here is sacrificed to the almighty _dollar_, and the railway engines poke themselves in everywhere, down the best streets, and destroying the prettiest landscapes, and making unearthly noises close to your bedroom, or puffing their steam out under your nose as you walk. Chicago looks a more bustling, and a newer and a more railroad- dominated place than Glasgow, but like it in smoke and business aspect. As to the Boulevards, the houses are most of them new, and some in startling styles of architecture. Some in red, which are very good. One was nearly finished of white marble, quite a palace, with more ground than usual round it; but alas, for human hopes, the man who owns it and _millions_ of dollars, has lately been pronounced _mad_, is in the care of a wife whom he lately married, and who does not care for him, and he will die before his marble palace is finished. There are no _prettinesses_, flowers, &c., about these fine houses, perhaps accounted for by the forty or fifty degrees below zero which they sometimes enjoy at Chicago. After six miles driving we got to the Piggery, &c., and the least said about that the better; it is certainly wonderful, but disgusting--the most interesting parts were the enormous yards containing _cattle_, all arranged comfortably, with hay and water, &c., and the tin-making business for the preserved meats (the tin all comes from England). Travelling for the last three or four weeks we have seen little hills of tin boxes perpetually along the line, as the people in the trains and stations, &c., seem to live almost entirely on tinned goods. After this we had a hasty luncheon, and I decided to accompany John and E--- here, and not wait for Dick who wanted to stay longer. We could not find our maids to tell them, and I had to pack a great deal myself, meaning to leave Gibson to follow with the rest, but they turned up at last, and we had a great scrimmage to get off in the "bus." John thought we might not have time to check our luggage, and so began to seek for tickets to give the maids, but he could not understand them so a kind American in the 'bus explained them, and after all we were in time, thanks again to the said American, who _passed_ E--- and me to the train, assuring the railway people that he had seen our tickets, and he also got us into the sleeping car. When I was thanking him warmly, I added, "You must be amused to see such distracted English travellers?" "Well," he answered, "we are as bad in your country till we are used to it." After a great deal of shaking and going a great pace round many curves, which quite prevented us sleeping, we got _here_ (Washington) yesterday at six o'clock. A man met us who was sent by an astronomer friend of John's, and brought us to this hotel, Wormley's. On our way in a spic and span omnibus we felt _going down_ on one side, and found a wheel had come of. We jumped out, and a crowd collected, and finally we had to transfer our baggage and ourselves into another omnibus, and got through some handsome wide streets, with trees each side and good shops, to this hotel. Our first view of Washington was a lovely one, coming in with the Potomac river in front, and the fine Capitol, on a hill, backed by a glorious red sunset, which reflected all in the river; it looked like an Italian scene. This is said to be a "city of magnificent distances," being planned for future greatness, and very like Paris in conception. We found acquaintances here, and John went with, one to the Observatory. This morning we all went to the American Episcopal Church, St. John's, rather "high," but nothing really objectionable. This is the centenary of the consecration of the first American Bishop, Dr. Siebury, Bishop of Connecticut, who, after having implored _our_ Bishops in London to consecrate him, went at last to Scotland, and "there in an upper room received Apostolic orders from the Scotch Bishops, then called non-jurors." We were all struck with the handsome features of both men and women in church. In company with a great many others, we remained to Holy Communion, and I don't think I ever enjoyed it more than among these brethren--strangers, and separated by the wide Atlantic from our English Church, but joined to us by "one Lord, one faith," &c. After luncheon John had a chat with a French scientist, and Mr. Rutherford and his handsome son, and General and Mrs. Strachy, and Professor Adams, the astronomer; many of these people are here in conclave about _Greenwich_ time, &c. John and E--- are now gone driving about with his friend. It is _very hot_, and poor Hedley is quite knocked down, but we took a little walk. _Later_.--After dinner a good many adjourned to the drawing-room, Captain and Mrs. Ray, the Strachys, Rutherfords, &c. We had a scientific experiment with the shadow of the moon. Mr. Ray told a curious story of a wasp. He saw it advance slowly to a great _spider_, which the wasp apparently completely mesmerised, and then the wasp carried him off to a little house he had made, and deposited the spider next an _egg_, then another _egg_, and again another spider, till there was a long row alternately, then the larvae awoke to life, and _lived_ upon the spiders, who remained fat and well-liking, and apparently alive up to that point. Captain Ray says he believes Mr. Scott is right in saying that the American side will never be able to give us warning of storms which will be of any use, for not more than one in ten of their storms reach us; our storms come from the North and Mid-Atlantic. Captain Ray fills the same post here that Mr. Scott does in London, meteorological and weather prophet. Presently a nigger of fine appearance, with a companion, played the banjo and sung. It was really very pretty, and we stood at the porch listening, and numbers of white-robed figures appeared on the opposite side (the young women so arrayed walk about a good deal these hot nights), and a little crowd gathered round us. It is surprising how little music and amusement they seem to have. Letter No 8. _Washington, Wormley's Hotel, Monday, 6th._ The weather has been "exceptionally" hot, they say, for the time of year, Hedley quite unable to do anything. John went up the Monument, five hundred feet, and I went with Gibson to see the Capitol. The dome looks pretty from a distance, but the whole thing strikes me as large, handsome, uninteresting and vulgar; we inspected the Congress Hall and Senate Chamber. The view from the terrace was fine. At four o'clock Hedley and I accompanied Mr. Strachy to Arlington Heights, where there is a large cemetery for soldiers. It was formerly the country home of General Robert Lee, the hero of the Confederate War. It was intensely melancholy to drive through the graves of eleven thousand and odd soldiers, all killed in the second battle of Bull's Run (I believe), two thousand of them _unknown_, and buried in one grave, mostly young volunteers who had _just_ joined. Each white stone told the story of the bereaved families, and the destruction of so much happiness. The view of the Potomac and Washington is very fine, and one thought sorrowfully of the poor Lees who gave up their pretty home and _all else_, for the sake of Virginia, and in vain! _Tuesday, 7th_.--John and E--- and I went to Mount Vernon, Washington's residence and tomb. H--- somehow missed us, which quite spoilt _my_ day. The air in the steamer was delightful, and the Potomac is mildly pretty. We were left at Mount Vernon, and I was disgusted with the shabbiness and untidiness of the tomb of the great patriot; that even in _his_ case such a want of sentiment and reverence should be shown does not speak well for his countrymen. I spoke of this to many people afterwards, and they say it is owing to his family, who would not allow the tomb to be moved. In the evening we dined with our Minister, Mr. West, at the Embassy. It is a fine house, and we enjoyed our evening. There were only Mr. Johnstone and Mr. Helier attached to the Legation, besides ourselves. Miss West now presides over her father's house, and is very attractive; brought up in a convent in Paris, and speaks English with a strong accent. Miss West has given me some letters of introduction to people at Newport. They showed us some curious beans, which jumped about in an odd way when held over the light a little while. It is said there is a worm inside, which is influenced by the warmth. _Wednesday_.--We meant to leave to-day, but Dick turned up unexpectedly from Chicago, and we put off going to Philadelphia that we might start together. We went over the White House to-day, where the President lives, and saw the blue room in which he receives every one, rather ugly I thought it, and the bedroom in which President Garfield was ill, &c. In the afternoon John and E--- went to Baltimore, as he has scientific acquaintances there, and I don't know when we shall meet again. _Thursday_.--Hedley has just returned from Dick's hotel, and says he does not go to Philadelphia to-day, so we start alone at two o'clock. Last night two violent showers of rain cleared the atmosphere, and it is quite cool and pleasant this morning. I heard from Mr. B--- from Baltimore, and he says he is going to be married on the 15th, and hopes we will go to pay them a visit on the 16th; however, as the time does not suit, and I don't know his intended wife, I have declined. _Friday, 10th, Hotel Lafayette, Philadelphia._ Last night I had the great pleasure of receiving four letters--one from you, and one from C--- and Mary, and Margaret. We left Dick behind at Washington, but he arrived last night; the journey was a pleasant one and the scenery pretty, especially Chesapeake Bay. I hear mosquitos swarm at Baltimore and so I am glad we did not go there. This is a very large hotel and I am on seventh floor, No. 750! Close to me is a fire escape, which I carefully investigated. We got cheated coming here from the station, and _so did Dick_, to our great triumph! The country coming here was more English and well populated than any we have seen. Going up in the lift who should I find there but Dr. Gladstone, one of our fellow passengers on the "Parisian;" we all laughed. Since I began this a very kind note has come by hand from Mr. Childs, of the _Public Ledger_, saying Mrs. C--- is at New York, but he will try to get her back on Saturday; he is coming to call at a quarter-past two, and offers us carriages to drive about. _Half-past One_.--We have just come back from seeing the Roman Catholic Cathedral--not much worth seeing excepting a beautiful picture of our Lord as a Child among the doctors. We also saw the Academy of Arts, but there was nothing we cared for. I have had a kind note from Mrs. James Neilson, who hopes to see us at New Brunswick, _en route_ for New York. _Sunday, 12th_.--Mr. Childs came, a short, stout man, and very kind; he sent the carriage at three, and we drove in Fairmount Park, the largest park in the world, and really very pretty; saw conservatories and gardens with bright, but only _foliage_, plants--wonderful perillas, alternantheras, tresine, &c. It was a most lovely evening and we enjoyed the three hours' airing; it was perfectly clear and still, with sunshine and fresh balmy air. Yesterday (Saturday) directly after breakfast we went as by appointment to Mr. Childs' office; he has a beautifully fitted-up room, filled with all kinds of curiosities,--Tom Moore's harp, Washington's chair, Louis Napoleon's cup and saucer, splendid clocks of all kinds; one of them belonged to Lord Howe, which he had to leave behind him when he was "obliged to run away from the States in such a hurry!" Mr. Childs' seemed to think I must know all about this, but I am afraid I had quite forgotten that humiliation. This reminds me of a story I heard lately of an American lionizing an Englishman about; they came within sight of Bunker's Hill, and the American as delicately and modestly as he could announced: "_That_, sir, is Bunker's Hill," the Englishman put up his glass and looked, and then said: "And who was Bunker, and what did he do on his hill?" Imagine the American's indignation at this gross ignorance! To return to Mr. Childs' room; while there several ladies called, and among them Mrs. Bloomfield Moore; she talked well and we made friends, and she proposed to call for us and take us a drive, to which we agreed. After she had gone Mr. Childs told me she was a poetess and a millionaire, and was supposed to be engaged to Browning the poet. A man was then told off to escort us over the building, and a wonderful place it is. All the printing and editorial work and "job" work so beautifully arranged and everything in such perfect order. The _Public Ledger_ prints about 80,000 a day, or rather night, and Mr. Childs is the proprietor. Almost all the American news comes to us from his office from a Mr. Cook, who telegraphs it to the _Times_. Mr. Cook told me that all the speeches at the opening of the British Association meeting at Montreal--Lord Lansdowne's, Sir William Thomson's, &c.,--were telegraphed to London before they were delivered, John's address had been left in London before he started. Mr. Cook got the substance of these speeches beforehand. After this we went to the Electric Exhibition going on here, and Dick tried an organ; then we had a drive with ----; she talked all the time and told me all about her husband and his will, and how astonished everyone was to find what immense confidence in her it proved; she knows Mrs. Capel Cure and Miss Western, and she has just bought a good house in London. She is much interested in Mr. Keally (the inventor of Keally's motor), and has supported him through all the incredulity and opposition he has met with; she believes he has discovered a new force, and has just made some experiments before ten or twelve people, in which without any apparent power of machinery he produced astonishing results, _not_ electric and not compressed air, or, if the latter, he has found one a way of producing wonderful power without the usually necessary accompaniments. This is what _I hear; he_ says it is a force in ether, which is a medium separating atoms, but he will not tell his secret till he has taken out his patents. Mr. Childs sent us some tickets for the opera here, and I gave Mrs. A. B--- one, and we all went, the music was pretty and singing good. Mr. Rosengarten, a friend of Mr. Childs, came into the box, and between one of the acts asked me if I would like to see some typical American political meetings? I said "Oh, yes;" so he carried me off, and the boys followed, to a splendid opera house, which was crammed to the galleries by a very respectable-looking, quiet audience, listening most attentively to the "Prohibition" candidate, who was shouting and apparently pleasing them much, but being behind him on the platform (they wanted me to go close to him but I would not), I could not hear the point of his jokes. Then we went to the Academy of Music, also a very large place, where a more rowdy lot were listening very quietly, however, to General Butler. Certainly no meetings of such size could take place in England with such entire absence of noise or policemen, of carriages, or cabs. We went to bed very tired having had so much to interest us all day. Mr. Childs, by the bye, has sent me a present of some china and a box full of lovely roses, which I shared with the sons and Mrs. A. B---. I see I have not mentioned before that I received yours and Mary's letter of 28th September, which came very soon after my birthday. This morning we went to a Presbyterian Church by mistake, but it was very dull and we soon went out and went to another close by, which turned out to be Ritualistic, but at any rate the music, and better still, the sermon, was very good,--"What think ye of Christ?" It was all of Him, so no one could object, not even you! Hedley and I then rushed off to the Lincoln Institution for Training Indian Girls, where Mr. Rosengarten was to meet us. It is a very interesting and useful work (the boys are also under training but we did not see that part of the Institution) and the girls look so thriving and happy, and the teachers say they are _above_ the average in intelligence; they sung a chant and hymn and gave me a photograph to take home. Mr. Rosengarten offered to take Hedley with him for a drive to see some of his relations, and so I have been alone since--reading, and writing to you. Letter No. 9. _October 14th_.--I sent my last letter to you on Sunday, and on Monday morning Mr. Childs called and brought me a note from Mrs. Childs saying she was very unwell and her doctor said she must be quiet, and would we defer our visit till Wednesday? I declined this at once, and Mr. Childs seemed very sorry, but when Dick joined us he said we were in no great hurry to leave Philadelphia and might as well stay, so I could only agree to remain till Thursday. He gave us seats at the Theatre to hear "May Blossom" (a pretty _good_ play, which we all enjoyed), and he asked me if I wanted any books to read? I said "Yes, I should be very glad of some," thinking he would lend me a few of his own; well, a large parcel soon arrived with a lovely copy of Longfellow's Poems and my name in it, and lots of story books, all new. This morning (Tuesday) our future host at New Brunswick called, a nice-looking, lively man, and we go to them on Thursday--Mr. James Neilson. Yesterday afternoon we spent two hours at Mrs. A. B---'s, and met Mr. Keally. He is a curious person, and looks full of _fire_, and I should say _not_ an impostor, but I should not be surprised if he was _mad!_ He talked away tremendously quickly, and used all kinds of new words invented to suit his discovery, and I got quite exhausted trying to understand him; all I could really make out was that he professed to have decomposed _hydrogen_, and evolved a lighter element from it, and that his new force has something to do with _vibration_; that he multiplies vibrations almost infinitely, and can distinguish _divisions_ of _tones_ in an unusual manner. Those who have seen his experiments lately, declare that _no_ force with which scientists are acquainted could produce the same effects with the machinery used. "If it is a trick," he said, "at any rate it is a trick worth knowing--if a pint of water can send a train from this to New York, which it will do shortly." He employs several people to make his machinery, but when they have made it and used it successfully, they declare they don't know _why_ or _how_ it is done. I am trying to persuade John to stop here on Friday on his way from Baltimore and see one of his experiments. I have heard John say that he expected some great discovery would be made shortly, and in the _chemical_ direction. Mr. Keally is a mechanist, and says he discovered this force by accident. It is curiously like the one in Bulwer's novel, which everyone was possessed of and could destroy anything in a moment. Mrs. A. B--- is going to take us a drive this afternoon. At present my letters to Newport have only produced an invitation to dine with Mrs. Belmont on Saturday, which we are unable to accept. Hedley enjoyed his Sunday outing with Mr. Rosengarten, and was introduced to heaps of people, and felt quite an important person. He is always much liked, and _I_ am not surprised. _Wednesday, 15th_.--At two o'clock we met Mr. Childs at the station, and went with him to Bryan Maur by rail, and then his carriage met us and took us to his farm and stables, &c., and then to his house; it is all very new and very tidy and pretty. He told his wife to buy any land she liked four years ago, and build anything she liked on it, and now he has paid the bills and handed her the deeds, and it is all her own. That's the way husbands do things in America! The wives and children have a good time here, and the working classes, too, have many privileges, or perhaps, I should say, that they _share_ them with the richer and more educated people; everywhere, in the trains and trams and restaurants of stations and waiting rooms there is _equality_, and considering all things one does not suffer much by the mixture excepting that they "_level down_," and one misses the comforts and _quiet_ of the English railroads. Some of the working men are remarkably fine and intelligent looking, and always quiet and well behaved. I do not observe any very great politeness to women, which I was led to expect was the prevailing habit in the United States, but I notice that the fathers are wonderfully gentle and helpful with the children. Mrs. Childs is a bright little woman, and sings well, which you would scarcely expect when hearing her voice in speaking. It is a pity that so many of the women have such unpleasant voices, and the _men_ have generally nothing harsh in their tones. A captain of one of the Cunard steamers sat next me, and seeing my distress over a plateful of very large oysters, whispered, "you need not eat them." We had carefully abstained from luncheon, as dinner was at four o'clock, and this was the menu for dinner: soup, _big_ oysters, boiled cod, then devilled crab (which I ate, and it was very good), then very tough stewed beef-steak, large _blocks_ of ice-cream, and peaches, and that was all! So my dinner consisted of crab, and I was obliged to have something to eat on our return to the hotel. Mr. Childs is very rich, and gives away immensely. He showed me a valuable collection of autographs, &c., given him by Mrs. S. C. Hall, whose husband, now an old man I believe, he partly supports. We left at half-past eight, and this morning, _Thursday, 16th_, Mr. Childs called early with his picture, framed, as a present. Sir William and Lady Thomson, and probably John and E---, are going to the Childs' on Saturday till Monday, and Mrs. B. M---, who called, is very anxious that they should see the Keally experiments. I hear John and E--- are going to Boston. _We_ are starting this afternoon for Woodlawn, New Brunswick, the Neilsons' place, and to-day I have, an invitation from Mrs. Pruyn of Albany. We are about to take our berths on board the Cunard steamer _Oregon_, which starts on 12th November. I had a great pleasure this morning in receiving from Clara a large photograph of _you_ and Arthur Paley. It is very nice, and I am very glad she arranged so cleverly for you to be taken! You don't look quite so miserable and cross, as is your _wont_ in general when being photographed. Clara and S--- were at a large evening party lately at Euston, where they met the Princess Frederica of Hanover, whom I have met several times at dear Katty Mande's, and she inquired about us from Clara. _Woodlawn, New Brunswick, October 20th_.--We arrived here Thursday. Mrs. M--- called and kindly took me to the station, and presented me with some beautiful roses, which I brought here unpacked and gave to Mr. Neilson. Major R. S--- spoke to me again at the hotel about the Keally motor, and fervently repeated that after a thorough inspection of the machinery he is convinced that a new force is at work. Mr. Neilson and his carriage met us at the station. He is very lively and full of information, having travelled a great deal, and overflowing with "_go_." She is very handsome and nice, and nothing can be kinder than they are. It is a pretty cottage, close to his mother's house, and with some grounds round them. _Friday, 17th_.--We took a long drive, Mr. Neilson driving at a rapid pace, and the river and foliage was pretty, but the scenery here is not remarkable, and the town of New Brunswick does not look _rich_, or flourishing. In the evening we went to his mother's, had tea, oysters and birds, and then a number of people came; Dr. and Mrs. Cook, Professor of Chemistry, and Mr. and Mrs. and Miss Warren, several Carpenters, who are cousins of the Neilsons, Admiral and Mrs. Admiral Boggs, Dr. and Mrs. Hart. He is a Dutch clergyman of the Dutch church here, and has been at John's laboratory at Cambridge, and talked about him and his work. I observe the gentlemen stand talking to _each other_ a good deal as we do in England. Mrs. Neilson _mere_ is a very nice old lady, with white hair, and something like you. She spoke about my brother Hedley, and tears came into her eyes as we talked; everyone here seems to have read his memoirs, and I enclose a scrap out of the New Brunswick paper, which will show you how he is remembered. Mrs. T. Neilson seems a capital housekeeper, and the cooking and everything seems so good and comfortable. Mr. Neilson owns most of the town, and is delighted when he can _sell_ some of it, and the neighbours are nearly all his cousins. He says the municipal government of the town, &c., is at a _dead lock_. Nothing can be done to the _roads_, (which are disgraceful!) or the streets, which are dreadful _everywhere_ nearly, that there is perpetual bribery and corruption, and all owing to universal suffrage, which makes the respectable people quite helpless! This is the view of all the people I stayed with or spoke to. On _Saturday, 18th_, we made a long excursion to Long Branch, going by train to Redbank, a pretty village, where we got a carriage and drove to Long Branch, a favourite watering place of this part of the country and New York; miles upon miles of the sea coast is covered with houses, small and large, in every variety of style, with no trees and quite flat, with a fine sea beyond the sands. It looked like a scene on a _stage_! We passed some very pretty bays and creeks, but though the day was bright, the wind blew a gale, and we could not sit about. We lunched at the railway station, with our driver sitting at the next table. It is so funny to find everyone at your elbow, whatever their position may be, but I must say they behave very well. We returned by train, and I managed to catch a chill, and have been in bed most of the morning. The day was so lovely that Mr. Neilson persuaded me to drive with him in his _buggy_, a very comfortable carriage like a tea cart, and I enjoyed the sweet _Indian summer_ and the pretty foliage with peeps of the river. In the afternoon I went with Mr. Neilson to call on his mother and Mrs. Carpenter, both fine old ladies, and as I said before, _old_ and young women are well taken care of here. _October 22nd_.--Hotel Brunswick, Boston. We left the kind Neilsons yesterday, and as Dick and I were not well, we took drawing-room car seats, which, however, were extremely uncomfortable wicker chairs, which turned round on a pivot with the least movement and made one feel sick! So I sat on a hard bench usually occupied by conductors. This is a fine hotel, and John and E--- came to see me last night after I was in bed; they seem enjoying themselves and are gay, seeing lots of scientific folk at Baltimore and _here_ at _Cambridge_. They intend starting home on the 1st. We are arranging for berths in the "Oregon," on the 12th, Last night I was surprised to get a letter from Liza, which had been sent to Evelyn, dated October 5th, telling me that No. 90, O--- G--- was let to Mr. Scott Holland till 8th December! I suppose some letter from Liza has been lost, for I have never heard a word of it before. The road yesterday was very pretty, crossing two or three rivers with beautiful colored foliage on their banks, and some fine towns. I enjoy scenery more and more as I get older, and feel more _one_ with Nature, and Nature's God; the sense of the _Eternal_ and _Infinite_ deepens in my heart, and the grandeur of sky and mountain and river _with God over all_ fills me with calm and peace. I am not at all well just now, and have to _starve_ nearly. It is difficult at hotels to get the right kind of food when one is out of sorts. DISTINGUISHED PEOPLE IN TOWN. _To the Editor of the "Home News".--_ It may be of some interest to your readers to know that we have at present in our midst some distinguished people. Not indeed because they happen to be people of high rank in their own country, but because they represent names standing preeminent in the fields of science on the one side of their house, and on the other a name cherished in every household as the very embodiment of Christian chivalry, that of a veritable soldier of the cross. The Dowager Lady Rayleigh (mother of Lord Rayleigh, the President of the British Association), is at present the guest of Mr. and Mrs. James Neilson, at their residence, Woodlawn. She is accompanied by her two sons, the Honorables Richard and Hedley Stratt. The former is married to a daughter of Lord Bragbrook, a member of the Cornwallis family. The Dowager Baroness is a sister of Hedley Vicars, the soldier-missionary of the Crimea, a name as well known and honoured in the households of America as those of Great Britain. The party came out to attend the Scientific Convention of Canada, and have since travelled largely through the great West. They express themselves enthusiastically as to our progress, material as well as intellectual. We take the occasion to congratulate our English cousins upon the phenomenally fine season which they have selected, and trust that they may remain long enough to enjoy the loveliness of our American autumn and Indian summer.--_The Brunswick Daily Home News, Thursday, October 16th, 1884._ LETTER No. 10. _October 25th, Newport, at "Madame Robertson's."_ Hedley and I and Gibson came here on Thursday, just to see the place, of which I had heard so much, and to acknowledge the offered civilities of some of the people there. We left Dick at Boston not very well, and indeed, _I_ have been quite a wretch lately. Wednesday morning, E--- brought Professor Pickering, and he asked us to join John and E--- at his Observatory, and at a party given afterwards by Mrs. Pickering, so at 3.30 we set off all in a tram, and Professor Pickering met us about a mile from the house, and a carriage took us to the Observatory, where we saw curious things, and above all, the crescent moon, through a powerful telescope, which, oddly enough, I had never seen before. Mrs. Pickering had a large gathering, and I was introduced to quantities of people, some very nice looking and English in tone and manner. In this part of America one would scarcely know that you were not living among the present generation of English transported across the Atlantic quite recently; the manners of the _coloured_ servants are _very_ objectionable, and the porters of the cars quite odious; they march up and down, even in the more select Pulman cars, slam the doors, awakening one out of a much needed doze, and throw themselves down on the chairs and pick their teeth! "Dressed in a little brief authority, they strut before High Heaven," and make one wish they had never been _evolved_ but remained altogether _apes_. The _waiters_ at hotels are often pleasant enough, but the dislike of the white Americans to domestic service has given a monopoly of this employment to the coloured people, (shared in many parts by the Irish), and they give themselves airs accordingly. Dr. Wendel Holmes, of literary celebrity, was at the Pickerings, and I had a short talk with him, but as every minute some new introduction came off, I could never have a pleasant chat with any one. Mrs. Horsford, who was giving a large evening party, asked us to go there, and the Pickerings wanted me to stay with them till the time arrived, but I was not equal to this exertion, and we three returned in trams, which ought to be called _crams_, for they are invariably in that condition. I was also asked to join John and E--- with a party going to a place called Beverly, but I decided to come here, as people were expecting us, and we arrived about ten minutes to three, and I found cards and notes, asking me to lunch and dine, and drive, and my landlady said the bell had been ringing all the morning, and the whole place was in excitement about our coming and its frequent delays! I got a carriage (it was too late to lunch out or drive), and left some cards and notes of explanation, and as we were leaving one at Mrs. Belmont's, she drove up in a well appointed drag, so we got out, and I found her a fair and light little person, very nice, and wonderfully young looking. She then drove us in her beautiful park phaton to Mrs. Bruen's, where there was an afternoon party for my benefit--such a charming old lady! I told her I had a mother of eighty-one, and she said "Oh I am more than _that_, but no one knows my age, and I don't think about it, but am ready when the call comes." I have heard since, she is past ninety! She is small and thin, full of life and interest in everything, and her brains as active as ever,--seems to have known every one of interest. I went there again to tea-dinner last evening, and we talked about everything and everybody under Heaven nearly! Her clever daughter and very pretty grand-daughter, Miss Perkins, have read widely, and our subjects of discussion were endless. Of course at the afternoon party there were numbers of people, and they told me they were quite delighted at my arrival, for the place was very dull now, and it was quite an excitement! Last evening a Professor Shields was at Mrs. Bruen's, and gave me his book on "Science and Faith." I have had three invitations to dine _to-day_, which, of course I had to decline. To go on with yesterday's journal, we lunched with a Mrs. Bell, and met there Miss Perkins and another nice young lady, and a queer specimen, a Mr. W---, who travels about the Continent with eight children, and aggravated me by saying he was more at home in France than in England. We had several made up dishes, chiefly fish, but little I could eat! Three children came down afterwards and were made very much of, as usual; then Mrs. Belmont called for us in her barouche, and took us a delightful drive by the sea, but it was very cold, and as I had not brought my only warm wrap to Newport, I borrowed a seal skin jacket from Mrs. Bell; I find I have only brought _one_ gown that I could have well done without, but I should be glad of two or three more things. This place is something like _Ryde_, with numbers of villas, which in summer weather have beautiful lawns and gardens, and are filled with all the smart people from New York and Boston, &c.; in the season, they say it is wonderfully pretty and gay, and the few people remaining are so sorry I did not see Newport in all its glory, but I can guess what it would be, and I should dislike the kind of life they lead and the intense frivolity and absence of any kind of occupation, excepting dressing and flirtation! I think the _cream_ had been left behind. This morning Professor Shields took us a drive to the two _Beaches_, two little bays with bathing sands, and then we drove to Miss Mason, who lives in a very pretty villa with her sister, and is very rich, and we all walked together to the _Cliff_, where there is a fashionable promenade, with rocks and sea on one side and green turf and the villas with their gardens all open on the other. If any one has a pretty house or place here it is all exposed to the public gaze, and even _use_, a great deal! We then drove to Mrs. Bruen's, where Hedley and I lunched. I am surprised to find how _fresh_ the memory of my brother Hedley still remains in the minds of people, who I thought would have been too young to have heard of him at the time of his death, or too old to remember now what they had heard and read. Miss Mason and her friend spoke about him with such real feeling, and said they had been _brought up_ on his "memoirs." Mrs. Bruen and her family, and Professor Shields and many others speak to me as if I was quite a _friend_, because of my relationship to Hedley! Isn't this curious after thirty years? They all asked about _Lucy_, and were so romantic as to be rather distressed that she had ever married; but I told them what a good man her husband was, and that she was so active and useful, and that it would have been a great pity if she had been _lost_ as a wife and mother, &c. Mrs. Bruen, among other things, spoke of spiritualism, and said she knew from personal experience there was much truth in it. A relation and intimate friend was a powerful medium, and many extraordinary things, such as moving of furniture, (heavy chairs and tables, &c.) and raps, &c., took place under circumstances which made imposition impossible, there being frequently no one present but Mrs. Bruen and her two daughters and this lady medium. A table at the _end_ of the room would suddenly tilt up and rap. A large dining room table would tilt up, while all the things arranged for dinner on it would remain immovable--the lady not touching it. They all seemed to think that spiritualism had a bad influence, and Mrs. Bruen thinks _bad_ spirits are at work. She is a wonderful old lady, past ninety, but full of energy and interest, moving large trees and making alterations constantly in her house and garden. She kissed me at parting, and I said "I shall tell my mother what a charming old lady you are," and she said, "give her my kind regards, and tell her how glad I was to see you." Well, at last with many hand-shakes and all talking at once, we parted, and I met Gibson at the station, and we returned to Boston yesterday, October 25th. I am now writing to you on Sunday from the Hotel Brunswick. Last evening Dick was out when we arrived, with Evelyn at a concert, for which I had tickets, but I was too tired to go; this morning we went to hear Dr. P. Brooks, the great preacher who everyone was raving about last spring in London, (or was it _last_ year?) his church is like a great _temple_, or public hall, and cost [pound symbol]180,000. Mr. Winthrop gave us his pew, so we were well placed, and as he is _very_ rapid and not very loud, the strain to hear his discourse would have been very great if we had not been near. "In such an hour as ye think not, the Son of Man cometh." Christ comes to us in many ways, and through the long ages of the Old Testament and Christian dispensations he has been continually _shewing_ Himself,--all great events and promises have partial fulfilments,--little _milleniums_ have taken pace, and heavenly Jerusalems have been raised in many a church, in many a gathering of God's people,--all foreshadowing the _Great Event_ which, will bring God to man. Then he went on about a _King Idea_, the ruling object in every profession, in every life; how the _best_ of _that_ idea,--justice in a lawyer, holiness in a clergyman, and so on,--was brought home and revealed at times with great power. The reformations and revivals in the world are the _coming_ in this sense. He spoke of _unconscious_ love and devotion: that many a person thinks because they cannot always _feel_ Christ present and cannot consciously recognize that they act for _Him_ in their daily life, that they do not love or serve Him; they have given _themselves_ to Him, but it seems as if He was forgotten while their daily work and employments _press Him out_. All the time, as with earthly love and care, the _heart_ is full of Him, and every now and then strong religious exercises or unusual events excite the mind; He _comes_ to it in full power, and then they recognize their Lord. Some of the sermon struck me as too _abstract_, but it was very suggestive; the music, too, was beautiful. He is a large stout man with fine well-cut features and beautiful expression. Coming out we met John and E--- and the Pickerings, who had been elsewhere. I think they are both tired of America, at least E--- is, and John wants to get to his work! I am not tired of Americans, but I could not _live_ in this country; the system political is to me odious, much of the social system ditto; and the society is so disunited, so patchy, so apparently without bonds of union or common interests, the life they lead so dull and without the charms of society at home, and yet there are many as nice and clever and good as we can find anywhere. I dare say the missionary and charitable organizations, and educational institutions, &c., give some interest and occupation to the energetic and pious ones, but there cannot be much of what _we_ call _parish_ work, or care of the poor, though there are plenty of poor in the large cities, and much distress as in older countries. Mrs. Bruen gave me Lowell's discourse on "The Democracy," which he delivered lately in Birmingham, and asked me for my candid opinion, without regard to _her_ politics. So I said, "candid I shall be, and first of all being devoted to my country's old constitution, the democracy has to me a very unpleasant sound; by that I mean the Government of the many and from _below_, and _that_ form of Government to me is highly objectionable. I think with Carlyle, that God meant the rulers of the world to be those men best fitted by their education and occupations and experiences to cope with the immense difficulties which encompass good government. So you see, I can't agree with much Lowell says, but some things are very good and I have ventured to mark them," upon which she handed the paper to Professor Shields, and told him to read it, and tell her what I had marked at a future time, as she wanted to go on talking! I found Professor Shields quite agreed with me when discussing the matter next day, but he said, "_we_ can't help ourselves now, take care _you_ don't get into the same difficulties." Mrs. Bruen made me give a resume of all the reasons why the Lords opposed the passing of the Franchise Bill until the Redistribution Bill appeared. I must stop. We have been to hear Dr. Brooks again, this time _un_-written and not so interesting. _Monday, 27th_.--After writing the foregoing yesterday, we went to dine, and then John called and spent nearly two hours chatting. _They_ had been to lunch at the Lowell's (relations of the Minister in England), and leave to-day at one o'clock for New York, and on the first start in the _Germanica_ for England. I think we are all glad we are _not_ going to Japan, &c., as I have just written to Mrs. Neilson, "the old country suits my aged inside the best." I told her I thought the people about New Brunswick and Boston were especially delightful. "After this," I added, "you will, perhaps, think me impertinent if I say they seem to me so English! but after all, you came from us, and it only shows you have kept the stock pure, while we have in many cases adopted a spurious Americanism in our ways and speech." Since I wrote this, Mrs. Perkins, a married daughter of dear Mrs. Bruen, and a masterful kind of person, has called on me, and upon my making some such remark as the foregoing, she exclaimed, "I don't like _that_ at all! Before the war we used to like being taken for English, but now we _don't_,--How would _you_ like to be taken for an American?" "Well," I replied, "we don't speak of the _mother_ being like the _child_; whether you like it or not you _are_ English by descent, and are our cousins at _least_." Dick asked her afterwards, "What do you wish to be thought?" "An American, of course." "Please tell me then how you describe an _American_?" We could not get her to do so; in fact, nothing pleases the _set-up_ creatures, for if we judge of them by the Western or Southern, or even Central Americans, they exclaim at our injustice, and if we judge by these New England States, they are indignant at being thought English! This, I believe, is only a _pretence_, however, and that in their _hearts_ they are fond of England, and justly proud of the relationship and likeness. Certainly the New Englanders are conceited and _bumptious_, and in this also they keep up their British characteristics. They want to lose their State distinctions (which their patriot Washington was so anxious to guard), and become _one_ great nation, centralizing everything, which, indeed, seems the rage everywhere. The Democrats are more conservative and _really_ liberal, and I trust Cleveland will get elected as President, for there are many independent Republicans (_Bolters_, they call them,) who will vote for him, knowing that Blaine would be a disgrace to their country; he is a plausible rogue, and respectable people of all opinions almost acknowledge it. Mr. and Mrs. Winthrop called (I have a nice sitting-room now), and we are to drive there and lunch with them to-morrow. Mrs. Lowell also called, and gave us the _Republican_ view of things, being a strong Anti-Democrat; told us that the Southerners, by arguments of personal _fear_, made the negroes vote against the Republicans, who they would otherwise support, according to her story. So much, if true, for the freedom of American voters! Speaking of sea sickness when crossing the Atlantic, she said that like (someone else) she thought she should die the first day, and was afraid she should_n't_ the second day. Mr. Baillie Hamilton spoke to us at luncheon to-day; he has invented a new kind of organ, and is perfecting it here, and hopes to make it a good commercial business in New York, and then go home and marry Lady Evelyn Campbell. We liked him very much, and wish him all success. Mr. Perkins called, and we all went to the Archaeological Museum, which is an entertainment I am unworthy of, as I don't understand Art, china, or lace, or embroidery, or statuary, and only know what I _like_; but Mr. Perkins wasted a great deal of valuable information upon me. After this, we all walked to the common with Mr. Hamilton; he told us that he had worked for months in a factory at Worcester, near this, in his _shirt sleeves_, no man knowing him, and he thinks highly of the American workmen in these parts. They are kind and noble under their too independent and rough exterior, and that is my own impression; but still I detest the system which has taught them that respect and politeness are servile and unmanly, and that domestic service is a disgrace. I had the pleasure of receiving your letter of 15th October this morning, and am so glad you can use your hand more. I don't think _any_ of your letters are missing, but, _without conceit_, mine are of more value, as those to you are my only journal, and I should forget so many things if I had not these letters to refer to on returning home. Now I must finish this. Mr. Hamilton is talking while I am writing, and we shall see him at New York on the 3rd, Hotel Brunswick. You will probably only have one more letter from America. I am better, but still rather queer. Letter No. 11. _Wednesday, October 29th, Brunswick Hotel, Boston._ I sent you a letter on Monday, and I will now begin another, which may be the last from these shores. On Tuesday, Mrs. Pickering, the wife of the astronomer at Cambridge, called early "to be of use," but I was engaged to lunch out with the Winthrops, so we arranged to meet to-day. Dick went to play the organ at Advent Church, and was delighted with it, full of ingenious mechanism. At half-past twelve Hedley and I met him at the station, and Mr. Perkins met us, and we found Mrs. Winthrop's carriage at Brooktines. Mr. Perkins is a very accomplished man, lived a long time in Germany to study music, and in Italy to study Art generally. He looks very like Mr. Henry Sidgwick, and you would never guess he was an American. The drive through Brooklines was very pretty; we saw three large trees of a pure gold colour on the greenest turf in one place, which had a lovely effect. The Winthrop's house is not furnished with aesthetic taste, but there were some good pictures. Mr. Winthrop has been married three times, and the present wife was married before, so there is rather a confusion of families. _Her_ daughter only lives with them, and is affected with a sort of St. Vitus's dance, which made it rather trying for Hedley to take her in to luncheon; but I never saw anyone who seemed less self-conscious or more at her ease than this poor girl, and her mother is devoted to her, and shewed us her picture in great triumph. We had Mr. Packman, the historian of Canada, at luncheon, and Mr. Richardson, a celebrated architect, formerly a slave owner in the Southern States, who liberated his slaves before the war, but was a "rebel," and lost his all, and had to work for his living. Mr. Packman said he thought Canada was improving wonderfully, but (as the English when we were there had told us), the French element multiplies with extraordinary rapidity, and they are a compact body under the control of their priests, and so carry all political questions their own way; consequently, but little progress is made in the province of Quebec. Mr. Packman is a Republican, but is going to vote for the Democratic candidate, Mr. Cleveland, because he believes him to be an honest man, and that Blaine would bring the country into difficulties. I wish some of _our_ Republicans would come _here_ and learn a lesson of conscientious independence! There were some ladies besides, but I did not make out their names. At last luncheon was ready, and such a nasty luncheon! Great oysters, and raw beef, and dried-up partridges, and the never failing blocks of ice-cream, which _sounds_ very nice, but one gets tired of it, especially when it makes one ill! However, the _mental_ food was very good, and Mr. Winthrop, who knows everyone, spoke to me of Gladstone. He thinks he "is a man of many words; he knows something of everything, and a good deal of some things," but on the whole he evidently does _not_ trust his statemanship. He knew the late Lord Lytton and his wife, and met her after their quarrel at Roger's, the poet, and thought her a very fine clever woman, with charms of manner. Lord Lytton he thought very unpleasant; very deaf, and sensitive about it, and would not use his trumpet. Macaulay was very _ponderous_, and had a _Niagara_ flow of language. He always engrossed all conversation, and one got tired of listening. Mr. Winthrop greatly enjoyed the coming of age of Lord Cranbourne, at Hatfield, to which he was invited, and he thinks Lord Salisbury's speaking more interesting than Gladstone's,--that the House of Lords might make some compromise about the Redistribution Bill, and that it would be an immense pity for England to lose the three estates of the realm, and the Established church. "We don't want you to become a Republic, but keep up the standard of good government for the rest of the world." Afterwards we went to Mr. Augustus Lowell's, and there we found all vehement for _Blaine_! I did not agree with their arguments, but listened to all very meekly and attentively! They also urged us, as every one else, _not_ to give in to the idea of universal suffrage, which is the _bane_, they say, of politics in this country, and causes all their difficulties. After tea we drove home five miles in Mr. Winthrop's carriage; I like her very much, and she has more _softness_ of manner, being a Southerner, than the Americans sometimes have. Wednesday we met Mrs. Pickering at the station, and after a short railway journey, drove to the beautiful grounds of _Wellesley College_, founded by a rich American, Mr. Durrant, for girls over sixteen. Three separate buildings, and a pretty lake, and a very interesting President, Miss Freeman, about thirty. After seeing the perfect and numerous arrangements made for the education of the young women, chemistry-rooms, libraries, statuary, &c., &c., and making acquaintance with some of the lady professors, we had luncheon with hundreds of girls; some of these pay less, (the regular payment is forty-five dollars or pounds, I forget which, a year), and have some light work to do, _wait_ on us, &c. I can't say the luncheon was good! the beef hard, and I had only bread and jam! I thought "unless they have a really good breakfast and dinner, these young women will not be able to bear the strain on their mental and bodily powers." After this innocent meal, six young girls, dressed in blue serge and white costumes, with hats of the shape of undergraduate's, rowed us in two boats, one painted blue with light oars, the other white, and the girls rowing it also in white costumes; our blue captain was a very pretty bright girl, just the type one reads of in novels as the American girl, (but not a _lady_ in the American view, or our own,) and she chatted away, and led the others in some pretty songs, while they rested on their oars, and then we were obliged to hurry away. One of the professors told me now clever the _captain_ was, and another asked me to send six copies of Hedley's Memoirs for the Sunday Lending Library here, with my name, "which they should value so much." We returned to Cambridge, and kind Mrs. Pickering, who is very good looking and energetic, took us to Harvard College, and we saw the Memorial Hall, and interesting Gymnasium, where the young men were practising all kinds of wonderful exercises. We got home very tired, and at seven o'clock dined with Mr. and Mrs. Perkins. Mrs. Perkins, like her mother, Mrs. Bruen, has had great experiences in Spiritualism, and believes it is _not good_. _Thursday, 30th_.--At Mrs. Pruyn's, _Albany_.--We left Boston about eleven o'clock, and found her carriage and cart waiting for us at station, and received a most kind welcome. She is a rather stout woman, of about forty, who has been very pretty, and has two daughters of sixteen and eleven, and a stepson who is very delicate. Mrs. Pruyn is very rich, (everything having been left to her as usual here), and the house is filled with beautiful gold and silver-plate, and china and books, and curiosities of all sorts. She seems very energetic and good in all relations of life. Some people dined,--her father, Judge Parker, Mr. and Mrs. Kidd, Mr. Ledgard, of old Dutch extraction, which is very common here and in the States generally, and lives in the country _Canzenovia_, on the shores of a lake. His family have been there for generations. _Friday, 31st_.--We all went to see the Capitol, an enormous and handsome building not yet completed, but what I cared for much more, we saw the President, or rather I should say, the _candidate_, Governor Cleveland. He talked with us some minutes, and seemed a simple, honest kind of man, without vulgarity, but not of society manners or attractiveness. I wished him success, for which he thanked me cordially. The poor man is hunted to death by men and meetings of all sorts. So we did not stay long. I caught cold in this hot place, (they do burn such fearful _furnaces_ in the houses here), and I could not go out again. _Saturday_.--Remained in bed till four o'clock to-day, and then got up to tea, Mrs. Pruyn's sister, Mrs. Corney, such a nice cheerful woman, with a face something like Lisa's, and Mrs. Evans, with a handsome niece, came to lunch yesterday, Miss Pruyn drove Hedley in a nice pony carriage. At dinner we had General and Mrs. Mirvan, another sister, and Dr. Holms, Librarian in the Capitol. This afternoon two presents of flowers came for me; they all went to church in the morning, being All Saints' day. The Evans asked us all to dine, but Mrs. Pruyn had company at home. Mr. Palmer, son of the man who sculptured "Faith," so often photographed, and the clergyman of St. Peter's, Dr. Battershall, who was very pleasant, and talked nicely of Mr. Rainsford, son of Mr. Rainsford of Halkin street, who has done wonders in New York, at St. George's. The American religious people are far less narrow minded and censorious than _we_ are; one sect or party _can_ see that a great deal of good and successful work is done by another! Mrs. Pruyn is decidedly ritualistic, but she is quite sorry I shall not be here next week, to hear Moody and Sankey, who are to hold meetings. A Miss Lansing dined here, and seems a very touchy American-loving person, and snubbed the boys if they hinted anything here was not perfection. _Sunday, 2nd_.--Heard a good sermon from Dr. Battershall, at St. Peter's, on "Seeing _Him_ who is invisible,"--the Apostle's definition of _faith_. We remained to Holy Communion. He is evidently fond of ritual, but there was nothing really objectionable. In the evening we all went to Judge Parker's, and Mrs. Parker, who had not left her room for some weeks, came down to see me, and is a very nice old lady; all the daughters and their husbands, and the widower son, came to heavy tea, a regular custom in the family--then Dick played, and we sung hymns. _Monday, 3rd_.--Had a delightful drive with Mrs. Pruyn in the morning, violet mountains (the Caltgills) in the distance, with brilliant foreground of autumn tinted trees, and golden fields, and a bright sun shining on all, made a pretty picture; the streets and roads here are very bad, as generally in America; really one drives over _boulders_ of stone in some of the streets here, and they say, "it can't be helped, the municipal corporation have it in their own hands." Our kind hostess has given me a pretty dusting brush and a book, &c., and is going to send me a box of biscuits I liked, for the voyage home. Mrs. Pickering has sent me a pretty little case, with my initials on it. We left Albany at twenty minutes to three, and much enjoyed the scenery on the banks of the Hudson _en route_ to New York, but it got dark before we came to the prettiest part, and we did not get settled in this Hotel Brunswick till past eight o'clock. _Tuesday, 4th_.--After a better night I awoke, feeling less uncomfortable, but I have not been at all well lately, and I suppose that what I want is _rest_ and a different diet. I found dear Mary's letter, and one from Clara. I shall not hear any more, I suppose, now, till I meet Edward, &c., at Ampton Hall, on the 20th inst. We all agree our hearts are "homeward bound" now, and the dear old Grandie will, please God, welcome us back in health and peace. I have had lots of visitors this morning and afternoon. To-night we dine with my Philadelphia friend, Mrs. B. Moore. _Later_.--We met Monseigneur Capel at dinner, and Major Recard Seaver, and a Miss Hooker. Crowds all about the hotel (Fifth Avenue); electoral returns put up in front of an electric light near it, and cheers as they appeared to favour one side or another from the dense crowd. Monseigneur Capel is handsome and agreeable, but he did not impress me _at all_ as a sincere or saintly person. We had to make our way home through a great crush, but there was nothing unpleasant. The Republicans have had it all their own way for more than twenty years, and have, of _course_, become tyrannical and corrupt, so no wonder the best of them support Cleveland, who is believed to be honest, and has proved himself capable and sensible as Governor of New York. The cheering and groaning went on all night, which was not conducive to sound slumber. They cheer and groan in _unison_, which has a curious effect. Letter No. 12. _November 7th, Brunswick Hotel, New York._ I am not sure whether I wrote up my journal to _this_ date, Wednesday, 5th. On that morning Hedley and I went by _elevated_ railway to get money from the bank, and pay for our passages in Cunard boat, the _Oregon_, on the 12th. After luncheon, Mrs. Belmont called and took Dick and me a drive in the park, and afterwards to Tiffany's, the great place for jewellery and such things. Dick went then to hear Mr. Baillie Hamilton's organ, and Hedley walked to the Millers, where Mrs. Belmont took us for an afternoon party they had got up for my benefit. They live in rather a nice flat, which was crowded with people, and where I got the most delicious chocolate and cream and biscuits! I was introduced to _everyone_, I think, and talked politics as much as I could with all the men in turn; even the Republicans strongly advise our retaining the House of Lords, and _not_ giving universal suffrage. There were some nice-looking well-dressed people at this party, and all so kind and anxious we should be pleased. I like the Americans! they are so good _au fond_, and the women are superior to the men of the younger generation. After dinner at the hotel, Hedley spied out Mr. Angus, our host at Montreal, and we had a long chat. The election is not yet decided, and the Democrats say that the others are likely to play tricks with the ballot boxes, and they have certainly delayed electoral returns; having command of ballot boxes, railways, and telegraphs, they can easily do this, and if people arrive at thinking, as some do at _home_, that a man's conscience ought only to consider the importance of keeping _his party_ in power, and ignore every other consideration, why, what is to stop these kind of things? If a man's conscience is not to _weigh down_ the advantages of gain to his _party_ in some matters, why in others? _Thursday, 6th_.--We started as arranged at a quarter to nine to the Normal School for girls, richly endowed by some citizen, and entirely free. It was a good walk and we were not lucky in our trams, and so we arrived rather late at the large hall. Our friend General Wilson introduced me to the President, who placed me in his chair, and then I saw before me fifteen hundred young women. They got up singly and recited interesting quotations and sung, and then marched out to music in military order. We went to another hall, and saw them exercised, and they were healthy and graceful performances. These girls come at nine and stay till two, and are thoroughly well taught. Little ones, too, are instructed by the elder girls. It is a capital education for the future mothers and teachers. I suppose most of our girls go to service of that class! We then went to General Wilson's, and breakfasted on soup, fish, venison steak, &c. A very agreeable lady, a Southerner, was there, and as General Wilson is a Republican, we argued, and he found all the party against his views, but he is used to being crushed, for his wife is a Democrat. He wanted us to go to see a famous library, but I was too tired, and when he and the boys returned we went home, and Mr. and Mrs. Neilson were waiting for us at the hotel. We then started for a very high building near the river, when we mounted in an elevator, and had a beautiful view of New York, and could see the splendid river and water-way in which it rejoices, but everything is spoilt in America for the sake of the _railways_, and steamers, and wharves, and you see no pretty houses near the river banks in the cities. Brooklyn Bridge is fine, and I half hoped to cross it and find out Dr. Penticost, but was _finished up_, and went home to rest. Then visitors came: Mrs. Gardener, daughter of Bishop Doane, of Albany, very nice; then we dined at the Belmont's. The house is gorgeous in embroidery, and pictures, and statues, and all in very good taste, and more _comfortable_ than most of their fine houses. The dinner, too, was _very_ good, and I was the better for the excellent champagne. Mrs. Belmont is a wonderful little woman, with thick brown hair, and looking about forty, and I have seen people look as old at thirty. He is short and lame, and rather plain, but is clever and agreeable, and speaks with a strong foreign accent. Their son, Mr. Percy Belmont, has been elected three times for Congress. There was a southern lady there and her husband, Madame Hoffman, I think, and a Miss Wright. Madame Hoffman is very handsome and lively. The Belmonts apologized for a small party, because they are in mourning. They keep up mourning dress and customs tremendously long here. At first I thought there were a surprising number of widows going about, but I discovered they were mourning for their aunts or grandmothers. The election was not settled till late last night, and they say the Republicans are still disputing the returns--and they feared riots in New York. I must say they seem wonderfully quiet, and I slept till half-past eight this morning, longer than for weeks past. To-day's papers announce Lord Londonderry's death and Mr. Fawcett's. How many people one is interested in have died since we left England in August! _Friday, 9th_.--Mr. Baillie Hamilton took Dick and me to, hear his organ "_vocalian_," at a church, it was a _walk_ for me, and the wind was very cold and strong, church very hot, and so I caught cold. I should die of some lung complaint if I remained here long! We started for Long Island about three, crossing in a ferry and then by rail, and found on reaching the station that Mr. Jones and Miss Miller were unhappy about us, as they could not find us in the train. Carriages were waiting and we reached Unqua in twenty minutes. A good sized house (and my bedroom quite splendid) on a bit of grass land, with stumpy trees scattered anyhow, opposite and close to South Oyster Bay,--which is divided from the Atlantic by a narrow strip of sand, back premises in full view, with chickens and turkeys everywhere in full possession! _All_ the establishment awaited out arrival, I think, in the hall, including two smart waiters come for the auspicious occasion. Mrs. and Miss Jones (her sister), and a Miss Jones (niece) with her father who is a widower and lives there, and Col. Jones a grass widower whose wife lives in Paris. At dinner I appeared as smart as I could, and I think made a sensation, judging by the approving looks and smiles cast upon me! Nearly all the neighbours are Jones's or Loyd Jones's, and some of them dined. _Saturday, 8th_.--I rested in my room till twelve, and then in a smart tea gown was _seated_ next Mrs. Jones on a sofa, and was introduced to each one as they shook hands with her and with me; they were nearly all strangers to me, but some sat for a few minutes on my other side and talked, and some asked us to go and see them, but I was obliged to decline all hospitalities, as we have no time for more. They were not particularly well dressed _generally_, nor was I struck by the beauty of the young women. Mrs. Belmont, who is a leader of fashion in New York, said, "I hope you won't think this is the _best_ of New York society;" however, I know I have at different times seen the _best_, and there were many there who represented _la creme de la creme_. Sir Richard Temple was one of the very few English present, all were very kind and cordial, and I really felt quite an important _Personage!_ almost royalty! The luncheon was a terrific scramble, for waiting is so bad in America, and I got nothing to eat till very late, and my head ached horribly--after shaking hands with four hundred people (three hundred came by special train from New York), it was not much wonder, and I retired to lie down at half-past four, when they all had gone. _Sunday 9th_.--I was in bed quite ill till past four, and then I came down and was petted and nursed. Dick went back yesterday afternoon, and the last we saw of him was hanging on to the back of one of the numerous carriages, which he caught just in time to reach the train. I could not go out to tea as arranged with some relations, but the others did excepting Mrs. and Miss Jones. At half-past seven we had supper altogether and champagne, &c. Nothing could be kinder than everyone. _Monday, 10th_.--At two, after luncheon, they sent us to the station (Mr. Jones, such a good nice man, had gone early to New York), and Miss Miller accompanied us. On arriving at the hotel there was Mrs. Bidgelow, a very cordial lady who had invited us to West Point; she seized me and exclaimed, "I am so glad just to have caught you and seen you once more," and she called me "dear," sometimes, and begged she might kiss me at parting, and as she was nice looking I didn't mind! That night being engaged to go with Mrs. Belmont to the opera, I felt, in spite of the risk, I must do it. So I went well wrapped up and sat behind in the beautiful large box, so that I could cough without at any rate being _seen_, and I hope did not much interfere with the enjoyment of _Patti_ by others, but for myself it was no enjoyment at all. There were smart and well-dressed people in the opera house, but _not up_ to _our_ upper "ten thousand" and they talked while Patti was singing in our box which was close to the stage. _Tuesday_.--Mr. Cleland Burns of the Cunard Company, an old acquaintance, came to see me with many kind offers to arrange everything for my comfort, as he and his daughters were going in the _Oregon_, and also Mr. W. Cunard, and his son; a Mr. Morgan, a banker and friend of Mrs. Pruyn's, has put off coming unfortunately, for from all accounts he is much to be liked; he called twice, and the second time I was able to see him. I remained quiet, but saw many visitors, and many I was obliged to decline seeing; the _sons_ both went out to dine. _Wednesday, 12th_.--At half-past ten we started with baggage for ship, got all on board comfortably, found one lady in my cabin, and I spoke to Mr. Burns, who said he would arrange for me after we had started; lots of people came to see their friends off. Mr. Neilson, brought me some beautiful butter for the voyage! Mrs. Pruyn telegraphed and sent me the biscuits; Mr. Hall, a brother of Mrs. Edlmann, and Mr. Eyre, friends of Dick's came, and Mr. Carpenter an acquaintance from New Brunswick, and Mr. Whitehouse, a literary acquaintance. At six o'clock we started in the fine ship _Oregon_, in which I am now writing. It was a lovely _Indian_ summer day, _clear_ as we rarely see it in our Islands, sun shining, and so we saw the splendid Bay of New York to great advantage, it seemed wonderful to us after our experience going to Quebec, to see how calm and blue the great Atlantic _could_ be. Mr. Burns put me into a cabin to myself near _them_, but unfortunately it was also very near the engines, and after two nights, I sneaked back to my own berth, and put up with a very quiet little lady in preference! Mr. Burns placed us at their table, and I have the benefit of his cheerful company and his lively daughters, as well as the champagne and good things he shares with us, and we are a very merry party, and enjoyed ourselves much, until Friday, when the weather changed. A Mr. Clinton, a fine looking man of six feet six inches, son of Lord Charles Clinton, a Mr. Dickson, a very gentlemanlike nice ex-guardsman, a Mr. and Mrs. Drake, who are very musical, and he plays the flute better than anyone I ever heard, all sat near us, but for two or three days we had the _old story_, and the waves beat and rolled us about, and the passengers disappeared like mice to their holes, and we could not go on deck. LIST OF SALOON PASSENGERS PER R. M. S. "OREGON," (CAPTAIN McMICKAN,) NEW YORK TO LIVERPOOL, Nov. 12TH, 1884 Miss Appleford Mr. Julian B. Arnold Mr. J. Fred Ackerman Mr. Jose d'Aranjo Mr. and Mrs. Edward Austin Mr. Alex Aitchinson Mr. C. D. Armstrong Rev J. A. Anderson Capt and Mrs. Bogle, six Children and two Servants Miss Bogle Master Bogle Miss Bodwell Mr. C. Bayley Mr. G. Bayley Mr. Thos. A. Bell Mr. J. N. Beach Mr. Arthur A. Brigham Hon. F. A. K. Bennett Mr. S. A. Budgett Mr. J. Cleland Burns Miss Jean Burns Miss Grace Burns, and Maid Rev. Geo. A. Brown Mr. B. Bonfort Miss Martha Bonfort Mr. J. Barnes Rev. Edwin M. Bliss Mr. F.D. Blakeslee Mr. J. Lomas Bullock Mr. W. Butterworth Mrs. Mary B. Byrne Mr. John Blair Rev. John Boylan Mr. J. Collins Mr. Stanley Conner Mr. Aug. T. Chur Miss Cranston Mr. and Mrs. Wm. M. Cranston Mr. J. P. Croal Mr. and Mrs. Thomas Russell Crampton Miss Florence A. Cordis Miss Nellie R. Cordis Mr. L. Crules Mr. F. M. Crick Mr. and Mrs. Woodie Cook, and Son Mr. John Cholditch Mr. Pelham Clinton Mr. John L. Chapman Mr. Alex. Campbell Mr. Wm. Cunard Mr. Ernst H. Cunard Mr. Geo. Dixon Mr. John Dixon Mr. Frank S. Dougherty Mr. Chas. Algernon Dougherty Mr. and Mrs. C. A. Drake Rev. and Mrs. W. E. Daniel Miss Annie Davis Mr. Walter Dickinson Mr. Ed. M. Denny Mr. Ed. Henry Denny Mr. Chas. Edward Denny Mr. J. H. Douglas-William Mr. F. J. Douglas-William Miss R. Emmett Miss Emmett Miss Lydia F. Emmett Mr. and Mrs. Robert Easson, and two Children Mr. A. S. Emmet Mr. Frank Evans Miss Alice Foster Miss Emma Foster Mr. and Mrs. J. B. Fiddian Rev. M. Flynn Mr. Chandos-Pole-Gell Mr. C. Gostenhofer Mr. G. Greiner Mr. R. Gebhardt Rev. Miles Grant Mr. and Mrs. C. W. Gordon, and two Children Mr. Francis Henry Mrs. H. J. Hastings Miss Hastings, and two Maids Mr. Nigel F. Hatton Mr. Michael Hughes Rev. and Mrs. E. P. Hammond Mr. F. Henriques Mr. Clarence M. Hyde Mr. Theodore Haviland Mr. C. T. Hunter Mr. F. W. Hutchins Mr. Henry R. Hoyt Mr. E. L. Hamilton Mr. John Hall Mr. W. Howden Mr. W. E. Jarratt Mr. Chas. Johnston Mr. A. de Journel Mr. T. O. Jones Mme. Marie Joseph Mme. Honorat Mme. Helena Miss Kenyon Mr. Adolph Keitel Mr. Richard Kibble Mrs. Kidd Miss Kidd Miss B. Kidd Master Kidd Mr. Frank Kemp Mr. and Mrs. A. Ladenborg Dr. and Mrs. Landis Mr. W. Liddell Mr. A. Lindsey Mr. Edmund Lees Mr. John Lawrance Mr. P. Lawrence Mr. John Leach Mr. E. Middleton Dr. Wm. B. Meany Mr. G. B. Mackintire Mr. Archd. A. McDonald Mr. Ch. Mordaunt Mr. M. L. Marcus Mr. and Mrs. W. T. Makellar Mr. Herbert Mead Mrs. L. Middleton Mr. W. W. Marks Mr. M. MacLehose Mr. Paul Meischer Mr. Alex. McEwen Mias Mills Mr. Robt. J. McClure Sister Eliza Monica Mr. Francis More Mr. A. Bishop Mason Mr. and Mrs. Benjamin Nichols, and Child Mr. and Mrs. C. F. Noyes Mr. Jeffreys Owen Mr. and Mrs. Henry M. Peyser Hon. F. Petre Mr. Richd. C. Perkins Miss Puleston Mrs. C. B. Paulmier Miss Nellie Paulmier Miss Richardson and Maid Mr. and Mrs. E. G. Rideoot and Maid Mr. and Mrs. J. M. Richardson, and Maid Lady Rayleigh, and Maid Mr. J. E. Raymond Mr. J. F. Raymond Mr. Jno. F. Roy Captain Hugh Rose Mr. and Mrs. H. Skerrett Rogers Mrs. Mary Elizabeth Riches Miss Marion Riches Mr. Champion B. Russell Mr. W. Scott Mr. Harmon Spruance Mr. and Mrs. T. J. Schickle Mr. Frank W. Stokes Mr. C. F. Schmidt Mr. Matthew Snoeck Mr. Philip M. Smith Mr. O. Streatfeild Hon. Richd. Strutt Hon. Hedley V. Strutt Mr. G. S. Stephen Rev. Geo. Mure Smith Mr. I. L. Solomon Mr. Frank Sartoris Mr. E. W. Sawyer Mrs. Trielhard Mrs. Martin Thouron, and two Sons Mr. H Trevenen Mrs. Edwin F Taylor Mr. Alfred R Tregellas Mrs. L J Trowbridge Mr. John A. Talk Mr. A. Taylor Mr. A. M Talbot Mr. Jean Verga Sister Mary Virginia Mr. Chas E Willoughby Mr. Geo Windeler Miss Minnie Wilson Miss Walls Mr. Wm. Ward Mr. O. M. Warren Miss Adelaide Wilson Mr. Thomas Webb Mr. G. F. Watson Mr. Gordon Wendell Mr. A. H. Willey Mr. A. Woodthorpe Mr. A. J. Winn Mr. and Mrs. T. H. Watress Mr. W. A. Webber Mr. W. D. Webb Mrs. E. Wolfe, and Maid Dr. Wm. N. Wilson Mrs. Emily Woods Mr. H. R. Williams Mr. J. S. Wilson This morning, _Tuesday, 18th_, I awoke after a very "dirty" night, to find the sun shining, and the sea comparatively calm. Last night we had a concert; on their requesting some American to lead off the "Star Spangled Banner," a nice looking elderly man, whom we had called G. O. M., got up and said perhaps you may be surprised to hear that for one American who knows "Star Spangled Banner," one hundred and fifty know "God Save the Queen," upon which we cheered him, and stood up and _all_ lustily sang "God Save the Queen;" after this dissipation we added that of an oyster supper and _toddy_! thanks to Mr. Burns. Here is the Programme of our Concert:-- R.M.S. "OREGON," (Capt. McMickan). "OREGONIAN COMPANY" A GRAND CONCERT WILL BE GIVEN TO-NIGHT, MONDAY, NOVEMBER 17th, 1884, IN AID OF THE LIVERPOOL SEAMEN'S ORPHANAGE. PATRONESS.--CLARA LADY RAYLEIGH. MANAGERS.--SIGNOR CUNARDO & SIGNOR BURNSEASI PROGRAMME. SONG ........ "Auld Robin Gray" Prima Donna DRAKE. SONG ...... "For Ever and for Ever" ... Mrs. E. WOLFE. SONG .............. "Sailing" ... Mr. C. E. WILLOUGHBY. SOLO FLUTE ............................... Herr DRAKE. SONG .................................. Miss PULESTON. SONG .......................... Mr. CHANDOS-POLE-GELL. SONG ............................. Mr. BRIGHTMAN, A.B. SONG (Flute Obligato, Herr Drake) . Prima Donna DRAKE. SONG .......................... Mr. J. SWANSTON WILSON. STAR SPANGLED BANNER ) ) .................. The COMPANY. GOD SAVE THE QUEEN ) ACCOMPANIST ........... HON. RICHARD STRUTT AMERICAN MONEY WILL BE TAKEN. CARRIAGES MAY BE ORDERED FOR 9.30 PM My cabin is opposite Dick and Hedley's, and the latter has great jokes about my treatment of my small lady companion! He says she is frightened to death of me, and is afraid to come into the cabin until I am safe in my berth! My love for the sea has received a severe check, though I think no other sea can be as bad and uninteresting as this tremendous Atlantic! I have not an idea where you are, but hope it is at Margaret's, and I shall send this there, as the best chance of your receiving it soon. I shall post this at Queenstown, when Dick will also telegraph to Augusta at Ampton, and he has asked her to let you know of our safety a s far as that. The Americans have been singing in choruses while I have been writing, practising for a concert. _Tuesday, 18th, eight o'clock p.m._--I hear we shall get to Queenstown to-morrow morning, about ten o'clock. I have a game of whist coming on, and there is to be an American concert, "Star Spangled Banner," and all. Miss Puleston, who I have chaperoned in the _Oregon_ from New York, is to be left at Queenstown. _Wednesday, 19th, Queenstown._--The coast has been so pretty, and, of course, quite smooth, compared to what we have been accustomed to of late. I got up early, and saw all the sacks of letters, six hundred, from all parts of the world, carried on men's backs to the tugs on either side of the _Oregon_, and we parted with Miss Puleston and some others, and now I must stop as this is going to be posted. We expect to be at Liverpool some time to-night, and shall leave at once for Ampton, where I look forward to seeing so many of my dear ones. Dick and I agree that our happiest days have been the day we reached Quebec, and the day we left New York, both glorious in weather and scenery! _Given by Mr. AUGUSTUS CHUR, American, of New York, of German descent, November 18th, 1884, on "Oregon"_ My country, 'tis of thee, Sweet land of liberty, Of thee I sing, Land where my Fathers died. Land of the Pilgrims' pride, From every mountain side Let Freedom ring. My native country thee, Land of the noble free, Thy name I love, I love thy rocks and rills, Thy woods and templed hills, My heart with rapture thrills Like that above Our Father, GOD, to Thee, Author of Liberty, Thy name we sing. Long may our land be bright With Freedom's holy light, Protect us by Thy might Great God our King _November 19th._--I posted my letter to you at Queenstown. We had a very pleasant day on deck, and while playing some innocent whist in the evening, Mr. Burns announced, "We have arrived at Liverpool!" It seemed so wonderful! We remained at anchor after a very slow, careful steaming up the river, and it was pretty to watch the lights and the dim outlines as we passed by. _20th._--After a tremendous bustle at Custom House, where our boxes were all opened, but mine only just unfastened, Dick and I started in the train across country for Suffolk. We wished a hearty good-bye to our fellow-passengers. It was sad to see poor Mrs. Bogle standing with her seven children among her great deal boxes, _screwed down_ (for she had only time on leaving Barbadoes to pack hurriedly), and then to look at the Custom House officials opening them all--thanks to the dynamite people, who make this precaution necessary. I must confess I thoroughly enjoyed our quiet smooth journey. All the time we had a carriage to ourselves (Hedley remained at Liverpool to visit the Woods at Birkenhead), and we only changed twice, having our luncheon comfortably in a basket _en route_, and reached Ingham about seven o'clock, where the carriage was waiting, and found dear Edward, Lisa, Augusta, and Rosa Paley at Ampton; Clara and Jack had been staying out, but returned after dinner when they heard of our arrival. It was so delightful to be among so many dear ones again, and oh! the luxury of a large comfortable bed, and how thoroughly I enjoyed it, and the quiet and beauty of Ampton altogether! I hear you are expected in London to-morrow. I never lost anything during my whole journey, excepting two things, which were left behind in our railway car at Winnipeg, owing to that horrid cook hiding them; but on this journey from Liverpool, my emerald ring, set with diamonds, must have slipped off my finger, and could not be found, though I telegraphed, &c., at once; this is an unpleasant episode. _P.S. to my Diary._--I spent a fortnight of complete rest and quiet at Ampton with dear Clara, &c., and was under medical care most of the time with a bad cough and derangement of liver; notwithstanding, it was a happy, peaceful time, and I little thought it was my last visit to that dear old house! On _Saturday, 3rd January_, soon after my return from Weston, when I had been visiting Lady Camperdown, the three sisters Beatrice, Clara and Rosa arrived to tell me that the whole house, excepting the study and kitchen rooms, was burnt to a _shell_ that morning at three o'clock! A large children's party had been given Friday evening, and many people had scarcely left at one o'clock, and Clara was not in bed till half-past one o'clock. The fire broke out at a quarter to three o'clock, was discovered by a maid visitor, and nearly everyone had to leave their bedrooms with only the clothes on their backs, and for some time Clara and Jack, &c., had not time to think of putting more on, though it was bitterly cold. Thank God, no one was hurt, and as the fire spread rapidly, and the cold was very great, there was great cause for thankfulness. Everyone worked well and showed presence of mind, with one or two exceptions, and Clara and Jack were calm and active throughout, but it was a dreadful blow and I felt quite _knocked down_, and did not recover for some time. On _Wednesday, 21st January_, I accompanied Clara and Arthur, and Miss MacCormack to Barton, where Jack joined us from Ampton. On _Thursday_ we drove over there, and I had the melancholy satisfaction of seeing the ruins, and trying to find something for Rosa, who had lost everything; alas! without success. 
23546	----	Note: Project Gutenberg also has an HTML version of this file which includes the original illustrations. See 23546-h.htm or 23546-h.zip: (http://www.gutenberg.net/dirs/2/3/5/4/23546/23546-h/23546-h.htm) or (http://www.gutenberg.net/dirs/2/3/5/4/23546/23546-h.zip) Redway's Geographical Readers WEALTH OF THE WORLD'S WASTE PLACES AND OCEANIA by JEWETT C. GILSON Former Superintendent of Schools, Oakland, California Illustrated [Illustration: From the National Geographic Magazine, copyright 1911: The great Rainbow natural bridge of southern Utah] Charles Scribner's Sons New York 1913 Copyright, 1913, by Jewett C. Gilson PREFACE Although the term "Waste Places" carries an implied meaning of "worthless," yet, interpreted in the light of Nature's methods, each region described, useless as it may apparently seem, possesses a definite relation to the rest of the world, and therefore to the well-being of man. The Sahara is the track of the winds whose moisture fertilizes the flood-plains of the Nile. The Himalaya Mountains condense the rain that gives life to India. From the inhospitable polar regions come the winds and currents that temper the heat of the tropics. Nature has secreted many of her most useful treasures in most forbidding places. The nitrates which fertilize so much of Europe are drawn from the fiercest of South American deserts, and the gold which measures American commerce is mined in the arctic wilds of Alaska or in the almost inaccessible scarps of the western highlands. The description of these regions and the portrayal of their relation to the rest of the world is the purpose of Part I of this book. Part II of the book deals with Oceania--more especially with our island possessions in the Pacific Ocean. It presents the salient features of the ocean grand division in the light of most recent knowledge. The author wishes to give credit to Mr. Jacques W. Redway, F.R.G.S., for suggesting the subject of Part I and for the inspiration he received from the distinguished geographer in developing the subject. J. C. G. Oakland, California, December 25, 1912. CONTENTS PART I--WEALTH OF THE WORLD'S WASTE PLACES PAGE INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER I. THE WEALTH OF THE ARID SOUTHWEST 4 II. THE GRAND CANYON OF THE COLORADO 27 III. YELLOWSTONE PARK 35 IV. TWO PREHISTORIC CEMETERIES--GIANT REPTILES AND GIANT TREES 51 V. DEATH VALLEY 58 VI. THE MINERAL WEALTH OF THE ANDES 67 VII. THE CZAR'S GREATER DOMAIN 82 VIII. THE MYSTIC HIGHLANDS OF ASIA 97 IX. THE PRIMAL HOME OF THE SARACEN 105 X. THE SAHARA 115 XI. POLAR REGIONS--THE CONQUEST OF THE ARCTIC 128 XII. POLAR REGIONS--ANTARCTICA 147 XIII. ICELAND, THE MAID OF THE NORTH 160 XIV. GREENLAND 170 XV. WHERE THE TWO GREAT OCEANS MEET 175 XVI. RECLAIMABLE SWAMP REGIONS 183 XVII. STRANGE ROCK FORMATIONS--NATURAL BRIDGES 190 XVIII. STRANGE ROCK FORMATIONS--TABLE MOUNTAIN OF CALIFORNIA 195 XIX. STRANGE ROCK FORMATIONS--GIBRALTAR 199 XX. THE BAKU OIL FIELDS 206 XXI. THE SOUTH AFRICAN DIAMOND FIELDS 211 PART II--OCEANIA XXII. THE ISLANDS OF THE PACIFIC 226 XXIII. AUSTRALIA 233 XXIV. THE GREAT BARRIER REEF 244 XXV. THE GOLD FIELDS OF AUSTRALIA 250 XXVI. TASMANIA 258 XXVII. NEW ZEALAND 262 XXVIII. SAMOA AND FIJI 270 XXIX. THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS 277 XXX. GUAM 285 XXXI. THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS 289 XXXII. THE DUTCH EAST INDIES--JAVA 301 XXXIII. THE DUTCH EAST INDIES--SUMATRA AND CELEBES 311 XXXIV. BORNEO AND PAPUA 319 ILLUSTRATIONS The great Rainbow natural bridge of southern Utah Frontispiece PAGE Map of Islands of the Pacific Facing 1 Mohave Desert, California. Buzzards' Roost 6 Gila monsters 9 A giant cactus in Arizona 12 The Roosevelt Dam, Arizona, showing south bridge and spillway 17 Shoshone Project, Wyoming 25 The Grand Canyon of the Colorado 29 Grand View Trail 33 The Yellowstone National Park, Wyoming, looking down canyon from Grand Point 37 The Yellowstone National Park, Wyoming. Mammoth Hot Springs, Summit Pools 45 The Yellowstone National Park, Wyoming. Beehive Geyser 47 The Brontosaurus 53 The Allosaurus 55 Twenty-mule borax team 61 The Oroya Railroad, Peru, showing four sections of the road 73 Llamas resting 77 Silver-smelting works at Cassapalca, on the Oroya Railroad, Peru, 13,600 feet high 79 Fishing for sturgeon through the ice of the Ural River. Catching the material for caviare 83 Gathering salt at the mouth of the Ural River 87 Driving over the tundra in winter 91 Train on the steppes of Russia 95 Dunkar Spiti, Himalaya Mountains, India 99 Khaibar Pass, the gateway to India 107 On the sands of the desert 117 The yak not only serves as a beast of burden, but furnishes milk, butter, and meat 103 A group of Arabs with their dromedaries 111 A caravan crossing the desert on the road to Jaffa 125 Peary's ship, the _Roosevelt_ 137 Commander Robert E. Peary and three of his Eskimo dogs on the _Roosevelt_ 141 Musk ox 144 An antarctic summer scene 149 The penguin defies the cold 153 Street in Reykjavik, Iceland 163 North Cape, Iceland 167 Stone igloos on the bleak coast of Greenland 171 A large iceberg 173 A group of Eskimos in south Greenland 174 The Straits of Magellan. Cape Pilar is the extreme western end 177 Fuegians 179 The Everglades of Florida 184 Group of Seminole Indians in the Everglades of Florida 187 The Devil's Slide, Weber Canyon, Utah 191 Witch Rocks, near Echo Canyon, Utah 193 This strong and impregnable place is the Rock of Gibraltar, and the city nestling at its base, Gibraltar 201 Landing-place for commerce on the Caspian Sea 209 Open workings of the diamond mine, Kimberley 219 Sorting gravel for diamonds in the Kimberley mine 223 A Malay girl 229 A Malay boy 231 A giant fig-tree, 140 feet in circumference 235 A mother kangaroo with a young kangaroo in her pocket 237 An Australian emeu 239 Homestead and station in Young district, Australia 243 The Great Barrier Reef of Australia, the most remarkable animal structure in the world 247 Melbourne is the largest city of Australia and contains nearly half a million people 257 Maori pa, or village 263 The Petrifying Geyser, New Zealand 265 Native canoe, Fiji Islands 275 General view of Volcano House, Kilauea, Hawaii 279 A lake of white-hot molten lava. The volcano of Mauna-Loá, Hawaii 281 Native ploughing in rice-field, Guam. One may find rice-farms as skilfully cultivated as those of Japan or China 287 The carabao, harnessed to a dray or wagon, shuffles along 291 The harbor of the city. Scene on the Pasig River, Manila 295 Extracting indigo in Ilocos Province, Philippine Islands 297 Manila hemp as it is brought in from the country 299 A breadfruit tree in Java 303 Coffee-drying in Java 309 Natives in the jungle, Sumatra 313 A jungle, scene in Sumatra 316 WEALTH OF THE WORLD'S WASTE PLACES AND OCEANIA [Illustration: Islands of the Pacific.] PART I WEALTH OF THE WORLD'S WASTE PLACES INTRODUCTION There is a great wealth of literature about what we call the world's productive lands--that is, the densely peopled lands that yield grain, meat, sugar, fruit, and all the various foodstuffs. In any well-equipped library we may find great numbers of useful books that will tell us all about the places where cotton, wool, and silk are grown, or where coal and iron are mined. All these lands are the dwelling places of many people. Networks of railways connect the various cities and villages, and probably a majority of the people living in them have travelled in and about much of the area of these lands. A large part of the earth's surface is commonly called "unproductive." As a rule this is only another way of saying that such parts of the world produce little foodstuffs. We must not take the word "unproductive" either too literally or too seriously, however, for Dame Nature has a way of secreting some of her choice treasures in places so forbidding and so desolate that only the most resolute and daring men even search for them. For instance, the mineral once much used by the makers of carbonated or "soda" water comes from a part of Greenland that is so bleak, cold, and inhospitable that no human beings can long exist there unless food and fuel are brought them from afar off. The famous "nitrates" of Chile are obtained in the fiercest part of the Andean desert. Not only the food but the water consumed must be carried to the miners, who are but little better than slaves. Most of the gold and silver is obtained in regions that are unfit for human habitation. The largest diamond fields in the world are in a region that will not produce even grass without irrigation--a region that would not be inhabited were there no diamonds. From the most inhospitable highlands of Asia comes a very considerable part of the precious mineral, jade. Death Valley, in the southern part of the United States, on account of its terrific heat, is perhaps the most unhabitable region in the world, but the borax which it produces is used in every civilized country. And so we might name regions by the score that are practically unhabitable, which nevertheless produce things necessary to civilized man. We call them "waste places," but this is far from true. For the greater part they are quite as necessary as the places we call fertile. Of foodstuffs, for instance, the greater part of the Rocky Mountain highland produces not much more than the State of New York. Yet the presence of this great mountain wall diverts the moist warm air from the Gulf of Mexico northward, making the Mississippi basin one of the foremost granaries of the world. The absence of rain in the west slope of the Peruvian Andes makes much of the western part of Chile and Peru a desert. But that same absence of rain makes the nitrate beds possible; for had there been yearly rains, the nitrates long since would have been leached out. So, the lands the nitrates now fertilize are far greater in area than that of the region of the nitrates. Then, perhaps, we turn our eyes oceanward. What! wealth in these great wastes? Most certainly, and indispensable wealth at that. Let us forget for a moment that the oceans produce about as much meatstuffs as the land; this is really the least important feature about them. The oceans produce one thing that is absolutely necessary for every living thing almost every hour of the day, and that is fresh water. Every drop of fresh water that falls on the land is born of the ocean. Even the cold, polar oceans are indispensable to life, for their waters are constantly flowing out into the warmer oceans, thereby tempering the water of the latter and preventing it from being too warm for living things. Thus we see that, after all, Dame Nature is not very unkind to her subjects. Compensation is her great law; if her supplies are "short" in one direction they are "long" in another. And when we take the broader view we must conclude that there are no waste places. It is only when we take the extreme and narrow view that we voice the persiflage of the poet Pope: "While man exclaims: 'See all things for my use'-- 'See man for mine,' replies a pampered goose." Now, these waste places are of various kinds and in pretty nearly every locality. Some are deserts pure and simple; some are very dry and, to avoid hurting our national feelings, we politely refer to them as "arid regions"; some are so rugged and inaccessible that nothing short of dirigible balloons and aeroplanes could open a general communication with them; still others are in polar regions and too bleak and desolate to produce foodstuffs or support human life. The purpose of these chapters is to present the characteristics of these waste places. Most of them have been conquered by man, and their resources have been opened wide to the world. Possibly others yet remain to be conquered, but "what man has done, man can do." CHAPTER I THE WEALTH OF THE ARID SOUTHWEST Years ago the maps of the United States depicted a vast region west of the Missouri River stippled with dots, which were supposed to imitate sand, and marked with the portentous legend, "Great American Desert." As sturdy pioneers pushed their settlements farther and farther westward, the great American desert began to shrink in size until the roseate descriptions of prospectors and land speculators led one to believe that this whole region needed only a touch of the plough and the harrow to produce the most bountiful crops grown anywhere in the world. Nevertheless, the great domain extending from the twenty-five-hundred-foot level to the crest of the Sierra Nevada Mountains is a region so deficient in rainfall that, for the greater part, ordinary foodstuffs will not grow without irrigation; so farming must be confined mainly to the flood-plains of the rivers. Here and there considerable areas have been made fertile by capturing rivers, damming their streams so as to create great reservoirs, and then measuring out the waters to the farm lands below. The Salt River dam in Arizona, recently completed, will supply water to two thousand square miles, or about twenty-five thousand fifty-acre farms. But in spite of all that man has done and can do to make this region fruitful, not far from half a million square miles will ever remain barren so far as the production of foodstuffs is concerned. Now this whole region, irrigated lands included, does not produce more wealth than the State of New York alone--possibly it does not produce so much. Indirectly, however, it is worth more than two thousand million dollars yearly to the rest of the United States; for it is a great highland whose rims, the Sierra Nevada and the Rocky Mountain ranges, are about two miles high. Now, these lofty ranges wring almost every drop of moisture from the rain-bearing winds of the Pacific Ocean, leaving them too dry to shed any moisture over the eastern half of the United States. Because of this great mountain barrier, the winds that bring rain and bountiful crops to the Mississippi Valley and the Atlantic slope, follow an easier passage, flowing directly from the Gulf of Mexico and the Caribbean Sea. And the copious rains are the chief wealth of this midland region. But the arid western highland possesses a great wealth of its own--a wealth whose influence is world-wide, for it is one of the world's chief storehouses of gold, silver, and copper. Gold and silver are the mediums of commercial transactions, and copper is the chief medium for the transmission of electric power. These metals, therefore, are quite as necessary as are iron and steel. Moreover, this great waste, a seeming incubus on the face of the earth, is each year disclosing more and more of its mineral and agricultural wealth. Gold is the most widely disseminated of all metals, and is said to be where you find it. That this statement is true has been demonstrated many times, especially during the last few decades. In the north it has been found in the frozen ground of Alaska and Siberia, in the south in the sands on the surf-beaten shores of Tierra del Fuego and in the reefs of the Transvaal, while it is found in numerous places lying between these extremes. The vast tract of land in the western part of the United States whence most of these metals are obtained has been the scene of many tragedies. It is an inhospitable region, scanty in both animal and vegetable life, where climatic conditions call for heroic daring on the part of those who would search out its hidden mysteries; it is a land of death-dealing mirages, yet containing untold wealth for the miner, and likewise for the husbandman who can irrigate the fallow parched surface. [Illustration: Mohave Desert, California. Buzzards' Roost] The bold prospector has unearthed in many places of southern Nevada gold-bearing rock assaying thousands of dollars to the ton, the result being the building up of cities and towns and the construction of connecting railroads to meet the demands of the growing commerce. Until recently, silver was the principal metal sought and found in the State of Nevada; but now gold is king, and his throne has been shifted from one desert camp to another, each laying claim to his abundant presence, while new claimants are ever bringing new treasures into light. The two most valuable deposits of the precious metals now known in Nevada are at Tonopah and Goldfield, the discovery of the first having been made in 1901 and of the latter in the following year. Some of the Goldfield ore has assayed as high as thirty thousand dollars per ton, and so rich were many of its ores that they were sacked and carefully guarded until landed at the reduction works. In one year and a half from the discovery of gold at Goldfield the output reached four million dollars. These mines of the Nevada deserts excel in the richness and abundance of their ores, while in the future these camps bid fair to outrival in development all other sections of the United States. A few years ago the southern part of the Silver State was considered utterly worthless and a region to be shunned like a charnel-house, on account of its barren and dangerous character. Now it is the Mecca of the gold-seeker. These mines have already made many a poor man wealthy and many a wealthy man a millionaire. Each hillock, ledge, or ravine holds a possible fortune, and no hardship and peril is too great for the prospector lured by the hope of a rich find. The prosperous desert mining town, first built of canvas and rough lumber, is soon replaced by a better class of buildings, and water is brought through long miles of pipe from the nearest available source. Anon, electric-lighting and other modern conveniences are added, thereby making life more tolerable in a fierce climate of heat and cold, of fiercer winds and blinding dust. Not only is gold found in these desert wastes, but borax, nitre, sulphur, silver, salt, soda, opals, garnets, turquoises, onyx, and marble form a part of its resources. Rich gold mines have built the towns of Randsburg and Johannesburg in the midst of the Mohave desert, while finds of rich ore made elsewhere are of frequent occurrence. It is thought that in the near future sufficient nitre can be obtained from the deserts of California and Nevada to render the United States independent of Chile, from whose desert, Atacama, the world's chief supply of this mineral is now obtained. Perhaps there is no part of the United States more healthy and at the same time more deadly than the southeastern part of California, embraced in those indefinite areas called the Mohave and Colorado deserts. That life and death should lay claim to the same regions with equal strength seems somewhat of a riddle, but a careful investigation of the conditions will make good the claims of both. Here are regions rivalling the Sahara in heat, lack of water, and barrenness, and in many parts as difficult to traverse; regions full of surprises in deceptive mirages, peculiar vegetation, strange animal life, occasional cloud-bursts, purity and exhilarating effects of atmosphere, charm of ever-changing colors reflected from the mountains, wealth of floral display in early spring, and marvellous fertility of soil when touched by the magic wand of water. All these and a certain weirdness of beauty difficult to define give these great wastes a peculiar attraction of their own which only those who have spent much time there can understand and appreciate. For the dread white plague in its early stages there is no medicine and no other climate that can equal the pure, healing atmosphere of these deserts. A new lease of life may be gained by the nerve-racked man or woman who will lay aside all home worries and spend a few months at some congenial home on one or another of these deserts. [Illustration: Gila monsters] Among the animal life found on the desert are the wildcat, coyote, rabbit, deer, rat, tortoise, scorpion, centipede, tarantula, Gila monster, chuck-walla, desert rattlesnake, side-winder, humming-bird, eagle, quail, and road-runner. Wild horses and wild donkeys, or "burros," frequent these great wastes, cropping the vegetation that grows on the oases. One of the most interesting of these animals is the desert-rat, whose habits, seemingly intelligent and equally curious, enable him to maintain a home amid surroundings most unfavorable to his survival. He is a big, active fellow of a glossy gray color, and since he always leaves something in place of whatever he may carry off, he is often called the trade rat. Night-time is his "busy day." The house that he builds for himself is a veritable fortified castle built in up-to-date desert-rat style, under a protecting bush or rock, or beside a cactus--preferably a prickly pear. This stronghold, from four to five feet long and three feet high, is made of sticks interwoven with pieces of prickly cactus, thorny twigs, and odd bits in general--great care being taken to have most of the thorns project outward. His private quarters consist of a shallow hole burrowed under the centre of this thorn-woven pile. Access to the interior is gained by a winding passage. The only enemy that might try to thread the mazy hallway is the rattler, who by an ingenious device is deterred from even making the attempt. To keep his snakeship from intruding on domestic privacy Mr. Rat takes several strips of spiny cactus and lays them flatways across the passageway leading to his retreat. It is well known that a rattlesnake will not crawl over a prickly substance; hence a traveller when camping out at night in rattlesnake regions often surrounds his sleeping place with a horsehair rope as a safeguard against such an unwelcome intruder. Even the hungry, prowling coyote, who would make short work of the rat could he but get at him, fights shy of lacerating his paws by attempting to tear down the formidable pile. The desert-rat has a morbid desire to carry to his home any small article which he may chance to find lying around, as many a desert miner has found to his discomfiture, but he always leaves something in its place, such as a strip of cactus or a stick. For downright strategy no creature inhabiting the desert surpasses the road-runner, sometimes called the ground-cuckoo or snake-killer. Though omnivorous, this bird lives chiefly on reptiles and mollusks. It is decked in a gay plumage of coppery green, with streaks of white on the sides and a topknot of deep blue. In fleetness of foot it is said to equal the horse. Many stories are told of its surrounding a coiled sleeping rattlesnake with strips of cactus and then tantalizing its victim until, baffled in every attempt to get away, the snake finally inflicts a deadly bite on itself. Then the road-runner leisurely proceeds to devour the suicide. The characteristic plants of these deserts are sage, mesquite, greasewood, and a great variety of cacti. Of the cactus family, the most conspicuous is the _saguaro_, or giant cactus, which frequently attains the height of fifty feet. All the cacti are leafless and abundantly supplied with sharp, needle-like spines which protect them from herbivorous animals. The bark or outer covering has a firm, close texture that prevents the sap from evaporating during the long, dry season. In traversing the deserts during May and June, one is amazed at the display of beautiful blossoms of white, yellow, purple, pink, and scarlet issuing from their thorny stalks. The plant most welcome to the thirsty traveller, and which has saved the lives of many a wandering prospector, is the "well of the desert," a barrel-shaped cactus thickly studded with sharp spines. When one cuts out the centre of the plant in a bowl-like form, the cavity soon fills up with a watery liquid that is most refreshing. [Illustration: A giant cactus in Arizona] Hot and forbidding as are these terrible wastes, they are the dwelling places of several tribes of Indians. The desert cactus furnishes them a large part of their food, and the fibre is woven into cloth to provide them with clothing. These Indians have been acclimated to the desert for centuries and are well versed in all of its moods and mysteries. They know of no better abode; neither can they be induced to leave it for a more congenial climate and fertile soil. Travellers and prospectors have told many stories about their experiences in these deserts. But perhaps no story has possessed a greater fascination than that of the lost Pegleg Mine. The story of this lost mine has been told and retold with many variations for the past seventy years, and more than a score of persons have lost their lives in attempting to rediscover it. In 1836, according to the traditional story, a man named Smith, distinguished from the rest of the Smith family by the possession of a wooden leg, was journeying with several companions from Yuma over the Colorado desert. On account of his wooden stump he was dubbed "Pegleg" by his fellow-travellers. After having been out several days and not finding any springs or water holes, the prospectors became greatly alarmed and hastened toward three small buttes which they saw standing out in the desert, in the hope of finding water in the dry wash leading from their bases. On arriving at the foot of the hills they were sadly disappointed; diligent search revealed no signs of water. He of the wooden leg climbed to the top of one of the buttes to get a better view of the country, and to the northward saw a high mountain; but before descending, he observed some black stones under his feet and on picking one up found it heavy and filled with a brassy-colored metal. He then picked up several of the stones and put them into his pockets, but being desirous of reaching water as soon as possible, he gave little thought to his find. He told his companions of the mountain seen to the north and advised all possible haste to reach it, saying that he believed that they would there find water. The next day at nightfall they succeeded in reaching the base of the mountain in an exhausted condition and found a spring of cool, clear water. They were thus barely saved from a lingering death by thirst. The mountain was named Smith Mountain. At San Bernardino, Smith showed his ore to an expert, who pronounced it nearly pure gold. The real importance of the discovery did not seem to dawn on the one-legged man, however, until thirteen years afterward; then, in 1849, it was heralded to the world that wonderful discoveries of gold had been made in several parts of California and that a man could dig out of the ground a fortune in a few days or weeks. Smith became enthusiastic and organized an expedition in San Francisco to seek for his desert mine where gold could be had for the picking up. The expedition started out from Los Angeles. One night, just before reaching Smith Mountain, the Indians who had been taken along to pack the supplies secretly decamped with the provisions, thus compelling the prospectors to return as speedily as possible to save their lives. Smith felt discouraged and left the company at San Bernardino. Whether he perished in again trying to find his mine or left the country is not known. At any rate, he was never heard of afterward. In 1860 a man named McGuire deposited in one of the San Francisco banks several thousand dollars in gold nuggets which he said he obtained near Smith Mountain. He organized a party of six to hunt for the Pegleg Mine. What they found, however, will never be known, for they all perished, and their bleached bones were found on the desert a long time afterward. They were not alone in disaster, however, for very many others in trying to find the legacy of Smith have met the same fate. But the hidden wealth of this great region, so long known as the "Great American Desert," is by no means confined to its storehouses of gold, silver, and copper. Here, there, and almost everywhere are areas that lack but one element to make them the most productive regions of the world, and that one element is water. The conquest of the Colorado desert is not the first instance of desert land reclamation in the United States, but it is certainly one of the marvels of the world's history. A more pronounced and inhospitable desert never existed; and, in proportion to the area reclaimed, it is doubtful if one can find greater productivity than the lands that constitute Imperial Valley. Let us take a glance at nature's work in this region. Long before the Mississippi was born the Colorado was an ancient river and it formerly flowed through a fertile valley. During countless ages it has stripped from the plateau and carried into the Gulf of California a deposit of rock waste from the land surface of its basin many feet deep, and abraded billions of tons of material from its channel. All this silt and detritus have served to fill up the northern part of the gulf, the result of the deposit being an immense land area. At length a great bar was formed across the northern part of the gulf, making a sort of inland sea. Then the hot climate caused the water to evaporate, while from time to time the Colorado overflowed its banks, spreading a rich sediment over the former sea-bed. Various parts of this depression, which, like Palestine, lie below the sea-level, are known as Salton, Coahuilla, and Imperial Valleys. The lowest part, now filled with water, is usually called the Salton Sea. The whole of this region is comprehended under the name of Colorado Desert. In 1900 a company was formed to reclaim that part of the desert included in Imperial Valley, by taking water out of the Colorado River a few miles below the boundary between California and Mexico. A main canal, called the Imperial Canal, one hundred miles long, seventy feet wide, and eight feet deep carries water from the Colorado to Imperial Valley, where it is distributed by hundreds of smaller canals. The irrigation facilities are already sufficient to water more than one hundred thousand acres. This region, rightly named the hot-house of America, produces marvellous crops of hay, grain, and fruits; it is an ideal place for raising live-stock and poultry as well. Some of this land already brings into its owners from three hundred dollars to seven hundred dollars yearly income per acre, and because of its wonderful fertility it is likened to the valley of the Nile. In 1904 the Imperial Canal was filled with silt for some distance, thus preventing the flow of the proper amount of water needed for irrigation. To remedy the defect a temporary canal was cut around the head-gate. This expedient had been tried and then the gap had been closed up before high water. At this particular time high water came earlier than usual, and a great flood tore out the channel of the temporary canal to such an extent that before it could be prevented the whole Colorado River was flowing through the breach, leaving its own bed perfectly dry to the Gulf of California, filling up the Salton Valley, burying up the Salton salt-works, and making an inland sea such as formerly existed there. After most strenuous efforts, and at the enormous expense of upward of a million dollars, the gap was at length repaired and the Colorado made to flow in its own bed. One should remember that in the development of these deserts the prospector owes a deep debt of gratitude to that patient, faithful little beast, the donkey, or "burro," as it is commonly known; without the service of this animal many a man would have suffered a lingering death. As a matter of fact, it is unsafe to venture far out into the desert unaccompanied by this oft-maligned creature--about the only animal fitted to carry supplies. [Illustration: _Built by the U. S. Reclamation Service_ The Roosevelt Dam, Arizona, showing south bridge and spillway] But the use of dams and canals to conserve and supply water for irrigation prevailed even in most ancient times. Extensive irrigation works were built in Egypt three thousand years ago, and in India, China, Persia, and the countries bordering on the Euphrates and Tigris Rivers irrigation dates back centuries before the Christian era. The Romans introduced irrigation into southern Europe. When Pizarro conquered the empire of the Incas he found the people possessed of wonderful systems for irrigation. Likewise, Cortez found the Aztecs making extensive canals. Remains of great irrigation works are found to-day in Arizona and New Mexico, where our modern engineers wisely adopt the canal routes which were established by a race now extinct. At the present time India is irrigating twenty-five million acres of land, the United States thirteen million, Egypt seven million, and Italy three million. It is estimated that the United States has left one hundred and eighty million acres of arid and semi-arid land available for reclamation and four times as much that is incapable of being reclaimed. No other question of to-day is of such vital and far-reaching importance as that of the reclamation of the millions of acres of sleeping arid lands in the western part of our country. Mines may be exhausted, forests slain, and cities annihilated, but wastes made fruitful through the potency of water will remain everlasting sources of wealth to the nation. During the last few years our government has been very active in promoting irrigation by building impounding dams and constructing canals and tunnels for the delivery of water. In connection with the various irrigation works the government has already established five hydro-electric plants which furnish water, motive power, and light as may be required. From the big Roosevelt Dam and the drops of the level in the canal connected therewith, twenty-six thousand horse-power will be developed incidental to the reclamation of two hundred thousand acres of land. The miracle-working agent, water, has already reclaimed thirteen million acres of our domain, and these areas now produce two hundred and sixty million dollars annually; moreover, they furnish homes to more than three hundred thousand people. Prosperous rural communities with thousands of happy, rosy-cheeked children, blooming orchards, broad, fertile fields prolific beyond comparison, and flourishing cities replace wastes of sand and sage-brush. The United States Government alone has spent already sixty millions of dollars under the Reclamation Act which went into effect in 1902, and the end is not yet, for as the vista of human achievements in this line broadens still greater works will be inaugurated and successfully consummated. In Arizona, California, Colorado, South Dakota, Montana, New Mexico, Oregon, Utah, Washington, and Wyoming the United States Government already is working on or has completed twenty-six important irrigation projects. The most wonderful work combining the highest engineering skill and daring is found in the western part of Colorado, where from Black Canyon, an almost inaccessible gorge three thousand feet deep, the whole Gunnison River has been diverted to the Uncompahgre Valley. To take the water out of the river it was necessary to bore a tunnel six miles long through a mountain from the canyon to the valley. To determine the feasibility of diverting the course of the river, it was first necessary to make an exploration of the canyon. No one before had ever had the hardihood to even make the attempt, on account of the extreme danger of a journey between the narrow black walls of this gloomy abyss. In 1853 Captain Gunnison discovered the river which bears his name. He traced its course to where it plunged into a chasm so deep and dangerous that he feared to follow it farther and named the gorge Black Canyon. Some twenty years later Professor Hayden of the United States Geological Survey, looking over the brink of the abyss, declared it inaccessible. The State of Colorado, desiring to find some way of utilizing the waters of the Gunnison River for irrigating the arid land adjacent, in 1900 called for volunteers to explore the canyon. Five men responded. Provided with boats, life-lines, and other accessories, the men started from Cimarron on their perilous trip. On the third day their provisions gave out, and later they were obliged to abandon their boats and nearly everything else except their blankets, which were protected in rubber bags. They knew it was impossible to retrace their steps and that their only salvation lay in going on. At night they rolled themselves up in their blankets and tried to encourage one another. They travelled fourteen miles between granite walls from two thousand to three thousand feet high; and for sixteen days they were almost without food. Then they came to a cleft in their prison walls which seemed to offer a means of escape. At their feet the water plunged over a precipice down to an unknown depth. To go on meant almost instant death. They were dying of starvation. Should they go on? They had not accomplished their task. Life was sweet and there were loved ones dependent upon them for support. So they decided to attempt escape while they had strength. Wearily they climbed the steep and rugged path that led them to freedom. Starting early in the morning, they reached the summit, two thousand five hundred feet above the raging torrent, at nine o'clock at night. They were ready to drop in their tracks, yet hope inspired them to renewed exertions. They struggled on fifteen miles more ere they staggered into a farm-house on the verge of collapse. In the following year, 1901, the United States Government, becoming interested in diverting the waters of the Gunnison, sent out one of its engineers, Professor Fellows, to look into the practicability of the project. After looking over the field, the government engineer succeeded in enlisting in his service Mr. Torrence, who was a member of the first expedition. They planned to accomplish the feat which the former explorers failed to accomplish, namely, to go entirely through Black Canyon. Profiting by the previous trip, they provided for themselves a complete equipment, consisting of a rubber raft, two long life-lines, rubber bags for food and clothing, a camera, hunting-knives, and belts. Until they reached the water-falls where the previous expedition had left the canyon, the "Fall of Sorrow," the first part of their trip possesses little of interest beyond what had been experienced before. But from this point on unknown dangers menaced them. The roar of the plunging water from below rose upward with a deafening sound as they gazed into the seething current. The rising mists obscured the tree tops on either side far below. Should they press on or retreat, as those before them had done? Yes, they must go forward whatever the hazard. They clasped hands, bidding each other good-by. Torrence threw himself into the water first and Fellows followed. A few seconds later both clambered upon a bowlder in the pool below. The narrow cleft by which the former company effected their escape was passed and no alternative but to go forward was left to them. They encountered many other perilous adventures in their thirty-mile trip. Before they escaped from the canyon their provisions gave out. Death by starvation stared them in the face once more. Weakened by hunger and about to give up, they spied at the base of a cliff two mountain sheep. Now, mountain sheep, which roam among the rugged crags, are exceedingly difficult to catch. One of the sheep darted into a cleft. With a quick movement born of desperation Torrence rushed before the opening, but scarcely had he reached the spot before the frightened sheep, in attempting to escape, jumped into his arms. Realizing that his life and that of his companion depended upon securing the animal, he succeeded in killing it with his knife after a fierce struggle. The meat obtained saved their lives and sustained them until they reached a ranch fourteen miles from the place from which they emerged from the end of the canyon. In making the perilous journey they had swum across the river seventy-four times. Although their instruments and most of the other articles which they had taken were lost, yet the valuable data, sought for and recorded in the engineering book, were safely brought out and contained enough encouraging information to lead the government to take up the project of diverting the waters of the Gunnison River to the Uncompahgre Valley. Salt River Valley, one of the most fertile sections of Arizona, has been settled for many years, but the lack of a sufficient supply of water for extended irrigation has caused a large portion of this rich desert land to remain dormant. To meet the demand for more water in this valley the United States Government has just completed one of the greatest water impounding reservoirs in the world, the construction of which called for the greatest engineering skill and cost nearly nine million dollars. Salt River enters the valley after a tumultuous passage through a deep and rugged canyon forty miles long. It derives its name from the saltness of its waters, which results from the discharge of salt springs into the main stream as it courses through the gorge. Though unsuited for drinking purposes the water does not contain enough salt to make it detrimental for irrigation, and the soil, stimulated by the water, produces marvellous crops. Here extensive farming can be carried on with the greatest success. Six crops of alfalfa, averaging eight tons per acre, are harvested yearly. The oranges, dates, figs, lemons, grape fruit, olives, and peaches grown upon these lands are of superior quality and flavor and yield abundantly. The climate during eight months of the year is unsurpassed. Ostrich farming here is becoming an important industry. There are at the present time in the valley about eight thousand birds, and the number is rapidly increasing. The value of the feathers plucked yearly from each full-grown bird is from thirty dollars to forty dollars. Indications are that in the near future Arizona will lead the world in ostrich farming and the production of ostrich feathers. The history of this remarkable reservoir is full of human and natural interest. It is located in a land whose civilization was old when Rome was founded, a land of lost races, perpetual sunshine, forbidding deserts, and picturesque wonders. Strange vegetation and scenes that are novel are reflected in soft, changing tints from plain and mountain. From dawn to dark they possess an indescribable charm. The government engineers, in looking over the ground, found an ideal spot for a reservoir formed by two valleys hedged in among the mountains at the head of the canyon. It was necessary only to build a dam across the narrow cleft where the river enters the gorge in order to impound the water. The place being practically inaccessible, much preliminary work had to be done before commencing construction on the dam. A road forty miles long was made through the rugged mountains by which to transport provisions, machinery, and other supplies. A greater part of the road was cut out of the solid rock; other portions were constructed of masonry. At places on this wonderful highway, a stone dropped over the edge of the road will fall almost a thousand feet without stopping. The scenery along the whole route is both beautiful and awe-inspiring. The question of supplying cement for constructing the dam was for a while a difficult one; the price asked by the manufacturers was nine dollars per barrel delivered. The engineer then summoned to his aid the government geologists, and they discovered near at hand limestone rock suitable for making good cement. But in order to convert the limestone into cement, it was necessary to have a mill and motive power to run it. Coal mines were five hundred miles away and such fuel would be too costly. The engineer said, "Why not use as a power electricity generated by the river itself?" Accordingly a canal extending twenty miles up the river was constructed; with a two-hundred-and-twenty-foot drop it was capable of delivering water enough to generate four thousand two hundred horse-power. A mill was built and an electric plant installed which ran the mill and machine shops besides furnishing power for laying the heavy stones, lighting the works and town, and leaving a large surplus amount for pumping water from numerous wells in the Salt River Valley fifty miles away. By the economy of self-manufacturing, the cost of the cement to the government was but two dollars per barrel, thereby making a saving of nearly half a million dollars. [Illustration: Shoshone Project, Wyoming Shoshone Canyon, looking upstream toward the dam. Dam, 328.4 feet high; storage capacity, 456,000 acre-feet] To provide proper accommodations for all of the employees and their families, a regular town was built on the floor of the reservoir, to be submerged when the works should be completed and the flood gates closed. The town, which was christened Roosevelt, contained a population of upward of two thousand, and bore the reputation of being the best behaved in all Arizona. The dam, also named after Colonel Roosevelt, then President of the United States, floods two valleys, one twelve and the other fifteen miles long and each from one to three miles wide. The reservoir is nearly two hundred feet deep on the average. It is two hundred and eighty feet high, and the thickness of the dam ranges from one hundred and seventy-five feet at the bottom to twenty feet at the top, where its length is one thousand and eighty feet. Massive iron gates weighing sixty thousand pounds guard the outlet of the flood. To do the preliminary work and construct the dam nearly eight years were required, and during a part of this time a thousand men were employed both night and day, several hundred of whom were Apache Indians. This region was previously the haunt of Chief Geronimo and his murderous band of Apaches. Near by are two groups of cliff dwellings formerly occupied by a race now extinct. The capacity of this immense reservoir exceeds that of the Nile pent up by the Assouan dam, and the water would be sufficient to fill a canal two hundred feet wide and twenty feet deep, extending entirely across the United States from the Atlantic to the Pacific. When full there is sufficient water to submerge the city of Washington to the depth of thirty-four feet. Among the other many important irrigation works may be mentioned the Shoshone and Rio Grande Dams. The Shoshone Dam in Wyoming impounds sufficient water to irrigate one hundred and fifty thousand acres in the valley below. This dam was completed January 10, 1910, and is the highest in the world, its height being three hundred and eighty-four feet. Twelve miles below the dam proper a diversion dam was built across the river which turns the stream into a tunnel connected at the other end with a canal, which delivers water upon one hundred thousand acres of fertile land. The Rio Grande Dam involving the construction of a storage dam opposite Eagle, New Mexico, across the Rio Grande River will irrigate one hundred and eighty thousand acres of land in New Mexico, Texas, and Mexico. CHAPTER II THE GRAND CANYON OF THE COLORADO Nowhere else on the face of the globe is one so vividly impressed by the vastness of the work of corrasion as in the northwestern part of Arizona. Here the mutilated breast of Mother Earth discloses a chasm from three thousand feet to seven thousand feet deep, cut through horizontal strata of sandstone, shale, limestone, and granite, chiefly by the agency of water. This stupendous chasm is the Grand Canyon of the Colorado River. It is more than two hundred miles long; and from rim to rim its walls measure in places twenty miles across. It is not a clean-cut open channel from wall to wall, but, on the contrary, it is filled with castellated peaks, buttes, pinnacles, ridges, seams, and lesser canyons. Down deep in its lowest part, hurrying onward with impetuous speed, is the river itself. Geologists tell us that this stream was an ancient river before the Mississippi was born and that it formerly watered a valley as fertile. Ages ago when Time was young the river found its channel closed by an obstruction--just how, or where, or by what, no one knows. So it spread out into a great lake, or, perhaps, into an inland sea several thousand feet deep. The rock waste carried into its basin hardened into sandstone--red, pink, and white of many shades. After this great inland sea had become dry the Colorado River was born--just how, or when, or because of what, one can only guess. But when it was born it began to undo what its predecessor had done. It cut a channel in the surface of the sandstone and then began business in earnest. It loosened little pieces of sharp flint from the sandstone and swept them along with such force that each became a tiny mallet and chisel combined to cut and carry away other rock. And so it kept on until it had carved a passage not only to the original granite bed rock but in places a thousand feet or more into it. A few localities excepted, the canyon does not form a single gash; nor has it the usual V-shape of canyons in regions of plentiful rainfall. On the contrary, its cross-section takes the form of a succession of steps and terraces, as though the river cut the channels successively in decreasing widths. And because the region through which it flows is one of very slight rainfall, all the landscape outlines are bold and sharply angular. All told, an area comprising two hundred thousand square miles has been denuded to the depth of six hundred feet, and the material borne southward by the Colorado and its tributaries, while the land through which they flow has been literally drained to death. Even the tributaries have formed deep lateral canyons that meet the level of the main stream. It staggers the mind to try to grasp the time expressed in countless eons since the youth of this now senile river. [Illustration: The Grand Canyon of the Colorado] As early as 1540 Spanish explorers made known to the world the fact that a deep and impassable gorge existed in one part of the Colorado River, and again in 1776 a Spanish priest revived a knowledge of its existence. Then, for many years afterward, the canyon claimed but little attention because it was so difficult of access, and so little was known of its colossal dimensions and the marvellous carvings within its walls. Just above the Grand Canyon and continuous with it is Marble Canyon, so called because of the immense beds of marble that form a part of its walls. In both canyons the limestone sometimes takes the form of marble, or gypsum, or alabaster--crystallized forms of limestone which take a fine polish. This remarkable river with its canyons was first explored by Major Powell in 1869. With nine men and four boats he started from a landing on Green River in Utah, floated down Green River to its junction with the Grand, and thence down the Colorado below the mouth of the Virgin to the Grand Wash. There he landed after having passed through the entire length of the canyon. The time spent in this voyage was ninety-eight days, and the distance travelled was upward of one thousand miles. Four of his men left him when the voyage was but partly finished, being frightened by the perils that beset them. They were killed by Indians. The others, after many accidents and hair-breadth escapes, succeeded in getting through in safety. In addition to the rapidity of the current the river has many rapids and water-falls with jagged projecting rocks which make boating extremely hazardous. All these perils were conjectured but unknown to Major Powell's party, and every new bend of the river was liable to disclose a cataract more dangerous than any encountered before. Then the reverberating sound of the roaring river as it struck the sides of its lofty prison walls together with the deep gloom of the mighty abyss was calculated to terrify the bravest. Thus, facing death at every turn of the stream, the men were kept constantly in a tense state of excitement. A wealth of adjectives has been expended in attempting properly to describe the immensity of this great handiwork of nature, and scores of persons have produced fascinating word-paintings of its awe-inspiring grandeur. Leading back from the river the canyon walls are made up in part of shelving rocks and terraces. These, with peaks, buttes, and myriads of other structures arising from the great gulf, show plainly the different strata of rocks of which they are composed. Many of these rocks are richly colored; the tints as a rule result from the salts of iron and other mineral matter disseminated through them. In some instances the coloring material of the upper strata has been washed down by the storms and has stained the rock of the walls below. This is the case in the Grand Canyon, where the limestone wall is colored red by the iron in an overlying stratum. When the gigantic forms partly filling the chasm, yet standing apart from each other, are seen near sunrise or sunset with their shifting shadows, they leave on the mind remembrances that will never fade. To appreciate properly the magnitude and height of these towering masses one should examine them not only by travelling along the brink, but by descending to the river level in order to examine them from below. Then only will the awful grandeur and immensity of this monumental architecture of nature begin to dawn upon the understanding. To the geologist this chasm is an intensely interesting book which reveals much of the history of the past in world-building. Some years ago a company was formed in New York to build a scenic railroad through Marble and Grand Canyons. Engineers were sent out not only to make a careful survey of the canyons but also to make a series of photographs which should form a continuous panoramic view of the proposed route. A large sum of money was spent in making the surveys; then the project was abandoned. Possibly at some future time the scheme may be revived and a road be built, using as its motive power electricity generated by the river itself. The Grand Canyon is now easily reached by the Santa Fé Railway system. From the main line at Williams a branch road extends to El Tovar, Grand Canyon station, which is located near the edge of the canyon. The descent to the bottom of the canyon can be made by several trails. Those noted for easy descent and the best views are Grand View and Red Canyon Trails from Grand View, Bright Angel Trail from El Tovar, and Bass Trail from Bass Camp. Each has its own special charms, and for one limited as to time it is difficult to make a choice. The course of the Colorado and its tributary, Green River, presents some interesting problems. The latter has cut its channel directly across the Uinta Mountains, and the Colorado has sawed its channel to the base level of a series of plateaus, sometimes called the Sierra Abajo. And the interesting problem is--how was the sawing process accomplished? It needs only a moment's thought to understand that the river could not flow against the base of a mountain range and bore a passage through it, much less clear out an open passage miles in width. [Illustration: Grand View Trail Looking toward Apache Point from Mystic Spring Plateau. The Grand Canyon of the Colorado] Major Powell has shown how this mighty work of mountain cutting was accomplished; the sawing process was begun, not at the base of the range, but at its top. It is merely a question of age. The Colorado and its chief tributaries are older than the mountain uplifts which they have severed. Moreover, the level of their channels is much the same now as it was before the mountains were born. The mountain levels, however, have been changing ever since their uplift began. And when the rock layers of which they are composed began to be pushed upward the uplift was so slow that the rivers cut downward just as rapidly. In time the ranges were pushed upward to their present height; but when the uplift was completed, in each case it was sawed to the bottom by the river. It is in very much the same manner that a huge log is cut in twain as it is pushed against the saw. The mountain range, as it is pushed upward, represents the log; the river, which is stationary, represents the saw. One might look a long way to find the wealth created by this muddy torrent. But the wealth is there, though it is certainly a long way from the canyon; moreover, the rock waste itself is the wealth, and great wealth it is. The water of the river is very muddy. Dip up a bucket filled to the brim and allow it to stand for ten or twelve hours. There is an inch or two of clear water at the top, while at the bottom there is a thick, muddy paste of sand, clay, and red earth. All this rock waste the current is sweeping along to the Gulf of California. Every overflow along the banks of its lower course spreads this rich, nutritious rock waste over the flood plain. Imperial Valley is filled with it; and this, together with the flood plain above and below, constitutes an area of productive land about as large as the State of Illinois. Moreover, the area is constantly increasing, because of the enormous amount of rock waste which the river daily bears to the Gulf of California. In time, a long time as years are measured, the gulf will be entirely filled--and what a valley of prairie land there will be. CHAPTER III YELLOWSTONE PARK In the northwestern part of Wyoming, at the summit of the continent, is a tract of land containing more than three thousand square miles. It is a region which attracts thousands of sightseers every year; yet inconceivable as it may now seem, this marvellous region was unknown to the world until 1870. Being difficult of access, because flanked by high mountains on all sides, and possessing no mineral deposits of value, there was but little inducement for any one but a hunter or a trapper to penetrate it. John Coulter, a frontiersman, was probably the first white man to set foot within its territory. He was a member of the Lewis and Clark Expedition and, having observed that there were many beavers in the headwaters of the Missouri River, desired to try trapping there. Having obtained permission to leave the expedition before its return to St. Louis, he forthwith set out to hunt and trap in that region. This was in 1807. While following his favorite employment he met with many strange and exciting adventures with both Indians and wild beasts. And during his wanderings he beheld sights so marvellous as to tax the credulity of even his own senses; among them a glass mountain, geysers sending up great volumes of water hundreds of feet high into the air, boiling hot springs, deep and gorgeously painted canyons, stupendous water-falls, curiously colored rock formations, and a mountain lake filled with the finest of fish. So well versed was he in woodcraft that he could travel through pathless forests and over rugged mountains as unerringly as by well-beaten trails. A love for wild nature and adventure had become his ruling passion. After hunting and trapping for several years he returned to St. Louis. Here he told his friends the marvels that he had seen and his adventures with Indians and wild beasts; but his hearers being doubting Thomases, listened with incredulity to his astonishing stories. He related his experiences and what he had seen to an editor of a St. Louis paper, who, after listening patiently to the narrative, informed Coulter that his wonderful adventures, glass mountain, and boiling springs among the snows were falsehoods and could find no place for publication. Coulter gave interviews to many other persons, and stuck so persistently to his statements that the region which he had so minutely described was derisively dubbed "Coulter's Hell." Coulter's experiences certainly were marvellous. On one occasion, when he and a companion were trapping along the Madison Fork of the Missouri River, they were surprised by a company of Blackfeet Indians who killed his friend but spared his life for the time being. After the Indians had consulted for some time in regard to what should be done with Coulter, the chief asked him if he could run fast. Coulter replied that he could not. He was in reality the fleetest runner among the western hunters, but he told the Indians that he could not run fast, since he concluded that there was a chance of saving his life by running should he be given the opportunity. [Illustration: The Yellowstone National Park, Wyoming Looking down canyon from Grand Point] He was stripped naked and taken several miles away to give the Indians some sport before killing him. Then the chief commanded his followers to remain back while he led the captive some three hundred yards in front of them. At a given signal he told Coulter to save himself if he could. At once the war whoop resounded and six hundred demons were on the track of the fugitive. Coulter strained every nerve to outdistance his murderous pursuers. His great exertions caused the blood to spirt from his nostrils and smear the front of his body. After running a while he heard footsteps, and turning saw an Indian with a spear but a few yards behind him. Being exhausted, and fearing that at any moment the spear might be hurled at him, he concluded to surprise the Indian. Stopping suddenly he wheeled about and presented his bloody body and outstretched arms to the Indian. The red man, greatly astonished, in attempting to stop quickly stumbled and fell, breaking his spear. Before the prostrate runner could recover himself Coulter seized the head of the shaft and quickly pinioned his foe to the ground. Then the fleeing hunter ran at his topmost speed toward the river, about a mile distant. Arriving there a little ahead of his pursuers, he plunged into the water and swam as fast as he could. Observing a raft of drift-wood that had lodged against a small island, he dived under the débris, and thrusting his head up between the tree-trunks of the heterogeneous mass succeeded in getting into a position where he could breathe and yet be concealed. No sooner had he hidden himself than the yelling savages appeared on the river's bank. They looked in all directions for their missing captive, but in vain. They even went on the island and climbed over the drift-wood, scanning every possible place of concealment. Seeing no trace of their white prisoner they reluctantly returned to the mainland. Coulter remained under the raft in dreadful suspense until night, when, hearing nothing of his foes, he silently slipped from under the raft and swam down stream a long distance before landing. His situation was now indeed a desperate one; his feet had become filled with thorns from the prickly pear while running across the prairie; he was also naked, hungry, and without means to kill the wild game for food; moreover, the distance to the nearest fort was at least a seven-days' journey. But he was in excellent physical condition and, being inured to hardships and skilled in traversing the pathless wilderness, he at length reached the fort, having subsisted in the meantime chiefly on roots whose nutritious value he had learned from the Indians. John Bridger, a famous hunter, was familiar with the region now known as Yellowstone Park as early as 1830, and he endeavored to have his descriptions of it published, but he could find no periodical or newspaper willing to print his statements. In Bridger's case, however, there was ground for doubt, inasmuch as he had a reputation for exaggeration, and the facts that he related about the wonders of the Yellowstone were considered mere fabrications. One of his most astounding stories concerned an elk. He claimed that while hunting he espied an elk that seemed to be only a short distance away; taking a good aim he fired, but the animal was unmoved by the shot. He again fired with more deliberation, yet with the same result as before. Having fired twice more with no effect he seized his rifle by the barrel and rushed toward the antlered monarch; but all at once he ran up against what seemed to be a high vertical wall. On investigation the wall proved to be a mountain of perfectly transparent glass. And still the elk kept on grazing quietly! The strangest thing about the mountain he said was that its curved form made it a perfect telescopic lens of great power. On going around to the other side of the mountain he caught sight of the elk, which he judged must have been at least twenty-five miles away when he first saw it by the powerful glass-lens mountain! In 1860-61 gold was discovered in Montana, and prospectors began to extend their search for the precious metal into adjoining territory. The Indians were troublesome; nevertheless many prospectors ventured into the region of the Upper Yellowstone during the years succeeding, and reported seeing wonderful volcanic agencies at work. To settle the many flying accounts about volcanic wonders in the Yellowstone section, two expeditions headed by prominent citizens of Montana were formed to ascertain the truth concerning these statements. The expeditions set out during the consecutive years 1869 and 1870. On their return excellent descriptions of what they had seen were published in the Montana papers, and these accounts were copied by the leading papers of the country. The second, or Washburn-Doane, expedition of 1870 was the most successful in its explorations, since it was provided with a military escort. One of the members of this expedition wrote up a series of excellent articles which were published in _Scribner's Magazine_, thus giving further authenticity and wide publicity to the discovery. In 1871 interest awakened by the last expedition caused the United States Government to send out a special expedition of geological and engineering men to collect exact data, take photographs, and make a survey of the Yellowstone region. The geological section was under the direction of Dr. P. V. Hayden. Mainly through Hayden's influence and foresight Congress withdrew the tract now comprising Yellowstone National Park from occupancy or sale, and dedicated and set it apart as a public park or pleasure ground for the benefit and enjoyment of the people. The bill was signed by the president March 1, 1872. In 1872 two United States geological surveying parties were sent out and detailed explorations were made during the next ten years. The park is now under the management of a military commander as acting superintendent, aided by a detachment of United States troops, who maintain order, prevent acts of vandalism, and see that the rules and regulations of the park are obeyed. No one except the troops is allowed to bring firearms into the park, and the wild animals, now carefully protected by law, have greatly multiplied. Through subsequent acts of Congress two forest reserves have been added to the park proper, the Madison Forest Reserve in 1902 and the Yellowstone Forest Reserve in 1903. These additions make the total area reserved from settlement about seventeen thousand six hundred square miles. The only living beings that are permitted to fell as many trees as they wish are the beavers, which use them in constructing their dams. The grizzly and the black bear flourish in the park and have become quite tame. In the neighborhood of the camps and hotels they have become an intolerable nuisance because of their propensity to break into tents and buildings in search of food. The lordly elk nourishes here and numbers of them may be seen at almost any time of day. A herd of buffaloes is jealously protected, and food and shelter are provided for them during the winter when necessary. These animals are increasing in numbers. Many antelope, deer, and mountain sheep are seen in the park. The mountain lion and the coyote are two animals that the authorities of the park feel justified in killing in order to preserve the other game, but the wild ruggedness of the territory, which affords these pests ample opportunity to multiply unmolested, prevents their extinction. During the fall of the year wild geese and ducks frequent the park in great numbers; some of the latter remain all winter long in places where the hot springs keep the water of the streams from freezing. The United States Fish Commission has taken special care in stocking the fishless streams with trout, and now the Yellowstone Park furnishes the finest trout-fishing in the whole world. Visitors to the park are granted full license to fish, but they must use only hook and line. About one-fifth of the reservation consists of tracts suited for grazing, but for agricultural purposes the park is worthless, since frosts occur every month of the year. The forests consist of a variety of trees, but only one kind, the Douglas spruce, is suitable for good lumber. The quaking aspen is the only deciduous tree that is abundant. Elk and deer browse about these trees and keep them trimmed at a uniform distance from the ground. During the long rainless season the distant hills and mountains are bathed in an atmosphere of soft purple and blue in ever-varying intensity, while later in the season Jack Frost with his magic brush paints the mountain-sides with the most varied and gorgeous colors, and the aspen changes to rich autumnal tints. At the proper season Yellowstone Park is a vast garden of wild flowers which are dense and rich in colors even up to the snow line. Several varieties of the lupine and the larkspur clothe the hillsides with every shade of color, while the modest violet seeks secluded spots in which to bloom. Forget-me-nots, geraniums, harebells, primroses, asters, sunflowers, anemones, roses, and many other plants are abundant. The climate puts new life and energy into the visitor. Contrary to the general opinion, the climatic conditions in the park are not extreme, notwithstanding its high elevation. The average temperature at the Mammoth Hot Springs in January, the coldest month, is 18° F., and in July, the hottest month, 61°. In the plateau regions, averaging fifteen hundred feet higher, the temperature is 8° in January and 51° in July. Good roads have been constructed throughout the park connecting all points of interest, and in many instances these roads have been built at an enormous expense. The United States Government has already expended upward of one million dollars in road-making and bridge-building. There are now over sixty bridges and five hundred culverts to supplement the five hundred miles of roads within the park proper and the forest reserves. We enter the park from the north and then proceed to visit a few of the most interesting places. Our tour embraces Mammoth Hot Springs, Norris Geyser Basin, Firehole Geyser Basins, Yellowstone Lake, and the Grand Canyon of Yellowstone River. Leaving the Northern Pacific train at Gardiner, the entrance station to the park, we take a coach for Mammoth Hot Springs, five miles distant, and ride along the foaming, dashing Gardiner River through a canyon bearing the same name. Portions of the way unfold bold, picturesque scenery, giving a fitting introduction to the marvels and greater scenic beauty that are in store for us. We cross the river four times on steel bridges within one mile. Just after crossing the last bridge we see an immense stream of hot water issuing from an opening in the rocks and discharging directly into the Gardiner River. This stream, the Boiling River, we are told, comes through subterranean channels from the famous Mammoth Hot Springs a mile and a half away. Arriving at the springs, we find here a large, well-equipped hotel, where are also the administration head-quarters of the park. After resting a short time, we visit the world-renowned Hot Springs. The Mammoth Hot Springs rise from the summit of a hill of limestone formation three hundred feet high, built by the deposit of mineral matter held in solution by the hot water that issues from them. The terraces, containing upward of two hundred acres, are delicately tinted in beautiful shades of red, yellow, orange, brown, and purple. Those over which the water is still flowing present the most attractive appearance, the colors being fresh and rich; the others have dull, ashen colors. Calcareous deposits are rapidly building up these terraces in various beautiful forms, the edges of many being supported by delicate columns, some of which resemble organ pipes. Different names are given to the terraces according to form or fancy, as Pulpit Terrace, Jupiter Terrace, Narrow Gauge Terrace, Minerva Terrace, etc. The overhanging bowls built up by these deposits are exquisite specimens of Nature's work and are filled with water of wonderful transparency; while the variety of forms of these receptacles and their charming colors fascinate the beholder. Scattered over the formation in all directions are numberless curiosities, such as the Devil's Kitchen, Cupid's Cave, and the Stygian Cave. In many of these caves there is an accumulation of carbonic-acid gas sufficient to destroy animal life. This is especially true of the latter cave. We now journey by coach to Norris Geyser Basin. On the route we pass by Obsidian Cliff, sometimes called Obsidian Mountain, which is an immense mass of black volcanic glass. This mineral was used by the Indians for making arrow-heads and spear-heads. In constructing a road around the base of the cliff, great difficulty was encountered on account of the hardness of the obsidian. The superintendent in charge of the work hit upon a happy device by which to quarry it. Log fires were built along the base, and when the volcanic glass was hot cold water was thrown upon it. This method cracked the material into fragments which were easily removed. [Illustration: The Yellowstone National Park, Wyoming Mammoth Hot Springs. Summit Pools] Opposite the base of Obsidian Cliff is Beaver Lake, the home of numerous beavers and a great resort for waterfowl during a part of the year. After passing Obsidian Cliff, hot springs become more numerous until we reach Norris Geyser Basin. In this locality the odor of sulphur is strong and unpleasant. A little farther on a loud roar startles us, and a few moments later we see the cause of the explosion; it is a powerful steam jet issuing from the summit of Roaring Mountain. When Dame Nature "turns on steam" there is no nonsense about it. Norris Basin seems to be of more recent volcanic development, since some of the steam vents in other basins have ceased action during the past few years; moreover, several new ones have opened, one of which rivals Roaring Mountain. Constant and Minute-Man Geysers, though small, are frequent and vigorous in action. In passing through this section the road-bed is hot for some distance, showing that the subterranean rocks which heat the water cannot be very deep down in the earth. In going to the Firehole Basins we follow Gibbon River to within four miles of its mouth, then, crossing a point of land to the Firehole, we ascend the right bank of the stream to Lower Basin. On the road we pass many springs; the most conspicuous of which, Beryl Spring, lies close to the road. It discharges a large volume of boiling water and the rising steam frequently obscures the road. In one locality outside the beaten track of tourists there is a veritable Hades on earth. Here, as we walk over ground that is very hot, we are nearly suffocated by the fumes of sulphur. All around us are hundreds of seething, boiling vats of water, and the whole area is cracked and filled with holes from which noxious vapors rise. Soon after we leave this infernal region we hear a constant roar like that coming from a large steamer about to leave its moorings. We follow in the direction from which the sound proceeds and at length discover the cause. On approaching the source of the sound we see a large volume of steam rushing with immense velocity from an opening in the ground, while the rock around the orifice is black as jet. The guide tells us that this huge steam vent is called the Black Growler, and that it continues vigorously active summer and winter, year in and year out. Its roar can be heard four miles away. [Illustration: The Yellowstone National Park, Wyoming Beehive Geyser] The chief wonder of Lower Firehole Basin is the Great Fountain Geyser. Its formation is unique. At first sight one is led to believe that the broad circular structure which he sees is artificial. On close inspection numerous pools, moulded and nicely ornamented, are seen sunk in this stone table, while in the centre there is a large and deep pool filled with hot water, but looking like a beautiful spring. At the time of eruption this central pool of water is shot up to the height of one hundred feet or more. Near the Great Fountain Geyser is a small valley in the upper part of which is a large hot spring called the Firehole. When this spring is visited on a windless day, a light-colored flame seems to be constantly issuing from the bottom, flickering back and forth like a torch, and the visitor feels sure he is gazing at the hidden fires beneath that heat the water. It is the illusion caused by superheated steam escaping through a fissure in the rock and dividing the water. The reflection from the surface thus formed and a black background formed by the sides and bottom of the pool account for the phenomenon. Surprise Pool is found near the Great Fountain; it will make good its name should you throw into it a handful of dirt. Excelsior Geyser, not far away, is really a winter volcano, its crater being a seething caldron near the Firehole River, into which it sends six million gallons of water each day, even when not in eruption. At times it sends up a column of water, fifty feet in diameter, to the height of two hundred and fifty feet. The eruptions take place at long intervals--seven to ten years. On account of the great depth and extent of this geyser it has sometimes been denominated "Hell's Half-Acre." Following along Firehole River we pass into the Upper Basin, a section the most popular with the majority of tourists. Among the geysers in this basin we shall find Grotto, Castle, Giant, Giantess, Bee Hive, Splendid, Grand, and Old Faithful. Each of them has an interest peculiarly its own, but Old Faithful is always true to its name and is perhaps best appreciated by visitors. The opening through which Old Faithful disgorges its water is at the summit of a mound built up by its own exertions. The wrinkles on its face tell of long-continued service. Every seventy minutes this faithful worker sends up a column of water to the height of one hundred and eighty feet, and at each eruption more than one million gallons of water are thrown out. We now pass through a section noted for its wild and picturesque scenery and considered the pleasantest on the trip. In leaving the Upper Basin we follow along Firehole River to the mouth of Spring Creek, then along this creek to the Continental Divide. From there, travelling a few miles along the Pacific slope, we cross the Divide and descend the mountains into the valley of the Yellowstone. Near the central part of the park, encircled by a forest and elevated nearly eight thousand feet above the sea-level, lies a remarkable body of water supplied by ice-cold streams formed by the melting snow on the surrounding mountains. This body of water, of which the Yellowstone River is the outlet, is the famous Yellowstone Lake, thirty miles long and twenty miles wide; it is filled with trout. Here the fisherman can catch hundreds of trout in a short time, but unfortunately most of them are afflicted with a parasitic disease, rendering them unfit for food. Researches have been made seeking the cause of the disease in order, if possible, to apply a remedy, but so far to no purpose. It is conjectured that the superabundance of fish together with a dearth of suitable food lowers their vitality, thus rendering them liable to disease. Yellowstone stands next to Lake Titicaca as the highest large body of water in the world. The sunrise and sunset effects on the lake are most beautiful. A steamer plies on the lake carrying mail and passengers. The bird life on this body of water and its shores is represented by swans, geese, ducks, cranes, pelicans, curlews, herons, plovers, and snipe. For beauty and grandeur the lower falls and canyon of the Yellowstone River are unsurpassed. A body of water seventy feet wide rushes forward with impetuous speed and joyously takes a leap of more than three hundred feet to the rocks below, where, breaking into millions of particles, it forms a great cloud of spray. The water then dashes on with renewed vitality between the walls of a canyon fourteen hundred feet deep, and most gorgeously painted by nature in such a variety and lavishness of tints that they defy the most skilful artist to reproduce them. As one gazes from the edge of the chasm into and along the depths below, he attempts in vain to measure the fulness and beauty of this handiwork of nature. He is too amazed for utterance and remains spellbound, communing only with himself and nature regarding the unfathomable significance of such marvels. When the famous painter, Thomas Moran, desired to reproduce in colors on canvas this masterpiece of nature, he gathered his inspiration from Artist Point, and after he had finished the celebrated painting which now adorns the Capitol at Washington, he acknowledged that the beautiful tints of the canyon were beyond the reach of human art. The Grand Canyon of the Yellowstone has no equal on the face of the globe. With a breadth equal to its depth, this richly decorated canyon stands out unique among the world's wonders. Its beautiful panorama of stained walls, down which trickle streams of water which brighten the tints in some places and soften them in others, extends for a distance of three miles. The entire canyon is fifteen miles in length. A most interesting place to visit, but outside the itinerary of most tourists, is the Fossil, or Petrified, Forest. This section, especially attractive to the scientist, lies in the northeastern part of the park just north of Amethyst Mountain. To one who can read Nature's books, a wondrous volume is open, disclosing in its strata the hidden secrets of many by-gone geological ages. Here on the north flank of the mountain are two thousand feet of stratifications. On the ledges, tier above tier and story above story, are seen the opal and agate stumps and trunks of twenty ancient forests, some of the trunks being ten feet in diameter. What wonderful stories do they tell of life and death, of flood and volcanic fire, ranging through the eons of the past! So perfect are these petrifactions that the annual rings can be easily counted and even the grain of the wood is plainly visible. As one traverses this wonderland he is impressed by the evidence of the stupendous forces that lie smouldering beneath the crust of the earth. It is not improbable that at some future time, by the further wrinkling or sinking of the surface of this part of the American continent, the slumbering volcanic fires may be awakened to new life and activity. CHAPTER IV TWO PREHISTORIC CEMETERIES--GIANT REPTILES AND GIANT TREES Although reptiles appeared first in the period known as the Carboniferous Age, or age of plant life, they did not attain their greatest development until Jurassic and Cretaceous times, when many were of prodigious size and ruled the world. The gigantic ichthyosaurs, mesosaurs, and dinosaurs held dominion over the sea and land, and the monster flying reptile, the pterodactyl, over the air. Ages ago a great inland sea embracing Wyoming and the surrounding region occupied the area east of the Rocky Mountains. For many years students of geology had found this section a fertile field for the study of rock formations and the collection of fossils; but not until 1898 was the geological wonderland of central-south Wyoming discovered. This discovery proved to be a graveyard of prehistoric monsters dating back probably several millions of years ago. Entombed in the rocks of the Jurassic and Cretaceous periods, many lizard-like animals of gigantic size called saurians were found. Several fossil skeletons of these animals have been chiselled out of the solid rocks and mounted in museums, the work entailing a vast amount of labor and expense. The discovery was made by Mr. Walter Granger, who had been sent out by the American Museum of Natural History, of New York, to hunt for fossils. In the desert section near Medicine Bow River, Wyoming, he found what seemed to be a number of dark-brown bowlders. On a critical examination they proved to be ponderous fossils that had been washed out of a great bed of reptilian remains. The fossil graveyard in question was found to be two hundred and seventy-five feet in thickness. Near by was a Mexican sheep-herder's cabin, the foundations of which were constructed of huge fossils. The vicinity was christened Bone Cabin Quarry. Ten miles south of the Bone Cabin Quarry, in the Como Bluffs, another bed containing the remains of huge dinosaurs was discovered. From these remarkable cemeteries many fossils have been obtained. The term saurian means "lizard," and it has many prefixes to indicate the different genera and species. The prefixes generally express to a certain extent the characteristic appearance or habits of the different kinds of saurians. Some were flesh-eaters; others were herbivorous. Some lived on land; others, in the shallow waters and lagoons, fed on succulent aquatic plants; still others frequented the deeper waters and lived on fish. [Illustration: _Property of the American Museum of Natural History_ The Brontosaurus (herbivorous dinosaur)] The name dinosaur, meaning terrible lizard, represents an order of fossil reptiles. They are allied to the crocodile, but, like the kangaroo, their hind legs were much longer than their front ones. The neck and tail were very long and the body short but of immense size. These monsters were from twenty to eighty feet in length and weighed from thirty to one hundred tons. The long, slender neck supported a small head that contained a correspondingly small brain, from which it is thought that the creature possessed a low order of intelligence. The tail was much thicker than the neck and in some species was flattened. When rising on its hind legs and resting on its tail it could look into the window of a four-story building. Some of these strange animals had bills like those of a duck; some possessed teeth for grinding and others sharp teeth for tearing. These were by far the largest land animals that ever lived. The different species often waged titanic battles with one another for the supremacy of the earth. It is conjectured that their disappearance was due to violent upheavals of the earth, to the draining of the water, to changes of climate, and to deprivation of suitable food. The mounted brontosaur in the American Museum of Natural History, New York, will enable one better to appreciate the size of these giants of the ancient world. This typical specimen, though not the largest found, is sixty-seven feet long and stands fifteen and one-half feet high. Its neck measures thirty feet in length and its tail eighteen. The body weighed about ninety tons. This huge fossil, enclosed in its stone matrix, was sent from the quarry to the museum. After it had been received two men were employed constantly for nearly two and one-half years in removing the matrix, repairing, and mounting the fossil. Let us turn now to the burying ground of a giant forest. Long, long years ago, before man appeared on the earth, an inland sea occupied what is now the northeastern part of Arizona. It was a sea bordered with sandstone and surrounded by coniferous forests, where stately trees nodded in the breezes. At length there came a great change. The rim of the basin gave way, and the great volume of water, freed from restraint, overwhelmed the forest with earthy material, prostrating and burying it deep beneath the flood of sand. In time the woody structure disappeared, and was replaced by beautifully stained opal and agate. Again, in the lapse of time the old forest bed was once more lifted above its former level, forming a mesa, or plateau, of considerable extent. During subsequent ages, the elements scarred and furrowed the plateau, forming canyons, gulches, valleys, and buttes, thus revealing in part this ancient forest. Could these dead trees but talk, how interesting would be their story! We can read their history but imperfectly by examining the mutilated breast of Mother Earth, in and on which lie these mute stone trees, dead yet made more beautiful through their transformation. [Illustration: _Property of the American Museum of Natural History_ The Allosaurus (carnivorous dinosaur)] This region is called the "Petrified Forest," or "Chalcedony Park." It is about one hundred square miles in extent, and is visited annually by thousands of people from all parts of the world. On account of its strange geological character it is of special interest to the scientist. Let us make a brief trip to this wonderful stone forest. We take light hand-baggage and board a Santa Fé train. The railway passes near the most interesting part of the forest, and we change cars before entering Arizona in order to take this line. The railway officials have made a station at Adamana, six miles from the edge of the forest, in order to accommodate the travelling public. We leave the train here and procure a team to carry us to the forest. Unless informed of what is to be seen one is apt to be greatly disappointed. One's idea of a forest is usually that of a timber-covered area in which the trees stand erect, with outspreading branches; but we look in vain for a standing tree, or even a stump that is erect. All are branchless trunks, prostrate on the ground, many wholly or partly buried; moreover, they are lying in all sorts of positions, some entire and others broken into sections; some are massed closely together; others lie apart; and millions of pieces of all sizes are scattered around. At places we can travel a long distance by stepping from one log to another. But what is that pile of variegated disk-like objects looking like the primitive Mexican ox-cart wheels? They are cross-sections of stone logs, some large and some small, seemingly thrown together carelessly. It is a characteristic of petrified trunks to break into cross-sections or blocks, varying from a few inches to several feet in length; and this tendency prevails here. We are told that the trees of this forest antedate those of the Yellowstone Park by a long period of time. How the loftiest flights of the imagination are piqued as we contemplate the marvellous changes since this primeval forest depended on the soil and sun for their life-giving elements! As we wander through this wonderful forest our feet seem to be treading on the rarest gems. And well may it seem so, because when polished these pieces display a beauty of coloring and a lustre that rivals the glint of precious stones. There is no other petrified forest in the world in which the mineralized wood assumes so many varied and interesting forms and colors. Many years ago a firm at Sioux Falls undertook to manufacture table tops, mantels, pedestals, and various decorative articles out of sections of this agatized wood by cutting them into the desired forms and polishing them. Tiffany and Company, the famous jewellers, also used this material for the base of the beautiful silver testimonial presented to the French sculptor, Bartholdi. At a later date, an abrasive company of Denver conceived the plan of grinding up these trunks to make emery because of their extreme hardness; in fact, a plant was shipped to Adamana station for that purpose. Fortunately for the public, however, it was not put into operation because the company learned that a Canadian firm had put on the market an article at such a reduced price that to grind up these beautiful logs would be unprofitable. Fragments, branches, and trunks of all sorts and sizes are found lying around, many of them richly colored, forming chalcedony, opal, and agate; some approach the condition of jasper and onyx. Before the Petrified Forest was set aside as a national park by Congress, many acts of vandalism were committed, to say nothing about the quantities of mineral carried away by manufacturing firms and curiosity-hunters. Keepers now have charge of the park, and no one is permitted to take away specimens for commercial use. Previously many of the finest logs were destroyed by blasting in order to procure the beautiful crystals which are found in the centre of many of them. One object of special interest in the park is the National Bridge, a petrified trunk which spans a chasm thirty feet wide and twenty feet deep. The part of the trunk crossing the gulch lies diagonally and is forty-four feet long. The length of the trunk exposed by erosion is one hundred and eleven feet; a fraction still remains embedded in the sandstone. The ruins of several ancient Indian pueblos are scattered about the park, nearly all of them built of logs of this richly colored, agatized wood. The forest was a storehouse for ages, whence primitive men obtained material from which to make agate hammers, arrow-heads, and knives, as is shown by implements found hundreds of miles distant from these quarries. CHAPTER V DEATH VALLEY Death Valley, or the Arroyo del Muerte, as the Spanish called it, is in the western part of southern California, near the oblique boundary of Nevada, a little way north of Nevada's vanishing point. Nowadays one may ride almost into the valley in a Pullman coach. From Daggett, a forsaken station of the Santa Fé Railroad, a "jerkwater" road, as it is called, extends northward to Goldfield and Tonopah, and this road takes one almost as the crow flies to the edge of the valley of the ominous name. Even in a Pullman coach the trip is trying to both body and soul. But forty years ago?--well, that is a different story. Then there was no Santa Fé Railway, and no Daggett--just a wide stretch of desert dotted with yucca and Spanish bayonet. Prospectors and pack-trains had left trails here and there. One of these, now a wagon-road, lay southward to San Bernardino; northward it lost itself in the desert toward Candelaria. The region possesses some names that are a trifle paradoxical. For instances, there are the Black Mountains, the grayish red color of which belies their name. Then there is Funeral Range, which, far from being sombre in aspect, is most brilliantly colored. To the southward is Paradise Valley, a plain desert strewn with greasewood and chamiso; and down in the floor of Death Valley is, or rather was, Greenland. But Greenland is not a waste of icebound coldness; on the contrary, it is averred by the laborers in the borax fields to be several degrees hotter than any other place on earth. The surplus water of the spring is employed to produce verdure there, and it is apparently equal to the task, for the forty or more acres so irrigated produce wonderful crops; hence it is "Greenland." Even twenty years ago the trip to Death Valley was a trying one to the experienced desert traveller in summer; to the tenderfoot without a guide it was almost certain death. The best equipment for the trip was a pair of mules, or else cayuse ponies, and a light buckboard with broad tires--tires so wide that they would not sink in the loose, wind-blown rock waste. The equipment might possibly be found in Daggett; more likely it must be purchased in San Bernardino. At all events, Daggett was the real starting point, and the first "trick" in the journey was the crossing of Mohave River. The river was pretty sure to be deep--not with water but with sand. Whoever saw water in the channel, or "wash," of the Mohave? Perhaps the oldest settler may have seen it; at any rate he will so claim, for the oldest settler is always boastful; indeed, fairy-story telling is his inherent, bounden right. To make good his assertion he points to the bridge, and certainly the bridge is there; but as for the river, it may be on hand one day--perhaps an hour or so--in ten, twenty, or thirty years! Beyond the river a wide expanse of desert is before us, and then a beautiful lake comes into view. Real water, is it?--no; just the desert mirage, but it seems real enough to quench a genuine thirst. But the illusion is lessened by the surroundings, for we are approaching a dry sink--an old lake-bed that was filled with brackish water once when a cloud-burst that occurred in Calico Mountains had its busy day. Back of us are Calico Mountains, a picturesque clump of buttes, and the glimpse of them we get from the north explains why they were so named. And such colors! Their brilliant hues change like kaleidoscopic patterns with the sun's motion. On our right a trail diverges to Coyote Holes, made grewsome by one of many tragedies that have occurred in the region. This time it was a hold-up. A desert waif out of luck and ready cash waylaid the paymaster of Calico mines and relieved him of the money intended for the miners. The robber was soon trailed and he quickly discovered that his only safety lay in hiding. But where could he hide in that desolate flat? At Coyote Holes there is a spring and a small marsh. The robber buried himself in the mud till all but his face was covered and lay there while the posse searched. But the keen vision of an Indian scout did not fail. When the robber saw that he was surrounded, he put up a brave fight and went down, riddled with rifle-balls. The money was recovered. A little farther on is Garlic Springs. It is a common camping-place and like other camps is plentifully strewn with the evidence of the prospector's outfit--hundreds and hundreds of empty tin cans. In time we camp at Cave Springs in a little cove of the Avawatz Buttes. Once there came along a man who all said was half-witted. Perhaps he was, but his intelligence was keen enough to prompt him to claim the springs. By selling the water for quenching thirst at the rate of "four bits" a head for stock and "two bits" apiece for men, his spring proved the best gold mine in the district. There is no water ahead until we reach Saratoga Springs, a dozen miles beyond, and it is well that we take a small supply along, as the water there is unfit for either man or beast. There is a difference between Saratoga Springs, New York, and the springs bearing this high-sounding name in the Amargosa sink. [Illustration: Twenty-mule borax team] Boiling Springs are a night's ride--perhaps twenty miles--beyond. We give our team three hours of rest and start therefor, stopping in the mean time for a midnight feed, where most unexpectedly we find some excellent grazing for our horses. By daylight we are at the Springs and in a locality much like the Bad Lands of South Dakota. But the "boiling" industry apparently is taking a vacation, for the water is not too warm for one's hands and face--and certainly it is refreshing. We are in a "sink," or the dry bed of a lake, and the cliffs of clay have been sculptured into existence by the Amargosa River. Sometimes, when a dissipated cloud tumbles its contents into the region, the Amargosa is filled bank full with water; but few prospectors have seen more than a trickling stream flowing in its bed. We turn our way out of the wagon-trail toward Funeral Range to find the canyon of Furnace Creek, and in time we are clambering up a narrow gulch between the multicolored strata of clay buttes. Not a vestige of life, not even the horned-toad or the trail of the kangaroo-rat is to be seen. Half a dozen graves marked each by a wooden cross or a rock monument are in sight. Who are they? Ask the simoom that sweeps like a cruel furnace blast over this forsaken region. To be lost in this desert means horrible suffering, phantom-seeing, and then death. The bodies of these unfortunates were merely found and buried--lost!--dead! We cross the mesa which forms part of the Funeral Range. Telescope and Sentinel Peaks beyond Death Valley in the Panamint Mountains loom above the horizon; we descend the canyon of Furnace Creek and are in Death Valley. We are in a strange and weird depression of the earth's crust about fifty miles long and ten wide, the deepest part of which is more than two hundred and fifty feet below sea level. Once upon a time, it is thought, the Gulf of California reached so far inland that it included this gash. Then the never-ceasing winds bridged it with loose rock waste. Thus, Death Valley was born. In time it became a salt lake, a marsh, and then a dry sink. It is here that the deadly side-winder travels by night instead of day to avoid the excessive heat, and rivers flow with their bottoms up as if to hide from the burning rays of the sun; where Death by name and by nature gives forth no warning note, and even a mountain range on the east side of the valley signifies the service held to commemorate the last resting-place of the unfortunates who have perished here. The valley is hemmed in on the east by the precipitous side of the gorgeous-colored Funeral Range, and on the west by the Panamint Mountains, which rise to the height of ten thousand feet. The climate is cool and salubrious in winter, but is a fiery furnace in summer, when the mercury in the thermometer sometimes climbs to one hundred and forty degrees in the shade. Death Valley gained its name from a terrible tragedy that occurred during the early days of the gold excitement in California. Emigrants bound for California overland were wont to follow the same general route as far as Salt Lake City. From here there were two routes, one westerly along the route over which the Central Pacific Railway was afterward built, the other southerly into southern California. Late in the season of 1849 one of the emigrant parties reached Salt Lake City. Rather than winter there, however, they determined to push forward at all hazards by the southern route. After travelling through Utah and some distance in Nevada, they left the regular trail and decided to turn southwesterly and cross a fairly level mesa. The region was unknown to them, but they believed that by thus changing the route they would be able to reach their destination more quickly. They also thought that they would find better grazing for their stock. After they had crossed the mesa, the route became more rugged and more precipitous, so, in order to lighten the wagon-loads, one by one many articles of furniture were left behind. When the company reached the head of Amargosa Valley they began to separate. At length one party found looming up before it the streaked and many-colored Funeral Range of mountains. Nothing daunted, they laboriously toiled up to the crest with their teams. On looking down their hearts sank within them as they beheld a precipitous descent to a long, deep, and narrow valley almost destitute of vegetation. This depression was to be christened Death Valley. It was now too late to turn back; so, unyoking the oxen, they proceeded to lower the wagons down into the valley by hand, using chains and ropes. By the time they had finished the task darkness had shut down and, gathering sufficient greasewood brush to make a fire, they cooked their evening meal with a scanty supply of water and vainly searched for more. The food was eaten in gloomy silence, for they were lost and knew not where they were nor how to reach the nearest settlement. It was apparent to all, however, that they must hasten to leave this kiln-dried desert valley as soon as possible. Abandoning their wagons and nearly all of the surviving oxen to their fate, after incredible hardships from lack of both food and water, about one-half of the company of thirty souls that crossed the Funeral Range reached the settlements alive. Succumbing to their sufferings, the others dropped, one by one, by the wayside unknelled and uncoffined. The skeletons of several of these unfortunate emigrants were found years afterward by exploring parties and prospectors. Among those who escaped was a man named Bennett, who, on reaching the nearest town, reported that he had found a ledge of pure silver. The reputed discovery occurred in this way. As he was wending his course along one of the canyons he came across a spring, and, being both thirsty and tired, after taking a drink sat down to rest. While sitting there he carelessly broke off a piece of a rock jutting out near him, and perceiving that it was very heavy and thinking it might be of some value, placed a small part of it in his pocket. After he had reached San Bernardino he happened to purchase a gun lacking a front sight. Bennett therefore sought a gunsmith, whom he requested to make a sight out of the metallic rock which he had found that he might have a souvenir which would not be easily lost. To the astonishment of all who learned the facts, the metal proved to be pure silver. This circumstance gave rise to the celebrated "Gunsight Lead," a phantom that was chased in every direction from Death Valley; but, like the mirage of the desert, the lead was never found. In summer the valley is said to be the hottest place on the face of the earth, and persons deprived of water even for an hour become insane. Men who have attempted to cross it at mid-day have been known to fall dead, and birds flying across have been killed by the fierce heat. Cloud-bursts occur occasionally on the adjoining mountains, when torrents pour down the declivities, filling the canyons with streams of water sometimes many feet deep, which sweep everything before them. A cloud-burst may change the whole face of the mountain. Cloud-bursts come usually in the hottest weather and almost with the suddenness of an explosion. A swiftly moving black cloud tipped with fiery streaks and growing rapidly appears above the crest of the mountains. Then it sinks like a monster balloon turned sidewise until it strikes a ridge or peak; the flood is then let loose and destruction follows. Many stories are told of persons barely escaping with their lives by hastily climbing up the side of the canyons, beyond the reach of the roaring waters, and of others being overwhelmed and drowned. Such a flood, caused by a cloud-burst, may have buried the alleged Gunsight Lead and have changed the conformation of the canyon beyond recognition. No one without experience in travelling over deserts in the summer season can realize the hardships attending travel in the region of Death Valley nor the sombre sameness of the arid stretches of sand. When the sun has set and the full moon rising makes the silhouettes of the mountains look darker, a vague, indescribable sensation comes over one--an awe-inspiring feeling of insignificance and helplessness amidst scenes of majestic desolation. If religiously inclined, one is prone to utter the words of the wandering Arab of the Sahara, "Nothing exists here but Allah! _Allah hu Akbar!_--God is greater than all his created witnesses." In summer, the air being almost entirely destitute of moisture, evaporation is exceedingly rapid, and so hot is the sun at this season that metal objects lying out-of-doors burn the hand if touched. Many years ago valuable borax deposits were discovered in the Death Valley and thousands of tons of borax have been freighted out by huge wagons drawn by mules; indeed, "twenty-mule-team borax" has become almost a household term. Borax is still mined here, but not so extensively as formerly, more accessible borax deposits having been found in Nevada and elsewhere--and the twenty-mule team is now a motor-truck! Nearly one-third of all of the borax of the world comes from the deserts of California and Nevada. When borax was first discovered in California the wholesale price in New York was about fifty cents a pound; now it is about six cents. The various applications of borax to industrial and domestic uses have kept pace with its enormous production during the last twenty-five years, until now it is used for more than fifty different purposes. The meat-packers of the United States alone use several million pounds as a preservative. It is also used with excellent results as an antiseptic in dressing wounds and sores. Furnace Creek enters the valley on the eastern side of Death Valley, but its waters soon sink out of sight. The creek is used to irrigate a tract of alfalfa, a small garden, and a few trees; and the small ranch, a veritable oasis in a desert, is rightly called Greenland. A few men are kept employed here by the borax company. Now and then, however, the whole crowd, tiring of the extreme heat, desert in a body. This region is now robbed of some of its terrors by the completion of the Tonopah and Tidewater Railroad, which touches Death Valley at the old Amargosa Borax Works. CHAPTER VI THE MINERAL WEALTH OF THE ANDES At this period of the world's progress, when so many marvellous inventions are taking place, one can scarcely realize the intense interest that was awakened by the first discoveries made in the New World. So great was the excitement that the most improbable stories were readily believed. There were fountains of perpetual youth, Amazonian warriors, mighty giants, and rivers whose beds sparkled with gems and golden pebbles. The reports of every returning adventurer, whatever had been his luck, were tinged with the marvellous. In fact, a world of romance was now open to all and the opportunities to achieve fame and fortune were numberless. The first in the field stood the best chance to win the choicest prizes. Stories that outrivalled the Arabian Nights clouded the realm of reason. So extraordinary were the accounts that many of the cities of Spain were depleted of their most energetic men. Every craft that could sail the seas was called into use, and the building of new vessels was hastened to completion in order to provide for the needs of adventurous prospectors and would-be explorers. The conquest of the Aztec Empire, with its millions of treasure, by Cortez had already proved the valiancy of Spanish cavaliers. To add to this, the conquest of the Incas by Pizarro and his followers was regarded a miracle of divine interposition. As a result, Spanish galleons laden with treasure from the conquered countries ploughed the seas, and untold wealth poured into private and royal coffers. Spanish ambition and greed for gold knew no bounds. Cunning and cruelty were employed by the Spaniards to secure their ends. No trials, no hardships were too great for them to endure. No perils daunted them. Western South America, ruled by viceroys for nearly three centuries, brought to Spain its greatest wealth. One-fifth of all the wealth and treasure acquired was reserved for the crown. When Pizarro first visited the interior of Peru he found an empire well advanced in the arts of civilization. Its temples within and without were richly decorated with gold. There were thousands of miles of excellent roads, of which two were used for military purposes. One of these extended along the lowlands; the other traversed the grand plateau. These roads crossed ravines bridged with solid masonry and were pierced by tunnels cut through solid rock. The construction of these great roads was a more wonderful achievement than the building of the Egyptian pyramids. The government was systematically organized and to a certain extent it was both paternal and communal. Agriculture was skilfully carried on by means of fertilization and irrigation. The sun was the chief deity and object of worship of its people. Their most beautifully adorned and renowned sanctuary was the Temple of the Sun at Cuzco. Besides this sacred edifice there were several hundred inferior temples and places of worship scattered through the empire, all plentifully ornamented with gold and silver. Every Inca ruler was regarded as a descendant of the sun and therefore a sacred person. According to the popular belief, gold consisted of tears wept by the sun and was therefore a sacred metal suitable for beautifying the palaces of the Incas and temples of worship. Not only were the edifices themselves richly adorned with this precious metal, but the sacred vessels and many of the articles of furniture were made of the same material. Silver, also, was much used, but was not considered sacred. So great was the amount of the precious metals used that each royal palace and temple was a veritable mine. From 1520 to 1525 reports of a rich empire at the south were circulated among the adventurers congregated at Panama. At length they were confirmed in a great measure by travellers who had voyaged southward along the coast. Francisco Pizarro, a restless spirit who had been associated with Balboa and others in discovery and exploration, determining to test the truth of these reports, made several voyages south. Finally, he landed on the shores of Peru with an army of followers who numbered less than two hundred. He met with but little opposition from the natives while marching toward the interior, and although he plundered some of the places through which he passed, the people received him with marks of friendship. In some instances towns of several thousand population were deserted on the approach of the Spaniards, so great was the terror inspired by the white men, especially by those on horseback. At first it was the policy of the invaders to treat the natives with kindness in order to accomplish their purpose, namely, to conquer the Peruvian Empire in the same manner that Cortez had conquered the Aztecs. They were accompanied by two of the natives who previously had been taken to Spain and taught the Spanish language. By this means the Spaniards were able to communicate with the people. Learning that the Inca ruler, Atahuallpa, was encamped with his army among the mountains, Pizarro sent an embassy to request a meeting with him. It was agreed that they meet at Caxamalca, a strongly fortified city among the sierras. On arriving at the city, the Spaniards found it evacuated. Soon after taking up their quarters there, Atahuallpa arrived and established his camp a short distance outside the city. Pizarro at once sent word to Atahuallpa to come into the city and sup with him, but asked that, in order to show his faith in the white men and his own good intentions, he should leave all weapons behind. After much persuasion Atahuallpa accepted the invitation and entered the city, with several thousand of his followers, unarmed. When fairly within the enclosure, a priest approaching the Inca ruler made a harangue about Christianity and demanded that he should submit to the authority of the Spanish king. "By what authority do you demand such submission?" replied the monarch with flashing eye. "By this holy book which I hold in my hand," answered the priest. Then snatching the volume from the hand of the priest, Atahuallpa scornfully threw it on the ground, saying, "What right have you in my country? I will call you and your companions to an account for the indignities heaped upon me." Picking up the book, the priest forthwith went to Pizarro and reported the conduct of the Inca, saying, "It is useless to talk to this dog. At them at once; I absolve you." Immediately Pizarro raised his handkerchief for the preconcerted signal, the firing of a gun. Thereupon his soldiers, infantry and cavalry, rushed from their places of concealment upon the defenceless Indians, slaughtering them unmercifully right and left. The discharge of the arquebuses and cannon, with their smoke, and the charge of the cavalry paralyzed the unsuspecting natives, and the attack became a horrible massacre. Not until thousands of the Indians had been killed and the Inca ruler had been captured did darkness cause the Spaniards to desist from their bloody work. So sudden and terrible had been the onslaught that the haughty monarch himself seemed stunned by the effect. Realizing the irresistible power of the white men with their wonderful weapons and horses, the natives gave up for a time all thoughts of resistance. In fact, they regarded the Spaniards as superior beings endowed with preternatural gifts. When the ruler had been kept a prisoner several months, he desired to regain his freedom. By this time he realized the Spaniards' thirst for gold, and therefore promised to fill the room in which he was confined with it as high as he could reach, and twice to fill an adjoining room with silver, if they would release him. Pizarro agreed to this proposal; Atahuallpa thereupon sent out messengers to all parts of his empire requesting that the metals in the shape of utensils and ornaments be collected from the royal palaces, temples, and elsewhere and brought to Caxamalca. On account of the difficulty of transportation, since all the treasure had to be carried on the backs of the natives, many months elapsed before the collections could be made. When fifteen and one-half million dollars' worth of gold and a large amount of silver had been delivered at Caxamalca, Pizarro excused the imprisoned ruler from further contributions. At this juncture of affairs Almagro, a co-partner in the Peruvian expedition, arrived on the scene with a strong reinforcement. On learning of the immense amount of gold and silver collected, the followers of both leaders loudly clamored for its distribution among them, and, taking out the royal fifth part, the remainder was divided according to the rank and service rendered. Then came rumors of an uprising among the natives and of the collection of an army to drive out the invaders, but on investigation these reports were found to be false. The question then uppermost in the minds of the Spanish leaders was the disposition of the royal prisoner. It was thought that, were he released according to promise, the natives might rally around him and demand the expulsion of the intruders. So it was decided to make charges against him and to have at least the form of a trial in order to give an appearance of justice to the proceedings. Twelve charges were made against Atahuallpa, nearly all of which were far-fetched and absolutely false. He was found guilty and condemned to death by burning; but at the last moment, when he was chained to a stake and the torch was ready to be applied, the priest in attendance promised that the sentence should be commuted to the easier death by the garrote if he would renounce his idolatry and embrace Christianity. He assented to the proposal, and immediately the modified sentence was carried out. It is not necessary to add that the execution of the Peruvian monarch was the darkest stain on the pages of Spanish colonial history. From this time on the conduct of the Spanish invaders was marked by a most inhuman cruelty toward the natives. [Illustration: The Oroya Railroad, Peru, showing four sections of the road] Thinking that he could more easily govern the empire through a native ruler subservient to himself, Pizarro placed Manco, the true heir, on the Peruvian throne. In the meantime, however, parts of the empire rebelled against the new ruler and the Spanish usurpers. Then, when the rebellious tribes had been brought back to their former allegiance, the Spanish leaders quarrelled and fought among themselves. It was not long before the arrogant and cruel conduct of the Spaniards alienated all friendship on the part of both ruler and his subjects. Manco broke from his masters and, aided by his people, raised the standard of rebellion, determining to make a last supreme effort to rid his subjects of the incubus that was sapping the life of the country. After many bloody encounters in which both sides sustained severe losses, Manco was killed and the Spanish yoke was firmly fixed on the neck of the people, who for the greater part were consigned to a most inhuman slavery. Thousands perished by the brutal treatment inflicted upon them in the silver mines. In the course of time Indian slavery was abolished in a great measure by royal proclamation; nevertheless, Spain continued to rule this land for three hundred years before the oppressive yoke was cast off by a successful uprising. It is a pleasure to know that many of the Spanish leaders who were guilty of this heartless cruelty suffered violent deaths in quarrels among themselves or in rebellion against the crown of Spain. During the period of Spanish rule an immense revenue accrued from working the rich silver mines. Those that filled the Spanish treasure ships so eagerly sought by buccaneers were the mines of Potosi. These silver lodes, extensively worked through Indian slave labor by Hernando and Gonzalo Pizarro, brothers of Francisco Pizarro, were discovered in 1546. So rich did the lodes prove to be that the city of Potosi sprang up near them and was supported by them, although the site was far from being desirable. Its altitude is about thirteen thousand feet, and it is, therefore, the highest city in the world. It is situated on the bleak side of the Andes, from whose snow-clad peaks cold, piercing winds sweep down over the city. Towering above it is a mountain, honeycombed with shafts, tunnels, and drifts, from which has been taken silver to the value of two billion dollars. At first it was thought that a location so high above sea level would be unhabitable, but the immense wealth of the silver lodes required many workmen for their development, and these laborers had to be housed and fed. At the zenith of its prosperity Potosi possessed one hundred seventy thousand inhabitants, and had the distinction of being the largest city in the New World during the first two centuries of its existence. A mint built in 1562, at the expense of over a million dollars, is long since unused. A splendid granite cathedral ornamented with beautiful statuary still attests to the former grandeur of the city. Some of the richest veins of silver ore in the Potosi mines have been worked out and many mines have been allowed to become filled with water. These conditions, coupled with the low price of silver for many years, have caused the population of the city to dwindle until now there are scarcely more than ten thousand inhabitants and very many of the buildings are in ruins. These mines have produced twenty-seven thousand tons of silver since their discovery, and at the present day many of them are yielding large returns. The Bolivian plateau is one vast mineral bed abounding in rich mines of copper, tin, silver, and gold. In Bolivia alone there are upward of two thousand silver mines; while some of the richest tin mines in the world are found here. Lodes of pure tin several feet in width have been followed down six hundred feet. Tin mines were recently discovered among the mountains thirteen thousand five hundred feet above the level of the sea, near the shores of Lake Titicaca. Two railroads now reach this high plateau, one from the seaport town of Antofagasta, Chile, to Oruro, Bolivia; the other from Molendo, Peru, to Puno, on Lake Titicaca. The most wonderful railroad in the world and the most costly in its construction, the Oroya Railroad is about one hundred fifty miles long. It begins at Callao, Peru, and ends at Oroya. The highest point reached by it in crossing the Andes is fifteen thousand six hundred and sixty-five feet. It is said that seven thousand lives were lost in its construction. Much of the road-bed was blasted through solid rock on the sides of the mountains. The cost of construction was about three hundred thousand dollars per mile. It has seventy-eight tunnels, the longest being the Gallera tunnel, which pierces Mount Meiggs at the altitude of fifteen thousand six hundred and sixty-five feet. This is the highest place in the world where steam is used as a motive power. Ultimately the road is to be extended to the celebrated mines of Cerro de Pasco, fifty-one miles beyond its present terminus, Oroya. The chief business of these railroads extending into the Andes is carrying ore, bullion, and wool. Their construction marks the acme of engineering skill; the scenery along them surpasses that of all other regions in its wild ruggedness, grandeur, and sublimity. In ascending to such great heights quickly one not accustomed to high elevations is apt to experience dizziness, headache, and nausea. At first even the effort to talk on reaching these lofty places by train is laborious. Dogs taken from the lowlands to these elevations are unable to run with speed for a long time, but those which are born and reared in this region easily pursue wild animals. When the New World was discovered the llama was the only animal used there as a beast of burden. Thousands of these diminutive creatures are still used for transporting ore and bullion in the Andes. Each animal can carry a load of seventy-five pounds or more. This sure-footed animal can travel with its load about fourteen miles a day. [Illustration: Llamas resting] Lake Titicaca is one of the famous lakes of the world. Its name means tin-stone and was doubtless derived from the tin ore found in the vicinity. The lake has an elevation of twelve thousand five hundred and fifty feet, and although nine streams run into it, only one, the Desaguadero, flows out, carrying its waters to Lake Poopo, a small body of salt water nearly three hundred miles south. Lake Titicaca has the same surface level both summer and winter. The outflow never reaches the sea; it is lost by evaporation mainly in Lake Poopo, but the latter frequently overflows into the salt marshes lying to the southward. Though thin ice may be found in the quiet bays and inlets nearly every morning during the year, the expanse of the lake is never frozen even in the severest weather. A peculiarity about the lake is that not only will iron not rust when left in its waters, but that which was before rusted soon loses its scales of rust after being immersed a few days. Several steamers ply on the lake carrying chiefly ore and wool. Some of the islands in the lake are inhabited by Indians who eke out a precarious living. A civilization antedating that of the Incas formerly occupied the region about the lake, as is proved by the remarkable ruins along the shores concerning which the natives told the early Spaniards that they had no record. Three square miles are covered by these ruins, whose walls were made of immense blocks of stone most accurately fitted together, thus giving evidence of the great skill in stone-cutting possessed by the pre-Inca people. The Inca rulers had beautiful palaces and other edifices on some of the islands. Titicaca Island was regarded as sacred, and at the time of the Spanish conquest was the site of a large temple richly ornamented with gold and silver. Prospecting in the Andes is attended with great hardships. Few wild animals can be found to furnish food. Food and utensils must be carried on the backs of men, and the greatest difficulty is experienced in traversing the almost inaccessible steeps and deep ravines. Coal of inferior quality has been found near the shores of Lake Titicaca and is used by the steamers sailing on its waters. Many rich mineral lodes yet remain undiscovered, and a vast number of valuable mines languish for lack of capital to develop them. Frequent revolutions and the insecurity of private property prevent the investment of foreign capital. The Andes will continue to be a great storehouse of minerals for many years to come. [Illustration: Silver-smelting works at Cassapalca, on the Oroya Railroad, Peru, 13,600 feet high] Muffling the feet of the Peruvian Andes is a long narrow strip--drifting dunes of rock waste--known as the Atacama Desert. In comparison with this awful desert, the Sahara is said to be a botanical garden. Here during a part of the year a fierce, relentless sun pours down its burning rays on the shifting sands, keeping the air at a scorching heat both day and night. Formerly the region belonged to Bolivia, but it was annexed to Chile as a result of the war of 1881. For miles and miles not a blade of grass, not a tree, not a shrub is to be seen. All around is a bleak, barren waste destitute of water. Yet underneath these sands lie concealed immense deposits of "nitrates" of untold wealth. Although small quantities of the nitrates had been sent to Europe for chemical purposes--chiefly the manufacture of gunpowder--no considerable amount was exported until a fortuitous discovery was made by a Scotchman named George Smith. After wandering over the world for some time Smith settled down in a little village near Iquique, where he had a small garden containing fruit-trees and flowers. In one part of his garden he noticed that the plants grew best where the soil contained a white substance. He then proceeded to gather a quantity of the material and to experiment with it. To his surprise he found that a mere handful of it greatly stimulated the growth of plants. He told a member of his family in Scotland who was engaged in fruit-growing about the wonderful effects of the material as a fertilizer. As a result several bags of nitrates were distributed among Scottish farmers and fruit-growers. So satisfactory did the fertilizer prove that an immediate call was made for more of it. Thus began a business which now yields the owners of the beds one hundred million dollars yearly. It was soon found out that the nitrate in its raw state contained properties that were injurious to plants and that these should be first eliminated. Forthwith reduction works were established to extract the deleterious substances. These substances were mainly iodine and bromine, two chemical elements that are of greater value than the nitrates themselves. Within a few years railroads were built to transport the nitrates from the beds to the various ports where the reduction factories were erected. Many men who had large interests in the nitrate beds became immensely wealthy in a short time. The great value of the deposits caused towns and cities to spring up along the coast in the most inhospitable places, to some of which water was piped a distance of more than two hundred miles and at the cost of many millions of dollars. The principal nitrate beds are in a shallow valley, four or five thousand feet above sea level, lying between a long range of hills and the base of the Andes. Just how these mineral deposits were formed it is difficult to explain, the most plausible theory being that this desert was once the bottom of an inland sea having vast quantities of seaweed covered with sand. In the gradual decay of this substance the nitrate of soda, or "Chile saltpetre," was formed. To obtain the nitrates it is necessary first to remove the top layer of sand and then a layer of clay. Underneath this is found a layer of soft, whitish material called "nitrate." The crude nitrate is sent to the nitrate ports to be crushed and boiled in sea-water. After boiling, the solution is drawn off into shallow vessels and exposed to the heat of the sun to evaporate. When nearly all has been evaporated and the remaining liquid drawn off, the bottom and sides of the vessels are found to be covered with sparkling white crystals. This is the saltpetre of commerce, the highest grade of which is used in the manufacture of gunpowder, the second grade for chemical purposes, and the third grade, the great bulk, for fertilizing the exhausted soils of Europe. The liquid drawn off is crystallized by chemical treatment and further evaporation, and from it is obtained iodine, an ounce of which is worth as much as one hundred pounds of saltpetre. From eighty to one hundred million dollars' worth of these nitrates are dug out and sold each year. Great Britain takes about one-third of the entire product and Germany one-fifth. Iquique has the largest shipping trade. From this port about fifty million dollars' worth of nitrates and three million dollars' worth of iodine are exported yearly. CHAPTER VII THE CZAR'S GREATER DOMAIN No other parts of the globe have been subject to so many kaleidoscopic changes by migrations during the past eight centuries as northern Asia and eastern Europe. In comparison both India and China have remained stable for many centuries. Before the Christian era, Mongol tribes of northeastern Asia began their westward march, tarrying a few centuries along the way in the most fertile places and gathering force by multiplication until the thirteenth century. Then like a mighty flood they poured into eastern Europe, carrying everywhere in their pathway subjugation, devastation, and slaughter. During the early part of these migrations, the great Roman Empire trembled as she beheld the irresistible moving hosts, and her downfall was hastened by the ponderous blows dealt her by these barbarians. In the early part of the thirteenth century, after the Mongol ruler Genghis Khan had overrun southern Russia, he turned northward and captured the cities of Moscow, Vladimir, and Ryazan, putting to death many of the inhabitants by the most fiendish methods of torture. Thousands were slaughtered merely to wreak vengeance for the strong resistance offered by the besieged before surrendering. Hundreds of thousands of the Russians both high and low were made slaves. Wives of the nobles who had been richly clad and adorned with jewels became servants of their conquerors. [Illustration: Fishing for sturgeon through the ice of the Ural River. Catching the material for caviare] In 1272 most of the Tartars became Muhammadans and henceforth became more intolerant of the Christians, thousands of whom they burned alive or tortured. This oppressive yoke was borne for nearly three hundred years. Then Ivan III succeeded in breaking the Tartar rule forever. Mongol tribes, however, remained a disturbing element on the border for two hundred years thereafter. In the early part of the fourteenth century Othman, a Mongol, founded the Ottoman empire, which then consisted of only the western part of Asia Minor. His son and successor conquered Gallipoli in 1354, thereby gaining a foothold in Europe, and during the next two centuries successive Turkish rulers made large additions to the empire until it embraced vast areas in Europe, Asia, and Africa. For a time, indeed, it threatened to absorb all Christendom. Adrianople was conquered in 1361 and made the capital of the Turkish Empire. Then, in 1453, after a memorable siege, Constantinople was captured by the Muhammadans, and made the capital of the empire. Orkhan was the first to exact as tribute the strongest and healthiest male children of all Christian peoples whom he conquered. These youths, reared as Muhammadans and trained under strict military discipline, became that efficient body of troops called the Janizaries. For a long time they were the bulwark of the empire, but at length they became so dictatorial and powerful that the sultan began to fear them more than he feared his foreign enemies. In 1825, when the army was reorganized on the European plan, the Janizaries broke out in open revolt. Then the reigning sultan unfurled the flag of the Prophet and called upon the faithful to suppress the rebellious corps. In the contest that ensued it is estimated that twenty-five thousand of the rebels were put to death, twenty thousand were banished, and the others disbanded. This was the end of an epoch of blood-shedding and the beginning of an era of commerce. The Russians have always been noted for their love of furs; as a result a small, fur-bearing animal, the sable, led to the conquest of that vast realm now known as Siberia. About the middle of the sixteenth century a rich Russian merchant named Strogonoff, residing at Kazan, established salt works on the banks of the Kama, a tributary of the Volga River, and began trading with the natives. One day, having noticed some strangely dressed travellers and learning that they came from a country beyond the Ural Mountains, called Sibir, he despatched some of his agents into that land. On returning, the employees brought with them the finest sable skins that the merchant had ever seen. They had been secured for a trifling sum. Strogonoff began at once to extend the area of his trafficking, and informed the government of the lucrative commerce that he had opened up. Valuable concessions were then granted him. A few years afterward a Cossack officer named Yermak, who had been declared an outlaw by Ivan the Terrible, gathered together a force of less than one thousand men. The band was composed of adventurers, freebooters, and criminals, and the expedition was armed and provisioned by Strogonoff, who expected to profit by opening up the new region. Permission having been obtained from the government, in 1579 Yermak set forth with his followers for the unknown country. So great were the impediments which the pathless swamps and forest offered, together with the severity of the climate and hostility of the natives, that his force was reduced by death, sickness, and desertion to the number of five hundred when he lined up his men before the large army of the powerful Kutchum Khan. Like Cortez and Pizarro, Yermak had unbounded confidence in his ability to cope with his enemies, who were rudely armed with bows and arrows, regardless of their numbers; for his own men were supplied with matchlocks, and with these--in the language of the natives--they could manufacture thunder and lightning. A terrible battle ensued, and for some time success seemed evenly balanced. At length the fierce attacks of the Cossacks forced the barbarous hordes to give way and the retreat became a stampede. Kutchum Khan's camp and all its treasures fell into the hands of the conquerors. Yermak at once sent part of his force to occupy the Tartar capital, which was found to be evacuated, so great was the terror inspired by the Russians. The success achieved by the handful of Cossacks led several neighboring tribes to offer voluntarily an annual tribute of sable skins. When Yermak had collected several thousand of these skins, he sent a special envoy to Moscow to present them along with the conquered country to the czar. So greatly pleased was Ivan with the offerings that he forgave Yermak for his past ill deeds and made him governor and commander-in-chief of all the countries which he might conquer. Then, knowing that it would be difficult for the Cossacks to hold the conquered territory very long with their diminished numbers, the czar forthwith sent reinforcements. Soon after the arrival of the additional troops, Yermak audaciously started out to make further conquests. One dark and rainy night he encamped with his force on a small island in the Irtish River. Relying on the terror which his name had inspired, and the stormy weather, he deemed it unnecessary to post sentinels. Wearied with their long march, soon all of the Russians were buried in slumber. But Kutchum, smarting under his humiliating defeat, had spies constantly watching his foes, intending, if possible, to take them by surprise. When the spies reported to him the lack of vigilance on the part of the enemy, he stealthily crossed to the island with his force and fell upon the sleeping camp. All the Russians but two were killed, and these, escaping, reported the disaster at Sibir. When Yermak saw the annihilation of his troops, he cut his way through the Tartars and attempted to swim the stream, but was dragged to the bottom by his heavy armor and drowned. When news of the crushing disaster reached Sibir the Russians, losing heart at the death of their leader, evacuated the place and returned home. The czar, nevertheless, had no idea of permitting a land so promising to slip from his grasp. It was not long before he sent a larger army across the Ural Mountains, which not only reconquered the lost territory but also the rest of western Siberia. [Illustration: Gathering salt at the mouth of the Ural River] Gradually the Cossacks moved eastward, conquering tribe after tribe. As they advanced they built strong wooden forts by which to hold their vantage ground. Tomsk was founded in 1604; by 1630 the tide of conquest had reached the banks of the Lena; and within eighty years from their first conquest the Russians had reached the Pacific. Years afterward a suitable monument was erected to Yermak in the city of Tobolsk, which was built on the battle-field where he gained his first decisive victory over the Tartar ruler. His real monument is all Siberia, whose conquest he inaugurated. In 1847 the Amur River section was annexed by Russia regardless of the protests of the Chinese Government. Quarrels ensued over the boundaries and, finding resistance hopeless, the Chinese ceded to Russia all the land on the left bank of the Amur as far as the mouth of the Ussuri and on both its banks below that river. The sable gradually led the Russian hunters to Kamtchatka, while the more valuable sea-otter beckoned them across the sea to the Aleutian Islands and that part of the American continent now Alaska Territory. The chief incentive in all of these conquests was the securing of valuable furs. The sable is even yet found along the streams in both open and forested sections from the Ural Mountains to the Pacific; but so relentless has been the pursuit of this valuable fur-bearing animal that it is now nearly exterminated. Besides the sable and the sea-otter, there are found in Siberia the ermine, bear, arctic fox, common fox, deer, wolf, antelope, elk, hare, and squirrel. To avoid entering into conflict with the more powerful people at the south, the Russians chose to advance eastward along higher latitudes toward the Pacific. But within a few years after the Muscovite empire had acquired central and northern Siberia, there were loud complaints that the tribes on the south were making raids on them, robbing them of their property and carrying their people into slavery. So, from time to time, Cossack forces were sent to chastise the offenders; and in many instances they were punished and their territories were annexed to Siberia. In these raids the Turkomans were the most active. During the forty years previous to 1878 it is estimated that eighty thousand Russian subjects and two hundred thousand Persians were made captives and sold into slavery. In 1873 the Russians captured Khiva and liberated thirty thousand Persian slaves. Notwithstanding these lessons, some of the Turkoman tribes still went on marauding expeditions, robbing, killing, and enslaving their neighbors. So, in 1878, another strong force of the Cossacks was sent against the pillaging tribes, who were made to release all slaves and abolish slavery. Little by little all Turkistan became Russian territory. Bokhara and Khiva alone keep their old forms of government, but they are practically Russian states and pay Russia annually a stipulated tribute. It is thought that once upon a time Siberia had a much larger population than it has now and the peoples who lived there dwelt farther north. The first colonists lived in the stone age and were contemporaneous with the mammoth, whose remains are found scattered all over the northern part of Siberia and the adjacent islands. In the interior these remains are found imbedded in thick strata of pure blue ice, which is covered by the river gravels of streams that do not now exist. So thick are these layers of ice that they may be likened to the rocks found in lower latitudes. Several of these animals have been found imbedded in the ice in an almost perfect state of preservation, and quantities of their tusks are obtained annually along the northern rivers where the spring freshets have worn away the banks of the streams. Whenever the ivory-tusk hunter sees the end of a tusk sticking out of the river bank, he is soon able to remove it from its resting place with pick and shovel. Great quantities of this fossil ivory are also obtained from the islands to the north of the mainland. As in arctic America, the ground of northern Siberia is frozen solid to the depth of many feet, and even during the hottest summer it thaws down only a few inches. The climate is continental in character, being marked by fierce winds and great extremes both in temperature and moisture. In midsummer the temperature may reach one hundred and ten degrees, while in midwinter it has been known to reach ninety degrees below zero. Roughly speaking, Siberia may be divided into three longitudinal belts: first, the tundra, which borders the Arctic Ocean and extends several hundred miles south of it; second, the forest belt, several hundred miles wide, which extends across the continent; third, the southern part, consisting of desert steppes, swamps, grassy plains, and a few broken forests. The tundra is a vast lowland plain which in winter is a desolate, frozen waste, and in summer a vast swamp of lichens and arctic moss. Here nature is embalmed in eternal frost, and life is a terror-inspiring struggle with cold and hunger. In spring, when the snow is gone and the ground begins to thaw, thousands of geese, ducks, swans, and other feathered creatures appear, enlivening the monotonous scene for a few months; then, when the sharp September frosts announce the approach of winter, with their tundra-reared progeny they wing their way southward, leaving the icy plains to the wandering fox and the arctic owl. One writer speaks of the tundra as the very grave of nature, the sepulchre of the primeval world, because it is the tomb of so many animals whose remains have been protected from putrefaction for thousands of years. How interesting would it be could these animals be brought to life and be endowed with sufficient intelligence to relate the history of their age and generation! The reindeer in the valley of the Lena spend the winter near the forests, but as the spring advances they migrate to the thousands of islands in the delta to escape the heat and mosquitoes farther south. To reach their destination they are obliged to swim across broad channels of water. The animals have special places for crossing, and on their return south the natives station themselves at these places and slaughter them in large numbers. All the swamps and marshes throughout Siberia are the breeding places of innumerable mosquitoes, which in summer fly over the country in such dense clouds as to render life in certain sections almost unbearable. Just north of Mongolia where the Yenisei River enters Russian territory is the wonderfully interesting fertile prairie region of Minusinsk. Being well watered and sheltered on all sides by mountains, it is one of the most fertile spots in all Siberia. Here the disintegration of gold-bearing rocks has formed large mining fields which are profitably worked. In the vicinity are also valuable iron mines, which were opened early in the prehistoric period, and which are still worked. [Illustration: Driving over the tundra in winter] Because of its delightful climate and special attractions for the archæologist, this charming section is called the "Italy of Siberia." There have been obtained from the mounds found in this section many thousand relics relating to prehistoric man which exemplify his progress from the stone age through the bronze to the iron age. This fine collection of upward of sixty thousand different articles is housed in an imposing and substantial museum erected in the town of Minusinsk. This building contains the richest collection of implements representing the bronze age in the world. The forest belt is so immense that the wooded plains of the Amazon shrink into comparative insignificance. For the most part these great forests are composed of evergreen trees, the fir, pine, larch, and pitch-pine predominating. In many localities there are hundreds of square miles of perfectly straight pine trees of great height, where neither man nor beast could find the way out. Even experienced trappers dare not enter these forests without blazing trees along their pathway, so that they may be able to extricate themselves by retracing their steps. In these huge evergreen solitudes there is an inexhaustible supply of the finest timber in the world. In every sense of the word they are solitudes; for one may travel scores of miles without meeting or hearing either bird or beast. At the conclusion of the war between Japan and Russia it was stipulated that Russia should cede to Japan the southern part of Sakhalin Island. The cession was made in 1905. During the following two years a large number of Russians and Japanese were employed in marking the boundary, by cutting through the forest from east to west a strip one hundred miles long and twelve miles wide. The fir forests of the Japanese portion, covering more than three million acres, are alone estimated to be worth forty-five million dollars, to say nothing about the extensive coal deposits and the large areas of land available for tillage. Of the native peoples of northern Siberia the Yakuts are the most numerous. They resemble both the Eskimos and the Lapps. They occupy several valleys, including that of the Lena River and a strip along the Arctic Ocean to the west. So inured to cold are these people, that where the temperature ranges from ninety degrees below zero to ninety-three degrees above, the adults wear light clothing in the depth of winter and the children sport naked in the snow. The desert zone includes a vast region east of the Caspian Sea and extends to the Tian Shan Mountains, which separate it from the desert of Gobi. Here, as in the Mohave Desert, are found the leafless, thickly spined forms of the cactus family. A product peculiar to Siberia and highly appreciated by the inhabitants on account of its edible qualities is the cedar nut found in all of the northern forest region. So great is the demand for these nuts that in Tomsk alone thousands of tons are sold each year. They resemble pine nuts. A gum called larch-tree sulphur, chewed by both natives and settlers, is also obtained from these forests. Bee-keeping, especially in eastern Siberia, is an important industry which has been followed from remotest ages. The annual yield of honey is estimated to be upward of three million pounds. The camel is usually associated with the hot desert regions of the Sahara and Arabia, yet in Siberia immense numbers of camels are used. It is not an uncommon sight to see them in midwinter hauling sledges along frozen roads and ice-covered rivers. The richest gold fields are in the swamp and forest sections of central Siberia and in the Ural and Altai Mountains, although the metal is widely scattered all the way from the Ural Mountains to the Pacific. The word Altai means gold. The world's supply of platinum virtually comes from the gold-mines of Siberia as a by-product. In many parts of the mining region, as in Alaska, the frozen ground must be thawed by fires before it can be worked. The building of the Trans-Siberian Railroad has wrought a wonderful transformation in Siberia by giving a great impetus to agriculture and other kinds of business. This great achievement, begun in 1891, was practically completed in eleven years, at a cost of one hundred and seventy-five million dollars. Subsequent work, together with equipment, double tracking, and the building of additional lines, has doubled the first cost. The eastern terminus of the main line is Vladivostock; a branch line across Manchuria reaches Port Arthur and Dalny, or Tairen, as it is now called. The continuous railway route from St. Petersburg to Port Arthur is five thousand six hundred and twenty miles, four thousand five hundred miles of which is in Siberia. The first rails used, proving too light for the tremendous traffic, were replaced with heavier ones, and the road-bed itself has been widened and strengthened. The fare on the road is very reasonable. For long distances it ranges from about a cent per mile to less than half that rate, accordingly as one travels first, second, third, or fourth class. Riding first class one can secure sleeping accommodations equal to the best that one finds on the roads of the United States, and in addition one may have the luxury of a bath. Since the completion of the road the government has done everything possible to attract Russian emigration from Europe in order to settle and develop the country. The consumer in Russia becomes a producer in Siberia. The number of Russian emigrants who have settled along the line during the past five years will average one hundred and fifty thousand annually. To start the Russian farmers in these new regions the government gives each man of family a certain amount of money or an equivalent in stock and tools; and in addition loans him small amounts at a low rate of interest, to be repaid in five years, with a proviso that if there be bad crops the time will be extended. For the year 1908, nine million five hundred thousand dollars was set aside to assist the peasant farmers. Following in the wake of the completion of the Trans-Siberian Railroad, additional steamers have been placed on all the large rivers to meet the growing demands of commerce. Hundreds of steamers ply upon the rivers during the open season, but no vessels attempt the route by way of the Arctic Ocean on account of the long distance and frequent ice obstructions. [Illustration: Train on the steppes of Russia] Dairying, now a most important industry of Siberia, was unknown before the advent of the great railway. To promote this industry, the government has already expended more than a million dollars. At all the principal places schools have been established in which the best methods of dairy-farming are taught. Fortunately, cattle diseases are practically unknown. The fine quality of the grasses, together with the improved methods of manufacturing brought about by the creameries, causes Siberian butter to rank with the best products found in the European markets. The dairy products are shipped by rail to various parts of Europe, large quantities going to England and to Denmark, the home of dairying. Sometimes three hundred tons of butter per week are shipped to Copenhagen and one thousand tons to London. Upward of eighty million pounds are annually exported, and it is said that by a little exertion fifteen times the amount could be easily produced. The industry is still only in its infancy. In the Tobol and Ishim plains of western Siberia are the fertile black-earth regions covering twenty-five million acres. As yet, they are sparsely settled, but they are capable of supporting half the population of Russia. Two-thirds of the inhabitants of Siberia are Russians, and in timbered regions probably one-half live in log houses, for these are capable of being made the most comfortable dwellings in the world. Many exaggerated statements have appeared, both in England and America, concerning the exile system. This, happily, is now abolished, as also have been the cruelties practised by those in charge. That there have been great abuses no one denies, but the conditions of the prisons can be paralleled both in England and the United States. No more common criminals are sent to Siberia. Transportation is now limited chiefly to escaped convicts and to political and religious criminals, most of whom are sent to the island of Sakhalin. Capital punishment, except in cases of attacks on the royal family and condemnation by courts-martial, was abolished many years ago. Lake Baikal is one of the most remarkable lakes in the world. It is four hundred miles long and from twenty to sixty miles wide. The lake is very deep, and, although situated in the temperate zone, is the home of a species of arctic seal and tropical coral. This species of seal is found nowhere in Asian waters outside of the Arctic Ocean, except in this lake and the Caspian Sea. Immense quantities of salmon of different species abound in the lake, and give rise to important fishing industries. In winter the lake is covered with ice seven feet thick. Crossing is made by huge ice-breaking ferryboats capable of carrying thirty cars and one thousand men, yet only during a part of the winter is the boat able to navigate, so persistent is the extreme cold. The railway now extends around the southern part of the lake, and crossing by ferryboats is not attempted when the ice is thick. Asiatic Russia includes Transcaucasia, which was permanently annexed to the Russian Empire in 1801. This great Asiatic domain contains more than six million square miles, or about twice the size of the United States, including Alaska. Notwithstanding the millions of square miles of arid deserts, irredeemable swamps, frozen tundra, and impenetrable forests, the agricultural and mineral resources of Siberia are almost beyond computation. CHAPTER VIII THE MYSTIC HIGHLANDS OF ASIA The statement that "one half the world does not know how the other half lives, nor how it is influenced," applies with double force to the peoples living on the high plateau of Tibet beyond the titanic Himalayas. Here is a vast region only one-twentieth of which is covered with vegetation. Chains of mountains with snow-capped peaks encircle it, and spurs from the main ranges, together with lesser ridges and isolated elevations, diversify its surface. Amidst these desolate wastes are fertile valleys which are capable of producing excellent crops; in many other sections good crops are produced by very primitive methods of irrigation. As a whole the plateau may be classed among the infertile regions of the earth. On account of its great elevation, Tibet is often called the roof of the world. Starting from its borders several large rivers break through its rocky ramparts, among them the Indus, Brahmaputra, Irawadi, and Hoang. Some of the plains of the great plateau range from fifteen to eighteen thousand feet above sea level. Scattered over these are single lakes and chains of lakes, many of which are salt. These vast areas, storm-swept in winter and baked by heat in summer, are frequented by bandits and nomads. They live in tents made of the almost black hair of the yak, and move from place to place with their flocks and herds to seek food for their animals. The stable population resides chiefly in the few cities and villages. For nearly a thousand years a veil of religious mystery has shrouded this section of the world; and the sacred city of Lasa with its holy places has been doubly guarded against the visits of foreigners. This mysterious land has been able to maintain its position of isolated seclusion because of the high mountain barriers that are massed in a series of gigantic walls on all sides. It is approachable only through narrow passes that are constantly guarded. Our knowledge of the "forbidden land," as it is called, has been obtained chiefly from adventurers who have travelled through it in disguise, and from a few others who took more desperate chances by forcing their way in. Among these may be mentioned Bower, Thorald, the Littledales, Rockhill, Captain Deasy, Sven Hedin, and Walter Savage Landor. Landor was taken prisoner by the Tibetans and suffered at their hands horrible tortures, from the effects of which he will never recover. [Illustration: Dunkar Spiti, Himalaya Mountains, India] Because the Tibetans for many years had insulted the government of India and had seized territory claimed by it, English troops under Colonel Younghusband were sent against the invaders in 1903, and after several severe battles reached the forbidden city of Lasa, where a forced treaty was negotiated and signed. But on the withdrawal of the English troops the policy of exclusion was immediately resumed. Russia to-day has much greater influence in Tibet than has England. The present condition of Tibet resembles in many respects that of Europe during the Middle Ages. The country is under the suzerainty of China, which has a representative called an amaban and several thousand troops at Lasa to maintain its claim. Though an extremely trying climate prevails on these highlands, the hermit-like, priest-ridden people know no better home and are contented with their lot. Of its three and one-half million inhabitants, one in seven belongs to the priestly class called lamas. At the head of this priesthood, as well as at the head of the state, are two leaders, the chief one, the Dalai Lama, or "ocean of learning," and the other the Bogodo Lama, or "precious teacher." With their subordinates, these two are supposed to have power not only over life and death, but over the reincarnation of the soul and entrance to the regions beyond rebirth. This isolated table-land is the seat of a former Buddhism better known by the name of Lamaism. A deep but crude religious feeling tainted with the grossest superstitions pervades the whole people, whose ignorance of other learning is appalling. When a person dies a lama must be present to see that the soul is properly separated from the body and to direct the spirit on its journey to paradise; the lama must also influence its rebirth in a happy existence and provide for its entrance upon Nirvana, or eternal rest. Many a mountain contains hollowed-out cells in which hermit monks spend their lives in silent meditation. On an island in one of the lakes, where they can be reached only when the lake freezes, reside twenty monks. In the midst of this wild and majestic scenery each rock and stream has its deity and saint, together with its appropriate legend. Although the Buddhist monks do not believe in God as a creator, their religion demands audible and written prayers; indeed, prayer-wheels are frequently used to facilitate the repetition of prayers. Prayers numbering hundreds and even thousands are carefully written and placed, rolled up, in drum-wheels, which are revolved by wind, water, or hand power. Each revolution of a wheel is supposed to say all the prayers enclosed in it. Many prayer-wheels, each with appropriate prayers, are mounted on axles and placed convenient to frequented paths so that they may be whirled around by those who pass by. Others provided with suitable fans are placed where they may be revolved by the wind. Sometimes water power is made to turn the wheels, but most of them are made of a size convenient to be carried about and operated by hand. The capital of Tibet and seat of the Dalai Lama is Lasa, situated in a plain nearly twelve thousand feet above sea level. The city is surrounded by a marsh and is reached by a causeway raised above the morass. It has wide and regular streets, the principal buildings being made of stone, but the majority of the structures are adobe and sun-dried brick. This interesting city contains forty-five thousand inhabitants, two-thirds of whom are monks. Streams formed by the melting snow course down the surrounding mountains, flooding the plain. At a distance the city presents an imposing appearance with the adjacent Potala as the crowning glory. In the centre of the city stands a cathedral, called the Jo-Kang, which contains one of the most renowned statues of Buddha. This image, of life size, is an object of the greatest reverence and adoration. It is made of a composition of metals, gold and silver predominating. Priests are always in attendance and lamps are constantly burning before it. The roof of the temple is gilded and the interior is richly furnished. Situated in the suburbs, on a rocky elevation above the plain which overlooks the city, is a wonderful group of buildings forming the Potala, or palace of the Dalai Lama. This huge, conglomerate structure of granite rising story above story to an immense height fascinates the beholder, who marvels at the skill and patience of the builders. As though to heighten its beauty, the Potala is separated from the city by a park of grass and trees about a mile wide, making the stately edifice look like a huge diamond encircled with emeralds. Nothing but a blind religious zeal could have brought to completion such a series of connected edifices with their miles of halls, courts, corridors, and labyrinthine passageways. Scattered throughout Tibet are upward of three thousand monasteries, or lamaseries. Some of them are built in remote and inaccessible places and contain as many as seven thousand monks. Each lamasery has set apart for its use the best land in that vicinity, the cultivation of which is done by the common people, who are little better than serfs, or peons. It is a notable fact that in this strange land there are many more men than women, although the reverse would be expected. The support of the hordes of lazy monks is a great incubus and retards the development of the country. [Illustration: The yak not only serves as a beast of burden, but furnishes milk, butter, and meat] The use of water for cleansing purposes seems to be no part of the religion of the people; they never bathe their bodies and seldom wash the face and hands. To protect themselves from the biting cold they smear their faces with rancid butter, which, catching the smoke and dust, adds to the effectiveness as well as the strength of the odor. Their homes and places of worship reek with dirt and filth; small-pox, ailments of the eyes, and other contagious diseases are prevalent. Harelip, in a great measure due to lack of proper nutrition, is a very common ailment. In leather and inlaid work the Tibetans show great skill, much of the decorative work on the handles of their swords and daggers being very artistic. The common people live in constant terror of evil spirits in this world and of terrible punishments in the hereafter; the educated classes believe they can drive off or propitiate all evil influences in this world, but fear they may be changed in a future rebirth to some vile form of being. In general, the people are treacherous and cowardly. For weapons of defence they use matchlocks; in firing them, the weapon is held directly in front of the nose. Of domestic animals the yak is one of the most useful, since it not only serves as a beast of burden but furnishes rich milk, butter, and meat. The long hair of the animal is used for making ropes, tents, and cloth. The yak resembles the ox in body, head, and legs; but it is covered with long, silky hair which hangs like the fleece of an Angora goat. The long, flowing hair of the tail reaches nearly to the ground. Thousands of these tails find their way to India where they are used for various household purposes. Wild yaks are found in considerable numbers near the limits of perpetual snow, but at the approach of winter they descend to the wooded valleys just below the snow line. During the summer they pasture on the higher elevations. In their wild state yaks are fierce and dangerous. Being accustomed to high elevations, they fall sick and die when removed to the lowlands. Milk is obtained not only from the yaks but from the sheep and goats. The sheep, being of large size, are frequently used to bear small loads. Many horses are raised, but they are used chiefly for riding. Tibet is rich in gold, and for thousands of years the precious metal has been washed out of its surface by the crudest of methods. In fact, gold is washed from every river which has its sources in the Tibetan plateau. Most of it in time finds its way to China. Silver, copper, iron, lead, and mercury abound in the southeastern part and considerable quantities are mined. Traffic is carried on by means of caravans, the most common pack animal being the yak. Almost all the commerce is controlled by Chinese merchants, and the chief article of trade is tea, which is received in exchange for wool, hides, musk, amber, and gold. The tea is an inferior kind known as "brick tea," being composed of the refuse, stems, and leaves of the plants cemented with rice water and pressed into hard bricks. This kind of tea is preferred by the Tibetans, who brew it with butter and other ingredients and consume the entire concoction. The tea trade amounts to several million pounds annually. CHAPTER IX THE PRIMAL HOME OF THE SARACEN Who has not had the youthful imagination fired by the "Arabian Nights"? The simplicity and lifelike reality of these interesting stories, made even more fascinating by their Oriental color, appeal both to young and old. So great has been their popularity that few works have been translated into so many different languages, while their influence on the literature of the present day is felt in a marked degree. They are more than the luxurious fancies of the Arab's mind, for they vividly set forth the love and hate, the craft and hypocrisy, the courage and revenge of his race. Moreover, they portray in a truly dramatic manner the innermost life and thought of the Moslem, while they captivate the senses by a magnificent panorama of exquisite banquets, lovely characters, charming gardens, and beautiful palaces. The country and the descendants of the race that created these masterly storiettes are surely worthy of careful consideration. A region that is the birthplace of a religion claiming nearly two hundred million converts scattered all over the world must possess a special interest. We are apt to look askance at everything Arabic as bordering on ignorance and savagery; but if we study the past of this alert race we shall find a profusion of historical side lights that are valuable; we shall also find in Arabic literature much to admire. The Arab is poetic and delights in imagery. There are Arabic poems dating back one thousand years before the Christian era that for beauty of thought, vigor, and polish are equal to those produced by any nation and in any age. In the Middle Ages the Arabs led the world in commerce, exploration, art, science, and literature. The secret of their successful conquests was not in the number of their soldiers but in the courage inspired by the Muhammadan religion. Death has no terrors for the fanatical Moslem, for to him it is the vestibule of paradise where the pleasures of earth await those who fight in the holy cause. By nature the Arab is active, vivacious, and keen-witted. He is proud of his lineage, earnest, and hospitable. The mother not only takes care of the home but educates the children; and, strange as it may seem to the outside world, illiteracy is practically unknown to Arabia. To the Arabic race we are indebted for our knowledge of arithmetic, and many of the principles of algebra and geometry. The pendulum, the mariner's compass, and the manufacture of silk and cotton textiles were introduced into Europe by the Arabs. They claim to have used gunpowder as far back as the eleventh century. In the year 706 paper was made at Mecca and from there its manufacture spread all over the western world. To them we owe many of the useful arts and practical inventions which were later brought to perfection by other nations. [Illustration: Khaibar Pass, the gateway to India] Now, no one is quite certain about the Saracens as a people because the name has been very loosely used. It was applied by Roman soldiers to several wandering tribes of Arabs who were much accustomed to mistaking other people's flocks of sheep and herds of cattle for their own. Most likely there never was a Saracenic Empire. But there certainly was a time when Arabians controlled not only the Arabian peninsula, but also Syria and the fertile plains of the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers as well; and that great region became known as the "Land of the Saracens." From Damascus to Bagdad, and from the Bab-el-Mandeb to the Gulf of Oman, the Moslem was all-powerful. Let us glance at the country itself. In the first place, Arabia is not a nation but a country made up of petty states--some independent, some controlled by the sultan of Turkey; two or three are included in the British Empire. But the country itself is very far removed from the rest of the world so far as accessibility is concerned; and although its coast is scarcely a gunshot from the greatest trade route of the East, Arabia is to-day one of the least-known countries in the world. In general, the country is a moderately high table-land bordered by low coast plains. Much of it is an out-and-out desert; all of it is arid. Long ago it was divided into Arabia Petræa, Arabia Deserta, and Arabia Felix--that is, the rocky, the desert, and the happy. It is needless to say that Arabia the happy was the part receiving enough rainfall to produce foodstuffs. The coast-line of this great peninsula is nearly as great as that of the Atlantic and Gulf coast of the United States; but in its entire extent, not far from four thousand miles, there is scarcely a harbor in which a good-sized fishing schooner could find safe anchorage. Even at Aden a steamship cannot approach within a quarter of a mile of the shore. So one will not be far out of the way in designating Arabia as an impassable country with an impossible coast. It is estimated that about seven millions of people live in the entire peninsula. To say that these belong to the Semitic race is merely to say that they are dark-skinned and black-haired. The Arab, whether a merchant dwelling in a city along the coast, or a Bedouin wandering with flocks and herds, is a product of the desert and of the teachings of Islam. His black eyes twinkle with shrewdness and he is a past master of craftiness. As a trader he is unsurpassed, and Arab traders control the interior commerce of western Asia and northern Africa just as the Chinese control the trade of southeastern Asia. As a Bedouin of the desert the Arab is supreme in his way. Savage and blood-thirsty by nature, if there is no caravan to rob or common enemy to fight, neighboring tribes easily find cause for fighting one another. Usually a quarrel over pasture lands in the same locality furnishes an excuse for a feud that results in the extermination of one tribe or the other. A hatred of those who are not followers of the prophet is a heritage of all Arabs. The merchant class, who are wealthy and usually educated, may have trained themselves to conceal it, but they possess it. Even to the most liberal Arab, one who is not of the faith of Islam is a "dog of an unbeliever." Among Bedouins, not to rob the caravan containing the belongings of a Christian would be a sin. There is one exception, however; if a Bedouin sheik agrees to convoy a party of "unbelievers," together with their valuables, over a robber-infested route, he will carry out his bargain faithfully. Family ties among the Bedouin Arabs are much the same to-day as they were two thousand years ago. The great-grandfather, grandfather, or father, as the case may be, is the head of the family, and his will is law. The tribe is governed by a sheik, who is simply a "boss." He does not inherit his office, nor is he elected to it by popular vote; he elects himself because he is the best man, and he "holds over" for the same reason. The family mansion of the Bedouin is a tent made of goat-hair cloth. Some tents occupy as much ground as is covered by a small cottage. The tent of a sheik may be richly furnished with rugs and silk portières; ordinarily, a coarse hearth-rug and a divan cover are about the only furnishings. The cooking utensils are primitive--one or two kettles to a family; and of tableware there is practically nothing more than one or two platters. Meat is freely eaten and coffee is commonly a part of each meal. In the place of bread, flour about as coarse as oatmeal is mixed to a paste, rolled or beaten into thin cakes, and cooked in hot butter. Dates are almost always a part of the food supply. The camel has first place in the wealth of the Bedouin, but sheep and goats in many instances form a part of his herds. The tents of a family are pitched where the grazing is good and the families move about as they will. All disputes are settled by the sheik, and he is apt to emphasize his decisions by the free use of his lance shaft. Whenever it becomes necessary because of poor grazing, the whole clan or tribe may move to a distant place. All household goods are wrapped in packs or put into saddle bags. Two or three camels will readily carry the tent and luggage of a family. The women are carried in litters; the men ride camels. Horses are rarely ridden at such times. If a caravan is to be plundered, however, the best horses are used, and in addition to his lance the raider carries a heavy knife. Perhaps a few firearms may be carried, but they are generally either flintlocks or the older matchlocks. It is only within a few years that the modern rifle with metal cartridge has found favor with the Bedouin. [Illustration: A group of Arabs with their dromedaries] The great Arabian peninsula, seemingly so far out of the world, produces many things, some of which the world cannot do well without. First of all, it is the home of the camel. Perhaps a more awkward and ungainly animal has not been domesticated, but certainly none is more useful. We are told by students of natural history that the camel is the descendant of the llama kind which seems to have originated in the South American Andes. Just how or when the descent from the New World, which is really the Old World, to the Old World, which is really the New World, was made we are not informed; nevertheless, it looks as though the natural history student has the right end of the argument. After the animal got to Arabia it "developed." And while the result may not have been very artistic, no one will deny that it was good workmanship; for the world has never produced a more useful helper to mankind. Practically all the riding animals are of the one-hump or Arabian species. They are much larger and stronger than the two-hump animals. One variety is slim and comparatively light in weight. These animals, as a rule, are trained to a swift gait, and are used solely as riding animals. They are called dromedaries, a word that means swift-runner. Most of the other species are reared for the same purpose as domestic cattle. Some are valuable as beasts of burden, others are shorn for their coating, still others are kept for their milk and flesh. A well-trained dromedary will sell for three hundred dollars and upward; a pack animal rarely brings more than one-fourth as much. The milk of the camel is equal to that of the best domestic cows and is greatly prized. The hair of several species surpasses sheep's wool in texture and is used in the finer kinds of cloth, and it is the most precious textile in high-priced Oriental rugs and shawls. Ordinarily, however, camel's hair is coarse and is used for the cheapest textiles. Arabia is the source from which a large proportion of the camels used in the caravan trade of Asia and Africa is obtained. Fermented camel's milk is much used all over western Asia. The Arabian horse has been famous in literature and in song for more than two thousand years. The district of Nejd has been the chief breeding locality for these horses for many centuries. Contrary to tradition, however, even the finest animals are neither so large nor so swift as American thoroughbred horses. The qualities that have made the Arabian horse famous are its beautiful proportions, endurance, and intelligence. Young colts mingle freely with their owners and attendants, and they need, therefore, only the training to make them saddle-wise; they require no "breaking." Brought up with the family and treated with the greatest kindness from its birth the colt learns to regard his master as his best friend. Ordinarily but little water is given them, and they are so well trained that a good animal will go a whole day in summer and two days in winter without drink. The pure, full-blood Arabian is never sold. It may be acquired only by gift, by capture in war, or by legacy. Animals of mixed breed, however, are freely sold, most of them going to Turkey and to India. Mocha coffee is another product for which Arabia is renowned. The coffee berry bearing this name is of the peaberry variety--that is, only one of the two seeds within the husk comes to maturity. Most of the coffee is grown in Yemen and the adjoining vilayets, and it received its name because it was formerly marketed at the port of Mocha. Of late years it has been shipped from Hodeida. The business is in the hands of Arab merchants, and the coffee is carried to Hodeida by caravans. On its way it is carefully sorted by hand into three or more grades. The finest grade is sold to wealthy Turkish customers at from three to five dollars per pound; the inferior grades command prices varying from thirty cents to twice or three times as much. Very little of the product ever passes outside of Turkey. All the Mocha coffee grown in Yemen would not much more than supply New York City. The pearl fisheries along the Arabian coast of the Persian Gulf are also controlled by Arab traders. From there are obtained some of the finest pearls to be found, and also many tons of mother-of-pearl shells. The yearly product of the fisheries is thought to exceed more than two millions of dollars in value. The pearls are found in a species of oyster, and to obtain them the divers must go to the bottom in from thirty to ninety feet of water. Expert divers can remain under water as long as two minutes. The oysters are taken ashore to be opened, and Turkish inspectors are on hand to levy a tax on the product. A few pearls may escape him, especially if he is temporarily blinded by the glare of several piasters; but the pearl industry is taxed for about all that it is worth. Mecca, the birthplace of the Prophet Muhammad, is the city to which every disciple of Islam is supposed to make a pilgrimage at least once in his lifetime. The chief income of the inhabitants of Mecca is obtained by renting rooms and entertaining the visiting pilgrims who flock thither. In the centre of the city is the so-called Sacred Mosque, or area, which is entirely enclosed by a covered structure of colonnades having minarets and cupolas. Within the centre of this enclosed space is a cube-shaped building called the Kaaba, which contains the famous sacred Black Stone. This stone, probably of meteoric origin, gives to the building its sanctity, and is an object of the greatest veneration to every pious Moslem, who kisses it repeatedly. There is also within the enclosure a building containing the holy well, Zemzem, the only well in Mecca. No unbeliever is permitted to enter the sacred enclosure, much less to pollute the Holy Kaaba by his presence. A few infidels disguised as pilgrims, at the risk of their lives, have visited this sacred place. The preparations for pilgrimage are unique. The pilgrims assemble near Mecca during the holy month and begin the sacred rites by bathing and assuming the sacred garb. This suit consists of two woollen wrappers, one worn around the middle of the body and the other around the shoulders. With bare head and slippers covering neither heel nor instep the pilgrim sets forth on his holy journey. While wearing this dress he is admonished to bring his thoughts into harmony with the sanctity of the territory he now traverses. He is not to shave, anoint his head, pare his nails, or bathe until the end of the pilgrimage. Among the various rites to be performed after reaching Mecca is walking seven times around the Kaaba, first slowly, then quickly. Before leaving the city the pilgrim drinks water from the holy well, Zemzem. Many pious pilgrims visit Medina, now the terminus of a railway, before going on to Mecca. This is another of the sacred cities of Islam, since it is the scene of Muhammad's labors after his hegira from Mecca; it also contains his tomb. Formerly no unbeliever was permitted to traverse the streets of Medina or look upon the tomb of the great prophet, but tourists are now allowed within the gates. The city is enclosed by a wall forty feet high which is flanked with thirty towers. Two of its four gates are massive structures with double towers. Like Mecca, Medina is supported chiefly by pilgrims. CHAPTER X THE SAHARA An expanse of land as large as the main body of the United States stretches across the northern part of Africa. From the Atlantic Ocean to the Red Sea, and from the foot of the Atlas Mountains to the Sudan, it is a weird panorama of rock waste--level, rugged, shingly, and mountainous, according to locality. In places only it is penetrated by large and permanently flowing streams. On the eastern borderland the Nile pours a mighty flood, winding a sinuous passage along its self-made flood-plain, the Egypt of history. In the west the Niger has forced its way into the confines of the desert and then, as if rebuffed, turns its course southward. This great domain of the simoom has every diversity of surface. The higher summits of the Tarso Mountains are eight thousand feet above sea level; the Shott, a chain of salt lakes south of the Atlas Mountains, are about one hundred feet below sea level. The depression in which these lakes is situated probably was once the head of the Gulf of Sidra; but the never-ceasing winds have partly filled the depression, cutting off the head of the gulf in the same manner that wind-blown sands severed what is now Imperial Valley from the Gulf of California. Around the briny lakes are marshes of quicksands, and woe betide the luckless traveller who strays to the one side or the other of the beaten trails. Unless help is at hand, life will have neither joys nor troubles for him after a few brief minutes of struggle. The Sahara proper begins at the south slope of the Atlas Mountains. Where there are no Atlas Mountains, it begins almost at the Mediterranean's edge. In the valleys of the Atlas and along the Mediterranean coast there is a strip of fertile land, wide here, narrow there, that produces grain and fruit. The Arabs call it the _Tell_. "Beyond the Tell is Sah-ra," or the Sahara. This is the name which the Arabs apply to the archipelago of fertile spots, or oases. Beyond the zone of oases is the desert. One becomes instantly and painfully aware that it is a desert on leaving the last oasis. Go a thousand miles southward, eastward, or westward from Tripoli, and one encounters but a single thing--an ocean of orange-colored rock waste, the Guebla of the Arabs. [Illustration: On the sands of the desert] The desert is a desert for want of water only. There is no lack of nutrition in the soil, nor is there anything in surface or temperature that makes a desert unproductive. Temperature and winds reach great extremes in fierceness, however. The temperature of the air in the noonday sun will often exceed one hundred and forty-five degrees; it may reach one hundred and fifty-five degrees. In the shade it frequently climbs to one hundred and thirty degrees in the vicinity of the tropics. Unless one is at a considerable altitude there is not much relief at night, though the thermometer may drop to ninety degrees. Farther north, however, and at an altitude of five thousand feet or more, the temperature of the night is even more cruel than that of the day. Immediately after sunset a sharp chill becomes perceptible. At first it is a welcome relief from the intolerable heat. By nine o'clock it begins to cut like a stiletto, and at midnight the water suspended in shallow dishes clinks into ice. The drivers burrow deep into the sand and wrap woollen baracans about them; the camels shiver and even blubber like whipped bullies. The air is so dry, however, that the extreme heat of day is by no means insupportable. Sunstroke is almost unknown, and even the tragedy of perishing for want of water is very rare; for the caravan drivers know just where to find water, and there are many hidden watering places that are known to the crafty Tuaregs and Bedouins. Many of the watering places are wells that have been sunk in various localities along the caravan trails. The intense heat, great depth of rock waste, and dry air are not favorable to the above-ground flow of rivers. But nearly every river has an underground flow that is pretty likely to exist all the year round. One may follow a stream of considerable volume down the southern slope of the Atlas Mountains. The volume of water grows less and less until at last it apparently disappears. Not all is lost by evaporation, however; possibly the greater part sinks into the porous rock waste. And the rock waste?--perhaps it may be twenty, fifty, or one hundred and fifty feet deep. At all events, the water sinks until it reaches bed rock or clay through which it cannot pass. Then it flows along what may once have been an above-ground channel until fierce winds and cloud-bursts buried it deep. But the half-savage dwellers of the desert know just where to tap these underground reservoirs and streams; even the dumb animals know instinctively where to look for water. It is merely a question of instinct coupled with experience, and the animal's judgment is about as good as the man's. When one finds the spot, it is necessary only to dig. The water may be two feet below the surface or it may be ten feet. When the moist sand is reached the task is half over. A foot or two more and the hole begins to fill. The water is hot, brackish, and repulsive to the taste, but it is water--and in the desert, water is water! The simoom is also an institution of the desert. The simoom is unmistakably a wind, and surely no one who has not had the experience can appreciate it. Even the West India hurricanes or the typhoons of the China Sea are more kindly. They have plenty of destructive energy, it is true, but the simoom has all this and much else besides. It comes not without warning, but the warning and the wind are not far apart. The approach of the simoom is a dense black cloud of whirling and seething fine dust. As it strikes one, the choking, suffocating blast of hot air and dust overcomes everything that has life. The caravan men and the animals as well turn their backs to the wind and lie down with faces close to the ground. In a minute or two the full strength of the blast is on and the simoom is picking up not only the fine rock waste, but the coarser fragments as well, and is hurling them along at Empire State Express velocity. One might as well try to face a hail of leaden bullets. It is a cruel blast that neither animal nor human being can withstand. The camels crouch with their heads pointing away from the wind and nostrils close to the ground; their drivers lie prone with faces in little hollows scooped in the sand. Perhaps the full blast of the simoom may last an hour--perhaps two or even three hours. In lighter strain it may continue a whole day. When, finally, it ceases the air is thick with fine dust; one can see scarcely a rod away. Sun and sky are hidden, and the blackness of a tornado or of a London fog prevails. The fine dust floating in the air may not settle for several days. Perhaps a week afterward there may be a haze that partly obscures the sun. The dust, finer than the finest flour, pervades everything in the desert. One's clothing is full of it; one's hair becomes harsh and matted; the skin becomes rough, cracks and peels; the eyes are inflamed; mouth, lips, and nostrils are swollen. But the great bodily discomfort resulting from the simoom does not last forever; it gives place to bodily irritation of some other sort, which is indeed a grateful change merely because it is a change. The sand dunes of the Sahara are interesting to those who are not compelled to travel among them, but to the unfortunates who traverse them they are almost heart-breaking. Imagine oneself standing on an elevation a few hundred feet higher than the surrounding country. There is but one landscape--waves upon waves of the loose rock waste, for convenience called sand, as far as the eye can reach. Sometimes the waves are in long windrows, but oftener they are short and choppy like the surface waves of midocean. Unlike the ocean waves, in which only the form moves forward, while the water composing it moves up and down only, the sand dune and the material of which it is composed are both moving in the direction of the wind. A breeze even of five or six miles an hour will keep the lighter surface dust moving freely, while a twelve-mile wind will not only sweep along much larger particles but it also carries more of them. And just as the surface, or "skin," friction forms waves at the surface of water, it also piles the desert sand in wave-like dunes. The loose bits of rock waste are carried along, up the windward slope of the dune until they roll over its crest, where, no longer impelled by the wind, they come to rest. Thus, the crest, built forward by new material constantly added, is advancing. Valleys are filled; old stream channels are obliterated; and the inequalities of the surface are levelled off until the whole landscape is one of shifting, drifting sand. Notwithstanding all these drawbacks, the Sahara and the arid lands southward to the Sudan are by no means destitute of life and wealth. It is an almost universal custom to speak of the barren condition of the desert. The contrary is the truth; there is no soil elsewhere so fertile and productive. It is vastly superior even to the soil of the lands reclaimed from the bottom of the North Sea. Water is the magic wand that makes the sands of the Sahara bring forth crops that are marvellous both in quantity and quality. No fruit grown elsewhere in the world can compare with that grown on desert lands, and the French engineers are planning the means whereby water may be obtained. Surface water that is available to irrigate the wastes of the Sahara does not exist. The level of the Nile is so far below the surface on both sides of its own flood-plain that its waters cannot be used for the reclamation of any part of the Libyan Desert, and the same is practically true of the Niger, which barely more than touches the borders of the Sahara. The few wadys, or "dry washes," are destitute of water except when a cloud-burst may fill them; but this happens at intervals of years only. The engineer takes into his confidence a caravan driver--perhaps an Arab, possibly a Berber, but quite as likely a slave. And the long experience has taught the caravan man where to find the precious water. The engineer then brings his science into play and drives an artesian well. The well thus driven may be a "gusher," but for most of them pumps are required to raise the water to the surface. The best well, however, furnishes water enough to irrigate but a very small area. Indeed, all the lands of the Sahara together irrigated by artesian wells would make an area scarcely larger than the State of Delaware, and all the water thus obtained would not supply New York City! Nevertheless, the water obtained by artesian wells has proved a great blessing to the dwellers of the desert. If the water is found along one or another of the numerous caravan routes, an increase in caravan commerce is apt to result, for along many routes the volume of caravan commerce depends very largely on the number of wells. The location of artesian wells has also led to the opening of trade along new routes as well, for wherever water can be found there will be camels to drink it. The date palm is essentially a plant of the desert, or, rather, of the oasis. Nowhere else does it grow in such profusion as in northern Africa. The number of productive trees there is estimated to be anywhere from ten million to twenty million, though the estimate is but little better than a guess. At its full growth the date palm is a most beautiful object. Usually the feathered tops of the trees are the only foliage to relieve the harsh landscape. Like the bamboo, every part of the tree is used. The leaves may be made into fans, or shredded and woven into mats. The wood is used in making the framework of buildings, and the waste material is very handy as fuel. A refreshing fermented drink and a most vile liquor are prepared from the juice. But the fruit, when properly prepared, is the chief food of many thousands of men and beasts. Even the stones, or "pits," of the dried fruit are useful; those which are not sent to Italy to be used for adulterating coffee are made into an "oil-meal" for fodder. Esparto grass, called "alfa" or "halfa" by the Arabs, is another unique product of the Sahara. In spite of its name, it is not a grass but a flowering plant whose stalk has a tough fibre useful in making cordage and paper. When the plant turns brown and has become dry to the root, the esparto picker gets busy. By four o'clock in the morning he is at work, his heavy woollen baracan, or blanket, wrapped tightly about him, for the air is not only chilly but almost freezing cold. By sunrise the chill begins to disappear, and a few brief moments is the only interval between piercing chill and midsummer heat. The baracan is quickly shed and the fez, if the picker is rich enough to possess one, is discarded for an esparto hat with rim of mammoth proportions. Esparto grass sandals protect his feet. Almost all the animal life of the Sahara is deadly, and the esparto grass picker is constantly facing danger. The clump of esparto, into the bottom of which he must reach to cut the mature stalks, is quite likely to be the lair of a poisonous viper; and if the reptile sinks its fangs into the flesh of the unfortunate picker, long weeks of suffering and disability--perhaps death--are in store for him. Between the bite of a rattler and that of an esparto viper there is little to choose. The scorpion is another peril to the esparto picker. The great rock-scorpion of the Sahara is about as ugly as the centipede of Arizona and Mexico; in size it is also about as large--from six to ten inches in length. Its sting, too, is about as dangerous as the fangs of the rattler. But the esparto picker has a method of heroic treatment for both the bite of the viper and the sting of the scorpion. He squats calmly upon the sand while a brother picker cuts out the flesh that has been pierced. If he survives the twenty-four hours following, he is pretty likely to pull through. If not--well, the vultures know when and where to look. The esparto grass is delivered to the nearest local market compressed in bales of five or six hundred weight, held together by a coarse netting of esparto weave, and shipped to Europe. Nearly all of it goes to Great Britain. There it is shredded and made into cordage, coarse cloth, or paper. But the esparto has a rival so far as its use in making paper is concerned. The wood pulp of Norway and the United States is slowly displacing it, and in time esparto will be but little used except for making cordage or gunny cloth. Already the French Government is having troubles of its own in providing employment for the esparto pickers, but it is not likely that such a useful plant will be discarded; on the contrary, its use is likely to increase in the future. The camel is the institution upon which the commerce of the desert depends. A more awkward, ungainly beast can hardly be imagined--a shambling collection of humps, bumps, knobs, protruding joints, and sprawling legs seemingly attached to a head and neck in the near foreground. But that shambling gait will carry a load three times as heavy as the stoutest pack mule can bear, and it will carry it twice as far in a day. A horse or a mule must be fed twice a day, but a camel will worry along for a week at a time with nothing more substantial than its cud. Horses and mules cannot traverse regions where the watering places are more than twelve hours apart, unless water be carried in storage; but the camel is its own storage reservoir, and can carry a supply sufficient to last for ten days. At the end of his week of fasting the hump of the camel has shrunken to a fraction of its former size. When the animal has a few days of feeding the hump grows to its former proportions again. Indeed, the hump is merely a mass of nutrition ready to be formed into flesh and blood. [Illustration: A caravan crossing the desert on the road to Jaffa] Within the paunch of the animal and surrounding its stomach are great numbers of cells capable of holding seven or eight gallons of water. When the camel drinks copiously these cells become filled and afterward slowly give up the water as the stomach requires. It may be truly said that the camel is a camel because of the desert and not in spite of it. The sparse population of the Sahara--Arabs, Berbers, and negroes--are dependent upon the camel, for until the railway shall traverse the Sahara the camel will be practically the only means of transportation. The camel's flesh furnishes about the only meat consumed by the dwellers of the desert, for ordinary cattle can live only in a few localities along the desert border lands. The native people of the desert are mainly of the race to which the Arabs also belong, although there are many Arabs and negroes. The Tuaregs and Bedouin Arabs are the best known. The Tuaregs are thought to be the descendants of the Berbers and of the same race as the Carthaginians, whom the Romans many times defeated but never conquered. They have whiter skins than the Arabs and in appearance are perhaps the finest peoples of Africa. They are also the most ferocious and blood-thirsty villains on the face of the earth. Many of them live in the white-walled cities such as Ghadames, Kand, and Timbuktu--all large centres of population. Their government is well organized. Each of the larger tribes is governed by a sultan, and in each there are several castes--a sort of nobility of unmixed Tuareg blood being at the head and negro slaves at the lower end of the social ladder. The families of the highest caste are usually well-to-do, and both the men and the women are taught to read and write. The garments usually worn by a Tuareg man consist of white trousers, a gray tunic with white sleeves, sandals of ornamented leather, and a white turban. When away from home the Tuareg covers the lower half of the face by a cloth mask. The usual occupation of the Tuaregs is twofold--to guard caravans or to rob them. The average Tuareg is perfectly indifferent as to which he does. A caravan from the Sudan enters, we will say, Kano. The garfla sheik pack master, or superintendent, goes at once to the financial agent of the sultan and pays the usual liken, or tariff charges. Then he goes to the sultan himself and incidentally leaves in his possession a generous money present. Then, if he desires, he may hire half a dozen or more guards. The hiring of these will insure the caravan against theft or robbery on the part of the predatory bands living at Kano. The guards will also faithfully defend the caravan in case of attack by Bedouin Arabs. On the other hand, should the garfla sheik forget the present to the sultan, or neglect to hire guards, those same Tuaregs would be the first to attack and loot the caravan. The Bedouin Arab is the chief trial of the caravans. He is always a foe to them; and although he ostensibly herds camels and horses, his real occupation is robbery and pillage. For days nomadic Arabs will follow a caravan, keeping always out of sight. Most likely a band of a dozen or more mounted on swift horses will survey the caravan from a distance at which they are not likely to be discovered. Then they make their way ahead of it to some point where a dune or a gully will conceal them. Then, just as the end of the caravan drags by, there is a sudden sortie and a rattling musket fire. And before the guards can gather to the defence half a dozen camels are cut out of the train, a driver or two is shot down or pierced with assegais, and both the robbers and their loot are beyond the reach of the guards. But perhaps the greatest value of the desert is its effect upon the climate of Europe. Hot winds blow from the Sahara in all directions; the northerly winds, crossing the Mediterranean, are not only tempered thereby, but the desert blasts tempered and filled with moisture finally reach the southern slopes of Europe, where they convert the nutrition of the soil into bountiful crops of corn, wine, and oil. The conquest of the great African desert is already in sight, and the railway will be its master. The Cape to Cairo line is no longer a vision of the future; the ends of its two parts are rapidly shortening the interval that separates them and they are almost in sight of each other. When the lines that are projected from the Mediterranean coast shall have traversed the stronghold of the Tuaregs to penetrate the wealth of the Sudan and the Kongo, the Sahara will have become merely an incident. CHAPTER XI POLAR REGIONS--THE CONQUEST OF THE ARCTIC Excepting the arctic and the antarctic regions, with their fortifications of eternal ice and snow, intrepid explorers have made known nearly every part of the world. There Giant Frost guards his frozen secrets and defies man to wrest them from him. Many a hero has perished in endeavoring to solve the Sphinx-like riddle of northern lands and seas. Many a gallant ship has found its grave in northern ice-clad waters. Yet there has never been a lack of adventurous spirits to continue the work. But one after another the strongholds of nature have gradually yielded to persistent attacks. Especially is this true of the arctic regions, of which not more than two million square miles of sea and land remain to be explored. Buffeted by adverse winds and floating ice-fields, venturous explorers have drawn nearer and nearer to the north pole. Again and again, the attack has been renewed, until, after half a lifetime, Robert E. Peary, an officer of the United States navy, made a brilliant dash and planted the national ensign at the pole. The story of arctic exploration and discovery is filled with interest. It is pathetic, tragical, and calculated to awaken the deepest emotions. Nevertheless, it is enlivened by brilliant exploits, deeds of daring, and acts of heroism. For many years the search for a northern passage to India in the furtherance of commerce was the chief incentive to arctic exploration. Even more than a century before Columbus discovered America, two Venetian brothers named Zeno sought a northwest passage to the Orient, believing that the difficulties in navigating it would be offset by the shortening of the route. The success achieved by Spain during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries in discovery, conquest, and colonization incited England to find a northwest passage, in the hope that such a route, by shortening the distance to the East Indies, would extend her commerce. After the discovery of the mainland of North America, Sebastian Cabot, under the patronage of Henry VII, planned a voyage to the north pole, thinking that would be the best route to ancient Cathay. He proceeded only as far as Davis Strait; then, becoming discouraged by the immense fields of ice, he turned the prow of his vessel homeward. Soon afterward the Muscovy Company of London sent out an exploring expedition with instructions to find a northwest passage. This expedition, taking a different route from its predecessors, reached Nova Zembla. But the ice-fields forced the vessel back to the shores of Lapland, and the ship was never spoken of again. Years afterward the ship's company were found frozen in death. Next in importance came the renowned Frobisher, a strong advocate of a northwest route. He made three voyages to the Arctic Ocean, the last two being under the patronage of Queen Elizabeth. Frobisher believed that fabulously rich fields of gold existed in the north, and his expedition was organized for the purpose of discovering them. His search for precious metals was fruitless, but he added much to the world's knowledge of polar regions, and he has been remembered in the strait that bears his name. The Muscovy Company again sent out an exploring vessel, this time under the able navigator Henry Hudson, with orders to go "direct to the north pole." He did his best to carry out his instructions and, sailing along the northern shore of Spitzbergen, reached latitude 81° 30' north. Finding the route utterly impracticable, he returned home. In all, Hudson sailed on four voyages of discovery, twice in the employ of English companies and twice in the employ of the Dutch East India Company. In one of his voyages under the Dutch, after advancing as far north as he deemed prudent, he turned southward and cruised along the Atlantic coast. Entering New York Bay, he proceeded up the broad river that now bears his name, believing at first that he had found the coveted short route to India. Soon he was undeceived, for as he went farther up he found the seeming passage to be merely a large river. He gave his employers such a glowing account of the valley of the Hudson River that the merchants of Holland sent out ships to establish trading posts along the river and to trade with the Indians. On his fourth voyage, while seeking a passage northwest, he discovered the strait and the bay both of which bear his name. Desiring to continue his explorations the next year, he sailed westward on the bay and wintered on the island of Southampton. In the spring he again tried to find the long-wished-for passage. The long, cold winter and lack of suitable food told heavily on his men. They became badly demoralized and declared that they would not remain longer in such an inhospitable region. When Hudson insisted, the men mutinied. Seizing their commander, they placed him with his son and five sailors in an open boat and sailed away. After this cruel act of the mutineers, no trace of Hudson or those who were with him was ever found. But Hudson's fame will never die. Historians will ever laud his achievements, and his name is indelibly inscribed on the map of the world. The ringleader of the mutineers with five of his companions was afterward killed by the natives, and several of the others starved to death. The rest of the crew succeeded in getting the ship back to England; there they were tried, found guilty of mutiny, and sent to prison. In 1616 the intrepid William Baffin took up the search. He penetrated the bay bearing his name and explored the passages of water westward to the mouth of Lancaster Sound. Later the Russians became interested in exploration. Among the explorers Captain Veit Bering of the Russian navy was the most eminent. In the early part of the eighteenth century Bering was commanded by Peter the Great to take up the search for the long-sought passage. He explored the northeastern coast of Asia as far north as sixty-seven degrees latitude, discovering a fact hitherto unknown, that North America is separated from Asia by a narrow passage of water containing small islands. The passage received the name Bering Strait from its discoverer, and the same name was bestowed upon the sea leading to it. About ten years afterward Bering determined to explore the northwest coast of North America. He landed twice upon the coast, but, being driven back by violent storms, was at length wrecked on an island, where he died. His crew, though suffering terrible hardships, lived through the winter. With the coming of spring, however, they rigged a craft from the stranded vessel in which a few survivors reached the coast of Asia. In 1743 the British Government offered a reward of twenty thousand pounds for the discovery of a northwest passage by the way of Hudson Bay. Thirty-three years afterward a like reward was offered for the actual discovery of the north pole and the same amount for the exploration of any navigable passage. The sum of five thousand pounds was also offered to any one who should approach within one degree of the north pole. These standing rewards greatly stimulated arctic exploration. Of the many voyages of exploration that followed, Sir John Franklin's last expedition was the most tragical. This expedition was fitted out by the British Government with the necessary supplies and scientific instruments for a three years' cruise. Two stanch vessels, the _Erebus_ and the _Terror_, both of which had been previously employed in antarctic exploration, were selected to stem the ice-fields of the north, and a tender with extra supplies accompanied them as far as Davis Strait. The vessels were last seen in Lancaster Sound moored to an iceberg, where they were spoken to by a whaling ship homeward bound. Three years having passed and no tidings having been received from the expedition, all England became extremely anxious concerning the safety of the explorers. The British Government then sent out two vessels to seek Franklin, but no trace of the missing commander or his men was found. The government then redoubled its exertions, supplemented by private parties, and in 1850 no less than twelve vessels were vigorously searching the arctic lands and waters for their lost brothers. Lady Franklin spent her fortune in endeavoring to find trace of her noble husband. The heart of humanity was touched with the deepest sympathy and moved by the noblest motives. The United States Government, aided also by private citizens, fitted out vessels to continue the search. At one time ten of the searching vessels met in the Arctic. The results of these expeditions were meagre in securing trace of the lost ones, but they greatly enriched our knowledge of northern lands and seas. Not until five years after the _Erebus_ and _Terror_ left England was trace of the explorers found. Near the head of Franklin Strait, off the shore of King William Land, evidence of an encampment of some of the men was discovered, and at Beechey Island, near by, carpenters' tools, empty meat cans, and the graves of three of the men threw more light on the mystery of the ill-starred expedition. A few years later, at Victory Point, Lieutenant Hobson found a record of the death of Franklin, the date being July 11, 1847. Charles F. Hall, a native of New Hampshire, but long a resident of Ohio, who had been a reader of arctic literature, became deeply interested in the search for Sir John Franklin. Obtaining financial aid from different sources, he made four voyages to the arctic, the first being devoted to searching for Franklin's men and in solving the mystery of their disappearance. His third voyage was the most fruitful one in securing results. Hall believed that the Eskimos knew more about the lost explorers than they were willing to tell, and that if he could but gain their confidence he could extract from them the story. In furtherance of his plan, he resolved on his third voyage to live with them several years. In 1864 he started on this voyage north. On his arrival in the arctic he sought out the natives and made himself one of them, adopting their mode of life and food. He spent five years living and travelling with them. Having won them over, he obtained the story of the ill-fated explorers. He learned that one of Franklin's vessels had actually made the northwest passage to O'Reily Island, southwest of King William Land. Five men remained on board alive, but the vessel was abandoned by the crew. The next spring the Eskimos found it in good condition frozen fast in the ice. The skeletons of Franklin's men were found scattered over King William Land, where they had perished one after another from starvation and cold. Some had engaged in conflict with the natives in endeavoring to secure food, but being weak from hunger were unsuccessful. Of the one hundred and five men who accompanied Franklin not one was ever found alive. During the year 1850 the problem of the northwest passage was solved by Captains M'Clure, Collinson, and Killet. South of Melville Island, M'Clure, who had sailed through Bering Strait, met the ship of Killet which had come through Lancaster Sound. M'Clure, having wintered near the connecting waters, had really established the existence of the passage by observation before the meeting. Twenty days later Collinson came up in his ship. Finding the problem of the northwest passage solved, he turned to the southeast and completed the passage in another direction. It thus became evident that so far as commercial purposes were concerned a northwest passage was impracticable and that further northern exploration must be considered in the light of scientific and geographic value only. Hall's labors did not cease with his discovery of the Franklin expedition. He became an enthusiast concerning the arctic and seemed to enjoy its weird icy scenery and attendant perilous excitement. Believing that he could reach the north pole if he had a properly equipped expedition, he planned a fourth voyage and appealed to Congress for assistance. A generous appropriation was made by Congress, and on July 3, 1871, the expedition set sail from New London, Conn., carrying a full crew and several scientists. The vessel, which was named the _Polaris_, touched at several places on the western coast of Greenland to secure additional dogs and skins suitable for arctic clothing, and then steamed north as far as seemed safe, to establish winter quarters preparatory to making a dash for the pole in the spring. The vessel passed through Robeson Channel into the polar ocean, reaching 82° 11', then the highest point ever reached by a ship. Not finding a good harbor, Hall sailed south about fifty miles. He anchored near the Greenland shore to the lee of a stranded iceberg. Building material for a house and part of the stores were removed to the land in case anything happened to the ship. Then the ship was banked up with snow and part of the deck was covered with canvas to keep out the cold. The weather being propitious, Captain Hall thought best to take a sledge journey to find the lay of the country. He ordered the dogs to be well fed, and accompanied by two other sledges advanced northward about fifty miles, making side trips to take observations. At the end of two weeks he returned seemingly perfectly well, but in a few hours complained of illness. Thirteen days afterward he died. The date of his death was November 8, 1871, just a little more than four months from the time he left the port of New London buoyant with hope. The command of the expedition now devolved on Captain Buddington, a man of dissipated habits and lacking in discipline. During the winter and spring severe storms crashed the ice-pack against the sides of the vessel, causing it to leak. In the meantime exploring parties were sent out with sledges and boats, gathering not a little knowledge concerning the west coast of Greenland. Then the vessel began to leak badly, and Captain Buddington ordered all hands on board for return home. Great fields of ice still covered the sea, and it was with extreme difficulty that the vessel made its way through them southward. A severe gale damaged the vessel still more, and as it seemed certain that it could not float much longer, preparations to abandon it and to move at once to the ice-floe were made. At the dead of night, in the face of a fierce gale, a part of the ship's company and stores were transferred to the ice. Then the heaving billows broke the vessel loose from the floe, separating the men on the ice from those on the vessel. With eighteen companions Captain Tyson lived on the ice-floe which moved southward, breaking off piece after piece, for a period of six and one-half months, suffering incredible hardships from cold, hunger, and constant fear. Finally, they were sighted off the Labrador coast by the ship _Tigress_ and rescued in a starving condition. The story of this ice-floe journey of one thousand three hundred miles is one of the most thrilling in maritime annals. Fortunately, there were two Eskimos on the ice-floe skilled in the capture of seals, else the entire company would have starved to death, since but a small portion of the provisions had been transferred to the floe when the vessel parted from it. The devices for sustaining their lives during the journey form interesting reading. Strange to relate, no one was seriously ill and no deaths occurred during this remarkable ice voyage. After drifting a while the _Polaris_ was purposely beached on the Greenland shore and the stores placed on land, where a house was built in which to spend the second winter. In the spring two boats were constructed in which the company started southward along the coast, where they were finally picked up by a whaling vessel. The conquest of the northeast passage was not achieved until the latter part of the century. In 1878 Baron Nordenskjold, a Swedish explorer commanding the _Vega_, entered the Arctic and sailed eastward along the Russian and Siberian coast. Nordenskjold was the first navigator to double Cape Chelyuskin, the northern cape of Asia. The _Vega_ reached Bering Strait where she was nipped by the ice-pack. In the following spring she reached Japan in safety. In 1879-80 Lieutenant Frederick Schwatka set out on an overland expedition northwestward for Hudson Bay, to gather knowledge concerning the great Arctic Plain of North America. Schwatka's was probably the longest sledge journey ever made up to that time. With a small party of men, his dog sledges covered a distance of three thousand miles. Schwatka found the skeletons of several members of Sir John Franklin's party. These he buried on King William Land. [Illustration: Peary's ship, the _Roosevelt_] In 1881 the De Long expedition, in the steam cruiser _Jeannette_, met disaster off the Siberian coast. The _Jeannette_ was sunk and her officers and crew in three boats abandoned her. One boat was never heard of afterward. De Long and his party starved in the delta swamps of the Lena River. Chief Engineer Melville and his party were rescued in the Lena River. In 1881 also the International Polar Conference attempted to establish a chain of stations around the pole as far north as possible. The United States and several of the European nations were represented in the organization. Two expeditions were sent out by the United States; one at Point Barrow, under Lieutenant Ray, the other at Lady Franklin Bay, opposite the Greenland coast, in latitude 81° 40'. The latter was in charge of Lieutenant, now General Greely. In a sledge journey along the north coast of Greenland, Lockwood and Brainard reached the latitude of 83° 24'. The observations of Greely and Ray added not a little knowledge concerning the meteorology and tides of the arctic regions. The sledge journey of Lockwood and Brainard practically established the fact that Greenland is an island. Of all attempts to reach the pole, the most daring was that adopted by S. A. Andree, a Swedish explorer. Andree had been to the polar regions before, and being something of an aeronaut, believed that he could reach or pass over the pole in a balloon. In carrying out his plan he had constructed a monster balloon capable of floating in the air thirty days, due allowance being made for the daily escape of gas by permeation through the envelope. This balloon, with necessary accessories, was shipped to Danes Island, one of the Spitzbergen group. Everything being ready July 11, 1897, Andree set forth on his perilous trip accompanied by two companions. The balloon carried a load of about five tons, including food, clothing, ballast, scientific instruments, and men. On being let loose the balloon arose six hundred feet, and then descended to the surface of the sea owing to the entanglement of the guide ropes and ballast lines. Three heavy guide ropes nine hundred feet long were used, to which were attached eight ballast lines two hundred and fifty feet long. The ropes were cut and ballast was thrown out, when the balloon again rose and the wind bore it away over a mountainous island one thousand five hundred feet high. In an hour it had passed below the northeastern horizon. Three message buoys were dropped on the day of Andree's departure, reporting fine weather, all well, and altitude eight hundred and twenty feet; from that time on no traces of the daring unfortunates have ever been found. Fridtjof Nansen, who had spent some time in the exploration of Greenland, had also reached the conclusion that a polar current sweeps across the Arctic Ocean from Bering Sea to the north coast of Greenland. He therefore set out with a picked crew in a small steamship, the _Fram_,1893, entering the Arctic at Bering Strait. After the _Fram_ had been caught in the ice-pack, Nansen and his companion, Johansen, started toward the north pole with dog sledges. They reached latitude 86° 14'; finding that the ice was drifting southward, they made for Franz Josef Land, where they spent the winter, and then started for Spitzbergen. On their way they were found by members of the Jackson-Harmsworth expedition, by whom they were rescued. The _Fram_ also returned safely. The existence of the polar current was not established. In 1900 Captain Cagui, a member of the Abruzzi Polar Expedition, starting from Franz Josef Land, made a dash across the ice toward the pole. He succeeded in reaching latitude 86° 34', the nearest approach to the pole up to that time. Only a few years afterward, 1905-6, Amundsen, in the steamer _Gjoa_, found a more southerly northwest passage from King William Land than that followed by Collinson. It was comparatively free from ice. Amundsen was the first to penetrate the northwest passage in a continuous voyage. The result showed plainly that as a commercial route the northwest passage was out of the question. The man who finally succeeded in reaching the pole is the intrepid arctic explorer, Robert E. Peary, of the United States navy. In the first record-breaking trip Peary started in July, 1905. Sailing through Davis Strait, Baffin Bay, Smith Sound, and Robeson Channel to Grant Island, which lies west of the northern part of Greenland, he went into winter quarters at Cape Sheridan. In the early spring, when the daylight was an hour long, Peary set out for the north pole over the ice-clad ocean with sledges drawn by dogs. Delayed by storms and open water in some places, he succeeded after incredible hardships and suffering in reaching 87° 6', the highest point up to that time reached by man, a distance only two hundred miles from the north pole. In previous trips Peary had crossed the northern part of Greenland twice at the risk of his life, each time bringing much knowledge of the north coast of Greenland. During one of his voyages Peary brought home three meteorites. The largest, weighing more than thirty-six tons, is now in the Museum of Natural History of New York City. These are among the largest meteorites ever found, and it is an interesting fact that so many were found in Greenland.[1] Peary's last and successful trip began when the steamship Roosevelt, commanded by Captain Bartlett, sailed out of New York harbor, July 6, 1908. The vessel traversed Baffin Bay and reached Cape York August 1. At Etah, an Eskimo settlement, three weeks were consumed in storing supplies and selecting Eskimo guides and purchasing dog-trains. The Roosevelt then proceeded northward through the narrow strait that separates Greenland from Grant Land. The party went into winter quarters near Cape Sheridan at the head of the strait. The winter was spent in exploration and in preparation for the sledge journey. The necessary supplies for the journey were carried to Cape Columbia, the northerly point of Grant Land. The sledge party started northward from Cape Columbia February 28--seven members of the expedition, seventeen Eskimos, and nineteen sledges. [Illustration: Commander Robert E. Peary and three of his Eskimo dogs on the Roosevelt] When the expedition reached latitude eighty-eight degrees, Captain Bartlett and Professor Marvin, with most of the Eskimo guides, were ordered back; Peary with his companion, Hensen, and several Eskimos started on the final dash. Fortunately the ice was smooth, and but few breaks, or "leads," were encountered. It was not difficult to make twenty-five miles or more a day during several days of the journey. At last a temporary break in the clouds gave Peary an opportunity for observation, which showed his latitude to be 89° 57'. Ten miles more were made, and another observation showed that the party had actually gone several miles beyond the pole. A cairn of ice blocks and snow bearing the American flag was erected approximately at the pole, April 7, 1909, and the party started on the return trip. There being a plain trail and smooth ice, the return trip was made in about half the time required for the outward trip. The reserve party was joined at Cape Columbia, and all hands returned to the _Roosevelt_, which was at anchor near Cape Sheridan. The only fatality of the expedition was the death of Professor Marvin, who was accidentally drowned while on his return to Cape Columbia. The open polar sea which had been observed by Kane and several other explorers was closed by ice at the time of Peary's dash; indeed, the entire route lay over ice and snow that apparently was several years old. After leaving Cape Columbia no land sky was seen anywhere about the horizon. A single sounding was made about five miles from the pole, but no bottom was found at fifteen hundred feet, the length of the sounding wire. For his services Peary received the medal of the Royal Geographical Society, and an admiral's commission from the United States Government. In spite of the desolation that pervades polar regions, the resources are considerable and have attracted much commercial activity. For many years whale oil was about the only illuminating oil used by most of the world, and the chief supply was obtained from the whales slaughtered in north polar regions. Holland sent whaling ships to the arctic as early as 1613, and for two centuries whaling fleets of different nations frequented these seas. During the early part of the seventeenth century--the most profitable period--upward of three hundred Dutch ships and fifteen thousand men annually visited Spitzbergen. It is estimated that in two centuries America, England, and Holland obtained from the arctic regions products amounting to one thousand million dollars, the greatest items by far being whale oil and whalebone. Great quantities of fossil ivory have been obtained from the New Siberian Island, the very soil of which seems in great part to be made up of the bones and tusks of the extinct mammoth. Much valuable scientific information has been gained by meteorological and magnetic observations. The north magnetic pole, toward which the north-seeking end of the compass needle points, has been located on the west side of Boothia Peninsula. At this place the dipping needle stands vertical. It must be borne in mind that the north pole of the earth and the north magnetic pole are two entirely different points. As a matter of fact, if the mariner be in the arctic waters north of Boothia Peninsula his compass points south. The arctic currents have been carefully studied with valuable results, and it has been found that the drift of the polar ice-floe is constantly to the eastward. Snow-white arctic reindeer in considerable numbers have been recently found; and Peary found seals within two hundred miles of the north pole. The Greenland seal seems to enjoy seas filled with ice, spending part of the time in the water and part on the ice-floe. [Illustration: Musk ox] It is now known that Greenland is an ice-capped island very sparsely inhabited along the coast by Eskimos. A few hundred of these hardy people live along the Greenland coast from Cape York up to latitude seventy-eight degrees, cut off by the surrounding ice-cap from the rest of the world. They are the most northern known inhabitants. Peary found the northern coast of Greenland well stocked with both animal and vegetable life. Bears, wolves, hares, and musk oxen were seen in considerable numbers. A most important fact discovered by Hall was that the most northerly part of Greenland is comparatively free from ice, the largest known area of bare ground of that continent. This fact accounts for the profusion of animal and vegetable life existing there. One of the most interesting of land animals found in the north is the musk ox. When fully grown and in good condition this animal weighs five hundred pounds and upward. When the musk oxen are attacked by wolves or dogs they form themselves into a circle with their heads on the outside and conceal their calves under their bodies. Their hair, being long, reaches nearly to the ground and forms a curtain which completely conceals the calves from view. Their food is moss and lichens which grow on the rocks. This they obtain by scraping away the snow with their sharp hoofs. The flesh of the musk ox, though musk-like in flavor, is not repulsive to the taste, and several explorers have been saved from starving by using the flesh for food. The chief obstacles to arctic exploration are the long winter night, during which all must remain idle, and the necessity for carrying all provisions. No one who has not wintered beyond the arctic circle can have a realization of the influence on the nerves of continual darkness for months, an influence that has driven many men insane. Combine the darkness with the weird scenery and the fierce storms that prevail during the long winter, and it requires a strong will and abiding faith not to be seriously influenced. The extreme cold is not hard to endure if one clothes himself in the manner of the Eskimos. Provisions and supplies must be carried by dog sledges, and the management of the dog teams is very difficult for those who have not been trained to the work. Shetland ponies have been tried as draught animals. Captain Evelyn Baldwin was the first to use them in polar exploration; others have used them, but less successfully. Good coal is found in abundance on many of the islands of the arctic. Its outcroppings are found on Disco Island, west of Greenland, and excellent coal is found in many places in Spitzbergen, where at the present time two companies are mining it, one American and the other English. Spitzbergen is sometimes called No Man's Land, since Norway and Sweden have not been able to agree in regard to its possession. Lately the islands of this archipelago have become favorite resorts for summer excursionists who can here have the arctic scenery and experiences with but very few discomforts. Ptarmigan, geese, ducks, and many other kinds of birds are found on these islands. Large quantities of eider-down have been obtained annually from this section, but the rapid destruction of the ducks by hunters has lessened the industry and will probably annihilate it. There being no law to regulate hunting, sportsmen wantonly kill the wild animals, especially the reindeer and bears, in great numbers. We owe much to dogs in arctic explorations. It would have been impossible to penetrate to the interior of arctic lands or to traverse the frozen seas but for the services of the faithful dogs trained to draw sledges. Many of these animals have suffered from overwork and have perished from starvation; others have been sacrificed for food in dire extremities to preserve the lives of their masters. Surely arctic service has proved as destructive to the poor dogs as to men. FOOTNOTES: [Footnote 1: Isolated masses of native iron are usually of meteoric origin, but to determine whether or not the native iron fell from the sky a portion of the surface is ground off and polished; then the polished surface is etched with acid. If crystalline lines are plainly brought out, there can be no doubt of its being of meteoric origin. The following excerpt from the American Museum Meteoric Guide will make the matter clear: "The iron of meteorites is always alloyed with from six to twenty per cent of nickel. This 'nickel-iron,' as it is commonly called, is usually crystalline in texture, and when it is cut, polished, and 'etched' a beautiful net-work of lines is brought out, indicating plates which lie in positions determined by the crystalline character of the mass. This net-work of lines constitutes what are called the Widmannstattian figures, from the name of their discoverer. When these figures are strongly developed the meteoric origin of the iron cannot be questioned, but their absence does not necessarily disprove such an origin. Native iron of terrestrial origin is extremely rare."] CHAPTER XII POLAR REGIONS--ANTARCTICA A continent twice the size of the United States lies sleeping beneath a mantle of snow and ice at the south pole. No vegetation save a few mosses and lichens exists anywhere on this vast expanse. No four-footed animals rove over it; no human beings inhabit it. Hundreds of thousands of square miles of pack-ice, glaciers, and ice-walls jealously guard it on all sides. On one side, for a distance of five hundred miles, extends a great ice barrier whose perpendicular ice-wall is from thirty to three hundred feet in height. Behind this wall are vast ice-fields, and beyond these immense plateaus of ice having an elevation of six thousand to twelve thousand feet where fierce winds and a biting cold prevail. On these elevated plains the thermometer stands in the middle of summer sometimes as low as forty degrees below zero. Great fields of ice and huge icebergs cover the sea in all directions and in winter extend far beyond the antarctic circle. In these regions the ice forming on the surface of the ocean attains a thickness varying from five to seventeen feet. Long ranges of snow-clad and ice-mailed mountains are found with ermined peaks towering from ten thousand to fifteen thousand feet in height. A long winter night, with its intense darkness relieved at times by the light of the moon and brilliant chromatic displays of the aurora australis, succeeds a day of perpetual sunshine. All these are on such a scale of sublimity that no pen can adequately describe nor brush portray them. Nowhere else on the face of the globe does there exist such a wide expanse of utter desolation. Yet an undefined attraction lures bold men to fathom the mysteries of these forbidding regions. Dating from 1772, many exploring expeditions have visited the south polar regions in the interests of science. The compass is the mariner's guide across the trackless ocean, and it is essential to find out everything possible about that mysterious agent, magnetism, which directs the compass needle by its attractive force. The earth itself is a huge magnet with positive and negative poles. The poised needle of the compass maintains its relative position because of the magnetic poles of the earth, one located in the north polar regions, on the western side of the peninsula of Boothia, and the other in the south polar regions, on Victoria Land. Except in a few localities the compass needle does not point due north and south--that is, toward the real poles of the earth, but toward the magnetic poles. And these magnetic poles are ever shifting, as is shown by the changing direction of the compass needle, which year by year increases or decreases its deviation from true north and south. It is necessary to chart the variations of the magnetic needle for the use of the navigator. To observe the deviations and to locate the south magnetic pole have been the chief objects of south polar expeditions for several years, geographical information being of secondary importance. The marine life of the south polar regions is abundant. In the latter part of the eighteenth century ships sailing in the regions north of the antarctic circle discovered whales and fur-bearing seals. Soon sealers and whalers of different nations began to frequent the prolific new regions. Then various European nations and the United States sent out exploring expeditions to the south polar regions to gather scientific and geographical information as well as to assist the charting of coasts and the determination of magnetic variations. On account of their uninhabitability, their difficulty of access, and their unknown commercial value, the antarctic lands have claimed far less attention than the north polar regions. The famous explorer, Captain James Cook of the royal navy, was commissioned by the British Government to undertake various exploring expeditions, and in carrying out his instructions he made several voyages to the antarctic. In 1773, with his two vessels, _Resolution_ and _Adventure_, he crossed the antarctic circle--so far as is known, the first time that it had been crossed by a human being. He continued farther southward, but finding an alarming increase of pack-ice and icebergs, he soon retreated north. In January of the following year he succeeded after a third trial in reaching latitude 71° 10' south, the farthest south attained during the century. [Illustration: An antarctic summer scene] In 1839 an expedition was sent out by the United States Government under Captain Charles Wilkes. The exploring squadron consisted of five ships and more than four hundred officers and men, scientists, and crews. Wilkes was the first to discover the so-called mainland of the antarctic continent, in January, 1840. He then followed along this unknown coast-line amid icebergs, fogs, and storms for over fifteen hundred miles, taking such observations as were possible. For his polar achievements in discovery and exploration he was awarded a gold medal by the Royal Geographical Society. Considering that he was supplied with improperly equipped ships, he certainly accomplished wonders. The British Government, realizing the necessity for better magnetic charts of the south polar regions, and urged by the scientific societies of England, sent out a second expedition to the antarctic under the command of Sir James Ross. The expedition sailed from England in the fall of 1839 in the _Erebus_ and _Terror_, both of which were subsequently lost in the unfortunate Franklin expedition.[2] On this voyage Ross made many discoveries, the most important of which was Victoria Land. On this land is the south magnetic pole toward which the south-seeking end of the needle always points. Ross greatly desired to plant at the south magnetic pole the flag that had been displayed at the north magnetic pole in 1831, but he was unfortunately caught in the pack-ice and compelled to abandon the attempt. Two volcanic mountains were discovered on an island near Victoria Land. These mountains Ross named Erebus and Terror from the two ships in which he sailed. The former, thirteen thousand feet in height, was in violent eruption, and the latter, ten thousand feet high, was quiescent. An expedition which has accomplished very great results in antarctic research was sent out under Captain Robert F. Scott of the British navy in the vessel _Discovery_. Through the influence of the Royal Geographical Society this expedition was admirably financed, the English Government and private parties contributing four hundred and fifty thousand dollars toward its equipment. The _Discovery_ left Cowes, England, in the summer of 1901, and, after making a series of magnetic observations south of Australia, steered for the south polar regions. Pack-ice was met almost at the antarctic circle, but Scott gradually worked the vessel through the pack and reached the base of Mount Terror where he landed a party. Then with the remainder of his men he coasted eastward along the great ice barrier for five hundred miles. It was found that the barrier had receded thirty miles since its front was examined by Ross in 1841 and that its front is wearing away at the rate of one-half mile a year. A captive balloon was used in making investigations of the ice front. If the unfortunate case of Andree be excepted, it was the first time that the balloon was used in polar research. The vessel remained in a safe harbor near Mounts Terror and Erebus, where it lay frozen in for two winters. Every precaution was taken to insure the safety of the land party in case the ice should break up and force the ship out of the harbor. Suitable huts were erected on shore and a portion of the provisions was landed. Magnetic observations and other scientific work were carried on daily. During the warmer season of the year many journeys were made into the interior. In order to be able to advance as far as possible, sledge journeys were made along a selected route to establish provision depots. This being done, Captain Scott with two companions and nineteen sledge dogs started for a protracted journey into the interior. They travelled three hundred and fifty miles inland over the great ice-field but did not even then reach the end of it. Then, having lost most of the dogs, and the provisions being low, the party set out on their return to the ship. The few remaining dogs being disabled, the men were obliged to haul the sledges. Having suffered great hardships, the party reached the vessel after an absence of three months. On this journey a long range of mountains with many high peaks was discovered. The highest peak, fifteen thousand one hundred feet, was named Mount Markham. The latitude reached was 82° 17' south, being the farthest distance south attained. On a subsequent journey a plateau of nine thousand feet elevation was reached, where the evenness of the ice surface for miles seemed scarcely broken. The length of this journey was three hundred miles. At the end of the second winter two relief ships appeared at the edge of the ice with orders that Captain Scott should return home at once. The _Discovery_ was still sealed up in the harbor with solid ice from twelve to seventeen feet thick, and it was a problem how to free the vessel. The solid ice extended out more than six miles from the harbor. The crews set resolutely to work making holes in the ice in a direct line from the imprisoned vessel to the open water. In these holes powerful explosives were placed which cracked the ice. This labor consumed some nine days. Then the great ocean swells broke up the ice, freeing the vessel. The _Discovery_ forthwith sailed for England by way of Cape Horn, arriving home in September, having gathered much valuable information during her sojourn in the south polar regions. Although practically no vegetable life has been found in these regions, an abundance of animal life exists in or contiguous to the sea, dependent on shrimps, fish, and such other life as the sea affords. Seals, penguins, petrels, cormorants, and gulls are found in considerable numbers. In fact, no persons tarrying in these regions need starve for lack of food, such as it is. [Illustration: The penguin defies the cold] During the two years spent by the _Discovery_ in the south polar ice, seals and penguins formed staple articles of the diet of the men. Though the flesh of both of these creatures has a strong and peculiar flavor, it was found to be an agreeable change from pemican and other preserved material. So vigorous were the men's appetites, stimulated by the excessive cold, that when they labored hard sometimes seven meals were served daily. Because of the thick layer of fat covering their bodies, penguins were used as fuel when the coal began to give out. Penguins are strange, interesting sea fowls having an inquisitive and fearless nature. At one of the rocky shore rookeries millions of these grotesque birds were seen. The type of penguin found here is a very handsome bird, decked out in rather gay colors, having a jet black head, bluish-gray back and wings, a yellow breast and bright spot of orange on the neck, and an orange-colored lower bill. As though proud of his multicolored dress he walks with slow and majestic step. His height is about four feet and his average weight eighty-five pounds. He makes free use of his voice which is loud and shrill. Whenever a group of penguins see an object that excites their curiosity they will stand around it in a circle and gaze at it intently. Lieutenant Shackleton had a graphophone as a part of his equipment, and whenever it was used, during the season when penguins were about, they used to gather around the instrument by the hundreds, seeming to be quite as much interested as his human listeners. When all other birds flee at the approach of the antarctic winter the eccentric penguin defies the cold and hatches its single egg in the dead of winter, with the thermometer ranging from eighteen to seventy degrees below zero. It does this by carrying the egg between its legs, resting it on the back of the foot while a fold of heavily feathered loose skin completely covers it up. After the chick is hatched it takes the place of the egg and is carried around in this queer receptacle. When the chick wants food it utters a cry. Thereupon the parent bends its neck down, and the little one thrusts its head into the parental mouth to help itself to regurgitated food. The adult fowls of both sexes are fond of nursing the chickens and frequently quarrel over the possession of the little ones, often with fatal results to the younglings. Over half of the chicks die or are killed by kindness. The expedition to the antarctic commanded by Lieutenant Ernest Shackleton must always be considered one of the most important among those fitted out for the work of polar research. Shackleton had been a member of the Scott expedition and therefore was well acquainted with the character of the work. The members of the staff, about twenty-five in number, were selected with great care, and the results of the expedition demonstrated Lieutenant Shackleton's wisdom. The _Nimrod_, a wooden steamship built for seal hunting, was purchased and equipped for the expedition. She was a small vessel, scarcely more than one hundred feet in length. Her foremast carried square sails; her main and mizzen masts were schooner-rigged. Under steam her speed did not exceed six knots. The equipment included a generous outfit of scientific instruments, a supply of dogs and sledges, ten Manchurian or "Shetland" ponies, and a gasoline motor-car. The vessel was equipped at Cowes, England, but made her final start from Lyttleton, New Zealand, New Year's Day, 1908. In order to save her supply of coal for future use she was towed to the antarctic circle. The following winter months, May to September, were spent on Ross Island, near the winter quarters of the _Discovery_, in McMurdo Bay, about thirty degrees south of New Zealand. This bay, or sound, forms a curve in the shore line of Victoria Land, the coast of which is the best known part of the antarctic regions. Up to the present time it is the most accessible entrance to south circumpolar regions known; it is also the most convenient location for winter quarters, being only two thousand miles from New Zealand. In the following March a party of six--David, Mawson, Mackay, Adams, Marshall, and Brocklehurst--prepared for the ascent of Mount Erebus, the volcano, then active, discovered by Ross and named after one of his ships. The crater rim was only a few miles distant, and during the first three days the party could be seen from the camp by means of a powerful telescope--tiny black specks struggling up the ice-clad slopes. Three craters were discovered, the youngest and highest of which was found to be thirteen thousand three hundred and fifty feet above sea level.[3] During the ascent the party nearly perished in a gale which blew their tents into tatters. The crater rampart was finally reached, however, and a number of excellent photographs were made. During the entire stay at Ross Island the steam column from the crater furnished the means whereby the direction of the upper currents of air might be instantly noted, and the condition of activity did not differ materially from that observed in Stromboli. When the barometer was low the steam column was heavier and denser; the glow of light was also brighter. With a high barometer, on the contrary, the conditions were reversed, the steam column was insignificant and the glow was scarcely visible. As a rule, the ascending column of steam was projected three thousand feet or more before it was caught by the upper air current. Measurements showed the principal crater to be half a mile in diameter and nine hundred feet deep. Great deposits of sulphur and pumice were observed. In the last week of October a party composed of Shackleton, Adams, Marshall, and Wild started on the trip to discover the south pole. The journey to the point farthest south occupied seventy-three days. After a few days out from the winter quarters no bare rock was seen--the landscape being one of ice and snow. Shackleton's journal of January 8 notes the fierce gales blowing at the rate of seventy or eighty miles an hour, while the temperature had dropped to "seventy-two degrees of frost." "We are short of fuel," he writes, "and at this high altitude, eleven thousand six hundred feet, it is hard to keep any warmth in our bodies between the scanty meals. We have nothing to read now, having left behind our little books to save weight, and it is dreary work lying in the tent with nothing to read, and too cold to write much in the diary." "It (January 9, 1909) is our last day outward. We have shot our bolt and the tale of latitude is 88° 23' south. We hoisted her majesty's flag, and the other Union Jack afterward, and took possession of the plateau in the name of his majesty. While the Union Jack blew out stiffly in the icy gale that cut us to the bone we looked south with powerful glasses, but could see nothing but the dead white snow-plain. There was no break in the plateau as it extended toward the pole, and we felt sure that the goal we have failed to reach lies on this plain. We stayed only a few minutes, and then taking the queen's flag, and eating our scanty meal as we went, hurried back and reached our camp about 3 P. M. Whatever regrets may be, we have done our best." On their return journey the party killed the two surviving ponies for food. Early in October, 1908, a party consisting of David, Mawson, and Mackay started on their journey to locate the south magnetic pole. Like the journey of the southern party, it was a trip of hardship, intense cold, and physical suffering. On January 16, 1909, partly by experiment and partly by calculation, the point of vertical position of the needle was found in latitude 72° 25' south, longitude 155° 16' east. The position found by Professor David was very close to that obtained by Scott of the _Discovery_ expedition and about forty miles from that which Ross calculated in 1841. In the interval of nearly seventy years, it is safe to assume that the position of the south magnetic pole has shifted forty miles. In spite of the knowledge obtained in other directions, Shackleton frankly admits that the secret of the great ice barrier cannot be learned until the structure and trend of the mountain ranges which seem to form its edge are traced. The investigations showed, however, that it is composed of densely packed snow. It was found that at least one part of the ice barrier is receding, and that Balloon Bight, noted by Captain Scott, had disappeared in consequence of the recession. Not the least important part of the exploration was the discovery of forty-five miles of coast. Shackleton also was able to strengthen the opinion that Emerald, Nimrod, and Dougherty Islands do not exist. The hardy Shetland and Manchurian ponies, first used by Evelyn Baldwin, proved a valuable equipment in polar research. Shackleton's gasoline motor-car and Scott's captive balloon were of considerable but limited use. During 1910 and 1911 three different nations--England, Norway, and Japan--were represented by expeditions in south polar regions. The Norwegian expedition under Captain Roald Amundsen was especially equipped for quick travel, having eight sledges and more than one hundred trained dogs. The expedition made its way to the head of Ross Sea, a large bay of the Antarctic plateau, nearly due south of New Zealand. The camp there was made the base of supplies. Depots for provisions were first established in latitudes 80°, 81°, and 82°. A start for the pole was made September 8 with eight men, seven sledges, and ninety dogs. The weather was too severe for the dogs, however, and the party returned to camp. By the middle of October summer weather had set in, and on the 20th of the month five men, four sledges, and fifty-two dogs started on the poleward trip. Three days later they reached and passed the first depot; on the 31st the second depot was reached; and on November 5 the sledges reached the third depot in latitude 82°. Additional supplies were thereafter cached, in depots about one degree apart, to be used on the return trip. Snow cairns were built at frequent intervals to mark the trail. The last cache of supplies was left at latitude 85°. From this point the way was a steep and difficult climbing over the range, or barrier, that had proved so difficult for Shackleton. Peaks in height from ten thousand to fifteen thousand feet loomed up on every side, and glacier surfaces proved to be the easiest paths. When a height of nine thousand feet had been reached the rugged upraise opened out into a nearly level plateau. On December 10 observations showed latitude 89°, and on the 14th of the month the party reached latitude 90° and achieved the conquest of the South Pole. The Norwegian flag was planted, and after three days spent in checking observations the party returned in safety. The expedition returned by way of Tasmania. The vessel employed was the _Fram_, the small steamship used by Nansen. Captain Scott, who commanded the _Discovery_ in the expedition of 1901, went with the men in his command to Ross Sea and made his head-quarters near the head of that body of water. He at once sent out exploring parties, one of which started for the pole. According to reports made in April, 1912, he had accomplished a great deal of work in surveys and geological research, probably more than all that of his predecessors. The same reports brought also word that the Japanese expedition under Lieutenant Shirase had surveyed a considerable extent of the Antarctic coast. FOOTNOTES: [Footnote 2: In April, 1831, Ross had the honor of fixing the location of the north magnetic pole on the Boothia Peninsula in latitude 70° 5' north and longitude 96° 46' west.] [Footnote 3: According to the observations of Ross its altitude was twelve thousand three hundred and sixty-seven feet. Inasmuch as a change in altitude results from each eruption, both determinations may be correct. The admiralty charts give twelve thousand nine hundred and twenty-two feet, the determination of the expedition of 1901.] CHAPTER XIII ICELAND, THE MAID OF THE NORTH Several thousand years ago a mighty conflict occurred between the sea and the subterranean forces in the north Atlantic five hundred miles northwest of Scotland. A violent earthquake rent the rocks of the ocean bed, and through the broken floor there issued tremendous floods of molten lava. The great conflict manifested itself in explosions of steam, gigantic streams of red-hot lava, frothy pumice, and volcanic ashes. For miles around the water of the sea was seething and boiling. After awhile the turbulence of the fiery mass was subdued and it stood congealed in the varied forms of rugged peaks, contorted ridges, and deep valleys, subsequently to be seamed and further distorted by earthquakes and piled higher by further volcanic outbursts. A new island had been born. Ages rolled on; vegetation appeared as the volcanic rock disintegrated; crystal lakes were formed and rivers, fed by frequent rains and melting snows, flowed to the sea. This comparatively new island is Iceland. The book of nature here is open; the print is clear; and the language is so plain that he who can read may learn the story. The internal fires of the earth seem to have taken their final great stand in this far-off northern land and have waged a titanic battle to the death, as may be seen in many places. In the northern part of the island one may find acres of burning sulphur beds, small geysers, and mud caldrons, all of which attest to the slowly dying volcanic forces beneath. Although a comparative calm now exists, an exciting cause may at any time awaken the slumbering volcanoes and again renew the work of destruction. Fossilized forests are found, but of trees different from those now existing. Climate and vegetation materially changed as century succeeded century. The written history of Iceland begins about the year 860, when a viking living on the Faroe Islands who was on his way home from Norway, being driven far northward of his course, came to an unknown coast. Climbing a high rock and looking around, he beheld no signs of life; before he could return to his ship, however, a sudden storm came on, covering the ground with a mantle of snow. From the latter circumstance he named the country Snowland. Four years after a Swedish master-mariner was driven by stress of storm to this same land, and, building a house, spent the winter there. During the following summer he sailed around the land, demonstrating that it was an island, and called it after his own name, Gardar's Island. On his return home he gave such a favorable account of the island that a famous Norwegian viking named Floki determined to seek it and to take possession. Having gathered his family and followers, and taking on board some live stock, he set sail for the unknown land by way of the Faroe Islands. The compass had not then been invented, but knowing that ravens by instinct seek the nearest land when freed on the ocean, he provided himself with three of these birds to serve as guides. He remained awhile at the Faroe Islands and then boldly sailed northward. When he was several days out he uncaged one of the ravens, which immediately took its flight back to the Faroe Islands. Later, he set free a second bird. This one, after hovering high in the air for some time, seemed bewildered and returned to the ship. Still later, the third raven was set free, which at once flew northward. By pursuing the course taken by the last bird, Floki soon reached the desired land. The winter that followed was very severe. Deep snows covered hill, rock, and valley, and ice blockaded the fiord. Floki had neglected to harvest the wild grass, and as a result his cattle died. Disheartened by his losses, he returned to his native land, naming the island which he abandoned Iceland. A few years later another Norse rover, who had slain an enemy and was threatened with vengeance by the relatives of the victim, took refuge on the island where he spent a year. He liked the country so well that he returned home and induced his retainers to accompany him back to his safe retreat. Approaching the land, he threw into the sea the sacred columns which his vessel bore, so that he might learn the will of the gods where to land and found a colony. A violent storm arising, the pillars drifted out of sight, so he sought the nearest harbor and there he established a temporary camp. Three years afterward the pillars were found on the desolate shore of a lava stream on the west side of the island. Near by was a rivulet from whose bed a spring gushed forth emitting clouds of steam. Thither the colony removed and the present capital, Reykjavik, was founded. The name Reykjavik means "smoking bay." Other vikings followed and selected such parts of the island as they considered best. Harold, the king of Norway at this time, determined to curb the rebellious spirit of the chiefs under him. So, many of the sturdy Norsemen, chafing under his arbitrary rule, collected such of their property as they could carry and, putting it on board their stanch vessels, sailed away to the land of refuge. At this period of history nearly all nations considered that might made right; but no class of plunderers excelled the Norsemen, who were wont to make periodical raids on the various seaport cities and towns of Europe. They swooped upon them, pillaging and killing the inhabitants, and then fled in their swift vessels with booty and captives before they could be intercepted. The audacity of the Norse vikings knew no bounds. They pillaged Paris, Bordeaux, Orleans, and nearly every other city of France accessible by water. Their hands fell heavily on the coasts of Spain and the British Isles. [Illustration: Street in Reykjavik, Iceland] At one time a band of these fearless sea-robbers made their lairs in the Shetland and Orkney Islands and even plundered the coast of Norway, the abode of their kinsmen. Their conduct so exasperated Harold that he determined to destroy the freebooters of the Orkneys root and branch. Gathering a large fleet, he relentlessly pursued the raiders up every bay and inlet. Leaving the ships, he chased them among the rocky islands and the sinuous fiords. When they were overtaken the pursuers showed them no mercy. A few escaped, and, stealing away under the cover of darkness, the hunted sea-robbers fled in their ships to Iceland. All the while the tide of immigration was augmented by the migrations of disaffected nobles from Norway. This naked volcanic island had more attraction for them than their own country where freedom was denied them. Sixty years after the first settlement fifty thousand people had made their homes in Iceland. The inhabited parts were along the coast, in the river valleys, and in the vicinity of the fiords, rarely extending farther than fifty miles inland. In order to better maintain rights and settle disputes, in 930 the chiefs or nobles established an aristocratic republic and adopted a constitution. The republic existed four hundred years. Many just laws were enacted, some of which England was glad to borrow. The legislative meetings were held in Thingvalla, a picturesque valley thirty-five miles east of Reykjavik. This valley was formed by the sinking of a lava area of fifty square miles. In the middle of the valley, flanked by two huge jagged walls of lava, is a triangular floor of lava like a large flatiron having separating chasms meeting at the apex. Here the Althing, or general assembly, met annually to make laws and settle disputes. Toward the south the valley slopes gently to Thingvalla Vatn, a beautiful sheet of water of crystal clearness ten miles long and five miles wide, having in some places a depth of a thousand feet. The scenery here is one of rugged beauty and surpassing grandeur. Hard by, a river comes tumbling over its rocky bed, then calmly pours its icy water into the placid lake. No spot is better suited to inspire freedom of thought and lofty imagination than this primitive meeting-place of a legislative assembly. Eventually, Iceland became subject to Norway and afterward a colony of Denmark, which it remains to-day. Self-government and the re-establishment of the old Parliament at Reykjavik was granted by Denmark in 1874. Iceland is not only out of debt but has the snug sum of one million crowns in its exchequer. It is an ideal place for the woman's rights advocates, since women here have the right to vote and do not change their names when they marry. Although the island contains forty thousand square miles, five-sixths of it is uninhabitable. The present population is eight thousand. It may with truth be called naked because it is only partly clothed with vegetation; moreover, such vegetation as exists is scanty and confined chiefly to the river valleys and their slopes. In the interior are large desert areas covered with lava and shifting sand. This desolate expanse is frequently diversified by extensive jokulls, or elevated ice-fields, one of which occupies four thousand square miles. Strange as it may seem, the winters in the inhabited sections are not so severe as those of New England, owing to the modifying influence of the warm southwesterly wind and the mild temperature of the surrounding waters. The summers are cool, owing to the nearness of the arctic ice-fields. In the interior on the table-land one is apt to encounter snowstorms even in August. The only wild animal is the fox, of which there are two varieties, the white and the blue. These animals probably drifted on the ice from Greenland. They are hunted not only for their skins but also because they attack the sheep. The domestic animals are horses, cattle, sheep, dogs, and cats. The horses and cattle are small. The ewes, instead of the cows, are milked. Iceland ponies are famous for their hardiness and are sure-footed. Large numbers of them are exported to England for service in the coal-mines. There they are condemned to hard labor for life in the dark galleries. Iceland ranks second among the geyser regions of the world, Yellowstone Park being first. The boiling springs and geysers are not confined to one locality but are scattered widely over the island. The most prominent are east of Reykjavik. According to its area probably no other part of the world except the island of Java has so many volcanoes. More than one hundred craters and cinder cones have been counted, many of which have been active within the historical period of the island. The most destructive volcanic eruption took place in June, 1783. The spring had opened auspiciously; the cattle, sheep, and horses were cropping the juicy young grass; and the air was balmier than usual. In the latter part of May a bluish smoke accompanied by earthquakes began to spread over the land. As time passed the earthquake shocks increased in violence. The surface of the earth heaved like the ground swell of the ocean after a storm; the atmosphere became filled with choking vapors and blinding smoke; the sun was darkened and the low rumbling sounds became heavy peals of thunder. Presently two mighty streams of lava, one of which was fifteen miles wide and one hundred feet deep, came pouring down the sides of Skaptar Jokull. The lava floods filled up the valleys, quenched rivers, and spread destruction over the adjacent country. The intense heat blasted the vegetation far and wide. Nine thousand people and fifty thousand head of live stock were the result of the death harvest. [Illustration: North Cape, Iceland] Iceland is well watered, having many streams, all of which are rapid, for the greater part flowing over beds of lava and quicksand. In some of the wider fords stakes have been set so that the traveller may not get lost in crossing them on horseback during a dense fog. In the summer the frequent rains make travelling very unpleasant unless one is suitably equipped with water-proof garments. In the Hvita, or White River, is the celebrated Gullfoss--literally, "goldfall"--a fall that rivals Niagara in the height of its two cataracts. A few garden vegetables excepted, little or no agriculture is attempted; the chief dependence of the people is the rearing of sheep, cattle, and horses, fishing, and the collecting of eider-down. The streams are filled with excellent fish, including the salmon; off the coast are codfishing grounds equal to, if not surpassing, those of Newfoundland. The most valuable mineral is sulphur, the supply of which appears to be inexhaustible. The chief exports are wool, oil, fish, horses, eider-down, knit goods, sulphur, and Iceland moss. Transparent calcite, a mineral commonly called "Iceland spar," is found, one mine of which furnishes an excellent quality. It is highly prized by mineralogists on account of its double refractive qualities. If a piece of this mineral be placed over a word, the letters forming it will appear double. Iceland spar is used chiefly in the optical instrument known as the polariscope. Eider-down consists of the soft, fine feathers growing on the breast of the eider-duck, great numbers of which frequent the coast and lakes of Iceland. This duck is wild except at the nesting season; then it is as tame as the domestic fowl and makes its nest not only around and on top of the buildings but frequently inside them. A heavy fine is imposed on any one killing a duck at this season. When about to lay, the duck carefully lines her nest with down plucked from her breast. Then people remove it from the nest and the duck pulls more down from her breast to replace that taken. This process is repeated several times. When the duck has stripped her own breast the drake comes to the rescue and furnishes down from his. A certain number of the eggs are also taken. These, though inferior to those of the swan, are esteemed a great delicacy. Swans also are killed on many of the lakes. Iceland is the resort of the fishing fleets of several nations; the value of the annual catch averages about ten million dollars. Much of the catch consists of food fish, but many are caught for the oil. The only trees found growing on the island are birch and ash, and they seldom exceed ten feet in height. A few juniper bushes and willows are found here and there. In the remote and isolated sections most of the dwellings are built of blocks of lava laid one upon another, making a wall six feet thick. Upon these are placed rafters made from ribs of whales, drift-wood, or anything else that will answer the purpose. The roof is then covered with grass and turf. In the hamlets many of the houses are constructed of imported lumber, there being no trees of sufficient size on the island for building purposes. The inhabitants are very hospitable and every house is open to the traveller. They live in a simple manner, drink sour whey and milk, eat rancid butter, fish, mutton, and occasionally the lichens called Iceland moss. When well cooked, the last named is quite palatable. It is also a sovereign remedy for bronchial ailments. Notwithstanding their many privations, the people are loyal to their country and lovingly call it "The Maid of the North." They lead pastoral lives and their customs are much like those of the Homeric age. Story-telling is much appreciated by all classes. There are wandering minstrels who gain their livelihood by going from house to house to recite the stories in prose and poetry which they have learned by heart. Spindle and distaff are used in spinning the wool into yarn, which is then knit or woven into cloth on a hand loom. Education is universal, and no child of twelve years can be found who is unable to read or write. The families are so isolated that there are few schools outside of the capital; but the parents diligently teach their children whatever they themselves have learned. During the long winter evenings one member of the family reads aloud while the others are busily at work, the men making nets and ropes, or removing the wool from the sheepskins, the women embroidering, sewing, or using spindle and distaff. In no other country of Europe are so many books and papers published in proportion to the population as in Iceland. On the average one hundred books are issued annually from Icelandic presses. Several excellent newspapers and periodicals are also published. Every Icelander to-day knows perfectly the sagas, the legendary stories that commemorate heroes and heroic deeds and which are so dear to his heart. It is not uncommon to find an Icelander who is well versed in the ancient classics or one who can speak several languages. They are well acquainted with the writings of Milton and Shakespeare, which have been translated into their own language. During the twelfth and thirteenth centuries Iceland produced a literature equal to that of any other nation in Europe within the same period. CHAPTER XIV GREENLAND The history of Greenland really begins about the year 986 A. D., when Eric the Red, a chieftain who had been banished from Iceland, landed on the island with some of his followers and made it his permanent residence. At different times these hardy and daring seamen made expeditions to the eastern coast of North America, and sailed as far south as Chesapeake Bay. They attempted to found a colony on the east coast at a point thought to be on the coast of New Jersey but, after contending with the savages for some time, deemed it best to abandon the project and to return to their Greenland home. The location at which they attempted their colony is by no means certain. [Illustration: Stone igloos on the bleak coast of Greenland] All this island, a half million square miles in area, except a small part of the southern coast line and a larger area in the north, is covered by an immense glacier. And this field of ice, like a huge piece of plastic wax, is constantly moving from the interior down toward the sea. As it approaches the ocean it divides into branches which flow down the numerous fiords and valleys into the sea. As the fronts of the branch glaciers are pushed out into the water their ends are broken off by the buoyancy of the water. These glacial-born masses then float away as icebergs, carrying with them on their southward journeys the rock waste--moraine detritus it is called--gathered by the parent glaciers. When these floating leviathans are off the coast of Newfoundland, they encounter the waters of the Gulf Stream, melt, and scatter their débris of stony matter over a large area of the ocean bed. This process, having gone on for thousands of years, has shoaled the ocean in certain parts, forming the so-called Banks of Newfoundland. A gelatinous slime filled with minute animal life forms on the bottom of the ocean in the arctic; the cold currents flowing south carry some of it along with them, and much of it is lodged on the stony bottoms of these banks. Fish, especially the cod, are fond of this gelatinous substance, and throng thither at certain seasons of the year in countless numbers to feed upon it. One ignorant of the currents of the ocean might be puzzled at times in observing that an iceberg floats southward at the same time that pieces of wood are floating northward, both apparently acted upon by the same current. This may be explained by recalling that warm water is lighter than cold and hence is found as the upper layer when a cold and a warm current are flowing in different directions, one upon the other. It should be borne in mind that seven-eighths of the floating iceberg is under water, leaving but one-eighth above the surface. The Gulf Stream drift spreads out as it travels northward, and, being much shallower than the arctic currents, carries floating objects northward on the surface, while the deeper and more powerful arctic currents force the huge masses of ice southward. When the warm air over the Gulf Stream comes in contact with the floating ice it is chilled, and the moisture which it holds is condensed into fog. The fogs in turn, which are off the Newfoundland coast, being in the line of steamship communication between Europe and America, are a constant menace to navigation. The near presence of ice is usually detected by a greater chilliness in the air. In order to avoid collisions with one another, and also with icebergs, a ship constantly sounds its sirens and fog horns as warnings while in the fog belt. The signal of another steamship is a warning of the one; the answering echo announces the nearness of the other. [Illustration: A large iceberg] The high interior of Greenland, about ten thousand feet in altitude, is thought to result largely from the accumulation of ages of snow and ice, only a part of which melts or moves oceanward to form glaciers. No other part of the world is such an absolute desert as the greater part of this island. Animal and vegetable life are wholly absent. The colony which was planted in Greenland by Eric the Red, and subsequently augmented by other Norsemen, continued to prosper for four hundred years. At the end of that period there were about two hundred villages, twelve parishes, and two monasteries. These, however, disappeared. The hostility of the Eskimos in part accounts for their extinction, but an encroachment of ice from the north, which encompassed the southern part of the island, is thought to have been also a factor. The fact that foreign trade with Greenland was forbidden by the mother country may account in part for the gradual disappearance of the colony. At all events, intercourse with Europe seems to have been cut off. This condition continued for upward of two centuries, and when intercourse with the mother country was again possible there was no Greenland colony. Perhaps the finding of "white" Eskimo in Victoria Land may explain this disappearance. [Illustration: A group of Eskimos in south Greenland] Subsequently the island was again colonized, but concerning the disappearance of the former inhabitants history is silent. The mute testimony of a few ruined buildings and relics is all that has been found to give the least shadow of information as to the final struggle of the wretched colonists. We only know that they mysteriously disappeared. But the great glacial cap is slowly receding and ages hence more ground will be laid bare. The present inhabitants number about ten thousand, most of whom are Eskimos. They are lacking in thrift and live chiefly by hunting and fishing. Among the wild animals living here are the arctic fox, the arctic hare, the musk ox, the seal, the polar bear, the ermine, and the walrus. The principal resources of the island are sealskins, eider-down, oil, and cryolite. Cryolite is a mineral from which common soda is easily extracted, and also from which the light silver-like aluminum was formerly prepared. The mines near the village of Ivigtut furnish practically the world's supply of this mineral. Formerly it was carried to Philadelphia, but in recent years not much is used. The fisheries are a monopoly of Denmark, and each station is visited from one to three or four times a year. CHAPTER XV WHERE THE TWO GREAT OCEANS MEET Perhaps there is no section of the globe about which most well-informed persons know so little as the southern part of South America. Judged by the reports of early discoverers and explorers, this region until recently has been considered a desolate stretch of snow mountains, barren plains, and extensive morasses, sparsely inhabited by a few thousand human beings of the lowest type and worthless to civilized man. Such a picture is but partly true. Many of the highest mountains are snow-capped throughout the year and are scored by immense glaciers which are constantly moving down their grooved sides; but there are also heavily forested slopes flanked by valleys and plains covered with rich grasses, making most excellent pasturage. The best land, comprising a large area, is now occupied as grazing grounds principally by sheep farmers. In the early part of the sixteenth century it was rumored that a water passage traversed the southern part of South America. This rumor was proved true in 1520, when Ferdinand Magellan, a Portuguese navigator in the service of Charles V of Spain, sailed through the strait which now bears his name. He called the passage Todos los Santos--literally, "All Saints"--but later the name was changed to commemorate the bold captain who discovered the route. Magellan was the first not only to sail through the strait, but to cross the broad Pacific Ocean, which was so named by him on account of the quietness of its waters. Because he saw the fires built by the natives blazing on the islands along the south side of the channel, he called them Tierra del Fuego, meaning "Land of Fire." The Strait of Magellan varies from three to seventy miles in width. The scenery along its shores, low and treeless in the eastern part, elsewhere is mountainous and heavily wooded--mainly with beech. In various places lofty precipices rise abruptly from the water's edge; throughout most of its extent the shore line is rock-bound and studded with islets. A more picturesque route, and one abounding in the grandest and most stupendous scenery in the world, is that from the Pacific by way of Smyth Channel, the entrance to which is four hundred miles north of the entrance to Magellan Strait. By this route one follows a series of channels and reaches the strait proper near Desolation Island. On account of the dangers besetting this course, underwriters refuse to insure vessels taking it. [Illustration: Copyright, Underwood & Underwood, New York The Straits of Magellan. Cape Pilar is the extreme western end] It remained for a Hollander named Schouten to discover Cape Horn, in 1616, and thus find a safer way for sailing vessels going from the one great ocean to the other. Schouten named the cape "Hoorn," from his native city in Holland. Afterward the name was shortened to Horn, which is applied both to the cape and to the island from which it projects. Since the western entrance to the strait is subject to rough, tempestuous weather and strong currents, very few modern sailing vessels take the shorter course, preferring to double the cape. Though doubling the cape is the safer route, yet this passage itself is beset by dangerous storms and tempestuous seas. Fortunate is the sailing master who rounds the Horn with pleasant weather. Some of the smaller islands of the archipelago are densely wooded and practically unexplored. Gold has been found on the beaches of several of the islands in paying quantities, and these placers have been worked successfully for several years. On the islands are found wild strawberries of great size and fine flavor, wild raspberries, gooseberries, grapes, and celery; in the spring the pastures are covered with a variety of wild flowers. A profusion of ferns is seen almost everywhere. Wild geese and swans are found on the lagoons and lakes in large numbers. Once upon a time Patagonia, as the southern part of the continent is popularly called, was regarded as a waste; now it is recognized as a wonderfully fertile region, and is being rapidly settled. European colonies have been established there, and they are highly prosperous. The native Indians are disappearing, hurried to extinction chiefly by King Alcohol, which, once tasted, seems to conquer them. Traders know the weakness of these savages, and exploit it for all they are worth. The articles which the Indians chiefly barter are skins, pelts, and ostrich feathers. The Indians are well supplied with horses, the descendants of those brought to South America by Spanish explorers. They are wonderful riders and excel in the use of a peculiar lasso called the bolas. It consists usually of three balls of stone or metal covered with rawhide and attached to one another by twisted thongs of the same material. In fighting as well as in capturing wild animals, this instrument is indispensable. The operator, holding one of the balls, swings the others over his head and when sufficient momentum has been obtained lets them go. If well aimed, the connected balls circle around the legs of the animal to be caught, entangling and throwing it down. The Indians of the mainland are strong and tall. Unlike most South American Indians, they go about well clothed. Occasionally they kill their horses for food, but their chief reliance for both food and clothing is the guanaco. Although the Indians have inhabited this part of South America for centuries, they follow well-beaten trails. They live in a superstitious dread of evil spirits, who they believe dwell in the densely wooded mountain slopes of the Cordillera. [Illustration: Fuegians] The Indians of Tierra del Fuego archipelago are much inferior to those of the mainland. They go almost or entirely naked and subsist on fish. The canoe Indians, as those in the western part are called, build boats of bark sewn together with sinews. The boats are about fifteen feet long, and in the centre a quantity of earth is carried, upon which a fire is built. The canoe Indians have neither chief nor tribal relations; each family is a law unto itself. They spend most of their time during the day in rowing among the different channels where fish may be obtained. At night they generally go on shore to sleep. A hole scooped out of the ground or a sheltered rock with a few boughs bent down suffices for a house where all can huddle close together for warmth. Seldom do they sleep more than one night in a place, fearing that if they do not move on an evil spirit will catch them. In the eastern part of Tierra del Fuego and on some of the other larger islands two tribes of Indians are found whose subsistence consists of sea food, guanacos, and such sheep as they can steal. These tribes are continually at enmity with the white settlers and will kill them whenever possible. In spite of cloudy weather and cold winds, which are common a part of the year, the climate of Patagonia is milder than that of places much farther north, and the sheep require no feeding during the winter season. In the matter of sheep farms this section rivals Australia, since there is no fear of drought. The grass continues green the year around, and the sheep easily fatten upon it. The drawbacks to successful sheep-growing are many and the business requires constant vigilance. Vultures, foxes, wild dogs, pumas, and Indians make serious inroads on the flocks. The wild dogs live in the surrounding forests and from time to time rush out in packs of from ten to thirty and attack the sheep. Notwithstanding all these troubles, however, the profits of sheep-growing are large. Russians, Germans, French, Australians, English, and Scotch, many of whom have amassed large fortunes in a few years, are engaged in this lucrative business. As in all other sheep-raising countries, the collie is an invaluable aid to the shepherds. Not only are the principal islands chiefly devoted to sheep-raising, but a considerable part of the southern mainland is also devoted to this industry. On the island of Tierra del Fuego alone there are upward of a million sheep. Most of the land is leased from the government for a long term of years. Many of the proprietors have enclosed their holdings with wire fences, thereby lessening the expense of caring for their flocks. Some of the holdings range from twenty-five thousand to more than two million acres. Southern Patagonia has immense numbers of guanacos, or wild llamas. These animals frequent the Andean slopes and the adjacent pampas. During the winter season they come down to the lowlands to drink in the unfrozen lakes and feed upon the herbage. During severe winters sometimes hundreds are found dead from starvation in the valleys near the frozen lakes. Thousands of wild cattle are found on the eastern slopes of the Andes, but they are difficult to capture; they are exceedingly wary and can scent a man far off. In agility in climbing the steep, rough places they equal the goat. If one of their number is killed the whole herd deserts the locality at night. When wounded they are fierce fighters, if forced into close quarters. Punta Arenas, or "Sandy Point," is on the north side of the Strait of Magellan and is Chilean territory. It is a new town cut out of the woods, and even yet many of the streets are diversified by the stumps of big beech trees. The place is an important coaling and provision station and, next to Honolulu, the most important ocean post-office in the world. It has a population of twelve thousand, and is the capital and centre of the great wool industry of the Territory of Magellan, which comprises a majority of the islands south of the mainland, together with the southern part of Patagonia. A few years ago, in order to encourage the building up of Punta Arenas, the government offered a lot free to any one who would erect a building on it. Many accepted the offer, and to-day some of the lots in the business part of the town are very valuable. Although most of the buildings are constructed with regard to economy rather than beauty, yet some of the business blocks will compare favorably with those of the new cities in the United States. Like several Australian cities, Punta Arenas was a convict colony. It was founded as such in 1843, and so remained until the European steamships began to thread the strait instead of doubling the Horn. Then it became a coaling station, a supply store, a half-way town, and an ocean post-office. All this business was previously carried on at the Falkland Islands, but the route through the strait settled the business for both places. The Falkland station was abandoned; Punta Arenas became a thriving town. A ticket-of-leave was given to each convict who consented to join the Chilean army. The town forthwith blossomed into a typical frontier settlement--banks and gambling dens, churches and saloons, schools and bullfights. Every race of people and almost every industry is represented there. The Spanish see to it that the Sunday bullfights are correct; the French insure the proper social functions; the Germans manage the banks; and the Americans take the profits of the railways, telegraph lines, and flour-mills. As to latitude, Punta Arenas is cold and inhospitable; but for business and social affairs, it is very, very warm, especially in the matter of social affairs. CHAPTER XVI RECLAIMABLE SWAMP REGIONS If only Dame Nature had distributed the rainfall of the United States a bit more evenly, land enough to feed about fifty millions of people would not have required an expenditure of half a century of time and several hundred millions of good, hard dollars. One must bear in mind, however, that if Dame Nature had done otherwise, it is just as likely that the same time and the same amount of money would have been required elsewhere for those same fifty millions of people. The reclaimable swamp lands of the United States east of the Rocky Mountains aggregate about one hundred and twenty thousand square miles in extent--an area nearly equal to that of Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois combined. Of this, Louisiana has about fifteen thousand square miles, a tract about as large as Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Connecticut combined, and Florida has about half her entire area in swamp land. West of the Rocky Mountains, California takes the lead, with enough swamp land to make a state of respectable size. In the case of California, if the "forty-niners" could have waited about a thousand years they would have found the precious swamp lands all properly filled in for them and ready for use; for the Sacramento and San Joaquin Rivers long since have been working at the task of filling up the big hollow between the mountain ranges. But the rivers are a trifle slow, and Californians are always in a steaming hurry. So Uncle Sam's engineers are driving their reclamation schemes with railroad speed. A few years ago these lands were worth nothing; drain them and they are worth one hundred dollars per acre; improve them according to modern farming science and they are worth ten times as much. [Illustration: The Everglades of Florida] In many instances even the quick methods of the reclamation authorities are too slow for the California farmer, and so he takes matters into his own hands. First he acquires his land; then he mortgages all his worldly possessions to surround the land with a ditch deep enough and wide enough to make a dike high enough to keep out flood waters. His land after draining is full of the stuff for which he otherwise would pay thousands and thousands of dollars. Phosphates and lime form the coverings of minute swamp life and nitrogen compounds are a part of their bodies. The polders of Holland are not richer than this swamp land; indeed, they are not so rich. One or two crops will pretty nearly extinguish the mortgage and three or four more will put the owner on "Easy Street." In the bottom-lands of the Sacramento River is an island that for fifty years went a-begging. Then a company with a shrewd head bought it, diked it, and drained it. Now the island has immense celery beds and the largest asparagus farm in the world. The celery and canned asparagus are shipped to the produce markets of New York City. Another great swamp area covers a large part of Louisiana, Mississippi, and Arkansas. This swamp was made when the head of the Gulf of Mexico reached half-way up to St. Louis, for the delta of the Mississippi River has been travelling leisurely southward for several thousand years--so leisurely, in fact, that Iberville and Bienville opened the region to settlement fifteen hundred years or more too soon. But Uncle Sam is taking a hand here likewise, and in another fifty years a population half as large as that of New York may not only live comfortably but get rich on the reclaimed lands of this and adjacent coast swamps. The Carolinas, Georgia, and Virginia all have large areas of coast marshes--"pocosons" they call them--only a small part of which has been reclaimed. Formerly these were the property of the general government; then they were given to the States with the understanding that they were to be reclaimed. Large tracts were sold to speculators for a few cents an acre, and there you are! Few States are rich enough to handle extensive reclamation enterprises, and so the general government stepped in again and assumed the responsibility. That means that the work of reclamation will be skilfully and honestly done. Uncle Sam may play some questionable politics, but he never mixes politics and government business. Of all the swamp lands of the United States, the region in Florida known as the Everglades is the most interesting and the most romantic. Ponce de Leon, an aged Spanish governor of Porto Rico, who was seeking the Fountain of Perpetual Youth, discovered--not the long-sought fountain, but a peninsula decked with such a profusion of flowers that he named the country Florida. From that time until years after it was ceded to the United States Florida was repeatedly baptized in blood. From the first there were encounters between the Spanish and Indians in which no quarter was given on either side. Later, an exterminating warfare broke out between the French and Spanish when a Huguenot colony was massacred and not a man, woman, or child spared. In 1586 St. Augustine was burned by Sir Francis Drake, and a century later it was plundered by English buccaneers. Still later, frequent contests were waged between the English colonies and the Spanish in Florida. Previous to the acquisition of Florida by the United States hostile Indians, together with fugitive whites and renegade negroes who had joined them, made many raids upon the settlements in Georgia, robbing and burning plantations, murdering the whites, and carrying off the slaves. Retaliation to a certain extent was meted out to the blood-thirsty savages until Spain was glad to cede the peninsula to the United States in 1819 for five million dollars. Thereby she ridded herself of her troublesome protégés. The Indian raids still continued after the acquisition, and the United States Government therefore sent troops into Florida to punish the treacherous savages, who gradually retreated southward until they reached the Everglades. There they made their final stand. In these almost inaccessible sinuous water passages and the dense island vegetation for a long time the Indians baffled our ablest military officers. A seven years' contest followed which cost the United States fifteen hundred men and nearly twenty million dollars. [Illustration: Group of Seminole Indians in the Everglades of Florida] After much negotiation and no end of trouble the Indians--they were the Seminoles--ceded their lands to the United States on the promise of an annuity of twenty-five thousand dollars and suitable lands in the Indian Territory. About four thousand of the Seminoles were then removed to their new homes; a small remnant refusing to emigrate were left behind. The name Everglades is applied to a vast swamp containing a multitude of shallow lakes studded with numerous islands. The region embraces most of the southern part of Florida. The water of the lakes, of which Lake Okechobee is the largest, varies in depth from a few inches to ten feet. The region itself has an area six times that of the State of Rhode Island, and on account of the difficulty in traversing it is but imperfectly known. Countless winding intricate water channels extend in every direction. Many of these are filled with tall sawgrass which, growing from the bottom, greatly impedes the passage even of small boats. The average elevation of the Everglades above sea level is scarcely twenty feet. The water is both clear and wholesome, but the surface is so nearly a dead level that the current is imperceptible; it can be distinguished only by noting the position of the grass. The islands are covered with a dense growth of oak, pine, cypress, and palmetto trees, together with a jungle of luxuriant tropical vines and shrubs. They range in size from one to one hundred acres and are but slightly elevated above the surrounding waters. About three hundred Seminole Indians inhabit the interior and live by hunting and fishing. Deer, bears, otters, panthers, wild cats, and snakes frequent the land; alligators, crocodiles, fish of various kinds, and waterfowl dwell in the water. In the western part of the Everglades is Big Cypress Swamp and in the extreme southern part Mangrove Swamp, where myriads of mosquitoes are hatched out. Extending along the eastern side of the Everglades is a long, narrow belt of dry, fertile land which is utilized for farming purposes. A far-reaching project to reclaim the Everglades has been proposed. Unlike the Western projects, the problem is to get rid of water and not to supply it. The plans for reclamation include the construction of drainage canals and the clearing of the jungle growths. It is purposed to use the land thus reclaimed for sugar growing. At the present time the United States is importing annually over two hundred million dollars' worth of sugar; it is estimated that by draining only a part of this vast area and planting it to sugar cane the local demands could not only be supplied but a large surplus for export would result. The possibilities of this region, when properly drained and cleared of its superfluous vegetation, are almost beyond computation. It has a rich soil, abundant moisture, and almost tropical climate. Reclaimed land of this character is suitable for raising not only sugar cane and subtropical fruits, but a great variety of other crops. It is estimated that the cost of reclaiming the Everglades, so that the land may be made productive, need not exceed one dollar per acre. A great impetus has been given to southern Florida by that wonderful achievement of engineering, Mr. Henry Flagler's Florida East Coast Railway. This railway stretches in a direct line along the coast from Jacksonville to the southern part of the State, and has been extended along the Florida Keys to Key West. When all arrangements are completed, the trains will be ferried across Florida Strait between Havana and Key West, and freight will be sent from points in Cuba to New York and Chicago without reloading. The building of the Florida East Coast Railway is one of the great engineering feats of the world. In its construction from key to key thousands of tons of rock and cement were dumped into the water on which massive viaducts in fifty-foot spans have been built to carry the road-bed. These solid archways, rising from twenty to thirty feet above the water, defy tides and storm waves. This railway has become one of the chief factors in developing the resources of southern Florida and hastening the reclamation of the Everglades. CHAPTER XVII STRANGE ROCK FORMATIONS--NATURAL BRIDGES Almost any unusual form in nature is apt to attract the eye and interest the beholder; and when such natural objects resemble artificial ones or bear a fanciful resemblance to animals the similarity intensifies the interest and almost always leads one to apply fanciful names to them. In wandering along a rocky shore one instinctively searches for the curious formations carved out by the unceasing action of the waves; and in journeying through rugged sections of mountain country each unusual rock formation rivets the attention at once. Caves especially have a peculiar attraction of awe and curiosity combined. Such natural objects as Mammoth Cave in Kentucky, Luray Cave in Virginia, Calaveras Cave in California, the Garden of the Gods in Colorado, the Giant's Causeway on the north coast of Ireland, and Fingal's Cave on the island of Staffa are visited annually by many thousands of people. And no wonder that all mankind, from the savage to the most civilized, is charmed with natural arches spanning great chasms. No cyclopædia of natural wonders fails to give at least a brief description of the Natural Bridge of Virginia which spans a small stream that flows into the James River. So great a wonder was the structure regarded to be even in colonial times that it then claimed marked attention. Thomas Jefferson became so much interested in this natural wonder that he applied to George III for a reservation of land that should include the bridge, and in 1774 his request was granted. To accommodate distinguished strangers who might visit the bridge, Jefferson built near by a log cabin of two rooms. Concerning it he said: "The bridge will draw the attention of the world." [Illustration: The Devil's Slide, Weber Canyon, Utah] Chief-Justice Marshall described it as "God's greatest miracle in stone." And Henry Clay said it was "the bridge not made with hands, that spans a river, carries a highway, and makes two mountains one." On the rocky abutments are found carved the names of many persons. Among them is that of Washington. In his youth, laboriously cutting places for his hands and feet, he climbed up the face of one of the steep abutments and cut his name above all others, where for seventy years it stood unsurpassed in height. In 1818 a daring college student climbed from the foot to the top of the rock, thus outranking all others. The Natural Bridge is composed of blue limestone; it is two hundred and fifteen feet high, ninety feet wide, and spans a chasm eighty-five feet across. A public highway lined with trees passes over the top. The bridge itself is all that remains of the roof of what once was a limestone cavern. The southeastern part of Utah is overlaid with strata of red and yellow sandstone hundreds of feet deep. Ages ago this whole region was elevated and thereby was distorted by the internal forces which pushed it upward. Subsequently wonderful transformations were wrought. The flowing streams gradually bored through portions of the soft, uplifted sandstone, forming arches and digging deep canyons, while the air and rain rounded off the rugged parts into graceful shapes. Wonderful as is the famous Natural Bridge of Virginia, the natural bridges of Utah are still more wonderful. In White Canyon of southeastern Utah are Edwin, Carolyn, and Augusta Bridges--magnificent structures of pink sandstone carved in lines of classic symmetry and possessing gigantic proportions. At least half a dozen natural bridges in Utah surpass that of Virginia, not only in beauty and grandeur, but also in dimensions. They were discovered by cattlemen in 1895, but they did not become known to the outside world until 1909, when the region was explored by the Utah Archæological Expedition. [Illustration: Witch Rocks, near Echo Canyon, Utah] Of these bridges the Edwin easily ranks first in graceful symmetry; its span is one hundred and ninety-four feet, its elevation one hundred and eight feet, its width thirty-five feet. Combining grace and massiveness, the Augusta stands pre-eminent. It rises in majestic proportions to the height of two hundred and twenty-two feet and has a span between abutments of two hundred and sixteen feet. The width of the road-bed is twenty-eight feet and the thickness of the arch at the keystone is forty-five feet. The height of the Carolyn Bridge is two hundred and five feet and the span one hundred and eighty-six feet. All these bridges span canyons whose depths correspond to the height of the arched structures. In White Canyon, a few miles below Edwin Bridge, under its overhanging rock walls, are the ruins of numerous cliff-dwellings. The largest natural bridge in the world yet discovered is the Nonnezoshi. It is in Nonnezoshiboko Canyon, Utah, not far from the place where the San Juan River enters the Colorado. This mammoth arch is more of a flying buttress spanning the canyon than a real bridge. Its height is three hundred and eight feet and its span two hundred and eighty-five feet. To visit these bridges from the nearest railway station requires stage and horseback riding for upward of one hundred and twenty-five miles. The latter part of the journey is made over a faint trail through a rugged country; but the scenery amply repays one for the hardships endured. The climatic changes during the ages have been such that this region is now almost inaccessible on account of the lack of water, except in the early spring when melting snows yield a temporary supply. Even the cattlemen pasturing their herds in that section keep them there but a few weeks during the year, so scarce is both water and vegetation. In the main, natural bridges are the result of one or another of several causes. A limestone cavern may be partly destroyed by streams of water, leaving a portion of the cavern with its roof still in place; the part of the roof thus remaining becomes the arch of the bridge. A branch of the Southern Railway threads a natural tunnel near Anniston, Ala., and the tunnel is the remnant of an old limestone cavern. In other cases a natural bridge is formed when bowlders, or a mass of rock, tumbling into a deep crevice is wedged and held in place. In still other instances a layer of hard or slowly weathering rock may rest upon a layer of rock which weathers rapidly. In such cases, if the rock layers form the face of a cliff, natural bridges, caverns, and overhangs are apt to result. CHAPTER XVIII STRANGE ROCK FORMATIONS--TABLE MOUNTAIN OF CALIFORNIA There are many table mountains in different parts of the world, but the one which I am about to describe is interesting both from geological and financial stand-points. The so-called Table Mountain of California is a massive natural railway embankment or colossal Chinese wall, extending through several counties, but best studied in Tuolumne County. The mountain is forty miles long, from five hundred to eight hundred feet high, and a quarter of a mile wide at the top. For the most part the top is bare of vegetation and quite level, though slanting slightly toward the south. In places at the base of its precipitous sides, and sometimes extending part way up, pine and other trees are found growing. This gigantic wall, broken through in several places by flowing rivers, is nothing more nor less than a mighty stream of congealed basaltic lava called latite, which in prehistoric times, rushing down the western flank of the high Sierras, usurped the bed of an ancient river channel, drinking up the waters and piling up its molten mass bank high. The bed of the stream being filled with lava, its waters not flowing through the gravel, were forced to find other channels. The action of the elements during subsequent ages has worn away in great part the banks of the pliocene river and eroded in places the solid slate rocks to the depth of two thousand feet, leaving this sinuous wall as a mute witness of the mighty forces of nature. On account of the excessive hardness and durability of this kind of basalt, this monumental fortress will endure long after the corroding tooth of time shall have crumbled to dust the royal pyramids and their very memory shall have been lost in oblivion. Some geologists think there were two volcanic streams of lava, one succeeding the other by an interval of thousands of years, the first covering the auriferous gravel and the second quenching the waters of a subsequent river which had forced a passageway through the first flow of lava. Scores of tunnels have been run into the mountain to get at the gravel of this Pactolian river. Millions of dollars of gold have been extracted from its bed, and millions more await the tunnel, upraise, and drift of the adventurous miner. Beginning at the top of the mountain and working downward, we find the order of materials as follows: A cap of basalt from sixty to three hundred feet thick, a bed of breccia of varying thickness, two hundred feet of conglomerate andesitic sand (volcanic ash of the miners), a bed of pipe-clay, and then auriferous gravel resting on a bedrock of slate. In tapping the ancient river-bed considerable water is encountered flowing through the gravel. To get rid of this water has been a problem of expense and annoyance to the miner. To measure the time that has passed since this buried river rolled over golden sands staggers the intellect. It is estimated that from one hundred and fifty thousand to four hundred thousand years must have elapsed. This curiously formed mountain has been likened to a monolithian serpent. Where the Stanislaus River breaks abruptly through the mountain the eye gazes in wonder from the crest down two thousand feet to a seemingly tiny crowded stream below, rushing madly on its way to the sea. Many interesting remains of animals have been found in the gravels under this mountain. In running a tunnel under Table Mountain some years ago, the miners came across a large mass of tallow weighing about one hundred and fifty pounds, and in proximity were the bones and tusks of a huge animal. Many bones and tusks of the mammoth and mastodon, not to mention the remains of other animals, have been found in the ancient river-bed. Probably some of these elephantine animals were sporting in the water and dashing it over themselves when the stream of lava, sweeping down, overwhelmed them, trying out the tallow and preserving their skeletons for the wonderment of civilized man. At one place in the mountain the deep roar of a waterfall is heard. At another, where there is a deep break, is a series of passageways and caves where the outlaw Murietta had his hiding-place. In several places on the top of the mountain, by striking the foot down hard, a hollow, reverberating sound is heard. We give in his own words the account of an explorer's visit to the so-called Boston tunnel which runs beneath Table Mountain: "Hearing of a celebrated petrified tree in the Boston tunnel, which runs under Table Mountain, I determined if possible to see it and procure some specimens. After considerable inquiry I found a miner who said he knew where the tree was; that the tunnel in which it was located had been abandoned many years ago; that no persons had entered it for years; that rocks were constantly falling, making it exceedingly dangerous to enter, and that very likely it was so clogged up with rocks that no one could get to the tree. When I had expressed my great desire to see this tree, and coaxed him, at length he promised to take me to the tunnel to see its condition, but said he would not promise to guide me into it. "Having dressed ourselves in overalls and jumpers, with candles and geological hammers in hand we set out for our destination. On approaching the tunnel my guide at once began to throw stones into the bushes on either side of the entrance. When asked why he threw the stones, he replied that about the mouth of old tunnels rattlesnakes are wont to resort to get out of the burning sun. "Not finding any rattlers, we proceeded down the incline to the mouth of the tunnel. Finding the mouth not obstructed, and lighting our candles, we entered. Sometimes crawling on our hands and knees over fallen rock with scarcely a foot of extra room above our heads, then stooping low, then walking upright, again crawling between huge masses of rock and earth, and crowding between slanting monoliths, we made our way through the mud and water dripping on us from the roof above. "When part way in, the guide hesitated and declared that we were taking our lives in our hands if we went farther; that the five-ton rock lying in front of our path had very recently fallen from the roof, probably a week before, possibly a day or only an hour before. Pointing to the roof with his candle he said: 'Do you see that piece of rock partly detached and ready to fall at any moment?' "Acknowledging the threatening conditions, I urged: 'If not too dangerous, I do wish that we might go on until we find the tree.' "Said he: 'If you promise not to strike any of these rocks with your hammer, we will venture a little farther.' "You may be assured that I not only promised, but obeyed. "At this juncture, I must confess, a peculiar sensation came over me when I thought of the possibility of being buried alive or crushed to death in this subterranean cavern, yet pride kept me from showing the white feather. "The guide, going ahead and examining the walls and roof, called back to me in a low voice, saying, 'We are now safer.' "Having traversed the main tunnel for a distance of upward of eight hundred feet, and carefully avoiding its branches, we finally came to the object of our search. This tree, four feet in diameter, of opalized wood, stands upright on the left side of the tunnel. The lava had burned off the bark and partly carbonized the outside part, and then the whole had subsequently taken the form of opal silica. There is a space of about four inches between the tree and the surrounding lava. "By raising the candles above our heads we could look up the body of the tree some thirty feet. When we had broken off some choice specimens from the body of the tree with the hammer we left this subterranean world. On emerging from the tunnel the guide said: 'Thank God, we again see the sunlight.' "To which I replied: 'Amen.'" CHAPTER XIX STRANGE ROCK FORMATIONS--GIBRALTAR A huge projecting limestone rock, in form like a reclining lion, guards the entrance to the narrow water passage which separates Europe from Africa. This wonderful feature, the Rock of Gibraltar, extends directly southward from the mainland of Spain with which it is connected by a low, sandy isthmus. It is about three miles in length and in breadth varies from one-fourth to three-fourths of a mile. Two depressions divide it into three summits, the highest of which is about fourteen hundred feet. Let us visit the small city lying at its western base and then carefully examine this leviathan sentinel that seems to stand guard over the narrow strait. The special permission of the military commander to examine it or even to remain in the city must first be obtained; we are especially warned that cameras are forbidden and all negatives will be confiscated. The north face we find to have an almost perpendicular height of twelve hundred feet; its east and west sides also display tremendous precipices. The south face is much lower and slopes toward the sea. Fortifications of massive walls and the best of modern guns protect the lower parts and also the seaward side of the city. But what are those holes high up on the faces of the rock? They are portholes cut through the rock from interior chambers out of which cannon can be thrust and discharged at an invading enemy. We are curious to learn more about this interesting place, and on questioning our guide are told many remarkable stories. The Rock of Gibraltar is honeycombed with caves, passageways, and chambers, some of which are natural and others artificial. We enter the largest of these natural caves, St. Michael's, and as we stand in the main hall, a spacious chamber two hundred feet in length and seventy feet in height, we are amazed at its beauty and grandeur. Colossal columns of stalactites seem to support its ornamental roof and all around are fantastic figures--foliage of many forms, beautiful statuettes, pillars, pendants, and shapes of picturesque beauty rivalling those of Mammoth Cave. St. Michael's Cave is eleven hundred feet above sea level and is connected by winding passages with four other caves of a similar character. [Illustration: This strong and impregnable place is the Rock of Gibraltar, and the city nestling at its base, Gibraltar] To six of the caves distinct names have been given. One of the caves is three hundred feet below sea level. About three miles of passageways, exclusive of many storage chambers, have been hewn so as to connect the different caves and natural passages, and so large have they been made that a wagon can be drawn through them. Within this rock are stored supplies of ammunition and sufficient provisions to last several years. In clambering about the rock we find cannon carefully concealed in scores of different places ready for use when needed. In places the rock is overlaid with thin soil which produces a variety of vegetation. There are grassy glens, with trees, and luxuriant gardens surrounding pretty English cottages. During the rainy season wild flowers in great profusion spring up in all directions, but in the summer the rock presents a dry, barren aspect. This strong and impregnable place is the Rock of Gibraltar and the city nestling at its base, Gibraltar. The city has a population of twenty-five thousand, of whom several thousand are soldiers forming the garrison. The garrison with their artillery, two pieces of which weigh one hundred tons each, reinforced with the strongest of fortifications, are thought to be capable of withstanding the combined hosts of Christendom. Early in the eighth century the Moors, perceiving the strategic importance of the promontory, took possession of it and erected fortifications. During the succeeding nine hundred years the fortress was besieged no less than twelve times, and on several occasions was captured by invaders. At length it became a possession of Spain, and so strongly was it fortified by the Spanish that it was thought to be impregnable. During the War of the Spanish Succession, however, the combined forces of England and Holland laid siege to it, and after a stubborn resistance the garrison was forced to surrender. Forthwith the English took possession in the name of Queen Anne and, strengthening the fortifications, have held the fortress ever since. Spain was greatly mortified by the loss of this stronghold which she deemed rightly belonged to her. Several times during the ensuing seventy-five years, single-handed, she laid siege to the citadel in the endeavor to win it back, but each time she signally failed. A seemingly auspicious time arrived in 1779 when she secured the co-operation of France. For the succeeding four years a relentless siege was laid to the fortress by the combined land and naval forces of Spain and France. Both nations summoned to their aid their ablest generals and admirals, using every conceivable device and strategy to capture the fortress, but all in vain. During the first years of this siege the supreme command of both land and naval forces rested with the Spanish, but, having met with failure after failure, they were ready at length to give way to the French, who promised to capture the stronghold by constructing a powerful fleet of battering-ships, enabling them to fight at close range, so that gun to gun and man to man should decide the contest. The French engineer who prepared the armament cut down the huge bulwarks of the sides of ten of the Spanish battle-ships and proceeded to reconstruct them within and without. The reconstructed ships were much like the _Merrimac_, that did such destructive work in our Civil War, except that they were not armored with iron. Triple beams of heavy oak with layers of sand and cork between them were used for encasing these huge hulks. For protecting the crews heavy timbers covered with rope and hides were used. On September 12, 1782, fifty line-of-battle ships flying flags, together with a fleet of smaller vessels, lined up before the town. This formidable fleet was supported on land by an army of forty thousand men reinforced with batteries of the heaviest ordnance stretched along the shore. To oppose these the English commander, General Eliott, had ninety-six pieces of artillery and seven thousand men. So confident was the enemy of success that the triple-armored battering-ships moved boldly up to within half-gunshot range. At a signal the English opened fire, which was instantly answered by the floating batteries and the whole shore line; four hundred guns were then playing on the beleaguered town. Soon death and destruction were made evident on both sides. There seemed to be but one thing for the English to do to save themselves, and that was to set fire to the enemy's ships. Accordingly, furnaces were placed beside the batteries in which heavy cannon balls were made white-hot. The guns, shotted with these glowing balls, were then turned on the ships. The enemy attempted to guard against the hot shot by continually pumping water into the layer of sand between the wooden sheathing of the ships, and for a time succeeded in extinguishing the fires. It was not long though before the admiral's ship caught fire, and as night drew on, the flames, indicating the position of the Spanish line, furnished a mark for the English guns. At midnight ten of the besieging ships were on fire. Rockets were thrown up and distress signals hoisted to summon aid from their consorts. The flames mounted higher and higher, illuminating sky, sea, and rock. The shrieks of the wounded and dying filled the midnight air. When it was found that the ships could not be saved, all discipline was lost and a panic ensued. Hundreds perished miserably, while hundreds of others threw themselves into the sea. Seeing the terrible destruction wrought by firing hot balls, General Eliott ordered his men to man the boats in order to save their foes from drowning and burning. With the greatest heroism they scoured the sea, and, mounting the burning vessels, dragged from the decks men deserted by their own people. While performing these humanitarian acts several of the English perished by explosions. Three hundred and fifty-seven of the enemy were saved from a horrible death. The following morning disclosed a sea covered with wrecks. A few days more of feeble bombardment ensued; then a treaty of peace was signed. From a strategic stand-point, the Rock of Gibraltar is easily Great Britain's most important stronghold, because it guards the trade route to her most important possession--British India. Practically all her commerce with her Indian colonies passes through the Mediterranean Sea and the Suez Canal. With either one in the possession of an enemy, British commerce would not only suffer heavy losses, but it might be destroyed altogether. So necessary is the command of the Strait of Gibraltar to Great Britain, that to lose the Rock might also mean the loss of British India. At the present time Great Britain is continually adding to the defences by building new fortifications and replacing the older guns with the latest patterns. In ancient times the name Calpe was applied to the rock of Gibraltar and Abyla to the eminence in Africa on the opposite side of the strait, and both of these eminences formed the renowned Pillars of Hercules. For centuries no ships navigating the Mediterranean dared sail beyond these pillars. CHAPTER XX THE BAKU OIL FIELDS Crossing the Black Sea, we leave the steamer at Batum and take the train for Baku, the commercial centre of the greatest oil field in the world--a region where the supply of petroleum and natural gas seems almost inexhaustible. Immense subterranean oil reservoirs underlie this entire region and extend eastward under the Caspian Sea and beyond to the Balkan hills. Not only do oil and gas exude from the ground, but, as in the California fields, they come up through the sea-bottom; the oil floats on the surface of the water and the gas, pure as that used in our cities, passes off into the air. In several places gas which bubbles up through the sea-water may be ignited; then for a long distance the sea seems to be aflame. In many places on the land a fire for lighting or heating purposes is made by thrusting a pipe down into the ground and igniting the gas which rises in the tube. The waters of the Caspian Sea along the Baku shore are usually fine for bathing, but if the wind blows inland for a while the oil floating on its surface accumulates, forming a black scum on the top, putting an end to the bathers' sport until an offshore wind sets in. Ten miles from Baku, once upon a time, there was a temple over a cleft in the rocks from which gas arises. The gas was kept burning, tended by Parsee priests, for more than two thousand years and until the advent of the modern oil well. This flame was a special object of adoration by the fire-worshippers who were the followers of Zoroaster, and many went there to pay homage to it. In this region one may travel for miles and miles without seeing a tree, shrub, or blade of grass. The landscape consists of a rolling surface of rocks and sand. It is barren, dry, and destitute of all objects of interest. Sometimes for six months or more not a drop of rain falls to lay the dust. If we go into the section where oil-wells are sunk, a slight relief to the view is afforded by the mounds of sand marking the sites of oil wells, derricks, the inky petroleum lakes, and the huge iron reservoirs. But all around is dry and dusty save where the oil has mingled with the earth; there the surroundings are not only unpleasant to sight and smell but ruinous to peace of mind as well. For twenty-five centuries this region has been famous for its petroleum, and for upward of a thousand years the surrounding peoples have had recourse to these springs to obtain supplies of oil for medicinal and domestic purposes. Herodotus has given an interesting description of them. Even in the early part of the twelfth century petroleum was an important article of export from Baku. Crude petroleum was used to anoint camels for mange. In the first part of the eighteenth century Peter the Great annexed Baku to Russia. After his death it was ceded back to Persia; but in 1801 it was again annexed to Russia. To-day Baku is one of the important commercial cities of the Russian Empire. Its shipping is immense and to further its commerce there are magnificent docks. The city is built on the shores of a large bay, sheltered from adverse winds by an island that acts as a breakwater. The water-front has an anchorage for thousands of vessels. One may walk along the strand for eight miles and find ships lined up in front of the city the entire distance. The Caspian is filled with various kinds of fish, and while bathing one might reasonably have the impression that he was swimming in an aquarium. In fact, this place is an ideal one for an Izaak Walton. On the islands beyond the peninsula, projecting out from the Baku section, petroleum gas has flamed for centuries, lighting the heavens at night with a lurid glare that is visible far out at sea. In Baku Bay, between two peninsulas, there was a spot, now commercialized into a producing oil well, where the gas came to the surface with sufficient force to upset small boats. Many of the oil wells are spouters for a long time after they are first bored, and when they cease to spout they can frequently be made to renew their activity by deeper boring. Wells have been pumped for years without the level of the oil being lowered in the slightest. Some of the wells which have caught fire accidentally have burned for years, sending up their pillars of fire to a great height. In a few instances the richest wells have made the owners practically bankrupt by overwhelming the buildings on adjoining property with sand and petroleum, spreading ruin far and wide before the flow could be checked. A majority of the great oil wells are about ten miles from Baku, and a dozen pipe-lines convey the petroleum from them to Black Town, a suburb of Baku, where it is stored and refined. From one well alone the escaping oil would have brought more than five million dollars had it been saved. Seemingly the crust of the earth for hundreds of miles around acts like a huge gasometer pressing down on the pent-up gases with its weight. Since the Caspian Sea is eighty feet below sea level, it is probable that the land bordering the sea has sunk since the gases and oil were formed. And this would, in part at least, account for the enormous pressure. The spouting oil wells are called fountains. Some of them have yielded two million gallons each day for months, sending up jets three or four hundred feet high with a roar that could be heard several miles away. Great difficulty was found at first in stopping the flow when necessary by capping or gagging the wells, but after a time a sliding valve-cap was invented, capable of checking the flow of the most violent well. In order to prevent the enormous pressure from bursting the pipe and tearing up the ground, as soon as the pipe has been sunk part way the earth is excavated around it and the excavation is filled with cement. [Illustration: Landing-place for commerce on the Caspian Sea] It is said that one of these gushers threw up in a day more oil than is produced by all the wells in the United States. One well spouted oil for months before it could be gagged, and in the meantime flooded the surrounding country. Millions of gallons were burned to get rid of it and millions more were diverted into the Caspian Sea. Two wells are reported to have thrown up in less than a month thirty million gallons each. At first sand is thrown out with the oil, and frequently it is ejected with such force that a plate of iron three inches thick struck by the stream is worn through in less than a day by this liquid sand blast. When the wells cease spouting and it is not deemed advisable to bore deeper, pumping is employed. Generally the oil coming from the wells is conducted into large, carefully tamped excavations in the ground forming ponds or lakes. In these huge reservoirs the sand and heavier parts soon sink, making the bottom impervious. After the settling the petroleum is either pumped into large iron tanks or sent directly to the refinery by pipe-lines. Since petroleum is vastly cheaper than coal, the steamers plying on the Caspian Sea and the locomotives of many of the Russian railroads use oil for fuel. At one time so great was the accumulation of petroleum that it sold at the wells for a few cents a ton. A fleet of tank-steamers conveys the oil products to the interior of Russia by the Caspian Sea and Volga River route. The crude petroleum of Baku yields a lower percentage of kerosene than the American wells, but it contains more lubricating oil. Millions of gallons of lubricating oil are shipped from Baku each year to all parts of Europe. On the opposite side of the Caspian there are great cliffs of mineral wax such as is obtained from petroleum and used extensively in the manufacture of paraffin candles. More than two hundred different products are made from petroleum, among the chief of which are kerosene, lubricating oil, benzine, gasoline, vaseline, and paraffin. CHAPTER XXI THE SOUTH AFRICAN DIAMOND FIELDS Many of the great treasure fields of the world have been discovered by chance rather than careful search. The diamonds of the Deccan, India, were trodden under foot for ages before they were recognized as diamonds. In Brazil the gold placer miners threw away the glassy pebbles as worthless and the black slaves used them as counters in their card games. A visitor who was acquainted with the diamond fields of India happened one day to notice the shining stones which two men were using in a card game at a public-house. The brilliancy of the pebbles piqued his curiosity. Having secured some, he tested them and found them to be diamonds of the first water. Yet so great was the prejudice against the Brazilian diamonds at first that for years many were secretly shipped to India and thence sent to the diamond market as Indian diamonds. A trivial circumstance often leads to a marvellous change in the conditions of men, communities, and nations. The playful act of a Boer lad picking up a shining pebble on the banks of the Orange River served as a beacon to lure persons to search for the most precious and hardest of gems, the diamond, and thereby transformed South Africa. It was the beginning of an industry that has already added more than four hundred million dollars' worth of wealth to the world and which now yields annually twenty million dollars' worth of diamonds. The history of the South African diamond mines is a fascinating story from start to finish. A Boer farmer named Jacobs had made his home on the banks of the Orange River not far from Hopetown. Here, living in a squalid hovel, he eked out a precarious existence by hunting and grazing. His chief income was from the flocks of sheep and goats that grazed on the scanty herbage of the veld. Black servants were the shepherds, and the children, having no work to employ their time, were free to roam over karoo, and veld, and along the river. What children are not attracted by pebbly streams? Wading in the water and skating flat stones on its surface was a joyous pastime for them. The banks of the river were strewn with stones of various colors and sizes such as would naturally attract the eyes of children. There were rich red garnets, variegated jaspers, chalcedonies and agates of many hues mingled with rock-crystals. The children would fill their pockets with these colored pebbles and carry them home to use in play. One day the farmer's wife noticed an unusually brilliant pebble among the other stones that were being tossed about by the children. Soon after she told one of her neighbors that the children had found a curious glassy stone that sparkled brilliantly in the sunlight. On his expressing a desire to see the stone, it was brought to him covered with dirt. He was attracted by its brilliance and, probably surmising that it was more valuable than common quartz crystal, offered to purchase it. The good-wife scorned the idea of taking money for a smooth stone, and told him laughingly that he was welcome to it. The stone was sent by post to Grahamtown to ascertain whether or not it was of value. To the astonishment of all concerned it was pronounced a genuine diamond and was sold for twenty-five hundred dollars. A search was forthwith made in the locality for other stones, but none was found. Ten months later a second diamond was found thirty miles away on the bank of the same river. Then quite a number of fine diamonds were found by prospectors along the Vaal River. In 1869 a black shepherd boy found a magnificent white diamond which was purchased for five hundred sheep, ten oxen, and a horse. The purchaser sold the gem for fifty-five thousand dollars, and it was subsequently resold for one hundred thousand dollars. This superb gem became famous as the star of South Africa. Although a few skeptics said these stones might have been brought from the far interior in the crops of ostriches, yet this last great find served to attract public notice, and soon thousands of prospectors came to seek the coveted gems. Even the stolid Boer caught the excitement, and trekked long distances with wife and children to reach the captivating fields. It was a motley throng, like a mighty stream, which poured into the valley of the Vaal. Men came hurrying in all sorts of ways, afoot, on horseback, and in heavy, creaking ox-wagons. For miles and miles men were quickly at work sinking holes into the ground; camp-fires were flaming; teamsters were inspanning and outspanning their oxen, and wagons were creaking. These, with raucous voices shouting in a babel of languages, made a pandemonium exciting enough for the most adventurous. As far as the eye could reach along the banks of the Vaal were seen hives of busy, hopeful men who believed that untold riches were almost within their grasp. The hardest of work was but a pastime, for if they did not find diamonds to-day, would they not to-morrow? Did not their neighbors find them? The next shovelful of earth might contain a precious gem. They could hardly afford time to eat or sleep. Flashing eyes and elastic steps marked the success of some, while others repressed their feelings and kept their own counsel regarding the extent of their finds. So great did the crowd become that it was necessary to limit claims, and at an informal meeting of the prospectors, a digging committee was formed to make regulations controlling the working of the digging. Thirty feet square was thought to be a reasonable claim for one person. Some sought the river's banks to prospect, others the kopjes or hills. Some pinned their faith to light-colored ground, others to dark. Fancy rather than reason dictated the choice. The manner of working a claim was simple. The earth was thrown into a cradle having a bottom of perforated zinc or of wire mesh. The cradle was then rapidly rocked to and fro as water was poured in upon the earth. The finer part was washed through the mesh and the worthless stones were thrown out by hand. The residue was then removed to a suitable place and carefully examined. Each person most vigilantly scrutinized his hoard, fearing that in an unguarded moment a fortune might slip through his hands and be lost. Even the stranger passing along was hardly given a glance, so eager was each individual in searching for the precious pebble. There is an entrancing interest in diamond mining far exceeding that of gold, for at any moment one is likely to come across a princely fortune. The miner is ever hopeful. Communing with himself, he says: "To-morrow I may be made independent by a lucky find." And for a time it was merely luck, for so irregularly distributed were the diamonds that no knowledge was gained as to where they were most likely to be found. While miners were strenuously working along the rivers, far more wonderful diamond regions were soon to be unfolded; regions rich beyond the loftiest nights of the imagination and equal to the fabled valley of Sindbad the Sailor. A thrifty Dutch vrau owned a farm, on a volcanic plateau extending for miles into the rocky kopjes. Her overseer, learning that garnets are often found associated with diamonds, and noticing some garnets in one of the small streams that coursed through the valley, concluded to do a little prospecting on his own account. Sinking a hole a few feet in depth and sifting the sand and gravel through a common sieve, he came across a diamond weighing fifty carats--nearly half an ounce. This find caused a rush to the farm to secure claims, and the widow, with an eye to business, charged a monthly license of ten dollars. Soon this discovery was eclipsed by a more remarkable one at Dutoitspan[4] in 1870. Although a fair supply of diamonds was found near the surface, these diggings seemed to give out as they reached hard limestone. When nearly all of the prospectors had left the field, having become discouraged, one more sanguine than the others determined to find out what was beneath this limestone covering. Sinking a shaft, he found that the limestone grew so soft and friable that it could be easily dug out with a pick. When he had penetrated the limestone covering he came in contact with a hard layer somewhat of the nature of clay. This he proceeded to break up and sift. During the sifting process he observed many sparkling gems. The problem had been partly solved at least. Diamonds were to be found in greater abundance below than above the limestone covering. On learning of the changed condition of affairs the deserting miners hastened back to the diggings in double-quick time. Early in 1871 diamonds were found at Bultfontein[5] and on the De Beers farm, two miles from Dutoitspan. Five months later another bed of diamonds was found on the same farm, lying on a sloping kopje, one mile from the first location. This kopje, named Colesberg Kopje, became afterward the famous Kimberley mine. The district was immediately divided into claims and taken by prospectors. The climate of this section is exceedingly trying. A blazing sun, clouds of suffocating dust, and a scanty supply of muddy water are the conditions of the region; it therefore required remarkable physical endurance and an indomitable will to achieve results. Sometimes terrific thunder-storms with torrents of rain would sweep through the valley. At other times great hail-storms would drive both man and beast to the nearest shelter. Wind-storms frequently drove blinding clouds of dust that penetrated everything. Very quickly a city of tents sprang up at Kimberley to be superseded later by substantial buildings of wood, of brick and iron, and well-constructed streets. Water was pumped from the Vaal River through a main sixteen miles in length. It was then raised in three lifts by powerful engines to a large reservoir five hundred feet above the river. The introduction of an abundant supply of good water wrought a wonderful transformation. Outside the business section the desert was made to blossom with flowers in gardens surrounding the hitherto bleak homes. Lawns were laid out and vines and trees planted about the houses, making the dusty, wind-swept expanse a thing of beauty and comfort. At length prospectors learned that the diamond-bearing earth was confined chiefly to several oval-shaped funnels, ranging in area from ten to twenty acres, and that outside these few diamonds were to be found. Now these huge funnels, or pipes, are nothing more or less than extinct volcanic craters. The walls, or casings, of these pipes are chiefly of shale and basalt filled with hard earth, yellow near the surface and bluish deeper down. The latter is called "blue-stuff" and is very prolific in diamonds. The diamonds found outside the rim wall must have been washed out of the craters or perhaps were thrown out by the eruption. At first it was customary to pulverize the blue-stuff at once, but experience showed that a more satisfactory way to work it was to expose it for several months to the action of the weather. By this process it readily crumbled. Various devices were used by the different miners to raise the earth out of their claims. Some used windlasses; others carried the earth up in buckets and tubs, some even by climbing ladders. Surrounding the funnels were carts, wheelbarrows, etc., for carrying away the material to the depositing grounds, where it was dried, pulverized, and sifted. Many of the miners found it desirable to employ the native Kafirs to work in the pits, since neither the scorching sun nor clouds of dust seemed to trouble them. The deeper the pits were sunk the greater the difficulty became in raising the blue-stuff. To add to the difficulties the rim wall of shale and basalt began to fall in, and the rain made the claims muddy and slippery or filled them with water. At a still greater depth water began to seep through the shale wall, and great masses of the rim occasionally fell in endangering life and almost precluding further mining unless concerted action were taken. So, in order to effect more economical methods of working, a consolidation of claims began to take place. At the Kimberley mine a double platform with staging was built around the pit, and a series of wires running from the different claims served as trackways on which buckets of the blue-stuff were drawn up by means of ropes and windlasses located on these platforms. When still greater depth had been reached and much of the rim wall had been precipitated into the pit and rain and seepage water had made the pits mud holes, two remarkable persons who were interested in the mines took a leading part in solving the difficulties. These persons were Cecil John Rhodes and Barnett Isaacs, better known as "Barney Barnato." Rhodes owned stock in the De Beers and Barnato in the Kimberley mine. At first they were sharp rivals in gaining control, but later they got together and consolidated interests. Cecil Rhodes was an English college student. He had lost his health and had come to South Africa at the invitation of his brother, who was interested in the diamond mines. Roughly dressed, his clothes covered with dust, this shy, pale student, week in and week out, might be seen looking after the Kafirs who worked his brother's claim. Barney Barnato, a young Hebrew of keen foresight, likewise had a brother in South Africa. The latter, who was engaged in diamond buying, urged Barney to come at once to this famous region, setting forth the wonderful opportunities offered for business. Barnato forthwith packed his few belongings and took the next steamer for Cape Town. He was only twenty years old and was bubbling over with good-natured energy; but he was quick to perceive and quick to act. Although he had but a few dollars with which to start in business, yet by indomitable energy and shrewd management he soon acquired sufficient money to buy a few small claims in the famous Kimberley mine. To these claims he constantly added others until he became one of the leading stockholders in the mine. When the rival mines began to undersell each other and diamonds were being sold for but little more than the cost of production, Rhodes conceived the plan of consolidating all the mines, thereby forming a monopoly to keep up the prices. By masterly skill he brought this about, purchasing some shares outright, and giving shares in the new company as payment for others. To make the purchases he negotiated a loan of several million dollars through the Rothschilds, the famous bankers of London. [Illustration: Open workings of the diamond mine, Kimberley] Thus, after many years of struggle through difficulties that were seemingly superhuman, the four great mines, the De Beers, Kimberley, Dutoitspan, and Bultfontein, were merged into one great corporation. Afterward some others were added, but all bear the name De Beers Consolidated Mines, Limited, a corporation which to-day controls the diamond market of the world. During the eleven years ending 1899 they yielded nearly six tons of diamonds. Both Rhodes and Barnato acquired immense wealth by their investments, but it is doubtful if either gained much happiness from his acquisitions. Poor Barnato! He had gained riches and stood among the foremost financiers of the world, but at how fearful a cost! His overtaxed brain began to give way, and on his way back to England he suddenly leaped overboard and was drowned. Cecil Rhodes was instrumental in enlarging British influence and territory in South Africa, and to him England owes a deep debt of gratitude. He died in 1902 leaving a portion of his immense fortune for scholarships in Oxford, England's great university. Rhodes earnestly advocated the building of a railroad from Cape Town to Cairo. Already this line has been constructed northward from Cape Town several hundred miles beyond Victoria Falls, directly below which it crosses the Zambezi River. Diamonds of various colors are found in the African mines--brown, yellow, pale blue, clear, and black. The black diamonds, called bort, are used mainly for arming diamond drills and for polishing other diamonds. Green, pink, and mauve diamonds are found occasionally. The De Beers mines have produced some notable stones. From the Premier mine a diamond weighing more than three thousand carats--one and thirty-seven hundredths pounds avoirdupois--was obtained. This stone, more than twice the size of any heretofore found and estimated to be worth five million dollars, was insured for two million five hundred thousand dollars. It was named the Cullinan, from one Tom Cullinan, who purchased the farm on which the Premier mine is located. Captain Wells, the manager of the Premier, one evening, after a burning hot day, when work had been suspended, strolled over to the mine, and, while partly walking and partly sliding down into the pit, noticed a gleam from a stone half-embedded in the earth. In a moment he had the stone in his hand and his practised eye told him this was the greatest diamond the world ever saw. At first the possession of it seemed more like a dream than a reality, and he began to doubt his own sanity. When held up to the blazing Southern Cross, it sparkled like the purest crystal, and he knew that its value must be reckoned in hundreds of thousands of dollars. He immediately took the priceless treasure to the company's office where it was critically examined. It was then sent for safe-keeping to the Standard Bank at Johannesburg, and afterward was forwarded to London. For some time it was deposited in a London bank, the name of which was kept secret for fear that its great value might tempt criminals. Two years after its discovery it was purchased by the Transvaal Government, at the suggestion of General Botha, and presented to King Edward VII as a crown jewel. The De Beers Company employs upward of eleven thousand African natives--Kafirs, they are called--working above and below ground. They come not only from the surrounding districts but from regions hundreds of miles away. All native laborers are kept in large walled enclosures, or compounds, which are covered with wire netting to prevent the laborers from throwing diamonds over the walls to confederates outside. Twelve such enclosures are owned by the De Beers Company, the largest of which occupies four acres and contains ample space for housing three thousand natives. On entering the service of the company each applicant must sign a contract to live in the compound and work faithfully at least three months. At the expiration of his contract he may leave or make another contract, as he wills. Constant vigilance is maintained in order to prevent stealing diamonds, and yet, notwithstanding this watchfulness, it is estimated that hundreds of thousands of dollars' worth of diamonds are stolen each year. Everything necessary for the sustenance and comfort of the men is brought into the compounds, and no one is permitted to leave until the expiration of his contract except by permission of the overseer, which is seldom given. The men go out of the compounds to their work through tunnels and return the same way. Besides the native Kafirs already mentioned, about two thousand white laborers are employed, the greater number being engaged in the offices and workshops and on the depositing floors. Electric lights are used throughout the mines, and underground work is carried on both day and night by three shifts. Every known scientific device is pressed into service. In all of the deep mines the laborers are taken up and down the shafts in cages. The method of mining and working the diamond-bearing earth at present employed is far more economical than in former years. After the blue material has been brought up it is carried to the depositing floors where it is allowed to remain several months. In the meanwhile it is harrowed several times to break the lumps. The part that resists this treatment is carried to a mill to be crushed. The disintegrated and pulverized material is then carried to the washing machines. The coarser fragments of the concentrates from the washing machines are picked out by hand; the finer are sent to the pulsators. Each shaking-table of the pulsators is made of corrugated iron plates in several sections with a drop of about an inch from one division to another. A sufficient quantity of thick grease is spread over the plates to cover them to the top of the corrugations. The concentrates are continuously spread over the upper portion of the table automatically while running water washes them down. Strange as it may seem, the diamonds stick fast to the grease; the other material is washed away. It has been found by trial that grease will cling to the precious stones but to nothing else. After a few hours the grease with the diamonds is scraped off the tables and steamed in perforated vessels to separate them. [Illustration: Sorting gravel for diamonds in the Kimberley mine] One of the De Beers mines has been worked to a depth of about two thousand feet with no diminution in the quantity or quality of the diamonds. The "pipe" or plug of blue-stuff shows no signs of giving out. Nature, in her underground laboratory, works in a mysterious way, baffling the astutest students of science to find the process by which she is able to manufacture such beautiful gems as the diamond. Many theories have been propounded to explain the genesis of the diamond, the most plausible one being that the crystallization of the carbon is due to a very high temperature and tremendous pressure acting on the carbon in a liquid form deep down beneath the earth's surface. The crystals, intermingled with much foreign matter, are afterward projected upward, filling these great volcanic pipes. In order to produce the most beautiful effect, diamonds are usually cut into one or another of three different forms, namely, rose, table, and brilliant, the shape and size of the stone determining which form is best. The double-cut brilliant is the most common form at the present day. The general form of rough, crystallized diamonds is that of two square pyramids joined at their bases. The crystals are oftenest found octahedral and dodecahedral--that is, eight and twelve sided, and the diamond-cutter takes advantage of these forms in shaping the diamond. The modern lapidary must have a perfect knowledge of optics and be a skilful stone-cutter. The numerous planes or faces which he cuts on the surface of the diamond are called facets. In the treatment three distinct processes are utilized--cleaving, cutting, and polishing. The lapidary must study the individual character of each stone and determine whether to cleave or grind off the superfluous matter so as to correct flaws and imperfections. All this calls for the judgment which comes only with long experience, for if the cutter errs he may ruin a priceless gem. The grinding and polishing are done by diamond dust mixed with oil spread on the upper surface of a grooved flat steel wheel revolving horizontally. The diamond, having been set in fusible solder, is firmly pressed against the surface of the wheel by a small projecting arm and clamp. When one facet has been finished, the diamond is removed from the solder and reset for grinding another facet. Thus the workman continues until the grinding and polishing are completed. Infinite patience and steadiness of nerve, as well as steadiness of hand, are required for such delicate and exact work. Sometimes two uncut stones are cemented into the ends of two sticks. Then the operator, using these sticks as handles, presses the stones against each other with a rubbing motion, the surface of the stones being coated over with diamond dust and oil to accelerate the process. The last cutting of the celebrated Kohinoor diamond cost forty thousand dollars. One may understand, therefore, that the expense of cutting a large diamond adds materially to its cost. The diamond-cutting industry is confined chiefly to Amsterdam, where the work employs several thousand persons, mostly Hebrews, the craft having been handed down from father to son through several generations. Much fine cutting is now done in New York also. FOOTNOTES: [Footnote 4: The term pan is a name applied to a basin or pool in which water collects during the rainy season.] [Footnote 5: Fontein is a word of Dutch origin meaning fountain or spring. In this hot and semi-arid country a pan or fontein was a necessity to the Boer farmer, whose chief dependence was on his sheep and cattle. Hence he was wont to settle near where water could be easily obtained.] PART II OCEANIA CHAPTER XXII THE ISLANDS OF THE PACIFIC Not until four hundred years ago did the body of water now named the Pacific Ocean become known to the people of Europe. A vague knowledge of a sea that washed the eastern shores of Cathay, or China, was gained from the reports of the famous Venetian traveller, Marco Polo. After spending several years in the Orient, Polo returned home in 1295, giving such marvellous accounts of the countries visited and things seen that his stories were but half believed. In 1531, Balboa, a Spanish explorer stationed at Darien, now Colon, hearing rumors that a great ocean lay to the opposite side, determined to test the truth of the report. Taking with him about three hundred men, he laboriously worked his way through the jungles of the isthmus; and on reaching the top of the divide beheld for the first time the Pacific Ocean. He then hastened forward, and as he reached the shore he waded into the water and took possession of it in the name of his sovereign. He named it the South Sea. But the vast extent of this sheet of water did not become well known until fifty years later, when brave Ferdinand Magellan circumnavigated the globe. Two and one-half centuries more elapsed before the memorable voyages and discoveries of Captain Cook disclosed the fact that the new ocean world was studded with countless islands, and that most of them were densely inhabited by savages. Just how or when all these islands became inhabited is not definitely known. Since the Polynesian languages in general are similar, it is conjectured that the inhabitants of the islands have a common origin and that many of the more northerly groups were peopled by emigrants from the south. In a general way the name Oceania is applied to all of the islands in the Pacific, but in a more limited sense only to those lying between the American continent and Australasia. The chief divisions of Oceania are Australasia, Melanesia, Micronesia, and Polynesia. Australia, the largest body of land, is usually regarded as a continent. Nearly all the smaller islands are of coral or of volcanic origin; in many instances both agencies have contributed to their formation. The coral and volcanic islands seem to be the tops of mountain ranges that, little by little, have sunk, until only their higher summits are now above sea level. The central part of the Pacific Ocean is pre-eminently the home of the reef-building coral. Countless islands and reefs, wholly or partly built up by these tiny creatures, are found widely scattered over an immense area limited to one thousand eight hundred miles on each side of the equator. All these formations are composed of the compact limestone remains of coral polyps. These polyps have the power of extracting carbonate of lime from the sea-water and building it into massive formations which, for the most part, are nearly or completely submerged. The reef-building coral differs very materially in form and appearance from the precious or red coral; the former is confined to comparatively shallow water, while the latter is found most commonly at a depth of six hundred feet or more, and it occurs chiefly in the Mediterranean Sea. The common or reef-building coral has but little use except as a source of lime, and no intrinsic value except as an object of curiosity. Coral reefs may be arranged under three classes; namely, fringing reefs, barrier reefs, and atolls. The first class embraces the shallow-water reefs found close to land, either surrounding islands or skirting the shores of continents. The reefs of the second class likewise skirt islands or continents, but at such distances as to leave a deep channel between them and the shore. The third class are called atolls; each is irregularly ring-shaped and almost entirely encloses a sheet of water, called a lagoon. The ring-shaped reef, or atoll, is broken in one or more places, generally on the leeward side, and built up higher on the windward side. The reason for such omissions and buildings is obvious when we remember that the coral animal cannot move from its fixed position to seek food, but must depend upon the waves to bring it within reach. The water dashing up against the reef on the windward side brings an abundance of food, while the slight movement of the waves on the leeward side brings but little food. After many years the dead coral is broken off and piled up on the reef. In this condition it is cemented by the lime in the sea-water, thereby forming a nucleus for land. Then, perchance, a cocoanut drifts upon the formation and, finding sufficient nutriment, sends down a root and begins its growth. Other cocoanuts are drifted to the newly disintegrated coral soil until the tropical vegetation becomes capable of sustaining animal life. Or, perhaps, a portion of the ocean bed in that particular region is uplifted by the volcanic forces, thus greatly enlarging the land area. Attracted by the new land, people from near-by islands emigrate and take possession of the unoccupied area. Thus the upbuilding of islands and their occupancy goes on through the centuries. From the fact that these formations exist at a depth of several thousand feet, while coral polyps themselves can live only near the surface, it is thought that either the sea bottom must have been sinking for a long period of time or else that the cinder cones around which the reefs are built must have shrunk away until their tops are below sea level. At all events they seem to be due to volcanic movement. [Illustration: A Malay girl] Differences in environment produce marked differences on people in various parts of the continental world. Likewise, differences in the geological structure of the islands of the Pacific have produced a marked influence on the inhabitants of the islands of the Pacific. Those living on large and mountainous islands, where the productions are varied and abundant, are greatly superior mentally and physically to those inhabiting the small low-lying coral islands. In the small islands, where there are few objects of interest and the circle of life is necessarily circumscribed and food and building material scanty, the inhabitants are dwarfed in intellect and their languages limited in vocabulary. The inhabitants of the extensive Paumoto group of islands give a striking example of the dreary monotony of life on small coral islands. Indeed, coral atolls are lacking in pretty nearly all the features that are necessary for a high degree of civilization; nature, therefore, reacts, with the result that the human life of this region is in a condition of savagery. Many of the natives are cannibals. The natives of Australia are a race that seems to be separate and distinct in itself. Wherever they are found their speech and customs are so nearly alike that little or no doubt of their common origin exists. They are so small in stature that by some scholars they are classed with pygmy peoples. They are repulsive in appearance in their native state, but when the children are trained by English families they become attractive. They are regarded as a very low type of intellect; yet at the missionary schools the children seem to learn about as quickly as do European children. The children learn to figure readily, but the older natives have no names for numbers greater than three or four. In New Guinea and the adjacent islands is found a race of black peoples usually called Negritos, or Negroids. They are black and, like the African negroes, have black, kinky hair. They are far superior to the native Australians. Many of the tribes are good farmers, and cultivate crops of sago, maize, and tobacco. On the coasts there are good boat-builders and sailors. The greater part of the Melanesian tribes is hostile and blood-thirsty; head-hunting is a common practice. In many tribes the people live in communal houses like those of the Pueblo Indians of America. A large part of the population of Oceania is of Malay origin. As a rule the Malaysians are intelligent and take readily to western civilization. They are confined chiefly to the larger islands south and west of the Asian continent. In such parts of Malaysia as have become European possessions, they are farm laborers, and in this employment they have no superiors. [Illustration: A Malay boy] Of all the native peoples of Oceania, the Polynesians are perhaps the most interesting. In physical appearance they are tall, well-formed, dark of complexion, and black-haired. In the northern island groups--Tonga, Hawaii, Samoa, Tahiti, and others--which are colonized by European and American peoples, the natives have gradually acquired western civilization. The number of natives has decreased, however, and only about one-third of the population of fifty years ago remains to-day. The animal and vegetable life is peculiar. That of Australia resembles the life forms of a geological age long since past; that of the islands near tropical Asia is Asian in character. Now there are many large islands at a considerable distance from the continent in which many of the life forms on the slopes facing Australia are Australian, while on the northerly and westerly slopes they are Asian. One cannot be certain, however, that these islands were ever a part of the Australian continent, or that they were ever joined to Asia. On the contrary it is more probable that the life in question was carried by winds and currents of the sea. The life forms of the coral atolls are very few in number. So far as vegetation is concerned, the cocoa-palm and breadfruit are about the only kinds of plant life of importance. A few species of fish and migratory birds are the only animals that may be used as food. The names given to the various divisions of Oceania are more or less fanciful. Australasia means Southern Asia; Malaysia, Malayan Asia; Melanesia, the islands of the blacks; Micronesia, small islands; and Polynesia, many islands. During the latter half of the nineteenth century practically all of Oceania has been divided among European powers. Australia, Tasmania, and New Zealand are peopled by colonists from England; but they possess the character of a great nation rather than that of colonies. A few of the larger islands have become producers of sugar, cotton, and fruit. The long distance from the markets for their products is offset by the low cost of native labor. The coral islands are almost valueless for commercial products; but a few of them are used as coaling stations, telegraphic cable stations, or as positions of naval advantage. CHAPTER XXIII AUSTRALIA Early in the sixteenth century the island of Australia became known to the Portuguese; later the Dutch, who had valuable possessions in the East Indies, sent exploring expeditions to spy out the new land, and named it New Holland. But not until after Captain Cook, of the English navy, had explored the eastern part did any one think the country to be more than a barren waste sparsely inhabited by savages. Indeed, various European nations who were even then seeking lands for colonization thought it too worthless to claim. In April, 1770, Captain Cook made his first landing on the east coast and, finding at one place a profusion of beautiful flowers, named the indentation Botany Bay. He spent a considerable time in exploring the eastern coast and also the Great Barrier Reef. In going through one of the passages across the Barrier Reef his vessel ran aground, and in order to lighten it he was obliged to throw overboard six of his heaviest cannon. In late years efforts have been made to secure these cannon as souvenirs, but the search for them has proved unavailing. One may easily imagine that they have been long since entombed in thick growths of coral. On his return home, Cook gave such a glowing account of the great island that the English Government forthwith sent out a body of soldiers to take possession of the country and to make settlements. Because it is well watered, the southeastern part was selected as best adapted for colonization. For a long time this part of Australia was utilized chiefly as a penal colony, but the fruitful land and salubrious climate quickly attracted free emigrants from England. Then gold was discovered, and thousands of people rushed to the new Eldorado, not only from Great Britain but from all parts of the world. Almost in a twinkling it changed from "our remotest colony" to a great country producing annually millions of wealth. So far as its surface features are concerned, one may regard Australia as a continent not quite so large as the United States. The eastern part is diversified by low ranges of mountains fantastically scored and carved by rivers which are swift and impassable torrents during the season of rains, and trickling streams, or dry washes, the rest of the year. This is the region that has produced a wealth of gold and wool and a stock of hardy people that for intelligence and strength of character can scarcely be matched elsewhere. The central part of the continent is a dish-shaped table-land. Its surface is sandy here, stony there, but intensely hot and desolate everywhere--desolate of everything that adds to the comfort of man, but full of about everything that contributes to his misery. The "bush" which covers so much of this region is chiefly acacia, and the acacia is chiefly thorns. The rivers that flow into the interior from the coast highlands seem at first sight to be formidable streams so far as appearance goes. One, the Murray, is more than a thousand miles in length. But even the Murray will match the description which an English traveller gave to Platte River--"A mile wide, an inch deep, and bottom on top!" The few lakes of the interior are great "sinks," or marshes, much like Humboldt Sink, in Nevada. They are shallow, reed-grown, and briny, and they are bordered by mud flats and quicksands between which there is little to choose. An unfortunate victim will sink in the one quite as quickly as in the other. But even the lakes are gradually going the way of all lakes. In this case, however, their disappearance is due largely to the dust storms that little by little are burying them. Only a very small part of the central region can be reclaimed; for where there is so little rain there can be but little either of surface or of ground waters. During the intensely hot summer season the smaller streams disappear entirely and the larger ones become a succession of stagnant pools along the dry washes. [Illustration: A giant fig-tree, 140 feet in circumference] The eastern part of the continent, on account of its greater extent of coast, is far richer in resources than the central section. It contains not only a greater proportion of land fit for grazing and cultivation, but also very rich mines. Perhaps these have not a greater wealth of minerals than the mines of the central section, but they are so situated that they can be more easily worked. The great island of Tasmania ought also to be included in the Australian continent; for it is separated from it by a narrow and not very deep strait. In its general features Tasmania resembles eastern Australia; and, indeed, it is one of the most productive and delightful parts of the world. Of the whole Australian continent scarcely one part in fourteen is fit for human habitation, not because the soil is lacking in elements of fertility but because there is not enough rainfall. As a matter of fact, the rain-bearing winds bring rain only to the eastern and southeastern part of the continent. Any map will show that nearly all the cities, towns, herding-grounds, and settlements are in that part of the continent, and they are there because the rainfall is there. The rest of Australia is like the Sahara in one respect; it is a desert. Beyond that fact the resemblance between the two ceases; indeed, they could scarcely be more unlike; for, while the Sahara is much like any other desert, Australia is unlike any other part of the world. Not very much is known about the interior because but few explorers have been able to penetrate the continent. Many have tried to explore its fastnesses, it is true, and many bones are bleaching in its furnace-like desert. Even a century after the eastern part had become dotted with settlements the interior was so little known that the government of South Australia offered a reward of ten thousand pounds to any one who would start from Adelaide and cross the island due north. Now, ten thousand pounds, or fifty thousand dollars, is a large sum of money, and there were many efforts to obtain it. In 1860 an explorer named Stuart, whose name is remembered in a high peak which he discovered, traversed more than half the distance. It was a record trip, but illness forced Stuart to turn back. Another expedition, headed by four plucky men, Burke, Wills, Grery, and King, were more lucky on their outward trip. They reached tide-water near the head of the Gulf of Carpenteria, thereby accomplishing the task. The return trip was tragic. When they had reached the relief depot at which they had planned to have supplies awaiting them, they found nothing. They wandered about until all but King died from exposure and starvation. A year or two later Stuart made a third attempt and found what is now an "overland route," for a telegraph line has been built along it from Adelaide to the north coast, and this connects with an ocean cable to London. [Illustration: A mother kangaroo with a young kangaroo in her pocket] The plant and animal life of Australia forms one of its most remarkable features. Both plants and animals are of the kind that lived many ages ago. One of the curiosities of forest life is the "gum," or eucalyptus, a belt of which almost surrounds the continent. In its native home the blue gum is a most beautiful tree that sometimes grows to a height of three hundred feet. When the tree begins its growth the stem is nearly square in shape and the leaves are almost circular. After a short time, however, the branches and trunk become circular and the leaves long and lance-shaped. They hang with their edges instead of their flat surfaces to the light, which also is true of many other Australian trees. The eucalyptus sheds--not its leaves every year, but its bark instead. Many plants which in other continents are small shrubs in Australia are trees. The tulip, the fern, the honeysuckle, and the lily are examples. They all grow in tree form and are of considerable size. There is no turf grass except that which is cultivated. The wild grasses are of the "bunch" or clump species, and some of these have blades so sharp that they cut cruelly. One species, the porcupine grass, bears a name that does not belie its character. Much of the coast lands are covered with a growth of thorny "scrub" that has made cultivation both difficult and costly. The interior is the "bush" region. The animal life of the continent is even more singular than the plant life. Most of the animals resemble the opossum of North American fauna in one respect, the mother carries her young in a pouch or fold of the skin under her body. But the opossum itself is not confined to North America alone; there are several species in Australia and Tasmania. The kangaroos are among the most remarkable animals, not only because of the great length and strength of their hind legs, but also because of the variety in the sizes of the different species. Some of the smaller species are no larger than a small rat; the large-sized species are six feet tall when sitting on their haunches. There are no monkeys and no animals that chew the cud, but there is a wonderful variety of birds. Among them is the emeu, a kind of ostrich that practically is wingless. Another, the platypus, or duck-bill, has the bill and webbed feet of a duck and the body and tail of a beaver. Stranger still, the female duck-bill lays eggs, but nurses her young after the eggs are hatched! The duck-bill carries a hinged spur on the hind legs, which also is a sting that injects a violent poison into whatever it strikes. Ordinarily the spur is folded against the leg of the animal, but when used as a weapon it stands out like the gaff of a fighting cock. The duck-bill may well boast of its sting, because the honey-bee of Australia has none. [Illustration: An Australian emeu] The dingo, or wild dog, may not be an especially interesting animal to the student of natural history, but it is a very interesting one to the herdsman. For of all animals in Australia the dingo is the most intolerable nuisance on account of its fondness for mutton. Hunting the coyote on the plains of the United States is a pastime, but hunting the Australian dingo is a serious and monotonous business. Indeed, the sheep and the dingo cannot both remain in Australia unless the former has been eaten by the latter. In a single night a dingo will kill a score of sheep, and a pack of them will make way with several hundred. In one instance two of these pests killed and maimed more than four hundred sheep before retribution overtook them. In addition to the troubles of native origin, three very serious pests have been imported. One of these, the species of cactus known as the prickly pear, the Queenslander has pretty nearly all to himself. Just how the prickly pear was introduced into Australia seems to be a matter of uncertainty. But it is there and it is spreading rapidly. Each plant produces scores of pears and each pear contains not far from one hundred seeds. When the fruit ripens the seeds are quickly sent broadcast. Perhaps the wind is the chief agent in scattering them, but wild birds, especially the emeu and the turkey, are a good second. Queenslanders fear that this pernicious plant will spread not only over the great interior desert sections, but to the valuable land elsewhere, since it is tenacious of life and thrives on arid land amidst a burning heat where other plants wither up and perish. In clearing the land of the cactus three methods are utilized, viz., burning, pitting, and poisoning. Where wood is near at hand, the first method is the preferable one. A platform is made by rolling logs together, and after the plants have been uprooted and hacked to pieces they are hauled in drays to the platforms. There they are stacked up high, sometimes a hundred tons being piled on a single platform, and the platforms are set afire. Pitting is done by digging large, deep pits, filling them full of the chopped plants, and covering them with dirt. Destruction by poisoning is accomplished by inoculating the thick leaves with arsenic or bluestone, which is sprayed upon them after the plants have been hacked so that the poison may be absorbed by the sap, which distributes the deadly substance. Years ago some of the colonists thought that it would be desirable to have English rabbits in Australia and sent to England for a few pairs. When the rabbits arrived a great feast was held, and amidst speeches and mutual congratulations the timid creatures were let loose. In a short time rabbits seemed quite plentiful and the hunters had rare sport; but ere long the animals began to eat up the vegetables in the gardens. Now, rabbits are very prolific, and within a very few years they had spread so extensively that the sheepmen began to complain of their serious inroads on herbage and grass where the sheep fed. At this stage of affairs legislation was invoked in behalf of the suffering farmers. Laws were passed and means taken to reduce the number of rabbits. Poisoned grain and other food was used, but still the rabbits greatly increased. The dingo was tamed and used for hunting them, and then the mongoose was imported from India to kill them off. But the rabbits seemed to have increased a thousand-fold. In despair, rabbit commissioners were appointed in each colony to enforce the building of high rabbit-proof wire fences, and now thousands of miles of wire fences have been built so as to enclose ranges and farms. By means of the fences and by the use of various methods of destroying the pests, they are now kept in check after causing millions of dollars of damage, and at an enormous annual expense to the colonists. In the meantime it was discovered that the flesh of the rabbit was excellent food, and the slaughter of millions to be preserved has been a noticeable check to their increase. Unlike the American Indians, the aboriginal peoples of Australia were never troublesome to the European settlers, and although apt to be thievish they were not inclined to warlike acts when the European settlements were new. The "bushrangers," as they are called, somewhat resemble the negro peoples, and are thought to be a part of the black race that is found in the island near New Guinea. They are classed as Negroids, or Negritos, and they bear a considerable resemblance to the African pygmies, with whom at least one authority classes them. They are materially larger and taller than the pygmies, however, though below the average stature of Europeans. At all events they are among the lowest type of human beings. The bushrangers have no fixed habitation; they do not build houses nor live in villages; they have no domestic animals except the dingo, and they do not cultivate the soil. They live nominally by hunting and fishing, but their food consists of about anything that requires no weapons beyond the fish-net and the boomerang. They rarely molest larger game, though some of the tribes employ a net in which to entrap the kangaroo. Of all the weapons used by savage tribes the boomerang is the most interesting. In shape it is a flat strip of hardwood having an angle, or else slightly curved in the middle. The interesting feature about it is the fact that when skilfully thrown it will return to the thrower unless intercepted. A bushranger may be skilful enough to throw the boomerang ahead of him so that in its return it will kill a small animal back of him. The bushrangers were only too ready to adopt the vices of Europeans, but they have not been able to withstand the changes wrought by civilization. Their numbers have steadily diminished. In 1880 they were thought to be about eighty thousand in number, but at the close of the century there were scarcely one-fourth as many. Those who remain are for the greater part herdsmen and farm laborers. [Illustration: Homestead and station in Young district, Australia] One may not be very far from right in saying that the climate of the habitable part of the continent is the foremost asset of Australia. Certain it is that for healthfulness and the stimulation that creates activity, the climate of Australia is unsurpassed elsewhere in the world. And because of its life-growing and invigorating character it has placed the Australian high in the rank of the world's foremost people. Climate and soil, too, have made Australia one of the foremost wool-producing countries of the world. Not far from one hundred million dollars' worth of wool and mutton are exported yearly, and much of the wool clip is a fine grade of merino. Gold is another product of Australia. At the close of the century the mines had produced a total of more than one billion dollars' worth of the metal. In round figures, the great Thirst Land, with a population of about four millions, scattered along the edge of a great desert continent, produces enough wealth to sell yearly about three hundred millions of dollars' worth of its products! The foregoing picture of Australia presents, perhaps, the unpleasant side of Australian life. But this great Thirst Land, so far from being an inhospitable desert, is one of the world's greatest storehouses of wealth. CHAPTER XXIV THE GREAT BARRIER REEF Within the tropical parts of the great South Sea are submarine gardens that in the beauty of their floral forms and their richness of coloring rival the most elaborate flowerbeds made by man; in color and variety they are fairy regions of exquisite living animal flowers. One of the greatest and most attractive of these sea gardens lies off the coast of Australia. Of all the wonderful animal structures in the world the Great Barrier Reef of Australia is the most remarkable. It consists of a chain of coral islands and reefs parallel to the east coast of Queensland. This great reef is about twelve hundred miles long, and the distance from the mainland to its outer border is from ten to more than one hundred miles. It is far enough off the coast to leave a wide channel between the reef and the shore. Since it is well charted this channel is the route taken by many vessels. It is admirably furnished with lighthouses and light-ships, and is protected from the huge rolling billows of the ocean by the reef itself. There are several breaks in the reef through which vessels can pass out into the open ocean. This mighty barrier, the work of coral polyps, is of special interest not only on account of the curious shapes and varied kinds of sea life it presents, but because of the commercial value of its products. The bêche-de-mer, pearl, oyster, and sponge fisheries yield an annual revenue of upward of half a million dollars, and when all of the resources of the reef are properly exploited the returns will be more than doubled. The habitat of the reef-building coral is in clear tropical waters. The polyps thrive best near the surface; they cannot live at a depth exceeding one hundred and twenty-five feet. The reef-building coral must not be confounded with the precious, or red, coral, which flourishes in a muddy sea-bottom and is found chiefly in the Mediterranean Sea. When alive and in the water, coral polyps present a variety of beautiful forms and colors. Living polyps are composed of limestone skeletons covering and permeating a soft gelatinous substance which corresponds to the flesh of animals. When the polyps are removed from the water this soon decomposes and disappears; in certain species a part of it flows off as a thick liquid. Fish fantastically striped and of brilliantly variegated colors are seen swimming among the coral. In tropical waters many of them have fascinating colors and patterns. By simulating the colors of the coral polyps they escape the species that prey upon them. The different kinds of coral are generally designated by common names according to the different objects which they resemble. Thus, by similarity of form we have _brain_ coral, _organ-pipe_ coral, _mushroom_ coral, _staghorn_ coral, etc. Some of the islands and reefs are the homes of sea fowl and at the nesting season are literally covered with their eggs. These fishers of the sea have marvellously well-developed faculties for location, since each bird goes directly to her nest when returning to the islands. As night approaches, when all the birds seek the land, their wild cries are deafening. Some of the islands are turned to profitable account by the export of guano. On Raine Island, so extensive are the deposits of guano that a railroad has been built to facilitate handling the product. Bêche-de-mer, or trepang, is a name applied to the flesh of certain sea slugs or sea worms found in the Indian seas. Of this substance great quantities are gathered annually. In the water the animals resemble huge cucumbers, and they are therefore sometimes called "sea-cucumbers." They are found clinging to the rocks below low-water mark, and are from one to four feet in length. Their food consists of microscopic shell-fish which live upon the coral rocks. [Illustration: The Great Barrier Reef of Australia, the most remarkable animal structure in the world] The trepang exported from this section requires considerable care in preparation. After being gathered from the rocks they are cleaned, boiled, and partly dried in the air; then they are smoked with mangrove wood until dry and hard. The best class of trepang is packed in tin cases to keep it perfectly dry, as moisture ruins it. The product is marketed chiefly at Hongkong, where it is used in making the gelatinous soups for which the Chinese are so famous. The pearl-shell fisheries yield products of considerable value. The average depth from which the mother-of-pearl shell is gathered is seven or eight fathoms. Twenty fathoms represents the greatest depth in which divers, even in their diving suits, can work, so great is the pressure of the water upon them. The fishery is carried on chiefly for securing the shells, the finding of pearls being of secondary importance, since only about one shell in a thousand contains a pearl of much value. The shells themselves bring in the market from three hundred to eight hundred dollars per ton according to quality and size, and are used chiefly for making buttons and small ornaments. The Cairn Cross Islands, a little coral group midway between Cape Grenville and Cape York, are especially interesting as the home and nesting-place of the Torres Strait pigeons. These large white pigeons are highly esteemed for the table. They gather at the islands during the month of October and remain until the end of March. The nests are usually built in the forked branches of the mangrove trees that form extensive thickets along the coast. Each nest contains two white eggs. The Australian jungle-fowl or scrub-hen also frequents these islands as well as the mainland. The nests of these birds are large and unique. They consist of huge mounds of dead leaves, grass, sticks, and soft earth piled together by the adult birds in shaded and sequestered places. The mounds are about twenty feet in diameter and from ten to fifteen feet high. Several pairs of birds generally unite in their construction. When the mounds are completed the birds burrow holes in the centre and deposit their eggs, which are left to be hatched by the moist heat engendered by the decaying vegetation. Forty or fifty brick-red colored eggs as large as those of a turkey are sometimes found in a single nest. Both the eggs and the parent birds are excellent eating. The Australian bee-eater, a bird of attractive plumage, is found all over the northern islets of the Barrier Reef. It has a long, sharp curved bill and two long, narrow feathers in its tail. Its beautiful green plumage, varied with rich brown and black, and vivid blue on the throat, makes it an attractive bird. The sea-anemones of the Great Barrier Reef are remarkable for both beauty of color and structure; some of them measure four or five inches across the expanded disk. In Torres Strait are seen brilliant sea-anemones around the border of whose disks are jewel-like clusters. These beautiful sea animals present the appearance of delicately tinted flowers adorned with the most exquisite gems. Starfish and sea-urchins of all descriptions are found in immense numbers. The five-rayed varieties of starfish are universally condemned as insatiable foes of the oyster family, and the oyster cultivators destroy all they can find. To dismember the body of the starfish by pulling off the finger-like rays does not kill the animal, for not only does each fish produce new rays but each ray will produce a new starfish. The predatory starfish fastens itself to both valves of the oyster, forces them open, and consumes the fleshy part. It is destructive not only to oysters but to clams, mussels, barnacles, snails, worms, and small crustacea as well. The variety of sea life about the great reef is legion. Among the bivalves the most remarkable for the size and weight of the shells are the tridachna and hippopus. In some localities they are so numerous that their shells have been burned to make lime. A pair of tridachna valves often weighs several hundred pounds. To the naturalist the Great Barrier Reef is an object of special attraction. CHAPTER XXV THE GOLD FIELDS OF AUSTRALIA The name Australia, like that of California, conjures up in the mind visions of gold; and the story of the gold excitement in both is very similar. January 24, 1848, was the red-letter day in California's history, and the news that transpired that day electrified the world. While constructing a saw-mill at Coloma Creek, a branch of the American River, John Marshall picked up a handful of gold nuggets in the mill-race. At once the gold fever seized all far and near. During the ensuing year fifty thousand persons came by sea and by land from the States east of the Rocky Mountains, and forty thousand more from other parts of the world; all bent upon digging for gold in the new El Dorado. From far-off Australia came vessels crowded with passengers. Among these was Edward H. Hargraves, who had lived for twenty years in New South Wales, where fortune had not smiled on him. Hargraves was a keen observer and something of a geologist as well. He diligently scoured the gullies and canyons in the gold regions of California, and when he quit he possessed a good sum of money as a return for his labor. During his stay in California he became convinced that gold existed in Australia, since many of the formations and strata were similar to those of the gold-bearing fields of California. After working for nearly two years, he planned to return to his old home, implicitly believing that he could win riches and fame by discoveries of the precious metal in New South Wales; and as soon as he had landed at Sydney he made ready to test his theories. When he explained to his friends what he purposed to do and his reasons they considered him half crazy. Moreover, rumors that convict shepherds had sold gold nuggets to traders in Sydney strengthened his belief that gold in paying quantities could be obtained by seeking for it. There were rumors also that a gold nugget had been picked up on Fish River. Procuring a team he set forth on his journey for the Blue Mountains lying back of Sydney. On the fourth day out, stopping at an inn kept by a widow, he confided to her his mission and enlisted her co-operation. He requested a black boy for a guide; but instead she sent her son, who was well acquainted with every inch of the region for miles around. Taking horses, Hargraves and the young man started out from the inn. It was a crisp autumn morning succeeding a dry summer. A careful search was made up and down canyons and gulches. At length, during the latter part of the day, they reached the bank of a dry creek which disclosed strata similar to the auriferous gravels of California. Looking about, Hargraves found a spot in the bed of the creek from which, after scooping off the top, he scraped from the bedrock a panful of earth. Hastening to the water hole with the loaded pan, he proceeded to wash away the soil and lo, in the bottom of the pan were bright-yellow particles! "I shall be made a baronet and both of us will be rich," exclaimed the excited Hargraves. He seemed to be walking upon air and could scarcely believe his own senses. Nevertheless, he prudently kept his own counsel until he had taken out sixty thousand dollars. Then he hastened to Sydney to lay the matter before the government. The government gave him a reward of fifty thousand dollars for his discoveries and made him commissioner of the gold fields. Hargraves's unexpected find stimulated other persons to search elsewhere for the attractive metal, and soon other and far richer fields were found. From one locality alone seven tons of gold were obtained in a single month. The whole country now went gold mad. Doctors left their patients, lawyers their offices, bakers and butchers their shops, clerks the stores, and sailors deserted their ships as soon as they touched the wharves--everybody hastened to the diggings eager to get rich. When confirmation of the wonderful gold deposits in Australia reached the outside world, a grand rush, like that to California, took place. New towns and cities sprang up as by magic, and from the increase of business the older places rapidly became more populous. Since the time of Hargraves's discovery, Victoria has produced the most gold, some of the largest nuggets in the world having been found in this colony. The following story of the gold fields is related in Lang's "Australia": While the ship _Dudbrook_ was docked at Sydney, where she was receiving her cargo, a sailor boy named Bob heard of the great quantities of gold that had been dug out of the mountains. He longed to try his luck at mining, but hardly knew how he could get away from the ship without being caught. In the meantime, while the ship was receiving her cargo, all the old crew except Bob had deserted. He hesitated about leaving and seemed to find no good opportunity to escape unnoticed. The day of departure arrived. The sails were being shaken out by the new crew, which had been pressed into service. The little tug that was to tow the big ship out of the harbor was beginning to straighten the cable and churn the water into foam, but the hawser still held the vessel fast to the wharf. The captain shouted "Bob, Bob, get ashore and cast off the hawser." Bob now saw the long-waited-for opportunity and with alacrity sprang to the wharf, but not to release the hawser. He ran along, hidden by the jetty, until he reached the shore and then dodged into a house where he had friends. The skipper could not stop to hunt up the runaway, so the vessel was towed out through the Heads and sailed for Newcastle to pick up a cargo for India. The next day Bob started on foot for the mines and, while on his way, picked up one of his old shipmates with whom he formed a partnership. On arriving at the diggings, the two staked out a claim and began sinking a shaft; but after reaching the bottom no metal greeted their longing eyes. Another shaft was sunk and this time they struck it rich. Within two months each had saved up one hundred twenty pounds of gold. Like some of his companions, Bob now concluded to take a short rest and go to Sydney for a few days of pleasure. Therefore he changed his gold into pound notes, and, stuffing the big rolls into his trousers' pockets, started for the city. Being of an economical turn of mind, he concluded to walk, and taking an early start, by the middle of the afternoon he had measured off twenty-five miles. The day was hot and the roads dusty; and seeing a shady nook, near a creek not far from the roadside, he betook himself thither and sat down to wait for a bullock wagon which he had passed two hours before. The water in the stream looked cool and inviting, so he undressed to take a swim. In taking off his clothes he pulled out of his pockets the two bundles of pound notes and laid them beside his boots. After being in the water for some time, he came out; and looking where he had laid the notes, could see them nowhere. Who could have taken them? He saw no one around when he undressed, and he had seen no one about while he was bathing. Possibly the thief was hiding behind some of the trees near by. Without waiting to dress, he searched here and there behind trees and logs, but there was no sign of the thief. He was greatly disheartened at his loss, but, putting on his clothes, he came across a ten-pound note which he had concealed in a side pocket. This find cheered him up and he resolved to go down to the city notwithstanding his loss. The bullock team soon came along and Bob told the driver what had happened. They both searched the ground over to solve the disappearance of the money, but in vain. When Bob reached Sydney, like other sailors, he visited several barrooms where he told the story of his strange loss. In one of the places, in a corner, sat an old Scotch crone, smoking her pipe and quietly listening to the conversation. At midnight when Bob was about to leave, the old woman said, "What will ye gie me if I find yer money for ye?" "What will I give ye, mother?" cried Bob. "Why, I'll give ye a silk dress and a ten-pound note." "It's a bargain!" she cried; and then she told him what to do. He was to be ready at four the next morning with a horse and trap which he could obtain from the landlord. If he would take along an axe, a roll of string, and a newspaper, she would find his money for him, she said. Though much in doubt about the power of such articles to find his money, Bob did as old Maggie had directed, and sharply at four in the morning the two started back to his bathing place. It took but a short time to drive back ten miles to the creek and the hollow log on which Bob sat when he pulled off his boots. "Now, show me the place where ye put the money down," said Maggie. After carefully looking around she seemed to be satisfied with the conditions. "Now, gie me the paper and the twine," she said. Taking a portion of the paper and tying it with a long piece of twine she laid it down just where the notes had been placed. Then Maggie said, "Let us seek a shady place a short distance away and I'll play ye at cribbage." Bob took little stock in these seemingly foolish arrangements; nevertheless he determined to be game to the end. She led the way to a cool place on the creek bank a hundred yards distant where they sat down. She then drew out of her pocket a dirty pack of cards and a bar of soap punched with holes to be used as a cribbage board. Two games were leisurely played, both of which Maggie won. "Now," said she, "Come wi' me." She hobbled back to where the paper tied with a string had been left. No paper was in sight, but hanging out of the hollow log where Bob had removed his boots was the end of the string. Maggie chuckled, and pointing to the log, cried, "Now rip it up wi' the axe." Bob set to work with a will and soon had a big hole chopped out of the hollow log, and behold! there were the bank-notes and the newspaper, forming a cozy nest for some little speckled native cats calling for their breakfast, while farther in were seen two bright balls of fire, the mother cat's eyes. The mother cat had run off with Bob's money to make a nest for her young ones. Maggie accepted the ten-pound note but refused the silk dress, telling the lad that she had no use for such finery. Soon after the English settled in Australia they introduced merino sheep, and during the last quarter of a century the breed has been constantly improved. It is estimated that now there are not less than seventy-five million sheep in Australia. The two great drawbacks to this thriving industry are drought and disease. Some years, owing to the scanty rainfall, millions of sheep have starved for lack of food. Two seasons prevail, the dry and the rainy, the climatic conditions being similar to those of California. The eastern section of this continental island is the only part that is adapted both to grazing and to agriculture. New South Wales outranks all the other Australian colonies in sheep raising, and Queensland in cattle raising. Almost the entire eastern shore section is well adapted to the production of lemons, oranges, and figs, while in the southeastern part all kinds of temperate-zone fruits flourish. The production of wheat also deserves important attention. The development of cold-storage transportation has given a great impetus to the exportation of frozen mutton and beef to England. Melbourne, the capital of Victoria, situated on Port Philip Bay, near the mouth of the Yarra River, is the largest city of Australia and contains nearly half a million people. It is built chiefly upon two hills and the intervening valley. The streets are broad and cross each other at right angles. Many of the squares are devoted to public parks and gardens. There are splendid public and private buildings, including an excellent library and an art gallery, both of which are free to all. Although less than sixty years old, this young city will compare favorably in regard to its buildings and general management with the largest cities in both Europe and America. The oldest city in Australia, Sydney, is the capital of New South Wales and has a population of four hundred thousand. It is situated on Port Jackson and is said to have the finest harbor in the world. This is a completely landlocked sheet of deep water which can be entered only through a narrow passage, thus affording protection to the shipping, even during the most violent storms, and so large that it could accommodate all of the fleets that sail the ocean and have room to spare. [Illustration: Melbourne is the largest city of Australia and contains nearly half a million people] Of Australia's thirteen thousand miles of railways all but five hundred miles belong to the colonial government, and are administered in the interests of the people. So low are the freight and passenger rates that often a tax has to be levied to meet the deficits. More than half of the public debt is due to government ownership of the railroads. Among other prominent places may be mentioned Brisbane, the capital of Queensland; Adelaide, the capital of South Australia; and Perth, the capital of Western Australia. CHAPTER XXVI TASMANIA In 1642 a Dutch navigator named Abel Janszoon Tasman discovered the island which now bears his name. Tasman did not know that he had discovered an island, but thought that he had discovered a part of the mainland of Australia; so he named it Van Diemen's Land, in honor of his patron, Anthony Van Diemen, Governor of the Dutch East Indies. Tasmania was once one vast plateau, but in time nature worked away on its broad surface; mountains and valleys were chiselled in its face, making it a picturesque and diversified island. It is well watered; streams abound in every part, and many large lakes are found in the interior. The Derwent in the south is the largest river, and vessels may go almost to the head of its estuary. On account of its beautiful mountain scenery, Tasmania is called the Switzerland of Australia. Deep winding valleys, clothed with groves of ferns, give added charm to its scenery. In recent years it has become a famous summer resort for Australians, many of whom pass a portion of the hot season in its wonderful forest solitudes and secluded fern-tree vales. No attempt to colonize Tasmania was made until 1803. In that year four hundred convicts were brought there and the vessel containing the prisoners sailed up Derwent River and landed them where the city of Hobart now stands. When the convicts landed, they found a very dark-skinned race of natives in possession of the land. The natives were low of stature, with ugly broad faces, flat noses, and frizzly hair. Their habits were repulsive, but they were inoffensive. They lived chiefly on shell-fish and what they could obtain from the sea. Occasionally they hunted the kangaroo, and unfortunately a kangaroo hunt led to their undoing. One morning a newly-arrived commander of the convict colony saw a large number of natives making toward the camp. He did not know their customs and mistook a chase after a kangaroo for an attack on the camp. So he ordered the soldiers to fire on the crowd, and, as a result, fifty or more were killed. This was bad enough, but worse was to come; for escaped convicts began to rob and murder the natives whenever they could do so. So in time there began a bush warfare that almost exterminated the poor natives. Finally, the remnant, about two hundred, were put on a transport and carried to Flinder Island, where they gradually decreased in number. The last native died in 1874. In 1853, the English government ceased to send convicts to the island, and within a few years afterward the blackest plague spot in the world became one of the most beautiful colonies on the face of the earth. Tasmania is far enough south of the tropics to have a much greater rainfall than most of Australia, but it is not far enough to have a cold climate. The generous rainfall covers the whole surface with green. There are forests of eucalyptus, or "gum tree," tree ferns, beech, and acacia--just about the same kinds that one finds in Australia. The animals, too, are much the same as in Australia, and some species of them are pouched, like the opossum. Many of them are now rarely to be found near the settlements, but one kind is pretty certain to be found at all times and seasons--the Tasmanian devil. This ugly beast is a terror to any neighborhood. An English hunter described it by saying that it was more bear than wildcat, and more wildcat than bear--and bear-cat it is frequently called. The tiger-wolf is another pest that makes great havoc among herds and flocks. Still another pest, also called "devil," has bands of black and white on its neck and shoulders, a thick heavy tail, and a bulldog mouth. It is a cowardly little night prowler with a fondness for young lambs. As was the case in Australia, the success of sheep-growing and the finding of rich gold-mines put an end to the convict colony. Even before the mines became profitable the ranchmen were trying to stop the sending of convicts to the island; but when the gold fields were found, it was stopped in short order. Very shortly gold-mining became the leading industry. Then tin ore was found at Mount Bischoff. Tasmania now produces more tin than all the rest of Australasia. In addition to the tin and precious metals, there are great beds of excellent coal--enough for all the smelteries and manufactories in the island. Next to the mines the sheep and cattle ranches bring the chief profits to Tasmania. But another industry is growing and bids fair to become more profitable than either mining or cattle-growing. The fruit of Tasmania is of the very finest quality. Moreover, when the fruit is ripening in an Australasian spring and summer, all England is shivering in midwinter storms. What better business could there be than to ship apples and pears fresh from the Tasmanian orchards? Those same apples can be shipped half-way round the world and sold in England for a lower price than the apples shipped from Buffalo to New York City! Then there are the peaches, cherries, and strawberries. They find a ready market in Australia, a matter of only a few miles away. So in time Tasmania is bound to be one of the great fruit-growing countries in the world. Where once the first convict colony made its camp the beautiful city of Hobart stands. It is every bit an English town. The business part of the city consists of fine, substantial buildings; most of the residences are low-built and half hidden in gardens of roses. The school-houses are as good as those in any American city of the same size, and the schools themselves are equal to the best anywhere. Kindergarten, grammar school, high school, and university are within the reach of all who desire. It is said that an enterprising man can go to Tasmania, make his fortune in fifteen years, and return to England rich, to spend the rest of his days. But why should any one desire to leave such a beautiful island to spend the rest of his life in London smoke and fog? CHAPTER XXVII NEW ZEALAND By digging at London right through the centre of the earth one would emerge about a day's ride, in an automobile car, from the capital of New Zealand--if only the automobile could ride on the water. That is to say, England and New Zealand are almost exactly opposite each other on the earth. That is the short way, however, and the trip would be eight thousand miles. As a matter of fact, the trip by the only available route is not far from sixteen thousand miles; for, go either east or west as one may choose, the route from London to New Zealand is a very roundabout way, and New Zealand is Great Britain's most remote colony. When Tasman was cruising about the Pacific, or South Sea, he skirted the coast of the islands. That was in 1642. About one hundred and forty years afterward Captain Cook called at the islands and annexed them as an English possession, but the English government refused to take them. Early in the nineteenth century missionaries brought the Bible to the native Maoris, and at the same time lawless traders carried liquor and firearms to those same natives. What was still worse, they kept on supplying them with liquor and firearms until there were but a few thousand natives left. The Maoris are the most remarkable native peoples of the Pacific. They were not the original people of New Zealand, however, for they drove away the black race--probably like that of New Guinea--which they found there. Like the Hawaiians and Fijians, the Maoris came from Samoa about five centuries ago. Their traditions about their journey are clear and exact; even the names of the canoes, or barges, in which they made the journey are preserved in Maori history. First they went to Rarotonga, an island of the Cook group; then they went to New Zealand. [Illustration: Maori pa, or village] Long before white men had settled in New Zealand, the Maoris had made great advances toward civilization. They had become wonderful carvers in wood; they were also expert builders, weavers, and dyers. No better seamen could be found in the Pacific. War was their chief employment, however, and tribal wars were always going on in some parts or other of the islands. One may compare them in progress to the tribes of New York just before the Iroquois confederacy was formed. Two large and a small island make up the greater part of New Zealand. North Island is a little smaller than New York State; South Island is a little larger; Stewart Island is half the size of Rhode Island. Aside from these, the Chatham, Auckland, and part of the Cook group--in fact, pretty nearly every outlying group that can be used for cattle and sheep growing--are included in the New Zealand colony. This industry is the reason for the existence of New Zealand; it is the great meat-producing market of Great Britain. The two largest islands of New Zealand form a great plateau. Mountain ranges border the edges, and fertile, well-watered lowlands are between the ranges. The ranges and valleys, together with hundreds of lakes, are beautiful to the eye; they could not be better for a great grazing industry. Cook Strait, which separates the two islands, is about sixteen miles wide at its narrowest crossing. North Island has several active volcanoes, and likewise one of the three famous geyser regions in the world. There used to be the Pink-and-White Terraces also--terraces of brilliant coloring, like those of Yellowstone Park. But a few years ago Volcano Tarawera had a bad fit of eruption, and when the eruption was over, Pink-and-White Terraces were covered many feet deep with lava and ash. Many of the higher ranges are snow-clad the year round. The New Zealanders do not need to go half-way round the world to spend the summer in Switzerland; they have a fine Switzerland at home. Indeed, the Alps of Europe are not surpassed by those of New Zealand; and as for glaciers, the great Tasman Glacier cannot be surpassed--twenty miles long, a mile wide, and no one knows how deep. In South Island some of the glaciers reach almost to the sea. [Illustration: The Petrifying Geyser, New Zealand] There is some wonderful vegetation in New Zealand and nowhere else will one find a greater variety of ferns. Some of them grow in the form of trees; some are huge vines; and still others are as fine and delicate as the maidenhair fern. Some kinds have fine wiry tendrils that are much used for mattresses and cushions. Another plant looks so much like a palm that no one ignorant of plants would suspect that it was not a palm-tree; but as a matter of fact it is a lily. So many of the forest trees are evergreens, and so abundant is the grass that at all times of the year the islands are green from the mountain summits to the sea. Of all the forest trees the kauri pine has been one of the most valuable--has been, because not many trees are left. The wood itself is about as easily worked as white pine or California redwood. What is still better, it is very tough and durable. But the wood itself is only a part of the wealth of the kauri forests. The bark is full of gum which, when hard, is much like amber. It makes a very hard and glossy varnish that commands a high price because of its good qualities. In places where old kauri forests have existed, digging kauri gum is a profitable employment. Kauri-gum mining does not require much capital. A sharp iron rod and a pick are about the only tools required. The gatherer goes about thrusting his rod into the earth at intervals of a few inches. When he "feels" a piece of gum with his rod he needs only to use his pick to capture it. For many years about a million dollars' worth of kauri gum was thus obtained each year. The lumps vary in size from that of a hen's egg to masses weighing several pounds. There are also some strange animals in New Zealand. One curious creature is a bird without wings--the kiwi. The species is one of many similar kinds that lived in Australia and New Zealand ages ago. Their remains are found in abundance, but the kiwi is the last species now living. It has a long, sharp bill and hair-like feathers. A full-grown bird is about the size of a bantam fowl. One of the more beautiful birds is a dull green parrot, the kea. But the kea is also a wretched pest, for it has learned how to kill sheep since the sheep-herders came to New Zealand. The kea darts out of the air, fastens its talons in the side of the sheep, and quickly makes a gaping hole into the animal's vitals. Thousands of sheep are thus killed every year. There are about one million people in New Zealand, and most of them live on the east side of South Island. That is where the grassy lands are; and that is why the cattle and sheep are there also. And the people are there because of the sheep and cattle. New Zealand is one of the greatest grazing regions in the world, and most of the various industries in the islands have something or other to do with the grazing. In Australia the sheep are grown almost wholly for wool. That is because climate and grasses are just right for the growth of wool. In New Zealand the climate and grasses are not very good for wool, but they are just right for meat, both mutton and beef. So the commerce of beef and mutton is the chief business of New Zealand. The meat must go a long way before it reaches the people who consume it; they live in Great Britain and western Europe. In any case, too, it must have a long summer trip; for one cannot go from New Zealand to Europe without crossing the Torrid Zone. Even if the meat were sent from New Zealand in midwinter it not only has a long trip in the Torrid Zone, but it gets to Europe in midsummer. Now, it is very plain that meat cannot be carried for a month or six weeks on a steamship without preparation. The preparation is very simple; the meat, after dressing, is frozen and it is kept frozen until it reaches the people who eat it. There are refrigerating-rooms at the slaughter-houses, refrigerator cars to the nearest port, and refrigerator ships to London. Wool is also one of the important products of New Zealand, but it has a much coarser and harsher fibre than the fine merino wool of Australia. As a rule, sheep that are grown for their wool feed on grass; those that are for mutton get their final feeding on turnips; and all England has said that turnip-fed mutton is good. Christchurch, a city of about seventy thousand people, is one of the great centres of the wool and mutton industry. The city is there because the great Canterbury Plain is one of the finest grazing regions in the world. Christchurch is not very old--it was made a city in 1862--but it has grown pretty vigorously. Its handsome buildings--churches, college, museum, and school-houses--are as fine as those of any city of the same size anywhere. The streets are wide and beautifully kept, and electric railways extend to half a dozen suburbs. Out in the suburbs are the large meat-freezing establishments. In the season for export about fifteen thousand sheep are dressed and frozen daily in the great plants in and around Christchurch. The freezing-rooms are kept at a temperature of a cold winter night. In a single plant there may be as many as ten or fifteen thousand carcasses hanging from great frames, and the walls of the rooms are covered with a thick coat of ice and frost. In three days from the time the meat is put into the freezing-room it will be ready for its long journey. Wellington is the capital of New Zealand; it is likewise the windy port of the Pacific, for it is in the eye of the "roaring forties," the strong west wind of the South Temperate Zone. But Wellington has the harbor, and the harbor has the shipping; and because of this Wellington is a very rich and prosperous municipality. On the whole, the New Zealanders have not much cause to envy the people of other lands. Every man and every self-supporting woman can become the owner of a homestead; and about one person in every ten has become a landholder. The government lets them have the land on very easy terms of payment. Women have the same political rights as are possessed by men. They can vote, hold public office, and hold property in their own names. The government has established postal savings banks at which any one may deposit money; what is equally good, the money is loaned at a small rate of interest to farmers while they are waiting for their crops. What is still better, the bank never fails, leaving the depositors to whistle for their money. The government owns and operates most of the railways, telegraph lines, and telephone system. There is good service at a low cost. The government manages and supports all public schools. Attendance is compulsory and practically everything is free from the kindergarten to the university. There are old-age pensions for deserving poor people of good character; there are likewise prisons for those of criminal character--and the two are pretty apt to get together. "Bad" trusts and monopolies have not got the upper hand anywhere in New Zealand and the government sees to it that they do not. Great Britain appoints a governor of the colony, but the people elect a legislative council and a house of representatives. New Zealand has also something more than productive lands; the colony has plenty of coal fields, gold-mines, silver-mines, iron ore, and copper ore. Even if all the rest of the world were closed against this far-away colony, the New Zealanders could worry along quite well, for they easily rank among the most prosperous and well-governed people in the world. CHAPTER XXVIII SAMOA AND FIJI The Samoa, or Navigator's, Islands, discovered by a Dutch navigator in 1722, attracted but little attention until the introduction of Christianity in 1830. Only a few of the group are inhabited; the others are chiefly barren rocks. The islands are of volcanic origin, and earthquakes are frequent, but not severe. Fringing coral reefs form barriers that in a great measure protect the islands from heavy seas. The group lie on the steamship route between Australia and the Pacific coast of North America; hence they are important to the United States. The larger islands are mountainous and well forested. Some of the mountains attain the height of five thousand feet. Early in the '80's there were three rival chiefs, each of whom wanted to be king. As a result, they were at war most of the time, and the property of Americans and Europeans suffered greatly. So, in 1889, Great Britain, Germany, and the United States formed a joint protectorate over them. Ten years later another outbreak was stirred up by foreign adventurers; so the islands were annexed to Germany and the United States for the sake of peace. The two largest, Savii and Upolu, were ceded to Germany; Tutuila and the Manua group were taken by the United States. On condition of having a free hand in the Cook group, Great Britain gave up all claims. A rich soil, tropical temperature, and a generous rainfall make the islands productive. Americans who live there claim that in no other part of the world can the necessaries of life be obtained so easily as in Samoa. Savii, the largest island, has a smaller area of cultivable land than the others. Once upon a time, however, it was the most densely peopled and the richest island of all Samoa. Then a volcanic eruption covered much of its surface with ash and lava. Perhaps in time the lava fields may become good soil, as they have in Hawaii. Tutuila is one of the four islands belonging to the United States; the other three, Tau, Ofu, and Olosenga, belong to the Manua group. All of them together are not half the size of Rhode Island. Tutuila is perhaps the most important island of Samoa, because of its fine harbor, Pago Pago--Pango Pango, the Samoans pronounce it. Pago Pago is certainly a fine harbor. The entrance is so narrow that it can be closed easily; then it widens out into a bay two miles long and nearly half a mile wide. When the Panama Canal is completed, Pago Pago will be right in the track of steamships from Europe and the United States bound for Australia. Apia, on the island of Upolu, is the port of the Germans. The harbor is larger, but it is not so well protected. In 1889, when a typhoon struck Apia (both the town and the shipping), very few buildings escaped damage or destruction. And the shipping?--well, there was not much left. There were six warships and a lot of sailing-vessels in the V-shaped harbor. When the storm raged hardest it seemed to grow a bit more furious. Some of the vessels dragged their anchors and were piled up as wrecks on the beach. Others foundered and went to the bottom with all aboard. Three or four managed to get out of the bay into the open sea, where they were fairly safe. But Pago Pago harbor is large and deep. What is still better, it is surrounded by bluffs and mountains that will shelter a big fleet against even the fury of a typhoon. Most of the islands are covered with a dense vegetation, tropical and richly colored. There is an abundance of hardwood trees, but the breadfruit, banana, and cocoa-palm are the most useful. The breadfruit-tree grows wild, but it is also cultivated. The fruit is about the size of an ordinary cantaloupe. In some species the fruit is filled with seeds nearly as large as chestnuts and these are sometimes eaten. The best fruit, however, is filled with starchy matter. It is cooked in many ways, but it is greatly relished when baked in hot ashes covered with live coals. After it is thus cooked, it is cut open and the rich juicy pulp scooped out. When cooked with meat and gravy it is superior to the finest mushrooms. The cocoa-palm is a source of not a little profit. The thick husk yields a fibre that is much used in making coarse mats; the dried meat of the nut is the copra of commerce. Large quantities are exported to the United States and Europe in order to obtain the oil; and the oil is used chiefly to make soap. The native Samoans are lighter colored than most Polynesians, and are the finest native peoples of the South Pacific Ocean. Many years ago missionaries and teachers settled in Samoa and they found the natives to be pretty apt scholars. By nature they were dignified and polite; they also learned quickly the arts of civilized life. Nowadays nearly every native village has its church and school-house. The Samoans are fond of music and one may hear American hymns and melodies in nearly every native house. The native houses are larger than most of the houses one finds among the Pacific islands. Two or more long posts support the ridge pole and a great number of shorter posts hold the lower edges of the roof. The roof itself consists of closely fitted mats of brush thickly thatched with the leaves of wild sugar cane. A well-made roof lasts a dozen years or more. Mats of sugar-cane closely woven are loosely fastened to the outer rows of posts so that they can be easily put up or taken down. They form the side walls of the house. The floor is made of clay, paved with pebbles. Usually there is a floor covering of mats. In the centre of the floor is a fire pit which serves for the purpose of cooking during the day and to drive out the mosquitoes at night. The beds and chairs are mats and the pillows are made of bamboo. The Samoans know how to live well. With each house there is pretty certain to be a garden in which yams, taro, sweet potatoes, bananas, fruit, and chickens are grown. Then, there are fish and shrimps that can be caught in abundance. But the chief and most highly prized dish is called "poi." Taro and kalo are names--or a name, rather; for they are different forms of the same word--given to several plants that grow from starchy bulbs. One kind of taro looks much like a lily that grows higher than a tall man. The bulb, or root, is first baked and then ground to a paste with water. When thus prepared, it is set aside until it begins to ferment; then it is ready to be eaten. A great dish or pot of poi is placed on a mat and the family gather around, one after another dipping it out with their hands. To foreigners poi has a most unpleasant, disagreeable taste. When made into cakes and baked, however, it is much relished by foreigners. Kava is the national drink. It is made from the roots of a shrub belonging to the pepper family. The root is ground between stones and then soaked in water. After a while it is pounded and rubbed until all the milky juice is squeezed out of it. When "extra-fine" kava is wanted, young girls chew the root until it has become pulpy. After standing a day or two it is strained and is then ready to be drunk. It is a cooling and refreshing drink, but if taken too freely is apt to tangle one's legs uncomfortably. On account of its delightful climate and beautiful scenery, Samoa is one of the most attractive places in the world in which to live. Back in the mountains, a few miles from Apia, Robert Louis Stevenson spent the last few years of his life, and his body is buried on the top of the mountain near by. Stevenson was greatly beloved by the natives, and after his death he was mourned by them as one of their very best friends. Of all the islands in the South Pacific Ocean, the Fiji group is the most important. All told there are more than two hundred islands, but scarcely one-third of them are inhabited, or even habitable. Two of them are large. One, Viti Levu, is about the size of Connecticut; the other, Vanua Levu, is about two-thirds the size of that State. The famous Dutch sailor Abel Janszoon Tasman, whose name is remembered in Tasmania, saw the larger islands in 1643. About one hundred and thirty years later Captain Cook called at Viti Levu and found himself in the midst of a great cannibal feast. In 1840, Captain Charles Wilkes, in charge of a United States expedition, explored them; shortly afterward they became a possession of Great Britain. The larger islands are great domes of lava built up by volcanic eruptions; many of the smaller ones are coral formations, and all are fringed with coral reefs. Dense forests of tropical vegetation cover the larger islands. Cocoanut and other palms are everywhere to be found. A species of pine, much like the kauri pine of New Zealand, grows on the larger islands. Among the forest trees are also several kinds of tree-ferns and a tree-nettle. When the pointed leaves of the latter prick the skin they sting the flesh as badly as does a wasp. The English have done well by both the islands and the islanders. They have made the islands yield a good yearly profit to the government itself, but they have also made the natives industrious and contented. When the first British settlements were made in Fiji, the islanders were in a most degraded condition. They did no work except to grow a few yams, bananas, and breadfruit. Their chief employment was war, and this was carried on, not for conquest, but to capture as many as possible. A few captives were held as slaves, but most of them were fattened--to be killed and eaten at the royal feasts. [Illustration: Native canoe, Fiji Islands] Notwithstanding all this there was the making of a very superior people in them; for when the missionaries and the teachers got among them the natives proved very apt pupils. Now there are more than twelve hundred church buildings--and a school-house or two for every church. Some of the ministers and teachers are English, but there are about four thousand native teachers and ministers, nearly all of whom were trained for their work in the island schools. They are fine farmers, probably the best in the islands of the Pacific. They grow bananas, pineapples, peanuts, and lemons for the Australians, copra and tobacco for the British, and rice, taro, and garden vegetables for themselves. They have learned to irrigate their farms, using open ditches and bamboo mains. They make the finest canoes to be found in the Pacific. Some of the canoes are barges nearly one hundred feet in length; and not even the Hawaiians are more expert in using them. Not a little profit to the islanders comes from the sea. They are expert divers and gather large quantities of pearl shells, which find a ready market with the button-makers of Europe. Fish are caught, dried, and sold in China. One sea product, the bêche-de-mer, a marine animal commonly called "sea-cucumber," is highly prized by the Chinese, who use large quantities; most of it is gathered by the Fijians. Sugar, however, is the chief product of the islands, and the sugar plantations are owned by great companies that have invested millions of pounds sterling in the business. The plantations altogether produce more than three million dollars' worth of sugar yearly. The native islanders will not work in the sugar fields; so coolies from India were brought to the islands to work on the plantations. Suva (Viti Levu), and Leonka (Ovalu), the two largest towns, are much like European cities, except that the houses are low and have large yards filled with shade trees and flowers. In the native villages the dwellings are much like those in Samoa, though a trifle better, perhaps. The side walls are covered with plaited reeds, and the roof is thatched with palm leaves securely fastened. In the lowlands it is customary to build a platform of rock upon which the house stands and into which the foundation poles are set. This is done for two reasons: when a typhoon sweeps over the islands, the lowland coast is sometimes flooded; moreover, the wind blows with such terrific force that none but the most strongly built house will withstand it. In the centre of the floor is a pit, or fireplace, much like the cooking-place one sees in Samoa or in Hawaii. Chickens and pieces of meat to be roasted are hung from a frame over the pit. Yams and other vegetables are boiled in earthen vessels which the native potters make. The floors are covered with closely woven mats; and in order to keep them clean an earthen vessel filled with water is kept outside so that whoever enters the house may bathe his feet. Inasmuch as the natives go barefoot one may see the usefulness of this custom. Great Britain has many islands in this part of the Pacific; Gilbert, Ellice, Tonga, Cook, and some of the Solomon group all fly the Union Jack. There is an English governor, or "High Commissioner," as he is styled, who looks after British affairs in the islands. In Fiji he is the real governor, but in many of the islands native chiefs and kings govern their peoples about as they please, provided they do not interfere with British interests. CHAPTER XXIX THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS Almost midway between the United States and China a mountain chain more than three thousand miles long crosses the tropic of Cancer. Only the highest peaks, however, reach above sea level; most of the range is fathoms deep in the waters of the Pacific. The eastern end of this great chain constitutes the Hawaiian group of islands, or the Territory of Hawaii. Altogether they are pretty nearly as large as the State of New Jersey, or five times the size of Rhode Island. All the islands are very rugged in surface--steep and high cliffs, deep valleys and canyons, and stupendous craters that have vomited great floods of lava. A little way from shore the Pacific has some of its deepest beds. If the sea could be removed the island of Hawaii would be a great dome five miles high. The coral polyps have added their mite to the building of these islands, and coral reefs are the foundation of the coast plain that surrounds a considerable part of the girth of each. An equable climate throughout the year, a soft and balmy air, brilliant coloring on bush and tree, magnificent pictures of sea and sky, and of mountain and plain, make the islands a veritable paradise. It is thought that these islands were peopled by Samoan natives about the year 600, and that subsequently their number was augmented by emigrants from the Fiji and other southern islands. At first there was plenty of land for all, but as their number increased, quarrels arose. Each island had its king or chief and some of the larger islands had two or more. The result was a condition very much like the feudal system; each king had petty chiefs, and these, in turn, their retainers, who were little better than slaves. Priests, who ranked equal to the petty chiefs, directed their pagan worship and occasionally made human sacrifices. The kings were pretty apt to be at war with one another most of the time, but, about forty years before the American Revolution, there came a great soldier and leader, Kamehameha I. By the aid of European weapons and the counsel of foreign friends, he overcame his rivals and brought all the islands under his sway. The Hawaiian Islands were made known to the rest of the world when that plucky English sailor, Captain James Cook, was making his third and last great voyage of discovery, in which he had set out to find the famous and tragic northwest passage. On a roundabout way to Bering Strait, he called at the islands which seemed very attractive to him. Perhaps it is not quite right to say that he discovered them, for it seems very probable that the Spanish explorer Gaetano discovered them in 1555. [Illustration: General view of Volcano House, Kilauea, Hawaii] It was 1789 when Cook first visited the islands, and after he had continued his voyage through Bering Strait, and had failed to find the northwest passage, he turned about and sailed for the islands. While ashore with a part of his crew at a landing that is now the village of Kealakekua, one of the ship's boats was stolen by natives. Now Cook had learned to manage South Sea islanders in a very practical, though not the most tactful, way. When trouble occurred he used to send out a strong landing party, seize the king or chief and take him aboard the vessel--a proceeding which usually brought the natives to terms. But at this particular time the landing party was driven to the boats and Cook was killed. The group of islands was first named after Lord Sandwich, a patron and friend of Cook. At the time of Cook's discovery of the long-forgotten islands it was estimated that their population was not far from four hundred thousand. Missionaries went to the islands early in the nineteenth century and their reports brought many Americans and Europeans who settled there permanently. Then the chief business of the islands was the ordinary trade with the many whaling vessels that were in the Pacific. For a time the islands were under the protection of Great Britain; then they became an independent kingdom. When it was found that the lava fields made the best sugar-growing soil in the world, American capital came in millions of dollars to be invested in great plantations of sugar cane. Trouble between the queen and American business interests became so serious in time that the queen was dethroned and the Republic of Hawaii was established. The republic was short-lived, however; for when the Spanish-American war occurred, it was seen that Hawaii is the key to the Pacific Ocean. The Hawaiians, foreigners and natives, had long wished to become a part of the United States. So the islands were annexed and shortly became the Territory of Hawaii. There are six large islands--Hawaii, Maui, Oahu, Kauai, Molokai, and Lanai. There are many small outlying islets, most of which are not inhabited. Wireless telegraph stations connect the principal islands; an ocean cable ties the Territory to San Francisco; and steamship lines carry on commerce with British, Japanese, and American ports. Even the railway-builder has not forgotten Hawaii, for there are not far from two hundred miles of railroad, about half of which carry the products of the sugar and coffee plantations to the near-by ports. Hawaii, the largest island, is famous for its great volcanoes, Kea, Loá, and Kilauea. From the village or city of Hilo comfortable coaches take visitors over a fine road clear to the crater of Kilauea. At times one may stand on the edge of Kilauea's rampart and look down on a lake of white-hot, molten lava three miles long and half as wide. Every now and then bubbles of gas or steam come to the surface and exploding send long threads of viscous lava into the air. Some of the glassy threads are fine as the finest silk and a blast of air carries them off to the cliff; Pele's hair, they call it, and the sea-gulls gather it to make their nests. [Illustration: A lake of white-hot molten lava. The volcano of Mauna-Loá, Hawaii] The highest points of Hawaii island are nearly fourteen thousand feet above sea level. Below the line of about ten thousand feet easterly winds bring an abundance of rain; above that line westerly winds bring occasional showers and snow squalls. As a result one may find places only a few miles apart, one of which has almost daily rains while the other gets none at all along the lowland coasts. Oahu is the best-known island because of Honolulu, the capital of the Territory. A most beautiful city it is; indeed, there is nothing elsewhere to surpass it in attractiveness--wide streets, beautiful parks, flower gardens of wonderful plants, fine dwellings, electric street cars, good government, and schools that are famous. All these things make Honolulu one of the most desirable and attractive cities of homes anywhere in the world. Just back of Honolulu is a volcanic peak with its great crater--the "Punch Bowl," they call it, because of its shape. As one looks down from the rim of the Punch Bowl the city is half hidden among its palms and algeroba trees. Above the trees are the domes and turrets of the National Palace, the government building, and the school-houses. In the distance here and there are the great plantations--sugar, rice, and banana. In the city streets one will see the people of many lands--Germans, English, Americans, native Hawaiians, Chinese, Japanese, Koreans, Malays, and Hindoos. Many of the native Hawaiians are rich and prosperous; some are in business, and others are in professional life. Many of the Chinese are well-to-do merchants. The Hindoos, Malays, and Japanese were brought to Hawaii to work in the great plantations. In the native villages one will frequently find a little church building and almost always the district school. Perhaps there may also be a Chinese store. Black-eyed children are running about dressed in long gowns, and some of them carry little bundles of school-books, each tied with stout cord or a leather strap. The Hawaiians will not work in the sugar and the rice fields, and not many will stand the easier labor on the coffee plantations. In cultivating their little patches of bananas, breadfruit, cassava, and taro, however, they are pretty industrious. When the time of the royal feast comes, the natives, or "Kanakas," as they call themselves, get busy. The feast certainly is a royal one. Roast pig and roast chicken are smoking in a dozen dirt ovens. There are steaming yams and sweet potatoes by the bushel, great piles of all sorts of fruit--and poi. All the rest of the food is commonplace; poi is _the_ dish. It is one-finger poi, two-finger poi, or three-finger poi, according as it is thick enough to be lifted out of the pot sticking to one finger, or so thin as to require a dextrous swish of two or three. Waikiki is the great resort of Honolulu. There is the finest of bathing the year round; and what is more interesting, the native surf swimmers. With a piece of plank just large enough to support his weight in the water, the bather swims out to the reef in still water. Then he, or she--for young girls are most expert swimmers--makes for open water, where the combers are forming. Then, lying flat, bather and plank are borne along on the swift rolling surf until both are tossed high on the beach. The aquarium is famous for its unique collection of fish and marine animals; it is one of the finest in the world. Near by is the race course and amphitheatre. What is still better is the winding road through ferns and flowers that leads to the crater rampart, Diamond Hill. Half a dozen miles west of Honolulu one goes by rail around the shore of Pearl Lochs, or Harbor. Pearl Harbor is large enough and deep enough to float all the warships Uncle Sam will ever own, and the possession of this magnificent site for a naval station was a very strong inducement to annex Hawaii. Less than one hundred miles away, at Kalaupapa, on the island of Molokai, is the leper settlement. Years ago Chinese settlers brought the disease to Hawaii; then the natives began to be stricken, and when it was found that leprosy was spreading, the lepers were sent to Molokai. For many years they had but little care; the government fed and clothed the poor victims and that was about all. In 1873 Father Damien, a plucky Catholic priest, went to Molokai and thereby made himself practically a prisoner for life. Father Damien procured physicians, trained nurses, and the best possible care for the lepers, and they could at least die in comfort if they could not live. Then Father Damien himself was stricken and died. By this time, however, the government took the matter in hand. A fine hospital was built and a laboratory for the study of the disease was established. Those who are able to work can partly support themselves, and they are far better off when busy than when idle. In 1848 the "Great Division" took place; that is, the lands for the king, for the public domain, and for the people were set aside, so that the people who so desired could own their farms and dwellings. At that time the islands were important only as a calling place for whaling vessels. At the present time Dame Nature is made to yield annually not far from one hundred million dollars' worth of products--sugar, rice, coffee, fruit, and cattle. A few years hence, tobacco, rubber, cotton, and honey will be added to the list of exported products. Americans own the sugar plantations, which are mainly on the lava fields of Hawaii, Oahu, and Maui Islands. The Chinese and Japanese cultivate the rice along the coast lowlands of Oahu and Kauai. Sheep and cattle are grown on Lanai and Niihau. Uncle Sam has brought some very valuable additions to his public domain, but no investment has paid better than Hawaii, the Paradise of the Pacific. CHAPTER XXX GUAM While cruising in the Pacific Ocean Magellan discovered a chain of islands about fifteen hundred miles east of the Philippine group. While he lay at anchor, predatory natives stole some of his belongings; thereupon Magellan gave them a bad name, and to this day the islands bear the name Ladrones, or "thieves" islands. Guam, the largest island in the group, became more or less important just after the Spanish-American War, inasmuch as it was required as one of our chain of naval and coaling stations that pretty nearly encircles the earth. As islands go, Guam is of fair size, about thirty miles long and from three to ten miles in width. It is mountainous and the surface is jungle-covered except where the natives have made trails and clearings. Fringing coral reefs, broken here and there, encircle the island. One of these breaks is opposite a bight in the coast, San Luis d'Apra, or Apra, as it is now called; and the bay and channel together form a harbor so well guarded that no transport laden with hostile troops would ever attempt landing. In 1668 a mission was established. At this time the population numbered about one hundred thousand. The country was so well cultivated that the whole island seemed like a beautiful garden, for the people were pretty good farmers. Rice and tropical fruits were cultivated in abundance. The natives were also skilful in the making of pottery and they had a well-regulated calendar. For a time they were well disposed toward their intruders; but at length, as they began to learn that conversion to the Christian faith meant also slavery to the Spanish, they rebelled against a system which was so one-sided, and their opposition led to constant strife and bloodshed. In the course of time the severe treatment of the Spaniards, together with contagious diseases introduced, so completely wiped out the native population that, at the end of seventy years, scarcely two thousand were left. Perhaps no peoples in all the South Sea Islands have suffered more keenly from contact with Europeans than these aborigines. Frightened at the terrible mortality they had caused, the conquerors turned to the Philippines to replenish the depopulated island. Tagals were brought over to occupy the place of the fast-disappearing natives, and with these many of the natives intermarried. The half-castes are inferior to the original inhabitants, but they have increased in population, and now number ten thousand. Spain ceded Guam to the United States in 1898. Since the acquisition our government has established both day and evening schools for the natives, and they are making rapid progress in education. It is a long journey to Guam--thirty-five hundred miles almost from Honolulu and not quite half as far from Manila. And how to get there? Well, it is not an easy matter. If you go to Apia, or to Manila, and remain long enough--perhaps six weeks, maybe six months--a German trading schooner will come along and take you aboard. You get there in time; for the trading schooner is likely to make a very circuitous trip, calling at a dozen islands to get copra in exchange for cloth, knives, and cheap jewelry. But if one happens to have the right sort of "pull," one can get a pass on an army transport. That means a most delightful trip from San Francisco to Honolulu, and thence to Guam. Uncle Sam does the square thing by his soldiers, and the army transports that carry them to the distant stations are fitted so as to be as comfortable as the best liners. There are a big exercise deck and a reading-room with plenty of books. Not the least important part of the equipment is a self-playing piano and a good assortment of music. [Illustration: Native ploughing in rice-field, Guam. One may find rice-farms as skilfully cultivated as those of Japan or China] There is not very much to see after one reaches Guam. One village is just about the same as all the others. Perhaps half a dozen huts are built of mud, or possibly of coral limestone; the rest are made of bamboo frames covered with palm--all in one room in which the family and the pig live. Agaña, however, is a village of six or seven thousand people. It is laid out in streets which are fairly regular. They are deep with dust during the dry season, and with mud the rest of the year. There are several government buildings which are neat and trim, two or three churches, several school buildings, and a few stores. Most of the people one meets on the street speak Spanish; a few speak English. English is the coming language, however; for the schools are there to stay and every one of the fifteen hundred youngsters who attend school carries away a little English. A fine road bordered with palms connects Agaña with Apra, seven miles south. There is not much to see in Guam. The scenery is much like that of every island in that part of the Pacific. About the only diversion of the soldiers stationed there is hunting, which is pretty good if one is content to hunt deer and wild hogs. Artistic sportsmen might prefer the deer, but all the real fun is the share of the hog-hunters. The hogs are savage beasts when cornered; they likewise are full of animal cunning. Along the coast lowlands one may find rice-farms as skilfully cultivated as those of Japan or of China. Most of the rice is consumed on the island; however, copra, or dried cocoanut, is an export, and its sale brings enough money to the natives to purchase the cloth and other goods needed. Since American occupation the caçao tree has been cultivated, and cocoa bids fair to be the chief export in the near future. The government of Guam is better under American rule than at any time in the previous history of the island. When the late Admiral Schroeder was governor of Guam he consulted his log-book and discovered that he was altogether too far away from Washington to be tied to rules and regulations, or to be tangled up in official red tape. So he cut the tape and used good common sense instead. Perhaps the government was a bit patriarchal, but it was good, clean, and wholesome--and every one profited by it. CHAPTER XXXI THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS Our newest possession, the Philippine Archipelago, in a way, is also our oldest, for the islands were discovered by Ferdinand Magellan in 1521, about twenty-nine years after the great discovery of Columbus. Magellan called at several islands, among them Mindanao and Cebú. He anchored in the harbor on which the city of Cebú now stands. He seems to have been treated in a very friendly manner by the natives of Cebú, but when he crossed to a near-by island he was attacked and killed. The friendship of the King of Cebú was not very steadfast, for after Magellan's death several of his officers were put to death by the king's order. For two hundred and forty years the islands were a possession of Spain; then they were captured by a British fleet. They were soon restored to Spain, however, and remained a Spanish possession until 1898, when they were ceded to us after the Spanish-American War. There are more than three thousand islands in the archipelago, and they are the partly covered tops of a mountainous and rugged plateau. Many volcanoes testify to the volcanic origin of the plateau; indeed, the surface of the plateau seems to be a thin crust over--well, over trouble; for the dozen or more volcanoes are never quiet long enough to be forgotten. Perhaps it was proper to name the islands after Philip II of Spain, for he, too, had his full measure of trouble. The archipelago is of pretty good size. The whole plateau, land and water, is about as large as that part of the United States east of Chicago; and the islands themselves are pretty nearly as large as the State of Texas. Luzon, the largest island, is about as large as Pennsylvania, and Mindanao is a bit smaller. Then there are Samar, Panay, Palawan, and Cebú--every one large enough to make a State of fair size, and every one with enough people to make a State. There are about seven million people all told, most of whom are of the Malay race. As a rule, they are pretty well along toward civilization; some of them are educated. There are also tribes of the black race--Negritos, they are called--who are just plain savages. They are the original inhabitants of the islands, and it is most likely that they are the descendants of people from New Guinea. In the southwest is the Sulu group, inhabited by Malays, called Moros. They are Muhammadans in religion and are the last of the Malays who came to the islands. Of all the Malay peoples, the Tagalogs of Luzon have been the foremost to learn the arts of western civilization. They have surpassed their near relatives, the Visayans, who live in the central part of the islands. Perhaps it is the closer contact with the Spanish that has given the Tagalogs their great progress. At all events they have become well to do and prosperous as measured by other Malay peoples. The Moros, who live mainly in the southern part, have scarcely reached civilization. In the Sulu islands they have their own government, at the head of which is a native sultan. In many parts of the islands there are tribes governed by chiefs called "dattos." Some of the natives are prosperous farmers, but many of them are savages. A great deal has been said about the misrule and cruelty of the Spanish governors and officials. Being soldiers and task-masters it is likely that they did many things that will not stand the searchlight of civilization. But the work of the priests will always leave a pleasant flavor. For three hundred years they braved every danger and suffered every hardship in their work. For every one that fell a victim to disease, or to the bolo, there was another ready to fill his place. They not only converted the natives to Christianity, but they also taught them to be thrifty farmers and prosperous business men. As a result the Filipinos are the only Asian people of considerable numbers that have yet become Christians. [Illustration: The carabao, harnessed to a dray or wagon, shuffles along] When the Philippine Islands became a possession of the United States, one of the first things done was to establish several thousand schools. A thousand American teachers were at first employed. Training schools for teachers were established, and in the course of a few years more than five thousand Filipino teachers were conducting native schools. English is taught in all the schools, and there are special schools in which agriculture, mechanical trades, and commerce are taught. There is good reason for all this, for the islands have wonderful resources. Gold, silver, copper, and iron are abundant. The forests have an abundance of hard woods that sooner or later will find a market both in Europe and America. The rice-fields will easily produce enough grain for the whole population, and a considerable amount to sell in addition, when all the rice-lands are cultivated. For want of good wagon roads and railways only a small part of the rice-lands are cultivated. There is an abundance of good grazing land that will produce meat for twice the present population. Most of the cattle now grown in the islands are of the kind found in India. The most common beast of burden, however, is the carabao, or water-buffalo. What an ugly looking beast it is! It is as clumsy as a hippopotamus, as ugly as a rhinoceros, and as kind and gentle as an old muley cow. Harnessed to a dray or a wagon, it shuffles along, its big, flat feet seeming to walk all over the road. But those same big feet are the animal's chief stock in trade. They enable him to walk through both sand and deep mud--mud so soft and deep that a horse or a mule would sink to its body. Nothing but the carabao's flatboat-like feet could drag ploughs through the soft mud of the rice-fields. Carabaos are easily trained to farm work, and even children can drive them--or ride on their backs in going to school. The milk of a carabao is as good and wholesome as that of an ordinary cow; the meat is pretty tough, but it is not unwholesome. One thing, however, the carabao must have, and that is a bath several times a day. Deprived of its bath, the animal at first becomes restless; then it breaks away in a half-crazed condition for the nearest water, where it buries itself, all but its head. Native drivers know just how to manage their animals and drive them to the nearest water several times a day. There are horses in the islands, but not many. Most of them are very much like the mustang. The Spanish brought Andalusian ponies to the islands many years ago, but they did not prove very useful. Within a few years American horses were introduced, but they could not live on Philippine grasses. Mexican mustangs and Mongolian ponies were much better, however, but they are used chiefly as riding animals. Of all the beasts of burden in the Philippine Islands, none is in the same class with John Chinaman. Everywhere his bland smile is seen; his patience has no end--and, apparently, his work has none. The Filipino farmer works merely to keep body and soul together; John Chinaman works to save hard cash, and he saves it. Wherever there is any money to be made, John is pretty certain to be near by. He is the cook and "maid-of-all-work" in the house of the foreign resident, the stevedore on the dock, the clerk in the forwarding house, the "boss" in the rice plantation, the handy man in the tobacco factory, and the store-keeper in the remote Filipino village. Sixteen hours of hard work every day and Sunday seem to make him grow fat; the rest of the time he just works for fun--and hard cash. Long before the Chinese coolie came to the United States the Spanish raised the cry "The Chinese must go." The Spanish made short work of them, killing them by thousands and tens of thousands. But in a year or two John was on hand again, smiling and working sixteen hours a day--strictly for cash. And he is in the Philippine Islands to stay. As a rule the Filipinos rarely live isolated as do the American farmers. Almost always they cluster in villages of one or two hundred people. The Filipino is not likely to cultivate a big farm. Two or three acres will supply the family with all the food required, and the Chinese merchant will buy enough of his produce to provide a few dollars in cash and the cloth for the family wearing apparel. In the smaller villages there is an open place that answers for a street, but the houses are apt to be scattered about without much regularity of arrangement. The houses, like those of the Pacific islands generally, are built of bamboo frames--heavy pieces for the framework itself and woven bamboo splints for the side sheathing. The roof is carefully thatched with the leaves of the nipa-palm and these are sewn into a thick mat with ratan. In places where the ground is likely to be overflowed, each house is set on posts so that the floors are several feet from the ground. In this case the "pig" does not "live in the parlor"; the pigs and chickens occupy the "ground floor." All told, the Filipino village mansion may not be very ornate, but it is extremely comfortable. The larger villages and cities are built much alike. There is a plaza or public square. Around the four sides, and facing the plaza, are the church, government buildings, and stores. The more pretentious residences are near by. Further away these give place to the Filipino, or "nipa houses," as they are called. The street surrounding the plaza is broad and well kept; elsewhere the streets are quagmires in the rainy, and dust holes in the dry season. Pretty nearly always there is a Chinese quarter that is crowded and dirty; quite likely, too, the best stores in the town are kept by Chinese merchants. That is the way the Spaniards laid out their cities and towns in Spain; they did not change the plan in the Philippines. The houses built for them in the islands are much like those in Spanish towns--adobe walls plastered with stucco, and roofed with tiles. [Illustration: The harbor of the city. Scene on the Pasig River, Manila] Manila is the capital and commercial centre of the islands. It is a city about as large as Seattle, and is situated at the head of a landlocked body of water, Manila Bay. Corregidor Island, a little dark-green islet, guards the entrance to the bay; and one cannot see the wicked guns that are ready to pour a raking fire into a hostile fleet until one is within a few hundred yards of the island. The only thing visible at a distance is a flag flying from a high mast; but it is the Stars and Stripes that bends to the east wind. The bay is a good-sized bit of water, too. In the middle of it one can just barely see the gray, misty hills that surround it. Then the shore line begins to take shape and the mouth of Pasig River seems to open in front of the incoming steamship. In a few minutes the harbor of the city is in sight. Steamships, with their painted stacks and funnels, and sailing vessels, with every sort of mast and rigging, crowd the harbor. Row-boats by the hundred are moving in every direction, and little steam-launches and motor-boats are spitting viciously as they go back and forth. The lower part of the city is almost like Amsterdam; it is traversed by canals, great and small, in which are fishing-smacks waiting to have the catch taken to market. Puffy, wheezy tugs are making fast to huge cascoes, or lighters; for the cargoes must be taken from the docks to the steamships and sailing-vessels out in the harbor. The Pasig is only ten or twelve miles in length. It flows from a near-by lake, and both sides of the river are lined with villages, and market-gardens, and duck-hatcheries. The business streets are crowded with carts and drays. Here and there are smart-looking carriages carrying well-groomed men, who talk little and look rich. There could not be more style and ceremony about them if they were in New York, London, or Paris. Trim-looking soldiers in khaki uniforms, native Filipinos in white suits, Chinese in silk gowns and long sleeves, native women wearing red skirts and black shawls, native coolies in loose blouses and short pantaloons--all go to make up the throng of the streets. Most of the houses are two stories in height with arcades or awnings that shelter the sidewalks. And such narrow sidewalks!--they are hardly wide enough for more than three people to walk abreast. But even the business houses are built for comfort. The roof has a broad overhang, and quite likely there is a covered veranda. Many of the Filipinos of Manila are educated and prosperous. Their houses are said to be furnished in European style, and likewise their clothing. Sure enough everything bears a "made in Germany" mark, but everything looks distinctly Filipino. The head of the family wears a suit of spotless white duck, but it has a military cut--and perhaps he goes about the house barefoot; if so, he knows what real comfort is. [Illustration: Extracting indigo in Ilocos Province, Philippine Islands] Mother and daughters wear skirts of beautiful brocaded silk, very wide and full; above the skirt is a loose garment much like a shirt-waist cut low at the neck, and over this a lace cape with a wide, flowing collar. Possibly they wear heelless slippers, but just as likely they, too, are barefoot--when no visitors are present. Perhaps such suits are not quite so becoming as the trim, tailor-made suits in New York, but they are a lot more comfortable. A short distance from the Escolta, or chief business street, is one of the many markets of Manila. The whole space is laid off with rows of bamboo booths. Pretty nearly everything to eat, to wear, or to furnish the house is on hand--or rather in loose piles--fish, duck's eggs, meat, rice, pinole, fruit of forty kinds, straw hats, straw sandals, straw raincoats, tin ware from America, wooden ware from Holland, and clay stoves "made in Manila." Every alley has its own wares, and John Chinaman with his baskets balanced on a long pole puts a finishing touch to the market. A Filipino cannot be emphatic in an ordinary tone of voice. Buyer and seller work themselves up to high C pitch until it seems as though nothing short of a fit would overtake both. Bedlam is turned loose in every part of the market. Usually a man and his wife are required to conduct the business at a booth. Their bare feet sticking out from the skirts bob up and down, beating time to the clatter of their voices. Here comes a man whose sole stock in trade consists of a single article, namely, a python. His goods are twined about a pole with a cross piece for a perch, but the snake's tail has a loving twist around the owner's neck. What for?--well, the python has a sweet tooth for rats and mice and the sweet tooth of this particular snake is on edge for a square meal. Years ago foreign ships brought rats from various countries. In the course of time rats and mice became so numerous that it became a question whether Manila should exterminate the rats or the rats exterminate Manila. Now, those same ships ought to have brought some cats along, too. But it is just as well that they did not, for one python is worth half a dozen cats or rat terriers when business is on hand. The only drawback occurs when the python insists on getting into bed with his owner to keep warm. When in Manila, go to Duck-town by all means. It is only a short distance from the near-by market. The feeding grounds and hatcheries extend for two miles along the river. Hundreds of thousands of ducks are reared at the hatcheries, some for eggs, and others for food. The ducks are fed on shell-fish, and foreigners imagine that both the meat and the eggs have a fishy flavor. Eggs and edible bird's nests are also brought from neighboring sea-cliffs to the Manila markets; and both are considered great delicacies. [Illustration: Manila hemp as it is brought in from the country] Manila is the largest city of the Philippines, but there are also several other cities of good lusty growth. Bauan, Lipa, Laoag, and Batangas--all in Luzon--and Ilo-ilo in Panay are growing in population and business as the resources of the islands develop. Since the American occupation, Uncle Sam has done a great deal to make these ports centres of business; harbors have been deepened; railways have been extended; good roads have been built; and rivers have been made navigable. There are several exports that will always tend to make the Philippines rich. Tobacco is an important crop and the Manila leaf, as it is called, is of very fine quality. There are those who whisper it about that much of the leaf is shipped to Cuba to be made into "Havana" cigars. Sugar is also a great export crop, and when the railways now under way are completed sugar will become one of the foremost exports. The export of copra, or dried cocoanut, is a leading industry, and the Philippine Islands produce a large part of the world's product. One Philippine product, however, connects the islands with almost all the rest of the world, namely, Manila hemp. That is, it is called "hemp," but it is not hemp at all; the fibre is obtained from a plant very closely related to the banana. White leaves or husks grow closely around the stalk of the plant, forming a tightly fitting case. This envelope is composed of thousands of long, strong fibres that, when cleaned and dried, are the hemp that makes the strongest and best rope in the world. After the pulpy leaves are stripped from the stalk, the pulp is squeezed out of them and the fibres are left in the sun to dry. The best fibre is as soft and fine as silk. Some of it is used in making a fine cloth; the coarser fibre is used for rope and hawsers. More than fifteen million dollars worth of Manila hemp is sold yearly. In the treaty with Spain, by which Uncle Sam acquired the islands, twenty million dollars was paid to Spain. But the exports from the Philippines have averaged nearly thirty million dollars a year ever since. CHAPTER XXXII THE DUTCH EAST INDIES--JAVA The East India Islands is a name which embraces nearly all the islands of the Malay Archipelago, together with the Philippines. The largest of these are New Guinea, Borneo, Sumatra, Celebes, and Java. Nearly all of them, except the Philippines and parts of New Guinea and Borneo, are controlled by the Dutch. These fertile islands are a source of great revenue to the Netherlands; to the rest of the world they are the chief source of sugar, spices, and coffee. Of all the Dutch East Indies, Java is by far the most beautiful and productive; it is a garden of the choicest fruits and flowers. There are two seasons, a wet and a dry. During the wet season the torrential rains are accompanied by thunder and lightning. In some parts of the island more than a hundred thunder-storms occur yearly. The average rainfall is from sixty to one hundred and eighty-five inches, most of the rain falling on the windward side. Many of the streams are perennial, and their waters are conducted away to be used in irrigation, thus bringing under cultivation nearly every part of the island. Moreover, the streams themselves hold fertilizing material much of which has been thrown out by volcanoes. The irrigating water itself furnishes sufficient enrichment for the soil, and but very little fertilizing is required. The heat, moisture, and fertile soil, coupled with skilful farming, produce bountiful harvests and make the whole island a smiling field of verdure and plenty. The hills and mountains in many places are terraced, so that at a distance they look like gigantic staircases carpeted with bright green. So fertile is the soil that in some places two or three crops are raised each year. About one-fourth of the surface is covered with forest. Among the most valuable trees is the teak-wood, which is extensively used in ship-building. It is a more durable timber than oak, since it resists decay for a long time, even when wholly or partly submerged in sea water. There are vessels afloat to-day which were built of teak one hundred years ago. The inhabitants, about thirty million in number, are of the Malay race and belong to three nations, speaking closely related but different languages--the Sundanese, Javanese, and Mandurese. The island was wealthy, populous, and had a high degree of civilization long before it was known to Europeans. Long years ago--twelve hundred or more--the Hindoos invaded the country, and in the fifteenth century Muhammadans came. They were followed later by the Dutch who first gained trading concessions and then gradually got possession of the whole island, much in the same way as England secured India. Each conquest left its impress on the people; the Muhammadans converted the natives to their religion. Buddhism preceded the religion of the great prophet, and some of the teachings of Buddha have been retained, together with many pagan customs. The Dutch wisely made no effort to Christianize the natives and, until recently, they have discouraged all such attempts, believing that they could control the people better without disturbing the prevailing religious conditions. Indeed, they manage affairs with the natives wonderfully well. The island is divided into "residences," in each of which the laws are administered by a native governor. A Dutch resident is employed by the colonial government to assist the native governor--really to see that he manages his people justly and fairly, for strict justice has always been observed in dealings with the natives. [Illustration: A breadfruit tree in Java] The Dutch residents are called "elder brothers." Each resident watches his residency with great care to see that the taxes are collected and paid to the government, and that the natives are treated with justice. He is usually the judge who settles all family quarrels and disputes between neighbors. He is just in his judgments and his decisions are not questioned. Affairs are managed in much the same way as the "School City" or the George Settlement in the United States. At the same time the Dutch are very careful to impress their authority on the natives. They require the natives to pay great respect to all officers of the colony. A native who comes into the presence of an official must have his head turbaned and his attire in proper form. Under no circumstances is he permitted to smoke, chew betel-nut, or behave carelessly. The daily work of the natives is very carefully supervised. They are taught where to plant, what to plant, and how to plant their crops. The "elder brothers" also see that the crops are cultivated with care and properly harvested. Java is ruled by a Governor-General and a council appointed by himself. The officers are selected because of their fitness, and most of the subordinates must pass a civil service examination. Once in the East India service an official is fixed for life, and when he has served his time he retires on a pension. Most of the pensioners prefer to remain in the island the rest of their lives. The officials and, indeed, all European residents live well. Stone houses with marble or tile floors, wide verandas, and large gardens are the rule. Breakfast at one o'clock is the substantial meal of the day. It marks not the beginning but the end of the day's work. From one to five the intense heat keeps every one indoors. At five, official Java and all other Europeans bathe, dress, and get ready for dinner. After dinner, driving, calling, and gossiping at the clubs is the proper thing, and nowhere are people more ceremonious. The natives have but little ambition and no desire to do anything for themselves. Now and then there are exceptions, however; and a native may be found pegging away at the studies that will enable him to pass the examinations and hold an official position. As a whole, the native is gentle and polite and yields ready obedience to those in authority. He is fond of amusement, feasts, and gambling; he, moreover, celebrates every possible event--his marriage, the birth of his children, the building of his home, the rice harvest, a return from a journey, a recovery from illness, and even the filing of his teeth. If he, perchance, has not sufficient money to hold the celebration, he can join with a neighbor, then both will share mutually the expense. On all occasions his deportment is quiet, and whether moved by joy or anger, no loud language or boisterous laughter is ever heard. The marriageable age of girls is from twelve to fourteen years, and that of boys sixteen. The night preceding the wedding must be spent by the couple in watching, in order to avert subsequent unhappiness, and the next day they repair to a mosque and are married according to Muhammadan rites and customs. To symbolize her total submission to her husband, the wife washes his feet. Unfortunately, a divorce can be obtained by the husband for a trivial cause by the payment of a small fee. A native, on being asked why he got a divorce from his wife, replied, "She ate too much and I could not afford to keep her." Early in the morning the highways are thronged with people on their way to and from the markets. And the markets?--well, one is certain to find John Chinaman in charge. As a matter of fact, there are more than half a million Chinese in the island, and they have the control of the trade with the natives. But the native Javanese trudges along, balancing two baskets on a long bamboo pole. Women and girls help to make up the throng, and they, too, are laden. At the market pandemonium seems to be loose, and both buyer and seller are shrieking at the top of their voices over a bargain price. There is no question as to which wins; the Chinese merchant is there for business. When the native receives the pay for his produce quite as likely as not he makes for the nearest gambling-house and in half an hour loses the savings of a month. To the natives the greatest terrors are lightning and tigers, both of which claim hundreds of victims each year. They often refrain from killing the tigers, since the tigers kill the wild pigs which destroy their crops. The tiger is killed usually by capturing him in a sort of box-trap, and then the trap is taken to the nearest stream, where it is submerged and the animal drowned, to avoid injury to the skin, which brings a good price. The claws and whiskers are carefully removed and sold as fetiches, since they are considered to be very efficacious. Notwithstanding their hard lot, the people seem happy and there is no starvation poverty. They and their ancestors from time immemorial have always worked hard under task-masters and they know of no better condition. Since their scanty clothing costs but little, if they can have enough to eat and a little amusement occasionally, they are content. When they have money they spend it recklessly, regardless of the future. If the needs of the present are supplied, that is sufficient. When misfortune or disaster overtakes them they merely say: "It is the will of God." The temples built centuries ago are among the most wonderful structures in the world. They vie in size and grandeur with those of India. Thousands of these ruined temples are found scattered everywhere over central and eastern Java, and many of them are built on the slopes and summits of mountains. These ruins give evidence of the wonderful skill in sculpture and building attained by the people in by-gone ages, a skill not excelled even in modern times, but lost to the present inhabitants. The ruins of the great temple of Boro-Bodor, situated in the south-central part of Java, are among the largest and most striking in the world. This temple is square and was built in six terraces or steps on the summit of a hill. The first terrace measures about five hundred feet on each side, while each of the five decreases in size toward the top. The last one is crowned by a cupola fifty-two feet in diameter, surrounded by sixteen smaller ones. Here in this great temple of the dead past may be seen scores of statues, showing on their countenances the peace of Nirvana. On both inside and outside of the structure are hundreds of images of Buddha and carvings of scenes connected with his life. It is estimated that all of the sculptures occupy an extent of wall at least three miles in length. All the figures are carved from large blocks of lava. This wonderful temple is built of lava blocks without lime or mortar, the huge stones being jointed most accurately by tenons, mortises, and dovetails which bind them solidly together. Many of the temples erected by the Buddhists and Brahmanists were destroyed by the Moslem invaders, and others abandoned. All of these edifices became, during the succeeding centuries, overgrown with the luxuriant tropical vegetation and partly buried. Some of them, like that of Boro-Bodor, have been uncovered, displaying hundreds of statues and long lines of bas-relief. Java is one of the most productive regions of the world, otherwise thirty millions of people could not live there. The greater part of the islands consists of government plantations, but there are more than twenty thousand private plantations. The Dutch government has built fine wagon roads and miles of railways, otherwise the great crops of rice, sugar, coffee, and tea could not be moved to the great trade centres and seaports. Rice is the chief crop, but so much is consumed that only a little is left for export. The export rice is sold in Borneo. Most of it is grown on the low coast plains, and these are watered by a net-work of canals. Coffee is the crop that has made Java famous, and Java coffee is regarded the best produced. A few years ago it was the custom to sort the coffee with great care and then to store it several years in order to improve the flavor. The coffee thus seasoned was known as "old government" coffee. Much of the crop is now grown by private owners and is known as "private plantations" coffee. Sugar has become the foremost export crop. Most of it goes to Europe; a small part of it is sent to the refineries of the United States. The great sugar plantations are likewise on the lowlands. Most of the plantations are owned by wealthy Hollanders, or by Dutch companies. The cane grows taller than that of the Cuban plantations; usually it is twice the height of the native laborers and grows so thickly as to make the field like a jungle. It requires a great sum of money to carry on a sugar plantation, for thousands of dollars must be spent in preparing the land. But when one sees the great mills with their ponderous machinery, the thousands of native workmen, and the train loads of sugar which seem to be swallowed by the great steamships, one cannot help thinking that the sugar-planters make a lot of money in their business. Their homes, many of them, are beautiful palaces--as costly as can be found anywhere in Europe. Indigo is another famous product of Java. The indigo plant would look like a rank bunch of weeds were it not planted in rows. The leaves, which contain the coloring matter, are picked two or three times a year and soaked in water. When they begin to rot, the coloring matter leaves the plant and mixes with the water, from which it is afterward separated by boiling. The coloring matter itself is called indigo; it is a beautiful blue used for dyeing yarns and cloth. The blue cotton cloth so much worn by the Dutch peasants is colored with indigo, and both the cloth and the dye find a market in pretty nearly every country in the world. [Illustration: Coffee-drying in Java] Years ago an enterprising Dutch botanist brought to Java some cinchona trees from South America. The experiment was successful and so many trees were afterward planted that Java now furnishes about half the world's supply of quinine, which is extracted from the bark of the tree. Tobacco is extensively grown in Java, but one does not hear much about it, because a great deal of it is sold as "Sumatra" leaf. Tea-growing has become a great industry in Java and the tea in quality is as fine as that grown in China. Women and girls are the pickers. They work with head and arms bare, each wearing a loose gown resembling a Japanese kimona without sleeves. As fast as they are picked the leaves are piled on squares of white cloth. When the cloth contains enough to make a bundle of good size the picker carries it on her head to the factory, where the leaves are first wilted, rolled into compact form and then dried on great stone floors that are shielded from the sun. The hundreds of pickers with their brightly colored gowns and white bundles, form a wonderful kaleidoscope picture. In recent years petroleum, long known to the natives, has added much to the wealth of Java. The thrifty Hollander studied well-drilling in Pennsylvania and California; then he put his training to work on the Javanese oil-fields. As a result Java is beginning to supply not only the East Indies, but also Japan with coal-oil. Years ago travellers used to tell marvellous stories about a certain poison valley of Java in the centre of which stood an upas-tree. The tree itself was famed for the deadly effects of its poisonous exhalations, which killed man, beast, or bird that came near it. These stories proved to be mere fabrications. They grew out of the fact that near by was a valley from which arose at times carbonic-acid gas in sufficient quantity to kill small animals running over certain low places. But the upas played no part, though the juice of the tree is poisonous. Batavia is the capital of the Dutch East Indies. It is on low, flat land, half a dozen miles from the artificial harbor which has not long been finished; for the old port had but little protection from stormy seas and high winds. The swampy land on which the city is built has been drained by canals. Excepting the business streets, the city is almost hidden by the gardens with their profusion of plants. It is the Amsterdam of the Old World; and one will find as good wares in Batavia as in Holland. During the eruption of Krakatoa, Batavia was buried deep in dust and ragged cinders of lava. More than twenty thousand dead were under the heaps of ash. Surabaya is larger than Batavia and has a population of more than one hundred and fifty thousand. But Surabaya has not much trade with Europe; its commerce is mainly with the ports of Asia. The harbor is good and it has become the chief naval station of the Dutch East Indies. The Dutch authorities do not encourage visitors to Java. All visitors must have passports or permits; and if one goes to the interior, officials question him at every turn and demand his permit at every district. CHAPTER XXXIII THE DUTCH EAST INDIES--SUMATRA AND CELEBES Two lofty mountain ranges with a deep valley between them lie at the eastern side of the Indian Ocean. The Malay Peninsula is one range; the island of Sumatra is the other. The floor of the valley between them is covered by the sea and forms the Strait of Malacca. As islands go, Sumatra is of goodly size--larger than New York, Pennsylvania, and the New England States together. From end to end its length is about the distance between Boston and Chicago. Greenland, Borneo, New Guinea, and Madagascar are each larger. The equator crosses Sumatra at its central part. Sumatra is also a possession of the Dutch East Indies, but it is not very important as compared with Java. Although it is three times as large as Java, it has scarcely one-tenth the population. There is a pretty good reason for this. In the first place, the mountainous region is very rugged and much of it is covered with jungle; therefore, it is neither habitable nor productive for mankind. In the second place, the broad plain on the east side of the island is not well adapted to cultivation; it is cut by deep river valleys in the higher parts, swampy in the middle part, and covered with water next the coast during a part of the year. Rather singularly the lakes--and there are many--are not in the low, swampy lands; most of them are high in the mountains. What is still more singular, these lakes are the craters of inactive volcanoes. But Sumatra, like Java, has many active volcanoes. One of these, Dempo, is almost constantly active. Every now and then it discharges great quantities of sulphur gases; these are caught by the rain and, falling on the cultivated lands, kill pretty nearly everything touched. In the jungles nature has been very lavish with life. The forests contain more than four hundred kinds of trees--among them teak, ebony, camphor, and even good pine. Sumatra is also the home of several trees and plants from which gutta-percha is obtained. Railroads to connect the forest belts to the coast are the one thing needed to make Sumatra a lumber-producing country. For some reason or other many of the wild animals that crossed the shallow water between the Malay Peninsula and Sumatra did not cross the Sunda Strait to Java. There are many more kinds of animals in Sumatra than in Java; indeed, nearly all the larger species of wild animals of southern Asia are found in Sumatra, and only a few are in Java. There are many elephants in the uplands; the rhinoceros lives in the lowlands; the tiger lives in the jungle, as in India. The flying "fox" is one of the curiosities of Sumatra. So much for a name, however, for the animal is not a fox but a very large bat. Its wings are membranes that connect the limbs corresponding to one's fingers. Like other bats, it hangs from the limb of a tree, head down, in the daytime, and goes to business at night. Its body is not much larger than that of a hare, but when in flight it is four or five feet from tip to tip. [Illustration: Natives in the jungle, Sumatra] The flying "cat" is likewise a misnamed animal that bears no relationship to pussy, but is a kind of lemur. The wild dog, however, is very much dog and nuisance at the same time--as much of a nuisance as the coyote of the western United States, and far more numerous. The "coffee" rat is likewise a great nuisance wherever found; unfortunately it is found almost everywhere. Monkeys are also numerous. The natives of Sumatra, like those of Java, are Malays. Unlike them, however, they are difficult to govern; some of the interior tribes are fierce and warlike. Near the coast, and in places controlled by the Dutch, the native ruler is subject to an "elder brother" or Dutch commissioner. Most of the tribes of the interior are Muhammadans; they believe that they will be blessed if they are killed in war, and, therefore, they take every opportunity to make war. The natives of Acheen, a province in the northwestern part of the island, have always given the Dutch a great deal of trouble, and they are not fully conquered, even after a hundred years of warfare. One of the interior tribes, it is thought, came from India several hundred years ago, for their religion and customs are much the same as those of the Hindus. Although they are surrounded by savage tribes, and far removed from the civilization, both of India and Europe, they have reached a remarkable condition of civilization of their own. They are excellent farmers and stockmen; they also make firearms, cloth, and jewelry which they sell to the Malay peoples about them. Throughout the island the houses are much like those of Malay peoples elsewhere, with timber frames and thatched roofs. As in the other islands, they are set on posts wherever floods are likely to occur. The larger timbers of many houses are beautifully carved, although many of the designs are grotesque and even hideous. All the houses are clustered in villages. This is done partly for protection against man-eating tigers, and partly because the people are inclined to social life. The club-house is usually to be found in the villages. It is the town hall, bazaar, market, lounging place, and social club combined. Perhaps a wedding and a funeral may be going on there at the same time. Men gamble, and women gossip and chew betel-nut; the peddler likewise shows his bargain-counter wares at the club-house. The great plantations of sugar, coffee, and tobacco are managed much the same as in Java. The rice-fields are cultivated usually by the Chinese, and they have much of the trade in the rice. Sumatra is famous for its tobacco. The plants grow larger and higher than those cultivated in the United States. The leaves are large and the best of them are used as "wrappers," or outer coverings for fine cigars. Sumatra leaf commands a high price, and a considerable amount of the best tobacco is shipped to Cuba and the United States. The coffee crop is also of excellent quality. Some of it reaches the market as "Java" coffee; and, indeed, it is equal to the best coffee grown in Java. The beans are large, light in color, and of fine flavor. Carefully sorted Palembang coffee commands a high price. Sumatra is famous for its pepper, and not far from one-half the world's product of pepper comes from this island. The plant producing pepper is not the pepper-tree so commonly grown for its beautiful foliage and bright red berries in California and Mexico; it is a vine or climbing bush. It is commonly planted near to a sapling, around which it twines; but in many plantations the plants are pruned and trimmed so that they grow unsupported. The pepper of commerce consists of the dried berries or fruit of the vine. It is the custom to pick the berries as they turn red. The berries shrivel and turn black as they dry. These, when ground, are the black pepper of commerce. When fully ripe the color of the berry turns to a pale yellow and the outer skin is easily removed. The "husked" berries are used for making the white pepper of commerce. Sago is also an important product of Sumatra. It is the starchy pith of a kind of palm-tree--the sago-palm. The pith is dried, ground to a powder and washed in order to remove the stringy fibre. In the process of washing, the starchy granules sink to the bottom, while the woody fibre floats off. [Illustration: A jungle, scene in Sumatra] There are several large towns in Sumatra--Siboga, Padang, Benkulen, Telok Belong, and Palembang--but their names are rarely seen in print or spoken. The reason is not hard to find; Singapore, just across the Strait of Malacca, is a free port, with a fine harbor. Vessels from every part of the world call at Singapore, and it is much more convenient to have the Sumatra products marketed there than to send them from Sumatra ports. A few miles to the east of Sumatra are the islands of Banka and Billiton, famous for their tin mines. These mines produce about two-thirds the world's supply of tin. It is interesting to know that the silver-white metal, with which so many of our kitchen utensils are coated, has travelled more than half-way around the world to be used, but this is probably the case. Sunda Strait separates Sumatra from Java. In this narrow strait is situated the island of Krakatoa, remarkable for one of the most destructive volcanic eruptions that have ever occurred. The great eruption was preceded by low rumblings and slight explosions for three months before the volcano burst out in all its fury, on the night of August 26, 1883. The explosions were heard at a distance of many hundred miles and over an area equal to one-thirteenth of the earth's surface. The entire southern part of the island was blown away and the earth was shaken for thousands of miles, the shock being recorded as far as South America. The upheaval caused a tidal wave one hundred and twenty feet high which, with the lava clots and ash ejected, destroyed all of the towns and plantations bordering on both sides of the straits. In this disaster more than forty thousand persons perished and every vestige of animal and vegetable life in the surrounding region disappeared. The only person left to look out upon the scene of destruction was the keeper of the light-house, a structure one hundred and thirty feet high, whose light the gigantic waves merely succeeded in extinguishing. A cubic mile of material is said to have been thrown out in the form of lapilli and dust by the successive explosions. The dust, estimated to have reached the height of several miles, was disseminated by the upper currents of air and caused the brilliant sunsets seen for months in nearly every part of the civilized world. Celebes is the most curiously shaped island in the world. It has a central body from which project four large arms, making it look like a huge starfish. These radiating peninsulas are mountain ranges, here and there peaked with volcano cinder cones. There are no low-lying marshes; the position and high surface render this one of the healthiest islands in the Malay Archipelago. The Dutch have had settlements here for more than two centuries; and their wise and just treatment of the natives has made the island famous for peace and prosperity. Except a few tribes of the interior, all the islanders are at least partly civilized. The natives who live in the coast regions are intelligent and industrious. Paganism and corrupted Muhammadanism are the prevailing religions, but Christianity has secured a firm hold in a few places. A written language and literature have prevailed for centuries. All able-bodied men are compelled to work and each year to give a few days' labor to keep the excellent roads in good repair; but they reap the reward of their industry and are happy and contented. The best coffee land in the East Indies is to be found on this island. The most favorable soil for coffee is the rich, black volcanic ash that covers the mountain slopes in many parts of north Celebes. The Menado coffee is said to be the finest the world produces. The coffee-trees are allowed to grow to the height of six feet, when the tops are cut off, so as to strengthen the growth of the lateral branches which bear the fruit. Besides a fungus disease, coffee has many other enemies. Both rats and mice are fond of the juicy stalks of the berries when they are nearly ripe, and they nibble at them until the berries fall. The long-haired black rat is the greatest of these pests. Cats are kept on each plantation to prey upon the animal pests; but, unfortunately, the natives are very fond of cats--not as pets, but as articles of food. This feline appetite on the part of the workmen causes the owner to keep a vigilant watch over his cat family, and to severely punish any offender. Perhaps in time they will learn to employ the python as a rat-catcher, for the python is not surpassed for this purpose. The forest trees are much like those of the adjacent islands. There are no very large animals, those peculiar to Celebes being the tailless baboon and the "pig-deer," which has tusks and curving horns. Parts of the interior of Celebes still remain unexplored and are said to be inhabited by cannibals and head-hunters. Macassar is the capital and chief city. It is situated in the southern part of the southwestern peninsula, and in commerce ranks next to the largest cities of Java. Its trade totals upward of three million dollars annually. The principal exports of the island are coffee, rice, nutmegs, cloves, dammer, copal, rattan, copra, tobacco, trepang, and tortoise-shell; coffee greatly outranking all the other products. CHAPTER XXXIV BORNEO AND PAPUA Hot, damp, and swampy along the coast lowlands; rugged and fairly pleasant in the high plateau lands--that is Borneo, an island as large as the State of Texas. Borneo has a great future, however, when a race of civilized people can be found who can inhabit it, for it is even more unhealthful than Sumatra. But the wealth is there--diamonds that are rather poor in color, gold, copper, iron, coal, and petroleum. That is a good list, and it remains only to find a people who can live there and make the great wealth of the island available to the world. Perhaps it may be the Japanese--less likely the Chinese, for they are content to trade with the natives. Possibly it may be the Filipinos--for some of the Filipinos, especially the Moros, are the descendants of Borneo peoples. Safe it is to say that the native tribes will not accomplish this result, for they are among the most debased and disgusting savages on the face of the earth. Many of these tribes are Malays governed by chiefs, or dattoes. Some of the tribes near the coast carry on a crude sort of farming, which is encouraged by the Chinese merchants who buy their produce. Some of the interior tribes just live, being both lazy and vicious. For food, there is an abundance of bananas and meat. As to the meat, it makes little or no difference about the kind; any animal whose flesh has become putrid is relished. The most interesting natives of Borneo, however, are the Dyaks, the people from whom the Moros of the Philippine Islands are descended. They are perhaps the most intelligent, but certainly the most troublesome peoples. They are best known as the "head-hunters" of Borneo. Among themselves, the one who has killed the greatest number of people is the greatest man of the tribe, and the heads of his victims are the testimony to his greatness. So the head-hunters kill just for the pleasure of killing, and the heads of their victims are kept as trophies. Not all Dyak tribes are head-hunters, however. When they are not off on head-hunting expeditions, the Dyaks are very industrious farmers. They are fond of ornaments. The men of some of the tribes wear richly embroidered jackets; the women may wear waists made of fine rattan strung with metal beads and ornaments. They may even wear crowns of burnished metal; at all events, they are certain to wear earrings of astonishing size--perhaps three or four inches across and made of solid brass. To hold these pieces of native jewelry the lobes of the ears, after they have been pierced, are stretched until they form loops two inches or more in length. The men also are fond of earrings and similar ornaments, but a real Dyak swell does not consider himself properly in style until his front teeth are filed away so that they are notched and shut together like the teeth of a steel trap. Moreover, he cannot hope to obtain a wife unless he has at least one head as a trophy. In hunting, the Dyak often makes use of the blow-gun. This weapon, for short distances, is about as sure and true as a rifle. It is a wooden tube four or five feet in length, the bore of which is made very straight and smooth. The arrow, or dart, fits the bore of the tube. To make sure of the game the tip of the dart is dipped in a most deadly poison; so that, if it merely breaks the skin of the animal at which it is shot, it makes a wound that is quickly fatal. Unlike most of the natives of the tropical Indies, instead of living in villages, the Dyaks frequently live in communal houses. Sometimes twenty or more families live in the same house, which is not unlike the communal houses of the American Indian, except that it is surrounded by a broad veranda. Hunting honey in the forests is one of the native sports. The forests of certain parts of Borneo seem to be alive with wild bees. As a result, honey and wax are very abundant. The honey-bear gets a good share of the wild honey, for his shaggy hide is proof against the stings of the bees. The Dyak hunter has no shaggy coating to protect him; so he goes about robbing the bees in a more scientific manner. The bees seem to prefer the mengalis tree, which has so many angles and hollow places about its trunk that to build the comb is an easy matter. Not infrequently there may be fifty or more swarms in a single tree. When a bee-tree is to be robbed, great piles of a certain plant or weed are collected and put in such a position that the smoke will be carried against the nesting-places of the swarms. The piles are then fired. The smoke neither kills the bees nor does it drive them off; it merely stupefies them. When the humming of the bees is hushed, comb and honey are easily removed. A considerable part of the wax is exported, but thousands of tons are wasted. Hunting in the forests of Borneo has its unpleasant features, for the leeches are almost as numerous as the leaves of the trees. They are big, fat, ugly-looking slugs, but they can stretch their bodies into a small, thin form. When waiting for a victim they lengthen and sway their threadlike bodies to and fro, ready to launch out at the first opportunity. So gently do they commence their work that the pricking sensation is felt only when they are gorged with blood and begin to loosen their hold. The gathering of edible birds' nests, built by a kind of swallow, is quite an industry, and is confined to the rocky-cliff sections of certain parts of the coast where cover abounds. This species of swallow is smaller than the common swallow and builds its nest either in the dark limestone caverns or in the crevices and nooks of the overhanging cliffs. The chief material used in constructing the nest is a glutinous saliva produced by the bird itself. The Chinese are very fond of the nests, and Chinese merchants buy most of them. The roofs of some of the caves frequented by these swallows are several hundred feet above their floors, and to reach the nests, scattered over the curved roofs and sides, it is necessary to construct ladders and stages. These are made out of rattan and bamboo and are fastened by pegs driven into the limestone walls. Crawling up on these slender supports with a candle and forked bamboo pole, the native proceeds to detach the nests, which he passes to a companion below. When the nests are built in caves and crevices, near the top of cliffs, a swinging ladder is dropped from above. There are two kinds of nests, the clear yellowish-white ones, and the dark ones. The former bring a price as high as twelve dollars per pound; the latter only one-tenth as much. The best nests are found in the darkest caves. Bird-nest gathering is a perilous calling, and serious accidents are not infrequent. The nests are gathered two or three times a year. The northern part of Borneo is British territory, and the British also control the States of Sarawak and Brunei; the rest of the island is a part of the Dutch East Indies. The British are more interested in the minerals and jungle produce, such as gutta-percha, rattan, rubber, and birds' nests, than in the cultivation of plantations. The Dutch, on the other hand, are trying to establish the great plantations there that have made Java famous. Already these are producing great quantities of sago, tobacco, and sugar. There are no large cities and only a few ports with good harbors, but German steamships make the rounds of the ports and carry the produce to Singapore, the clearing-house of the East Indies. Scarcely one hundred and fifty miles north of Australia lies Papua, or New Guinea. Next to Greenland it is the largest island in the world, and in many ways it is the world's wonderland. It was one of the first large bodies of land discovered after the discovery of America, and one of the last to be settled by Europeans. Most likely dry land at one time connected Australia and New Guinea, for the animal and plant life of the two are much the same. Even the Great Barrier Reef that skirts the east coast of Australia extends part-way around New Guinea. Of all the islands southeast of Asia, New Guinea is the most interesting. It is rich beyond measure with things useful and beautiful. Sugar-cane grows wild from sea to mountain; wild oranges, lemons, and limes can be had for the picking; and land adapted for growing rice, coffee, tobacco, rubber, cocoanuts, and cinchona is plentiful. There are mountain summits clad in everlasting snow, healthful plateaus abounding in delightful scenery, and dank coast plains in which lurks the deadly jungle fever. Dense forests cover most of the island, but the forest trees of the East Indies are not to be found except here and there in the northwest neck of the island. The famous eucalyptus abounds in the lowland regions; so also does the nipa-palm. Pines, much like the kauri pine of New Zealand, grow in the high plateaus. Most singular of all, in the high mountain regions one may find the alpine plants of Europe, New Zealand, the Antarctic islands, and the Andine heights of South America. Still another strange feature is to be found: while the forest trees are Australian kinds, the plants that make the forests a thicket are the rattans and other jungle plants of India! New Guinea is noted for birds of beautiful plumage, especially birds of paradise, of which there are many kinds. Among the insects is one commonly known as the "praying" mantis. It is related to the grasshopper and is found also in many other parts of the world. In New Guinea the praying mantis is three or four inches long and at first sight seems to be nothing but a broken twig. In various parts of the world it is known as "preacher," "nun," "soothsayer," and "saint." It has received its name from the fact that it rests in a sort of kneeling position, holding its forelegs in a devotional attitude. Its character, however, is anything but saintly; it is a most vicious wretch that may well be called the tiger of the insect world. The devotional attitude is the position in which it can best seize its insect prey; for when an unsuspecting insect lights on what seems to be a green twig, snap!--those blade-like forelegs armed with sharp spikes come together like scissors, and the unlucky victim is cut to pieces in an instant. John Chinaman has discovered a use for the praying mantis--a very practical use, too. John and his near-by friends capture a lot of the insects, carry them to a convenient bungalow, turn them loose in a cockpit, and bet on the survivor. When the insects are turned loose there is business on hand, for they go to work at once, cutting one another to pieces by the most approved methods of surgical amputation. The owner of the survivor wins. The native Papuans much resemble the bushrangers of Australia; they are Negritos, with black skins and woolly hair. There are a few tribes of natives that much resemble the peoples of Samoa and Hawaii; there are also other tribes that resemble the Malays of southeastern Asia. The Papuan tribes of the coast are about as degraded as the bushrangers of Australia. Some of the tribes are cannibals who have a fondness for sailors that have been wrecked on the shores of New Guinea. They are neither better nor worse than most of the other tribes of islanders. Like other islanders, too, they are tractable and easily governed by the Europeans who treat them decently. Not very much is known about the tribes in the interior, except that some of them have neither houses nor clothing. They live in the trees, and wear no clothing. They are hardly better off than the troops of monkeys, but unlike them eat raw flesh instead of fruit and nuts. Missionaries have established schools along the coast settlements, and the native children trained in these schools make amazing progress. They learn to read and write quickly, are neat in dress, and polite in manners. Many of the boys who attend the mission schools are trained to skilled labor on the plantations; some go to the interior as missionary teachers. A few of the Papuan tribes have reached a condition of barbarism much like that of the Iroquois Indians in New York when the white men found them. They live in houses, some of them four or five hundred feet in length. Perhaps thirty or forty families may occupy a single house. The houses are divided into apartments, each family living separately. In some of the tribes the men live in a communal house by themselves. The women live in small huts, two or three together. They cook the food, which they carry to the communal house; they also do all the work required in cultivating the gardens of yams, bananas, and vegetables. War, hunting, and fishing are the only pursuits of the men. Three nations, Holland, Great Britain, and Germany, have divided New Guinea among them. The Dutch have the eastern half of the island. The British and Germans possess each about one-quarter, British New Guinea being situated opposite to Queensland, Australia. The British own the Solomon Islands to the eastward of New Guinea, also. The Dutch are laying out plantations and teaching the natives to work them in the same way that they are managed in Java. The British are busy exploring the interior, looking especially to the rich mines in their possession. They have also established a considerable trade in copra, sago, pearl shell, and cocoa-fibre mats. They are planting rubber-trees, for there is no better land in the world for rubber. They have one great advantage, namely, the Fly River, which is navigable six hundred miles from its mouth, and opens a trading route far into the interior. Port Moresby is the trade centre of British New Guinea. The Germans make their share of the island pay expenses by taxing and licensing the traders who go there to do business, and they manage to get a considerable profit out of it. When they find that a trading company is making too much money they buy the company out and carry on the business themselves; and this is profitable, too. Although less is known about New Guinea than almost any other part of the earth, enough is known to make it certain that it is one of the most desirable bodies of land in the world. 
30956	----	THE HISTORY OF THE GREAT AMERICAN FORTUNES BY THE SAME AUTHOR * * * * * THE HISTORY OF TAMMANY HALL HISTORY OF THE PUBLIC FRANCHISES IN NEW YORK CITY HISTORY OF THE GREAT AMERICAN FORTUNES BY GUSTAVUS MYERS AUTHOR OF "THE HISTORY OF TAMMANY HALL," "HISTORY OF PUBLIC FRANCHISES IN NEW YORK CITY," ETC. * * * * * VOL. I. PART I: CONDITIONS IN SETTLEMENT AND COLONIAL TIMES PART II: THE GREAT LAND FORTUNES * * * * * CHICAGO CHARLES H. KERR & COMPANY 1910 Copyright 1907, 1908 and 1909 By GUSTAVUS MYERS PREFACE In writing this work my aim has been to give the exact facts as far as the available material allows. Necessarily it is impossible, from the very nature of the case, to obtain all the facts. It is obvious that in both past and present times the chief beneficiaries of our social and industrial system have found it to their interest to represent their accumulations as the rewards of industry and ability, and have likewise had the strongest motives for concealing the circumstances of all those complex and devious methods which have been used in building up great fortunes. In this they have been assisted by a society so constituted that the means by which these great fortunes have been amassed have been generally lauded as legitimate and exemplary. The possessors of towering fortunes have hitherto been described in two ways. On the one hand, they have been held up as marvels of success, as preëminent examples of thrift, enterprise and extraordinary ability. More recently, however, the tendency in certain quarters has been diametrically the opposite. This latter class of writers, intent upon pandering to a supposed popular appetite for sensation, pile exposure upon exposure, and hold up the objects of their diatribes as monsters of commercial and political crime. Neither of these classes has sought to establish definitely the relation of the great fortunes to the social and industrial system which has propagated them. Consequently, these superficial effusions and tirades--based upon a lack of understanding of the propelling forces of society--have little value other than as reflections of a certain aimless and disordered spirit of the times. With all their volumes of print, they leave us in possession of a scattered array of assertions, bearing some resemblance to facts, which, however, fail to be facts inasmuch as they are either distorted to take shape as fulsome eulogies or as wild, meaningless onslaughts. They give no explanation of the fundamental laws and movements of the present system, which have resulted in these vast fortunes; nor is there the least glimmering of a scientific interpretation of a succession of states and tendencies from which these men of great wealth have emerged. With an entire absence of comprehension, they portray our multimillionaires as a phenomenal group whose sudden rise to their sinister and overshadowing position is a matter of wonder and surprise. They do not seem to realize for a moment--what is clear to every real student of economics--that the great fortunes are the natural, logical outcome of a system based upon factors the inevitable result of which is the utter despoilment of the many for the benefit of a few. This being so, our plutocrats rank as nothing more or less than as so many unavoidable creations of a set of processes which must imperatively produce a certain set of results. These results we see in the accelerated concentration of immense wealth running side by side with a propertyless, expropriated and exploited multitude. The dominant point of these denunciatory emanations, however, is that certain of our men of great fortune have acquired their possessions by dishonest methods. These men are singled out as especial creatures of infamy. Their doings and sayings furnish material for many pages of assault. Here, again, an utter lack of knowledge and perspective is observable. For, while it is true that the methods employed by these very rich men have been, and are, fraudulent, it is also true that they are but the more conspicuous types of a whole class which, in varying degrees, has used precisely the same methods, and the collective fortunes and power of which have been derived from identically the same sources. In diagnosing an epidemic, it is not enough that we should be content with the symptoms; wisdom and the protection of the community demand that we should seek and eradicate the cause. Both wealth and poverty spring from the same essential cause. Neither, then, should be indiscriminately condemned as such; the all-important consideration is to determine why they exist, and how such an absurd contrast can be abolished. In taking up a series of types of great fortunes, as I have done in this work, my object has not been the current one of portraying them either as remarkable successes or as unspeakable criminals. My purpose is to present a sufficient number of examples as indicative of the whole character of the vested class and of the methods which have been employed. And in doing this, neither prejudice nor declamation has entered. Such a presentation, I believe, cannot fail to be useful for many reasons. It will, in the first place, satisfy a spirit of inquiry. As time passes, and the power of the propertied oligarchy becomes greater and greater, more and more of a studied attempt is made to represent the origin of that property as the product of honest toil and great public service. Every searcher for truth is entitled to know whether this is true or not. But what is much more important is for the people to know what have been the cumulative effects of a system which subsists upon the institutions of private property and wage-labor. If it possesses the many virtues that it is said to possess, what are these virtues? If it is a superior order of civilization, in what does this superiority consist? This work will assist in explaining, for naturally a virtuous and superior order ought to produce virtuous and superior men. The kind and quality of methods and successful ruling men, which this particular civilization forces to the front, are set forth in this exposition. Still more important is the ascertainment of where these stupendous fortunes came from, their particular origin and growth, and what significance the concomitant methods and institutions have to the great body of the people. I may add that in Part I no attempt has been made to present an exhaustive account of conditions in Settlement and Colonial times. I have merely given what I believe to be a sufficient resumé of conditions leading up to the later economic developments in the United States. GUSTAVUS MYERS. September 1, 1909. CONTENTS PAGE PREFACE iii PART I CONDITIONS IN COLONIAL AND SETTLEMENT TIMES CHAPTER I. THE GREAT PROPRIETARY ESTATES 11 II. THE SWAY OF THE LANDGRAVES 23 III. THE RISE OF THE TRADING CLASS 45 IV. THE SHIPPING FORTUNES 57 V. THE SHIPPERS AND THEIR TIMES 65 VI. GIRARD--THE RICHEST OF THE SHIPPERS 83 PART II THE GREAT LAND FORTUNES I. THE ORIGIN OF HUGE CITY ESTATES 97 II. THE INCEPTION OF THE ASTOR FORTUNE 109 III. THE GROWTH OF THE ASTOR FORTUNE 126 IV. THE RAMIFICATIONS OF THE ASTOR FORTUNE 155 V. THE MOMENTUM OF THE ASTOR FORTUNE 182 VI. THE PROPULSION OF THE ASTOR FORTUNE 202 VII. THE CLIMAX OF THE ASTOR FORTUNE 224 VIII. OTHER LAND FORTUNES CONSIDERED 242 IX. THE FIELD FORTUNE IN EXTENSO 262 X. FURTHER VISTAS OF THE FIELD FORTUNE 278 PART I CONDITIONS IN SETTLEMENT AND COLONIAL TIMES CHAPTER I THE GREAT PROPRIETARY ESTATES The noted private fortunes of settlement and colonial times were derived from the ownership of land and the gains of trading. Usually both had a combined influence and were frequently attended by agriculture. Throughout the colonies were scattered lords of the soil who held vast territorial domains over which they exercised an arbitrary and, in some portions of the colonies, a feudal sway. Nearly all the colonies were settled by chartered companies, organized for purely commercial purposes and the success of which largely depended upon the emigration which they were able to promote. These corporations were vested with enormous powers and privileges which, in effect, constituted them as sovereign rulers, although their charters were subject to revision or amendment. The London Company, thrice chartered to take over to itself the land and resources of Virginia and populate its zone of rule, was endowed with sweeping rights and privileges which made it an absolute monopoly. The impecunious noblemen or gentlemen who transported themselves to Virginia to recoup their dissipated fortunes or seek adventure, encountered no trouble in getting large grants of land especially when after 1614 tobacco became a fashionable article in England and took rank as a valuable commercial commodity. Over this colony now spread planters who hastened to avail themselves of this new-found means of getting rich. Land and climate alike favored them, but they were confronted with a scarcity of labor. The emergency was promptly met by the buying of white servants in England to be resold in Virginia to the highest bidder. This, however, was not sufficient, and complaints poured over to the English government. As the demands of commerce had to be sustained at any price, a system was at once put into operation of gathering in as many of the poorer English class as could be impressed upon some pretext, and shipping them over to be held as bonded laborers. Penniless and lowly Englishmen, arrested and convicted for any one of the multitude of offenses then provided for severely in law, were transported as criminals or sold into the colonies as slaves for a term of years. The English courts were busy grinding out human material for the Virginia plantations; and, as the objects of commerce were considered paramount, this process of disposing of what was regarded as the scum element was adjudged necessary and justifiable. No voice was raised in protest. THE INTRODUCTION OF BLACK SLAVES. But, fast as the English courts might work, they did not supply laborers enough. It was with exultation that in 1619 the plantation owners were made acquainted with a new means of supplying themselves with adequate workers. A Dutch ship arrived at Jamestown with a cargo of negroes from Guinea. The blacks were promptly bought at good prices by the planters. From this time forth the problem of labor was considered sufficiently solved. As chattel slavery harmonized well with the necessities of tobacco growing and gain, it was accepted as a just condition and was continued by the planters, whose interests and standards were the dominant factor. After 1620, when the London Company was dissolved by royal decree, and the commerce of Virginia made free, the planters were the only factor. Virginia, it was true, was made a royal province and put under deputy rule, but the big planters contrived to get the laws and customs their self-interest called for. There were only two classes--the rich planters, with their gifts of land, their bond-servants and slaves and, on the other hand, the poor whites. A middle class was entirely lacking. As the supreme staple of commerce and as currency itself, tobacco could buy anything, human, as well as inert, material. The labor question had been sufficiently vanquished, but not so the domestic. Wives were much needed; the officials in London instantly hearkened, and in 1620 sent over sixty young women who were auctioned off and bought at from one hundred and twenty to one hundred and sixty pounds of tobacco each. Tobacco then sold at three shillings a pound. Its cultivation was assiduously carried on. The use of the land mainly for agricultural purposes led to the foundation of numerous settlements along the shores, bays, rivers, and creeks with which Virginia is interspersed and which afforded accessibility to the sea ports. As the years wore on and the means and laborers of the planters increased, their lands became more extensive, so that it was not an unusual thing to find plantations of fifty or sixty thousand acres. But neither in Virginia nor in Maryland, under the almost regal powers of Lord Baltimore who had propriety rights over the whole of his province, were such huge estates to be seen as were being donated in the northern colonies, especially in New Netherlands and in New England. FEUDAL GRANTS IN THE NORTH. In its intense aim to settle New Netherlands and make use of its resources, Holland, through the States General, offered extraordinary inducements to promoters of colonization. The prospect of immense estates, with feudal rights and privileges, was held out as the alluring incentive. The bill of Freedoms and Exemptions of 1629 made easy the possibility of becoming a lord of the soil with comprehensive possessions and powers. Any man who should succeed in planting a colony of fifty "souls," each of whom was to be more than fifteen years old, was to become at once a patroon with all the rights of lordship. He was permitted to own sixteen miles along shore or on one side of a navigable river. An alternative was given of the ownership of eight miles on one side of a river and as far into the interior "as the situation of the occupiers will permit." The title was vested in the patroon forever, and he was presented with a monopoly of the resources of his domain except furs and pelts. No patroon or other colonist was allowed to make woolen, linen, cotton or cloth of any material under pain of banishment.[1] These restrictions were in the interest of the Dutch West India Company, a commercial corporation which had well-nigh dictatorial powers. A complete monopoly throughout the whole of its subject territory, it was armed with sweeping powers, a formidable equipment, and had a great prestige. It was somewhat of a cross between legalized piracy and a body of adroit colonization promoters. Pillage and butchery were often its auxiliaries, although in these respects it in nowise equalled its twin corporation, the Dutch East India Company, whose exploitation of Holland's Asiatic possessions was a long record of horrors. THE DUTCH WEST INDIA COMPANY. The policy of the Dutch West India Company was to offer generous prizes for peopling the land while simultaneously forbidding competition with any of the numerous products or commodities dealt in by itself. This had much to do with determining the basic character of the conspicuous fortunes of a century and two centuries later. It followed that when native industries were forbidden or their output monopolized not only by the Dutch West India Company in New Netherlands, but by other companies elsewhere in the colonies, that ownership of land became the mainstay of large private fortunes with agriculture as an accompanying factor. Subsequently the effects of this continuous policy were more fully seen when England by law after law paralyzed or closed up many forms of colonial manufacture. The feudal character of Dutch colonization, as carried on by the Dutch West India Company, necessarily created great landed estates, the value of which arose not so much from agriculture, as was the case in Virginia, Maryland and later the Carolinas and Georgia, but from the natural resources of the land. The superb primitive timber brought colossal profits in export, and there were also very valuable fishery rights where an estate bounded a shore or river. The pristine rivers were filled with great shoals of fish, to which the river fishing of the present day cannot be compared. As settlement increased, immigration pressed over, and more and more ships carried cargo to and fro, these estates became consecutively more valuable. To encourage colonization to its colonies still further, the States General in 1635 passed a new decree. It repeated the feudal nature of the rights granted and made strong additions. Did any aspiring adventurer seek to leap at a bound to the exalted position of patroonship? The terms were easy. All that he had to do was to found a colony of forty-eight adults and he had a liberal six years in which to do it. For his efforts he was allowed even more extensive grants of land than under the act of 1629. So complete were his powers of proprietorship that no one could approach within seven or eight miles of his jurisdiction without his express permission. His was really a principality. Over its bays, rivers, and islands, had it any, as well as over the mainland, he was given command forever. The dispensation of justice was his exclusive right. He and he only was the court with summary powers of "high, low and middle jurisdiction," which were harshly or capriciously exercised. Not only did he impose sentence for violation of laws, but he, himself, ordained those laws and they were laws which were always framed to coincide with his interests and personality. He had full authority to appoint officers and magistrates and enact laws. And finally he had the power of policing his domain and of making use of the titles and arms of his colonies. All these things he could do "according to his will and pleasure." These absolute rights were to descend to his heirs and assigns.[2] OLD WORLD TRADERS BECOME FEUDAL LORDS. Thus, at the beginning of settlement times, the basis was laid in law and custom of a landed aristocracy, or rather a group of intrenched autocrats, along the banks of the Hudson, the shores of the ocean and far inland. The theory then prevailed that the territory of the colonies extended westward to the Pacific. From these patroons and their lineal or collateral descendants issued many of the landed generations of families which, by reason of their wealth and power, proved themselves powerful factors in the economic and political history of the country. The sinister effects of this first great grasping of the land long permeated the whole fabric of society and were prominently seen before and after the Revolution, and especially in the third and fourth decades of the eighteenth century. The results, in fact, are traceable to this very day, even though laws and institutions are so greatly changed. Other colonies reflected the constant changes of government, ruling party or policy of England, and colonial companies chartered by England frequently forfeited their charters. But conditions in New Netherlands remained stable under Dutch rule, and the accumulation of great estates was intensified under English rule. It was in New York that, at that period, the foremost colonial estates and the predominant private fortunes were mostly held. The extent of some of those early estates was amazingly large. But they were far from being acquired wholly by colonization methods. Many of the officers and directors of the Dutch West India Company were Amsterdam merchants. Active, scheming, self-important men, they were mighty in the money marts but were made use of, and looked down upon, by the old Dutch aristocracy. Having amassed fortunes, these merchants yearned to be the founders of great estates; to live as virtual princes in the midst of wide possessions, even if these were still comparative solitudes. This aspiration was mixed with the mercenary motive of themselves owning the land from whence came the furs, pelts, timber and the waters yielding the fishes. One of these directors was Kiliaen van Rensselaer, an Amsterdam pearl merchant. In 1630 his agents bought for him from the Indians a tract of land twenty-four miles long and forty-eight broad on the west bank of the Hudson. It comprised, it was estimated, seven hundred thousand acres and included what are now the counties of Albany, Rensselaer, a part of Columbia County and a strip of what is at present Massachusetts. And what was the price paid for this vast estate? As the deeds showed, the munificent consideration of "certain quantities of duffels, axes, knives and wampum,"[3] which is equal to saying that the pearl merchant got it for almost nothing. Two other directors--Godyn and Bloemart--became owners of great feudal estates. One of these tracts, in what is now New Jersey, extended sixteen miles both in length and breadth, forming a square of sixty-four miles.[4] So it was that these shrewd directors now combined a double advantage. Their pride was satisfied with the absolute lordship of immense areas, while the ownership of land gave them the manifold benefits and greater profits of trading with the Indians at first hand. From a part of the proceeds they later built manors which were contemplated as wonderful and magnificent. Surrounded and served by their retainers, agents, vassal tenants and slaves, they lived in princely and licentious style, knowing no law in most matters except their unrestrained will. They beheld themselves as ingenious and memorable founders of a potential landed aristocracy whose possessions were more extended than that of Europe. Wilderness much of it still was, but obviously the time was coming when the population would be fairly abundant. The laws of entail and primogeniture, then in full force, would operate to keep the estates intact and gifted with inherent influence for generations. Along with their landed estates, these directors had a copious inflowing revenue. The Dutch West India Company was in a thriving condition. By the year 1629 it had more than one hundred full-rigged ships in commission. Most of them were fitted out for war on the commerce of other countries or on pirates. Fifteen thousand seamen and soldiers were on its payroll; in that one year it used more than one hundred thousand pounds of powder--significant of the grim quality of business done. It had more than four hundred cannon and thousands of other destructive weapons.[5] Anything conducive to profit, no matter if indiscriminate murder, was accepted as legitimate and justifiable functions of trade, and was imposed alike upon royalty, which shared in the proceeds, and upon the people at large. The energetic trading class, concentrated in the one effort of getting money, and having no scruples as to the means in an age when ideals were low and vulgar, had already begun to make public opinion in many countries, although this public opinion counted for little among submissive peoples. It was the king and the governing class, either or both, whose favor and declarations counted; and so long as these profited by the devious extortions and villainies of trade the methods were legitimatized, if not royally sanctified. AN ARISTOCRACY SOLIDLY GROUNDED. A more potentially robust aristocracy than that which was forming in New Netherlands could hardly be imagined. Resting upon gigantic gifts of land, with feudal accompaniments, it held a monopoly, or nearly one, of the land's resources. The old aristocracy of Holland grew jealous of the power and pretensions of what it frowned upon as an upstart trading clique and tried to curtail the rights and privileges of the patroons. These latter contended that their absolute lordship was indisputable; to put it in modern legal terminology that a contract could not be impaired. They elaborated upon the argument that they had spent a "ton of gold" (amounting to one hundred thousand guilders or forty thousand dollars) upon their colonies.[6] They not only carried their point but their power was confirmed and enlarged. Now was seen the spectacle of the middle-class men of the Old World, the traders, more than imitating--far exceeding--the customs and pretensions of the aristocracy of their own country which they had inveighed against, and setting themselves up as the original and mighty landed aristocracy of the new country. The patroons encased themselves in an environment of pomp and awe. Like so many petty monarchs each had his distinct flag and insignia; each fortified his domain with fortresses, armed with cannon and manned by his paid soldiery. The colonists were but humble dependants; they were his immediate subjects and were forced to take the oath of fealty and allegiance to him.[7] In the old country the soil had long since passed into the hands of a powerful few and was made the chief basis for the economic and political enslavement of the people. To escape from this thralldom many of the immigrants had endured hardships and privation to get here. They expected that they could easily get land, the tillage of which would insure them a measure of independence. Upon arriving they found vast available parts of the country, especially the most desirable and accessible portions bordering shores or rivers, preëmpted. An exacting and tyrannous feudal government was in full control. Their only recourse in many instances was to accept the best of unwelcome conditions and become tenants of the great landed functionaries and workers for them. THE ABASEMENT OF THE WORKERS. The patroons naturally encouraged immigration. Apart from the additional values created by increased population, it meant a quantity of labor which, in turn, would precipitate wages to the lowest possible scale. At the same time, in order to stifle every aspiring quality in the drudging laborer, and to keep in conformity with the spirit and custom of the age which considered the worker a mere menial undeserving of any rights, the whole force of the law was made use of to bring about sharp discriminations. The laborer was purposely abased to the utmost and he was made to feel in many ways his particular low place in the social organization. Far above him, vested with enormous personal and legal powers, towered the patroon, while he, the laborer, did not have the ordinary burgher right, that of having a minor voice in public affairs. The burgher right was made entirely dependent upon property, which was a facile method of disfranchising the multitude of poor immigrants and of keeping them down. Purchase was the one and only means of getting this right. To keep it in as small and circumscribed class as possible the price was made abnormally high. It was enacted in New Netherlands in 1659, for instance, that immigrants coming with cargoes had to pay a thousand guilders for the burgher right.[8] As the average laborer got two shillings a day for his long hours of toil, often extending from sunrise to sunset, he had little chance of ever getting this sum together. The consequence was that the merchants became the burgher class; and all the records of the time seem to prove conclusively that the merchants were servile instruments of the patroons whose patronage and favor they assiduously courted. This deliberately pursued policy of degrading and despoiling the laboring class incited bitter hatreds and resentments, the effects of which were permanent. [Illustration: JEREMIAS VAN RENSSLAERR. One of the Patroons. (From an Engraving.)] [Illustration: Signature] FOOTNOTES: [1] O'Callaghan's "History of New Netherlands," 1:112-120. [2] Documents Relating to the Colonial History of the State of New York, 1:89-100. [3] O'Callaghan, 1:124. Although it was said that Kiliaen van Rensselaer visited America, it seems to be established that he never did. He governed his estate as an absentee landgrave, through agents. He was the most powerful of all of the patroons. [4] Ibid., 125. [5] Colonial Documents, 1:41. The primary object of this company was a monopoly of the Indian trade, not colonization. The "princely" manors were a combination fort and trading house, surrounded by moat and stockade. [6] Colonial Documents, 1:86. [7] "Annals of Albany," iii:287. The power of the patroons over their tenants, or serfs, was almost unlimited. No "man or woman, son or daughter, man servant or maid servant" could leave a patroon's service during the time that they had agreed to remain, except by his written consent, no matter what abuses or breaches of contract were committed by the patroon. [8] "Burghers and Freemen of New York":29. CHAPTER II THE SWAY OF THE LANDGRAVES While this seizure of land was going on in New Netherlands, vast areas in New England were passing suddenly into the hands of a few men. These areas sometimes comprised what are now entire States, and were often palpably obtained by fraud, collusion, trickery or favoritism. The Puritan influx into Massachusetts was an admixture of different occupations. Some were traders or merchants; others were mechanics. By far the largest portion were cultivators of the soil whom economic pressure not less than religious persecution had driven from England. To these land was a paramount consideration. Describing how the English tiller had been expropriated from the soil Wallace says: "The ingenuity of lawyers and direct landlord legislation steadily increased the powers of great landowners and encroached upon the rights of the people, till at length the monstrous doctrine arose that a landless Englishman has no right whatever to enjoyment even of the unenclosed commons and heaths and the mountain and forest wastes of his native country, but is everywhere in the eye of the law a trespasser whenever he ventures off a public road or pathway."[9] By the sixteenth century the English peasantry had been evicted even from the commons, which were turned into sheep walks by the impoverished barons to make money from the Flemish wool market. The land at home wrenched from them, the poor English immigrants ardently expected that in America land would be plentiful. They were bitterly disappointed. The various English companies, chartered by royal command with all-inclusive powers, despite the frequent opposition of Parliament, held the trade and land of the greater part of the colonies as a rigid monopoly. In the case of the New England Company severe punishment was threatened to all who should encroach upon its rights. It also was freed from payment for twenty-one years and was relieved from taxes forever. THE COLONIES CARVED INTO GREAT ESTATES. The New England colonies were carved out into a few colossal private estates. The example of the British nobility was emulated; but the chartered companies did not have to resort to the adroit, disingenuous, subterranean methods which the English land magnates used in perpetuating their seizure, as so graphically described by S. W. Thackery in his work, "The Land and the Community". The land in New England was taken over boldly and arbitrarily by the directors of the Plymouth Company, the most powerful of all the companies which exploited New England. The handful of men who participated in this division, sustained with a high hand their claims and pretensions, and augmented and fortified them by every device. Quite regardless of who the changing monarch was, or what country ruled, these colonial magnates generally contrived to keep the power strong in their own hands. There might be a superficial show of changed conditions, an apparent infusion of democracy, but, in reality, the substance remained the same. This was nowhere more lucidly or strikingly illustrated than after New Netherlands passed into the control of the English and was renamed New York. Laws were decreed which seemed to bear the impress of justice and democracy. Monopoly was abolished, every man was given the much-prized right of trading in furs and pelts, and the burgher right was extended and its acquisition made easier. However well-intentioned these altered laws were, they turned out to be shallow delusions. Under English rule, the gifts of vast estates in New York were even greater than under Dutch rule and beyond doubt were granted corruptly or by favoritism. Miles upon miles of land in New York which had not been preëmpted were brazenly given away by the royal Governor Fletcher for bribes; and it was suspected, although not clearly proved, that he trafficked in estates in Pennsylvania during the time when, by royal order, he supplanted William Penn in the government of that province. From the evidence which has come down it would appear that any one who offered Fletcher his price could be transformed into a great vested land owner. But still the people imagined that they had a real democratic government. Had not England established representative assemblies? These, with certain restrictions, alone had the power of law-making for the provinces. These representative bodies were supposed to rest upon the vote of the people, which vote, however, was determined by a strict property qualification. THE LANDED PROPRIETORS THE POLITICAL RULERS. What really happened was that, apparently deprived of direct feudal power, the landed interests had no difficulty in retaining their law-making ascendancy by getting control of the various provincial assemblies. Bodies supposedly representative of the whole people were, in fact, composed of great landowners, of a quota of merchants who were subservient to the landowners, and a sprinkling of farmers. In Virginia this state was long-continuing, while in New York province it became such an intolerable abuse and resulted in such oppressions to the body of the people, that on Sept. 20, 1764, Lieutenant-Governor Cadwallader Colden, writing from New York to the Lords of Trade at London, strongly expostulated. He described how the land magnates had devised to set themselves up as the law-making class. Three of the large land grants contained provisions guaranteeing to each owner the privilege of sending a representative to the General Assembly. These landed proprietors, therefore, became hereditary legislators. "The owners of other great Patents," Colden continued, "being men of the greatest opulence in the several American counties where these Tracts are, have sufficient influence to be perpetually elected for those counties. The General Assembly, then, of this Province consists of the owners of these extravagant Grants, the merchants of New York, the principal of them strongly connected with the owners of these Great Tracts by Family interest, and of Common Farmers, which last are men easily deluded and led away with popular arguments of Liberty and Privileges. The Proprietors of the great tracts are not only freed from the quit rents which the other landholders in the Provinces pay, but by their influences in the Assembly are freed from every other public Tax on their lands."[10] What Colden wrote of the landed class of New York was substantially true of all the other provinces. The small, powerful clique of great landowners had cunningly taken over to themselves the functions of government and diverted them to their own ends. First the land was seized and then it was declared exempt of taxation. Inevitably there was but one sequel. Everywhere, but especially so in New York and Virginia, the landed proprietors became richer and more arrogant, while poverty, even in new country with extraordinary resources, took root and continued to grow. The burden of taxation fell entirely upon the farming and laboring classes; although the merchants were nominally taxed they easily shifted their obligations upon those two classes by indirect means of trade. Usurious loans and mortgages became prevalent. It was now seen what meaningless tinsel the unrestricted right to trade in furs was. To get the furs access to the land was necessary; and the land was monopolized. In the South, where tobacco and corn were the important staples, the worker was likewise denied the soil except as a laborer or tenant, and in Massachusetts colony, where fortunes were being made from timber, furs and fisheries, the poor man had practically no chance against the superior advantages of the landed and privileged class. These conditions led to severe reprisals. Several uprisings in New York, Bacon's rebellion in Virginia, after the restoration of Charles II, when that king granted large tracts of land belonging to the colony to his favorites, and subsequently, in 1734, a ferment in Georgia, even under the mild proprietary rule of the philanthropist Oglethorpe, were all really outbursts of popular discontent largely against the oppressive form in which land was held and against discriminative taxation, although each uprising had its local issues differing from those elsewhere. In this conflict between landed class and people, the only hope of the mass of the people lay in getting the favorable attention of royal governors. At least one of these considered earnestly and conscientiously the grave existing abuses and responded to popular protest which had become bitter. A CONFLICT BETWEEN LAND MAGNATES AND PEOPLE. This official was the Earl of Bellomont. Scarcely had he arrived after his appointment as Captain-General and Governor of Massachusetts Bay, New York and other provinces, when he was made acquainted with the widespread discontent. The landed magnates had not only created an abysmal difference between themselves and the masses in possessions and privileges, but also in dress and air, founded upon strict distinctions in law. The landed aristocrat with his laces and ruffles, his silks and his gold and silver ornaments and his expensive tableware, his consciously superior air and tone of grandiose authority, was far removed in established position from the mechanic or the laborer with his coarse clothes and mean habitation. Laws were long in force in various provinces which prohibited the common people from wearing gold and silver lace, silks and ornaments. Bellomont noted the sense of deep injustice smouldering in the minds of the people and set out to confiscate the great estates, particularly, as he set forth, as many of them had been obtained by bribery. It was with amazement that Bellomont learned that one man, Colonel Samuel Allen, claimed to own the whole of what is now the state of New Hampshire. When, in 1635, the Plymouth Colony was about to surrender its charter, its directors apportioned their territory to themselves individually. New Hampshire went by lot to Captain John Mason who, some years before, had obtained a patent to the same area from the company. Charles I had confirmed the company's action. After Mason's death, his claims were bought up by Allen for about $1,250. Mason, however, left an heir and protracted litigation followed. In the meantime, settlers taking advantage of these conflicting claims, proceeded to spread over New Hampshire and hew the forests for cleared agricultural land. Allen managed to get himself appointed governor of New Hampshire in 1692 and declared the whole province his personal property and threatened to oust the settlers as trespassers unless they came to terms. There was imminent danger of an uprising of the settlers, who failed to see why the land upon which they had spent labor did not belong to them. Bellomont investigated; and in communication, dated June 22, 1700, to the Lords of Trade, denounced Allen's title as defective and insufficient, and brought out the charge that Allen had tried to get his confirmation of his, Allen's, claims by means of a heavy bribe. ATTEMPTED BRIBERY CHARGED. "There was an offer made me," Bellomont wrote, "of £10,000 in money, but I thank God I had not the least tempting thought to accept of the offer and I hope nothing in this world will ever be able to attempt me to betray England in the least degree. This offer was made me three or four times." Bellomont added: "I will make it appear that the lands and woods claimed by Colonel Allen are much more valuable than ten of the biggest estates in England, and I will rate those ten estates at £300,000 a piece, one with another, which is three millions. By his own confession to me at Pescattaway last summer, he valued the Quit Rents of his lands (as he calls 'em) at £22,000 per annum at 3d per acre of 6d in the pound of all improv'd Rents; then I leave your lordships to judge what an immense estate the improv'd rents must be, which (if his title be allowed) he has as good a right to the forementioned Quit Rents. And all this besides the Woods which I believe he might very well value at half the worth of the lands. There never was, I believe, since the world began so great a bargain as Allen has had of Mason, if it be allowed to stand good, that all this vast estate I have been naming should be purchased for a poor £250 and that a desperate debt, too, as Col. Allen thought. He pretends to a great part of this province as far Westward as Cape St. Ann, which is said to take in 17 of the best towns in this province next to Boston, the best improved land, and, (I think Col. Allen told me) 8 or 900,000 acres of their land. If Col. Allen shall at any time go about to make a forcible entry on these lands he pretends to (for, to be sure, the people will never turn tenants to him willingly) the present occupants will resist him by any force he shall bring and the Province will be put to a combustion and what may be the course I dread to think."...[11] But the persistent Allen did not establish his claim. Several times he lost in the litigation, the last time in 1715. His death was followed by his son's death; and after sixty years of fierce animosities and litigation, the whole contention was allowed to lapse. Says Lodge: "His heirs were minors who did not push the controversy, and the claim soon sank out of sight to the great relief of the New Hampshire people, whose right to their homes had so long been in question."[12] Similarly, another area, the entirety of what is now the State of Maine, went to the individual ownership of Sir Fernandino Gorges, the same who had betrayed Essex to Queen Elizabeth and who had received rich rewards for his treachery.[13] The domain descended to his grandson, Fernando Gorges, who, on March 13, 1677, sold it by deed to John Usher, a Boston merchant, for £1,250. The ominous dissatisfaction of the New Hampshire and other settlers with the monopolization of land was not slighted by the English government; at the very time Usher bought Maine the government was on the point of doing the same thing and opening the land for settlement. Usher at once gave a deed of the province to the governor and company of Massachusetts, of which colony and later, State, it remained a part until its creation as a State in 1820.[14] These were two notable instances of vast land grants which reverted to the people. In most of the colonies the popular outcry for free access to the land was not so effective. In Pennsylvania, after the government was restored to Penn, and in part of New Jersey conditions were more favorable to the settlers. In those colonies corrupt usurpations of the land were comparatively few, although the proprietary families continued to hold extensive tracts. Penn's sons by his second wife, for instance, became men of great wealth.[15] The pacific and conciliatory Quaker faith operated as a check on any local extraordinary misuse of power. Unfortunately for historical accuracy and penetration, there is an obscurity as to the intimate circumstances under which many of the large private estates in the South were obtained. The general facts as to their grants, of course, are well known, but the same specific, underlying details, such as may be disinterred from Bellomont's correspondence, are lacking. In New York, at least, and presumably during Fletcher's sway of government in Pennsylvania, great land grants went for bribes. This is definitely brought out in Bellomont's official communications. VAST ESTATES SECURED BY BRIBERY. Fletcher, it would seem, had carried on a brisk traffic in creating by a stroke of the quill powerfully rich families by simply granting them domains in return for bribes. Captain John R. N. Evans had been in command of the royal warship Richmond. An estate was his fervent ambition. Fletcher's mandate gave him a grant of land running forty miles one way, and thirty another, on the west bank of the Hudson. Beginning at the south line of the present town of New Paltry, Ulster County, it included the southern tier of the now existing towns in that picturesque county, two-thirds of the fertile undulations of Orange County and a part of the present town of Haverstraw. It is related of this area, that there was "but one house on it, or rather a hut, where a poor man lives." Notwithstanding this lone, solitary subject, Evans saw great trading and seignorial possibilities in his tract. And what did he pay for this immense stretch of territory? A very modest bribe; common report had it that he gave Fletcher £100 for the grant.[16] Nicholas Bayard, of whom it is told that he was a handy go-between in arranging with the sea pirates the price that they should pay for Fletcher's protection, was another favored personage. Bayard was the recipient of a grant forty miles long and thirty broad on both sides of Schoharie Creek. Col. William Smith's prize was a grant from Fletcher of an estate fifty miles in length on Nassau--now Long Island. According to Bellomont, Smith got this land "arbitrarily and by strong hand." Smith was in collusion with Fletcher, and moreover, was chief justice of the province, "a place of great awe as well as authority." This judicial land wrester forced the town of Southampton to accept the insignificant sum of £10 for the greater part of forty miles of beach--a singularly profitable transaction for Smith, who cleared in one year £500, the proceeds of whales taken there, as he admitted to Bellomont.[17] Henry Beekman, the astute and smooth founder of a rich and powerful family, was made a magnate of the first importance by a grant from Fletcher of a tract sixteen miles in length in Dutchess County, and also of another estate running twenty miles along the Hudson and eight miles inland. This estate he valued at £5,000.[18] Likewise Peter Schuyler, Godfrey Dellius and their associates had conjointly secured by Fletcher's patent, a grant fifty miles long in the romantic Mohawk Valley--a grant which "the Mohawk Indians have often complained of". Upon this estate they placed a value of £25,000. This was a towering fortune for the period; in its actual command of labor, necessities, comforts and luxuries it ranked as a power of transcending importance. These were some of the big estates created by "Colonel Fletcher's intolerable corrupt selling away the lands of this Province," as Bellomont termed it in his communication to the Lords of Trade of Nov. 28, 1700. Fletcher, it was set forth, profited richly by these corrupt grants. He got in bribes, it was charged, at least £4,000.[19] But Fletcher was not the only corrupt official. In his interesting work on the times,[20] George W. Schuyler presents what is an undoubtedly accurate description of how Robert Livingston, progenitor of a rich and potent family which for generations exercised a profound influence in politics and other public affairs, contrived to get together an estate which soon ranked as the second largest in New York state and as one of the greatest in the colonies. Livingston was the younger son of a poor exiled clergyman. In currying favor with one official after another he was unscrupulous, dexterous and adaptable. He invariably changed his politics with the change of administration. In less than a year after his arrival he was appointed to an office which yielded him a good income. This office he held for nearly half a century, and simultaneously was the incumbent of other lucrative posts. Offices were created by Governor Dongan apparently for his sole benefit. His passion was to get together an estate which would equal the largest. Extremely penurious, he loaned money at frightfully usurious rates and hounded his victims without a vestige of sympathy.[21] As a trader and government contractor he made enormous profits; such was his cohesive collusion with high officials that competitors found it impossible to outdo him. A current saying of him was that he made a fortune by "pinching the bellies of the soldiers"--that is, as an army contractor who defrauded in quantity and quality of supplies. By a multitude of underhand and ignoble artifices he finally found himself the lord of a manor sixteen miles long and twenty-four broad. On this estate he built flour and saw mills, a bakery and a brewery. In his advanced old age he exhibited great piety but held on grimly to every shilling that he could and as long as he could. When he died about 1728--the exact date is unknown--at the age of 74 years, he left an estate which was considered of such colossal value that its true value was concealed for fear of further enraging the discontented people. EFFECTS OF THE LAND SEIZURES. The seizure of these vast estates and the arbitrary exclusion of the many from the land produced a combustible situation. An instantaneous and distinct cleavage of class divisions was the result. Intrenched in their possessions the landed class looked down with haughty disdain upon the farming and laboring classes. On the other hand, the farm laborer with his sixteen hours work a day for a forty-cent wage, the carpenter straining for his fifty-two cents a day, the shoemaker drudging for his seventy-three cents a day and the blacksmith for his seventy cents,[22] thought over this injustice as they bent over their tasks. They could sweat through their lifetime at honest labor, producing something of value and yet be a constant prey to poverty while a few men, by means of bribes, had possessed themselves of estates worth tens of thousands of pounds and had preëmpted great stretches of the available lands. In consulting extant historical works it is noticeable that they give but the merest shadowy glimpse of this intense bitterness of what were called the lower classes, and of the incessant struggle now raging, now smouldering, between the landed aristocracy and the common people. Contrary to the roseate descriptions often given of the independent position of the settlers at that time, it was a time when the use and misuse of law brought about sharp divisions of class lines which arose from artificially created inequalities, economically and politically. With the great landed estates came tenantry, wage slavery and chattel slavery, the one condition the natural generator of the others. The rebellious tendency of the poor colonists against becoming tenants, and the usurpation of the land, were clearly brought out by Bellomont in a letter written on Nov. 28, 1700, to the Lords of Trade. He complained that "people are so cramped here for want of land that several families within my own knowledge and observation are remov'd to the new country (a name they give to Pennsylvania and the Jerseys) for, to use Mr. Graham's expression to me, and that often repeated, too, what man will be such a fool as to become a base tenant to Mr. Dellius, Colonel Schuyler, Mr. Livingston (and so he ran through the whole role of our mighty landgraves) when for crossing Hudson's River that man can, for a song, purchase a good freehold in the Jerseys." If the immigrant happened to be able to muster a sufficient sum he could, indeed, become an independent agriculturist in New Jersey and in parts of Pennsylvania and provide himself with the tools of trade. But many immigrants landed with empty pockets and became laborers dependent upon the favor of the landed proprietors. As for the artisans--the carpenters, masons, tailors, blacksmiths--they either kept to the cities and towns where their trade principally lay, or bonded themselves to the lords of the manors. ATTEMPT AT CONFISCATION THWARTED. Bellomont fully understood the serious evils which had been injected into the body politic and strongly applied himself to the task of confiscating the great estates. One of his first proposals was to urge upon the Lords of Trade the restriction of all governors throughout the colonies from granting more than a thousand acres to any man without leave from the king, and putting a quit rent of half a crown on every hundred acres, this sum to go to the royal treasury. This suggestion was not acted upon. He next attacked the assembly of New York and called upon it to annul the great grants. In doing this he found that the most powerful members of the assembly were themselves the great land owners and were putting obstacle after obstacle in his path. After great exertions he finally prevailed upon the assembly to vacate at least two of the grants, those to Evans and Bayard. The assembly did this probably as a sop to Bellomont and to public opinion, and because Evans and Bayard had lesser influence than the other landed functionaries. But the owners of the other estates tenaciously held them intact. The people regarded Bellomont as a sincere and ardent reformer, but the landed men and their following abused him as a meddler and destructionist. Despairing of getting a self-interested assembly to act, Bellomont appealed to the Lords of Trade: "If your Lordships mean I shall go on to break the rest of the extravagant grants of land by Colonel Fletcher or other governors, by act of assembly, I shall stand in need of a peremptory order from the King so to do."[23] A month later he insisted to his superiors at home that if they intended that the corrupt and extravagant grants should be confiscated--"(which I will be bold to say by all the rules of reason and justice ought to be done) I believe it must be done by act of Parliament in England, for I am a little jealous I shall not have strength enough in the assembly of New York to break them." The majority of this body, he pointed out, were landed men, and when their own interest was touched, they declined to act contrary to it. Unless, added Bellomont, "the power of our Palatines, Smith, Livingston, the Phillips, father and son[24]--and six or seven more were reduced ... the country is ruined."[25] Despite some occasional breaches in its intrenchments, the landocracy continued to rule everywhere with a high hand, its power, as a whole, unbroken. HOW THE LORDS OF THE SOIL LIVED. A glancing picture of one of these landed proprietors will show the manner in which they lived and what was then accounted their luxury. As one of the "foremost men of his day," in the colonies Colonel Smith lived in befitting style. This stern, bushy-eyed man who robbed the community of a vast tract of land and who, as chief justice, was inflexibly severe in dealing punishment to petty criminals and ever vigilant in upholding the rights of property, was lord of the Manor of St. George, Suffolk County. The finest silks and lace covered his judicial person. His embroidered belts, costing £110, at once attested his great wealth and high station. He had the extraordinary number of one hundred and four silver buttons to adorn his clothing. When he walked a heavy silver-headed cane supported him, and he rode on a fancy velvet saddle. His three swords were of the finest make; occasionally he affected a Turkish scimeter. Few watches in the colonies could compare with his massive silver watch. His table was embellished with heavy silver plate, valued at £150, on which his coat-of-arms was engraved. Twelve negro slaves responded to his nod; he had a large corps of bounded apprentices and dependant laborers. His mansion looked down on twenty acres of wheat and twenty of corn; and as for his horses and cattle they were the envy of the country. In his last year thirty horses were his, fourteen oxen, sixty steers, forty-eight cows and two bulls.[26] He lived high, drank, swore, cheated--and administered justice. One of the best and most intimate descriptions of a somewhat contemporaneous landed magnate in the South is that given of Robert Carter, a Virginia planter, by Philip Vickers Fithian,[27] a tutor in Carter's family. Carter came to his estate from his grandfather, whose land and other possessions were looked upon as so extensive that he was called "King" Carter. Robert Carter luxuriated in Nomini Hall, a great colonial mansion in Westmoreland County. It was built between 1725 and 1732 of brick covered with strong mortar, which imparted a perfectly white exterior, and was seventy-six feet long and forty wide. The interior was one of unusual splendor for the time, such as only the very rich could afford. There were eight large rooms, one of which was a ball-room thirty feet long. Carter spent most of his leisure hours cultivating the study of law and of music; his library contained 1,500 volumes and he had a varied assortment of musical instruments. He was the owner of 60,000 acres of land spread over almost every county of Virginia, and he was the master of six hundred negro slaves. The greater part of a prosperous iron-works near Baltimore was owned by him, and near his mansion he built a flour mill equipped to turn out 25,000 bushels of wheat a year. Carter was not only one of the big planters but one of the big capitalists of the age; all that he had to do was to exercise a general supervision; his overseers saw to the running of his various industries. Like the other large landholders he was one of the active governing class; as a member of the Provincial Council he had great influence in the making of laws. He was a thorough gentleman, we are told, and took good care of his slaves and of his white laborers who were grouped in workhouses and little cottages within range of his mansion. Within his domain he exercised a sort of benevolent despotism. He was one of the first few to see that chattel slavery could not compete in efficiency with white labor, and he reckoned that more money could be made from the white laborer, for whom no responsibility of shelter, clothing, food and attendance had to be assumed than from the negro slave, whose sickness, disability or death entailed direct financial loss. Before his death he emancipated a number of his slaves. This, in brief, is the rather flattering depiction of one of the conspicuously rich planters of the South. THE NASCENT TRADING CLASS. Land continued to be the chief source of the wealth of the rich until after the Revolution. The discriminative laws enacted by England had held down the progress of the trading class; these laws overthrown, the traders rose rapidly from a subordinate position to the supreme class in point of wealth. No close research into pre-Revolutionary currents and movements is necessary to understand that the Revolution was brought about by the dissatisfied trading class as the only means of securing absolute freedom of trade. Notwithstanding the view often presented that it was an altruistic movement for the freedom of man, it was essentially an economic struggle fathered by the trading class and by a part of the landed interests. Admixed was a sincere aim to establish free political conditions. This, however, was not an aim for the benefit of all classes, but merely one for the better interests of the propertied class. The poverty-stricken soldiers who fought for their cause found after the war that the machinery of government was devised to shut out manhood suffrage and keep the power intact in the hands of the rich. Had it not been for radicals such as Jefferson, Paine and others it is doubtful whether such concessions as were made to the people would have been made. The long struggle in various States for manhood suffrage sufficiently attests the deliberate aim of the propertied interests to concentrate in their own hands, and in that of a following favorable to them, the voting power of the Government and of the States. With the success of the Revolution, the trading class bounded to the first rank. Entail and primogeniture were abolished and the great estates gradually melted away. For more than a century and a half the landed interests had dominated the social and political arena. As an acknowledged, continuous organization they ceased to exist. Great estates no longer passed unimpaired from generation to generation, surviving as a distinct entity throughout all changes. They perforce were partitioned among all the children; and through the vicissitudes of subsequent years, passed bit by bit into many hands. Altered laws caused a gradual disintegration in the case of individual holdings, but brought no change in instances of corporate ownership. The Trinity Corporation of New York City, for example, has held on to the vast estate which it was given before the Revolution except such parts as it voluntarily has sold. DISINTEGRATION OF THE GREAT ESTATES. The individual magnate, however, had no choice. He could no longer entail his estates. Thus, estates which were very large before the Revolution, and which were regarded with astonishment, ceased to exist. The landed interests, however, remained paramount for several decades after the Revolution by reason of the acceleration which long possession and its profits had given them. Washington's fortune, amounting at his death, to $530,000, was one of the largest in the country and consisted mainly of land. He owned 9,744 acres, valued at $10 an acre, on the Ohio River in Virginia, 3,075 acres, worth $200,000, on the Great Kenawa, and also land elsewhere in Virginia and in Maryland, Pennsylvania, New York, Kentucky, the City of Washington and other places.[28] About half a century later it was only by persistent gatherings of public contributions that his very home was saved to the nation, so had his estate become divided and run down. After a long career, Benjamin Franklin acquired what was considered a large fortune. But it did not come from manufacture or invention, which he did so much to encourage, but from land. His estate in 1788, two years before his death, was estimated to be worth $150,000, mostly in land.[29] By the opening decades of the nineteenth century few of the great estates in New York remained. One of the last of the patroons was Stephen Van Rensselaer, who died at the age of 75 on Jan. 26, 1839, leaving ten children. Up to this time the manor had devolved upon the eldest son. Although it had been diminished somewhat by various cessions, it was still of great extent. The property was divided among the ten children, and, according to Schuyler, "In less than fifty years after his death, the seven hundred thousand acres originally in the manor were in the hands of strangers."[30] Long before old Van Rensselaer passed away he had seen the rise and growth of the trading and manufacturing class and a new form of landed aristocracy, and he observed with a haughty bitterness how in point of wealth and power they far overshadowed the well-nigh defunct old feudal aristocracy. A few hundred thousand dollars no longer was the summit of a great fortune; the age of the millionaire had come. The lordly, leisurely environment of the old landed class had been supplanted by feverish trading and industrial activity which imposed upon society its own newer standards, doctrines and ideals and made them uppermost factors. FOOTNOTES: [9] "Land Nationalization,":122-125. [10] Colonial Documents, vii:654-655. [11] Colonial Documents, iv:673-674. [12] "A Short History of the English Colonies in America":402. [13] Yet, this fortune seeker, who had incurred the contempt of every noble English mind, is described by one of the class of power-worshipping historians as follows: "Fame and wealth, so often the idols of _Superior Intellect_, were the prominent objects of this aspiring man."--Williamson's "History of Maine," 1:305. [14] The Public Domain: Its History, etc.:38. [15] Pennsylvania: Colony and Commonwealth:66, 84, etc. Their claim to inherit proprietary rights was bought at the time of the Revolutionary War by the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania for £130,000 sterling or about $580,000. [16] Colonial Documents, iv:463. [17] Ibid.:535. [18] Ibid.:39. [19] Colonial Documents, iv:528. One of Bellomont's chief complaints was that the landgraves monopolized the timber supply. He recommended the passage of a law vesting in the King the right to all trees such as were fit for masts of ships or for other use in building ships of war. [20] "Colonial New York," 1:285-286. [21] According to Reynolds's "Albany Chronicles," Livingston was in collusion with Captain Kidd, the sea pirate. Reynolds also tells that Livingston loaned money at ten per cent. [22] Wright's "Industrial Evolution in the United States"; see also his article "Wages" in Johnson's Encyclopædia. The New York Colonial Documents relate that in 1699 in the three provinces of Bellomont's jurisdiction, "the laboring man received three shillings a day, which was considered dear," iv:588. [23] Colonial Documents, iv:533-554. [24] Frederick and his son Adolphus. Frederick was the employer of the pirate, Captain Samuel Burgess of New York, who at first was sent out by Phillips to Madagascar to trade with the pirates and who then turned pirate himself. From the first voyage Phillips and Burgess cleared together £5,000, the proceeds of trade and slaves. The second voyage yielded £10,000 and three hundred slaves. Burgess married a relative of Phillips and continued piracy, but was caught and imprisoned in Newgate. Phillips spent great sums of money to save him and succeeded. Burgess resumed piracy and met death from poisoning in Africa while engaged in carrying off slaves.--"The Lives and Bloody Exploits of the Most Noted Pirates":177-183. This work was a serious study of the different sea pirates. [25] Colonial Docs, iv:533-534. On November 27, 1700, Bellomont wrote to the Lords of the Treasury: "I can supply the King and all his dominions with naval stores (except flax and hemp) from this province and New Hampshire, but then your Lordships and the rest of the Ministers must break through Coll. Fletcher's most corrupt grants of all the lands and woods of this province which I think is the most impudent villainy I ever heard or read of any man," iv:780. [26] This is the inventory given in "Abstracts of Wills," 1:323. [27] "Journal and Letters," 1767-1774. [28] Sparks' "Life of Washington," Appendix, ix:557-559. [29] Bigelow's "Life of Franklin," iii:470. [30] "Colonial New York," 1:232. CHAPTER III THE RISE OF THE TRADING CLASS The creation of the great landed estates was accompanied by the slow development of the small trader and merchant. Necessarily, they first established themselves in the sea ports where business was concentrated. Many obstacles long held them down to a narrow sphere. The great chartered companies monopolized the profitable resources. The land magnates exacted tribute for the slightest privilege granted. Drastic laws forbade competition with the companies, and the power of law and the severities of class government were severely felt by the merchants. The chartered corporations and the land dignitaries were often one group with an identity of men and interests. Against their strength and capital the petty trader or merchant could not prevail. Daring and enterprising though he be, he was forced to a certain compressed routine of business. He could sell the goods which the companies sold to him but could not undertake to set up manufacturing. And after the companies had passed away, the landed aristocracy used its power to suppress all undue initiative on his part. THE MANORIAL LORDS MONOPOLIZE TRADE. This was especially so in New York, where all power was concentrated in the hands of a few landowners. "To say," says Sabine, "that the political institutions of New York formed a feudal aristocracy is to define them with tolerable accuracy. The soil was owned by a few. The masses were mere retainers or tenants as in the monarchies of Europe."[31] The feudal lord was also the dominant manufacturer and trader. He forced his tenants to sign covenants that they should trade in nothing else than the produce of the manor; that they should trade nowhere else but at his store; that they should grind their flour at his mill, and buy bread at his bakery, lumber at his sawmills and liquor at his brewery. Thus he was not only able to squeeze the last penny from them by exorbitant prices, but it was in his power to keep them everlastingly in debt to him. He claimed, and held, a monopoly in his domain of whatever trade he could seize. These feudal tenures were established in law; woe to the tenant who presumed to infract them! He became a criminal and was punished as a felon. The petty merchant could not, and dared not, compete with the trading monopolies of the manorial lords within these feudal jurisdictions. In such a system the merchant's place for a century and a half was a minor one, although far above that of the drudging laborer. Merchants resorted to sharp and frequently dubious ways of getting money together. They bargained and sold shrewdly, kept their wits ever open, turned sycophant to the aristocracy and a fleecer of the laborer. It would appear that in New York, at least, the practice of the most audacious usury was an early and favorite means of acquiring the property of others. These others were invariably the mechanic or laborer; the merchant dared not attempt to overreach the aristocrat whose power he had good reason to fear. Money which was taken in by selling rum and by wheedling the unsophisticated Indians into yielding up valuable furs, was loaned at frightfully onerous rates. The loans unpaid, the lender swooped mercilessly upon the property of the unfortunate and gathered it in. The richest merchant of his period in the province of New York was Cornelius Steenwyck, a liquor merchant, who died in 1686. He left a total estate of £4,382 and a long list of book debts which disclosed that almost every man in New York City owed money to him, partly for rum, in part for loans.[32] The same was true of Peter Jacob Marius, a rich merchant who died in 1706, leaving behind a host of debtors, "which included about all the male population on Manhattan Island."[33] This eminent counter-man was "buried like a gentleman." At his funeral large sums were spent for wine, cookies, pipes and tobacco, beer, spice for burnt wine and sugar--all according to approved and reverent Dutch fashion. The actual currency left by some of these rich men was a curious conglomeration of almost every stamp, showing the results of a mixed assemblage of customers. There were Spanish pistoles, guineas, Arabian coin, bank dollars, Dutch and French money--a motley assortment all carefully heaped together. Without doubt, those enterprising pirate captains, Kidd and Burgess, and their crews, were good customers of these accommodating and undiscriminating merchants. It was a time when money was triply valued, for little of it passed in circulation. To a people who traded largely by barter and whose media of exchange, for a long time, were wampum, peltries and other articles, the touch and clink of gold and silver were extremely precious and fascinating. Buccaneers Kidd and Burgess deserved the credit for introducing into New York much of the variegated gold and silver coin, and it was believed that they long had some of the leading merchants as their allies in disposing of their plundered goods, in giving them information and affording them protection. THE TRADERS' METHODS. By one means or another, some of the New York merchants of the period attained a standing in point of wealth equal to not a few of the land magnates. William Lawrence of Flushing, Long Island, was "a man of great wealth and social standing." Like the rest of his class he affected to despise the merchant class. After his death, an inventory showed his estate to be worth £4,032, mostly in land and in slaves, of which he left ten.[34] While the landed men often spent much of their time carousing, hunting, gambling, and dispersing their money, the merchants were hawk-eyed alert for every opportunity to gather in money. They wasted no time in frivolous pursuits, had no use for sentiment or scruples, saved money in infinitesimal ways and thought and dreamed of nothing but business. Throughout the colonies, not excepting Pennsylvania, it was the general practice of the merchants and traders to take advantage of the Indians by cunning and treacherous methods. The agents of the chartered companies and the land owners first started the trick of getting the Indians drunk, and then obtaining, for almost nothing, the furs that they had gathered--for a couple of bottles of rum, a blanket or an axe. After the charters of the companies were annulled or expired, the landgraves kept up the practice, and the merchants improved on it in various ingenious ways. "The Indians," says Felt,[35] "were ever ready to give up their furs for knives, hatchets, beads, blankets, and especially were anxious to obtain tobacco, guns, powder, shot and strong water; the latter being a powerful instrument enabling the cunning trader to perpetuate the grossest frauds. Immense quantities of furs were shipped to Europe at a great profit." This description appropriately applied also to New York, New Jersey, and the South. In New York there were severe laws against Indians who got drunk, and in Massachusetts colony an Indian found drunk was subject to a fine of ten shillings or whipping, at the discretion of the magistrate. As to the whites who, for purposes of gain, got the Indians drunk, the law was strangely inactive. Everyone knew that drink might incite the Indians to uprisings and imperil the lives of men, women and children. But the considerations of trade were stronger than even the instinct of self-preservation and the practice went on, not infrequently resulting in the butchery of innocent white victims and in great cost and suspense to the whole community. Strict laws which pronounced penalties for profaneness and for not attending church, connived at the systematic defrauding and swindling of the Indians of land and furs. Two strong considerations were held to justify this. The first was that the Indians were heathen and must give way to civilization; that they were fair prey. The demands of trade, upon which the colonies flourished was the second. The fact was that the code of the trading class was everywhere gradually becoming the dominant one, even breaking down the austere, almost ascetic, Puritan moral professions. Among the common people--those who were ordinary wage laborers--the methods of the rich were looked upon with suspicion and enmity, and there was a prevalent consciousness that wealth was being amassed by one-sided laws and fraud. Some of the noted sea pirates of the age made this their strong justification for preying upon commerce.[36] In Virginia the life of the community depended upon agriculture; therefore slavery was thought to be its labor prop and was joyfully welcomed and earnestly defended. In Massachusetts and New York trading was an elemental factor, and whatever swelled the volume and profits was accounted a blessing to the community and was held justified. Laws, the judges who enforced them, and the spirit of the age reflected not so much the morality of the people as their trading necessities. The one was often mistaken for the other. THE BONDING OF LABORERS. This condition was shown repeatedly in the trade conflicts of the competing merchants, their system of bonded laborers and in the long contests between the traders of the colonies and those of England, culminating in the Revolution. In the churches the colonists prayed to God as the Father of all men and showed great humility. But in actual practice the propertied men recognized no such thing as equality and dispensed with humility. The merchants imitated in a small way the seignorial pretensions of the land nabobs. Few merchants there were who did not deal in negro slaves, and few also were there who did not have a bonded laborer or two, whose labor they monopolized and whose career was their property for a long term of years. Limited bondage, called apprenticeship, was general. Penniless boys, girls and adults were impressed by sheer necessity into service. Nicholas Auger, 10 years old, binds himself, in 1694, to Wessell Evertson, a cooper, for a term of nine years, and swears that "he will truly serve the commandments of his master Lawfull, shall do no hurt to his master, nor waste nor purloin his goods, nor lend them to anybody at Dice, or other unlawful game, shall not contract matrimony, nor frequent taverns, shall not absent himself from his master's service day or night." In return Evertson will teach Nicholas the trade of a cooper, give him "apparell, meat, drink and bedding" and at the expiration of the term will supply him with "two good suits of wearing apparell from head to foot." Cornelius Hendricks, a laborer, binds himself in 1695 as an apprentice and servant to John Molet for five years. Hendricks is to get £3 current silver money and two suits of apparell--one for holy days, the other for working days, and also board is to be provided. Elizabeth Morris, a spinster, in consideration of her transportation from England to New York on the barkentine, "Antegun," binds herself in 1696 as a servant to Captain William Kidd for four years for board. When her term is over she is to get two dresses. These are a few specific instances of the bonding system--a system which served its purpose in being highly advantageous to the merchants and traders. THE FISHERIES OF NEW ENGLAND. Toward the close of the seventeenth century the merchants of Boston were the richest in the colonies. Trade there was the briskest. By 1687, according to the records of the Massachusetts Historical Society, there were ten to fifteen merchants in Boston whose aggregate property amounted to £50,000, or about £5,000 each, and five hundred persons who were worth £3,000 each. Some of these fortunes came from furs, timber and vending merchandise. But the great stimuli were the fisheries of the New England coast. Bellomont in 1700 ascribed the superior trade of Massachusetts to the fact that Fletcher had corruptly sold the best lands in New York province and had thus brought on bad conditions. Had it not been for this, he wrote, New York "would outthrive the Massachusetts Province and quickly outdoe them in people and trade." While the people of the South took to agriculture as a main support, and the merchants of New York were contented with the more comfortable method of taking in coin over counters, a large proportion of the 12,000 inhabitants of Boston and those of Salem and Plymouth braved dangers to drag the sea of its spoil. They developed hardy traits of character, a bold adventurousness and a singular independence of movement which in time engendered a bustling race of traders who navigated the world for trade. It was from shipping that the noted fortunes of the early decades of the eighteenth century came. The origin of the means by which these fortunes were got together lay greatly in the fisheries. The emblem of the codfish in the Massachusetts State House is a survival of the days when the fisheries were the great and most prolific sources of wealth and the chief incentive of all kinds of trade. A tremendous energy was shown in the hazards of the business. So thoroughly were the fisheries recognized as important to the life of the whole New England community that vessels were often built by public subscription, as was instanced in Plymouth, where public subscription on one occasion defrayed the expense.[37] In response to the general incessant demand for ships, the business of shipbuilding soon sprang up; presently there were nearly thirty ship yards in Boston alone and sixty ships a year were built. It was a lucrative industry. The price of a vessel was dear, while the wages of the carpenters, smiths, caulkers and sparmakers were low. Not a few of the merchants and traders or their sons who made their money by debauching and cheating the Indians went into this highly profitable business and became men of greater wealth. By 1700 Boston was shipping 50,000 quintals of dried codfish every year. The fish was divided into several kinds. The choice quality went to the Catholic countries, where there was a great demand for it, principally to Bilboa, Lisbon and Oporto. The refuse was shipped to the West India Islands for sale to the negro slaves and laborers. The price varied. In 1699 it was eighteen shillings a quintal; the next year, we read, it had fallen to twelve shillings because the French fisheries had glutted the market abroad.[38] "FORCE AS GOOD AS FORCE." Along with the fisheries, considerable wealth was extracted in New England, as elsewhere in the colonies, from the shipment of timber. Sharp traders easily got the advantage of Indians and landowners in buying the privilege of cutting timber. In some cases, particularly in New Hampshire, which Allen claimed to own, the timber was simply taken without leave. The word was passed that force was as good as force, fraud as good as fraud. Allen had got the province by force and fraud; let him stop the timber cutters if he dare. Ship timber was eagerly sought in European ports. One Boston merchant is recorded as having taken a cargo of this timber to Lisbon and clearing a profit of £1,600 on an expenditure of £300. "Everybody is excited," wrote Bellomont on June 22, 1700, to the Lords Commissioners for Trades and Plantations. "Some of the merchants of Salem are now loading a ship with 12,000 feet of the noblest ships timber that was ever seen."[39] The whale fishery sprang up about this time and brought in great profits. The original method was to sight the whale from a lookout on shore, push out in a boat, capture him and return to the shore with the carcass. The oil was extracted from the blubber and readily sold. As whales became scarce around the New England islands the whalers pushed off into the ocean in small vessels. Within fifty years at least sixty craft were engaged in the venture. By degrees larger and larger vessels were built until they began to double Cape Horn, and were sometimes absent from a year and a half to three years. The labors of the cruise were often richly rewarded with a thousand barrels of sperm oil and two hundred and fifty barrels of whale oil. BRITISH TRADERS' TACTICS. By the middle of the seventeenth century the colonial merchants were in a position to establish manufactures to compete with the British. A seafaring race and a mercantile fleet had come into a militant existence; and ambitious designs were meditated of conquering a part of the import and export trade held by the British. The colonial shipowner, sending tobacco, corn, timber or fish to Europe did not see why he should not load his ship with commodities on the return trip and make a double profit. It was now that the British trading class peremptorily stepped in and used the power of government to suppress in its infancy a competition that alarmed them. Heavy export duties were now declared on every colonial article which would interfere with the monopoly which the British trading class held, and aimed to hold, while the most exacting duties were put on non-British imports. Colonial factories were killed off by summary legislation. In 1699 Parliament enacted that no wool yarn or woolen manufactures of the American colonies should be exported to any place whatever. This was a destructive bit of legislation, as nearly every colonial rural family kept sheep and raised flax and were getting expert at the making of coarse linen and woolen cloths. No sooner had the colonists begun to make paper than that industry was likewise choked. With hats it was the same. The colonists had scarcely begun to export hats to Spain, Portugal and the West Indies before the British Company of Hatters called upon the Government to put a stop to this colonial interference with their trade. An act was thereupon passed by Parliament forbidding the exportation of hats from any American colony, and the selling in one colony of hats made in another. Colonial iron mills began to blast; they were promptly declared a nuisance, and Parliament ordered that no mill or engine for slitting or rolling iron be used, but graciously allowed pig and bar iron to be imported from England into the colonies. Distilleries were common; molasses was extensively used in the making of rum and also by the fishermen; a heavy duty was put upon molasses and sugar as also on tea, nails, glass and paints. Smuggling became general; a narrative of the adroit devices resorted to would make an interesting tale. These restrictive acts brought about various momentous results. They not only arrayed the whole trading class against Great Britain, and in turn the great body of the colonists, but they operated to keep down in size and latitude the private fortunes by limiting the ways in which the wealth of individuals could be employed. Much money was withdrawn from active business and invested in land and mortgages. Still, despite the crushing laws with which colonial capitalists had to contend, the fisheries were an incessant source of profit. By 1765 they employed 4,000 seamen and had 28,000 tons of shipping and did a business estimated at somewhat more than a million dollars. FOOTNOTES: [31] "Lives of the Loyalists,":18. [32] "Abstracts of Wills," ii:444-445. [33] Ibid., 1:323-324. [34] "Abstracts of Wills," 1:108. [35] "An Historical Account of Massachusetts Currency." See also Colonial Documents, iii:242, and the Records of New Amsterdam. See the chapters on the Astor fortune in Part II for full details of the methods in debauching and swindling the Indians in trading operations. [36] Thus Captain Bellamy's speech in 1717 to Captain Baer of Boston, whose sloop he had just sunk and rifled: "I am sorry that they [his crew] won't let you have your sloop again, for I scorn to do any one a mischief when it is not for my advantage; damn the sloop, we must sink her, and she might be of use to you. Though you are a sneaking puppy, and so are all those who will submit to be governed by laws which rich men have made for their own security--for the cowardly whelps have not the courage otherwise to defend what they get by their knavery. But damn ye altogether; damn them for a pack of crafty rascals, and ye who serve them, for a parcel of hen-hearted numbskulls. They villify us, the scoundrels do, when there is only this difference: they rob the poor under cover of law, forsooth, and we plunder the rich under protection of our own courage. Had you better not make one of us than sneak after these villains for employment." Baer refused and was put ashore.--"The Lives and Bloody Exploits of the Most Noted Pirates":129-130. [37] "A Commercial Sketch of Boston," Hunt's Merchant's Magazine, 1839, 1:125. [38] Colonial Documents, iv:790. [39] Ibid., 678. CHAPTER IV THE SHIPPING FORTUNES Thus it was that at the time of the Revolution many of the consequential fortunes were those of shipowners and were principally concentrated in New England. Some of these dealt in merchandise only, while others made large sums of money by exporting fish, tobacco, corn, rice and timber and lading their ships on the return with negro slaves, for which they found a responsive market in the South. Many of the members of the Continental Congress were ship merchants, or inherited their fortunes from rich shippers, as, for instance, Samuel Adams, Robert Morris, Henry Laurens of Charleston, S. C., John Hancock, whose fortune of $350,000 came from his uncle Thomas, Francis Lewis of New York and Joseph Hewes of North Carolina. Others were members of various Constitutional conventions or became high officials in the Federal or State governments. The Revolution disrupted and almost destroyed the colonial shipping, and trade remained stagnant. FORTUNES FROM PRIVATEERING. Not wholly so, for the hazardous venture of privateering offered great returns. George Cabot of Boston was the son of an opulent shipowner. During the Revolution, George, with his brother swept the coast with twenty privateers carrying from sixteen to twenty guns each. For four or five years their booty was rich and heavy, but toward the end of the war, British gun-boats swooped on most of their craft and the brothers lost heavily. George subsequently became a United States Senator. Israel Thorndike, who began life as a cooper's apprentice and died in 1832 at the age of 75, leaving a fortune, "the greatest that has ever been left in New England,"[40] made large sums of money as part owner and commander of a privateer which made many successful cruises. With this money he went into fisheries, foreign commerce and real estate, and later into manufacturing establishments. One of the towering rich men of the day, we are told that "his investments in real estate, shipping or factories were wonderfully judicious and hundreds watched his movements, believing his pathway was safe." The fortune he bequeathed was ranked as immense. To each of his three sons he left about $500,000 each, and other sums to another son, and to his widow and daughters. In all, the legacies to the surviving members of his family amounted to about $1,800,000.[41] Another "distinguished merchant," as he was styled, to take up privateering was Nathaniel Tracy, the son of a Newburyport merchant. College bred, as were most of the sons of rich merchants, he started out at the age of 25 with a number of privateers, and for many years returned flushed with prizes. To quote his appreciative biographer: "He lived in a most magnificent style, having several country seats or large farms with elegant summer houses and fine fish ponds, and all those matters of convenience or taste that a British nobleman might think necessary to his rank and happiness. His horses were of the choicest kind and his coaches of the most splendid make." But alas! this gorgeous career was abruptly dispelled when unfeeling British frigates and gun-boats hooked in his saucy privateers and Tracy stood quite ruined. Much more fortunate was Joseph Peabody. As a young man Peabody enlisted as an officer on Derby's privateer "Bunker Hill." His second cruise was on Cabot's privateer "Pilgrim" which captured a richly cargoed British merchantman. Returning to shore he studied for an education, later resuming the privateer deck. Some of his exploits, as narrated by George Atkinson Ward in "Hunt's Lives of American Merchants," published in 1856, were thrilling enough to have found a deserved place in a gory novel. With the money made as his share of the various prizes, he bought a vessel which he commanded himself, and he personally made sundry voyages to Europe and the West Indies. By 1791 he had amassed a large fortune. There was no further need of his going to sea; he was now a great merchant and could pay others to take charge of his ships. These increased to such an extent that he built in Salem and owned eighty-three ships which he freighted and dispatched to every known part of the world. Seven thousand seamen were in his employ. His vessels were known in Calcutta, Canton, Sumatra, St. Petersburg and dozens of other ports. They came back with cargoes which were distributed by coasting vessels among the various American ports. It was with wonderment that his contemporaries spoke of his paying an aggregate of about $200,000 in State, county and city taxes in Salem, where he lived.[42] He died on Jan. 5, 1844, aged 84 years. Asa Clapp, who at his death in 1848, at the age of 85 years, was credited with being the richest man in Maine,[43] began his career during the Revolution as an officer on a privateer. After the war he commanded various trading vessels, and in 1796 established a shipping business of his own, with headquarters at Portland. His vessels traded with Europe, the East and West Indies and South America. In his later years he went into banking. Of the size of his fortune we are left in ignorance. A GLANCE AT OTHER SHIPPING FORTUNES. These are instances of rich men whose original capital came from privateering, which was recognized as a legitimate method of reprisal. As to the inception of the fortunes of other prominent capitalists of the period, few details are extant in the cases of most of them. Of the antecedents and life of Thomas Russell, a Boston shipper, who died in 1796, "supposedly leaving the largest amount of property which up to that time had been accumulated in New England," little is known. The extent of his fortune cannot be learned. Russell was one of the first, after the Revolution, to engage in trade with Russia, and drove many a hard bargain. He built a stately mansion in Charleston and daily traveled to Boston in a coach drawn by four black horses. In business he was inflexible; trade considerations aside he was an alms-giver. Of Cyrus Butler, another shipowner and trader, who, according to one authority, was probably the richest man in New England[44]--and who, according to the statement of another publication[45]--left a fortune estimated at from three to four millions of dollars, few details likewise are known. He was the son of Samuel Butler, a shoemaker who removed from Edgartown, Mass., to Providence about 1750 and became a merchant and shipowner. Cyrus followed in his steps. When this millionaire died at the age of 82 in 1849, the size of his fortune excited wonderment throughout New England. It may be here noted as a fact worthy of comment that of the group of hale rich shipowners there were few who did not live to be octogenarians. The rapidity with which large fortunes were made was not a riddle. Labor was cheap and unorganized, and the profits of trade were enormous. According to Weeden the customary profits at the close of the eighteenth century on muslins and calicoes were one hundred per cent. Cargoes of coffee sometimes yielded three or four times that amount. Weeden instances one shipment of plain glass tumblers costing less than $1,000 which sold for $12,000 in the Isle of France.[46] The prospects of a dazzling fortune, speedily reaped, instigated owners of capital to take the most perilous chances. Decayed ships, superficially patched up, were often sent out on the chance that luck and skill would get them through the voyage and yield fortunes. Crew after crew was sacrificed to this frenzied rush for money, but nothing was thought of it. Again, there were examples of almost incredible temerity. In his biography of Peter Charndon Brooks, one of the principal merchants of the day, and his father-in-law, Edward Everett tells of a ship sailing from Calcutta to Boston with a youth of nineteen in command. Why or how this boy was placed in charge is not explained. This juvenile captain had nothing in the way of a chart on board except a small map of the world in Guthrie's Geography. He made the trip successfully. Later, when he became a rich Boston banker, the tale of this feat was one of the proud annals of his life and, if true, deservedly so.[47] Whitney's notable invention of the cotton gin in 1793 had given a stupendous impetus to cotton growing in the Southern States. As the shipowners were chiefly centered in New England the export of this staple vastly increased their trade and fortunes. It might be thought, parenthetically, that Whitney himself should have made a surpassing fortune from an invention which brought millions of dollars to planters and traders. But his inventive ability and perseverance, at least in his creation of the cotton gin, brought him little more than a multitude of infringements upon his patent, refusals to pay him, and vexatious and expensive litigation to sustain his rights.[48] In despair, he turned, in 1808, to the manufacture in New Haven of fire-arms for the Government, and from this business managed to get a fortune. From the Canton and Calcutta trade Thomas Handasyd Perkins, a Boston shipper, extracted a fortune of $2,000,000. His ships made thirty voyages around the world. This merchant peer lived to the venerable age of 90; when he passed away in 1854 his fortune, although intact, had shrunken to modest proportions compared with a few others which had sprung up. James Lloyd, a partner of Perkins', likewise profited; in 1808 he was elected a United States Senator and later reëlected. William Gray, described as "one of the most successful of American merchants," and as one who was considered and taxed in Salem "as one of the wealthiest men in the place, where there were several of the largest fortunes that could be found in the United States," owned, in his heyday, more than sixty sail of vessels. Some scant details are obtainable as to the career and personality of this moneyed colossus of his day. He began as an apprenticed mechanic. For more than fifty years he rose at dawn and was shaved and dressed. His letters and papers were then spread before him and the day's business was begun. At his death in 1825 no inventory of his estate was taken. The present millions of the Brown fortune of Rhode Island came largely from the trading activities of Nicholas Brown and the accretions of which increased population and values have brought. Nicholas Brown was born in Providence in 1760, of a well-to-do father. He went to Rhode Island College (later named in his honor by reason of his gifts) and greatly increased his fortune in the shipping trade. It is quite needless, however, to give further instances in support of the statement that nearly all the large active fortunes of the latter part of the eighteenth and the early period of the nineteenth century, came from the shipping trade and were mainly concentrated in New England. The proceeds of these fortunes frequently were put into factories, canals, turnpikes and later into railroads, telegraph lines and express companies. Seldom, however, has the money thus employed really gone to the descendants of the men who amassed it, but has since passed over to men who, by superior cunning, have contrived to get the wealth into their own hands. This statement is an anticipation of facts that will be more cognate in subsequent chapters, but may be appropriately referred to here. There were some exceptions to the general condition of the large fortunes from shipping being compactly held in New England. Thomas Pym Cope, a Philadelphia Quaker, did a brisk shipping trade, and founded the first regular line of packets between Philadelphia and Baltimore; with the money thus made he went into canal and railroad enterprises. And in New York and other ports there were a number of shippers who made fortunes of several millions each. THE WORKERS' MEAGER SHARE. Obviously these millionaires created nothing except the enterprise of distributing products made by the toil and skill of millions of workers the world over. But while the workers made these products their sole share was meager wages, barely sufficient to sustain the ordinary demands of life. Moreover, the workers of one country were compelled to pay exorbitant prices for the goods turned out by the workers of other countries. The shippers who stood as middlemen between the workers of the different countries reaped the great rewards. Nevertheless, it should not be overlooked that the shippers played their distinct and useful part in their time and age, the spirit of which was intensely ultra-competitive and individualistic in the most sordid sense. FOOTNOTES: [40] "Hunt's Merchant's Magazine," 11:516-517. [41] Allen's "Biographical Dictionary," Edition of 1857:791. [42] Hunt's "Lives of American Merchants":382. [43] Allen's "Biographical Dictionary," Edit. of 1857:227. [44] Stryker's "American Register" for 1849:241. [45] "The American Almanac" for 1850:324. [46] "An Economic and Social History of New England," 11:825. [47] Hunt's "Lives of American Merchants":139. [48] Life of Eli Whitney, "Our Great Benefactors":567. CHAPTER V THE SHIPPERS AND THEIR TIMES Unfortunately only the most general and eulogistic accounts of the careers of most of the rich shippers have appeared in such biographies as have been published. Scarcely any details are preserved of the underlying methods and circumstances by which these fortunes were amassed. Sixty years ago, when it was the unqualified fashion to extol the men of wealth as great public benefactors and truckle to them, and when sociological inquiry was in an undeveloped stage, there might have been some excuse for this. But it is extremely unsatisfactory to find pretentious writers of the present day glossing over essential facts or not taking the trouble to get them. A "popular writer," who has pretended to deal with the origin of one of the great present fortunes, the Astor fortune, and has given facts, although conventionally interpreted, as to one or two of Astor's land transactions,[49] passes over with a sentence the fundamental facts as to Astor's shipping activities, and entirely ignores the peculiar special privileges, worth millions of dollars, that Astor, in conjunction with other merchants, had as a free gift from the Government. This omission is characteristic, inasmuch as it leaves the reader in complete ignorance of the kind of methods Astor used in heaping up millions from the shipping trade--millions that enabled him to embark in the buying of land in a large and ambitious way. Certainly there is no lack of data regarding the two foremost millionaires of the first decades of the nineteenth century--Stephen Girard and John Jacob Astor. The very names of nearly all of the other powerful merchants of the age have receded into the densest obscurity. But both those of Girard and Astor live vivifyingly, the first by virtue of a memorable benefaction, the second as the founder of one of the greatest fortunes in the world. COMMERCE SURCHARGED WITH FRAUD. Because of their unexcelled success, these two were the targets for the bitter invective or the envy of their competitors on the one hand, and, on the other, of the laudation of their friends and beneficiaries. Harsh statements were made as to the methods of both, but, in reality, if we but knew the truth, they were no worse than the other millionaires of the time except in degree. The whole trading system was founded upon a combination of superior executive ability and superior cunning--not ability in creating, but in being able to get hold of, and distribute, the products of others' creation. Fraudulent substitution was an active factor in many, if not all, of the shipping fortunes. The shippers and merchants practiced the grossest frauds upon the unsophisticated people. Walter Barrett, that pseudonymic merchant, who took part in them himself, and who writes glibly of them as fine tricks of trade, gives many instances in his volumes dealing with the merchants of that time. The firm of F. & G. Carnes, he relates, was one of the many which made a large fortune in the China trade. This firm found that Chinese yellow-dog wood, when cut into proper sizes, bore a strong superficial resemblance to real Turkey rhubarb. The Carnes brothers proceeded to have the wood packed in China in boxes counterfeiting those of the Turkey product. They then made a regular traffic importing this spurious and deleterious stuff and selling it as the genuine Turkey article at several times the cost. It entirely superseded the real product. This firm also sent to China samples of Italian, French and English silks; the Chinese imitated them closely, and the bogus wares were imported into the United States where they were sold as the genuine European goods. The Carneses were but a type of their class. Writing of the trade carried on by the shipping class, Barrett says that the shippers sent to China samples of the most noted Paris and London products in sauces, condiments, preserves, sweetmeats, syrups and other goods. The Chinese imitated them even to fac-similies of printed Paris and London labels. The fraudulent substitutions were then brought in cargoes to the United States where they were sold at fancy prices. MERCHANTS THE PILLARS OF SOCIETY. This was the prevalent commercial system. The most infamous frauds were carried on; and so dominant were the traders' standards that these frauds passed as legitimate business methods. The very men who profited by them were the mainstays of churches, and not only that, but they were the very same men who formed the various self-constituted committees which demanded severe laws against paupers and petty criminals. A study of the names of the men, for instance, who comprised the New York Society for the Prevention of Pauperism, 1818-1823, shows that nearly all of them were shippers or merchants who participated in the current commercial frauds. Yet this was the class that sat in judgment upon the poverty of the people and the acts of poor criminals and which dictated laws to legislatures and to Congress. Girard and Astor were the superfine products of this system; they did in a greater way what others did in a lesser way. As a consequence, their careers were fairly well illumined. The envious attacks of their competitors ascribed their success to hard-hearted and ignoble qualities, while their admirers heaped upon them tributes of praise for their extraordinary genius. Both sets exaggerated. Their success in garnering millions was merely an abnormal manifestation of an ambition prevalent among the trading class. Their methods were an adroit refinement of methods which were common. The game was one in which, while fortunes were being amassed, masses of people were thrown into the direst poverty and their lives were attended by injustice and suffering. In this game a large company of eminent merchants played; Girard and Astor were peers in the playing and got away with the greater share of the stakes. POST-REVOLUTIONARY CONDITIONS. Before describing Girard's career, it is well to cast a retrospective fleeting glance into conditions following the Revolution. Despite the lofty sentiments of the Declaration of Independence--sentiments which were submerged by the propertied class when the cause was won--the gravity of law bore wholly in favor of the propertied interests. The propertyless had no place or recognition. The common man was good enough to shoulder a musket in the stress of war but that he should have rights after the war, was deemed absurd. In the whole scheme of government neither the feelings nor the interests of the worker were thought of. The Revolution brought no immediate betterment to his conditions; such slight amelioration as came later was the result of years of agitation. No sooner was the Revolution over than in stepped the propertied interests and assumed control of government functions. They were intelligent enough to know the value of class government--a lesson learned from the tactics of the British trading class. They knew the tremendous impact of law and how, directly and indirectly, it worked great transformations in the body social. While the worker was unorganized, unconscious of what his interests demanded, deluded by slogans and rallying-cries which really meant nothing to him, the propertied class was alert in its own interests. PROPERTY'S RULE INTRENCHED. It proceeded to intrench itself in political as well as in financial power. The Constitution of the United States was so drafted as to take as much direct power from the people as the landed and trading interests dared. Most of the State Constitutions were more pronounced in rigid property discriminations. In Massachusetts, no man could be governor unless he were a Christian worth a clear £1,000; in North Carolina if he failed of owning the required £1,000 in freehold estate; nor in Georgia if he did not own five hundred acres of land and £4,000, nor in New Hampshire if he lacked owning £500 in property. In South Carolina he had to own £1,500 in property clear of all debts. In New York by the Constitution of 1777, only actual residents having freeholds to the value of £100 free of all debts, could vote for governor and other State officials. The laws were so arranged as effectually to disfranchise those who had no property. In his "Reminiscenses" Dr. John W. Francis tells of the prevalence for years in New York of a supercilious class which habitually sneered at the demand for political equality of the leather-breeched mechanic with his few shillings a day. Theoretically, religious standards were the prevailing ones; in actuality the ethics and methods of the propertied class were all powerful. The Church might preach equality, humility and the list of virtues; but nevertheless that did not give the propertyless man a vote. Thus it was, that in communities professing the strongest religious convictions and embodying them in Constitutions and in laws and customs, glaring inconsistencies ran side by side. The explanation lay in the fact that as regarded essential things of property, the standards of the trading class had supplanted the religious. Even the very admonition given by pastors to the poor, "Be content with your lot," was a preachment entirely in harmony with the aims of the trading class which, in order to make money, necessarily had to have a multitude of workers to work for it and from whose labor the money, in its finality, had to come. In the very same breath that they advised the poverty-stricken to reverence their superiors and to expect their reward in heaven, the ministers glorified the aggrandizing merchants as God's chosen men who were called upon to do His work.[50] Since the laws favored the propertied interests, it was correspondingly easy for them to get direct control of government functions and personally exercise them. In New England rich shipowners rose at once to powerful elective and appointive officers. Likewise in New York rich landowners, and in the South, plantation men were selected for high offices. Law-making bodies, from Congress down, were filled with merchants, landowners, plantation men and lawyers, which last class was trained, as a rule, by association and self-interest to take the views of the propertied class and vote with, and for, it. A puissant politico-commercial aristocracy developed which, at all times, was perfectly conscious of its best interests. The worker was regaled with flattering commendations of the dignity of labor and sonorous generalizations and promises, but the ruling class took care of the laws. By means of these partial laws, the propertied interests early began to get tremendously valuable special privileges. Banking rights, canal construction, trade privileges, government favors, public franchises all came in succession. THE RIGORS OF LAW ON THE POOR. At the same time that laws were enacted or were twisted to suit the will of property, other laws were long in force oppressing the poor to a terrifying degree. Poor debtors could be thrown in jail indefinitely, no matter how small a sum they owned. In law, the laborer was accorded few rights. It was easy to defraud him of his meager wages, since he had no lien upon the products of his labor. His labor power was all that he had to sell, and the value of this power was not safeguarded by law. But the products created by his labor power in the form of property were fortified by the severest laws. For the laborer to be in debt was equal to a crime, in fact, in its results, worse than a crime. The burglar or pickpocket would get a certain sentence and then go free. The poor debtor, however, was compelled to languish in jail at the will of his creditor. The report of the Prison Discipline Society for 1829 estimated that fully 75,000 persons were annually imprisoned for debt in the United States and that more than one-half of these owed less than twenty dollars.[51] And such were the appalling conditions of these debtors' prisons that there was no distinction of sex, age or character; all of the unfortunates were indiscriminately herded together. Sometimes, even in the inclement climate of the North, the jails were so poorly constructed, that there was insufficient shelter from the elements. In the newspapers of the period advertisements may be read in which charitable societies or individuals appeal for food, fuel and clothing for the inmates of these prisons. The thief and the murderer had a much more comfortable time of it in prison than the poor debtor. LAW KIND TO THE TRADERS. With the law-making mercantile class the situation was very different. The state and national bankruptcy acts, as apply to merchants, bankers, storekeepers--the whole commercial class--were so loosely drafted and so laxly enforced and judicially interpreted, that it was not hard to defraud creditors and escape with the proceeds. A propertied bankrupt could conceal his assets and hire adroit lawyers to get him off scot-free on quibbling technicalities--a condition which has survived to the present time, though in a lesser degree.[52] But imprisonment for debt was not the only fate that befell the propertyless. According to the "Annual Report of the Managers of the Society for the Prevention of Pauperism in New York City," there were 12,000 paupers in New York City in 1820.[53] Many of these were destitute Irish who, after having been plundered and dispossessed by the absentee landlords and the capitalists of their own country, were induced to pay their last farthing to the shippers for passage to America. There were laws providing that ship masters must report to the Mayors of cities and give a bond that the destitutes that they brought over should not become public charges. These laws were systematically and successfully evaded; poor immigrants were dumped unceremoniously at obscure places along the coast from whence they had to make their way, carrying their baggage and beds, to the cities the best that they could. Cadwallader D. Colden, mayor of New York for some years, tells, in his reports, of harrowing cases of death after death resulting from exposure due to this horrible form of exploitation. Now when the immigrant or native found himself in a state of near, or complete, destitution and resorted to the pawnbrokers's or to theft, what happened? The law restricted pawnbrokers from charging more than seven per cent on amounts more than $25, but on amounts below that they were allowed to charge twenty-five per cent. which, as the wage value of money then went, was oppressively high. Of course, the poor with their cheap possessions seldom owned anything on which they could get more than $25; consequently they were the victims of the most grinding legalized usury. Occasionally some legislative committee recognized, although in a dim and unanalytic way, this onerous discrimination of law against the propertyless. "Their [the pawnbrokers'] rates of interest," an Aldermanic committee reported in 1832, "have always been exorbitant and exceedingly oppressive. It has from time to time been regulated by law, and its sanctions have (as is usual upon most occasions when oppression has been legalized) been made to fall most heavily upon the poor." The committee continued with the following comments which were naïve in the extreme considering that for generations all law had been made by and for the propertied interests: "It is a singular fact that the smallest sums advanced have always been chargeable with the highest rates of interest.... It is a fact worthy of consideration that by far the greater number of loans effected at these establishments are less than one dollar, and of the whole twelve-fifteenths are in sums less than one dollar and a half."[54] On the other hand, the propertied class not only was able to raise money at a fairly low rate of interest, but, as will appear, had the free use of the people's money, through the power of government, to the extent of tens of millions of dollars. THE PENALTIES OF POVERTY. If a man were absolutely destitute and took to theft as the only means of warding off starvation for himself or his family, the whole force of law at once descended heavily upon him. In New York State the law decreed it grand larceny to steal to the value of $25, and in other States the statutes were equally severe. For stealing $25 worth of anything the penalty was three years in prison at hard labor. The unfortunate was usually put in the convict chain-gang and forced to work along the roads. Street-begging was prohibited by drastic laws; poverty was substantially a crime. The moment a propertyless person stole, the assumption at once was that he was _prima facie_ a criminal; but let the powerful propertied man steal and government at once refused to see the criminal _intent_; if he were prosecuted, the usual outcome was that he never went to jail. Hundreds of specific instances could be given to prove this. One of the most noted of these was that of Samuel Swartwout, who was Collector of the Port of New York for a considerable period and who, at the same time, was a financier and large land-speculation promoter. It came out in 1838 that he had stolen the enormous sum of $1,222,705.69 from the Government,[55] which money he had used in his schemes. He was a fugitive from justice for a time, but upon his return was looked upon extenuatingly as the "victim of circumstances" and he never languished in jail. Money was the standard of everything. The propertied person could commit any kind of crime, short of murder, and could at once get free on bail. But what happened to the accused who was poor? Here is a contemporaneous description of one of the prisons of the period: "In Bridewell, white females of every grade of character, from the innocent who is in the end acquitted, down to the basest wretch that ever disgraced the refuges of prostitution, are crowded into the same abandoned abode. With the white male prisons, the case is little altered.... And so it is with the colored prisoners of both sexes. Hundreds are taken up and sent to these places, who, after remaining frequently several weeks, are found to be innocent of the crime alleged and are then let loose upon the community."[56] "Let loose upon the community." Does not this clause in itself convey volumes of significance of the attitude of the propertied interests, even when banded together in a pseudo "charitable" enterprise, toward the poverty-stricken? While thus the charitable societies were holding up the destitute to scorn and contumely as outcasts and were loftily lecturing down to the poor on the evils of intemperance and gambling--practices which were astoundingly prevalent among the rich--at no time did they make any attempt to alter laws so glaringly unjust that they practically made poverty a distinct crime, subject to long terms of imprisonment. For instance, if a rich man were assaulted and made a complaint, all that he had to do was to give bail to insure his appearance as a witness. But if a poor man or woman were cheated or assaulted and could not give bail to insure his or her appearance at the trial as a complaining witness, the law compelled the authorities to lock up that man or woman in prison. In the debates in the New York Constitutional Convention of 1846, numerous cases were cited of this continuing barbarity in New York, Maryland, Pennsylvania and other states. In Maryland a young woman was assaulted and preferred criminal charges. As she could not give bail she was locked up for eighteen months as a detained witness. This was but one instance in thousands of similar cases. MASTER AND BONDED MAN. For an apprenticed laborer to quit his master and job was a crime in law; once caught he was forthwith bundled off to jail, there to await the dispensation of his master. No matter how cruelly his master ill-treated him, however dissatisfied he was, the apprenticed laborer in law had no rights. Almost every day the newspapers of the eighteenth, and the early part of the nineteenth, century contained offers of rewards for the apprehension of fugitive apprentice laborers; from a survey of the Pennsylvania, New York, Massachusetts and other colonial and state newspapers it is clear that thousands of these apprentices had to resort to flight to escape their bondage. This is a specimen advertisement: TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD. RAN away from the subscriber, an Apprentice Boy, named William Rustes, about 18 years and 3 months old, by trade a house carpenter, of a dark complexion, dark eye brows, black eyes and black hair, about 5 feet, 8 inches high, his dress unknown as he took with him different kinds of clothes. The above reward will be paid to any person that will secure him in gaol or return him to his master. GEORGE LORD, No. 12 First Street.[57] In contradistinction to the scorpion-like laws which worked such injustice to the poor and which made a mockery of doctrines of equality before the law, the propertied interests endowed themselves, by their control of government, with invaluable exemptions and peculiarly profitable special privileges. Even where, in civil cases, all men, theoretically, had an equal chance in courts of equity, litigation was made so expensive, whether purposely or not, that justice was really a one-sided pastime, in which the rich man could easily wear out the poor contestant. This, however, is not the place for a dissertation on that most remarkable of noteworthy sorcerer's arts, the making of justice an expensive luxury, while still deluding the people with the notion that the law knows no preferences. The preferences which are more to the point at present are those in which government force is used to enrich the already rich and impoverish the impoverished still further. At the very time that property was bitterly resisting enlightened pleas for the abolition of imprisonment for debt, for the enactment of a mechanic's lien law, and for the extension of the suffrage franchise it was using the public money of the whole people for its personal and private enterprises. In works dealing with those times it is not often that we get penetration into the underlying methods of the trading class. But a lucid insight is inadvertently given by Walter Barrett (who, for sixty years, was in the mercantile trade), in his smug and conventional, but quaintly entertaining, volumes, "The Merchants of Old New York." This strong instance shows like a flashlight that while the success of the shippers was attributed to a fine category of energetic qualities, the benevolent assistance of the United States Government was, in a large measure, responsible for part of their accumulations. THE SHIPPERS' HUGE GRAFT. The Griswolds of New York owned the ship, "Panama." She carried spelter, lead, iron and other products to China and returned with tea, false cinnamon and various other Chinese goods. The duty on these was extremely high. But the Government was far more lenient to the trading class than the trader was to the poor debtor. It generously extended credit for nine, twelve and eighteen months before it demanded the payment of the tariff duties. What happened under this system? As soon as the ship arrived, the cargo was sold at a profit of fifty per cent. The Griswolds, for example, would pocket their profits and instead of using their own capital in further ventures, they would have the gratuitous use of Government money, that is to say, the people's money, for periods of from six months to a year and a half. Thus the endless chain was kept up. According to Barrett, this was the customary attitude of the Government toward merchants: it was anything but unusual for a merchant to have the free use of Government money to the sum of four or five hundred thousand dollars.[58] "John Jacob Astor," says Barrett in a view of admiration, "at one period of his life had several vessels operating in this way. They would go to the Pacific and carry furs from thence to Canton. These would be sold at large profits. Then the cargoes of tea would pay enormous duties which Astor did not have to pay to the United States for a year and a half. His tea cargoes would be sold for good four and six months paper, or perhaps cash; so that for eighteen or twenty years John Jacob Astor had what was actually a free-of-interest loan from the Government of over _five millions_ of dollars."[59] "One house," continues Barrett, "was Thomas H. Smith & Sons. This firm went enormously into the Canton trade, and, although possessing originally but a few thousand dollars, Smith imported to such an extent that when he failed he owed the United States three millions and not a cent has ever been paid." Was Smith imprisoned for debt? Not at all. It is such revelations as these that indicate how it was possible for the shippers to pile up great fortunes at a time when "a house that could raise $260,000 in specie had an uncommon capital." They showed how the same functions of government which were used as an engine of such oppressive power against the poor, were perverted into highly efficient auxiliary of trading class aims and ambitions. By multifarious subtle workings, these class laws inevitably had a double effect. They poured wealth into the coffers of the merchant-class and simultaneously tended to drive the masses into poverty. The gigantic profits taken in by merchants had to be borne by the worker, perhaps not superficially, but in reality so. They came from his slender wages, from the tea and cotton and woolen goods that he used, the sugar and the coffee and so on. In this indirect way the shippers absorbed a great part of the products of his labor; what they did not expropriate the landlord did. Then when the laborer fell in debt to the middleman tradesman to jail he went.[60] UNITE AGAINST THE WORKER. The worker denounced these discriminations as barbarous and unjust. But he could do nothing. The propertied class, with its keen understanding of what was best for its interests, acted and voted, and usually dragooned the masses of enfranchised into voting, for men and measures entirely favorable to its designs. Sometimes these interests conflicted as they did when a part of New England became manufacturing centers and favored a high protective tariff in opposition to the importing trades, the plantation owners and the agricultural class in general. Then the vested class would divide, and each side would appeal with passionate and patriotic exhortations to the voting elements of the people to sustain it, or the country would go to ruin. But when the working class made demands for better laws, the propertied class, as a whole, united to oppose the workers bitterly. However it differed on the tariff, or the question of state or national banks, substantially the whole trading class solidly combated the principle of manhood suffrage and the movements for the wiping out of laws for imprisonment for debt, for mechanic's liens and for the establishment of shorter hours of work. Political institutions and their offspring in the form of laws being generally in the control of the trading class, the conditions were extraordinarily favorable for the accumulation of large fortunes, especially on the part of the shipowners, the dominant class. The grand climax of the galaxy of American fortunes during the period from 1800 to 1831--the greatest of all the fortunes up to the beginning of the third decade of that century--was that of Girard. He built up what was looked up to as the gigantic fortune of about ten millions of dollars and far overtopped every other strainer for money except Astor, who survived him seventeen years, and whose wealth increased during that time to double the amount that Girard left. FOOTNOTES: [49] "The Astor Fortune," McClure's Magazine, April, 1905. [50] Innumerable were the sermons and addresses poured forth, all to the same end. To cite one: The Rev. Daniel Sharp of the Third Baptist Meeting House, Boston, delivered a sermon in 1828 on "The Tendency of Evil Speaking Against Rulers." It was considered so powerful an argument in favor of obedience that it was printed in pamphlet form (Beals, Homer & Co., Printers), and was widely distributed to press and public. [51] Various writers assert that twenty dollars was the average minimum. In many places, however, the great majority of debts were for less than ten dollars. Thus, for the year ending November 26, 1831, nearly one thousand citizens had been imprisoned for debt in Baltimore. Of this number more than half owed less than ten dollars, and of the whole number, only thirty-four individually had debts exceeding one hundred dollars.--Reports of Committees, First Session, Twenty-fourth Congress, Vol. II, Report No. 732:3. [52] In his series of published articles, "The History of the Prosecution of Bankrupt Frauds," the author has brought out comprehensive facts on this point. [53] The eminent merchants who sat on this committee had their own conclusive opinion of what produced poverty. In commenting on the growth of paupers they ascribed pauperism to seven sources. (1) Ignorance, (2) Intemperance, (3) Pawnbrokers, (4) Lotteries, (5) Charitable Institutions, (6) Houses of Ill-Fame, (7) Gambling. No documents more wonderfully illustrate the bourgeois type of temperament and reasoning than their reports. The people of the city were ignorant because 15,000 of the 25,000 families did not attend church. Pawnbrokers were an incentive to theft, cunning and lack of honest industry, etc., etc. Thus their explanations ran. In referring to mechanics and paupers, the committee described them as "the middling and inferior classes." Is it any wonder that the working class justly views "charitable" societies, and the spirit behind them, with intense suspicion and deep execration? [54] Documents of the Board of Assistant Aldermen of New York City, 1831-32, Doc. No. 45:1. [55] House Executive Document, No. 13, Twenty-fifth Congress, Third Session; also, House Report, No. 313. [56] Report for 1821 of the "Society for the Prevention of Pauperism." [57] "New York Gazette and General Advertiser", Aug. 5, 1797. The rewards offered for the apprehension of fugitive apprentices varied. An advertisement in the same newspaper, issue of July 3, 1797, held out an offer of five dollars reward for an indented German boy who had "absconded." The fear was expressed that he would attempt to board some ship, and all persons were notified not to harbor or conceal him as they would be "proceeded against as the law directs". That old apprentice law has never been repealed in New York State. [58] The Government reports bear out Barrett's statements, although in saying this it must be with qualifications. The shippers engaged in the East India and China trade were more favored, it seems, than other classes of shippers, which discrimination engendered much antagonism. "Why," wrote the Mercantile Society of New York to the House Committee on Manufactures in 1821, "should the merchant engaged in the East India trade, who is the overgrown capitalist, have the extended credit of twelve months in his duties, the amount of which on one cargo furnishes nearly a sufficient capital for completing another voyage, before his bonds are payable?" The Mercantile Society recommended that credits on duties be reduced to three and six months on merchandise imported from all quarters of the globe.--Reports of Committees, Second Session, Sixteenth Congress, 1820-21, Vol. I, Document No. 34. [59] "The Old Merchants of New York," 1:31-33. Barrett was a great admirer of Astor. He inscribed Vol. iii, published in 1864, to Astor's memory. [60] The movement to abolish imprisonment for debt was a protracted one lasting more than a quarter of a century, and was acrimoniously opposed by the propertied classes, as a whole. By 1836, however, many State legislatures had been induced to repeal or modify the provisions of the various debtors' imprisonment acts. In response to a recommendation by President Andrew Jackson that the practise be abolished in the District of Columbia, a House Select Committee reported on January 17, 1832, that "the system originated in cupidity. It is a confirmation of power in the few against the many; the Patrician against the Plebeian." On May 31, 1836, the House Committee for the District of Columbia, in reporting on the debtors' imprisonment acts, said: "They are disgraceful evidences of the ingenious subtlety by which they were woven into the legal system we adopted from England, and were obviously intended to increase and confirm the power of a wealthy aristocracy by rendering poverty a crime, and subjecting the liberty of the poor to the capricious will of the rich."--Reports of Committees, Second Session, Twenty-second Congress, 1832-33, Report No. 5, and Reports of Committees, First Session, Twenty-fourth Congress, 1836, Report No. 732, ii:2. CHAPTER VI GIRARD--THE RICHEST OF THE SHIPPERS Girard was born at Bordeaux, France, on May 21, 1750, and was the eldest of five children of Captain Pierre Girard, a mariner. When eight years old he became blind in one eye, a loss and deformity which subjected his sensibilities to severe trials and which had the effect of rendering him morose and sour. It was his lament in later life that while his brothers had been sent to college, he was the ugly duckling of the family and came in for his father's neglect and a shrewish step-mother's waspishness. At about fourteen years of age he relieved himself of these home troubles and ran away to sea. During the nine years that he sailed between Bordeaux and the West Indies, he rose from cabin-boy to mate. Evading the French law which required that no man should be made master of a ship unless he had sailed two cruises in the royal navy and was twenty-five years old, Girard got the command of a trading vessel when about twenty-two years old. While in this service he clandestinely carried cargoes of his own which he sold at considerable profit. In May, 1776, while en route from New Orleans to a Canadian port, he became enshrouded in a fog off the Delaware Capes, signaled for aid, and when the fog had cleared away sufficiently for an American ship, near by, to come to his assistance, learned that war was on. He thereupon scurried for Philadelphia, where he sold vessel and cargo, of which latter only a part belonged to him, and with the proceeds opened up a cider and wine bottling and grocery business in a small store on Water street. Girard made money fast; and in July, 1777, married Mary Lum, a woman of his own class. She is usually described as a servant girl of great beauty and as one whose temper was of quite tempestuous violence. This unfortunate woman subsequently lost her reason; undoubtedly her husband's meannesses and his forbidding qualities contributed to the process. One of his most favorable biographers thus describes him: "In person he was short and stout, with a dull repulsive countenance, which his bushy eyebrows and solitary eye almost made hideous. He was cold and reserved in manner, and was disliked by his neighbors, the most of whom were afraid of him."[61] During the British occupation of Philadelphia he was charged by the revolutionists with extreme double-dealing and duplicity in pretending to be a patriot, and taking the oath of allegiance to the colonies, while secretly trading with the British. None of his biographers deny this. While merchant after merchant was being bankrupted from disruption of trade, Girard was incessantly making money. By 1780 he was again in the shipping trade, his vessels plying between American ports and New Orleans and San Domingo; not the least of his profits, it was said, came from slave-trading. [Illustration: STEPHEN GIRARD. (From an Engraving.)] HOW HE BUILT HIS SHIPS. A troublous partnership with his brother, Captain Jean Girard, lasted but a short time; the brothers could not agree. At the dissolution in 1790 Stephen Girard's share of the profits amounted to $30,000. Girard's greatest stroke came from the insurrection of the San Domingo negroes against the French several years later. He had two vessels lying in the harbor of one of the island ports. At the first mutterings of danger, a number of planters took their valuables on board one of these ships and scurried back to get the remainder. The sequel, as commonly narrated, is represented thus: The planters failed to return, evidently falling victims to the fury of the insurrectionists. The vessels were taken to Philadelphia, and Girard persistently advertised for the owners of the valuables. As no owners ever appeared, Girard sold the goods and put the proceeds, $50,000, into his own bank account. "This," says Houghton, "was a great assistance to him, and the next year he began the building of those splendid ships which enabled him to engage so actively in the Chinese and West India trades." From this time on his profits were colossal. His ships circumnavigated the world many times and each voyage brought him a fortune. He practiced all of those arts of deception which were current among the trading class and which were accepted as shrewdness and were inseparably associated with legitimate business methods. In giving one of his captains instructions he wrote, as was his invariable policy, the most explicit directions to exercise secretiveness and cunning in his purchases of coffee at Batavia. Be cautious and prudent, was his admonition. Keep to yourself the intention of the voyage and the amount of specie that you have on board. To satisfy the curious, throw them off the scent by telling them that the ship will take in molasses, rice and sugar, if the price is very low, adding that the whole will depend upon the success in selling the small Liverpool cargo. If you do this, the cargo of coffee can be bought ten per cent cheaper than it would be if it is publicly known there is a quantity of Spanish dollars on board, besides a valuable cargo of British goods intended to be invested in coffee for Stephen Girard of Philadelphia. By 1810 we see him ordering the Barings of London to invest in shares of the Bank of the United States half a million dollars which they held for him. When the charter expired, he was the principal creditor of that bank; and he bought, at a great bargain, the bank and the cashier's house for $120,000. On May 12, 1812, he opened the Girard Bank, with a capital of $1,200,000, which he increased the following year by $100,000 more.[62] A DICTATOR OF FINANCE. His wealth was now overshadowingly great; his power immense. He was a veritable dictator of the realms of finance; an assiduous, repellent little man, with his devil's eye, who rode roughshod over every obstacle in his path. His every movement bred fear; his veriest word could bring ruin to any one who dared cross his purposes. The war of 1812 brought disaster to many a merchant, but Girard harvested fortune from the depths of misfortune. "He was, it must be said," says Houghton, "hard and illiberal in his bargains, and remorseless in exacting the last cent due him." And after he opened the Girard Bank: "Finding that the salaries which had been paid by the government were higher than those paid elsewhere, he cut them down to the rate given by the other banks. The watchman had always received from the old bank the gift of an overcoat at Christmas, but Girard put a stop to this. He gave no gratuities to any of his employees, but confined them to the compensation for which they had bargained; yet he contrived to get out of them service more devoted than was received by other men who paid higher wages and made presents. Appeals to him for aid were unanswered. No poor man ever came full-handed from his presence. He turned a deaf ear to the entreaties of failing merchants to help them on their feet again. He was neither generous nor charitable. When his faithful cashier died, after long years spent in his service, he manifested the most hardened indifference to the bereavement of the family of that gentleman, and left them to struggle along as best they could." Further, Houghton unconsciously proceeds to bring out several incidents which show the exorbitant profits Girard made from his various business activities. In the spring of 1813, one of his ships was captured by a British cruiser at the mouth of the Delaware. Fearing that his prize would be recaptured by an American war ship if he sent her into port, the English Admiral notified Girard that he would ransom the ship for $180,000 in coin. Girard paid the money; and, even after paying that sum, the cargo of silks, nankeens and teas yielded him a profit of half a million dollars. His very acts of apparent public spirit were means by which he scooped in large profits. Several times, when the rate of exchange was so high as to be injurious to general business, he drew upon Baring Bros. for sums of money to be transferred to the United States. This was hailed as a public benefaction. But what did Girard do? He disposed of the money to the Bank of the United States and charged ten per cent. for the service. BRIBERY AND INTIMIDATION. The reëstablishment and enlarged sway of this bank were greatly due to his efforts and influence; he became its largest stockholder and one of its directors. No business institution in the first three decades of the nineteenth century exercised such a sinister and overshadowing influence as this chartered monopoly. The full tale of its indirect bribery of politicians and newspaper editors, in order to perpetuate its great privileges and keep a hold upon public opinion, has never been set forth. But sufficient facts were brought out when, after years of partizan agitation, Congress was forced to investigate and found that not a few of its own members for years had been on the payrolls of the bank.[63] In order to get its charter renewed from time to time and retain its extraordinary special privileges, the United States Bank systematically debauched politics and such of the press as was venal; and when a critical time came, as it did in 1832-34, when the mass of the people sided with President Jackson in his aim to overthrow the bank, it instructed the whole press at its command to raise the cry of "the fearful consequences of revolution, anarchy and despotism," which assuredly would ensue if Jackson were reëlected. To give one instance of how for years it had manipulated the press: The "Courier and Enquirer" was a powerful New York newspaper. Its owners, Webb and Noah, suddenly deserted Jackson and began to denounce him. The reason was, as revealed by a Congressional investigation, that they had borrowed $50,000 from the United States Bank which lost no time in giving them the alternative of paying up or supporting the bank.[64] Girard's share in the United States Bank brought him millions of dollars. With its control of deposits of government funds and by the provisions of its charter, this bank swayed the whole money marts of the United States and could manipulate them at will. It could advance or depress prices as it chose. Many times, Girard with his fellow directors was severely denounced for the arbitrary power he wielded. But--and let the fact be noted--the denunciation came largely from the owners of the State banks who sought to supplant the United States Bank. The struggle was really one between two sets of capitalistic interests. Shipping and banking were the chief sources of Girard's wealth, with side investments in real estate and other forms of property. He owned large tracts of land in Philadelphia, the value of which increased rapidly with the growth of population; he was a heavy stockholder in river navigation companies and near the end of his life he subscribed $200,000 toward the construction of the Danville & Pottsville Railroad. THE SOLITARY CROESUS. He was at this time a solitary, crusty old man living in a four-story house on Water street, pursued by the contumely of every one, even of those who flattered him for mercenary purposes. Children he had none, and his wife was long since dead. His great wealth brought him no comfort; the environment with which he surrounded himself was mean and sordid; many of his clerks lived in better style. There, in his dingy habitation, this lone, weazened veteran of commerce immersed himself in the works of Voltaire, Diderot, Paine and Rousseau, of whom he was a profound admirer and after whom some of his best ships were named. This grim miser had, after all, the one great redeeming quality of being true to himself. He made no pretense to religion and had an abhorrence of hypocrisy. Cant was not in his nature. Out into the world he went, a ferocious shark, cold-eyed for prey, but he never cloaked his motives beneath a calculating exterior of piety or benevolence. Thousands upon thousands he had deceived, for business was business, but himself he never deceived. His bitter scoffs at what he termed theologic absurdities and superstitions and his terrific rebuffs to ministers who appealed to him for money, undoubtedly called forth a considerable share of the odium which was hurled upon him. He defied the anathemas of organized churchdom; he took hold of the commercial world and shook it harshly and emerged laden with spoils. To the last, his volcanic spirit flashed forth, even when, eighty years old, he lay with an ear cut off, his face bruised and his sight entirely destroyed, the result of being felled by a wagon. In all his eighty-one years charity had no place in his heart. But after, on Dec. 26, 1831, he lay stone dead and his will was opened, what a surprise there was! His relatives all received bequests; his very apprentices each got five hundred dollars, and his old servants annuities. Hospitals, orphan societies and other charitable associations all benefited. Five hundred thousand dollars went to the City of Philadelphia for certain civic improvements; three hundred thousand dollars for the canals of Pennsylvania; a portion of his valuable estate in Louisiana to New Orleans for the improvement of that city. The remainder of the estate, about six millions, was left to trustees for the creation and endowment of a College for Orphans, which was promptly named after him. A chorus of astonishment and laudation went up. Was there ever such magnificence of public spirit? Did ever so lofty a soul live who was so misunderstood? Here and there a protesting voice was feebly heard that Girard's wealth came from the community and that it was only justice that it should revert to the community; that his methods had resulted in widows and orphans and that his money should be applied to the support of those orphans. These protests were frowned upon as the mouthings of cranks or the ravings of impotent envy. Applause was lavished upon Girard; his very clothes were preserved as immemorial mementoes.[65] "THE GREAT BENEFACTOR." All of the benefactions of the other rich men of the period waned into insignificance compared to those of Girard. His competitors and compeers had given to charity, but none on so great a scale as Girard. Distinguished orators vied with one another in extolling his wonderful benefactions,[66] and the press showered encomiums upon him as that of the greatest benefactor of the age. To them this honestly seemed so, for they were trained by the standards of the trading class, by the sophistries of political economists and by the spirit of the age, to concentrate their attention upon the powerful and successful only, while disregarding the condition of the masses of the people. The pastimes of a king or the foibles of some noted politician or rich man were things of magnitude and were much expatiated upon, while the common man, singly or in mass, was of absolutely no importance. The finely turned rhetoric of the orators, pleasing as it was to that generation, is, judged by modern standards, well nigh meaningless and worthless. In that highflown oratory, with its carefully studied exordiums, periods and perorations can be clearly discerned the reverence given to power as embodied by possession of property. But nowhere do we see any explanation, or even an attempt at explanation, of the basic means by which this property was acquired or of its effect upon the masses of the people. Woefully lacking in facts are the productions of the time as to how the great body of the workers lived and what they did. Facts as to the rich are fairly available, although not abundant, but facts regarding the rest of the population are pitifully few. The patient seeker for truth--the mind which is not content with the presentation of one side--finds, with some impatience, that only a few writers thought it worth while to give even scant attention to the condition of the working class. One of these few was Matthew Carey, an orthodox political economist, who, in a pamphlet issued in 1829[67], gave this picture which forms both a contrast and a sequel to the accumulations of multimillionaires, of which Girard was then the archetype: A STARK CONTRAST PRESENTED. "Thousands of our laboring people travel hundreds of miles in quest of employment on canals at 62-1/2 cents to 87-1/2 cents per day, paying $1.50 to $2.00 a week for board, leaving families behind depending upon them for support. They labor frequently in marshy grounds, where they inhale pestiferous miasmata, which destroy their health, often irrevocably. They return to their poor families broken hearted, and with ruined constitutions, with a sorry pittance, most laboriously earned, and take to their beds, sick and unable to work. Hundreds are swept off annually, many of them leaving numerous and helpless families. Notwithstanding their wretched fate, their places are quickly supplied by others, although death stares them in the face. Hundreds are most laboriously employed on turnpikes, working from morning to night at from half a dollar to three-quarters a day, exposed to the broiling sun in summer and all the inclemency of our severe winters. There is always a redundancy of wood-pilers in our cities, whose wages are so low that their utmost efforts do not enable them to earn more than from thirty-five to fifty cents per day.... Finally there is no employment whatever, how disagreeable or loathsome, or deleterious soever it may be, or however reduced the wages, that does not find persons willing to follow it rather than beg or steal." FOOTNOTES: [61] "Kings of Fortune":16--The pretentious title and sub-title of this work, written thirty odd years ago by Walter R. Houghton, A.M., gives an idea of the fantastic exaltation indulged in of the careers of men of great wealth. Hearken to the full title: "Kings of Fortune--or the Triumphs and Achievements of Noble, Self-made men.--Whose brilliant careers have honored their calling, blessed humanity, and whose lives furnish instruction for the young, entertainment for the old and valuable lessons for the aspirants of fortune." Could any fulsome effusion possibly surpass this? [62] "Mr. Girard's bank was a financial success from the beginning. A few months after it opened for business its capital was increased to one million three hundred thousand dollars. One of the incidents which helped, at the outstart, to inspire the public with confidence in the stability of the new institution was the fact that the trustees who liquidated the affairs of the old Bank of the United States opened an account in Girard's Bank, and deposited in its vaults some millions of dollars in specie belonging to the old bank."--"The History of the Girard National Bank of Philadelphia," by Josiah Granville Leach, LL.B., 1902. This eulogistic work contains only the scantiest details of Girard's career. [63] The First Session of the Twenty-second Congress, 1831, iv, containing reports from Nos. 460 to 463. [64] Ibid. An investigating committee appointed by the Pennsylvania Legislature in 1840, reported that during a series of years the Bank of the United States (or United States Bank, as it was more often referred to) had corruptly expended $130,000 in Pennsylvania for a re-charter.--Pa. House Journal, 1842, Vol. II, Appendix, 172-531. [65] In providing for the establishment of Girard College, Girard stated in his will: "I enjoin and require that no ecclesiastic, missionary, or minister of any sect whatsoever, shall ever hold or exercise any station or duty whatsoever in the said college; nor shall any such person be admitted for any purpose, or as a visitor within the premises appropriated to the purposes of said college."--The Will of the Late Stephen Girard, Esq., 1848:22-23. An attempt was made by his relatives in France to break his will, one of the grounds being that the provisions of his will were in conflict with the Christian religion which was a part of the common law of Pennsylvania. The attempt failed. [66] For example, an address by Edward Everett, at the Odeon, before the Mercantile Library Association in Boston, September 13, 1838: "Few persons, I believe, enjoyed less personal popularity in the community in which he lived and to which he bequeathed his personal fortune.... A citizen and a patriot he lived in his modest dwelling and plain garb; appropriating to his last personal wants the smallest pittance from his princely income; living to the last in the dark and narrow street in which he made his fortune; and when he died bequeathed it for the education of orphan children. For the public I do not believe he could have done better," etc., etc.--Hunt's "Merchant's Magazine," 1830, 1:35. [67] "The Public Charities of Philadelphia." PART II THE GREAT LAND FORTUNES [Illustration: GEN. STEPHEN VAN RENSSLAER. The Last of the Patroons. (From an Engraving.)] CHAPTER I THE ORIGIN OF HUGE CITY ESTATES In point of succession and importance the next great fortunes came from ownership of land in the cities. They far preceded fortunes from established industries or from the control of modern methods of transportation. Long before Vanderbilt and other of his contemporaries had plucked immense fortunes from steamboat, railroad and street railway enterprises, the Astor, Goelet, and Longworth fortunes were counted in the millions. In the seventy years from 1800 the landowners were the conspicuous fortune possessors; and, although fortunes of millions were extracted from various other lines of business, the land fortunes were preëminent. At the dawn of the nineteenth century and until about 1850, survivals of the old patroon estates were to be met with. But these gradually disintegrated. Everywhere in the North the tendency was toward the partition of the land into small farms, while in the South the condition was the reverse. The main fact which stood out was that the rich men of the country were no longer those who owned vast tracts of rural land. That powerful kind of landowner had well-nigh vanished. THE MANORIAL LORDS PASS AWAY. For more than two centuries the manorial lords had been conspicuous functionaries. Shorn of much power by the alterations of the Revolution they still retained a part of their state and estate. But changing laws and economic conditions drove them down and down in the scale until the very names of many of them were gradually lost sight of. As they descended in the swirl, other classes of rich men jutted into strong view. Chief among these nascent classes were the landowners of the cities, at first grabbling tradesmen and land speculators and finally rising to the crowning position of multimillionaires. Originally, as we have seen, the manorial magnate himself made the laws and decreed justice; but in two centuries great changes had taken place. He now had to fight for his very existence. Thus, to give one example, the manorial men in New York were confronted in 1839 by a portentous movement. Their tenants were in a state of unrest. On the Van Rensselaer, the Livingston and other of the old feudal estates they rose in revolt. They objected to the continuing system which gave the lords of these manors much the same rights over them as a lord in England exercised over his tenants. Under the leases that the manorial lords compelled their tenants to sign, there were oppressive anachronisms. If he desired to entertain a stranger in his house for twenty-four hours, the tenant was required to get permission in writing. He was forced to obligate himself not to trade in any Commodities except the produce of the manor. He could not get his flour ground anywhere else than at the mill of the manor without violating his lease and facing ejectment, nor could he buy anything at any place except at the store of the manorial magnate. These were the rights reserved to the manorial lords after the Revolution, because theirs were the rights of private property; and as has often been set forth, property absolutely dominated the laws and greatly nullified the spirit of a movement made successful by the blood and lives of the masses in the Revolutionary Army. Tardily, subsequent legislatures had abolished all feudal tenures, but these laws were neither effective nor were enforced by the authorities who reflected and represented the interests of the proprietors of the manors. On their part the manorial men believed that self-interest, pride and adherence to ancient traditions called for the perpetuation of their arbitrary power of running their domains as they pleased. They refused to acknowledge that law had any right to interfere in the managing of what they considered their private affairs. Eager to avail themselves of the police power of the law in dispossessing any fractious or impecunious tenant and in suppressing protest meetings, they, at the same time, denounced law as tyrannical when it sought to inject more modern and humane conditions in the managing of their estates. They stubbornly insisted upon a tenantry, and as obstinately contested any forfeiture of what they deemed their property rights. FEUDAL TENURES ABOLISHED. A long series of reprisals and an intense agitation developed. The Anti-Renters mustered such sympathetic political strength and threw the whole state into such a vortex of radical discussion, that the politicians of the day, fearing the effects of such a movement, practically forced the manorial magnates to compromise by selling their land in small farms,[68] which they did at exorbitant prices. They made large profits on the strength of the very movement which they had so bitterly opposed. Affrighted at the ominous unrest of a large part of the people and hoping to stem it, the New York Constitutional Convention in 1846 adopted a Constitutional inhibition on all feudal tenures, an inhibition so drafted that no legislature could pass a law contravening it.[69] So, in this final struggle, passed away the last vestiges of the sway of the all-powerful patroons of old. They had become archaic. It was impossible for them to survive in the face of newer conditions, for they represented a bygone economic and social era. Their power was one accruing purely from the extent of their possessions and discriminative laws. When these were wrenched from their grasp, their importance as wielders of wealth and influence ceased. They might still boast of their lineage, their aristocratic enclosure and culture and their social altitude, but these were about the only remnants of consolation left. The time was unpropitious for the continuation of great wealth based upon rural or small-town land. Many influences conspired to make this land a variable property, while these same influences, or a part of them, fixed upon city land an enhancing and graduating permanency of value. The growth of the shipping trade built up the cities and attracted workers and population generally. The establishment of the factory system in 1790 had a two-fold effect. It began to drain country sections of many of the younger generations and it immediately enlarged the trading activities of the cities. Another and much more considerable part of the farming population in the East was constantly migrating to the West and Southwest with their promising opportunities. Some country districts thinned out; others remained stationary. But whether the rural census increased or not, there were other factors which sent up or down the value of farming lands. The building of a canal would augment the value of land in section and cause stimulation, and depress conditions in another section not so favored. Even this stimulation, however, was often transient. With each fresh settlement of the West and with the construction of each pioneer railroad, new and complex factors turned up which generally had a depreciating effect upon Eastern lands. A country estate worth a large sum in one generation might very well succumb to a mortgage in the next. THE NEW ARISTOCRACY. But fortunes based upon land in the cities were indued with a mathematical certainty and a perpetuity. City real estate was not subject to the extreme fluctuating processes which so disordered the value of rural land. All of the tendencies and currents of the times favored the building up of an aristocracy based upon ownership of city property. Compared to their present colossal proportions the cities were then mere villages. There was a nucleus of perhaps a mile or two of houses, beyond which were fields and orchards, meadows and wastes. These could be bought for an insignificant sum. With the progressing growth of commerce and population, with immigration continually going on, every year witnessing a keener pressure for occupation of the land, the value of this latter was certain to increase. There was no chance of its being otherwise. Up to 1825 it was a mooted question whether the richest landowners would arise in New York, Philadelphia, Boston or Baltimore. For many years Philadelphia had been far in the lead in extent of commerce. But the opening of the Erie Canal at once settled this question. At a bound New York attained the rank of the foremost commercial city in the United States, completely outstripping its competitors. While the trade of these fell off precipitately, the population and trade of New York City nearly doubled in a single decade. The value of land began to increase stupendously. The swamps, rocky wastes and flats and the land under water of a few years before became prolific sources of fortunes. Land which had been worth a paltry sum ten or twenty years before sprang to a considerable value and, in course of time, with the same causes in a more intense ratio of operation, was vested with a value of hundreds of millions of dollars. This being so, it was not surprising that the richest landowners should appear first in New York City and should be able to maintain their supremacy. The wealth of the landowners soon completely eclipsed that of the shippers. Enormous as were the profits of the shipping business, they were immediate only. In the contest for wealth it was inevitable that the shippers should fall behind. Their business was one of peculiar uncertainties. The hazards of the sea, the fluctuations and vicissitudes of trade, the severe competition of the times, exposed their traffic to many mutations. Many of the rich shipowners well understood this; the surplus wealth derived from commerce on the seas they invested in land, banks, factories, turnpikes, insurance companies, railroads and in some instances, lotteries. Those shipping millionaires who clung exclusively to the sea fell in the scale of the rich class, especially as the time came when foreign shipping largely supplanted the trade hitherto carried in American cutters. Other shippers who applied their surplus capital to investments in other forms of trade and ownership advanced rapidly in wealth. CITY LAND THE SUPREME FACTOR. Between land ownership and other forms, however, there was a great difference. Trade was then extremely individualistic; the artificial controlling power called the corporation was in its earliest infantile condition. The heirs of the owner of sixty line of sail might not possess the same astuteness, the same knowledge, adroitness, and cunning--or let us say, unscrupulousness--the same severe application as the founder. Consequently the business would decay or fall into the hands of others shrewder or more fortunate. As to factories the condition was somewhat the same; and, after the organization of labor unions the possibility of strikes was an ever-present danger to the constant flow of profits. Banks were by no means fixed, unchangeable establishments. Like other media of profit-making, the extent of their power and profits depended upon prevailing conditions and very largely upon the favoritism or policy of Government. At any time the party controlling government functions might change and a radically different policy in banking, tariff or other laws be put in force. These changing laws did not, it is true, vitally benefit the masses of the people, for one set or other of the propertied interests almost invariably benefited. The laws enacted were usually in response to a demand made by contending propertied interests. The trade and political struggles carried on by the commercial interests were a series of incessant wars, in which every individual owner, firm or combination was fiercely resisting competitors or striving for their overthrow. THE INVULNERABLE LANDOWNER. But the landowner occupied a superior position which neither political conditions nor the flux of changing circumstances could materially assail. He was ardently individualistic also in that he demanded, and was accorded, the unimpaired right to get land in any way that he legally could, hold a monopoly of as much of it as he pleased, and dispose of it as he willed. In the very act of asserting this individualism he called upon Society, through its machinery of Government, for the enactment of particular laws, to guarantee him the sole possession of his land and uphold his claims and rights by force if necessary. These were all the basic laws that he needed and these laws did not change. From generation to generation they remained fixed, immovable. The interests of all landowners were identical; those of the traders were varying and conflicting. For long periods the landowner could expect the continuance of existing fundamental laws regarding the ownership of land, while the shipper, the factory owner, the banker did not know what different set of laws might be enacted at any time. Furthermore, the landowner had an efficient and never-failing auxiliary. He yoked society as a partner, but it was a partnership in which the revenue went exclusively to the landowner. The principal factor he depended upon was the work of collective humans in adding greater and greater values to his land. Broadly speaking, his share consisted in merely looking on; he had nothing to do except hold on to his land. His sons, grandsons, his descendants down to remotest posterity need do even less; they could leisurely hold on to their inheritance, enlarge it, hire the necessary ability of superintendence and vast and ever vaster riches would be theirs. Society worked feverishly for the landowner. Every street laid and graded by the city; every park plotted and every other public improvement; every child born and every influx of immigrants; every factory, warehouse and dwelling that went up;--all these and more agencies contributed toward the abnormal swelling of his fortune. A PROLIFIC BREEDER OF WEALTH. Under such a system land was the one great auspicious, facile and durable means of rolling up an overshadowing fortune. Its exclusive possession struck at the very root of human necessity. At a pinch people can do without trade or money, but land they must have, even if only to lie down on and starve. The impoverish, jobless worker, with disaster facing him, must first perforce give up his precious few coins to the landlord and take chances on food and the remainder. Especially is land in demand in a complicated industrial system which causes much of the population to gravitate to centers where industries and trade are concentrated and congest there. A more formidable system for the foundation and amplification of lasting fortunes has not existed. It is automatically self-perpetuating. And that it is preëminently so is seen in the fact that the large shipping fortunes of a century ago are now generally as completely forgotten as the methods then used are obsolete. But the land has remained land; and the fortunes then incubated have grown into mighty powers of great national, and some of considerable international, importance. It was by favor of these propitious conditions that many of the great fortunes, based upon land, were founded. According to the successive census returns of the United States, by far the greater part of the wealth of the country as regards real estate was, and is, concentrated in the North Atlantic Division and the North Central Division, the one taking in such cities as New York, Philadelphia, and Boston, the other Chicago, Cincinnati and other cities.[70] It is in the large cities that the great land fortunes are to be found. The greatest of these fortunes are the Astor, Goelet and Rhinelander estates in the East and, in the West, the Longworth and Field estates are notable examples. To deal with all the conspicuous fortunes based upon land would necessitate an interminable narrative. Suffice it for the purposes of this work to take up a few of the superlatively great fortunes as representatives of those based upon land. VAST FORTUNES FROM LAND. The foremost of all American fortunes derived from land is the Astor fortune. Its present bulk, embracing all the collateral family branches, is estimated by some authorities at about $300,000,000. This, it is generally believed, is an underestimate. As long ago as 1889, when the population of New York City was much less than now, Thomas G. Shearman, a keen student of land conditions, placed the collective wealth of the Astors at $250,000,000.[71] The stupendous magnitude of this fortune alone may at once be seen in its relation to the condition of the masses of the people. An analysis of the United States census of 1900, compiled by Lucien Sanial, shows that while the total wealth of the country was estimated at about $95,000,000,000, the proletarian class, composed chiefly of wage workers and a small proportion of those in professional classes, and numbering 20,393,137 persons, owned only about $4,000,000,000. It is by such a contrast, bringing out how one family alone, the Astors, own more than many millions of workers, that we begin to get an idea of the overreaching, colossal power of a single fortune. The Goelet fortune is likewise vast; it is variously estimated at from $200,000,000 to $225,000,000, although what its exact proportions are is a matter of some obscurity. In the case of these great fortunes it is well nigh impossible to get an accurate idea of just how much they reach. All of them are based primarily upon ownership of land, but they also include many other forms such as shares in banks, coal and other mines, railroads, city transportation systems, gas plants, industrial corporations. Even the most indefatigable tax assessors find it such a fruitless and elusive task in attempting to discover what personal property is held by these multimillionaires, that the assessment is usually a conjectural or haphazard performance. The extent of their land holdings is known; these cannot be hid in a safe deposit vault. But their other varieties of property are carefully concealed from public and official knowledge. Since this is so, it is entirely probable that the fortunes of these families are considerably greater than is commonly estimated. The case of Marshall Field, a Chicago Croesus, who left a fortune valued at about $100,000,000, is a strong illustration. This man owned $30,000,000 worth of real estate in Chicago alone. There was no telling, however, what his whole estate amounted to, for he refused year after year to pay taxes on more than a valuation of $2,500,000 of personal property. Yet, after his death in 1906, an inventory of his estate filed in January, 1907, disclosed a clear taxable personal property of $49,977,270. He was far richer than he would have it appear. Let us investigate the careers of some of these powerful landed men, the founders of great fortunes, and inquire into their methods and into the conditions under which they succeeded in heaping up their immense accumulations. FOOTNOTES: [68] In 1847 and 1849 the Anti-Renters demonstrated a voting strength in New York State of about 5,000. Livingston's title to his estate being called into question, a suit was brought. The court decision favored him. The Livingstons, it may be again remarked, were long powerful in politics, and had had their members on the bench.--"Life of Silas Wright," 179-226; "Last Leaves of American History":16-18, etc. [69] The debates in this convention showed that the feudal conditions described in this chapter prevailed down to 1846.--New York Constitution; Debates in Convention, 1846; 1052-1056. This is an extract from the official convention report: "Mr. Jordan [a delegate] said that it was from such things that relief was asked: which although the moral sense of the community will not admit to be enforced, are still actually in existence." [70] Of a total of $39,544,333,000, representing wealth in real estate and improvements, the census of 1890 attributed $13,905,274,364 to the North Atlantic Division and a trifle more than $15,000,000,000 to the North Central Division. [71] The Forum (Magazine), November, 1889. CHAPTER II THE INCEPTION OF THE ASTOR FORTUNE The founder of the Astor fortune was John Jacob Astor, a butcher's son. He was born in Waldorf, Germany, on July 17, 1763. At the age of eighteen, according to traditional accounts, he went to London, where a brother, George Peter, was in the business of selling musical instruments. Two years later with "one good suit of Sunday clothes, seven flutes and five pounds sterling of money"[72] he emigrated to America. Landing at Baltimore he proceeded to New York City. Here he became an apprentice to George Dieterich, a baker at No. 351 Pearl street, for whom he peddled cakes, as was the custom. Walter Barrett insists that this was Astor's first occupation in New York. Later, Astor went into business for himself. "For a long time," says Barrett, "he peddled [fur] skins, and bought them where he could; and bartered cheap jewelry, etc., from the pack he carried on his back."[73] Another story is that he got a job beating furs for $2 a week and board in the store of Robert Bowne, a New York merchant; that while in this place he showed great zest in quizzing the trappers who came in to sell furs, and that in this fashion he gained considerable knowledge of the fur animals. The story proceeds that as Bowne grew older he entrusted to Astor the task of making long and fatiguing journeys to the Indian tribes in the Adirondacks and Canada and bargaining with them for furs. ASTOR'S EARLY CAREER. Astor got together enough money to start in the fur business for himself in 1786 in a small store on Water street. It is not unreasonable to suppose that at this time he, in common with all the fur dealers of the time, participated in the current methods of defrauding the Indians. It is certain that he contrived to get their most valuable furs for a jug of rum or for a few toys or notions. Returning from these strokes of trade, he would ship large quantities of the furs to London where they were sold at great profit. His marriage to Sarah Todd, a cousin of Henry Brevoort, brought him a good wife, who had the shining quality of being economical, and an accession of some means and considerable family connections. Remarkably close-fisted, he weighed over every penny. As fast as his means increased he used them in extending his business. By 1794 he was somewhat of an expansive merchant. Scores of trappers and agents ravaged the wilderness at his command. Periodically he shipped large quantities of furs to Europe. His modest, even niggardly, ways of living in rooms over his store were not calculated to create the impression that he was a rich man. It was his invariable practice habitually to deceive others as to his possessions and plans. But when, in 1800, he removed to No. 223 Broadway, at the corner of Vesey street, then a fashionable neighborhood, he was rated, perforce, as a man of no inconsiderable means. He was, in fact, as nearly as can be gathered, worth at this time a quarter of a million dollars--a monumental fortune at a period when a man who had $50,000 was thought rich; when a good house could be rented for $350 a year and when $750 or $800 would fully defray the annual expenses of the average well-living family. [Illustration: JOHN JACOB ASTOR. The Founder of the Colossal Astor Fortune. (From an Engraving.)] The great profits from the fur trade naturally led him into the business of being his own shipowner and shipper, for he was a highly efficient organizer and well understood the needlessness of middlemen. A beaver skin bought for one dollar from the Indian or white trappers in Western New York could be sold in London for six dollars and a quarter. On all other furs there were the same large profits. But, in addition to these, Astor saw that his profits could be still further increased by investing the money that he received from the sale of his furs in England, in English goods and importing them to the United States. By this process, the profit from a single beaver skin could be made to reach ten dollars. At that time the United States depended upon British manufactures for many articles, especially certain grades of woolen goods and cutlery. These were sold at exorbitant profit to the American people. This trade Astor carried on in his own ships. HIS METHODS IN BUSINESS. It is of the greatest importance to ascertain Astor's methods in his fur trade, for it was fundamentally from this trade that he reaped the enormous sums that enabled him to become a large landowner. What these methods were in his earlier years is obscure. Nothing definite is embodied in any documentary evidence. Not so, however, regarding the methods of the greatest and most successful of his fur gathering enterprises, the American Fur Company. The "popular writer" referred to before says that the circumstances of Astor's fur and shipping activities are well known. On the contrary, they are distinctly not well known nor have they ever been set forth. None of Astor's biographers have brought them out, if, indeed, they knew of them. And yet these facts are of the most absolute significance in that they reveal the whole foundation of the colossal fortune of the Astor family. The pursuit and slaughter of fur animals were carried on with such indefatigable vigor in the East that in time that territory became virtually exhausted. It became imperative to push out into the fairly virgin regions of the Mississippi and Missouri Rivers and of the Rocky Mountains. The Northwest Company, a corporation running under British auspices, was then scouring the wilds west and northwest of the Great Lakes. Its yearly shipments of furs were enormous.[74] Astor realized the inconceivably vaster profits which would be his in extending his scope to the domains of the far West, so prolific in opportunities for furs. In 1808 he incorporated the American Fur Company. Although this was a corporation, he was, in fact, the Company. He personally supplied its initial capital of $500,000 and dictated every phase of its policy. His first ambitious design was to found the settlement of Astoria in Oregon, but the war of 1812 frustrated plans well under way, and the expedition that he sent out there had to depart.[75] Had this plan succeeded, Astor would have been, as he rightly boasted, the richest man in the world; and the present wealth of his descendants instead of being $450,000,000 would be manifold more. MONOPOLY BASED ON FORCE. Thwarted in his project to get a monopoly of the incalculable riches of furs in the extreme Northwest, he concentrated his efforts on that vast region extending along the Missouri River, far north to the Great Lakes, west to the Rocky Mountains and into the Southwest. It was a region abounding in immense numbers of fur animals and, at that time, was inhabited by the Indian tribes, with here and there a settlement of whites. By means of Government favoritism and the unconcealed exercise of both fraud and force, he obtained a complete monopoly, as complete and arbitrary as ever feudal baron held over seignorial estates. Nominally, the United States Government ruled this great sweep of territory and made the laws and professed to execute them. In reality, Astor's company was a law unto itself. That it employed both force and fraud and entirely ignored all laws enacted by Congress, is as clear as daylight from the Government reports of that period. The American Fur Company maintained three principal posts or depots of receiving and distribution--one at St. Louis, one at Detroit, the third at Mackinac. In response to an order from Lewis Cass, Secretary of War, to send in complete reports of the fur trade, Joshua Pilcher reported from St. Louis, December 1, 1831: About this time [1823] the American Fur Company had turned their attention to the Missouri trade, and, as might have been expected, soon put an end to all opposition. Backed, as it was, by any amount of capital, and with skillful agents to conduct its affairs at _every point_, it succeeded by the year 1827, in monopolizing the trade of the Indians on the Missouri, and I have but little doubt will continue to do so for years to come, as it would be rather a hazardous business for small adventurers to rise in opposition to it.[76] In that wild country where the Government, at best, had an insufficient force of troops, and where the agents of the company went heavily armed, it was distinctly recognized, and accepted as a fact, that no possible competitor's men, or individual trader, dare intrude. To do it was to invite the severest reprisals, not stopping short of outright murder. The American Fur Company overawed and dominated everything; it defied the Government's representatives and acknowledged no authority superior to itself and no law other than what its own interests demanded. The exploitation that ensued was one of the most deliberate, cruel and appalling that has ever taken place in any country. THE DEBAUCHING OF INDIANS. If there was any one serious crime at that time it was the supplying of the Indians with whisky. The Government fully recognized the baneful effects of debauching the Indians, and enacted strict laws with harsh penalties. Astor's company brazenly violated this law, as well as all other laws conflicting with its profit interests. It smuggled in prodigious quantities of rum. The trader's ancient trick of getting the Indians drunk and then swindling them of their furs and land was carried on by Astor on an unprecedented scale. To say that Astor knew nothing of what his agents were doing is a palliation not worthy of consideration; he was a man who knew and attended to even the pettiest details of his varied business. Moreover, the liquor was despatched by his orders direct by ship to New Orleans and from thence up the Mississippi to St. Louis and to other frontier points. The horrible effects of this traffic and the consequent spoliation were set forth by a number of Government officers. Col. J. Snelling, commanding the garrison at Detroit, sent an indignant protest to James Barbour, Secretary of War, under date of August 23, 1825. "He who has the most whisky, generally carries off the most furs," wrote Col. Snelling, and then continued: The neighborhood of the trading houses where whisky is sold, presents a disgusting scene of drunkenness, debauchery and misery; it is the fruitful source of all our difficulties, and of nearly all the murders committed in the Indian country.... For the accommodation of my family I have taken a house three miles from town, and in passing to and from it, I have daily opportunities of seeing the road strewed with the bodies of men, women and children, in the last stages of brutal intoxication. It is true there are laws in this territory to restrain the sale of whisky, but they are not regarded....[77] Col. Snelling added that during that year there had been delivered by contract to an agent of the North American Fur Company, at Mackinac (he meant the American Fur Company which, as we have seen, had one of its principal headquarters at that post and maintained a monopoly there), 3,300 gallons of whisky and 2,500 gallons of high wines. This latter liquor was preferred by the agents, he pointed out, as it could be "increased at pleasure." Col. Snelling went on: "I will venture to add that an inquiry into the manner in which the Indian trade is conducted, especially by the North American Fur Company, is a matter of no small importance to the tranquillity of the borders."[78] VIOLATION OF LAWS. A similar report was made the next winter by Thomas L. McKenney, Superintendent of Indian Affairs, to the Secretary of War. In a communication dated Feb. 14, 1826, McKenney wrote that "the forbidden and destructive article, whisky, is considered so essential to a lucrative commerce, as not only to still those feelings [of repugnance] but lead the traders to brave the most imminent hazards, and evade, by various methods the threatened penalties of law." The superintendent proceeded to tell of the recent seizure by General Tipton, Indian Agent at Fort Wayne, of an outfit in transit containing a considerable supply of whisky, which was owned in large part, he says, by the American Fur Company. He then continued: "The trader with the whisky, it must be admitted, is certain of getting the most furs.... There are many honorable and high-minded citizens in this trade, but expediency overcomes their objections and reconciles them for the sake of the profits of the trade."[79] In stating this fact, McKenney was unwittingly enunciating a profound truth, the force of which mankind is only now beginning to realize, that the pursuit of profit will transform natures inherently capable of much good into sordid, cruel beasts of prey, and accustom them to committing actions so despicable, so inhuman, that they would be terrified were it not that the world is under the sway of the profit system and not merely excuses and condones, but justifies and throws a glamour about, the unutterable degradations and crimes which the profit system calls forth. Living in a more advanced time, in an environment adjusted to bring out the best, instead of the worst, Astor and his henchmen might have been men of supreme goodness and gentleness. As it was, they lived at a period when it was considered the highest, most astute and successful form of trade to resort to any means, however base, to secure profits. Let not too much ignominy be cast upon their memories; they were but creatures of their time; and their time was not that "golden age," so foolishly pictured, but a wild, tempestuous, contending struggle in which every man was at the throat of his fellowman, and in a vortex which statesmen, college professors, editors, political economists, all praised and sanctified as "progressive civilization." Like all other propertied interests, Astor's company regarded the law as a thing to be rigorously invoked against the poor, the helpless and defenseless, but as not to be considered when it stood in the way of the claims, designs and pretensions of property. Superintendent McKenney reported that all laws in the Indian country were inoperative--so much dead matter. Andrew S. Hughes, reporting from St. Louis, Oct. 31, 1831, to Lewis Cass, Secretary of War, wrote: .... The traders that occupy the largest and most important space in the Indian country are the agents and engagees of the American Fur Trade Company. They entertain, as I know to be the fact, no sort of respect for our citizens, agents, officers or the Government, or its laws or general policy. After describing the "baneful influence of these persons," Hughes went on: The capital employed in the Indian trade must be very large, especially that portion which is employed in the annual purchase of whisky and alcohol into the Indian country for the purpose of trade with the Indians. It is not believed that the superintendent is ever applied to for a permit for the one-hundredth gallon that is taken into the Indian country. The whisky is sold to the Indians in the face of the [Government] agents. Indians are made drunk, and, of course, behave badly.... PROFIT AND ITS RESULTS. Not only, however, were the Indians made drunk with the express purpose of befuddling and swindling them,[80] but in the very commission of this act, an enormous profit was made on the sale of the whisky. Those who may be inclined to recoil with horror at the historic contemplation of this atrocity, will do well to remember that this was simply one manifestation of the ethics of the trading class--the same class which formed and ruled government, made and interpreted laws, and constituted the leading, superior and exclusive groups of high society. Hughes continued: I am informed that there is but little doubt, but a clear gain of more than fifty thousand dollars has been made this year on the sale of whisky to the Indians on the river Missouri; the _prices are from $25 to $50 a gallon_. Major Morgan, United States sutler at Cantonment Leavenworth, says that thousands of gallons of alcohol has passed that post during the present year, destined for the Indian country.[81] These official reports were supplemented by another on the same subject from William M. Gordon to General William Clark, at that time Superintendent of Indian Affairs. In his report, Gordon, writing from St. Louis, pointed out that, "whisky, though not an authorized article, has been a principal, and I believe a very lucrative one for the last several years."[82] What a climax of trading methods, first to debauch the Indians systematically in order to swindle them, and then make a large revenue on the rum that enabled the company to do it! Undoubtedly it was by these means that Astor became possessed of large tracts of land in Wisconsin and elsewhere in the West. But the methods thus far enumerated were but the precursors of others. When the Indians were made maudlin drunk and bargained with for their furs were they paid in money? By no means. The American Fur Company had another trick in reserve. Astor employed the cunning expedient of exchanging merchandise for furs. Large quantities of goods, especially woolens, made by underpaid adult and child labor in England and America, and representing the sweat and suffering of the labor of the workers, were regularly shipped by him to the West. For these goods the Indians were charged one-half again or more what each article cost after paying all expenses of transportation.[83] Reporting from St. Louis, Oct. 24, 1831, in a communication to the Secretary of War, Thomas Forsyth gave a description of this phase of the American Fur Company's dealings. He said: In the autumn of every year [when the hunting season began] the trader carefully avoids giving credit to the Indians on many costly articles such as silver works, wampum, scarlet cloth, fine bridles, etc., etc., as also a few woolens, such as blankets, strouds, etc., unless it be to an Indian whom he knows will pay all his debts. In that case he will allow the Indian, on credit, everything he wishes. Traders always prefer giving credit on gunpowder, flints, lead, knives, tomahawks, hoes, domestic cottons, etc.; which they do _at the rate of 300 or 400 per cent_, and if one-fourth of the price of these articles be paid, he is amply remunerated.[84] Nor were these the final injustices and infamies heaped upon the untutored aborigines. It was not enough that they should be pillaged of their possessions; that the rights guaranteed them by the solemn treaties of Government should be blown aside like so much waste paper by the armed force of the American Fur Company; that whole tribes should be demoralized with rum and then defrauded; that shoddy merchandise, for which generally no market could be found elsewhere, should be imposed upon them at such incredibly high prices, that they were bound to be beggared.[85] These methods were not enough. Never were human beings so frightfully exploited as these ignorant, unsophisticated savages of the West. Through the long winters they roamed the forests and the prairies, and assiduously hunted for furs which eventually were to clothe and adorn the aristocracy of America, Europe and Asia. When in the spring they came in with their spoil, they were, with masterly cunning, artfully made intoxicated and then robbed. Not merely robbed in being charged ruinous prices for merchandise, but robbed additionally in the weight of their furs. Forsyth relates that for every dollar in merchandise that the Astor company exchanged for furs, the company received $1.25 or $1.50 in fur values, undoubtedly by the trader's low trick of short weighing. A LONG RECORD OF VIOLENCE. In law the Indian was supposed to have certain rights, but Astor's company not only ignored but flouted them. Now when the Indians complained, what happened? Did the Government protect them? The Government, and especially the courts, were quick and generous in affording the greatest protection and the widest latitude to Astor's company. But when the Indians resented the robberies and injustices to which they were subjected beyond bearing, they were murdered. They were murdered wantonly and in cold blood; and then urgent alarmist representations would be sent to Washington that the Indians were in a rebellious state, whereupon troops would be punitively hurried forth to put them down in slaughter. In turn, goaded by an intense spirit of revenge, the Indians would resort to primitive force and waylay, rob and murder the white agents and traders.[86] From 1815 to 1831 more than 150 traders were robbed and killed by Indians.[87] Many of these were Astor's men. But how many Indians were killed by the whites has never been known, nor apparently was there any solicitude as to whether the number was great or small. What did Astor pay his men for engaging in this degrading and dangerous business? Is it not a terrifying commentary on the lengths to which men are forced to go in quest of a livelihood, and the benumbing effects on their sensibilities, that Astor should find a host of men ready to seduce the Indians into a state of drunkenness, cheat and rob them, and all this only to get robbed and perhaps murdered in turn? For ten or eleven months in the year Astor's subaltern men toiled arduously through forest and plain, risking sickness, the dangers of the wilderness and sudden death. They did not rob because it benefited them; it was what they were paid to do; and it was likewise expected of them that they should look upon the imminent chances of death as a part of their contract. For all this what was their pay? It was the trifling sum of $130 for the ten or eleven months. But this was not paid in money. The poor wretches who gave up their labor, and often their health and lives, for Astor were themselves robbed, or their heirs, if they had any. Payment was nearly always made in merchandise, which was sold at exorbitant prices. Everything that they needed they had to buy at Astor's stores; by the time that they had bought a year's supplies they not only had nothing coming to them, but they were often actually in debt to Astor. But Astor--how did he fare? His profits from the fur trade of the West were truly stupendous for that period. He, himself, might plead to the Government that the company was in a decaying state of poverty. These pleas deceived no one. It was characteristic of his habitual deceit that he should petition the Government for a duty on foreign furs on the ground that the company was being competed with in the American markets by the British fur companies. At this very time Astor held a virtual monopoly of fur trading in the United States. One need not be surprised at the grounds of such a plea. Throughout the whole history of the trading class, this pathetic and absurdly false plea of poverty has incessantly been used by this class, and used successfully, to get further concessions and privileges from a Government which reflected, and represented, its interests. Curiously, enough, however, if a mendicant used the same plea in begging a mite of alms on the streets, the law has invariably regarded him as a vagrant to be committed to the Workhouse. ASTOR'S ENORMOUS PROFITS. At about the identical time that John Jacob Astor was persistently complaining that the company was making no money, his own son and partner, William B. Astor, was writing from New York on Nov. 25, 1831, to the Secretary of War, that the company had a capital of about $1,000,000 and that, "You may, however, estimate our annual returns at half a million dollars."[88] Not less than $500,000 annual revenues on a capital of $1,000,000! These were inconceivably large returns for the time; Thomas J. Dougherty, Indian Agent at Camp Leavenworth, estimated that from 1815 to 1830 the fur trade on the Missouri and its waters had yielded returns amounting to $3,330,000 with a clear profit of $1,650,000. This was unquestionably a considerable underestimate. It is hardly necessary to say that Astor, as the responsible head and beneficiary of the American Fur Company, was never prosecuted for the numerous violations of both penal and civil laws invariably committed by his direction and for his benefit. With the millions that rolled in, he was able to command the services of not only the foremost lawyers in warding off the penalties of law, but in having as his paid retainers some of the most noted and powerful politicians of the day.[89] Senator Benton, of Missouri, a leading light in the Democratic party, was not only his legal representative in the West and fought his cases for him, but as United States Senator introduced in Congress measures which Astor practically drafted and the purport of which was to benefit Astor and Astor alone. Thus was witnessed a notorious violator of the law, invoking aid of the law to enrich himself still further,--a condition which need not arouse exceptional criticism, since the whole trading class in general did precisely the same thing. FOOTNOTES: [72] Parton's "Life of John Jacob Astor":28. [73] "The Old Merchants of New York," 1:287. [74] The extent of its operations and the rapid slaughter of fur animals may be gathered by a record of one year's work. In 1793 this company enriched itself by 106,000 beaver skins, 2,100 bear skins, 1,500 fox skins, 400 kit fox, 16,000 muskrat, 32,000 martin, 1,800 mink, 6,000 lynx, 6,000 wolverine, 1,600 fisher, 100 raccoon, 1,200 dressed deer, 700 elk, 550 buffalo robes, etc. [75] Astor was accused by a Government agent of betraying the American cause at the outbreak of this war. In addition to the American Fur Company, Astor had other fur companies, one of which was the Southwest Company. Under date of June 18, 1818, Matthew Irwin, U. S. factor or agent at Green Bay, Wis., wrote to Thomas L. McKenney, U. S. Superintendent of Indian Affairs: "It appears that the Government has been under an impression [that] the Southwest Company, of which Mr. John Jacob Astor is the head, is strictly an American company, and in consequence, some privileges in relation to trade have been granted to that company." Irwin went on to tell how Astor had obtained an order from Gallatin, U. S. Secretary of the Treasury, allowing him, Astor, to land furs at Mackinac from the British post at St. Joseph's. Astor's agent in this transaction was a British subject. "On his way to St. Joseph's," Irwin continued, "he [Astor's British agent] communicated to the British at Malden that war had been or would be declared. The British made corresponding arrangements and landed on the Island of Mackinac with regulars, Canadians and Indians before the commanding officer there had notice that war would be declared. The same course was about to be pursued at Detroit, before the arrival of troops with Gen. Hull, who, having been on the march there, frustrated it." Irwin declared that Astor's purpose was to save his furs from capture by the British, and concluded: "Mr. Astor's agent brought the furs to Mackinac _in company with the British troops_, and the whole transaction is well known at Mackinac and Detroit."--U. S. Senate Docs., First Session, Seventeenth Congress, 1821-22, Vol. I, Doc. No. 60:50-51. [76] Document No. 90, U. S. Senate, First Session, 22nd Congress, ii:30. [77] Document No. 58, U. S. Senate Docs. First Session, 19th Congress:7-8. [78] Ibid. That the debauching of the Indians was long continuing was fully evidenced by the numerous communications sent in by Government representatives. The following is an extract from a letter written on October 6, 1821, by the U. S. Indian Agent at Green Bay to the Superintendent of Indian Affairs (or Indian Trade): "Mr. Kinzie, son to the sub Indian Agent at Chicago, _and agent for the American Fur Company_, has been detected in selling large quantities of whisky to the Indians at and near Milwaukee of Lake Michigan."--Senate Docs., First Session, Seventeenth Congress, 1821-22, Vol. I, Doc. No. 60:54. [79] Doc. No. 58:10. [80] Of this fact there can be no doubt. Writing on February 27, 1822, to Senator Henry Johnson, chairman of the U. S. Senate Committee on Indian Affairs, Superintendent McKenney said: ".... The Indians, it is admitted, are good judges of the articles in which they deal, and, generally when they are permitted to be sober, they can detect attempts to practise fraud upon them. The traders knowing this (however, few of the Indians are permitted to trade without a previous preparation in the way of liquor,) would not be so apt to demand exorbitant prices.... This may be illustrated by the fact, as reported to this office by Matthew Irwin, that previous to the establishment of the Green Bay factory [agency] as much as one dollar and fifty cents had been demanded by the traders of the Indians, and received, for a brass thimble, and eighteen dollars for one pound of tobacco!"--U. S. Senate Docs., First Session, Seventeenth Congress, 1821-22, Vol. I, Document No. 60:40. [81] Document No. 90, U. S. Senate Docs., First Session, 22nd Congress, ii:23-24. [82] Ibid:54. [83] For a white 3 point blanket which cost $4.00 they were charged $10; for a beaver trap costing $2.50, the charge was $8; for a rifle costing $11 they had to pay $30; a brass kettle which Astor could buy at 48 cents a pound, he charged the Indians $30 for; powder cost him 20 cents a pound; he sold it for $4 a pound; he bought tobacco for 10 cents a pound and sold it at the rate of five small twists for $6, etc., etc., etc. [84] Document No. 90:72. [85] Many of the tribes, the Government reports show, not only yielded up to Astor's company the whole of their furs, but were deeply in debt to the company. In 1829 the Winnebagoes, Sacs and Foxes owed Farnham & Davenport, agents for the American Fur Company among those tribes, $40,000; by 1831 the debts had risen to $50,000 or $60,000. The Pawnees owed fully as much, and the Cherokees, Chickasaws, Sioux and other tribes were heavily in debt.--Doc. No. 90:72. [86] Forsyth admits that in practically all of these murders the whites were to blame.--Doc. No. 90:76. [87] Doc. No. 90.--This is but a partial list. The full list of the murdered whites the Government was unable to get. [88] Document No. 90:77. [89] Some of the original ledgers of the American Fur Company were put on exhibition at Anderson's auction rooms in New York city in March, 1909. One entry showed that $35,000 had been paid to Lewis Cass for services not stated. Doubtless, Astor had the best of reasons for not explaining that payment; Cass was, or had been, the Governor of Michigan Territory, and he became the identical Secretary of War to whom so many complaints of the crimes of Astor's American Fur Company were made. The author personally inspected these ledgers. The following are some extracts from a news account in the New York "Times," issue of March 7, 1909, of the exhibition of the ledgers: "They cover the business of the Northern Department from 1817 to 1835, and consist of six folio volumes of about 1,000 pages each, in two stout traveling cases, fitted with compartments, lock and key. It is said that these books were missing for nearly seventy-five years, and recently escaped destruction by the merest accident. "The first entry is April 1, 1817. There are two columns, one for British and the other for American money. An entry, May 3, 1817, shows that Lewis Cass, then Governor of Michigan Territory and afterward Democratic candidate for the Presidency against Gen. Zachary Taylor, the successful Whig candidate, took about $35,000 of the Astor money from Montreal to Detroit, in consideration of something which is not set down." CHAPTER III THE GROWTH OF THE ASTOR FORTUNE While at the outposts, and in the depths, of the Western wilderness an armed host was working and cheating for Astor, and, in turn, being cheated by their employer; while, for Astor's gain, they were violating all laws, debauching, demoralizing and beggaring entire tribes of Indians, slaying and often being themselves slain in retaliation, what was the beneficiary of this orgy of crime and bloodshed doing in New York? For a long time he lived at No. 223 Broadway in a large double house, flanked by an imposing open piazza supported by pillars and arches. In this house he combined the style of the ascending capitalist with the fittings and trappings of the tradesman. It was at once residence, office and salesroom. On the ground floor was his store, loaded with furs; and here one of his sons and his chief heir, William B. could be seen, as a lad, assiduously beating the furs to keep out moths. Astor's disposition was phlegmatic and his habits were extremely simple and methodical. He had dinner regularly at three o'clock, after which he would limit himself to three games of checkers and a glass of beer. Most of his long day was taken up with close attention to his many business interests of which no detail escaped him. However execrated he might be in the Indian territories far in the West, he assumed, and somewhat succeeded in being credited with, the character of a patriotic, respectable and astute man of business in New York. ASTOR SUPERIOR TO LAW. During (taking a wide survey) the same series of years that he was directing gross violations of explicit laws in the fur-producing regions--laws upon the observance of which depended the very safety of the life of men, women and children, white and red, and which laws were vested with an importance corresponding with the baneful and bloody results of their infraction--Astor was turning other laws to his distinct advantage in the East. Pillaging in the West the rightful and legal domain, and the possessions, of a dozen Indian tribes, he, in the East, was causing public money to be turned over to his private treasury and using it as personal capital in his shipping enterprises. As applied to the business and landowning class, law was notoriously a flexible, convenient, and highly adaptable function. By either the tacit permission or connivance of Government, this class was virtually, in most instances, its own law-regulator. It could consistently, and without being seriously interfered with, violate such laws as suited its interests, while calling for the enactment or enforcement of other laws which favored its designs and enhanced its profits. We see Astor ruthlessly brushing aside, like so many annoying encumbrances, even those very laws which were commonly held indispensable to a modicum of fair treatment of the Indians and to the preservation of human life. These laws happened to conflict with the amassing of profits; and always in a civilization ruled by the trading class, laws which do this are either unceremoniously trampled upon, evaded or repealed. For all the long-continued violations of law in the West, and for the horrors which resulted from his exploitation of the Indians, was Astor ever prosecuted? To repeat, no; nor was he disturbed even by such a triviality as a formal summons. Yet, to realize the full enormity of acts for which he was responsible, and the complete measure of immunity that he enjoyed, it is necessary to recall that at the time the Government had already begun to assume the role of looking upon the Indians as its wards, and thus of theoretically extending to them the shield of its especial protection. If Government allowed a people whom it pleased to signify as its wards to be debauched, plundered and slain, what kind of treatment could be expected for the working class as to which there was not even the fiction of Government concern, not to mention wardship? LAW BREAKERS AND LAW MAKERS. But when it came to laws which, in the remotest degree, could be used or manipulated to swell profits or to buttress property, Astor and his class were untiring and vociferous in demanding their strict enforcement. Successfully ignoring or circumventing laws objectionable to them, they, at the same time, insisted upon the passage and exact construction and severe enforcement of laws which were adjusted to their interests. Law breakers, on the one hand, they were law makers on the other. They caused to be put in statute, and intensified by judicial precedent, the most rigorous laws in favor of property rights. They virtually had the extraordinary power of choosing what laws they should observe and what they should not. This choice was invariably at the expense of the working class. Law, that much-sanctified product, was really law only when applied to the propertyless. It confronted the poor at every step, was executed with summary promptitude and filled the prisons with them. Poverty had no choice in saying what laws it should obey and what it should not. It, perforce, had to obey or go to prison; either one or the other, for the laws were expressly drafted to bear heavily upon it. It is illustrative, in the highest degree, of the character of Government ruled by commercial interests, that Astor was allowed to pillage and plunder, cheat, rob and (by proxy) slaughter in the West, while, in the East, that same Government extended to him, as well as to other shippers, the free use of money which came from the taxation of the whole people--a taxation always weighted upon the shoulders of the worker. In turn, this favored class, either consciously or unconsciously, voluntarily or involuntarily, cheated the Government of nearly half of the sums advanced. From the foundation of the Government up to 1837, there were nine distinct commercial crises which brought about terrible hardships to the wage workers. Did the Government step in and assist them? At no time. But during all those years the Government was busy in letting the shippers dig into the public funds and in being extremely generous to them when they failed to pay up. From 1789 to 1823 the Government lost more than $250,000,000 in duties,[90] all of which sum represented what the shippers owed and did not, or could not, pay. And no criminal proceedings were brought against any of these defaulters. This, however, was not all that the Government did for the favored, pampered class that it represented. Laws were severe against labor-union strikes, which were frequently judicially adjudged conspiracies. Theoretically, law inhibited monopoly, but monopolies existed, because law ceases to be effective law when it is not enforced; and the propertied interests took care that it was not enforced. Their own class was powerful in every branch of Government. Furthermore, they had the money to buy political subserviency and legal dexterity. The $35,000 that Astor paid to Cass, the very official who, as Secretary of War, had jurisdiction over the Indian tribes and over the Indian trade, and the sums that Astor paid to Benton, were, it may well be supposed, only the merest parts of the total sums that he disbursed to officials and politicians, high and low. ASTOR'S MONOPOLIES. Astor profited richly from his monopolies. His monopoly of furs in the West was made a basis for the creation of other monopolies. China was a voracious and highly profitable market for furs. In exchange for the cargoes of these that he sent there, his ships would be loaded with teas and silks. These products he sold at exorbitant prices in New York. His profits from a single voyage sometimes reached $70,000; the average profits from a single voyage were $30,000. During the War of 1812-15 tea rose to double its usual price. Astor was invariably lucky in that his ships escaped capture. At one period he was about the only merchant who had a cargo of tea in the market. He exacted, and was allowed to exact, his own price. Meanwhile, Astor was setting about making himself the richest and largest landowner in the country. His were not the most extensive land possessions in point of extent but in regard to value. He aimed at being a great city, not a great rural, landlord. It was estimated that his trade in furs and associated commerce brought him a clear annual revenue of about two million dollars. This estimate was palpably inadequate. Not only did he reap enormous profits from the fur trade, but also from banking privileges in which he was a conspicuous factor. It was on one of his visits to London, so the recital goes, that he first became possessed of the idea of founding an extraordinarily rich landed family. He admired, it is told, the great landed estates of the British nobility, and observed the prejudice against the caste of the trader and the corresponding exalted position of the landowner. Whether this story is true or not, it is evident that he was impressed with the increasing power and the stability of a fortune founded upon land, and how it radiated a certain splendid prestige. The very definition of the word landlord--lord of the soil--signified the awe-compelling and authoritative position of him who owned land--a definition heightened and enforced in a thousand ways by the laws. The speculative and solid possibilities of New York City real estate held out dazzling opportunities gratifying his acquisitiveness for wealth and power--the wealth that fed his avarice, and the power flowing from the dominion of riches. ASTOR NOT AN EXCEPTION. It may here be observed that Astor's methods in trade or in acquiring of land need not be indiscriminately condemned as an exclusive mania. Nor should they be held up to the curiosity of posterity as a singular and pernicious exhibition, detached from his time and generation, and independent of them. Again and again the facts disclose that men such as he were merely the representative crests of prevailing commercial and political life. Substantially the whole propertied class obtained its wealth by methods which, if not the same, had a strong relationship. His methods differed nowise from those of many cotton planters of the South who stole, on a monstrous scale,[91] Government land and then with the wealth derived from their thefts, bought negro slaves, set themselves up in the glamour of a patriarchal aristocracy and paraded a florid display of chivalry and honor. And it was this same grandiose class that plundered Whitney of the fruits of his invention of the cotton-gin and shamelessly defrauded him.[92] Far more flagrant, however, were the means by which other Southern plantation owners and business firms secured landed estates in Alabama, Georgia and in other States. Their methods in expropriating the reservations of such Indian tribes as the Creeks and Chickasaws were not less fraudulent than those that Astor used elsewhere. They too, those fine Southern aristocrats, debauched Indian tribes with whisky, and after swindling them of their land, caused the Government to remove them westward. The frauds were so extensive, and the circumstances so repellant, that President Andrew Jackson, in 1833, ordered an investigation. From the records of this investigation,--four hundred and twenty-five solid pages of official correspondence--more than enough details can be obtained.[93] WHERE WAS FRAUD ABSENT? In Wisconsin the most valuable Government lands, containing rich deposits of lead and other mineral ore, were being boldly appropriated by force and fraud. The House Committee on Public Lands reported on December 18, 1840, that with the connivance of local land agents, these lands, since 1835, had been sold at private sale before they were even subject to public entry.[94] "In consequence of which," the Committee stated, "many tracts of land known to be rich and valuable mineral lands for many years, and known to be such at the time of the entry, have been entered by evil-minded persons, who have falsely made, or procured others to make, the oath required by the land offices. Honest men have been excluded from the purchase of these lands, while the dishonest and unscrupulous have been permitted to enter them by means of false oath and fraud."[95] These are but the merest glimpses of the widespread frauds in seizing land, whether agricultural, timber or mineral. What of the mercantile importers, the same class that the Government so greatly favored in allowing it long periods in which to pay its customs duties? It was defrauding the Government on the very importations on which it was extended long-time credit for customs payments. The few official reports available clearly indicate this. Great frauds were continuously going on in the importations of lead.[96] Large quantities of sugar were imported in the guise of molasses which, it was discovered, after being boiled a few minutes, would produce an almost equal weight in brown sugar.[97] Doubtless similar frauds were being committed in other lines of importations. Between the methods of these divisions of the capitalist class, and those of Astor, no basic difference can be discerned. Neither was there any essential difference between Astor's methods and those of the manufacturing capitalists of the North who remorselessly robbed Charles Goodyear of the benefits of his discovery of vulcanized rubber and who drove him, after protracted litigation, into insolvency, and caused him to die loaded down with worries and debts, a broken-down man, at the age of 60.[98] As for that pretentious body of gentry who professed to spread enlightenment and who set themselves high and solemnly on a pinnacle as dispensers of knowledge and molders of public opinion--the book, periodical and newspaper publishers--their methods at bottom were as fraudulent as any that Astor ever used. They mercilessly robbed and knew it, while making the most hypocritical professions of lofty motives. Buried deep in the dusty archives of the United States Senate is a petition whereon appear the signatures of Moore, Carlyle, the two Disraelis, Milman, Hallam, Southey, Thomas Campbell, Sir Charles Lyell, Bulwer Lytton, Samuel Rogers, Maria Edgeworth, Harriet Martineau and other British literary luminaries, great or small. In this petition these authors, some of them representing the highest and finest in literary, philosophical, historical, and scientific thought and expression, implore Congress to afford them protection against the indiscriminate theft of their works by American booksellers. Their works, they set forth, are not only appropriated without their consent but even contrary to their expressed desire. And there is no redress. Their productions are mutilated and altered, yet their names are retained. They instance the pathetic case of Sir Walter Scott. His works have been published and sold from Maine to the Gulf of Mexico, yet not a cent has he received. "An equitable remuneration," they set forth, "might have saved his life, and would, at least have relieved his closing years from the burdens of debts and destructive toils."[99] How fares this petition read in the United States Senate on February 2, 1837? The booksellers, magazine, periodical and newspaper publishers have before succeeded in defeating one copyright bill. They now bestir themselves again; the United States Senate consigns the petition to the archives; and the piracy goes on as industriously as ever. LEGALIZED PIRACY IN ALL BRANCHES OF TRADE. What else could be expected from a Congress which represented the commercial and landholding classes? No prodding was needed to cause it to give the fullest protection to possessions in commerce, land and negro slaves; these were concrete property. But thought was not capitalized; it was not a manufactured product like iron or soap. Nothing can express the pitying contempt or the lofty air of patronization with which the dominant commercial classes looked down upon the writer, the painter, the musician, the philosopher or the sculptor. Regarding these "sentimentalists" as easy, legitimate and defenseless objects of prey, and as incidental and impractical hangers-on in a world where trade was all in all, the commercial classes at all times affected a certain air of encouragement of the fine arts, which encouragement, however, never attempted to put a stop to piracies of publication or reproduction. How sordidly commercial that era was, to what extremes its standards went, and how some of the basest forms of theft were carried on and practically legalized, may be seen by the fate of Peter Cardelli's petition to Congress. Cardelli was a Roman sculptor, residing in the United States for a time. He prays Congress in 1820 to pass an act protecting him from commercial pirates who make casts and copies of his work and who profit at his expense. The Senate Committee on Judiciary, to whom the petition is referred, rejects the plea. On what ground? Because he "has not discovered any new invention on which he can claim the right."[100] Could stupidity go further? All of the confluent facts of the time show conclusively that every stratum of commercial society was permeated with fraud, and that this fraud was accepted generally as a routine fixture of the business of gathering property or profits. Astor, therefore, was not an isolated phenomenon, but a typically successful representative of his time and of the methods and standards of the trading class of that time. Whatever in the line of business yielded profits, that act, whether cheating, robbing or slaughtering, was justified by some sophistry or other. Astor did not debauch, spoliate, and incite slaughter because he took pleasure in doing them. Perhaps--to extend charitable judgment--he would have preferred to avoid them. But they were all part of the formulated necessities of business which largely decreed that the exercise of humane and ethical considerations was incompatible with the zealous pursuit of wealth. In the wilderness of the West, Astor, operating through his agents, could debauch, rob and slay Indians with impunity. As he was virtually the governing body there, without fear of being hindered, he thus could act in the most high-handed, arbitrary and forcible ways. In the East, however, where law, or the forms of law, prevailed, he had to have recourse to methods which bore no open trace of the brutal and sanguinary. He had to become the insidious and devious schemer, acting through sharp lawyers instead of by an armed force. Hence in his Eastern operations he made deception a science and used every instrument of cunning at his command. The result was precisely the same as in the West, except that the consequences were not so overt, and the perpetration could not be so easily distinguished. In the West, death marched step by step with Astor's accumulating fortune; so did it in the East, but it was not open and bloody as in the fur country. The mortality thus accompanying Astor's progress in New York was of that slow and indefinite, but more lingering and agonizing, kind ensuing from want, destitution, disease and starvation. Astor's supreme craft was at no time better shown than by the means by which he acquired possession of an immense estate in Putnam County, New York. During the Revolution, a tract consisting of 51,012 acres held by Roger Morris and Mary his wife, Tories, had been confiscated by New York State. This land, it is worth recalling, was part of the estate of Adolphus Phillips, the son of Frederick who, as has been set forth, financed and protected the pirate Captain Samuel Burgess in his buccaneer expeditions, and whose share of the Burgess' booty was extremely large.[101] Mary Morris was a descendant of Adolph Phillips and came into that part of the property by inheritance. The Morris estate comprised nearly one-third of Putnam County. After confiscation, the State sold the area in parts to various farmers. By 1809 seven hundred families were settled on the property, and not a shadow of a doubt had ever been cast on their title. They had long regarded it as secure, especially as it was guaranteed by the State. A NOTED LAND TRANSACTION. In 1809 a browsing lawyer informed Astor that those seven hundred families had no legal title whatever; that the State had had no legal right to confiscate the Morris property, inasmuch as the Morrises held a life lease only, and no State could ever confiscate a life lease. The property, Astor was informed, was really owned by the children of the Morris couple, to whom it was to revert after the lease of their parents was extinguished. Legally, he was told, they were as much the owners as ever. Astor satisfied himself that this point would hold in the courts. Then he assiduously hunted up the heirs, and by a series of strategic maneuvers worthy of the pen of a Balzac, succeeded in buying their claim for $100,000. In the thirty-three years which had elapsed since confiscation, the land had been greatly improved. Suddenly came a notification to these unsuspecting farmers that not they, but Astor, owned the land. All the improvements that they had made, all the accumulated standing products of the thirty-three years' labor of the occupants, he claimed as his, by virtue of the fact that, in law, they were trespassers. Dumfounded, they called upon him to prove his claim. Whereupon his lawyers, men saturated with the terminology and intricacies of legal lore, came forward and gravely explained that the law said so and so and was such and such and that the law was incontestible in support of Astor's claim. The hard-working farmers listened with mystification and consternation. They could not make out how land which they or their fathers had paid for, and which they had tilled and improved, could belong to an absentee who had never turned a spade on it, had never seen it, all simply because he had the advantage of a legal technicality and a document emblazoned with a seal or two. THE PUBLIC UPROAR OVER ASTOR'S CLAIM. They appealed to the Legislature. This body, influenced by the public uproar over the transaction, refused to recognize Astor's title. The whole State was aroused to a pitch of indignation. Astor's claim was generally regarded as an audacious piece of injustice and robbery. He contended that he was not subject to the provision of the statute directing sales of confiscated estates which provided that tenants could not be dispossessed without being paid for improvements. In fine, he claimed the right to evict the entire seven hundred families without being under the legal or moral necessity of paying them a single cent for their improvements. In the state of public temper, the officials of the State of New York decided to fight his claim. Astor offered to sell his claim to the State for $667,000. But such was the public outburst at the effrontery of a man who had bought what was virtually an extinct claim for $100,000, and then attempting to hold up the State for more than six times that sum, that the Legislature dared not consent. The contention went to the courts and there dragged along for many years. Astor, however, won his point; it was decided that he had a valid title. Finally in 1827 the Legislature allowed itself[102] to compromise, although public opinion was as bitter as ever. The State gave Astor $500,000 in five per cent stock, specially issued, in surrender of his claim.[103] Thus were the whole people taxed to buy, at an exorbitant price, the claim of a man who had got it by artifice and whose estate eventually applied the interest and principal of that stock to buying land in New York City. Thus also can a considerable part of the Astor fortune be traced to Adolphus Phillips, son of Frederick, the partner, protector and chief spoil-sharer of Captain Burgess, sea pirate, and whose estate, the Phillips manor, had been obtained by bribing Fletcher, the royal governor. But while Astor gradually appropriated vast tracts of land in Wisconsin, Missouri, Iowa and other parts of the West, and levied his toll on one-third of Putnam County, it was in New York City that he concentrated the great bulk of his real estate speculations. To buy steadily on the scale that he did required a constant revenue. This revenue, as we have seen, came from his fur trading methods and activities and the profits and privileges of his shipping. But these factors do not explain his entire agencies in becoming a paramount landocrat. One of these was the banking privilege--a privilege so ordained by law that it was one of the most powerful and insidious suctions for sapping the wealth created by the toil of the producers, and for enriching its owners at a most appalling sacrifice to the working and agricultural classes. And above all, Astor in common with his class, made the most valuable asset of Law, whether exploiting the violation, or the enforcement, of it. If we are to accept the superficial, perfunctory accounts of Astor's real estate investments in New York City, then he will appear in the usual eulogistic light of a law-loving, sagacious man engaged in a legitimate enterprise. The truth, however, lies deeper than that--a truth which has been either undiscerned or glossed over by those conventional writers who, with a panderer's instinct, give a wealth-worshipping era the thing it wants to read, not what it ought to know. Although apparently innocent and in accord with the laws and customs of the times, Astor's real estate transactions were inseparably connected with consecutive evasions, trickeries, frauds and violations of law. Extraordinarily favorable as the law was to the propertied classes, even that law was constantly broken by the very classes to whom it was so partial. Simultaneously, while reaping large revenues from his fur trade among the Indians in both the East and West, Astor was employing a different kind of fraud in using the powers of city and State government in New York in obtaining, for practically nothing, enormously valuable grants of land and other rights and privileges which added to the sum total of his growing wealth. CORRUPT GRANTS OF CITY LAND. In this procedure he was but doing what a number of other contemporaries such as Peter Goelet, the Rhinelanders, the Lorillards, the Schermerhorns and other men who then began to found powerful landed families, were doing at the same time. The methods by which these men secured large areas of land, now worth huge sums, were unquestionably fraudulent, although the definite facts are not as wholly available as are, for instance, those which related to Fletcher's granting vast estates for bribes in the seventeenth century, or the bribery which corrupted the various New York legislatures beginning in the year 1805. Nevertheless, considering the character of the governing politicians, and the scandals that ensued from the granting and sales of New York City land a century or more ago, it is reasonably certain that corrupt means were used. The student of the times cannot escape from this conclusion, particularly as it is borne out by many confirming circumstances. New York City, at one time, owned a very large area of land which was fraudulently granted or sold to private individuals. Considerable of this granting or selling was done during the years when the corrupt Benjamin Romaine was City Controller. Romaine was so badly involved in a series of scandals arising from the grants and corrupt sales of city land, that in 1806 the Common Council, controlled by his own party, the Tammany machine, found it necessary to remove him from the office of City Controller for malfeasance.[104] The specific charge was that he had fraudulently obtained valuable city land in the heart of the city without paying for it. Something had to be done to still public criticism, and Romaine was sacrificed. But, in fact, he was far from being the only venal official concerned in the current frauds. These frauds continued no matter which party or what set of officials were in power. Several years after Romaine was removed, John Bingham, a powerful member of the Aldermanic Committee on Finance, which passed upon and approved these various land grants, was charged by public investigators with having caused the city to sell to his brother-in-law land which he later influenced the city administration to buy back at an exorbitant price. Spurred by public criticism the Common Council demanded its reconveyance.[105] It is more than evident--it is indisputable--from the records and the public scandals, that the successive city administrations were corruptly conducted. The conservative newspaper comments alone of the period indicate this clearly, if nothing else does. A PROCESS OF SPOLIATION. Neither Astor nor Goelet were directly active members of the changing political cliques which controlled the affairs of the city. It is likely that they bore somewhat the same relation to these cliques that the politico-industrial magnates and financiers of to-day do; to all appearances distinctly apart from participation in politics, and yet by means of money, having a strong or commanding influence in the background. But the Rhinelander brothers, William and Frederick, were integral members of the political machine in power. Thus we find that in 1803, William Rhinelander was elected Assessor for the Fifth Ward (a highly important and sumptuary office at that time), while both he and Frederick were, at the same time, appointed inspectors of elections.[106] The action of the city officials in disposing of city land to themselves, to political accomplices and to favorites (who, it is probable, although not a matter of proof, paid bribes) took two forms. One was the granting of land under water, the other the granting of city real estate. At that time the configuration of Manhattan Island was such that it was marked by ponds, streams and marshes, while the marginal lines of the Hudson River and the East River extended much further inland than now. When an individual got what was called a water grant, it meant land under shallow water, where he had the right to build bulkheads and wharves and to fill in and make solid ground. Out of these water grants was created property now worth hundreds upon hundreds of millions of dollars. The value at that time was not great, but the prospective value was immense. This fact was recognized in the official reports of the day, which set forth how rapidly the city's population and commerce were increasing. As for city land as such, the city not only owned large tracts by reason of old grants and confiscations, but it constantly came into possession of more because of non-payment of taxes. The excuses by which the city officials covered their short-sighted or fraudulent grants of the water rights and the city land were various. One was that the gifts were for the purpose of assisting religious institutions. This, however, was but an occasional excuse. The principal excuse which was persisted in for forty years was that the city needed revenue. This was a fact. The succeeding city administrations so corruptly and extravagantly squandered the city's money that the city was constantly in debt. Perhaps this debt was created for the very purpose of having a plausible ground for disposing of city land. So it was freely charged at that time. THE CITY CREATES LANDLORDS. Let us see how the religious motive worked. On June 10, 1794, the city gave to Trinity Church a water grant covering all that land from Washington street to the North River between Chambers and Reade streets. The annual rent was one shilling per running foot after the expiration of forty-two years from June 10, 1794. Thus, for forty-two years, no rent was charged. Shortly after the passage of this grant, Trinity Church conveyed it to William Rhinelander, and also all that ground between Jay and Harrison streets, from Greenwich street to the North River. By a subsequent arrangement with Trinity Church and the city, all of this land as well as certain other Trinity land became William Rhinelander's property; and then, by agreement of the Common Council on May 29, 1797, and confirmation of Nov. 16, 1807, he was given all rights to the land water between high and low water mark, bounding his property, for an absurdly low rental.[107] These water grants were subsequently filled in and became of enormous value. Astor was as energetic as Rhinelander in getting grants from the city officials. In 1806 he obtained two of large extent on the East Side--on Mangin street between Stanton and Houston streets, and on South street between Peck Slip and Dover street. On May 30, 1808, upon a favorable report handed in by the Finance Committee, of which the notorious John Bingham was a member, Astor received an extensive grant along the Hudson bounding the old Burr estate which had come into his possession.[108] In 1810 he received three more water grants in the vicinity of Hubert, Laight, Charlton, Hammersly and Clarkson streets, and on April 28, 1828, three at Tenth avenue, Twelfth, Thirteenth, Fourteenth and Fifteenth streets. These were some of the grants that he received. But they do not include the land in the heart of the city that he was constantly buying from private owners or getting by the evident fraudulent connivance of the city officials. Having obtained the water grants and other land by fraud, what did the grantees next proceed to do? They had them filled in, not at their own expense, but largely at the expense of the municipality. Sunken lots were filled in, sewers placed, and streets opened, regulated and graded at but the merest minimum of expense to these landlords. By fraudulent collusion with the city authorities they foisted much of the expense upon the taxpayers. How much money the city lost by this process in the early decades of the nineteenth century was never known. But in 1855 Controller Flagg submitted to the Common Council an itemized statement for the five years from 1850 in which he referred to "the startling fact that the city's payments, in a range of five years [for filling in sunken lots, regulating and grading streets, etc.], exceed receipts by the sum of more than two millions of dollars."[109] MANY PARTICIPANTS IN THE CURRENT FRAUDS. In the case of most of these so-called water fronts, there was usually a trivial rental attached. Nearly always, however, this was commuted upon payment of a small designated sum, and a full and clear title was then given by the city. In this rush to get water-grants--grants many of which are now solid land filled with business and residential buildings--many of the ancestors of those families which pride themselves upon their exclusive air participated. The Lorillards, the Goelets, William F. Havemeyer, Cornelius Vanderbilt, W. H. Webb, W. H. Kissam, Robert Lenox, Schermerhorn, James Roosevelt, William E. Dodge, Jr.--all of these and many others--not omitting Astor's American Fur Company--at various times down to, and including the period of, the monumentally corrupt Tweed "ring," got grants from corrupt city administrations. Some of these water rights, that is to say, such fragmentary parts of them as pertained to wharves and bulkheads, New York City, in recent years, has had to buy back at exorbitant prices. From the organization of the Dock Department down to 1906 inclusive, New York City had expended $70,000,000 for the purchase of bulkhead and wharf property and for construction. During all the years from 1800 on, Astor, in conjunction with other landholders, was manipulating the city government not less than the State and Federal Government. Now he gets from the Board of Aldermen title to a portion of this or that old country road on Manhattan which the city closes up; again and again he gets rights of land under water. He constantly solicits the Board of Aldermen for this or that right or privilege and nearly always succeeds. No property or sum is too small for his grasp. In 1832, when Eighth avenue, from Thirteenth to Twenty-third streets is graded down and the earth removed is sold by the city to a contractor for $3,049.44, Astor, Stephen D. Beekman and Jacob Taylor petition that each get a part of the money for earth removed from in front of their lots. This is considered such a petty attempt at defrauding, that the Aldermen call it an "unreasonable petition" and refuse to accede.[110] In 1834 the Aldermen allow him a part of the old Hurlgate road, and Rhinelander a part of the Southampton road. Not a year passes but that he does not get some new right or privilege from the city government. At his request some streets are graded and improved; the improvement of such other streets as is not to his interest to have improved is delayed. Here sewers are placed; then they are refused. Every function of city administration was incessantly used by him. The cumulative effect of this class use of government was to give him and others a constant succession of grants and privileges that now have a prodigious value. But it should be noted that those who thus benefited, singularly enjoyed the advantages of laws and practices. For city land that they bought they were allowed to pay on easy terms; not infrequently the city had to bring action for final payment. But the tenants of these landlords had to pay rent on the day that it fell due, or within a few days of the time; they could not be in arrears more than three days without having to face dispossess proceedings. Nor was this all the difference. On land which they corruptly obtained from the city and which, to a large extent, they fraudulently caused to be filled in, regulated, graded or otherwise improved at the expense of the whole community, the landlords refused to pay taxes promptly, just as they refused to pay them on land that they had bought privately. What was the result? "Some of our wealthiest citizens," reported the Controller in 1831, "are in the habit of postponing the payment of taxes for six months and more, and the Common Council are necessitated to borrow money on interest to meet the ordinary disbursements of the city."[111] If a man of very moderate means were backward in payment of taxes, the city promptly closed him out, and if a tenant of any of these delinquent landlords were dispossessed for non-payment of rent, the city it was which undertook the process of eviction. The rich landlord, however, could do as he pleased, since all government represented his interests and those of his class. Instead of the punishment for non-payment of taxes being visited upon him, it was imposed upon the whole community in the form of interest-bearing bonds. PILLAGE, PROFITS AND LAND. The money that Astor secured by robbing the Indians and exploiting the workers by means of monopolies, he thus put largely into land. In 1810, a story runs, he offers to sell a Wall Street lot for $8,000. The price is so low that a buyer promptly appears. "Yes, you are astonished," Astor says. "But see what I intend to do with that eight thousand dollars. That Wall Street lot, it is true, will be worth twelve thousand dollars in a few years. But I shall take that eight thousand dollars and buy eighty lots above Canal street and by the time your one lot is worth twelve thousand dollars, my eighty lots will be worth eighty thousand dollars." So goes one of the fine stories told to illustrate his foresight, and to prove that his fortune came exclusively from that faculty and from his industry. This version bears all the impress of being undoubtedly a fraud. Astor was remarkably secretive and dissembling, and never revealed his plans to anyone. That he bought the lots is true enough, but his attributed loquacity is mythical and is the invention of some gushing eulogist. At that time he was buying for $200 or $300 each many lots on lower Broadway, then, for the most part, an unoccupied waste. What he was counting upon was the certain growth of the city and the vastly increasing values not that he would give his land, but which would accrue from the labor of an enlarged population. These lots are now occupied by crowded business buildings and are valued at from $300,000 to $400,000 each. Throughout those years in the first decade of the nineteenth century he was constantly buying land on Manhattan Island. Practically all of it was bought, not with the idea of using it, but of holding it and allowing future populations to make it a thousand times more valuable. An exception was his country estate of thirteen acres at Hurlgate (Hellgate) in the vicinity of Sixtieth street and the East River. It was curious to look back at the fact that less than a century ago the upper regions of Manhattan Island were filled with country estates--regions now densely occupied by huge tenement houses and some private dwellings. In those days, not less than in these, a country seat was considered a necessary appendage to the possessions of a rich man. Astor bought that Hurlgate estate as a country seat; but as such it was long since discontinued although the land comprising it has never left the hold of the Astor family. What were the intrinsic circumstances of the means by which he bought land, now worth hundreds of millions of dollars? For once, we get a gleam of the truth, but a gleam only, in the "popular writer's" account when he says: "John Jacob Astor's record is constantly crossed by embarrassed families, prodigal sons, mortgages and foreclosure sales. Many of the victims of his foresight were those highest in church and state. He thus acquired for $75,000 one-half of Governor George Clinton's splendid Greenwich country place [in the old Greenwich village on the west side of Manhattan Island].... After the Governor's death, he kept persistently at the heirs, lent them money and acquired additional slices of the family property.... Nearly two-thirds of the Clinton farm is now held by Astor's descendants, and is covered by scores of business buildings, from which is derived an annual income estimated at $500,000." THE FATE OF OTHERS HIS GAIN. In this transaction we see the beginnings of that period of conquest on the part of the very rich using their surplus capital in effacing the less rich--a period which really opened with Astor and which has been vastly intensified in recent times. Clinton was accounted a rich man in his day, but he was a pigmy in that respect compared to Astor. With his incessant inflow of surplus wealth, Astor was in a position where on the instant he could take advantage of the difficulties of less rich men and take over to himself their property. A large amount of Astor's money was invested in mortgages. In times of periodic financial and industrial distress, the mortgagers were driven to extremities and could no longer keep up their payments. These were the times that Astor waited for, and it was in such times that he stepped in and possessed himself, at comparatively small expense, of large additional tracts of land. It was this way that he became the owner of what was then the Cosine farm, extending on Broadway from Fifty-third to Fifty-seventh streets and westward to the Hudson River. This property, which he got for $23,000 by foreclosing a mortgage, is now in the very heart of the city, filled with many business, and every variety of residential, buildings, and is rated as worth $6,000,000. By much the same means he acquired ownership of the Eden farm in the same vicinity, coursing along Broadway north from Forty-second street and slanting over to the Hudson River. This farm lay under pledges for debt and attachments for loans. Suddenly Astor turned up with a third interest in an outstanding mortgage, foreclosed, and for a total payment of $25,000 obtained a sweep of property now covered densely with huge hotels, theaters, office buildings, stores and long vistas of residences and tenements--a property worth at the very least $25,000,000. Any one with sufficient security in land who sought to borrow money would find Astor extremely accommodating. But woe betide the hapless borrower, whoever he was, if he failed in his obligations to the extent of even a fraction of the requirements covered by law! Neither personal friendship, religious considerations nor the slightest feelings of sympathy availed. But where law was insufficient or non-existent, new laws were created either to aggrandize the powers of landlordship, or to seize hold of land or enchance its value, or to get extraordinary special privileges in the form of banking charters. And here it is necessary to digress from the narrative of Astor's land transactions and advert to his banking activities, for it was by reason of these subordinately, as well as by his greater trade revenues, that he was enabled so successfully to pursue his career of wealth-gathering. The circumstances as to the origin of certain powerful banks in which he and other landholders and traders were large stockholders, the methods and powers of those banks, and their effect upon the great body of the people, are component parts of the analytic account of his operations. Not a single one of Astor's biographers has mentioned his banking connections. Yet it is of the greatest importance to describe them, inasmuch as they were closely intertwined with his trade, on the one hand, and with his land acquisitions, on the other. FOOTNOTES: [90] Doc. No. 13, State Papers, Second Session, 18th Congress, Vol. ii. [91] "Stole on a monstrous scale." The land frauds, by which many of the Southern planters obtained estates in Louisiana, Mississippi and other States were a national scandal. Benjamin F. Linton, United States Attorney for Western Louisiana, reported to President Andrew Jackson on August 27, 1835, that in seizing possession of Government land in that region "the most shameful frauds, impositions and perjuries had been committed in Louisiana." Sent to investigate, V. M. Garesche, an agent of the Government Land Office, complained that he could get no one to testify. "Is it surprising," he wrote to the Secretary of the Treasury, "when you consider that those engaged in this business belong to every class of society from the member of the Legislature (if I am informed correctly) down to the quarter quarter-section settler!" Up to that time the Government held title to immense tracts of land in the South and had thrown it open to settlers. Few of these were able to get it, however. Southern plantation men and Northern capitalists and speculators obtained possession by fraud. "A large company," Garesche reported, "was formed in New York for the purpose, and have an agent who is continually scouring the country." The final report was a whitewashing one; hence, none of the frauds was sent to jail.--Doc. No. 168, Twenty-fourth Congress, 2d Session, ii:4-25, also Doc. No. 213, Ibid. [92] "America," admits Houghton, "never presented a more shameful spectacle than was exhibited when the courts of the cotton-growing regions united with the piratical infringers of Whitney's rights in robbing their greatest benefactor.... In spite of the far-reaching benefits of his invention, he had not realized one dollar above his expenses. He had given millions upon millions of dollars to the cotton-growing states, he had opened the way for the establishment of the vast cotton-spinning interests of his own country and Europe, and yet, after fourteen years of hard labor, he was a poor man, the victim of wealthy, powerful, and, in his case, a dishonest class."--"Kings of Fortune":337. All other of Whitney's biographers relate likewise. [93] See Senate Documents, First Session, 24th Congress, 1835, Vol. vi, Doc. No. 425. A few extracts from the great mass of correspondence will lucidly show the nature of the fraudulent methods. Writing from Columbus, Georgia, on July 15, 1833, Col. John Milton informed the War Department ... "Many of them [the Indians] are almost starved, and suffer immensely for the things necessary to the support of life, and are sinking in moral degradation. They have been much corrupted by white men who live among them, who induce them to sell to as many different individuals as they can, and then cheat them out of the proceeds."... (p. 81.) Luther Blake wrote to the War Department from Fort Mitchell, Alabama, on September 11, 1833 ... "Many, from motives of speculation, have bought Indian reserves fraudulently in this way--take their bonds for trifles, pay them ten or twenty dollars in something they do not want, and take their receipts for five times the amount." (p. 86). On February 1, 1834, J. H. Howard, of Pole-Cat Springs, Creek Nation, sent a communication, by request, to President Jackson in which he said, ... "From my own observation, I am induced to believe that a number of reservations have been paid for at some nominal price, and the principal consideration has been whisky and homespun" ... (p. 104). Gen. J. W. A. Sandford, sent by President Jackson to the Creek country to investigate the charges of fraud, wrote, on March 1, 1834, to the War Department, ... "It is but very recently that the Indian has been invested with an individual interest in land, and the great majority of them appear neither to appreciate its possession, nor to economize the money for which it is sold; the consequence is, that the white man rarely suffers an opportunity to pass by without swindling him out of both".... (p. 110). The records show that the principal beneficiaries of these swindles were some of the most conspicuous planters, mercantile firms and politicians in the South. Frequently, they employed dummies in their operations. [94] Reports of House Committees, Second Session, 26th Congress, 1840-41, Report No. 1. [95] Ibid., 1 and 2. [96] Executive Documents, First Session, 23rd Congress, 1833-34, Doc. No. 132. [97] Senate Documents, First Session, 22nd Congress, 1831-33, Vol. iii, Doc. No. 139. [98] "No inventor," reported the United States Commissioner of Patents in 1858, "probably has ever been so harassed, so trampled upon, so plundered by that sordid and licentious class of infringers known in the parlance of the world, with no exaggeration of phrase as 'pirates.' The spoliation of their incessant guerilla upon his defenseless rights have unquestionably amounted to millions." [99] Doc. No. 134, Twenty-fourth Congress, 2d Session, Vol. ii. [100] Doc. 129, State Papers, 1819-21, Vol. ii. [101] See Part I, Chapter II. [102] "Allowed itself." The various New York legislatures from the end of the eighteenth century on were hotbeds of corruption. Time after time members were bribed to pass bills granting charters for corporations or other special privileges. (See the numerous specific instances cited in the author's "History of Tammany Hall," and subsequently in this work.) The Legislature of 1827 was notoriously corrupt. [103] Journal of the [New York] Senate, 1815:216--Journal of the [New York] Assembly, 1818:261; Journal of the Assembly, 1819. Also "A Statement and Exposition of The Title of John Jacob Astor to the Lands Purchased by him from the surviving children of Roger Morris and Mary, his Wife"; New York, 1827. [104] MSS. Minutes of the (New York City) Common Council, xvi:239-40 and 405. [105] Ibid., xx: 355-356. [106] MSS. Minutes of the Common Council, xiii: 118 and 185. [107] MSS. Minutes of the Common Council, xvii: 141-144. See also Annual Report of Controller for 1849, Appendix A. [108] MSS. Minutes of the Common Council, xviii: 411-414. [109] Doc. No. 33, Documents of the Board of Aldermen, xxii:26. [110] Proceedings of the Board of Aldermen, 1832-33, iv: 416-418. [111] Controller's Reports for 1831:7. Also Ibid. for 1841:28. CHAPTER IV THE RAMIFICATIONS OF THE ASTOR FORTUNE Astor flourished at that precise time when the traders and landowners, flushed with revenues, reached out for the creation and control of the highly important business of professionally dealing in money, and of dictating, personally and directly, what the supply of the people's money should be. This signalized the next step in the aggrandizement of individual fortunes. The few who could center in themselves, by grace of Government, the banking and manipulation of the people's money and the restricting or inflating of money issues, were immediately vested with an extraordinary power. It was a sovereign power at once coercive and proscriptive, and a mighty instrument for transferring the produce of the many to a small and exclusive coterie. Not merely over the labor of the whole working class did this gripping process extend, but it was severely felt by that large part of the landowning and trading class which was excluded from holding the same privileges. The banker became the master of the master. In that fierce, pervading competitive strife, the banks were the final exploiters. Sparsely organized and wholly unprotected, the worker was in the complete power of the trader, manufacturer and landowner; in turn, such of these divisions of the propertied class as were not themselves sharers in the ownership of banks were at the mercy of the banking institutions. At any time upon some pretext or other, the banks could arbitrarily refuse the latter class credit or accommodation, or harass its victims in other ways equally as destructive. As business was largely done in expectations of payment, in other words, credit, as it is now, this was a serious, often a desperate, blow to the lagging or embarrassed brothers in trade. Banks were virtually empowered by law to ruin or enrich any individual or set of individuals. As the banks were then founded and owned by men who were themselves traders or landholders, this power was crushingly used against competitors. Armed with the strong power of law, the banks overawed the mercantile world, thrived on the industry, misfortune or ruin of others, and swayed politics and elections. The bank men loaned money to themselves at an absurdly low rate of interest. But for loans of money to all others they demanded a high rate of interest which, in periods of commercial distress, overwhelmed the borrowers. Nominally banks were restricted to a certain standard rate of interest; but by various subterfuges they easily evaded these provisions and exacted usurious rates. BANKS AND THEIR POWER. These, however, were far from being the worst features. The most innocent of their great privileges was that of playing fast and loose with the money confidingly entrusted to their care by a swarm of depositors who either worked for it, or for the matter of that, often stole it; bankers, like pawnbrokers, ask no questions. The most remarkable of their vested powers was that of manufacturing money. The industrial manufacturer could not make goods unless he had the plant, the raw material and the labor. But the banker, somewhat like the fabled alchemists, could transmute airy nothing into bank-note money, and then, by law, force its acceptance. The lone trader or landholder unsupported by a partnership with law could not fabricate money. But let trader and landholder band in a company, incorporate, then persuade, wheedle or bribe a certain entity called a legislature to grant them a certain bit of paper styled a charter, and lo! they were instantly transformed into money manufacturers. A MANDATE TO PREY. The simple mandate of law was sufficient authorization for them to prey upon the whole world outside of their charmed circle. With this scrap of paper they could go forth on the highways of commerce and over the farms and drag in, by the devious, absorbent processes of the banking system, a great part of the wealth created by the actual producers. As it was with taxation, so was it with the burdens of this system; they fell largely upon the worker, whether in the shop or on the farm. When the business man and the landowner were compelled to pay exorbitant rates of interest they but apparently had to meet the demands. What these classes really did was to throw the whole of these extra impositions upon the working class in the form of increased prices for necessaries and merchandise and in augmented rents. But how were these State or Government authorizations, called charters, to be obtained? Did not the Federal Constitution prohibit States from giving the right to banks to issue money? Were not private money factories specifically barred by that clause of the Constitution which declared that no State "shall coin money, emit bills of credit, or make anything but gold or silver a tender in payment of debts?" Here, again, the power of class domination of Government came into compelling effect. The onward sweep of the trading class was not to be balked by such a trifling obstacle as a Constitutional provision. At all times when the Constitution has stood in the way of commercial aims it has been abrogated, not by repeal nor violent overthrow, but by the effective expedient of judicial interpretation. The trading class demanded State created banks with power of issuing money; and, as the courts have invariably in the long run responded to the interests and decrees of the dominant class, a decision was quickly forthcoming in this case to the effect that "bills of credit" were not meant to cover banknotes. This was a new and surprising construction; but judicial decision and precedent made it virtually law, and law a thousandfold more binding than any Constitutional insertion. COURTS AND CONSTITUTION. The trading class had already learned the importance of the principle that while it was essential to control law-making bodies, it was imperative to have as their auxiliary the bodies that interpreted law. To a large extent the United States since then has lived not under legislative-made law, but under a purely separate and extraneous form of law which has superseded the legislature product, namely, court law. Although nowhere in the United States Constitution is there even the suggestion that courts shall make law, yet this past century and more they have been gradually building up a formidable code of interpretations which substantially ranks as the most commanding kind of law. And these interpretations have, on the whole, consistently followed, and kept pace with, the changing interests of the dominant class, whether traders, slaveholders, or the present trusts. This decision of the august courts opened the way for the greatest orgy of corruption and the most stupendous frauds. In New York, Massachusetts, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and other States a continuous rush to get bank charters ensued. Most of the legislatures were composed of men who, while perhaps, not innately corrupt, were easily seduced by the corrupt temptations held out by the traders. There was a deep-seated hostility, in many parts of the country, on the part of the middling tradesmen--the shopkeepers and the petty merchants--to any laws calculated to increase the power and the privileges of the superior traders and the landowners. Among the masses of workers, most of whom were, however, disfranchised, any attempt to vest the rich with new privileges, was received with the bitterest resentment. But the legislatures were approachable; some members who were put there by the rich families needed only the word as to how they should vote, while others, representing both urban and rural communities, were swayed by bribes. By one means or another the traders and landholders forced the various legislatures into doing what was wanted. Omitting the records of other States, a few salient facts as to what took place in New York State will suffice to give a clear idea of some of the methods of the trading class in pressing forward their conquests, in hurling aside every impediment, whether public opinion or law, and in creating new laws which satisfied their extending plans for a ramification of profit-producing interests. If forethought, an unswerving aim and singleness of execution mean anything, then there was something sternly impressive in the way in which this rising capitalist class went forward to snatch what it sought, and what it believed to be indispensable to its plans. There was no hesitation, nor were there any scruples as to niceties of methods; the end in view was all that counted; so long as that was attained, the means used were considered paltry side-issues. And, indeed, herein lies the great distinction of action between the world-old propertied classes and the contending proletariat; for whereas the one have always campaigned irrespective of law and particularly by bribery, intimidation, repression and force, the working class has had to confine its movement strictly to the narrow range of laws which were expressly prepared against it and the slightest violation of which has called forth the summary vengeance of a society ruled actually, if not theoretically, by the very propertied classes which set at defiance all law. THE BANKING FRAUDS BEGIN. The chartered monopoly held by the traders who controlled the United States Bank was not accepted passively by others of the commercial class, who themselves wanted financial engines of the same character. The doctrine of State's rights served the purpose of these excluded capitalists as well as it did that of the slaveholders. The States began a course of reeling out bank charters. By 1799 New York City had one bank, the Bank of New York; this admixed the terrorism of trade and politics so overtly that presently an opposition application for a charter was made. This solitary bank was run by some of the old landowning families who fully understood the danger involved in the triumph of the democratic ideas represented by Jefferson; a danger far overestimated, however, since win as democratic principles did, the propertied class continued its victorious march, for the simple reason that property was able to divert manhood suffrage to its own account, and to aggrandize itself still further on the ruins of every subsequent similar reform expedient. What the agitated masses, for the most part, of that period could not comprehend was that they who hold the possession of the economic resources will indubitably sway the politics of a country, until such time as the proletariat, no longer divided but thoroughly conscious, organized, and aggressive, will avail itself of its majority vote to transfer the powers of government to itself. The Bank of New York injected itself virulently into politics and fought the spread of democratic ideas with sordid but effective weapons. If a merchant dared support what it denounced as heretical doctrines, the bank at once black-listed him by rejecting his notes when he needed cash most. It was now that Aaron Burr, that adroit leader of the opposition party, stepped in. Seconded or instigated by certain traders, he set out to get one of those useful and invaluable bank charters for his backers. The explanation of how he accomplished the act is thus given: Taking advantage of the epidemic of yellow fever then desolating New York City, he, with much preliminary of philanthropic motives, introduced a bill for the apparent beneficent purpose of diminishing the future possibility of the disease by incorporating a company, called the Manhattan Company, to supply pure, wholesome water. Supposing that the charter granted nothing more than this, the explanation goes on, the Legislature passed the bill, and was most painfully surprised and shocked when the fact came out that the measure had been so deftly drawn, that it, in fact, granted an unlimited charter, conferring banking powers on the company.[112] This explanation is probably shallow and deficient. It is much more likely that bribery was resorted to, considering the fact that the granting of every successive bank charter was invariably accompanied by bribery. Six years later the Mercantile Bank received a charter for a thirteen years' period--a charter which, it was openly charged by certain members of the Assembly, was secured by bribery. These charges were substantially proved by the testimony before a legislative investigating committee.[113] In 1811 the Mechanics' Bank was chartered with a time limit under circumstances indicating bribery. Indeed, so often was bribing done and so pronounced were charges of corruption at frequent sessions of the Legislature, that in 1812, the Assembly, in an heroic spasm of impressive virtue, passed a resolution compelling each member to pledge himself that he had neither taken, nor would take, "any reward or profit, direct or indirect, for any vote on any measure."[114] This resolution was palpably intended to blind the public; for, in that identical year, the Bank of America received a charter amid charges of flagrant corruption. One Assemblyman declared under oath that he had been offered the sum of $500, "besides, a handsome present for his vote."[115] All of the banks, except the Manhattan, had limited charters; measures for the renewal of these were practically all put through by bribery.[116] Thus, in 1818, the charter of the Merchants' Bank was renewed until 1832, and renewed after that. The chartering of the Chemical Bank (that staid and most eminently respectable and solid New York institution of to-day) was accomplished by bribery. The Chemical Bank was an outgrowth of the Chemical Manufacturing Company, the plant and business of which were bought expressly as an excuse to get a banking auxiliary. The Goelet brothers were among the founders of this bank. In fact, many of the great landed fortunes were inseparably associated with the frauds of the banking system; money from land was used to bribe legislatures, and money made from the banks was employed in buying more land. The promoters of the Chemical Bank set aside a considerable sum of money and $50,000 in stock for the bribery fund.[117] No sooner had it received its charter than it began to turn out reams of paper money, based upon no value, which paper was paid as wages to its employees as well as circulated generally. So year after year the bribery went on industriously, without cessation. BRIBERY A CRIME IN NAME ONLY. Were the bribers ever punished, their illicitly gotten charters declared forfeited, and themselves placed under the ban of virtuous society? Far, very far, from it! The men who did the bribing were of the very pinnacle of social power, elegance and position, or quickly leaped to that height by reason of their wealth. They were among the foremost landholders and traders of the day. By these and a wide radius of similar means, they amassed wealth or greatly increased wealth already accumulated. The ancestors of some of the most conspicuous multimillionaire families of the present were deeply involved in the perpetration of all of those continuous frauds and crimes--Peter Goelet and his sons, Peter P. and Robert, for instance, and Jacob Lorillard, who, for many years, was president of the Mechanics' Bank. No stigma attached to these wealth-graspers. Their success as possessors of riches at once, by the automatic processes of a society which enthroned wealth, elevated them to be commanding personages in trade, politics, orthodoxy and the highest social spheres. The cropped convict, released from prison, was followed everywhere by the jeers and branding of a society which gloated over his downfall and which forever reminded him of his infamy. But the men who waded on to wealth through the muck of base practices and by means of crimes a millionfold more insidious and dangerous than the offense of the convict, were not only honored as leading citizens, but they became the extolled and unquestioned dictators of that supreme trading society which made modes, customs and laws. It was a society essentially built upon money; consequently he who was dexterous enough to get possession of the spoils, experienced no difficulty in establishing his place among the elect and anointed. His frauds were forgotten or ignored; only the fact that he was a rich man was remembered. And yet, what is more natural than to seek, and accept, the obeisance lavished upon property, in a scheme of society where property is crowned as the ruling power? In the rude centuries previously mankind exalted physical prowess; he who had the greatest strength and wielded the deftest strokes became victor of the judicial combat and gathered in laurels and property. But now we have arrived at the time when the cunning of mind supplants the cunning of muscle; bribery takes the place of brawn; the contestants fight with statutes instead of swords. And this newer plan, which some have decried as degenerate, is a great advance over the old, for thereby has brute force been legally abandoned in personal quarrels at least, and that cunning of mind which has held sway, is the first evidence of the reign of mind, which from a low order, will universally develop noble and supereminent qualities charged with the good, and that alone, of the human race. ASTOR'S BANKING ACTIVITIES. With this preliminary sketch, we can now proceed to a consideration of how Astor profited from the banking system. We see that constantly the bold spirits of the trading class, with a part of the money made or plundered in some direction or other, were bribing representative bodies to give them exceptional rights and privileges which, in turn, were made the fertile basis for further spoliation. Astor was a stockholder in at least four banks, the charters of which had been obtained or renewed by trickery and fraud, or both. He owned 1,000 shares of the capital stock of the Manhattan Company; 1,000 of the Merchant's Bank; 500 of the Bank of America; 1,604 of the Mechanic's Bank. He also owned at one time considerable stock in the National Bank, the charter of which, it was strongly suspected had been obtained by bribery. There is no evidence that he, himself, did the actual bribing or was in any way concerned in it. In all of the legislative investigations following charges of bribery, the invariable practice was to throw the blame upon the wicked lobbyists, while professing the most naïve astonishment that any imputations should be cast upon any of the members of the honorable Legislature. As for the bribers behind the scenes, their names seldom or never were brought out or divulged. In brief, these investigations were all of that rose-water order, generally termed "whitewashing." But whether Astor personally bribed or not, he at any rate consciously profited from the results of bribery; and, moreover, it is not probable that his methods in the East were different, except in form, from the debauching and exploitation that he made a system of in the fur regions. It is not outside the realm of reasonable conjecture to suppose that he either helped to debauch, or connived at the corruption of legislatures, just as in another way he debauched Indian tribes. Furthermore his relations with Burr in one notorious transaction, are sufficient to justify the conclusion that he held the closest business relations with that political adventurer who lived next door to him at No. 221 Broadway. This transaction was one which was partially the outcome of the organization of the Manhattan Bank and was a source of millions of dollars of profit to Astor and to his descendants. A century or more ago Trinity Church owned three times the extent of even the vast real estate that it now holds. A considerable part of this was the gift of that royal governor Fletcher, who, as has been set forth, was such a master-hand at taking bribes. There long existed a contention upon the part of New York State, a contention embodied in numerous official records, that the land held for centuries by Trinity Church was usurped; that Trinity's title was invalid and that the real title vested in the people of the city of New York. In 1854-55 the Land Commissioners of New York State, deeply impressed by the facts as marshalled by Rutger B. Miller,[118] recommended that the State bring suit. But with the filing of Trinity's reply, mysterious influences intervened and the matter was dropped. These influences are frequently referred to in aldermanic documents. To go back, however: In 1767 Trinity Church leased to Abraham Mortier, for ninety-nine years, at a total annual rental of $269 a year, a stretch of land comprising 465 lots in what is now the vicinity bounded by Greenwich, Spring and Hudson streets. Mortier used it as a country place until 1797 when the New York Legislature, upon the initiative of Burr, developed a consuming curiosity as to how Trinity Church was expending its income. This was a very ticklish question with the pious vestrymen of Trinity, as it was generally suspected that they were commingling business and piety in a way that might, if known, cause them some trouble. The law, at that time, restricted the annual income of Trinity Church from its property to $12,000 a year. A committee of investigation was appointed; of this committee Burr was made chairman. HOW ASTOR SECURED A LEASE. Burr never really made any investigation. Why? The reason soon came out, when Burr turned up with a transfer of the Mortier lease to himself. He at once obtained from the Manhattan Bank a $38,000 loan, pledging the lease as security. When his duel with Hamilton forced Burr to flee the country, Astor promptly came along and took the lease off his hands. Astor, it was said, paid him $32,000 for it, subject to the Manhattan Bank's mortgage. At any rate, Astor now held this extraordinarily valuable lease.[119] He immediately released it in lots; and as the city fast grew, covering the whole stretch with population and buildings, the lease was a source of great revenue to him and to his heirs.[120] As a Lutheran, Astor could not be a vestryman of Trinity Church. Anthony Lispenard, however, it may be passingly noted, was a vestryman, and, as such, mixed piety and business so well, that his heirs became possessed of millions of dollars by the mere fact that in 1779, when a vestryman, he got a lease, for eighty-three years of eighty-one Trinity lots adjacent to the Astor leased land, at a total annual rental of $177.50.[121] It was by the aid of the banking system that the trading class was greatly enabled to manipulate the existing and potential resources of the country and to extend invaluable favors to themselves. In this system Astor was a chief participant. For many years the banks, especially in New York State, were empowered by law to issue paper money to the extent of three times the amount of their capital. The actual specie was seized hold of by the shippers, and either hoarded, or exported in quantities to Asia or Europe which, of course, would not handle paper money. By 1819 the banks in New York had issued $12,500,000, and the total amount of specie to redeem this fiat stuff amounted to only $2,000,000. These banknotes were nothing more or less than irresponsible promises to pay. What became of them? WHAT THE WORKER GOT AS WAGES. What, indeed, became of them? They were imposed upon the working class as payment for labor. Although these banknotes were subject to constant depreciation, the worker had to accept them as though they were full value. But when the worker went to buy provisions or pay rent, he was compelled to pay one-third, and often one-half, as much as the value represented by those banknotes. Sometimes, in crises, he could not get them cashed at all; they became pitiful souvenirs in his hands. This fact was faintly recognized by a New York Senate Committee when it reported in 1819 that every artifice in the wit of man had been devised to find ways of putting these notes into circulation; that when the merchant got this depreciated paper, he "saddled it upon the departments of productive labor." "The farmer and the mechanic alike," went on the report, "have been invited to make loans and have fallen victims to the avarice of the banker. The result has been the banishment of metallic currency, the loss of commercial confidence, fictitious capital, increase of civil prosecutions and multiplication of crimes."[122] What the committee did not see was that by this process those in control of the banks had, with no expenditure, possessed themselves of a considerable part of the resources of the country and had made the worker yield up twice and three times as much of the produce of his labor as he had to give before the system was started. The large amount of paper money, without any basis of value whatever, was put out at a heavy rate of interest. When the merchant paid his interest, he charged it up as extra cost on his wares; and when the worker came to buy these same wares which he or some fellow-worker had made, he was charged a high price which included three things all thrown upon him: rent, interest and profit. The banks indirectly sucked in a large portion of these three factors. And so thoroughly did the banks control legislation that they were not content with the power of issuing spurious paper money; they demanded, and got through, an act exempting bank stock from taxation. Thus year after year this system went on, beggaring great numbers of people, enriching the owners of the banks and virtually giving them a life and death power over the worker, the farmer and the floundering, struggling small business man alike. The laws were but slightly altered. "The great profits of the banks," reported a New York Senate Committee on banks and insurance in 1834, "arise from their issues. It is this privilege which enables them, in fact, to coin money, to substitute their evidences of debt for a metallic currency and to loan more than their actual capitals. A bank of $100,000 capital is permitted to loan $250,000; and thus receive an interest on twice and a half the amount actually invested."[123] THE WORKINGMEN'S PARTY PROTEST. It cannot be said that all of the workingmen were apathetic, or that some did not see through the fraud of the system. They had good reason for the deepest indignation and exasperation. The terrible injustices piled upon them from every quarter--the low wages that they were forced to accept, often in depreciated or worthless banknotes, the continually increasing exactions of the landlords, the high prices squeezed out of them by monopolies, the arbitrary discriminations of law--these were not without their effect. The Workingmen's Party, formed in 1829 in New York City, was the first and most ominous of these proletarian uprisings. Its resolutions read like a proletarian Declaration of Independence, and would unquestionably have resulted in the most momentous agitation, had it not been that it was smothered by its leaders, and also because the slavery issue long obscured purely economic questions. "Resolved," ran its resolutions adopted at Military Hall, Oct. 19, 1829, in the opinion of this meeting, that the first appropriation of the soil of the State to private and exclusive possession was eminently and barbarously unjust. That it was substantially feudal in its character, inasmuch as those who received enormous and unequal possessions were _lords_ and those who received little or nothing were _vassals_. That hereditary transmission of wealth on the one hand and poverty on the other, has brought down to the present generation all the evils of the feudal system, and that, in our opinion, is the prime source of all our calamities. After declaring that the Workingmen's Party would oppose all exclusive privileges, monopolies and exemptions, the resolutions proceeded: We consider it an exclusive privilege for one portion of the community to have the _means of education in colleges_, while another is restricted to common schools, or, perhaps, by extreme poverty, even deprived of the limited education to be acquired in those establishments. Our voice, therefore, shall be raised in favor of a system of education which shall be equally open to _all_, as in a real republic, it should be. Finally the resolutions told what the Workingmen's Party thought of the bankers and the banking system. The bankers were denounced as "the greatest knaves, impostors and paupers of the age." The resolutions went on: As banking is now conducted, the owners of the banks receive annually of the people of the State not less than two millions of dollars in their paper money (and it might as well be pewter money) for which there is and can be nothing provided for its redemption on demand.... The mockery that went up from all that was held influential, respectable and stable when these resolutions were printed, was echoed far and wide. They were looked upon first as a joke, and then, when the Workingmen's Party began to reveal its earnestness and strength, as an insolent challenge to constituted authority, to wealth and superiority, and as a menace to society. RADICALISM VERSUS RESPECTABILITY. The "Courier and Enquirer," owned by Webb and Noah, in the pay of the United States Bank, burst out into savage invective. It held the Workingmen's Party up to opprobrium as an infidel crowd, hostile to the morals and the institutions of society, and to the rights of property. Nevertheless the Workingmen's Party proceeded with an enthusiastic, almost ecstatic, campaign and polled 6,000 votes, a very considerable number compared to the whole number of voters at the time. By 1831, however, it had gone out of existence. The reason was that it allowed itself to be betrayed by the supineness, incompetence, and as some said, the treachery, of its leaders, who were content to accept from a Legislature controlled by the propertied interests various mollifying sops which slightly altered certain laws, but which in no great degree redounded to the benefit of the working class. For a few bits of counterfeit, this splendid proletarian uprising, glowing with energy, enthusiasm and hope, allowed itself to be snuffed out of existence. What a tragedy was there! And how futile and tragic must inevitably be the fate of any similar movement which depends not upon itself, not upon its own intrinsic, collective strength and wisdom, but upon the say-so of leaders who come forward to assume leadership. Representing only their own timidity of thought and cowardice of action, they often end by betraying the cause placed confidingly in their charge. That class which for these immemorial generations has done the world's work, and as long has been plundered and oppressed and betrayed, thus had occasion to learn anew the bitter lesson taught by the wreckage of the past, that it is from itself that the emancipation must come; that it is itself which must essentially think, act and strike; that its forces, long torn asunder and dispersed, must be marshalled in invulnerable compactness and iron discipline; and so that its hosts may not again be routed by strategy, no man or set of men should be entrusted with the irrevocable power of executing its decrees, for too often has the courage, boldness and strength of the many been shackled or destroyed by the compromising weakness of the leaders. THE PANIC OF 1837. Passing over the Equal Rights movement in 1834, which was a diluted revival of the Workingmen's Party, and which, also, was turned into sterility by the treachery of its leaders, we arrive at the panic of 1837, the time when Astor, profiting from misfortune on every side, vastly increased his wealth. The panic of 1837 was one of those periodic financial and industrial convulsions resulting from the chaos of capitalist administration. No sooner had it commenced, than the banks refused to pay out any money, other than their worthless notes. For thirty-three years they had not only enjoyed immense privileges, but they had used the powers of Government to insure themselves a monopoly of the business of manufacturing money. In 1804 the Legislature of New York State had passed an extraordinary law, called the restraining act. This prohibited, under severe penalties, all associations and individuals not only from issuing notes, but "from receiving deposits, making discounts or transacting any other business which incorporated banks may or do transact." Thus the law not only legitimatized the manufacture of worthless money, but guaranteed a few banks a monopoly of that manufacture. Another restraining act was passed in 1818. The banks were invested with the sovereign privilege of depreciating the currency at their discretion, and were authorized to levy an annual tax upon the country, nearly equivalent to the interest on $200,000,000 of deposits and circulation. On top of these acts, the Legislature passed various acts compelling the public authorities in New York City to deposit public money with the Manhattan Company. This company, although, as we have seen, expressly chartered to supply pure water to the city of New York, utterly failed to do so; at one stage the city tried to have its charter revoked on the ground of failure to carry out its chartered function, but the courts decided in the company's favor.[124] At the outbreak of the panic of 1837, the New York banks held more than $5,500,000 of public money. When called upon to pay only about a million of that sum, or the premium on it, they refused. But far worse was the experience of the general public. When they frantically besieged the banks for their money, the bank officials filled the banks with heavily armed guards and plug-uglies with orders to fire on the crowd in case a rush was attempted.[125] In every State conditions were the same. In May, 1837, not less than eight hundred banks in the United States suspended payment, refusing a single dollar to the Government whose deposits of $30,000,000 they held, and to the people in general who held $120,000,000 of their notes. No specie whatever was in circulation. The country was deluged with small notes, colloquially termed shinplasters. Of every form and every denomination from the alleged value of five cents to that of five dollars, they were issued by every business individual or corporation for the purpose of paying them off as wages to their employees. The worker was forced to take them for his labor or starve. Moreover, the shinplasters were so badly printed that it was not hard to counterfeit them. The counterfeiting of them quickly became a regular business; immense quantities of the stuff were issued. The worker never knew whether the bills paid him for his work were genuine or counterfeit, although essentially there was not any great difference in basic value between the two.[126] THE RESULTING WIDESPREAD DESTITUTION. Now the storm broke. Everywhere was impoverishment, ruination and beggary. Every bank official in New York City was subject to arrest for the most serious frauds and other crimes, but the authorities took no action. On the contrary, so complete was the dominance of the banks over Government,[127] that they hurriedly got the Legislature to pass an act practically authorizing a suspension of specie payments. The consequences were appalling. "Thousands of manufacturing, mercantile, and other useful establishments in the United States," reported a New York Senate Committee, "have been broken down or paralyzed by the existing crisis.... In all our great cities numerous individuals, who, by a long course of regular business, had acquired a competency, have suddenly been reduced, with their families to beggary."[128] New York City was filled with the homeless and unemployed. In the early part of 1838 one-third of all the persons in New York City who subsisted by manual labor, were wholly or substantially without employment. Not less than 10,000 persons were in utter poverty, and had no other means of surviving the winter than those afforded by the charity of neighbors. The almshouses and other public and charitable institutions overflowed with inmates, and 10,000 sufferers were still uncared for. The prevailing system, as was pointed out even by the conventional and futile reports of legislative committees, was one inevitably calculated to fill the country with beggars, vagrants and criminals. This important fact was recognized, although in a remote way, by De Beaumont and De Tocqueville who, however, had no fundamental understanding of the deep causes, nor even of the meaning of the facts which they so accurately gathered. In their elaborate work on the penitentiary system in the United States, published in 1833, they set forth that it was their conclusion that in the four States, New York, Massachusetts, Connecticut and Pennsylvania, the prison system of which they had fully investigated, almost all of those convicted for crimes from 1800 to 1830 were convicted for offenses against property. In these four States, collectively, with a population amounting to one-third of that of the Union, not less than 91.29 out of every 100 convictions were for crimes against property, while only 8.66 of every 100 were for crimes against persons, and 4.05 of every 100 were for crimes against morals. In New York State singly, 93.56 of every 100 convictions were for crimes against property and 6.26 for crimes against persons.[129] PROPERTY AND CRIME. Thus we see from these figures filled with such tragic eloquence, the economic impulse working at bottom, and the property system corrupting every form of society. But here a vast difference is to be noted. Just as in England the aristocracy for centuries had made the laws and had enforced the doctrine that it was they who should wield the police power of the State, so in the United States, to which the English system of jurisprudence had been transplanted, the propertied interests, constituting the aristocracy, made and executed the laws. De Beaumont and De Tocqueville passingly observed that while the magistrates in the United States were plebeian, yet they followed out the old English system; in other words, they enforced laws which were made for, and by, the American aristocracy, the trading classes. The views, aims and interests of these classes were so thoroughly intrenched in law that the fact did not escape the keen notice of these foreign investigators. "The Americans, descendants of the English," they wrote, "have provided in every respect for the rich and hardly at all for the poor.... In the same country where the complainant is put in prison, the thief remains at liberty, if he can find bail. Murder is the only crime whose authors are not protected[130].... The mass of lawyers see in this nothing contrary to their ideas of justice and injustice, nor even to their democratic institutions."[131] THE SYSTEM--HOW IT WORKED. The system, then, frequently forced the destitute into theft and mendicancy. What resulted? Laws, inconceivably harsh and brutal, enacted by, and in behalf of, property rights were enforced with a rigor which seems unbelievable were it not that the fact is verified by the records of thousands of cases. Those convicted for robbery usually received a life sentence; they were considered lucky if they got off with five years. The ordinary sentence for burglary was the same, with variations. Forgery and grand larceny were punishable with long terms, ranging from five to seven years. These were the laws in practically all of the States with slight differences. But they applied to whites only. The negro slave criminal had a superior standing in law, for the simple reason that while the whites were "free" labor, negroes were property, and, of course, it did not pay to send slaves to prison. In Maryland and in most Southern States, where the slaveholders were both makers and executors of law, the slaves need have no fear of prison. "The slaves, as we have seen before, are not subject to the Penal Code of the whites; they are hardly ever sent to prison. Slaves who commit grave crimes are hung; those who commit heinous crimes not punishable with death are sold out of the State. In selling him care is taken that his character and former life are not known, _because it would lessen his price_." Thus wrote De Beaumont and De Tocqueville; and in so writing they handed down a fine insight into the methods of that Southern propertied class which assumed so exalted an opinion of its honor and chivalry. But the sentencing of the criminal was merely the beginning of a weird life of horror. It was customary at that period to immure prisoners in solitary confinement. There, in their small and reeking cells, filled with damps and pestilential odors, they were confined day after day, year after year, condemned to perpetual inactivity and silence. If they presumed to speak, they were brutally lashed with the whip. They were not allowed to write letters, nor to communicate with any member of their family. But the law condescended to allow a minister to visit them periodically in order to awaken their religious thoughts and preach to them how bad a thing it was to steal! Many were driven stark mad or died of disease; others dashed their brains out; while others, when finally released, went out into the world filled with an overpowering hatred of Society, and all its institutions, and a long-cherished thirst for vengeance against it for having thus so cruelly misused them. Such were the laws made by the propertied classes. But they were not all. When a convict was released, the law allowed only three dollars to be given him to start anew with. "To starve or to steal is too often the only alternative," wrote John W. Edmonds, president of the New York board of prison inspectors in 1844.[132] If the released convict did steal he was nearly always sent back to prison for life. Equally severe in their way were the laws applying to mendicants and vagrants. Six months or a year in the penitentiary or workhouse was the usual sentence. After the panic of 1837, crime, mendicancy, vagrancy and prostitution tremendously increased, as they always do increase after two events: war, which, when over, turns into civil life a large number of men who cannot get work; and panics which chaotically uproot industrial conditions and bring about widespread destitution. Although undeniably great frauds had been committed by the banking class, not a single one of that class went to jail. But large numbers of persons convicted of crimes against property, and great batches of vagrants were dispatched there, and also many girls and women who had been hurled by the iron force of circumstances into the horrible business of prostitution. These were some of the conditions in those years. Let it not, however, be supposed that the traders, bankers and landowners were impervious to their own brand of sensibilities. They dressed fastidiously, went to church, uttered hallelujahs, gave dainty receptions, formed associations to dole out alms and--kept up prices and rents. Notwithstanding the general distress, rents in New York City were greater than were paid in any other city or village upon the globe.[133] FOOTNOTES: [112] Hammond's "Political History of the State of New York," 1:129-130. [113] Journal of the [New York] Senate and Assembly, 1803:351 and 399. [114] Ibid., 1812:134. [115] Ibid., 1812:259-260. Frequently, in those days, the giving of presents was a part of corrupt methods. [116] "The members [of the Legislature] themselves sometimes participated in the benefits growing out of charters created by their own votes; ... if ten banks were chartered at one session, twenty must be chartered the next, and thirty the next. The cormorants could never be gorged. If at one session you bought off a pack of greedy lobby agents ... they returned with increased numbers and more voracious appetite."--Hammond, ii:447-448. [117] Journal of the [New York] Senate, 1824:1317-1350. See also Chap. VIII, Part II of this work. [118] "Letter and Authentic Documentary Evidence in Relation to the Trinity Church Property," etc., Albany, 1855. Hoffman, the best authority on the subject, says in his work published forty-five years ago: "Very extensive searches have proved unavailing to enable me to trace the sources of the title to much of this upper portion of Trinity Church property."--"State and Rights of the Corporation of New York," ii:189. [119] In all of the official communications of Trinity Church up to 1867 this lease is referred to as the "Burr or Astor Lease."--"The Communication of the Rector, Church Wardens and Vestrymen of Trinity Church in the city of New York in reply to a resolution of the House, passed March 4, 1854"; Document No. 130, Assembly Docs. 1854. Also Document No. 45, Senate Docs. 1856. Upon returning from exile Burr tried to break his lease to Astor, but the lease was so astutely drawn that the courts decided in Astor's favor. [120] In his descriptive work on New York City of a half century ago, Matthew Hale Smith, in "Sunshine and Shadow in New York" (pp. 121-122), tells this story: "The Morley [Mortier] lease was to run until 1867. Persons who took the leases supposed that they took them for the full term of the Trinity lease. [John Jacob] Astor was too far-sighted and too shrewd for that. Every lease expired in 1864, leaving him [William B. Astor, the founder's heir] the reversion for three years, putting him in possession of all the buildings, and all of the improvements made on the lots, and giving him the right of renewal." Smith's account is faulty. Most of the leases expired in 1866. The value of the reversions was very large. [121] Docs. No. 130 [New York] Assembly Docs., 1854:22-23. [122] Journal of the [New York] Senate, Forty-second Session, 1819:67-70. [123] Doc. No. 108, [New York] Senate Documents, 1834, Vol. ii. The committee stated that banks in the State outside of New York City, after paying all expenses, divided 11 per cent. among the stockholders in 1833 and had on hand as surplus capital 16 per cent. on their capital. New York City banks paid larger dividends. [124] People of the State of New York vs. Manhattan Co.--Doc. No. 62, Documents of the Board of Assistant Aldermen, 1832-33, Vol. ii. [125] Doc. No. 68 [New York] Senate Docs., 1838, Vol. ii. [126] Abridgement of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, xiii:426-427. [127] In the course of this work, the word Government is frequently used to signify not merely the functions of the National Government, but those of the totality of Government, State and municipal, not less than National. [128] Doc. No. 49 [New York] Senate Docs., 1838, Vol. ii. [129] "On the Penitentiary System in the United States," etc., by G. De Beaumont and A. De Tocqueville, Appendix 17, Statistical Notes: 244-245. [130] A complete error. Walling, for more than thirty years Superintendent of Police of New York City, says in his "Memoirs" that he never knew an instance of a rich murderer who was hanged or otherwise executed. And have we all not noted likewise? [131] "On the Penitentiary System," etc., 184-185. [132] Prison Association of New York, Annual Reports, 1844-46. It is characteristic of the origin of all of these charity associations, that many of the founders of this prison association were some of the very men who had profited by bribery and theft. Horace Greeley was actuated by pure humanitarian motives, but such incorporators as Prosper Wetmore, Ulshoeffer, and others were, or had been, notorious in lobbying by bribing bank charters through the New York Legislature. [133] "The New Yorker," Feb. 17, 1838. CHAPTER V THE MOMENTUM OF THE ASTOR FORTUNE It was at this identical time, in the panic of 1837, that Astor was phenominally active in profiting from despair. "He added immensely to his riches," wrote a contemporaneous narrator, "by purchases of State stocks, bonds and mortgages in the financial crisis of 1836-37. He was a willing purchaser of mortgages from needy holders at less than their face; and when they became due, he foreclosed on them, and purchased the mortgaged property at the ruinous prices which ranged at that time."[134] If his seven per cent was not paid at the exact time, he inflexibly made use of every provision of the law and foreclosed mortgages. The courts quickly responded. To lot after lot, property after property, he took full title. The anguish of families, the sorrow and suffering of the community, the blank despair and ruination which drove many to beggary and prostitution, others to suicide, all had no other effect upon him than to make him more eagerly energetic in availing himself of the misfortunes and the tragedies of others. Now was observable the operation of the centripetal principle which applied to every recurring panic, namely, that panics are but the easy means by which the very rich are enabled to get possession of more and more of the general produce and property. The ranks of petty landowners were much thinned out by the panic of 1837 and the number of independent business men was greatly reduced; a considerable part of both classes were forced down into the army of wageworkers. ASTOR'S WEALTH MULTIPLIES. Within a few years after the panic of 1837 Astor's wealth multiplied to an enormous extent. Business revived, values increased. It was now that immigration began to pour in heavily. In 1843 sixty thousand immigrants entered the port of New York. Four years later the number was 129,000 a year. Soon it rose to 300,000 a year; and from that time on kept on ever increasing. A large portion of these immigrants remained in New York City. Land was in demand as never before; fast and faster the city grew. Vacant lots of a few years before became congested with packed humanity; landlordism and slums flourished side by side, the one as a development of the other. The outlying farm, rocky and swamp lands of the New York City of 1812, with its 100,000 population became the thickly-settled metropolis of 1840, with 317,712 inhabitants and the well-nigh half-million population of 1850. Hard as the laborer might work, he was generally impoverished for the reason that successively rents were raised, and he had to yield up more and more of his labor for the simple privilege of occupying an ugly and cramped habitation. Once having fastened his hold upon the land, Astor never sold it. From the first, he adopted the plan, since religiously followed, for the most part, by his descendants, of leasing the land for a given number of years, usually twenty-one. Large tracts of land in the heart of the city he let lie unimproved for years while the city fast grew up all around them and enormously increased their value. He often refused to build, although there was intense pressure for land and buildings. His policy was to wait until the time when those whom necessity drove to use his land should come to him as supplicants and accept his own terms. For a considerable time no one cared to take his land on lease at his onerous terms. But, finally, such was the growth of population and business, that his land was indispensable and it was taken on leaseholds. Astor's exactions for leaseholds were extraordinarily burdensome. But he would make no concessions. The lessee was required to erect his dwelling or business place at his own expense; and during the period of the twenty-one years of the lease, he not only had to pay rent in the form of giving over to Astor five or six per cent of the value of the land, but was responsible for all taxes, repairs and all other charges. When the ground lease expired the buildings became Astor's absolute property. The middleman landlord, speculative lessee or trading tenant who leased Astor's land and put up tenements or buildings, necessarily had to recoup himself for the high tribute that he had to pay to Astor. He did this either by charging the worker exorbitant rents or demanding excessive profits for his wares; in both of which cases the producers had finally to foot the bill. EVASION OF ASSESSMENTS BY THE LANDLORDS. The whole machinery of the law Astor, in common with all other landlords, used ruthlessly in enforcing his rights as landlord or as lessor or lessee. Not a single instance has come down of any act of leniency on Astor's part in extending the time of tenants in arrears. Whether sickness was in the tenant's family or not, however dire its situation might be, out it was summarily thrown into the streets, with its belongings, if it failed in the slightest in its obligations. While he was availing himself of the rigors of the law to oust tenants in arrears, he was constantly violating the law in evading assessments. But this practice was not by any means peculiar to Astor. Practically the whole propertied class did it, not merely once, but so continually that year after year official reports adverted to the fact. An Aldermanic report on taxation in 1846 showed that thirty million dollars worth of assessable property escaped taxation every year, and that no bona fide efforts were made by the officials to remedy that state of affairs.[135] The state of morality among the propertied classes--those classes which demanded such harsh laws for the punishment of vagrants and poor criminals--is clearly revealed by this report made by a committee of the New York Board of Aldermen in 1847: For several years past the evasion of taxation on the part of those engaged in the business of the city, and enjoying the protection and benefits of its municipal government and its great public improvements, has engaged the attention of the city authorities, called forth reports of committees and caused application to the Legislature for relief, but the demands of justice and the dictates of sound policy have hitherto been entirely unheeded. Necessarily they were unheeded, for the very obvious reason that it was this same class which controlled the administration of government. This class distorted the powers of government by calling either for the drastic enforcement of laws operating for its interests, or for the partial or entire immunity from other laws militating against its interests and profit. The report thus continued: Our rich merchants and heavy capitalists ... find excuses to remove their families to nearby points and thus escape all taxation whatever, except for the premises that they occupy. _More than 2,000 firms engaged in business_ in New York, whose capital is invested and used in New York, and with an aggregate personal property of $30,000,000, thus escape taxation.[136] DEFRAUDING A FINE ART. The committee pointed out that at the taxable rate of 1 per cent the city was, in that way, being cheated out of the sum of $225,000 or $300,000 a year. These two thousand firms who every year defrauded the city were the eminently respectable and influential merchants of the city; most of them were devout church members; many were directors or members of charitable societies to relieve the poor; and all of them, with vast pretensions of superior character and ability, joined in opposing any movement of the working classes for better conditions and in denouncing those movements as hostile to the security of property and as dangerous to the welfare of society. Each of these two thousand firms year after year defrauded the city out of an average of $150 annually in that one item, not to mention other frauds. Yet not once was the law invoked against them. The taxation that they shirked fell upon the working class in addition to all of those other myriad forms of indirect taxation which the workers finally had to bear. Yet, as we have noted before, if a poor man or woman stole property of the value of $25 or more, conviction carried with it a long term in prison for grand larceny. In every city--in Boston, Philadelphia, Cincinnati, Baltimore, New Orleans and in every other place--the same, or nearly the same, conditions prevailed. The rich evaded taxation; and if in the process it was necessary to perjure themselves, they committed perjury with alacrity. Astor was far from being an exception. He was but an illustrious type of the whole of his class. But, how, in a Government theoretically democratic and resting on popular suffrage, did the propertied interests get control of Government functions? How were they able to sway the popular vote and make, or evade, laws? By various influences and methods. In the first place, the old English ideas of the superiority of aristocracy had a profound effect upon American thought, customs and laws. For centuries these ideas had been incessantly disseminated by preachers, pamphleteers, politicians, political economists and editors. Where in England the concept applied mainly to rank by birth, in America it was adapted to the native aristocracy, the traders and landowners. In England it was an admixture of rank and property; in America, where no titles of nobility existed, it became exclusively a token of the propertied class. The people were assiduously taught in many open and subtle ways to look up to the inviolability of property, just as in the old days they had been taught to look humbly up to the majesty of the king. Propertied men, it was preached and admonished, represented the worth, stability, virtue and intelligence of the community. They were the solid, substantial men. What importance was to be attached to the propertyless? They, forsooth, were regarded as irresponsible and vulgar; their opinions and aspirations were held of small account. HOW PUBLIC OPINION WAS MADE. The churches professed to preach to all; yet they depended largely upon men of property for contributions; and moreover the clergy, at least the influential of them, were propertied men themselves. The preachings of the colleges and the doctrines of the political economists corresponded precisely to the views the trading interests at different periods wanted taught. Many of the colleges were founded with funds contributed or bequeathed by traders. The newspapers were supported by the advertisements of the propertied class. The various legislative bodies were mainly, and the judicial benches wholly, recruited from the ranks of the lawyer class; these lawyers either had, or sought to have, the rich as clients;[137] few attorneys are overzealous for poor men's cases. Still further, the lawyers were deeply impregnated, not with the conception of law as it might be, but as it had been handed down through the centuries. Encrusted creatures of precedent and self-interest, they thoroughly accepted the doctrine that in the making and enforcement of law their concern should be for the propertied interests. With few exceptions they were aligned with the propertied. So that here were many influences all of which conspired to spread on every hand, and drill deep in the minds of all classes, often even of those who suffered so keenly by prevalent conditions, the idea that the propertied men were the substantial element. Consequently with this idea continuously driven into every stratum of society, it was not surprising that it should be embodied in thoughts, customs, laws and tendencies. Nor was it to be wondered at that when occasionally a proletarian uprising enunciated radical principles, these principles should seem to be abnormally ultra-revolutionary. All society, for the most part, except a fragment of the working class, was enthralled by the spell of property. THE SANCTITY OF PROPERTY. Out of this prevailing idea grew many of the interpretations and partial enforcements. A legislator, magistrate or judge might be the very opposite of venal, and yet be irresistibly impelled by the force of training and association to take the current view of the unassailable rights and superiority of property. It would be biassed, in fact, ridiculous to say that the privileges and exemptions enjoyed by the rich were altogether the outcome of corruption by bribes. There is a much more subtle and far more effective and dangerous form of corruption. This is corruption of the mind. For innumerable centuries all government had proceeded, perhaps not avowedly, but in reality, upon the settled and consistent principle that the sanctity of property was superior to considerations of human life, and that a man of property could not very well be a criminal and a peril to the community. Under various disguises church, college, newspaper, politician, judge, all were expositors of this principle. The people were drugged with laudations of property. But these teachings were supplemented by other methods which added to their effectiveness. We have seen how after the Revolution the propertied classes withheld suffrage from those who lacked property. They feared that property would no longer be able to dominate Government. Gradually they were forced to yield to the popular demand and allow manhood suffrage. This seemed to them a new and affrighting force; if votes were to determine the personnel and policy of Government, then the propertyless, being in the majority, would overwhelm them eventually and pass an entirely new code of laws. In one State after another, the propertied class were driven, after a prolonged struggle, to grant citizens a vote, whether they had property or not. In New York State unqualified manhood suffrage was adopted in 1822, but in other States it was more difficult to bring about this revolutionary change. The fundamental suffrage law of New Jersey, for instance, remained, for more than sixty years after the adoption of the Declaration of Independence, in accordance with an act passed by the Provincial Congress of New Jersey on July 2, 1776, two days before the adoption of the Declaration of Independence, or according to some authorities, on the very day of its adoption. Among other requirements this act (1 Laws, N. J. p. 4.) decreed that the voter must be "worth £50 proclamation money, clear estate within the colony." The fourth section of an act passed by the New Jersey Legislature in June, 1820 (1 Laws N. J. p. 741), expressly reenacted this same property qualification. By about the year 1840, however, nearly all the States had adopted manhood suffrage, so far as it applied to whites. The severest and most dramatic conflict took place in Rhode Island. In 1762 an act had been passed declaring that the possession of £40 was necessary to become qualified as a voter. This law continued in force in Rhode Island for more than eighty years. In the years 1811, 1819, 1824, 1829, 1832 and 1834 the workingmen (or the mechanics, as the official reports styled them), made the most determined efforts to have this property qualification abolished, but the propertied classes, holding the legislative power, declined to make any change. Under such a law it was easy for one-third of the total number of resident male adults to have the exclusive decisions in elections; the largest vote ever polled in Rhode Island, was in the Presidential election of 1840, when 8,662 votes were cast, in a total adult male population of permanent resident citizens of about 24,000. The result of this hostility of the propertied classes was a rising in 1840 of the workingmen in what is slurringly misdescribed in conventional history as "Dorr's Rebellion,"--an event the real history of which has not as yet been told. This movement eventually compelled the introduction in Rhode Island of suffrage without the property qualification. How did the propertied classes meet this extension of suffrage throughout the United States? CORRUPTION AT THE POLLS. A systematic corruption of the voters was now begun. The policy of bribing certain legislators to vote for bank, railroad, insurance company and other charters was extended to reach down into ward politics, and to corrupt the voters at the springs of power. With a part of the money made in the frauds of trade or from exactions for land, the propertied interests, operating at first by personal entry into politics and then through the petty politicians of the day, packed caucuses and primaries and bought votes at the polls. This was equally true of both city and rural communities. In many of the rural sections the morals of the people were exceedingly low, despite their church-going habits. The cities contained, as they always do contain, a certain quota of men, products of the industrial system, men of the slums and alleyways, so far gone in destitution or liquor that they no longer had manhood or principle. Along came the election funds of the traders, landholders and bankers to corrupt these men still further by the buying of their votes and the inciting of them to commit the crime of repeating at the polls. Exalted society and the slums began to work together; the money of the one purchased the votes of the other. Year after year this corruption fund increased until in the fall of 1837 the money raised in New York City by the bankers alone amounted to $60,000. Although this sum was meager compared to the enormous corruption funds which were employed in subsequent years, it was a sum which, at that time, could do great execution. Ignorant immigrants were persuaded by offerings of money to vote this way or that and to repeat their votes. Presently the time came when batches of convicts were brought from the prisons to do repeating, and overawe the polls in many precincts.[138] As for that class of voters who could not be bribed and who voted according to their conceptions of the issues involved, they were influenced in many ways:--by the partisan arguments of newspapers and of political speech-makers. These agencies of influencing the body politic were indirectly controlled by the propertied interests in one form or another. A virtual censorship was exercised by wealth; if a newspaper dared advocate any issue not approved by the vested interests, it at once felt the resentment of that class in the withdrawal of advertisements and of those privileges which banks could use or abuse with such ruinous effect. POLITICAL SUBSERVIENCY. Finally, both of the powerful political parties were under the domination of wealth; not, to be sure, openly so, but insidiously. Differences of issue there assuredly were, but these issues did not in any way affect the basic structure of society, or threaten the overthrow of any of the fundamental privileges held by the rich. The political campaigns, except that later contest which decided the eventual fate of chattel slavery, were, in actuality, sham battles. Never were the masses so enthusiastic since the campaign of 1800 when Jefferson was elected, as they were in 1832 when they sided with President Jackson in his fight against the United States Bank. They considered this contest as one between the people, on the one side, and, on the other, the monied aristocracy of the country. The United States Bank was effaced; but the State banks promptly took over that share of the exploitative process so long carried on by the United States Bank and the people, as has already been explained, were no better off than they were before. One set of ruling capitalists had been put down only to make way for another. Both parties received the greater part of their campaign funds from the men of large property and from the vested corporations or other similar interests. Astor, for example, was always a liberal contributor, now to the Whig party and again to the Democratic. In return, the politicians elected by those parties to the legislature, the courts or to administrative offices usually considered themselves under obligations to that element which financed its campaigns and which had the power of defeating their reëlection by the refusal of funds or by supporting the opposite party. The masses of the people were simply pawns in these political contests, yet few of them understood that all the excitement, partisan activity and enthusiasm into which they threw themselves, generally had no other significance than to enchain them still faster to a system whose beneficiaries were continuously getting more and more rights and privileges for themselves at the expense of the people, and whose wealth was consequently increasing by precipitate bounds. ASTOR BECOMES AMERICA'S RICHEST MAN. Astor was now the richest man in America. In 1847 his fortune was estimated at fully $20,000,000. In all the length and breadth of the United States there was no man whose fortune was within even approachable distance of his. With wonderment his contemporaries regarded its magnitude. How great it ranked at that period may be seen by a contrast with the wealth of other men who were considered very rich. In 1847 and 1852 a pamphlet listing the number of rich men in New York was published under the direction of Moses Yale Beach, publisher of the "New York Sun." The contents of this pamphlet were vouched for as strictly accurate.[139] The pamphlet showed that there were at that time perhaps twenty-five men in New York City who were ranked as millionaires. The most prominent of these were Peter Cooper with an accredited fortune of $1,000,000; the Goelets, $2,000,000; the Lorillards, $1,000,000; Moses Taylor, $1,000,000; A. T. Stewart, $2,000,000; Cornelius Vanderbilt, $1,500,000, and William B. Crosby, $1,500,000. There were a few fortunes of $500,000 each, and several hundred ranging from $100,000 to $300,000. The average fortunes graded from $100,000 to $200,000. A similar pamphlet published in Philadelphia showed that that city contained a bevy of nine millionaires, only two of whose individual fortunes exceeded $1,000,000.[140] No facts are available as to the private fortunes in Boston and other cities. Occasionally the briefest mention would appear in the almanacs of the period of the death of this or that rich man. There is a record of the death of Alexander Milne, of New Orleans, in 1838 and of his bequest of $200,000 to charitable institutions, and of the death of M. Kohne, of Charleston, S. C., in the same year with the sole fact that he left $730,000 in charitable bequests. In 1841 there appeared a line that Nicholas Girod, of New Orleans, died leaving $400,000 to "various objects," and a scant notice of the death of William Bartlett, of Newburyport, Mass., coupled with the fact that he left $200,000 to Andover Seminary. It is entirely probable that none of these men were millionaires; otherwise the fact would have been brought out conspicuously. Thus, when Pierre Lorillard, a New York snuff maker, banker, and landholder, died in 1843, his fortune of $1,000,000 or so, was considered so unusual that the word millionaire, newly-coined, was italicized in the rounds of the press. Similarly in the case of Jacob Ridgeway, a Philadelphia millionaire, who died in the same year. The passing away now of a man worth a mere million, calls forth but a trifling, passing notice. Yet when Henry Brevoort died in New York City in 1848, his demise was accounted an event in the annals of the day. His property was estimated at a valuation of about $1,000,000, the chief source of which came from the ownership of eleven acres of land in the heart of the city. Originally his ancestors cultivated a truck farm and ran a dairy on this land, and daily in the season carried vegetables, butter and milk to market. Brevoort, the newspaper biography read, was a "man of fine taste in painting, literature and intellectual pursuits of every kind. He owned a large property in the fashionable part of the city, where he erected a splendid house, elegantly adorned and furnished in the Italian style; for he was quite a connoisseur in the arts." It can be at once seen in what transcendent degree Astor's wealth towered far above that of every other rich man in the United States. ASTOR'S TOWERING WEALTH. His fortune was the colossus of the times; an object of awe to all wealth-strivers. Necessary as manufactures were in the social and industrial system, they, as yet, occupied a strikingly subordinate and inferior position as an agency in accumulating great fortunes. Statistics issued in 1844 of manufactures in the United States showed a total gross amount of $307,196,844 invested. Astor's wealth, then, was one-fifteenth of the whole amount invested throughout the territory of the United States in cotton and wool, leather, flax and iron, glass, sugar, furniture, hats, silks, ships, paper, soap, candles, wagons--in every kind of goods which the demands of civilization made indispensable. The last years of this magnate were passed in an atmosphere of luxury, laudation and power. On Broadway, by Prince street, he built a pretentious mansion, and adorned it with works of art which were more costly than artistic. Of medium height, he was still quite stout, but his once full, heavy face and his deep set eyes began to sag from the encroachments of extreme advanced age. He could be seen every weekday poring over business reports at his office on Prince street--a one-story, fireproof brick building, the windows of which were guarded by heavy iron bars. The closing weeks of his life were passed at his country seat at Eighty-eighth street and the East River. Infirm and debilitated, so weak and worn that he was forced to get his nourishment like an infant at a woman's breast, and to have exercise administered by being tossed in a blanket, he yet retained his faculty of vigilantly scrutinizing every arrear on the part of tenants, and he compelled his agent to render daily accounts. Parton relates this story: One morning this gentleman [the agent] chanced to enter his room while he was enjoying his blanket exercise. The old man cried out from the middle of his blanket: "Has Mrs. ---- paid that rent yet?" "No," replied the agent. "Well, but she must pay it," said the poor old man. "Mr. Astor," rejoined the agent, "she can't pay it now; she has had misfortunes, and we must give her time." "No, no," said Astor; "I tell you she can pay it and she will pay it. You don't go the right way to work with her." The agent took leave, and mentioned the anxiety of the old gentleman with regard to this unpaid rent to his son, who counted out the requisite sum, and told the agent to give it to the old man, as if he had received it from the tenant. "There," exclaimed Mr. Astor when he received the money. "I told you that she would pay it if you went the right way to work with her."[141] THE DEATH OF JOHN JACOB ASTOR. So, to the last breath, squeezing arrears out of tenants; his mind focused upon those sordid methods which had long since become a religion to him; contemplating the long list of his possessions with a radiant exaltation; so Astor passed away. He died on March 29, 1848, aged eighty-four years, four months; and almost as he died, the jubilant shouts of the enthusiastic workingmen's processions throughout the city resounded high and often. They were celebrating the French Revolution of 1848, intelligence of which had just arrived;--a Revolution brought about by the blood of the Parisian workingmen, only to be subsequently stifled by the stratagems of the bourgeoisie and turned into the corrupt despotism of Napoleon III. The old trader left an estate valued at about $20,000,000. The bulk of this descended to William B. Astor. The extent of wealth disclosed by the will made a profound impression. Never had so rich a man passed away; the public mind was not accustomed to the sight of millions of dollars being owned by one man. One New York newspaper, the "Journal," after stating that Astor's personal estate amounted to seven or nine million dollars, and his real estate to perhaps more, observed: "Either sum is quite out of our small comprehension; and we presume that with most men, the idea of one million is about as large an item as that of any number of millions." An entirely different and exceptional view was taken by James Gordon Bennett, owner and editor of the New York "Herald;" Bennett's comments were the one distinct contrast to the mass of flowery praise lavished upon Astor's memory and deeds. He thus expressed himself in the issue of April 5, 1848: We give in our columns an authentic copy of one of the greatest curiosities of the age--the will of John Jacob Astor, disposing of property amounting to about twenty million dollars, among his various descendants of the first, second, third, and fourth degrees.... If we had been an associate of John Jacob Astor ... the first idea that we should have put into his head would have been that _one-half of his immense property--ten millions at least--belonged to the people of the city of New York_. During the last fifty years of the life of John Jacob Astor, his property has been augmented and increased in value by the aggregate intelligence, industry, enterprise and commerce of New York, fully to the amount of one-half its value. The farms and lots of ground which he bought forty, twenty and ten and five years ago, have all increased in value entirely by the industry of the citizens of New York. Of course, it is plain as that two and two make four, that the half of his immense estate, in its actual value, has accrued to him by the industry of the community. THE WONDER OF THE AGE. The analyst might well be tempted to smile at the puerility of this logic. If Astor was entitled to one-half of the value created by the collective industry of the community, why was he not entitled to all? Why make the artificial division of one-half? Either he had the right to all or to none. But this editorial, for all its defects of reasoning, was an unusual expression of newspaper opinion, although of a single day, and was smothered by the general course of that same newspaper in supporting the laws and institutions demanded by the commercial aristocracy. So the arch multimillionaire passed away, the wonder and the emulation of the age. His friends, of whom he had a few, deeply mourned him, and his bereaved family suffered a deep loss, for, it is related, he was a kind and indulgent husband and father. He left a legacy of $400,000 for the establishment of the Astor Library; for this and this alone his memory has been preserved as that of a philanthropist. The announcement of this legacy was hailed with extravagant joy; yet such is the value of meretricious glory and the ideals of present society, that none has remarked that the proceeds of one year's pillage of the Indians were more than sufficient to found this much-praised benevolence. Thus does society blind itself to the origin of the fortunes, a fraction of which goes to gratify it with gifts. The whole is taken from the collective labor of the people, and then a part is returned in the form of institutional presents which are in reality bits of charity bestowed upon the very people from whose exploitation the money has come. Astor, no doubt, thought that, in providing for a public library, he was doing a service to mankind; and he must be judged, not according to the precepts and demands of the scarcely heard working class of his day with its altruistic aspirations, nor of more advanced present ideas, but by the standards of his own class, that commercial aristocracy which arrogated to itself superiority of aims and infallibility of methods. He died the richest man of his day. But vast fortunes could not be heaped up by him and his contemporaries without having their corresponding effect upon the mass of the people. What was this effect? At about the time that he died there was in New York City one pauper to every one hundred and twenty-five inhabitants and one person in every eighty-three of the population had to be supported at the public expense.[142] FOOTNOTES: [134] "Reminiscences of John Jacob Astor," New York "Herald," March 31, 1848. [135] Doc. No. 24, Proceedings of the [New York City] Board of Assistant Aldermen, xxix. The Merchant's Bank, for instance, was assessed in 1833 at $6,000; it had cost that sum twenty years before and in 1833 was worth three times as much. [136] Proceedings of the [New York City] Board of Assistant Aldermen, xxix, Doc. No. 18. [137] Many eminent lawyers, elected or appointed to high official or judicial office, were financially interested in corporations, and very often profited in dubious ways. The case of Roger B. Taney, who, from 1836, was for many years, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States, is a conspicuous example. After he was appointed United States Secretary of the Treasury in 1833, the United States Senate passed a resolution inquiring of him whether he were not a stockholder in the Union Bank of Maryland, in which bank he had ordered public funds deposited. He admitted that he was, but asserted that he had obtained the stock before he had selected that bank as a depository of public funds. (See Senate Docs., First Session, 23rd Congress, Vol. iii, Doc. No. 238.) It was Taney, who as Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States, handed down the decision, in the Dred Scott case, that negro slaves, under the United States Constitution, were not eligible to citizenship and were without civil rights. [138] These frauds at the polls went on, not only in every State but even in such newly-organized Territories as New Mexico. Many facts were brought out by contestants before committees of Congress. (See "Contested Elections," 1834 to 1865, Second Session, 38th Congress, 1864-65, Vol. v, Doc. No. 57.) In the case of Monroe vs. Jackson, in 1848, James Monroe claimed that his opponent was illegally elected by the votes of convicts and other non-voters brought over from Blackwell's Island. The majority of the House Elections Committee reported favoring Monroe's being seated. Aldermanic documents tell likewise of the same state of affairs in New York. (See the author's "History of Tammany Hall.") Similar practices were common in Philadelphia, Baltimore and other cities, and in country townships. [139] "The Wealth and Biography of the Wealthy Citizens of the City of New York." By Moses Yale Beach. [140] "Wealth and Biography of the Wealthy Citizens of Philadelphia." By a Member of the Philadelphia Bar, 1845. The misconception which often exists even among those who profess the deepest scholarship and the most certainty of opinion as to the development of men of great wealth was instanced by a misstatement of Dr. Felix Adler, leader of the New York Society for Ethical Culture. In an address on "Anti-Democratic Tendencies in American Life" delivered some years ago, Dr. Adler asserted: "Before the Civil War there were three millionaires; now there are 4,000." The error of this assertion is evident. [141] Parton's "Life of John Jacob Astor":80-81. [142] Proceedings of the Board of Assistant Aldermen, xxix, Doc. No. 24. This poverty was the consequence, not of any one phase of the existing system, nor of the growth of any one fortune, but resulted from the whole industrial system. The chief form of the exploitation of the worker was that of his capacity as a producer; other forms completed the process. A considerable number of the paupers were immigrants, who, fleeing from exploitation at home, were kept in poverty in America, "the land of boundless resources." The statement often made that there were no tramps in the United States before the Civil War is wholly incorrect. CHAPTER VI THE PROPULSION OF THE ASTOR FORTUNE At the time of his father's death, William B. Astor, the chief heir of John Jacob Astor's twenty million dollars, was fifty-six years old. A tall, ponderous man, his eyes were small, contracted, with a rather vacuous look, and his face was sluggish and unimpressionable. Extremely unsocial and taciturn, he never betrayed emotion and generally was destitute of feeling. He took delight in affecting a carelessly-dressed, slouchy appearance as though deliberately notifying all concerned that one with such wealth as he was privileged to ignore the formulas of punctilious society. In this slovenly, stoop-shouldered man with his cold, abstracted air no one would have detected the richest man in America. Acquisitiveness was his most marked characteristic. Even before his father's death he had amassed a fortune of his own by land speculations and banking connections, and he had inherited $500,000 from his uncle Henry, a butcher on the Bowery. It was said in 1846 that he possessed an individual fortune of $5,000,000. During the last years of his father he had been president of the American Fur Co., and he otherwise knew every detail of his father's multifarious interests and possessions. WILLIAM B. ASTOR'S PARSIMONY. He lived in what was considered a fine mansion on Lafayette place, adjoining the Astor Library. The sideboards were heaped with gold plate, and polyglot servants in livery stood obediently by at all times to respond to his merest nod. But he cared little for this show, except in that it surrounded him with an atmosphere of power. His frugality did not arise from wise self-control, but from his parsimonious habits. He scanned and revised the smallest item of expense. Wine he seldom touched, and the average merchant spent more for his wardrobe than he did. At a time when the rich despised walking and rode in carriages drawn by fast horses, he walked to and from his business errands. This severe economy he not only practiced in his own house, but he carried it into every detail of his business. Arising early in the morning, he attended to his private correspondence before breakfast. This meal was served punctually at 9 o'clock. Then he would stride to his office on Prince street. A contemporary writer says of him: He knew every inch of real estate that stood in his name, every bond, contract and lease. He knew what was due when leases expired, and attended personally to the matter. No tenants could expend a dollar, or put in a pane of glass without his personal inspection. His father sold him the Astor House [an hotel] for the sum of one dollar. The lessees were not allowed to spend one cent on the building, without his supervision and consent, unless they paid for it themselves. In the upper part of New York hundreds of lots can be seen enclosed by dilapidated fences, disfigured by rocks and waste material, or occupied as [truck] gardens. They are eligibly located, many of them surrounded by a fashionable population.... Mr. Astor owned most of these corner lots but kept the corners for a rise. He would neither sell nor improve them.... He knew that no parties can improve the center of a block without benefiting the corners. He was sombre and solitary, dwelt alone, mixed little with general society, gave little and abhorred beggars.[143] It was a common saying of him "when he paid out a cent he wanted a cent in return;" and as to his abject meannesses we forbear relating the many stories of him. He pursued, in every respect, his father's methods in using the powers of city government to obtain valuable water grants for substantially nothing, and in employing his surplus wealth for further purchases of land and in investments in other profitable channels. No scruples of any kind did he allow to interfere with his constant aim of increasing his fortune. His indifference to compunctions was shown in many ways, not the least in his open support of notoriously corrupt city and State administrations. This corruption was by no means one existing despite him and his class, and one that was therefore accepted grudgingly as an irremediable evil. Far from it. Corrupt government was welcomed by the landholding, trading and banking class, for by it they could secure with greater facility the perpetual rights, franchises, privileges and the exemptions which were adapted to their expanding aims and riches. By means of it they were not only enabled to pile up greater and greater wealth, but to set themselves up in law as a conspicuously privileged body, distinct from the mass of the people. THE PURCHASE OF LAWS. Publicly they might pretend a proper and ostentatious horror of corruption. Secretly, however, they quickly dispensed with what were to them idle dronings of political cant. As capitalists they ascribed their success to a rigid application and practicality; and being practical they went about purchasing laws by the most short-cut and economical method. They had the money; the office-holders had the votes and governmental power; consequently the one bought the other. It was a systematic corruption springing entirely from the propertied classes; they demanded it, were responsible for it and kept it up. It worked like an endless chain; the land, charters, franchises and privileges corruptly obtained in one set of years yielded vast wealth, part of which was used in succeeding years in getting more law-created sources of wealth. If professional politicians had long since got into the habit of expecting to be bought, it was because the landholders, traders and bankers had accustomed them to the lucrative business of getting bribes in return for extraordinary laws. Since the men of wealth, or embryo capitalists who by hook or crook raised the funds to bribe, were themselves ready at all times to buy laws in common councils, legislatures and in Congress, it naturally followed that each of them was fully as eager to participate in the immense profits accruing from charters, franchises or special grants obtained by others of their own class. They never questioned the means by which these laws were put through. They did not care. The mere fact that a franchise was put through by bribery was a trite, immaterial circumstance. The sole, penetrating question was whether it were a profitable project. If it were, no man of wealth hesitated in investing his money in its stock and in sharing its revenue. It could not be expected that he would feel moral objections, even the most attenuated, for the chances were that while he might not have been a party to the corrupt obtaining of this or that particular franchise, yet he was involved in the grants of other special endowments. Moreover, money making was not built on morality; its whole foundation and impetus lay in the extraction of profits. Society, it is true, professed to move on lofty moral planes, but this was a colossal pretension and nothing less. THE INVERTED NATURE OF SOCIETY. Society--and this is a truth which held equally strong of succeeding decades--was incongruously inverted. In saying this, the fact should not be ignored that the capitalist, as applied to the man who ran a factory or other enterprise, was an indigenous factor in that period, even although the money or inventions by which he was able to do this, were often obtained by fraud. Every needed qualification must be made for the time and the environment, and there should be neither haste in indiscriminately condemning nor in judging by the standards or maturity of later generations. Yet, viewing society as a whole and measuring the results by the standards and ideas then prevailing, it was undoubtedly true that those who did the world's real services were the lowly, despoiled and much discriminated-against mass of mankind. Their very poverty was a crime, for after they were plundered and expropriated, either by the ruling classes of their own country or of the United States, the laws regarded them as semi-criminals, or, at best, as excrescences to whom short shrift was to be given. They made the clothes, the shoes, hats, shirts, underwear, tools, and all the other necessities that mankind required; they tilled the ground and produced its food. Curiously enough, those who did these indispensable things were condemned by the encompassing system to live in the poorest and meanest habitations and in the most precarious uncertainty. When sick, disabled or superannuated they were cast aside by the capitalist class as so much discarded material to eke out a prolonged misery of existence, to be thrown in penal institutions or to starve. Substantially everywhere in the United States, vagrancy laws were in force which decreed that an able-bodied man out of work and homeless must be adjudged a vagrant and imprisoned in the workhouse or penetentiary. The very law-making institutions that gave to a privileged few the right to expropriate the property of the many, drastically plunged the many down still further after this process of spoliation, like a man who is waylaid and robbed and then arrested and imprisoned because he has been robbed. On the other hand, the class which had the money, no matter how that money was gotten, irrespective of how much fraud or sacrifice of life attended its amassing, stood out with a luminous distinctness. It arrogated to itself all that was superior, and it exacted, and was invested with, a lordly deference. It lived in the finest mansions and laved in luxuries. Surrounded with an indescribably pretentious air of importance, it radiated tone, command and prestige. But, such was the destructive, intestinal character of competitive warfare, that even this class was continually in the throes of convulsive struggles. Each had to fight, not merely to get the wealth of others, but to keep what he already possessed. If he could but frustrate the attempts of competitors to take what he had, he was fortunate. As he preyed upon the laborer, so did the rest of his class seek to prey upon him. If he were less able, less cunning, or more scrupulous than they, his ruination was certain. It was a system in which all methods were gauged not by the best but by the worst. Thus it was that many capitalists, at heart good men, kindly disposed and innately opposed to duplicity and fraud, were compelled to adopt the methods of their more successful but thoroughly unprincipled competitors. And, indeed, realizing the impregnating nature of example and environment, one cannot but conclude that the tragedies of the capitalist class represented so many victims of the competitive system, the same as those among the wageworkers, although in a very different way. Yet in this bewildering jumble of fortune-snatching, an extraordinary circumstance failed to impress itself upon the class which took over to itself the claim to superior intelligence and virtue. The workers, for the most part, instinctively, morally and intellectually, knew that this system was wrong, a horror and a nightmare. But even the capitalist victims of the competitive struggle, which awarded supremacy to the knave and the trickster, went to their doom praising it as the only civilized, rational system and as unchangeable and even divinely ordained. THE PREVAILING CORRUPTION. If corruption was flagrant in the early decades of the nineteenth century, it was triply so in the middle decades. This was the period of all periods when common councils all over the country were being bribed to give franchises for various public utility systems, and legislatures and Congress for charters, land, money, and laws for a great number of railroad and other projects. The numerous specific instances cannot be adverted to here; they will be described more appropriately in subsequent parts of this work. For the present, let this general and sweeping observation suffice. The important point which here obtrudes itself is that in every case, without an exception, the wealth amassed by fraud was used in turn to put through more frauds, and that the net accumulation of these successive frauds is seen in the great private fortunes of to-day. We have seen how the original Astor fortune was largely derived by the use of both force and fraud among the Indians, and by the exercise of cunning and corruption in the East. John Jacob Astor's immense wealth descends mostly to William B. Astor. In turn, one of the third generation, John Jacob Astor, Jr., representing his father, William B. Astor, uses a portion of this wealth in becoming a large stockholder in the New York Central Railroad, and in corrupting the New York Legislature still further to give enormously valuable grants and special laws with incalculably valuable exemptions to that railroad. John Jacob Astor, Jr., never built a railroad in his life; he knew nothing about railroads; but by virtue of the possession of large surplus wealth, derived mainly from rents, he was enabled to buy enough of the stock to make him rank as a large stockholder. And, then, he with the other stockholders, bribed the Legislature for the passage of more laws which enormously increased the value of their stock. It is altogether clear from the investigations and records of the time that the New York Central Railroad was one of the most industrious corrupters of legislatures in the country, although this is not saying much in dealing with a period when every State Legislature, none excepted, was making gifts of public property and of laws in return for bribes, and when Congress, as was proved in official investigations, was prodigal in doing likewise.[144] In the fourteen years up to 1867, the New York Central Railroad had spent upward of a half million dollars in buying laws at Albany and in "protecting its stockholders against injurious legislation." As one of the largest stockholders in the road John Jacob Astor, Jr., certainly must have been one of the masked parties to this continuous saturnalia of corruption. But the corruption, bad as it was, that took place before 1867, was rather insignificant compared to the eruption in the years 1868 and 1869. And here is to be noted a significant episode which fully reveals how the capitalist class is ever willing to turn over the managing of its property to men of its own class who have proved themselves masters of the art either of corrupting public bodies, or of making that property yield still greater profits. BRIBERY AND BUSINESS. In control of the New York and Harlem Railroad, Cornelius Vanderbilt had showed what a remarkably successful magnate he was in deluging legislatures and common councils with bribe money and in getting corrupt gifts of franchises and laws worth many hundreds of millions of dollars. For a while the New York Central fought him; it bribed where he bribed; when he intimidated, it intimidated. But Vanderbilt was, by far, the abler of the two contending forces. Finally the stockholders decided that he was the man to run their system; and on Nov. 12, 1867, John Jacob Astor, Jr., Edward Cunard, John Steward and others, representing more than thirteen million dollars of stock, turned the New York Central over to Vanderbilt's management on the ground, as their letter set forth, that the change would result in larger dividends to the stockholders and (this bit of cant was gratuitously thrown in) "greatly promote the interests of the public." In closing, they wrote to Vanderbilt of "your great and acknowledged abilities." No sooner had Vanderbilt been put in control than these abilities were preëminently displayed by such an amazing reign of corruption and exaction, that even a public cynically habituated to bribery and arbitrary methods, was profoundly stirred.[145] It was in these identical years that the Astors, the Goelets, the Rhinelanders and many other landholders and merchants were getting more water grants by collusion with the various corrupt city administrations. On June 14, 1850, William B. Astor gets a grant of land under water for the block between Twelfth and Thirteenth streets, on the Hudson River, at the ridiculous price of $13 per running foot.[146] William E. Dodge likewise gets a grant on the Hudson River. Public opinion severely condemned this practical giving away of city property, and a special committee of the Board of Councilmen was moved to report on May 15, 1854, that "the practice of selling city property, except where it is in evidence that it cannot be put to public use, is an error in finance that has prevailed too frequently; indeed the experience of about eleven years has demonstrated that sales of property usually take place about the time it is likely to be needed for public uses, or on the eve of a rise in value. Every pier, bulkhead and slip should have continued to be the property of the city...."[147] WATER GRANTS FROM TWEED. But when the Tweed "ring" came into complete power, with its unbridled policy of accommodating anyone who could pay bribes enough, the landowners and merchants rushed to get water grants among other special privileges. On Dec. 27, 1865, William C. Rhinelander was presented with a grant of land under water from Ninety-first to Ninety-fourth street, East River.[148] On March 21, 1867, Peter Goelet obtained from the Sinking Fund Commissioners a grant of land under water on the East River in front of land owned by him between Eighty-first street and Eighty-second street. The price asked was the insignificant one of $75 a running foot.[149] The officials who made this grant were the Controller, Richard B. Connolly, and the Street Commissioner, George W. McLean, both of whom were arch accomplices of William M. Tweed and were deeply involved in the gigantic thefts of the Tweed ring. The same band of officials gave to Mrs. Laura A. Delano, a daughter of William B. Astor, a grant from Fifty-fifth to Fifty-seventh street, Hudson River, at $200 per running foot, and on May 21, 1867, a grant to John Jacob Astor, Jr., of lands under water between Forty-ninth and Fifty-first streets, Hudson River, for the trivial sum of $75 per running foot. Many other grants were given at the same time. The public, used as it was to corrupt government, could not stomach this granting of valuable city property for virtually nothing. The severe criticism which resulted caused the city officials to bend before the storm, especially as they did not care to imperil their other much greater thefts for the sake of these minor ones. Many of the grants were never finally issued; and after the Tweed "ring" was expelled from power, the Commissioners of the Sinking Fund on Feb. 28, 1882, were compelled by public agitation to rescind most of them.[150] The grant issued to Rhinelander in 1865, however, was one of those which was never rescinded. During its control of the city administration from 1868 to 1871 alone, the Tweed "ring" stole directly from the city and county of New York a sum estimated from $45,000,000 to $200,000,000. Henry F. Taintor, the auditor employed by Andrew H. Green to investigate Controller Connolly's books, testified before the special Aldermanic Committee in 1877, that he had estimated the frauds during those three and a half years at from $45,000,000 to $50,000,000.[151] The committee, however, evidently thought that the thefts amounted to $60,000,000; for it asked Tweed during the investigation whether they did not approximate that sum, to which question he gave no definite reply. But Mr. Taintor's estimate, as he himself admitted, was far from complete even for the three and a half years. Matthew J. O'Rourke, who was responsible for the disclosures, and who made a remarkably careful study of the "ring's" operations, gave it as his opinion that from 1869 to 1871 the "ring" stole about $75,000,000 and that he thought the total stealings from about 1865 to 1871, counting vast issues of fraudulent bonds, amounted to $200,000,000. PROFITING FROM GIGANTIC THEFTS. Every intelligent person knew in 1871 that Tweed, Connolly and their associates were colossal thieves. Yet in that year a committee of New York's leading and richest citizens, composed of John Jacob Astor, Jr., Moses Taylor, Marshall O. Roberts, E. D. Brown, George K. Sistare and Edward Schell, were induced to make an examination of the controller's books and hand in a most eulogistic report, commending Connolly for his honesty and his faithfulness to duty. Why did they do this? Because obviously they were in underhand alliance with those political bandits, and received from them special privileges and exemptions amounting in value to hundreds of millions of dollars. We have seen how Connolly made gifts of the city's property to this class of leading citizens. Moreover, a corrupt administration was precisely what the rich wanted, for they could very conveniently make arrangements with it to evade personal property taxation, have the assessments on their real estate reduced to an inconsiderable sum, and secure public franchises and rights of all kinds. There cannot be the slightest doubt that the rich, as a class, were eager to have the Tweed régime continue. They might pose as fine moralists and profess to instruct the poor in religion and politics, but this attitude was a fraud; they deliberately instigated, supported, and benefited by, all of the great strokes of thievery that Tweed and Connolly put through. Thus to mention one of many instances, the foremost financial and business men of the day were associated as directors with Tweed in the Viaduct Railroad. This was a project to build a railroad on or above the ground _on any New York City street_. One provision of the bill granting this unprecedentedly comprehensive franchise compelled the city to take $5,000,000 of stock; another exempted the company property from taxes or assessments. Other subsidiary bills allowed for the benefit of the railroad the widening and grading of streets which meant a "job" costing from $50,000,000 to $60,000,000.[152] This bill was passed by the Legislature and signed by Tweed's puppet Governor Hoffman; and only the exposure of the Tweed régime a few months later prevented the complete consummation of this almost unparalleled steal. Considering the fact that the richest and most influential and respectable men were direct allies of the Tweed clique, it was not surprising that men such as John Jacob Astor, Jr., Moses Taylor, Edward Schell and company were willing enough to sign a testimonial certifying to Controller Connolly's honesty. The Tweed "ring" supposed that a testimonial signed by these men would make a great impression upon the public. Yet, stripping away the halo which society threw about them simply because they had wealth, these rich citizens themselves were to be placed in even a lower category than Tweed, on the principle that the greater the pretension, the worst in its effect upon society is the criminal act. The Astors cheated the city out of enormous sums in real estate and personal property taxation; Moses Taylor likewise did so, as was clearly brought out by a Senate Investigating Committee in 1890; Roberts had been implicated in great swindles during the Civil War; and as for Edward Schell, he, by collusion with corrupt officials, compelled the city to pay exorbitant sums for real estate owned by him and which the city needed for public purposes. And further it should be pointed out that Tweed, Connolly and Sweeny were but vulgar political thieves who retained only a small part of their thefts. Tweed died in prison quite poor; even the very extensive area of real estate that he bought with stolen money vanished, one part of it going in lieu of counsel fees to one of his lawyers, Elihu Root, United States Secretary of State under Roosevelt.[153] Connolly fled abroad with $6,000,000 of loot and died there, while Sweeny settled with the city for an insignificant sum. The men who really profited directly or indirectly by the gigantic thefts of money and the franchise, tax-exemption, and other measures put through the legislature or common council were men of wealth in the background, who thereby immensely increased their riches and whose descendants now possess towering fortunes and bear names of the highest "respectability."[154] The original money of the landholders came from trade; and then by a combination of cunning, bribery, and a moiety of what was considered legitimate investment, they became the owners of immense tracts of the most valuable city land. The rentals from these were so great that continuously more and more surplus wealth was heaped up. This surplus wealth, in slight part, went to bribe representative bodies for special laws giving them a variety of exclusive property, and another part was used in buying stock in various enterprises the history of which reeked with corruption. From being mere landholders whose possessions were confined mainly to city land, they became part owners of railroad, telegraph, express and other lines reaching throughout the country. So did their holdings and wealth-producing interests expand by a cumulative and ever-widening process. The prisons were perennially filled with convicts, nearly all of whom had committed some crime against property, and for so doing were put in chains behind heavy bars, guarded by rifles and great stone walls. But the men who robbed the community of its land and its railroads (most of which latter were built with _public_ land and money) and who defrauded it in a thousand ways, were, if not morally exculpated, at least not molested, and were permitted to retain their plunder, which, to them, was the all-important thing. This plunder, in turn, became the basis for the foundation of an aristocracy which in time built palaces, invented impressive pedigrees and crests and coats-of-arms, intermarried with European titles, and either owned or influenced newspapers and journals which taught the public how it should think and how it should act. It is one thing to commit crimes against property, and a vastly different thing to commit crimes _in behalf_ of property. Such is the edict of a system inspired by the sway of property. RENTALS FROM DISEASE AND DEATH. But the sources of the large rentals that flowed into the exchequers of the landlords--what were they? Where did these rents, the volume of which was so great that the surplus part of them went into other forms of investments, come from? Who paid them and how did the tenants of these mammoth landlords live? A considerable portion came from business buildings and private residences on much of the very land which New York City once owned and which was corruptly squirmed out of municipal ownership. For the large rentals which they were forced to pay, the business men recouped themselves by marking up the prices of all necessities. Another, and a very preponderate part, came from tenement houses. Many of these were also built on land filched from the city. And such habitations! Never before was anything seen like them. The reports of the Metropolitan Board of Health for 1866, 1867 and succeeding years revealed the fact that miles upon miles of city streets were covered with densely populated tenements, where human beings were packed in vile rooms, many of which were dark and unventilated and which were pestilential with disease and overflowed with deaths. In its first report, following its organization, the Metropolitan Board of Health pointed out: The first, and at all times the most prolific cause of disease, was found to be the very insalubrious condition of most of the tenement houses in the cities of New York and Brooklyn. These houses are generally built without any reference to the health and comfort of the occupants, but simply with a view to economy and profit to the owner. They are almost invariably overcrowded, and ill-ventilated to such a degree as to render the air within them constantly impure and offensive. Here follows a mass of nauseating details which for the sake of not overshocking the reader we shall omit. The report continued: The halls and stairways are usually filthy and dark, and the walls and banisters foul and damp, while the floors were not infrequently used ... [for purposes of nature] ... for lack of other provisions. The dwelling rooms are usually very inadequate in size for the accommodation of their occupants, and many of the sleeping rooms are simply closets, without light or ventilation save by means of a single door.... Such is the character of a vast number of tenement houses, especially in the lower part of the city and along the eastern and western border. Disease especially in the form of fevers of a typhoid character are constantly present in these dwellings and every now and then become an epidemic.[155] "Some of the tenements," added the report, "are owned by persons of the highest character, but they fail to appreciate the responsibility resting on them." This sentence makes it clear that landlords could own, and enormously profit from, pig-sty human habitations which killed off a large number of the unfortunate tenants, and yet these landlords could retain, in nowise diminished, the lustre of being men "of the highest character." Fully one-third of the deaths in New York and Brooklyn resulted from zymotic diseases contracted in these tenements, yet not even a whisper was heard, not the remotest suggestion that the men of wealth who thus deliberately profited from disease and death, were criminally culpable, although faint and timorous opinions were advanced that they might be morally responsible. HUMANITY OF NO CONSEQUENCE. Human life was nothing; the supremacy of the property idea dominated all thought and all laws, not because mankind was callous to suffering, wretchedness and legalized murder, but because thought and law represented what the propertied interests demanded. If the proletarian white population had been legal slaves, as the negroes in the South had been, much consideration would have been bestowed upon their gullets and domiciles, for then they would have been property; and who ever knew the owner of property to destroy the article which represented money? But being "free" men and women and children, the proletarians were simply so many bundles of flesh whose sickness and death meant pecuniary loss to no property-holder. Therefore casualities to them were a matter of no great concern to a society that was taught to venerate the sacredness of property as embodied in brick and stone walls, clothes, machines, and furniture, which same, if inert, had the all-important virile quality of having a cash value, which the worker had not. But these landlords "of the highest character" not only owned, and regularly collected rents from, tenement houses which filled the cemeteries, but they also resorted to the profitable business of leasing certain tenements to middlemen who guaranteed them by lease a definite and never-failing annual rental. Once having done this, the landlords did not care what the middlemen did--how much rent they exacted, or in what condition they allowed the tenements. "The middlemen," further reported the Metropolitan Board of Health, are frequently of the most heartless and unscrupulous character and make large profits by sub-letting. They leave no space unoccupied: they rent sheds, basements and even cellars to families and lodgers; they divide rooms by partitions, and then place a whole family in a single room, to be used for living, cooking, and sleeping purposes. In the Fourth, Sixth, Seventh, Tenth, and Fourteenth Wards may be found large, old fashioned dwellings originally constructed for one family, subdivided and sublet to such an extent that even the former sub-cellars are occupied by two or more families. There is a cellar population of not less than 20,000 in New York City. Here, again, shines forth with blinding brightness that superior morality of the propertied classes. There is no record of a single landlord who refused to pocket the great gains from the ownership of tenement houses. Great, in fact, excessive gains they were, for the landowning class considered tenements "magnificent investments" (how edifying a phrase!) and all except one held on to them. That one was William Waldorf Astor of the present generation, who, we are told, "sold a million dollars worth of unpromising tenement house property in 1890."[156] What fantasy of action was it that caused William Waldorf Astor to so depart from the accepted formulas of his class as to give up these "magnificent investments?" Was it an abhorrence of tenements, or a growing fastidiousness as to the methods? It is to be observed that up to that time he and his family had tenaciously kept the revenues from their tenements; evidently then, the source of the money was not a troubling factor. And in selling those tenements he must have known that his profits on the transaction would be charged by the buyers against the future tenants and that even more overcrowding would result. What, then, was the reason? About the year 1887 there developed an agitation in New York City against the horrible conditions in tenement houses, and laws were popularly demanded which would put a stop to them, or at least bring some mitigation. The whole landlord class virulently combated this agitation and these proposed laws. What happened next? Significantly enough a municipal committee was appointed by the mayor to make an inquiry into tenement conditions; and this committee was composed of property owners. William Waldorf Astor was a conspicuous member of the committee. The mockery of a man whose family owned miles of tenements being chosen for a committee, the province of which was to find ways of improving tenement conditions, was not lost on the public, and shouts of derision went up. The working population was skeptical, and with reason, of the good faith of this committee. Every act, beginning with the mild and ineffective one of 1867, designed to remedy the appalling conditions in tenement houses, had been stubbornly opposed by the landlords; and even after these puerile measures had finally been passed, the landlords had resisted their enforcement. Whether it was because of the bitter criticisms levelled at him, or because he saw that it would be a good time to dispose of his tenements as a money-making matter before further laws were passed, is not clearly known. At any rate William Waldorf Astor sold large batches of tenements. AN EXALTED CAPITALIST. To return, however, to William B. Astor. He was the owner, it was reckoned in 1875, of more than seven hundred buildings and houses, not to mention the many tracts of unimproved land that he held. His income from these properties and from his many varied lines of investments was stupendous. Every one knew that he, along with other landlords, derived great revenues from indescribably malodorous tenements, unfit for human habitation. Yet little can be discerned in the organs of public opinion, or in the sermons or speeches of the day, which showed other than the greatest deference for him and his kind. He was looked up to as a foremost and highly exalted capitalist; no church disdained his gifts;[157] far from it, these were eagerly solicited, and accepted gratefully, and even with servility. None questioned the sources of his wealth, certainly not one of those of his own class, all of whom more or less used the same means and who extolled them as proper, both traditionally and legally, and as in accordance with the "natural laws" of society. No condemnation was visited on Astor or his fellow-landlords for profiting from such ghastly harvests of disease and death. When William B. Astor died in 1875, at the age of eighty-three, in his sombre brownstone mansion at Thirty-fifth street and Fifth avenue, his funeral was an event among the local aristocracy; the newspapers published the most extravagant panegyrics and the estimated $100,000,000 which he left was held up to all the country as an illuminating and imperishable example of the fortune that thrift, enterprise, perseverance, and ability would bring. FOOTNOTES: [143] Matthew Hale Smith in "Sunshine and Shadow in New York," 186-187. [144] See Part III of this work, "The Great Railroad Fortunes". [145] See Part III, Chapters iv, v, vi, etc. [146] Proceedings of the [New York City] Commissioners of the Sinking Fund, 1844-1865:213. [147] Doc. No. 46, Documents of the [New York City] Board of Aldermen, xxi, Part II. [148] Proceedings of the [New York City] Commissioners of the Sinking Fund, 1844-1865:734. [149] Ibid:865. [150] Proceedings of the [New York City] Sinking Fund Commission, 1882:2020-2023. [151] Documents of the [New York City] Board of Aldermen, 1877, Part II. No. 8. [152] New York Senate Journal, 1871:482-83. [153] See Exhibits Doc. No. 8, Documents of the [New York City] Board of Aldermen, 1877. [154] For a full account of the operations of the Tweed régime see the author's "History of Tammany Hall." [155] Report of the Metropolitan Board of Health for 1866, Appendix A:38. [156] "America's Successful Men of Affairs":36. [157] "No church disdained his gifts." The morals and methods of the church, as exemplified by Trinity Church, were, judged by standards, much worse than those of Astor or of his fellow-landlords or capitalists. These latter did not make a profession of hypocrisy, at any rate. The condition of the tenements owned by Trinity Church was as shocking as could be found anywhere in New York City. We subjoin the testimony given by George C. Booth of the Society for the Improvement of the Condition of the Poor before a Senate Investigating Committee in 1885: Senator Plunkett: Ask him if there is not a great deal of church influence [in politics]. The Witness: Yes, sir, there is Trinity Church. Q.: Which is the good, and which is the bad? A.: I think Trinity is the bad. Q.: Do the Trinity people own a great deal of tenement property? A.: Yes, sir. Q.: Do they comply with the law as other people do? A.: No, sir; that is accounted for in one way--the property is very old and rickety, and perhaps even rotten, so that some allowance must be made on that account. (Investigation of the Departments of the City of New York, by Special Committee of the [New York] Senate, 1885, 1:193-194.) CHAPTER VII THE CLIMAX OF THE ASTOR FORTUNE The impressive fortune that William B. Astor left was mainly bequeathed in about equal parts to his sons John Jacob II. and William. These scions, by inheritance from various family sources, intermarriage with other rich families, or both, were already rich. Furthermore, having the backing of their father's immense riches, they had enjoyed singularly exceptional opportunities for amassing wealth on their own account. In 1853 William Astor had married one of the Schermerhorn family. The Schermerhorns were powerful New York City landholders; and if not quite on the same pinnacle in point of wealth as the Astors, were at any rate very rich. The immensely valuable areas of land then held by the Schermerhorns, and still in their possession, were largely obtained by precisely the same means that the Astors, Goelets, Rhinelanders and other conspicuous land families had used. INTERRELATED WEALTH. The settled policy, from the start, of the rich men, and very greatly of rich women, was to marry within their class. The result obviously was to increase and centralize still greater wealth in the circumscribed ownership of a few families. In estimating, therefore, the collective wealth of the Astors, as in fact of nearly all of the great fortunes, the measure should not be merely the possessions of one family, but should embrace the combined wealth of interrelated rich families. The wedding of William Astor (as was that of his son John Jacob Astor thirty-eight years later to a daughter of one of the richest landholding families in Philadelphia) was an event of the day if one judges by the commotion excited among what was represented as the superior class, and the amount of attention given by the newspapers. In reality, viewing them in their proper perspective, these marriages of the rich were infinitesimal affairs, which would scarcely deserve a mention, were it not for the effect that they had in centralizing wealth and for the clear picture that they give of the ideas of the times. Posterity, which is the true arbiter in distinguishing between the enduring and the evanescent, the important and the trivial, rightly cares nothing for essentially petty matters which once were held of the highest importance. Edgar Allan Poe, wearing his life out in extreme poverty, William Lloyd Garrison, thundering against chattel slavery from a Boston garret, Robert Dale Owen spending his years in altruistic endeavors--these men were contemporaries of the Astors of the second generation. Yet a marriage among the very rich was invested by the self-styled creators and dispensers of public opinion with far more importance than the giving out of the world of the most splendid products of genius or the enunciation of principles of the profoundest significance to humanity. Yet why slur the practices of past generations when we to-day are confronted by the same perversions? In the month of February, 1908, for instance, several millions of men in the United States were out of work; in destitution, because something or other stood between them and their getting work; and consequently they and their wives and children had to face starvation. This condition might have been enough to shock even the most callous mind, certainly enough to have impressed the community. But what happened? The superficial historian of the future, who depends upon the newspapers and who gauges his facts accordingly, will conclude that there was little or no misery or abject want; that the people were interested in petty happenings of no ultimate value whatsoever; that an Oriental dance and pantomime given in New York by "society" women, led by Mrs. Waldorf Astor, where a rich young woman reaped astonishment and admiration by coiling a live boa constrictor around her neck, was one of the great events of the day, because the newspapers devoted two columns to it, whereas scarcely any mention was made of armies of men being out of work. MONEY AND HUMANITY. As it was in 1908 so was it in the decades when the capitalists of one kind or another were first piling up wealth; they were the weighty class of the day; their slightest doings were chronicled, and their flimsiest sayings were construed oracularly as those of public opinion. Numberless people sickened and died in the industrial strife and in miserable living quarters; ubiquitous capitalism was a battle-field strewn with countless corpses; but none of the professed expositors of morality, religion or politics gave heed to the wounded or the dead, or to the conditions which produced these hideous and perpetual slaughters of men, women and children. But to the victors, no matter what their methods were, or how much desolation and death they left in their path, the richest material rewards were awarded; wealth, luxury, station and power; and the Law, the majestic, exalted Law, upheld these victors in their possessions by force of courts, police, sheriffs, and by rifles loaded with bullets if necessary. Thus, to recapitulate, the Astors debauched, swindled and murdered the Indians; they defrauded the city of land and of taxes; they assisted in corrupting legislatures; they profited from the ownership of blocks of death-laden tenement houses; they certified to thieving administrations. Once having wrested into their possession the results of all of these and more fraudulent methods in the form of millions of dollars in property, what was their strongest ally? The Law. Yes, the Law, theoretically so impartial and so reverently indued with awe--and with force. From fraud and force the Astor fortune came, and by force, in the shape of law, it was fortified in their control. If a starving man had gone into any one of the Astor houses and stolen even as much as a silver spoon, the Law would have come to the rescue of outraged property by sentencing him to prison. Or if, in case of a riot, the Astor property was damaged, the Law also would have stepped in and compelled the county to idemnify. This Law, this extraordinary code of print which governs us, has been and is nothing more or less, it is evident, than so many statutes to guarantee the retention of the proceeds of fraud and theft, if the piracy were committed in a sufficiently large and impressive way. The indisputable proof is that every single fortune which has been obtained by fraud, is still privately held and is greater than ever; the Law zealously and jealously guards it. So has the Law practically worked; and if the thing is to be judged by its practical results, then the Law has been an instigator of every form of crime, and a bulwark of that which it instigated. Seeing that this is so, it is not so hard to understand that puzzling problem of why so large a portion of the community has resolved itself into a committee of the whole, and while nominally and solemnly professing the accustomed and expected respect for Law, deprecates it, as it is constituted, and often makes no concealment of contempt. LAW THE STRONGEST ASSET. In penetrating into the origin and growth of the great fortunes, this vital fact is constantly forced upon the investigator: that Law has been the most valuable asset possessed by the capitalist class. Without it, this class would have been as helpless as a babe. What would the medieval baron have been without armed force? But note how sinuously conditions have changed. The capitalist class, far shrewder than the feudalistic rulers, dispenses with personally equipped armed force. It becomes superfluous. All that is necessary to do is to make the laws, and so guide things that the officials who enforce the laws are responsive to the interests of the propertied classes. Back of the laws are police forces and sheriffs and militia all kept at the expense of city, county and State--at public expense. Clearly, then, having control of the laws and of the officials, the propertied classes have the full benefit of armed forces the expense of which, however, they do not have to defray. It has unfolded itself as a vast improvement over the crude feudal system. In complete control of the laws, the great propertied classes have been able either to profit by the enforcement, or by the violation, of them. This is nowhere more strikingly shown than in the growth of the Astor fortune, although all of the other great fortunes reveal the same, or nearly identical, factors. With the millions made by a career of crime the original Astors buy land; they get more land by fraud; the Law throws its shield about the property so obtained. They cheat the city out of enormous sums in taxation; the Law does not molest them. On the contrary it allows them to build palaces and to keep on absorbing up more forms of property. In 1875 William Astor builds a railroad in Florida; and as a gift of appreciation, so it is told, the Florida Legislature presents him with 80,000 acres of land. It is wholly probable, if the underlying circumstances were known, that it would be found that an influence more material than a simple burst of gratitude prompted this gift. Where did the money come from with which this railroad was built? And what was the source of other immense funds which were invested in railroads, banks, industrial enterprises, in buying more land and in mortgages--in many forms of ownership? The unsophisticated acceptor of current sophistries or the apologist might reply that all this money came from legitimate business transactions, the natural increase in the value of land, and thus on. But waiving these superficial explanations and defenses, which really mean nothing more than a forced justification, it is plain that the true sources of these revenues were of a vastly different nature. The millions in rents which flowed in to the Astor's treasury every year came literally from the sweat, labor, misery and murder of a host of men, women, and children who were never chronicled, and who went to their death in eternal obscurity. THE BASIS OF WEALTH'S STRUCTURE. It was they who finally had to bear the cost of exorbitant rents; it was their work, the products which they created, which were the bases of the whole structure. And in speaking of murder, it is not deliberate, premeditated murder which is meant, in the sense covered by statute, but that much more insidious kind ensuing from grinding exploitation; in herding human beings into habitations unfit even for animals which need air and sunshine, and then in stubbornly resisting any attempt to improve living conditions in these houses. In this respect, it cannot be too strongly pointed out, the Astors were in nowise different from the general run of landlords. Is it not murder when, compelled by want, people are forced to fester in squalid, germ-filled tenements, where the sunlight never enters and where disease finds a prolific breeding-place? Untold thousands went to their deaths in these unspeakable places. Yet, so far as the Law was concerned, the rents collected by the Astors, as well as by other landlords, were honestly made. The whole institution of Law saw nothing out of the way in these conditions, and very significantly so, because, to repeat over and over again, Law did not represent the ethics or ideals of advanced humanity; it exactly reflected, as a pool reflects the sky, the demands and self-interest of the growing propertied classes. And if here and there a law was passed (which did not often happen) contrary to the expressed opposition of property, it was either so emasculated as to be harmless or it was not enforced. The direct sacrifice of human life, however, was merely one substratum of the Astor fortune. It is very likely, if the truth were fully known, that the stupendous sums in total that the Astors cheated in taxation, would have been more than enough to have constructed a whole group of railroads, or to have bought up whole sections of the outlying parts of the city, or to have built dozens of palaces. Incessantly they derived immense rentals from their constantly expanding estate, and just as persistently they perjured themselves, and defrauded the city, State and Nation of taxes. It was not often that the facts were disclosed; obviously the city or State officials, with whom the rich acted in collusion, tried their best to conceal them. GREAT THEFTS OF TAXES. Occasionally, however, some fragments of facts were brought out by a legislative investigating committee. Thus, in 1890, a State Senate Committee, in probing into the affairs of the tax department, touched upon disclosures which dimly revealed the magnitude of these annual thefts, but which in nowise astonished any well-informed person, because every one knew that these frauds existed. Questioned closely by William M. Ivins, counsel for the committee, Michael Coleman, president of the Board of Assessments and Taxes, admitted that vast stretches of real estate owned by the Astors were assessed at half or less than half of their real value.[158] Then followed this exchange, in which the particular "Mr. Astor" referred to was not made clear: Q.: You have just said that Mr. Astor never sold? A.: Once in a while he sells, yes. Q.: But the rule is that he does not sell? A.: Well, hardly ever; he has sold, of course. Q.: Isn't it almost a saying in this community that the Astors buy and never sell? A.: They are not looked upon as people who dispose of real estate after they once get possession of it. Q.: Have you the power to exact from them a statement of their rent rolls? A.: No. Q.: Don't you think that ... if you are going to levy a tax properly and fully ... you ought to be vested with that power to learn what the returns and revenues of that property are? A.: No, sir; it's none of our business.[159] This fraudulent evasion of taxation was anything but confined to the Astor family. It was practiced by the entire large propertied interests, not only in swindling New York City of taxes on real estate, but also those on personal property. Coleman admitted that while the total valuation of the personal property of all the corporations in New York was assessed at $1,650,000,000, they were allowed to swear it down to $294,000,000. Here we see again at work that fertile agency which has assisted in impoverishing the masses. Rentals are exacted from them, which represent on the average the fourth part of their wages. These rentals are based upon the full assessment of the houses that they live in. In turn, the landlords defraud the city of one-half of this assessment. In order to make up for this continuous deprivation of taxes, the city proceeds time and time again to increase taxes and put out interest-bearing bond issues. These increased taxes, as in the case of all other taxes, fall upon the workers and the results are seen in constantly rising rents and in higher prices for all necessities. LICENSED PIRACY RAMPANT. Was any criminal action ever instituted against these rich defrauders? None of which there is any record. Not a publicist, editor, preacher was there who did not know either generally or specifically of these great frauds in taxation. Some of them might protest in a half-hearted, insincere or meaningless way. But the propertied classes did not mind wordy criticism so long as it was not backed by political action. In other words, they could afford to tolerate, even be amused by, gusty denunciation if neither the laws were changed, nor the particular enforcement or non-enforcement which they demanded. The essential thing with them was to continue conditions by which they could keep on defrauding. Virtually all that was considered best in society--the men and women who lived in the finest mansions, who patronized art and the opera, who set themselves up as paramount in breeding, manners, taste and fashions--all of these were either parties to this continuous process of fraud or benefited by it. The same is true of this class to-day; for the frauds in taxation are of greater magnitude than ever before. It was not astonishing, therefore, when John Jacob Astor II died in 1890, and William Astor in 1892, that enconiums should be lavished upon their careers. In all the accounts that appeared of them, not a word was there of the real facts; of the corrupt grasping of city land; of the debauching of legislatures and the manipulation of railroads; of their blocks of tenements in which disease and death had reaped so rich a harvest, or of their gigantic frauds in cheating the city of taxes. Not a word of all of these. Without an exception the various biographies were fulsomely laudatory. This excessive praise might have defeated the purpose of the authors were it not that it was the fashion of the times to depict and accept the multimillionaires as marvels of ability, almost superhuman. This was the stuff fed out to the people; it was not to be wondered at that a period came when the popular mind reacted and sought the opposite extreme in which it laved in the most violent denunciations of the very men whom it had long been taught to revere. That period, too, passed to be succeeded by another in which a more correct judgment will be formed of the magnates, and in which they will appear not as exceptional criminals, but as products of their times and environment, and in their true relation to both of these factors. The fortune left by John Jacob Astor II in 1890 amounted to about $150,000,000. The bulk of this descended to his son William Waldorf Astor. The $75,000,000 fortune left by William Astor in 1892 was bequeathed to his son John Jacob Astor. These cousins to-day hold the greatest part of the collective Astor fortune. Having reached the present generation, we shall not attempt to enter into a detailed narrative of their multifarious interests, embracing land, railroads, industries, insurance and a vast variety of other forms of wealth. The purpose of this work is to point out the circumstances underlying the origin and growth of the great private fortunes; in the case of the Astors this has been done sufficiently, perhaps overdone, although many facts have been intentionally left out of these chapters which might very properly have been included. But there are a few remaining facts without which the story would not be complete, and lacking which it might lose some significance. THE ASTOR FORTUNE DOUBLES. [Illustration: WILLIAM WALDORF ASTOR. Now a British Subject, Self-Expatriated. He Derives an Enormous Income from His American Estate.] We have seen how at William B. Astor's death in 1876 the Astor fortune amounted to at least $100,000,000, probably much more. Within sixteen years, by 1892, it had more than doubled in the hands of his two sons. How was it possible to have added the extraordinary sum of $125,000,000 in less than a decade and a half? Individual ability did not accomplish it; it is ludicrous to say that it could have done so. The methods by which much of this increase was gathered in have already been set forth. A large part came from the rise in the value of land, which value arose not from the slightest act of the Astors, but from the growth of the population and the labor of the whole body of workers. This value was created by the producers, but far from owning or even sharing in it, they were compelled to pay heavier and heavier tribute in the form of rent for the very values which they had created. Had the Astors or other landlords gone into a perpetual trance these values would have been created just the same. Then, not content with appropriating values which others created, the landlord class defrauded the city of even the fractional part of these values, in the form of taxation. Up to the present generation the Astors had never set themselves out as "reformers" in politics. They had plundered right and left, but withal had made no great pretenses. The fortune held by the Astors, so the facts indubitably show, represents a succession of piracies and exploitation. Very curious, therefore, it is to note that the Astors of the present generation have avowed themselves most solicitous reformers and have been members of pretentious, self-constituted committees composed of the "best citizens," the object of which has been to purge New York City of Tammany corruption. Leaving aside the Astors, and considering the attitude of the propertied class as a whole, this posing of the so-called better element as reformers has been, and is, one of the most singular characteristics of American politics, and its most colossal sham. Although continuously, with rare intermissions, the landholders and the railroad and industrial magnates have been either corrupting public officials or availing themselves of the benefits of corrupt politics, many of them, not in New York alone, but in every American city, have been, at the same time, metamorphosing themselves into reformers. Not reformers, of course, in the true, high sense of the word, but as ingenious counterfeits. With the most ardent professions of civic purity and of horror at the prevailing corruption they have come forward on occasions, clothed in a fine and pompous garb of righteousness. THE QUALITY OF "REFORMERS." The very men who cheated cities, states and nation out of enormous sums in taxation; who bribed, through their retainers, legislatures, common councils and executive and administrative officials; who corruptly put judges on the bench; who made Government simply an auxiliary to their designs; who exacted heavy tribute from the people in a thousand ways; who forced their employees to work for precarious wages and who bitterly fought every movement for the betterment of the working classes--these were the men who have made up these so-called "reform" committees, precisely as to-day they constitute them.[160] If there had been the slightest serious attempt to interfere with their vested privileges, corruptly obtained and corruptly enhanced, and with the vast amount of increment and graft that these privileges bought them, they would have instantly raised the cry of revolutionary confiscation. But they were very willing to put an end to the petty graft which the politicians collected from saloons, brothels, peddlers, and the small merchants, and thereby present themselves as respectable and public-spirited citizens, appalled at the existing corruption. The newspapers supported them in this attitude, and occasionally a sufficient number of the voters would sustain their appeals and elect candidates that they presented. The only real difference was that under an openly corrupt machine they had to pay in bribes for franchises, laws and immunity from laws, while under the "reform" administrations, which represented, and toadied to, them, they often obtained all these and more without the expenditure of a cent. It has often been much more economical for them to have "reform" in power; and it is a well known truism that the business-class reform administrations which are popularly assumed to be honest, will go to greater lengths in selling out the rights of the people than the most corrupt political machine, for the reason that their administrations are not generally suspected of corruption and therefore are not closely watched. Moreover, corruption by bribes is not always the most effective kind. There is a much more sinister form. It is that which flows from conscious class use of a responsive government for insidious ends. Practically all of the American "reform" movements have come within this scope. This is no place for a dissertation on these pseudo reform movements; it is a subject deserving a special treatment by itself. But it is well to advert to them briefly here since it is necessary to give constant insights into the methods of the propertied class. Whether corruption or "reform" administrations were in power the cheating of municipality and State in taxation has gone on with equal vigor.[161] A VAST ANNUAL INCOME. The collective Astor fortune, as we have said, amounts to $450,000,000. This, however, is merely an estimate based largely upon their real estate possessions. No one but the Astors themselves know what are their holdings in bonds and stocks of every description. It is safe to venture the opinion that their fortune far exceeds $450,000,000. Their surplus wealth piles up so fast that a large part of it is incessantly being invested in buying more land. Originally owning land in the lower part of Manhattan, they then bought land in Yorkville, then added to their possessions in Harlem, and later in the Bronx, in which part of New York City they now own immense areas. Their estate is growing larger and larger all the time. In rents in New York City alone it is computed that the Astors collect twenty-five or thirty million dollars a year. The "Astor Estates" are managed by a central office, the agent in charge of which is said to get a salary of $50,000 a year. All the business details are attended to entirely by this agent and his force of subordinates. Of these annual rents a part is distributed among the various members of the Astor family according to the degree of their interest; the remainder is used to buy more land. The Astor mansions rank among the most pretentious in the United States and in Europe. The New York City residence long occupied by Mrs. William Astor at Fifth avenue and Sixty-fifth street is one of extraordinary luxury and grandeur. Adjoining and connected with it is the equally sumptuous mansion of John Jacob Astor. In these residences, or rather palaces, splendor is piled upon splendor. In Mrs. William Astor's spacious ball-room and picture gallery, balls have been given, each costing, it is said, $100,000. In cream and gold the picture gallery spreads; the walls are profuse with costly paintings, and at one end is a gallery in wrought iron where musicians give out melody on festive occasions. The dining rooms of these houses are of an immensity. Embellished in old oak incrusted with gold, their walls are covered with antique tapestries set in huge oak framework with margins thick with gold. Upon the diners a luxurious ceiling looks down, a blaze of color upon black oak set off by masses of gold borders. Directly above the center of the table are painted garlands of flowers and clusters of fruit. In the hub of this representation is Mrs. Astor's monogram in letters of gold. From the massive hall, with its reproductions of paintings of Marie Antoinette and other old French court characters, its statuary, costly vases and draperies, a wide marble stairway curves gracefully upstairs. To dwell upon all of the luxurious aspects of these residences would compel an extended series of details. In both of the residences every room is a thing of magnificence. PROXIMITY OF PALACES AND POVERTY. From these palaces it is but a step, as it were, to gaunt neighborhoods where great parts of the population are crowded in the most inhuman way into wretched tenement houses. It is an undeniable fact that more than fifty blocks on Manhattan Island--each of which blocks is not much larger than the space covered by the Astor mansions--have each a teeming population of from 3,000 to 4,000 persons. In each of several blocks 6,000 persons are congested. In 1855, when conditions were thought bad enough, 417,476 inhabitants were crowded into the section south of Fourteenth street; but in 1907 this district contained fully 750,000 population. Forty years ago the lower sections only of Manhattan were overcrowded, but now the density of congestion has spread to all parts of Manhattan, and to parts of the Bronx and Brooklyn. On an area of two hundred acres in certain parts of New York City not less than 200,000 people exist. It is not uncommon to find eighteen men, women, and children, driven to it by necessity, sleeping in three small, suffocating rooms. [Illustration: THE ASTOR MANSIONS IN NEW YORK CITY. Occupied by the Late Mrs. William Astor and by John Jacob Astor.] But the New York City residences of the Astors are only a mere portion of their many palaces. They have impressive mansions, costing great sums, at Newport. At Ferncliffe-on-the-Hudson John Jacob Astor has an estate of two thousand acres. This country palace, built in chaste Italian architecture, is fitted with every convenience and luxury. John Jacob Astor's cousin, William Waldorf, some years since expatriated himself from his native country and became a British subject. He bought the Cliveden estate at Taplow, Bucks, England, the old seat of the Duke of Westminster, the richest landlord in England. Thenceforth William Waldorf scorned his native land, and has never even taken the trouble to look at the property in New York which yields him so vast a revenue. This absentee landlord, for whom it is estimated not less than 100,000 men, women and children directly toil, in the form of paying him rent, has surrounded himself in England with a lofty feudal exclusiveness. Sweeping aside the privilege that the general public had long enjoyed of access to the Cliveden grounds, he issued strict orders forbidding trespassing, and along the roads he built high walls surmounted with broken glass. His son and heir, Waldorf Astor, has avowed that he also will remain a British subject. William Waldorf Astor, it should be said, is somewhat of a creator of public opinion; he owns a newspaper and a magazine in London. * * * * * The origin and successive development of the Astor fortune have been laid bare in these chapters; not wholly so, by any means, for a mass of additional facts have been left out. Where certain fundamental facts are sufficient to give a clear idea of a presentation, it is not necessary to pile on too much of an accumulation. And yet, such has been the continued emphasis of property-smitten writers upon the thrift, honesty, ability and sagacity of the men who built up the great fortunes, that the impression generally prevails that the Astor fortune is preëminently one of those amassed by legitimate means. These chapters should dispel this illusion. FOOTNOTES: [158] See Testimony taken before the [New York] Senate Committee on Cities, 1890, iii:2312, etc. [159] Testimony taken before the [New York] Senate Committee on Cities, 1890, iii: 2314-2315. [160] As one of many illustrations of the ethics of the propertied class, the appended newspaper dispatch from Newport, R. I., on Jan. 2, 1903, brings out some significant facts: "William C. Schermerhorn, whose death is announced in New York, and who was a cousin of Mrs. William Astor, was one of Newport's pioneer summer residents. He was one of New York's millionaires, and his Newport villa is situated on Narragansett avenue near Cliffside, opposite the Pinard cottages. "Mr. Schermerhorn, with Mrs. Astor and ex-Commodore Gerry, of the New York Yacht Club, in order to avoid the inheritance tax of New York, and to take advantage of Newport's low tax-rate, obtained in January last through their counsel, Colonel Samuel R. Honey, a decree declaring their citizenship in Rhode Island. Since that time Mr. Schermerhorn's residence has been in this state. In last year's tax-list he was assessed for $150,000. "Mr. Schermerhorn was a member of both the fashionable clubs on Bellevue avenue, the Newport Casino and the Newport Reading-Room." [161] For further details on this point see Chapter ix, Part II. CHAPTER VIII OTHER LAND FORTUNES CONSIDERED The founding and aggrandizement of other great private fortunes from land were accompanied by methods closely resembling, or identical with, those that the Astors employed. Next to the Astors' estate the Goelet landed possessions are perhaps the largest urban estates in the United States in value. The landed property of the Goelet family on Manhattan Island alone is estimated at fully $200,000,000. THE GOELET FORTUNE. The founder of the Goelet fortune was Peter Goelet, an ironmonger during and succeeding the Revolution. His grandfather, Jacobus Goelet, was, as a boy and young man, brought up by Frederick Phillips, with whose career as a promoter and backer of pirates and piracies, and as a briber of royal officials under British rule, we have dealt in previous chapters. Of Peter Goelet's business methods and personality no account is extant. But as to his methods in obtaining land, there exists little obscurity. In the course of this work it has already been shown in specific detail how Peter Goelet in conjunction with John Jacob Astor, the Rhinelander brothers, the Schermerhorns, the Lorillards and other founders of multimillionaire dynasties, fraudulently secured great tracts of land, during the early and middle parts of the last century, in either what was then, or what is now, in the heart of New York City. It is entirely needless to iterate the narrative of how the city officials corruptly gave over to these men land and water grants before that time municipally owned--grants now having a present incalculable value.[162] As was the case with John Jacob Astor, the fortune of the Goelets was derived from a mixture of commerce, banking and ownership of land. Profits from trade went toward buying more land, and in providing part of corrupt funds with which the Legislature of New York was bribed into granting banking charters, exemptions and other special laws. These various factors were intertwined; the profits from one line of property were used in buying up other forms and thus on, reversely and comminglingly. Peter had two sons; Peter P., and Robert R. Goelet. These two sons, with an eye for the advantageous, married daughters of Thomas Buchanan, a rich Scotch merchant of New York City, and for a time a director of the United States Bank. The result was that when their father died, they not only inherited a large business and a very considerable stretch of real estate, but, by means of their money and marriage, were powerful dignitaries in the directing of some of the richest and most despotic banks. Peter P. Goelet was for several years one of the directors of the Bank of New York, and both brothers benefited by the corrupt control of the United States Bank, and were principals among the founders of the Chemical Bank. These brothers had set out with an iron determination to build up the largest fortune they could, and they allowed no obstacles to hinder them. When fraud was necessary they, like the bulk of their class, unhesitatingly used it. In getting their charter for the notorious Chemical Bank, they bribed members of the Legislature with the same phlegmatic serenity that they would put through an ordinary business transaction. This bank, as we have brought out previously, was chartered after a sufficient number of members of the Legislature had been bribed with $50,000 in stock and a large sum of money. Yet now that this bank is one of the richest and most powerful institutions in the United States, and especially as the criminal nature of its origin is unknown except to the historic delver, the Goelets mention the connection of their ancestors with it as a matter of great and just pride. In a voluminous biography giving the genealogies of the rich families of New York--material which was supplied and perhaps written by the families themselves--this boast occurs in the chapter devoted to the Goelets: "They were also numbered among the founders of that famous New York financial institution, the Chemical Bank."[163] Thus do the crimes of one generation become transformed into the glories of another! The stock of the Chemical Bank, quoted at a fabulous sum, so to speak, is still held by a small, compact group in which the Goelets are conspicuous. From the frauds of this bank the Goelets reaped large profits which systematically were invested in New York City real estate. And progressively their rentals from this land increased. Their policy was much the same as that of the Astors--constantly increasing their land possessions. This they could easily do for two reasons. One was that almost consecutively they, along with other landholders, corrupted city governments to give them successive grants, and the other was their enormous surplus revenue which kept piling up. ONCE A FARM; NOW OF VAST VALUE. When William B. Astor inherited in 1846 the greater part of his father's fortune, the Goelet brothers had attained what was then the exalted rank of being millionaires, although their fortune was only a fraction of that of Astor. The great impetus to the sudden increase of their fortune came in the period 1850-1870, through a tract of land which they owned in what had formerly been the outskirts of the city. This land was once a farm and extended from about what is now Union Square to Forty-seventh street and Fifth avenue. It embraced a long section of Broadway--a section now covered with huge hotels, business buildings, stores and theaters. It also includes blocks upon blocks filled with residences and aristocratic mansions. At first the fringe of New York City, then part of its suburbs, this tract lay in a region which from 1850 on began to take on great values, and which was in great demand for the homes of the rich. By 1879 it was a central part of the city and brought high rentals. The same combination of economic influences and pressure which so vastly increased the value of the Astors' land, operated to turn this quondam farm into city lots worth enormous sums. As population increased and the downtown sections were converted into business sections, the fashionables shifted their quarters from time to time, always pushing uptown, until the Goelet lands became a long sweep of ostentatious mansions. In imitation of the Astors the Goelets steadily adhered, as they have since, to the policy of seldom or never selling any of their land. On the other hand, they bought constantly. On one occasion they bought eighty lots in the block from Fifth to Sixth avenues, Forty-second to Forty-third streets. The price they paid was $600 a lot. These lots have a present aggregate value of perhaps $15,000,000 or more, although they are assessed at much less. MISERS WITH MILLIONS. The second generation of the Goelets--counting from the founder of the fortune--were incorrigibly parsimonious. They reduced miserliness to a supreme art. Likewise the third generation. Of Peter Goelet, a grandson of the original Peter, many stories were current illustrating his close-fistedness. His passion for economy was carried to such an abnormal stage that he refused even to engage a tailor to mend his garments.[164] He was unmarried, and generally attended to his own wants. On several occasions he was found in his office at the Chemical Bank industriously absorbed in sewing his coat. For stationery he used blank backs of letters and envelopes which he carefully and systematically saved and put away. His house at Nineteenth street, corner of Broadway, was a curiosity shop. In the basement he had a forge, and there were tools of all kinds over which he labored, while upstairs he had a law library of 10,000 volumes, for it was a fixed, cynical determination of his never to pay a lawyer for advice that he could himself get for the reading. Yet this miser, who denied himself many of the ordinary comforts and conveniences of life, and who would argue and haggle for hours over a trivial sum, allowed himself one expensive indulgence--expensive for him, at least. He was a lover of fancy fowls and of animals. Storks, pheasants and peacocks could be seen in the grounds about his house, and also numbers of guinea pigs. In his stable he kept a cow to supply him with fresh milk; he often milked it himself. This eccentric was very melancholy and, apart from his queer collection of pets, cared for nothing except land and houses. Chancing in upon him one could see him intently pouring over a list of his properties. He never tired of doing this, and was petulantly impatient when houses enough were not added to his inventory. He died in 1879 aged seventy-nine years; and within a few months, his brother Robert, who was as much of an eccentric and miser in his way, passed away in his seventieth year. THE THIRD GENERATION. The fortunes of the brothers descended to Robert's two sons, Robert, born in 1841, and Ogden, born in 1846. These wielders of a fortune so great that they could not keep track of it, so fast did it grow, abandoned somewhat the rigid parsimony of the previous generations. They allowed themselves a glittering effusion of luxuries which were popularly considered extravagances but which were in nowise so, inasmuch as the cost of them did not represent a tithe of merely the interest on the principal. In that day, although but thirty years since, when none but the dazzlingly rich could afford to keep a sumptuous steam yacht in commission the year round, Robert Goelet had a costly yacht, 300 feet long, equipped with all the splendors and comforts which up to that time had been devised for ocean craft. Between them, he and his brother Ogden possessed a fortune of at least $150,000,000. The basic structure of this was New York City land, but a considerable part was in railroad stocks and bonds, and miscellaneous aggregations of other securities to the purchase of which the surplus revenue had gone. Thus, like the Astors and other rich landholders, partly by investments made in trade, and largely by fraud, the Goelets finally became not only great landlords but sharers in the centralized ownership of the country's transportation systems and industries. When Ogden Goelet died he left a fortune of at least $80,000,000, reckoning all of the complex forms of his property, and his brother, Robert, dying in 1899, left a fortune of about the same amount. Two children survived each of the brothers. Then was witnessed that characteristic so symptomatic of the American money aristocracy. A surfeit of money brings power, but it does not carry with it a recognized position among a titled aristocracy. The next step is marriage with title. The titled descendants of the predatory barons of the feudal ages having, generation after generation, squandered and mortgaged the estates gotten centuries ago by force and robbery, stand in need of funds. On the other hand, the feminine possessors of American millions, aided and abetted doubtless by the men of the family, who generally crave a "blooded" connection, lust for the superior social status insured by a title. The arrangement becomes easy. In marrying the Duke of Roxburghe in 1903, May Goelet, the daughter of Ogden, was but following the example set by a large number of other American women of multimillionaire families. It is an indulgence which, however great the superficial consequential money cost may be, is, in reality, inexpensive. As fast as millions are dissipated they are far more than replaced in these private coffers by the collective labor of the American people through the tributary media of rent, interest and profit. In the last ten years the value of the Goelet land holdings has enormously increased, until now it is almost too conservative an estimate to place the collective fortune at $200,000,000. This large fortune, as is that of the Astors and of other extensive landlords, is not, as has been pointed out, purely one of land possessions. Far from it. The invariable rule, it might be said, has been to utilize the surplus revenues in the form of rents, in buying up controlling power in a great number and variety of corporations. The Astors are directors in a large array of corporations, and likewise virtually all of the other big landlords. The rent-racked people of the City of New York, where rents are higher proportionately than in any other city, have sweated and labored and fiercely struggled, as have the people of other cities, only to deliver up a great share of their earnings to the lords of the soil, merely for a foothold. In turn these rents have incessantly gone toward buying up railroads, factories, utility plants and always more and more land. WHERE SURPLUS REVENUE HAS GONE. But the singular continuity does not end here. Land acquired by political or commercial fraud has been made the lever for the commission of other frauds. The railroads now controlled by a few men, among whom the large landowners are conspicuous, were surveyed and built to a great extent by public funds, not private money. As time passes a gradual transformation takes place. Little by little, scarcely known to the people, laws are altered; the States and the Government, representing the interests of the vested class, surrender the people's rights, often even the empty forms of those rights, and great railroad systems pass into the hands of a small cabal of multimillionaires. To give one of many instances: The Illinois Central Railroad, passing through an industrial and rich farming country, is one of the most profitable railroads in the United States. This railroad was built in the proportion of twelve parts to one by public funds, raised by taxation of the people of that State, and by prodigal gifts of public land grants. The balance represents the investments of private individuals. The cost of the road as reported by the company in 1873 was $48,331 a mile. Of this amount all that private individuals contributed was $4,930 a mile above their receipts; these latter were sums which the private owners gathered in from selling the land given to them by the State, amounting to $35,211 per mile, and the sums that they pocketed from stock waterings amounting to $8,189 a mile. "The unsold land grant," says Professor Frank Parsons, "amounted to 344,368 acres, worth probably over $5,000,000, so that those to whom the securities of the company were issued, had obtained the road at a bonus of nearly $2,000,000 above all they paid in."[165] By this manipulation, private individuals not only got this immensely valuable railroad for practically nothing, but they received, or rather the laws (which they caused to be made) awarded them, a present of nearly four millions for their dexterity in plundering the railroad from the people. What set of men do we find now in control of this railroad, doing with it as they please? Although the State of Illinois formally retains a nominal say in its management, yet it is really owned and ruled by eight men, among whom are John Jacob Astor, and Robert Walton Goelet, associated with E. H. Harriman, Cornelius Vanderbilt and four others. John Jacob Astor is one of the directors of the Western Union Telegraph monopoly, with its annual receipts of $29,000,000 and its net profits of $8,000,000 yearly; and as for the many other corporations in which he and his family, the Goelets and the other commanding landlords hold stock, they would, if enumerated, make a formidable list. And while on this phase, we should not overlook another salient fact which thrusts itself out for notice. We have seen how John Jacob Astor of the third generation very eagerly in 1867 invited Cornelius Vanderbilt to take over the management of the New York Central Railroad, after Vanderbilt had proved himself not less an able executive than an indefatigable and effective briber and corrupter. So long as Vanderbilt produced the profits, Astor and his fellow-directors did not care what means he used, however criminal in law and whatever their turpitude in morals. John Jacob Astor of the fourth generation repeats this performance in aligning himself, as does Goelet, with that master-hand Harriman, against whom the most specific charges of colossal looting have been brought.[166] But it would be both idle and prejudicial in the highest degree to single out for condemnation a brace of capitalists for following out a line of action so strikingly characteristic of the entire capitalist class--a class which, in the pursuit of profits, dismisses nicety of ethics and morals, and which ordains its own laws. THE RHINELANDERS. The wealth of the Rhinelander family is commonly placed at about $100,000,000. But this, there is excellent reason to believe, is an absurdly low approximation. Nearly a century and a half ago William and Frederick Rhinelander kept a bakeshop on William street, New York City, and during the Revolution operated a sugar factory. They also built ships and did a large commission business. It is usually set forth, in the plenitude of eulogistic biographies, that their thrift and ability were the foundation of the family's immense fortune. Little research is necessary to shatter this error. That they conducted their business in the accepted methods of the day and exercised great astuteness and frugality, is true enough, but so did a host of other merchants whose descendants are even now living in poverty. Some other explanation must be found to account for the phenomenal increase of the original small fortune and its unshaken retention. This explanation is found partly in the fraudulent means by which, decade after decade, they secured land and water grants from venal city administrations, and in the singularly dubious arrangement by which they obtained an extremely large landed property, now having a value of tens upon tens of millions, from Trinity Church. Since the full and itemized details of these transactions have been elaborated upon in previous chapters, it is hardly necessary to repeat them. It will be recalled that, as important personages in Tammany Hall, the dominant political party in New York City, the Rhinelanders used the powers of city government to get grant after grant for virtually nothing. From Trinity Church they got a ninety-nine year lease of a large tract in what is now the very hub of the business section of New York City--which tract they subsequently bought in fee simple. Another large tract of New York City real estate came into their possession through the marriage of William C. Rhinelander, of the third generation, to a daughter of John Rutgers. This Rutgers was a lineal descendant of Anthony Rutgers, who, in 1731, obtained from the royal Governor Cosby the gift of what was then called the "Fresh Water Pond and Swamp"--a stretch of seventy acres of little value at the time, but which is now covered with busy streets and large commercial and office buildings. What the circumstances were that attended this grant are not now known. The grant consisted of what are now many blocks along Broadway north of Lispenard street. It is not merely business sections which the Rhinelander family owns, however; they derive stupendous rentals from a vast number of tenement houses. The Rhinelanders, also, employ their great surplus revenues in constantly buying more land. With true aristocratic aspirations, they have not been satisfied with mere plebeian American mansions, gorgeous palaces though they be; they set out to find a European palace with warranted royal associations, and found one in the famous castle of Schonberg, on the Rhine, near Oberwesel, which they bought and where they have ensconced themselves. How great the wealth of this family is may be judged from the fact that one of the Rhinelanders--William--left an estate valued at $50,000,000 at his death in December, 1907. THE SCHERMERHORNS. The factors entering into the building up of the Schermerhorn fortune were almost identical with those of the Astor, the Goelet and the Rhinelander fortunes. The founder, Peter Schermerhorn, was a ship chandler during the Revolution. Parts of his land and other possessions he bought with the profits from his business; other portions, as has been brought out, he obtained from corrupt city administrations. His two sons continued the business of ship chandlers; one of them--"Peter the Younger"--was especially active in extending his real estate possessions, both by corrupt favors of the city officials and by purchase. One tract of land, extending from Third avenue to the East River and from Sixty-fourth to Seventy-fifth street, which he secured in the early part of the nineteenth century, became worth a colossal fortune in itself. It is now covered with stores, buildings and densely populated tenement houses. "Peter the Younger" quickly gravitated into the profitable and fashionable business of the day--the banking business, with its succession of frauds, many of which have been described in the preceding chapters. He was a director of the Bank of New York from 1814 until his death in 1852. It seems quite superfluous to enlarge further upon the origin of the great landed fortunes of New York City; the typical examples given doubtless serve as expositions of how, in various and similar ways, others were acquired. We shall advert to some of the great fortunes in the West based wholly or largely upon city real estate. While the Astors, the Goelets, the Rhinelanders and others, or rather the entire number of inhabitants, were transmuting their land into vast and increasing wealth expressed in terms of hundreds of millions in money, Nicholas Longworth was aggrandizing himself likewise in Cincinnati. HOW LONGWORTH BEGAN. Longworth had been born in Newark, N. J., in 1782, and at the age of twenty-one had migrated to Cincinnati, then a mere outpost, with a population of eight hundred sundry adventurers. There he studied law and was admitted to practice. The story of how Longworth became a landowner is given by Houghton as follows: His first client was a man accused of horse stealing. In those frontier days, a horse represented one of the most valuable forms of property; and, as under a system wherein human life was inconsequential compared to the preservation of property, the penalty for stealing a horse was usually death. No term of reproach was more invested with cutting contempt and cruel hatred than that of a horse thief. The case looked black. But Longworth somehow contrived to get the accused off with acquittal. The man--so the story further runs--had no money to pay Longworth's fee and no property except two second-hand copper stills. These also were high in the appraisement of property values, for they could be used to make whisky, and whisky could be in turn used to debauch the Indian tribes and swindle them of furs and land. These stills Longworth took and traded them off to Joel Williams, a tavern-keeper who was setting up a distillery. In exchange, Longworth received thirty-three acres of what was then considered unpromising land in the town.[167] From time to time he bought more land with the money made in law; this land lay on what were then the outskirts of the place. Some of the lots cost him but ten dollars each. As immigration swarmed West and Cincinnati grew, his land consequently took on enhanced value. By 1830 the population was 24,831; twenty years later it had reached 118,761, and in 1860, 171,293 inhabitants. For a Western city this was a very considerable population for the period. The growth of the city kept on increasingly. His land lay in the very center of the expanding city, in the busiest part of the business section and in the best portion of the residential districts. Indeed, so rapidly did its value grow soon after he got it, that it was no longer necessary for him to practice law or in any wise crook to others. In 1819 he gave up law, and thenceforth gave his entire attention to managing his property. An extensive vineyard, which he laid out in Ohio, added to his wealth. Here he cultivated the Catawba grape and produced about 150,000 bottles a year. All available accounts agree in describing him as merciless. He foreclosed mortgages with pitiless promptitude, and his adroit knowledge of the law, approaching if not reaching, that of an unscrupulous pettifogger, enabled him to get the upper hand in every transaction. His personal habits were considered repulsive by the conventional and fastidious. "He was dry and caustic in his remarks," says Houghton, "and very rarely spared the object of his satire. He was plain and careless in his dress, looking more a beggar than a millionaire." HIS VAGARIES--SO CALLED. There were certain other conventional respects in which he was woefully deficient, and he had certain singularities which severely taxed the comprehension of routine minds. None who had the appearance of respectable charity seekers could get anything else from him than contemptuous rebuffs. For respectability in any form he had no use; he scouted and scoffed at it and pulverized it with biting and grinding sarcasm. But once any man or woman passed over the line of respectability into the besmeared realm of sheer disrepute, and that person would find Longworth not only accessible but genuinely sympathetic. The drunkard, the thief, the prostitute, the veriest wrecks of humanity could always tell their stories to him and get relief. This was his grim way of striking back at a commercial society whose lies and shams and hypocrisies he hated; he knew them all; he had practiced them himself. There is good reason to believe that alongside of his one personality, that of a rapacious miser, there lived another personality, that of a philosopher. Certainly he was a very unique type of millionaire, much akin to Stephen Girard. He had a clear notion (for he was endowed with a highly analytical and penetrating mind) that in giving a few coins to the abased and the wretched he was merely returning in infinitesimal proportion what the prevailing system, of which he was so conspicuous an exemplar, took from the whole people for the benefit of a few; and that this system was unceasingly turning out more and more wretches. Long after Longworth had become a multimillionaire he took a savage, perhaps a malicious, delight in doing things which shocked all current conceptions of how a millionaire should act. To understand the intense scandal caused by what were considered his vagaries, it is only necessary to bear in mind the ultra-lofty position of a multimillionaire at a period when a man worth $250,000 was thought very rich. There were only a few millionaires in the United States, and still fewer multimillionaires. Longworth ranked next to John Jacob Astor. On one occasion a beggar called at Longworth's office and pointed eloquently at his gaping shoes. Longworth kicked off one of his own untied shoes and told the beggar to try it on. It fitted. Its mate followed. Then after the beggar left, Longworth sent a boy to the nearest shoe store, with instructions to get a pair of shoes, but in no circumstances to pay more than a dollar and a half. This remarkable man lived to the age of eighty-one; when he died in 1863 in a splendid mansion which he had built in the heart of his vineyard, his estate was valued at $15,000,000. He was the largest landowner in Cincinnati, and one of the largest in the cities of the United States. The value of the land that he bequeathed has increased continuously; in the hands of his various descendants to-day it is many times more valuable than the huge fortune which he left. Cincinnati, with its population of 325,902,[168] pays incessant tribute in the form of a vast rent roll to the scions of the man whose main occupation was to hold on to the land he had got for almost nothing. Unlike the founder of the fortune the present Longworth generation never strays from the set formulas of respectability; it has intermarried with other rich families: and Nicholas, a namesake and grandson of the original, and a representative in Congress, married in circumstances of great and lavish pomp a daughter of President Roosevelt, thus linking a large fortune, based upon vested interests, with the ruling executive of the day and strategically combining wealth with direct political power. The same process of reaping gigantic fortunes from land went on in every large city. In Chicago, with its phenomenally speedy growth of population and its vast array of workers, immense fortunes were amassed within an astonishingly short period. Here the growth of large private fortunes was marked by much greater celerity than in the East, although these fortunes are not as large as those based upon land in the Eastern cities. MARSHALL FIELD AND LEITER. The largest landowners that developed in Chicago were Marshall Field and Levi Z. Leiter. In 1895 the Illinois Labor Bureau, in that year happening to be under the direction of able and conscientious officials, made a painstaking investigation of land values in Chicago. It was estimated that the 266 acres of land, constituting what was owned by individuals and private corporations in one section alone--the South Side,--were worth $319,000,000. This estimate was made at a time when the country was slowly recovering, as the set phrase goes, from the panic of 1892-94, and when land values were not in a state of inflation or rise. The amount of $319,000,000 was calculated as being solely the value of the land, not counting improvements, which were valued at as much more. The principal landowner in this one section, not to mention other sections of that immense city, was Marshall Field, with $11,000,000 worth of land; the next was Leiter, who owned in that section land valued at $10,500,000.[169] It appeared from this report that eighteen persons owned $65,000,000 of this $319,000,000 worth of land, and that eighty-eight persons owned $136,000,000 worth--or one-half of the entire business center of Chicago. Doubling the sums credited to Field and Leiter (that is to say, adding the value of the improvements to the value of the land), this brought Field's real estate in that one section to a value of $22,000,000, and Leiter's to nearly the same. This estimate was confirmed to a surprising degree by the inventory of Field's executors reported to the court early in 1907. The executors of Field's will placed the value of his real estate in Chicago at $30,000,000. This estimate did not include $8,000,000 worth of land which the executors reported that he owned in New York City, nor the millions of dollars of his land possessions elsewhere. FIELD'S MANY POSSESSIONS. Field left a fortune of about $100,000,000 (as estimated by the executors) which he bequeathed principally to two grandsons, both of which heirs were in boyhood. The factors constituting this fortune are various. At least $55,000,000 of it was represented at the time that the executors made their inventory, by a multitude of bonds and stocks in a wide range of diverse industrial, transportation, utility and mining corporations. The variety of Field's possessions and his numerous forms of ownership were such that we shall have pertinent occasion to deal more relevantly with his career in subsequent parts of this work. [Illustration: MARSHALL FIELD.] The careers of Field, Leiter and several other Chicago multimillionaires ran in somewhat parallel grooves. Field was the son of a farmer. He was born in Conway, Mass., in 1835. When twenty-one he went to Chicago and worked in a wholesale dry goods house. In 1860 he was made a partner. During the Civil War this firm, as did the entire commercial world, proceeded to hold up the nation for exorbitant prices in its contracts at a time of distress. The Government and the public were forced to pay the highest sums for the poorest material. It was established that Government officials were in collusion with the contractors. This extortion formed one of the saddest and most sordid chapters of the Civil War (as it does of all wars,) but conventional history is silent on the subject, and one is compelled to look elsewhere for the facts of how the commercial houses imposed at high prices shoddy material and semi-putrid food upon the very army and navy that fought for their interests.[170] In the words of one of Field's laudatory biographers, "the firm coined money"--a phrase which for the volumes of significant meaning embodied in it, is an epitome of the whole profit system. Some of the personnel of the firm changed several times: in 1865 Field, Leiter and Potter Palmer (who had also become a multimillionaire) associated under the firm name of Field, Leiter & Palmer. The great fire of 1871 destroyed the firm's buildings, but they were replaced. Subsequently the firm became Field, Leiter & Co., and, finally in 1887, Marshall Field & Co.[171] The firm conducted both a wholesale and retail business on what is called in commercial slang "a cash basis:" that is, it sold goods on immediate payment and not on credit. The volume of its business rose to enormous proportions. In 1884 it reached an aggregate of $30,000,000 a year; in 1901 it was estimated at fully $50,000,000 a year. FOOTNOTES: [162] Some of this land and these water grants and piers were obtained by Peter Goelet during the corrupt administration of City Controller Romaine. Goelet, it seems, was allowed to pay in installments. Thus, an entry, on January 26, 1807, in the municipal records, reads: "On receiving the report of the Street Commissioner, Ordered that warrants issue to Messrs. Anderson and Allen for the three installments due to them from Mr. Goelet for the Whitehall and Exchange Piers."--MSS. Minutes of the [New York City] Common Council, 1807, xvi:286. [163] "Prominent Families of New York":231. Another notable example of this glorifying was Nicholas Biddle, long president of the United States Bank. Yet the court records show that, after a career of bribery, he stole $400,000 of that bank's funds. [164] At this very time his wealth, judged by the standard of the times, was prodigious. "His wealth is vast--not less than five or six millions," wrote Barrett in 1862--"The Old Merchants of New York City," 1:349. [165] "The Railways, the Trusts and the People":104. [166] See Part III, "Great Fortunes From Railroads." [167] "Kings of Fortune":172. [168] Census of 1900. [169] Eighth Annual Report, Illinois Labor Bureau:104-253. [170] In those parts of this work relating to great fortunes from railroads and from industries, this phase of commercial life is specifically dealt with. The enormities brazenly committed during the Spanish-American War of 1898 are sufficiently remembered. Napoleon had the same experience with French contractors, and the testimony of all wars is to the same effect. [171] So valuable was a partnership in this firm that a writer says that Field paid Leiter "an unknown number of millions" when he bought out Leiter's interest. CHAPTER IX THE FIELD FORTUNE IN EXTENSO In close similarity to the start of the Astors and many other founders of great land fortunes, commerce was the original means by which Marshall Field obtained the money which he invested in land. Consecutively came a ramification of other revenue-producing properties. Once in motion, the process worked in the same admixed, interconnected way as it did in the amassing of contemporary large fortunes. It may be literally compared to hundreds of golden streams flowing from as many sources to one central point. From land, business, railroads, street railways, public utility and industrial corporations--from these and many other channels, prodigious profits kept, and still keep, pouring in ceaselessly. In turn, these formed ever newer and widening distributing radii of investments. The process, by its own resistless volition, became one of continuous compound progression. LAND FOR ALMOST NOTHING. Long before the business of the firm of Marshall Field & Co. had reached the annual total of $50,000,000, Field, Leiter and their associates had begun buying land in Chicago. Little capital was needed for the purpose: The material growth of Chicago explains sufficiently how a few dollars put in land fifty or sixty years ago became in time an automatically-increasing fund of millions. A century or so ago the log cabin of John Kinzie was the only habitation on a site now occupied by a swarming, conglomerate, rushing population of 1,700,000.[172] Where the prairie land once stretched in solitude, a huge, roaring, choking city now stands, black with factories, the habitat of nearly two millions of human beings, living in a whirlpool of excitement and tumult, presenting extremes of wealth and poverty, the many existing in dire straits, the few rolling in sovereign luxury. A saying prevails in Chicago that the city now holds more millionaires than it did voters in 1840. Land, in the infancy of the city, was cheap; few settlers there were, and the future could not be foreseen. In 1830 one-quarter of an acre could be bought for $20; a few bits of silver, or any currency whatsoever, would secure to the buyer a deed carrying with it a title forever, with a perpetual right of exclusive ownership and a perpetual hold upon all succeeding generations. The more population grew, the greater the value their labor gave the land; and the keener their need, the more difficult it became for them to get land. Within ten years--by about the beginning of the year 1840--the price of a quarter of an acre in the center of the city had risen to $1,500. A decade later the established value was $17,500, and in 1860, $28,000. Chicago was growing with great rapidity; a network of railroads converged there; mammoth factories, mills, grain elevators, packing houses:--a vast variety of manufacturing and mercantile concerns set up in business, and brought thither swarms of workingmen and their families, led on by the need of food and the prospects of work. The greater the influx of workers, the more augmented became the value of land. Inevitably the greatest congestion of living resulted. By 1870 the price of a quarter of an acre in the heart of the city bounded to $120,000, and by 1880, to $130,000. IT BECOMES WORTH MILLIONS. During the next decade--a decade full of bitter distress to the working population of the United States, and marked by widespread suffering--the price shot up to $900,000. By 1894--a panic year, in which millions of men were out of work and in a state of appalling destitution--a quarter of an acre reached the gigantic value of $1,250,000.[173] At this identical time large numbers of the working class, which had so largely created this value, were begging vainly for work, and were being evicted by the tens of thousands in Chicago because they could not pay rent for their miserable, cramped habitations. By exchanging a few hundred, or a few thousand dollars, in Chicago's extreme youth, for a scrap of paper called a deed, the buyer of this land found himself after the lapse of years, a millionaire. It did not matter where or how he obtained the purchase money: whether he swindled, or stole, or inherited it, or made it honestly;--so long as it was not counterfeit, the law was observed. After he got the land he was under no necessity of doing anything more than hold on to it, which same he could do equally well, whether in Chicago or buried in the depths of Kamschatka. If he chose, he could get chronically drunk; he could gamble, or drone in laziness; he could do anything but work. Nevertheless, the land and all its values which others created, were his forever, to enjoy and dispose of as suited his individual pleasure. This was, and is still, the system. Thoroughly riveted in law, it was regarded as a rational, beneficent and everlasting fixture of civilized life--by the beneficiaries. And as these latter happened to be, by virtue of their possessions, among the real rulers of government, their conceptions and interests were embodied in law, thought and custom as the edict of civilization. The whole concurrent institutions of society, which were but the echo of property interests, pronounced the system wise and just, and, as a reigning force, do still so proclaim it. In such a state there was nothing abnormal in any man monopolizing land and exclusively appropriating its revenues. On the contrary, it was considered a superior stroke of business, a splendid example of astuteness. Marshall Field was looked upon as a very sagacious business man. FIELD'S REAL ESTATE TRACTS. Field bought much land when it was of comparatively inconsequential value, and held on to it with a tenacious grip. In the last years of his life, his revenues from his real estate were uninterruptedly enormous. "Downtown real estate in Chicago," wrote "a popular writer" in a typically effusive biographical account of Field, published in 1901, "is about as valuable, foot for foot, as that in the best locations in New York City. From $8,000 to $15,000 a front foot are not uncommon figures for property north of Congress street, in the Chicago business district. Marshall Field owns not less than twenty choice sites and buildings in this section; not including those used for his drygoods business. In the vicinity of the Chicago University buildings he owns square block after block of valuable land. Yet farther south he owns hundreds of acres of land in the Calumet region--land invaluable for manufacturing purposes." This extension and centralization of land ownership were accompanied by precisely the same results as were witnessed in other cities, although these results were the sequence of the whole social and industrial system, and not solely of any one phase. Poverty grew in exact proportion to the growth of large fortunes; the one presupposed, and was built upon, the existence of the other. Chicago became full of slums and fetid, overcrowded districts; and if the density and congestion of population are not as great as in New York, Boston and Cincinnati, it is only because of more favorable geographical conditions. Field's fortune was heaped up in about the last twenty years of his life. The celerity of its progress arose from the prolific variety and nature of his possessions. To form even an approximate idea of how fast wealth came in to him, it is necessary to picture millions of men, women and children toiling day after day, year in and year out, getting a little less than two parts of the value of what they produced, while almost nine portions either went to him entirely or in part. But this was not all. Add to these millions of workers the rest of the population of the United States who had to buy from, or in some other way pay tribute to, the many corporations in which Field held stock, and you get some adequate conception of the innumerable influxions of gold which poured into Field's coffers every minute, every second of the day, whether he were awake or asleep; whether sick or well, whether traveling or sitting stock still. HIS INCOME: $500 TO $700 AN HOUR. This one man had the legal power of taking over to himself, as his inalienable property, his to enjoy, hoard, squander, bury, or throw in the ocean, if his fancy so dictated, the revenue produced by the labor of millions of beings as human as he, with the same born capacity for eating, drinking, breathing, sleeping and dying. Many of his workers had a better digestive apparatus which had to put up with inferior food, and, at times, no food at all. He could eat no more than three meals a day, but his daily income was enough to have afforded him ten thousand sumptuous daily meals, with exquisite "trimmings," while periods came when those who drudged for him were fortunate to have any meals at all. Few of his workers received as much as $2 a day; Field's income was estimated to be at the rate of about $500 to $700 an hour. First--and of prime importance--was his wholesale and retail drygoods business. This was, and is, a line of business in which frantic competition survived long after the manufacturing field had passed over into concentrated trust control. To keep apace with competitors and make high profits, it was imperative not only to resort to shifts, expedients and policies followed by competitors, but to improve upon, and surpass, those methods if possible. Field at all times proved that it was possible. No competing firm would pay a certain rate of wages but what Field instantly outgeneraled it by cutting his workers' wages to a point enabling him to make his goods as cheap or cheaper. HIS EMPLOYEES' WRETCHED WAGES. In his wholesale and retail stores he employed not less than ten thousand men, women and children. He compelled them to work for wages which, in a large number of cases, were inadequate even for a bare subsistence. Ninety-five per cent. received $12 a week or less. The female sewing-machine operators who bent over their tasks the long day, making the clothes sold in the Field stores, were paid the miserable wages of $6.75 a week. Makers of socks and stockings were paid from $4.57 to $4.75 a week. The working hours consisted variously of from fifty-nine to fifty-nine and a half a week. Field also manufactured his own furniture as well as many other articles. Furniture workers were paid: Machine workers, $11.02, and upholsterers $12.47 a week. All of Field's wage workers were paid by the hour; should they fall sick, or work become slack, their pay was proportionately reduced. The wretchedness in which many of these workers lived, and in which they still live (for the same conditions obtain), was pitiful in the extreme. Even in a small town where rent is not so high, these paltry wages would have been insufficient for an existence of partial decency. But in Chicago, with its forbidding rents, the increasing cost of all necessaries, and all of the other expenses incident to life in a large city, their wages were notoriously scanty. Large numbers of them were driven to herding in foul tenements or evil dwellings, the inducements of which was the rent, a little lighter than could be had elsewhere. Every cent economized meant much. If an investigator (as often happened) had observed them, and had followed them to their wretched homes after their day's work, he would have noted, or learned of, these conditions: Their food was circumscribed and coarse--the very cheapest forms of meat, and usually stale bread. Butter was a superfluous luxury. The morning meal was made up of a chunk of bread washed down with "coffee"--adulterated stuff with just a faint odor of real coffee. At noon, bread and an onion, or a bit of herring, or a slice of cheap cheese composed their dinner, with perhaps a dash of dessert in the shape of sweetened substance, artificially colored, sold as "cake." For supper, cheap pork, or a soup bone, garnished occasionally in the season by stale vegetables, and accompanied by a concoction resembling tea. Few of these workers ever had more than one suit of clothes, or more than one dress. They could not afford amusements, and were too fatigued to read or converse. At night bunches of them bunked together--sometimes eight or ten in a single room; by this arrangement the rent of each was proportionately reduced. It is now we come to a sinister result of these methods of exploiting the wage-working girls and women. The subject is one that cannot be approached with other than considerable hesitancy, not because the facts are untrue, but because its statistical nature has not been officially investigated. Nevertheless, the facts are known; stern, inflexible facts. For true historical accuracy, as well as for purposes of humanity, they must be given; that delicacy would be false, misleading and palliative which would refrain from tearing away the veil and from exposing the putridity beneath. Field was repeatedly charged with employing his workers at such desperately low wages as to drive large numbers of girls and women, by the terrifying force of poverty, into the alternative of prostitution. How large the number has been, or precisely what the economic or psychologic factors have been, we have no means of knowing. It is worth noting that many official investigations, futile though their results, have probed into many other phases of capitalist fraud. But the department stores over the country have been a singular exception. Why this partiality? Because the public is never allowed to get agitated over the methods and practices of the department stores. Hence the politicians are neither forced, for the sake of appearance, to investigate, nor can they make political capital from a thing over which the people are not aroused. Not a line of the horrors taking place in the large department stores is ever reported in the newspapers, not a mention of the treatment of girls and women, not a word of the injunctions frequently obtained restraining these stores from continuing to sell this or that brand of spurious goods in imitation of those of some complaining capitalist, or of the seizures by Health Boards of adulterated drugs or foods. Wherefore this silence? Because, unsophisticated reader, these same department stores are the largest and steadiest advertisers. The newspapers, which solemnly set themselves up as moral, ethical, and political instructors to the public, sell all the space desired to advertise goods many of which are fraudulent in nature or weight. Not a line objectionable to these department stores ever gets into newspaper print; on the contrary, the owners of these stores, by the bludgeon of their immense advertising, have the power, within certain limitations, of virtually acting as censors. The newspapers, whatever their pretensions, make no attempt to antagonize the powers from whom so large a portion of their revenue comes. It is a standing rule in newspaper offices in the cities, that not a specific mention of any unfavorable or discreditable matter occurring in department stores, or affecting the interests of the proprietors of those stores, is allowed to get into print. Thus it is that the general public are studiously kept in ignorance of the abominations incessantly going on in the large department stores. OUTCASTS RATHER THAN SLAVES. Notwithstanding this community of silence, in some respects akin to a huge compounded system of blackmail, it is generally known that department stores are often breeding stations of prostitution by reason of two factors--extremely low wages and environment. There can be no disputing the fact that these two working together, and perhaps superinduced by other compelling influences, do bring about a condition the upshot of which is prostitution. Such supine reports as those of the Consumers' League, an organization of well-disposed dilletantes, and of superficial purposes, give no insight into the real estate of affairs. In his rather sensational and vitriolic raking of Chicago, W. T. Stead strongly deals with the effects of department store conditions in filling the ranks of prostitutes. He quotes Dora Claflin, the proprietress of a brothel, as saying that such houses as hers obtained their inmates from the stores, those in particular where hours were long and the pay small.[174] Mockery of mockeries that in this era of civilization, so-called, a system should prevail that yields far greater returns from selling the body than from honest industry! It has been estimated that the number of young women who receive $2,500 in one year by the sale of their persons is larger than the number of women of all ages, in all businesses and professions, who make a similar sum by work of mind or hand.[175] But one of the most significant recognitions of the responsibility of department stores for the prevalence of prostitution, was the act of a member of the Illinois legislature, a few years ago, in introducing a resolution (which failed to pass) to investigate the department stores of Chicago on the ground that conditions in them led to a shocking state of immorality. The statement has been repeatedly made that nearly one-half of the outcast girls and women of Chicago have come from the department stores.[176] It was not only by these methods that the firm of Marshall Field & Co. was so phenomenally successful in making money. In the background were other methods which belong to a different category. Whatever Field's practices--and they were venal and unscrupulous to a great degree, as will be shown--he was an astute organizer. He understood how to manipulate and use other men, and how to centralize business, and cut out the waste and junket of mercantile operations. In the evolutionary scheme of business he played his important part and a very necessary part it was, for which he must be given full credit. His methods, base as they were, were in no respect different from those of the rest of the commercial world, as a whole. The only difference was that he was more conspicuous and more successful. CENTERING ALL PROFITS IN HIMSELF. At a time when all business was run on the chaotic and desultory lines characteristic of the purely competitive age, he had the foresight and shrewdness to perceive that the storekeeper who depended upon the jobber and the manufacturer for his goods was largely at the mercy of those elements. Even if he were not, there were two sets of profits between him and the making of the goods--the jobber's profits and the manufacturer's. Years before this vital fact was impressed upon the minds of the floundering retailers, Field understood, and acted upon, it. He became his own manufacturer and jobber. Thus he was complacently able to supply his department store with many goods at cost, and pocket the profits that otherwise would have gone to jobber and manufacturer. In, however, the very act of making three sets of profits, while many other stores made only one set, Field paid his employees at the retail store rate; that is to say, he paid no more in wages than the store which had to buy often from the jobber, who in turn, purchased from the manufacturer. With this salient fact in mind, one begins to get a clear insight into some of the reasons why Field made such enormous profits, and an understanding of the consequent contrast of his firm doing a business of $50,000,000 a year while thousands of his employees had to work for a wretched pittance. He could have afforded to have paid them many times more than they were getting and still would have made large profits. But this would have been an imbecilic violation of that established canon of business: Pay your employees as little as you can, and sell your goods for the highest price you can get. Field was one of the biggest dry goods manufacturers in the world. He owned, says a writer, scores of enormous factories in England, Ireland and Scotland. "The provinces of France," this eulogist goes on, "are dotted with his mills. The clatter of the Marshall Field looms is heard in Spain, Italy, Germany, Austria and Russia. Nor is the Orient neglected by this master of fabrics. Plodding Chinese and the skilled Japs are numbered by the thousands on the payroll of the Chicago merchant and manufacturer. On the other side of the equator are vast woolen mills in Australia, and the chain extends to South America, with factories in Brazil and in other of our neighboring republics." In all of these factories the labor of men, women and children was harshly exploited; in nearly all of them the workers were in an unorganized state, and therefore deprived of every vestige of self-protection. Boys and girls of tenderest age were mercilessly ground into dollars; their young life's blood dyed deep the fabrics which brought Field riches. In this dehumanizing business Field was only doing what the entire commercial aristocracy the world over was doing. How extraordinarily profitable the business of Marshall Field & Co. was (and is), may be seen in the fact that its shares (it became an incorporated stock company) were worth $1,000 each. At his death Marshall Field owned 3,400 of these shares, which the executors of his estate valued at $3,400,000. That the exploitation of labor, the sale of sweatshop and adulterated goods, and many other forms of oppression or fraud were a consecutive and integral part of his business methods is undeniable. But other factors, distinctly under the ban of the law, afford an additional explanation of how he was able to undersell petty competitors, situated even at a distance. What all of these factors were is not a matter of public knowledge. At least one of them came to light when, on December 4, 1907, D. R. Anthony, a representative in Congress from Kansas, supplied evidence to Postmaster-General Meyer that the house of Marshall Field & Co. had enjoyed, and still had, the privilege of secret discriminatory express rates in the shipment of goods. This charge, if sustained, was a clear violation of the law; but these violations by the great propertied interests were common, and entailed, at the worst, no other penalty than a nominal fine. From such sources came the money with which he became a large landowner. Also, from the sources enumerated, came the money with which he and his associates debauched politics, and bribed common councils and legislatures to present them with public franchises for street and elevated railways, gas, telephone and electric light projects--franchises intrinsically worth incalculable sums.[177] With the money squeezed out of his legions of poverty-stricken employees and out of his rent-racked tenants he became an industrial monarch. The inventory of his estates filed in court by his executors revealed that he owned stocks and bonds in about one hundred and fifty corporations. This itemized list showed that he owned many millions of bonds and stocks in railroads with the construction and operation of which he had nothing to do. The history of practically all of them reeks with thefts of public and private money; corruption of common councils, of legislatures, Congress and of administrative officials; land grabbing, fraud, illegal transactions, violence, and oppression not only of their immediate workers, but of the entire population.[178] He owned--to give a few instances--$1,500,000 of Baltimore and Ohio stock; $600,000 of Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe; $1,860,000 of Chicago and Northwestern, and tens of millions more of the stock or bonds of about fifteen other railroads. He also owned an immense assortment of the stocks of a large number of trusts. The affairs of these trusts have been shown in court, at some time or other, as overflowing with fraud, the most glaring oppressions, and violations of law. He had $450,000 in stock of the Corn Products Company (the Glucose Trust); $370,000 of the stock of the notorious Harvester Trust, which charges the farmer $75 for a machine that perhaps costs $16 in all to make and market, and which holds a great part of the farming population bound hand and foot; $350,000 of Biscuit Trust stock; $200,000 of American Tin Can Company (Tin Can Trust) stock; and large amounts of stock in other trusts. All of these stocks and bonds Field owned outright; he made it a rule never to buy a share of stock on margin or for speculative purposes. All told, he owned more than $55,000,000 in stocks and bonds. A very considerable part of these were securities of Chicago surface and elevated railway, gas, electric light and telephone companies. In the corruption attending the securing of the franchises of these corporations he was a direct principal. The narrative of this part of his fortune, however, more pertinently belongs to subsequent chapters of this work. FOOTNOTES: [172] Census of 1900. [173] Eighth Annual Report, Illinois Labor Bureau:370. [174] See his work, "If Christ Came to Chicago." Much more specific and reliable is the report of the U. S. Industrial Commission. After giving the low wages paid to women in the different cities, it says: "It is manifest from the figures given that the amount of earnings in many cases is less than the actual cost of the necessities of life. The existence of such a state of affairs must inevitably lead in many cases to the adoption of a life of immorality and, in fact, there is no doubt that the low rate of wages paid to women is one of the most frequent causes of prostitution. The fact that the great mass of working women maintain their virtue in spite of low wages and dangerous environment is highly creditable to them."--Final Report of the Industrial Commission, 1902, xix:927. [175] See an article on this point by the Rev. F. M. Goodchild in the "Arena" Magazine for March, 1896. [176] In the course of inquiries among the Chicago religious missions in 1909, the author was everywhere informed that the great majority of native prostitutes were products of the department stores. Some of the conditions in these department stores, and how their owners have fought every effort to better these conditions, have been revealed in many official reports. The appended description is from the Annual Report of the Factory Inspectors of Illinois, 1903-04, pp. ix and x: "In this regard, and worthy of mention, reference might be made to the large dry goods houses and department stores located in Chicago and other cities, in which places it has been customary to employ a great number of children under the age of sixteen as messenger boys, bundle wrappers, or as cash boys or cash girls, wagon boys, etc. In previous years these children were required to come to work early in the morning and remain until late at night, or as long as the establishment was open for business, which frequently required the youngsters to remain anywhere from 8:00 to 9:00 o'clock in the morning until 10:00 and 11:00 p.m., their weak and immature bodies tired and worn out under the strain of the customary holiday rush. In the putting a stop to this practice of employing small children ten and thirteen hours per day, the department found it necessary to institute frequent prosecutions. While our efforts were successful, we met with serious opposition, and in some cases almost continuous litigation, some 300 arrests being necessary to bring about the desired results, which finally secured the eight hour day and a good night's rest for the small army of toilers engaged in the candy and paper box manufacturing establishments and department stores. "In conducting these investigations and crusades the inspectors met with some surprises in the way of unique excuses. In Chicago a manager of a very representative first class department store, one of the largest of its kind, gave as his reason for not obeying the law, that they had never been interfered with before. Another, that the children preferred to be in the store rather than at home. The unnaturalness of this latter excuse can be readily realized by anyone who has stepped into a large department store during the holiday season, when the clerks are tired and cross and little consideration is shown to the cash boy or cash girl who, because he or she may be tired or physically frail, might be a little tardy in running an errand or wrapping a bundle. This character of work for long hours is deleterious to a child, as are the employments in many branches of the garment trade or other industries, which labor is so openly condemned by those who have been interested in anti-child labor movements." [177] For detailed particulars see that part of this work comprising "Great Fortunes from Public Franchises." [178] The acts here summarized are narrated specifically in Part III, "Great Fortunes from Railroads." CHAPTER X FURTHER VISTAS OF THE FIELD FORTUNE But if only to give at the outset a translucent example of Field's method's in the management of industrial corporations, it is well to advert here to the operations of one of his many properties--the Pullman Company, otherwise called the "Palace Car Trust." This is a necessary part of the exposition in order to bring out more of the methods by which Field was enabled to fling together his vast fortune. The artificial creation of the law called the corporation was so devised that it was comparatively easy for the men who controlled it to evade personal, moral, and often legal, responsibility for their acts. Governed as the corporation was by a body of directors, those acts became collective and not individual; if one of the directors were assailed he could plausibly take refuge in the claim that he was merely one of a number of controllers; that he could not be held specifically responsible. Thus the culpability was shifted, until it rested on the corporation, which was a bloodless thing, not a person. FIELD'S PULLMAN WORKS. In the case of the Pullman Co., however, much of the moral responsibility could be directly placed upon Field, inasmuch as he, although under cover, was virtually the dictator of that corporation. According to the inventory of the executors of his will, he owned 8,000 shares of Pullman stock, valued at $800,000. It was asserted (in 1901) that Field was the largest owner of Pullman stock. "In the popular mind," wrote a puffer, probably inspired by Field himself, "George M. Pullman has ever been deemed the dominant factor in that vast and profitable enterprise." This belief was declared an error, and the writer went on: "Field is, and for years has been, in almost absolute control. Pullman was little more than a figurehead. Such men as Robert T. Lincoln, the president of the company, and Norman B. Ream are but representatives of Marshall Field, whose name has never been identified with the property he so largely owns and controls." That fulsome writer, with the usual inaccuracies and turgid exaggerations of "popular writers," omitted to say that although Field was long the controlling figure in the management of the Pullman works, yet other powerful American multimillionaires, such as the Vanderbilts, had also become large stockholders. The Pullman Company, Moody states, employed in 1904, in all departments of its various factories at different places, nearly 20,000 employees, and controlled 85 per cent of the entire industry.[179] As at least a part of the methods of the company have been the subject of official investigation, certain facts are available. To give a brief survey, the Pullman Company was organized in 1867 to build sleeping cars of a feasible type officially patented by Pullman. In 1880 it bought five hundred acres of land near Chicago. Upon three hundred of these it built its plant, and proceeded, with much show and advertisement of benevolence, to build what is called a model town for the benefit of its workers. Brick tenements, churches, a library, and athletic grounds were the main features, with sundry miscellaneous accessories. This project was heralded far and wide as a notable achievement, a conspicuous example of the growing altruism of business. THE NATURE OF A MODEL TOWN. Time soon revealed the inner nature of the enterprise. The "model town," as was the case with imitative towns, proved to be a cunning device with two barbs. It militated to hold the workers to their jobs in a state of quasi serfdom, and it gave the company additional avenues of exploiting its workers beyond the ordinary and usual limits of wages and profits. In reality, it was one of the forerunners of an incoming feudalistic sway, without the advantages to the wage worker that the lowly possessed under medieval feudalism. It was also an apparent polished improvement, but nothing more, over the processes at the coal mines in Pennsylvania, Illinois and other States where the miners were paid the most meager wages, and were compelled to return those wages to the coal companies and bear an incubus of debt besides, by being forced to buy all of their goods and merchandise at company stores at extortionate rates. But where the coal companies did the thing boldly and crudely, the Pullman Company surrounded the exploitation with deceptive embellishments. The mechanism, although indirect, was simple. While, for instance, the cost of gas to the Pullman Company was only thirty-three cents a thousand feet, every worker living in the town of Pullman had to pay at the rate of $2.25 a thousand feet. If he desired to retain his job he could not avoid payment; the company owned the exclusive supply of gas and was the exclusive landlord. The company had him in a clamp from which he could not well escape. The workers were housed in ugly little pens, called cottages, built in tight rows, each having five rooms and "conveniences." For each of these cottages $18 rent a month was charged. The city of Chicago, the officials of which were but the mannikins or hirelings of the industrial magnates, generously supplied the Pullman Company with water at four cents a thousand gallons. For this same water the company charged its employees ten cents a thousand gallons, or about seventy-one cents a month. By this plan the company, in addition, obtained its water supply for practically nothing. Even for having shutters on the houses the workers were taxed fifty cents a month. These are some specimens of the company's many devious instrumentalities for enchaining and plundering its thousands of workers. In the panic year of 1893 the Pullman Company reduced wages one-fourth, yet the cost of rent, water, gas--of nearly all other fundamental necessities--remained the same. As the average yearly pay of at least 4,497 of the company's wage workers was little more than $600--or, to be exact, $613.86--this reduction, in a large number of cases, was equivalent to forcing these workers to yield up their labors for substantially nothing. Numerous witnesses testified before the special commission appointed later by President Cleveland, that at times their bi-weekly checks ran variously from four cents to one dollar. The company could not produce evidence to disprove this. These sums represented the company's indebtedness to them for their labor, after the company had deducted rent and other charges. Such manifold robberies aroused the bitterest resentment among the company's employees, since especially it was a matter of authentic knowledge, disclosed by the company's own reports, that the Pullman factories were making enormous profits. At this time, the Pullman workers were $70,000 in arrears to the company for rent alone. THE PULLMAN EMPLOYEES STRIKE. Finally plucking up courage--for it required a high degree of moral bravery to subject themselves and their families to the further want inevitably ensuing from a strike--the workers of the Pullman Company demanded a restoration of the old scale of wages. An arrogant refusal led to the declaration of a strike on May 11, 1894. This strike, and the greater strike following, were termed by Carroll D. Wright, for a time United States Commissioner of Labor, as "probably the most expensive and far-reaching labor controversy which can properly be classed among the historic controversies of this generation."[180] The American Railway Union, composed of the various grades of workers on a large number of railroads, declared a general sympathetic strike under the delegated leadership of Eugene V. Debs. The strike would perhaps have been successful had it not been that the entire powers of the National Government, and those of most of the States affected, were used roughshod to crush this mighty labor uprising. The whole newspaper press, with rare exceptions, spread the most glaring falsehoods about the strike and its management. Debs was personally and venomously assailed in vituperation that has had little equal. To put the strikers in the attitude of sowing violence, the railroad corporations deliberately instigated the burning or destruction of their own cars (they were cheap, worn-out freight cars), and everywhere had thugs and roughs as its emissaries to preach, and provoke, violence.[181] The object was threefold: to throw the onus upon the strikers of being a lawless body; to give the newspapers an opportunity of inveighing with terrific effect against the strikers, and to call upon the Government for armed troops to shoot down, overawe, or in other ways thwart, the strikers. Government was, in reality, directed by the railroad and other corporations. United States judges, at the behest of the railroad companies (which had caused them to be appointed to the Bench), issued extraordinary, unprecedented injunctions against the strikers. These injunctions even prevented the strikers from persuading fellow employees to quit work. So utterly lacking any basis in law had these injunctions that the Federal Commission reported: "It is seriously questioned, and with much force, whether the courts have jurisdiction to enjoin citizens from 'persuading' each other in industrial matters of common interest." But the injunctions were enforced. Debs and his comrades were convicted of contempt of court and, without jury trial, imprisoned at a critical juncture of the strike. And what was their offense? Nothing more than seeking to induce other workers to take up the cause of their striking fellow-workers. The judges constituted themselves as prosecuting attorney, judge and jury. Never had such high-handed judicial usurpation been witnessed. As a concluding stroke, President Cleveland ordered a detachment of the United States army to Chicago. The pretexts were that the strikers were interfering with interstate commerce and with the carrying of mails. VAST PROFITS AND LOW WAGES. That the company's profits were great at the identical time the workers were curtailed to a starvation basis, there can be no doubt. The general indignation and agitation caused by the summary proceedings during the strike, compelled President Cleveland to appoint a commission to investigate. Cleveland was a mediocre politician who, by a series of fortuitous circumstances, had risen from ward politics to the Presidency. After using the concentrated power of the Federal Government to break the strike, he then decided to "investigate" its merits. It was the shift and ruse of a typical politician. The Special Commission, while not selected of men who could in the remotest degree be accused of partiality toward the workers, brought out a volume of significant facts, and handed in a report marked by considerable and unexpected fairness. The report showed that the Pullman Company's capital had been increased from $1,000,000 in 1867 to $36,000,000 in 1894. "Its prosperity," the Commission reported, "has enabled the company for over twenty years to pay two per cent. quarterly dividends." But this eight per cent. annual dividend was not all. In certain years the dividends had ranged from nine and one half, to twelve, per cent. In addition, the Commission further reported, the company had laid by a reserve fund in the form of a surplus of $25,000,000 of profits which had not been divided. For the year ending July 31, 1893, the declared dividends were $2,520,000; the wages $7,223,719.51. During the next year, when wages were cut one-fourth, the stockholders divided an even greater amount in profits: $2,880,000. Wages went to 4,471,701.39.[182] If Field's revenue was so proportionately large from this one property--the Pullman works--it is evident that his total revenue from the large array of properties which he owned, or in which he held bonds or stock, was very great. It is probable that in the latter years of his life his annual net income was, at the very least, $5,000,000. This is an extremely conservative estimate. More likely it reached $10,000,000 a year. Computing the sum upon which the average of his workers had to live (to make a very liberal allowance) at $800 a year, this sum of $5,000,000 flowing in to him every year, without in the slightest trenching upon his principal, was equal to the entire amount that 6,250 of his employees earned by the skill of their brains and hands, and upon which they had to support themselves and their families. Here, then, was one individual who appropriated to his use as much as six thousand; men and more who laboriously performed service to the community. For that $5,000,000 a year Field had nothing to do in return except to worry over the personal or business uses to which his surplus revenues should be put; like a true industrial monarch he relieved himself of superfluous cares by hiring the ability to supervise and manage his properties for him. Such an avalanche of riches tumbled in upon him that, perforce, like the Astors, the Goelets and other multimillionaires, he was put constantly to the terrible extremity of seeking new fields for investment. Luxuriously live, as he did, it would have required a superior inventive capacity to have dissipated his full income. But, judging his life by that of some other multimillionaires, he lived modestly. Of medium height and spare figure, he was of rather unobtrusive appearance. In his last years his hair and mustache were white. His eyes were gray and cold; his expression one of determination and blandly assertive selfishness. His eulogists, however, have glowingly portrayed him as "generous, philanthropic and public-spirited." "A MODEL OF BUSINESS INTEGRITY." In fact, it was a point descanted upon with extraordinary emphasis during Field's lifetime and following his demise that, (to use the stock phrase which with wearying ceaselessness went the rounds of the press), he was "a business man of the best type." From this exceptional commentary it can be seen what was the current and rooted opinion of the character of business men in general. Field's rigorous exploitation of his tens of thousands of workers in his stores, in his Pullman factories, and elsewhere, was not a hermetically sealed secret; but this exploitation, no matter to what extremes to which it was carried, was an ordinary routine of prevailing business methods.[183] Of the virtual enslavement of the worker; of the robbing him of what he produced; of the drastic laws enforced against him; of the debasement of men, women and children--of all of these facts the organs of public expression, the politicians and the clergy, with few exceptions, said nothing. Everywhere, except in obscure quarters of despised workingmen's meetings, or in the writings or speeches of a few intellectual protestors, the dictum was proclaimed and instilled that conditions were just and good. In a thousand disingenuous ways, backed by nimble sophistry, the whole ruling class, with its clouds of retainers, turned out either an increasing flood of praise of these conditions, or masses of misinforming matter which tended to reconcile or blind the victim to his pitiful drudgery. The masters of industry, who reaped fabulous riches from such a system, were covered with slavish adulation, and were represented in flowery, grandiloquent phrases as indispensable men, without whom the industrial system of the country could not be carried on. Nay, even more: while being plundered and ever anew plundered of the fruits of their labor, the workers were told, (as they are increasingly being told), that they should honor the magnates and be thankful to them for providing work. HE STEALS MILLIONS IN TAXES. Marshall Field, as we have said, was heralded far and wide as an unusually honest business man, the implication being that every cent of his fortune was made fairly and squarely. Those fawners to wealth, and they were many, who persisted in acclaiming his business methods as proper and honorable, were grievously at a loss for an explanation when his will was probated, and it was found that even under the existing laws, favorable as they were to wealth, he had been nothing more than a common perjurer and a cheat. It was too true, alas! This man "of strict probity" had to be catalogued with the rest of his class. For many years he had insisted on paying taxes on personal property on a valuation of not more than $2,500,000; and the pious old shopkeeper had repeatedly threatened, in case the board of assessors should raise his assessment, that he would forthwith bundle off his domicile from Chicago, and reside in a place where assessors refrain from too much curiosity as to one's belongings. But lo! when the schedule of his property was filed in court, it was disclosed that for many years he had owned at least $17,500,000 of taxable personal property subject to the laws of the State of Illinois. Thus was another idol cruelly shattered; for the aforesaid fawners had never tired of exulting elaborately upon the theme of Field's success, and how it was due to his absolute integrity and pure, undented character. At another time the facts of his thefts of taxes might have been suppressed or toned down. But at this particular juncture Chicago happened to have a certain corporation counsel who, while mildly infected with conventional views, was not a truckler to wealth. Suit was brought in behalf of the city for recovery of $1,730,000 back taxes. So clear was the case that the trustees of Field's estate decided to compromise. On March 2, 1908, they delivered to John R. Thompson, treasurer of Cook County, a check for one million dollars. If the compound interest for the whole series of years during which Field cheated in taxation were added to the $1,730,000, it would probably be found that the total amount of his frauds had reached fully three million dollars. The chorus of astonishment that ascended when these facts were divulged was an edifying display. He who did not know that the entire propertied class made a regular profession of perjury and fraud in order to cheat the public treasury out of taxes, was either deliciously innocent or singularly uninformed. Year after year a host of municipal and State officials throughout the United States issued reports showing this widespread condition. Yet aside from their verbose complainings, which served political purpose in giving an air of official vigilance, the authorities did nothing. PERJURY AND CHEATING COMMON. As a matter of fact, the evasion of taxes by the Pullman Company had been a public scandal for many years. John P. Altgeld, Governor of Illinois in 1893-95, frequently referred to it in his speeches and public papers. Field, then, not only personally cheated the public treasury out of millions, but also the corporations which he controlled did likewise. The propertied class everywhere did the same. The unusually thorough report of the Illinois Labor Bureau of 1894 demonstrated how the most valuable land and buildings in Chicago were assessed at the merest fraction of their true value--the costliest commercial buildings at about one-tenth, and the richest residences at about one-fourteenth, of their actual value. As for personal property it contributed a negligible amount in taxes.[184] The reports of the tax committee of the Boston Executive Business Association in 1891 estimated that two billion dollars of property in Boston escaped taxation, and that the public treasury was cheated out of about $17,000,000 in taxes every year. As for New York City, we have seen how the Astors, the Schermerhorns, the Goelets--the whole aggregate of the propertied class--systematically defrauded in taxes for many decades. It is estimated that in New York City, at present, not less than five billion dollars of property, real and personal, entirely escapes taxation. This estimate is a conservative one. Spahr, after an exhaustive investigation in the United States concluded more than a decade ago that, "the wealthy class pay less than one-tenth of the indirect taxes, the well-to-do less than one-quarter, and the relatively poorer classes more than two-thirds."[185] What Spahr omitted was this highly important qualification: When the rich do pay. Tenants of the property owners must pay their rent on time or suffer eviction, but the capitalists are allowed to take their own leisurely time in paying such portion of their taxes as remains after the bulk of the tax list has been perjured away. Thus in a report he made public on February 28, 1908, Controller Metz, of New York City, pointed out that the huge amount of $102,834,227, was due the city in uncollected taxes, much of which amount ran several decades back. Of this sum $29,816,513 was owed on real estate, on which the taxes were a direct lien. The beauties of law as made and enforced by the property interests, are herein illustriously exemplified. A poor tenant can be instantly dispossessed, whether sick or in destitution, for non-payment of rent; the landowner is allowed by officials who represent, and defer to him and his class, to owe large amounts in taxes for long periods, and not a move is taken to dispossess him. And now by the most natural gradation, we come to those much bepraised acts of our multimillionaires--the seignorial donating of millions to "charitable" or "public-spirited" purposes. Like the Astors, the Schermerhorns, the Rhinelanders and a galaxy of others, Field diffused large sums; he, like them, was overwhelmed with panegyrics. Millions Field gave toward the founding and sustaining of the Field Columbian Museum in Chicago, and to the University of Chicago. It may be parenthetically added that, (to repeat), he owned, adjacent to this latter institution, many blocks of land the increased value of which, after the establishment of the University, more than recouped him for his gifts. This might have been either accidental or it might have been cold calculation; judging from Field's consistent methods, it was probably not chance. So composite, however, is the human character, so crossed and seamed by conflicting influences, that at no time is it easy to draw any absolute line between motives. Merely because he exploited his employees mercilessly, and cheated the public treasury out of millions of dollars, it does not necessarily follow that Field was utterly deficient in redeeming traits. As business is conducted, it is well known that many successful men (financially), who practice the most cruel and oppressive methods, are, outside the realm of strict business transactions, expansively generous and kind. In business they are beasts of prey, because under the private property system, competition, whether between small or large concerns, is reduced to a cutthroat struggle, and those who are in the contest must abide by its desperate rules. They must let no sympathy or tenderness interpose in their business dealings, else they are lost. But without entering into a further philosophical disquisition, this fact must be noted: The amounts that Field gave for "philanthropy" were about identical with the sums out of which he defrauded Chicago in the one item of taxes alone. Probed into, it is seen that a great part of the sums that multimillionaires have given, represent but a tithe of the sums cheated by them in taxes. William C. Schermerhorn donates $300,000 to Columbia University; the aggregate amount that he defrauded in taxes was much more. Thus do our magnates supply themselves with present and posthumous fame gratuitously. Not to consider the far greater and incalculably more comprehensive question of their appropriating the resources of the country and the labor of hundreds of millions of people,[186] and centering attention upon this one concrete instance of frauds in taxes, the situation presented is an incongruous one. Money belonging to the public treasury they retain by fraud; this money, apparently a part of their "honestly acquired" fortune, is given in some form of philanthropy; and then by some curious oversetting of even conventional standards, they reap blessings and glory for giving what are really stolen funds. "Those who enjoy his confidence," wrote an effervescent eulogist of Field, "predict that the bulk of his vast fortune will be devoted to purposes of public utility." But this prediction did not materialize. $140,000,000 TO TWO BOYS. Field's fortune, conservatively estimated at $100,000,000, yet, in fact, reaching about $140,000,000, was largely bequeathed to his two grandsons, Marshall Field III., and Henry Field. Marshall Field, as did many other multimillionaires of his period, welded his fortune into a compact and vested institution. It ceased to be a personal attribute, and became a thing, an inert mass of money, a corporate entity. This he did by creating, by the terms of his will, a trust of his fortune for the two boys. The provisions of the will set forth that $72,000,000 was to set aside in trust for Marshall III., until the year 1954. At the expiration of that period it, together with its accumulation, was to be turned over to him. To the other grandson, Henry, $48,000,000 was bequeathed under the same conditions. These sums are not in money, although at all times Field had a snug sum of cash stowed away; when he died he had about $4,500,000 in banks. The fortune that he left was principally in the form of real estate and bonds and stocks. These constituted a far more effective cumulative agency than money. They were, and are, inexorable mortgages on the labor of millions of workers, men, women and children, of all occupations. By this simple screed, called a will, embodying one man's capricious indulgence, these boys, utterly incompetent even to grasp the magnitude of the fortune owned by them, and incapable of exercising the glimmerings of management, were given legal, binding power over a mass of people for generations. Patterson says that in the Field stores and Pullman factories fifty thousand people work for these boys.[187] But these are the direct employees; as we have seen, Field owned bonds and stock in more than one hundred and fifty industrial, railroad, mining and other corporations. The workers of all these toil for the Field boys. They delve in mines, and risk accident, disease and death, or suffer an abjectly lingering life of impoverishment. Thousands of coal miners are killed every year, and many thousands more are injured, in order that two boys and others of their class may draw huge profits.[188] More than 10,000 persons are killed, and 97,000 injured, every year on the railroads, so that the income enjoyed by these lads and others shall not diminish. Nearly all of these casualties are due to economizing in expense, working employees to an extreme fatiguing limit, and refusing to provide proper safety appliances. Millions more workers drudge in rolling mills, railroad shops and factories; they wear out their lives on farms, in packing houses and stores. For what? Why, foolish questioner, for the rudiments of an existence; do you not know that the world's dispossessed must pay heavily for the privilege of living? As these lads hold, either wholly or partly, the titles to all this inherited property; in plain words, to a formidable part of the machinery of business, the millions of workers must sweat and bend the back, and pile up a ceaseless flow of riches for them. [Illustration: MARSHAL FIELD III. and HENRY FIELD. The Boys Who Inherited $140,000,000.] Marshall Field III., still in knickerbockers, receives $60,000 a week; his brother Henry, $40,000 a week. The sum in both cases automatically increases as the interest on the principal compounds. What do many of the workers who supply this revenue get? Patterson gives this authentic list of wages: Pullman Company blacksmiths, $16.43 a week; boiler-makers, $17; carpenters, $12.38; machinists, $16.65; painters, $13.60, and laborers, $9.90 a week. As for the lower wages paid to the workers in the Field stores, we have already given them. And apart from the exploitation of employees, every person in Chicago who rides on the street or elevated railroads, and who uses gas, electricity or telephones, must pay direct tribute to these lads. How decayed monarchial establishments are in these days! Kings mostly must depend upon Parliaments for their civil lists of expenditure; but Capitalism does not have to ask leave of anybody; it appropriates what it wants. This is the status of the Field fortune now. Let the Field striplings bless their destiny that they live in no medieval age, when each baron had to defend his possessions by his strong right arm successfully, or be compelled to relinquish. This age is one when Little Lord Fauntleroys can own armies of profit producers, without being distracted from their toys. Whatever defense is needed is supplied by society, with its governments and its judges, its superserviceable band of lawyers, and its armed forces. Two delicate children are upheld in enormous possessions and vast power, while millions of fellow beings are suffered to remain in destitution. FOOTNOTES: [179] "The Truth About the Trusts":266-267. [180] "Industrial Evolution of the United States," 313. [181] Parsons, "The Railways, the Trusts and the People":196. Also, Report of Chicago Chief of Police for 1894. This was a customary practice of railroad, industrial and mining capitalists. Further facts are brought out in other parts of this work. [182] "Report on the Chicago Strike of June and July, 1894," by the United States Strike Commissioners, 1895.--Throughout all subsequent years, and at present, the Pullman Company has continued charging the public exorbitant rates for the use of its cars. Numerous bills have been introduced in various legislatures to compel the company to reduce its rates. The company has squelched these measures. Its consistent policy is well known of paying its porters and conductors such poor wages that the 15,000,000 passengers who ride in Pullman cars every year are virtually obliged to make up the deficiency by tips. [183] Sweeping as this statement may impress the uninitiated, it is entirely within the facts. As one of many indisputable confirmations it is only necessary to refer to the extended debate over child labor in the United States Senate on January 23, 28, and 29, 1907, in which it was conclusively shown that more than half a million children under fifteen years of age were employed in factories, mines and sweatshops. It was also brought out how the owners of these properties bitterly resisted the passage or enforcement of restrictive laws. [184] Eighth Biennial Report of the Illinois Bureau of Labor Statistics, 1894. The report, made public in August, 1909, of the Illinois Tax Reform League's investigation of the Chicago Board of Review's assessments, showed that these frauds in evading taxation not only continue, but on a much greater scale than ever before. The Illinois Tax Reform League asserted, among other statements, that Edward Morris, head of a large packing company, was not assessed on personal property, whereas he owned $43,000,000 worth of securities, which the League specified. The League called upon the Board of Review to assess J. Ogden Armour, one of the chiefs of the Beef Trust, on $30,840,000 of personal property. Armour was being yearly assessed on only $200,000 of personal property. These are two of the many instances given in the report in question. It is estimated (in 1909), that back taxes on at least a billion dollars of assessable corporate capital stock, are due the city from a multitude of individuals and corporations. [185] "The Present Distribution of Wealth in the United States":143. [186] "Hundreds of millions of people." Not only are the 85,000,000 people of the United States compelled to render tribute, but the peoples of other countries all over the globe. [187] "Marshall Field's Will" by Joseph Medill Patterson. Reprinted in pamphlet form from "Collier's Weekly." [188] The number of men killed per 100,000 employed has increased from 267 a year in 1895 to about 355 at present. (See report of J. A. Holmes, chief of the technological branch of the United States Geological Survey.) The chief reason for this slaughter is because it is more profitable to hire cheap, inexperienced men, and not surround the work with proper safeguards. END OF VOL. I. (The index for Volumes I, II, and III will be found in Vol. III.) 
47264	----	generously made available by Internet Archive (https://archive.org) Note: Project Gutenberg also has an HTML version of this file which includes the original illustrations. See 47264-h.htm or 47264-h.zip: (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/47264/47264-h/47264-h.htm) or (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/47264/47264-h.zip) Images of the original pages are available through Internet Archive. See https://archive.org/details/argentinerepubli00deniuoft Transcriber's note: Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_). A carat character is used to denote superscription. Characters enclosed by curly braces following the carat are superscripted (example: 2^{nd}). A transcriber's note follows the text. THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC +----------------------------------------------+ | _BY PIERRE DENIS_ | | | | BRAZIL | | | | Translated, and with an Historical | | Chapter by BERNARD MIALL. | | With a Supplementary Chapter | | by DAWSON A. VINDIN, | | a Map and 36 Illustrations | | | | _Cloth, 15/- net. Third Impression_ | | | | | | "Altogether the book is full of information, | | which shows the author to have | | made a most careful study of the | | country."--_Westminster Gazette._ | | | | T. Fisher Unwin Ltd London | +----------------------------------------------+ [Illustration: THE FALLS OF THE YGUASSU. _Thirteen miles above the confluence with the Paraná. Like the Paraná at the Salto Guayra, the river cuts through a layer of basalt intercalated in the red sandstone. The forest of the province of Misiones has a tropical character near the river. The araucarias cover only the higher parts of the tableland._ PLATE I. Frontispiece.] THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC Its Development and Progress by PIERRE DENIS, D. ES L. Agrégé d'Histoire et de Géographie Translated by Joseph McCabe T. Fisher Unwin Ltd London: Adelphi Terrace First published in English in 1922 (All rights reserved) INTRODUCTION In the following chapters I have endeavoured to indicate the essential aspects of colonization in modern Argentina: the conquest of the soil by man, the exploitation of its natural resources, the development of agriculture and cattle-breeding, and the growth of the population and enlargement of the urban centres. For a new country like Argentina it is not convenient to adopt the strictly regional plan which seems to be the best means of giving a complete and methodical description of the historic countries of western Europe, where it is the only way to keep in close touch with the geographical facts. In western Europe each region is really an independent unity. It has for ages lived upon its own resources; each population-group has its horizon definitely limited; and the complex action of the environment upon man, and of man upon the country, has proceeded in each district rather on the lines of an isolated and impassioned dialogue between the two. It is quite different in Argentina. There, many of the facts which we have to record consist in an expansion of the population, a spread of methods of exploitation from zone to zone of the country, and the influence upon colonization of commerce and of the varying needs of the markets of the world. It may be well to reply in advance to a criticism which my Argentine friends are sure to make. They will complain that I have paid no attention to the people of Argentina, the creators of the greatness of the country. It is true that I have deliberately refrained from any reference to the political and moral life of the Republic, the national character and its evolution, the stoicism of the gaucho, the industry of the colonist and the merchant, or the patriotism of the Argentinians generally. My work is not a study of the Argentine nation, but a geographical introduction to such a study. I began the work during a stay in Argentina which lasted from April 1912 to August 1914. In the course of these two years I was able to visit most parts of the country; and, as the information I gathered during my travels is one of my chief sources, I give here a summary of my itineraries. _October-November 1912_: Rosario--Region of the colonies of Santa Fé--Forestry-industries of the Chaco Santiagueño--Bañados of the Rio Dulce--Salta--Jujuy--Sierra de la Lumbrera. _November-December 1912_: Tucumán--Valley of Tapi--Santa Maria to the west of Aconcagua--Cafayate (Valley of Calchaqui). _December 1912-January 1913_: Catamarca--Andalgala--Valley of Pucara--Córdoba--Villa Maria. _January-February 1913_: Region of the Pampas (Province of Buenos Aires, south of Córdoba and of S. Luis, district of the Central Pampa). _March 1913_: Corrientes--Posadas--Asunción--Forest-industries of the Chaco of Santa Fé. _August 1913_: Region of the Pampas (Province of Buenos Aires). _March 1914_: Lake Nahuel Huapi--Valcheta--San Antonio--The Rio Negro. _April 1914_: Rioja--Sierra de los Llanos--San Juan--Mendoza. _July 1914_: Entre Rios. These journeys, by rail or on well-known roads, were not supposed to be for the purpose of exploration or discovery. Their one object was to enable me to make a provisional classification of the chief types of country and forms of colonization, and to draw up a methodical programme for more thorough research. The work which I trusted to do in a more leisurely way was, however, suspended in 1914, and, in spite of my very strong desire to do so, I was unable to resume it on the spot in 1919. I have therefore been compelled to publish my first observations, completing them, as well as I could, by a bibliographical study of the country. I have made use of some fragments of a popular work which I began, at the request of the Argentine Commission, for the International Exhibition at San Francisco, of which several chapters were published in my absence by the University of Tucumán (Pierre Denis, _Modern Argentina: Chapters of Economic Geography_. Publications of the University during the Centenary of the Congress of Tucumán of 1816. Buenos Aires, 1916).[1] [1] I take the opportunity to thank M. J. B. Teran, who undertook to edit these chapters, and to express, with him, my satisfaction that events have falsified his rather pessimistic predictions as regards the author. My knowledge of the publications on Argentina has two conspicuous gaps. The first is deliberate. I declined to study at second hand the documents and chronicles which are our sources, to the end of the eighteenth century, for the history of the various provinces that were to form Argentina. Hence the historical data on colonization which will be found in the following chapters relate almost entirely to the nineteenth century. The second gap I was, to my great disappointment, unable to fill up. A large part of the local publications--official or other--maps, statistics, etc., never reached Europe, and Buenos Aires is the only place where one can make a thorough study of them. These publications were available to me until 1914. Since then I have been restricted to the resources of the Paris and London libraries, which are very scanty; and less has been sent from Argentina since the war. I have not the complete statistics up to date. I trust, however, that this picture of Argentina has much more than a retrospective character; that it is not out of date before it is published. I may add that no statistics would enable one to solve the problem which Argentina in 1920 presents to an observer. Has the European War merely retarded the economic evolution of the country, or has it given that evolution a new direction? Will or will not the relations which Argentina is now resuming with the rest of the world be of the same character as the pre-war relations? The effects of the war upon the life of the country must not all be put on the same footing. That some of the exporters to Argentina have gained by the war and others lost--that the share of the United States, and even of Japan, has greatly increased--is a fact that may be regarded from the Argentinian point of view as of secondary importance. The war has, moreover, had the effect of disorganizing marine transport and bringing about a sort of relative isolation which is not yet quite over. The reduction in the imports of English coal has made the petroleum wells of Rivadavia of greater value to the country. It has compelled the Argentinians to make a hurried inventory of their natural resources in the way of fuel. Local industries have tried to meet the needs of the Argentinian market, where they had no longer to bear the competition of European goods. The grave disturbance of prices has enabled them to export certain products which had hitherto been confined to home markets. The war has, moreover, not interfered with the existing streams of export on a large scale from Argentina. The Republic continues to send its cereals, meat, hides and wool to Europe; and there is no reason to suppose that the competition of buyers is likely to diminish, or that the cultivation of wheat and lucerne must become less profitable. The two essential effects of the war seem to have been the stopping of the stream of immigration and the progressive reduction of the support which Europe gave to the work of colonization in the form of advances of capital. From 1914 to 1918 only 272,000 immigrants landed at Buenos Aires, while 482,000 emigrants left the country. In 1918 the figure of immigration and emigration was only 47,000, less than a tenth of what it was in a normal year before the war. The withdrawal of European capital was felt from the very beginning of the war, and it has gone on uninterruptedly, capital from North America not being enough to supply the deficiency entirely. At the same time the extraordinarily favourable balance of trade has led to the storing of an ample reserve of capital in the country. Argentina has, in a very short time, won a financial independence which, in normal conditions, would have entailed long years of work and prosperity. However it may seem, these two facts--the interruption of immigration and the accumulation of capital--cannot be considered independently of each other. The inquiry opened by the Social Museum of Argentina (_La inmigración después de la guerra_, Museo Social Argentino, "Bol. Mensual," viii, 1919, nos. 85-90) show that a speedy restoration of immigration is expected in the Republic. Certainly it seems clear that the political and social insecurity in Europe, the misery of the old world, will probably enhance the attractions of Argentina. We must remember, however, that the stream of emigration from Europe to the Republic in the nineteenth, and the beginning of the twentieth, century was provoked by a complex combination of economic conditions which were closely related to each other. High wages in Argentina were connected with the high interest on money; that is to say, in other words, with the scarcity of capital. The future will decide whether immigration, and the rapid progress of colonization and production, which characterize pre-war Argentina can be adjusted to the policy of accumulation of capital to which the war has condemned the country. CONTENTS PAGE INTRODUCTION 5 CHAPTER I THE NATURAL REGIONS OF ARGENTINA 17 The physical environment--Colonization and the natural regions--The struggle with the Indians--Argentine unity--Argentina and the world. CHAPTER II THE OASES OF THE NORTH-WEST 36 The inhabited zones of the Andes in the north-west--_Valles_, _Quebradas_, _Puna_--The irrigation of the _valles_--The historic routes--Convoys of stock--The breeding of mules and the fairs--The struggle of the breeders against drought--The Sierra de los Llanos. CHAPTER III TUCUMÁN AND MENDOZA 68 Tucumán and the road to Chile--The climate and the cultivation of the sugar-cane--The problem of manual labour--Irrigation at Mendoza--Water-rights--Viticulture--Protection and the natural conditions. CHAPTER IV THE EXPLOITATION OF THE FORESTS 96 Manual labour on the _obrajes_--The land of the _bañados_ and the agricultural cantons of Corrientes--The timber-yards of the Chaco and the tannic-acid works of the Paraná--The exploitation of the _maté_--The forestry industry and colonization. CHAPTER V PATAGONIA AND SHEEP-REARING 119 The arid tableland and the region of glacial lakes--The first settlements on the Patagonian coast and the indigenous population--Extensive breeding--The use of pasture on the lands of the Rio Negro--Transhumation. CHAPTER VI THE PLAIN OF THE PAMPAS 161 The limits of the prairie--The rains--The wind and the formation of the clay of the Pampas--The wind and the contour--The zones of colonization on the Pampas--Hunting wild cattle and primitive breeding--The sheep-farms--The ranches--The region of "colonies"--The region of lucerne, maize, and wheat--The combination of agriculture and breeding--The economic mechanism of colonization--The exchanges between the different zones of the Pampas. CHAPTER VII ROADS AND RAILWAYS 209 Roads on the plain--The salt road--The "trade route"--Transport by ox-waggons--_Arrieros_ and _Troperos_--Railways and colonization--The trade in cereals--Home traffic and the reorganization of the system. CHAPTER VIII THE RIVER-ROUTES 234 The use of the river before steam navigation--Floods--The river plain--The bed of the Paraná and its changes--The estuary and its shoals--Maritime navigation--The boats on the Paraná. CHAPTER IX THE POPULATION 260 The distribution of the population--The streams of emigration to the interior--Seasonal migrations--The historic towns--The towns of the Pampean region--Buenos Aires. BIBLIOGRAPHY 277 INDEX 291 ILLUSTRATIONS PLATE I. THE FALLS OF THE YGUASSU _Frontispiece_ FACING PAGE II. THE ARID ANDES-- PUNTA VACAS, ON THE TRANS-ANDEAN RAILWAY 22 QUEBRADA DE IRUYA 22 III. THE PATAGONIAN ANDES 38 IV. VEGETATION OF THE INTERIOR VALLEYS (ANDES OF THE NORTH-WEST) 48 FOREST ON THE OUTER SLOPE OF THE SUB-ANDEAN CHAINS 48 V. DRY SCRUB OF THE CENTRAL CHACO 58 MARSHES (ESTEROS OR CAÑADAS) OF THE EASTERN CHACO 58 VI. THE _VALLE_ OF SANTA MARIA, NORTH-WEST OF MOUNT ACONCAGUA 70 THE OASIS OF ANDALGALA 70 VII. THE OASIS DEL RINCON, BELOW SAUJIL (ANDALGALA LINE, PROVINCE OF CATAMARCA) 82 THE MONTE AT EL YESO 82 VIII. A VINEYARD AT SAN JUAN 92 A VINEYARD AT MENDOZA 92 IX. THE LAND OF THE BAÑADOS 100 LORETO: FARMING BY INUNDATION 100 X. LORETO: THE RIO PINTO IN THE DRY SEASON 112 LA BANDA (SANTIAGO DEL ESTERO) 112 XI. QUEBRACHO TRUNKS LYING AT THE STATIONS 116 XII. YOKE OF CREOLE OXEN USED FOR THE TRANSPORT OF TIMBER ON THE EASTERN CHACO, OR CHACO OF SANTA FÉ 128 WORKS AT TARTAGAL (EASTERN CHACO) FOR MAKING TANNIC ACID 128 XIII. THE VOLCANO PUNTIAGUDO 142 CERCAS ON THE LIMAY (RISING IN LAKE NAHUEL HUAPI), NEAR THE CONFLUENCE OF THE TRAFUL 142 XIV. THE PATAGONIAN TABLELAND (NEUQUEN) 154 XV. THE PAMPEAN PLAIN-- TRES ARROYES (BUENOS AIRES PRAIRIE BETWEEN THE SIERRA DE TANDIL AND THE SIERRA DE LA VENTANA) 166 TOAY, ON THE CENTRAL PAMPA (590 FEET) 166 XVI. THE PAMPEAN PLAIN-- THE RIO BAMBA (IN THE SOUTH OF THE CÓRDOBA PROVINCE, 500 FEET ABOVE SEA-LEVEL) 182 BUENA ESPERANZA (SAN LUIS PROVINCE, 1,166 FEET ELEVATION) 182 XVII. THE PAMPEAN PLAIN-- BUENA ESPERANZA (SAN LUIS PROVINCE) 194 JUNIN (150 MILES WEST OF BUENOS AIRES, 330 FEET ELEVATION) 194 XVIII. AN OX WAGON 210 THE MAIL COACH 210 XIX. THRESHING ON THE PAMPA 220 SACKS OF WHEAT READY FOR LOADING ON THE RAILWAY 220 XX. CONFLUENCE OF THE YGUASSU AND THE PARANÁ 236 XXI. THE PARANÁ AT CORRIENTES 244 THE BARRANCA AT PARANÁ (ENTRE RIOS), LEFT BANK 244 XXII. THE PARANÁ ABOVE THE ESTUARY 250 XXIII. THE OLDER INDUSTRIES OF THE PAMPA-- DRYING HIDES 262 DRYING SALT MEAT 262 XXIV. A HERD OF CREOLE CATTLE 268 A HERD OF DURHAM CATTLE 268 MAPS I. ARGENTINA: THE NATURAL REGIONS 28 II. IRRIGATION IN THE WEST AND NORTH-WEST OF ARGENTINA 52 III. THE CATTLE-BREEDING AREAS 188 IV. DENSITY OF THE MAIZE CROP 198 V. DENSITY OF THE WHEAT CROP 200 VI. THE RAILWAYS 226 VII. ESTUARY OF THE RIO DE LA PLATA 254 The Argentine Republic CHAPTER I THE NATURAL REGIONS OF ARGENTINA The physical environment--Colonization and the natural regions--The struggle with the Indians--Argentine unity--Argentina and the world. The South-American continent is divided, from west to east, into three great zones. The lofty chains of the Andes stretch along the Pacific coast; at the foot of these are immense alluvial tablelands; further east are the level plains of the Atlantic coast. The eastern zone, the tablelands, ends southward at the mouth of the Rio de la Plata. It enters Argentine territory only in the north-east corner of the province of Misiones. Below 35° S. lat. the alluvial plains open freely upon the ocean. The position of Buenos Aires, in the threshold of the plain of the Pampas, is somewhat like that of Chicago at the beginning of the prairies; if you imagine the north-eastern States and eastern Canada struck off the map, and the sea penetrating inland as far as the Lakes. The three essential aspects of Argentine scenery are mountain, plain, and river. The Paraná, indeed, is a whole natural region in itself, with its arms and its islands, and the ever-changing low plain over which its floods spread, as one sees it from the top of the clay _barrancas_ (cliffs); though it is so broad that one cannot see the opposite bank. It wanders over the plain like a foreigner, an emissary from tropical America; for it has a flora of its own and tepid waters which often cause a fog over the estuary where they mingle with the waters of the sea. From the general mass of the Argentine plains, we must set apart the region between the Paraná and the Uruguay, which Argentinians call "Mesopotamia." While æolian clays form the soil of the Pampa on the right bank of the Paraná, fluvial deposits--sands and gravel, in which it is impossible to distinguish the contribution of the Uruguay from that of the Paraná--cover a great part of Mesopotamia. The earlier beds of the rivers may be traced here, not only by the alluvial deposits they have left, but by the lagoons which still mark their course. Running waters have shaped the landscape and scooped out a system of secondary valleys, and these reflect the history of the river itself and the variations of base-level which led to alternate periods of erosion and deposit. On the right bank, on the contrary, the Paraná has no tributaries of any importance except at the extreme north of the country. The scarcity of running water is, in fact, one of the characteristic features of the plain of the Pampas. Except in the east, along the Paraná, where a network of permanent streams develops on a comparatively impermeable and fairly humid soil, and except at the foot of the mountains, where irregular torrents and streams, swollen after a storm and scanty in the dry season, disappear, as a rule, within sight of the hills that gave them birth, there is no superficial organized drainage. As a whole, the alluvial covering of the Pampas, the upper beds of which are cut through by the _barranca_ of the Paraná, is not of river origin; it was brought and distributed by the wind, which took the place of running water. The clay of the Pampas is a present from the winds. The increasing dryness of the climate toward the west, as one approaches the Cordillera, explains the feebleness of the erosion by water and the extent of the erosion by wind. It is aridity, too, that gives their particular character to the Argentine Andes. They have little trace of perpetual snow, the lower limit of which approaches to within about four miles of the Bolivian frontier. There are no glaciers there; they reappear in the south only in the latitude of San Juan and Mendoza, on the flanks of the three giants of the southern Cordillera, Mercedario, Aconcagua, and Tupungato. Below the small number of steep furrows which the glaciers have carved, and usually up to the top of the mountain, there spreads what has been called, very expressively, "the zone of rubbish." In this the winter's snows, fretted by the sun in that clear atmosphere, form those multitudes of narrow pyramids which the Argentinians compare to processions of white-robed pilgrims. The underlying rock is rarely visible. It is covered with a thick cloak of rubbish, split off by the frost, which the slow-moving waters released by the melting of the snows heap up at the foot of the slopes, at the bottom of depressions. The half-buried summits are succeeded by basins of accumulation. In the valleys round the mountains there are immense beds of detritic, half-rounded shingle. The torrents have cut their way through the alluvial mass, and they flow at the foot of high terraces which mark the sites of former valleys. The spread of colonization toward the south during the last generation has extended Argentine territory beyond the limits of these classic scenes. The Patagonian Andes differ profoundly from the Northern Andes; and the change is not more sudden than that of the climate, to which it is due. Going toward the south, one passes, almost without a break, from the Atlas Mountains to Scandinavia. The moisture increases in proportion as the mean temperature falls. The mountains are covered with snow, and the glaciers lengthen. In one part of Patagonia they still form a continuous cap, an "inland sea," concealing the rock over the entire central zone of the Cordillera; though they are only the shrunken remainder of a glacial cap which was once far more extensive. Here ice was the chief sculptor of the scenery. It has made elevated tablelands, broadened the deep valleys which cut the flank of the mountain, polished their sides, and deposited at the point where they open out the amphitheatres of the moraines, behind which the waters have accumulated and formed lakes; and these lakes stretch back like fiords to the heart of the Cordillera, and are the pride of Patagonia. The waters of these moisture-laden mountains have, to the east, carved out the Patagonian tableland. It is crossed by broad and boldly cut valleys, several of which, abandoned by the rivers which scoured them, are now dead valleys. The rubbish from the wearing down of the mountains and the glacial moraine has been spread over the whole face of the tableland in the form of beds of gravel. But the rivers that rise in the Andes cross a country of increasing aridity as they descend eastward. There is no tributary to add to their volume. There is none of that softening of lines, of that idle flow of a meandering stream which characterizes the final stage of a river in a moist district. Their inclination remains steep, and their waters continue to plough up coarse sediment; and everywhere, up to the fringes of the valleys, the fluting of the sandstone and steepness of the cliffs bear witness, like the edges of the _hamadas_ of the Sahara, to some other form of erosion than that effected by running water--the influence on the country of the westerly winds. On the tableland the wind polishes the rounded pebbles, makes facets on them, and gives them the colouring of the desert. Thus from the north to the south of Argentina there is a complete contrast in the way in which the controlling forces of the landscape are distributed. In the north the moist winds come from the east; the rains lessen as they pass westward. The clays, capped with black soil, of Buenos Aires are æolian deposits, brought by the wind from the desolate steppes which close the Pampa to the west, fixed and transformed by the vegetation of a moister region. In the south, on the contrary, the rains come from the Pacific, and the fluvio-glacial alluvial beds of the Patagonian tableland are evidence of copious reserves of moisture in the Andes; but the arid climate in which the waters have left them has made its mark upon their surface. This diversity of the physical environment is only fully brought out by colonization. It is colonization, the efforts and attempts of human industry to adjust agricultural or pastoral practices to the natural conditions, which enable us to assign the limits of the natural regions. In this differentiation it is essential to notice the historical element. The introduction of new crops gives a geographical meaning, which had hitherto escaped observation, to climatological limits such, for instance, as the line of 400 millimetres of rainfall which is the western frontier of the region of cereals. These limits of crops remain uncertain for a time, then experience and tradition gradually fix them. They always keep a certain elasticity, however, advancing or receding according as the market for the particular produce is favourable or unfavourable. Improvement in the methods of exploiting the soil--the adoption of better agricultural machinery, dry farming, etc.--usually leads to the extension of the sphere of a particular type of colonization, as it enables this type to overcome some natural obstacle which restricted its expansion. Sometimes, however, it brings to light a new obstacle and creates a new geographical limit. To this category belongs the northern limit of the belt of selective breeding, which slants across the plain of the Pampas from the Sierra de Córdoba to the Paraná. The more or less degenerate cattle of the natives had spread over the whole of the South American continent, except the tropical forests, since the seventeenth century, adapting themselves easily to very different climatic conditions, from the Venezuelan _llanos_ to the _sertao_ of Bahía and the plains of Argentina. But pedigree animals, more valuable and more delicate, introduced on to the Pampas fifty years ago, are not able to resist the malady caused by a parasite called the _garrapate_. Hence the southern limit of the _garrapate_ suddenly became a most important element in the economic life of the Republic. It would lose its importance if we discovered a serum that would give the animals immunity against Texas fever. The range of one and the same cause varies infinitely with the circumstances. The limit of the prairie, as of the scrub (_monte_) which surrounds it on every side, and keeps it at a distance of 320 to 440 miles from Buenos Aires, had no decisive influence on primitive colonization. Whether covered with grasses or brushwood, the plain is equally suitable for extensive breeding. The ranches are the same on both sides of the border. At the end of the nineteenth century, however, when the area of cultivation increased, the prairie was at once found to be superior. The labour required for clearing the brushwood before the plough can work is enough to divert from it, at least for some time, the stream of agricultural colonization. While the population of the _monte_, wood-cutters and breeders, are indigenous, the prairie has absorbed the immigrants from Europe, and the border of the scrub has become in many places an ethnographical frontier.[2] [2] See E. A. S. Delachaux, "Las regiones físicas de la República Argentina," _Rev. Museo Plata_, XV, 1908, pp. 102-131. [Illustration: THE ARID ANDES. PUNTA VACAS, ON THE TRANS-ANDEAN RAILWAY. _The bottom of the valley is 8,000 feet above sea-level; the sides buried under rubbish. It is especially in this latitude, above a height of 10,600 feet, in the zone where the moisture falls as snow even in summer, that the rock is everywhere buried under its own rubbish. This is Keidel's_ Schuttzone. _It extends to the foot of the Alpine peaks, carved by glaciers._ Photograph by Moody, Buenos Aires.] [Illustration: QUEBRADA DE IRUYA. _Eastern slope of the Sierra de Santa Victoria, 65 miles from the Bolivian frontier, in the zone of summer rain. The valleys have been filled with an enormous mass of torrential alluvia. The water afterwards made a course through the mobile deposits._ Photograph by Keidel, Mines Division. PLATE II. To face p. 22.] The changes which man has made in the floral landscape are, as a rule, slight. The limits of the forest zone have scarcely been altered. The beech forest of the southern Andes seems to be less tenacious than the _monte_ which surrounds the Pampa, and it has been ravaged by fire along the whole edge of the southern steppe at 37° S. lat. The work of man is generally confined to changing the primitive complexion of the natural formations, without altering their general appearance. Thus valuable essences are disappearing from the forest and the scrub, the larch and the cypress from the district of the Patagonian Lakes, and the red _quebracho_ from Santiago del Estero. A change that is scarcely visible, but is of considerable economic importance, thus takes place in the vegetation of the prairie owing to the presence of herds. The _pasto fuerte_, composed of rough grasses, which is the natural vegetation, is being succeeded by the _pasto dulce_, in which annual species, soft grasses, leguminous plants, etc., predominate. It is mainly composed of plants of European origin. The difference between the _pasto dulce_ and the _pasto fuerte_ or _duro_ is so important for the farmer that there is hardly a single work on Argentina which does not dwell on it. The idea, however, that the _pasto dulce_ has advanced steadily westward, starting from the vicinity of Buenos Aires and constantly enlarging its domain, is not strictly accurate. In 1895 Holmberg[3] traced the western limit of the zone of the _pasto dulce_ through Pergamino, Junin, Bragado, Azul, Ayacucho, and Mar Chiquita. When we compare this with earlier observations, we see that in the course of the nineteenth century the zone of the _pasto dulce_ has extended by about a hundred miles on the southern Pampa. When Darwin travelled from Bahía Blanca to Buenos Aires in 1833, he found no _pasto dulce_ except round Monte, on the right bank of the Salado. Further north, on the other hand, the extent of the _pasto dulce_ does not seem to have altered appreciably. The expedition to the Salt Lakes in 1778 found that there were already thistles beyond the line of the ranches, and these are characteristic of the _pasto dulce_ in the Chivilcoy region on the Salado, which was then abandoned to herds of wild cattle. "There was thistle enough to cook," says the journal of the expedition. The difference is connected with the history of colonization in the province of Buenos Aires, where ground was gained only toward the south between 1800 and 1875. Since 1895 the _pasto duro_ has been eliminated by agriculture rather than by the feet of the herds. Hence the advance of the _pasto dulce_ is no longer in a continuous line moving toward the west. It is sporadic, depending upon the construction of new railways which open up the plain to the plough.[4] [3] Holmberg, "La Flora de la República Argentina," in the _Secundo Censo de la República Argentina_, vol. i. (Buenos Aires, 1898). [4] _Diario de la expedition de 1778 a las Salinas_ (Coll. de Angelis, iv.). Colonization does more than emphasize the individuality of each of the natural regions. It connects together different features, and blends them in a complex vital organism which goes on evolving and renewing itself. The occupation of the whole of the soil of Argentina by white colonists is quite a recent event. The second half of the nineteenth century was characterized by a rapid territorial expansion, and over more than half the country the expression "new land" must be taken literally. It is only one generation since it was taken from the Indians. There can be no question here of tracing the history of the relations between the white population and the free Indians of the Chaco and the Pampa. The most formidable of these were, in the north, the Abipones and the Tobas. On the Pampa, the foes of the colonists were Indians of Araucanian descent, Ranqueles, Pehuenches, etc., who came down from the mountains and took to horses. At the close of the eighteenth century the frontier of Buenos Aires was on the nearer side of the Salado, and was bordered on the south-east and north-west by the fortresses of Chascomus, Monte, Lobos, Navarro, Areco, Salto, Rojas, and Melincue. The proposal of D'Azara to extend it as far as the Salado was not carried out, and it was not until 1828 that there was a fresh advance westward.[5] [5] _F. de Azara, Diario de un reconocimiento de las guardias y fortines que guarnecen la linea frontera de Republica Argentina_ (1796, Coll. de Angelis, vol. vi.). The documents collected by de Angelis show clearly that there had been some idea in the middle of the eighteenth century of occupying the whole plain to the east of the Sierra de Tandil. These ideas of expansion, of which D'Azara's plan is another instance, were interrupted by the Revolution (_Diario de D. Pedro Pablo Pabon_, Coll. de Angelis, iv. etc.). The new frontier, which would not be altered until 1875, passed by Veinte Cinco de Mayo and Blanca Grande, at the north-western extremity of the Sierra de Tandil. It included the entire region which lies between the Sierra de Tandil and the lower Salado, where the village of Tandil had been established in 1823. In addition, a line of forts stretched from Blanca Grande in the south-west to Bahía Blanca. The expedition sent in search of a port south of the mouth of the Plata had not found any nearer site that was suitable. But Bahía Blanca was to remain an isolated advance post until 1880, sharply separated from both the colonized zone of the Pampas and the establishments on the Patagonian coast. While the cultivated area was thus growing toward the south, it was being reduced in the north of the province of Buenos Aires and the south of Córdoba. The lands of the lower Rio Cuarto were not occupied. About 1860 (Martin de Moussy) the farthest establishments in this sector were S. José de la Esquina and Saladillo on the Tercero. The road to Chile by the Rio Cuarto, Achiras, and San Luis was threatened. The advance of colonization in this zone was at first in the west to Villa Mercedes on the Rio Quinto. The line of the Rio Cuarto by Carlota was reoccupied, and before 1875 the frontier had been pushed back to the Rio Quinto, where it joined the forts of southern Buenos Aires by way of Sarmiento, Gainza, and Lavalle. At last, in 1878, General Roca abandoned the classical methods of fighting the Indians, and took the offensive. He deprived the Indians of their refuges to the south of San Luis and the Central Pampa, and threw them back toward the desert. The Argentine troops followed in their steps as far as the Andes and the Rio Negro. There are to-day few traces in the immense territory that was won of the indigenous population. Its extreme mobility had masked its numerical inferiority.[6] [6] M. J. Olascoaga gives (_La conquête de la Pampa: Recueil de documents relatifs à la campagne du Rio Negro_, Buenos Aires, 1881) valuable documents concerning both the details of the fight with the Indians and the distribution of their _invernadas_ (common lands) in the region of the Pampas. Olascoaga translates it "winter quarters"; it was pasturage on which they kept their cattle and from which they set out on their expeditions. The history of the northern frontier is much the same. At the end of the eighteenth century the Spanish outposts ran along the course of the Salado. To the north of Santa Fé, at Sunchales, Soledad, and San Javier, they protected the direct route from Santa Fé to Santiago del Estero. These outposts were abandoned during the revolutionary period, and the Indians advanced as far as the suburbs of Santa Fé. The roads both to Santiago and, by the Quebracho Herrado, to Córdoba were cut.[7] Urquiza reorganized the Santa Fé frontier, first as far as San Javier, then below 29° S. lat. between Arroyo del Rey on the Paraná and Tostado on the Salado. The expedition of 1884 brought the Argentine army as far as the Bermejo, and broke the resistance of the Tobas. The forts which, more to the north, guarded the province of Salta, on the further side of the Sierras de la Lumbrera and Santa Barbara, had been dismantled at the beginning of the nineteenth century, as the tribes in this part of the Chaco were not hostile.[8] [7] See Thomas J. Hutchinson, _Buenos Aires and Argentine Gleanings_. [8] See Geronimo de la Serna, "Expedición militar al Chaco," _Bol. I, Geog. Argentino_, xv. 1894, pp. 115-79. The memory of the fights with the Indians is so completely blotted out to-day, and the menace of invasion by the tribes has been so rapidly extinguished, that it is difficult to realize fully the profound influence they once had on colonization. The line of forts was a frail barrier that was constantly broken through. The Indians of the Pampa stole cattle from the ranches of Buenos Aires, and sold them in Chile. Colonel Garcia calculates in 1816 that about 40,000 animals were stolen every year.[9] Colonel Roca gives the same figure in 1876. The Pampa put no natural difficulties in the way of the movements of the Indians, no points which might serve as bases for the frontier. D. Pedro Pablo Pabon points out that the proximity of the Sierra, instead of giving protection to outposts in the Tandil region, would be an additional source of insecurity, as it increased the difficulty of keeping watch. In the north the Indian incursions followed the clearings in the scrub, avoiding the dense and impenetrable parts. The lagoon of Mar Chiquita, to the west of Santa Fé, was a valuable rampart, in the shelter of which a fairly large population had established itself round Concepción del Tio. [9] _Nuevo plan de fronteras de la provincia de la Republica Argentina_ (Coll. de Angelis, vol. vi). The enlargements of the frontier were sometimes due to expansive movements of colonization, the breeders occupying new land beyond the line of forts and demanding protection, and sometimes to the arbitrary action of a Government which was eager to extend its territory, though it was still without the means of exploiting it. Roca has well shown the defects of this system of premature military occupation. "To go far away from the populated districts in acquiring new territory is, in my opinion, only an aggravation of the inconveniences of defensive war, and it places a desert between the new lines and the settled regions.... Invasions occur at once."[10] We should therefore be likely to make serious mistakes if we were to identify the history of colonization with that of military occupation. Moreover, the garrisons of the forts did not take a very active part in the exploitation of the soil. The plan which D'Azara proposed, of making _blandengues_ (lancers) colonists and rooting them to the soil by distributing it amongst them, seems to have been purely Utopian. His description of the frontier shows clearly how slight a hold the early colonization had on the Pampa, where the only relatively industrious element was represented by the groups of civilians (_paisanos_) who gathered about the works and moats of the forts. It was different on the Santiago del Estero frontier, where there was agriculture as well as breeding. Here the fort was identical with the village, and each soldier had his plot of wheat, maize, or water-melons.[11] [10] Letter to the Minister of War, October 19, 1875. [11] See the curious picture, which Hutchinson gives us, of military life on the Rio Salado de Santiago about the middle of the nineteenth century. The provinces which were to combine in forming the Argentine Republic had no economic unity. They were really two countries, two separate worlds, the coast regions and the mountain regions (_de arriba_), joined together, but not blended, by the main road from Buenos Aires to Peru, by way of Córdoba, Tucumán, and Salta. They represented two different branches of Spanish colonization. "Two human streams," says Mitre, "contributed to the peopling of the vice-royalty.... The first came directly from Spain, the mother country. It occupied and peopled the banks in the basin of the Rio de la Plata, in the name of the right of discovery and conquest, and fertilized them by its labour. The other stream came from the ancient empire of the Incas, already subdued by the Spanish armies. This spread toward the interior of the country as it passed from the Pacific to the Atlantic, occupied the land in virtue of the same rights, and exploited it by means of a feudal system.... The same year, 1535, saw the foundation of the two towns, Buenos Aires and Lima, and was the centre of these two cycles of discoveries and conquests. Thirty-eight years later, in the same year, 1573, the Conquistadores who came from Peru founded the town of Córdoba, two hundred miles away from the Paraná, while those who came from the Rio de la Plata founded the town of Santa Fé on the banks of that river."[12] [12] Mitre, _Historia de Belgrano_, I, ch. i. pp. 4 and 5. [Illustration: MAP I.--ARGENTINA. THE NATURAL REGIONS. _The map shows the distribution of the natural regions--the dry Andes in the north-west, with irrigated cultivation; the monte, or brush, which is still used for extensive breeding; and the Pampa, with its great areas of cereals and lucerne. The line marking the frontier of 1875 shows the speed at which colonization has developed in the western half of the plain of the Pampas. The only regions not given on the map are the plateau of Misiones, with its tropical forests, and the wet Andes of Patagonia._ To face p. 28.] Tucumán and Salta were established by conquerors from Peru, while San Juan and Mendoza were built by the Chilean Spaniards. The line of demarcation between the two zones of colonization crosses the immense desert plains of the interior, not the elevated tablelands of the Andes. The two types of Argentinians differed in every respect, in blood as well as in environment. The indigenous race, which was eliminated on the coast, mingled intimately with the conquering race in the interior. The establishments on the Rio de la Plata had originally been merely stages on the road to Peru, and had no value of themselves. The elevated tablelands of the Andes long remained the economic centre of Spanish America, and the provinces of the interior, which sold them cattle and mules, depended very closely upon them. The end of the eighteenth century was marked by more rapid progress in the region of the Pampas. The vice-royalty of La Plata was created. Freedom of trade was secured between Buenos Aires and the Spanish ports. The export of hides increased. The influence of Buenos Aires spread over the interior and, in spite of the Córdoba tariff, reached the regions of the north-west. "The creation of the vice-royalty," says Dean Funes, "and the new direction taken by commerce had the effect that Buenos Aires became the centre of considerable and important business."[13] [13] D. Gregorio Funes, _Ensayo de la historia civil del Paraguay, Buenos Aires, y Tucumán_ (Buenos Aires, 3 vols., 1816). This commercial development, which seemed destined to bring closer together the two halves of Argentinian territory, was interrupted in the first half of the nineteenth century. This did not, however, break the connections between the provinces to the north-west of the tableland and those on the Pacific slope, and indeed, they became more varied and more binding. Packs of mules, carrying the ore of San Juan and La Rioja to the foundries of the Chilean side, added life to the Cordillera. When Chile, transformed into an agricultural country, could not meet its own demand for cattle, the oases of the Argentine side were sown with lucerne for fattening the cattle which were to cross the mountains. The provinces of Mendoza, San Juan, La Rioja, Catamarca, Tucumán, and Salta were held within the orbit of the Andes districts.[14] There are historical reasons for this set-back to the influence of Buenos Aires. The wars of the revolutionary period and the conflicts between the Buenos Aires Government and the maritime powers checked the commercial enterprise on the banks of the Plata. This political isolation of the province of Buenos Aires, under the Rosas Government, lasted until 1853. Poncel gives us statistics of the imports of Catamarca which show the great importance of this date in the history of Argentine commerce: [14] The Woodbine Parish map (1839) puts Tinogasta eighty miles out of its proper position, at the very foot of the Come Caballos range, thus reducing by one half its distance from Copiapo, on the Chilean slope. Imports into the Province of 1850 1851 1852 1853 1854 Catamarca: From the Pacific across the Cordillera (in millions of 72 50 71 40 12 piastres) From the Atlantic (Buenos Aires or Rosario) 11 7 20 64 116[15] [15] B. Poncel, _Mes itinéraires dans les Provinces du Rio de la Plata, Province de Catamarca_ (Paris, 1864). In 1854-5 the Cordillera route definitely ceased to be of commercial importance to Catamarca, and it was afterwards used merely for the export of cattle. But the attraction of Buenos Aires after 1853 was not merely due to its commercial life and its intermediate position between the provinces of the interior and Europe. It was chiefly based upon the economic development of the region of the Pampas, which began about this date, and altered the balance between the two halves of Argentina. The exploitation of the Pampa, the improvement in breeding methods, and the introduction and expansion of agriculture on the plain of the Pampa, which fill all publications on modern Argentina, are in themselves one of the great events in the economic history of the nineteenth century. They had also an indirect but profound influence upon the life of other parts of Argentina. The consuming capacity of the Pampa increased simultaneously with its wealth and population. It absorbed the products of the neighbouring provinces and in turn made customers of them, distributing amongst them, according to the services they rendered, part of the gold it obtained from beyond the Atlantic. One after the other the provinces lost the relations which had hitherto connected them with foreign lands. There was the same development all over the zone of cereals and lucerne--the direction of the stream of commerce was reversed. In some places, as at Tucumán and Mendoza the change was accomplished a generation ago. In other places, as at Salta and San Juan, it is still going on. In yet other places, the more remote valleys, like Jachal and Santa Maria, it will occur in the near future. By a singular anomaly the Far West of North America, which sprang up half a century ago, tends to withdraw more and more from the influence of the eastern States, which provided it with capital and immigrants, while the Far West of Argentina, which is just as old as the east and by no means a creation of the east, since it developed in isolation and freedom, and was already adult and rich when they came into contact, has nevertheless fallen into complete dependence upon the east in the course of a few years. The life of the whole country depended upon the great colonization movement which transformed the plain of the Pampas. This brought about an economic unity which was at once reflected in the political world. The railway from Buenos Aires reached Tucumán before 1880; Mendoza, San Juan, Salta, and Catamarca before 1890; and La Rioja before 1900. The establishment of closer economic relations between the coast and the provinces of the interior has nearly always inaugurated a period of great prosperity for the latter. In every case the influence of Buenos Aires vitalized them, put an end to their slumbers, and made them rich. Not only did the coast take for itself the products of the western provinces, which had hitherto found their way to other markets, but new centres of production had to be created to meet its needs. The forests of the Chaco received a great influx of wood-cutters, to provide the sleepers for the railways. The valley of the Rio Negro was planted with vines, to provide the wines of the colonies in the district of Bahía Blanca. The attraction of the Pampa was felt as far as the frontiers. Paraguay competed with Corrientes in the supply of tobacco and oranges; with Misiones in the supply of _yerba maté_. Each district chose the particular crop which was best suited to its climate, in order to secure the highest possible advantage from its relations with Buenos Aires. The two most brilliant satellites of the Pampa, the most important productive centres of the interior, are Tucumán and Mendoza. All the other important towns of Argentina belong themselves to the region of the Pampas. Tucumán and Mendoza, which live by supplying the Pampa with sugar and wine, have become in turn secondary centres of attraction. They are a sort of regional capitals, and they have their own spheres of economic influence. A network of commercial streams has developed about them, and this has led to the formation of new roads. These lines of local interest are easily recognized on a map of the railways, where one sees them superimposed upon the regular fan of lines which converges toward Buenos Aires. La Rioja provides the props for the vines of San Juan and Mendoza. From the north of Córdoba to Salta, a distance of about 250 miles, the wood is cut for the fuel of the sugar-works of Tucumán. Santiago dries the fodder for its troops of mules. The prairies of Catamarca, which once fattened the cattle that were intended for Chile, and often came even from Tucumán, now sell their beasts to the butchers of Tucumán. The wines of San Juan find their best customers at Tucumán. Even the nearest portions of the plain of the Pampas, to the north-east of Santa Fé and the south of San Luis, supply maize and wheat to Tucumán and Mendoza, instead of sending them to the ports for export. While Argentina lives on the Pampa, the Pampa lives on export. It has been developed through the inflow of European immigrants, and Europe pays by sending its manufactured products and capital. Except as regards emigration, the United States had, before the war, much the same relation to Argentina as the countries of Western Europe. Thus the economic prosperity of the Republic binds it more and more closely to the life of the whole world. Its position in the temperate zone of South America had retarded its entrance into world-commerce, and this explains the slowness with which its colonization proceeded at first. Its climate and products were too similar to those of Spain. Not only the mining and metallurgical centres of the Andes and of Mantiqueria, but even the sugar and cotton regions of Brazil, the Antilles, and the Guianas, were developed before the plains of the Pampas. The turn of the Argentine Republic did not come until the growth of population in the industrial countries of Europe made them dependent upon foreign lands for their food, and until the application of steam to ships made it possible to export wool, meat, and cereals on a large scale. When we compare the economic organization of Argentina with that of the United States, we see that it is both less complex and less capable of being self-contained. The difference is due to the architecture of the country. I said at the beginning of this chapter that Argentina has no equivalent for the zone of the Atlantic tablelands, which is now the great industrial region of North America. The industrial prosperity of eastern North America provides a safe home market for the farmers of the west, and relieves them of the need of exporting their produce. Moreover, the Atlantic tablelands, the original centres of population, where the first generations of colonists lived on land that was often poor, have seen the gradual formation of reserves of labour and capital which were afterwards used in colonizing the west. The east sifted, in a sense controlled, the influence of modern Europe in the colonization of the United States. It classified and assimilated the new emigrants who set out for the west, mingled with the troops of native pioneers on their way to the prairies. In the same way, when European capital flowed into the United States, it found in the eastern cities a large treasury and a body of financiers in whose hands it had to remain. In Argentina, on the contrary, everything speaks of the close and direct dependence of the country upon oversea markets. The soil itself bears the marks of this solidarity. It is seen in the network of the railways, the concentration of the urban population in the ports, and the distribution of the cultivated districts in concentric circles which are often limited, not by a physical obstacle, but by the cost of freightage between the productive centre and the port. Thus we get a geographical expression of facts which seem at first sight to belong to the purely economic or sociological order. CHAPTER II THE OASES OF THE NORTH-WEST AND PASTORAL LIFE IN THE SCRUB The inhabited zones of the Andes in the north-west--_Valles_, _Quebradas_, _Puna_--The irrigation of the _valles_--The historic routes--Convoys of stock--The breeding of mules and the fairs--The struggle of the breeders against drought--The Sierra de los Llanos. The whole life and wealth of the arid provinces of north-western Argentina depend upon irrigation; the water-supply definitively settles the sites of human establishments. The water resources are irregularly distributed. They are especially abundant in the south (San Juan, Mendoza, and San Rafael), where the torrents of the Cordillera are fed by the glaciers, and on the outer fringe of the hills above the Chaco, at the foot of Aconcagua, which gathers masses of cloud and rain on its flanks (Tucumán). In the intermediate district, on the contrary, in the regions of La Rioja and Catamarca, and in the interior of the hilly zone to the north-west of Tucumán, the amount of available water is small; the oases shrink into small spots far removed from each other. This natural inequality was not felt at first. For a long time the spread of cultivation and the progress of wealth were restricted only by the scarcity of population, the difficulties of transport, and the inadequacy of the markets. The best endowed oases paid no attention to the surplus supply of water, for which they had no use. We have to come down to the close of the nineteenth century to find men reaching the limits which nature has set to colonization, and mapping out their domain. It is not until then that La Rioja ceases to compete with Mendoza, or Catamarca with Tucumán. While large industrial enterprises develop at Mendoza and Tucumán, strong centres of urban life arise, the population increases, and immigrants stream in, the oases of the interior scarcely change. Their population does not keep its level. Life has an archaic character that one finds nowhere else in Argentina. The physical conditions have retarded, one would almost say crystallized, the economic development. The living generation exploits the soil in ways that to some extent go back as far as the indigenous tribes, the masters of their Spanish conquerors in the art of irrigation. The industry of fattening and convoying cattle, which was once the chief source of wealth of the whole country, is still alive in those districts. The zone of the elevated tablelands of the Andes without drainage toward the sea--the Puna--has still, below 22° S. latitude on the northern frontier of Argentina, a width of about 250 miles. This breadth steadily contracts southward as far as 28° S. latitude, where the Puna ends about the level of the road from Tinogasta to Copiapo. To the east and south of the Puna the Argentine Andes are cut from north to south by a series of long gullies and large basins, between which there are lofty and massive chains with steep flanks. Some of these lie in the heart of the mountains, while others often open like gulfs upon the edge of the plain. These depressions with rectilinear contours are a common feature of the topography of the Andes in this latitude. The central plain of Chile is closely related to them. In the Argentine speech they are called _valles_: Valle de Lerma, Valle Calchaqui, Valle de Iglesias, de Calingasta, d'Uspallata. They are, however, not "valleys" in the sense of hollows made by erosion by running water. They owe their formation to tectonic movements, subsidences of the surface. The scanty rivers of the arid Anacs are not capable of doing work of that kind. When they enter the already formed bed of a _valle_, they seem to be lost in the immense space. Often they dry up in it, leaving behind the sediment and salts with which the water was laden. In other places they cut at right angles across the _valle_, escaping by narrow breaches in it, while the depression continues its course on either side, taking in sections of a number of independent streams. Opposed to the _valle_ is the eroded ravine, carved out by water, the _quebrada_. It opens upon a _valle_ with a V-shaped mouth, which widens out at the top, and one can recognise at sight the various slopes and the successive stages of erosion. Narrow and winding, a level bed of shingle filling the entire base of the valley, it rises rapidly toward the mountains and provides a route from the _valle_ to the _puna_. These _valles_, _quebradas_ and _puna_ are the three inhabited zones of the Andes. The first is the richest. The inhabitant of the _valle_, proud of his comparative comfort, has for his neighbour in the _quebrada_ or the _puna_--the _coyada_--a contempt such as one finds the inhabitants of the good land in Europe feeling for the people in poorer districts. The narrower the _valle_, the less rain there is. The observations give 112 millimetres of rain per year at Tinogasta, 290 at Andalgala, and 200 at Santa Maria. Salta and Jujuy have a much moister climate, and have no less than 570 and 740 millimetres of rain annually. This is because the eastern chain of the Andes, which stretches from the Sierra de Santa Victoria on the Bolivian frontier to Aconcagua, sinks lower at the latitude of Salta, and lets in the moisture of the Chaco to the heart of the zone of the Andes. The rains of Salta and Jujuy are suspended during the winter, but they are so heavy during the summer months (November to March) that maize, which needs only the summer rain, can be cultivated without irrigation. But when we follow the Valle de Lerma southward from Salta the maize harvest becomes more and more uncertain, and it is no longer sown in dry soil when we get to about twenty miles from Salta, in the latitude of the confluence of the Arias and the Juramento. However, the summer rains, which are good for maize, are very injurious to the vine; they spoil the grapes. Thus the southern limit of the cultivation of maize in dry soil almost coincides with the northern limit of the vine. At that point we have the real beginning of the typical scenery of the _valles_. [Illustration: THE PATAGONIAN ANDES. _Mount Tronador (11,500 feet) on the Chilean frontier, dominating the road from Lake Nahuel Huapi to Chile. The glaciers still reach the bottom of the valley, which they filled at one time. A burnt forest in the foreground._ PLATE III. To face p. 38.] The need of irrigation is due to the scarcity of rain, but it is accentuated by a number of causes which tend to increase the aridity. The _valles_ are the scene of scorching day-winds, the _zonda_, like the _Föhn_ of the Swiss Alps, which, there being no snow, dry up the water of the springs and of the irrigation trenches, or use the deposits left by the waters to form dunes, which they push southward, sometimes like veritable glaciers of sand. Moreover, the soil of the _valles_ is generally composed of coarse and permeable alluvial deposits, which absorb the rain-storms immediately. There is at the foot of both sides of the hills which enclose each _valle_ an immense and far-lying bed of imperfectly rounded shingle. This double zone of detritus is strangely desolate, for the vegetation on it is restricted to isolated bushes of _jarilla_ and _tola_. From the sheepfolds on the mountains to the oases in the valleys one hardly meets a single house. The bed of the valley is not so desolate. A broad ribbon of sand marks the dry bed of a torrent, and on the clays of its banks, if the sheet of water underground is not too deep, one finds, in spite of the goats and asses and charcoal-burners, little forests of _algarrobas_, which the foundries use for fuel. The modern alluvial beds, gravel and sand, represent the upper stratum of a considerable series of continental deposits which lie on the Paleozoic crystalline rock of the Andes.[16] They chiefly consist of red sandstone and coloured marls, which crop up here and there through the alluvial covering and give the landscape a rugged character, worn by water and wind. There is no trace of humus: nothing to soften the vivid colours of the rock. Bodenbender, to whom we owe the first general attempt to classify the series, points out the importance of distinguishing the different strata in connection with the question of water supply and the conditions of human life.[17] A complete geographical study would have to follow the geological description in detail. In places--on the eastern edge of the Sierra de los Llanos--the fine modern clays are in contact with the granites of the hills and form above them a thick bed that is rich in fresh water. In other places--south-westward of the Sierra de la Famatina, as far as the Bermejo--the outcrop is of red sandstone only. The tablelands of Talampaya and Ischigualasta, which are cut across by the gorges of the tributaries of the Bermejo, form one of the most conspicuously desert regions in the whole Republic. Wherever the gypsiferous marls of the Calchaqui are near the surface, the springs are saline. The undulations of the impermeable rocky substratum bring to light the water that gathers in the alluvial beds. Thus the streams which come down the Famatina range in the west disappear in the alluvial beds on the fringe of the Sierra, but re-appear presently in the oasis of Pagancillo. [16] This series, stretching from the Permian to the Tertiary, also includes, especially in the region of the sub-Andean chains, on the fringe of the Chaco, a number of marine strata (see Bonarelli, _Las sierras subandinas del Alto y Aguaragüe y los yacimientos petroliferos del distrito minero de Tartagal_ "Ann. Min. Agric.," Seccion Geologia, Mineralogia, y Mineria, viii. No. 4: Buenos Aires, 1913). [17] G. Bodenbender, _Parte meridional de la Provincia de la Rioja y regiones limitrofes_ (Ann. Min. Agric., Seccion Geol., Minerol., y Mineria, vii. No. 3: Buenos Aires, 1912). Hence the _valles_ are by no means wholly productive. The oases represent only a limited portion of them. It would be impossible to imagine a more striking contrast than that of the freshness and life of the oases compared with the surrounding desert. Screens of poplars shelter them from the _zonda_. The water runs along trenches paved with round pebbles under the spreading vines, at the foot of which, to economize water and space, lucerne is sown. Each garden feeds a family. Near the raw-brick houses there are large earthenware vessels, as tall as a man, in which the corn is kept. The hammering of the cooper fills the air. In places the oasis is watered by a stream. In those cases there is on each side of the bed of the stream a narrow fringe, a continuous ribbon, of smiling gardens, which hide the path. Above and below Santa Maria a trench is opened every mile in the wet sands of the Rio. The water rises in it and fills it, and is directed by it toward one of the banks, where it is jealously collected and distributed. The water which flows from the irrigated fields and returns to the river, as well as that which the porous side of the trench has permitted to escape, goes to fill another trench and supply other fields farther on. The region of Los Sauces, in the northern part of the province of La Rioja, to the south of Tinogasta, shows a different type of irrigated cultivation, on account of the sandy course of the stream. The fields follow the feeding artery for about fifty miles. It is bled at the beginning of each bend, the waters remaining underground like hidden wealth. In most cases however, the _valle_ has no running water. What reaches it from the lateral _quebradas_ is lost in the alluvial beds accumulated at the point where the _quebrada_ enters the _valle_. In order to make use of it the cultivated areas are grouped on the cone of deposition; at least, that is the position in the great majority of the oases. A _costa_ is a line of separate oases with their backs to the same slope. When the _valle_ is narrow, the _costas_ on either side of the sterile depression face each other, like two parallel roads. The water of the _quebrada_ is never sufficiently abundant to irrigate the whole of the cone of the torrent. In order to create an oasis there, they have selected the most easily cultivable zone, which is usually the foot of the cone, where the deposits are finer and more fertile, retain the moisture better, and require less watering. The summit of the cone is composed of coarse stones, the first to be dropped by the torrent as it loses its strength. These are bad lands, where the water is wasted. To meet the occasional drought and the danger of sudden floods in this fluvial zone, which is entirely the domain of the torrent, there is need of constant care and ingenuity. At Colalao del Valle the cultivated fields are five or six miles from the summit of the cone. After a number of successive years of drought the stream of water which reached them on the flanks of the cone lost half its volume and threatened to disappear altogether. They then built a stone dam at the outlet of the _quebrada_, and the water accumulates behind this during the night. At three o'clock in the morning the sluices are opened, and the stream, having thus nursed its strength, reaches the fields down below about seven o'clock. Then the sun and the wind rise, just at the time when the reservoir is empty, and by the middle of the day the stream ceases, and irrigation is suspended. At Andalgala, above which rises the glittering crest of Aconcagua, the waters of the melting snows which feed the torrent have not time to be "decanted" before they reach the valley. They come down laden with mud and sand. Above the points where the irrigation-channels begin the people make, in the bed of the torrent, a dam of branches of trees which filters the water. It is swept away by every flood that occurs, and is at once restored. What is even more admirable than the ingenuity of the _vallista_ in utilizing the natural resources is the minute detail of the water-rights. It seems as if the _vallista_ is even more cunning in protecting himself from his neighbour than in dealing with nature. The water-customs of these Andean valleys are worth an extensive study. The water does not belong to the State, and is not used by concession from the State. It is private property. The owner uses or abuses it as he pleases on the lands which he has selected. A man may be poor in land and rich in water, which he accordingly sells. There are frequent business deals in regard to water-rights, just as in regard to the soil and its produce. Appropriation of water often precedes appropriation of the soil. Many oases are communities where the non-irrigated lands are common to the whole population, and the irrigated fields alone are divided. A primary group of customs regulates the relations to each other of communities higher up and lower down the same stream. At Catamarca the water of a certain stream is shared by Piedra Blanca and Valle Viejo. Piedra Blanca, in the upper part, absorbs the whole of the water for a week, but it must then suspend its irrigation during the following week and permit the stream to flow down the valley. The same evening, or the next morning, according to the season, the water reaches Valle Viejo. It is a custom known as the _quiebras_ in the southern valleys of the desert side of Peru, where it allows different stages of cultivation to proceed simultaneously. In the same way, above Santa Maria, where several communities (S. José, Loro Huasi, etc.) receive the water brought by a channel from the Rio Santa Maria, each of them has a right to the full output of the channel for three days. At the end of that time the sluices are closed, and the water passes to the next community. There is grave trouble for any oasis that has its rights infringed or does not compel the communities higher up to respect them. Amongst individuals the water-right is generally defined by a measurement of time, a certain number of days or hours--during which the owner controls the entire flow of the spring or stream. It is only when the water is more abundant that we find another method of fixing the right of water, defining it by bulk. The water is then said to be _demarcada_, as the unit is customarily the _marco_, or the volume which passes through an opening about twenty-one centimetres in width and eight in height. The _marco_ has infinite divisions, and each subdivision has its own name--the _naranja_, the _bombilla_, the _paja_, and so on. As all the water is utilized, and the rights of all are equally entitled to respect, the division of the water into _marcos_ (_demarcacion_) is in practice merely a proportional distribution of it amongst those who have rights to it. If the sum total of rights expressed in _marcos_ represents something like the total flow of a stream during an average season, in the time of low water it is disproportionate, and the water no longer flows to the tops of the _marcos_. In other words, the quantity of water granted to each rises or falls with the rise or fall of the stream itself. Theoretically, when the water-right is defined in _marcos_ it is permanent. Often, however, it is impossible to grant each proprietor a permanent title to the water. Even in oases where the water is "demarked," the _turno_--that is to say, the turn of the proprietors to have water--which is the absolute rule in the poorest oases, reappears during the months of scarcity, in winter, when there is no rain, and at the beginning of summer. It reappears also when the right of ownership has been broken up into fractions that are too small, and it is better to grant a larger volume of water for several hours instead of a constant stream of water which would be too scanty for profitable use. At Andalgala the "turn" is sometimes obligatory, and regulated by custom, in channels where the irrigating proprietors are too numerous; at other times optional, and settled by convention amongst the owners themselves, when water is scanty. At Valle Viejo (Catamarca), when the water runs low, they set up the _mita_; that is to say, the sluices remain closed in each channel during four days out of eight, each proprietor in turn giving up his right to a permanent supply in order to have a double allowance when his turn comes. The _turno_ is, therefore, a general practice. Everywhere we can see the farmers on the watch along the _acequias_, waiting for the moment to close their neighbour's trench with a pellet of clay and to let the stream into their own trenches with a blow of the spade. The most minute precautions are taken in order that no one shall suffer injury. As the irrigation is always slower and less thorough during the night, they take it in turns to have the day and the night alternately. When the community receives the water from another community higher up the stream, the succession of "turns" amongst its members differs every time. The water comes down charged with sediment, pushing in front of it a mass of liquid mud, as the flush of a torrent does. It takes some time for the stream to become regular and clear. The first irrigator therefore exercises his right under unfavourable conditions. In the local phraseology the _volcada de agua_ is not as good as the _corte de agua_, which means the irrigation that begins when the _acequia_ is full. Irrigation entails the services of quite a staff of arbitrators and administrators. The head men, who have jurisdiction of a higher order and secure the accurate distribution of the water amongst a number of channels or communities, are now, as a rule, officials of the administration, appointed by the provincial authorities (_juez de Irrigacion_ at Catamarca, _juez de rio_ at Rosario de Lerma). But the _juez de agua_ of each community or each channel is a syndic elected by the interested parties. At Santa Maria the _juez de agua_ is elected by the owners and confirmed by the Government. He controls irrigation throughout the department, settling all differences, submitting plans of work to a meeting of the owners, and assigning their respective charges in labour and contributions according to their rights. * * * * * This land of customs and traditions is also a land of lively movement. The briskness of the traffic is primarily due to continuous exchange between the various zones of the mountainous district. This large trade, so scattered that the railways could not dream of satisfying its needs, is carried, in the old fashion, on the backs of mules. The lively aspect of the roads between the tableland and the lower valleys of the region, the brisk interchange of goods between zones with different climates, is one of the common features of life on the Andes. But the classic spectacle presents a different aspect in different latitudes. In Peru, and in southern Bolivia, the higher valleys--Jauja, Cuzco, the Pampas of Cochabamba and Sucre--have centres of dense population and agricultural wealth at a height of between 9,000 and 11,000 feet. They raise cereals, and receive from the tropical districts (_montañas and yungas_) sugar, cane-brandy, cocoa, and coca-leaf. The valleys of the Argentine Andes are usually at a less elevation than the _yungas_ and _montañas_ of Bolivia and Peru. But they are not hot districts, and have not tropical vegetation. Frost prevents the harvesting of sugar-cane at Salta, at a height of 4,000 feet. As to the coca-leaf, which is not as much used here as in the north, the Argentine _valles_ do not send it to the tableland, but receive it indirectly from there, through the southern _yungas_. In default of tropical crops, the Argentine _valles_ sow wheat and maize, which they sell to the Indians of the cold districts of the Puna for wool and salt. These commercial currents are of very ancient, probably pre-Columbian origin. Boman has discovered ears of maize in the prehistoric tombs of the Puna de Atacama.[18] The Puna, at a height of 11,000 to 12,000 feet, is permanently inhabited, unlike the high valleys of the Cordillera de San Juan, which are occupied only during the summer season by Chilean shepherds. It is primarily a pastoral and mining region, but it has some tilled land, at more than 6,700 feet above the level of the valleys. The higher limit of annual cultivation in the cold districts, which is fixed by the summer temperature, does not fall in the same way as that of arboriculture in warm districts, because trees suffer from the winter frosts. The Indians of Cochinoca and Susques sow lucerne and barley for fodder, and the _quinoa_ and potato for food. Transport between the Puna and the _valles_ is carried on by the inhabitants of the Puna, and is not shared by the _vallistas_. They are especially active in the north, in the province of Jujuy. Belmar shows how important the sales of the Puna woollen goods were by the middle of the nineteenth century.[19] These fabrics were used by the mill-owners of the Rio Grande de Jujuy to pay for the work of the Indians of the Chaco, whom they employed in the sugar-cane harvest. The competition of the manufactured products of Europe now menaces the domestic weaving of the Puna, just as the competition of the flour of the Pampa menaces the cultivation of cereals in the _valles_. [18] Eric Boman, _Antiquités de la région andine de la République Argentine et de la Puna de Atacama: Mission scient. G. de Créqui-Montfort et E. Sénéchal de la Grange_ (Paris, vols. i. and ii. 1908). [19] Belmar, _Les provinces de la Fédération argentine_ (Paris, 1856). Besides this traffic of local interest the _valles_ serve for a traffic of a higher, almost a continental character. It seems certain that during the pre-Spanish period the road from the Peruvian tablelands to Chile avoided the inhospitable desert of the Puna de Atacama, entered the region of the _valles_ to the east, and crossed the Cordillera in the latitude of Tinogasta, or even a little further south. That was the route of the armies of the Incas, which in the fourteenth century came as far as Maule. The pre-Columbian roads, of which Boman has found traces between the Valle de Lerma and the Valle Calchaqui, seem to correspond with this direction of traffic. By this route the long _quechua_ passed amongst the Diaguites populations. The conquerors followed the Indian guides. Almagro, in going from Peru to Chile, passed through the _valles_ at the eastern edge of the Andes. Later the _valles_ were incorporated in the many variations of the historic high road, one of the first and busiest of Spanish America, which goes from the Rio de la Plata to Lima: a route both for armies and merchants. The plan proposed by Matienzo (1566) to make a road from the silver mines to the estuary of the Paraná, through the Valle de Calchaqui, seems to have been intended merely to improve a line of communication that had already been in use. Buenos Aires for a long time received European goods by this road. About 1880 the Salta route recovered for a time its continental importance, during the Pacific War and the occupation by the Chileans of the maritime provinces of Bolivia.[20] At that time it was the only outlet for Bolivia. [20] See Brackebusch, "Viaje a la provincia de Jujuy," _Bol. Instit. Geog. Argent._, iv. 1883, pp. 9-17. [Illustration: VEGETATION OF THE INTERIOR VALLEYS (ANDES OF THE NORTH-WEST). _Descent of Tafi del Valle, going to Santa Maria. The ravine is excavated out of the mass of coarse deposits which forms a fringe between the mountain and the valley. On this permeable soil the vegetation is particularly thin. Cactus._ Photograph by the Author.] [Illustration: FOREST ON THE OUTER SLOPE OF THE SUB-ANDEAN CHAINS. _Sierra de San Antonio (Salta province). Perennial foliage, creepers, ferns._ Photograph by the Author. PLATE IV. To face p. 48.] But of all the forms of traffic that have enlivened the _valles_ the most constant, and the form that has had the most profound influence on their existence, is the movement of cattle. The cattle trade has been of fundamental importance in the history of the colonization of South America. Animals were the only goods that could be conveyed any great distance. At the beginning of the conquest the productive regions of the continent, which supplied the export trade with Europe, were very limited in extent. Pastoral colonization began at once, and spread over a very wide area. Herds of oxen, for meat or draught, horses, and mules, made their way toward the centres of consumption: towns like Lima, Bahía, and Rio, the Peruvian mines, and the sugar-refineries of the north-east of Brazil, and later toward the _yerbales_ of Paraguay or the seaports of the Caribs and the Rio Grande do Sul, where the jerked meat industry developed. The cattle routes converge upon these centres. The export of cattle and mules from the Argentine plains to Peru was fully established by the close of the sixteenth century, and it seems to have continued without interruption ever since. Upper Peru is, however, not the only market on which the Argentine breeders lived. At the end of the eighteenth century D'Azara demanded that they should permit the sale of horses and mules to Brazil, for use in the mines. The cattle traffic with Portuguese territory had not then assumed the form of a regular commerce, and the Brazilians made raids on the north-eastern provinces for the animals they needed--60,000 a year, D'Azara says.[21] The export of cattle to Paraguay and Misiones was, on the other hand, of substantial economic importance in the eighteenth century. Before the Revolution, Rengger says, as many as 200,000 head of cattle passed yearly from Corrientes to Paraguay, which paid for them in _maté_ and tobacco.[22] This trade was kept up intermittently in the nineteenth century. The exports from Corrientes were especially important at the time when the Paraguay stock was reconstituted after the war (40,000 head of cattle in 1875). [21] _Memorias sobre el estado rural del rio de la Plata en 1801, Escritos postumos de D. Felix de Azara_, published by D. Augustin de Azara (Madrid, 1847). [22] A. Rengger, _Reise nach Paraguay in den Jahren 1818 bis 1826_ (Aarau, 1835). Finally, the Chilean market was opened to the Argentine breeders about the middle of the nineteenth century. In the time of Martin de Moussy the convoys of cattle to Chile were so numerous that the lucerne fields of both slopes were stripped bare at the very beginning of the season; and they were rented at a high price.[23] Not only the mining provinces of the north, but central Chile also, bought Argentine cattle. The opening of the Chilean market was followed by a remarkable expansive movement in the pastoral colonization of Argentine territory. We can follow the progress of this not only in Martin de Moussy's book, but in all contemporary works of travel. Its chief theatres are the provinces of San Luis and of Santiago del Estero, north of the Rio Dulce, where Hutchinson, in particular, describes the activity of the ranches.[24] Finally, after the Pacific War (1880) the nitrate district, taken from Bolivia and Peru by Chile, received a great influx of population, and works sprang up in the midst of the desert. The nitrate fields, wholly barren and doomed, under their shroud of grey dust, to an unalterable desolation, became at once one of the chief centres of consumption for Argentine stock. [23] The fattening of cattle for Chile was no longer done in the _invernadas_ of Mendoza at the beginning of the nineteenth century. See an article on Mendoza in the _Telegrafo Mercantil_, January 31, 1802, which tells of the development of ranches on the Tunuyan. Mendoza and San Juan were their only markets, and they did not sell cattle to Chile. [24] T. J. Hutchinson, _Buenos Aires y otras Provincias argentinas_ (translated by L. Varela, Buenos Aires, 1866). It is difficult to give accurate details of the volume of trade in cattle in colonial Argentine. However, the facts given by travellers (though they often merely borrow from each other) suffice to show how important this traffic was in the life of the country and the extent of the zone that was occupied with it. As early as the middle of the seventeenth century Córdoba seems to have exported to Peru as many as 28,000 to 30,000 mules annually.[25] At the close of the eighteenth century, we read in D'Azara, 60,000 mules were exported; and Helms gives the same figure.[26] The mules were bought young by Córdoba dealers at Buenos Aires, Santa Fé, and Corrientes, reared at Córdoba, and then sent to Salta, where they were sold in their third year to mule-dealers from Peru. [25] Azcarate de Biscay, quoted in H. Gibson, _La evolucion ganadera_ in _Censo agropecuario nacional_, Buenos Aires, 1909, vol. iii. [26] A. Z. Helms, _Voyage dans l'Amérique méridionale_ (Paris, 1812). The journey was in 1788. An article in the _Telegrafo Mercantil_ of September 9, 1801 (reproduced in the _Junta de Historia y Numismatica americana_, Buenos Aires, 2 vols., 1914-5) contains very valuable information in regard to the mule trade. From 1760 to 1780 Salta sent between 40,000 and 50,000 mules annually to Peru. At Salta they were worth ten piastres each before they were broken in, and thirteen or fourteen afterwards; and they were sold at the age of four years. The _arrieros_, who conveyed European goods and home products (_ropas y frutas_), bought a large number of them. The _Telegrafo_ complains that this trade has been gradually transformed. The mules now came from Santa Fé and Córdoba to Salta two years old, and after the _invernada_ they were still, at fair time, barely three years old. They suffered much during the long journey to Lima, and the losses of the caravans were heavy. They could not be loaded for the journey, and, as the _arrieros_ could no longer secure adult and strong animals, the freight to the tableland had risen, to the serious loss of merchants on the coast. The reply of a Potosi mule-dealer (December 13th) clearly shows that the last years of the eighteenth century had been marked by increasingly heavy demands from Peru for Argentine mules. In order to meet these demands the Córdoba breeders had developed production. The buyers, coming to Salta from Lima, Cuzco, and Arequipa, took, without discussion or examination, the batches that were offered them. The correspondent of the _Telegrafo_ complains bitterly of these _caballeritos_ who came from Peru with their 100,000 piastres, and raised the price at Salta, alleging that their instructions were to get mules at any cost. Robertson gave in 1813 the recollections of a mule-dealer as to the convoys of mules between Santa Fé and the Andes, which had already ceased at that time. Each convoy or _arreo_ comprised 5,000 to 6,000 mules. They came from Entre Rios, or even from the Uruguay, whence they were brought, after crossing the Paraná, to the Santa Fé ranches. The Santa Fé breeders owned the best part of the land on the left bank of the river. The expedition also included thirty waggons of goods and 500 draught-oxen; and fifty _gauchos_ were in charge of it. The main expense was then tobacco and _yerba_. One feature of this mule traffic that is emphasized in all the descriptions is that it was divided into two stages, with an interval between them, for breaking in. As we have already learned from Azcarate, Córdoba, Santa Fé, Santiago, and Salta kept the mules for two or three years before sending them to Peru. Córdoba and Santiago del Estero seem to have been important in connection with the industry of breaking in the mules. The sending of cattle on foot to Bolivia and Chile is now only a subsidiary element of the national economy, but it is not yet quite extinct, as the table on p. 53 shows. Whatever its point of departure, the traffic in stock always passed through the _valles_. Transport of cattle was particularly difficult in the Argentine Andes. The chief obstacles were not the elevation of the passes or the steepness of the roads, but the scarcity of water and the extent of the _travesias_, which were equally poor in pasturage and water, and had to be crossed rapidly by doubling the stages. The difficulties of the journey were very profitable to the oases that lay along the route. The cattle-driver could not dispense with the hospitality of the _vallista_ or dispute the price he cared to charge. [Illustration: MAP II.--IRRIGATION IN THE WEST AND NORTH-WEST OF ARGENTINA. _Extent of the irrigations in the north (zone of the great summer rains), and the south (glacier zone) The historic industry of fattening cattle in the invernadas and the export of cattle to the Andean regions only survive in part. On the other hand large modern industries have developed at Tucumán, Jujuy (sugar-cane), Mendoza, and San Juan (vines), and they supply the Buenos Aires market._ To face p. 52.] The length of the journey and the difficulty of keeping the animals in good condition in the poor pastures of the breeding districts made it advisable to stay longer in the oases. There thus arose lucerne-farms--the _invernadas_--to receive and fatten the cattle which passed through. Lucerne is the characteristic and most profitable produce of the _valles_. It is grown wherever there is an assured supply of water, and is invariably found in the upper section of the system of irrigation-channels; the cereals are sown lower down, and are the first to suffer from drought. In the _quebradas_, where space is more limited, the lucerne-fields cover the entire oasis. Every cattle track has a corresponding line of _invernadas_, which is often completed on the opposite slope by a last group of lucerne-farms where the beasts recover from the journey before they are sold and dispersed. 1910 1911 1912 1913 1914 Export of Cattle: To Bolivia 3,600 6,600 6,200 6,300 4,800 To Chile 61,200 87,500 68,400 58,000 28,300 Export of Mules: To Bolivia 2,700 4,600 7,900 8,300 2,500 To Chile 2,300 3,200 5,000 2,600 3,500 Export of Asses: To Bolivia 9,000 10,500 15,000 15,600 14,400[27] [27] Imperfect statistics given by Poncel for the province of Catamarca give us some idea of the respective shares of the various Andean districts in the export of Argentine cattle about the middle of the nineteenth century. In 1855 the province of Catamarca sold 2,700 head of cattle (1,300 to Chile, 200 to Bolivia, 600 to San Juan and Mendoza), 3,200 mules (2,500 to Bolivia 600 to Salta--which also were for Bolivia), and 1,200 asses (700 to Bolivia and 400 to Salta). Besides the official routes there have for a long time been clandestine tracks, through more difficult ravines, by which stolen cattle were conveyed with impunity. Guachipas was the gathering place for cattle of suspicious origin, and, to avoid being seen in Salta and Jujuy, they passed through the Quebrada del Toro or the Quebrada d'Escoïpe. When Brackebusch visited Guachipas in 1880 the inhabitants still kept something of their reputation as smugglers. A map of the cattle-tracks which are still used in the Argentine Andes is a complicated network in which we can trace two main directions, crossing each other at right angles. One set of tracks leads to the west, toward the Pacific coast, the other set to the north, toward the Bolivian tableland. The cattle traffic is now restricted to Chile. It survives at San Juan, Jachal, Vinchina, and Tinogasta. The cattle descend to Chile about Coquimbo, Vallenar, or Copiapo. But the trade is now busiest in the region of the saltpetre-beds. The roads lead from the Valle de Lerma and the Valle Calchaqui toward the tableland by the Quebrada del Toro or the Quebrada de Cachi or de Luracatao, crossing lofty passes at the foot of the Nevados of Acay and Cachi, and reuniting between Santa Rosa de Pastos Grandes and San Antonio de los Cobres to cross the Puna de Atacama. _Vegas_ (pastures) and fresh water are scarce here. The track passes interminably by depressions covered with a carpet of glistening salt, dominated by volcanic crests. It is used in every season of the year, but in winter the caravans are exposed to the cold wind laden with snow, the _viento blanco_. San Pedro is the port in this desolation. Here there are, on the flanks of the enormous cone of Licancour, fields of lucerne and groups of figs and _algarrobas_. The cattle are left there for a few days' rest, to prepare them for the last stage, the Calama oasis on the Antofágasta railway. The centre of this trade is Salta, or, rather, the little village of Rosario de Lerma, nine miles south of it, where most of the caravans are formed. The saltpetre works make yearly contracts in advance with the Rosario dealers, fixing the number and price of the beasts to be delivered at Calama. The cost of transport includes, besides the pay of the cattle-drivers--eighty to a hundred piastres a journey--the shoeing of the mules, the rent of pasture at San Pedro, and the value of the beasts which die on the way. In 1913 the number of animals exported by this route was put at 30,000. The saltpetre works buy also draught-mules for their waggons. Draught-mules must be heavy, and only animals over five feet in height are sent to Chile. Bolivia is now the only market for the smaller mules and for asses. The trade in mules in its traditional form and the industry of breaking-in still flourish at Santa Maria. The mule-dealer's business is very different from that of the cattle-dealer. The mules are so tough that it is possible to send them by roads which would be unsuitable for cattle.[28] The journeys are longer, and the contracts are less settled in advance. Moreover, breaking-in is a delicate operation that requires experience. The survival of the mule-trade at Santa Maria is an example of the maintenance of an industry owing to the presence of skilled handicraft. The men who break in the mules at Santa Maria have a remarkable caste-pride. Their first job is to go to Santiago or Córdoba to buy the mules. They bring them back to Santa Maria by way of Catamarca or the valley of Tafi. At Santa Maria the mules are broken in, then taken to the lucerne-farms at Poma to be put into good condition. There they remain in pasture for several months; and at length, when the season is suitable, the little band of Santa Marieños gathers together and, driving the now docile beasts in front of them, and putting no loads on them in order that they may keep fresh, make for the fair at Huari in Bolivia, or even as far as Sucre. There they sell at a hundred and fifty piastres each the animals which they had bought for half that price before being broken in. The number of mules hibernating at Poma is about 4,000. [28] For instance, herds of mules are taken from Abrapampa, on the line of the Quiaca, to the saltpetre mines of Antofágasta, whereas every effort to convey cattle by this route has failed. The business done in the fairs of the southern Andes is very varied in character, but their main function was always as markets for stock.[29] They are held in March or April, when the rains do not fall, but pasture is still abundant and travelling easy. The fair at Vilque, north of Lake Titicaca, is no longer visited by dealers in Argentine mules. The Salta fair which was held at Sumala, near Rosario de Lerma, has ceased to be important; at the close of the eighteenth century it was the chief centre of the mule-trade. The fair held at Jujuy is still, like the annual pilgrimage to the Virgen del Valle de Catamarca, one of the great dates in the life of the Andes. In the eighteenth century it was mainly a cattle-fair, but it is now frequented only by mule-dealers. The development of the railways is gradually causing it to decline. [29] There is an interesting study of fairs on the elevated tableland by G. M. Wrigley, "Fairs of the Central Andes," in the _Geographical Review_ (New York), vii. 1919, pp. 65-80. The cattle-trade has long been really a form of barter. The Argentinians who took their herds to Peru brought back with them European goods that had come via Panama and the Pacific. At Jachal direct communication with Argentina is still so costly that they prefer to get many manufactured articles from Chile. Everywhere else, however, the sellers of stock take payment in cash. The Santa Marieños bring back from Bolivia only a few bags of coca and, for chief payment, letters of exchange, which they cash in the Salta banks when they return. Their gains swell the profits of the merchants of Salta, Catamarca, and Jujuy, who get their goods at the large importing houses of Buenos Aires. It is the first form under which the influence of Buenos Aires reaches the _valles_. It gets their custom before it begins to absorb their produce. A large proportion of the stock sent to Chile now comes from the Andean valleys themselves. The most arid and desolate regions round the oases breed only goats and asses; but as soon as the soil improves sufficiently to give a better vegetation, it is found good enough for a hardy and tenacious breed of horned cattle. The land is divided into large ranches, and the owners have also lucerne-farms, either individually or communally, the tillers of the oasis each putting in their beasts, which wander about in small groups without control. During the summer they go of their own accord up to the _cerros_, where the rains have brought out the vegetation, and drinking-water is found in the ravines for several months. In the winter they return to the valley, within range of the reservoirs and permanent _acequias_. Bodenbender gives us a few details about movements from place to place owing to such differences, as they are in vogue in the western part of the province of La Rioja, in the district of Guandacol. There the herds are taken during years of drought up to the mountains of the west. Apart from the Andes, the zone which used to feel the influence of the trans-Andean markets has been steadily reduced in the last forty years. At one time it comprised the whole range of the scrub, and even overflowed upon the prairie region, but it is now limited to the nearest cantons to the fringe of the mountains. Over the greater part of the _monte_ the cattle are now sent in other directions; either to Buenos Aires or to other Argentine towns with a growing population, such as Córdoba, Mendoza, and Tucumán. The rupture of commercial relations with Chile has, however, not made any notable change in the pastoral industry. Pastoral life in the scrub has very uniform characters. It is chiefly dominated by the question of water-supply. Natural open water is scarce, and the cattle can drink only where man's industry makes it possible. The problem of taming the beasts, which the breeders on the prairies have not always been able to solve, is simplified by the scarcity of water. There is no need to hunt the cattle, no periodical _rodeos_, when the herd is drawn in every night by thirst to the water-supply. Advance in colonization means the provision of wells and reservoirs (_baldes_ and _represas_), without which the breeders cannot occupy the plain permanently, but have to fall back during the dry season upon the few streams that cross it. The word _balderia_ means districts where the presence of a sheet of water not far underground has enabled them to form a system of wells. The best known is the Balderia Puntana, in the northern part of the province of San Luis. Of the regions apart from the Andes which still depend on the Chilean market it will be enough to mention two, which may be regarded as typical. The first is the Chaco Salteño, on the eastern slope of the Sierra de la Lumbrera. The Lumbrera is a lofty anticlinal range of limestones and red sandstones, which pass to the west underneath the clay of the Chaco plain, and separate it from the great longitudinal sub-Andean corridor, which was followed by the old road, and is now followed by the railway from Tucumán to Jujuy. Colonization began beyond the Lumbrera in the eighteenth century by passing round it, from south to north, by the valleys of the Juramento and the San Francisco (which joins the Bermejo). The ranches, which employed the Indians--the occupation of the Chaco at this point being pacific--bordered the Bermejo and the Rio del Valle, which flows from the Lumbrera range toward the former bed of the Bermejo, and washes the foot of the range at the edge of the plain. [Illustration: DRY SCRUB OF THE CENTRAL CHACO. _On the Añatuya line (province of Santiago del Estero). Cactus. The leafless tree in the foreground is a red_ quebracho. _The leafy trees are white_ quebrachos. Photograph by the Author.] [Illustration: MARSHES (ESTEROS OR CAÑADAS) OF THE EASTERN CHACO. _On the Tartagal line (province of Santa Fé). It is by means of these marshes, which form in the forest, that this part of the plain is drained._ Photograph by the Author. PLATE V. To face p. 58.] The cattle live in the scrub during the summer, when the rains have brought out the grasses. In winter they go up to the moist forest, with perennial vegetation, which covers the flanks of the range.[30] The comparative abundance of water lessens the labour of the breeders and, at the same time, the discipline of the herds. When the time comes, the whole ranch is mobilized for the purpose of collecting the adult cattle and making a convoy of them. Horsemen, with the double leather apron which hangs at the saddle-bow to protect them from the branches, ride up the range with their dogs and plunge into the scrub. The savage beasts are rounded up and held at bay. The procession is formed, and sets out, either by the rugged paths across the forest and mountain or along the easier tracks over the plain to Embarcación or Lumbreras, where they reach the railway. If buyers from the sugar-refineries at Jujuy do not take them, the cattle are put into trucks and sent to the Salta market, where there are sales all the year round. At Salta the beasts are fattened on the lucerne-farms before crossing the Cordillera. There is hardly any tillage, either because the winter drought makes the result dubious or because the breeders are not good at agricultural work. [30] On Aconcagua also the moist forest serves as winter pasture for the cattle from the ranches. The Sierra de los Llanos in La Rioja is another centre for extensive breeding. From the railway, which follows the range at some distance, between Chañar and Puntá de los Llanos, before it reaches La Rioja, no one would have the least suspicion of the importance and life of the region. It is, nevertheless, one of the main foci of Argentine history. It has proved a cradle of population and wealth. It was there that Quiroga and, later, the strange adventurer who was known by the nickname of the "Chacho" gathered the strength that enabled them to dominate part of Argentina. Colonization is even older here than in the Chaco Salteño. It occupied two distinct periods, separated by a long interval. At first it advanced from north to south, passing round the foot of the Sierra. It is marked by a line of springs, poor but permanent, the waters of which are absorbed as soon as they flow down to the porous alluvial beds of the plain. They appear much in the names of the district--_agüitas_, _aguaditas_, and so on, abound. The road from La Rioja to San Luis passed these springs, and some population grew up about them. Thus the two sides of the range--the _costa baja_ in the east and the _costa alta_ in the west--became inhabited. The estate of Facundo is one of these _aguaditas_ of the _costa alta_. The two _costas_ form the historic territory of the Llanos. It was from there that colonization swarmed over the plain long afterwards. This expansive movement began about 1850; that is to say, at a time when the breeders enjoyed comparative peace and security, and especially when the _invernadas_ of San Juan and Mendoza were developed, together with the export of cattle to the agricultural provinces of Chile. The price of stock rose, and the unoccupied land became of value. The occupation and exploitation of the plain was the work of the last two generations. They pushed on to the very edge of the salt lakes, leaving no vacant space. The _travesias_ which surrounded the narrow inhabited zone of the _costas_ were filled with life. The Sierra and its two _costas_ are no longer an oasis in the desert, as they were in the time of Sarmiento; though they still differ from the remainder of the pastoral zone in the density of their population and the variety of their resources. The early date of the colonization may be traced in a special system of tenure, though this is also found in parts of the provinces of Catamarca and Santiago del Estero. On the plain the right of ownership was obtained in the nineteenth century by purchase or by concessions of public lands which belonged to the provincial Government. They were allotted in very large estates, and these, intact or broken up, are the actual ranches. In approaching the foot of the range one passes estates in the _mercedes_. The name indicates concessions that date from the colonial epoch, and they are, in all parts of South America that were early colonized, the source of land-ownership. But what is peculiar to the _mercedes_ of the Llanos is that they have never been divided amongst the heirs of the first owner.[31] Sometimes the number of co-proprietors is small. They are conscious of their relationship to each other and know the value of the rights of each. The _merced_ is in that case only an undivided property held in common. Sometimes, however, the numbers of _comuneros_ is so great that they have lost count of the exact share of the _merced_ which belongs to each of them. The _merced_ feeds a whole population, legitimate heirs and usurpers mixed together. In these cases it is a real communal property, and one might compare it, in spite of its different origin, with the Indian communities which exist in Argentine territory as well as that of most of the other Andean States. [31] The title of the _merced_ often shows clearly the attraction which the springs at the foot of the Sierra had for colonists. The land of the _merced_ of Ulapes is defined thus: "The spring and the land within two leagues of it in every direction." The spring is the centre. There its protecting deities live. The economy of the Llanos is less simple than that of the Chaco Salteño. There is agriculture as well as breeding. There is not much rain, and it is confined to the summer months. The mean rainfall is, no doubt, higher than what we find at La Rioja (about 30 centimetres), but it is not good enough to dispense with irrigation. The _aguadas_, springs and brooks at the foot of the range, are the only provision of permanent water, and it is very limited. The oases watered by these springs and brooks cover only a few acres at the foot of the steep cliffs of the range. It has not been possible to cultivate the land far from the mountains. At Chamical a trench that was made to convey water to the railway dried up. All that can be done is to follow for a few miles with a line of wells a subterranean stream of fresh and not very deep water. At Bella Vista a _comunero_ has dug an _acequia_ several miles long, and he sells the water at a rate of five piastres for forty-eight hours. But when it reaches the end of the _acequia_, it is lost between the trench and the field to which they would conduct it. At Ulapes, though it is one of the chief centres, it takes the full outflow of the spring during sixteen hours to irrigate one _cuadra_ (a little over two acres), and each man's "turn" is for seventeen days. The entire oasis measures about fifty acres. At Olta the thin stream of water is surrounded by so many cupidities that the "turn" comes only every fifty-eight days, so that each field has to live fifty-eight days on one watering. At Catuna where a trickle of brackish water is eagerly collected at the foot of a dejection-cone, the water-right is regulated by an arrangement of turns that covers ninety days, so that plants die of thirst in the interval. The plots vary according to the quantity, quality, and regularity of the water. The orange-tree is the most exacting, the fig the most tenacious, of the trees. The poorest oases consist only of a few gardens of dusty fig-trees. However small it is, the oasis always stands for a rudiment of communal life, a _poblado_, a centre round which life is organized in this pastoral, anarchic, amorphous world. Land that has a water-right is regarded as detached from the _merced_ and never remains undivided. Besides these properly irrigated lands there are the _bañados_: cultivated plots in the hollows, where the moisture left by the storms is concentrated and preserved. These are much more extensive, and they are very irregularly distributed. Inequalities of the alluvial ground that almost escape the eye are sufficient to direct the streaming of the water after rain, and it is quickly absorbed. Man assists nature as well as he can, and one sees everywhere tiny ridges of earth across the paths, for the purpose of diverting the water to the plots. These are the _tomas_. When you follow a _toma_ downward, you see it after a time pass under a hedge of dry thorn, and this encloses a field, a _cerco_. The crops have to be jealously guarded against the cattle which roam in the scrub. The _cercos_ are sometimes so numerous that they give the impression of a regular agricultural district. Most of them are planted with maize. The maize harvest rarely fails in the summer, for it is then, on account of the regular rains, that the maize grows and ripens. When the ears have been gathered, the cattle are let into the _cerco_, as maize-straw is excellent fodder. But wheat also grows well in the _bañados_. Provided the year has had a few late showers, the wheat sown in autumn stands the winter drought more or less well, and ripens after the early rains, at the beginning of summer. The Llanos produce a hard wheat; it is not milled, but eaten, like rice, in the grain. There have been times when the Llanos have exported wheat. The census of 1888 gives the Department of General Belgrano, on the eastern slope of the Llanos, an area of 900 acres under maize and 1,900 under wheat. When the Chilecito railway was constructed, this wheat competed with that brought on mules from Jachal, in the mining district of the Famatina range. Like the gardens in the oases, the _cercos_ may be divided, and they are the personal property of those who cultivate them. Sowing and reaping are, however, mere episodes in the life of the _Llanero_. He is mainly occupied with cattle-breeding. The quality of the pasture differs considerably according to the nature of the soil and the good and bad character of the season. Sometimes it forms a thick carpet under the brushwood, but in other places it is poor and there is nothing but the leaves and pods of the _algarroba_. If the herd is too large, the grass will not grow again; the breeder recognizes at a glance the _campo recargado_--the field which has had its capacity overstrained. The pasture has to be carefully nursed. But the most urgent problem is to get a supply of water for the cattle. Round the Sierra the underground water is often fresh, and there are plenty of wells. Still, in order to avoid having to draw the water, they dig large trenches at suitable spots in the clay, and round these they arrange the earth that has been dug out, with an opening toward the hills to catch the water when it is raining. These are the _represas_. As in the case of the _bañados_, ridges of earth direct the stream to the _represa_. It is surrounded by a hedge as carefully as the field is. On the plain rain is rare, and the _represas_ are usually the only reserve. They have to last the whole year; even two years if there is a particularly dry summer that prevents re-filling. Thus they become sometimes veritable lakes. From a distance you can see, above the top of the brushwood, the bald curve of the mound of beaten earth which encircles them. The water flows over it when there has been much rain. The mound is sometimes 4-1/2 to 5-1/2 yards high; as it is at Tello, between the Sierra d'Ulapes and the Sierra de los Llanos, where the San Juan coach used to change horses. The _represa_ is the real centre of the estate. The house is built near it, and guards the entrance. From early morning until dusk the cattle come to it, singly or in groups. The rancher admits them, lets them drink, and closes the gate behind them. If the thirsty cattle have not his mark and belong to a neighbour, he sends them to drink at their own _represa_; but he gives water to lost beasts, from a distance, whose owner will presently come for them. Near the _represa_ is the enclosure (_potrero_) for calves that have just been born. The cows come there every morning, and they are milked for a few months to make cheese. Like the _cerco_, the _represa_ is the personal property of the man who made it, or of one who has inherited it and sees to its upkeep. The cattle of the Llanos move a good deal. There are certain irregular migrations, and others that are periodic or connected with the seasons. Everywhere on the fringe of the Sierra the cattle remain in the ravine and on the foot-hills during the winter. In the summer they return of themselves to their _querencia_ on the plain. The irregular migrations are due to scarcity of water or pasture. Driven by hunger, the beasts travel a long distance of their own accord. They mingle with other herds, sometimes so far from the ranches where they were born that no one recognizes their mark. Sometimes, again, the rancher himself goes, when his _represa_ is dry, to ask hospitality in some more favoured canton. He is fortunate if the drought has not been general; if part of the country has been spared and can offer a refuge. But it sometimes happens that the whole district has suffered, and the land is naked and scorched everywhere. There is then no help except a long journey, to San Luis or to the lucerne-farms of San Juan, for the cattle. The misfortune of the Llanos sends up at once the rent of the _invernadas_ all round. A general evacuation of the cattle is a desperate remedy, and is, in fact, often impracticable. During the whole summer the men wait patiently, hoping for the end of the drought. There is room for hope until April, when storms are still possible. If the month ends without rain, it is too late to remove the exhausted cattle; the stages across the desolated country are too severe. The memory of the worst years of drought--the "epidemics," as the Llanero calls them--lives for a long time. They make a deep impression on the popular imagination, and legend makes plagues of them, in the Biblical way. The drought of 1884 was particularly disastrous. The herds were destroyed, and families that had been wealthy the day before set out on foot, "having nothing to put a saddle on": a touching picture of misery for this race of centaurs, people who feel themselves mutilated when they are not on horse. The rain returns next year. The pasture grows all the better because the herd is smaller, and the Llanos give the traveller who crosses them an exaggerated impression of their natural wealth. Until quite a recent date the cattle reared in the Llanos were destined exclusively for Chile. Dealers from Jachal or Tinogasta came in the autumn, and the cattle passed the winter in the _invernadas_ at the foot of the Cordillera. From the Sierra d'Ulapes, which is a southward continuation of the Llanos, the cattle destined for Chile were first sent to San Juan. They took one or two weeks to reach it. Five men were needed for a herd of a hundred beasts: eight for a herd of two hundred. The caravan was directed by an _estanciero_ (rancher) or his _capataz_, or by dealers who came originally from the Llanos. Exports to Chile have not entirely ceased. In 1913 the dealers from Tinogasta and Jachal, who had not appeared in 1912, came back. The southern part of the Sierra d'Ulapes, which is some distance from the railway, reserves its cattle for San Juan. The cattle are, however, more and more sent by rail to the coast. In the Sierra d'Ulapes the dealers from Villa Mercedes, which has become one of the great markets of Argentina, come every year, rent an enclosure (_protrero_), and collect in it, one by one, a herd of cattle, which they then take away on foot. They are sold at the fair at Villa Mercedes, and they disperse in every direction toward the fattening zones of the Pampa. This commercial revolution has led to a rise in the price of cattle, and this in turn has raised the value of land. When the value of the land rises, the methods of working it are necessarily improved, there is greater security, and thefts of cattle (_cuatrerismo_) become impossible. The farmers are not content merely to enlarge their _represas_ or dig deeper wells. They divide the fields by fences--cheap iron wire stretched on home-made posts, or hedges of spines like those which protect the _bañados_. Thus pasture can be reserved untouched for the difficult months. This subdivision of the land by fences began in the south, in the Ulapes district, in touch with the richer districts of San Luis and Córdoba. In the Llanos proper the practice has scarcely begun. At Ulapes it is even done on the _mercedes_. Each _comunero_, without opposition, encloses as much space as he can, and leaves his cattle outside, on the common land, as long as possible. He only brings them into his enclosed land when the common pasture is exhausted. This will bring about the end of the _mercedes_; and, indeed, communal ownership is not suited to modern conditions. The latest sign of progress is the appearance of lucerne fields. Lucerne can be grown on the _bañados_ wherever anything else can be grown; and the creation of lucerne-farms will give the pastoral industry a security and stability it never had before, besides enabling the breeders to collect stores of dry forage and exploit the full pastoral capacity of the _monte_. CHAPTER III TUCUMÁN AND MENDOZA THE GREAT INDUSTRIAL ENTERPRISES Tucumán and the road to Chile--The climate and the cultivation of the sugar-cane--The problem of manual labour--Irrigation at Mendoza--Water-rights--Viticulture--Protection and the natural conditions. The great industrial forms of cultivation, the sugar-cane and the vine, gave a new aspect to the scenery of Tucumán and Mendoza at the end of the nineteenth century. The increase of population and wealth which they entailed was so sudden, the economic advance so swift, that the owners of vineyards and the sugar-makers have now lost all recollection of the primitive industries which gave life to colonial Tucumán and Mendoza, and were maintained until the last generation. Nevertheless, if one compares Tucumán or Mendoza with some centre of irrigated tillage in north-west Argentina, one quickly perceives the original features which three centuries of history have given them. The system of land-tenure, water-rights, the distribution of the cultivated zones, and a thousand other features, show that the colonization is old. The exploitation of the soil and utilization of the water have not proceeded on a methodical plan, conceived in advance, which would make each piece of work--the dams and channels of distribution, for instance--subordinate to the whole. The engineers who constructed the great modern dams of Mendoza, San Juan and Sali, had not to create a region of new estates, but merely to improve the water-supply, which was used wastefully by the existing estates. There is nothing more suggestive than the contrast between these stone dams, built according to all the rules of hydraulics, and the network of irregular channels, following the accidental variations of the land and the slope, which preceded them, and to which they have been accommodated as far as possible. In some cases the primitive _acequias_ could not be altered so as to start from the dam. The accumulations of water succeed each other down the slope, held up by a simple barrier of branches and earth which is periodically destroyed by floods. The modern flood-proof dam (_dique nivelador_), which cuts the torrent in its entire width, and enables them to make use of its whole volume, allows a certain amount of water to pass, for the use of the _acequias_ lower down. This falls back into the broad, stony bed, exposed to evaporation and infiltration as it was before. * * * * * Long before the development of the sugar industry on a large scale, there was a typically urban life, added to the common fund of pastoral life, at Tucumán. The neighbouring cantons of the scrub--Trancas, Burruyacu, and Graneros--sent cattle and mules to Peru and Chile, like the other Argentine plains. But Tucumán drew still greater profit from its position as chief stage on the high road to Peru, at the point where the plain passes into the mountain. Primitive Tucumán was an excellent type of high-road village. The road determined its position at the point where the Sali had to be crossed. The first site of the town, near Monteros, was abandoned in the eighteenth century, when the high road to Peru settled in the sub-Andean region and ceased to run through the Calchaqui valley. The road sustained its chief industries, tanning and harness-making for the muleteers of the Andes, and waggon-making for the _troperos_ of the plain. The road and the people travelling along it afforded an outlet for its wheat and flour, and facilitated the export of its tobacco to the coast-provinces. The waggon-owners were really contractors, conveying stuff at their own cost. Moreover, part of Bolivia came to make its purchases at the shops (_tiendas_) of Tucumán, and the merchants of the town took in exchange Bolivian ore for export. Thus the road built up a nucleus of available capital at Tucumán. This capital was invested, at the close of the nineteenth century, in sugar; and it has increased a hundredfold. Most of the works still belong to old families of the town. The sugar-region is comparatively small. It covers an area which has exceptional climatic features, owing to the vicinity of Mount Aconcagua. While the higher chains of the Andes further north are separated from the Chaco plain by lower ranges, on which the east winds leave their stores of moisture less freely, Tucumán has on its west the great mass of Aconcagua. It rises, a giant landmark, at the beginning of the plains, from which there is nothing to separate it, and gathers the clouds round it. [Illustration: THE VALLE OF SANTA MARIA, NORTH-WEST OF MOUNT ACONCAGUA. _At the bottom of the valle one can see the sandy bed of the river as a white line in the foreground. Zone of torrential terraces, which follows the edge of the valle._ Photograph by the Author.] [Illustration: THE OASIS OF ANDALGALA. _At the western foot of Aconcagua, the snowy crest of which can be seen._ Photograph by the Author. PLATE VI. To face p. 70.] On the eastern slope of Aconcagua is the limit of the crescent of tropical forest, which begins about three thousand miles away, on the flank of the Venezuelan and Colombian Cordilleras, and is connected in the centre, in the equatorial zone, from Guaviare to Mamore, with the forests of the Amazon region. At its two ends it is reduced to a narrow belt which does not reach, in the east, the alluvial plains, the savannahs of the Orinoco and the scrub of the Chaco. The humid forest of the Argentine Andes is nowhere more luxuriant than near its southern limit, above Tucumán. There are no palms or tree-ferns, but the convolvulus abounds, and the evergreen trees are covered with epiphytes. Aconcagua is one of the sharpest climatological limits in the world. In the latitude of Salta one has only to go about 150 miles to pass from the moist forests of the sub-Andean chain of the Lumbrera to the arid valley of Cachi. On both sides of Aconcagua there are less than fifty-five miles between the sugar-cane fields won from the forest and the oasis of Andalgala, or that of Santa Maria, which are right in the desert zone. According as one approaches Aconcagua from the east or the west, one finds, from base to summit, either the successive stages of vegetation of the humid Andes--from forest to grain-sown prairie (_paramo_ or _pajonal_)--or those which are characteristic of the arid Andes, from the spiny scrub of the valleys to the fields of resinous _tola_ of the Puna. The contrast of climates is repeated in the character of the soils. Aconcagua contains in itself the entire Andes in miniature. At the foot of the narrow zone of Alpine crests, in the few square miles of the elevated valleys of Tafi and Pucara, there is a small agricultural and pastoral world, in a temperate climate, that has nothing quite like it elsewhere, narrowly confined between the forest and the desert.[32] [32] The higher valleys of Aconcagua offer inexhaustible interest to the visitor. At Sancho (Pucara valley) there is a group of Italian colonists who grow maize and wheat: a unique fact, I believe, in the whole of this part of Argentina. The Tafi valley is mainly pastoral, the pastures of the valley being used in summer and the forest for winter pasture. The sugar district of Tucumán is not, properly speaking, an oasis; that is to say, it is not an irrigated canton in the midst of a desert, but a moist patch in the heart of a less favoured region. The traveller who comes from the Chaco finds that the dust disappears from the moister air as he approaches Tucumán. The rainfall approaches 974 millimetres at Tucumán. Irrigation is a valuable aid to the farmer, but it is not indispensable. Maize is generally raised without watering, and part even of the sugar-cane crop is raised on land that is not irrigated. It is not the relatively heavy rainfall that has led to the development of the sugar-cane estates at Tucumán, but the evenness of the temperature, together with the atmospheric moisture and the rareness of frost. The mists which develop at the foot of Aconcagua form a protecting mantle above Tucumán which prevents nocturnal radiation. The nearer one gets to the mountain, the later, rarer, and lighter the frosts are. If, on the contrary, one goes out some distance westward toward the plain, the frost becomes more severe, and it is impossible to grow sugar-cane. Not only the humidity, but the contour also, has some influence on the changes of temperature and the distribution of frost. The depressions in which the cold air accumulates, in virtue of the well-known meteorological phenomenon of inversion of temperature, are more exposed than sloping districts, where the air circulates regularly and freely. The eastern limit of the zone spared by the frosts passes about thirty-five miles from the foot of Aconcagua. It has only been made clear by experiment, and one can still see there the traces of abandoned plantations. The water-supply in the Tucumán district consists, primarily, of numerous evenly flowing streams which come down the eastern flank of Aconcagua (Lules, Famailla, Angostura, Gastona, Medinas, etc.). They join the Sali to the south of Tucumán. The Sali is an irregular torrent which rises in the sub-Andean depression to the north and Tucumán, and, after squeezing Aguadita between the north-eastern extremity of Aconcagua and the sub-Andean chain of Burruyacu, enters the plain at Tucumán. It then flows southward, meandering over a large bed of shingle in which it has not had force enough to excavate a valley, and the inclination of the land on its left bank (to the east) is toward the east and south-east. The lands on the right bank of the Sali are consequently better provided with water than those on the left bank. The difference is so marked that, as the estates on the right bank get most of their supply elsewhere, the water of the Sali nearly all goes to the left bank. In 1912 a siphon was actually constructed underneath the bed of the Sali to convey the unused water of the Rio Lules to the right bank. Lastly, to the north of Tucumán the Sierra de Burruyacu provides a few intermittent streams of water, which the _estancias_ (ranches) formerly conducted, with great labour, to their _represas_. These do not suffice for irrigation on a large scale. The sugar-cane was first grown at the gates of the town and, to the east, at Cruz Alta, on the left bank of the Sali. These were some distance from the mountain because, as there was less rain and the soil was fairly dry, the natural vegetation was less luxuriant, and it cost less to prepare the ground.[33] The Central Córdoba Railway, which passes along the right bank of the Sali south of Tucumán, is the axis of another zone of cultivation and of old factories. Colonization afterwards went further west. A new provincial railway, describing a section of a circle, was grafted at Tucumán (1888-90) and Madria upon the Central Córdoba line. It keeps close to the foot of the range, the _falda_, and enables farmers to settle on it. The new estates have not confined themselves to the alluvial plain; they have crept up the foot hills, and are constantly going higher. In the latitude of Tucumán the mountain approaches within eight or twelve miles of the Sali, and the possibilities of extension westward are strictly limited; indeed, they are already exhausted. Further south, on the contrary, the plain extends more than fifteen miles to the east of the provincial railway. West of Monteros, Concepción, and the existing line of works, there is a reserve of available land; there is room for a fresh advance westward. There is also room for expansion to the north-east, at the foot of the sub-Andean chain of Burruyacu, where the frosts are slight. It is in this direction that most of the clearing is now going on. [33] In 1894 it was calculated that ground that was not yet cleared was worth 100 to 150 piastres a hectare at Cruz Alta, and the cost of clearing 150 to 200 piastres, whereas in the moist forest at the foot of the Sierra the land was worth only 75 to 100 piastres, the cost of clearing it was double (300 to 350 piastres). These various districts do not offer quite the same conditions to the farmer. The _Falda_ is the most suitable, not only on account of the rareness of frost, but because of the fertility of the soil, as the tropical forest has accumulated inexhaustible stores of humus. The sugar-cane returns are higher there than anywhere else. Irrigation is not necessary, but, on the other hand, the humidity reduces the proportion of sugar in the cane. Irrigation is the rule in the next belt, between the local railway and the Central Córdoba line (on the right bank of the Sali). On the left bank a large number of the estates must still do without watering. The most original feature of the organization of the sugar industry at Tucumán is the maintenance of a class of independent cultivators, the _cañeros_, side by side with the large enterprises. This survival of small and medium properties is a fact to which we find no parallel in the other sugar districts of tropical America.[34] Everywhere else, in Brazil and in the Antilles, the farms which worked up their own produce, on primitive methods, have been absorbed by the central works. The home-worker has lost his land as well as been ruined in his industry by the competition of the modern factory. At Tucumán, on the contrary, the sugar industry never passed through the stage of domestic production. It was set up in full development, some devoting their capital to building works, others to growing the cane. Irrigation seemed from the first to dictate a concentration of ownership; the refineries at Cruz Alta constructed costly special canals to bring the water of the Sali. It is only large proprietors who have the resources needed to carry out work of this kind, and sufficient influence to secure permission to conduct the water over adjoining estates. However, the law of 1897 reorganized irrigation and withdrew the water-supply from the control of a few privileged big capitalists. Public works, undertaken by the provincial authorities, brought the water within the reach of every farmer. Since 1897 the number of water-concessions has risen from 230 to nearly 2,000. [34] Except, perhaps, in Barbadoes. The interests of the factory (_ingenio_) and the farmers (_cañeros_) are not indissolubly connected. Their respective parts in the final product of the sugar industry are not invariable. The increase in the number of factories means an increase in the number of cane-buyers, and so tends to raise the price. During the years antecedent to 1895 the refineries improved their machinery, and their productive capacity increased faster than the cultivated acreage. The price of the cane then rose to about twenty piastres a ton. As this figure is far above the net cost, the refineries endeavoured to profit themselves by the advantages that accrued to the _cañeros_, and they bought land for cultivation. It is to this period that the big concerns of Cruz Alta belong. Afterwards the production of cane increased, and nearly met the demands of the refineries, so that their competition relaxed. They ceased to buy land, and the price of cane was lowered. The refineries now deal with cane which they grow themselves, with paid workers of their own; with cane that they buy at a reduced price from tenants (_colonos_), who grow it on their own estates; and with cane sold them by _cañeros_ who own their own fields. The range of the country absorbed by each refinery is often very extensive. The Sugar Congress of 1894 estimated that half the cane-harvest was transported by rail, and that freight from one canton to another in the sugar district brought the railways more than a third of what they got for conveying sugar from Tucumán to the coast. Each railway company tries to keep along its own line the cane it carries to the refineries, so that the transport of the sugar when it is made will fall to itself. Thus the cane-market is divided into two separate compartments, with very little exchange between them. The first comprises the zone that depends on the Central Argentine and the State Railway; the second is the zone of the Central Córdoba and the old local line bought by the Central Córdoba. Certain parts, such as Cruz Alta and the district round the town, have too many works in proportion to their production of cane, and they are centres of import. The price of the cane is always higher here than in the agricultural districts. Each works has its customers. At the stations it instals weighing machines for receiving and weighing the cane. It is only the more important _cañeros_ who have the privilege of selling by the truck-load, or selling to distant works. The small growers are compelled to deal with the local refinery. They sell it their canes direct, or, sometimes, through agents and dealers. In the days when the works were competing for cane it became the custom to sign the purchase-contracts as early as possible; sometimes at the beginning of October, as soon as the harvest of the year is over. In order to make sure of the loyalty of the _cañero_ the manufacturers advance money to him, in proportion to their difficulty in getting cane. _Cañeros_ and mill-owners have had to work together to settle the problem of labour. There was not enough at hand, and it had to be recruited elsewhere. Agents were sent all round--to Catamarca and Santiago del Estero, and even to the province of Córdoba--to collect and bring gangs of workers. They were a mixed, unsteady, undisciplined lot. The owners of the works advanced them money in order to keep them, and then, fearing to lose the money advanced, would not dismiss them for laziness and irregularities. These troubles are not felt as much now as they were at the time when the industry was expanding. The population of immigrant workers has settled down and taken root. Besides creoles it includes a small number of Italians and Spaniards; but while the creoles have been definitely incorporated in the sugar industry, the European immigrants use their savings to buy a bit of land and take to farming. In normal times Tucumán has all the labour it requires, but the harvest always compels it to seek help in other provinces. In May and June the agents, well supplied with money, set out for the Salado, the districts round the Sierra d'Ancasti, etc. The temporary attraction of Tucumán at this season is felt over a considerable distance. At Santa Maria, on the far side of Mount Aconcagua, 600 people--men, women, and children--emigrate for five months, and live on the cane-fields. The merchants of Santa Maria make them advances, in the name of the refiners, to the amount of about sixty piastres per worker. Further north the Tucumán _enganchadores_ come into collision with those from Salta and Campo Santo, and they divide the available labour between them. Some of the temporary immigrants settle down permanently every year, and swell the normal population of the sugar industry. Outside the Tucumán district an unfortunate attempt was made to plant the sugar industry at Santiago del Estero, and large works were constructed. But the frost is severe there. For some years they tried to keep the Santiago works going with cane brought from Tucumán, but the freight was too heavy, and the works had to be abandoned, or else dismantled and set up elsewhere. The valley of the Rio Grande, from Jujuy to 200 miles north of Tucumán, in the sub-Andean depression between the Sierra de Zenta and the Lumbrera, has, on the other hand, suitable conditions for the cultivation of the cane. Frost is rare. The climate is warmer than at Tucumán, the canes ripen more quickly, and the average return is higher. The water-supply also is good. There have long been plantations in this region. Their first market was the region of the tableland and the valleys, where they chiefly sold brandy: a traffic of long standing, which one always finds round the cold districts of the Andes, from Colombia to the north of Argentina. The modern refineries of Ledesma and San Pedro took the place of the primitive mills as soon as the railway approached Jujuy, and even before it entered the valley of the Rio Grande. They then sent their sugar by waggon in November and December, between the close of the sugar season and the commencement of the rains, which spoil the roads. The sugar district of Jujuy now has a very different economic and social organization from that of Tucumán. Here there are no farmer-proprietors. Each centre is a large estate, in the midst of the forest, where the workers are lodged and fed by the works that employs them. The contractors who clear the ground for them are obliged by the terms of their contract to import their workers directly from the south, so that they will not take any away from the farming. There is no available labour, no free market, on the spot. Since the completion of the Quebrada de Humahuaca line, however, there has been a good deal of immigration, to settle or temporarily, of the mountaineers of the tableland. The sphere of influence of San Pedro now extends as far as Bolivia. For the harvest, which, like that of Tucumán, requires a good deal of additional manual labour, the works look to the wild Indians of the Chaco. This curious stream of seasonal migration, which the sugar campaign of Jujuy provokes every winter outside the zone of white colonization, is of very old date, going back more than sixty years. Belmar notices it about the middle of the nineteenth century. The recruiting agents of San Pedro and Ledesma set out from Embarcación, where the railway ends, and enter the Chaco, from which each of them brings a troop of some hundreds of natives between March and June. The number of these temporary immigrants seems to be about 6,000. The Chiriguanos of the north leave their families on the Chaco, and the men come alone. The Matacos immigrate in whole tribes. They camp in huts like those of their own villages, under the shelter of the works, and are paid in maize, meat, and cigars. In October, when the _algarroba_ flowers and makes them dream of their own country, they receive the remainder of their pay in money, and spend it in brandy, clothing, knives, and firearms. The history of Mendoza resembles that of Tucumán in many ways. In the province of Cuyo, as at Tucumán, urban life has been precocious. In the middle of the eighteenth century Mendoza and San Juan exported wines, dried fruit (_pasas_ and _orejones_), and flour to the coast and to Paraguay. Part of the so-called "Chilean flour" consumed on the Pampa, really came from Jachal and Mendoza. This trade ceased in the nineteenth century, but San Juan and Mendoza found another source of wealth in fattening cattle and sending them to Chile. Belmar, in 1856, estimates the extent of the lucerne farms of Cuyo to have been 150,000 _cuadres_(440,000 acres).[35] As at Tucumán, the present period is characterized by a rapid expansion of cultivation and a rapid growth of population. But, whereas at Tucumán the neighbouring provinces have provided the whole of the manual labour required, and the actual population is essentially creole, at Mendoza there has been a larger number of foreign immigrants. In 1914, foreigners were 310 per 1,000 of the entire population of Mendoza: a larger proportion than for the whole country. The immigrants going straight to Mendoza from the ports numbered 12,000 in 1911, and 15,000 in 1912; almost as much as for the province of Santa Fé, and more than for the province of Córdoba. Thus Mendoza plays a part of its own in the charm which Argentina has for the imagination of Europe. When we examine a chart of the population of South America, we notice that the oases of Cuyo contain the only important groups of European population at any distance from the coast. [35] A few convoys of cattle still use the Uspallata road, especially over the Espinacito pass in the Cordillera de San Juan. The prosperity of Mendoza to-day depends upon the cultivation of the vine, just as that of Tucumán depends upon sugar. The cultivation of the vine is possible in the greater part of Argentina. In the early days of colonization there were vineyards as far as the Paraguay. They still flourish at Concordia on the Uruguay and at San Nicolas on the lower Paraná. But the wet summers of the eastern provinces are not suitable for them. The climate for them improves as one goes westward, and there is less rain. The dry zone of eastern Argentina is the special field of the vine. There it has spread over nearly twenty degrees of latitude, and it depends, like other cultivation, upon irrigation. In the Andean valleys of the north-west it rises to a height of 7,500 feet. South of Mendoza the higher limit of the vine sinks rapidly, and there are no vineyards in the mountainous district itself. On the other hand, its range increases; in the east it spreads as far as the Atlantic coast, in the valley of the Rio Negro. The former centres of viticulture in the north-west, in the oases of the _costas_ of La Rioja, Catamarca, and Salta, have scarcely been affected by the advance; and, in any case, their extent is very limited. The vine-district of the Rio Negro is only in process of creation, and its output is still small. Thus the area of production on a large scale is limited to the three oases of San Juan, Mendoza, and San Rafaël, which in 1913 yielded 4,750,000 hectolitres, out of the total Argentine production of 5,000,000 hectolitres. These three centres differ from each other to-day rather in their economic development than in their physical conditions. At San Juan, the transformation of the earlier methods of production and the traditional creole industries is only now taking place. At Mendoza it is quite finished. The San Rafaël centre, on the other hand, is of recent origin; it was created on the site of a fortress which guarded the Indian frontier until 1880. Cultivated areas have appeared on virgin soil, in the midst of the desert. These different circumstances account for diversities which, though they will disappear in the course of time, are still obvious to the traveller. The general scene is the same everywhere. Arid and desolate mountains close the horizon in the west; at their feet spreads the immense alluvial deposit on which the vineyards, surrounded by rows of poplars, grow wherever water is to be found. There are so few gaps in the lower slopes of the Cordillera that the available water is gathered at a small number of points. The Rio San Juan alone drains a belt of the Cordillera at least 140 miles broad. Each of the two oases, Mendoza and San Rafaël, has two streams of water to feed it. The Mendoza and the Tunuyan at Mendoza, and the Diamante and the Atuel at San Rafaël, approach each other, when they leave the mountains, so closely that the estates they water blend into a continuous area. Then, however, instead of uniting, they diverge and are lost, separately, in the plain. These streams have less fall than the thinner torrents of the oases of the north-west, and the average inclination of the dejection-cones which bear the vineyards is slight. The upper slopes of the cone, where thin beds of clay lie upon shingle, give clear wines of excellent aroma. Hence, in the Mendoza district, the vineyards of Lujan and, further down, of Godoy Cruz, Guaymallen, and Maipu produce choice brands. On the plain, to the east of Mendoza, at San Martin and Junin, the harvest is larger, but the wine is rough, and one can often taste the saltpetre of the clayey soil. There is the same difference between the upper and lower district at San Juan and San Rafaël. The oases of San Juan and San Rafaël spread evenly over the most suitable parts of the alluvial talus, but the oasis of Mendoza has a peculiar shape which can only be explained by historical causes. The cultivated belt is a narrow strip along the Tunuyan, for more than sixty miles, as far as the heart of the plain, out of sight of the Cordillera. It is one instance, out of a thousand, of the influence of traffic on colonization. As a matter of fact, the road from Mendoza to the coast, by which the cattle convoys of San Luis went to the _invernadas_, passes along the Tunuyan. The estates grew up by the side of it. The villages of Santa Rosa, Las Catitas, and La Paz, which mark the various stages of it, are all of ancient origin. Strangers are rarely found there. One still sees in them very old houses, built before the railway was made, dating from the days of the _carril_ or waggon-road. The importance of this line of water across the desert is clearly seen on the Woodbine Parish map. The use of irrigation in this district raised different technical problems from those of the north-western provinces. In this latitude the torrents of the Andes are formidable when the snows melt, at the beginning of summer. The flood is all the greater and more sudden as the heat is late. From all the ravines of the mountains the muddy waters then converge toward the valley. The flood scours the bed of the river, erodes its banks, and threatens to find a way amongst the estates. Even the towns of Mendoza and San Juan have more than once been in danger. The fear of diverting the flood and of bringing it upon themselves compelled them to be content with raising only light and frail dams in the path of the torrent. At San Juan they used, for a long time, the waters of the Arroyo del Estero, a small brook fed by infiltration from the Valle de Zenda, and it was some time before they ventured to draw upon the river itself. [Illustration: THE OASIS DEL RINCON, BELOW SAUJIL (ANDALGALA LINE, PROVINCE OF CATAMARCA). _The dejection-cone, at the foot of which is the very small oasis, is seen resting against the Sierra d'Ambato._ Photograph by the Author.] [Illustration: THE MONTE AT EL YESO. _Zone of clay hills at the foot of the Sierra de San Antonio, at the edge of the Chaco. Corral (cattle park) made from tree-trunks._ Photograph by the Author. PLATE VII. To face p. 82.] Another problem, which the smaller oases of the north-west hardly know--the problem of drainage--is of paramount importance at San Juan and Mendoza, as far as a large part of the irrigated surface is concerned. The water infiltrating into the soil forms a subterranean sheet which approaches more or less to the surface according to the topography. It comes to the surface at the foot of the cone, where the slope diminishes and the cone gradually passes into the plain. Hence the cone has, at its base, a belt of marshes (_ciénagas_), and sometimes a line of good springs (_barbollon_). At San Juan, if you move far enough away to get a comprehensive view of the whole of the estates, you see that they occupy the middle belt, half-way down the cone, the top of which is composed of coarse shingle, while the bottom is too wet. The advance of the plots upward and the steadily increasing use of the available water tends to raise the level of the underground sheet and enlarge the area of marsh. There is a fine black soil, very fertile when it is drained, and no irrigation is needed; as it is possible, according to the depth of the drainage-trenches, to regulate the level of the underground water so as to make it reach and feed the roots. The draining of the marshes, again, opens up a field for the further expansion of the estates, especially at San Juan, where it has scarcely begun. Moreover, the water that is obtained by draining the marshes enables them to create new irrigated estates further on. At Mendoza there is already a considerable area irrigated by drainage-canals (_desagüe_). The level of the water in the marshes sinks in the summer and rises in winter, at the time when the irrigation of the upper districts is suspended or greatly reduced, and when the surplus of the _acequias_, which the fields no longer take, flows or infiltrates downward in any way that it can. Thus, contrary to the torrent itself, it is in winter that the drainage-canals are at their fullest. At Barriales (Mendoza), and on the lower course of the Zanjon canal, thousands of acres, watered by the drainage-canals and exposed to drought in the summer, have the right to take water from the river or the canal during the three summer months, from November to January. During the remainder of the year they are restricted to the use of the drainage-canals. This sort of concession seems to provide a means of using the surplus of the river during the summer. With this exception there are no temporary rights limited to the high-water season and enabling them to raise quick crops, that ripen in a few months, round the area of perennials. At least, the expansion of the estates and the wish to use the full water-supply have led to the creation of eventual rights, besides the definitive rights. They do not come into play, theoretically, until the definitive rights have had their full supply, and then only in a fixed order. They are subordinated to the ordinary rights, and the market value of land with eventual water-rights is much lower than that of land with definitive rights.[36] At San Rafaël, where colonization preceded the systematic inventory of the natural resources, the concession of eventual water-rights was a means of facilitating the development of estates; though they were very badly informed as to the surplus of the Atuel and the Diamante and the area that the new land might cover. [36] There are at present in the Mendoza province 275,000 hectares with a definitive right, and 303,000 with an eventual right. The concessions fed by the Diamante and the Atuel at San Rafaël, which amount to 120,000 hectares with a definitive right and 150,000 with an eventual right, are not yet entirely developed. In practice, the co-existence of eventual and definitive rights presents many difficulties, and more than one pretext for fraud. Sometimes the owners of eventual rights have access to the river higher up than the older intakes, which ought to be served first. A whole group of canals feeding land with eventual rights is in this way grafted upon the Tunuyan above La Paz, the rights of which are definitive and ancient. At Mendoza and San Juan the water-rights, codified in provincial laws which date, like the dams, from the end of the nineteenth century, are very different from the water-rights which hold in the Andean provinces of the north-west. The variety of the physical conditions is reflected in the institutions. Here water is not an object of private ownership independently of the soil. The concession of water is assigned to a definite estate, and it is formulated in superficial measurements. The law fixes the volume of water that goes with each unit of surface. If the output of the river is not large enough to provide the volume stated in the law to the whole of the irrigated district, all the lands with definitive rights receive at least an equal amount, and the available water is shared by the canals in proportion to the extent of the surface they irrigate. No law could secure for the farmers of Cuyo, even those with definitive rights, a constant supply of water, or save them from suffering in common from the variation in the volume of the torrents, and it was not even possible to guarantee them water in any permanent fashion. The _turno_ is used everywhere when the water is low. Lower down, where the drought lasts nearly the whole year, the _turno_ is the standing rule. At La Paz, on the fringe of the irrigated area, it has to be applied rigorously. The turn of each owner comes every eight, ten, or twelve days. In normal times he receives the _suerte de agua_; that is to say, the output of a sluice of a fixed size during a half-hour for each hectare (a little over two acres) of land. But if the river runs low, it becomes impossible to supply several neighbours simultaneously, and, in order to avoid making the interval between supplies too long, the duration of the _suerte de agua_ is reduced by half or three-quarters. The oases of Cuyo are like the small oases of the north-west as regards the function of those who are engaged in the administration of irrigation. The water-laws give the provincial functionaries general directions. Below them, however, to arrange the distribution of the water and the upkeep of the canals in detail, they have allowed to survive, and have merely regulated, certain primitive democratic organisms. At San Juan the superintendence of the irrigation is entrusted to elected municipal councils and the governor of the department. At Mendoza, the owners appoint a council of three delegates and an inspector for each canal, and these settle the annual budget of the canal, submit it to the provincial authorities, receive the taxes, carry out the necessary repairs, and so on. The great subdivision of property and the large number of electors make these little republics very lively; and they are very jealous of their autonomy.[37] [37] There are more than 6,000 owners at San Juan to 91,000 hectares, and more than 9,000 at Mendoza (zone of the rivers Mendoza and Tunuyan) to 130,000 hectares (statistics compiled in 1899). Even within the narrow limits of the Cuyo district the climatological conditions, which control the growth of the vine, are not everywhere the same. The opening of the vineyards varies by several weeks, according to the locality.[38] The northern slope of the cone, exposed to the sun and protected from the southern winds, is more precocious. Some districts, poorly sheltered from the southern winds, and very liable to have late frost, have not been planted with vines (district of the Tucuyan below San Carlos, to the south of Mendoza). Everywhere the dryness of the atmosphere causes the ripe grapes to remain long on the vine, so that the harvest may last two months or more without any harm. It thus requires a relatively small supplement of manual labour, and does not necessitate seasonal migrations. The length of the harvest, moreover, facilitates the trade in grapes, which is one of the special features of the Argentine vine-industry. [38] The difference is much greater at a distance from the Cuyo province. Catamarca, which specializes in the production of grapes for the table, is invaded by buyers from Buenos Aires, and begins to send grapes in December, two full months before the harvest begins in Mendoza. The climate is not so suitable for making wine as it is for growing vines. The temperature is high at the time of the harvest, and it retards fermentation in the cellars. The grapes have too much sugar and too little acid for the transformation of the must to proceed of itself. Hence it is necessary to have an expensive equipment, improved cellars, and skilled workers. This industrial organization is beyond the reach of the small cultivators. The cultivation of the vine and the making of wine are, therefore, not always associated. They are taken up by two different classes of the population. Tucumán has its _cañeros_ and factories, and Mendoza, by a division of labour which seems to the European visitor as strange as the climate which partly explains it, has its vine-growers (_viñateros_) and its manufactures (_bodegueros_).[39] [39] While the cultivation of the cane has, for the most part, become dependent upon the sugar industry, which represents large capital, wine-making is, on the contrary, usually regarded as merely an annex of wine-growing. Each of these two classes has had its share in the common work. The _viñatores_ have created the vineyard. The creole vine, imported into Peru from the Canaries and spreading over the whole of the southern Andes, yields great quantities of a sugary, but rough fruit, which does not lend itself to imitating the wines of Europe. At Mendoza it has almost entirely disappeared, though it survives at San Juan. It is grown on trellis-work, wooden frames resting on forked branches of _algarroba_; though sometimes the strong stems rise without support to a height of about six feet and are crowned with shoots and leaves. The new vine has been grown from French cuttings. While the creole vines look like orchards, the French vines are grown in rows of iron wire. The plantations were first made by creole workmen, who were paid by the day. Afterwards, as immigration from Europe increased, long-term contracts came into vogue, in virtue of which the colonist received the bare land and undertook to have it planted with vines at the end of three, four, or five years. The owner supplied the material, and at the end of the contract the colonist received a few _centavos_ for each vine, or sold the whole or part of the first harvest. On account of these contracts there were always a great many foreigners in the districts where vineyards were in course of formation. The proportion is now less at Mendoza than at San Rafaël, where colonization is more recent. Whenever they could, the owners left to the colonists, not only the business of planting the vines, but the upkeep of adult vineyards. In those cases the colonist receives a fixed sum per hectare (100 piastres, for instance), and has to dig, prune, irrigate, etc. A large number of these agricultural workers and small contractors have saved a small capital, and purchased land of their own. This they have planted, and they thus form a new class of working owners. While the _viñatores_ were multiplying vineyards, the _bodegueros_ were transforming the methods of making wine. The weakness of imperfectly fermented wines, which turn sour and evaporate quickly, was all the worse for the growers of the colonial period because transport was slow, and there was no protection against the sun, which cooked the _algarroba_ casks or the leather bottles on the backs of the mules. The vineyard-owners often preferred to distil their wine and export brandy, flavoured with aniseed, to the Andean tablelands or the coast. The climate and the risks of transport had brought into existence an astonishing variety of methods of treating the must. Sometimes it was concentrated by boiling until it became a thick syrup (_arrope_), something like, apparently, the thick wines of the Mediterranean in former times. At other times the must was cooked without thickening it, to prevent immediate fermentation, as is done with the _chicha_ in Chile to-day; or sour wines were mixed with boiled must and ashes of the shoots, which masked the acidity. These traditions are now lost, but it is curious to see the _bodegueros_ still endeavouring to meet the taste of the creole population of the north-west, which has retained the preference for sweet and fruity wines. San Juan, which caters to these customers, manufactures _mistelas_--fresh boiled must with an addition of alcohol--which are mixed with mature wines in order the imitate the imperfect fermentation of earlier days. Perhaps there is no part of the world where the art of wine-making has been pushed so far as in the _bodegas_ of Mendoza. The correction of the must, and the analysis and treatment of diseased wines, follow the most modern of methods. The _bodegas_ produce a very steady wine, which is guaranteed by their trade marks. The wine of the Mendoza type, which they endeavour to produce, is a strong red wine, of heavy colour, with twelve or thirteen per cent. of alcohol. It may euphemistically be called a blended wine, but is in reality diluted wine. Argentina does not produce very light wines, and has no use for diluted wine. The number of wine-making cellars in 1913 was 997 at Mendoza and 336 at San Juan. But they differ very much from each other in size. Most of them have only a small equipment and modest capital. Some, on the other hand, are large enterprizes which could produce enough to supply a city: vast constructions of brick or _adobe_, with light roofs as a precaution against earthquakes. The owners of the cellars almost always have their own vineyards, but they also buy the harvests of cultivators who have not cellars. In 1908 it was calculated that 140,000 tons of grapes were sent to the press by the owners and 175,000 tons bought by the _bodegueros_.[40] [40] More recent statistics are not to hand. The proportion differs a little every year according to the prices of wine and grapes. The conflicts of the interests of the _viñateros_ and the _bodegueros_ are the very woof of life at Mendoza. The price of grapes is infinitely more variable than that of wine, and the _viñatero_ who has no cellar is at the mercy of the _bodeguero_. If he does not want to see his harvest go to waste, he has to accept unconditionally the price that is offered him. The _bodeguero_ has, moreover, the advantage of disposing of the grapes grown on his own estates. If the circumstances do not encourage him to produce all he can, he sends to the press merely his own harvest and will not buy any other. Thus the whole burden of commercial crises falls upon the vineyard with no cellar. The prices paid for the grapes differ a little for different parts of the vineyard, but the variation is more due to the number of _bodegas_ in the district and their capacity than to the quality of the grapes. Transport of the grapes to a great distance is very expensive. In exceptional times grapes have been brought from San Rafaël to the Mendoza cellars, but each _bodega_ gets its supply as far as possible from its own district. At San Juan the capacity of the cellars is proportionately less than at Mendoza, and the _bodegueros_ have imposed very hard conditions on the growers. The price fixed in the purchase-contract does not of itself give a complete idea of the benefits which the _bodeguero_ enjoys. The grapes are purchased by weight, but the _bodeguero_ reserves the right to say at what date they are to be delivered. He begins to harvest his own vines when the fruit is scarcely ripe, but he puts back the harvesting of the grapes he buys as far as possible, even to April or May. These grapes exposed on the plant to the heat of the sun, become overripe; they gain in sugar and lose in weight. They make wines with a higher percentage of alcohol, and with these he can correct the lighter wines made during the preceding weeks. Finally, the _bodeguero_ does not advance money to the _viñatero_, as the manufacturer does to the _cañero_ in the sugar industry. The only safeguard of the vine-growers is the lack of understanding between the _bodegueros_ and the competition between them. Although there are conventions amongst the _bodegueros_ which lay down officially, before the vintage, the basis of all transactions, they are not respected except in so far as they serve a man's interest. If it is expected that the wine will easily be sold, and that grapes will be short, buyers are abundant, and contracts are signed before the fruit appears. It is a sort of gamble, as in the case of wheat and cotton. Bulls and bears struggle for the market. If the bulls win, the _viñateros_ grow rich.[41] [41] Besides the causes of a geographical nature which I have indicated, the separation of cultivation from wine-making has other economic grounds, but they do not fall within the range of this book. The large _bodega_ is better situated than the small cultivator for organizing the sale of his wines on the distant market of Buenos Aires. Also, the _bodegueros_ alone are able to meet the competition of Buenos Aires merchants who import European wines and make adulterated wines. When we compare the diagrams which show the production of wine and sugar in Argentina during the last thirty years, we see that they clearly illustrate the condition of dependence of the vineyard industry and the sugar industry as regards the home market. The prosperity of the region of the Pampas, especially during the years before 1914, is reflected at Mendoza and Tucumán. The expansive movement of the estates is similarly bound up with the construction of railways to connect them with the coast. Industry, on a large scale, began at Tucumán in 1876: that is to say, at the opening of the Central Córdoba line. The area planted with cane rose from 2,200 hectares in 1876 to 14,800 in 1886. The production of sugar was trebled in four years, from 1876 to 1880. But the Central Córdoba was a narrow-gauge line, expensive to use and necessitating a transfer of goods at Córdoba. In 1891 the broad-gauge line from Buenos Aires to Rosario was extended to Tucumán; and in 1892 the narrow-gauge line from Rosario to Santa Fé, San Cristobal, and Tucumán was also brought into use. The following years were marked by rapid advances of the sugar industry. From 1891 to 1895 the area planted with canes rose from 14,200 to 40,700 hectares, and the manufacture of sugar from 31,000 to 135,000 tons. At Mendoza, also, the development of the vineyards dates from the completion of the San Luis Railway in 1885. Plantations were at once started, and three years later they came into touch. In 1887, the railway carried 27,000 hectolitres of wine from Mendoza to the coast; in 1890-91 it carried 268,000 hectolitres. Production had increased tenfold in that short space of time. As the home-production of wine and sugar increased, the imports from abroad fell. As early as 1885 Tucumán was able to meet the home demand for raw sugar, and refined only was imported. In 1888, a refinery was erected at Rosario to deal with Argentine sugar which came by rail, and foreign sugar which came up the river. Import ceased at this date, or there have since only been occasional years of import, to meet a scarcity. The imports of ordinary foreign wines continued to increase until 1890 (800,000 hectolitres), or as long as the wine produced at Mendoza did not suffice to meet the demand. They have steadily declined since that date (350,000 hectolitres in 1913), and are now only seven per cent. of the national production. We should add that, even in regard to ordinary wines, the Mendoza and the imported wine are not strictly comparable, that the competition between them is not simply a matter of price, and that some customers continue to prefer foreign wine. [Illustration: A VINEYARD AT SAN JUAN. _Trellissed creole vines._ Photograph by Boote, Buenos Aires.] [Illustration: A VINEYARD AT MENDOZA. _French vines on wire. An irrigation-trench along the path. In the foreground (left) a wine-cellar_(bodega). Photograph by Soc. Fotografica de Aficionados, Buenos Aires. PLATE VIII. To face p. 92.] The elimination of foreign wines and sugar and the development of Mendoza and Tucumán were facilitated by a Protectionist tariff. The details of this are very curious, as they had to be adjusted to the natural conditions. The need of protection is chiefly due to the distance of the market from the productive centres. Mendoza is 650 miles from Buenos Aires, Tucumán more than 750 miles. Freightage on the railways is dear. It is thirty-five piastres a ton for wine between Mendoza and Buenos Aires, or nearly double the normal maritime freight for the European wines sent from Bordeaux or Genoa. The charge for sugar is about thirty piastres a ton between Tucumán and Buenos Aires. Thus the cost of transport is nearly one sixth the entire cost of production. In spite of this common burden, the need of protection is not at all the same in Mendoza and Tucumán. The climate of Mendoza is excellent for the vine. The dryness of the atmosphere keeps down cryptogamic diseases, and the risks of cultivation are slight. The crop is abundant, the frosts late, and not serious. Hail is frequent, it is true, at the mouths of the Cordillera valleys, but it is never general; it affects only a small part of the harvest. The curve of production is very regular. It rises every year very gradually, and in proportion to the increase of the cultivated area. As a result of all this, the wine market has a stability which the vine-growing countries of Europe, with their less reliable climate, do not enjoy. The protective tariff, therefore, remains fixed. The duty on foreign wines in the cask--eight centimes (gold) per litre--has not been altered since the introduction into Argentina of the wine-industry on a large scale.[42] [42] Mendoza is further protected by law against fraud. This legislation is partly national and partly provincial. The national law, which takes into account the interests of the merchants of Buenos Aires, permits the manufacture of artificial wines. The provincial law, in the special interests of the productive districts, is more stringent. It prohibits the manufacture of artificial wines. It also fixes the minimum percentage of alcohol, and prevents the dispatch from Mendoza to Buenos Aires of alcoholic wines to mix with must. Finally, it defends the _viñatero_ against the _bodeguero_ by fixing the quantity of grapes to be used in making a hectolitre of wine and so prevents fraud at the _bodega_. The curve of sugar-production is just as irregular as that of wine-production is regular. From one year to another the output may vary by as much as 100 per cent., and the changes cannot be predicted: 147,000 tons in 1912, 335,000 tons in 1914, 150,000 tons in 1915. The reason is that the sugar output depends upon the season. Canes which have been touched by frost go sour and ferment in the ground. They have to be milled quickly, and the harvest must not be prolonged. Even in good years the costly equipment of the works is active during only three months (July to September, but at Jujuy, July to October). This irregularity of production, which makes protection inevitable, also complicates it infinitely in practice. Sometimes the harvest is not large enough to meet home demands, and imports have to be permitted. Sometimes production is far beyond the home demand, and the sugar-manufacturers have to export the surplus so as to prevent a slump in prices on the overloaded home market. In order to meet these very different situations, the protecting tariff has had to be repeatedly modified and complicated. But it is impossible for us to give the history of it in detail here. The duties on foreign sugar were fixed, in successive instalments, between 1883 and 1891; and special protective measures were taken in the interest of the refiners in 1888. Over-production appeared for the first time in 1895. Export at a loss, to relieve the home market, was at first organized by an association of the producers themselves (in 1896). But in 1897 the Government developed it by putting a premium on export. The export period lasted from 1897 to 1904. The law of 1912, which gives its latest form to the Protectionist regime, gives the Government the right to suspend for a time the duties on imports and allow foreign sugar to come in. As at Mendoza, the provincial Government intervenes as well as the national. The alternation of bad and exceptionally good harvests leads to the appearance of all sorts of unforeseen laws, modifying the bases of taxation, regulating production in the works, and restricting the acreage of cultivation.[43] Thus Tucumán has lived in an atmosphere of storm and uncertainty and unceasing discussion, of discouragement and insecurity; the price of its geographical position at the extreme limit of the area in which cane can be grown. [43] Especially during the crisis of 1902-3. CHAPTER IV THE EXPLOITATION OF THE FORESTS Manual labour on the _obrajes_--The land of the _bañados_ and the agricultural cantons of Corrientes--The timber-yards of the Chaco and the tannic-acid works of the Paraná--The exploitation of the _maté_--The forestry industry and colonization. From the Andes of Tucumán and Salta to the banks of the upper Paraná in the province of Misiones the north of Argentina is now a vast timber-yard for the exploitation of the forests. It resounds everywhere with the axe. This exploitation of the forest is of early origin on the river; in the eighteenth century Buenos Aires was supplied with wood from the Paraná. In the western Chaco the difficulty of transport by land retarded the development of the forestry industry. The only market for the timber of Tucumán was the Andean region. It was not sent to Mendoza after the beginning of the nineteenth century, when the willow was acclimatized in the oases of Cuyo. Below Rosas the wood of the _quebracho_ was at first taken in waggons from Santiago to Buenos Aires, but this traffic ceased when the river-route was reopened, and we do not find it resumed until recent times, when railways were constructed. The outer fringe of the forest and the scrub where the industry has had to find labour, is inhabited by a very sparse pastoral population. There are, however, besides the thinly populated districts of the farms, certain busy hives which lend animation to the scrub. These over-populated cantons are districts of cultivation by _bañados_, or the cultivation of flood-lands. There is constant intercourse between these ancient centres of creole life and the timber-yards of the forest. The forestry industry recruits its workers there, on temporary contracts. The wages paid are brought back to these centres and spent there. They help to maintain social groups of an archaic type, which the meagreness of their production would otherwise doom to extinction. The _bañados_ are scattered over the range of all the sierras within the limits reached by the torrents from the mountains before they are lost. They also stretch along the two rivers that are considerable enough to cross the scrub, the Salado and the Dulce. The course of the Bermejo, where the natural conditions are much the same, lies outside the sphere of primitive creole colonization. The tilled lands are not continuous on the Salado or the Dulce. There are no _bañados_ wherever the bed of the river is enclosed by high banks which prevent flooding. The course of the Salado threads together, in the manner of a rosary, three main groups of _bañados_ below 26° S. lat., (Matoque and Boqueron) between 27° and 28° S. lat. (Brea), and between 28° and 29° S. lat. (Le Bracho and Navicha). But the classic country of the _bañados_, where they cover the widest extent and sustain the most considerable body of population, is the interior delta of the Rio Dulce below Santiago del Estero, in the departments of Loreto, Atamisqui, and Salavina. Santiago is situated almost at the top of it. In its upper part the Rio Dulce is enclosed between high clay cliffs (department of the Rio Hondo). Below Santiago the river seems to run to the top of a sort of flattened alluvial cone, over which it wanders. Instances of the migration of rivers during the historical period are plentiful in the north of the Argentine plain. The scrub is scored east of the Salado with a network of dry beds, the edges of which gradually disappear as the vegetation extends over them. But there is no other part where the erratic nature of the waters is so marked, the vagabondage so considerable, as in this section of the basin of the Rio Dulce. The small towns of Atamisqui and Salavina, which lived on the waters of the Dulce, were suddenly ruined in 1825, when the river, in consequence of a particularly violent flood, turned away to the south and lost itself in the Salinas Grandes. A canal was dug in 1897 to irrigate the district of Loreto, on the left bank of the Dulce, but the entrance was badly protected, and the flood of 1901 swept into it, and, guided by it, reached the bed it had abandoned a century before, going south-eastward toward Atamisqui. That town and Salavina recovered their prosperity, while it was necessary to abandon the farms on the Rio des Salines, which now has water only during high floods. Actual beds, old beds that are always ready to serve again, and traces of canals changed and cut by the stream, form a great network in the midst of the plain; and the flood rolls to one side or the other according to the road open to it, and the facility with which the various elements of the network lend themselves to the passage of the water. Such is the land of the _bañados_. You enter it to-day at Loreto station, where the line from Santiago to Frias approaches within a few miles of it. This station is erected in the midst of the arid _monte_, and owes its existence to the neighbouring _bañados_. Turning eastward from the railway, as soon as one has crossed the broad, sandy bed of the Rio des Salines, one finds oneself in the heart of the _bañados_ farms. The road passes between hedges (_cercas_), over the top of which one sees the green of the wheat and lucerne. The plots are very small: gardens rather than fields. In clearing the ground they have preserved the best-situated trees, and the light foliage gives a useful shade to the crops. The crown of the _algarrobas_ rises everywhere above the top of the hedges. The fields do not cover the whole area of the annual inundations. They are confined to the part where the flood is fertilizing; where it leaves behind it a fine, useful clay which keeps the store of moisture for several months. In other places the current is too rapid. It furrows the soil, leaves large holes in it like the _lônes_ in the flood-area of the Rhone, and sweeps away the barriers; or the water brings sterile sand which it deposits in long stretches; or again, if it is not drained away in time and evaporates on the spot, it deposits the salts it contains, and the land, looking as if it had a white leprosy, becomes unfit for vegetation. The floods begin in summer, during November or December. They are caused by the rain-storms in the Tucumán district, and are very irregular. Some of the houses are evacuated, and others are protected by walls of earth, which are raised from hour to hour according to the rise of the waters. Behind these walls the people await the abatement of the flood. When the mud which is left behind has the proper consistency, they till it and sow wheat. The wheat grows in the winter, and is harvested in November quickly, so that the fresh flood may not overtake it. The caprices of the flood compel them frequently to change the sites of their houses and fields. The ancient village of Loreto was evacuated after a flood, and is now merely a mass of deserted ruins. Round the naked trunks of the _algarrobas_, killed by excessive deposits of sand or salt, are uniform colonies of plants of the same age and the same species, which invade the area where the adult scrub has been destroyed. The mill has been rebuilt less than a mile away, and has not lost its customers, who have raised their _ranchos_ some distance away. The insecurity of the plots has prevented the development of small ownership. The farmers are tenants of the ranches, which stretch from the river to a considerable distance in the interior. The use of _bañados_ for agriculture is of long standing. It probably goes back to the pre-Columbian period. Father Dobritzhoffer, who is the first to refer clearly to it, compares the Rio Dulce to the Nile[44]; and in point of fact, the _bañados_ have some resemblance to farming in Pharaonic Egypt, while there is nothing like them in the irrigated zones of the Andean valleys. The _bañados_ were then devoted to the cultivation of wheat and pumpkins. The pumpkin, which is of American origin, had not yet been eliminated by wheat, which was introduced by the Spaniards. The wheat produced in the _bañados_ maintained a fairly active export trade at the beginning of the nineteenth century, and the _bañados_ were at times called, with some exaggeration, the "granary of the Vice-royalty." It is difficult to trace accurately the movements of the population of the _bañados_ because of the constant changes of the administrative areas in the province of Santiago. The total population of the province is not now more than three per cent. of the total population of Argentina, but its comparative importance was much greater in the middle of the nineteenth century (nearly eight per cent. at the census of 1861). The departments of Loreto, Atamisqui, and Salavina on the Rio Dulce, which live mainly on the estates of the _bañados_, comprised 46,000 inhabitants in 1861, and only 43,000 in 1895. The Woodbine Parish map and Hutchinson's description clearly give one an impression of a dense population in the area of the _bañados_. I refer elsewhere to the antiquity and constancy of the streams of temporary immigration which spread the population of the _bañados_ over a large part of the territory of Argentina.[45] The temporary emigration of the Santiagueños is distributed amongst most of the provinces of central and northern Argentina, but it is chiefly of interest in connection with the frontier region. The Santiagueño is a woodman above all else, and the forest area has the advantage over the other labour-markets of wanting workers at all seasons, summer or winter, whereas the sugar-cane harvest at Tucumán and the harvest in the south only last a few months. They emigrate from the _bañados_ to Tucumán in May; to Córdoba and Santa Fé in October, November and December; but to the forests of the Chaco all the year round. [44] _Historia de Abiponibus._ [45] See the chapter on population. [Illustration: THE LAND OF THE BAÑADOS. _On the Rio Dulce, near Loreto, in the dry season. Its actual bed, excavated at a recent date by a flood in soft clay, is not yet stable._ Photograph by the Author.] [Illustration: LORETO: FARMING BY INUNDATION. _In the zone of the scrub, where the floods of the Rio Dulce spread. The interior delta of the Rio Dulce is one of the earliest centres of population in Argentina._ Photograph by the Author. PLATE IX. To face p. 100.] Apart from the _bañados_ of the Dulce and the Salado, the province of Corrientes contains the main reservoir from which the timber industry drew its manual workers. Just as at Santiago del Estero, one finds at Corrientes also the opposition between agricultural and breeding districts which is so common in the older colonized regions of South America. The _estancieros_ (ranchers), who are breeders, are the masters of Corrientes, but the line of low hills of sand and red clay, punctuated by lagoons, which crosses the north-western corner of the province, is not subject to their domination. There the land is subdivided; there are once more fields. Tobacco was an article of export for this fraction of Corrientes, especially after the political isolation of Paraguay, the chief producer of tobacco in the nineteenth century. During the whole of the first half of the nineteenth century the tobacco-buyers travelled all over Corrientes after the harvest, in January and February. The fertile soil, moreover, with a mild climate in which tropical plants flourish as well as those of the temperate zone, provides the elements of a local comfort which is complete in itself. Here again agricultural colonization has created a relatively dense nucleus of population, capable of great increase. Although the administrative divisions do not exactly correspond with the natural divisions, the unequal distribution of the population in Corrientes is made plain by the figures given in the census of 1895. The density rises in the agricultural areas to eight inhabitants per square kilometre, in the department of Bellavista; ten at San Cosma; fourteen at Lomas; thirty at San Roque. It is only between one and two in the purely pastoral departments (Concepción and Mercedes). Corrientes also has its forests, and in these we find most of the species of the forests of the Chaco, in straight lines, along the water-courses, and in somewhat larger patches on the tablelands which separate the lower valleys near the Paraná. They at first supplied the Curupai bark which was used in the Corrientes tanneries. The yards for the construction of river-boats emigrated from Paraguay to Corrientes at the beginning of the nineteenth century, at the same time and for the same reasons as the tobacco trade. The exploiting of the red _quebracho_ did not begin until about 1850. In 1887 Virasoro relates that fifty ships are engaged in loading with Nandubai timber on the banks of the Rio Corrientes and transporting it to Rosario.[46] Born on the left bank of the Paraná, the forestry industry emigrated toward the end of the century to the right bank, whither the workers of Corrientes followed it. [46] Val. Virasoro, "Los esteros y lagunas del Ibera" in _Bol. Instit. Geog. Argent._ (vi. 1887; pp. 305-31). We find the same movement further north, on the Paraguay. The exploitation of the woods is in that case a very old industry on the tributaries of the left bank. D'Azara draws attention to its importance.[47] Robertson found, when he went from Corrientes to Asunción in 1814, a population of wood-cutters in the marshy belt near the river. During floods they took refuge in the agricultural cantons of the frontier on high ground, where they were well received. It seems, then, that wood-cutting was already a seasonal industry at this time. The exploitation of the forests is now rapidly invading the right bank, which was long abandoned to the wild Indians. [47] _Diario de la navegacion y reconocimiento del Rio Tibicuari_ (Coll. de Angelis, vol. ii.). * * * * * The Santiagueños and Correntinos do not mix. The two zones of expansion and of forestry, of which they are the pioneers, are independent of each other. The _quechua_, which is the language of the _bañados_ of the Rio Dulce, is spoken in the timber-yards of the Chaco de Santiago; the _guarani_, the language of Corrientes and the Paraguay, is most common along the river, in the Chaco de Santa Fé. Their respective spheres will not come into touch with each other until the Quimili branch of the Central Norte Railway, which comes from the Santiago province, joins the line of penetration at Resistencia, on the Paraná, in the west. The forestry industry of the interior and that of the river-districts differ not only in the character of the workers, but in their organization and their market. The variety of red _quebracho_ which is exploited in the west is not quite the same as the variety that is found in the east. Each has a name of its own--_quebracho santiagueño_ and _quebracho chaqueño_. The former contains ten per cent. of tannin, the latter thirty per cent. The former is cut down for timber, the latter in order to extract the tannic acid. The one is sold in Argentina, and the other sent abroad. The working of the timber at Santiago has remained in the hands of a number of small capitalists and contractors who do not own the land and do not work there. They are content to buy in small amounts and according to the demand at the moment, the right to exploit the forests (_derecho de monte or derecho de leña_). The trunks of exceptionally large _quebracho_ provide logs that are sold by cubic measurement, but the district of the _quebracho santiagueño_ mainly exports sleepers. _Quebracho_ sleepers have been used in constructing the railways, both narrow and broad gauge, during the last twenty years on the Pampa. Tall and thin trees make telegraph posts; the smaller branches make stakes for wire fences. In parts of the bush where there is no red _quebracho_, the _retamo_ is used, to make posts for enclosures, and also the white _quebracho_, which is sold in round logs. Finally, the forests provide wood for fuel. The works at Tucumán, and the locomotives over a good part of the land, use wood-fuel. The wood of the red _quebracho_, if left for some years in the yards where the sleepers are made and is rid of the sap-wood, which rots and falls out--the _leña campana_--is excellent fuel. Charcoal is cheaper to transport than the wood, and can therefore be sent farther over the whole prairie district. It is made in the _monte_, along all the railways, and especially in the thinner forests on the edge of the prairie. The forestry of the interior is unstable as well as scattered and primitive. The equipment--saws that are easily taken down and set up--is not costly, and does not require much capital. When one canton of the forest has been exhausted, the saws are taken down and removed. The cuttings are not made in such a way as to allow the forest to recover, and so permit a continuous exploitation. Everything of any value is taken. The _quebracho_ is, moreover, a tree of slow growth. The forestry industry has at times returned, after an interval, to land that had been stripped, but that is not because they had planted a new generation of trees. It is because it became profitable, as the state of the market and the cost of transport changed, to cut down the small trees which had not been considered good enough on the earlier occasion. When the master _obrajero_ removes, he is followed by the greater part of the workers. But to induce them to emigrate, or to recruit cutters in the _bañados_ who will agree to work in remote or new districts, he has to be liberal and offer higher wages. Hence the conditions of work and the rate of wage are not the same in every part of the forest. The oldest area of working, which is crossed by the Central Córdoba, between the provinces of Catamarca and Santiago del Estero, has a surplus of good workers. On the other hand, the _obrajeros_ of the valley from San Francisco to Jujuy, where the exploitation is more recent, have only a moderate amount of labour at their command. The returns are not higher there than in the south, though the forests are incomparably denser and richer. It has been very expensive to bring about a continuous stream of immigration toward the main region of forest work, which is now called the Chaco, along the railway that starts from Añatuya and goes about 130 miles further north. As the worker is on piece-work, the price per sleeper when the work was begun on the Chaco had to be double, on the Añatuya line, what was paid in the older line from Santiago to Frias, close to the _bañados_. The work is profitable only within a short distance from the railways. Waggon transport raises the price rapidly. Moreover, the forestry industry is just as dependent on the railways for provisions as it is for the carriage of its wood. The _obraje_ has no source of food-supply on the spot. The marshy estates which begin to spread in the area of irrigation-canals at Banda, eastward of Santiago del Estero, supply only their customers at Añatuya and the Chaco line. Sometimes the railway has to bring water as well as food. Over a great part of the Chaco de Santiago there is no running water, and the underground sheets are little known, or inaccessible, or salty. The _obraje_ is a land of thirst. In order to meet the demand for water they dig reservoirs like the _represas_ on the ranches, which are filled by the rains. But as soon as the dry season sets in they become stagnant green pools, and the men have to rely on waggon-cisterns. While the Chaco de Santiago is now a democracy of small _obrajeros_ and contractors, the eastern Chaco, along the Paraná, has quite a different type of society. It is entirely in the hands of the big tannic-acid factories, where the _quebracho_ trunks are stripped and boiled, and their sap is concentrated in a viscous resin. The lofty chimneys of these works rise above the forest at intervals. Here the work assumes a capitalistic and industrial character which it has not in other places. It is controlled by powerful concerns, highly organized, which conduct it on a pre-arranged plan. It is true that the works do not deal with the entire output of _quebracho_,[48] but they almost control the market, even as regards the unworked wood which is exported, and they reserve a good deal of it for their branches in Europe. In order to secure the heavy loans which the works represent, the companies that have built them have been obliged to take over large forests, and they have come to own these. The concentration of the area in their hands goes on daily, and the number of companies is reduced by amalgamation or by the purchase of rival concerns and their estates. On the territory of the Chaco, where the administration of public lands was in the hands of the Federal Government, some precautions were taken to prevent the monopoly of the country; but the forests of the province of Santa Fé belong entirely to two firms. [48] It is more and more necessary to deal with the extract of the _quebracho_ on the spot the further north one goes toward the interior of the continent because the freights to the exporting ports rise higher and higher. The eastern Chaco has received from Europe, not only the capital that was needed for the construction of works, but also a number of workers, either for administration or for technical direction. These have proved more exacting than the creoles of the Santiago saw-mills. Beside most of the works there are now comfortable villas and brick towns for the workers. The expense was quite prudently incurred, as the industry is less erratic in this region. A tannic-acid factory cannot be removed like a saw-mill. When the timber-supply is exhausted in the district, the works gets its material from a distance, as long as the freightage permits. It depends on the railway, not only for the carriage of its products, as the saw-mills do, but for the supply of raw material. The works are not all equally wealthy. They are scattered over about ten degrees of latitude, north of 30° S. lat., within reach of the river, which keeps them in communication with the world, and at the same time has enabled them to tackle the full breadth of the forest. The _quebracho_ is particularly abundant north of Santa Fé and south of the Argentine part of the Chaco, where it is the life and soul of the forest. The works which have been set up there, in the midst of the denser forests, have plenty of capital, and this enables them to nurse their supplies and buy timber at a distance. The forest is still almost virginal at their gates, so that they have a long future in front of them. On the other hand, the oldest works, on the southern fringe of the forest, and that of Corrientes, on the left bank of the Paraná, are already paralysed for want of timber. The works are all at a short distance from the river; not only for convenience of exporting their products, but because this is the only part of the Chaco where one can find fresh water. And the tannic-acid factory needs a great deal of fresh water. Along the river, in a belt about thirty to sixty miles wide, we find a permanent hydrographic network such as is found nowhere else on the plain. It consists of long series of marshes covered with rushes (_cañadas_), and in places they become at their mouths regular streams with well defined beds. The underground water also is generally fresh and plentiful, whether it is due to the abundant rain or to infiltration from the Paraná, and many of the works have successfully bored for it. In these parts one suffers from too much water as frequently as from thirst. On these immense and almost horizontal surfaces the water spreads from the _cañadas_ over the whole forest. The railway, and even the houses, then stand out of a sheet of stagnant water, which takes months to disappear. Trunks which are badly placed, lying in the stations to be removed--sometimes, according to the market, lying there for years--are half buried in the mud. The waggons find it hard to move in the roads. Mules, which pay very well in the dry forests of the west, could not make the effort that is required here, and they use oxen--the finest beasts for a muddy country. The long-horned, lean creole cattle drag the waggons with difficulty, and a _correntino_, with long slender legs, shod with mud, guides and urges them, looking like a crane with his slow and cautious steps. The work of these drivers is much harder than that of the wood-cutters. They earn nearly twice as much, and it is the difficulty of getting enough men for this work that keeps down production. The importance and stability of the large works has fixed the labour market on the right bank of the Paraná, and there is no need to go to Corrientes to look for men. They come of their own accord. A daily service of small steamers brings them to all the ports which dispatch _quebracho_. The left bank, on Argentine territory, has also no hiring centre, such as there still are at Asunción and Concepción in Paraguay. Even on its own land the works leaves the working of the forest to contractors, from whom it buys the timber. But the _obrajeros_, whether they work in the company's forests or their own, are very dependent upon the works. The contracts vary according as they are owners or otherwise; according to whether they undertake to deliver the timber at the stations or leave it where it is felled; and according to whether they have the requisite oxen and waggons or have to loan these from the company. They draw advances from the company, and, on the other hand, they pledge themselves to purchase what they require for their workers at the company's stores. The profit of these sales increases the revenue of the works. The company monopolizes all trade, both import and export. It exercises an absolute sovereignty over the forest. It has merely deigned to grant the railway company space enough to construct its lines and its stations. The last forestry centre in modern Argentina is in the province of Misiones on the upper Paraná. Posadas is its chief station, and protects its southern outlet. Its influence extends beyond the Argentine frontier, over a small part of Brazil and Paraguay. In Misiones there are two types of forest, which differ a good deal from each other, while neither resembles the _quebracho_ forest. One is the forest of araucarias (_pinos_) which covers the elevated tablelands at a height above 2,000 feet. The other is the tropical forest, rich in essences and of perennial vegetation, which fills the bottoms and slopes of the valleys. The pine, which is also much worked on the Brazilian tableland, yields an excellent white wood, suitable instead of the northern pine. It would find a ready market at Buenos Aires, but it has never been worked on Argentine territory because of the great distance of the woods from a navigable river. On account of its position on the tableland the araucaria has to wait for the railways of some future date.[49] As to the leafy tropical forest it includes a number of useful varieties (_timbo_, _lapacho_, _etc._), but the most esteemed of all is the cedar. Its wood is rose-coloured, scented, and fine-grained, and very suitable for furniture. At the time of D'Orbigny's travels the inhabitants of Corrientes were looking out for cedars from the mountains brought down the river when in flood. The _obrajes_ of cedar-wood now extend twenty miles or so on the Argentine bank, and forty miles in the Paraguay bank, which is more even and better for transport. The trunks are floated in rafts down to Posadas; as the cedar, which is less dense than the _quebracho_, not only floats, but is improved by parting with sap in the water. At Posadas the rafts are taken to pieces, and the trunks are delivered to the saw-mills. [49] In Brazil the saw-mills for the araucarian pines are established along the São Paolo-Rio Grande Railway. But timber is not the chief forest industry in Misiones, as it is on the Chaco. Beside the _obraje_ in the forest there is the _yerbal_, a works for dealing with the _maté_ (_Ilex paraguayensis_). It is well known that an infusion of _maté_ (a kind of tea) is an important element in the food of the western States of South America. Gathering the leaves of the _maté_ has been a profitable occupation for centuries: a unique instance, perhaps, in the forest industries of South America. It has never been interrupted, though it has often changed its locality. The plantations made by the Jesuits were abandoned when the missionaries were dispersed. After the close of the eighteenth century Paraguay became the chief area of production. Villa Rica seems to have been the most prolific centre of the _yerba_. After that date, however, the Jujuy basin, further north, was exploited, and the _yerbateros_, who came from Curuguati, advanced eastward as far as the Falls of the Guayra on the Paraná. In the nineteenth century the trade in Paraguay _maté_ seems to have suffered less than the tobacco trade from the policy of isolation adopted by the Dictators of Paraguay. The descriptions given by Mariano Molas, Demersay, and others, show that the business continued fairly actively. It even extended northward, and reached as far as the Rio Apa. Villa Concepción became a rival _yerba_ market to Villa Rica. The monopoly exercised by the Paraguay Government, however, and the restrictions put upon the navigation of the river, led to the development of the _yerba_ industry in the eastern Misiones on the left bank of the Uruguay. Itaquy served as port of embarkation. In the last third of the nineteenth century the yards moved from the left to the right bank of the Uruguay. Since 1870 the Paraná has supplanted the Uruguay, and the _yerba_ trade has concentrated at Candelaria. This meant the resurrection of Misiones. In 1880 San Javier, on the Uruguay, worked up 800 tons of _yerba_, and Candelaria more than 1,000 tons. The _yerbales_ round San Javier began to run out, and the _yerbateros_ had to go further and further up the Uruguay, toward the _yerbales_ of the tableland of Fracan and San Pedro. Candelaria was mainly fed by the _yerbales_ of the right bank of the Paraná, on Paraguayan territory. Posadas has now succeeded Candelaria, and the _yerbales_ that depend upon it are scattered over both banks up the Paraná. The _yerbales_ of Misiones lie outside the tropical forest proper. They are on the lower fringe of the pine-forest, and begin at some distance from the river, with which they are connected by muddy and difficult mule-tracks. _Maté_ can bear a cost of transport that would be fatal to timber. At the point where these tracks reach the river, the river-steamers stop at the foot of a shed that is almost hidden in the foliage. These are the "ladders" of the _yerbales_. Work in the _yerbales_ lasts six months out of the twelve. The pruners who collect the bunches of leaves and bring them to the furnaces, where they are dried, include Brazilians, Paraguayans and Argentinians. The Brazilians go to the _yerbal_ to offer their services. The Paraguayans and Argentinians, nearly all from the province of Corrientes, are recruited at Posadas and the sister-town of Encarnación, which is opposite to it on the Paraguay bank. The hiring at Posadas is done according to a traditional custom that does not seem to have changed for more than a century. The description given by D'Azara is not yet out of date. "The people of Villa Rica," he says, "depend mainly on being hired for the _yerbales_. The _yerba_ industry is sometimes profitable to the masters, but never to the natives, who work cruelly without any profit. Not only are they paid in goods for the _yerba_ they gather, but the goods are put at so high a price that it is terrible. They have even to pay for the hire of a bill for cutting the _maté_.... The natives contract as much debt as they can before they start for the _yerbales_, and as soon as they have done a little work, they say good-bye to the _yerbatero_, who loses his money. And the _yerbatero_ in turn is exploited by the merchants who control him." Before he starts for the _yerbal_, says Robertson, the contractor (_habilitado_) gets an advance of four or five thousand piastres. With this he hires about fifty workers, supplies their needs, and gives them two or three months' pay in advance. The three essential and inseparable elements of the _maté_ business are the _yerbal_ in the forest, a shop at Posadas for hiring and paying wages in advance, and a _yerba_ mill at Rosario or Buenos Aires. * * * * * The forestry industry in its various forms is not a definite occupation of the soil by man. After having stripped the forest, it leaves, and the land is open for colonization. Nearly everywhere there is a complete separation between forestry and permanent colonization. They do not employ the same workers; the wood-cutter (_hachador_) and the charcoal-burner are not the men who clear the soil. The clearing away of the stumps, which must precede agricultural work, is not their business, but the work of diggers. At Tucumán, where most of the workers in the cane-fields are Santiagueños, Italians and Spaniards are used for clearing the soil. The gangs of Mendocinos who go to cut crops in the bush round Villa Mercedes will not sign on for clearing the ground in order to plant lucerne. [Illustration: LORETO. THE RIO PINTO IN THE DRY SEASON. _One of the arms through which the flood of the Dulce flows._ Photograph by the Author.] [Illustration: LA BANDA (SANTIAGO DEL ESTERO). _Irrigated lucerne fields on the left bank of the Rio Dulce. Zone of modern colonization: a contrast with the older farms of the flood-zone._ Photograph by the Author. PLATE X. To face p. 112.] The history of forestry and colonization is one of the most diversified chapters in the general economic history of modern Argentina. Round the region of the Pampas, the first point where agricultural colonization came into touch with the forest belt is the district of the older colonies of Santa Fé. There it found the forestry industry already long established, on the banks both of the Salado and of the Paraná. The export of timber and charcoal to Buenos Aires and the lime-kilns of Entre Rios was at this time one of the few elements of economic life which Santa Fé had preserved. The colonists did not enter the forest, and did not mingle with the charcoal-burners, but they profited indirectly from their presence by selling them maize. Later, agricultural work spread over the Central Pampa and the province of Córdoba, as far as the edge of the scrub in all parts of the prairie. Wood-cutting is carried on there, on a small scale, everywhere, at Toay as well as at Villa Mercedes and Villa Maria. The price of the wood he sells is a small supplementary income to the farmer, and clearing the soil helps to fill up his time during the dead season for agriculture. The lands covered with brushwood remained for a long time at a lower price than cleared land. They thus formed a sort of reserve which partly escaped the speculations in land, and on which small owners can find a footing more easily than on the Pampa. There is to-day a movement of Santa Fecinos eastward and southward in the belt of scrub to the south of Mar Chiquita along the line from Lehmann to Dean Funes. The forest area of the Chaco, in northern Argentina, between the Andes and the Paraná, seems on the other hand to be intended for pastoral colonization. In point of fact, the forest of the Chaco, as well as the lighter scrub which is its southern extension, can be used for breeding without preliminary labour. The Indians have fed cattle and horses on it since the seventeenth century. The herds find food on every side, both in the very numerous clearings (_abras_) which cross the forest and in the forest itself, where the underwood and the herbaceous carpet grow fairly thick beneath the scanty foliage of the mimosas and quebrachos. Over a good deal of the western Chaco pastoral colonization is earlier than the forestry. In the district of Santiago del Estero the farmers had advanced far beyond the wood-cutter and the railway; beyond the Salado, almost as far as the existing line from Añatuya to Tintina, where there are sheets and wells of fresh water. The old ranches go as far as Alhuampa. The old pastoral population has taken very little part in the forestry industry. It has been content to profit by it by renting the scrub to the _obrajes_. It was a sheer gift to them, as the felling of a few trees does not in the least lower the value of the pasture. The forestry has not entailed any change in the ownership of the land or in the breeding methods. The _obrajes_ are merely passing guests whose traces are quickly obliterated. In the eastern Chaco, however, the wood-cutters are real pioneers. It is they who have made the conquest of the forest, often in direct touch with the Indians, and the ownership of the land fell to them. They have themselves played an essential part in the actual development of breeding. Leaving the river and travelling toward the forest on the west, one first crosses a narrow belt of estates which form an almost unbroken line from San Javier to Resistencia. These are old colonies, mostly founded about 1870, at the same time as the first colonies in the centre of Santa Fé. They had the advantage of being within reach of the river-route, the network of railways that serves the colonies of Santa Fé not being constructed until after 1880. They have not shown the same capacity for extension as the colonies on the prairie, but they are firmly rooted, on high and well-drained land, very different from the clays of the Chaco, where the alluvial beds of the Paraná alternate with stuff that seems to come from the left bank. They grow flax, earth-nuts, sugar cane, and cotton. Behind this slight agricultural façade are the large estates of the factories. In the division of the land the industrial firms sought the districts which were richest in _quebracho_. Buyers of land who had no industrial plans--foreign capitalists and Porteños--and who obtained large concessions in little-known regions, sold back to the factories the plots where there was plenty of wood, after they had taken stock of their property. They converted the remainder into _estancias_ (ranches). The district to the north of the Central Norte Railway, from San Cristobal to Tostado, where the forest, which will presently yield to the plain, breaks into patches and looks like a park, includes a number of these modern _estancias_, in which lucerne is beginning to replace the grasses of the natural vegetation. [Illustration: QUEBRACHO TRUNKS LYING AT THE STATIONS. _Eastern Chaco, on the Resistencia line (Santa Fé province). Here the quebracho is exploited for tannic acid, not sleepers_. Photographs by the Author. PLATE XI. To face p. 116.] When one passes to the interior, the pastoral industry at once assumes a more primitive character. The _quebracho_ concerns themselves go in for breeding, in order to make use of their large estates, when the timber has been removed but the works have not yet been set up. They need a large number of cattle, both for moving the timber and feeding their workers, and they endeavour to meet their needs themselves. In this district the forest is capable of feeding a far heavier herd than is the more arid scrub of the eastern Chaco. There are often a thousand head of cattle to 2,500 hectares. To the north and west of that part of the forest where the big companies have taken over the whole of the land, in the province of Chaco, a fairly large number of estates has been created. Further still, on either side of the Bermejo, cattle from Corrientes and the Paraguay have been put on the public lands by men with no rights. As their future is uncertain, they cannot do any expensive work, such as making wells, reservoirs, and enclosures. Sometimes they are compelled by drought to fall back upon the river. Conditions are quite different in the forests of Misiones. The damp forest of Misiones does not lend itself to breeding. While the forest-workers on the west of the Paraná eat fresh meat, thanks to the proximity of the breeders, in the _yerbales_ and _obrajes_ of Misiones, the use of dried or "jerked" meat (_carne seca_), which is brought some distance, has remained the common practice, as it is in most parts of tropical America. On the other hand, there is now developing in Misiones an agricultural colonization of an original kind, quite distinct from the ordinary Argentinian type. This is because Misiones is a province apart in Argentina. It really belongs, by its geological structure and its climate, to the Brazilian tableland. The colonies in Misiones are merely an extension into Argentine territory of the great belt of colonies of southern Brazil, which stretches from the neighbourhood of Santa Catalina and the Rio Grande do Sul to the River Paraguay. The Brazilian type of colonization is based upon work with the hoe, in clearings that have been made in the forest by the axe and by fire. Ordinary farming would be impracticable between the large stumps which the clearers have to leave in the ground, to rot there slowly. It would, moreover, be useless, as the land, though rich in humus, is light and aërated. The red soil, a decomposition-product of the diabases which are at the root of all agricultural wealth in southern Brazil, covers a great part of Misiones. The economic inferiority of this agricultural colonization in the forest to the Pampean type which has conquered the grassy plains of the Rio de la Plata, is twofold. On the one hand, the surface that a man can develop is very small. The plots of the Brazilian colonies are ten times smaller than the average estate on the Pampa. On the other hand, it is difficult to get about in the forest, and this hinders the export of the produce. The colonies in Misiones are still confined to the edge of the great forest, into which they will advance as the agricultural population grows. They form two groups: one on the river above Posadas (Candelaria, Bonpland, Corpus, San Ignacio, and Santa Ana), the other on the slopes of the hills, above the line from Posadas to Uruguay (San José and Apostoles). Foodstuffs, tobacco, fowl and eggs, which they now send by rail as far as Buenos Aires, are their chief resources. As it is possible for them to reach the big markets of the Pampas, by river or rail, they have a certain advantage over the Brazilian colonies. On the other hand, the various elements of their population are inferior. They are very mixed, comprising aboriginals--relics of the ancient Indian or half-breed population of Misiones who have got land but are in no hurry to cultivate it--Poles (grouped in a few villages, such as Apostoles and San José), and German-Brazilians from the left bank of the Uruguay. At the present time there is a constant stream of German-Brazilians through the province of Misiones, to embark at Posadas, sail up the Paraná, and settle, further north, in Matto Grosso. No doubt it would be possible to induce part of them to settle on Argentinian territory by offering them suitable land. These peasant clearers of the land rarely find means to sell their timber. The tropical forest has an immense variety of species, but only a few of these are of value. The _obrajero_ does not cut down the whole forest; he chooses his victims. In the waste land of the colonist it is by no means possible to utilize everything. Even in the area where the forestry industry flourishes, trunks with no faults, felled in order to make room for farming, are pitilessly burned and destroyed. Yet the indirect advantages of the forestry to agriculture are numerous. Just as in the whole of southern Brazil, it affords a good market for agricultural produce. The crops from the colonies are stored in the shops at Posadas, and from there they go to the _obrajes_ and _yerbales_. In addition, the industry finds work for more men. On the Rio Grande do Sul, and later on the Paraná, the wages paid for collecting _maté_ have long been the surest resource of the colonies, and it is this that enabled them to subsist during the difficulties of their early period. In Misiones the attraction of the _yerbales_ is not so strongly felt by the inhabitants. There are comparatively few colonists who are willing to leave their plots and hire themselves for distant work. The _yerbales_ find their recruits, not amongst the immigrants from Europe, but amongst the ancient _pobladores_; that is to say, men who hold land without a title, whose position was recognized when the colony was formed--a floating population, not deeply rooted in the soil. Agricultural colonization in turn will react upon the forestry industry in developing the cultivation of _maté_. Large plantations of _ilex_ have already been established above Posadas. Already they enter the common life. They are scattered either over the estates of the national colonies or over the larger estates of the richer colonists; for planting demands a considerable expenditure. Some of them belong to dealers who also work natural _yerbales_ elsewhere. They are, if possible, set up in the forest, or at least on the fringe of it, in order to have a good supply of wood to dry the leaves. Thus the primitive industry of collecting _maté_ is undergoing transformation while the natural growths are disappearing. CHAPTER V PATAGONIA AND SHEEP-REARING The arid tableland and the region of glacial lakes--The first settlements on the Patagonian coast and the indigenous population--Extensive breeding--The use of pasture on the lands of the Rio Negro--Transhumation. The northern limit of the Patagonian region passes to the north of the Colorado, in the latitude of the Cerro Payen and of the ridge which leads from Malarüe to the Rio Grande in the sub-Andean zone (36° S. lat)., and to the Sierra de Lihuel Calel in the southern part of the Pampa province. South of this line, from the Andes to the Atlantic, on the territory of the Neuquen, the Rio Negro, the Chubut, and the Santa Cruz, is the region of the sheep farms, their refuge since more profitable branches of farming have driven the sheep from the Pampa. The extensive breeding practised on these poor lands is not profitable enough to justify much expenditure, and is therefore all the more controlled by the physical conditions. It is true that cattle-breeding was once undertaken in the Spanish settlements of the lower Negro, and still exists in western Patagonia at the foot of the Andes, but one never finds there the particular combination of cattle-breeding and sheep-breeding which is characteristic of the Pampean region, in which the main function of the cattle is to improve the pasture and make it ready for sheep. The climate is trying. The west winds are violent during the greater part of the year, especially on the coast, and merely relax a little in the winter. The mean temperature on the Atlantic coast falls nearly one degree for each degree of latitude (14.6° at San Antonio, below 41° S. lat.; 8.5° at Santa Cruz, below 50° S. lat.; and 5.3° at Ushuaia, below 55° S. lat.). The summer temperature falls even more steeply, but the difference is less notable in winter (21.4° at San Antonio, 14° at Santa Cruz, and 9.2° at Ushuaia). The low summer temperature does not allow cereals to ripen south of the Chubut. In the sub-Andean valleys the summer is comparatively warm (16° in January at Diez y seis de Octubre at a height of 1,800 feet), but there is severe frost, especially at the beginning of the winter, and no month of the year is quite free from it. Rain is plentiful in the Cordillera, and on its western border: 800 millimetres at Junin, nearly two metres at San Martin (which the wet westerly winds reach by the gap of Lake Lacar), and nearly a metre at Bariloche, on Lake Nahuel Huapi. It diminishes rapidly, however, as soon as one leaves the mountainous region and goes further east over the tableland. The whole tableland has a rainfall of less than 200 millimetres (Las Lajas 180, Limay 150, San Antonio 180, Santa Cruz 135). It is only south of the Rio de Santa Cruz that the rainfall rises once more (Gallegos 400 millimetres, Ushuaia 500 millimetres). Hence Patagonia as a whole is, with the exception of a narrow belt at the foot of the Andes, a semi-arid region with a sub-desert climate. In the Patagonian Andes the rain falls, as on the coast of Chile, mainly in winter. Between Mendoza, which has the summer-rain feature of central and tropical Argentina, and Chosmalal, in the Neuquen Andes, the contrast is absolute. The summer months there (January and February) are dry, and the rain is confined to the winter months, from May to August. It is the same further south, at Bariloche and at Diez y seis de Octubre. On the Atlantic coast the winter-rain feature is less regular and uniform. At San Antonio the heaviest rains fall in autumn (April and May). There is a secondary maximum in August, and a few more showers in the spring (September and October). South of San Antonio the winter maximum, which is always marked, is cut by a short dry period (July and August at Camerones, June at Deseado and Santa Cruz).[50] In the interior, on the other hand, the winter-rain system remains unchanged. The predominance of the precipitations of the cold season is of great importance to the breeders. As a rule, they come down in the form of snow, which melts slowly, and the small quantity of moisture is at least all absorbed in the soil. South of the Santa Cruz the humidity increases, but the rainy season alters. At Gallegos the wettest month is December; at Ushuaia, the rains last from September to March. The snow-season (May-August) is the dry season, and the snowfalls are not heavy enough to interfere with breeding. [50] This anomaly is doubtless due to the proximity of the sea and the respite of the westerly winds in winter. The coast, with its cold waters and the land-winds causing the deeper water to rise, has a special climate of fogs and mists. These, which remind us of the _garuas_ of the coast of Peru, do not penetrate into the interior. The surface of the Patagonian tableland is very uneven, though it bears traces of having been much worn by the agencies of its desert climate, which seems to have lasted through the whole Tertiary Era. Going up the Rio Negro, one sees the grey sandstones and Tertiary tufas which form the cliffs, on both sides of the lower valley. They give place higher up to the variegated marls and red sandstones of the Cretaceous which form the tableland at the foot of the first Andean chains. The core of ancient granites and porphyries crops up at places from under the mantle of Cretaceous and Tertiary sandstones. The horizon of the peneplain passes from the Tertiary and Cretaceous tableland to level masses of crystalline rock, the contour of which has been almost entirely effaced. Volcanic eruptions have occurred until quite recent times, and so eruptive areas are the salient features of the tableland, at Añecon and at Somuncurra, south of the district of the Rio Negro, in the ridge on the left bank of the middle Senguerr, in the Chubut province. The basalts have spread out in sheets, the surface of which seems to have cooled not long ago. Basalt flows are found as far as northern Patagonia, south of Valcheta and Maquinchao; but their chief seat is in eastern Patagonia. They cover the inhospitable tablelands to the east of Lakes Buenos Aires and Pueyrredon. The Rio Chico and the Santa Cruz cross them for the upper two-thirds of their course, South of Coile and Gallegos they spread almost to the coast, and the Tertiary Pampas in this part are dominated by an archipelago of small volcanic cones. The tableland is crossed from west to east by deep and broad valleys, enclosed between high cliffs, often strangled by ridges of basaltic or crystalline rock, and very little ramified. The ravines (_cañadones_), which make breaches in their cliffs on both sides, go only a little way into the sandstone Pampa or the lava tableland. Only a certain number of these valleys are occupied by important rivers (the Rio Negro and the Santa Cruz, for instance) which are born in the Andes, but receive little addition from the light rains of eastern Patagonia. Most of the valleys have only intermittent streams (Sheuen, Coile) or are altogether dry and sown with salt lakes (Deseado). The west wind is now the ruler of this network of fossil valleys. It carves their slopes, and brings into them sand, with which it makes dunes. We must not confuse with these dead valleys the long depressions, with no outlet, which are scattered over the granite and sandstone tableland (_bajos_, _valles_, _cuencas_). Some have obstinately, but wrongly, sought in these the traces of rivers that have disappeared; and the _bajos_ of Gualicho and Valcheta have wrongly been regarded as the former bed of the Rio Negro and the Limay. Erosion by wind seems to have had something to do with these depressions. Their persistence, at all events, is one of the effects of the aridity which prevents normal erosion from moulding the surface of the tableland. The chief of them are centres for collecting running water. There is a group of valleys all round them, and alluvial beds accumulate in them. The climate determines the character of the soil in Patagonia. The rounded pebbles of granite and eruptive rock, so often described since the time of Darwin, sometimes free and sometimes embedded in red sand or limestone,[51] are spread over the tableland like aureoles round the masses of rock, and they are particularly abundant in the coast region. On the Rio Negro they seem to be confined to the vicinity of the valley; they disappear as one goes away from it. The progressive reduction in the volume of the Rio Negro gravels, as one goes downward, has been observed to begin in the Andean zone, and it is from the Andes that they come. South of Santa Cruz, in a moister climate, in which the circulation of the water is less localized, the bed is more continuous, and it covers the Tertiary sandstones and clays. It is of fluvio-glacial origin, and comes from the destruction of the old moraines, before the excavation of the actual valleys. But it is the wind that explains the concentration of the gravel at the surface. It separates the pebbles from the more mobile material about them. Wherever the outcrop-strata contain pebbles, the wind eventually converts the place into a field of shingle. It has done this with the terraces of the Limay. The Tertiary marine deposits of the coast region also are rich in pebbles torn from the rocky promontories of the shore; hence the extent of stony soils in the coast region. The wind similarly strips naked the angular stones, of local origin and incompletely worn, round the isolated rocks of the desert tableland or on the flanks of the secondary ravines. [51] The calcareous flag-stone of La Tosca, which is characteristic of the south-west province of the plain of the Pampa, stretches in the south as far as the Rio Negro in the coast-district. On the other hand, it is almost entirely absent a hundred miles to the west, between the Colorado and the Rio Negro, along the line of the railway from Fortin Uno to Choele Choel. On the other hand, the bedding action of the wind creates deposits consisting of small and uniform elements from the sands of the dunes to the finest dust. The lightest particles, caught up repeatedly by the squalls and carried to a great height in the atmosphere, go beyond the Patagonian region and reach the bottom of the Atlantic or the plain of the Pampa. Some of this, however, is deposited in the depressions of the tableland, where the moisture fixes it and prevents the wind from regaining it. These æolian deposits in the depressions, a dark-grey clay, which hardens when it is dry, but is softened by water, form two entirely different kinds of soil. If the depression is closed in, or if the circulation of the water is too slight, there is a concentration of the mineral salts; this is the _salitral_, either naked or sustaining a halophytic vegetation, which the saline efflorescences cover with a white coat during the dry season. If on the other hand, the underground waters have a free course, the æolian clay forms the _mallin_. Bushes and fine grasses grow on it, and, as they decay, gradually give it a darker shade and modify its composition. The soil above the _mallin_ is rich in organic elements. It covers the bottom of the valleys between low terraces, covered with faceted pebbles, and dominated by the vertical cliffs of tufa and lava. The contrast between the verdure of the _mallin_ and the arid, dusty, yellow steppe of the tableland is one of the most characteristic features of Patagonian scenery. The area in which _mallin_ has been formed coincides with the most humid districts in the vicinity of the Andes and round the higher hills. On the road that runs along the right bank of the Limay, at some distance from the river, on the surface of the tableland, the limit between the country of the _salitrales_ and that of the _mallinas_ passes between Tricaco and Chasico, a hundred miles south-east of Neuquen; it almost tallies with the curve of a 200 millimetres rainfall.[52] Though the word _mallin_ is not used at Santa Cruz, similar æolian soils are found in the western part of the tableland up to this latitude. Further south glacial deposits, clays with moraine-blocks, fill the valleys, and from Gallegos onward, cover the greater part of the tableland. [52] G. Rovereto, "Studi di geomorfologia argentina: la valle del Rio Negro," _Bull. Soc. Geol. Ital._, xxxi. 1912, pp. 101-142 and 181-237. On the eruptive flows of recent date the rock is naked. The wind carries away the products of its decomposition, and the dust accumulates only in the fissures. Traffic is difficult, sometimes impossible. * * * * * Toward the west the tableland is separated from the Cordillera by a longitudinal depression, though the continuity of this has been exaggerated. This depression, which outlines the contact between the folded zone of the Andes and the flat zone of the tableland, is very important from the point of view of colonization. Just at the frontier of the steppe and the forest, it is the most hospitable part of Patagonia, the richest in natural resources. Amidst the glacial lacustrine deposits which are accumulated on it there rise masses of different kinds of rock which break it up into compartments, granitic ridges of laccolites exposed to view, eruptive structures that have been dismantled. In the south the sub-Andean depression forms a broad passage between Lake Maravilla and Puntá Arenas, about two hundred miles long, enclosed between the basalt cliffs of the tableland on the east and the mountains of the Brunswick Peninsula and William IV Land. The bottom of it is a singular glacial landscape, sown with lagoons, punctuated by scattered hills, with an impermeable soil of drift and mud. From Lake Argentina to Lake Buenos Aires the elevated tablelands, which rise to a height of 5,000 feet, back upon the Cordillera, and the sub-Andean depression is interrupted. Similarly, between Lake Buenos Aires and Lake General Paz the contour of the Patagonian tableland is not very marked above the sub-Andean zone. The glacial alluvia at the foot of the Cordillera rise to the level of the tableland, which sinks steadily eastward toward the Genua and the Senguerr. To the north, between Carrenleufu and Lake Nahuel Huapi, the retreat of the lakes has left long narrow beds right in the Cordillera, such as the Valle Nuevo del Bolson, the bed of which has been taken over by the Futaleufu west of the Cerro Situación. Further east the topographical features of the edge of the tableland (the valleys of the Chubut, Tecka, and Norquineo) lie from north to south. Hence within a space of little more than a hundred kilometres the sub-Andean zone has a series of parallel roads, communicating with each other by means of broad, transverse gaps, which at one time were occupied by the lower lobes of the glaciers. The sub-Andean depression does not go north of Lake Nahuel Huapi. The morphological features of the Patagonian Andes begin at 36° S. lat.[53] The edge of the Cordillera, in the Malargüe depression, below 35° S. lat., still presents the typical scenery of the central Andes. The dejection-cone of the Atuel resembles that of the Mendoza. The fringe of torrential deposits, distributed in cones over which the waters spread, is due to the rapidity of the disintegration of the rocks in a desert climate. Keidel has pointed out the part played by the summer rains in transporting mobile elements, which the water drops as soon as the slope diminishes; the amount of precipitation being too slight to permit the formation and spread over the plain of a regular network of streams. From the Rio Grande onward the dejection cones disappear. The streams tend to become permanent, and sink into narrow valleys. The summer rains cease, and the water produced by the melting of the snows has only a feeble capacity for transporting stuff. The soil of the Cordillera is protected by a denser vegetation. The first thickets of _molle_ appear in the valleys, the first scattered cypresses on the slopes, at the Rio Agrio, a tributary of the Neuquen. Then the forest invades the mountain: at first, from 38° S. lat. to 39° 30' S. lat., a resinous forest of araucarias. At length, at Lake Nahuel Huapi, the forest assumes the general appearance which it has as far as the Magellan region. It is chiefly made up of different kinds of beeches. The _coihue_ (_Notofagus dombeyi_) is the most conspicuous for about three quarters of a mile, rising above an impenetrable undergrowth of bamboo. Higher up the domain of the _lenga_ (_Notofagus pumilio_) extends as far as the fringe of the Alpine forests. The forest does not reach the eastern limit of the lakes. In the sub-Andean depression it is reduced to thickets of _ñirre_ (_Notofagus antarctica_) and _mayten_ and clumps of _calafate_ (something like myrtles). [53] The great mass of the Patagonian Andes differs considerably in geological structure from the Argentinian Andes. The Paleozoic sedimentary rocks and the lofty chains of the pre-Cordillera cease at 36° S. lat. The Mesozoic beds--variegated breccie and porphyritic conglomerates, sandstones, limestones, and marls--which form the western slope of the Andes in central Chile, pass to the eastern slope at 35° S. lat., where they develop in regular folds, in the direction south-south-east, obliquely to the general line of the range. These folds account for the orientation of the interior valleys, which is remarkably uniform from the Rio Negro to the Collon Cura. They pass in the south-west under the sandstones of the tableland. West of this sedimentary zone, the zone of the sub-Andean granites and diorites, which have not been exposed further north except at the base of the western slope, opens out in the Patagonian Andes, of which it is the main body between Lake Lacar and the Gulf of Ultima Esperanza. In fine, the Patagonian Andes are characterised by volcanic formations. They are seen on the eastern slope about 36° S. lat., in the lava-flows and ashes of Payen and Tromen. Further south volcanoes with acid lava and characteristic cones are restricted to the central zone (Lanin, etc.) and the Chilean flank, but flows of fluid basic lava cover enormous stretches at the eastern fringe of the Andes, and they have spread over a good deal of the Patagonian tableland outside the Andean region. It is on the Alumine, about 39° S. lat., that we find traces of glacial erosion, as they spread over the landscape. At present there is no ice on the mountain except on the peaks of Lanin and Tronador, but from the Rio Puelo onward (42° S. lat.), glaciers clothe all the summits which rise above 6,500 feet. North of the Aisen they form a narrow, but almost continuous, line. From the Aisen to the Calen fiord, and beyond the gap of the fiord as far as 52° S. lat., the ice spreads in a considerable sheet which in some places attains a breadth of eighty miles. The tongues of the glaciers reach the Pacific below 46° S. lat., and Lake San Martin on the Argentine slope below 49° S. lat. In Tierra del Fuego the snow-line is at 2,300 feet, and the glaciers which the snows feed, reach as far as the fiords and Lake Fagnano. Lake Carri Lauquen, on the Barrancas (36° 20' S. lat.), which was almost entirely drained in 1914 through the breaking down of the natural dam of soft earth which confined its waters, is not a glacial lake.[54] The chain of glacial lakes stretches from the Alumine to the Seno de la Ultima Esperanza, and is continued southward by Skyring Water, Otway Water, and Useless Bay--genuine lakes in communication with the Pacific by means of narrow channels. The lakes sometimes lie in a narrow and deep glacial valley, the bottom of which they fill; sometimes they branch out into the neighbouring valleys; at other times they advance eastward beyond the zone of the mountains and spread into round basins surrounded by circles of moraines. The largest of them include groups of ramified fiords, which represent their western half, while the eastern half spreads between lower banks.[55] [54] Pablo Groeber, _Informe sobra las causas que han producido las crecientes del Rio Colarado en_ 1914. Dir. Gen. de Minas, Geol. e Hidrol., Bol. No. 11, series B, Geologia (Buenos Aires, 1916). [55] Most of the lacustrine depressions are continued eastward across the Patagonian tableland in the shape of distinct valleys. The eastern part of the Straits of Magellan is merely a submerged valley on the axis of Otway Water. Useless Bay also is continued eastward by the hollow which ends in the Bay of San Sebastian. Sometimes the waters of the lakes flow eastward, toward the Atlantic, along these valleys. Generally, however, the lakes of the western slope are drained on the west by means of narrow defiles across the Cordillera, or on the north and south by rivers which follow the sub-Andean depression and thread them together in the manner of a rosary. The valley which joins the lake to the Atlantic is in those cases a dead valley, and the inter-oceanic dividing line of the waters is marked by the frontal moraine of the old glacier, which confines the lake on the east. This arrangement is found, with surprising regularity, from the Alumine and the Lacar to the Neuquen, and as far as Lake Buenos Aires and the Seno de la Ultima Esperanza at Santa Cruz. The capture of the waters of the eastern slope by the rivers of the Pacific across the Cordillera is fairly ancient, and certainly pre-glacial. But during the Glacial Period the glaciers obstructed the transverse valleys of the Cordillera, and the waters of the eastern slope found their way to the Atlantic once more. With the retreat of the glaciers the valleys of the Cordillera were successively cleared. The lakes, dammed by the glaciers, were suddenly released and their level lowered. The valleys of the Patagonian tableland were finally abandoned, and the topographical accident of secondary importance, which the ancient frontal moraine of the glacier represents, came to mark the limit of the domain of the Pacific. The freshness of the contours of the dead valleys of Patagonia bears witness to the recent date of this conquest, which was too sudden or rapid to be called a "capture" in the proper sense. It has not been accomplished everywhere. From Lake San Martin to Lake Buenos Aires all the lakes of the eastern slope are drained into the Pacific by rivers which flow into the Culen fiord. But further south, Lakes Viedma and Argentino are still tributaries of the Atlantic. They correspond to the zone of the Patagonian Andes which is still covered by inland ice. To the north, in the basin of the Puelo and the Yelcho, where the trans-Andean valleys long ago ceased to be obstructed by ice, the lakes of the eastern slope which drain toward the Pacific are small in size. Their level to-day is much lower than it used to be, and a network of streams has developed east of them, on the earlier lacustrine region, which is now dry. [Illustration: YOKE OF CREOLE OXEN USED FOR THE TRANSPORT OF TIMBER ON THE EASTERN CHACO, OR CHACO OF SANTA FÉ. _On the Central (or Santiago) Chaco mules are used for transport._ Photograph by the Author.] [Illustration: WORKS AT TARTAGAL (EASTERN CHACO) FOR MAKING TANNIC ACID. _These works, built by powerful firms, are permanent centres, drawing timber from a great stretch of forest, while the saw-mills of the Central Chaco move about freely, to be near the felling sites._ Photograph by the Author. PLATE XII. To face p. 128.] Pastoral colonization has now spread over almost the entire surface of Patagonia. The parts that are not yet occupied are of slight extent; they consist only of the most desolate regions in the south of the Rio Negro district and north of Santa Cruz. The expansion of white colonization began only about 1880. Until then the interior was abandoned to the indigenous tribes and was almost entirely unknown. The Atlantic coast alone had been explored. The travels of Villarino along the Rio Negro and the Limay as far as Lake Nahuel Huapi had left only a faded memory.[56] North of the Rio Negro, Woodbine Parish (1859), making use of the notes left by Cruz, who had crossed the Andes and the Indian territory between Antuco and Melincue in 1806, was the first to publish definite information, to which no addition would be made during the next forty years.[57] [56] _Diario de D. Basilio Villarino del reconocimiento que hizo del Rio Negro en el año de_ 1782 (Coll. de Angelis, vi). [57] It is Woodbine Parish who corrects Villarino's mistake in confusing the Neuquen, at its confluence with the Limay, with the Rio Diamante, known in the south of the Mendoza province. The settlements founded on the coast by the Spaniards at the close of the eighteenth century (S. José and P. Deseado) were ephemeral. Only one of them maintained an obscure existence, Carmen de Patagones, some miles above the mouth of the Rio Negro. One of its chief resources was the export of salt. Expeditions for this purpose began on the Patagonian coast about the middle of the eighteenth century (_Journey from San Martin to Puerto San Julian about_ 1753, Coll. de Angelis, V). After the revolution, Buenos Aires finally abandoned these costly expeditions by land to the salt districts of the Pampa, and was supplied with salt by schooners from Carmen. During the war with Brazil and the blockade of the Rio de la Plata, Carmen, protected by the bar of the Rio Negro, and the Bay of San Blas were the harbours in which Argentine, English and French privateers concealed their prizes and did their repairs after the storms of the Gulf of Santa Catarina. D'Orbigny visited Carmen during this period of equivocal prosperity. One of the most curious effects of the hospitality offered to the privateers was the unloading upon the Patagonian coast of blacks, intended for Brazil, who were taken from the slave-traders. Thus an unforeseen eddy brought to the south of the Pampean region part of the current of the slave-trade intended for the sugar-cane plantations in tropical America. A number of the Carmen ranches had coloured workers at this time. Breeding, in fact, was just beginning to spread in the neighbourhood of Carmen at the time. The cattle had been brought by land from Buenos Aires, and had multiplied along the coast and the river above Carmen. South of Carmen, at San José, the cattle had run wild after the fort was abandoned. The Carmen herds were estimated, before the revolution, at 40,000 head. They disappeared during the revolutionary period, but were reconstituted immediately afterwards, and even during the war with Brazil there was an active export of hides and salt beef. Carmen profited mainly by trade with the Indians. It lived in terror of them, and had garrisons to give the alarm on the routes by which they could approach. But this state of chronic warfare did not prevent trade. Near Carmen there was a group of peaceful Indians who served as intermediaries with the tribes of the interior, who were jealous and hostile. Guides and interpreters were found in this colony, and through it came the first news of the interior. The traffic with the Indians continued for a long time to be of great use to the colonists. In 1865 the Welsh colony established on the Chubut, which had many difficulties at first, was saved from complete disaster by its trade with the Indians. The indigenous population comprised two groups: the Tehuelches, or Patagonians proper, men of tall stature, and the Araucans, the Ranqueles, the Pehuenches and the Pampas. There was no fixed geographical limit between them. The Tehuelches lived in southern Patagonia; but the Araucans advanced eastward as far as the Pampas region and southward beyond the Chubut. The Indian population of the valley of the Genua and the Sanguerr, south of the colony of San Martin, comprised in 1880,[58] and still comprises,[59] a mixture of Araucans and Tehuelches. The Araucans were acquainted with agriculture, but, once they had tamed the horse, they became mainly a pastoral and hunting people, like the Tehuelches. [58] Carlos M. Moyano, "Informe sobre un viaje a traves de la Patagonia," _Bol. Instit. Geog. Argent._, ii. 1881, pp. 1-35. [59] W. Vallentin, _Chubut_ (Berlin, 1906). In so far as they were hunters, the Indians of Patagonia were nomadic. The taming of the horse only made it easier for them to shift from place to place, and gave them a greater range. Their nomadism has too often been regarded as an aimless wandering. They had laws, settled by the physical conditions; and we can gather a few of these. They kept away from the coastal districts except in winter; that is the season when the rains provide water-courses there. It has been observed that names of Indian origin are lacking on the coast of Patagonia. The Spanish navigators who landed there during the summer found the country deserted and the camps abandoned. On the other hand, the share of the Indians in giving names is very considerable in the interior, as far as the foot of the Andes. During the summer the Indians approached the mountains, where they found good hunting grounds. In particular they chased the young guanacos in the breeding season, December and January. Popper has indicated similar migrations amongst the Onas of Patagonia; they approach the coast in winter, and leave it in summer, to hunt in the interior.[60] The district of Lake Nahuel Huapi and Collon Cura had some attraction from afar. The forest of araucarias produced seeds (_pinones_) which the Indians went to gather; and they also liked the wild apples which ripened on the former estates of the old Jesuit missions. The clusters of bamboo on the Cordillera provided the lances of the Aucas and Tehuelches. [60] J. Popper, "Exploracion de la Tierra del Fuego," _Bol. Instit. Geog. Argent._, viii. 1887, pp. 74-93. Lake Nahuel Huapi is the first stage of the busiest of the routes used by the Indians. It came from the lower Santa Cruz, went up the Rio Chico, and from there northward followed the foot of the Cordillera. D'Orbigny was told about it: "All the Indians who live near the Andes go along the eastern foot of the mountains in their journeys, because they find water there, whereas they would find none if they went by the coast; in that way they travel from the Straits of Magellan to the Rio Negro." The Indian track only left the sub-Andean depression between the Rio Chico and Lake Buenos Aires, in the district where the high basalt _mesetias_ extend as far as the Cordillera, and on the Pampa of the Sanguerr. From Lake Nahuel Huapi the Indians of the south descended the Limay and the Rio Negro, and reached the island of Choele Choel, some 230 miles above Carmen, where they met the Aucas and Puelches. There they exchanged their _guanacos_ hides for woollen fabrics made by the Aucas. Choele Choel was the only large, purely indigenous market; the whites never visited it. Geographical reasons fixed the site of this market of the nomads. In the latitude of Choele Choel the Rio Negro approaches the Colorado and the archipelago of the Sierras of the southern Pampa, which mark so many stages on the routes from the Pampa to the Andes. To the south the coast-route, less exposed to snow than the sub-Andean track, began from Choele Choel. The Indians followed this to reach the Gulf of San Jorge and the Santa Cruz in winter, during the rainy season. Darwin notes the importance of the site and the ford of Choele Choel. Villarino had suspected it, and had, as early as 1782, pleaded for the building of a fort there. By holding this point, he said, they could prevent the tribes from attacking Buenos Aires, or from approaching the Patagonian coast in the district of San José.[61] [61] _Informe de D. Basilio Villarino à Fr. de Viedma_, Coll. de Angelis, v. As far back as we can go, the life of the Indians seems to have been deeply influenced by their relations with the whites. The Aucas brought to Choele Choel, not only the products of their industry, but also objects stolen or bought from the Christians on the Pampa. The report of Musters, who followed a Tehuelche tribe from Santa Cruz to the country of the Manzanas ("land of apples"), shows clearly that the attraction of the Nahuel Huapi region for the Indians was less due to its natural resources than to the presence of the Chilean settlements at Valdivia, from which came across the passes of the Cordillera certain quantities of brandy. The Indian never took to cattle-breeding. His herd never consisted of more than mares and a few sheep. But trade in stolen cattle quickly became the chief occupation of the tribes. It would, however, be a mistake to imagine that the thievish Indian was merely and always a dreaded enemy of the ranches of Carmen. They sometimes had recourse to his services and profited by his misdeeds. After the Revolution, it was the Indians who helped to fill once more the ranches of the Rio Negro, bringing runaway cattle which had remained in the San José district. Later, Carmen bought the cattle stolen by the Indians at Buenos Aires. From 1823 to 1826 the number of the cattle sold by the Indians to the colonists on the Rio Negro is estimated at 40,000. Hence the breeders of Carmen had, as regards the Indians, alternate periods of armed conflict and complicity. But Chile was always the great market for stolen cattle. Raids (_malones_) and the crossing of the Cordillera by convoys began in the eighteenth century, and continued throughout the nineteenth, until 1880, when the consolidation of Argentine authority on the eastern side gave a more regular form to the cattle-trade. The convoys came to a halt at Antuco and Chillan from which the Chilean buyers sometimes accompanied the Indian tribes as far as the _tolderias_ on the edge of the Pampa. The trade in stolen cattle made use of all the passes of the Cordillera, from the Planchon pass below 35° S. lat., which Roca had covered in 1877 by the fortress of Alamito, to the source of the Bio Bio. The one most used was the Pichachen or the Antuco pass. On the tableland the cattle-tracks formed a regular network with innumerable strands, spreading over a width of about two hundred miles. The most northern route started east of the Poitague district and, after fording the Salado and the Atuel, and passing the _aguadas_ of Cochico and Ranquilco, entered the Cordillera at the bend of the Rio Grande. Another track ascended the Colorado and then reached the high valley of Neuquen. A third crossed from the Colorado to the Rio Negro, and, above the confluence of the Limay, to the Rio Agrio or the Alumine. The first exact information about the range of the Patagonian Indians is supplied by a group of bold travellers who followed their tracks from 1870 to 1880: Musters, Moreno, Moyano, Ramon Lista, etc. Their discoveries had already outlined the geographical survey of Patagonia when the campaign of 1879-1883 opened it to colonization. The story of white colonization since 1880 shows us several distinct streams of population. The first, starting from the region of the Pampa, went from north to south along the Atlantic coast, and gradually extended its sphere toward the interior. The breeders used the sea-route, the ancient Indian track with recognized sources of water, to convey their first herds. In 1884, the only spot inhabited on the coast between the Rio Negro and the Deseado was the Welsh colony on the Chubut. In 1886 Fontana reports ranches in the Puntá Delfin district, south of the Chubut.[62] About 1890 the whole district round the Gulf of San Jorge was occupied; and a little later the stream from the north met the stream from the south about San Julian and Santa Cruz. The expansion of colonization was less rapid in the interior. Ambrosetti tells us of the establishment of the first ranches round the Sierra de Lihuel Calel in 1893,[63] and at the same time Siemiradzki still found few traces of colonization on the Colorado.[64] [62] L. J. Fontana, "Exploracion en la Patagonia austral," _Bol. Instit. Geog. Argent._, vii, 1886, pp. 223-239. [63] J. B. Ambrosetti, "Viage a la Pampa central," _Bol. Instit. Geog. Argent._, xiv. 1893, pp. 292-368. [64] J. V. Siemiradzki, _Eine Farschungsreise in Patagonien_, Petermann's _Mitteilungen_, xxxix. 1893, pp. 49-62. The second stream of colonization came from the Magellan region. It started in Chilean territory, about Puntá Arenas. It was about 1878 that sheep-breeding spread round Puntá Arenas, and between 1885 and 1892 was the most rapid growth of the ranches of the Magellan district. North of the Straits they occupied the lowlands round Skyring Water and Otway Water, then the plateau south of Gallegos. They spread along the Atlantic as far as the Santa Cruz. In 1896 the limit of the sheep-region was on the Santa Cruz about forty miles from the coast.[65] To the west, Puerto Consuelo was founded in 1892, and in 1896 colonization came up against the mountain barrier which the Cerro Payen and the basalt tableland of the Cerro Vizcachas interpose between Lake Argentine and Ultima Esperanza fiord. [65] J. B. Hatcher, _Reports of the Princeton University expeditions to Patagonia_ 1896-9 (_Narrative of the Expeditions_ and _Geography of Southern Patagonia_, Princeton, 1903). The spheres of primitive colonization in southern Patagonia on the coast still differ from each other in regard to density of population. But breeders in search of unoccupied land have not hesitated to push beyond. In 1895 and 1900 they passed west of the Gulf of San Jorge toward the basin of the Sanguerr and the Genua, (establishment of the Sarmiento colony, south of Colhuapi, 1897: establishment of San Martin on the Genua 1900). Since 1900 the population has also advanced up the Santa Cruz and the Rio Chico as far as the zone of the Andes, and the lagoon which still existed twenty years ago, between the district of the Sanguerr and that of Lake Argentino, and is easily recognized on the maps of the Frontier Commission, has been almost entirely filled up. The story of colonization in the northern part of the Patagonian Andes is more complicated. Immediately after the campaign of 1883 the valleys of the Neuquen were invaded by Chilean immigrants, half-breeds of the frontier, who cannot always be easily distinguished from pure Araucans. A certain number of Chilotes, and even Germans from the southern colonies of Chile, were mixed with the half-breeds. This stream of immigration had begun before the conquest. As early as 1881 Host notices that there are at Chosmalal various families of Chilean farmers who held their lands from the Indian _cacique_. During the summer they took care of the migratory herds from the Chilean plain. Once the country was pacified, they grew rapidly in number. It was they who provided the manual labour for the placer miners of the Neuquen, where gold began to be worked in 1890. The area of Chilean colonization extends from the Rio Atuel, where Villanueva found Chilean immigrants in 1884, to the south of Lake Nahuel Huapi, where Chileans were still met by Vallentin in 1906, on the Rio Pico, close to 44° S. lat.[66] South of Nahuel Huapi there is no regularly used route across the Cordillera.[67] The Chilean colonists of the southern zone came from the north, therefore, along the eastern foot of the Andes. Bailey Willis calculated that there were 2,000 Chileans in a total population of 3,500 in the sub-Andean area from Nahuel Huapi to Diez y seis de Octubre. The total number of Chilean immigrants may be about 20,000. It is not on the increase, as immigration from Chile was suspended from 1890 to 1895. Since the reconstruction of the frontier the Chilean Government has tried to bring back part of the emigrants to its own territory. Many have gone to settle in the valley of the Lonquimay. In 1896 Moreno saw traces everywhere in the valley of the Collon Cura of the departure of Chilean colonists who had left the country. [66] C. Villanueva, "De Mendoza a Narguin," _Bol. Instit. Geog. Argent._, v. 1884, pp. 171-4. [67] Chilean woodcutters have sometimes got as far as the eastern valleys in search of larch, but these were nomads who did not settle. At first it was only the Argentinians of the western provinces, San Juan and Mendoza, who vied with the Chileans for the soil. It is they whom Furque found in 1888 at Roca, on the Rio Negro. But beginning with 1890-95, immigrants of various nationalities have settled on the Neuquen and the Negro.[68] Foreign capitalists organized their first ranches there. In 1888, on the other hand, the Welsh of the lower Chubut, led by Indian guides, went from the coast to the sub-Andean region, and settled in the valley of Diez y seis de Octubre. Between 1895 and 1900 the neighbouring valleys began to be inhabited, and the colonization areas of Nahuel Huapi and the Sanguerr came into contact.[69] [68] Furque, "Descripción del Pueblo General Roca," _Bol. Instit. Geog. Argent._, ix. 1888, pp. 124-132. [69] In spite of their importance we must regard as mere episodes in the story of Patagonian colonization the influx of population caused on the eastern coast by the discovery of placer-gold at Cape Virgenes and on the Atlantic coast of Tierra del Fuego (1884), and the discovery of petroleum at Rivadavia (1907) in the course of drilling in search of water. Rivadavia is already, with its 3,000 inhabitants, one of the chief centres in Patagonia. * * * * * The most striking feature of colonization in Patagonia is the very low density of population. The Census of 1914 gives 81,000 inhabitants altogether for the territories of the Rio Negro, the Neuquen, the Chubut, the Santa Cruz, and Tierra del Fuego. A well-kept ranch of 25,000 square kilometres has only a staff of about a hundred men at the most, counting strangers, settled on its land; three hundred inhabitants, or scarcely more than one to ten square kilometres. This population falls into two distinct classes. One is the class of proprietors with regular titles: a rooted and stable class. At first the Government granted enormous concessions, which were taken up especially by English buyers, but it now seeks to break up the land, and the plots which it puts on the market for new pastoral colonies have not more than 625 hectares. This is too small for breeding, no matter how good the situation may be, and there will inevitably be, one would think, a concentration of estates in the hands of a few proprietors. The other part of the population occupy lands which they do not own. They are displaced steadily as the regular concessions are sold to new ranches. They live, so to say, on the margin of colonization, and are more and more restricted to the poorest lands. Sometimes these _intrusos_ or _pobladores_ get hospitality for their herds on the land of some ranch in return for their services. They have little capital, and never make material improvements. They take no care to nurse the pasture, and it matters little to them if it is impoverished. The climate divides Patagonia into two distinct regions. In the west, the moist Andean zone is suitable for cattle-breeding. About 1870 the Chileans of Valdivia hunted wild cattle in the Nahuel Huapi district. Similarly the Frontier Commission met large herds of wild cattle on the shores of Lake San Martin, which were not yet occupied. Sheep do not get on well in the moist zone, where the rains have washed out the soil and carried away the salts which seem to be indispensable to the sheep. It is the arid tableland that is the land of the sheep. There it has displaced cattle, even in the area which the early breeders at the end of the eighteenth century had filled with cattle. Between the sheep-area and the cattle-area is a mixed region, where the two are combined. It extends more or less according as the transition from a moist to a desert climate is gradual or sudden. It is especially important in the districts where colonization is already old, as in the Fuegian and Neuquen regions. It is lacking in districts where the colonization is recent (Chubut and Santa Cruz), where the sheep-breeders have had a free run as far as the Andes. The ranches of the Cordillera, which specialize in cattle-breeding, all have small flocks of sheep for their own use, their staff being so small that it does not pay to kill the cattle. The sheep-area is by far the more extensive of the two. The patches of agricultural colonization are very scattered and small on its surface. They are restricted to the river-oases of the Rio Negro and the Chubut. These small tilled districts have preserved a remarkable economic independence as regards the pastoral zone, in which they seem lost. Thus the farmers on the Chubut exported their wheat to Buenos Aires until about 1900, and they still send their bales of dry lucerne there. Some of the ranches have tilled small oases in suitable places, but these are merely intended to increase their stores of fodder; not for their flock of sheep, but for the saddle-horses used in watching the estate and the draught-horses used for transport. The pastoral capacity of the Patagonian scrub is, on the average, from 800 to 1,200 head of sheep to 25 square kilometres: less than a tenth that of the prairies of the eastern Pampa. The ranch fixes its residence in the best part of the estate, where there is least fear of a shortage of water, and where pasture is most plentiful. To this the sheep are brought periodically to receive disinfecting baths against the scab, and for shearing. These incessant movements toward the centre of the ranch cause an almost permanent strain on the pasture, and this is one of the chief anxieties of the breeder. The area of the estate is divided as soon as possible into sections (_potreros_) by steel-wire fences, which enables them to watch over the reproduction and improvement of the flock and make the best use of the pasture. Fencing is more advanced near the Cordillera, as timber for the posts is found there. Certain districts are still uninhabited on account of the lack of water. Some of the sources of water are permanent. The water issues at the base of the volcanic rocks, when the underlying rock is impermeable, and above the various levels of the marl in the Patagonian swamps; for instance, in the _cañadones_ round the Gulf of San Jorge. Besides this, the rain and melting snow leave on the surface of the tableland a great number of pools, which evaporate in the dry season. These are temporary supplies, the _manantiales_, to which the breeders are reduced over large areas of the tableland. Most of the stagnant sheets of water which are permanent are saline. The proportion of salt in them is very variable, and changes in each case according to the cycle of dry and wet years. The water of the Carilaufquen was fresh in 1900, and in 1914 it had become brackish, though it could still be used for the flocks. Finding permanent sources of water is the first concern of the breeder. In some districts he has succeeded in tapping sheets of fresh water by means of wells. There are none of these wells in the crystalline zones, the closed hollows, where the sheets of water are often large, but they are always saline. Neither are there any in the red sandstone district, the dryest of all. In the western region the wells are sunk in the arid valleys, along the track of the underground stream. Thus the Picun Leufu, the visible course of which is lost seventeen miles above its confluence with the Limay, may be traced by a continuous line of wells. It is especially in the coastal districts that the wells have transformed the conditions of breeding. Water was first discovered at the foot of the dunes, along the coast itself (district of Viedma, San José, etc.). Since then deep borings have been made over the whole of the Tertiary platform on both sides of the lower part of the Rio Negro, north of San Antonio. There every ranch has its sheet-iron tank, sheltered by a clump of tamarinds, with a windmill to fill it. All pastures are not equally available in every season. Those which are at a height of more than 4,000 feet in the north, and 2,300 to 2,600 feet in the south, are covered in winter with a thick mantle of snow. These are summer pastures. During the winter the animals are brought down to the principal valleys or to sheltered _cañadones_ below the level of the tableland. The _mallin_ is, as a rule, a winter pasture. When it is too wet, however, it is treacherous, and the animals are buried in it. They have to wait for fine weather before going into it. The pastures, too, which have no permanent water supply, or have only _manantiales_, which dry up at the beginning of summer, can only be used during the winter. Hence each ranch has to have, besides its assured water supply, a suitable combination of summer and winter pasturage, and it is far from certain that this will be found on every estate, cut up geometrically for colonization, as they were, by the administration of lands. [Illustration: THE VOLCANO PUNTIAGUDO. _On the Chilean side, to the north of the road from Lake Nahuel Huapi. The glaciers come down lower on the western side, as the moist winds come from the west, and the rain becomes less and less frequent as one goes eastward toward the Patagonian tableland._] [Illustration: CERCAS ON THE LIMAY (RISING IN LAKE NAHUEL HUAPI), NEAR THE CONFLUENCE OF THE TRAFUL. _Here the Limay enters the sub-desert tableland. Last trees (cypresses) in the valley in the foreground._ Photograph by Bailey Willis. PLATE XIII. To face p. 142.] The constitution of the flock and the first occupation of the land have compelled breeders to undertake difficult journeys, and more than one of these proved disastrous. The earliest arrivals, driving their sheep along little-known tracks, could not avoid losses in crossing the arid parts of the tableland: parts which D'Orbigny, translating literally the Spanish word _travesia_, calls "crossings."[70] When the ranch is established, the breeding does not necessitate any further movements of the flocks to a great distance, apart from certain special migrations, or "transhumations," which I will consider later. It is on each ranch, sometimes on each group of ranches combined in a single estate, that they pass alternately from winter to summer pasture. The only transport necessary is that of wool. The fleeces, which the west wind has heavily laden with dust, are collected in the sheds belonging to the ranch, or, in the case of the _intrusos_, on the premises of certain small traders (_bolicheros_) who are scattered over the tableland even at its extreme limits. Convoys of wagons then take them to the ports on the coast. [70] The search for possible routes for cattle in the districts that were not yet colonized helped in the study of Patagonia. Moyano was doing this when he explored the route from Santa Cruz to Lake Nahuel Huapi. For some years now, however, wool has ceased to be the sole product of the ranches. A little before 1895 the first slaughter-houses, for killing the older sheep that were no longer fertile, were erected on the Straits of Magellan. Refrigerators have succeeded these, and were opened at Puerto Callegos and San Julian. A third refrigerator is being constructed (1915) at Puerto Deseado. In southern Patagonia, also, part of the flock is sent to the refrigerators or to the slaughter houses of the Pampean region. The creation of the refrigerator has compelled breeders to adapt their work to the new economic conditions. The merino breed is being eliminated by the Lincoln in all districts which feel the influence of the refrigerator; the Lincoln is of greater weight and quicker growth, but the merino survives in arid northern Patagonia. Besides this, the establishment of the refrigerators has caused important movements of transport. The flocks which are to go to the refrigerators or the northern railways are moved in the good season, after the shearing, from November to April. The routes they take are not invariable. One of the most frequented, leading from the sub-Andean tablelands to San Julian, follows the Santa Cruz valley. When the land was cut up, there was no reason to foresee these movements, and nothing was done to facilitate them. The roads cross the ranches, which are compelled to allow it. It is a serious burden for some of them, unless they can make a profit out of their situation on the road by hiring pasture for the flocks as they pass. The Andean zone itself is still mainly pastoral, but it is nevertheless far more varied and richer in possibilities of development than the tableland. Agriculture is already combined with breeding in that area. The name _vegas_, which in the Puna and at San Juan means alpine pasture, is applied here to tilled patches in the Andean valleys. They are found in the north in the valley of the Neuquen, round Chosmalal. In the south, the valley of the Rio Pico marks the limit of cultivation. Irrigation is almost always necessary north of Lake Nahuel Huapi, where the _vegas_ have, as a rule, a soil of coarse alluvia or permeable tufa, which dries up quickly. Water is plentiful, it is true, and increases in quantity rapidly as one travels southward. The chief obstacle to the extension of cultivation is the frequency of frost in spring and summer. The deep hollows of the sub-Andean depression south of Lake Nahuel Huapi, the height of which drops to 1,000 feet at the Bolson, and 1,600 feet at Diez y seis de Octubre, have no frosts in summer, and they sustain small agricultural communities. At higher levels, in the basin of the lake or on the _vegas_ of the Traful and Lake Lacar, at an altitude of about 2,600 feet, the distribution of the summer frosts is closely related to the contour and lie of the land, which may facilitate or impede the circulation of the layers of cold air, and the play of what has been called atmospheric drainage. The valleys which are very open from west to east, at the outlet of the lakes, where the west winds have a free passage, are little liable to frost. Wherever frost is frequent, cultivation has to be restricted to fodder plants. The more favoured cantons, which grow wheat, rye and potatoes, help to feed the local pastoral population, and export part of their produce to some distance on the tableland. Cattle-breeding is, like sheep-breeding on the tableland, practised both by the _pobladores_ on public lands and by ranchers who have settled on regular concessions, which they have worked up and fenced round. The high alpine pastures, above the fringe of the forest, are partly used, from December to March, as summer-pasture. The forest also serves for pasture; it is a sort of common land, available both in winter and summer. Below the height of 3,500 feet the clumps of bamboos in the underwood provide shelter during the winter and fodder which is not buried under snow. The fires lit by the breeders have changed part of the primitive forest into a scrub which has been invaded by a leguminous climbing fodder, and it has superior pastoral capacity to the forest. East of the forest, the prairie, which is too much exposed to the winds, is not generally suitable for winter-pasture. The cattle take refuge in sheltered valleys and in the _mayten_ thickets which follow the depressions. Bailey Willis puts the pastoral capacity of the virgin forest at 400 cattle to each 2,500 hectares, 600 for the burnt forest, and 350 for the sub-Andean prairies. The essential problem in connection with the question of completely developing the pastoral resources of the sub-Andean region is the problem of transit. There are no roads from one district to another and to the higher prairies. The fallen trunks which lie about the forest obstruct the way of the cattle. Collecting the animals for sale and watching them are both difficult. It seems that the profit of exploiting the timber must necessarily be small. The forest, thinned by fire and difficult of access, is partly composed of trees that are too old. The _libocedrus_ has disappeared from one-third of it. The larch, which is the most valuable, passes into Argentine territory at few places. Saw-mills are not so numerous on the eastern slope of the Andes as they are in the Magellan area. The essential function of the forest is, according to Argentine experts on forestry, to control the water-circulation. In this land of glacial erosion and recent captures, where the water-courses have always a great variety of form, and there are lakes to make their output more regular, it is particularly easy to make use of hydraulic power. "White coal" will, Bailey Willis says, make a great industrial region of it, and plant an urban life in it. Bailey Willis, whose optimism and prophetic gift will not fail to surprise the European reader, has drawn the plans in detail of a future town of 40,000 souls at the eastern end of Lake Nahuel Huapi. The Patagonian land will supply the raw material of its industries; timber, leather, and wool. One, at least, of the indispensable conditions of the development of urban life is fully realized in the district of Lake Nahuel Huapi and the Limay. It is a remarkable meeting-place of natural roads, and its economic value will increase in the future. It is the point where the road from eastern Patagonia by the sub-Andean depression, from the Gulf of San Antonio on the Atlantic, and from the Rio Negro by the Limay, and the roads that lead to Chile across the Cordillera, meet. The whole zone of the Andes between 36° S. lat. and 42° S. lat., the latitude of the southern part of the Chilean plain, has numerous and easy passes. There has always been close communication between the two slopes, and people have emigrated freely from one to the other. But north of 39° S. lat. the passes are rarely lower than 5,000 feet. They are covered with snow in the winter, and can be used for traffic only in certain seasons. It is not the same south of the volcano Lanin. That is the beginning of the glacial valleys which go to the heart of the Cordillera, some of them crossing the mountains from east to west. They have not yet been entirely explored. The Bariloche pass, south of the Tronador, by which the Chilean missionaries reached Nahuel Huapi in the eighteenth century, is no longer used. The Cajon Negro pass, west of Lake Traful, through which Bailey Willis traces the line of a southern trans-Andean railway, was only recently discovered, and the valleys which run into it on the Chilean side are not yet well known. The two best-known trans-Andean routes to-day are the Perez Rosales road, which leads from Chile to Nahuel Huapi by the north of the Tronador, and further north, the road from Lake Lacar to San Martin. Both these have received some attention, and the lakes are connected by telegraph or telephone. The frequent need to unload and reload makes the traffic costly, but it is permanent and is not interrupted in winter. The reduction of the export of cattle to Chile has cut down the traffic for a time, but it is sure to recover. The permanent importance of it is one of the facts most clearly written by nature upon the soil of South America. * * * * * It is not easy, in the absence of documents, to attempt to give for Patagonia as a whole a detailed description of the pastoral industry, and to follow step by step on the spot its efforts to adjust itself to the natural conditions. But the analysis may be attempted in regard to the region between San Antonio and Lake Nahuel Huapi south of the Rio Negro,[71] the valley of the Rio Negro, and the tableland which stretches westward between the Neuquen and the Limay. This part of Patagonia is now easily accessible, and it is entered by two parallel railways. One starts from San Antonio on the Atlantic, and goes westward to Lake Nahuel Huapi. It has (1914) reached Maquinchao, on the tableland, mid-way across the Andes. The other starts from Bahía Blanca. At Choele Choel it enters the valley of the Rio Negro, and ascends it as far as the confluence of the Neuquen. Then it goes 130 miles westward as far as Zapala, at the foot of the first sub-Andean chains. Each of these lines is ambitious to attract the trans-Andeans. At all events, they are in a hurry to reach the humid zone at the foot of the Andes, which could maintain a busier traffic than the desolate tableland. [71] This was the area studied by the Commission of which Bailey Willis was chairman. The railway from San Antonio, and the road which is a continuation of it west of Maquinchao, cover a distance of 320 miles from the Atlantic to the Andes, and cross five distinct regions. The first is the coastal plain, composed of horizontal marine Tertiary sedimentary rocks, both of sand and clay. The plain rises slowly toward the west, and it attains a height of 650 feet at a distance of seventy miles from the coast. This coastal platform divides, on the north-west, the enclosed hollow of the Bajo del Gualicho from the Gulf of San Antonio. Its surface is very even. The gravel on it has formed a sort of conglomerate, and in spite of appearances, this gravelly soil is not bad for vegetation. It quickly absorbs the rain-water, which thus escapes evaporation. The vegetation is comparatively rich. There are no springs, but the autumn rains sustain _manantiales_ in the marly surface, and these do not dry up until the spring. During the summer the plain is deserted, and there is no water. But the flocks return in the winter and remain there until spring. There is very little snow, as the temperature is moderate. In spite of the density of the pastoral population in winter, the pasturage is not injured. The grass grows plentifully amongst the thickets. This is because the flocks leave the district before the season when the grasses flower and reproduce, so the next generation is secured. Part of the flocks which winter on the coastal plain pass the summer in the south-west, on the high basaltic tablelands of Somuncura. However, the whole of the surface of the tableland cannot be used permanently, or during the entire summer. There is plenty of water in spring, when the snows have melted. In the middle of the summer the flocks collect round the permanent springs, and they scatter once more over the mountain pastures during the autumn rains, before they return to the plain. The second region is that of Valcheta. From Aguada Cecilia to Corral Chico the railway follows for sixty miles the edge of the outpour of lava from the south, which covers the Tertiary clays. In front of the basalt cliff the land dips in the north toward a closed depression, the Bajo de Valcheta, the bottom of which consists of clays impregnated with salt. Tertiary marine strata surround this hollow in the west and north, where they divide it from the Bajo del Gualicho, but here they form only a thin skin which covers the crystalline platform. The line of contact of the basalt and the Tertiary marls is marked by a series of good springs, and these give rise to permanent streams, such as the Arroyo Valcheta and the Nahuel Niyeu. At first they flow in a narrow valley crowned by basalts, with peaty prairies at the bottom, then over Tertiary marls, and, in the latitude of the railways, they pass into a gorge cut through the granites before losing themselves to the north in the _salitral_. A small agricultural oasis is sustained by the waters of the Valcheta. The site of Valcheta has an exceptional importance in the story of Patagonian colonization. It marks a necessary stage in the Indian track from the Atlantic to Nahuel Huapi, which is now followed by the line of the railway. Musters halted there. The track from Choele Choel, on the Rio Negro, to the southern coast and the Santa Cruz also passed by there. It was so much used, says Ezcurra, that the hoofs of the horses had hollowed it.[72] The Argentine village dates from 1890. At first it lived by supplying fodder to the convoys of wagons which carried the wool. The railway has suppressed this traffic, and the only outlet of the oasis to-day is the small port of San Antonio, where the wool is shipped, and where the district is unsuitable for any kind of cultivation. [72] Pedro Ezcurra, "Camino indio entre los rios Negro y Chubut: la travesia de Valcheta," _Bol. Instit. Geog. Argent._, xix. 1898, pp. 134-38. Like the coast region, the Valcheta district seems marked out by its moderate altitude to serve as winter pasture. In point of fact, it is used during the whole year. The springs do not dry up in summer. The streams which flow from the south toward the Bajo de Valcheta are permanent. In addition, a few wells have been bored in the Tertiary strata. Contrary to experience on the coast, therefore, cattle can be kept here during the summer. There is less chance for the grasses to reproduce, and the pasture tends to become impoverished. The third zone, 130 miles from the coast, is that of the tableland of the Cerros Colorados, where low masses of red granite rise like an archipelago amongst the Tertiary formations deposited in the intervening depressions. In the west its altitude rises from 650 to 1,300 feet. It is one of the poorest parts of the tableland, and the size of the flock is reduced to 600 head to the square league. The naked rock crops up, not covered, as it is further east, by a bed of gravel. In the valleys there is little water, and it lies very deep. There are no periodical removals of the animals. Winter and summer they remain within range of a few poor springs, which are caused by various outcrops of lava of limited extent; and they leave these, and wander over the tableland, only in the rainy season. Beyond the Cerros Colorados the line rises rapidly, and at Maquinchao it reaches the basin of Lake Carilaufquen. This occupies the bottom of a closed depression, at an altitude of 3,000 feet, dominated on every side by a plateau of lava, toward which, in the south, a number of important valleys run (Nahuel Niyeu, Quetriquile, Maquinchao). These valleys rise in the south in the basalt plateau, at a height of 4,000 and 4,700 feet, and have no running water except at their upper ends. South of Carilaufquen they open upon a broad plain, round which there is a sombre cornice of lava, about 350 feet high. Water has collected on the plain, which consists of alluvial beds redistributed by wind: angular pebbles from the terraces, fine dust from the _mallinas_, and sand from the dunes round the lake. This region is much better than that of the Cerros Colorados. There are many springs at the base of the lava-flows, on the sides of the valleys, and it has as yet not been necessary to look for the subterranean sheets which accompany some of the valleys. The elevated basin of the Quetriquile, though it is only occupied by _intrusos_, seems to have a particularly high pastoral density, and, I am told, feeds 500,000 sheep. In the western part of the region the spring is late, and there is risk of snow during the lambing season. There are, however, no rams there; the lambs are brought from Maquinchao. This arrangement of special zones for the multiplication of the flock enables them rapidly to improve the breed. Here again there are no removals of the animals to a great distance in order to use the pasture. The vegetation of the valleys suffered from the continuous presence of the flocks during the years of drought before 1914; the reproduction of useful grasses was prevented. There is, however, less danger here than on the Cerros Colorados, because the _mallinas_ are extensive, and they suffice for feeding the sheep during the periods when the _manantiales_ of the tableland dry up, and the animals are confined to the valleys. The fifth region comprises the high ridge which divides the basin of the Carilaufquen from Nahuel Huapi, the water of which flows northward toward the Limay and southward toward the Chubut: successive eruptions have covered the surface with lava and ash, which at Añecon rise to a height of 6,700 feet. The granite platform which emerges in the north, at the Cerro Aspero and the Quadradito, rises to a height of 4,400 and 4,700 feet, and in some places presents a bold and rejuvenated aspect. The whole has been cut up in all directions by erosion, and it affords comparatively easy means of getting about, which the Indian tracks have followed. Below the higher slopes the valleys deepen into gorges, and these broaden out in the soft tufa and are lost at the cross-streams of lava or the outcrops of the granite. In so varied a land, with such marked differences of altitude, the winter and summer pastures are always close together. Precipitation is more plentiful than at a distance from the Cordillera; the pasturage is richer, and the size of the flock rises to 1,600 sheep to the league. The sheep pass the winter on the lower slopes, where they are sheltered from the winds and the snow. They descend to the _mallin_ when the dry season sets in and makes the soil firm. In summer they go on to the tablelands, where the pastures extend to a height of 5,000 feet. Bailey Willis, studying the improvements that might be made in the pastoral processes, concluded that the essential point was to use each pasturage in its best season, and establish a carefully considered rotation on the various lands. This system, which alone would enable them to nurse the natural resources of the scrub in the way of plants for fodder, is used to-day in only a small number of districts--in the east, where the flocks winter on the coastal plain and spend the summer on the Somuncura tableland, and in the west, round the Añecon, where the summer and winter pastures are not far from each other. The custom ought to be general. The area which ought to be reserved for winter pasture comprises the coastal plains, the whole of the low-lying district round Valcheta, and the lower part of the valleys to the south of the Carilaufquen. They are less extensive than the available summer pastures, but their capacity could be enlarged by developing the irrigated areas in the Bajo de Valcheta, and sowing lucerne in the _mallinas_ of the basin of the Carilaufquen. The low valleys round the Carilaufquen ought to be reserved for winter pasture. In the summer the sheep would be taken south to the higher-level valleys, which afford permanent pasture. From there they would spread after the melting of the snow, and after the first rains in autumn, over the high tablelands which surround them. This plan is obstructed in the first place by the actual terms of ownership, which were imprudently fixed before the examination of the country in detail had been concluded. Thus the Maquinchao ranch, in the lower valley, does not own the upper valley with the summer pastures that ought to belong to it. A more serious obstacle is that it is extremely difficult to remove the sheep. It is not merely roads that are wanting, but a water supply at the various stages.[73] [73] The district of the Rio Negro is not the only part of Patagonia which faces the problem of increasing the winter pasture. Attention has been drawn to the possibility of enlarging the lucerne farms in the district of Colonia Sarmiento, south of Lake Musters, and making this a great wintering area for the Santa Cruz flocks. Between the railway that runs from San Antonio to Lake Nahuel Huapi and the Rio Negro, there is a desert region about seventy miles in width. Red sandstone predominates in it, and it remains uninhabited. North of this _travesia_ the valley of the Rio Negro opens. Its width between Neuquen and Patagones ranges from five to fifteen miles. Its slope diminishes gradually toward the bottom (from 0.67 to 0.49 per 1,000 above Chelfaro; from 0.45 to 0.29 per 1,000 above Conesa). The sandstone and marl cliffs which enclose it become gradually lower as one goes downward. They dominate the valley at a height of 650 feet at the confluence of the Neuquen, and are only 100 to 130 feet high at Patagones. At the foot of them are broad terraces cut by dissymetrical ravines, in which the beds of sandstone outcrop on the western slope, exposed to the winds, while the eastern slopes are covered with gravel. On the banks of the river there is a strip about two miles wide with abundant herbaceous vegetation between lines of willows. This is covered by the normal floods. The remainder of the river plain, to the foot of the cliffs, has only a thin scrub, with dunes at intervals. Saline clays here overlie the river gravels. The level of the underground water, which is fed by the river, sinks lower as one goes from the banks toward the cliffs. Few parts of the tableland have so desolate an aspect as the bottom of these great Patagonian valleys, when they have not been transformed by irrigation. The pasturage is poor. At Conesa, however, the valley (_costa_) is used as summer pasture when there is a shortage of water on the surrounding tableland (_planeza_). The water-supply is good, the volume of the river ranging from 200 to 900 cubic metres a second. Low water lasts from February to April (end of the summer). From May to July the river has sudden and violent floods--an effect of the autumn rains. The curve sinks again in August and September, to rise once more in October and December, when the snow melts on the Andes. The Limay, the upper basin of which contains large, lacustrine sheets, is more regular than the Neuquen, which has very pronounced low-water, as well as dangerous floods in the autumn. The first attempts at irrigation date from 1885, when the canal of the Roca colony was dug. Others were made lower down at a later date. The co-operative groups organized for the administration of the canals have not been quite as successful as might have been expected. The advance of agricultural colonization has been slow. Costly preparatory work is needed to level the ground and organize the drainage, otherwise saline patches form and spread like leprosy at the expense of the cultivable areas. Lastly, the centre of the valley is exposed to floods.[74] [74] The work now (1914) in hand will reduce the risk of floods, and will enable them to enlarge considerably the extent of the tilled land. The Cuenca Vidal, which opens amongst the sandstone, below the level of the valley, on the tableland to the north of the Neuquen, will be arranged so as to absorb the flood-water, and it will feed a canal which will serve the left bank over an area of 100 miles. The waters of the Limay will be available for the lower valley. [Illustration: THE PATAGONIAN TABLELAND (NEUQUEN). _Indigenous vegetation. Rocks eroded by wind._ Photographs by Windhausen, Mining Division. PLATE XIV. To face p. 154.] The chief crops are lucerne, cereals, and the vine. All the efforts and hopes of the colonists are now centred upon the vine. It is for the purpose of extending the vineyards that they are endeavouring to secure more workers. These are a singularly mixed lot, Chileans from the Neuquen rubbing shoulders with Latin immigrants (Italian and Spanish) from the region of the Pampas. The lucerne is made up in bales and exported by rail to Bahía Blanca and Buenos Aires. The economic life of the agricultural oasis of the Rio Negro is no more connected with that of the pastoral tableland than is life on the Chubut. Neither sheep nor cattle are fattened on the Rio Negro. It is a curious contrast to the spectacle offered by the Andean regions of western and north-western Argentina, where for generations there has been a close association between the breeding industry of the scrub and the fattening on the lucerne-farms. This is because the currents of the cattle-trade are not here as permanent and stable as they are in the north. The time when the convoys of Pampean cattle bound for Chile used the valley of the Rio Negro preceded the agricultural colonization of the banks of the river. The conquest of Patagonia put an end to this traffic. There was an interval of twenty-five years between the period of the export of Pampean cattle to Chile and the export of cattle from the Neuquen to Buenos Aires, to which I will refer presently. As to sheep-breeding, it did not for a long time rear the animals for the meat-market, and it is only a few years since it found transport necessary. The farmers of the Rio Negro, who have little capital, and who sell and are paid in advance for their dry fodder, have not yet been able to take advantage of the reorganization of the cattle-trade. West of the confluence of the Neuquen and the Limay the railway ascends the sandstone tableland, from 1,700 to 3,000 feet high, and goes as far as the foot of the first sub-Andean chain, the Zapala ranch. The eruptive rocks here have thrown up the sandstone, and the profiles raised north and south of Zapala, across the Sierra de la Vaca Muerta and the Cerro Lotena, cut through folds of Mesozoic strata which have been reduced by erosion to the level of the plateau. One already feels the vicinity of the Cordillera. Pasture is plentiful, the _mallin_ is thick, and springs abound. The sheep-area stretches westward of Zapala, as far as the Rio Cataluin and the Rio Agrio. East of Zapala, on the other hand, the desolate condition of the country gets worse and worse. The supplies of water dry up in the summer, and the entire zone that lies east of 70° W. long. is useless, on account of the lack of permanent water, except as winter commonage. Hence, transhumation is here indispensable. It has been practised for a long time on the Chilean slope of the Cordillera from the latitude of Coquimbo and San Juan to the north of Lake Quillen. At present it tends to disappear from the Andes of the Neuquen.[75] But there is still transhumation on the Argentine side. The sheep of the plateau, driven from their winter pasture when the water dries up, ascend the Cordillera. Sometimes the mountains are not yet free from snow. In that case the journey is delayed, and the sheep feed on the way, to the great detriment of the land they cross. [75] As a matter of fact, of recent years there has been a practice on this slope of disguising the smuggling of animals under the name of "transhumation," as the removal of the sheep facilitated it and helped to maintain it. The shepherds got certificates exaggerating the number of their sheep from the Chilean officials before they crossed the frontier, and under cover of these they came back to Chile with additions to their flocks which they had bought on Argentine territory. There are many routes, and frequently they coincide with those which were formerly taken by the cattle of the Pampas in ascending to the passes of the Cordillera. Groeber mentions a transhumation track south of the Rio Barrancas and Lake Carri Lauquen. From the left bank of the Neuquen the flocks ascend by Chosmalal and Butamallin to the pasture of the Pichachen pass, or by Las Lajas to the Pino Hachado pass. From Zapala and the tableland further south they go to spend the summer in the Cataluin Cordillera, where the number of sheep in summer is calculated to be 70,000. Others go still further, to the source of the Alumine and the Arco pass. The volcano Lanin almost marks the southern limit of the zone of transhumation. The chief group of migrating sheep comes from the district of the Coyunco, the Cañadon Grande, and the Picun Leucu. Transhumation is practised only by the _intrusos_. They go from the unowned lands of the tableland to the unowned lands of the Cordillera. The renting of winter pasture to owners is quite exceptional. The concessions of land granted by the Argentine Government are steadily reducing the area of the migrators in the Cordillera, and also the ways of communication between the tableland and the mountains. The proprietors do not care to receive the migrating flocks, and they put obstacles in their way by enclosing the land. The routes of the transhumation are now fixed by the spaces which remain open between the enclosed ranches. Moreover, the migrating _intrusos_ are haunted by the fear of finding the winter pasture occupied by others during their absence, and they have no proprietary title. The splitting up of the land and the organization of ownership will before long lead to the extinction of the practice of transhumation, and the greater part of the winter pasturage will be turned into permanent pasture by boring wells and nursing the water-supply. The district round the Zapala ranch has become very busy since the construction of the railway, which has deeply affected the conditions of life there. It has made a sort of capital of Zapala. It is curious to contrast the renaissance which has followed upon the appearance of the railway in this district with the much less material changes which it has made at Maquinchao. The life which the railway concentrates at Zapala includes not only the wool trade, as at Maquinchao, but also the cattle trade. The herds which are to be exported gather round the ranch at the same time as the _tropas_ of wagons, and a good price is paid for the right of pasturage. While the Maquinchao line ends at the port of San Antonio, which is merely fitted up for the export of wool, the Zapala railway feeds the refrigerator at Bahía Blanca. It joins up with the network of railways of the Pampa. Sheep arrive at Zapala, not only from the surrounding district and from the Neuquen, but from a good part of the Rio Negro, and even the Chubut. The convoys of animals coming from the south find it best to keep near the Cordillera, where the pasturage is better. Only a few of them descend the Limay as far as Senillosa. From Zapala to Senillosa there is no suitable road in connection with the railway, and further east it is necessary to go as far as Choele Choel to find tracks which lead to it. The exporting of the sheep lasts five months, from November to March. Zapala station is also a point of convergence of herds of cattle. There are people at Zapala who still remember the time when the cattle brought from the Pampa to go to Chile passed through their valley. Although these exports of Pampean cattle to Chile ceased after 1885, the whole Andean region of the Neuquen still lived entirely on the Chilean market until very recently. The attraction of the Chilean market is one of the reasons for the survival of transhumation. It was to the advantage of the Argentine breeders to keep near the Cordillera and the passes through which the buyers came from Chile in the summer. The life of the small centres in the upper valleys which developed rapidly after the conquest (Chosmalal, Ñorquin, Codihue, Junin, and San Martin) was bound up with the Chilean cattle trade, and was reflected on the opposite side of the Andes in the prosperity of the corresponding markets in Chile. In the years immediately preceding 1914, a sudden revolution upset the cattle traffic on the Neuquen, and the attraction of Buenos Aires took the place of that of the Chilean market. The commercial influence of Buenos Aires was first felt in the wool-market. The _tropas_ of wagons which brought wool to Zapala loaded up, in exchange, with the flour and salt that were needed for sheep-breeding in the pastures of the Cordillera (_pastos dulces_). The import trade followed the path traced by the export trade. The small Chilean wagons which still cross the Cordillera now only bring to the Neuquen the coarse flour of Chile, haricot beans, and wine. They return empty to Chile. After the wool-buyers, the cattle-merchants of Buenos Aires next found their way to the Cordillera. The centres where the sales of cattle for Chile used to be held are now in decay, and have lost part of their population. The cattle are sent to the fattening centres on the Pampa, or to the Bahía Blanca and Buenos Aires markets. Thus we have under our eyes, unexpectedly, in the north of Patagonia a transformation that occurred gradually half a century ago in all the western and north-western parts of Argentina. In its many forms it is the essential fact in the modern history of Argentine colonization. The more distant provinces are detached in succession from foreign markets, and the whole national life is being organized round the great economic focus which the region of the Pampas has become. CHAPTER VI THE PLAIN OF THE PAMPAS The limits of the prairie--The rains--The wind and the formation of the clay of the Pampas--The wind and the contour--The zones of colonization on the Pampas--Hunting wild cattle and primitive breeding--The sheep-farms--The ranches--The region of "colonies"--The region of lucerne, maize, and wheat--The combination of agriculture and breeding--The economic mechanism of colonization--The exchanges between the different zones of the Pampas. The Pampean landscape is doubtless one of the most uniform in the world. Its monotony is tiring to the eye; it is partly responsible for the mediocrity of most of the descriptions of the Pampas. But this uniformity is an advantage for the purpose of colonization. Attention has often been drawn to the rapidity with which plants and animals introduced by Europeans spread in the Buenos Aires district, and, pushing ahead of the breeders and farmers, colonized the Pampas. In the second half of the nineteenth century, when the whole extent of the plain beyond the ancient Indian frontier was occupied, the development of it was so much easier because it was possible to use simpler and more uniform methods of exploitation. It needed neither large capital nor long personal experience on the part of the immigrant. Basques and Italians who had only just landed could take an active part in it almost without apprenticeship. The primitive groups of population could advance from one zone of the plain to another and take with them their own methods of farming and breeding, their own form of rural economy. A close study will, however, enable us to detect appreciable physical differences in the Pampean plain. Neither climate nor soil is the same all over it. The name "Pampa" chiefly means a vegetal growth, a prairie. Its limits are the frontier of the scrub (_monte_), and strange as it may seem, it is still difficult to trace them exactly. North of Santa Fé, between the Salado and the Paraná, the Pampa stretches as far as Fives-Lille, a little beyond 30° S. lat.[76] On the Central Norte and the Central Argentine lines the fringe of the _monte_ reaches to Fuertin Inca and Malbran, about 170 miles north-west of Santa Fé. It then turns south-east and south, passing round the entire depression of Los Porongos and Mar Chiquita; and the line from Santa Fé to Córdoba crosses it at Francia and approaches the Rio Secundo. South of the Rio Secundo it goes westward and joins the foot of the Sierra de Córdoba south of the Rio Tercero (at the stream Tequia). From this point to La Cambre, some sixteen miles east of San Luis, the prairie extends as far as the edge of the sierras, and penetrates into the southern half of the Conlara depression, between the hills of Córdoba and of San Luis (Pampa de Naschel). The mimosa forest enters the steppe in narrow belts along the Rio Quinto to within a few leagues below Villa Mercedes, along the Rio Tercero as far as the confluence of the Saladillo, and along the Salado to the south of Santa Fé. There are, in addition, many isolated clumps of _chañares_ and more extensive patches of wood in the north-west corner of the prairie (Santa Fé province). The _monte_ along the Salado is continued south of Santa Fé along the Paraná, as far as the point where the chief arm of the river reaches the cliffs on the right bank, at San Lorenzo. This is the domain of the _ombu_, a tree with thick trunk and naked roots which is found scattered over the prairie in the Paraná region as far as south of Buenos Aires. [76] On the left bank of the Salado, west of the Resistencia railway, a great gulf of low prairie penetrates into the forest of the Chaco in the north, almost as far as 28° S. lat., but it has rather the character of one of the floodable clearings of the Chaco (_esteros_) than of the temperate Pampa. In the west, between San Luis and the mouth of the Colorado, the transition from the Pampa to the _monte_ is gradual. Just as at Santa Fé, the approach of the _monte_ is announced by the appearance of _chañares_, in the south-west corner of the Córdoba province and on the southern slope of the Sierra de la Ventana. The _monte_, properly so called, though impoverished, invaded by the _jarilla_, and mainly composed (as in northern Patagonia) of dwarf mimosas, covers the area of the Pampean sierras on the left bank of the Chadi Leuvu and the Colorado. Between this area and a line passing through Rancul, Anguil, Atreuco, and Bernasconi, where the naked prairie begins, there is a mixed zone which one may call the _calden_ zone. This mimosa, a near relative of the _algarroba_, which has a wider range than the other plants of the _monte_ in this latitude, forms woods at intervals in the south of the San Luis province and on the flanks of the parallel valleys of the central Pampa. Between these woods the tableland is generally covered by the prairie, with occasional patches of _chañares_. About twenty-five miles east of Buena Esperanza the line from San Rafael touches the far corner of a forest of _caldenes_, which stretches south-westward, and reaches the Rio Salado about 35° 30' S. lat. Beyond Buena Esperanza it keeps on the prairie as far as the crossing of the Salado, which here marks the limit of the _monte_. The Rio Negro line passes directly from the prairie to the Patagonian scrub mid-way between Bahía Blanca and the Colorado. Within these limits the prairie extends without a break. The sierras of the Buenos Aires province have no arborescent vegetation. The zone of the prairie, intermediate between tropical Argentina and the sub-desert regions of western Patagonia, has a medium rainfall. It decreases gradually from north-east to south-west. There is a rainfall of 1,200 to 1,000 millimetres on the lower Paraná, and only 400 to 600 millimetres on the western edge of the Pampa. The zone which lies between the 800 millimetres and 600 millimetres average is more than 270 miles in breadth. But what is most characteristic of the climate of the Pampa is the equal distribution of the rain throughout the year, and the absence of a real dry season. In this the Pampa differs from the surrounding regions, both in the south-west and the north. At Buenos Aires the six months of the (relatively) dry season yield, nevertheless, 44 per cent. of the total rainfall, and at Bahía Blanca 40 per cent. This regularity diminishes in proportion as one approaches the coast. At Rosario the six months of the dry season only yield 30 per cent. of the year's rain; at Villa Mercedes (San Luis province) 25 per cent. When one goes beyond the limits of the prairies the ratio of rain in the dry season decreases rapidly; it is only 20 per cent. at Córdoba and 18 per cent. at San Luis. At Córdoba, the curve of the rainfall indicates a typical tropical regime, with a summer maximum and a very low minimum in winter. Passing south-eastward from Córdoba, at Bellville, Villa Maria and especially Rosario, the dryness of the winter diminishes, and at the same time a secondary minimum appears in the middle of summer (January-February). At Buenos Aires, the form of the curve changes completely. The summer minimum is almost as low as the winter minimum, and most of the rainfall is in the spring (September) and the beginning of the autumn (March).[77] [77] Argentine Mesopotamia, which is a continuation of the Pampean region from the climatological point of view, is also, even in its northern part, without the rigorous dry seasons of the Chaco. Ascending the Paraná, from Corrientes to Posadas, just as in passing from Córdoba to Buenos Aires, one notices that the winter minimum decreases, and a secondary maximum appears in the spring. The predominance of the spring rains, which is a characteristic of southern Brazil, is conspicuous on the middle Uruguay. On the lower part of that river the rain-system approaches that of Buenos Aires, with maxima in spring and autumn, a principal minimum in winter, and a secondary minimum in summer. These various shades of the Pampean climate are of essential importance in the history of colonization and the spread of cultivation. The belt of summer rain is the belt of maize-growing, whereas the cultivation of wheat requires spring rain and a comparatively dry summer. While the isohyetic curves, which represent the precipitation for the whole year, are orientated from north-west to south-east, the curves of rainfall during the cold season, from April to September (dry season in the north), cut diagonally across the preceding, and are oriented directly north and south. Bahía Blanca receives in winter as much rain as Rosario, and General Acha (in the district of the central Pampa) as much as Córdoba. Unless one attends to this, one cannot explain the extension of wheat-growing, in the south-west, as far as the 400 millimetre curve, and even beyond it on the Atlantic coast. * * * * * The relief of the Pampean plain is known fairly accurately, thanks to the observations made along the railways. The ground rises slowly toward the west. The 100-metre curve describes a deep gulf some 300 miles west-south-west of Buenos Aires. The belt comprised between 100 and 150 metres above sea-level is more than sixty miles broad in the latitude of Santa Fé, and 130 miles in the latitude of Buenos Aires. Beyond the 150-metre curve the land rises rapidly toward the west and north-west, and reaches 400 metres in the Córdoba district and 500 in the Villa Mercedes district. It is at the altitude of 150 metres, and the break in the inclination which this marks, that the Rio Quinto is lost, near Amarga, south of General Lavalle. The ridge between the Pampa and the basin of the Salado in the south of the San Luis province is about 450 metres above sea-level. South of the province of Buenos Aires the Sierras de Tandil and de la Ventana are joined together by a ridge which does not fall below 200 metres. Certain irregularities of the surface, such as the depression of Mar Chiquita to the east of Córdoba, the thrust of the plateau on the right bank of the Paraná, south of Villa Constitución and San Nicolas, can, apparently, only be explained by recent tectonic movements. The Pampean deposits which cover the plain rest upon a rocky base of which the salient representatives are the sierras of the province of Buenos Aires and the hills at Córdoba and San Luis. This base also appears east of the Pampean basin in the granite island of Martin Garcia, in the middle of the estuary of the Plata, and in the hills on the coast of Uruguay.[78] [78] While the Pampean deposits lie immediately on the crystalline and Paleozoic formations in the sierras of the lower Colorado and of the central Pampa, in the south of the province of Buenos Aires and in Uruguay, they are, on the eastern edge of the Sierra de Córdoba, separated from it by red sandstones and conglomerates of uncertain age, perhaps synchronous with the continental red sandstones of Corrientes which outcrop east of the Paraná and have been known since D'Orbigny's time as "granitic sandstones." Underneath the even sheet of the alluvial deposits the surface of the sub-Pampean platform is very irregular. Its shape has been discovered by deep borings in search of arterial waters. It has been warped and cut up by faults, some of these deformations being probably synchronous with the formation of the Pampean deposits which have concealed them as they have been produced. A subterranean rocky ridge continues the Sierra de Córdoba southward and joins it with the sierras of the Colorado. The granite emerges at Chamaico, on the western railway, and on both sides the borings have passed through great depths of clay and sand.[79] This ridge isolates the eastern Pampa from the sub-Andean chains, and marks the limit of the area with sheets of underground water. In the north of the Pampean region, between the Sierra de Córdoba and the Paraná, the loose continental formations are more than 2,000 feet thick at Bellville, and more than 3,500 feet north-west of Santa Fé (fodder farms of San Cristobal and El Tostado). At Buenos Aires the granite has been found 985 feet below the surface. [79] At Rancul, in the east, 660 feet of loess overlying red sandstone: at Telen, in the west, 2,800 feet of sand, marl, sandstone and gravel. [Illustration: THE PAMPEAN PLAIN. TRES ARROYES (BUENOS AIRES PRAIRIE BETWEEN THE SIERRA DE TANDIL AND THE SIERRA DE LA VENTANA). _Zone of wheat and oats on large scale. The Pampa is a tableland here (400 feet above sea-level), with clay overlying the limestone of the Tosca. The valleys are well marked._ Photograph by the Author.] [Illustration: THE PAMPEAN PLAIN. TOAY, ON THE CENTRAL PAMPA (590 FEET). _The tableland, with a strong framework of limestone Tosca, is cut across by well-marked dry valleys which sink lower toward the east. At the edges of the valleys the sand is the prey of the winds. Here we are near the limit of the wheat belt._ Photograph by the Author. PLATE XV. To face p. 166.] The Pampean formation consists almost entirely of loose deposits, sand and clays of various sorts. There is no gravel.[80] Even in the vicinity of the sierras the beds of gravel, with round or angular pebbles, are almost always covered by clay, and are exposed only in the banks of the streams. Olascoaga mentions the surprise of the _gauchos_ of General Roca's army when they found Patagonian pebbles on the ground during their stay at Choele Choel on the Colorado, in the course of the campaign on the Rio Negro. Officers and soldiers dismounted to pick them up. Sand and clay form a thick bed of continental alluvia. The Tertiary maritime transgressions, which have left their mark in the clays and limestones of the left bank of the lower Paraná, and the layers of shells at San Pedro on the right bank, never penetrated far into the interior of the Pampean region, and one finds no trace of them when one leaves the coast or the river. [80] Roth claims to have found gravel in the San Nicolas _barranca_ on the Paraná. I have myself found small rounded flints in the clay of the Chaco at Tartagal. But these deposits probably come from the left bank of the Paraná, where the beds of river gravel are considerable. The source of the elements which compose the Pampean alluvia is very uncertain. Their composition does not clearly show their origin. The clays are comparatively rich in calcareous matter, which seems to indicate that they do not come from tropical America or the upper basin of the Paraná. Wright and Fenner insist upon the high proportion of siliceous glass of volcanic origin which they contain, which points to an intense eruptive activity during or before their formation.[81] Doering had already noticed in the Córdoba region the prevalence of beds of volcanic ash, which become thicker as one approaches the sierra. It is certain that the Pampean sierras have had their share in the formation of the Pampean beds. But the main mass is probably of Andean origin. However that may be, as soon as one gets away from the fringe of the mountains, the only variety noticeable in the lands of the Pampa is that which they owe to the conditions in which they have been deposited. [81] In Ales Hrdlicka, _Early Man in South America_ (Smithsonian Instit. Bull., 52, Washington, 1912). River deposits strictly so called, estuary deposits, lagoon deposits, æolian deposits, æolian deposits redistributed by water, river deposits redistributed by wind--all these different types are represented in the Pampean formation, but their relative importance is still disputed.[82] [82] Many attempts have been made to classify the Pampean lands, but the results cannot be regarded as final. Ameghino, who is first and foremost a palæontologist, has done a service in showing the futility of these geological divisions based upon the actual surface of the deposits (colour, fineness, etc.). But even palæontology gives rather uncertain results, as it is impossible to recognize and follow step by step the various stages of the movement of the fossils. All the classifications of the Pampean are based upon a study of two groups of sections. The first group comprises the cliff on the right bank of the Paraná from Rosario to Buenos Aires and the coastal cliff which is a continuation of it, with a break from Enseñada at Mar Chiquita to Bahía Blanca. Ameghino has recognized there a thick series of æolian deposits separated by several discordances, the oldest elements of which, at Bahía Blanca, belong to the Miocene. The second group comprises the cliffs which enclose the valley of the Rio Primero above and below Córdoba. Doering and Bodenbender in this case describe two stages of æolian loess, each covered by torrential gravel. From the study of these sections geologists have drawn certain conclusions as to the movements which have affected the soil of the Pampa and the changes which the climate has experienced. These conclusions have in each case only a local value, and they have not yet been co-ordinated. The majority of the observers, from Doering to Bailey Willis and Rovereto, seem not to have taken into account sufficiently the fact that in the continental formations the most diverse deposits may come next to each other in the same series, according to the particular process of deposition, and that their alternation does not imply a general change in the conditions of erosion. When we confine ourselves to studying the actual conditions in which the deposits were formed, we are first struck by the poverty of the hydrographic network of the Pampa. It is slight except in the vicinity of the sierras, where the slope of the ground is pronounced, and in the eastern area, on the right bank of the Paraná and Entre Rios, where the climate is more humid, and the streams flowing over an impermeable soil more numerous. The only one of the streams born in the Pampean sierras that reaches the Paraná is the Rio Tercero or Carcaraña. All the others dwindle as they descend, and disappear in a low-lying district marked by lagoons which they only reach in time of flood. The floods themselves never bring the Rio Cuarto and the Rio Quinto and the Salado de Buenos Aires into touch with each other. The waters of the northern slope of the Sierra de Tandil, and even those of the Sierra de Curumalal, on the other hand, reach the Salado after the rains, either by way of streams which drain the strings of lagoons, or by flood-sheets, which spread over large areas. The watercourses of the plain are unstable in their direction. The traces of their wanderings remain in the form of stretches of alluvial sand crossing the fine æolian clays. These river sands sometimes spread over extensive areas, the distribution depending upon a hydrographic scheme which is now partially effaced. The sands of the departments of General Lopez (south of the Santa Fé province) and General Arenales (Buenos Aires province), where the Salado is now developed, were probably brought by the Rio Cuarto, and mark an earlier junction of the Cuarto and the Salado. These sands run along the Salado as far as the confluence of the Saladillo, and the contrast between the light soil and the clay of the bank of the Paraná is so striking that the sand has long been regarded as a marine deposit, indicating an ancient shore. Along the Saladillo also, north-west of the Guamini lagoons, there is a sandy belt which corresponds with an important direction taken by the actual flow of the river, crossing the Bolivar and Veinte Cinco de Mayo departments. While the agency of running water in transporting alluvia is confined to certain sections of the plain, the action of the wind is seen over its entire surface. The wind everywhere supplements or replaces running water. Like running water, it classifies the elements it conveys, and selects them according to their weight and size, the finest clays being deposited in the moist eastern zone and the coarsest sands in the sub-desert zone of the west. The mechanism of erosion explains this contrast. The grains of sand that are driven by the wind travel at the surface of the ground as long as the vegetation is too sparse to fix them. If one goes further east, to a moister district with a thicker vegetal carpet, the grains of sand no longer move at the surface of the ground, but the wind still carries fine particles of clay, which it bears to a great height. The bed of clay does not at all imply an arid climate, as is said sometimes, but corresponds to the region of the steppes, with moderate rainfall. It is, however, during dry seasons that the deposition of clay is at its greatest. Darwin mentions that after the droughts of 1827-1830 in the area round the Paraná, the marks were buried under dust to such an extent that one could no longer recognize the limits of the various lands. Apart, however, from these sorts of floods or storms of dust caused by the _pampero_, the summer atmosphere is clearly laden with dust, which colours the skies in the east of the Buenos Aires province, as far as Entre Rios. The contour of the plain bears, like the soil, the double marks of erosion by running water and æolian erosion. The rivers of the Pampa, when they leave the sierras, flow between high cliffs, the height diminishing as one goes downward. Presently these _barrancas_ become low, approach each other, and at last merely mark the banks of a larger bed which the floods fill. There is no trace of valleys. Bailey Willis, surprised at this weakness of watercourses that have, nevertheless, an appreciable fall, attributes it to the fact that the cycle of erosion opened by the last upheaval of the Pampa has not yet had time to penetrate into the interior. In reality, it means that here we are at the limit of the zone of erosion by running water, and that in this climate the essential factor in shaping the landscape is the wind. The region of the right bank of the Paraná (east of the Salado), which alone has a complete hydrographic network, must be considered apart. From the latitude of Rosario to that of Buenos Aires it is cut by flat-bottomed valleys which are sometimes a hundred feet deep. The excavation of these valleys is due to an upheaval which raised this part of the Pampa above the base-level. The rapids of the lower Carcaraña also bear witness to this resumption of excavation. Farther on an inverse movement has put the bottom of the valleys below this level, and led to their being filled up (lagoon deposits of the Lujanense of Ameghino). South of Buenos Aires the upheaval has been less important, and the valleys are not so deep. Some of them (middle Salado and its tributaries on the left bank) are now occupied by long lagoons with steep banks, branching along the side-valleys, and these owe their origin to the same negative movement, subsequent to the excavation of the valleys. The upheaval did not extend to the eastern part of the province of Buenos Aires south of the Salado, a low-lying flat area, badly drained, exposed to floods, the contour of which has been minutely studied in connection with the construction of a great network of drainage-canals. North of Rosario, on the only slightly permeable clay, the water circulates, after rain, not by means of valleys in the proper sense, but along broad and almost imperceptible depressions (_cañadas_) where the current is slow, and the water dries up in the dry season. Their general relations are not yet known. The loose deposits of the Pampean offer little resistance to erosion. The cycles are run through rapidly, and the traces of earlier cycles are faint, and are soon effaced.[83] [83] Certain features of the hydrographic network clearly have the character of having been superimposed: that is to say, the path of the watercourses has been bequeathed to the actual plain by former erosion-surfaces, which have now disappeared, on which the valleys were originally imposed. That is why in the district of the confluence of the Colorado and the Chadi-Leuvu the valleys pass from Pampean deposits to the crystalline sierras, which were at one time entirely covered with water. An ancient erosion-surface, dissected by the existing valleys, has survived in the south-west of the Pampean plain, thanks to the presence on the surface of a sheet of hard limestone, the _tosca_. The _tosca_ is the result of the concentration of calcareous elements contained in clay at the surface in a dry climate. The formation of it implies a prolonged stability of the surface on which it has accumulated. Like the deep decomposition-soils in moister regions, it indicates a peneplain on which erosion has ceased. The bed of _tosca_ covers the whole district between the Sierra de Tandil and the Sierra de la Ventana, the south-western slope of the Ventana, and most of the area of the central Pampa. In the north it does not go beyond the line from Buenos Aires to San Rafael. Its eastern limit goes almost by Ingeniero Malmen, Monte Nievas, and Atreuco, where it joins the southern bank of the lagoons of Carhue and Guamini in the east.[84] In some places the tosca is about forty feet thick. [84] In the vicinity of San Luis and Córdoba the hard strata which are called _tosca_ are beds of eruptive ashes. To-day the region of the _tosca_ forms a plateau cut by narrow valleys, sometimes 200 feet deep, west of the Sierra de la Ventana and in the central Pampa. These parallel valleys, with few ramifications, generally lying south-west to north-east, open to the east upon the Pampean plain about the frontier of the Buenos Aires province. On the other hand, the southernmost of them begin at the foot of the Ventana, and seem to blend in the south-west with a general depression that is still little known, though it appears to end at the bottom of the estuary of Bahía Blanca. None of them has permanent running water.[85] The origin of the dry valleys of the _tosca_ is one of the most obscure problems of the morphology of the Pampean plain. Perhaps they are due to æolian erosion, like the depressions which are found on the plateau of the Colorado and the Rio Negro further south. [85] The surface of the _tosca_ tableland is further punctuated by a great number of closed depressions of various depths: long tunnels (_dolines_) which can only be explained, apparently, as an effect of the dissolving of the limestone by water. The action of the wind in shaping the landscape is more clearly seen in the formation of the dunes. When one starts from Buenos Aires or Rosario, and gets beyond the region of the level Pampas, the dunes are the first feature to meet the eye on the surface of the plain. The first fresh dunes are encountered at Carlota, on the line from the Rio Cuarto; at Lavalle on the line from Villa Mercedes; and at Trenque Lauquen on the line from Toay. The dunes spread northward as far as the latitude of Mar Chiquita, but do not enter the Chaco. They are also found in parts of the scrub on the west, but their proper domain is the western border of the steppe, the upper part of the plain at the foot of the Sierra de Córdoba, the south of the San Luis province, and the central Pampa. Any accident that causes the vegetal covering to disappear, such as the tread of cattle near a drinking place or an enclosure, is enough to set æolian erosion at work. The wind raises the sand in a sort of tossing sea. Then the dune assumes a circular shape. A depression appears in the centre, and it deepens until it reaches the average level of the plain. Frequently there is a little lake in it. From this point onward the deformations are less rapid. The vegetation again creeps over the ground, and the dune falls a prey to the rains, which slowly reduce its mass. In the central Pampa, where the elevation is considerable, the dunes do not form separate circular patches, but stretch in lines parallel to the valleys--sometimes in the heart of the valley, at other times backing against one of its slopes. Far to the east of the zone of the quick dunes, in the south of the Córdoba province and the centre of the Buenos Aires province, there are certain soft undulations, covered with vegetation, with a sandier soil than that of the plain around them. These are dead dunes. The district of the dead dunes is characterized by the extreme irregularity of the surface-soil, the humus, which gains in richness and depth, as a general rule, as one goes eastward, because there it is in some places covered by recent æolian deposits. The distribution of the dead dunes is connected with the stretches of river sand across the Pampa, which have offered an easy victim to the winds. A line of dead dunes follows the upper course of the Salado in the district of Junin and Bragado. On the line from Buenos Aires to San Luis one crosses it between Chacabuco and Vedia, and then one comes again upon the horizontal plain, which has fresh dunes, only further west, at 120 miles from Villa Mercedes. Its elevation is so conspicuous on the level plain that the first breeders who used its pasturage gave it the emphatic name of the _cerillada_. D'Azara correctly appreciated the nature of it. "It is," he says, "only a dune of very fine sand." It is only a few yards high. The dead dunes of the Bolivar and Veinte Cinco de Mayo departments, which Parchappe described, have a more conspicuous relief, and in their disposition sometimes remind us of the fresh circular dunes with a central lagoon. The lines of coastal dunes in the eastern part of the Buenos Aires province obstruct the proper flow of the water there, and form a group apart, which must be clearly distinguished from the dunes on the plain.[86] [86] Outside the districts with quick and dead dunes, a frequent type of landscape on the Pampa is a plain thinly sown with very small lagoons, generally circular, between which develop a series of barely perceptible undulations. The inequality is at times so slight that one only notices it by the contrast between the vegetation of the lower and the higher ground. This type of landscape, which is especially seen in the district of Lincoln or of Nueve de Julio, is due to the action of the wind on a plain where the level of the underground water is near the surface. This level marks a limit below which æolian erosion does not take place: a sort of base-level. The periodic variations of level of the underground water reduce or enlarge the undulations of the surface. Thus the impression of monotony which the Pampa makes in us is corrected to some extent by close observation. High and low land alternate on it. Parchappe himself had noticed the contrast between the area that stretches from Buenos Aires to the Salado, with its soft undulations and its well-developed hydrographic network, the horizontal plains on the right bank of the Salado, with their irregular dunes, and the southern plateau of the _tosca_ between the Sierra de Tandil and the Sierra de la Ventana. * * * * * We may now distinguish the following regions in the Pampa as a whole: 1. The central part of the Santa Fé province forms what is called the district of the "colonies": that is to say, the domain of the colonies established two generations ago, and the zone in which the type of cultivation introduced by them took root. The chief crops here are wheat and flax. Hedges of service trees (_paraisos_) surround the fields. In contrast with the parts of the Pampa which have remained naked, the region of the colonies seems a veritable grove. It stretches westward beyond the frontier of the Córdoba province, and it reaches the fringe of the _monte_ between San Francisco and Mar Chiquita. For the north, Miatello gives 30° S. lat. as the normal limit of the wheat-growing area; beyond this it suffers both from the low rainfall of winter and the excessive rainfall in summer. As a matter of fact, the large estates only reach this latitude on the line from San Francisco to Ceres. On the Resistencia line, north of Santa Fé, they stop at 30° 30' S. lat. In the intervening district the limit of the region of the colonies almost coincides with that of the department of Castellanos, about 30° 45' S. lat. The area lying between this line and the northern edge of the Pampa is given up to breeding. In the south the region of the colonies stretches as far as Las Bandurias and Irigoyen. 2. South of the region of the colonies, the tableland on the right bank of the Paraná, west of Rosario and San Nicolas, is the maize region, the corn belt of Argentina. Flax is generally cultivated as well as maize. It is the agricultural country _par excellence_ of Argentina. The soil, of fine clay, dark red in colour and retentive of moisture, and the abundant summer rains, are very suitable for maize. The limits of the maize region describe an arc of a circle round Rosario with a radius of 60 to 100 miles. They do not quite reach the frontier of Córdoba in the west, and they leave out the entire south-western corner of the Santa Fé province. The maize belt touches the Paraná between 32° S. lat. and the Baradero. In the north it passes suddenly into the region of the colonies. In the south, on the other hand, there is at the edge of the corn belt an extensive transition-area, where maize and wheat occupy pretty much the same surface; it stretches as far as the Rio Salado de Buenos Aires. 3. The region of the lucerne farms is much larger. It comprises the whole north-west corner of the Buenos Aires province, from the Salado, in the district of Junin, to the southern limit of the Nueve de Julio and Pehuajo departments, and as far as the latitude of Guamini. The limit of the lucerne farms does not include the lands of the central Pampa, but advances westward and takes in part of the Pedernera department in the San Luis province. The lucerne farms run along the San Rafael line to Batavia, and at this point they reach the limits of the colonized zone. In addition, the zone of the lucerne farms includes the whole south-eastern part of the Córdoba province, as high up as the line from Villa Mercedes to Villa Maria, and the southern part of the Santa Fé province. In the whole of this area, fifteen to twenty-five per cent. of the surface is planted with lucerne. The conditions required for its cultivation are a moderate depth of the underground water and a light soil that allows the roots to penetrate easily. The eastern belt of clays is not good for lucerne, which survives there for much less time than in the west, where it may live fifteen or twenty years. The lucerne belt is above all a great breeding area for horned cattle, as sheep-pasturage injures the lucerne. It is not nearly so monotonous, however, as the preceding regions. In the south-east, in the Buenos Aires province, the creation of the lucerne farms was undertaken at a time when agricultural colonization had already begun. We therefore find two types of exploitation side by side. The cultivation of maize enters it in the south-west, in spite of the comparatively unfavourable climatic conditions. The centre of the lucerne area in the south of the Córdoba province is also a great agricultural zone; but there agriculture is directly connected with the creation of the lucerne estates. It is, in fact, entrusted to colonists who till the ground for four or five years, and restore it to the owners sown with lucerne at the expiration of their lease. The crops consist almost exclusively of wheat and flax. Lastly, in the west (San Luis province and extreme south-west of Córdoba province) the soil gets increasingly more sandy, and the climate drier. A single tillage suffices to destroy the natural vegetation and clear the place for lucerne. The lucerne fields have been created by the breeders themselves, the sole masters of the region, without the aid of the colonists. 4. Beyond the lucerne belt, at the point where the plain rises toward the Sierra de San Luis and the Sierra de Córdoba, the subterranean water sinks deeper. This zone at the foot of the ranges, unsuitable for lucerne, yet with a soil comparatively rich in humus, has been taken up by agricultural workers. The wheat area extends, in the San Luis province, as far as Fraga and Naschel, in the Conlara depression. The maize area extends to Oncativo, in the Córdoba province, between the Tercero and Secundo rivers, where the summer rainfall is heavier. Thanks to the nearness of the mountains, this area has a water-supply for irrigation, and this sustains several small centres of good farms. 5. The south of the Buenos Aires province and the central Pampa are the wheat zone. The bed of _tosca_, which is not far below the soil, does no harm to the wheat except in years of drought. The valleys, where the _tosca_ is interrupted, and the dunes, where the soil is deep, are very carefully used for lucerne fields of limited extent. Wheat-growing seems now, both in this and the preceding zone, to have reached its limit, as the dryness makes it improbable that there will be any extension westward. 6. Lastly, the east of the Buenos Aires province, the centre of which is fairly indicated by the little town of Dolores, is the only part of the Pampean plain which has not been reached by agricultural colonization. The land lies low, and is badly drained. The only change that has taken place in the vegetation is a progressive improvement due to the hoofs of the cattle during their long stays there. This pastoral area is clearly limited in the south by the Sierra de Tandil. In the north it is continued in the more varied region that lies between Buenos Aires and the lower Salado, where the alternation of winter pasture on the dry lands and summer pasture in the valleys, encourages the best methods of breeding, and has made it the region of the dairy industry. In the Entre Rios province the limit of the large estates of wheat and flax is marked by 32° S. lat. The part of Entre Rios which extends north of 32° and the Corrientes province do not strictly belong to the Pampean region. * * * * * Extensive breeding was the first form taken by white colonization on the Pampa. The word breeding is, in fact, hardly the correct name for an industry that mainly consisted of hunting, and was wholly distinct from the patient and advanced methods used at the same time in the northern provinces. "The real wealth of the province of Buenos Aires," says Dean Funes, "was, and always will be, the trade in hides" (_la pellejería_).[87] A good part of the hides exported came from the hunting of the wild cattle and horses which had grown numerous on the area of the Pampa beyond the Rio Salado.[88] It was mainly after 1778, when trade with Spain had been authorized and there was an increased demand for hides, that the hunting of these ownerless beasts was taken up. Two thousand Spaniards from Buenos Aires, Santa Fé and Mendoza hunted every day, says D'Azara, killing an animal for each of their meals in addition to those they killed for hides. From 1775 to the Revolution, the Spanish Government made continuous efforts to regulate and reduce the massacre of the herds. It laid down penalties for every person selling hides that did not bear his own mark; it farmed out the right to hunt animals with no mark, and organized the destruction of wild dogs, etc. The ranches developed under shelter of this legislation. Still, the Revolution did not witness the end of this cattle-hunting. D'Orbigny took part in 1828 in two hunts of wild horses (_baguales_) in Entre Rios. The Argentine _gaucho_ long retained the ways of a hunter rather than those of a breeder in the strict sense; witness Urquiza's soldiers who, says Demersay, during the campaign of 1846, when they could not find trees to which they could fasten their horses, killed cattle and tied the reins to their horns. [87] _Ensayo de la historia civil del Paraguay, Buenos Aires, y Tucumán_ (3 vols, in 16^{mo}) Buenos Aires, 1816, t. iii, p. 214. [88] The number of wild animals and the area over which they roamed have often been exaggerated. It does not look as if they ever covered the whole of the Pampean plain. A salter who crossed Patagonia and the whole of the Pampa in 1753 (_Voyage du San Martin au fort de San Julian_, Coll. de Angelis, v.) only found wild herds near the Salado frontier, and he knew by this that he was close to the ranches. At the beginning of the nineteenth century there were no wild cattle left on the right bank of the Paraná. There were still some in Entre Rios. Passing from the hunting country to the zone of ranches, one notices that the main work of the breeder is to prevent his cattle from running wild. "The ranches of this country," said Dean Funes, "having been set up on immense plains, on which it was not easy to confine the herds within fixed limits, it sometimes happened that the animals went vast distances in search of water or pasture, and ended by being regarded as wild and ownerless," When D'Azara wants to show that the ranches of Paraguay are superior to those of Buenos Aires, he is content to say that there the animals are tamer (_mansos_). With the wild animal (_alzado_) is contrasted the _de rodeo_ animal: that is to say, the cattle which are rounded up periodically in the centre of the ranch to be taken to the pasture where they must live (_aquerenciar_). It is the difficulty of preventing the dispersal of the herd that fixes the price of the _rincones_ (surrounded by inundated areas) of Corrientes, in which the animals are captives. MacKann's description of pastoral life in the Buenos Aires province in the middle of the nineteenth century give us a very clear impression of the stage of transition between exploiting the natural increase of a herd that multiplies without man's intervention, and breeding in the strict sense. The value of a horse in the former case is almost exclusively the cost of breaking it in. The breeder is actually anxious when he sees his horses increase, as he fears he may not have the resources for breaking them in. The most formidable of the dangers that threatened the feeble discipline of the herd was drought. That in the year 1827 was a disaster. The animals left the ranches in a body to go southward, where they mixed.[89] [89] The water problem is not as important for the history of colonization in the Pampean region as in the north. Primitive breeding was confined to natural supplies of water, lagoons or streams, and to shallow wells (_jagueles_) dug down to the superficial sheet, which is generally not deep, but is liable to dry up. As colonization improved, the breeder, and subsequently the farmer, were better equipped for boring wells, and no longer feared drought. They got down to the deeper waters, semi-artesian (Buenos Aires district) or artesian (west of the Santa Fé province, round San Francisco). In other places the superficial waters, which are fresher than the deeper layers, were used by adapting new types of filters to the wells (Buena Esperanza district). The only two districts where the quest of water offered any difficulty are the south-west corner of the Pampean region and the northern extremity of the prairie in the Santa Fé province. The sheets of water are very irregular there, often saline, and it was a long time before the ranches got an assured supply. One remarkable circumstance is the importance of the dunes in connection with the distribution of the underground water. The rain-water accumulates in the dunes and flows slowly through the sand to the sub-soil. The level of the underground sheet in the clay on which the dune rests is always nearer the surface in the neighbourhood of the dune. The dune itself has often a greener vegetation than the land around it. Nothing is more surprising than to find at Medanos (west of Bahía Blanca), in the middle of a plain of arid aspect, fields of lucerne and orchards lodged in the hollows of dunes that are still fresh. In the whole of the Buenos Aires province the dead district of the dunes is, on account of its water-supply, a good place for habitation. D'Azara notices the numerous water-spots which ran along the foot of the dead dunes of the Cerillada. All round were the white bones of the _baguales_. In the valleys of the central Pampa, where the sheet of water in the centre of the valley is often saline, the underground water improves gradually as one approaches the line of the dunes. Revolutions and wars interrupted the work of taming the cattle. When Galvez went from the Córdoba province to Buenos Aires at the end of the Rosas Government, he was struck by the condition of the ranches.[90] Many of them had been confiscated, or their owners driven into exile. Cattle were no longer marked, and they had become wild. The troubles of the emancipation-period were much less injurious to the Buenos Aires breeders than to those of Entre Rios. The Entre Rios herd was almost annihilated during the revolution, and some of the ranchers of the left bank crossed to the right bank of the Paraná. After 1823 the pastoral wealth of Entre Rios was rapidly restored, thanks to raids on Brazilian territory. They were so profitable that the whole population took part in them. In 1827 the inhabitants of Bajada went there in such numbers that the town was half deserted. Every day thousands of cattle were collected on the bank of the Uruguay, and crossed the river. Some of them were even taken beyond the Paraná, to the Santa Fé province. Woodbine Parish confirms this rapid restoration of Entre Rios, of which D'Orbigny was a witness. But this period of prosperity did not last long. The war with Uruguay, under Rosas, again ruined the Entre Rios ranches, and the drought of 1846 helped to scatter the remaining herds. Extensive breeding is only lightly rooted in the soil. The chief centres of production change their locality, as the political circumstances change, from one part of the Pampean plain to another. [90] V. Galvez, _Memorias de un viejo_ (Buenos Aires, 3 vols, in 16^{mo}, 4th ed, 1889). [Illustration: THE PAMPEAN PLAIN. THE RIO BAMBA (IN THE SOUTH OF THE CÓRDOBA PROVINCE, 500 FEET ABOVE SEA-LEVEL). _Small circular lagoons. The underground water, which comes from the Sierras to the north-west, here reaches the surface. Zone of lucerne farms._ Photograph by the Author.] [Illustration: THE PAMPEAN PLAIN. BUENA ESPERANZA (SAN LUIS PROVINCE, 1,166 FEET ELEVATION). _The plain is sown with quick and dead dunes, often shaped in a circle round a lagoon. A dune invaded by vegetation._ Photograph by the Author. PLATE XVI. To face p. 182.] Primitive breeding affords few examples of periodical migration for the better use of pasturage. In 1822, in the course of a journey amongst the Sierras de Tandil and de la Ventana, Colonel Garcia noticed that the Indians kept their cattle round the temporary lagoons of the plain in the winter, and went up to the mountain-streams in summer. Transhumation movements of this kind were difficult for the creole ranchers, whose fairly large herds could not be handled easily. The Chascomus breeders, however, at the close of the eighteenth century, drove their cattle to the low banks of the Salado during the dry season.[91] Garcia also notices the importance of the Salado pastures for the ranches of Salto, Areco, and Lujan.[92] The need to remove the herds in the dry season, and to find _invernadas_ within reach of the former ranches, was due to the change brought about in the natural vegetation of the Pampa and the spread of the _pasto dulce_. The annual herbs which compose the _pasto dulce_ die and disappear after fertilization. Until the autumn rain they leave the ground quite naked, whereas the tough grasses of the _pasto duro_ afforded a thin but permanent pasture. [91] _Diario de un reconocimiento de las guardias y fortines que garnecen la linea de frontera de Buenos Aires_ (1796), by D. Felix de Azara (Coll. de Angelis, vi.). [92] _Nueva plan de fronteras de la Provincia de Buenos Aires por el Colonel Garcia_ (1816, Coll. de Angelis, vi.). * * * * * The first improvements of the pastoral industry of the Pampa are connected with the development of sheep-breeding. Exports of wool began about 1840, and made great progress after 1855 (17,000 tons in 1860, 65,000 tons in 1870). From 1850 to about 1890 the economic returns on sheep-breeding were far better than on cattle-breeding. During the whole of this period the multiplication of sheep farms was only restricted by the supply of workers. The first shepherds had been Basques, in the south of the Buenos Aires province, and Irish, in the north. The owner settled them as small farmers in the _puestos_ on the edge of the ranch, the central part of which was devoted to cattle. They could thus, while they guarded their sheep, see that the limits of the estate were respected, and prevent the cattle from roaming. Wool was for a long time the only product of the sheep-rearing industry. From 1866 onward it was decided to use the hides and tallow also. As the material of the grease-works was cheap, they spread all over the sheep zone. Many ranches had works of their own. From 1867 to 1877 the _saladeros_ that had been built long before for killing cattle undertook the slaughter of sheep on a large scale. The number of sheep sold to the _saladeros_ rose to 3,000,000 a year. In 1880 the first cargoes of frozen mutton were sent abroad. The creation of the grease-works had made no difference to the breeding, but the building of the refrigerators brought about a rapid transformation of the flock. The Lincoln breed, heavier and more meaty, displaced the fine-wool Merinos. This substitution of Lincolns for Merinos is now complete throughout the Pampean region. Until 1880 sheep-rearing was concentrated east of the Salado, north and south of Buenos Aires, beginning with a line that passes through Quilmes, San Vicente, Pilar, and Campana, which marks the limit of the suburban zone. In addition it had spread on the right bank of the lower Salado as far as the foot of the Sierra de Tandil, in an area where the first stations date from 1823, though the population did not make much progress until after 1855. About 1880, after the pacification of the Pampa, the sheep-farms began to expand westward. It was then that the wool of the _pasto fuerte_ appeared on the Buenos Aires market. It came from the Azal district in 1870, from Olavarria in 1880, from Bolivar in 1885, and from Villegas in 1890. The Census of 1889 ascribes 51,000,000 sheep to the province of Buenos Aires; that of 1895 gives much the same figure (52,000,000). Detailed comparison of the two enumerations shows that the expansive movement to the west continued, and was completed during this period. The flocks in the north-west zone of the province (Lincoln, Villegas, Trenque, Lauquen) more than doubled; the flocks of the south-west area (Alsina, Puan, Bahía Blanca, Villarino) continued to grow, and increased by a third. Those on the lands of the central Pampa increased threefold. On the other hand, in the departments north and south of the Sierra de Tandil, where colonization is older, sheep-breeding is stationary. The north-east and south-east areas, between the Paraná and the Salado, have diminished: one losing a fifth, and the other a half, of its flocks. From 1895 onward the number of flocks of sheep on the Pampean plain decreased rapidly. The number of sheep had sunk from 34,000,000 in 1908 to 18,000,000 in 1915 for the Buenos Aires province; from 2,800,000 in 1908 to 2,300,000 in 1914 for the central Pampa. The reduction was general, and found in every district; but it was not equally great everywhere, and did not begin at the same date in every district. Sheep-breeding has almost entirely disappeared from the eastern belt, east of the Salado, which was its cradle. South of Buenos Aires the sheep are giving place to horned cattle, and they had almost disappeared by 1908. North of Buenos Aires they survived long, but the reduction of the flocks has only been the more rapid since 1908. This corresponds with the advance of maize-growing. In six years the Bartolome Mitre and Pergamino departments have lost, respectively, four-fifths and five-sixths of their sheep. In the north-west of the Buenos Aires province the sheep began to be reduced at the time when the lucerne farms were founded, about 1900. The decrease has since gone on uninterruptedly. The actual flocks represent one-fourth of the flocks of 1895. In the south-west (wheat belt) there was a rapid shrinkage before 1908, but it seems to have almost been arrested since then, thanks to the combining of sheep-rearing with wheat and oats. The actual flocks are about one-half the flocks of 1895. Finally, in the area north of the Sierra de Tandil the sheep retreat before the cattle, as they do further north, but they are not so completely wiped out as in the lucerne belt, and the flocks are still two fifths of the flocks of twenty years ago. In the province of Entre Rios and south of Corrientes the number of sheep continued to rise until 1908, but the increase is only in the northern departments, outside the agricultural belt. The southern departments, which are large growers of wheat and flax, lost one-third of their flocks between 1895 and 1908. Cattle-breeding was restricted for a long time by the difficulty of disposing of its products. The hides alone found ready buyers. The making and export of salt beef dates from the eighteenth century, and it was to help this industry that the expeditions to the salt-beds of the Pampa and the journeys of salters to the Patagonian coast were organized. From 1792 to 1796 no less than 39,000 quintals of jerked beef were sent from the Rio de la Plata to Havana. But the market for salt meat (_tasajo_) was always limited. It consisted only of the Antilles and Brazil, and the _saladeros_ never fully exploited the meat-producing capacity of the Argentine herds. The crisis of the _saladeros_ occurred before the time when the refrigerators began to compete with them. By 1889 there were only three left in the province of Buenos Aires. Although the price of cattle was not very remunerative, and provided no incentive to improve the breeding; although the _saladero_ was not at all exorbitant, merely asking for animals in good condition, the improvement of the herd by introducing selected pedigree-breeders had begun about the middle of the nineteenth century. The Basque dairies established in the district near Buenos Aires sold pedigree-calves to the ranches, and these were used for breeding purposes.[93] About 1880 the advance of sheep-breeding pressed the cattle-ranches back and disputed the space with them more and more, within the ancient Indian frontier. The smallness of the market for cattle and their slight mercantile value were very favourable circumstances for the occupation of the new lands, thrown open at this date by the submission of the Indians. The herds which found no buyers were sent to the _campos de afuera_. The ranches developed very rapidly. Daireaux has very accurately described this period of pastoral colonization, and the starting of convoys that were intended to give a population to the west of the Pampa. Cattle were there several years before sheep. As a matter of fact, breeders do not regard cattle as having a value of their own. They are merely auxiliaries that must improve the pasture and prepare the ground for sheep. The cattle themselves are preceded by troops of half-wild horses which first take possession of the virgin field and begin the transformation of it. [93] This is, in a special form, the first instance of specialization, in the cantons of the Pampean region, in the breeding industry, properly so called (producing breeders). The number of cattle increases rapidly. In 1875 it was estimated that there were 5,000,000 head of cattle in the province of Buenos Aires. In 1889 there were 8,500,000. Since that date the variations have been comparatively slight. The Census of 1895 gives 7,700,000; that of 1908 gives 10,300,000; that of 1914 gives 9,000,000; and that of 1915 gives 11,300,000.[94] But the value of the cattle has gone up rapidly. The exports of live meat, which lasted from 1889 to 1900, were the beginning of the rise. It was strengthened when the refrigerators ceased to confine themselves to killing sheep and began to buy cattle. The exports of chilled or frozen beef increased after 1898. The value of them rose to 10,000,000 gold piastres in 1904, double that in 1909, and more than quadruple in 1914. [94] The variations in number are less considerable for the Pampean region than for the whole of Argentina. It is better supplied with capital than the other breeding districts, and can rapidly replace the losses caused by excessive export by buying cattle in the adjoining provinces. The difference between the price paid by the refrigerators for pedigree-cattle and the price of animals of creole blood, which the local market takes, hurries up the transformation of the herd. In order to watch reproduction and nurse the pasture, the ranches put up wire-fences. But the breeding methods are especially modified by the introduction of lucerne. It spread in the south of Córdoba and west of the Buenos Aires province from 1895 onward, and from 1905 onward in part of the San Luis province. There were already small lucerne farms in the Buenos Aires province. A description that was written at the end of the eighteenth century speaks of lucerne farms round the town which were reserved for feeding draught cattle.[95] But the area from which the cultivation of lucerne started at the close of the nineteenth century is the district of the Córdoba province that is crossed by the line from Rosario to Córdoba, completed about 1870 to Bellville and Villa Marina. The lucerne farms there were not created by the breeders, and the lucerne was at first intended for export to Rosario and Buenos Aires in the form of dry fodder. The trade in dry fodder has remained good there. The 1908 Census gives 128 square kilometres of lucerne for cutting in the Tercero Abajo department (Villa Maria) and 267 square kilometres in the Union department (Bellville).[96] [95] Fernando Barrero, _Descripción de las provincias del Rio de la Plata_ (published by the Argentine Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Buenos Aires, 1911). [96] Amongst the specialized industries connected with the development of the lucerne farms we must mention the growing of lucerne for seed, which has settled in the dry zones, where the lucerne is not so much invaded by other species; for instance, the district of Madanos, west of Bahía Blanca. [Illustration: MAP III.--THE CATTLE-BREEDING AREAS. _The density of the herd is slight in the maize belt. It is considerable in the centre and east of the Pampean region, which supply the refrigerators with pedigree stock of good weight. The density is considerable also in the north of Mesopotamia, but the cattle there are less valuable and are taken by the saladeros of the Uruguay. The presence of the tick, which inoculates cattle with Texas fever, is the chief obstacle to the improvement of the herd in the north of Argentina._ To face p. 188.] The lucerne spread southward and south-westward from this point; and the improvement of the herds kept pace with it. I have shown elsewhere how this improvement was checked north of a line along the course of the Paraná, the northern frontier of the Constitución and General Lopez departments, in the province of Santa Fé and on the Rio Cuarto, and in the Córdoba province, by the presence of the _garrapate_, which inoculates the cattle with a dreaded disease, Texas fever. The creole cattle are immunized against the _garrapate_, but pedigree cattle quickly succumb to it. In order to protect the southern zone, where the _garrapate_ does not reproduce, the Argentine Government imposes severe restrictions on the transport of cattle from north to south; the cattle have to have disinfectant baths at the frontier-stations. This cuts pastoral Argentina in two. While the Durham cattle of the south are intended for the refrigerators, the creole cattle of the north still supply the _saladeros_, which have disappeared from Buenos Aires, but survive on the Uruguay. Yet the advantages of crossing with European breeds are such that the northern breeders, in spite of the risk and the expense, have not given up all hope of accomplishing it. The transformation of the herd, however, is bound to be very slow. Pedigree breeders are brought from the south and kept in the stable. Their progeny, born on the spot, resist Texas fever better and can be put out to pasture. There has been more progress in the contaminated zone on the right bank of the Paraná than in Entre Rios and Corrientes. Pedigree animals have been introduced at Santa Fé, not only in the region of the colonies, but further north, in the extreme northern corner of the Pampa (San Cristobal department), colonized by ranchers from the north of Buenos Aires and the south of Santa Fé, who were ousted by the progress of maize. They have brought with them to the new lands the cultivation of lucerne and the methods they followed on their former property. At Corrientes, on the other hand, breeding is an historic industry. The staff of the ranches is indigenous. The pastoral traditions are unchanged. When we study the variations in the numbers of cattle in different parts of the Pampa, by comparing the results of recent Censuses we find that the number has risen rapidly since 1895 in the whole of the eastern area, north of the Sierra de Tandil. The increase is particularly conspicuous north of the Rio Salado, in the dairy district. (Mean density in 1915, 40 to 60 horned cattle per square kilometre.) In the south-west region (wheat belt) the density has always been low (12 per square kilometre), and it shows no tendency to increase. In the north and western region of Buenos Aires (lucerne belt) there has been a rapid increase, especially between 1895 and 1908 (creation of the lucerne farms), and it has not been interrupted since (density 50 to the square kilometre). There is the same increase in the whole area of the lucerne farms in the Córdoba, Santa Fé, and San Luis provinces, where the herds doubled between 1895 and 1908. Only two regions have suffered a reduction: the agricultural area of the centre (Chacabuco, Chivilcoy), where there has been a decrease since 1895, and the maize district (north of Buenos Aires), where cattle-rearing did not diminish until after 1908. * * * * * Agriculture had begun to develop by the end of the eighteenth century in the district round Buenos Aires. D'Azara admits the enormous preponderance of breeding, but mentions that the right bank of the Paraná exported flour to the left bank, which was exclusively pastoral. Barrero also observes that between the belt of orchards and lucerne fields, about a league in width, which surrounded Buenos Aires, and the area of the ranches, which did not begin for six or eight leagues, there was an agricultural belt, the district of the _chacras de pan llevar_. The main crop was wheat, and the tillage was chiefly done in the rich soils at the bottom of the valleys, which are called _cañadas_ in the local dialect (cañada de Moron, cañada du Rio Lujan, etc.). It was, however, not at Buenos Aires, but in the Santa Fé province, that modern agricultural colonization began in the nineteenth century. It goes back to the foundation (in 1854) of the colony of Esperanza, west of Santa Fé, from which it was separated by the strip of forest which follows the course of the Salado. European immigrants--Swiss, French, and Piedmontese--had settled there. The early years of colonization at Santa Fé were difficult, and the colonies did not begin to develop rapidly until after 1870. About that date we can distinguish three nuclei of agricultural colonization at Santa Fé. The first group of colonies was settled in the north, on the bank of the Paraná. In the centre the Esperanza group advanced steadily westward. A third group of colonies lay along the Central Argentine railway from Rosario to Córdoba. The Esperanza colonists had at first grown maize, but the prosperity of the colonies was mainly due to wheat. Zeballos, who visited the colonies in 1882, describes them as a vast lake of wheat. Wheat predominates, not only in the department of Las Colonias, west of Santa Fé, where it survives in full strength, but further north, at Garay, whence it has since been displaced by flax and earth-nuts, and in the south, round Rosario, in the belt which is now given up to maize. It is for the wheat that the mills of Carcaraña and the granaries of Rosario have been built. The land sown with wheat at Santa Fé rose in 1882 to 102,000 hectares out of a total of 127,000 hectares of cultivated land.[97] By 1889 the area of wheat was quadrupled. It spread like a drop of oil, reaching Rafäela and Castellanos on the west. In 1895 the advance was still more rapid. Wheat-growing has crossed the Córdoba frontier, and spread round San Francisco and east of Mar Chiquita (departments of San Justo and Marcos Juarez). The agricultural regions in the centre of the Santa Fé province and those of the Central Argentine have met, and the wheat has invaded the whole of the San Martin department. It extends even south of the old colonies of the Central Argentine toward the south-west of Santa Fé, in the General Lopez department. [97] The population of the Santa Fé colonies in 1882 was 52,000, of whom 12,000 were in the colonies of the San Javier, north of the town of Santa Fé. The 1908 Census shows a very different state of things. The density of the wheat-cultivation has continued to grow appreciably in the whole of the northern region, and also in the south-west of the province, at some distance from the Paraná (General Lopez department). On the other hand, it has been reduced in the adjoining district of Rosario (departments of Iriondo, Belgrana, Caseros, and Constitución), where maize-growing has developed. Maize has won part of the wheat belt. ----------------+----------------------+--------------------- | Wheat Area | Maize Area | (in kilometres). | (in kilometers). Departments.[98]|------+-------+-------+------+------+------- | 1889 | 1895 | 1908 | 1889 | 1895 | 1908 ----------------+------+-------+-------+------+------+------- Las Colonias }|1,623{| 1,307 | 1,621 |} 82 |{ 24 | 31 Castillanos }| {| 1,845 | 3,425 |} |{ 4 | 7 S. Jeronimo }| 664{| 854 | 849 |} 65 |{ 15 | 264 S. Martin }| {| 964 | 1,884 |} |{ 22 | 35 _Iriondo_ }| 971{| 929 | 442 |} 65 |{ 81 | 641 _Belgrano_ }| {| 1,137 | 638 |} |{ 37 | 296 _S. Lorenzo_ }| 652{| 387 | 1,390 |} 178 |{ 150 | 1,169 _Caseros_ }| {| 1,139 | 468 |} |{ 83 | 970 Gal. Lopez }| 12{| 888 | 1,370 |} 51 |{ 373 | 1,558 _Constitución_ }| {| 227 | 165 |} |{ 575 | 736 S. Justo }| 12{| 732 | 2,345 |} 48 |{ 7 | 34 M. Juarez }| {| 1,504 | 1,442 |} |{ 53 | 92 ----------------+------+-------+-------+------+------+------- Restricted in the south by the extension of the maize belt, the region of the colonies has now a very distinctive character amongst the agricultural areas of the Pampa. [98] The names of departments which belong in their entirety to the maize region are given in italics. The department of San Jeronimo straddles the maize region and the region of the colonies. The General Lopez territory also extends, in the south-west, far beyond the limit of the maize belt. This originality is not so much in virtue of its crops (hard wheat and flax) as on account of the age of colonization and the division of property. Most of the colonists are owners, and estates of 50 to 200 hectares are the rule. The houses are comfortable; they are surrounded by orchards and kitchen-gardens. Moreover, the rural economy has been complicated, and it has assumed a familiar aspect for the European observer, owing to the introduction of cattle-rearing on a small scale by the farmers. The number of horned cattle doubled between 1908 and 1914 in the Castellanos department, and increased by a third in Las Colonias. The area of lucerne has extended in proportion. The farms have been multiplied on the low lands (_cañadas_), unsuitable for wheat, which the older colonists had disdained; but they are now regarded as the best bits of land. The recent rise in the value of land in the region of the colonies is connected, not with an increase of agricultural production, but a development of breeding. A few co-operative dairy societies have been established. In general, however, breeding is solely for the meat-market. The cattle-trade goes on very different lines from those of the large estates and ranches. It has remained in the hands of small dealers (Jews of Moïsesville). Agricultural colonization in the Buenos Aires province was at first entirely independent of the Santa Fé colonization. The crops of the adjoining region of Buenos Aires never disappeared altogether. In the period to which Daireaux's description of the economic life of the Pampa refers (1880-89), the farmers disputed with the breeders a belt some ten leagues broad round the capital. But sheep-breeding left no place for agriculture in the next belt, which enclosed the first on every side, and extended almost as far as the Salado. Agricultural colonization had found free land only beyond the sheep-farm area, 170 miles west of Buenos Aires, round Chivilcoy, Chacabuco, and Bragado. As early as 1872 the Chivilcoy district produced 130,000 hectolitres of wheat; or nearly half the total production of the Buenos Aires province. In 1889 it formed a comparatively dense agricultural patch, the cultivated area being devoted half to wheat and half to maize. Wheat. Maize. Chivilcoy 307 kms. 399 kms. Chacabuco 155 " 164 " Bragado 147 " 261 " At that date the whole west and south of the Buenos Aires province was exclusively pastoral. There were only two isolated nuclei of agricultural colonization. The first was round Olavarria, on the old Indian frontier, where Russo-German colonies had been established in 1878. The second was in the Suarez department, at the extreme north of the Sierra de la Ventana, where a group of French colonists settled five years later, at Pigüe.[99] The opening of the line from Buenos Aires to Bahía Blanca ought, one would think, to have prepared the way for agricultural colonization in this section. However, the 1895 Census shows a check to these first attempts at tillage in the south. It fell by one half at Suarez, and by three-fourths at Olavarria. The Pigüe colonists have succeeded in keeping to their lands, but those of Olavarria have abandoned them, and most of them have emigrated to the Entre Rios province. [99] Wheat-area in 1889 in the Olavarria department, 319 square kilometres; in the Suarez department, 118 square kilometres. [Illustration: THE PAMPEAN PLAIN. BUENA ESPERANZA (SAN LUIS PROVINCE). _The first_ chañares. Photograph by the Author.] [Illustration: THE PAMPEAN PLAIN. JUNIN (150 MILES WEST OF BUENOS AIRES, 330 FEET ELEVATION). _The clays. A line of dead dunes crosses the Junin district, following the course of the Salado. They are indicated by light, sandy soil, very different from the clays of the north of Buenos Aires province._ Photograph by the Author. PLATE XVII. To face p. 194.] On the other hand, colonization has kept the land won in the district of the middle Salado, and it extends in a sporadic way toward the south-west and west. (Nueve de Julio, 252 square kilometres of wheat and 400 of maize: Veinte Cinco de Mayo, 84 square kilometres of wheat and 218 of maize: Junin, 197 square kilometres of wheat and 204 of maize in 1895). It has been maintained ever since, with slow progress, but without being ousted by breeding. This is one of the regions of the Pampa where the most different types of rural exploitation are mingled together. Agricultural colonization has been carried on both by small proprietors and farmers or tenants. Wheat and maize seem to be permanently associated, and the climate is equally good for both; the maize crop being the better if the summer is wet, and the wheat crop when the summer is dry. The two cereals follow each other on the same land, in rotation, the wheat being helped by the constant weeding and clearing which the maize requires. The colonists use oxen in the work, and fatten them afterwards.[100] [100] Draught animals in 1908: at Chivilcoy, 17,000 cattle and 10,000 horses; at Junin, 15,000 cattle and 6,000 horses; at Nueve de Julio, 15,000 cattle and 6,000 horses. In the region of the Santa Fé colonies: at Castellanos, 17,000 cattle and 54,000 horses; at Las Colonias, 6,000 cattle and 35,000 horses. In the wheat belt (South of Buenos Aires): at Puan, (no cattle) 29,000 horses. At the sierras (no cattle), 14,000 horses. Agricultural colonization in the lucerne region dates from 1895 to 1905: ------------------+----------------+---------------- | Wheat Area | Flax Area |(in kilometres).|(in kilometres). +-------+--------+-------+-------- | 1895 | 1908 | 1895 | 1908 ------------------+-------+--------+-------+-------- Buenos Aires: | | | | Lincoln | 152 | 819 | -- | 100 Pehuajo | 106 | 727 | -- | -- Guamini | 20 | 528 | -- | -- Trenque Lauquen | 100 | 1,439 | -- | 59 Villegas | 4 | 812 | 1 | 84 Pinto | -- | 469 | -- | 60 Córdoba: | | | | Gal. Roca | -- | 1,009 | -- | 89 Rio Quarto | 5 | 1,156 | -- | 172 Juarez Celman | 144 | 1,679 | -- | 183 Union | 373 | 2,548 | 12 | 316 ------------------+-------+--------+-------+-------- Ihave shown how this was bound up with the development of the lucerne farms themselves. The extreme west of the lucerne belt (Pedernera department and San Luis) is the only place where the cultivated area was reduced. The contracts by which the ranchers entrust their lands to the colonists, on condition of returning them sown with lucerne, were gradually modified as the stream of colonization developed. The land was at first left to the colonist rent free, the rancher being paid by the creation of the lucerne fields. But in proportion to the increasing volume of the stream of immigrants, and the keener competition of the colonists, the rancher asked better terms. There are similar contracts in regard to the restoration of lucerne fields which have been worn out by pasturage, so that the land has to be ploughed up periodically. The men who clear the land in the lucerne belt have mostly been recruited in the district of the old colonies of Santa Fé, where the new generation had begun to feel the pinch. The crops which they raise during the four or five years of their lease are chosen without any idea of sparing lands which they are not to keep. Wheat succeeds wheat, and the first and last crop is often flax. The proportion of flax is lower only in the southern part of the lucerne belt. In the Buenos Aires province the colonist grows lucerne on his own account, either to sell as dry fodder or for breeding or fattening. Colonization does not in these parts correspond with the division of property. Not only does the farmer not become the owner of the soil, but he does not live on it permanently; he is a veritable nomad. His house has a temporary look that strikes one at the first glance. The area cultivated is almost stable, if the region is considered as a whole. But cultivation passes periodically from one section to another, and its removals cause sudden alterations or crises in the railway traffic and the development of the urban centres. The lucerne belt has been peopled by Santafecinos, and it has in turn sent colonists to the western agricultural belt at the foot of the Sierras de San Luis and de Córdoba. They have less suitable climatological conditions, but they have the advantage of greater stability, as the breeders do not dispute the land with them. While agricultural colonization has been an aid to pastoral colonization in the north-west of Buenos Aires, it tends to displace breeding, or restrict its sphere, in the north-east and the south. Maize-growing started on the banks of the Paraná, where it was already paramount in 1889, between Campana (north of Buenos Aires) and San Nicolas. In 1895 it advanced up the Paraná as far as the Santa Fé province (Constitución) and spread over the interior for some sixty miles in the Salto department. In the next few years it made rapid progress toward the west and north-west, covering the departments of Pergamino, Rojas, and Colon, and part of General Lopez, San Lorenzo, and Constitución in the province of Santa Fé. ---------------+-----------------+------------------ | Maize Area. | Flax Area. |-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+------ | 1889| 1895| 1908| 1889| 1895| 1908 ---------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+------ Campana | 67 | 45 | 22| 15 | 31 | 17 Baradero | 339 | 260 | 291| 26 | 78 | 173 S. Pedro | 398 | 353 | 420| 5 | 73 | 235 Arrecifes | 124 | 126 | 155| 15 | 50 | 265 Salto | 16 | 326 | 236| 13 | 3 | 75 Gal. Lopez } | 51 |{373 |1,538| -- | 70 | 752 Constitución } | |{575 | 736| -- | 270 | 404 Pergamino | 168 | 160 | 340| 50 | 30 | 275 Rojas | 86 | 81 | 247| 4 | 23 | 275 Colon | -- | 44 | 126| -- | 14 | 78 S. Lorenzo | 178 | 150 |1,169| 11 | 36 | 450 Caseros | -- | 83 | 990| -- | 13 | 319 ---------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+------ Export of Argentine maize on a large scale began in 1895. Flax-growing was not added to maize until 1900. The heavy land requires a good deal of harrowing, and the weeding and harvesting of the maize give employment to a comparatively large staff. The estates are of moderate size, often only 50 hectares. Ownership was not divided at the period of colonization, the land, thanks to the breeders, having already acquired so high a value that the colonists could not buy it. On the lands which have been farmed out there has developed a rural, and often far from docile, proletariat. It is in the maize region that the worst agricultural strikes have taken place. The struggles of the owners and the colonists are the more prolonged because the sowing of the maize can be put back to the end of the spring without much harm being done. The adjoining zone of the Paraná produced some of the _maiseros_ who have scattered over the north-west. But the modern colonies include, in addition, a large proportion of immigrants who have recently landed from Italy and Spain. The maize growers do not mix with the wheat-growers. Each group has its own area. The increase of wheat-growing in the south dates only from 1898: ------------------+---------------------------- | Wheat Area (in kilometres). |------------+--------------- | 1895 | 1908 ------------------+------------+--------------- Alsina | 45 | 1,296 Puan | 52 | 1,321 Suarez | 104 | 978 La Madrid | 75 | 249 Pringles | 13 | 724 Darrego | -- | 885 Terr. de la Pampa | -- | 1,731 ------------------+------------+---------------- [Illustration: MAP IV.--DENSITY OF THE MAIZE CROP. _As it needs more heat and moisture than wheat, the maize does not go so far to the west and south. It is concentrated for export at the ports of the Rio de la Plata and the Paraná, especially at Rosario. The Argentine "corn belt," the chief maize area, extends back of Rosario and San Nicolas to beyond Casilda and Pergamino._ To face p. 198.] Wheat first spread along the line from Buenos Aires to Bahía Blanca, west of the Sierra de la Ventana, then in the coastal district, east of Bahía Blanca. These two wheat-areas became connected after 1904, when the opening of the direct line from Olavarria to Buenos Aires facilitated the development of the intermediate region (Pringles-Laprida). From Bahía Blanca it spread to the west and north-west along the Toay line, and southward as far as Colorado on the coast. In the whole area of the Central Pampa it is still possible to distinguish two strata of immigrants, of different dates, one superimposed upon the other: the sheep-breeders and the farmers. Round Toay the contrast between the two elements of the population is even more striking, because the first pastoral colonization, which dates from 1890, was to a great extent the work of creole _puntanos_ (from the San Luis province). The actual agricultural colonies, on the other hand, include recent European immigrants and colonists from other parts of the provinces of Buenos Aires and Entre Rios. The yield of the wheat grows less and less as one goes westward. The harvest may be injured either by late frost or drought, or, especially, by hot winds which scorch the plants and blight the half-realized hopes of the farmers in the weeks just before the harvest. But the relative poorness of the return is compensated by the extent of the farms and the cheapness of labour. The harvest is often done with machines that peel and pack the wheat, and the workers are not compelled, as they are at Santa Fé, to wait for the threshing machine. The aridity does not permit flax-growing, but oats can be grown, especially between the Sierra de la Ventana and the Sierra de Tandil; and it is good to sow oats when the land has been impoverished by consecutive crops of wheat. Exports of oats through Bahía Blanca began in 1906. The displacement of breeding by farming is less thorough than in the maize belt. Oats, sown about the beginning of autumn, serve for fodder. The animals are kept in the fields during the winter, and the oats are cut and put into the mill, without being threshed, as a reserve fodder. Moreover, the wheat farmers have themselves taken to rearing sheep, and the sheep feed in the stubble and fallow. * * * * * From this short account of the history of colonization we draw certain important conclusions. At the time when agricultural colonization began, it was admitted that farming was the best way to exploit the soil, and that the Pampa would sooner or later pass from the pastoral to the agricultural cycle; or, to use the local phraseology, that the "colony" would replace the ranch everywhere. This idea was wrong. The only area in which the facts seem to give it any support is the corn belt. The general rule is, on the contrary, that in its progress colonization develops a mixed type of exploitation, combining farming and breeding; either one alternates with the other in a sort of periodic rotation, as in the lucerne area, or both proceed together, the farmers including breeding amongst their occupations, as in the district of the Santa Fé colonies or in the wheat area in the south of the Buenos Aires province. It seems, moreover, that the development of colonization depends not only upon physical conditions, but upon factors of a purely economic or social character, which the geographer must not overlook. It will be enough here to indicate the chief of these. We have seen the part that has been played in the exploitation of the soil by groups of colonists who swarm from one area to another. Whether we think of the ranchers of the eastern part of Buenos Aires transplanting themselves to Córdoba or north of Santa Fé, the sheep-breeders moving westward, or the Santa Fé colonists settling in the lucerne area, they all take with them their own habits and methods of work, and they take time to adjust them to a new environment. [Illustration: MAP V.--DENSITY OF THE WHEAT CROP. _The wheat belt stretches in a broad section of a circle from Bahía Blanca to Santa Fé, which is now reached by maritime vessels. The cultivation of wheat crosses the line of 600 millimetres of rainfall, and even the 400-millimetre line, in proportion as one passes from the area of summer rain to that of spring and autumn rain._ To face p. 200.] The colonist, whether breeder or farmer, is not left to himself. Colonization is sustained and directed by speculation in land, and is influenced by it. Speculation discounts the work of the colonist, and attaches to the land a value which is not based upon the revenue it has produced, but upon that which the speculator calculates that it may produce in the future. If the speculator is audacious, he does not let himself be discouraged by initial bad experiences; it takes repeated checks to exhaust his optimism. The colonist, even if his farming accounts do not show a profit, may nevertheless gain something if the value of his land goes up. The increase of his capital conceals from him the smallness of his returns, especially as he can easily get advances on the value of his property from the banks, and this enables him to draw upon his wealth every year. Speculation is concerned with new lands on the fringe of the area already colonized, where the soil is, as a general rule, already in the hands of the exploiters themselves. The speculators, having paid a high price for these lands, try to organize the development of them. It is partly owing to their influence that colonization continuously enlarges its domain, instead of concentrating its labour in the older districts where it might sometimes be more productive. In fine, speculation in land has a profound influence on the conditions of colonization, making it more difficult for the colonist to buy the land he is developing. The owner who grants him the use of the land means to keep for himself any increment of its value. He rents, but he will not sell. Thus the history of colonization cannot be separated from the traffic in land. The special features of this traffic in the Pampean region--its concentration at Buenos Aires; the creation of a land-market resembling a stock market; the practice of selling on the instalment plan, which enables small capitalists to enter the market; the repeated transfers of pieces of land which the buyers have never seen and which they know only from plans--are one of the most original aspects of modern Argentina. They are partly due to a fact of a geographical nature--the uniformity of the Pampean plain, on which every piece of land is worth about as much as the adjoining piece. Colonization is easy and rapid in proportion as it requires less capital and labour. The expansion of breeding in the west between 1880 and 1890 was facilitated by the low market price of cattle at that time. Breeding has the advantage over farming of not needing so large a staff, but it requires a larger capital. Of the crops, assuming that the conditions of soil and climate are equally favourable, wheat is better than maize for colonization, because the preparing of the soil and the harvest can be done more speedily, and the same number of hands can plant a larger area with wheat than with maize. The action of the Argentine Government and the provincial authorities has been restrained, apart from the earliest period of the establishment of the Santa Fé colonies, both as regards the securing of immigrants, the distribution of lands, and the administration of the colonies.[101] Colonization has been, on the whole, a private affair. The work of organizing colonization has at times been undertaken by the proprietors themselves; they leased pieces of land and got a good price for them, at the same time increasing the surplus value of the plots they kept for themselves by promoting the increase of population. Sometimes it was undertaken by Colonization Companies, which bought land to divide and sell. More frequently it was undertaken by merchants who advanced credit to the colonists they settled, on condition that the colonists bought what they needed of the merchants, and entrusted them with the sale of their crops. The migration of the Santa Fé colonists was partly due to, and sustained by, a corresponding migration of merchants who had acquired wealth in the older colonies, and who thus got a larger body of customers. The merchant who organizes colonization often acts as the intermediary between the owner and the colonist, guaranteeing the owner a fixed rent for his land and receiving so much per cent. of his harvest from the farmer. This system is very widespread in the corn belt, but it is found all over the plain of the Pampas. It tends to disappear when the colony is older and deeper-rooted, as the colonist gradually earns his independence; he buys his lease, his equipment, and his furniture, and controls the sale of his own crops. In the districts where he has not become owner, the leases are generally variations of two types: farming leases, where the colonist has capital enough for working, and renting leases, where the capital is provided by the owner or the middleman. [101] The Agricultural Centres Law, passed in 1887 by the province of Buenos Aires to encourage colonization, has not had good results. By the terms of this law, owners who professed themselves willing to devote their lands to colonization received an advance on the value of the lands in the form of mortgages, the interest and repayment of the mortgage being charged to the colonists. Many owners took advantage of the law, but, after a pretence of colonization, kept the ownership of their lands. Lastly, colonization can make no progress unless it finds markets on which it can put its produce. Up to the present western Europe has been the chief market for the wool, leather, meat, and cereals of the Pampean region; tropical America absorbs part of the output of the _saladeros_, flour, and dry fodder; and North America has recently begun to compete with Europe for wool, leather, and frozen meat. The facility with which the products of the Pampa have found their way into the world's markets, as is seen in the comparative stability of the returns, explains the continuous advance of colonization and the short duration of the crises which have disturbed it. The home market, however, has had an importance in connection with colonization that must not be overlooked. When wheat-growing spread at Santa Fé the crop was at first devoted to supplying Buenos Aires, and as late as 1883 Zeballos thought that the essential result of agricultural colonization was the fact that Chilean flour was beaten off the Argentine market. Even to-day the districts on the outskirts of the cereal area depend upon the home market. The Villa Mercedes mill supplies Mendoza. Córdoba and Santa Fé send their flour to Tucumán. The price of cereals still shows slight fluctuations in these parts as compared with prices in Buenos Aires. _Table of Exports of the Chief Products of the Pampean region_ (_in thousands of tons_): ---------------+-------+-------+-------+-------+------- | 1901 | 1905 | 1910 | 1913 | 1914 ---------------+-------+-------+-------+-------+------- Wheat | 904 | 2,868 | 1,883 | 2,812 | 980 Maize | 1,112 | 2,222 | 2,660 | 4,806 | 3,542 Flax | 338 | 654 | 604 | 1,016 | 841 Flour | 71 | 144 | 115 | 124 | 67 Wool | 228 | 191 | 150 | 120 | 117 Salted hides | 28 | 40 | 61 | 65 | 63 Dried hides | 26 | 24 | 29 | 21 | 14 Chilled beef | 44 | 152 | 253 | 306 | 368 Chilled mutton | 63 | 78 | 75 | 45 | 58 ---------------+-------+-------+-------+-------+------- The heading "cereals" appears in the statistics of Argentine exports in 1882. In 1900 the value of the agricultural produce exported is equal to that of the products of breeding. In 1904 it is higher. Pastoral colonization, again, has not been entirely independent of the home market. Martin de Moussy says, it is true, that the area which sent the products of breeding to Europe in 1865 extended as far as the Sierra de Córdoba. But this statement needs correction. The hides from the whole of this zone were, in point of fact, sent down to the ports on the Rio de la Plata, but live animals were sent to Chile from the whole of the north-west of the Pampean region. It was for the purpose of selling cattle to Chile that ranches were multiplied about 1860 in the neighbourhood of Villa Mercedes and lower down, on the Rio Quinto. Jegou's description shows that even in 1883 the breeders of the San Luis province devoted themselves exclusively to supplying the Chilean market.[102] Buyers from Chile and the Andean provinces still visit Villa Mercedes, and until a recent date they came to Villa Maria, in the province of Córdoba. The Santa Fé ranches found their customers, until the opening of the Córdoba line (1870) amongst the _troperos_, who bought draught oxen for their waggons. The loss of these customers and the crisis that followed are one of the reasons why agricultural colonization met with so little resistance on the part of the breeders, and was able to take root so easily at Santa Fé. In the San Cristobal department the breeders who settled there after 1890 found their first market in the _obrajes_ of the neighbouring forest. The opening of the railway to Tucumán afterwards enabled them to send their cattle to the provinces of the north-west. The Buenos Aires buyers were late in this remote canton of the Pampean plain. They did not arrive until 1911. [102] A. Jegou, "Informe sobre la provincia de San Luis," _Ann. Soc. Cientifica Argentina_, xvi. 1883, pp. 140-152, 192-200, and 223-230. The importance of the Pampean region itself as a market of consumption grew in proportion to the increase of its population. The extent to which it absorbs the products of breeding and agriculture varies a good deal. For some of them it is paramount. Horse-breeding, for instance, which is still one of the great industries of the Pampa, has never contributed to the export trade. It is the same with regard to potatoes, which are concentrated in two strictly limited districts, round Rosario and north of the Sierra de Tandil. Only a small part of the dry fodder is exported. As regards cereals, a comparison of the statistics of production with the statistics of export shows that the home consumption is about one-third of the production. It is almost nil for flax, and nearly fifty per cent for wheat. The average of production and export for the years 1912, 1913, and 1914, in thousands of tons, is: ------------+--------+--------+-------+----------------- | | | | Total | Wheat. | Maize. | Flax. |(including Oats). ------------+--------+--------+-------+----------------- Production | 4,241 | 6,398 | 931 | 12,662 Export | 2,140 | 4,227 | 790 | 8,038 ------------+--------+--------+-------+----------------- As the chief centres of consumption are the ports themselves, it follows that the commercial currents that have to supply them are confused with the currents which maintain the exports. The exchanges between the various regions of the Pampa are more interesting to the geographer. In their tendency to specialize, these regions have ceased to be self-contained, and they have to look to adjoining regions. The feeding of the mills necessitates the transport of wheat in different directions. The chief mills are at Buenos Aires, where they are suitably located to work both for the home market and for export; and the mills in the interior have some difficulty in competing with them. Some of these, however, are still active. They mix hard wheat, bought in the district of the Santa Fé colonies, with the soft wheat that is grown in the middle and south of Buenos Aires province. But this inter-regional transport of cereals is a small thing in comparison with the transport of cattle. The extension of the lucerne farms has developed the fattening industry in many districts, while others still confine themselves to breeding in the ordinary sense, and they feed the other centres. The most specialized fattening district is that of Villa Mercedes and the western part of the lucerne belt, while the eastern part of the province of Buenos Aires and Entre Rios are still areas of production. The differentiation of the pastoral zones can be gathered from a study of the statistics. According to the 1908 Census, milch cows represent 53 per cent. of the whole of the cattle in all the departments which form the heart of the breeding area east of Buenos Aires, and only 45 per cent. in the departments of the north-west of Buenos Aires and south of Córdoba and in the Pedernera department of San Luis, where fattening is common. According to the 1914 Census oxen are 24 per cent. of the herd in the same departments of eastern Buenos Aires; 24 per cent. also in Entre Rios; and the proportion rises to 31 per cent. in the lucerne area. Dolores department (eastern Buenos Aires) has 64 per cent. milch cows and 21 per cent. oxen. Pedernera department (San Luis, in the lucerne area) has 49 per cent. cows and 38 per cent. oxen. General Roca department (Córdoba) has 48 per cent. cows and 34 per cent. oxen. Arenales (Buenos Aires) has 39 per cent. cows and 46 per cent. oxen.[103] [103] For Argentina as a whole the percentage is: milch cows, 55 per cent.; oxen, 26 per cent. Oxen intended for the refrigerators are bought either on the ranches or at Buenos Aires, where beasts in good condition are consigned to buyers, but oxen for fattening are bought at fairs which are held periodically in the towns of the interior. Another transaction at these fairs is the trade in pedigree breeders. The best known of them is held at Villa Mercedes (province of San Luis), where 8,000 oxen are sold every month. At the Mercedes fairs one may see Durham steers from the east of Buenos Aires which are to be fattened and sent back to the refrigerators or the slaughter-houses of Buenos Aires. There are also creole cattle from the north of the San Luis province and Rioja which will later be eaten in Mendoza or in Chile. There is, in fact, on the western frontier of the Pampa no line of demarcation corresponding to that set up in the north by the limit of the area contaminated by the _garrapate_, separating the district of creole breeding from that of selective breeding. There is free communication here between the two zones, and the lucerne fields for fattening at Villa Mercedes are used in common by the breeders of the Pampa and of the bush.[104] [104] A large number of the cattle which are to be fattened are bought at the market in Buenos Aires; but these do not, as a rule, come from the Pampean region. _Cultivated Areas in the Argentine Republic_ (_in square kilometres, almost exclusively in the Pampean region_). -----+--------+--------+--------+--------+--------- | Wheat. | Maize. | Oats. | Flax. | Lucerne. -----+--------+--------+--------+--------+--------- 1896 | 25,000 | 14,000 | -- | 5,600 | 8,000 1900 | 33,000 | 12,000 | -- | 6,000 | 15,000 1902 | 36,000 | 18,000 | -- | 15,000 | 17,000 1905 | 56,000 | 22,000 | 700 | 10,000 | 29,000 1910 | 62,000 | 32,000 | 8,000 | 15,000 | 54,000 1912 | 69,000 | 38,000 | 12,000 | 17,000 | 59,000 1913 | 65,000 | 41,000 | 11,600 | 17,000 | 66,000 1914 | 62,000 | 42,000 | 11,400 | 17,000 | -- -----+--------+--------+--------+--------+--------- _Exports for 1913, 1914, and 1915 at each port._ --------------+------+-------+-----+-----+-------+-------- |Wheat.| Maize.|Flax.|Oats.|Totals.|Average. --------------+------+-------+-----+-----+-------+-------- {| 782 | 1,757 | 275 | 13 | 2,829 |} Rosario {| 242 | 1,952 | 248 | 1 | 2,445 |} 2,716 {| 717 | 1,790 | 366 | -- | 2,875 |} | | | | | | {| 441 | 1,389 | 246 | 240 | 2,318 |} Buenos Aires {| 297 | 906 | 55 | 78 | 1,537 |} 2,051 {| 511 | 1,349 | 342 | 96 | 2,299 |} | | | | | | {| 927 | 2 | -- | 462 | 1,393 |} Bahía Blanca {| 241 | -- | -- | 222 | 463 |} 1,075 {| 921 | -- | -- | 442 | 1,364 |} | | | | | | {| 5 | 910 | 74 | -- | 989 |} S. Nicolas {| 1 | 430 | 60 | -- | 492 |} 651 {| 5 | 420 | 48 | -- | 474 |} | | | | | | {| 333 | 358 | 14 | 170 | 876 |} La Plata {| 160 | 51 | 16 | 49 | 278 |} 459 {| 152 | 45 | 6 | 16 | 222 |} | | | | | | {| 265 | 51 | 158 | -- | 476 |} Santa Fé {| 7 | 23 | 128 | -- | 159 |} 278 {| 114 | 7 | 77 | -- | 199 |} --------------+------+-------+-----+-----+-------+-------- CHAPTER VII ROADS AND RAILWAYS Roads on the plain--The salt road--The "trade route"--Transport by ox-waggons--_Arrieros_ and _Troperos_--Railways and colonization--The trade in cereals--Home traffic and the reorganization of the system. The chapter devoted to primitive breeding and the transport of cattle contains a sketch of the network of routes over the Andes. One cannot expect to find in the scheme of routes over the Argentine plains the stern and obvious influence of natural conditions. The surface of these plains is, as a whole, broadly open to traffic. Still, the map of the roads bears much evidence of geographical exigencies. The hills which rise like islands out of the alluvial plain are not all incapable of being crossed, and the roads do not always skirt them. The road from Buenos Aires to Peru runs north of 30° 40' S. lat. on the very axis of the granite peneplain which forms the northern part of the Sierra de Córdoba. The Dean Funes ridge, which begins with an altitude of 2,500 feet between the Sierra Chica and these tablelands, has always been used for communication between Córdoba and the north-western provinces. There the railway has taken the place of the primitive track. Another important track crosses the Sierra de Córdoba in the north of the Pampa de Achala, and used to join Córdoba with Villa Dolores and the north of the San Luis province. The southern part of the Sierra de Córdoba and the Sierra de San Luis are, on the other hand, an insurmountable obstacle, which diverts southward the high road to Chile _via_ Achiras, San José, del Morro, and San Luis. The sierras of the Buenos Aires province are not so high and extensive. They are, moreover, broken into isolated hills with the plain passing between them. As early as 1822 Colonel Garcia pointed out the importance, in connection with the migrations of the Indian tribes, of the passage between the Sierra Amarilla and the Sierra de Curaco, that is to say, the Olavarria ridge. It is there that the first railway between Buenos Aires and Bahía Blanca crosses the line of sierras. It then skirts the Sierra de la Ventana, to the north, by the Pigüe ridge, between the mass of Curumalan and the Puan hills. The dunes of the western Pampa also are an impediment to traffic, not so much because of their height as because of the looseness of the ground. The strip between General Acha and Toay was very trying for the stage-coaches. Travellers had to cross the dunes on foot during the winter season, when the horses were in a bad condition.[105] Natural supplies of water increase in number as one gets away from the Andean zone toward the east. Still, the chief work, often the only work, to be done in making a road is the arrangement of permanent supplies of water. Martin de Moussy mentions the digging of wells on the new road from Córdoba to Rosario, which was opened about 1860. The _aiguade_ was generally a _represa_, a reservoir, where the water accumulated behind a barrier of earth raised across the course of an intermittent stream. The upkeep of the _represa_ is the chief duty of the post-master. The edge of the sierras and the opening point of the ravines which come down them is a good place for making _represas_, and the roads frequently keep to these (variant of the road from Córdoba to Tucumán _via_ Totoral, Dormida, Rio Seco and Sumampa, on the eastern edge of the Sierra de Córdoba, etc.) Long stages with no water supplies, the _travesías_, are not found on the made roads, as a rule, except west of the meridian, of Córdoba. However, the direct road from Santa Fé to Santiago del Estero by the lagoon of Los Porongos, which was used in the eighteenth century, seems to have been abandoned afterwards, as much on account of the difficulty of supplying water as because it was exposed to attack from the Indians. [105] J. B. Ambrosetti, "Viàje a la Pampa central," _Bol. Instit. Geog. Argent._, xiv. 1893, pp. 292-368. [Illustration: AN OX WAGON. Photograph by Soc. Fotografica de Aficionados.] [Illustration: THE MAIL COACH. _The horses saddled with the_ cincha. Photograph by Soc. Fotografica de Aficionados. PLATE XVIII. To face p. 210.] The only difficulty which the caravans encountered on the roads over the plain was the crossing of the rivers. They were forded. Fords with a muddy bottom on the lower course of the rivers, such as that on the Saladillo near the confluence of the Rio Tercero, were more difficult for wagons than the fords with sandy bottoms in the upper course, near the fringe of the mountains, such as those of the Rio Tercero on the Córdoba road, or of the Rio Cuarto on the road to Chile. After rain, certain parts of the plain are flooded and impassable. That is the case in the district to the south of the lower Salado, at the very spot where Père Cardiel notices the lack of water in the dry season (1747). The direct road from Buenos Aires to the sierras was at that point exposed, alternately, to drought and flood. The line of the Southern railway, which crosses this low district, is still cut periodically on both sides of Las Flores by floods. The lack of an organized network of streams, the irregularity of the rains, the difficulty of ascertaining the inclination, and the flow of the waters over a plain which seems to the eye to be perfectly level, have led to more than one miscalculation on the part of the railways, which were constructed hurriedly, and before the general survey of the Pampa was finished. Some lines, on the Pampa or on the Chaco, have had to be partially reconstructed, and raised higher, after a series of rainy years.[106] [106] Certain duplications in the actual scheme of the railways are due to this need to correct a line that had been planned hastily and was useless. The line from Justo Daract to La Paz (1912), on the Pacific railway, avoids the steep inclinations of the first line, which followed the course of the wagon-road _via_ San Luis. The interpretation of the relief is particularly difficult in a country which has not been shaped by normal erosion. Blunders detected by later topographical inquiries were similarly committed in constructing the Patagonian railways. The colonization of that part of the plain which actually constitutes the province of Buenos Aires was late. It belongs to the era of the railways. There is only one historic road crossing this area, which remained until the last third of the nineteenth century in the hands of the Indian tribes. This is the salt road. We do not know exactly when it began to be used. In the eighteenth century, in spite of the competition of salt from Cadiz and Patagonia, imported by sea, the Pampa salt was the main part of the supply of Buenos Aires. The salt road was not abandoned until after 1810. We still have the diary of several journeys from Buenos Aires to the salt-pits. They were military expeditions. Hundreds of wagons, with a strong escort, collected at Lujan and Chivilcoy, and they reached Atreuco, west of the Guamini and Carbuë lakes, after a fifteen to twenty-five days' march. The itinerary was fixed in detail. In 1796 D'Azara noticed the wells sunk by the salters, north of the Palentelen lagoon (Bragado), when they found the lagoon dry. From Palentelen south-westward the salt road followed the track used by the Indians of the south-west in their expeditions against the ranches of the Buenos Aires frontier. Near Lake Epecuen, north of Carbuë, it was joined by another track which came from Olavarria, the stages of which were marked by the streams that came from the Sierra de Curumalan. The Carbuë district, the cross-roads of the tracks, was one of the places where the tribes collected. "This place," says the diary of the 1778 expedition, "is the first point where the hostile Indians meet and rest when they leave the Sierra and on returning from their invasions. They not only rest there, but have their winter pasture there" (in the dry season).[107] Zeballos has described the Indian track, the _rustrillada_, between Epecuen, Atreuco and Traru Lauquen, where the _travesia_ on the road to Chile began.[108] It was not less than 1,000 feet in width. At the foot of the dunes there were deep parallel grooves made by the feet of the raided cattle, which were taken away by the "Chileños." [107] Coll. de Angelis, v. [108] Est. Zeballos, _Descripción amena de la Republica Argentina_, vol. i, "Viàje al païs de los Araucanos" (Buenos Aires, 1881). The two main roads of the colonial period are the roads to Chile and Peru. On leaving Buenos Aires there was one road for a distance of about 320 miles. The "trade road" passed through Lujan, Areco and Sauce, and reached the Carcaraña, or Rio Tercero, at Esquina. It therefore kept at some distance from the Paraná (32 to 16 miles), on the tableland, crossing the valleys which were embedded in it and represented so many bad parts. It then ascended the Tercero on the right bank as far as the Paso Fereira, at the spot where Villa Maria is to-day. At Esquina de Medrano (Villa Maria) the road to Chile branched off to the south-east, reached San Luis by following the Rio Cuarto, going through Achiras and San José del Morro, and, after a _travesia_ seventy-eight miles in length, came to the Rio Tunuyan at La Paz, and ascended the river to Mendoza.[109] [109] Martin de Moussy says that a more direct route, avoiding the detour to the north by the Rio Tercero, was followed in the eighteenth century between Buenos Aires and San Luis, by way of Salto and the Rio Quinto as far as the latitude of fort Constitución (Villa Mercedes). Woodbine Parish's map (1839) and Napp's map (1876) both show a road by way of Salto and Melincue to the Rio Cuarto, where it joins the ordinary road. However that may be, these roads were never used regularly, from fear of the Indians or--which comes to the same thing--because the area they cross, in the south of the actual territory of the provinces of Santa Fé and Córdoba, was not yet colonized. From Esquina de Medrano the Peru road made for Córdoba in the north-west. From the tablelands which continue the Sierra de Córdoba northward it descended toward the Rio Dulce, which it reached west of Atamisqui, and which it followed as far as Santiago del Estero, where it crossed to the north bank. It crossed the Sali in the latitude of Tucumán, and, passing through Tracas and Metan, followed the depression which separates the Andes from the sub-Andean chains. From Salta it went north to Jujuy, and passed through the Quebrada de Humahuaca to reach the Puna. The influence of rivers is not much seen in the scheme of the primitive roads. There were in the sixteenth century many routes from Peru to the Paraguay, across the Chaco, but not a permanent road in the strict sense. In the eighteenth century there was a direct road from Santa Fé to Tucumán, by the north of the Los Porongos lagoon and the course of the Rio Dulce. There was another from Santa Fé to Córdoba. These roads were not exclusively used for conveying cattle. The river route which they joined at Santa Fé provided them with a certain amount of traffic coming from the higher provinces. Paraguayan _maté_ reached the Andean regions by this road, and in return the boatmen at Santa Fé loaded up with the wines and dried fruit of the Andean provinces to take to Asunciôn. The question of joining the road on to a river was not of very great importance until the time when the Paraná began to be used for Argentine imports and exports, and to maintain the communication of the interior provinces with Europe. This question of connection with a river controls the history of the construction of the railway system. But the great importance of it can be seen from the first half of the nineteenth century. D'Orbigny had a presentiment of it. Speaking of the future of Santa Fé, he says: "When peace is restored, it is certain that the wares of Córdoba may, instead of going by land from that town to Buenos Aires, be sent to Santa Fé, where shipping them to the Argentine capital will reduce to one-third the journey by land, which is always more costly than going by water." Martin de Moussy, foreseeing the making of a road across the Chaco from Tucumán to the Paraná, in the latitude of Corrientes, calculates that Corrientes may later serve as port for part of the west and north of Argentina. At the date of the publication of his book, however, it was neither Santa Fé nor Corrientes, but the new town Rosario, that began to play the part of interior port, and led to the construction of a new system of roads. Traffic between Rosario and Córdoba at first followed the old road from Buenos Aires to Peru, which one struck after leaving Rosario and making a detour to the south-west, on the right bank of the Carcaraña (at Rio Tercero). But this itinerary was presently replaced by a direct road to the west-northwest, following the line which the railways would adopt.[110] [110] Between 1852 and 1862, during the period when relations were suspended between the Argentine Confederation and Buenos Aires, there was a beginning of a general reorganization of the roads in harmony with the new political conditions. The road from Santa Fé and Paraná to Concepción (in Uruguay) across the Entre Rios tablelands, and from there to Montevideo, had owed its initial importance to the closing of the lower Paraná under Rosas, and Woodbine Parish records that there was already a good deal of smuggling there. This road became an essential artery when Paraná made itself the federal capital under Urquiza. He intended to connect Paraná with the western provinces, and he created a mail service from Santa Fé to Córdoba. Ephemeral as the good fortune of Paraná was, its influence on the organization of the roads of Argentina was too material to be ignored by the geographer. In the greater part of Argentina transport was by means of wagons before railways were constructed. The limit between the area of wagon-transport and the area in which goods were conveyed on the backs of animals is quite stable. It is still of some significance, in spite of the development of the railways; wagons and mules are used at each station to collect and distribute goods. The area of farming and of selective breeding on the Pampa, the sheep-area in Patagonia, and the timber belt on the Chaco, still make use of wagons; and goods are carried on the backs of mules in the Andean area. The Peru road was, broadly speaking, fit for wagons as far as Salta, but it is rough between Tucumán and Salta, and wagons that used it generally stopped at Salta. In this way wagons avoided the ford of the Sali, which was easier for mules. On the plain itself the water-sources were often so distant from each other, and the stages so long, that mules had to be used instead of wagons. Wagons could easily get to Mendoza by the road along which the Tunuyan runs at its driest section, but all the convoys from Córdoba to San Juan, or Rioja to Catamarca, were composed of mules. Hence Córdoba was, like Tucumán, a station for changing on the road from Buenos Aires to the north-west. Lastly, while the scrub presented no insuperable obstacle to wagons, they could not enter the humid tropical forest, where the soil never dries. On the fringe of the Misiones forest, the wagons that came from San Tome unloaded at San Javier, and mules took the goods on to the _yerbales_. The two areas of different kinds of transport were not sharply distinct. The muleteers (_arrieros_) sometimes avoided the domain of the wagoners, and competed with them as far as the banks of the Paraná. In 1860 (Hutchinson) the muleteers carried about a fifth, in weight, of the goods from the interior to Rosario, and they got more than a third of the transport from Rosario to the interior. They had, however, to offer to carry goods at two-thirds the price charged by the wagoners. It appears that this invasion by the muleteers is connected with a transport-crisis in the Andean area, which left a number of the San Juan muleteers without work. It did not last. By 1862 mule-back transport between Rosario and the interior was almost over. The wagons of the Argentine plain have often been described by travellers. They were heavy vehicles, carrying 150, sometimes 180, _arrobes_ (1,725 to 2,070 kgs.), covered with a leather hood stretched on hoops. A long spur decorated with ostrich feathers was balanced on a ring fixed in the roof, and was used to guide the front pair of oxen. An earthenware pot containing water enough for each stage hung between the rear uprights. As a rule, three pair of oxen were yoked to it, one pair being in the shafts. At Corrientes it was necessary to cross the marshes and _esteros_, and a special type of wagon had been evolved. It had a sort of horizontal division forming an upper story, and the driver sat in this. Everywhere, on the Pampa as well as at Corrientes, the wheels were enormous; sometimes, as Darwin says, ten feet in diameter. They were, therefore, able to get through the bad parts. Mud was, as a matter of fact, the worst enemy of the convoys. The soil of the Pampa is clayey and soft in the districts near the river. As the road was not limited in width, the wagons turned to the right or the left when the ruts became too deep, and the track in time covered a broad belt of ground. This, however, could not be done in the vicinity of towns, where the traffic was concentrated. Buenos Aires came to be surrounded by formidable quagmires that dried up only in the summer. The paving of the streets and environs was becoming a problem of national importance when the construction of the railway began. Wagons did not travel singly. The _tropero_, or contractor for transport, organized caravans. In peaceful districts, where no military escort was required, the convoys could be split up; they consisted, as a rule, of from fifteen to fifty wagons. Besides the six oxen yoked to the wagon, there had to be others for relief as well as horses for the staff. Usually they allowed ten oxen to each wagon; in exceptional cases twenty.[111] The convoy to the salt-lakes in 1778 had no less than 12,000 oxen to 600 wagons. There was a driver to each wagon, but there had also to be drivers for the starting animals, and carpenters to make repairs. The leader of the caravan, the _capataz_, was generally a master-carpenter. He looked after the interests of the _tropero_. There were about three men to each wagon. The _carreros_ were an original type, nomadic, and very different in costume and character from the _gauchos_ (breeders) of the plain. At the close of the eighteenth century Buenos Aires had more than a thousand wagons employed in the traffic to Mendoza and Tucumán (Borrero). [111] According to the details given us by De Angelis (1837, Introduction to the _Diario del viaje al Rio Bermejo de Fray Francisco Moritto_, Coll. de Angelis, vol. vi) a convoy of fourteen wagons from Salta to Tucumán required three relays of oxen. The first, comprising a hundred animals, went from Salta to Tucumán; the second, of 130 animals, went from Tucumán to the Buenos Aires frontier; the third (84 animals), went on to the capital. The first and last relays were hired animals, the second alone being the property of the _tropero_. The stages were rarely more than four or five leagues of five kilometres each (thirteen to sixteen miles). At this rate it took a convoy forty to fifty days to go from Buenos Aires to Mendoza, thirty days from Rosario to Tucumán, three months (with the necessary rests) from Buenos Aires to Salta.[112] When water ran short, the journey might be greatly prolonged, as the animals could do less work, or not work at all if the _aiguades_ had dried up. The season was a matter for consideration. In the Buenos Aires district the winter made the ground sodden and traffic difficult. Farther north, winter is the dry season, so that pasture was scarce, and it was difficult to feed the _tropas_. The summer had difficulties of its own. In January and February the floods of the Rio Dulce often made it impossible to cross the ford at Santiago. The carriers preferred to start from the northern provinces about the end of the summer, in April or May. The best season for leaving Buenos Aires was the spring, from August to November. In this way each _tropa_ could make the double journey once a year. [112] Thirty days from Buenos Aires to Mendoza, and seventy days from Buenos Aires to Jujuy, says Barrero (F. Barrero, _Descripción de las Provincias del Rio de la Plata_, end of the eighteenth century, published by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Buenos Aires, 1911). There had been attempts to speed up the transport before the railways were made. The _galera_ (diligence), with its swarm of horses harnessed with the _cincha_ (saddle to which the lasso was attached), did not carry goods. It did not replace the convoy of wagons, but the _tropilla_ of spare horses which travellers on the plain drove before them. The _galera_ went from Rosario to Córdoba in three days and to Mendoza in ten days, and from Córdoba to Salta in fourteen days. About 1860 a quicker goods service was organized, light wagons drawn by mules replacing the ox-wagons. They made the journey from Rosario to Córdoba in six days. Similarly, on the Pampa, the ox-wagons had been replaced before 1889 by quicker wagons, drawn by horses, to convey wool from the ranches to the railway stations. The cost of transport by wagon was, naturally, high. It also varied a good deal, but we cannot possibly go into these variations here. It will be enough to give, by way of illustration, the details which Hutchinson gives for the year 1862. The freightage was fixed either for a complete load of 150 _arrobes_ (1,725 kgs.) or so much per _arrobe_ (11-1/2 kgs.). Conveying a load from Rosario to Córdoba cost forty to fifty piastres (eight to ten pounds). The cost of carrying an _arrobe_ from Rosario to Mendoza was five to six _reales_ (about two shillings to two-and-six); from Rosario to Tucuman nine _reales_ (three shillings and fourpence); from Rosario to Salta eighteen _reales_ (seven shillings and sixpence). The tropas were, therefore, quickly ousted by the railways. In a few places they made a very unequal fight against the railways. The _Memoria del departemento de Ingenieros de la Nacion_ of 1876, quoted by Rebuelto, mentions the competition of the _tropas_ with the Andino railway, opened from Villa Maria to the Rio Cuarto in 1873 and to Villa Mercedes in 1875. The merchants of San Juan and Mendoza continued to use them. The railway had to sign a contract with the _troperos_ by which wagons were to bring goods as far as Villa Mercedes, where they could be entrained. The total freight was fifty Bolivian _centavos_ (about two shillings) per _arrobe_ from Mendoza to Rosario, and sixty _centavos_ from San Juan. Of this the share of the railway was fifteen _centavos_. * * * * * The first Argentine railway was opened in 1859, between Buenos Aires and Maron, a distance of about thirteen miles. In 1870 the Argentine railways formed two independent systems. The first radiated fan-wise from Buenos Aires (Western line, open as far as Chivilcoy in 1870, and Southern line, open as far as Chascomus in 1865). Farther north a line (the Central Argentine) started from Rosario, and reached Bellville in 1866 and Córdoba in 1870. [Illustration: THRESHING ON THE PAMPA. Photograph by Soc. Fotografica de Aficionados.] [Illustration: SACKS OF WHEAT READY FOR LOADING ON THE RAILWAY. _There are elevators only in a few of the ports._ Photograph by Soc. Fotografica de Aficionados. PLATE XIX. To face p. 220.] The political isolation of Buenos Aires between 1852 and 1862, during the time when the first concessions were issued, made upon the railway system an impression that would not be effaced until twenty-five years afterwards. It was not until 1886 that Rosario was connected by rail with Buenos Aires. The line to Mendoza and Chile, begun in 1870 (F. C. Andino), joins the line from Rosario to Córdoba. It reached Mendoza at the foot of the Andes before going on to Buenos Aires; and it was in 1888 that the Pacific railway was completed between Buenos Aires and Villa Mercedes, and established direct communications between the capital and the province of Cuyo. The line from Rosario to Córdoba is, therefore, the chief branch round which the Argentine system developed. It is remarkable that at the time of the original concession in 1855 a westward extension was contemplated, and that there was some idea of making it a stage in a trans-Andean. The first concessionaire, Wheelwright, had made the oldest railway in South America, from Caldera to Copiapo, in Chile in 1851. The 1855 concession authorized Wheelwright to extend the Córdoba line westward and link it with the Copiapo line. When he opened the Córdoba station in 1870, Wheelwright, not suffering himself to be discouraged at the slowness with which the line had crossed the Pampa, still said that the goal was the Pacific, by way of Rioja, Copacabana and the San Francisco pass. This ambitious programme deserves to be recalled, if only as a reminiscence of the former orientation of the trade of Rioja and Tinogasta toward the Pacific, and as a proof of the importance, in the imagination of the men of that generation, of the old trans-Andean roads from north-western Argentina. Even before the Rosario line had reached Córdoba, it had been continued northward as far as Tucumán. The work was pushed vigorously, and Tucumán was reached in 1875. The Córdoba-Tucumán line was the first to be constructed entirely in the region of the scrub, and _quebracho_ sleepers were then used for the first time. The earliest lines of the Buenos Aires province and the Argentine had, on the model of the Indian railways, a gauge of 5 feet 8 inches, but the Central Córdoba, from Córdoba to Tucumán, had a narrow gauge of forty inches. Hence goods coming from Tucumán had to be transferred at Córdoba. At the same time (1875) the line from Concordia to Monte Caseros was opened, and this made it possible to avoid the rapids of the Uruguay, which was to be a source of supply to the whole Mesopotamian system. Its gauge was fifty-seven inches. Differences of gauge are, and will continue to be, one of the characteristics of the Argentine system. During the period from 1875 to 1890 were constructed the main lines which took the place of the old roads from province to province. The Andean railway reached San Luis in 1882 and Mendoza and San Juan in 1885. Branches of the Central Córdoba reached Santiago del Estero in 1884 and Catamarca in 1889. In 1891 the Central Argentine opened a new direct broad-gauge line from Rosario to Tucumán; and almost at the same time the narrow-gauge line of the Central Norte, from Santa Fé to Tucumán, was finished further north. The Tucumán line was continued northward to the foot of the Andes as far as Salta. In the province of Buenos Aires the Bahía Blanca line was opened in 1884. Since 1900 the railways have pushed on to the frontiers and are linked in various directions with those of the adjoining countries. The Cumbre tunnel on the Mendoza trans-Andean was completed in 1910, and traffic with Chile by rail is now permanent. The Salta line was continued in 1908 to the Bolivian tableland. In Mesopotamia, in fine, the north-eastern line reached Posadas in 1911 and effected a junction with the Paraguay line. These details, however, give a very imperfect idea of the history of the development of the Argentine railway system. It has not merely been superimposed upon the old roads, but has, on the other hand, helped to open up and develop new lands, which could not have been colonized without it. As early as 1883 Valiento Noailles, examining the general plan of the system, noticed the profound difference between the railways of Argentine and those of Europe. "In Europe," he said, "the railways are constructed to serve existing centres of production and consumption.... Our Argentine railways are to facilitate colonization." Corresponding to each occupation of a new area of the Pampean plain by the farmer or the breeder is the construction in that area of a new network of lines which are fed by its traffic and in turn help it to increase its production. The more productive the region is, the closer are the meshes of this network. They are wider in the pastoral than in the agricultural areas. The period of the development of the southern lines in the province of Buenos Aires corresponds with the expansion of breeding when the Pampa had been pacified. The railway reached Azul in 1876. The Ayacucho branch was opened in 1880, and continued as far as Tres Arroyos in 1887. The completion of the Bahía Blanca line, via Azul and Olavarria, in 1884, is itself merely one of the dates in this colonizing period. The great period of agricultural colonization at Santa Fé and the construction of the system of lines that serve it begin a little later, and last from 1880 to 1890 (extension of the Central Argentine system, the railways of the province of Santa Fé, and the narrow-gauge railway from Rosario to Córdoba). The part that the railway has played in colonization is plainly seen in the present completion of the system which has developed freely on the even surface of the Pampean plain. The lines radiate round the port of Buenos Aires and, in a less degree, round the ports of Rosario and Bahía Blanca. What seems at first sight to be the symmetry of the railway map will be found on closer examination to be less perfect; while the Atlantic coast between La Plata and Bahía Blanca has no ports, the Paraná has quite a number of suitable places for shipping cereals. La Plata, San Nicolas and Villa Constitución are served by lines which cut across the lines going to Rosario and Buenos Aires. This complexity of the system west of the Paraná continues to the north of Rosario, where the lines that go to Santa Fé cut across all the lines going to Rosario. The lines which run along the southern frontier of the province of Buenos Aires (at Juancho, Necochea, etc.) have, unlike the lines serving the secondary parts of the Paraná, all their traffic directed toward the interior, and they serve only to bring to Buenos Aires and Bahía Blanco the crops of the districts they cross. They are dependencies of the main lines of the southern system, and not rival lines. When the most fertile part of the Pampean plain, on which there is a regular rainfall to guarantee the crops, had been completely colonized and covered with railways, the national Government took up the policy of colonization by rail in the national territories. The minister Ramos Mejia has attached his name to this work. It has been suspended since the beginning of the war, but it filled the last period of construction of the Argentine railways. Ramos Mejia's railways include the lines penetrating the Chaco opened toward the north-west from Resistencia and Formosa, and the lines leading to the interior of Patagonia from the ports of San Antonio, Puerto Deseado, and Rivadavia. We must add the line from Neuquen to the Andes, made by the Southern Company, but with a Government subvention.[113] These lines, serving districts with little population and inadequate resources, will not for a long time make any profit.[114] [113] The line from Bahía Blanca to the Rio Negro, of which the Neuquen line is a continuation, was constructed in 1896. [114] The continuation of many of these lines was contemplated for the future, so as to secure for them at a later date a long-distance traffic. The Resistencia and Formosa lines, which reach the Andes, may compete for traffic with the Rosario and Tucumán lines. In Patagonia, the continuation across the Andes of the line from San Antonio to Lake Nahuel Huapi has been considered. A pass has been found at a height of 4,000 feet. When this plan is carried out, the Trans-Andean from Nahuel Huapi would be in a position to compete successfully with the Trans-Andean from Uspallata, which is condemned by its elevation to remain a passenger line. These plans, still far from realization, do not deprive the Ramos Mejia lines of their character as colonization lines, entirely devoted at present to conveying the timber of the Chaco and the wool of Patagonia. Hence railway construction must be regarded in modern Argentina as one of the aspects of the problem of developing the soil. The railway companies have been compelled to intervene directly in the work of colonization. In 1863 the Central Argentine received from the Government a strip of land three miles wide on each side of the line it was making, between Rosario and Córdoba, on condition that it colonized the land. The company had its own immigration agents and its colonizing staff, and it opened its first colonies west of Rosario between 1870 and 1872. This kind of concession is exceptional in Argentina. On the other hand, the irrigation law of 1909 obliges the railway companies to undertake, on behalf of the Government, the work that is necessary to develop irrigation in the areas they serve, such work being immediately reflected in an increase of population and traffic. In compliance with this law the Southern railway is constructing a canal which will water the whole valley of the Rio Negro below the confluence of the Neuquen. The Central Argentine and the Pacific also have undertaken to construct dams on the Rio Tercero and Rio Quinto, in the provinces of Córdoba and San Luis. As it is the essential function of a railway to convey the produce of the area it serves to the exporting port, the problem of the relations between the administration of railways and the administration of ports is of primary importance. The chief ports served by different companies, such as Rosario and Buenos Aires, may maintain their independence, but a secondary port will be at the mercy of the single line which conveys goods to it. In such circumstances the ports have become, in many cases, mere dependencies of the railways. The port of Colastiné belongs to the railways of the Santa Fé province. The port of Bahía Blanca consists of a number of distinct ports constructed by the different railway companies, and run by them. Each of them ships the goods which it brings. The port Ingeniero White, which belongs to the Southern Company, was constructed in 1885, immediately after the opening of the line from Buenos Aires to Bahía Blanca. Puerto Galvan belongs to the Pacific Company. Puerto Belgrano is the port of the line from Rosario to Bahía Blanca. At Buenos Aires the Southern Railway Company has acquired control of the Buenos Aires Southern Dock Company. At La Plata it manages the docks. The spread of agricultural colonization was at first hampered by the cost of freightage which cereals could bear over an area with a radius of about 200 miles from the ports. That is the figure given by Girola in the _Investigación Agricola_ of 1904. The period 1895-1905 saw the birth of a series of plans for making canals in the Pampean region for the purpose of transporting grain in the area which the railway did not seem able to serve economically. Not one of them was carried out, but the railways quickly enlarged their sphere of influence in the interior. There is, however, a reminiscence of this pause in colonization in what Argentinians call "the parabolic tariffs." The Argentine railways practically, apart from cases of competition with rival lines, use proportional tariffs up to a distance of 218 miles, and degressive tariffs beyond that limit. In this way the railways have helped in the conquest of the west. Degressive tariffs have certainly played a part in the spread of colonization during the years antecedent to 1912. They have helped to mask the inferiority of the new land to the better land in the east.[115] [115] J. Lopez Mañan, _El actual problema agrario_ (Buenos Aires, 1912, Ministerio de agricultura, Dirección General de agricultura y defensa agricola). [Illustration: MAP VI.--THE RAILWAYS. _It is impossible to give the entire system. Only the main lines are given. Of the narrow-gauge lines of the Pampean region only those which connect the system of northern Argentina with Buenos Aires are given. The map shows the double direction of the Pacific system from Villa Mercedes, to Buenos Aires and Bahía Blanca. It gives only an imperfect idea of the way in which the lines ending at the ports of the Paraná and the Rio de la Plata (Santa Fé, Rosario, San Nicolas, Buenos Aires and La Plata) overlap and cross each other._ To face p. 226.] The rise in the value of land and the advance of colonization led, at each of those crises of development which characterize the recent history of Argentina, to a multiplication of railway concessions granted by the national Government and the various provincial authorities. These have to be bought up by the leading companies, as each of them wanted to keep exclusive control of the region in which it had established itself. This concentration could not be accomplished in a perfectly methodical way, and the various systems now overlap, which is not to the interest of the companies. Thus Villa Maria, on the Central Argentine line from Rosario to Córdoba, is also served by a line belonging to the Santa Fé railways and by a line of the Pacific Company which puts it in communication with Buenos Aires. On the other hand, the Central Argentine penetrates to the very heart of the area of the Pacific at Junin. However, competition between the various companies has had the effect of dividing the Pampean plain into three great spheres of influence. The first, in the north, is that of the Central Argentine and the Buenos Aires y Rosario line. In 1908 the Argentine Government officially sanctioned the fusion of the two companies, though it had really been accomplished a few years before. The second sphere, in the south, is that of the Pacific, the attraction of which was the line from Buenos Aires to Villa Mercedes, and which in 1907 bought the line from Villa Mercedes to Mendoza and the Trans-Andean, a natural continuation of its system. Moreover, in 1904 the Pacific absorbed the line from Bahía Blanca to the north-west, which has been linked up once more with its original system at Villa Mercedes. It thus has two outlets, to Buenos Aires and Bahía Blanca, and completely encloses the third sphere with its branches. The third sphere, which comprises the centre and south of the Pampean plain, is the domain of the Southern and Western Companies. In 1912 these two companies asked the Argentine Government to authorize them to amalgamate. Although they withdrew their proposal in 1914, in face of the conditions imposed upon them, they are still closely associated. Part of the traffic of the western lines of the Western passes over Southern lines at Carbuë, and is shipped at the port Ingeniero White. At Buenos Aires also, and at La Plata, part of the Western Company's traffic in cereals and cattle uses the premises of the Southern Company. The Western and the Southern, jointly, bought in 1908, before it was finished, the narrow-gauge Midland of Buenos Aires line at Carbuë, which was to cross their sphere of influence. It was opened in 1911. The importance of the transport of cereals in the life of the leading Argentine systems will be seen from the following figures. In percentages of the total of goods carried, both from the interior to the ports and _vice versa_, the tonnage of exported cereals was:-- ---------------+--------+--------+--------+---------- | 1913 | 1914 | 1916 | Average. ---------------+--------+--------|--------|---------- Southern | 31.0 | 34.3 | 32.5 | 32.6 Western | 58.3 | 61.7 | 55.1 | 58.4 Pacific | 29.0 | 41.8 | 33.8 | 35.0 Central | 36.5 | 46.6 | 34.8 | 39.5 ---------------+--------+--------+--------+---------- The figures are rather less for the Southern, which covers an area that has remained chiefly pastoral and, by means of its Rio Negro line, serves for part of the transport of cattle from Patagonia (cattle-transport on the Southern, average for the years 1913, 1914 and 1916: 17.2 per cent. of the total tonnage, 19 per cent. of total receipts; 1.4 per cent. of tonnage and 6.5 per cent. of receipts). They are higher for the Western, the only system that lies entirely in the Pampean region and has no continuations beyond it, as the Pacific has to Mendoza and the Central to Tucumán. The share of each company in the total traffic varies from year to year according to the harvest. Of the four to ten million tons of cereals carried every year, the greater part--about a third--falls to the Central Argentine, and one-sixth to the Southern. The Central Argentine carries the greater part of the maize and flax, the maize alone representing 26 per cent. of the total tonnage carried by the line, and the flax 5.6 per cent. Of the other lines the Western alone carries any appreciable quantity of maize, which comes from the Junin district (19 per cent. of its tonnage, but only 12 per cent. of its receipts, because of the slight distances the stuff is carried). The transport of wheat is about equally divided amongst the four leading lines, but the proportion of it to total traffic is highest in the case of the Western (34.4 per cent. of total traffic). The Southern is the chief carrier of oats (9.8 per cent. of the total tonnage). The tonnage carried annually is particularly irregular in the case of the Central, on account of the irregularity of the maize crops, and the Pacific, because its lines north-west of Buenos Aires serve a wheat-area that is exposed to drought (wheat carried by the Pacific in 1913, 15.9 per cent. of the total tonnage; in 1914, 27.2 per cent.). The clearing of the cereals gives the Argentine railways a delicate problem in the organization of traffic. The crops of flax, wheat and oats must be cleared in the four to six months following the harvest (December-January). The maize harvest, which is later, is also much slower; it lasts the whole of the autumn. Hence the removal of the maize is spread over a long period, and sometimes the work of one year runs into that of the next. This gives the Central an advantage over the other lines. The wool also must, on account of its great value, be transferred to the ports speedily after the shearing; but this is only a matter of about a hundred thousand tons.[116] [116] The war and the difficulties of marine freightage have lessened the seriousness of the problem of carrying goods rapidly by rail in Argentina. Export, however, is by no means the one source of traffic on the Argentine railways. Transport of goods for home consumption is chiefly a question of a large part of the wheat crop. Building materials also--bricks, lime and stone--are an important item on the various lines which link Buenos Aires with the Sierra de Córdoba and the Sierra de Tandil. In 1913 the Southern line carried 1,134,000 tons of minerals, including 997,000 tons of stone and 101,000 tons of lime from the Sierra de Tandil and 34,000 tons of salt from the salt-mines of Lavalle, between Bahía Blanca and the Colorado. In the same year, the Pacific, Central Argentine, Central Córdoba and State railway carried 880,000 tons of minerals (half being lime) from the Sierra de Córdoba.[117] All the timber carried on the lines of northern Argentina, except the _quebracho_ from the banks of the Paraná, is for home use: sleepers, fence-posts, firewood and charcoal are the chief items on most of the lines in the scrub. The war has checked railway construction and reduced the use of sleepers, but it has also deprived Argentina of combustible minerals and increased the transport of firewood. Even on railways like the Pacific and Central Argentine, which have very few of their lines on the scrub, the tonnage of wood carried is 6 per cent. of the whole (average for 1913, 1914 and 1916), and the proportion rises to 30 per cent. of the total tonnage on the Central Córdoba. For several companies the sugars of Tucumán and the wines of Mendoza are an important element of their receipts, not so much on account of the tonnage as the high cost of freightage and the great distance to the centres of consumption in the Pampean region. The carriage of wine and casks brings the Pacific 38.3 per cent. of its receipts (1913-14-16). The transport of sugar on the Central Argentine in a normal year amounts to 5 per cent. of its receipts. On the Central Córdoba the tonnage of sugar-cane and sugar carried amounted in 1914, a year of exceptional harvest, to 42 per cent. of the total tonnage, and was still 20 per cent. in 1916, a year of very poor crop. The supplying of meat to the market of Buenos Aires and the Pampean area, with its dense population, means a good deal of long-distance traffic in cattle; the refrigerators taking the better cattle of the adjoining region for the foreign market, and the slaughter houses of Buenos Aires being forced to content themselves with inferior beasts reared in the provinces and the adjoining districts. [117] The transport of mineral stuff, apart from salt, has been greatly reduced by the war. In 1916 it was only 637,000 tons for the Southern and 157,000 tons for the whole of the lines of the Central Argentine, Pacific, Central Córdoba, and State. The importance of these currents of internal traffic has made itself felt in the organization of the Argentine system. It has made it necessary for each system to have not only an outlet to an exporting town, but a direct connection with the chief centre of home consumption, Buenos Aires. The narrow-gauge system, which until the end of the nineteenth century had been restricted to the northern half of Argentine territory, north of the latitude of Rosario, developed in the province of Buenos Aires after 1900, and ventured to compete in the carriage of cereals with the broad-gauge system (Company of the Province of Buenos Aires and Provincial railway of La Plata). This system connected with the narrow-gauge lines of the north. The Central Córdoba, which had reached Rosario in 1912 and so had escaped the need to transfer its export-traffic at Córdoba to the broad-gauge, began immediately afterwards to effect a direct communication with Buenos Aires (Central Córdoba, extension to Buenos Aires, opened in 1913). The line from Rosario to Buenos Aires of the Province of Buenos Aires Company also serves to carry trains of the Province of Santa Fé Company, which is closely associated with it. The medium-gauge lines of Mesopotamia also have effected a communication with Buenos Aires by means of a ferry-boat that plies on the Paraná between Ibicuy and Zarate, and by using a section of the Buenos Aires Central. The concentration of narrow-gauge and medium-gauge lines seemed to be issuing in a complete fusion of their interests in 1913. The Argentine Railway Company got control of the lines of Entre Rios, Corrientes and the Paraguay. It promoted the development and extension of the Central Córdoba, and it also had large interests in the French companies of the Buenos Aires and Santa Fé provinces. All the narrow-gauge lines would have concentrated in its hands if it had been able to get the State railway. The broad-gauge line from Rosario to Puerto Belgrano had, as its interest conflicted with those of the great broad-gauge English systems, joined the narrow-gauge group engineered by the Argentine railway. But the amalgamation attempted by the Argentine railways did not succeed, and, after its failure, the companies it had temporarily brought together resumed their independence. The river-route of the Paraná has sometimes been an auxiliary, at other times a rival, of the railways. Until the line from Buenos Aires to Rosario was opened in 1886, the navigation of the Paraná was the only link between the system of northern Argentina and that of the Buenos Aires province. Before the line was completed, the company had established a service of boats on the Paraná, and in this way it kept up a traffic in goods consigned to stations on the Central Argentine, to be transferred at Rosario. These combinations of railway and river service disappeared when the line from Buenos Aires to Rosario was finished. In regard to export traffic the railways have not attempted to compete with the river anywhere where it is open to maritime navigation; they have merely been concerned to connect with it. On the other hand, the railway and the river are rivals for the home traffic and the traffic of the upper districts which sea-going boats do not reach. Before the time of the railways the river had taken all the goods traffic, but had tolerated on its left bank a post-road between Santa Fé, Corrientes and Asunción. The railway still has the advantage over the river in regard to speed (in carrying passengers between Rosario and Buenos Aires, and live cattle from the Chaco and the Paraguay for Buenos Aires or the salting works of the lower Uruguay). Even in regard to certain kinds of heavy goods--_quebracho_ timber--the river has not secured a monopoly, and there is a good deal of transport by rail. CHAPTER VIII THE RIVER-ROUTES The use of the river before steam navigation--Floods--The river plain--The bed of the Paraná and its changes--The estuary and its shoals--Maritime navigation--The boats on the Paraná. The problem of the use of the river-routes of the Paraná and the Paraguay is not of interest to Argentina alone. It affects the whole history of colonization in South America. The very name of the Rio de la Plata is a reminiscence of the anxieties of the early navigators who landed there, chiefly in search of a route to the mineral districts of the Andes [Plata = silver]. It is remarkable that the Amazon, which opens a more direct and better route to the Andes, was never used for reaching Peru. It was at the most, and only occasionally, used as a return-route, whereas expeditions to the Cordillera were organized on the banks of the Paraná during the whole of the sixteenth century. The routes linking the Paraná and the Paraguay with the tableland furrow the whole plain of the Pampa and the Chaco, from the latitude of the estuary to about 16° S. lat. (expedition of Ñuflo de Chavez in 1557). An especially close network starts from the river between 18° and 22° S. lat. and ends at Santa Cruz, the most northern centre established by the Spaniards on the plain, at the foot of the Andes, as a consequence of the use of the Paraná.[118] [118] There is still a certain amount of goods traffic in this latitude between the river and the Santa Cruz district by the Puerto Suarez and Puerto Pacheco tracks. Spanish colonization, however, did not succeed in making permanent settlements on the Chaco. The Indians, who were masters of it, disputed their passage, and the only practicable route was the southernmost of the roads to the tableland, south of the Rio Salado, which ends at the estuary. From this time onward the prosperity of Buenos Aires eclipsed that of Asunción. The river ceased to be a great continental route. The division of the Paraná between the Spanish and the Portuguese was a check upon the full development of the river-route. The Portuguese held the upper part of its basin, which now belongs to Brazil. They expelled the Spanish missionaries from the upper Paraná about the middle of the seventeenth century, and made themselves masters of the Paraguay north of 20° S. lat. Their forts at Coimbre and Albuquerque prevented any from ascending. D'Azara insists that it would have been Spain's interest to disarm these forts; it would have enabled them to go up the river as far as the Spanish missions to the Mojos and the Chiquitos. On their side, the Portuguese only used the upper section of the river, where it is joined by the Paulist road north of the Coimbre, as a means of access to the gold mines of the Matto Grosso. Even now, although the Paraná is open to every flag, the development of the river-route is not independent of political conditions. In making the railway from Saint Paul to Corumba, and so creating on its own territory a means of direct communication with the upper Paraguay, Brazil diverts from the lower districts part of the traffic which ought normally to go there. Again, the ports of southern Brazil and the lines which go to them try to attract to the Atlantic the produce of the basins of the Uruguay and the upper Paraná, which would have followed the thread of the river to foster the trade of Buenos Aires if the frontiers had been fixed otherwise. Before the Revolution the river-trade was confined to exchanges between the Misiones and Paraguay on the one hand, and Buenos Aires and the Andean provinces on the other. After the extinction of the missions Paraguay was the chief centre of traffic on the river. At the close of the eighteenth century it had a fairly large population. According to D'Azara, it amounted to 97,000, and 47,000 for the area of the former Missions (Misiones), while Buenos Aires, Santa Fé, Entre Rios and Corrientes had not more than 103,000 inhabitants collectively. Paraguay exported tobacco, _maté_ and timber by the river. The Buenos Aires Estano received 800 tons of tobacco a year. The exports of _maté_ from Paraguay to Peru, Chile and the interior provinces amounted to 1,725 tons, and 2,250 tons went to Buenos Aires. The timber came mostly from the Tebicuary, where the _angadas_ (loads of timber) were formed. The chief constructive sheds also were on the Tebicuary. Boats of twenty to 200 tons were launched there; and they had armed boats, when they went down the river, to detect ambushes of the Indians, who were masters of the right bank north of Santa Fé. The development of navigation on the Paraná during the first half of the nineteenth century was checked by the disturbances and wars of the period of the emancipation and unification of Argentina. The river was blockaded several times and traffic interrupted. Only a few smuggling schooners succeeded in getting through the side branches, which the ships stationed in the river could not watch. Robertson escaped the Spanish vessels in this way. The picture which D'Orbigny has given us of the life of the river belongs to the year 1827. At that time the estuary was blockaded by the Brazilian fleet in the whole area of the delta as far as San Pedro. Piracy was so rife, and the insecurity so great, on the Uruguay and the Paraná, that few ventured as far as Buenos Aires, the ships being linked in convoys. Up stream, Corrientes was the limit of navigation. The dictator Francis closed the Paraguay, and even the small boats no longer sailed on the upper Paraná, along the frontier of Paraguay. The Correntinos, who spoke _Guarani_, could merely get permission at rare intervals to send a few boats up river. Armed boats convoyed these as far as Neembucu, and they returned with hides and _maté_. Corrientes thus became the market-centre of the upper river and replaced Asunción in the trade. The flotilla on the Paraná included flat-bottomed barges, which were only used in coming down, and strong keeled ships--schooners, sloops and brigs--with their ropes made of leather. Down stream there was a little more diversity in the traffic. The island sent cargoes of firewood and charcoal to Santa Fé and Buenos Aires. The orchards of the delta provided Buenos Aires with oranges and peaches. Hides for export were shipped at Goya and Santa Fé. But the chief freight was lime from La Bajada, which was burned in the kilns on the Barranca, at the outcrops of the beds of conchiferous limestone. [Illustration: CONFLUENCE OF THE YGUASSU AND THE PARANÁ. _In the foreground is the left bank of the Yguassu, on Argentine territory. The right bank is Brazilian territory. At the back, on the right bank of the Paraná, is Paraguayan territory._ PLATE XX. To face p. 236.] The navigation was fairly easy, the journey from Corrientes to Buenos Aires (675 miles) lasting, as a rule, from fifteen to twenty days. Going up, the time was more irregular. They had to stop when there was no south wind, or a little progress was made by hauling (_silgar_). D'Orbigny took a month to travel up.[119] In 1822, before the war with Brazil, there were 651 boats entered at Buenos Aires for coasting trade on the rivers and 1,035 at San Fernando or on the Tigre, the advance port of Buenos Aires. In 1833 Isabelle put at one thousand the number of vessels at work on the Paraná and the Uruguay. [119] The local south winds which help the voyage upward below Rosario may be due to the high temperature of the water of the river; this also gives rise on the lower Paraná to thick fog of which warning is given. In 1841 Rosas forbade navigation on the river. There was then a double blockade checking the trade of Argentina. The Franco-British fleet closed the Rio de la Plata and blockaded Buenos Aires, where the Government of Rosas was established. In addition, Rosas's troops on the _barranca_ of the right bank prevented any from going up the Paraná, and cut off the interior provinces from the rest of the world. The injury then done to interests which were already fully self-conscious may be gathered from the agitation provoked by the decision of France and England in 1845 to break the blockade of the river. A convoy was at once organized at Montevideo, consisting of no less than ninety-eight ships, of 6,900 tons in all (MacKann). It went up the Paraná under the protection of war-ships, which removed the chains slung across it by Rosas. The convoy dispersed up river as soon as it was out of range of Rosas. But it had needed so great an effort that the attempt could not be made again before the fall of Rosas. The closing of the Paraná compelled a diversion of the trade of Paraguay toward the south-east. It crossed the isthmus of Misiones, between the Paraná and the Uruguay, and passed down the Uruguay. At this time the whole commercial activity of Paraguay was concentrated at Itapua, on the upper Paraná. The prosperity of the Uruguay was some compensation for the misery that reigned on the Paraná. The populations of Paysandu and Montevideo greatly increased. In 1852, at the fall of Rosas, the modern period began for the Paraná. The river-population changed rapidly. It ceased to be exclusively creole. Basques, and later Italians, had settled upon the Uruguay ten years before, and they now spread along the Paraná. In 1850 MacKann found fifty vessels, of 20 to 100 tons, belonging to Italians at Santa Fé. This wave of immigration coincided with the development of relations between the Paraná and the port of Montevideo. From 1852 to 1860 Buenos Aires was isolated, and it remained outside the economic life of Argentina. Montevideo took its place. Urquiza's administration sought, in addition, to establish direct maritime communication between over-seas ports and the ports on the river: Gualeguy in Entre Rios, and Rosario in Santa Fé. Under a system of preferential duties (1857-59), which reduced the burden on goods carried by the river, Rosario grew rapidly, and between 1853 and 1858 increased its population from 4,000 to 22,700. The period from 1852 to 1860 was also the time when steam-navigation was developing, and this doubled the value of the river-route. From 1860 onward Buenos Aires was connected by regular services of steamboats with Rosario, Santa Fé, Corrientes, Asunción and Cuyaba. On the upper Paraná goods (timber, tobacco and oranges) were still carried by sailing boats between Corrientes and Apipé, where they stopped at the commencement of the rapids. Steamboats did not sail up the rapids of Apipé until 1868.[120] From 1850 to 1860 there were repeated explorations of the Salado and the Bermejo, as the interior provinces hoped to be able to find a connection with the vivifying artery of the Paraná (voyage of Page on the Salado from Salta in 1855, and of Lavarello on the Bermejo in 1855 and 1863). [120] According to Rengger, sailing ships sometimes succeeded in crossing the Salto d'Apipé. In 1860 the entry of Buenos Aires into the Confederation re-established the normal condition of free competition between Buenos Aires and Rosario. From that time the life of the river reflects the advance of colonization in the Pampean region. The Paraná became the highway for the export of cereals. The two rivers, of which the Rio de la Plata forms the common estuary, differ considerably in their features. The Uruguay has irregular floods, especially in autumn (May) and at the end of the winter (August-October). Low water is in summer (January-February). Its basin belongs to the temperate zone, and does not extend northward as far as the area of tropical summer-rain. The Uruguay also differs from the Paraná in its low capacity for transport and alluvial deposit. While the Paraná has built up a vast deltaic plain, the Uruguay ends in an ordinary estuary, with rocky or sandy bed and clear water. The estuary of the Uruguay is 130 miles long and five or six miles wide. The eastern shore is rocky and broken. The Argentine shore is low. It is formed in the south by the deposits of the delta of the Paraná, while further north, from Gualeguacha to Concepción, the hills of Entre Rios are hidden behind a screen of flat islands covered with palms, formed by the stuff brought by the streams of Entre Rios. The river-floods are lost in the great sheet of the estuary. The tide in the estuary or a flood in the Paraná is enough to turn the current. Maritime navigation goes beyond the estuary and beyond Paysandu, as far as the rapids which prevent further advance at Salto. The twin towns of Concordia (right bank) and Salta (left bank) mark the limit of navigation on the inner course of the river. It begins again above the falls, at Monte Caseros, from which the river-boats go to San Tomé and occasionally to Concepción. Small ships go higher, as far as Salto Grande in Misiones (27° 20' S. lat.).[121] [121] At one time the boats on the upper Uruguay saved transport by going from Salto to Arapehy, midway between Monte Caseros and Concordia (see Isabelle). The navigable system of the Paraná is four times as large. The first survey of the river was made about the middle of the nineteenth century by the British Navy. At the beginning of the twentieth century the Argentine Government took up the study of the bed and the peculiarities of the Paraná, and the Ministry of Public Works published a map, on the scale 1:100,000, of the course of the river between Posadas and San Pedro, at the beginning of the delta. A precise survey was made, and twenty-six fluvio-metrical scales were established, the zero of which represents mean low-water.[122] Transverse soundings were taken at equal distances of 670 and 1,000 feet, the distance being reduced to 160 and even 80 feet at critical points. Thanks to this work, the Paraná is now, no doubt, the best known of all rivers of that size. [122] It is as well to notice that the profile determined by the altitude of the zero of these different scales, or the low-water profile, is of a purely theoretical character. The river is never at low-water over its whole course. The real profile is always varied by slight movements of flood and ebb. Its output is estimated at 6,000 cubic metres a second at mean low-water, in the latitude of Rosario, and 25,000 to 30,000 cubic metres a second during flood at a height of six metres above low-water.[123] Its features bear the mark of its tropical origin. The tropical character is typical on the Paraguay, which is, by its situation in the central South-American plain, the real continuation of the lower Paraná. The slightness of the fall of the Paraguay, however, and the extent of the marshes over which it spreads in Brazil and Paraguay, have the effect of regulating and retarding the flood, which only attains its maximum at Asunción in May. The flood of the Paraguay extends the period of high water on the lower Paraná until the end of autumn. The upper Paraná has most of its basin in the tropical zone of summer rain. But its behaviour is also influenced by the spring or autumn rains of the southern part of the Brazilian tableland. Its floods are sudden and violent. They reach a height of sixty or seventy feet in the region of the confluence of the Yguassu. They sweep rapidly down stream, and reach the lower Paraná before the flood of the Paraguay, which they hold back. [123] Observations of the sediment held in the water have been made at Campana, 32 miles from the estuary. At this point the Paraná only holds in suspension fine particles of clay, but sand travels slowly along its bed. The weight of the clay in suspension varies from 179 grammes per cubic metre in March during the flood, to 42 grammes at low-water in July. The stuff mostly comes from the Bermejo, which carries 5 kilogrammes of sediment per cubic metre. The load of the Paraná is much heavier than that of the Uruguay, but far lower than that of the Mississippi. From Posadas the flood-waves reach Corrientes in five days (235 miles). From Corrientes they reach Paraná in eight days (380 miles), travelling about two miles an hour. That is one-third the speed of the current, as the flood is retarded, and more or less absorbed, by the ramifications of the broader bed in which it moves. At Bajada Grande the lowest water is in September. The flood appears in December or January, though sometimes in October or November. The maximum is in March or April. The rise is rapid at first, but it gradually moderates, and the level of the water is raised about one metre per month during three months. It then sinks in corresponding order. The ebb is often interrupted in June, and sometimes as late as August, by a sudden leap upward of the curve, representing an ascensional movement of the water three times as rapid as that of the main flood (one metre in ten days). The level reached in this late flood is sometimes higher than that of the normal flood in April or May. The range of the ordinary flood-movements is from ten to sixteen feet. Exceptional floods rise to a height of twenty-three feet above the low-water mark. The curves established for the years 1908 to 1910 by the Argentine hydrographical service enable us to analyse the mechanism of the flood with a good deal of confidence. The beginning of the flood at Bajada Grande in October corresponds to the first flood of the upper Paraná. During this first phase the curve of the Bajada is parallel (thirteen days later) to that of Posadas. There is the same parallelism in November, December and January. If the summer rains are light on the upper Paraná, the flood is late on the lower Paraná, and the water is still low there in December (0.20 below the low-water mark on December 31, 1910). At the beginning of March, before the maximum of the flood, the curve of Bajada Grande differs from the curve of Posadas. It is the time when the flood of the lower river is caused by the rise of the Paraguay. The secondary floods of June and July again have their origin in the upper Paraná, but, as they are added to the flood of the Paraguay on the lower river, they reach a higher level there than at Posadas; the difference gradually disappears as the flood of the Paraguay subsides. It is the addition of the late floods of the upper Paraná to the flood of the Paraguay that causes on the lower river the abnormal floods that occur there at irregular intervals (in 1825, 1833, 1858, 1878, 1905 and 1917). Below the Bajada the height of the floods progressively declines. On the estuary they are no longer perceptible; variations of level are due entirely to the tides. In the channels of the delta of the Paraná the tide does not reverse the current as it does in the estuary of the Uruguay, but it causes a slight rise of the water; and this has been observed sometimes, at very low water, as far as Rosario. It is near Corpus, about forty miles above Posadas, that the upper Paraná escapes from the restraint of the Brazilian tableland, which imprisons its valley, from the falls of the Guayra, in a deep fissure between lofty basalt cliffs. Below Posadas the river leaves the region of hills and red earth. Below Corrientes it flows everywhere over its own alluvia. Even above Corrientes its form has surprising characteristics of youth. The precise survey done on its banks has brought to light a very distinct break of its fall above Villa Urquiza, about 400 miles from Buenos Aires. The fall, which from Corrientes onward remains between sixty and forty millimetres per kilometre, sinks suddenly to thirteen over a stretch of twenty-five miles, and then rises again to thirty to forty-five millimetres.[124] Below Rosario the mean descent is twelve millimetres to the kilometre, below San Pedro only six. [124] The district on the right bank of the Paraná, above Santa Fé and Paraná, seems to be due to a recent subsidence. The river is, on the other hand, compelled to effect active erosion in crossing the high lands between Santa Fé and Buenos Aires. It is curious that the break or fall at Villa Urquiza occurs precisely above the bend of the Paraná. A less marked break has been recognized further north, in the latitude of Lavalle, above the Goya bend. It seems that the diminution in the excavation of the valley is due to the erosion which the current effects laterally on the cliffs of the left bank. Above Corrientes the width of the main arm of the Paraná varies, as a rule, from 2,600 to 6,500 feet. The width of the river-plain over which the floods spread is still more irregular. Between Santa Fé and Paraná, where it is especially narrow, it is still ten miles wide. Lower down it gradually broadens to a width of sixty-five miles at the head of the estuary. The scenery is not the same in all sections of it. The vegetation on the islands is richer and more varied up river, and tropical essences (laurel-timbo) are found below the Bajada, forming clumps of trees covered with creepers. [Illustration: THE PARANÁ AT CORRIENTES. _Banks and islands partially fixed by vegetation._ Photograph by Widmayer.] [Illustration: THE _BARRANCA_ AT PARANÁ (ENTRE RIOS), LEFT BANK. _It is composed of clays and of beds of conchiferous terrestrial limestone, which have supplied the lime-kilns for more than a century._ Photograph by Boote. PLATE XXI. To face p. 244.] But the different scenes of the river region are most of all due to different conditions of erosion and formation. Above Rosario the configuration is due to floods. Each succeeding flood alters it and leaves some trace of itself in the topography. The beds of sand that it lays down are fixed by rushes and floating weeds, then by willows (_Salix humboldtiana_). This screen of vegetation encourages accretion, and the edges tend to rise higher. In the middle of the island are low, marshy lands. The irregularity of the alluvial deposits causes marked undulations in the whole region of the river, and everywhere gives rise to alternate beds of clay and sand. Below Rosario the river gradually loses its power. The islands become more stable and flatter. Clumps of willow and spiny _ceibos_ (_Erythrina cristagalli_) still cover the edges of them, and sometimes spread over the interior. But as the climate is now less humid, the vegetation fixes the soil less firmly, and the wind becomes the chief sculptor of the landscape. It heaps up the sand during the low-water season, and makes dunes which rise above the level of the greatest floods. These dunes form an unbroken line along the land in the southern part of Entre Rios, in the north of the main arm, with ridges at right angles, advancing toward the south, which rest upon the river clay; like the one which the Ibicuy railway follows across the floodable area. The cattle of the district take refuge on the dunes during floods. During periods of drought, on the other hand, they retain a quantity of water, and this is drawn from surface-wells at their base. The limits of the zone of the river are clearly marked on the whole of the lower Paraná. It is enclosed on both sides by high _barrancas_ (cliffs), vertical in places where the main current washes their feet, but sloping slightly where there is only a secondary arm with little erosive power. The cliff is broken only at the confluences of small valleys, the flat, filled-up bottoms of which are on the level of the alluvial plain of the Paraná. The cliffs are at their highest in the district of Villa Paraná, where they rise in places to a height of 300 feet. On the right bank the cliffs show a section of the upper layers of the Pampean clays. On the left bank there are æolian clays only at the top of them. Below these are Tertiary marine strata (marls and sandstones with beds of shells). The cliffs of the left bank stretch northwards, with a few breaks, as far as Corrientes, and even into Misiones. Their height gradually diminishes, and the Tertiary marine strata are replaced by granitic red sandstone.[125] On the right bank the height of the cliffs gradually diminishes up river. They are still conspicuous at the confluence of the Carcaraña, but at Santa Fé they rise only about thirty-four feet. North of 31° S. lat., and for some distance beyond Pilcomayo, the plain of the Chaco is very low, and it is impossible to define exactly the limit of the alluvial zone of the Paraná. The fine clays, grey and white, which form the soil of the Chaco, reach the left bank north of Corrientes, in the _esteros_ of Neembucu. The red sandstone hills of the Asunción district rise like an archipelago out of this level bed of lacustrine deposits. [125] In the space between the frontier of Entre Rios and the Rio Empedrado, south of Corrientes, the cliffs expose, above the red sandstone, beds of sand and clay, fluvial alluvia left by former beds of the Paraná, the traces of which can be followed from the north-east to the south-west diagonally across the province of Corrientes. There is no obstacle to navigation in the entire stretch from Posadas to the falls of the Guayra on the Paraná and the Salto Grande on the Yguassa. Sixteen miles below Posadas the Paraná passes through a series of graduated rapids for about sixty miles (1,467 kil. to 1,558 kil. from Buenos Aires) wrongly called the Salto de Apipé. The current then rises to a speed of eight knots, and the depth is three feet at low water. These rapids are due to beds of melaphyre, which emerge amongst the granitic sandstone, and the water makes its way between large rocky islands. At Ituzaingo (1,455 kil.) the current loses force. There is, however, still a rocky bottom lower down, for ninety miles, at a depth of five feet. Below this the rock only appears on the left bank, and in a few ridges near the bank, or in isolated reefs which it has been easy to mark with buoys. From Corrientes to La Paz the river flows from north to south at the feet of the Corrientes cliffs. These line the main stream between Corrientes and Empedrado, and for thirty-five miles south of Bellavista. In the latitude of Riachucho, especially about Bellavista, the cliffs form a series of creeks and capes, in which the west winds create a heavy sea that was dreaded by ships of light draught coming down the river. North of Bellavista, and for more than a hundred miles south of Goya, the main stream is separated from the cliff by a series of alluvial islands; behind these are lateral arms (_riachos_) into which pour the rivers of Corrientes. These arms were much used by the early navigators. Between Esquina and La Paz the main bed, which is not in touch with the land on either of its banks, flows in a meandering path for some seven miles, the scale of the bends being double that of the meandering of the Paraguay north of the confluence. The islands are very small, and are strung in a rosary at the top of each bend. The depth is sixty feet at the top of the bend. The shallows are in a line with the islands at the point where the current runs evenly again before the next curve. The depth here is seven, and sometimes even five feet.[126] These shallows change their places quickly, and it is not always the same bad spot that determines the maximum draught for ships that are to be used in this section. This migration of the shallows is very different from the permanence of the rocky bottom of the stretch between Corrientes and Posadas. [126] In point of fact, the ridge is lower at the time of low water, when the current is concentrated in the main channel, so that one always finds one or two feet greater depth there at low water than soundings taken at high water would lead one to expect. From La Paz to Paraná the main course is outlined by the Entre Rios cliffs. There is no further meandering. The cliffs of hard rock offer far more resistance than the soft alluvia over which the river wanders freely. The permanence of the bed in front of the cliffs leads to a depth of as much as eighty feet. Only here and there a fringe of alluvial stuff separates the channel for a time from the cliff. These curves seem, as a rule, to coincide with the confluence of rivers, which bring a heavy load of clay from the tableland; as, does, for instance, the San Feliciano, north of Hernandarias. They are marked by shallows, in strong contrast to the great depths of the straight sections. The San Feliciano _paso_, which is twelve feet broad to-day, was only six feet broad in 1908. It appeared on Sullivan's map in 1847.[127] [127] A little above its actual position. Below Paraná, as far as the estuary, the careful observations that have been made since 1903 on the movement of the river have enabled us to learn some of its laws.[128] We can distinguish four sections of unequal length. From Paraná to Diamante the river remains in touch with the cliffs of the left bank. It is not straight; it describes a series of linked crescents of equal radius, which seem to be traces of so many meanders. Only one in two of the windings of the cliff is followed by the channel. The wandering of the river is confined within limits as in a fixed mould. The Paracao shallow, which for a long time prevented ships from reaching Santa Fé (gradually deepened by dredging from eight to nineteen feet between 1907 and 1911) is at the angle where two of these curves meet. On the right bank the secondary arms continue to follow the river (Paraná viejo, Riacho de Coronda).[129] [128] In studying the variations of the bed of the Paraná it is necessary to avoid comparing maps drawn at dates separated by long intervals. The differences of such maps are such that they do not enable us to follow the processes by which the actual forms have been derived from earlier forms. The analogies which they show are sometimes due, not to the permanence of the topography, but to the return of a complete cycle of changes, or of conditions analogous to the earlier conditions. [129] The secondary arms of the right bank, north of Santa Fé, were not explored until 1870. Sullivan's map (1847) only mentions the Riacho de San Jeronimo, which is visible for a short distance below 20° S. lat. The right bank was the domain of the Indians, and the Correntinos would not venture near it. In 1870 ships began to use the San Javier arm, on which many colonies arose. Further north the Paraná Mini has been used since 1890 for exporting _quebracho_ timber. Below Diamante the river leaves the cliff on the left bank and slants across the alluvial plain to the cliff on the right bank, which it reaches at San Lorenzo. Over the whole of its thirty miles width it resumes the freedom and regularity of features which it had above La Paz. A comparison of the successive maps of the river shows that the scheme of its movements, which one would be tempted to draw up with a regular migration of the islands and loops down river, would not be accurate. The changes of the bed of the river are essentially due to variations in the volume of the different arms, which are constantly changing their size and adapting their shape to the body of water that flows in them. The radius of the curve of each arm is proportional to its volume. A long island is formed between two arms of equal size which both describe symmetrical curves. If the volume of one of them is reduced, its original curve is replaced by sinuosities of smaller radius, and these nibble the edges of the island and give it an irregular shape. If the volume increases again, the winding bed is abandoned and becomes a dead bed, and a larger meander begins. The track followed by the ships then breaks up into a series of meanders over a course of about eight miles and a half, and this means the concentration in a single channel of the greater part of the water of the river, and in narrower bends in the sections where the current is divided between several arms. From San Lorenzo to San Pedro the river flows by the cliff of the right bank. It is remarkably regular, and has only one slight bend: an exceptionally good site, on which the town of Rosario is built. At almost equal intervals, differing by only about ten to thirteen miles, the river leaves the cliff, and is separated from it by an alluvial strand, or by an insular zone a few miles in width.[130] Below this bend the current again touches the cliff and landing is easy. The small, older ports of the Paraná--Constitución, San Nicolas, Puerto Obligado and San Pedro--are built on similar sites. It does not seem that the islands at the foot of the cliff tend to extend downward in front of these ports; the points where the river reaches the cliff are fixed. The depth is often considerable at the foot of the cliff (138 feet opposite Puerto Obligado). The shoals are distributed irregularly at the bends, where the channel moves away from the cliff. They all have to-day a minimum depth of twenty-one feet.[131] On the left bank the secondary arms sprawl over the alluvial plain for thirty-five miles north of the river. [130] As between La Paz and Paraná, it seems possible to show some relation between these alluvial stretches at the foot of the cliff and the confluence of the small valleys of the Pampean plain. [131] The Paso Paraguayo, which has cost the Argentine hydrographic service most work, did not exist at the middle of the nineteenth century. It seems that the channel then kept to the cliff as far as Benavidez, and was continued as far as the source of the Paraná Pavon by a very pronounced buckle, of which the Monriel lagoon is a scar. In 1895 the Paso was only fifteen feet deep. The delta begins at San Pedro. The Paraná Guazu, or main arm, leaves the cliff on the right bank and passes to the Uruguayan bank opposite Carmelo. The Paraná de las Palmas, which branches off from it to the south and passes before Campana and Zarate at the foot of the tableland, is deep and easy to navigate, but it is closed at the bottom of the estuary by a six-foot bar, which makes it a sort of blind alley opened only above. The arms of the zone of the delta differ from those of the river-zone proper in the irregularity of their course. Flowing between long islands, they sometimes lie in straight stretches and at other times in meanders or almost perfect buckles. The channels of the southern part of the delta, near Buenos Aires, are called _caracoles_ (snails) on account of their winding shape. The weakness of the current, which is held up by the tide, is seen also in the distribution of the greater depths; they are no longer uniformly found along the concave edge of the bends, but are scattered irregularly. On the Paraná Guazu a depth of 130 feet has been ascertained. Its minimum depth is twenty-two feet. [Illustration: THE PARANÁ ABOVE THE ESTUARY. _Right bank. The river has moved away from the_ barranca, _leaving at its foot an alluvial plain of imperfect spiral form_. PLATE XXII. To face p. 250.] The study of the estuary may be taken separately from that of the river. It consists of three parts, unequal in size, which open with increasing breadth toward the Atlantic. The upper Rio de la Plata, above Colonia and Puntá Lara, has a width of about thirty-five miles. The middle Plata, twice as wide, extends to the latitude of Montevideo and Puntá de las Piedras. Then the outer harbour opens between Maldonado and Puntá Rasa. The water is still fresh in the middle estuary up to eighty miles below Buenos Aires. The bottom is alluvial except in the channels between Martin Garcia and Colonia.[132] Differently from up the river, where the channels have sandy bottoms, while the banks are of fine clay, the channels of the estuary have bottoms of mud and clay. In the outer harbour the pilots recognize the approach of banks by the sand which is brought up by the sounding-lead. The action of the waves, which is not found in the river, accumulates stuff of comparatively large size and weight on the banks. [132] The granite which outcrops at Martin Garcia also forms the platform of the English Bank in the outer harbour. In spite of the conclusions embodied in the nautical instructions, which describe the estuary as a theatre of rapid changes "occasioned by the continual deposits of sand brought down by the Paraná and the Uruguay,"[133] the estuary is, as a matter of fact, in a remarkable state of equilibrium, and there is no trace of a gradual accumulation of alluvia, or of important changes of channel. The shore of the delta north of the Paraná de las Palmas, covered with rushes which protect it from the attack of the waves, shows neither advance nor retreat. The broad lines of the hydrography of the Rio de la Plata are plainly indicated on Woodbine Parish's map. The English Navy map of 1869 (on the basis of observations in 1833, 1844 and 1856) only differs in detail from the present map. The stability of the channels is surprisingly different from the changes in the bed of the river in the flood-zone. The permanence of the bottom, in spite of the loose deposits of the estuary, is explained by the regularity of the currents. These currents, which determine the submarine topography of the Rio de la Plata and the distribution of the banks, are not of river origin. They are tidal currents. [133] The water in the estuary, worked up by waves and tide, contains more sediment than the water of the river. There are two groups of shoals in the estuary. The first, the Playa Honda, occupies the whole western part of it up to a line drawn from Buenos Aires to Colonia. These banks leave a narrow passage in the north, opposite the Uruguayan shore, and this is followed by ships going to Uruguay and the Paraná Guazu. The second group of shoals is the Ortiz Bank, triangular in shape, which rests in the north on the Uruguay coast below Colonia, while its point extends south-eastward to eighteen miles north of the Puntá de las Piedras. It keeps the zone of deepest water in the middle estuary to the south, near the Argentine shore. In the latitude of the point of the Ortiz Bank, on a line from Montevideo to Puntá de las Piedras, the middle estuary is separated from the outer harbour by a bar (_barra del Indio_) with thirty-eight feet of water, caused by the transverse currents which circulate from point to point inside the English Bank. The tide in the estuary is very irregular. The south-east winds increase the flow and retard the ebb. When they are blowing, it often happens that the level of the water in the upper estuary keeps up from one tide to the next, sometimes for several days. The tide, which is slight at Montevideo, is greater at the bottom of the harbour on the Barra del Indio, sometimes rising nearly forty inches there. From there it advances with difficulty northward, over the Ortiz Bank, along the Uruguayan shore, whereas it passes freely into the deeper zone on the Argentine side.[134] At Buenos Aires it still has a depth of thirty inches. From there it advances northward by the Martin Garcia channels beyond the Playa Honda. The channel of the Pozos del Barca Grande, which crosses the Playa Honda bank from north to south, parallel to the edge of the delta, is oriented in conformity with the tidal currents and maintained by them. It is not attached to the river, and it is separated from the mouths of the Paraná de las Palmas or the Paraná Mini by shallows which are navigable only to small boats. The _Rias_ of the Uruguay, where the tide raises the water twelve inches, forms a sort of reservoir which, at the ebb, feeds a strong current round Martin Garcia and sweeps the channels there. [134] The current at high tide is stronger than at low tide, and it has shifted to the north-east the streams which find an outlet on this side. The work done for the improvement of the estuary includes the deepening to thirty feet of the Barra del Indio and the dredging of a straight channel from that point to Buenos Aires. Steamers of large tonnage going up the Paraná leave this channel twenty-six miles east of Buenos Aires, and turn north in order to pass east of Martin Garcia, and enter the river by the Paraná Guazu or the Paraná Bravo. Since 1901 the Argentine Government has considered a plan of opening a direct route from Buenos Aires to the Paraná de las Palmas, either by cutting an artificial canal at the foot of the cliffs, across the Tigre archipelago, or by using the channel of the Pozos del Barca Grande and cutting the narrow bar which closes the Paraná de las Palmas below. If this were done, the ports of the Paraná de las Palmas would have direct access to the sea. Moreover, the new route from the Paraná to the Atlantic would be entirely within Argentine territory, out of range of the Uruguayan shore, and Buenos Aires would become a necessary port of call both on departure and return. Above the estuary, the work for the improvement of the Paraná began in 1904 and 1905. Since 1910 the material dredged from the bed of the river has risen to 3,500,000 cubic metres a year on the average. The experience gained in the course of this work has enabled the Argentine hydrographic service to adjust its methods to the incomparable force of the river. It is impossible to maintain a general rectification of the bed and the banks, as is possible with European rivers. The only thing to do is to submit quietly to the plan which the river sketches for itself, and be content to deepen the difficult passages on the line of the main arm. Suction dredges, which work easily in the sand, attack each ridge or _paso_ from below, making a channel into which the waters flow, so that it tends to enlarge itself up stream. The dredges are shifted from bank to bank according as the soundings tell of the formation of fresh obstacles to navigation. They were at first concentrated below Rosario, where the Argentine Government had to carry out certain engagements contracted with the Port Company; then they were scattered as far up as Santa Fé. The actual equipment suffices to carry out the programme that had been drawn up--to maintain a depth of twenty-one feet as far as Rosario and of nineteen feet as far as Santa Fé. [Illustration: MAP VII.--ESTUARY OF THE RIO DE LA PLATA. _The channels of the estuary are parallel to the direction of the tidal currents, which account for their depth. Those which cross the shoals of the Playa Honda, at the bottom of the estuary, finish as no-thoroughfares, and do not give access to the southern arms of the river. From Buenos Aires ships going up the river have to go round by Martin Garcia and the mouths of the Paraná Guazu._ To face p. 254.] As regards the section above Santa Fé, the engineer Repossini advises that, instead of adopting a programme of expensive dredging with uncertain results, they should first think of adjusting navigation to the natural conditions, and they are such as would be considered very favourable in Europe. The hydrographic service would, however, still have two functions: in the first place, the topographical study of the river and the constant placing of buoys, and, in the second place, the observation of its behaviour and anticipation of variations of level. The utility of the work of foreseeing floods, which has been carried on since 1907, has been abundantly proved. It published a daily bulletin of forecasts, based upon observation of the pluviometric scales of the upper river, which is equally valuable to the navigators and to breeders in the floodable area. It enables the breeders to get their cattle into safety before the floods come. On the other hand, the ship can, thanks to the bulletin, foretell what depth of water it will find at critical passages, and calculate exactly the load it can carry, and so complete its cargo lower down. The service of forecast of floods has morally improved navigation on the Paraná by suppressing every possible pretext for wilful stranding, which had become a current form of speculation. * * * * * Nothing is more varied than the fleet which now serves the Paraná. It includes tramps, and long, slim European ships, which load up with cereals and meat; large river boats, luxurious and light; barges and tugs, lighters and schooners, which have compensation for their slowness in their cheapness. As regards navigation, the river is now divided into three sections. Maritime navigation ascends as far as Santa Fé. At Rosario and Santa Fé it goes right to the heart of the zone of cereals and to the fringe of the forest area. The upper section, between Rosario and Santa Fé, is less safe than the lower section, and this is reflected in the cost of freightage from Santa Fé. The ports of the lower Paraná, between Santa Fé and Buenos Aires, may be classed in three categories. The ports of the first group are built on low land that is liable to be flooded. Every year the floods threaten their traffic. That is the character of Colastiné, east of Santa Fé, which specializes in shipping _quebracho_ timber, or Ibicuy, on the Paraná Pavon, in the south of the province of Entre Rios, which, however, is protected by excellent works. The small ports of the _barranca_ of the southern bank, on the main river and on the Paraná de las Palmas, form a second group. They ship meat (Campana and Zarate) and cereals (San Nicolas and Villa Constitución), and they are admirably adapted for this by their natural situation. Steamers come right up to the cliff without any need of special works on the shore. The sacks of wheat are let into the ships down sloping gangways from stores excavated in the cliff or from wagons. None of these ports are equipped for receiving imports. The third group comprises ports with complete apparatus for both export and import. The chief of these is Rosario. It was the increase of imports between 1850 and 1860 that stimulated its early progress. To-day the tonnage of the goods unloaded at Rosario is nearly one-half the tonnage of the cereals shipped there. Yet, in spite of appearances, it is the imports that account mainly for the busy life of its quays. The port company does the unloading itself, as well as the handling and storing of the goods imported, but it is content to receive dues on all exports within the area for which it has a monopoly. Only a small part of the cereals exported uses its elevators. A deep-water port, equipped like that at Rosario for import and export, has just been constructed at Santa Fé. Already it competes with Colastiné for the export of _quebracho_. Its import trade is still small, as such trade requires large capital and a whole network of relations with the adjoining country, and that is not the work of a day. The second section of the river stretches from Santa Fé to Corrientes, and is continued up the Paraguay. The transport of _quebracho_ timber and tannic acid is the chief item of its trade. The maximum draught of the vessels it admits at normal low water is six feet. Some of the ports on the left bank (Esquina, Goya) and all the ports on the right bank (Reconquista, Barranqueras, etc.) are at some distance from the main bed, or lateral arms. The Chaco works have generally a flotilla of steamers and barges. It is the exporters of timber and extract of _quebracho_ to Europe who most strongly demand the deepening of the bed of the Paraná above Santa Fé. Sailing ships share with the river steamers the transport of the products of the Paraguay and of Corrientes (hides, tobacco and _maté_). The transport of oranges alone from San Antonio, Villeta, Pilar and Humaïta represents an item of tens of thousands of tons. The third section of the river stretches from Corrientes to Posadas, and beyond. Sailing ships have disappeared from this section, as they cannot make the Apipé rapids. Steamers of four and a-half feet draught and 150 tons are now used on it, but they cannot proceed at low water. They provide a direct service between Buenos Aires and Posadas, though the service is not very economical, because it does not permit them to use to the full the transport-capacity of the river below Corrientes. Most of the goods for Posadas are, therefore, trans-shipped at Ituzaingo, below the rapids, or at Corrientes. The steamboat companies which serve Posadas are obliged, in order to secure the economical transport of goods shipped on the upper Paraná, to maintain lines which go up the Paraguay as far as Asunción, and take on at Corrientes the goods that come from Posadas. Higher up, the falls of the Guayra and the Yguassu set an impassable limit to the enterprise of Argentine vessels. Boats on the stretch above Yguassu on the Paraná feed the railways of the Brazilian tableland. The traffic of the upper Paraná consists chiefly of _maté_ from Misiones and cedar-planks from the Posadas saw-mills. Rafts of timber are stopped at Posadas and rarely follow the river further. The Argentine statistics of navigation are obscure. They confuse under one heading the river-traffic between Posadas and Brazilian territory, or between Corrientes and the Paraguay, and the exports of the Pampean region to Europe. It is difficult to get from them an idea of the real traffic, or to distinguish the tonnage loaded or unloaded at each port from that which merely touches its quays in ships going up or coming down the river. They credit a score of ports with a total tonnage of (entries and clearances together) more than 500,000 tons. At all events, they do enable us to distinguish between ports exclusively devoted to river traffic and those with direct relations to oversea ports. Nearly all the boats destined for the Paraná touch at Buenos Aires, which remains the chief importing centre, on the way up, and unload there. They then go empty to Rosario, San Nicolas, or Santa Fé to take on a full cargo of cereals or timber, and set out down the Paraná for Europe without calling at Buenos Aires. Clearances for interior navigation at the port of Buenos Aires are far more numerous than entries. From 1912 to 1914 Buenos Aires received on the average, coming from interior ports, 1,750,000 tons, of which 1,635,000 were cargo. It cleared for the same ports ships totalling 3,275,000 tons, of which 1,580,000 were in ballast. The latter figure fairly represents the tonnage of sea-going ships sent up river empty after discharging on the quays of Buenos Aires. At Rosario, San Nicolas and San Pedro, on the other hand, the tonnage of clearances for Argentine ports is much less than the tonnage of entries.[135] The total movement of goods at the port of Rosario is 410,000 tons entries and 375,000 tons clearances for interior navigation, and 1,100,000 tons entries and 1,824,000 tons clearances for navigation abroad. [135] Movement of internal navigation at Rosario (average 1912-1914): entries, 1,108,000 tons, of which 690,000 in ballast; clearances, 580,000 tons. At San Nicolas: entries, 400,000 tons, of which 440,000 in ballast; clearances, 4,000 tons. The difference between the entries and the clearances represents ships starting straight for Europe. According to Repossini's calculations the tonnage of exports on the lower Paraná south of Santa Fé rose in 1910 to 4,000,000 or 4,500,000. The imports, almost entirely confined to Rosario, were about a fourth of this figure. For the middle and upper Paraná, Repossini estimated the volume of the traffic at 800,000 tons, of which _quebracho_ was two-fifths. The navigation of the Paraná is one of the chief sources of the prosperity of Buenos Aires. Even if the development of the import trade at Rosario or Santa Fé is partly at the expense of the capital, and the boats laden with cereals do not stop at its quays, still the coasting traffic on the river is in great part meant for Buenos Aires. In returning, rather than go empty, the boats take cargoes of European products bought from the Buenos Aires importers. By means of the Paraná the import-trade sphere of influence of Buenos Aires reaches beyond the frontiers of Argentina, as far as Paraguay and part of Brazil. Buenos Aires is, moreover, the main centre for equipping the steamboats of the river. Its capital dominates the Paraná. Lastly, the Paraná supplies it with an export freight which must not be overlooked. It is at Buenos Aires that the hides, tobacco and timber and extracts of _quebracho_ for oversea markets, shipped on schooners in the upper reaches of the river which are impassable for steamers, are trans-shipped for abroad. CHAPTER IX THE POPULATION The distribution of the population--The streams of emigration to the interior--Seasonal migrations--The historic towns--The towns of the Pampean region--Buenos Aires. A large-scale chart of the mean density of the population for each province--like those which were published in the latest Argentine Census-reports--has no geographical value for the west and north-west, where oases of slight extent are separated by vast desolate stretches, deserted because of the lack of water. In the Pampean region, on the other hand, the population is distributed in a very regular manner, and the mean densities calculated fairly represent the facts. To the several types of exploitation, of which we have studied the distribution on the Pampa, there correspond unequal densities of population. Cattle-breeding, for instance, requires only a thin population. The early pastoral colonization of the plain on the west of the Salado was carried out, between 1880 and 1890, with a very small number of workers. A large ranch of 400 square kilometres on the northern edge of the Pampa (the Tostado ranch) only employs about a hundred men, or one for four square kilometres. The density increases appreciably for sheep-breeding on the _pastos tiernos_ of Buenos Aires province, where a ranch of a hundred square kilometres, devoted to producing wool, with fifty or sixty shepherds, sustains at least 200 persons, or two to the square kilometre.[136] The density is not appreciably greater in the area of wheat-growing on a large scale, where the extent cultivated by one family reaches, including fallow, 200 hectares. But it may, even apart from the urban population, be more than ten to the square kilometre in the maize belt. [136] The density is twenty times less in the ranches which use the meagre pastures of the Rio Negro. The growth of the population of Argentina can be followed closely from the middle of the eighteenth century. A Census taken in 1774 gives the Buenos Aires district within the first line of forts 6,000 inhabitants. At the end of the eighteenth century (Census of 1797, quoted by D'Azara) the population of the province of Buenos Aires, without the town, was a little over 30,000 souls, the zone occupied having been extended in the meantime, at least in part, as far as the Salado. Woodbine Parish estimates the population at 80,000 in 1824, at the time when the expansion southward, beyond the Salado, as far as the Sierra de Tandil, began. It doubled between 1824 and 1855. The northern departments then counted 45,000 inhabitants, the western 58,000 and the southern 63,000. The density was still a little greater in the north, along the road to Peru, but the advance of sheep-rearing in the south was beginning to change the centre of gravity of colonization. The first regular Census of the Argentine Republic in 1869 showed a still more rapid advance. The population of the Buenos Aires province had grown to 315,000 inhabitants. The increase was greatest in the west, where tillage began to extend round Chivilcoy, beyond the pastoral area, and in the south, where sheep-farms multiplied. The population of the southern departments more than doubled in fourteen years (137,000 inhabitants to 70,000 square kilometres in occupation, or two to the square kilometre). However, the Pampean region--Buenos Aires (including the capital), Santa Fé, and the southern part of Córdoba--still had a smaller population than that of the northern and north-western provinces: 626,000 as compared with 813,000. The Mesopotamian provinces had then 263,000 inhabitants. The proportion was reversed twenty-five years later at the 1895 Census. The population of the Pampas had increased threefold, and was more than a half of the entire population of the country. That of the western and north-western provinces was about a third of the whole, and had only increased by fifty per cent. If one considers in detail the distribution of the population of the Pampean plain in 1895, one sees that beyond the suburbs of Buenos Aires the area of greatest density--five to eight per square kilometre--was in the north-west, between San Andres de Giles and Pergamino, a district of advanced methods, where the cultivation of maize was beginning to occupy a good part of the land. The population was confined to the west of the preceding zone, in the agricultural area of Junin, Chacabuco and Chivilcoy. This area, where maize and wheat were next each other, already embraced Viente Cinco de Mayo (five to the square kilometre) on the west and Nueve de Julio (2.5). In the south of Buenos Aires, the departments of the left bank of the Salado, which were entirely given up to breeding, but long colonized, had a density of three to five per square kilometre. The region lying between the lower Salado and the Sierra de Tandil, a sheep-breeding area, then giving good returns but of recent colonization, had not more than three. The density falls rapidly as one goes westward. It sinks to less than one in the north-west and west of the Buenos Aires province, in the area where the cattle-breeders from the east had settled. At Santa Fé, the region of the colonies, at the level both of Rosario and Santa Fé, had five inhabitants per square kilometre. But beyond the Córdoba frontier the density falls to two in the San Justo department, and still less further south, at Marcos Juarez, Union and General Lopez. [Illustration: THE OLDER INDUSTRIES OF THE PAMPA: DRYING HIDES. Photograph by Soc. Fotografica de Aficionados.] [Illustration: DRYING SALT MEAT. Photograph by Soc. Fotografica de Aficionados. PLATE XXIII. To face p. 262.] In 1914 the density was more than fifteen in the whole of the maize area in the Buenos Aires and Santa Fé provinces, and it approached this figure in the departments of the old agricultural colonies on the middle Salado. In the region of the lucerne farms it was three to five, except in the south-east (departments of Veinte Cinco de Mayo, Nueve de Julio and Bolivia), where it rose, thanks to the co-existence of ranches and of wheat and maize. It sank to between two and three in the wheat area in the south and south-east of Buenos Aires. At Santa Fé the district of the colonies had seven to the square kilometre. The growth of the population is partly explained by immigration from Europe. Foreigners were, in 1914, 30 per cent. of the total population.[137] The proportion of foreigners to the total population is one of the indications by which we can best follow the advance of colonization. As soon as it relaxes in any region, the number of immigrants diminishes. (The children born of foreign colonists in Argentina are considered indigenous in Argentine statistics.) In 1869 the proportion of foreigners rose to 417 per 1,000 in the province of Buenos Aires (without the capital). This was the great period of pastoral colonization and the development of sheep-breeding. It was then only 156 per 1,000 at Santa Fé. In 1895 the proportion of foreigners sank to 309 per 1,000 at Buenos Aires, but rose to 419 at Santa Fé, where the date almost marks the end of the great period of agricultural colonization. In 1914 the proportion of foreigners at Buenos Aires rose to 340 per 1,000 (development of the maize region and the southern wheat area). It sank at Santa Fé (350 per 1,000), in spite of considerable immigration in the southern maize-growing departments. At the same time there was a great influx of foreign population in the province of Córdoba (200 per 1,000) and in the area of the Central Pampa (360 per 1,000).[138] [137] All Europeans, except a few tens of thousands of Bolivians in the Salta and Jujuy provinces, a few thousand Brazilians in Misiones, and a few thousand Chileans at Neuquen. [138] I have referred elsewhere to the magnitude of the stream of European immigration at Mendoza. In Patagonia (territory of the Rio Negro, the Neuquen, the Chubut, the Santa Cruz, and Tierra del Fuego, of which the total population is only 104,000) sheep-breeding has attracted a considerable number of immigrants (428 foreigners per 1000 in 1914). The recent enumerations also enable us to follow the displacements of the indigenous population on Argentine territory and the part this has had in colonization. Outside the Pampean region the parts of the country which have proved centres of attraction for the Argentine population are the sugar provinces of Tucumán and Jujuy and the province of Mendoza. In 1895 Tucumán had 40,000 inhabitants who had been born in other provinces, Jujuy 15,000 and Mendoza 19,000. The attraction of Tucumán was mainly felt in the adjoining province of Santiago (12,000 immigrants) and Catamarca (12,000). At Mendoza the immigrants came mainly from San Juan (7,000) and San Luis (3,000). The attraction of the timber region is more difficult to estimate, because most of the _obrajes_ are in the province of Santiago, which found the workers itself, and the enumerations have not taken into account displacements within each province. Nevertheless, immigration into the land of the _quebracho Chaqueño_, along the Paraná, can be recognised from 1895 onward. It was maintained by the Corrientes province. Santa Fé has 10,000 immigrants from Corrientes, of whom 6,500 are in the forestry departments of Reconquista and Vera. The Chaco region maintains 2,000 Corrientes wood-cutters and several hundred from Santiago and Salta. Corrientes has also sent 5,000 emigrants to Misiones. In the Pampean region the population of Buenos Aires in 1895 included very few who came from other provinces. The population of Santa Fé was more mixed. The attraction of the agricultural colonies had brought 65,000 Argentine immigrants. They came mainly from the left bank of the Paraná and Córdoba. The immigrants from Córdoba are localized along the railway from Rosario to Córdoba, in the Belgrano and Iriondo departments and the town of Rosario. The migration of the Santa Fé colonists to the new lands in the west had scarcely begun at that time. They were still only 3,000 in the Buenos Aires province, and 5,000 at Córdoba; most of them were in departments adjacent to the old colony area. The colonization of Córdoba began simultaneously in the east, toward Santa Fé, and in the south-west, in the Rio Cuarto department, to which the breeders from San Luis went. Similarly, the Argentine population of the Central Pampa includes elements from the east as well as European colonists and elements from the north-west (10,000 immigrants from the Buenos Aires province, 3,000 from San Luis). The 1914 Census has less complete details in regard to interior immigration than its predecessor. The migrations had not ceased. The attraction of Tucumán and Mendoza had, in fact, decreased. The province of Tucumán had 55,000 Argentine immigrants, the province of Jujuy 15,000, the province of Mendoza 34,000. The provinces of Mendoza and Corrientes remained nuclei of considerable immigration (38,000 and 63,000 immigrants). At Santa Fé the number of emigrants who left the province to settle at Córdoba and in the remainder of the Pampean region rose from 14,000 to 87,000. The Patagonian territory also had a large excess of immigrants from other provinces. Periodic migrations with no definitive change of residence are not given in the official statistics. The importance of these migrations in northern Argentina has been noted in the chapters we devoted to Tucumán and the forestry industry. They occur also in the Pampean region, where they are due chiefly to the need of labour for the harvest and the threshing of wheat and flax, and for reaping the maize. Miatello has given us a detailed analysis of the phenomenon for the province of Santa Fé in 1904. The period when the wheat and flax growers need help is from November to February. It begins in March for the maize farmers, and lasts so much longer when the harvest is good. The temporary immigrants come partly from Europe. Not only is the stream of immigration to Argentina fuller during the months which precede the harvests, while the stream of re-emigration to Europe is greatest in the autumn, but it is not a rare thing for Italians to go every year to Argentina merely to stay there during the harvest, when wages are high. This seasonal immigration from Italy is of long standing; it is mentioned by Daireaux in 1889. These foreigners, however, are only part of the adventurous crowd enlisted for the harvests on the Pampean plain. Seasonal migration is everywhere a national practice. The labour employed in reaping the maize includes elements borrowed from the towns near the maize belt. But all the provinces round the Pampean region send their contingent of temporary immigrants. Some even come from the valley of the Rio Negro at Bahía Blanca, from San Luis, and even from Mendoza to the Central Pampa and the Córdoba province. The oldest, and still the largest, stream is that which comes from the Santiago province. D'Orbigny notices in 1827 the temporary streaming of Santiagueños to the coast. In that year slow progress was made with the wheat-harvest of Buenos Aires because of the shortage of labour. "The forced levies for the army prevented the Santiagueños from going to hire themselves, as was their custom, in fear lest they should be compelled to serve."[139] [139] D'Orbigny, _Voyage dans l'Amérique méridionale_, vol. i. p. 528. Temporary emigration began, no doubt, with the journeys which brought the northerners to Buenos Aires as drivers of convoys of wagons. Santiagueños were numerous amongst these _troperos_. Lorenzo Fazio collected reminiscences of these journeys in the land of the _bañados_.[140] They go back to the first quarter of the nineteenth century, the period before the diversion of the Rio Dulce and the ruin of Salavina and Atamisqui. "My father," said one of his informants, "drove wagons of wheat to Córdoba, and sometimes to Buenos Aires, where he sold them and bought goods-stuffs in exchange. He bought the wheat at Loreto, Atamisqui or Salavina. It was a year before he got back, because it was necessary to wait for the rain and the growth of the vegetation, otherwise his animals would have died of thirst or hunger on the road." The journeys of the _troperos_ meant a long spell of idleness in the Pampean region, precisely at the harvest season. Naturally, they would lend a hand in it. [140] Lorenzo Fazio, _Memoria descriptiva de la provincia de Santiago del Estero_ (Buenos Aires, 1889). The temporary emigration of the Santiagueños continued throughout the nineteenth century. It was maintained even during the disturbances under the government of Rosas, which almost entirely put an end to commercial relations between Buenos Aires and the northern provinces. When Galvez passed through the villages on the Rio Dulce he noticed that there were few men in them. They had scattered over the roads or were, as he says, _andariegos_. Only the women remained. The province of Buenos Aires received the Santiagueños in crowds, offering their services. Chivilcoy and the whole region of the _chacras_ of maize and wheat received their caravans for the harvest, and some were kept for the sowing. Even the ranchers took advantage of this reinforcement, and hired the men for marking. In the autumn they went back with their _tropillas_, much dreaded by the breeders whose land they crossed, stealing any horses that were not well guarded. The province of Santa Fé, especially in the agricultural departments of the north-west, is now the chief theatre in the Pampean region for the immigration of the Santiagueños. It does not always come by rail, but has to some extent preserved its primitive and picturesque features. The immigrants arrive in troops on mules and horses, and scatter in November over the colonies. The population of Argentina has also felt the attraction of the urban centres. The growth of the towns is due to both foreign and national immigration. The development of urban life, which is one of the characteristic features of modern Argentina, is a recent phenomenon. There was no indication of its coming in the eighteenth century. D'Azara was, on the contrary, struck by the absence of communal life (_pueblos unidos_). The scattering of the population was a result of the predominance of breeding. "If these people found profit in agriculture, one would see them gather together in villages, instead of the whole population being dispersed in ranches."[141] It is this scattering of the population rather than an absolute numerical inferiority--the solitude, "the desert, the universal horizon that forced itself into the very entrails of the land"[142]--that moulded the fiery soul of the _gaucho_. [141] F. de Azara, _Memorias sobre el estado rural del río de la Plata en 1801_, p. 10. [142] Sarmiento, _El Facundo_, p. 19. [Illustration: A HERD OF CREOLE CATTLE. Photograph by Widmayer.] [Illustration: A HERD OF DURHAM CATTLE. Photograph by Soc. Fotografica de Aficionados. PLATE XXIV. To face p. 268.] The primitive urban sites were all either on the river or on the historic roads to Chile and Peru. The only towns of the Paraná region at the end of the eighteenth century were Buenos Aires, Santa Fé and Corrientes. As to towns in the interior, Helms's journey in 1778 gives us some idea of their size. Córdoba, at the crossing of the Peru road and the tracks to the province of La Rioja, had then 1,500 white inhabitants and 4,000 blacks. As it was near the Sierra, which provided granite and lime, it had some semblance of architecture, and had paved streets, which struck even the traveller from Buenos Aires. The attraction of its schools was felt over a wide area. We still have a list of students from Paraguay who studied at Córdoba University in the eighteenth century.[143] Tucumán and Salta, especially Salta, also were busy centres. Salta had 600 Spanish families and 9,000 inhabitants in all, and its influence extended as far as Peru and Chile. Jujuy, on the other hand, was a very small town. Helms mentions the decay of Santiago del Estero. The trade which had once flourished there had, he says, gone in a different direction. The prosperity of Santiago was, as a matter of fact, connected with traffic on the direct route from Santa Fé to Tucumán, which ceased at the close of the eighteenth century. Santa Fé also was a decaying town at the close of the eighteenth century, and would remain such until the middle of the nineteenth. Its distress was due, not merely to the suspension of its direct trade with Peru, but also to the decay and isolation of Paraguay, which had provided most of its trade and for which it acted as intermediary with the Andean provinces. [143] Published by the _Revista del Instituto Paraguayo_ (vol. iv. p. 334). The great development of urban life in Argentina dates from the time of the colonization of the Pampean region. The ratio of the urban population has risen considerably during the last twenty-five years. In 1895, 113 centres with more than 2,000 inhabitants comprised 37 per cent. of the total population of Argentina; in 1914 the number of urban centres was 322, and they comprised 53 per cent. of the population. The population of towns with 5,000 to 20,000 inhabitants has increased threefold in twenty years, rising from 312,000 in 1895 to 977,000 in 1914. Large new towns like Rosario and Bahía Blanca were created. The relative sizes of the older towns changed rapidly. Tucumán and Mendoza (121,000 and 92,000 inhabitants) shot beyond Santiago and Salta (22,000 and 28,000 inhabitants). The towns of the north-west, Catamarca and Rioja, are, on the other hand, scarcely developed. When one examines a chart of the urban population of the Pampean region, one finds that colonization has led to the creation in it of ten chief centres, of from 15,000 to 25,000 inhabitants, and some fifty secondary centres, of from 5,000 to 12,000 inhabitants, which all have a distinctly urban character. This association of urban centres and a scattered agricultural or pastoral population is one of the original features of the way in which the Pampa was peopled. There is no village, or purely rural group. The distribution of these centres on the plain is fairly regular. They are a little closer together in the districts near the Paraná, to the north of Buenos Aires, where the population is older, and where the density, even of the rural population, is at its highest. The territory of the Pampa is divided between the spheres of influence of these various centres. Their radius is as low as ten miles in the north-west, and is about twenty miles in the south of Buenos Aires and twenty-five in the extreme west. A secondary railway nucleus has generally settled the sites of them (San Francisco-Pergamino, Junin). Their population comprises all the workers needed for the flow of the economic life of the Pampa: agents for the exporters of cereals, merchants who supply the colonies with imported goods--especially agricultural machinery--bankers and insurance companies, surveyors and lawyers. Those which have the best service of trains have a certain amount of industry--mills and breweries--the products of which are absorbed locally. These towns derive all the elements of their life from the Pampean region itself, and have no direct relations either with foreign markets or with other parts of Argentina.[144] [144] Only two of them, Villa Mercedes and Villa Maria, are on the edge of the Pampa. We have seen elsewhere the part which the extensive breeding of the north-west plays in the business of the Villa Mercedes cattle-market. Villa Maria also derives some advantage from its nearness to the scrub. Its limekilns receive limestone from the Sierra de Córdoba, but they get their fuel locally, from the men who clear the scrub. But the towns of the Pampa which have grown most rapidly are the ports. Rosario rose from 23,000 inhabitants in 1869 to 91,000 in 1895 and to 245,000 in 1914; Bahía Blanca from 9,000 in 1895 to 62,000 in 1914. The actual population of the Pampa ports is not at all in proportion to the part which each plays in the export of Pampean products:-- _Export of Cereals in thousands of tons._ (Average for 1913-1915) Buenos Bahía San Nicolas. La Santa Aires. Blanca. Rosario. Plata. Fé. 2,716 2,051 1,075 651 459 278 Population in 1914. 245,000 1,575,000 62,000 19,000 137,000 64,000 Some centres, such as Campana, Zarate, San Pedro or San Nicolas, which load up meat or grain in great quantities, have nevertheless remained small towns. Neither the trade in meat nor that in cereals is enough of itself to sustain a busy urban life. In point of fact, the growth of the Pampa ports is mainly connected with their function as importing ports and markets of capital. The close dependence of Bahía Blanca upon Buenos Aires in both these respects seems to forbid it all hope of ever becoming the equal of Rosario. The prosperity of Rosario was founded during the time when Buenos Aires was isolated, between 1853 and 1860; this enabled them to organize an import trade there and to accumulate a nucleus of independent capital.[145] [145] Buenos Aires and Rosario alone have independent grain markets, though it is differently organized in each case. At Buenos Aires the exporters have entered into direct relations with the producers and eliminated intermediaries. At Rosario they have to use the services of a strong body of agents. * * * * * The development of Buenos Aires must be studied separately. It does not merely reflect the success of the colonization of the Pampa; it is a phenomenon of a national order. The attraction of Buenos Aires has been felt throughout the whole land. In 1895, of a total population of Argentine birth of 318,000 souls, more than a half--167,000--were born in the provinces.[146] The way in which the prosperity of Buenos Aires is bound up, not only with that of the adjacent territory but with that of the whole country, is seen in the stability of the figure representing the number of the inhabitants who have come from foreign lands. While the proportion of foreigners in each of the provinces varies from one census to another, according to the displacements of the stream of colonization, it remains almost the same at Buenos Aires: 496 per 1,000 in 1869, 520 in 1895, 493 in 1914. [146] The 1914 Census does not give reliable details on this point. The population of the city of Buenos Aires was estimated by Helms in 1788 to be between 24,000 and 30,000. D'Azara put it at 40,000 in 1799. The Revolution did not interrupt its growth. According to the estimate of Woodbine Parish the city had 81,000 inhabitants in 1824. On the other hand, the Rosas Government involved a period of stagnation (90,000 inhabitants in 1855). But after 1855 Buenos Aires resumed its progress, even before the political unity of Argentina was re-established, and has never since relaxed. Its population has doubled almost regularly at intervals of fifteen years: 177,000 in 1869, 433,000 in 1887, 663,000 in 1895, and 1,575,000 in 1914. The latter figure, in fact, is inadequate. Greater Buenos Aires, including the outlying parts, has really 1,990,000 inhabitants. The site on which the city is built is a regular plateau, sixty-five feet above sea level, cut by flat-bottomed, marshy valleys. The Riachuelo, at the mouth of one of these valleys, provided Buenos Aires with its first port. The low and badly drained lands of the valleys are occupied by the poorest quarters. Their sides, the _barrancas_, bear the aristocratic residences, and the gardeners have been able to use the sites to great advantage in their plans. As a whole, the growth of Buenos Aires presents the same feature of regularity, on account of the uniformity of the soil, as the spread of colonization over the plain of the Pampas. The city is distributed in concentric zones, and it is thus a model on a small scale of the distribution of the various types of exploitation on the Pampa which surrounds it. The central nucleus, the business quarter, contains not only the offices, but the warehouses of imported goods. Round this centre, with a radius of one to three miles, are the residential quarters in which the density is greatest (250 to 350 to the hectare). Beyond this the density sinks to less than 200 per hectare and less than fifty on the outskirts. The central quarters developed the maximum density after 1900. Those of the first outer zone have gained greatly between 1904 and 1909. Since the latter date, the progress of these quarters has been arrested in turn, and the recent growth is mainly in the remote working-class suburbs in the south and on the bank of the Riachuelo. Buenos Aires has preserved in its central district, and reproduces in all its outer districts, the primitive draught-board plan of a Spanish colonial city. This plan is not suited to its needs to-day. The rapid growth of the city and its expansion--the mean density is not more than fifty-four inhabitants to the hectare, as against 360 at Paris--complicate the problem of transport. At the present time the city is considering plans for reconstructing its thoroughfares and making diagonal streets, starting from the centre and following the direction of the main streams of traffic. In this way the city would reproduce the fan-wise distribution of railways over the Pampean plain. Buenos Aires is the intermediary between the provinces and oversea countries. It has three titles to this profitable part. In the first place, it is the chief centre of the import trade. The merchants of the cities in the interior are customers of the Buenos Aires importers, and are closely bound to them by a system of long-term credit. Buenos Aires is, secondly, the centre for the distribution of the European capital which has been used in the development of the country. Lastly, it divides immigrant workers amongst the provinces, just as it divides capital. As an immigration port its position is unrivalled. The efforts that were made to divert part of the immigrants to Bahía Blanca failed, and direct immigration to the Santa Fé province ceased at the close of the first period of colonization, about 1880. It is also at Buenos Aires that immigrants who are not going to settle in Argentina embark; re-emigration, which is regarded as a national plague by Argentine economists, is another source of profit to the capital. Hence the fortune of Buenos Aires is due in the first place to the close contact between the economic life of Argentina and that of Europe and North America. But its very growth has led to a gradual change in the part it plays in the interior of the country. In proportion as its population and wealth grew, it became a great national market. The products of the provinces go to it, not merely to meet its own needs as consumer, but in order to be distributed over the entire country. The figures of the cattle trade on the Buenos Aires market are instructive in this respect. From January to July 1919 there were 1,130,000 head of cattle sold, 240,000 being for the supply of the capital and 700,000 for the refrigerators.[147] Of the remainder, 120,000 were bought for fattening and 40,000 by the butchers of other towns. The capital of its own which has accumulated at Buenos Aires is invested either in real estate or in industry, which has found great profit both in the development of local consumption and in the great stock of labour provided by immigration. Buenos Aires is not now content to be merely an intermediary between the country and foreign lands. It contributes by its own resources and work to the task of colonization and the supply of manufactured articles to the agricultural and pastoral districts. It is, finally, a luxurious city, with every opportunity for the men who have grown rich by the rise in the price of lands to spend their income, and providing pleasure for the country folk who come up occasionally, tired of their laborious, rough and solitary existence. [147] During the same period the Argentinian refrigerators killed 1,490,000 head of cattle. Therefore, about half of these were bought at Buenos Aires. BIBLIOGRAPHY I give here only the most important and most recent works. A list of the articles I have consulted would be long and uninteresting, while a complete list of those which might have been consulted, and from which information might have been gleaned, is impossible. For a work of this character there is no account of travel, no study of the soil, the climate, or the vegetation, no statistical document or journal or purely historical text, that has not a perfect right to be regarded as a source. 1. PERIODICALS. Of the periodicals published in Argentina, and partly or wholly devoted to the study of the land and its development, the principal are:-- _Boletin del Instituto Geografico Argentino_ (Buenos Aires, since 1879; vol. i, 1879, vol. ii, 1881; one vol. yearly from 1881 to 1901; has appeared irregularly since). _Anales de la Sociedad Cientifica Argentina_ (Buenos Aires, 2 vols, yearly from 1876). _Revista de la Sociedad Geografica Argentina_ (Buenos Aires, only appeared from 1883 to 1889). _Boletin de la Academia Nacional de Ciencias de Córdoba_ (Córdoba, since 1874, 23 vols. to 1918). The publications of the Buenos Aires and La Plata museums also contain, besides copious anthropological, archæological, palæontological, and historical material, a large number of articles of interest to geographers:-- _Anales del Museo Nacional de Historia Natural de Buenos Aires._ Begins 1864, 25 vols., folio and quarto, to 1914. _Anales del Museo de la Plata._ First series 1890-1900, second series from 1907. _Revista del Museo de la Plata._ From 1890-1891, 17 vols. to 1910-1911. All these reviews contain especially articles on the parts of the country which were last explored--Patagonia, Chaco, Misiones. They contain little about the parts that were early colonized, though these are not always the best known. 2. MAPS. The maps published in the eighteenth century (D'Anville's map, 1733, in the _Lettres édifiantes_, 19th collection, Paris, 1734: Bellin's map in vol. ii of the _Histoire du Paraguay_ of the R.P.P.F.X. de Charlevoix, Paris, 1756, 3 vols., etc.) are based upon information collected by the Jesuit missionaries. D'Azara's map (1809) shows a remarkable advance. Important corrections of D'Azara's map are found in Woodbine Parish's map (1838). Brackebusch's two maps are essential documents: _Mapa del interior de la Republica Argentina_, por el Dr. L. Brackebusch, 1:1,000,000 (Gotha, 1835) and _Mapa geologico del interior de la Republica Argentina_, 1:1,000,000 (Gotha, 1890). The results of earlier work have been used in the _Atlas de la Republica Argentina construido y publicado por el Instituto Geografico Argentino_ (Buenos Aires, 1894), which includes a list of its sources. Since that date many maps have been published: maps of the various provinces and surveys drawn up by the railway companies, the Chile Frontier Commission (see Patagonia), the Mines Division (see Natural Regions), and the Ministerio de Obras Publicas (see River Routes). A brief account of the history of Argentine cartography and a list of maps of provinces will be found in Colonel B. Garcia Aparicio, _La carta de la Republica (Anuario del Instituto Geografico Militar_, i, 1912, Buenos Aires, pp. 1-27). The Military Geographical Institute has itself published a large number of maps, either on the basis of fresh surveys or by compiling earlier work, chiefly:-- About thirty sheets on the scale 1:25,000 (Pampean region) since 1904, interesting for studying the relief of the plain. "Governacion de la Pampa," 1:500,000 (Estado Mayor, 3A Division, Buenos Aires, 1909). Three sheets on the scale 1:1,000,000 (Buenos Aires, Concordia, and Corrientes). Buenos Aires, provisional edition 1911 of a map of Argentina on the scale 1:1,000,000, which is to comprise twenty-one sheets. A convenient reference map, though of no scientific value, is the map of the railways, on the scale 1:2,000,000, in three sheets, published in 1910 by the Ministerio de Obras Publicas. 3. STATISTICS. A summary of the chief statistics is published annually in _The Argentine Yearbook_ (from 1902 at Buenos Aires; from 1909 at Buenos Aires and London). The _Anuario de la Dirección General de Estadistica_, which has appeared since 1880 in one, two or three vols. quarto, gives the figures of trade, immigration, agriculture, railways, navigation, etc. (last volume consulted is for 1914, Buenos Aires, 1915). In the third volume of the _Anuario_ for 1912 will be found a list of the publications of the Dirección de Estadistica. Besides the _Anuario_ the Dirección publishes a bulletin with commercial statistics (last number consulted 181, "El comercio exterior Argentino en los primeros trimestres de 1918 y 1919," Buenos Aires, 1919). _Boletin_ 176 contains a review of Argentine trade from 1910 to 1917. The statistical department of the Ministry of Agriculture, under the direction of E. Lahitte, publishes the _Boletin Mensual de Estadistica Agricola_ (last volume consulted, xxi, 1919). 4. GENERAL DESCRIPTIONS.[148] [148] Besides the publications of the Jesuits, which can easily be consulted, a fairly large number of texts bearing upon the history of colonization have been published or re-published in the nineteenth and the twentieth century. See especially: _Relaciones Geograpicas de Indias_ (vol. i, 1881; vol. ii, 1885, Madrid). _Anales de la Biblioteca National, Buenos Aires, Publicación de documentos relativos al Rio de la Plata_ (from 1900). Publications of the _Junta de Historia y Numismatica Americana_ (Buenos Aires, 7 vols., octavo, from 1905 to 1915). Valuable notes on some of the most important historical documents will be found in E. Boman, _Antiquités de la region andine_ (see North-West Argentina). The most curious collection of all for the geographer is: Pedro de Angelis, _Colección de obras y documentos relativos a la historia antigua y moderna de las provincias del Rio de la Plata_ (Buenos Aires, 1837, 6 vols, octavo, containing many itineraries, journals of expeditions, etc., together with notes by D'Azara). The scientific study of this part of South America may be traced back as far as D'Azara. His observations are collected in Don Felix de Azara, _Voyages dans l'Amérique méridionale_, published by Walckenaër (Paris, 1809, 4 vols. in 12^{mo} and atlas) and _Descripción e historia del Paraguay y del Rio de la Plata_, published by D. Agustin de Azara (Madrid, 1847, 2 vols. octavo). The _Voyage dans l'Amérique méridionale_ of Alcide d'Orbigny contains his observations on the Paraná, the province of Corrientes, the Pampa (Parchappe's voyages), and Patagonia (1828). (Historical section, vol. i, Paris, 1835; vol. ii, Paris, 1839-43; vol. iii, third part, geology, Paris, 1842). Darwin also visited the coast of Patagonia and crossed the Pampa (1833): _Narrative of the Surveying Voyage of H.M.S. "Adventure" and "Beagle"_ ... vol. iii, as _Journal_ and _Researches_ (London, 1839). Sir Woodbine Parish's work, _Buenos Aires and the Provinces of the Rio de la Plata_ (London, 1838), is remarkably well-informed, and is based upon a thorough study of previous publications and archives. W. MacKann's _Ten Thousand Miles' Ride through the Argentine Republic_ (London, 1855, 2 vols.) is interesting, and the work of a close observer. Martin de Moussy, _Description géographique et statistique de la Confédération argentine_ (Paris, 1858, 3 vols. octavo and atlas), is unequal, but full of information. The work of H. Burmeister, _Description physique de la République argentine_ (Paris, 2 vols., 1876), is of little value, and has been overrated. Richard Napp, _Die Argentinische Republik_ (Buenos Aires, 1876, I vol. octavo), includes a valuable chapter by P. G. Lorentz on the flora ("Vegetationsverhaeltnisse Argentiniens," pp. 87-149). The second volume ("Territoire") of the _Second recensement de la République argentine_ (Buenos Aires, 1898) includes a joint geographical study by a number of writers. _Géologie_, by J. Valentin. _Climat_, by G. G. Davis. _Flore_, by E. L. Holmberg. Some attempt at a general consideration of our geographical knowledge of Argentina has been made by E. A. S. Delachaux, "Las regiones físicas de la Republica Argentina" (_Rev. Mus. Plata_, xv, 1908, pp. 102-131). Our physical knowledge of Argentina has been greatly promoted by the work of the Dirección de Minas. The results are summarized in the _Memorias de la Dirección general de Minas, Geologia, e Hidrologia_, published from 1908 onward (_Anales del Ministerio de Agricultura, Sección geologia, mineralogia, y mineria_: last volume published for the year 1915, Buenos Aires, vol. xii, No. 2). Special works are published in the same section of the _Anales del Min. Agric._, and in the _Boletines de la Dirección de Minas, Geologia, e Hidrologia_. See, especially, series B (Geologia). These reports and the accompanying maps are the basis of all work on the geography of Argentina. They already cover a great deal of Argentine territory. The work of Keidel, in particular, which is an essential contribution to the geological history of the South-American continent, and that of Windhausen, are largely concerned with physical geography, the study of the relief, and the influence of the climate on the landscape. A summary of the history of study of the soil of Argentina will be found in E. Hermitte, _La geologia y mineria Argentina in 1914_ (_Tercer Censo Nacional_, vol. vii, pp. 407-494). As to climate: Buenos Aires Ministerio de Agricultura, _Servicio Meteorologico Argentino, Historia y Organisacion, con un resumen de los resultados_, preparado bajo la dirección de G. G. Davis (Buenos Aires, 1914, quarto), dispenses one from consulting any previous works. There is a very complete bibliography of works on the botany and geographical botany of Argentina in F. Kurtz, "Essai d'une bibliographie botanique de l'Argentine" (2nd edition, _Bol. Acad. Nac. Ciencias Córdoba_, xx, 1915, pp. 369-467). There is a convenient summary of our knowledge of the primitive population in Felix F. Outes and Carlos Bruch, _Los aborigenes de la Rep. argentina_ (Buenos Aires, 1910). 5. NORTH-WEST ARGENTINA. The most complete general work on irrigation is that of E. A. Soldano, _La irrigación en la argentina_ (Buenos Aires, 1910, octavo). See also C. Wouters, "La irrigación en el valle de Lerma" (_An. Soc. Cient. Argentina_, lxvi, 1908, pp. 117-145). The best description of the Puna de Atacama and the country of the Valles is in Eric Boman, "Antiquités de la région andine de la Republique Argentine et du désert d'Atacama" (_Mission scientifique G. de Crequi, Montfort, et E. Senechal de la Grange_, Paris, 1908, 2 vols.). L. Brackebusch, "Ueber die Bodensverhaeltnisse des nordwestlichen Teiles der Argentinischen Republik mit Bezugnahme auf die Vegetation" (_Petermann's Mitteilungen_, 1893, p. 153) is a general description of the whole of north-western Argentina; but Brackebusch's description of his journey, "Viaje a la provincia de Jujuy" (_Bol. Inst. Geog. Argent._, iv, 1883, pp. 9-17, 204-211, and 217-226) is fresher and more useful. I have mentioned in the note to p. 40 Bodenbender's work on the province of La Rioja. Of the various articles, from all quarters, on North-Western Argentina the following may be noticed:-- J. B. Ambrosetti, "Viaje a la Puna de Atacama de Salta a Caurchari" (_Bol. Inst. Geog. Argent._, xxi, 1900, pp. 87-116). F. Kühn, "Descripción del camino desde Rosario de Lerma hasta Cachi" (_Bol. Inst. Geog. Argent._, xxiv, 1910, pp. 42-50). H. Seckt, "Contribución al conocimiento de la vegetación del Nordeste de la Rep. Arg.--Valles de Calchaqui y Puna de Atacama" (_An. Soc. Cient. Arg._, lxxiv, 1912, pp. 185-225). Juan F. Barnabe, "Informe sobre el distrito minero de Tinogasta" (_An. Min. Agric., Seccion Geol. Mineralogia y Mineria_, x, No. 4, Buenos Aires, 1915). On the Puna de Atacama: L. Caplain, "Informe sobre el estado de la mineria en el Territorio de los Andes" (_An. Min. Agric., Seccion Geol. Mineralogia y Mineria_, vii, No. 1, Buenos Aires, 1912). On the sub-Andean chains:-- Guido Bonarelli, "Las Sierras subandinas del Alto y Aguaragüe y los yacimientos petroliferos del distrito minero de Tartagal" (_ibid._, viii, No. 4, Buenos Aires, 1913). See also Dirección General de Minas, Geol., e Hidrol, _Boletin_, series B, No. 9 (Buenos Aires, 1914). On the Chaco Salteño:-- L. Arnaud, "Expedición al Chaco" (_Bol. Inst. Geog. Argent._, vi, 1885, pp. 201-210). On the part of the San Luis province that lies in the zone of the scrub:-- Avé-Lallemant, "Datos orograficos e hidrograficos sobre la Provincia de San Luis" (_Bol. Inst. Geog. Argent._, v, 1884, pp. 191-196, and 222-224), and "Apuntes sobre represas y baldes en San Luis" (_An. Soc. Cient. Arg._, xi, 1881, pp. 178-188). A. L. Cravetti, "Investigación agricola en la Provincia de San Luis" (Buenos Aires, 1904, _An. Min. Agric._, Sección Agric., Botanica, y Agronomia, vol. i, No. 5). On the scrub south of Mar Chiquita:-- H. Frank, "La repoblación forestal en la region de la Mar Chiquita" (_Bol. Dep. gen. Agric. y Ganaderia_, Prov. Córdoba, ii, 1912, pp. 52-57), and "Contribución al conocimiento de la Mar Chiquita" (_ibid._, pp. 87-101). 6. TUCUMÁN AND MENDOZA. On Tucumán see Emilio Lahitte, _La industria azucarera, apuntes de actualidad_ (Buenos Aires, 1902). The best source of the economic history of the sugar industry is the file of the _Revista azucarera_ ("organa de los cultivadores de caña y fabricantes de azucar," Buenos Aires). On Mendoza, "Investigación vinicola" (Buenos Aires, 1903, _Anales_, Min. Agric., Sección Comercio, Industrias, y Economia, i, No. 1). 7. FORESTRY INDUSTRIES. Rudolf Leutgens, "Beiträge zur Kenntniss des Quebracho-Gebietes in Argentinien und Paraguay" (_Mitteil. Geogr. Ges. Hamburg_, xxv, 1911, pp. 1-70). 8. PATAGONIA. _A. The Tableland._ Apart from Villarino's journey on the Rio Negro in the eighteenth century, the first journey across the Patagonian tableland is that of G. Chaworth Musters, _At Home with the Patagonians_ (London, 1871). In the early volumes of the _Bol. Inst. Geog. Argent._ will be found the results of various explorations between 1878 and 1885 by Argentine travellers. With this group of documents, which provided the first material for his conclusions, we may associate the geological studies of Florentino Ameghino, "L'âge des formations sédimentaires de Patagonie" (_An. Soc. Cient. Argentina_, l, 1900, pp. 109-130, 145-160, and 209-229; li, 1901, pp. 20-39 and 65-90; lii, 1901, pp. 189-197 and 244-250; liii, 1902, pp. 161-181, 220-249 and 282-342) and "Les formations sédimentaires du crétacé supérieur et du tertiaire en Patagonie" (_An. Mus. Nac. Buenos Aires_, series ii, vol. viii, 1906, pp. 1-568). On the southern part of Patagonia, south of 50° S. lat.:-- _Svenska Expeditionen till Magellanslaenderna (Wissenschaftliche Ergebnisse der Schwedischen Expedition nach den Magellans Laendern_, 1895-1897, unter Leitung von Dr. Otto Nordenskjoeld, Band I, Geologie, Geographie und Anthropologie, Stockholm, 1907). On the Magellan region and that of the Santa Cruz:-- _Reports of the Princeton University Expeditions to Patagonia_, 1896-9, i, J. B. Hatcher, _Narrative of the Expeditions, Geography of Southern Patagonia_ (Princeton and Stuttgart, 1903). On the Rio Negro district:-- S. Roth, "Apuntes sobre la Geologia y la Paleontologia de las Territorios del Rio Negro y Neuquen" (_Rev. Mus. Plata_, ix, 1899, pp. 141-196). Of more recent works we must especially notice those of the engineers of the Dirección de Minas:-- R. Stappenbeck y F. Reichert, "Informe preliminar relativo a la parte sudeste del Territorio del Chubut" (_An. Min. Agric._, Sección Geol. Mineral., y Minas, vol. ix, No. 1, Buenos Aires, 1909). Ricardo Wichmann, various studies of the eastern part of the plateau of the Rio Negro (_ibid._, xiii, Nos. 1, 3 and 4, Buenos Aires, 1918 and 1919). A. Windhausen, studies on the Rio Negro and the Neuquen (_ibid._, x, No. 1, Buenos Aires, 1914). The geological results of Windhausen's work are summarized in articles that appeared in the _American Journal of Science_ (4th series, xlv, 1918, pp. 1-53) and in the _Bol. Acad. Nac. Ciencias Córdoba_ (xxiii, 1918, pp. 97-128 and 319-364). We must add G. Rivereto, "La valle del Rio Negro" (_Bol. Soc. Geologica Ital._, xxxi, 1912, pp. 181-237, and xxxii, 1913, pp. 101-142). _B. The Andes._ Numerous articles in the _Bol. Inst. Geog. Argent._ and the _An. Soc. Cient. Argentina_, immediately after the military expedition of 1879-1880 (Host, Avé-Lallemant, etc.). A detailed study of the Andean region was undertaken at the time of the frontier-quarrel between Argentina and Chile, and this led to a number of publications. The work done by the Argentinians under F. P. Moreno is used in _Frontera Argentina-Chilena, Memoria presentada al tribunal nombrado por el Gobernio de su Majestad Britanica_ (London, 1902, 2 vols. quarto, 1 vol. maps, and 1 vol. photographs), and in the _Breve Replica a la memoria Chilena_ (London, 1 vol. quarto, 1902). See a summary of the results in L. Gallois, "Les Andes de Patagonie" (_Annales de Géographie_, x, 1901, pp. 232-259). In the _Revista_ and the _Anales_ of the La Plata Museum will be found part of the research made during this period (1897-1900) by Argentine experts; especially the work of Burckhardt and Wehrli on the Neuquen Cordillera. The Chilean work which served as the basis of the _Statement presented on behalf of Chile in reply to the Argentine Report_ (London, 1902, 4 vols. and 2 vols. as appendices) is, on the whole, less valuable. Of later travellers we must mention P. D. Quensel, "On the influence of the Ice Age on the continental watershed of Patagonia" (_Bull. Geol. Inst. Univ. Upsala_, ix, 1908-9, pp. 60-92), and "Geologisch-petrographische studien in der Patagonischen Cordillera" (_ibid._, xi, 1912, pp. 1-114). Very important surveys in the Cordillera and on the plateau of the Rio Negro were made under the direction of Bailey Willis (_Northern Patagonia_, Ministry of Public Works, Bureau of Railways, Argentine Republic; text and maps by the Comisión de Estudios hidrologicos, Bailey Willis Director, 1911-1914, New York, 1914, 1 vol and atlas). On the Patagonian forest (Argentine slope from 40° S. lat. to Cape Horn) see Max Rothkugel, _Los Bosques Patagonicos_ (Minist. Agric., Dirección Gen. Agric. y Defensa Agricola: Officina de Bosques y Yerbales, Buenos Aires, 1916). 9. THE PAMPEAN REGION. The occupation of the western part of the Pampa between 1875 and 1880 led to a fairly large amount of research. The most important work is the _Informe oficial de la Comisión cientifica agregada al Estado Mayor General de la Expedición al Rio Negro_, vol. iii, _Geologia_, by Dr. Ad. Doering (Buenos Aires, 1882). We must also notice G. Avé-Lallemant, "Excursión al Territorio indio del Sud" (_Bol. Inst. Geogr. Argent._, ii, 1881, pp. 41-49); D. Dupont, "Notas geograficas sobre el païs de los Ranqueles" (_Bol. Inst. Geog. Argent._, 1790, pp. 47-56); and Est. Zeballos, _Descripción amena de la Republica Argentina_, vol. i, _Viaje al païs de las Araucanos_ (Buenos Aires, 1881). Of general works on the Pampa and the Pampean deposits: Fl. Ameghino, _La formación Pampeana_ (Paris and Buenos Aires, 1881), and "Las formaciones sedimentarias de la región litoral de Mar del Plata y Chapalmalan" (_An. Mus. Nac. Buenos Aires_, series ii, vol. x, 1908, pp. 348-428). G. Bodenbender, "La cuenca del valle del rio Primero en Córdoba: Descripción geologica del valle del rio Primero desde la Sierra de Córdoba hasta la Mar Chiquita" (_Bol. Acad. Nac. Ciencias Córdoba_, xii, 1890, pp. 1-54); and "Die Pampa Ebene in Osten der Sierra von Córdoba in Argentinien" (_Petermann's Mitteilungen_, 1893, pp. 201-237 and 258-264). Santiago Roth, "Beobachtungen ueber Entstehung und Alter der Pampasformationen in Argentinien" (_Zeitschrift der Deutschen Geol. Ges._, xi, 1888, pp. 375-464); "Beitrag zur Gliederung der Sedimentablagerungen in Patagonien und der Pampas Region" (_Neues Jahrbuch für Min., Geol., und Paläont._, Beilage, Band xxvi, Stuttgart, 1908, pp. 92-150); and "La construcción de un Canal de Bahía Blanca a las provincias andinas bajo el punto de vista hidrogeologico" (_Rev. Museo de la Plata_, xvi, 1909). _Nouvelles recherches sur la formation pampéenne et l'homme fossile de la Republique argentine._ A collection of scientific articles published by R. Lehmann-Nitsche (_Rev. Mus. Plata_, xiv, 1907, pp. 143-488), which contains, especially, one by C. Burckhardt, "La formation pampéenne de Buenos Aires et Santa Fé," and one by Ad. Doering, "La formation pampéenne de Córdoba." Ales Hrdlicka, _Early Man in South America_ (Smithsonian Institution, Bull. 52, Washington, 1912--geological part by Bailey Willis). On the district of the Central Pampa, R. Stappenbeck, "Investigaciones hidrogeologicas de los valles de Chapalco y Quehuë y sus alrededores" (Min. Agric., Dir. Gen. Minas, Geol., e Hidrol., Bol. No. 4, Buenos Aires, 1913). On various points in detail one may consult:-- Lavalle y Medici, "Las nivelaciones de la Provincia" (_Bol. Inst. Geog. Argent._, vii, 1866, pp. 57-71). P. A. Bovet, _El Problema de los Medanos en el Pais_ (Buenos Aires, 1910). R. Velasco, "Los Medanos de la Provincia de Córdoba" (_Bol. Dep. Gen. Agric. y Ganaderia_, Prov. Córdoba, i, pp. 155-173). Among descriptions of an economic character, which are generally of poor value, we must make an exception in favour of Emile Daireaux, _La vie et les moeurs à la Plata_ (Paris, 1889). A few useful notes on colonization will be found in Teod. Morsbah, "Estudios economicos sobre el Sud de la Provincia de Buenos Aires" (_Bol. Inst. Geog. Argent._, ix, 1888, pp. 143-151) and in E. Segui, "La provincia de Buenos Aires" (_Bol. Inst. Geog. Argent._, xix, 1898, pp. 419-440). A very useful summary of the results of a general inquiry into agriculture will be found in "Investigación agricola en la Rep. argent." (_Anales Min. Agric. Agronomia_, vol. i, No. 1, 2 and 3, Buenos Aires, 1904: "Preliminares," by Carlos D. Girola, "Investigación agricola en la region septentrional de la Provincia de Buenos Aires," by Ricardo J. Huergo, and "Investigación agricola en la Provincia de Santa Fé," by Hugo Miatello). With this inquiry is associated G. D. Girola, _El cultivo del trigo en la provincia de Buenos Aires_ (Buenos Aires, 1904). Agricultural censuses have been taken repeatedly. For 1888 F. Latzina, _L'agriculture et le bétail dans la République argentine_ (Paris, 1889). For 1895 (_Secundo censo_, see Population) the results are given in C. P. Salas, _Bureau central de Statistique de la province de Buenos Aires_ and _L'agriculture, l'élevage, et le commerce dans la province en 1895_ (La Plata, 1897; maps by Delachaux). For 1908, _Censo agro-pecuario nacional_. _La ganaderia y la agricultura en 1908_ (Buenos Aires, 3 vols. quarto, 1909). Vol. iii contains a series of monographs dealing not only with the Pampean region, but the economic history of the whole country. For 1914 (_Tercer censo_, see Population) the publication of vol. v, relating to agriculture, is unfortunately delayed. There is also available a census of cattle made in 1915 for the Buenos Aires province, _Provincia de Buenos Aires, Min. Obras Publicas, Censo Ganadero_ (1916). 10. THE RAILWAYS. For the history of the railways see Rebuelto, "Historia del desarollo de los ferrocarriles argentinas" (_Bol. Obras Publicas_, vol. v, 1911, pp. 113-172, vol. vi, 1913, pp. 1-48 and 81-110, and vol. viii, 1913, pp. 1-32), and the entire series of the _Boletin de Obras Publicas_. A sort of annual of the Argentine railways has been published every year since 1906 under the title _Killik's Argentine Railway Manual_ (London, 1 vol. with map, last issue 1918). 11. THE PARANÁ. E. A. S. Delachaux, "Los problemas geograficos del territorio Argentino" (_Rev. Univ. Buenos Aires_, 1906, v), includes a study of the floods of the Paraná. The chief source is the memoir of Repossini, "Memoria sobre el rio Paraná" (_Bol. Obras Publicas_, vol. vi, 1912, pp. 141-168 and 254-264, vol. vii, 1912, pp. 31-48 and 163-186, and vol. viii, 1913, pp. 33-99). It contains on a reduced scale the map issued by the Ministry of Public Works, which is not available in France. The defect is supplied by the English Admiralty Charts, "Rio de la Plata," 1869 (No. 2544 in the Catalogue of Admiralty Charts), and "River Paraná," parts i, ii, iii, iv, v, and vi of 1905 (Nos. 1982/A and 1982/B). There is an interesting economic summary in W. S. Barclay, "The River Paraná, an economic survey" (_Geogr. Journal_, xxxiii, 1909, pp. 1-10). On the estuary:-- Alej. Foster, "Regimen del Rio de la Plata y su corrección" (_An. Soc. Cient. Argent._, lii, 1901, pp. 209-234). G. Rovereto, "Studi di geomorfologia argentina," ii, "Il rio della Plata" (_Bol. Soc. Geol. Ital._, xxx, 1911). 12. POPULATION. Besides municipal and provincial censuses, there have been three general censuses: First census made in 1869, one folio volume published in 1872. I have only been able to consult _Oficina del Censo_. _Informe sobre la operación y resultado del Primer censo argentino_ (Buenos Aires, 1870, octavo). Second census of the Argentine Republic, May 10, 1895 (2 vols, quarto, Buenos Aires, 1898). _Tercer Censo Nacional levantado el 1º de junio de 1914_ (10 vols, quarto, Buenos Aires, 1916-1917). Only the fifth volume, on agriculture, is not yet to hand. A geographical interpretation of the distribution of the population was attempted by E. A. S. Delachaux, "La población de la Rep. Argent." (_Rev. Univ. Buenos Aires_, iii, 1905). INDEX Abipones, the, 24 _Acequia_, the, 45, 69, 83 Aconcagua, 19, 38, 59, 70, 71 Æolian deposits, 21, 124, 170 Agricultural Centres Law, the, 202 _Aguadas_, 61, 210 _Algarrobas_, 39, 54, 64 Alhuampa, 113 Alumine, the, 128, 129 Ambrosetti, J. B., 136, 282 Ameghino, F., 168 Andalgala, 42 Andes, the Argentine, 19, 37, 46, 54, 57, 70, 126 Andes, the Patagonian, 19, 120, 126, 129 Añecon, 122, 151 Antofágasta, 54, 55 Apipé rapids, the, 239 Apostoles, 116 Araucanians, the, 24, 121 Argentine hydrographic service, 254 _Arrieros_, the, 51, 216, 217 Arroyo del Rey, 26 Asses, trade in, 53 Atamisqui, 97, 98 Atuel, the, 81, 84 Azcarate, 51, 52 Bahía Blanca, 25, 32, 148, 155, 164, 168, 173, 198, 223, 227, 271 Bajada Grande, the, 242, 243 Bamboo, 133 _Bañados_, the, 62, 63, 67, 97, 98, 101 Barra del Indio, the, 253 Barrancas, 17, 245 Basalt, 122, 125, 149 Basques in Argentina, 183, 186 Bellavista, 246 Bellville, 167, 188 Bermejo, the, 40, 115 _Bodegueros_, 87-90 Bodenbender, G., 40, 57, 168, 286 Bolivia, relations with, 48, 50, 52, 53, 70 Boman, E., 47, 282 Brackebusch, L., 48, 54, 278, 282 Brazil, 109, 116, 182, 235 Breeding, 22, 131, 179, 188, 189 British Navy in Argentine waters, 238, 248, 252 Buenos Aires, 17, 29, 30, 32, 57, 109, 112, 155, 159, 164, 184, 209, 218, 220, 239, 254, 259, 272-275 Burruyacu, Sierra de, 72, 73 Calchaqui, 48, 54 _Caldenes_,163 _Cañadas_, 107 _Cañadones_, 122-141 Candelaria, 110, 116 _Cañeros_, the, 74, 75 Carcaraña, the, 171, 212, 246 Carilaufquen, the, 141 Carmen, 130 Carri Lauquen, Lake, 128, 151, 157 Catamarca, 31, 43, 45, 55, 80 Cattle, creole, 22, 131, 179-183, 189 Cattle, pedigree, 22, 188, 189 Cattle fairs, 209 Cattle trade, the, 48, 50, 53, 66, 80, 131, 179-189, 206-208 Catuna, 62 Cedar-forests, 109 Central Argentine Railway, 76, 191, 220, 225 Central Córdoba, 74, 76, 91, 104, 221 Central Norte Railway, 114 _Cerco_, the, 63 Cerro Payen, the, 119, 136 Cerros Colorados, 150, 151 Chaco, the, 32, 78, 96, 104-115 Chaco, Salteño, the, 58-60 Chamical, 62 _Chañares_, 163 Charcoal-burners, 112 Chicago and Buenos Aires, 17 Chile, relations with, 25, 29, 30, 48, 49, 53, 54, 57, 134, 137, 138, 204, 205, 210 Chile road, the, 210, 213 Chilean flour, 79 Chiriguanos, the, 79 Chivilcoy, 190, 194, 195, 212, 263 Choele Choel, 133, 134, 149 Chosmalal, 120, 137, 144 Chubut, the, 138, 140, 155 Climate, 46, 70, 71, 72, 77, 80, 92, 119, 120, 139 _Coilrue_, the, 127 Colalao del Valle, 42 Colastiné, 226, 253 Colonia, 251, 252 Colonies, the, 191, 193, 195, 196 Colonization Companies, 202 _Colonos_,75 Colorado, the, 172 Conlara, 178 Cordillera, the, 19, 20, 48, 81, 121, 126, 129 Córdoba, 29, 33, 50, 57, 164 Córdoba, Sierra de, 209 Corrientes, 32, 49, 102, 107, 108, 189, 215, 257, 269 _Costa_, the, 41, 42, 60 Cruz Alta, 73, 74, 75 Cuarto, the Rio, 25, 211 Cuenca Vidal, 155 Cumbre Tunnel, 222 Cuyo, 79, 85, 86, 96 Cypresses, 127 Daireaux, E., 187, 193, 287 Dairies, 186, 190, 193 Dams, 69-70 Darwin, C, 23, 123, 133, 170, 217, 280 D'Azara, F., 25, 28, 49, 102, 174, 180, 212, 279, 280 Dead valleys, 122, 129 _Demarcación_, 44 Diamante, 248, 249 Diamante, the, 81, 84 Diez y seis de Octubre, 120, 144 Doering, A., 168, 286 Dolores, 178 D'Orbigny, A., 130, 131, 133, 142, 180, 236, 237, 280 Drainage, 83 Drought, 65, 66, 105, 120 Dulce, the Rio, 97, 98 Dunes, 173, 174, 181 Durham cattle, 189, 207 English Bank, the, 252 Entre Rios, 169, 182, 186, 194 Epecuen Lake, 212 Exhibition, San Francisco, 7 _Falda_, the, 73, 74 Famatina, Sierra de la, 40 Fiords, the Patagonian, 20, 128 Flax, 176, 196, 197 Floods, 97, 99, 211 Floods on the rivers, 240, 241 Forests, 23, 96-118 Forts, the early, 26, 27 Frontiers, early, 25 Funes, Dean G., 30, 179 _Galeria_, the, 218 Gallegos, 120, 121, 136 Garcia, Colonel, 27, 182, 183, 210 _Garrapate_, the, 22, 189, 207 _Gauchos_, 218 Gauge, differences of, 221, 222, 231, 232 General La valle, 165 Geological formations, 40, 121, 122, 124-126, 129, 166, 168 Glaciers, the Patagonian, 19, 36, 123, 128, 129 Gold, 138 Goods, traffic, analysis of, 228-231 Granite, 121, 125, 149 Guapichas, 54 Guayra, the, 246 Harvest, labour and the, 266 Helms, A. Z., 51 Hides, 178-180 Holmberg, E. L., 23, 281 Hrdlicka, A., 168, 287 Huari, 56 Hutchinson, F. J., 50 Immigration, 9, 116, 137, 191, 263, 264 Indians, relations with the, 24-28, 47, 131-135 Indians, the Patagonian, 131-135 Ingeniero White, 226 _Intrusos_, 139, 157 _Invernadas_, the, 51, 53, 60, 65, 183 Irrigation, 36, 41-46, 61, 64, 74, 83-86, 144, 154 Itinerary of author, 6 Ituzaingo, 246, 257 Japan, trade with, 8 Jegou, A., 205 Jerked meat, 115 Jesuit missions, 110 Jujuy, 38, 56, 77 Junin, 194 Labour-supply, 76, 77, 79, 88, 108-111 Lacar, Lake, 144 Land-ownership, 61, 201-203 Land, speculation in, 201 Lanin, Mount, 128-147 Larch, the, 146 La Rioja, 32, 33, 59, 80, 209 Ledesma, 78 _Lenga_, the, 127 Lima, 29, 48 Limay, the, 120, 123, 124, 130, 146, 154 Lincoln sheep, 184 Los Sauces, 41 Lucerne-farms, 53, 67, 155, 176-178, 196 Lumbrera, Sierra de la, 58, 70, 77 MacKann, W., 180, 280 Maize, 71, 192-194, 197, 198, 230 _Mallin_, 124, 125, 142, 151 _Manantiales_, 142, 148 Maquinchao, 148, 150, 151, 153, 158 Mar Chiquita, 113, 162, 173, 176, 191 Markets, Argentine, 203-210 Martin Garcia, 166, 251, 253 Matacos, the, 79 _Maté_, 33, 109-112, 117 Matto Grosso, 117, 235 _Mayten_, 128 Mejia, Ramos, 224 Mendoza, 19, 32, 33, 50, 57, 79-93, 218, 270, 271 _Merced_, the, 61, 67 Mercedario, 19 Merino sheep, 184 Mesopotamia, the Argentine, 18 Miatello, 176 Migrations of cattle, 65, 143, 157-159 Migrations of indigenous population, 264-267 Misiones, 33, 109-112, 115 _Molle_, 127 _Monte_, the, 22, 96 Montevideo, 238, 251 Moussy, Martin de, 25, 50, 204, 210 Muleteers, the, 216-7 Mule-trade, the, 49, 51-2, 53, 55 Nahuel Huapi, Lake, 120, 126, 127, 130, 132, 133, 144, 225, 245, 247 Navigation, statistics of, 258 Negro, the Rio, 32, 80, 119, 121, 130, 153 Negroes captured, 131 Neuquen, the, 129, 130, 137, 138, 153 Oases, 36, 41, 86 Oats, 199 _Obrajes_, the, 103-105, 107 Olavarria, 194 Olta, 62 _Omber_, the, 163 Ortiz Bank, the, 252 Otway Water, 129, 136 Pagancillo, 40 Pampa, the, 17, 21, 33, 161-208, 261, 262 Pampa, extent of the, 102 Parabolic tariffs, 226 Paracao, 248 Paraguay, 109, 110, 236, 269 Paraguay, the river, 116, 165, 235, 241, 247 _Paraisos_, 175 Paraná, the, 17, 26, 111, 112, 171, 214, 234, 236-50 Paraná de las Palmas, the, 250, 252, 253 Paraná Guazu, the, 251 Paraná Mini, the, 253 Parish, Sir Woodbine, 30, 100, 130, 182, 213, 215, 261, 280 Paso Paraguayo, the, 250 _Pasto dulce_, 23, 24, 183 _Pasto duro_, 23, 24, 183 _Pasto fuerto_, 23 Patagones, 153, 154 Patagonia, 119-160 Pehuenches, the, 24, 131 Peru, relations with, 28, 29, 49, 51 Peru road, the, 209, 210, 213, 214, 216 Piedra Blanca, 43 Pine forests, 109 Plata, Rio de la, 28, 29, 234, 239 Playa Honda, the, 252, 253 Poma, 56 Poncel, B., 31, 53 Population, growth of, 261-263 Ports, 225 Portuguese, relations with the, 235 Posadas, 111, 116, 242, 248, 249 Potatoes, 205 Pozos del Barca Grande, 253 Protectionism, 93, 94 Puerto Belgrano, 232 Pumpkin, the, 100 _Puna_, the, 37, 38 Puna de Atacama, 47, 48 Punta Arenas, 136 _Quebracho_, the, 23, 96, 103, 256-7 Quebracho Herrado, 26 _Quebradas_, 38, 41, 53 Quetriquile, 151 Quinto, the Rio, 26 Quiroga, 59 Railways, 74, 76, 91, 104, 114, 191, 211, 220-233 Railway tariffs, 226 Rainfall, 21, 38, 39, 71, 72, 80, 120-121, 164 Ranqueles, the, 24, 131 Refrigerators, 143, 187, 188, 209 Repossini, 254 _Represa_, the, 64, 210 Riachucho, 247 Rincones, 180 River-floods, 240, 241, 243 River-traffic, 235-258 Roads, 210-220 Roca, General, 26, 27 Rosario, 92, 164, 171, 173, 191, 215, 221, 239, 245, 253 Rosario de Lerma, 55, 56 Rosas, General, 30, 238 _Saladeros_, 184, 189 Salado, the, 23, 26, 112, 171 Sali, the, 69, 77 _Salitral_, 124, 149 Salt Lakes, the, 24 Salt Road, the, 212 Salta, 29, 32, 33, 38, 46, 48, 51, 59, 70, 214, 218 San Cristobal, 114 San Feliciano, 248 San Javier, 110, 114, 249 San José, 116, 134 San Juan, 19, 32, 33, 50, 66, 79, 82 San Lorenzo, 249 San Luis, 33 San Pedro, 78, 289, 250 San Rafaël, 80, 81, 82, 172, 177 Sancho, 71 Santa Cruz, the, 120, 121, 122 Santa Fé, 26, 52, 112, 114, 175, 191, 196, 198, 253 Santa Maria, 55, 56, 77 Santiago del Estero, 26, 28, 50, 60, 77, 97, 113 Saw-mills, 106-8 Scrub, the, 22, 96 Seasonal migrations, 266 Selective breeding, 21, 179, 188, 189 Sheep-breeding, 139-144, 183-186 Shipping, 236, 240, 253-259 Sierra de los Llanos, 59-63, 67 Sierra d'Ulapes, 66 Somuncura, 122, 152 Spaniards, the early, 28, 29, 48 Stage-coaches, 210 Straits of Magellan, 129 Sugar-industry, the, 69-79 _Suerte de agua_, the, 85 Tablelands, the alluvial, 17, 37 Tandil, Sierra de, 25, 172, 179, 182, 184, 190 Tannin, 102, 105, 106, 107 Tehuelches, the, 131 Texas fever, 22, 189 Teran, M. J. B., 7 Tercero, the Rio, 211, 213 Tierra del Fuego, 128, 140 Tinogasta, 48 Tobacco, 101 Tobas, the, 24, 26 _Toma_, the, 63 _Tosca_, the, 123, 172, 173, 178 Tostado, 114 Trans-Andean railway, 220, 221, 222 Transhumation, 143, 156-159, 182 Transport, evolution of, 215-220, 228 Travelling, early difficulties of, 211-219, 237-238 _Travesias_, the, 52, 60, 142, 211 Tronador, Mount, 128, 147 _Troperos_, the, 217-19 Tucumán, 29, 32, 33, 69-79, 218, 221, 270, 271 Tunuyan, the, 81, 82 Tupungato, 19 _Turno_, the, 44, 85, 86 United States, comparison with 32, 34 United States, trade with, 8 Urban centres, 268, 269 Urquiza, 26, 180, 215 Uruguay, 116 Uruguay, the river, 110, 235, 238, 259 Useless Bay, 129 Valcheta, 122, 123, 149, 150, 153 Valle de Lerma, 48, 54 Valle Viejo, 43, 45 _Valles_, 37-48 _Vegas_, 54, 144 Veinte cinco de Mayo, 194, 262 Ventana, Sierra de, 172, 182, 198, 199 Villa Concepción, 110 Villa Maria, 113, 213 Villa Mercedes, 25, 66, 113, 164, 174, 177, 207, 221 Villa Paraná, 245 Villa Rica, 110, 111 Villarino, 130, 133 Villa Urquiza, 244 Vilque, 56 _Viñatores_, 87-93 Vineyards, 80-93 _Volcada de agua_, 45 Volcanic eruptions, 122, 125 Wagons, travel by, 216, 217 War, the European, effect of, 8 Water-power in Patagonia, 146 Water-rights, 43-46, 61, 64, 84-86 Water-supply, 36, 38, 39, 41-46, 61, 64, 72, 83-86, 141, 154, 181 Welsh in Patagonia, 138 Wheat, 190-192, 194, 198, 199, 230 Wheelwright, 221 Wild cattle, 179-181 Willis, Bailey, 138, 146, 147, 152, 171 Wind, action of the, 20, 124, 170 Wine-industry, the, 80-95 Wool, 139, 183-185 _Yerbales_, the, 49, 109-112, 115, 117 Yguassu, the, 242, 246, 257 Zapala, 156, 158 Zeballos, 204, 213 _Zonda_, the, 41 _Printed in Great Britain by_ UNWIN BROTHERS, LIMITED, THE GRESHAM PRESS, LONDON AND WOKING * * * * * * Transcriber's note: Small capitals have been rendered as ALL CAPITALS. Apparent printer's errors have been corrected. The following table lists changes made by the transcribers. +----+---------------+---------------+ |PAGE| CHANGED TO | ORIGINAL | +----+---------------+---------------+ | 9| inmigración | immigración | | 9| después | despues | | 14| Santa | Sante | | 22| físicas | fisicas | | 22| República | Republica | | 23| República | Republica | | 23| República | Republica | | 52| Córdoba, | Córdoba | | 82| melt | meet | | 82| Estero | Eestero | | 91| wines | vines | | 84| Sometimes | Somtimes | | 91| regards | regrads | | 103| Santa | Sante | | 103| quebracho | quebraco | | 105| small | mall | | 105| alongs | along | | 112| crops | props | | 113| quebrachos | quegrachas | | 114| Santa | Sante | | 136|Forschungsreise|Farschungsreise| | 142| than | that | | 157| are | are are | | 167| campaign | compaign | | 175| enlarge | enlarges | | 181| Santa | Sente | | 193| dairy | diary | | 219| galera | galeria | | 266| the | he | | 291| 248 | 24 | | 287| Hrdlicka | Hrdlicker | | 295| 240 | 740 | |----+---------------+---------------+ 
6495	----	HISTORY OF THE GREAT AMERICAN FORTUNES BY GUSTAVUS MYERS AUTHOR OF "THE HISTORY OF TAMMANY HALL," "HISTORY OF PUBLIC FRANCHISES IN NEW YORK CITY," ETC. VOL. II GREAT FORTUNES FROM RAILROADS I. THE SEIZURE OF THE PUBLIC DOMAIN II. A NECESSARY CONTRAST III. THE BEGINNINGS OF THE VANDERBILT FORTUNE IV. THE ONRUSH OF THE VANDERBILT FORTUNE V. THE VANDERBILT FORTUNE INCREASES MANIFOLD VI. THE ENTAILING OF THE VANDERBILT FORTUNE VII. THE VANDERBILT FORTUNE IN THE PRESENT GENERATION VIII. FURTHER ASPECTS OF THE VANDERBILT FORTUNE IX. THE RISE OR THE GOULD FORTUNE X. THE SECOND STAGE OF THE GOULD FORTUNE XI. THE GOULD FORTUNE BOUNDS FORWARD XII. THE GOULD FORTUNE AND SOME ANTECEDENT FACTORS XIII. FURTHER ASPECTS OF THE VANDERBILT FORTUNE 260 PART III THE GREAT FORTUNES FROM RAILROADS CHAPTER I THE SEIZURE OF THE PUBLIC DOMAIN Before setting out to relate in detail the narrative of the amassing of the great individual fortunes from railroads, it is advisable to present a preliminary survey of the concatenating circumstances leading up to the time when these vast fortunes were rolled together. Without this explanation, this work would be deficient in clarity, and would leave unelucidated many important points, the absence of which might puzzle or vex the reader. Although industrial establishments, as exemplified by mills, factories and shops, much preceded the construction of railroads, yet the next great group of fortunes to develop after, and along with, those from land were the fortunes plucked from the control and manipulation of railroad systems. THE LAGGING FACTORY FORTUNES. Under the first stages of the old chaotic competitive system, in which factory warred against factory, and an intense struggle for survival and ascendency enveloped the whole tense sphere of manufacturing, no striking industrial fortunes were made. Fortunate was that factory owner regarded who could claim $250,000 clear. All of those modern and complex factors offering such unbounded opportunities for gathering in spoils mounting into the hundreds of millions of dollars, were either unknown or in an inchoate or rudimentary state. Invention, if we may put it so, was just blossoming forth. Hand labor was largely prevalent. Huge combinations were undreamed of; paper capitalization as embodied in the fictitious issues of immense quantities of bonds and stocks was not yet a part of the devices of the factory owner, although it was a fixed plan of the bankers and insurance companies. The factory owner was the supreme type of that sheer individualism which had burst forth from the restraints of feudalism. He stood alone fighting his commercial contests with persistent personal doggedness. Beneath his occasional benevolence and his religious professions was a wild ardor in the checkmating or bankruptcy of his competitors. These were his enemies; he fought them with every mercantile weapon, and they him; and none gave quarter. Apart from the destructive character of this incessant warfare, dooming many of the combatants, other intervening factors had the tendency of holding back the factory owners' quick progress-- obstacles and drawbacks copiously described in later and more appropriate parts of this work. MIGHT OF THE RAILROAD OWNERS. In contrast to the slow, almost creeping pace of the factory owners in the race for wealth, the railroad owners sprang at once into the lists of mighty wealth-possessers, armed with the most comprehensive and puissant powers and privileges, and vested with a sweep of properties beside which those of the petty industrial bosses were puny. Railroad owners, we say; the distinction is necessary between the builders of the railroads and the owners. The one might construct, but it often happened that by means of cunning, fraud and corruption, the builders were superseded by another set of men who vaulted into possession. Looking back and summing up the course of events for a series of years, it may be said that there was created over night a number of entities empowered with extraordinary and far-reaching rights and powers of ownership. These entities were called corporations, and were called into being by law. Beginning as creatures of law, the very rights, privileges and properties obtained by means of law, soon enabled them to become the dictators and masters of law. The title was in the corporation, not in the individual; hence the men who controlled the corporation swayed the substance of power and ownership. The factory was usually a personal affair, owned by one man or in co-partnership; to get control of this property it was necessary to get the owner in a financial corner and force him to sell out, for, as a rule, he had no bond or stock issues. But the railroad corporation was a stock corporation; whoever secured control of a majority of the stock became the legal administrator of its policies and property. By adroit manipulation, intimidation, superior knavery, and the corrupt domination of law, it was always easy for those who understood the science of rigging the stock market, and that of strategic undermining, to wrest the control away from weak, or (treating the word in a commercial sense) incompetent, holders. This has been long shown by a succession of examples. THE LEGALIZING OF CUNNING Thus this situation, so singularly conflicting with the theoretical majesty of the law, was frequently presented: A band of men styling themselves a corporation received a perpetual charter with the most sweeping rights and properties. In turn, the law interposed no effective hindrance to the seizing of their possessions by any other group proving its power to grasp them. All of this was done under nominal forms of law, but differed little in reality from the methods during medieval times when any baron could take another baron's castle and land by armed force, and it remained his until a stronger man came along and proved his title likewise. Long before the railroad had been accepted commercially as a feasible undertaking, the trading and land-owning classes, as has been repeatedly pointed out, had demonstrated very successfully how the forms of government could be perverted to enrich themselves at the expense of the working population. Taxation laws, as we have seen, were so devised that the burden in a direct way fell lightly on the shipping, manufacturing, trading, banking and land-owning classes, while indirectly it was shoved almost wholly upon the workers, whether in shop, factory or on farm. Furthermore, the constant response of Government, municipal, State and National, to property interests, has been touched upon; how Government loaned vast sums of public money, free of interest, to the traders, while at the same time refusing to assist the impoverished and destitute; how it granted immunity from punishment to the rich and powerful, and inflicted the most drastic penalties upon poor debtors and penniless violators of the law; how it allowed the possessing classes to evade taxation on a large scale, and effected summarily cruel laws permitting landlords to evict tenants for non- payment of rent. These and many other partial and grievously discriminative laws have been referred to, as also the refusal of Government to interfere in the slightest with the commercial frauds and impositions constantly practiced, with all their resulting great extortions, upon the defenceless masses. Of the long-prevailing frauds on the part of the capitalists in acquiring large tracts of public land, some significant facts have been brought out in preceding chapters. Those facts, however, are only a few of a mass. When the United States Government was organized, most of the land in the North and East was already expropriated. But immense areas of public domain still remained in the South and in the Middle West. Over much of the former Colonial land the various legislatures claimed jurisdiction, until, one after another, they ceded it to the National Government. With the Louisiana purchase, in 1805, the area of public domain was enormously extended, and consecutively so later after the Mexican war. THE LAND LAWS AGAINST THE POOR From the very beginning of the government, the land laws were arranged to discriminate against the poor settler. Instead of laws providing simple and inexpensive ways for the poor to get land, the laws were distorted into a highly effective mechanism by which companies of capitalists, and individual capitalists, secured vast tracts for trivial sums. These capitalists then either held the land, or forced settlers to pay exorbitant prices for comparatively small plots. No laws were in existence compelling the purchaser to be a _bona fide_ settler. Absentee landlordism was the rule. The capitalist companies were largely composed of Northern, Eastern and Southern traders and bankers. The evidence shows that they employed bribery and corruption on a great scale, either in getting favorable laws passed, or in evading such laws as were on the statute books by means of the systematic purchase of the connivance of Land Office officials. By act of Congress, passed on April 21, 1792, the Ohio Land Company, for example, received 100,000 acres, and in the same year it bought 892,900 acres for $642,856.66. But this sum was not paid in money. The bankers and traders composing the company had purchased, at a heavy discount, certificates of public debt and army land warrants, and were allowed to tender these as payment. [Footnote: U. S. Senate Executive Documents, Second Session, Nineteenth Congress, Doc. No. 63.] The company then leisurely disposed of its land to settlers at an enormous profit. Nearly all of the land companies had banking adjuncts. The poor settler, in order to settle on land that a short time previously had been national property, was first compelled to pay the land company an extortionate price, and then was forced to borrow the money from the banking adjuncts, and give a heavy mortgage, bearing heavy interest, on the land. [Footnote: U. S. Senate Documents, First Session, Twenty-fourth Congress, 1835-36, Doc. No. 216: 16.] The land companies always took care to select the very best lands. The Government documents of the time are full of remonstrances from legislatures and individuals complaining of these seizures, under form of law, of the most valuable areas. The tracts thus appropriated comprised timber and mineral, as well as agricultural, land. VAST TRACTS SECURED BY BRIBERY. One of the most scandalous land-company transactions was that involving a group of Southern and Boston capitalists. In January, 1795, the Georgia Legislature, by special act, sold millions of acres in different parts of the State of Georgia to four land companies. The people of the State were convinced that this purchase had been obtained by bribery. It was made an election issue, and a Legislature, comprising almost wholly new members, was elected. In February, 1796, this Legislature passed a rescinding act, declaring the act of the preceding year void, on the ground of its having been obtained by "improper influence." In 1803 the tracts in question were transferred by the Georgia Legislature to the United States Government. The Georgia Mississippi Land Company was one of the four companies. In the meantime, this company had sold its tract, for ten cents an acre, to the New England Mississippi Land Company. Although committee after committee of Congress reported that the New England Mississippi Land Company had paid little or no actual part of the purchase price, yet that company, headed by some of the foremost Boston capitalists, lobbied in Congress for eleven years for an act giving it a large indemnity. Finally, in 1814, Congress passed an indemnification act, under which the eminent Bostonians, after ten years more lobbying, succeeded in getting an award from the United States Treasury of $1,077,561.73. The total amount appropriated by Congress on the pretense of settling the claims of the various capitalists in the "Yazoo Claims" was $1,500,000. [Footnote: Senate Documents, Eighteenth Congress, Second Session, 1824-25, Vol. ii, Doc. No. 14, and Senate Documents, Twenty-fourth Congress, 1836-37, Vol. ii, No. 212. After the grants were secured, the companies attempted to swindle the State of Georgia by making payments in depreciated currency. Georgia refused to accept it. When the grant was rescinded, both houses of the Georgia Legislature marched in solemn state to the Capitol front and burned the deed.] The ground upon which this appropriation was made by Congress was that the Supreme Court of the United States had decided that, irrespective of the methods used to obtain the grant from the Georgia Legislature, the grant, once made, was in the nature of a contract which could not be revoked or impaired by subsequent legislation. This was the first of a long line of court decisions validating grants and franchises of all kinds secured by bribery and fraud. It was probably the scandal arising from the bribery of the Georgia Legislature that caused popular ferment, and crystallized a demand for altered laws. In 1796 Congress declared its intention to abandon the prevailing system of selling millions of acres to companies or individuals. The new system, it announced, was to be one adapted to the interests of both capitalist and poor man. Land was thereafter to be sold in small quantities on credit. Could the mechanic or farmer demand a better law? Did it not hold out the opportunity to the poorest to get land for which payment could be gradually made? But this law worked even better to the advantage of the capitalist class than the old. By bribing the land officials the capitalists were able to cause the choicest lands to be fraudulently withheld, and entered by dummies. In this way, vast tracts were acquired. Apparently the land entries were made by a large number of intending settlers, but these were merely the intermediaries by which capitalists secured great tracts in the form of many small allotments. Having obtained the best lands, the capitalists then often held them until they were in demand, and forced actual settlers to pay heavily for them. During all of this time the capitalists themselves held the land "on credit." Some of them eventually paid for the lands out of the profits made from the settlers, but a great number of the purchasers cheated the Government almost entirely out of what they owed. [Footnote: On Sept. 30, 1822, "credit purchasers" owed the Government: In Ohio, $1,260,870.87; in Indiana, $1,212,815.28; in Illinois, $841,302.80; in Missouri, $734,108.87; in Alabama, $5,760,728.01; in Mississippi, $684,093.50; and in Michigan, $50,584.82--a total of nearly $10,550,000. (Executive Reports, First Session, Eighteenth Congress, 1824, Report No. 61.) Most of these creditors were capitalist land speculators.] The capitalists of the period contrived to use the land laws wholly to their own advantage and profit. In 1824, the Illinois Legislature memorialized Congress to change the existing laws. Under them, it recited, the best selections of land had been made by non-resident speculators, and it called upon Congress to pass a law providing for selling the remaining lands at fifty cents an acre. [Footnote: U. S. Senate Documents, Second Session, Eighteenth Congress, 1824-25, Vol. ii, Doc. No. 25.] Other legislatures petitioned similarly. Yet, notwithstanding the fact that United States officials and committees of Congress were continually unearthing great frauds, no real change for the benefit of the poor settler was made. GREAT EXTENT OF THE LAND FRAUDS. The land frauds were great and incessant. In a long report, the United States Senate Committee on Public Lands, reporting on June 20, 1834, declared that the evidence it had taken established the fact that in Ohio and elsewhere, combinations of capitalist speculators, at the public sales of lands, had united for the purpose of driving other purchasers out of the market and in deterring poor men from bidding. The committee detailed how these companies and individuals had fraudulently bought large tracts of land at $1.25 an acre, and sold the land later at exorbitant prices. It showed how, in order to accomplish these frauds, they had bought up United States Land Office Registers and Receivers. [Footnote 8: U. S. Senate Documents, First Session, Twenty-third Congress, 1833-34, Vol. vi, Doc. No. 461:1-91.] Another exhaustive report was handed in by the United States Senate Committee on Lands, on March 3, 1835. Many of the speculators, it said, filled high offices in States where public lands bought by them were located; others were people of "wealth and intelligence." All of them "naturally united to render this investigation odious among the people." The committee told how an attempt had been made to assassinate one of its members. "The first step," it set forth, "necessary to the success of every scheme of speculation in the public lands, is to corrupt the land officers, by a secret understanding between the parties that they are to receive a certain portion of the profits." [Footnote: U. S. Senate Documents, Second Session, Twenty-third Congress, Vol. iv, Doc. No. 151: 2.] The committee continued: The States of Alabama, Mississippi and Louisiana have been the principal theatre of speculations and frauds in buying up the public lands, and dividing the most enormous profits between the members of the different companies and speculators. The committee refers to the depositions of numerous respectable witnesses to attest the various ramifications of these speculations and frauds, and the means by which they have been carried into effect.... [Footnote: Ibid., 3] Describing the great frauds in Louisiana, Benjamin F. Linton, U. S. District Attorney for the Western District of Louisiana, wrote, on August 25, 1835, to President Jackson: "Governments, like corporations, are considered without souls, and according to the code of some people's morality, should be swindled and cheated on every occasion." Linton gave this picture of "a notorious speculator who has an immense extent of claims": He could be seen followed to and from the land office by crowds of free negroes, Indians and Spaniards, and the very lowest dregs of society, in the counties of Opelousas and Rapides, with their affidavits already prepared by himself, and sworn to before some justice of the peace in some remote county. These claims, to an immense extent, are presented and allowed. And upon what evidence? Simply upon the evidence of the parties themselves who desire to make the entry! [Footnote: U. S. Senate Documents, Second Session, Twenty- fourth Congress, 1836-37, Vol. ii, Doc. No. 168: 5.] The "credit" system was gradually abandoned by the Government, but the auction system was retained for decades. In 1847, the Government was still selling large tracts at $1.25 an acre, nominally to settlers, actually to capitalist speculators or investors. More than two million acres had been sold every year for a long period. The House Committee on Public Lands, reporting in 1847, disclosed how most of the lands were bought up by capitalists. It cited the case of the Milwaukee district where, although 6,441 land entries had been made, there were only forty actual settlers up to 1847. "This clearly shows," the committee stated, "that those who claimed the land as settlers, are either the tools of speculators, to sequester the best lands for them... or the claim is made on speculation to sell out." [Footnote: Reports of Committees, First Session, Thirtieth Congress, 1847-48, Vol. iii, Report No. 732:6.] The policy of granting enormous tracts of land to corporations was revived for the benefit of canal and railroad companies. The first railroad company to get a land grant from Congress was the Illinois Central, in 1850. It received as a gift 2,595,053 acres of land in Illinois. Actual settlers had to pay the company from $5 to $15 an acre. Large areas of land bought from the Indian tribes by the Government, almost at once became the property of canal or railroad corporations by the process of Government grants. A Congressional document in 1840 (Senate Document No. 616) made public the fact that from the establishment of the Federal Government to 1839, the Indian tribes had ceded to the Government a total of 442,866,370 acres. The Indian tribes were paid either by grants of land elsewhere, or in money and merchandise. For those 442,866,370 acres they received exchange land valued at $53,757,400, and money and merchandise amounting to $31,331,403. THE SWAYING OF GOVERNMENT. The trading, banking and landed class had learned well the old, all- important policy of having a Government fully susceptible to their interests, whether the governing officials were put in office by them, and were saturated with their interests, views and ideals, or whether corruption had to be resorted to in order to attain their objects. At all events, the propertied classes, in the main, secured what they wanted. And, as fast as their interests changed, so did the acts and dicta of Government change. While the political economists were busy promulgating the doctrine that it was not the province of Government to embark in any enterprise other than that of purely governing--a doctrine precisely suiting the traders and borrowed from their demands--the commercial classes, early in the nineteenth century, suddenly discovered that there was an exception. They wanted canals built; and as they had not sufficient funds for the purpose, and did not see any immediate profit for themselves, they clamored for the building of them by the States. In fine, they found that it was to their interest to have the States put through canal projects on the ground that these would "stimulate trade." The canals were built, but the commercial classes in some instances made the blunder of allowing the ownership to rest in the people. Never again was this mistake repeated. If it proved so easy to get legislatures and Congress to appropriate millions of the public funds for undertakings profitable to commerce, why would it not be equally simple to secure the appropriation plus the perpetual title? Why be satisfied with one portion, when the whole was within reach? True, the popular vote was to be reckoned with; it was a time when the people scanned the tax levy with far greater scrutiny than now; and they were not disposed to put up the public funds only that private individuals might reap the exclusive benefit. But there was a way of tricking and circumventing the electorate. The trading and land-owning classes knew its effectiveness. It was they who had utilized it; who from the year 1795 on had bribed legislatures and Congress to give them bank and other charters. Bribery had proved a signal success. The performance was extended on a much wider scale, with far greater results, and with an adroitness revealing that the capitalist class had learned much by experience, not only in reaching out for powers that the previous generation would not have dared to grant, but in being able to make plastic to its own purposes the electorate that believed itself to be the mainspring of political power. GRANTS TO CANAL CORPORATIONS. The first great canal, built in response to the demands of the commercial class, was the Erie Canal, completed in 1825. This waterway was constructed at public expense, and was owned by New York State. The commercial men could succeed in having it managed for their purposes and profit, and the politicians could often extract plunder from the successive contracts, but there was no opportunity or possibility for the exercise of the usual capitalist methods of fraudulent diversion of land, or of over-capitalization and exorbitant rates with which to pay dividends on fictitious stock. Very significantly, from about the very time when the Erie Canal was finished, the era of the private canal company, financed by the Government, began. One after another, canal companies came forward to solicit public funds and land grants. These companies neither had any capital of their own, nor was capital necessary. The machinery of Government, both National and State, was used to supply them with capital. The Chesapeake and Ohio Canal Company received, up to 1839, the sum of $2,500,000 in funds appropriated by the United States Government, and $7,197,000 from the State of Maryland. In 1824 the United States Government began giving land grants for canal projects. The customary method was the granting by Congress of certain areas of land to various States, to be expressly given to designated canal companies. The States in donating them, sometimes sold them to the canal companies at the nominal rate of $1.25 an acre. The commuting of these payments was often obtained later by corrupt legislation. From 1924 to 1834, the Wabash and Erie Canal Company obtained land grants from the Government amounting to 826,300 acres. The Miami and Dayton Canal Company secured from the Government, in 1828 and 1833, a total grant of 333,826 acres. The St. Mary's Falls Ship Canal Company received 750,000 acres in 1852; the Portage Lake and Lake Superior Ship Canal Company, 400,000 acres in 1865-66; and the Lac La Belle Ship Canal Company, 100,000 acres in 1866. Including a grant by Congress in 1828 of 500,000 acres of public land for general canal purposes, the land grants given by the National Government to aid canal companies, totalled 4,224,073.06 acres, mostly in Indiana, Ohio, Illinois, Wisconsin and Michigan. Whatever political corruption accompanied the building of such State- owned canals as the Erie Canal, the primary and fundamental object was to construct. In the case of the private canal companies, the primary and fundamental object was to plunder. The capitalists controlling these companies were bent upon getting rich quickly; it was to their interest to delay the work as long as possible, for by this process they could periodically go to Legislatures with this argument: That the projects were more expensive and involved more difficulties than had been anticipated; that the original appropriations were exhausted, and that if the projects were to be completed, fresh appropriations were imperative. A large part of these successive appropriations, whether in money, or land which could be sold for money, were stolen in sundry indirect ways by the various sets of capitalist directors. The many documents of the Maryland Legislature, and the messages of the successive Governors of Maryland, do not tell the full story of how the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal project was looted, but they give abundantly enough information. THE GRANTS FRAUDULENTLY MANIPULATED Many of the canal companies, so richly endowed by the Government with great land grants, made little attempt to build canals. What some of them did was to turn about and defraud the Government out of incalculably valuable mineral deposits which were never included in the original grants. In his annual report for 1885, Commisioner Sparks, of the United States General Land Office told (House Executive Documents, 1885-86, Vol. II) how, by 1885, the Portage Lake "canal" was only a worthless ditch and a complete fraud. What had the company done with its large land grant? Instead of accepting the grant as intended by Congress, it had, by means of fraudulent surveys, and doubtless by official corruption, caused at least one hundred thousand acres of its grant to be surveyed in the very richest copper lands of Wisconsin. The grants originally made by Congress were meant to cover swamp lands--that is, lands not particularly valuable for agricultural uses, but which had a certain value for other purposes. Mineral lands were strictly excluded. Such was the law: the practice was very different. The facility with which capitalists caused the most valuable mineral, grazing, agricultural and timber lands to be fraudulently surveyed as "swamp" lands, is described at length a little later on in this work. Commissioner Sparks wrote that the one hundred thousand acres appropriated in violation of explicit law "were taken outside of legal limits, and that the lands selected both without and within such limits were interdicted lands on the copper range" (p. 189). Those stolen copper deposits were never recovered by the Government nor was any attempt made to forfeit them. They comprise to-day part of the great copper mines of the Copper Trust, owned largely by the Standard Oil Company. The St. Mary's Falls Canal Company likewise stole large areas of rich copper deposits. This fact was clearly revealed in various official reports, and particularly in the suit, a few years ago, of Chandler vs. Calumet and Hecla Mining Company (U. S. Reports, Vol. 149, pp. 79-95). This suit disclosed the fact that the mines of the Calumet and Hecla Mining Company were located on part of the identical alleged "swamp" lands, granted by Congress in 1852. The plaintiff, Chandler, claimed an interest in the mines. Concluding the court's decision, favoring the Calumet and Hecla Mining Company, this significant note (so illustrative of the capitalist connections of the judiciary), appears: "Mr. Justice Brown, being interested in the result, did not sit in this case and took no part in its decision." Whatever superficial or partial writers may say of the benevolent origin of railroads, the fact is that railroad construction was ushered in by a widespread corruption of legislators that put to shame the previous debauchery in getting bank charters. In nearly every work on the subject the assertion is dwelt upon that railroad builders were regarded as public benefactors; that people and legislatures were only too glad to present them with public resources. There is just a slight substance of truth in this alleged historical writing, but nothing more. The people, it is true, were eager, for their own convenience, to have the railroads built, but unwilling to part with their hard-wrung taxes, their splendid public domain, and their rights only that a few men, part gamblers and part men of energy and foresight, should divert the entire donation to their own aggrandizement. For this attitude the railroad promoters had an alluring category of arguments ready. CASH THE GREAT PERSUADER Through the public press, and in speeches and pamphlets, the people were assured in the most seductive and extravagant language that railroads were imperative in developing the resources of the country; that they would be a mighty boon and an immeasurable stimulant to progress. These arguments had much weight, especially with a population stretched over such a vast territory as that of the United States. But alone they would not have accomplished the ends sought, had it not been for the quantities of cash poured into legislative pockets. The cash was the real eloquent persuader. In turn, the virtuous legislators, on being questioned by their constituents as to why they had voted such great subsidies, such immense land grants and such sweeping and unprecedented privileges to private corporations, could fall back upon the justification (and a legitimate one it seemed) that to get the railroads built, public encouragement and aid were necessary. Many of the projectors of railroads were small tradesmen, landlords, mill owners, merchants, bankers, associated politicians and lawyers. Not infrequently, however, did it happen that some charters and grants were obtained by politicians and lawyers who, at best, were impecunious sharpers. Their greatest asset was a devious knowledge of how to get something for nothing. With a grandiloquent front and a superb bluff they would organize a company to build a railroad from this to that point; an undertaking costing millions, while perhaps they could not pay their board bill. An arrangement with a printer to turn out stock issues on credit was easy; with the promise of batches of this stock, they would then get a sufficient number of legislators to vote a charter, money and land. After that, the future was rosy. Bankers, either in the United States or abroad, could always be found to buy out the franchise or finance it. In fact, the bankers, who themselves were well schooled in the art of bribery and other forms of corruption, [Footnote: "Schooled in the art of bribery."--In previous chapters many facts have been brought out showing the extent of corrupt methods used by the bankers. The great scandal caused in Pennsylvania in 1840 by the revelations of the persistent bribery carried on by the United States Bank for many years, was only one of many such scandals throughout the United States. One of the most characteristic phases of the reports of the various legislative investigating committees was the ironical astonishment that they almost invariably expressed at the "superior class" being responsible for the continuous bribery. Thus, in reporting in 1840, that $130,000 had been used in bribery in Pennsylvania by the United States Bank, an investigating committee of the Pennsylvania House of Representatives commented: "It is hard to come to the conclusion that men of refined education, and high and honorable character, would wink at such things, yet the conclusion is unavoidable." [Pa. House Journal, 1842, Vol. ii, Appendix, 172-531.] were often outwitted by this class of adventurers, and were only too glad to treat with them as associates, on the recognized commercial principle that success was the test of men's mettle, and that the qualities productive of such success must be immediately availed of. In other instances a number of tradesmen and landowners would organize a company having, let us say, $250,000 among them. If they had proceeded to build a railroad with this sum, not many miles of rail would have been laid before they would have found themselves hopelessly bankrupt. Their wisdom was that of their class; they knew a far better method. This was to use the powers of government, and make the public provide the necessary means. In the process of construction the $250,000 would have been only a mite. But it was quite enough to bribe a legislature. By expending this sum in purchasing a majority of an important committee, and a sufficient number of the whole body, they could get millions in public loans, vast areas of land given outright, and a succession of privileges worth, in the long run, hundreds upon hundreds of millions of dollars. A WELTER OF CORRUPTION. So the onslaught of corruption began and continued. Corruption in Ohio was so notorious that it formed a bitter part of the discussion in the Ohio Constitutional Convention of 1850-51. The delegates were droning along over insertions devised to increase corporation power. Suddenly rose Delegate Charles Reemelin and exclaimed: "Corporations always have their lobby members in and around the halls of legislation to watch and secure their interests. Not so with the people--they cannot act with that directness and system that a corporation can. No individual will take it upon himself to go to the Capitol at his own expense, to watch the representatives of the people, and to lobby against the potent influences of the corporation. But corporations have the money, and it is to their interest to expend it to secure the passage of partial laws." [Footnote: Ohio Convention Debates, 1850-51, ii: 174.] Two years later, at one of the sessions of the Massachusetts Constitutional Convention, Delegate Walker, of North Brookfield, made a similar statement as to conditions in that State. "I ask any man to say," he asked, "if he believes that any measure of legislation could be carried in this State, which was generally offensive to the corporations of the Commonwealth? It is very rarely the case that we do not have a majority in the legislature who are either presidents, directors or stockholders in incorporated companies. This is a fact of very grave importance." [Footnote: Debates in the Massachusetts Convention, 1853, iii: 59.] Two-thirds of the property in Massachusetts, Delegate Walker pointed out, was owned by corporations. In 1857 an acrimonious debate ensued in the Iowa Constitutional Convention over an attempt to give further extraordinary power to the railroads. Already the State of Iowa had incurred $12,000,000 in debts in aiding railroad corporations. "I fear," said Delegate Traer, "that it is very often the case that these votes (on appropriations for railroads) are carried through by improper influences, which the people, if left alone, would, upon mature reflection, never have adopted." [Footnote: Constitutional Debates, Iowa, 1857, ii: 777.] IMPOTENCE OF THE PEOPLE. These are but a very few of the many instances of the debauching of every legislature in the United States. No matter how furiously the people protested at this giving away of their resources and rights, the capitalists were able to thwart their will on every occasion. In one case a State legislature had been so prodigal that the people of the State demanded a Constitutional provision forbidding the bonding of the State for railroad purposes. The Constitutional Convention adopted this provision. But the members had scarcely gone to their homes before the people discovered how they had been duped. The amendment barred the State from giving loans, but (and here was the trick) it did not forbid counties and municipalities from doing so. Thereupon the railroad capitalists proceeded to have laws passed, and bribe county and municipal officials all over the State to issue bonds and to give them terminal sites and other valuable privileges for nothing. In every such case the railroad owners in subsequent years sneaked legislation through in practically every State, or resorted to subterfuges, by which they were relieved from having to pay back those loans. Hundreds of millions of dollars, exacted from the people in taxation, were turned over to the railroad corporations, and little of it was ever returned. As for the land grants to railroads, they reached colossal proportions. From 1850 to 1872 Congress gave not less than 155,504,994.59 acres of the public domain either direct to railroad corporations, or to the various States, to be transferred to those corporations. Much of this immense area was given on the condition that unless the railroads were built, the grants were to be forfeited. But the capitalists found no difficulty in getting a thoroughly corrupt Congress to extend the period of construction in cases where the construction had not been done. Of the 155,000,000 acres, a considerable portion of it valuable mineral, coal, timber and agricultural land, only 607,741 acres were forfeited by act of Congress, and even much of these were restored to the railroads by judicial decisions. [Footnote: The principal of these decisions was that of the Supreme Court of the United States in the case of Schluenberg vs. Harriman (Wallace's Supreme Court Reports, xxi:44). In many of the railroad grants it was provided that in case the railroad lines were not completed within certain specified times, the lands unsold or unpatented should revert to the United States. The decision of the Supreme Court of the United States practically made these provisions nugatory, and indirectly legalized the crassest frauds. The original grants excluded mineral lands, but by a subsequent fraudulent official construction, coal and iron were declared not to be covered by the term mineral. Commissioner Sparks of the U. S. General Land Office estimated in 1885 that, in addition to the tens of millions of acres the railroad corporations had secured by fraud under form of law, they had overdrawn ten million acres, "which vast amount has been treated by the corporations as their absolute property, but is really public land of the United States recoverable to the public domain." (House Executive Docs., First Session, Forty-ninth Congress, 1885-86, ii:184.) It has never been recovered.] That Congress, not less than the legislatures, was honeycombed with corruption is all too evident from the disclosures of many investigations--disclosures to which we shall have pertinent occasion to refer later on. Not only did the railroad corporations loot in a gigantic way under forms of law, but they so craftily drafted the laws of both Nation and the States that fraud at all times was easy. DEFRAUDING THE NATION OF TAXES. Not merely were these huge areas of land obtained by fraud, but after they were secured, fraud was further used to evade taxation. And by donations of land is not meant only that for intended railroad use or which could be sold by the railroads. In some cases, notably that of the Union Pacific Railroad, authority was given to the railroad by acts passed in 1862 and 1864 to take all of the material, such as stone, timber, etc., needed for construction, from the public lands. So, in addition to the money and lands, much of the essential material for building the railroads was supplied from the public resources. No sooner had they obtained their grants, than the railroad corporations had law after law passed removing this restriction or that reservation until they became absolute masters of hundreds of millions of acres of land which a brief time before had been national property. "These enormous tracts," wrote (in 1886) William A. Phillips, a member of the Committee on Public Lands of the Forty-third Congress, referring to the railroad grants, "are in their disposition subject to the will of the railroad companies. They can dispose of them in enormous tracts if they please, and there is not a single safeguard to secure this portion of the national domain to cultivating yeomanry." The whole machinery of legislation was not only used to exclude the farmer from getting the land, and to centralize its ownership in corporations, but was additionally employed in relieving these corporations from taxation on the land thus obtained by fraud. "To avoid taxation," Phillips goes on, "the railroad land grant companies had an amendment enacted into law to the effect that they should not obtain their patents until they had paid a small fee to defray the expense of surveying. This they took care not to pay, or only to pay as fast as they could sell tracts to some purchasers, on which occasions they paid the surveying fee and obtained deeds for the portion they sold. In this way they have held millions of acres for speculative purposes, waiting for a rise in prices, without taxation, while the farmers in adjacent lands paid taxes." [Footnote: "Labor, Land and Law": 338-339.] Phillips passes this fact by with a casual mention, as though it were one of no great significance. It is a fact well worthy of elaboration. Precisely as the aristocracies in the Old World had gotten their estates by force and fraud, and then had the laws so arranged as to exempt those estates from taxation, so has the money aristocracy of the United States proceeded on the same plan. As we shall see, however, the railroad and other interests have not only put through laws relieving from direct taxation the land acquired by fraud, but also other forms of property based upon fraud. This survey, however, would be prejudicial and one-sided were not the fact strongly pointed out that the railroad capitalists were by no means the only land-graspers. Not a single part of the capitalist class was there which could in any way profit from the theft of public domain that did not wallow in corruption and fraud. The very laws seemingly passed to secure to the poor settler a homestead at a reasonable price were, as Henry M. Teller, Secretary of the Interior, put it, perverted into "agencies by which the capitalists secures large and valuable areas of the public land at little expense." [Footnote: Report of the Secretary of the Interior for 1883. Reporting to Secretary of the Interior Lamar, in response to a U. S. Senate resolution for information, William A. J. Sparks, Commissioner of the General Land Office, gave statistics showing an enormous number of fraudulent land entries, and continued: "It was the ease with which frauds could be perpetrated under existing laws, and the immunity offered by a hasty issue of patents, that encouraged the making of fictitious and fraudulent entries. The certainty of a thorough investigation would restrain such practices, but fraud and great fraud must inevitably exist so long as the opportunity for fraud is preserved in the laws, and so long as it is hoped by the procurers and promoters of fraud that examinations may be impeded or suppressed." If, Commissioner Sparks urged, the preëmption, commuted-homestead, timber-land, and desert-land laws were repealed, then, "the illegal appropriation of the remaining public lands would be reduced to a minimum."--U. S. Senate Documents, First Session, Forty-ninth Congress, 1885-1886, Vol. viii, Doc. No. 134:4.] The poor were always the decoys with which the capitalists of the day managed to bag their game. It was to aid and encourage "the man of small resources" to populate the West that the Desert Land Law was apparently enacted; and many a pathetic and enthusiastic speech was made in Congress as this act was ostentatiously going through. Under this law, it was claimed, a man could establish himself upon six hundred and forty acres of land and, upon irrigating a portion of it, and paying $1.25 an acre, could secure a title. For once, it seemed, Congress was looking out for the interests of the man of few dollars. VAST THEFTS OF LAND. But plaudits were too hasty. To the utter surprise of the people the law began to work in a perverse direction. Its provisions had read well enough on a casual scrutiny. Where lay the trouble? It lay in just a few words deftly thrown in, which the crowd did not notice. This law, acclaimed as one of great benefit to every man aspiring for a home and land, was arranged so that the capitalist cattle syndicates could get immense areas. The lever was the omission of any provision requiring _actual settlement_. The livestock corporations thereupon sent in their swarms of dummies to the "desert" lands (many of which, in reality, were not desert but excellent grazing lands), had their dummies get patents from the Government and then transfer the lands. In this way the cattlemen became possessed of enormous areas; and to-day these tracts thus gotten by fraud are securely held intact, forming what may be called great estates, for on many of them live the owners in expansive baronial style. In numerous instances, law was entirely dispensed with. Vast tracts of land were boldly appropriated by sheep and cattle rangers who had not even a pretense of title. Enclosing these lands with fences, the rangers claimed them as their own, and hired armed guards to drive off intruders, and kill if necessary. [Footnote: "Within the cattle region," reported Commissioner Sparks, "it is notorious that actual settlements are generally prevented and made practically impossible outside the proximity of towns, through the unlawful control of the country, maintained by cattle companies."--U. S. Senate Docs., 1885- 86, Vol. viii, No. 134:4 and 5. Acting Commissioner Harrison of the General Land Office, reporting on March 14, 1884, to Secretary of the Interior Teller, showed in detail the vast extent of the unlawful fencing of public lands. In the Arkansas Valley in Colorado at least 1,000,000 acres of public domain were illegally seized. The Prairie Cattle Company, composed of Scotch capitalists, had fenced in more than a million acres in Colorado, and a large number of other cattle companies in Colorado had seized areas ranging from 20,000 to 200,000 acres. "In Kansas," Harrison went on, "entire counties are reported as [illegally] fenced. In Wyoming, one hundred and twenty-five cattle companies are reported having fencing on the public lands. Among the companies and persons reported as having 'immense' or 'very large' areas inclosed . . . are the Dubuque, Cimarron and Renello Cattle [companies] in Colorado; the Marquis de Morales in Colorado; the Wyoming Cattle Company (Scotch) in Wyoming; and the Rankin Live Stock Company in Nebraska. "There is a large number of cases where inclosures range from 1,000 to 25,000 acres and upwards. "The reports of special agents show that the fraudulent entries of public land within the enclosures are extensively made by the procurement and in the interest of stockmen, largely for the purpose of controlling the sources of water supply."--"Unauthorized Fencing of Public Lands," U. S. Senate Docs., First Session, Forty-eighth Congress, 1883-84, Vol. vi, Doc. No. 127:2.] Murder after murder was committed. In this usurpation the august Supreme Court of the United States upheld them. And the grounds of the decision were what? The very extraordinary dictum that a settler could not claim any right of preëmption on public lands in possession of another who had enclosed, settled upon and improved them. This was the very reverse of every known declaration of common and of statute law. No court, supreme or inferior, had ever held that because the proceeds of theft were improved or were refurbished a bit, the sufferer was thereby estopped from recovery. This decision showed anew how, while the courts were ever ready to enforce the law literally against the underlings and penniless, they were as active in fabricating tortuous constructions coinciding not always, but nearly always, with the demands and interests of the capitalist class. It has long been the fashion on the part of a certain prevalent school of writers and publicists to excoriate this or that man, this or that corporation, as the ringleader in the orgy of corruption and oppression. This practice, arising partly from passionate or ill- considered judgment, and in part from ignorance of the subject, has been the cause of much misunderstanding, popular and academic. No one section of the capitalist class can be held solely responsible; nor were the morals and ethics of any one division different from those of the others. The whole capitalist class was coated with the same tar. Shipping merchants, traders in general, landholders, banking and railroad corporations, factory owners, cattle syndicates, public utility companies, mining magnates, lumber corporations--all were participants in various ways in the subverting of the functions of government to their own fraudulent ends at the expense of the whole producing class. While the railroad corporations were looting the public treasury and the public domain, and vesting in themselves arbitrary powers of taxation and proscription, all of the other segments of the capitalist class were, at the same time, enriching themselves in the same way or similar ways. The railroads were much denounced; but wherein did their methods differ from those of the cattle syndicates, the industrial magnates or the lumber corporations? The lumber barons wanted their predacious share of the public domain; throughout certain parts of the West and in the South were far-stretching, magnificent forests covered with the growth of centuries. To want and to get them were the same thing, with a Government in power representative of capitalism. SPOLIATION ON A GREAT SCALE. The "poor settler" catspaw was again made use of. At the behest of the lumber corporations, or of adventurers or politicians who saw a facile way of becoming multimillionaires by the simple passage of an act, the "Stone and Timber Act" was passed in 1878 by Congress. An amendment passed in 1892 made frauds still easier. This measure was another of those benevolent-looking laws which, on its face, extended opportunities for the homesteader. No longer, it was plausibly set forth, could any man say that the Government denied him the right to get public land for a reasonable sum. Was ever a finer, a more glorious chance presented? Here was the way open for any individual homesteader to get one hundred and sixty acres of timber land for the low price of $2.50 an acre. Congress was overwhelmed with outbursts of panegyrics for its wisdom and public spirit. Soon, however, a cry of rage went up from the duped public. And the cause? The law, like the Desert Land Law, it turned out, was filled with cunningly-drawn clauses sanctioning the worst forms of spoliation. Entire trainloads of people, acting in collusion with the land grabbers, were transported by the lumber syndicates into the richest timber regions of the West, supplied with the funds to buy, and then each, after having paid $2.50 per acre for one hundred and sixty acres, immediately transferred his or her allotment to the lumber corporations. Thus, for $2.50 an acre, the lumber syndicates obtained vast tracts of the finest lands worth, at the least, according to Government agents, $100 an acre, at a time, thirty-five years ago, when lumber was not nearly so costly as now. The next development was characteristic of the progress of onsweeping capitalism. Just as the traders, bankers, factory owners, mining and railroad magnates had come into their possessions largely (in varying degrees) by fraud, and then upon the strength of those possessions had caused themselves to be elected or appointed to powerful offices in the Government, State or National, so now some of the lumber barons used a part of the millions obtained by fraud to purchase their way into the United States Senate and other high offices. They, as did their associates in the other branches of the capitalist class, helped to make and unmake judges, governors, legislatures and Presidents; and at least one, Russell A. Alger, became a member of the President's Cabinet in 1897. Under this one law,--the Stone and Timber Act--irrespective of other complaisant laws, not less than $57,000,000 has been stolen in the last seven years alone from the Government, according to a statement made in Congress by Representative Hitchcock, of Nebraska, on May 5, 1908. He declared that 8,000,000 acres had been sold for $20,000,000, while the Department of the Interior had admitted in writing that the actual aggregate value of the land, at prevailing commercial prices, was $77,000,000. These lands, he asserted, had passed into the hands of the Lumber Trust, and their products were sold to the people of the United States at an advance of seventy per cent. This theft of $57,000,000 simply represented the years from 1901 to 1908; it is probable that the entire thefts for 10,395,689.96 acres sold during the whole series of years since the Stone and Timber Act was passed reaches a much vaster amount. Stupendous as was the extent of the nation's resources already appropriated by 1876, more remained to be seized. The Government still owned 40,000,000 acres of land in the South, mainly in Alabama, Louisiana, Florida, Arkansas and Mississippi. Much of this area was valuable timber land, and a part of it, especially in Alabama, was filled with great coal and iron deposits,--a fact of which certain capitalists were well aware, although the general public did not know it. During the Civil War nothing could be attempted in the war-ravaged South. That conflict over, a group of capitalists set about to get that land, or at least the valuable part of it. At about the time that they had their plans primed to juggle a bill through Congress, an unfortunate situation arose. A rancid public scandal ensued from the bribery of members of Congress in getting through the charters and subsidies of the Union Pacific railroad and other railroads. Congress, for the sake of appearance, had to be circumspect. THE "CASH SALES" ACT. By 1876, however, the public agitation had died away. The time was propitious. Congress rushed through a bill carefully worded for the purpose. The lands were ordered sold in unlimited areas for cash. No pretense was made of restricting the sale to a certain acreage so that all any individual could buy was enough for his own use. Anyone, if he chose, could buy a million or ten million acres, provided he had the cash to pay $1.25 an acre. The way was easy for capitalists to get millions of acres of the coveted iron, coal and timber lands for practically nothing. At that very time the Government was selling coal lands in Colorado at $10 to $20 an acre, and it was recognized that even that price was absurdly low. Hardly was this "cash sales" law passed, than the besieging capitalists pounced upon these Southern lands and scooped in eight millions of acres of coal, iron and timber lands intrinsically worth (speaking commercially) hundreds of millions of dollars. The fortunes of not a few railroad and industrial magnates were instantly and hugely increased by this fraudulent transaction. [Footnote: "Fraudulent transaction," House Ex. Doc. 47, Part iv, Forty-sixth Congress, Third Session, speaks of the phrasing of the act as a mere subterfuge for despoilment; that the act was passed specifically "for the benefit of capitalists," and "that fraud was used in sneaking it through Congress."] Hundreds of millions of dollars in capitalist bonds and stock, representing in effect mortgages on which the people perpetually have to pay heavy interest, are to-day based upon the value of the lands then fraudulently seized. Fraud was so continuous and widespread that we can here give only a few succinct and scattering instances. "The present system of laws," reported a special Congressional Committee appointed in 1883 to investigate what had become of the once vast public domain, "seem to invite fraud. You cannot turn to a single state paper or public document where the subject is mentioned before the year 1883, from the message of the President to the report of the Commissioner of the Land Office, but what statements of 'fraud' in connection with the disposition of public lands are found." [Footnote: House Ex. Doc. 47: 356.] A little later, Commissioner Sparks of the General Land Office pointed out that "the near approach of the period when the United States will have no land to dispose of has stimulated the exertions of capitalists and corporations to acquire outlying regions of public land in mass, by whatever means, legal or illegal." In the same report he further stated, "At the outset of my administration I was confronted with overwhelming evidence that the public domain was made the prey of unscrupulous speculation and the worst forms of land monopoly." [Footnote: Report of the Commissioner of the General Land Office for October, 1885: 48 and 79.] THE "EXCHANGE OF LAND" LAW. Not pausing to deal with a multitude of other laws the purport and effect of all of which were the same--to give the railroad and other corporations a succession of colossal gifts and other special privileges--laws, many of which will be referred to later--we shall pass on to one of the final masterly strokes of the railroad magnates in possessing themselves of many of such of the last remaining valuable public lands as were open to spoliation. This happened in 1900. What were styled the land-grant railroads, that is to say, the railroad corporations which received subsidies in both money and land from the Government, were allotted land in alternate sections. The Union Pacific manipulated Congress to "loan" it about $27,000,000 and give it outright 13,000,000 acres of land. The Central Pacific got nearly $26,000,000 and received 9,000,000 acres. To the Northern Pacific 47,000,000 acres were given; to the Kansas Pacific, 12,100,000; to the Southern Pacific about 18,000,000 acres. From 1850 the National Government had granted subsidies to more than fifty railroads, and, in addition to the great territorial possessions given to the six railroads enumerated, had made a cash appropriation to those six of not less than about $140,000,000. But the corruptly obtained donations from the Government were far from being all of the bounty. Throughout the country, States, cities and counties contributed presents in the form of franchises, financial assistance, land and terminal sites. The land grants, especially in the West, were so enormous that Parsons compares them as follows: Those in Minnesota would make two States the size of Massachusetts; in Kansas they were equal to two States the size of Connecticut and New Jersey; in Iowa the extent of the railroad grants was larger than Connecticut and Rhode Island, and the grants in Michigan and Wisconsin nearly as large; in Montana the grant to one railroad alone would equal the whole of Maryland, New Jersey and Massachusetts. The land grants in the State of Washington were about equivalent to the area of the same three States. Three States the size of New Hampshire could be carved out of the railroad grants in California. [Footnote: "The Railways, the Trusts and the People": 137.] The alternate sections embraced in these States might be good or useless land; the value depended upon the locality. They might be the richest and finest of agricultural grazing, mineral or timber land or barren wastes and rocky mountain tops. For a while the railroad corporations appeared satisfied with their appropriations and allotments. But as time passed, and the powers of government became more and more directed by them, this plan naturally occurred: Why not exchange the bad, for good, land? Having found it so easy to possess themselves of so vast and valuable an area of former public domain, they calculated that no difficulty would be encountered in putting through another process of plundering. All that was necessary was to go through the formality of ordering Congress to pass an act allowing them to exchange bad, for good, lands. This, however, could not be done too openly. The people must be blinded by an appearance of conserving public interests. The opportunity came when the Forest Reservation Bill was introduced in Congress--a bill to establish national forest reservations. No better vehicle could have been found for the project traveling in disguise. This bill was everywhere looked upon as a wise and statesmanlike measure for the preservation of forests; capitalist interests, in the pursuit of immediate profit, had ruthlessly denuded and destroyed immense forest stretches, causing, in turn, floods and destruction of life, property and of agriculture. Part of the lands to be taken for the forest reservations included territory settled upon; it was argued as proper, therefore, that the evicted homesteaders should be indemnified by having the choice of lands elsewhere. So far, the measure looked well. But when it went to the conference committee of the two houses of Congress, the railroad representatives artfully slipped in the four unobtrusive words, "or any other claimant." This quartet of words allowed the railway magnates to exchange millions of acres of desert and of denuded timber lands, arid hills and mountain tops covered with perpetual snow, for millions of the richest lands still remaining in the Government's much diminished hold. So secretly was this transaction consummated that the public knew nothing about it; the subsidized newspapers printed not a word; it went through in absolute silence. The first protest raised was that of Senator Pettigrew, of South Dakota, in the United States Senate on May 31, 1900. In a vigorous speech he disclosed the vast thefts going on under this act. Congress, under the complete domination of the railroads, took no action to stop it. Only when the fraud was fully accomplished did the railroads allow Congress to go through the forms of deferring to public interests by repealing the law. [Footnote: In a letter to the author Senator Pettigrew instances the case of the Northern Pacific Railroad. "The Northern Pacific," he writes, "having patented the top of Mount Tacoma, with its perpetual snow and the rocky crags of the mountains elsewhere, which had been embraced within the forest reservation, could now swap these worthless lands, every acre, for the best valley and grazing lands owned by the Government, and thus the Northern Pacific acquired about two million acres more of mineral, forest and farming lands."] COAL LANDS EXPROPRIATED Not merely were the capitalist interests allowed to plunder the public domain from the people under these various acts, but another act was passed by Congress, the "Coal Land Act," purposely drawn to permit the railroads to appropriate great stretches of coal deposits. "Already," wrote President Roosevelt in a message to Congress urging the repeal of the Stone and Timber Act, the Desert Land Law, the Coal Land Act and similar enactments, "probably one-half of the total area of high-grade coals in the West has passed under private control. Including both lignite and the coal areas, these private holdings aggregate not less than 30,000,000 acres of coal fields." These urgings fell flat on a Congress that included many members who had got their millions by reason of these identical laws, and which, as a body, was fully under the control of the dominant class of the day-- the Capitalist class. The oligarchy of wealth was triumphantly, gluttonously in power; it was ingenuous folly to expect it to yield where it could vanquish, and concede where it could despoil. [Footnote: Nor did it yield. Roosevelt's denunciations in no way affected the steady expropriating process. In the current seizure (1909) of vast coal areas in Alaska, the long-continuing process can be seen at work under our very eyes. A controversy, in 1909, between Secretary of the Interior Ballinger and U. S. Chief Forester Gifford Pinchot brought a great scandal to a head. It was revealed that several powerful syndicates of capitalists had filed fraudulent claims to Alaskan coal lands, the value of which is estimated to be from $75,000,000 to $1,000,000,000. At the present writing their claims, it is announced, are being investigated by the Government. The charge has been made that Secretary of the Interior Ballinger, after leaving the Land Commissioner's office--a post formerly held by him--became the attorney for the most powerful of these syndicates. At a recent session of the Irrigation Congress at Spokane, Washington, Gov. Pardee of California charged that the timber, the minerals and the soil had long since become the booty of corporations whose political control of public servants was notorious.] The thefts of the public domain have continued, without intermission, up to this present day, and doubtless will not cease until every available acre is appropriated. A recent report of H. H. Schwartz, chief of the field service of the Department of the Interior, to Secretary Garfield, of that Department, showed that in the two years from 1906 to 1908 alone, approximately $110,000,000 worth of public land in States, principally west of the Mississippi River, had been fraudulently acquired by capitalist corporations and individuals. This report disclosed more than thirty-two thousand cases of land fraud. The frauds on the part of various capitalist corporations in obtaining vast mineral deposits in Alaska, and incalculably rich water power sites in Montana and elsewhere, constitute one of the great current public scandals. It will be described fully elsewhere in this work. Overlooking the petty, confusing details of the last seventy years, and focusing attention upon the large developments, this is the striking result beheld: A century ago no railroads existed; to-day the railroads not only own stupendous natural resources, expropriated from the people, but, in conjunction with allied capitalist interests, they dictate what the lot, political, economic and social, of the American people shall be. All of this transformation has come about within a relatively short period, much of it in our own time. But a little while ago the railroad projectors begged and implored, tricked and bribed; and had the law been enforced, would have been adjudged criminals and consigned to prison. And now, in the blazing power of their wealth, these same men or their successors are uncrowned kings, swaying the full powers of government, giving imperial orders that Congress, legislatures, conventions and people must obey. AN ARRAY OF COMMANDING FACTS. But this is not the only commanding fact. A much more important one lies in the astonishing ease with which the masses of the people have been discriminated against, exploited and oppressed. Theoretically the power of government resides in the people, down to the humblest voter. This power, however, has been made the instrument for enslaving the very people supposed to be the wielders of political action. While Congress, the legislatures and the executive and administrative officials have been industriously giving away public domain, public funds and perpetual rights to railroad and other corporations, they have almost entirely ignored the interests of the general run of people. The more capitalists they created, the harder it became for the poor to get settler's land on the public domain. Congress continued passing acts by which, in most cases, the land was turned over to corporations. Intending settlers had to buy it at exorbitant prices. This took place in nearly all of the States and Territories. Large numbers of people could not afford to pay the price demanded by the railroads, and consequently were compelled to herd in industrial centers. They were deliberately shut off from possession of the land. This situation was already acute twenty-five years ago. "The area of arable land open to settlement," pointed out Secretary of the Interior Teller in a circular letter of May 22, 1883, "is not great when compared with the increasing demand and is rapidly decreasing." All other official reports consistently relate the same conditions. [Footnote: "The tract books of my office show," reported Commissioner Sparks, "that available public lands are already largely covered by entries, selections and claims of various kinds." The actual settler was compelled to buy up these claims, if, indeed, he was permitted to settle on the land.--U. S. Senate Ex. Docs., 1885-86, Vol. viii, Doc. No. 134:4.] At the same time, while being excluded from soil which had been national property, the working and farming class were subjected to either neglect or onerous laws. As a class, the capitalists had no difficulty at any time in securing whatever laws they needed; if persuasion by argument was not effective, bribery was. Moreover, over and above corrupt purchase of votes was the feeling ingrained in legislators by the concerted teachings of society that the man of property should be looked up to; that he was superior to the common herd; that his interests were paramount and demanded nursing and protection. Whenever a commercial crisis occurred, the capitalists secured a ready hearing and their measures were passed promptly. But millions of workers would be in enforced idleness and destitution, and no move was made to throw open public lands to them, or appropriate money, or start public works. Such a proposed policy was considered "paternalism"--a catchword of the times implying that Governmental care should not be exercised for the unfortunate, the weak and the helpless. And here was the anomaly of the so-called American democratic Government. It was held legitimate and necessary that capital should be encouraged, but illegitimate to look out for the interests of the non-propertied. The capitalists were very few; the non-propertied, holding nominally the overwhelming voting power, were many. Government was nothing more or less than a device for the nascent capitalist class to work out its inevitable purposes, yet the majority of the people, on whom the powers of class government severely fell, were constantly deluded into believing that the Government represented them. Whether Federalist or anti-Federalist, Whig, Republican or Democratic party was in power, the capitalist class went forward victoriously and invincibly, the proof of which is seen in its present almost limitless power and possessions. CHAPTER II A NECESSARY CONTRAST If the whole might of Government was used in the aggrandizement and perpetuation of a propertied aristocracy, what was its specific attitude toward the working class? Of the powerful few, whether political or industrial, the conventional histories hand down grossly biased and distorted chronicles. These few are isolated from the multitude, and their importance magnified, while the millions of obscure are nowhere adequately described. Such sterile historians proceed upon the perfunctory plan, derived from ancient usage in the days when kingcraft was supremely exalted, that it is only the mighty few whose acts are of any consequence, and that the doings of the masses are of no account. GOVERNMENT BY PROPERTY INTERESTS. Hence it is that most histories are mere registers of names and dates, dull or highly-colored hackneyed splurges of print giving no insight into actual conditions. In this respect most of the prevailing histories of the United States are the most egregious offenders. They fix the idea that this or that alleged statesman, this or that President or politician or set of politicians, have been the dominating factors in the decision and sway of public affairs. No greater error could be formulated. Behind the ostentatious and imposing public personages of the different periods, the arbiters of laws and policies have been the men of property. They it was who really ruled both the arena and the arcana of politics. It was they, sometimes openly, but more usually covertly, who influenced and manipulated the entire sphere of government. It was they who raised the issues which divided the people into contesting camps and which often beclouded and bemuddled the popular mind. It was their material ideals and interests that were engrafted upon the fabric of society and made the prevailing standards of the day. From the start the United States Government was what may be called a regime swayed by property. The Revolution, as we have seen, was a movement by the native property interests to work out their own destiny without interference by the trading classes of Great Britain. The Constitution of the United States, the various State Constitutions, and the laws, were, we have set forth, all reflexes of the interests, aims, castes and prejudices of the property owners, as opposed to the non-propertied. At first, the landholders and the shipping merchants were the dictators of laws. Then from these two classes and from the tradesmen sprang a third class, the bankers, who, after a continuous orgy of bribery, rose to a high pitch of power. At the same time, other classes of property owners were sharers in varying degrees in directing Government. One of these was the slaveholders of the South, desperately increasing their clutch on government administration the more their institutions were threatened. The factory owners were likewise participants. However bitterly some of these propertied interests might war upon one another for supremacy, there was never a time when the majority of the men who sat in Congress, the legislatures or the judges did not represent, or respond to, either the interests or the ideals of one or more of these divisions of the propertied classes. Finally, out of the landowners, slaveowners, bankers, shippers, factory masters and tradesmen a new class of great power developed. This was the railroad-owning class. From about the year 1845 to 1890 it was the most puissant governing class in the United States, and only ceased being distinctly so when the industrial trusts became even mightier, and a time came when one trust alone, the Standard Oil Company, was able to possess itself of vast railroad systems. These different components of the railroad-owning class had gathered in their money by either outright fraud or by the customary exploitative processes of the times. We have noted how many of the landholders secured their estates at one time or another by bribery or by invidiously fraudulent transactions; and how the bankers, who originally were either tradesmen, factory owners or landowners, had obtained their charters and privileges by widespread bribery. A portion of the money thus acquired was often used in bribing Congress and legislatures for railroad charters, public funds, immense areas of land including forests and mines, and special laws of the most extraordinary character. CONDITIONS OF THE NON-PROPERTIED. Since Government was actually, although not avowedly or apparently, a property regime, what was the condition of the millions of non- propertied? In order to get a correct understanding of both the philosophy and the significance of what manner of property rule was in force, it is necessary to give an accompanying sketch of the life of the millions of producers, and what kind of laws related to them. Merely to narrate the acts of the capitalists of the period is of no enduring value unless it be accompanied by a necessary contrast of how Government and capitalist acted toward the worker. It was the worker who tilled the ground and harvested the produce nourishing nations; whose labor, mental or manual, brought forth the thousand and one commodities, utensils, implements, articles and luxuries necessary to the material wants of civilization. Verily, what of the great hosts of toilers who have done their work and shuffled off to oblivion? What were their aspirations, difficulties, movements and struggles? While Government, controlled by both the men and the standards of property, was being used as a distributing instrument for centering resources and laws in the hands of a mere minority, what were its methods in dealing with the lowly and propertyless? Furthermore, this contrast is indispensable for another reason. Posterity ever has a blunt way of asking the most inquisitive questions. The inquirer for truth will not be content with the simple statement that many of the factory owners and tradesmen bribed representative bodies to give them railroad charters and bountiful largess. He will seek to know how, as specifically as the records allow, they got together that money. Their nominal methods are of no weight; it is the portrayal of their real, basic methods which alone will satisfy the delver for actual facts. This is not the place for a voluminous account of the industrial development of the United States. We cannot halt here to give the full account of the origin and growth of that factory system which has culminated in the gigantic trusts of to-day. Nor can we pause to deal with the manifold circumstances and methods involved in that expansion. The full tale of the rise and climax of industrial establishments; how they subverted the functions of government to their own ends; stole inventions right and left and drove inventors to poverty and to the grave; defrauded the community of incredible amounts by evading taxation; oppressed their workers to a degree that in future times will read like the acts of a class outsavaging the savage; bribed without intermission; slaughtered legions of men, women and children in the pursuit of profit; exploited the peoples of the globe remorselessly--all of this and more, constituting a weird chapter of horrors in the progress of the race, will be fully described in a later part of this work. [Footnote: See "Great Fortunes from Industries."] But in order to contribute a clear perspective of the methods and morals of a period when Government was but the mannikin of property-- a period even more pronounced now--and to give a deeper insight into the conditions against which millions had to contend at a time when the railroad oligarchy was blown into life by Government edict, a few important facts will be presented here. The sonorous doctrines of the Declaration of Independence read well, but they were not meant to be applied to the worker. The independence so much vaunted was the independence of the capitalist to do as he pleased. Few, if any, restrictions were placed upon him; such pseudo restrictions as were passed from time to time were not enforced. On the other hand, the severest laws were enacted against the worker. For a long time it was a crime for him to go on a strike. In the first strike in this country of which there is any record--that of a number of sailors in New York City in 1803, for better wages--the leader was arrested, indicted and sent to prison. The formidable machinery of Government was employed by the ruling commercial and landed classes for a double purpose. On the one hand, they insisted that it should encourage capital, which phrase translated into action meant that it should confer grants of land, immense loans of public funds without interest, virtual immunity from taxation, an extra- legal taxing power, sweeping privileges, protective laws and clearly defined statute rights. THE SUPREMACY OF EMPLOYERS. At the same time, while enriching themselves in every direction by transferring, through the powers of Government, public resources to themselves, the capitalists declared it to be a settled principle that Government should not be paternalistic; they asserted that it was not only not a proper governmental function to look out for the interests of the masses of workers, but they went even further. With the precedents of the English laws as an example, they held that it devolved upon Government to keep the workers sternly within the bounds established by employers. In plain words, this meant that the capitalist was to be allowed to run his business as he desired. He could overwork his employees, pay them the lowest wages, and kill them off by forcing them to work under conditions in which the sacrifice of human life was held subordinate to the gathering of profits, or by forcing them to work or live in disease-breeding places. [Footnote: The slum population of the United States increased rapidly. "According to the best estimates," stated the "Seventh Special Report of the U. S. Commissioner of Labor--The Slums of Great Cities, 1894," "the total slum population of Baltimore is about 25,000; of Chicago, 162,000; of New York, 360,000; of Philadelphia, 35,000" (p. 12). The figures of the average weekly wages per individual of the slum population revealed why there was so large a slum population. In Baltimore these wages were $8.65-1/2 per week; in Chicago, $9.88-1/2; in New York, $8.36, and in Philadelphia, $8.68 per week (p. 64). In his "Modern Social Conditions," Bailey, basing his statements upon the U. S. Census of 1900, asserted that 109,750 persons had died from tuberculosis in the United States in 1900. "Plenty of fresh air and sunlight," he wrote, "will kill the germs, and yet it is estimated that there are eight millions of people who will eventually die from consumption unless strenuous efforts are made to combat the disease. Working in a confined atmosphere, and living in damp, poorly ventilated rooms, the dwellers in the tenements of the great cities fall easy victims to the great white plague." (p. 265).] The law, which was the distinct expression of the interests of the capitalist, upheld his right to do all this. Yet if the workers protested; if they sought to improve their condition by joining in that community of action called a strike, the same code of laws adjudged them criminals. At once, the whole power of law, with its police, military and judges, descended upon them, and either drove them back to their tasks or consigned them to prison. The conditions under which the capitalists made their profits, and under which the workers had to toil, were very oppressive to the workers. The hours of work at that period were from sunrise to sunset. Usually this rule, especially in the seasons of long days, required twelve, and very often fourteen and sixteen, hours a day. Yet the so-called statesmen and the pretentious cultured and refined classes of the day, saw nothing wrong in this exploitation. The reason was obvious. Their power, their elegant mansions, their silks and satins, their equipage and superior opportunities for enjoyment all were based upon the sweat and blood of these so-called free white men, women and children of the North, who toiled even harder than the chattel black slave of the South, and who did not receive a fraction of the care and thought bestowed, as a corrollary of property, upon the black slave. Already the capitalists of the North had a slavery system in force far more effective than the chattel system of the South--a system the economic superiority of which was destined to overthrow that of black slavery. Most historians, taking their cue from the intellectual subserviency demanded of them by the ruling propertied classes, delight in picturing those times as "the good old times," when the capitalists were benevolent and amiable, and the workers lived in peace and plenty. AN INCESSANT WARFARE. History in the main, thus far, has been an institution for the propagation of lies. The truth is that for thousands of years back, since the private property system came into existence, an incessant, uncompromising warfare has been going on between oppressors and oppressed. Apart from the class distinctions and the bitterness manifested in settlement and colonial times in this country-- reference to which has been given in earlier chapters--the whole of the nineteenth century, and thus far of this century, has been a continuous industrial struggle. It has been the real warfare of modern times. In this struggle the propertied classes had the great advantage from the start. Centuries of rulership had taught them that the control of Government was the crux of the mastery. By possession of Government they had the power of making laws; of the enforcement or non- enforcement of those laws; of the directorship of police, army, navy, courts, jails and prisons--all terrible instruments for suppressing any attempt at protest, peaceful or otherwise. Notwithstanding this massing of power and force, the working class has at no time been passive or acquiescent. It has allowed itself to be duped; it has permitted its ranks to be divided by false issues; it has often been blind at critical times, and has made no concerted effort as yet to get intelligent possession of the great strategic point,-- governmental power. Nevertheless, despite these mistakes, it has been in a state of constant rebellion; and the fact that it has been so, that its aspirations could not be squelched by jails, prisons and cannon nor by destitution or starvation, furnishes the sublimest record in all the annals of mankind. THE WORKERS' STRUGGLE FOR BETTER CONDITIONS. Again and again the workers attempted to throw off some of their shackles, and every time the whole dominant force of society was arrayed against them. By 1825 an agitation developed for a ten-hour workday. The politicians denounced the movement; the cultured classes frowned upon it; the newspapers alternately ridiculed and abused it; the officials prepared to take summary action to put it down. As for the capitalists--the shipping merchants, the boot and shoe manufacturers, the iron masters and others--they not only denied the right of the workers to organize, while insisting that they themselves were entitled to combine, but they inveighed against the ten-hour demand as "unreasonable conditions which the folly and caprice of a few journeymen mechanics may dictate." "A very large sum of money," says McNeill, "was subscribed by the merchants to defeat the ten-hour movement." [Footnote: "The Labor Movement": 339.] And as an evidence of the intense opposition to the workers' demands for a change from a fourteen to a ten-hour day, McNeill quotes from a Boston newspaper of 1832: Had this unlawful combination had for its object the enhancement of daily wages, it would have been left to its own care; but it now strikes the very nerve of industry and good morals by dictating the hours of labor, abrogating the good old rule of our fathers and pointing out the most direct course to poverty; for to be idle several of the most useful hours of the morning and evening will surely lead to intemperance and ruin. These, generally speaking, were the stock capitalists arguments of the day, together with the further reiterated assertion that it was impossible to conduct business on a ten-hour day system. The effect of the fourteen-hour day upon the workers was pernicious. Having no time for reading, self-education, social intercourse or acquainting themselves with refinement, they often developed brutal propensities. In proportion to the length of time and the rigor with which they were exploited, they degenerated morally and intellectually. This was a well-known fact, and was frequently commented upon by contemporaneous observers. Their employers could not fail to know it, yet, with few exceptions, they insisted that any movement to shorten the day's labor was destructive of good morals. This pronouncement, however, need not arouse comment. Ever has the propertied class set itself up as the lofty guardian of morals although actuated by sordid self-interest and nothing more. Many workers were driven to drink, crime and suicide by the exasperating and deteriorating conditions under which they had to labor. The moment that they overstepped the slightest bounds of law, in rushed the authorities with summary punishment. The prisons of the period were full of mechanics whom serfdom or poverty had stung on to commit some crime or other. However trifling the offence, or whatever the justifiable provocation, the law made no trades-union memorialized Congress to limit the hours of labor of those employed on the public works to ten hours a day. The pathos of this petition! So unceasingly had the workers been lied to by politicians, newspapers, clergy and employers, that they did not realize that in applying to Congress or to any legislature, that they were begging from men who represented the antagonistic interests of their own employers. After a short debate Congress laid the petition on the table. Congress at this very time was spinning out laws in behalf of capitalist interests; granting public lands, public funds, protective tariffs and manifold other measures demanded or lobbied for by existing or projected corporations. A memorial of a "Portion of the Laboring Classes of the City of New York in Relation to The Money Market" complained to Congress in 1833 that the powers of the Government were used against the working class. "You are not ignorant," they petitioned, That our State Legislatures have, by a usurpation of power which is expressly withheld by our Federal Constitution, chartered many companies to engage in the manufacture of paper money; and that the necessities of the laboring classes have compelled them to give it currency. The strongest argument against this measure is, that by licensing any man or set of men to manufacture money, instead of earning it, we virtually license them to take so much of the property of the community as they may happen to fancy, without contributing to it at all--an injustice so enormous that it is incapable of any defense and therefore needs no comment. ... That the profits of capital are abstracted from the earnings of labor, and that these deductions, like any other tax on industry, tend to diminish the value of money by increasing the price of all the fruits of labor, are facts beyond dispute; it is equally undeniable that there is a point which capitalists cannot exceed without injuring themselves, for when by their exertions they so far depreciate the value of money at home that it is sent abroad, many are thrown out of employ, and are not only disabled from paying their tribute, _but are forced to betake to dishonest courses or starve_. This memorial was full of iron and stern truths, although much of its political economy was that of its own era; a very different petition, it will be noticed, from the appealing, cringing petitions sent timidly to Congress by the conservative, truckling labor leaders of later times. The memorial continued; The remaining laborers are then loaded with additional burdens to provide laws and prisons and standing armies to keep order; expensive wars are created merely to lull for a time the clamors for employment; each new burden aggravates the disease, and national death finally ends it. The power of capital, was, the memorial read on, "in the nature of things, regulated by the proportion that the numbers of, and competition among, capitalists bears to the number and destitution of laborers." The only sure way of benefiting labor, "and the way best calculated to benefit all classes," was to diminish the destitution among the working classes. And the remedy proposed in the memorial? A settled principle of national policy should be laid down by Congress that the whole of the remaining of the public lands should forever continue to be the public property of the nation "and accordingly, cause them to be laid out from time to time, as the wants of the population might require, in small farms with a suitable proportion of building lots for mechanics, for the free use of any native citizen and his descendants who might be at the expense of clearing them." This policy "would establish a perpetual counterpoise to the absorbing power of capital." The memorial concluded: These lands have been bought with public money every cent of which is in the end derived from the earnings of the laboring classes. And while the public money has been liberally employed to protect and foster trade, Government has never, to our knowledge, adopted but one measure (the protective tariff system) with a distinct view to promote the interests of labor; and all of the advantages of this one have been absorbed by the preponderating power of capital. [Footnote: Executive Documents, First Session, Twenty-third Congress, 1834, Doc. No. 104.] EMPLOYMENT OF MILITIA AGAINST THE WORKERS. But it was not only the National Government which used the entire governing power against the workers. State and municipal authorities did likewise. In 1836 the longshoremen in New York City struck for an increase of wages. Their employers hurriedly substituted non-union men in their places. When the union men went from dock to dock, trying to induce the newcomers to side with them, the shipping merchants pretended that a riot was under way and made frantic calls upon the authorities for a subduing force. The mayor ordered out the militia with loaded guns. In Philadelphia similar scenes took place. Naturally, as the strikers were prevented by the soldiers from persuading their fellow workers, they lost the strikes. Although labor-saving machinery was constantly being devised and improved to displace hand labor, and although the skilled worker was consequently producing far more goods than in former years, the masters--as the capitalists were then often termed--insisted that employees must work for the same wages and hours as had long prevailed. By 1840, however, the labor unions had arrived at a point where they were very powerful in some of the crafts, and employers grudgingly had to recognize that the time had passed by when the laborer was to be treated like a serf. A few enlightened employers voluntarily conceded the ten-hour day, not on any humane grounds, but because they reasoned that it would promote greater efficiency on the part of their workers. Many capitalists, perforce, had to yield to the demand. Other capitalists determined to break up the unions on the ground that they were a conspiracy. At the instigation of several boot and shoe manufacturers, the officials of Boston brought a suit against the Boston Journeymen Bootmakers' Society. The court ruled against the bootmakers and the jury brought in a verdict of guilty. On appeal to the Supreme Court, Robert Rantoul, the attorney for the society, so ably demolished the prosecution's points, that the court could not avoid setting aside the judgment of the inferior court. [Footnote: Commonwealth vs. Hunt and others; Metcalf's Supreme Court Reports, iv: III. The prosecution had fallen back on the old English law of the time of Queen Elizabeth, making it a criminal offence for workingmen to refuse to work under certain wages. This law, Rantoul argued, had not been specifically adopted as common law in the United States after the Revolution.] Perhaps the growing power of the labor unions had its effect upon those noble minds, the judiciary. The worker was no longer detached from his fellow workmen: he could no longer be scornfully shoved aside as a weak, helpless individual. He now had the strength of association and organization. The possibility of such strength transferred to politics affrighted the ruling classes. Where before this, the politicians had contemptuously treated the worker's petitions, certain that he could always be led blindly to vote the usual partisan tickets, it now dawned upon them that it would be wiser to make an appearance of deference and to give some concessions which, although of a slight character, could be made to appear important. The Workingmen's party of 1829 had shown a glimmer of what the worker could do when aroused to class-conscious action. CAJOLING THE LABOR VOTE. Now it was that the politicians began the familiar policy of "catering to the labor vote." Some rainbow promises of what they would do, together with a few scraps of legislation now and then-- this constituted the bait held out by the politicians. That adroit master of political chicanery, President Van Buren, hastened to issue an executive order on April 10, 1840, directing the establishment of a ten-hour day, between April and September, in the navy yards. From the last day of October, however, until March 31, the "working hours will be from the rising to the setting of the sun"--a length of time equivalent, meal time deducted, to about ten hours. The political trick of throwing out crumbs to the workers long proved successful. But it was supplemented by other methods. To draw the labor leaders away from a hostile stand to the established political parties, and to prevent the massing of workers in a party of their own, the politicians began an insidious system of bribing these leaders to turn traitors. This was done by either appointing them to some minor political office or by giving them money. In many instances, the labor unions in the ensuing decades were grossly betrayed. Finally, the politicians always had large sums of election funds contributed by merchants, bankers, landowners, railroad owners--by all parts of the capitalist class. These funds were employed in corrupting the electorate and legislative bodies. Caucuses and primaries were packed, votes bought, ballot boxes stuffed and election returns falsified. It did not matter to the corporations generally which of the old political parties was in power; some manufacturers or merchants might be swayed to one side or the other for the self-interest involved in the reenactment of the protective tariff or the establishment of free trade; but, as a rule, the corporations, as a matter of business, contributed money to both parties. THE BASIS OF POLITICAL PARTIES. However these parties might differ on various issues, they both stood for the perpetuation of the existing social and industrial system based upon capitalist ownership. The tendency of the Republican party, founded in 1856, toward the abolition of negro chattel slavery was in precise harmony with the aims and fundamental interests of the manufacturing capitalists of the North. The only peril that the capitalist class feared was the creation of a distinct, disciplined and determined workingmen's party. This they knew would, if successful, seriously endanger and tend to sweep away the injustices and oppressions upon which they, the capitalists, subsisted. To avert this, every ruse and expedient was resorted to: derision, undermining, corruption, violence, imprisonment--all of these and other methods were employed by that sordid ruling class claiming for itself so pretentious and all-embracing a degree of refinement, morality and patriotism. Surveying historical events in a large way, however, it is by no means to be regretted that capitalism had its own unbridled way, and that its growth was not checked. Its development to the unbearable maximum had to come in order to prepare the ripe way for a newer stage in civilization. The capitalist was an outgrowth of conditions as they existed both before, and during, his time. He fitted as appropriate a part in his time as the predatory baron in feudal days. But in this sketch we are not dealing with historical causes or sequences as much as with events and contrasts. The aim is to give a sufficient historical perspective of times when Government was manipulated by the capitalist class for its own aggrandizement, and to despoil and degrade the millions of producers. The imminence of working-class action was an ever present and disturbing menace to the capitalists. To give one of many instances of how the workers were beginning to realize the necessity of this action, and how the capitalists met it, let us instance the resolutions of the New England Workingmen's Association, adopted in 1845. With the manifold illustrations in mind of how the powers of Government had been used and were being increasingly used to expropriate the land, the resources and the labor and produce of the many, and bond that generation and future generations under a multitude of law-created rights and privileges, this association declared in its preamble: Whereas, we, the mechanics and workingmen of New England are convinced by the sad experience of years that under the present arrangement of society labor is and must be the slave of wealth; and, whereas, the producers of all wealth are deprived not merely of its enjoyment, but also of the social and civil rights which belong to humanity and the race; and, whereas, we are convinced that reform of those abuses must depend upon ourselves only; and, whereas, we believe that in intelligence alone is strength, we hereby declare our object to be union for power, power to bless humanity, and to further this object resolve ourselves into an association. One of the leading spirits in this movement was Charles A. Dana, a young professional man of great promise and exceptional attainments. Subsequently he was bought off with a political office; he became not only a renegade of the most virulent type, but he leagued himself with the greatest thieves of the day--Tweed and Jay Gould, for example--received large bribes for defending them and their interests in a newspaper of which he became the owner--the New York _Sun_ --and spent his last years bitterly and cynically attacking, ridiculing and misrepresenting the labor movement, and made himself the most conspicuous editorial advocate for every thieving plutocrat or capitalist measure. The year 1884 about marked the zenith of the era of the capitalist seizing of the public domain. By that time the railroad and other corporations had possessed themselves of a large part of the area now vested in their ownership. At that very time an army of workers, estimated at 2,000,000, was out of employment. Yet it was not considered a panic year; certainly the industrial establishments of the country were not in the throes of a commercial cataclysm such as happened in 1873 and previous periods. The cities were overcrowded with the destitute and homeless; along every country road and railroad track could be seen men, singly or in pairs, tramping from place to place looking for work. Many of those unemployed were native Americans. A large number were aliens who had been induced to migrate by the alluring statements of the steamship companies to whose profit it was to carry large batches; by the solicitations of the agents of American corporations seeking among the oppressed peoples of the Old World a generous supply of cheap, unorganized labor; or by the spontaneous prospect of bettering their condition politically or economically. Millions of poor Europeans were thus persuaded to come over, only to find that the promises held out to them were hollow. They found that they were exploited in the United States even worse industrially than in their native country. As for political freedom their sanguine hopes were soon shattered. They had votes after a certain period of residence, it was true, but they saw--or at least the intelligent of them soon discerned--that the personnel and laws of the United States Government were determined by the great capitalists. The people were allowed to go through the form of voting; the moneyed interests, by controlling the machinery of the dominant political parties, dictated who the candidates, and what the so-called principles, of those parties should be. The same program was witnessed at every election. The electorate was stimulated with excitement and enthusiasm over false issues and dominated candidates. The more the power and wealth of the capitalist class increased, the more openly the Government became ultra-capitalistic. WEALTH AND THE SWAY OF DIRECT POWER It was about this time that the Senate of the United States was undergoing a transformation clearly showing how impatient the great capitalists were of operating Government through middlemen legislators. Previously, the manufacturing, railroad and banking interests had, on the whole, deemed it wise not to exercise this power directly but indirectly. The representatives sent to Congress were largely lawyers elected by their influence and money. The people at large did not know the secret processes back of these legislators. The press, advocating, as a whole, the interests of the capitalist class, constantly portrayed the legislators as great and patriotic statesmen. But the magnates saw that the time had arrived when some empty democratic forms of Government could be waved aside, and the power exercised openly and directly by them. Presently we find such men as Leland Stanford, of the Pacific railroad quartet, and one of the arch-bribers and thieves of the time, entering the United States Senate after debauching the California legislature; George Hearst, a mining magnate, and others of that class. More and more this assumption of direct power increased, until now it is reckoned that there are at least eighty millionaires in Congress. Many of them have been multimillionaires controlling, or representing corporations having a controlling share in vast industries, transportation and banking systems--men such as Senator Elkins, of West Virginia; Clark, of Montana; Platt and Depew, of New York; Guggenheim, of Colorado; Knox, of Pennsylvania; Foraker, of Ohio, and a quota of others. The popular jest as to the United States Senate being a "millionaires' club" has become antiquated; much more appropriately it could be termed a "multimillionaires' club." While in both houses of Congress are legislators who represent the almost extinguished middle class, their votes are as ineffective as their declamations are flat. The Government of the United States, viewing it as an entirety, and not considering the impotent exceptions, is now more avowedly a capitalist Government than ever before. As for the various legislatures, the magnates, coveting no seats in those bodies, are content to follow the old plan of mastering them by either direct bribery or by controlling the political bosses in charge of the political machines. Since the interests of the capitalists from the start were acutely antagonistic to those of the workers and of the people in general from whom their profits came, no cause for astonishment can be found in the refusal of Government to look out, even in trifling ways, for the workers' welfare. But it is of the greatest and most instructive interest to give a succession of contrasts. And here some complex factors intervene. Those cold, unimpassioned academicians who can perpetuate fallacies and lies in the most polished and dispassionate language, will object to the statement that the whole of governing institutions has been in the hands of thieves--great, not petty, thieves. And yet the facts, as we have seen (and will still further see), bear out this assertion. Government was run and ruled at basis by the great thieves, as it is conspicuously to-day. THE PASSING OF THE MIDDLE CLASS. Yet let us not go so fast. It is necessary to remember that the last few decades have constituted a period of startling transitions. The middle class, comprising the small business and factory men, stubbornly insisted on adhering to worn-out methods of doing business. Its only conception of industry was that of the methods of the year 1825. It refused to see that the centralization of industry was inevitable, and that it meant progress. It lamented the decay of its own power, and tried by every means at its command to thwart the purposes of the trusts. This middle class had bribed and cheated and had exploited the worker. For decades it had shaped public opinion to support the dictum that "competition was the life of trade." It had, by this shaping of opinion, enrolled on its side a large number of workers who saw only the temporary evils, and not the ultimate good, involved in the scientific organization and centralization of industry. The middle class put through anti-trust laws and other measure after measure aimed at the great combinations. These great combinations had, therefore, a double fight on their hands. On the one hand they had to resist the trades unions, and on the other, the middle class. It was necessary to their interests that centralization of industry should continue. In fact, it was historically and economically necessary. Consequently they had to bend every effort to make nugatory any effort of Government, both National and State, to enforce the anti-trust laws. The thing had to be done no matter how. It was intolerable that industrial development could be stopped by a middle class which, for self-interest, would have kept matters at a standstill. Self-interest likewise demanded that the nascent combinations and trusts get and exercise governmental power by any means they could use. For a while triumphant in passing certain laws which, it was fatuously expected, would wipe the trusts out of existence, the middle class was hopelessly beaten and routed. By their far greater command of resources and money, the great magnates were able to frustrate the execution of those laws, and gradually to install themselves or their tools in practically supreme power. The middle class is now becoming a mere memory. Even the frantic efforts of President Roosevelt in its behalf were of absolutely no avail; the trusts are mightier than ever before, and hold a sway the disputing of which is ineffective. THE TRUSTS AND THE UNEMPLOYED. With this newer organization and centralization of industry the number of unemployed tremendously increased. In the panic of 1893 it reached about 3,000,000; in that of 1908 perhaps 6,000,000, certainly 5,000,000. To the appalling suffering on every hand the Government remained indifferent. The reasons were two-fold: Government was administered by the capitalist class whose interest it was not to allow any measure to be passed which might strengthen the workers, or decrease the volume of surplus labor; the second was that Government was basically the apotheosis of the current commercial idea that the claims of property were superior to those of human life. It can be said without exaggeration that high functionary after high functionary in the legislative or executive branches of the Government, and magnate after magnate had committed not only one violation, but constant violations, of the criminal law. They were unmolested; having the power to prevent it they assuredly would not suffer themselves to undergo even the farce of prosecution. Such few prosecutions as were started with suspicious bluster by the Government against the Standard Oil Company, the Sugar Trust, the Tobacco Trust and other trusts proved to be absolutely harmless, and have had no result except to strengthen the position of the trusts. The great magnates reaped their wealth by an innumerable succession of frauds and thefts. But the moment that wealth or the basis of that wealth were threatened in the remotest by any law or movement, the whole body of Government, executive, legislative and judicial, promptly stepped in to protect it intact. The workers, however, from whom the wealth was robbed, were regarded in law as criminals the moment they became impoverished. If homeless and without visible means of support, they were subject to arrest as vagabonds. Numbers of them were constantly sent to prison or, in some States, to the chain-gang. If they ventured to hold mass meetings to urge the Government to start a series of public works to relieve the unemployed, their meetings were broken up and the assembled brutally clubbed, as happened in Tompkins square in New York City in the panic of 1873, in Washington in 1892, and in Chicago and in Union square, New York City, in the panic of 1908. The newspapers represented these meetings as those of irresponsible agitators, inciting the "mob" to violence. The clubbing of the unemployed and the judicial murder of their spokesman, has long been a favorite repression method of the authorities. But as for allowing them freedom of speech, considering the grievances, putting forth every effort to relieve their condition,--these do not seem to have come within the scope of that Government whose every move has been one of intense hostility--now open, again covert--to the working class. This running sketch, which is to be supplemented by the most specific details, gives a sufficient insight into the debasement and despoiling of the working class while the capitalists were using the Government as an expropriating machine. Meanwhile, how was the great farming class faring? What were the consequences to this large body of the seizure by a few of the greater part of the public domain? THE STATE OF THE FARMING POPULATION. The conditions of the farming population, along with that of the working class, steadily grew worse. In the hope of improving their condition large numbers migrated from the Eastern States, and a constant influx of agriculturists poured in from Europe. A comparatively few of the whole were able to get land direct from the Government. Naturally the course of this extensive migration followed the path of transportation, that is to say, of the railroads. This was exactly what the railroad corporations had anticipated. As a rule the migrating farmers found the railroads or cattlemen already in possession of many of the best lands. To give a specific idea of how vast and widespread were the railroad holdings in the various States, this tabulation covering the years up to 1883 will suffice: In the States of Florida, Louisiana, Alabama and Mississippi about 9,000,000 acres in all; in Wisconsin, 3,553,865 acres; Missouri, 2,605,251 acres; Arkansas, 2,613,631 acres; Illinois, 2,595,053 acres; Iowa, 4,181,929 acres; Michigan, 3,355,943 acres; Minnesota, 9,830,450 acres; Nebraska, 6,409,376 acres; Colorado, 3,000,000 acres; the State of Washington, 11,700,000 acres; New Mexico, 11,500,000 acres; in the Dakotas, 8,000,000 acres; Oregon, 5,800,000 acres; Montana, 17,000,000 acres; California, 16,387,000; Idaho, 1,500,000, and Utah, 1,850,000. [Footnote: "The Public Domain," House Ex. Doc. No. 47, Third Session, Forty-sixth Congress: 273.] Prospective farmers had to pay the railroads exorbitant prices for land. Very often they had not sufficient funds; a mortgage or two would be signed; and if the farmer had a bad season or two, and could no longer pay the interest, foreclosure would result. But whether crops were good or bad, the American farmer constantly had to compete in the grain markets of the world with the cheap labor of India and Russia. And inexorably, East or West, North or South, he was caught between a double fire. On the one hand, in order to compete with the immense capitalist farms gradually developing, he had to give up primitive implements and buy the most improved agricultural machines. For these he was charged five and six times the sum it cost the manufacturers to make and market them. Usually if he could not pay for them outright, the manufacturers took out a mortgage on his farm. Large numbers of these mortgages were foreclosed. In addition, the time had passed when the farmer made his own clothes and many other articles. For everything that he bought he had to pay excessive prices. He, even more than the industrial working classes, had to pay an enormous manufacturer's profit, and additionally the high freight railroad rate. On the other hand, the great capitalist agencies directly dealing with the crops--the packing houses, the gambling cotton and produce exchanges--actually owned, by a series of manipulations, a large proportion of his crops before they were out of the ground. These crops were sold to the working class at exorbitant prices. The small farmer labored incessantly, only to find himself getting poorer. It served political purpose well to describe glowingly the farmer's prosperity; but the greater crops he raised, the greater the profit to the railroad companies and to various other divisions of the capitalist class. His was the labor and worry; they gathered in the financial harvest. METHODS OF THE GREAT LANDOWNERS. While thus the produce of the farmer's labor was virtually confiscated by the different capitalist combinations, the farmers of many States, particularly of the rich agricultural States of the West, were unable to stand up against the encroachments, power, and the fraudulent methods of the great capitalist landowners. The land frauds in the State of California will serve as an example. Acting under the authority of various measures passed by Congress-- measures which have been described--land grabbers succeeded in obtaining possession of an immense area in that State. Perjury, fraudulent surveys and entries, collusion with Government officials-- these were a few of the many methods. Jose Limantour, by an alleged grant from a Mexican Governor, and collusion with officials, almost succeeded in stealing more than half a million acres. Henry Miller, who came to the United States as an immigrant in 1850, is to-day owner of 14,539,000 acres of the richest land in California and Oregon. It embraces more than 22,500 square miles, a territory three times as large as New Jersey. The stupendous land frauds in all of the Western and Pacific States by which capitalists obtained "an empire of land, timber and mines" are amply described in numerous documents of the period. These land thieves, as was developed in official investigations, had their tools and associates in the Land Commissioner's office, in the Government executive departments, and in both houses of Congress. The land grabbers did their part in driving the small farmer from the soil. Bailey Millard, who extensively investigated the land frauds in California, after giving full details, says: When you have learned these things it is not difficult to understand how one hundred men in the great Sacramento Valley have come to own over 17,000,000 acres, while in the San Joaquin Valley it is no uncommon thing for one man's name to stand for 100,000 acres. This grabbing of large tracts has discouraged immigration to California more than any other single factor. A family living on a small holding in a vast plain, with hardly a house in sight, will in time become a very lonely family indeed, and will in a few years be glad to sell out to the land king whose domain is adjacent. Thousands of small farms have in this way been acquired by the large holders at nominal prices. [Footnote: "The West Coast Land Grabbers." Everybody's Magazine, May, 1905.] SEIZURE OF IMMENSE AREAS BY FRAUD. Official reports of the period, contemporaneous with the original seizure of these immense tracts of land, give far more specific details of the methods by which that land was obtained. Of the numerous reports of committees of the California Legislature, we will here simply quote one--that of the Swamp Land Investigating Committee of the California Assembly of 1873. Dealing with the fraudulent methods by which huge areas of the finest lands in California were obtained for practically nothing as "swamp" land, this committee reported, citing from what it termed a "mighty mass of evidence," "That through the connivance of parties, surveyors were appointed who segregated lands as 'swamp,' which were not so in fact. The corruption existing in the land department of the General Government has aided this system of fraud." Also, the committee commented with deep irony, "the loose laws of the State, governing all classes of State lands, has enabled wealthy parties to obtain much of it under circumstances which, in some countries, where laws are more rigid and terms less refined, would be termed fraudulent, but we can only designate it as keen foresight and wise (for the land grabbers) construction of loose, unwholesome laws." [Footnote: Report of the Swamp Land Investigating Committee, Appendix to California Journals of Senate and Assembly. Twentieth Session, 1874, Vol. iv, Doc. No. 5:3. ] After recording its findings that it was satisfied from the evidence that "the grossest frauds have been committed in swamp matters in this State, "the committee went on: Formerly it was the custom to permit filings upon real or alleged swamp lands, and to allow the applications to lie unacted upon for an indefinite number of years, at the option of the applicants. In these cases, parties on the "inside" of the Land Office "ring" had but to wait until some one should come along who wanted to take up these lands in good faith, and they would "sell out" to them their "rights" to land on which they had never paid a cent, nor intended to pay a cent. Or, if the nature of the land was doubtful, they would postpone all investigation until the height of the floods during the rainy season, when surveyors, in interest with themselves, would be sent out to make favorable reports as to the "swampy" character of the land. In the mountain valleys and on the other side of the Sierras, the lands are overflowed from melting snow exactly when the water is most wanted; but the simple presence of the water is all that is necessary to show to the speculators that the land is "swamp," and it therefore presents an inviting opportunity for this grasping cupidity. [Footnote: Report of the Swamp Land Investigating Committee, etc., 5.] In his exhaustive report for 1885, Commissioner Sparks, of the General Land Office, described at great length the vast frauds that had continuously been going on in the granting of alleged "swamp" lands, and in fraudulent surveys, in many States and Territories. [Footnote: House Documents, First Session, Forty-ninth Congress, 1885-86, Vol. ii.] "I thus found this office," he wrote, "a mere instrumentality in the hands of 'surveying rings.'" [Footnote: Ibid., 166] "Sixteen townships examined in Colorado in 1885 were found to have been surveyed on paper only, no actual surveying having been done. [Footnote: Ibid., 165 ] In twenty-two other townships examined in Colorado, purporting to have been surveyed under a "special- deposit" contract awarded in 1881, the surveys were found wholly fraudulent in seven, while the other fifteen were full of fraud." [Footnote: House Documents, etc., 1885-86, ii: 165] These are a very few of the numerous instances cited by Commissioner Sparks. Although the law restricted surveys to agricultural lands and for homestead entries, yet the Land Office had long corruptly allowed what it was pleased to term certain "liberal regulations." Surveys were so construed as to include any portion of townships the "larger portion" of which was not "known" to be of a mineral character. These "regulations," which were nothing more or less than an extra-legal license to land-grabbers, also granted surveys for desert lands and timber lands under the timber-land act. By the terms of this act, it will be recalled, those who entered and took title to desert and timber lands were not required to be actual settlers. Thus, it was only necessary for the surveyors in the hire of the great land grabbers to report fine grazing, agricultural, timber or mineral land as "desert land," and vast areas could be seized by single individuals or corporations with facility. Two specific laws directly contributed to the effectiveness of this spoliation. One act, passed by Congress on May 30, 1862, authorized surveys to be made at the expense of settlers in the townships that those settlers desired surveyed. Another act, called the Deposit Act, passed in 1871, provided that the amounts deposited by settlers should be partly applied in payment for the lands thus surveyed. Together, these two laws made the grasping of land on an extensive scale a simple process. The "settler" (which so often meant, in reality, the capitalist) could secure the collusion of the Land Office, and have fraudulent surveys made. Under these surveys he could lay claim to immense tracts of the most valuable land and have them reported as "swamp" or "desert" lands; he could have the boundaries of original claims vastly enlarged; and the fact that part of his disbursements for surveying was considered as a payment for those lands, stood in law as virtually a confirmation of his claim. ACTUAL SETTLERS EXCLUDED FROM PUBLIC DOMAIN. "Wealthy speculators and powerful syndicates," reported Commissioner Sparks, covet the public domain, and a survey is the first step in the accomplishment of this desire. The bulk of deposit surveys have been made in timber districts and grazing regions, and the surveyed lands have immediately been entered under the timber land, preëmption, commuted homestead, timber-culture and desert-land acts. So thoroughly organized has been the entire system of procuring the survey and making illegal entry of lands, that agents and attorneys engaged in this business have been advised of every official proceeding, and enabled to present entry applications for the lands at the very moment of the filing of the plots of survey in the local land offices. Prospectors employed by lumber firms and corporations seek out and report the most valuable timber tracts in California, Oregon, Washington Territory or elsewhere; settler's applications are manufactured as a basis for survey; contracts are entered into and pushed through the General Land Office in hot haste; a skeleton survey is made... entry papers, made perfect in form by competent attorneys, are filed in bulk, and the manipulators enter into possession of the land. . . . This has been the course of proceeding heretofore. [Footnote: House Documents, etc., 1885-86, ii: 167.] Commissioner Sparks described a case where it was discovered by his special agents in California that an English firm had obtained 100,000 acres of the choicest red-wood lands in that State. These lands were then estimated to be worth $100 an acre. The cost of procuring surveys and fraudulent entries did not probably exceed $3 an acre. [Footnote: House Ex. Docs., etc., 1885-86, ii: 167.] "In the same manner," Commissioner Sparks continued, "extensive coal deposits in our Western territory are acquired in mass through expedited surveys, followed by fraudulent pre-emption and commuted homestead entries." [Footnote: Ibid.] He went on to tell that nearly the whole of the Territory (now State) of Wyoming, and large portions of Montana, had been surveyed under the deposit system, and the lands on the streams fraudulently taken up under the desert land act, to the exclusion of actual settlers. Nearly all of Colorado, the very best cattle-raising portions of New Mexico, the rich timber lands of California, the splendid forest lands of Washington Territory and the principal part of the extensive pine lands of Minnesota had been fraudulently seized in the same way. [Footnote: Ibid., 168.] In all of the Western States and Territories these fraudulent surveys had accomplished the seizure of the best and most valuable lands. "To enable the pressing tide of Western immigration to secure homes upon the public domain," Commissioner Sparks urged, "it is necessary... that hundreds of millions of acres of public lands now appropriated should be wrested from illegal control." [Footnote: Ibid.] But nothing was done to recover these stolen lands. At the very time Commissioner Sparks--one of the very few incorruptible Commissioners of Public Lands,--was writing this, the land-grabbing interests were making the greatest exertions to get him removed. During his tenure of office they caused him to be malevolently harassed and assailed. After he left office they resumed complete domination of the Land Commissioner's Bureau. [Footnote: The methods of capitalists in causing the removal of officials who obstructed or exposed their crimes and violent seizure of property were continuous and long enduring. It was a very old practice. When Astor was debauching and swindling Indian tribes, he succeeded, it seems, by exerting his power at Washington, in causing Government agents standing in his way to be dismissed from office. The following is an extract from a communication, in 1821, of the U. S. Indian agent at Green Bay, Wisconsin, to the U. S. Superintendent of Indian Trade: "The Indians are frequently kept in a state of intoxication, giving their furs, etc., at a great sacrifice for whiskey.... The agents of Mr. Astor hold out the idea that they will, ere long be able to break down the factories [Government agencies]; and they menace the Indian agents and others who may interfere with them, with dismission from office through Mr. Astor. They say that a representation from Messrs. Crooks and Stewart (Mr. Astor's agents) led to the dismission of the Indian agent at Mackinac, and they also say that the Indian agent here is to be dismissed...."--U.S. Senate Documents, First Session, Seventeenth Congress, 1821-22, Vol. i, Doc. No. 60:52-53.] THE GIGANTIC PRIVATE LAND CLAIM FRAUDS. The frauds in the settlement of private land claims on alleged grants by Spain and Mexico were colossal. Vast estates in California, New Mexico, Arizona, Colorado and other States were obtained by collusion with the Government administrative officials and Congress. These were secured upon the strength of either forged documents purporting to be grants from the Spanish or Mexican authorities, or by means of fraudulent surveys. One of the most notorious of these was the Beaubin and Miranda grant, otherwise famous thirty years ago as the Maxwell land grant. A reference to it here is indispensable. It was by reason of this transaction, as well as by other similar transactions, that one of the American multimillionaires obtained his original millions. This individual was Stephen B. Elkins, at present a powerful member of the United States Senate, and one of the ruling oligarchy of wealth. He is said to possess a fortune of at least $50,000,000, and his daughter, it is reported, is to marry the Duke of the Abruzzi, a scion of the royal family of Italy. The New Mexico claim of Beaubin and Miranda transferred to L. B. Maxwell, was allowed by the Government in 1869, but for ninety-six thousand acres only. The owner refused to comply with the law, and in 1874 the Department of the Interior ordered the grant to be treated as public lands and thrown open to settlement. Despite this order, the Government officials in New Mexico, acting in collusion with other interested parties, illegally continued to assess it as private property. In 1877 a fraudulent tax sale was held, and the grant, fraudulently enlarged to 1,714,764.94 acres, was purchased by M. M. Mills, a member of the New Mexico Legislature. He transferred the title to T. B. Catron, the United States Attorney for New Mexico. Presently Elkins turned up as the principal owner. The details of how this claim was repeatedly shown up to be fraudulent by Land Commissioners and Congressional Committees; how the settlers in New Mexico fought it and sought to have it declared void, and the law enforced; [Footnote: "Land Titles in New Mexico and Colorado," House Reports First Session, Fifty-second Congress, 1891-92, Vol. iv, Report No. 1253. Also, House Reports, First Session, Fifty-second Congress, 1891-92, Vol. vii, Report No. 1824. Also, House Reports, First Session, Forty-ninth Congress, 1885-86, ii: 170.] and how Elkins, for some years himself a Delegate in Congress from New Mexico, succeeded in having the grant finally validated on technical grounds, and "judicially cleared" of all taint of fraud, by an astounding decision of the Supreme Court of the United States--a decision contrary to the facts as specifically shown by successive Government officials--all of these details are set forth fully in another part of this work. [Footnote: See "The Elkins Fortune," in Vol. iii.] The forgeries and fraudulent surveys by which these huge estates were secured were astoundingly bold and frequent. Large numbers of private land claims, rejected by various Land Commissioners as fraudulent, were corruptly confirmed by Congress. In 1870, the heirs of one Gervacio Nolan applied for confirmation of two grants alleged to have been made to an ancestor under the colonization laws of New Mexico. They claimed more than 1,500,000 acres, but Congress conditionally confirmed their claim to the extent of forty-eight thousand acres only, asserting that the Mexican laws had limited to this area the area of public lands that could be granted to one individual. In 1880 the Land Office re-opened the claim, and a new survey was made by surveyors in collusion with the claimants, and hired by them. When the report of this survey reached Washington, the Land Office officials were interested to note that the estate had grown from forty-eight thousand acres to five hundred and seventy-five thousand acres, or twelve times the legal quantity. [Footnote: House Reports, First Session, Forty-ninth Congress, 1885-86, ii: 171.] The actual settlers were then evicted. The romancer might say that the officials were amazed; they were not; such fraudulent enlargements were common. The New Mexico estate of Francis Martinez, granted under the Mexican laws restricting a single grant to forty-eight thousand acres, was by a fraudulent survey, extended to 594,515.55 acres, and patented in 1881. [Footnote: Ibid., 172.] A New Mexico grant said to have been made to Salvador Gonzales, in 1742, comprising "a spot of land to enable him to plant a cornfield for the support of his family." was fraudulently surveyed and enlarged to 103,959.31 acres--a survey amended later by reducing the area to 23,661 acres. [Footnote: House Reports, etc, 1885-86, ii: 172.] The B. M. Montaya grant in New Mexico, limited to forty-eight thousand acres, under the Mexican colonization laws, was fraudulently surveyed for 151,056.97 acres. The Estancia grant in New Mexico also restricted under the colonization act to forty-eight thousand acres, was enlarged by a fraudulent survey to 415,036.56 acres. [Footnote: Ibid., 173.] In 1768, Ignacio Chaves and others in New Mexico petitioned for a tract of about two and one-fourth superficial leagues, or approximately a little less than ten thousand acres. A fraudulent survey magnified this claim to 243,036.43 acres. [Footnote: Ibid.] These are a very few of the large number of forged or otherwise fraudulent claims. Some were rejected by Congress; many, despite Land Office protests, were confirmed. By these fraudulent and corrupt operations, enormous estates were obtained in New Mexico, Colorado and in other sections. The Pablo Montaya grant comprised in all, 655,468.07 acres; the Mora grant 827,621.01 acres; the Tierra Amarilla grant 594,515 acres, and the Sangre de Cristo grant 998,780.46 acres. All of these were corruptly obtained. [Footnote: See Resolution of House Committee on Private Land Claims, June, 1892, demanding a thorough investigation. The House took no action.--Report No. 1824, 1892.] Scores of other claims were confirmed for lesser areas. During Commissioner Sparks' tenure of office, claims to 8,500,000 acres in New Mexico alone were pending before Congress. A comprehensive account of the operations of the land-grabbers, giving the explicit facts, as told in Government and court records, of their system of fraud, is presented in the chapter on the Elkins fortune. FORGERY, PERJURY AND FRAUDULENT SURVEY. Reporting, in 1881, to the Commissioner of the General Land Office, Henry M. Atkinson, U. S. Surveyor-General of New Mexico, wrote that "the investigation of this office for the past five years has demonstrated that some of the alleged grants are forgeries." He set forth that unless the court before which these claims were adjudicated could have full access to the archives, "it is much more liable to be imposed upon by fraudulent title papers." [Footnote: "The Public Domain," etc. 1124. Also see next Footnote.] In fact, the many official reports describe with what cleverness the claimants to these great areas forged their papers, and the facility with which they bought up witnesses to perjure for them. Finding it impossible to go back of the aggregate and corroborative "evidence" thus offered, the courts were frequently forced to decide in favor of the claimants. To use a modern colloquial phrase, the cases were "framed up." In the case of Luis Jamarillo's claim to eighteen thousand acres in New Mexico, U. S. Surveyor-General Julian of New Mexico, in recommending the rejection of the claim and calling attention to the perjury committed, said: When these facts are considered, in connection with the further and well-known fact that such witnesses can readily be found by grant claimants, and that in this way the most monstrous frauds have been practiced in extending the lines of such grants in New Mexico, it is not possible to accept the statement of this witness as to the west boundary of this grant, which he locates at such a distance from the east line as to include more than four times the amount of land actually granted. [Footnote: Senate Executive Documents, First Session, Fiftieth Congress, 1887-88, Vol. i, Private Land Claim No. 103, Ex. Doc. No. 20:3. Documents Nos. 3 to 11, 13 to 23, 25 to 29 and 38 in the same volume deal with similar claims.] "The widespread belief of the people of this country," wrote Commissioner Sparks in 1885, "that the land department has been largely conducted to the advantage of speculation and monopoly, private and corporate, rather than in the public interest, I have found supported by developments in every branch of the service.... I am satisfied that thousands of claims without foundation in law or equity, involving millions of acres of public land, have been annually passed to patent upon the single proposition that nobody but the Government had any _adverse_ interest. The vast machinery of the land department has been devoted to the chief result of conveying the title of the United States to public lands upon fraudulent entries under loose construction of law." [Footnote: House Ex. Docs., 1885-86, ii: 156.] Whenever a capitalist's interest was involved, the law was always "loosely construed," but the strictest interpretation was invariably given to laws passed against the working population. It was estimated, in 1892, that 57,000,000 acres of land in New Mexico and Colorado had, for more than thirty years, been unlawfully treated by public officers as having been ceded to the United States by Mexico. The Maxwell, Sangre de Cristo, Nolan and other grants were within this area. The House Committee on Private Land Claims reported on April 29, 1892: "A long list of alleged Mexican and Spanish grants within the limits of the Texas cession have been confirmed, or quit claimed by Congress, under the false representation that said alleged grants were located in the territory of New Mexico ceded by the treaty; an enormous area of land has long been and is now held as confirmed Mexican and Spanish grants, located in the territory of Mexico ceded by the treaty when such is not the fact." [Footnote: House Report, 1892, No. 1253:8.] In Texas the fraudulent, and often, violent methods of the seizure of land by the capitalists were fully as marked as those used elsewhere. Upon its admittance to the Union, Texas retained the disposition of its public lands. Up to about the year 1864, almost the entire area of Texas, comprising 274,356 square miles, or 175,587,840 acres, was one vast unfenced feeding ground for cattle, horses and sheep. In about the year 1874, the agricultural movement began; large numbers of intending farmers migrated to Texas, particularly with the expectation of raising cattle, then a highly profitable business. They found huge stretches of the land already preempted by individual capitalists or corporations. In a number of instances, some of these individuals, according to the report of a Congressional Committee, in 1884, dealing with Texas lands, had each acquired the ownership of more than two hundred and fifty thousand acres. "It is a notorious fact," this committee reported, "that the public land laws, although framed with the special object of encouraging the public domain, of developing its resources and protecting actual settlers, have been extensively evaded and violated. Individuals and corporations have, by purchasing the proved-up claims, or purchases of ostensible settlers, employed by them to make entry, extensively secured the ownership of large bodies of land." [Footnote: House Reports, Second Session, Forty-eighth Congress, 1884-85, Vol. xxix, Ex. Doc. No. 267:43.] The committee went on to describe how, to a very considerable extent, "foreigners of large means" had obtained these great areas, and had gone into the cattle business, and how the titles to these lands were se-cured not only by individuals but by foreign corporations. "Certain of these foreigners are titled noblemen. Some of them have brought over from Europe, in considerable numbers, herdsmen and other employees who sustain to them a dependent relationship characteristic of the peasantry on the large landed estates of Europe." Two British syndicates, for instance, held 7,500,000 acres in Texas. [Footnote: House Reports, etc., 1884-85, Doc. No. 267:46.] This spoliation of the public domain was one of the chief grievances of the National Greenback-Labor party in 1880. This party, to a great extent, was composed of the Western farming element. In his letter accepting the nomination of that party for President of the United States, Gen. Weaver, himself a member of long standing in Congress from Iowa, wrote: An area of our public domain larger than the territory occupied by the great German Empire has been wantonly donated to wealthy corporations; while a bill introduced by Hon. Hendrick B. Wright, of Pennsylvania, to enable our poor people to reach and occupy the few acres remaining, has been scouted, ridiculed, and defeated in Congress. In consequence of this stupendous system of land-grabbing, millions of the young men of America, and millions more of industrious people from abroad, seeking homes in the New World, are left homeless and destitute. The public domain must be sacredly reserved to actual settlers, and where corporations have not complied strictly with the terms of their grants, the lands should be at once reclaimed. INCREASE OF FARM TENANTRY. Without dwelling upon all the causative factors--involving an extended work in themselves--some significant general results will be pointed out. The original area of public domain amounted to 1,815,504,147 acres, of which considerably more than half, embracing some of the very best agricultural, grazing, mineral and timber lands, was already alienated by the year 1880. By 1896 the alienation reached 806,532,362 acres. Of the original area, about 50,000,000 acres of forests have been withdrawn from the public domain by the Government, and converted into forest reservations. Large portions of such of the agricultural, grazing, mineral and timber lands as were not seized by various corporations and favored individuals before 1880, have been expropriated west of the Mississippi since then, and the process is still going, notably in Alaska. The nominal records of the General Land Office as to the number of homesteaders are of little value and are very misleading. Immense numbers of alleged homesteaders were, as we have copiously seen, nothing but paid dummies by whose entries vast tracts of land were seized under color of law. It is indisputably clear that hundreds of millions of acres of the public domain have been obtained by outright fraud. Notwithstanding the fact that only a few years before, the Government had held far more than enough land to have provided every agriculturist with a farm, yet by 1880, a large farm tenant class had already developed. Not less than 1,024,061 of the 4,008,907 farms in the United States were held by renters. One-fourth of all the farms in the United States were cultivated by men who did not own them. Furthermore, and even more impressive, there were 3,323,876 farm laborers composed of men who did not even rent land. Equally significant was the increasing tendency to the operating of large farms by capitalists with the hired labor. Of farms under cultivation, extending from one hundred to five hundred acres, there were nearly a million and a half--1,416,618, to give the exact number--owned largely by capitalists and cultivated by laborers. [Footnote: Tenth Census, Statistics of Agriculture: 28.] Phillips, who had superior opportunities for getting at the real facts, and whose volume upon the subject issued at the time is well worthy of consideration, thus commented upon the census returns: It will thus be seen that of the 7,670,493 persons in our country engaged in agriculture, there are 1,024,601 who pay rent to persons not cultivating the soil; 1,508,828 capitalist or speculating owners, who own the soil and employ laborers; 804,522 of well-to-do farmers who hire part of their work or employ laborers, and 670,944 who may be said to actually cultivate the soil they own: the rest are hired workers. Phillips goes on to remark: Another fact must be borne in mind, that a large number of the 2,984,306 farmers who own land are in debt for it to the money lenders. From the writer's observation it is probable that forty per cent, of them are so deeply in debt as to pay a rent in interest. This squeezing process is going on at the rate of eight and ten per cent., and in most cases can terminate in but one way. [Footnote: "Labor, Land and Law": 353. It is difficult to get reliable statistics on the number of mortgages on farms, and on the number of farm tenants. The U.S. Industrial Commission estimated, in 1902, that fifty per cent, of the homesteads in Eastern Minnesota were mortgaged. Although admitting that such a condition had been general, it represented in its Final Report that a large number of mortgages in certain States had been paid off. According to the "Political Science Quarterly" (Vol. xi, No. 4, 1896) the United States Census of 1890 showed a marked increase, not only absolutely, but relatively in the number of farm tenants. It can hardly be doubted that farm tenantry is rapidly increasing and will under the influence of various causes increase still more.] A LARGELY DISPOSSESSED NATION. These are the statistics of a Government which, it is known, seeks to make its showing as favorable as possible to the existing regime. They make it clear that a rapid process of the dispossession of the industrial working, the middle and the small farming classes has been going on unceasingly. If the process was so marked in 1900 what must it be now? All of the factors operating to impoverish the farming population of the United States and turn them into homeless tenants have been a thousandfold intensified and augmented in the last ten years, beginning with the remarkable formation of hundreds of trusts in 1898. Even though the farmer may get higher prices for his products, as he did in 1908 and 1909, the benefits are deceptively transient, while the expropriating process is persistent. There was a time when farm land in Ohio, Illinois, Minnesota, Indiana, Wisconsin, and many other States was considered of high value. But in the last few years an extraordinary sight has been witnessed. Hundreds of thousands of American farmers migrated to the virgin fields of Northwest Canada and settled there--a portentous movement significant of the straits to which the American farmer has been driven. Abandoned farms in the East are numerous; in New York State alone 22,000 are registered. Hitherto the farmer has considered himself a sort of capitalist: if not hostile to the industrial working classes, he has been generally apathetic. But now he is being forced to the point of being an absolute dependant himself, and will inevitably align his interests with those of his brothers in the factories and in the shops. With this contrast of the forces at work which gave empires of public domain to the few, while dispossessing the tens of millions, we will now proceed to a consideration of some of the fortunes based upon railroads. CHAPTER III THE BEGINNINGS OF THE VANDERBILT FORTUNE The first of the overshadowing fortunes to develop from the ownership and manipulation of railroads was that of Cornelius Vanderbilt. The Havemeyers and other factory owners, whose descendants are now enrolled among the conspicuous multimillionaires, were still in the embryonic stages when Vanderbilt towered aloft in a class by himself with a fortune of $105,000,000. In these times of enormous individual accumulations and centralization of wealth, the personal possession of $105,000,000 does not excite a fraction of the astonished comment that it did at Cornelius Vanderbilt's death in 1877. Accustomed as the present generation is to the sight of billionaires or semi- billionaires, it cannot be expected to show any wonderment at fortunes of lesser proportions. NINETY MILLIONS IN FIFTEEN YEARS. Yet to the people of thirty years ago, a round hundred million was something vast and unprecedented. In 1847 millionaires were so infrequent that the very word, as we have seen, was significantly italicised. But here was a man who, figuratively speaking, was a hundred millionaires rolled in one. Compared with his wealth the great fortunes of ten or fifteen years before dwindled into bagatelles. During the Civil War a fortune of $15,000,000 had been looked upon as monumental. Even the huge Astor fortune, so long far outranking all competitors, lost its exceptional distinction and ceased being the sole, unrivalled standard of immense wealth. Nearly a century of fraud was behind the Astor fortune. The greater part of Cornelius Vanderbilt's wealth was massed together in his last fifteen years. This was the amazing, unparalleled feature to his generation. Within fifteen brief years he had possessed himself of more than $90,000,000. His wealth came rushing in at the rate of $6,000,000 a year. Such an accomplishment may not impress the people of these years, familiar as they are with the ease with which John D. Rockefeller and other multimillionaires have long swept in almost fabulous annual revenues. With his yearly income of fully $80,000,000 or $85,000,000 [Footnote: The "New York Commercial," an ultra- conservative financial and commercial publication, estimated in January, 1905, his annual income to be $72,000,000. Obviously it has greatly increased every year.] Rockefeller can look back and smile with superior disdain at the commotion raised by the contemplation of Cornelius Vanderbilt's $6,000,000. Each period to itself, however. Cornelius Vanderbilt was the golden luminary of his time, a magnate of such combined, far-reaching wealth and power as the United States had never known. Indeed, one overruns the line of tautology in distinguishing between wealth and power. The two were then identical not less than now. Wealth was the real power. None knew or boasted of this more than old Vanderbilt when, with advancing age, he became more arrogant and choleric and less and less inclined to smooth down the storms he provoked by his contemptuous flings at the great pliable public. When threatened by competitors, or occasionally by public officials, with the invocation of the law, he habitually sneered at them and vaunted his defiance. In terse sentences, interspersed with profanity, he proclaimed the fact that money was law; that it could buy either laws or immunity from the law. * * * * * * * Since wealth meant power, both economic and political, it is not difficult to estimate Vanderbilt's supreme place in his day. Far below him, in point of possessions, stretched the 50,000,000 individuals who made up the nation's population. Nearly 10,000,000 were wage laborers, and of the 10,000,000 fully 500,000 were child laborers. The very best paid of skilled workers received in the highest market not more than $1,040 a year. The usual weekly pay ran from $12 to $20 a week; the average pay of unskilled laborers was $350 a year. More than 7,500,000 persons ploughed and hoed and harvested the farms of the country; comparatively few of them could claim a decent living, and a large proportion were in debt. The incomes of the middle class, including individual employers, business and professional men, tradesmen and small middlemen, ranged from $1,000 to $10,000 a year. How immeasurably puny they all seemed beside Vanderbilt! He beheld a multitude of many millions struggling fiercely for the dollar that meant livelihood or fortune; those bits of metal or paper which commanded the necessities, comforts and luxuries of life; the antidote of grim poverty and the guarantees of good living; which dictated the services, honorable or often dishonorable, of men, women and children; which bought brains not less than souls, and which put their sordid seal on even the most sacred qualities. Now by these tokens, he had securely 105,000,000 of these bits of metal or wealth in some form equivalent to them. Millions of people had none of these dollars; the hundreds of thousands had a few; the thousands had hundreds of thousands; the few had millions. He had more than any. Even with all his wealth, great as it was in his day, he would scarcely be worth remembrance were it not that he was the founder of a dynasty of wealth. Therein lies the present importance of his career. A FORTUNE OF $700,000,000 From $105,000,000 bequeathed at his death, the Vanderbilt fortune has grown until it now reaches fully $700,000,000. This is an approximate estimate; the actual amount may be more or less. In 1889 Shearman placed the wealth of Cornelius and William K. Vanderbilt, grandsons of the first Cornelius, at $100,000,000 each, and that of Frederick W. Vanderbilt, a brother of those two men, at $20,000,000. [Footnote: "Who Owns the United States?"--The Forum Magazine, November, 1889.] Adding the fortunes of the various other members of the Vanderbilt family, the Vanderbilts then possessed about $300,000,000. Since that time the population and resources of the United States have vastly increased; wealth in the hold of a few has become more intensely centralized; great fortunes have gone far beyond their already extraordinary boundaries of twenty years ago; the possessions of the Vanderbilts have expanded and swollen in value everywhere, although recently the Standard Oil oligarchy has been encroaching upon their possessions. Very probable it is that the combined Vanderbilt fortune reaches fully $700,000,000, actually and potentially. But the incidental mention of such a mass of money conveys no adequate conception of the power of this family. Nominally it is composed of private citizens with theoretically the same rights and limitations of citizenship held by any other citizen and no more. But this is a fanciful picture. In reality, the Vanderbilt family is one of the dynasties of inordinately rich families ruling the United States industrially and politically. Singly it has mastery over many of the railroad and public utility systems and industrial corporations of the United States. In combination with other powerful men or families of wealth, it shares the dictatorship of many more corporations. Under the Vanderbilts' direct domination are 21,000 miles of railroad lines, the ownership of which is embodied in $600,000,000 in stocks and $700,000,000 in bonds. One member alone, William K. Vanderbilt, is a director of seventy-three transportation and industrial combinations or corporations. BONDS THAT HOLD PRESENT AND POSTERITY. Behold, in imagination at least, this mass of stocks and bonds. Heaps of paper they seem; dead, inorganic things. A second's blaze will consume any one of them, a few strokes of the fingers tear it into shapeless ribbons Yet under the institution of law, as it exists, these pieces of paper are endowed with a terrible power of life and death that even enthroned kings do not possess. Those dainty prints with their scrolls and numerals and inscriptions are binding titles to the absolute ownership of a large part of the resources created by the labors of entire peoples. Kingly power at best is shadowy, indefinite, depending mostly upon traditional custom and audacious assumption backed by armed force. If it fall back upon a certain alleged divine right it cannot produce documents to prove its authority. The industrial monarchs of the United States are fortified with both power and proofs of possession. Those bonds and stocks are the tangible titles to tangible property; whoso holds them is vested with the ownership of the necessities of tens of millions of subjected people. Great stretches of railroad traverse the country; here are coal mines to whose products some ninety million people look for warmth; yonder are factories; there in the cities are street car lines and electric light and power supply and gas plants; on every hand are lands and forests and waterways-- all owned, you find, by this or that dominant man or family. The mind wanders back in amazement to the times when, if a king conquered territory, he had to erect a fortress or castle and station a garrison to hold it. They that then disputed the king's title could challenge, if they chose, at peril of death, the provisions of that title, which same provisions were swords and spears, arrows and muskets. But nowhere throughout the large extent of the Vanderbilt's possessions or those of other ruling families are found warlike garrisons as evidence of ownership. Those uncouth barbarian methods are grossly antiquated; the part once played by armed battalions is now performed by bits of paper. A wondrously convenient change has it been; the owners of the resources of nations can disport themselves thousands of miles away from the scene of their ownership; they need never bestir themselves to provide measures for the retention of their property. Government, with its array of officials, prisons, armies and navies, undertakes all of this protection for them. So long as they hold these bits of paper in their name, Government recognizes them as the incontestable owners and safeguards their property accordingly. The very Government established on the taxation of the workers is used to enforce the means by which the workers are held in subjection. THEY DECREE TAXES AT WILL. These batches of stocks and bonds betoken as much more again. A pretty fiction subsists that Government, the creator of the modern private corporation, is necessarily more powerful than its creature. This theoretical doctrine, so widely taught by university professors and at the same time so greatly at variance with the palpable facts, will survive to bring dismay in the near future to the very classes who would have the people believe it so. Instead of now being the superior of the corporation the Government has long since definitely surrendered to private corporations a tremendous taxing power amounting virtually to a decree authorizing enslavement. Upon every form of private corporation--railroad, industrial, mining, public utility--is conferred a peculiarly sweeping and insidious power of taxation the indirectness of which often obscures its frightful nature and effects. Where, however, the industrial corporation has but one form of taxation the railroad has many forms. The trust in oil or any other commodity can tax the whole nation at its pleasure, but inherently only on the one product it controls. That single taxation is of itself confiscatory enough, as is seen in the $912,000,000 of profits gathered in by the Standard Oil Company since its inception. The trust tax is in the form of its selling price to the public. But the railroad puts its tax upon every product transported or every person who travels. Not a useful plant grows or an article is made but that, if shipped, a heavy tax must be paid on it. This tax comes in the guise of freight or passenger rates. The labor of hundreds of millions of people contributes incessantly to the colossal revenues enriching the railroad owners. For their producing capacity the workers are paid the meagerest wages, and the products which they make they are compelled to buy back at exorbitant prices after they pass through the hands of the various great capitalist middlemen, such as the trusts and the railroads. How enormous the revenues of the railroads are may be seen in the fact that in the ten years from 1898 to 1908 the dividends declared by thirty-five of the leading railroads in the United States reached the sum of about $1,800,000,000. This railroad taxation is a grinding, oppressive one, from which there is no appeal. If the Government taxes too heavily the people nominally can have a say; but the people have absolutely no voice in altering the taxation of corporations. Pseudo attempts have been made to regulate railroad charges, but their futility was soon evident, for the reason that owning the instruments of business the railroads and the allied trusts are in actual possession of the governmental power viewing it as a working whole. AND EXERCISE UNRESTRAINED POWER. Visualizing this power one begins to get a vivid perception of the comprehensive sway of the Vanderbilts and of other railroad magnates. They levy tribute without restraint--a tribute so vast that the exactions of classic conquerors become dwarfed beside it. If this levying entailed only the seizing of money, that cold, unbreathing, lifeless substance, then human emotion might not start in horror at the consequences. But beneath it all are the tugging and tearing of human muscles and minds, the toil and sweat of an unnumbered multitude, the rending of homes, the infliction of sorrow, suffering and death. The magnates, as we have said, hold the power of decreeing life and death; and time never was since the railroads were first built when this power was not arbitrarily exercised. Millions have gone hungry or lived on an attenuated diet while elsewhere harvests rotted in the ground; between their needs and nature's fertility lay the railroads. Organized and maintained for profit and for profit alone, the railroads carry produce and products at their fixed rates and not a whit less; if these rates are not paid the transportation is refused. And as in these times transportation is necessary in the world's intercourse, the men who control it have the power to stand as an inflexible barrier between individuals, groups of individuals, nations and international peoples. The very agencies which should under a rational form of civilization be devoted to promoting the interests of mankind, are used as their capricious self-interest incline them by the few who have been allowed to obtain control of them. What if helpless people are swept off by starvation or by diseases superinduced by lack of proper food? What if in the great cities an increasing sacrifice of innocents goes on because their parents cannot afford the price of good milk--a price determined to a large extent by railroad tariff? All of this slaughter and more makes no impress upon the unimpressionable surfaces of these stocks and bonds, and leaves no record save in the hospitals and graveyards. The railroad magnates have other powers. Government itself has no power to blot a town out of existence. It cannot strew desolation at will. But the railroad owners can do it and do not hesitate if sufficient profits be involved. One man sitting in a palace in New York can give an order declaring a secret discriminative tariff against the products of a place, whereupon its industries no longer able to compete with formidable competitors enjoying better rates, close down and the life of the place flickers and sometimes goes out. These are but a very few of the immensity of extravagant powers conferred by the ownership of these railroad bonds and stocks. Bonds they assuredly are, incomparably more so than the clumsy yokes of olden days. Society has improved its outwards forms in these passing centuries. Clanking chains are no longer necessary to keep slaves in subjection. Far more effective than chains and balls and iron collars are the ownership of the means whereby men must live. Whoever controls them in large degree, is a potentate by whatever name he be called, and those who depend upon the owner of them for their sustenance are slaves by whatever flattering name they choose to go. HIGH AND MIGHTY POTENTATES. The Vanderbilts are potentates. Their power is bounded by no law; they are among the handful of fellow potentates who say what law shall be and how it shall be enforced. No stern, masterful men and women are they as some future moonstruck novelist or historian bent upon creating legendary lore may portray them. Voluptuaries are most of them, sunk in a surfeit of gorgeous living and riotous pleasure. Weak, without distinction of mind or heart, they have the money to hire brains to plan, plot, scheme, advocate, supervise and work for them. Suddenly deprived of their stocks and bonds they would find themselves adrift in the sheerest helplessness. With these stocks and bonds they are the direct absolute masters of an army of employees. On the New York Central Railroad alone the Vanderbilt payroll embraces fifty thousand workers. This is but one of their railroad systems. As many more, or nearly as many, men work directly for them on their other railroad lines. One hundred thousand men signify, let us say, as many families. Accepting the average of five to a family, here are five hundred thousand souls whose livelihood is dependent upon largely the will of the Vanderbilt family. To that will there is no check. To-day it may be expansively benevolent; to-morrow, after a fit of indigestion or a night of demoralizing revelry, it may flit to an extreme of parsimonious retaliation. As the will fluctuates, so must be the fate of the hundred thousand workers. If the will decides that the pay of the men must go down, curtailed it is, irrespective of their protests that the lopping off of their already slender wages means still keener hardship. Apparently free and independent citizens, this army of workers belong for all essential purposes to the Vanderbilt family. Their jobs are the hostages held by the Vanderbilts. The interests and decisions of one family are supreme. The germination and establishment of this immense power began with the activities of the first Cornelius Vanderbilt, the founder of this pile of wealth. He was born in 1794. His parents lived on Staten Island; his father conveyed passengers in a boat to and from New York--an industrious, dull man who did his plodding part and allowed his wife to manage household expenses. Regularly and obediently he turned his earnings over to her. She carefully hoarded every available cent, using an old clock as a depository. THE FOUNDER'S START. Vanderbilt was a rugged, headstrong, untamable, illiterate youth. At twelve years of age he could scarcely write his own name. But he knew the ways of the water; when still a youth he commenced ferrying passengers and freight between Staten Island and New York City. For books he cared nothing; the refinements of life he scorned. His one passion was money. He was grasping and enterprising, coarse and domineering. Of the real details of his early life little is known except what has been written by laudatory writers. We are informed that as he gradually made and saved money he built his own schooners, and went in for the coasting trade. The invention and success of the steamboat, it is further related, convinced him that the day of the sailing vessel would soon be over. He, therefore, sold his interest in his schooners, and was engaged as captain of a steamboat plying between New York and points on the New Jersey coast. His wife at the same time enlarged the family revenues by running a wayside tavern at New Brunswick, N. J., whither Vanderbilt had moved. In 1829, when his resources reached $30,000, he quit as an employee and began building his own steamboats. Little by little he drove many of his competitors out of business. This he was able to do by his harsh, unscrupulous and strategic measures. [Footnote: Some glimpses of Vanderbilt's activities and methods in his early career are obtainable from the court records. In 1827 he was fined two penalties of $50 for refusing to move a steamboat called "The Thistle," commanded by him, from a wharf on the North River in order to give berth to "The Legislature," a competing steamboat. His defence was that Adams, the harbor master, had no authority to compel him to move. The lower courts decided against him, and the Supreme Court, on appeal, affirmed their judgment. (Adams vs. Vanderbilt. Cowen's Reports. Cases in Supreme Court of the State of New York, vii: 349- 353.) In 1841 the Eagle Iron Works sued Vanderbilt for the sum of $2,957.15 which it claimed was due under a contract made by Vanderbilt on March 8, 1838. This contract called for the payment by Vanderbilt of $10,500 in three installments for the building of an engine for the steamboat "Wave." Vanderbilt paid $7,900, but refused to pay the remainder, on the ground that braces to the connecting rods were not supplied. These braces, it was brought out in court, cost only $75 or $100. The Supreme Court handed down a judgment against Vanderbilt. An appeal was taken by Vanderbilt, and Judge Nelson, in the Supreme Court, in October, 1841, affirmed that judgment.--Vanderbilt vs. Eagle Iron Works, Wendell's Reports, Cases in the Supreme Court of the State of New York, xxv: 665-668.] He was severe with the men who worked for him, compelling them to work long hours for little pay. He showed a singular ability in undermining competitors. They could not pay low wages but what he could pay lower; as rapidly as they set about reducing passenger and freight rates he would anticipate them. His policy at this time was to bankrupt competitors, and then having obtained a monopoly, to charge exorbitant rates. The public, which welcomed him as a benefactor in declaring cheaper rates and which flocked to patronize his line, had to pay dearly for their premature and short-sighted joy. For the first five years his profits, according to Croffut, reached $30,000 a year, doubling in successive years. By the time he was forty years old he ran steamboats to many cities on the coast, and had amassed a fortune of half a million dollars. DRIVING OUT COMPETITORS. Judging from the records of the times, one of his most effective means for harassing and driving out competitors was in bribing the New York Common Council to give him, and refuse them, dock privileges. As the city owned the docks, the Common Council had the exclusive right of determining to whom they should be leased. Not a year passed but what the ship, ferry and steamboat owners, the great landlords and other capitalists bribed the aldermen to lease or give them valuable city property. Many scandals resulted, culminating in the great scandal of 1853, when the Grand Jury, on February 26, handed up a presentment showing in detail how certain aldermen had received bribes for disposal of the city's water rights, pier privileges and other property, and how enormous sums had been expended in bribes to get railroad grants in the city. [Footnote: Proceedings of the New York Board of Aldermen, xlviii: 423-431.] Vanderbilt was not openly implicated in these frauds, no more than were the Astors, the Rhinelanders, the Goelets and other very rich men who prudently kept in the background, and who managed to loot the city by operating through go-betweens. Vanderbilt's eulogists take great pains to elaborate upon his tremendous energy, sagacity and constructive enterprise, as though these were the exclusive qualities by which he got his fortune. Such a glittering picture, common in all of the usual biographies of rich men, discredits itself and is overthrown by the actual facts. The times in which Vanderbilt lived and thrived were not calculated to inspire the masses of people with respect for the trader's methods, although none could deny that the outcropping capitalists of the period showed a fierce vigor in overcoming obstacles of man and of nature, and in extending their conquests toward the outposts of the habitable globe. If indomitable enterprise assured permanency of wealth then many of Vanderbilt's competitors would have become and remained multimillionaires. Vanderbilt, by no means possessed a monopoly of acquisitive enterprise; on every hand, and in every line, were men fully as active and unprincipled as he. Nearly all of these men, and scores of competitors in his own sphere--dominant capitalists in their day--have become well-nigh lost in the records of time; their descendants are in the slough of poverty, genteel or otherwise. Those times were marked by the intensest commercial competition; business was a labyrinth of sharp tricks and low cunning; the man who managed to project his head far above the rest not only had to practice the methods of his competitors but to overreach and outdo them. It was in this regard that Vanderbilt showed superior ability. In the exploitation of the workers--forcing them to work for low wages and compelling them to pay high prices for all necessities-- Vanderbilt was no different from all contemporaneous capitalists. Capitalism subsisted by this process. Almost all conventional writers, it is true, set forth that it was the accepted process of the day, implying that it was a condition acquiesced in by the employer and worker. This is one of the lies disseminated for the purpose of proving that the great fortunes were made by legitimate methods. Far from being accepted by the workers it was denounced and was openly fought by them at every auspicious opportunity. Vanderbilt became one of the largest ship and steamboat builders in the United States and one of the most formidable employers of labor. At one time he had a hundred vessels afloat. Thousands of shipwrights, mechanics and other workers toiled for him fourteen and sixteen hours a day at $1.50 a day for many years. The actual purchasing power of this wage kept declining as the cost of rent and other necessaries of life advanced. This was notably so after the great gold discoveries in California, when prices of all commodities rose abnormally, and the workers in every trade were forced to strike for higher wages in order to live. Most of these strikes were successful, but their results as far as wages went were barren; the advance wrung from employers was by no means equal to the increased cost of living. REGARDED AS A COMMERCIAL BUCCANEER. The exploitation of labor, however, does not account for his success as a money maker. Many other men did the same, and yet in the vicissitudes of business went bankrupt; the realm of business was full of wrecks. Vanderbilt's success arose from his destructive tactics toward his competitors. He was regarded universally as the buccaneer of the shipping world. He leisurely allowed other men to build up profitable lines of steamboats, and he then proceeded to carry out methods which inevitably had one of two terminations: either his competitor had to buy him off at an exorbitant price, or he was left in undisputed possession. His principal biographer, Croffut, whose effusion is one long chant of praise, treats these methods as evidences of great shrewdness, and goes on: "His foible was 'opposition;' wherever his keen eye detected a line that was making a very large profit on its investment, he swooped down on it and drove it to the wall by offering a better service and lower rates." [Footnote: "The Vanderbilts and the Story of Their Fortune," by W. A. Croffut, 1886: 45-46.] This statement is only partially true; its omissions are more significant than its admissions. Far from being the "constructive genius" that he is represented in every extant biographical work and note, Vanderbilt was the foremost mercantile pirate and commercial blackmailer of his day. Harsh as these terms may seem, they are more than justified by the facts. His eulogists, in line with those of other rich men, weave a beautiful picture for the edification of posterity, of a broad, noble-minded man whose honesty was his sterling virtue, and whose splendid ability in opening up and extending the country's resources was rewarded with a great fortune and the thanks of his generation. This is utterly false. He who has the slightest knowledge of the low practices and degraded morals of the trading class and of the qualities which insured success, might at once suspect the spuriousness of this extravagant presentation, even if the vital facts were unavailable. But there is no such difficulty. Obviously, for every one fraudulent commercial or political transaction that comes to public notice, hundreds and thousands of such transactions are kept in concealment. Enough facts, however, remain in official records to show the particular methods Vanderbilt used in getting together his millions. Yet no one hitherto seems to have taken the trouble to disinter them; even serious writers who cannot be accused of wealth worship or deliberate misstatement have all, without exception, borrowed their narratives of Vanderbilt's career from the fiction of his literary, newspaper and oratorical incense burners. And so it is that everywhere the conviction prevails that whatever fraudulent methods Vanderbilt employed in his later career, he was essentially an honest, straightforward man who was compelled by the promptings of sheer self-preservation to fight back at unscrupulous competitors or antagonists, and who innately was opposed to underhand work or fraud in any form. Vanderbilt is in every case portrayed as an eminently high-minded man who never stooped to dissimulation, deceit or treachery, and whose first millions, at any rate, were made in the legitimate ways of trade as they were then understood. EXTORTION AND THEFT COMMON. The truth is that the bulk of Vanderbilt's original millions were the proceeds of extortion, blackmail and theft. In the established code of business the words extortion and theft had an unmistakable significance. Business men did not consider it at all dishonorable to oppress their workers; to manufacture and sell goods under false pretenses; to adulterate prepared foods and drugs; to demand the very highest prices for products upon which the very life of the people depended, and at a time when consumers needed them most; to bribe public officials and to hold up the Government in plundering schemes. These and many other practices were looked upon as commonplaces of ordinary trade. But even as burglars will have their fine points of honor among themselves, so the business world set certain tacit limitations of action beyond which none could go without being regarded as violating the code. It was all very well as long as members of their own class plundered some other class, or fought one another, no matter how rapaciously, in accordance with understood procedure. But when any business man ventured to overstep these limitations, as Vanderbilt did, and levy a species of commercial blackmail to the extent of millions of dollars, then he was sternly denounced as an arch thief. If Vanderbilt had confined himself to the routine formulas of business, he might have gone down in failure. Many of the bankrupts were composed of business men who, while sharp themselves, were outgeneraled by abler sharpers. Vanderbilt was a master hand in despoiling the despoilers. [Illustration: COMMODORE CORNELIUS VANDERBILT, The Founder of the Vanderbilt Fortune.] How did Vanderbilt manage to extort millions of dollars? The method was one of great simplicity; many of its features were brought out in the United States Senate in the debate of June 9, 1858, over the Mail Steamship bill. The Government had begun, more than a decade back, the policy of paying heavy subsidies to steamship companies for the transportation of mail. This subsidy, however, was not the only payment received by the steamship owners. In addition they were allowed what were called "postages"--the full returns from the amount of postage on the letters carried. Ocean postage at that time was enormous and burdensome, and was especially onerous upon a class of persons least able to bear it. About three-quarters of the letters transported by ships were written by emigrants. They were taxed the usual rate of twenty-four or twenty-nine cents for a single letter. In 1851 the amount received for trans-Atlantic postages was not less than a million dollars; three-fourths of this sum came directly from the working class. THE CORRUPTION OF OFFICIALS. To get these subsidies, in conjunction with the "postages," the steamship owners by one means or another corrupted postal officials and members of Congress. "I have noticed," said Senator Toombs, in a speech in the United States Senate on June 9, 1858, that there has never been a head of a Department strong enough to resist steamship contracts. I have noticed them here with your Whig party and your Democratic party for the last thirteen years, and I have never seen any head of a Department strong enough to resist these influences. ... Thirteen years' experience has taught me that wherever you allow the Postoffice or Navy Department to do anything which is for the benefit of contractors you may consider the thing as done. I could point to more than a dozen of these contracts. ... A million dollars a year is a power that will be felt. For ten years it amounts to ten million dollars, and I know it is felt. I know it perverts legislation. I have seen its influence; I have seen the public treasury plundered by it. ... [Footnote: The Congressional Globe, First Session, Thirty-fifth Congress, 1857-58, iii: 2839.] By means of this systematic corruption the steamship owners received many millions of dollars of Government funds. This was all virtually plunder; the returns from the "postages" far more than paid them for the transportation of mails. And what became of these millions in loot? Part went in profits to the owners, and another part was used as private capital by them to build more and newer ships constantly. Practically none of Vanderbilt's ships cost him a cent; the Government funds paid for their building. In fact, a careful tracing of the history of all of the subsidized steamship companies proves that this plunder from the Government was very considerably more than enough to build and equip their entire lines. One of the subsidized steamship lines was that of E. K. Collins & Co., a line running from New York to Liverpool. Collins debauched the postal officials and Congress so effectively that in 1847 he obtained an appropriation of $387,000 a year, and subsequently an additional appropriation of $475,000 for five years. Together with the "postages," these amounts made a total mail subsidy for that one line alone during the latter years of the contract of about a million dollars a year. The act of Congress did not, however, specify that the contract was to run for ten years. The postal officials, by what Senator Toombs termed "a fraudulent construction," declared that it did run for ten years from 1850, and made payments accordingly. The bill before Congress in the closing days of the session of 1858, was the usual annual authorization of the payment of this appropriation, as well as other mail-steamer appropriations. VANDERBILT'S HUGE LOOT. In the course of this debate some remarkable facts came out as to how the Government was being steadily plundered, and why it was that the postal system was already burdened with a deficit of $5,000,000. While the appropriation bill was being solemnly discussed with patriotic exclamations, lobbyists of the various steamship companies busied themselves with influencing or purchasing votes within the very halls of Congress. Almost the entire Senate was occupied for days with advocating this or that side as if they were paid attorneys pleading for the interests of either Collins or Vanderbilt. Apparently a bitter conflict was raging between these two millionaires. Vanderbilt's subsidized European lines ran to Southampton, Havre and Bremen; Collins' to Liverpool. There were indications that for years a secret understanding had been in force between Collins and Vanderbilt by which they divided the mail subsidy funds. Ostensibly, however, in order to give no sign of collusion, they went through the public appearance of warring upon each other. By this stratagem they were able to ward off criticism of monopoly, and each get a larger appropriation than if it were known that they were in league. But it was characteristic of business methods that while in collusion, Vanderbilt and Collins constantly sought to wreck the other. One Senator after another arose with perfervid effusion of either Collins or Vanderbilt. The Collins supporters gave out the most suave arguments why the Collins line should be heavily subsidized, and why Collins should be permitted to change his European port to Southampton. Vanderbilt's retainers fought this move, which they declared would wipe out of existence the enterprise of a great and patriotic capitalist. It was at this point that Senator Toombs, who represented neither side, cut in with a series of charges which dismayed the whole lobby for the time being. He denounced both Collins and Vanderbilt as plunderers, and then, in so many words, specifically accused Vanderbilt of having blackmailed millions of dollars. "I am trying," said Senator Toombs, to protect the Government against collusion, not against conflict. I do not know but that these parties have colluded now. I have not the least doubt that all these people understand one another. I am struggling against collusion. If they have colluded, why should Vanderbilt run to Southampton for the postage when Collins can get three hundred and eighty-seven thousand dollars for running to the same place? Why may not Collins, then, sell his ships, sit down in New York, and say to Vanderbilt, 'I will give you two hundred and thirty thousand dollars and pocket one hundred and fifty-seven thousand dollars a year.' That is the plain, naked case. The Senator from Vermont says the Postmaster General will protect us. It is my duty, in the first place, to prevent collusion, and prevent the country from being plundered; to protect it by law as well as I can.' Regarding the California mails, Senator Toombs reminded the Senate of the granting eleven years before of enormous mail subsidies to the two steamship lines running to California--the Pacific Mail Steamship Company and the United States Mail Steamship Company, otherwise called the Harris and the Sloo lines. He declared that Vanderbilt, threatening them with both competition and a public agitation such as would uncover the fraud, had forced them to pay him gigantic sums in return for his silence and inactivity. Responsible capitalists, Senator Toombs said, had offered to carry the mails to California for $550,000. "Everybody knows," he said, "that it can be done for half the money we pay now. Why, then, should we continue to waste the public money?" Senator Toombs went on: You give nine hundred thousand dollars a year to carry the mails to California; and Vanderbilt compels the contractors to give him $56,000 a month to keep quiet. This is the effect of your subventions. Under your Sloo and Harris contracts you pay about $900,000 a year (since 1847); and Vanderbilt, by his superior skill and energy, compelled them for a long time, to disgorge $40,000 a month, and now $56,000 a month. ... They pay lobbymen, they pay agencies, they go to law, because everybody is to have something; and I know this Sloo contract has been in chancery in New York for years. [Footnote: The case referred to by Senator Toombs was doubtless that of Sloo et al. vs. Law et al. (Case No. 12,957, Federal Cases, xxii: 355-364.) In this case, argued before Judge Ingersoll in the United States Circuit Court, at New York City, on May 16, 1856, many interesting and characteristic facts came out both in the argument and in the Court decision. From the decision (which went into the intricacies of the case at great length) it appeared that although Albert G. Sloo had formed the United States Mail Steamship Company, the incorporators were George Law, Marshall O. Roberts, Prosper M. Wetmore and Edwin Crosswell. Sloo assigned his contract to them. Law was the first president, and was succeeded by Roberts. A trust fund was formed. Law fraudulently (so the decision read) took out $700,000 of stock, and also fraudulently appropriated large sums of money belonging to the trust fund. This was the same Law who, in 1851 (probably with a part of this plunder) bribed the New York Board of Aldermen, with money, to give him franchises for the Second and Ninth Avenue surface railway lines. Roberts appropriated $600,000 of the United States Mail Steamship Company's stock. The huge swindles upon the Government carried on by Roberts during the Civil War are described in later chapters in this work. Wetmore was a notorious lobbyist. By fraud, Law and Roberts thus managed to own the bulk of the capital stock of the United States Mail Steamship Company. The mail contract that it had with the Government was to yield $2,900,000 in ten years. Vanderbilt stepped in to plunder these plunderers. During the time that Vanderbilt competed with that company, the price of a single steerage passage from California to New York was $35. After he had sold the company the steamship "North Star" for $400,000, and had blackmailed it into paying heavily for his silence and non- competition, the price of steerage passage was put up to $125 (p. 364). The cause of the suit was a quarrel among the trustees over the division of the plunder. One of the trustees refused to permit another access to the books. Judge Ingersoll issued an injunction restraining the defendant trustees from withholding such books and papers.] The result of this system is that here comes a man--as old Vanderbilt seems to be--I never saw him, but his operations have excited my admiration--and he runs right at them and says disgorge this plunder. He is the kingfish that is robbing these small plunderers that come about the Capitol. He does not come here for that purpose; but he says, 'Fork over $56,000 a month of this money to me, that I may lie in port with my ships,' and they do it. [Footnote: The Congressional Globe, 1857-58, iii: 2843-2844. The acts by which the establishment of the various subsidized ocean lines were authorized by Congress, specified that the steamers were to be fit for ships of war in case of necessity, and that these steamers were to be accepted by the Navy Department before they could draw subsidies. This part of the debate in the United States Senate shows the methods used in forcing their acceptance on the Government: Mr. Collamer.--The Collins line was set up by special contract? Mr. Toombs.--Yes, by special contract, and that was the way with the Sloo contract and the Harris contract. They were to build ships fit for war purposes. I know when the Collins vessels were built; I was a member of the Committee on Ways and Means of the other House, and I remember that the men at the head of our bureau of yards and docks said that they were not worth a sixpence for war purposes; that a single broadside would blow them to pieces; that they could not stand the fire of their own guns; but newspapers in the cities that were subsidized commenced firing on the Secretary of the Navy, and he succumbed and took the ships. That was the way they got here. Senator Collamer, referring to the subsidy legislation, said: "As long as the Congress of the United States makes contracts, declare who they shall be with, and how much they shall pay for them, they can never escape the generally prevailing public suspicion that there is fraud and deceit and corruption in those contracts."] Thus, it is seen, Vanderbilt derived millions of dollars by this process of commercial blackmail. Without his having to risk a cent, or run the chance of losing a single ship, there was turned over to him a sum so large every year that many of the most opulent merchants could not claim the equal of it after a lifetime of feverish trade. It was purely as a means of blackmailing coercion that he started a steamship line to California to compete with the Harris and the Sloo interests. For his consent to quit running his ships and to give them a complete and unassailed monopoly he first extorted $480,000 a year of the postal subsidy, and then raised it to $612,000. The matter came up in the House, June 12, 1858. Representative Davis, of Mississippi, made the same charges. He read this statement and inquired if it were true: These companies, in order to prevent all competition to their line, and to enable them, as they do, to charge passengers double fare, have actually paid Vanderbilt $30,000 per month, and the United States Mail Steamship Company, carrying the mail between New York and Aspinwall, an additional sum of $10,000 per month, making $40,000 per month to Vanderbilt since May, 1856, which they continued to do. This $480,000 are paid to Vanderbilt per annum simply to give these two companies the entire monopoly of their lines--which sum, and much more, is charged over to passengers and freight. Representative Davis repeatedly pressed for a definite reply as to the truth of the statement. The advocates of the bill answered with evasions and equivocations. [Footnote: The Congressional Globe, part iii, 1857-58:3029. The Washington correspondent of the New York "Times" telegraphed (issue of June 2, 1858) that the mail subsidy bill was passed by the House "Without twenty members knowing its details."] BLACKMAIL CHARGES TRUE. The mail steamer appropriation bill, as finally passed by Congress, allowed large subsidies to all of the steamship interests. The pretended warfare among them had served its purpose; all got what they sought in subsidy funds. While the bill allowed the Postmaster- General to change Collins' European terminus to Southampton, that official, so it was proved subsequently, was Vanderbilt's plastic tool. But what became of the charges against Vanderbilt? Were they true or calumniatory? For two years Congress made no effort to ascertain this. In 1860, however, charges of corruption in the postal system and other Government departments were so numerously made, that the House of Representatives on March 5, 1860, decided, as a matter of policy, to appoint an investigatng committee. This committee, called the "Covode Committee," after the name of its chairman, probed into the allegations of Vanderbilt's blackmailing transactions. The charges made in 1858 by Senator Toombs and Representative Davies were fully substatiated. Ellwood Fisher, a trustee of the United States Mail Steamship Company, testified on May 2 that during the greater part of the time he was trustee, Vanderbilt was paid $10,000 a month by the United States Mail Steamship company, and that the Pacific Mail Steamship Company paid him $30,000 a month at the same time and for the same purpose. The agreement was that if competition appeared payment was to cease. In all, $480,000 a year was paid during this time. On June 5, 1860, Fisher again testified: "During the period of about four years and a half that I was one of the trustees, the earnings of the line were very large, but the greater part of the money was wrongfully appropriated to Vanderbilt for blackmail, and to others on various pretexts." [Footnote: House Reports, Thirty-sixth Congress, First Session 1859-60 v:785-86 and 829. "Hence it was held," explained Fisher, in speaking of his fellow trustees, "that he [Vanderbilt] was interested in preventing competition, and the terror of his name and capital would be effectual upon others who might be disposed to establish steamship lines" (p. 786).] William H. Davidge, president of the Pacific Mail Steamship Company, admitted that the company had long paid blackmail money to Vanderbilt. "The arrangement," he said, "was based upon there being no competition, and the sum was regulated by that fact." [Footnote: Ibid., 795-796. The testimony of Fischer, Davidge and other officials of the steamship lines covers many pages of the investigating committee's report. Only a few of the most vital parts have been quoted here.] Horace F. Clark, Vanderbilt's son-in-law, one of the trustees of the United States Mail Steamship Company, likewise admitted the transaction. [Footnote: Ibid., 824. But Roberts and his associate trustees succeeded in making the Government recoup them, to a considerable extent, for the amount out of which Vanderbilt blackmailed them. They did it in this way: A claim was trumped up by them that the Government owed a large sum, approximating about two million dollars, to the United States Mail Steamship Company for services in carrying mail in addition to those called for under the Sloo contract. In 1859 they began lobbying in Congress to have this claim recognized. The scheme was considered so brazen that Congress refused. Year after year, for eleven years, they tried to get Congress to pass an act for their benefit. Finally, on July 14, 1870, at a time when bribery was rampant in Congress, they succeeded. An act was passed directing the Court of Claims to investigate and determine the merits of the claim.] It is quite useless [Footnote: The Court of Claims threw the case out of court. Judge Drake, in delivering the opinion of the court, said that the act was to be so construed "as to prevent the entrapping of the Government by fixing upon it liability where the intention of the legislature [Congress] was only to authorize an investigation of the question of liability" (Marshall O. Roberts et al., Trustees, vs. the United States, Court of Claims Reports, vi: 84-90). On appeal, however, the Supreme Court of the United States held that the act of Congress in referring the case to the Court of Claims was in effect _a ratification of the claim_. (Court of Claims Reports, xi: 198-126.) Thus this bold robbery was fully validated.] to ask whether Vanderbilt was criminally prosecuted or civilly sued by the Government. Not only was he unmolested, but two years later, as we shall see, he carried on another huge swindle upon the Government under peculiarly heinous conditions. This continuous robbery of the public treasury explains how Vanderbilt was able to get hold of millions of dollars at a time when millionaires were scarce. Vanderbilt is said to have boasted in 1853 that he had eleven million dollars invested at twenty-five per cent. A very large portion of this came directly from his bold system of commercial blackmail. [Footnote: Undoubtedly so, but the precise proportion it is impossible to ascertain.] The mail subsidies were the real foundation of his fortune. Many newspaper editorials and articles of the time mention this fact. Only a few of the important underlying facts of the character of his methods when he was in the steamboat and steamship business can be gleaned from the records. But these few give a clear enough insight. With a part of the proceeds of his plan of piracy, he carried on a subtle system of corruption by which he and the other steamer owners were able time after time not only to continue their control of Congress and the postal authorities, but to defeat postal reform measures. For fifteen years Vanderbilt and his associates succeeded in stifling every bill introduced in Congress for the reduction of the postage on mail. HE QUITS STEAMSHIPS. The Civil War with its commerce-preying privateers was an unpropitious time for American mercantile vessels. Vanderbilt now began his career as a railroad owner. He was at this time sixty-nine years old, a tall, robust, vigorous man with a stern face of remarkable vulgar strength. The illiteracy of his youth survived; he could not write the simplest words correctly, and his speech was a brusque medley of slang, jargon, dialect and profanity. It was said of him that he could swear more forcibly, variously and frequently than any other man of his generation. Like the Astors, he was cynical, distrustful, secretive and parsimonious. He kept his plans entirely to himself. In his business dealings he was never known to have shown the slightest mercy; he demanded the last cent due. His close-fistedness was such a passion that for many years he refused to substitute new carpets for the scandalous ones covering the floors of his house No. 10 Washington place. He never read anything except the newspapers, which he skimmed at breakfast. To his children he was unsympathetic and inflexibly harsh; Croffut admits that they feared him. The only relaxations he allowed himself were fast driving and playing whist. This, in short is a picture of the man who in the next few years used his stolen millions to sweep into his ownership great railroad systems. Croffut asserts that in 1861 he was worth $20,000,000; other writers say that his wealth did not exceed $10,000,000. He knew nothing of railroads, not even the first technical or supervising rudiments. Upon one thing he depended and that alone: the brute force of money with its auxiliaries, cunning, bribery and fraud. CHAPTER IV THE ONRUSH OF THE VANDERBILT FORTUNE With the outbreak of the Civil War, and the scouring of the seas by privateers, American ship owners found themselves with an assortment of superfluous vessels on their hands. Forced to withdraw from marine commerce, they looked about for two openings. One was how to dispose of their vessels, the other the seeking of a new and safe method of making millions. Most of their vessels were of such scandalous construction that foreign capitalists would not buy them at any price. Hastily built in the brief period of ninety days, wholly with a view to immediate profit and with but a perfunctory regard for efficiency, many of these steamers were in a dangerous condition. That they survived voyages was perhaps due more to luck than anything else; year after year, vessel after vessel similarly built and owned had gone down to the bottom of the ocean. Collins had lost many of his ships; so had other steamship companies. The chronicles of sea travel were a long, grewsome succession of tragedies; every little while accounts would come in of ships sunk or mysteriously missing. Thousands of immigrants, inhumanly crowded in the enclosures of the steerage, were swept to death without even a fighting chance for life. Cabin passengers fared better; they were given the opportunity of taking to the life-boats in cases where there was sufficient warning, time and room. At best, sea travel is a hazard; the finest of ships are liable to meet with disaster. But over much of this sacrifice of life hung grim, ugly charges of mismanagement and corruption, of insufficient crews and incompetent officers; of defective machinery and rotting timber; of lack of proper inspection and safeguards. THE ANSWER FOUND. The steamboat and steamship owners were not long lost in perplexity. Since they could no longer use their ships or make profit on ocean routes why not palm off their vessels upon the Government? A highly favorable time it was; the Government, under the imperative necessity of at once raising and transporting a huge army, needed vessels badly. As for the other question momentarily agitating the capitalists as to what new line of activity they could substitute for their own extinguished business, Vanderbilt soon showed how railroads could be made to yield a far greater fortune than commerce. The titanic conflict opening between the North and the South found the Federal Government wholly unprepared. True, in granting the mail subsidies which established the ocean steamship companies, and which actually furnished the capital for many of them, Congress had inserted some fine provisions that these subsidized ships should be so built as to be "war steamers of the first class," available in time of war. But these provisions were mere vapor. Just as the Harris and the Sloo lines had obtained annual mail subsidy payments of $900,000 and had caused Government officials to accept their inferior vessels, so the Collins line had done the same. The report of a board of naval experts submitted to the Committee of Ways and Means of the House of Representatives had showed that the Collins steamers had not been built according to contract; that they would crumble to pieces under the fire of their own batteries, and that a single hostile gun would blow them to splinters. Yet they had been accepted by the Navy Department. In times of peace the commercial interests had practiced the grossest frauds in corruptly imposing upon the Government every form of shoddy supplies. These were the same interests so vociferously proclaiming their intense patriotism. The Civil War put their pretensions of patriotism to the test. If ever a war took place in which Government and people had to strain every nerve and resource to carry on a great conflict it was the Civil War. The result of that war was only to exchange chattel slavery for the more extensive system of economic slavery. But the people of that time did not see this clearly. The Northern soldiers thought they were fighting for the noblest of all causes, and the mass of the people behind them were ready to make every sacrifice to win a momentous struggle, the direct issue of which was the overthrow or retention of black slavery. How did the capitalist class act toward the Government, or rather, let us say, toward the army and the navy so heroically pouring out their blood in battles, and hazarding life in camps, hospitals, stockades and military prisons? INDISCRIMINATE PLUNDERING DURING THE CIVIL WAR. The capitalists abundantly proved their devout patriotism by making tremendous fortunes from the necessities of that great crisis. They unloaded upon the Government at ten times the cost of manufacture quantities of munitions of war--munitions so frequently worthless that they often had to be thrown away after their purchase. [Footnote: In a speech on February 28, 1863, on the urgency of establishing additional government armories and founderies, Representative J. W. Wallace pointed out in the House of Representatives: "The arms, ordnance and munitions of war bought by the Government from private contractors and foreign armories since the commencement of the rebellion have doubtless cost, over and above the positive expense of their manufacture, ten times as much as would establish and put into operation the armory and founderies recommended in the resolution of the committee. I understand that the Government, from the necessity of procuring a sufficient quantity of arms, has been paying, on the average, about twenty-two dollars per musket, when they could have been and could be manufactured in our national workshops for one-half that money."--Appendix to The Congressional Globe, Thirty-seventh Congress, Third Session, 1862-63. Part ii: 136. Fuller details are given in subsequent chapters. ] They supplied shoddy uniforms and blankets and wretched shoes; food of so deleterious a quality that it was a fertile cause of epidemics of fevers and of numberless deaths; they impressed, by force of corruption, worn-out, disintegrating hulks into service as army and naval transports. Not a single possibility of profit was there in which the most glaring frauds were not committed. By a series of disingenuous measures the banks plundered the Treasury and people and caused their banknotes to be exempt from taxation. The merchants defrauded the Government out of millions of dollars by bribing Custom House officers to connive at undervaluations of imports. [Footnote: In his report for 1862 Salmon P. Chase, Secretary of the Treasury, wrote: "That invoices representing fraudulent valuation of merchandise are daily presented at the Custom Houses is well known...."] The Custom House frauds were so notorious that, goaded on by public opinion, the House of Representatives was forced to appoint an investigating committee. The chairman of this committee, Representative C. H. Van Wyck, of New York, after summarizing the testimony in a speech in the House on February 23, 1863, passionately exclaimed: "The starving, penniless man who steals a loaf of bread to save life you incarcerate in a dungeon; but the army of magnificent highwaymen who steal by tens of thousands from the people, go unwhipped of justice and are suffered to enjoy the fruits of their crimes. It has been so with former administrations: unfortunately it is so with this." [Footnote: Appendix to the Congressional Globe, Thirty-seventh Congress, Third Session, 1862-63. Part ii: 118.] The Federal armies not only had to fight an open foe in a desperately contested war, but they were at the same time the helpless targets for the profit-mongers of their own section who insidiously slew great numbers of them--not, it is true, out of deliberate lust for murder, but because the craze for profits crushed every instinct of honor and humanity, and rendered them callous to the appalling consequences. The battlefields were not more deadly than the supplies furnished by capitalist contractors. [Footnote: This is one of many examples: Philip S. Justice, a gun manufacturer of Philadelphia, obtained a contract in 1861, to supply 4,000 rifles. He charged $20 apiece. The rifles were found to be so absolutely dangerous to the soldiers using them, that the Government declined to pay his demanded price for a part of them. Justice then brought suit. (See Court of Claims Reports, viii: 37-54.) In the court records, these statements are included: William H. Harris, Second Lieutenant of Ordnance, under orders visited Camp Hamilton, Va., and inspected the arms of the Fifty- Eighth Regiment, Pennsylvania Volunteers, stationed there. He reported: "This regiment is armed with rifle muskets, marked on the barrel, 'P. S. Justice, Philadelphia,' and vary in calibre from .65 to .70. I find many of them unserviceable and irreparable, from the fact that the principal parts are defective. Many of them are made up of parts of muskets to which the stamp of condemnation has been affixed by an inspecting officer. None of the stocks have ever been approved by an officer, nor do they bear the initials of any inspector. They are made up of soft, unseasoned wood, and are defective in construction. ... The sights are merely soldered on to the barrel, and come off with the gentlest handling. Imitative screw- heads are cut on their bases. The bayonets are made up of soft iron, and, of course, when once bent remain 'set,'" etc., etc. (p. 43). Col. (later General) Thomas D. Doubleday reported of his inspection: "The arms which were manufactured at Philadelphia, Penn., are of the most worthless kind, and have every appearance of having been manufactured from old condemned muskets. Many of them burst; hammers break off; sights fall off when discharged; the barrels are very light, not one-twentieth of an inch thick, and the stocks are made of green wood which have shrunk so as to leave the bands and trimmings loose. The bayonets are of such frail texture that they bend like lead, and many of them break off when going through the bayonet exercise. You could hardly conceive of such a worthless lot of arms, totally unfit for service, and dangerous to those using them" (p. 44). Assistant Inspector-General of Ordnance John Buford reported: "Many had burst; many cones were blown out; many locks were defective; many barrels were rough inside from imperfect boring; and many had different diameters of bore in the same barrel. ... _At target practice so many burst that the men became afraid to fire them_" (p. 45). The Court of Claims, on strict technical grounds, decided in favor of Justice, but the Supreme Court of the United States reversed that decision and dismissed the case. The Supreme Court found true the Government's contention that "the arms were unserviceable and unsafe for troops to handle." Many other such specific examples are given in subsequent chapters of this work.] These capitalists passed, and were hailed, as eminent merchants, manufacturers and bankers; they were mighty in the marts and in politics; and their praise as "enterprising" and "self-made" and "patriotic" men was lavishly diffused. It was the period of periods when there was a kind of adoration of the capitalist taught in press, college and pulpit. Nothing is so effective, as was remarked of old, to divert attention from scoundrelism as to make a brilliant show of patriotism. In the very act of looting Government and people and devastating the army and navy, the capitalists did the most ghastly business under the mask of the purest patriotism. Incredible as it may seem, this pretension was invoked and has been successfully maintained to this very day. You can scarcely pick up a volume on the Civil War, or a biography of the statesmen or rich men of the era, without wading in fulsome accounts of the untiring patriotism of the capitalists. PATRIOTISM AT A SAFE DISTANCE. But, while lustily indulging in patriotic palaver, the propertied classes took excellent care that their own bodies should not be imperilled. Inspired by enthusiasm or principle, a great array of the working class, including the farming and the professional elements, volunteered for military service. It was not long before they experienced the disappointment and demoralization of camp life. The letters written by many of these soldiers show that they did not falter at active campaigning. The prospect, however, of remaining in camp with insufficient rations, and (to use a modern expressive word) graft on every hand, completely disheartened and disgusted many of them. Many having influence with members of Congress, contrived to get discharges; others lacking this influence deserted. To fill the constantly diminishing ranks caused by deaths, resignations and desertions, it became necessary to pass a conscription act. With few exceptions, the propertied classes of the North loved comfort and power too well to look tranquilly upon any move to force them to enlist. Once more, the Government revealed that it was but a register of the interests of the ruling classes. The Draft Act was so amended that it allowed men of property to escape being conscripted into the army by permitting them to buy substitutes. The poor man who could not raise the necessary amount had to submit to the consequences of the draft. With a few of the many dollars wrung, filched or plundered in some way or other, the capitalists could purchase immunity from military service. As one of the foremost capitalists of the time, Cornelius Vanderbilt has been constantly exhibited as a great and shining patriot. Precisely in the same way as Croffut makes no mention of Vanderbilt's share in the mail subsidy frauds, but, on the contrary, ascribes to Vanderbilt the most splendid patriotism in his mail carrying operations, so do Croffut and other writers unctuously dilate upon the old magnate's patriotic services during the Civil War. Such is the sort of romancing that has long gone unquestioned, although the genuine facts have been within reach. These facts show that Vanderbilt was continuing during the Civil War the prodigious frauds he had long been carrying on. When Lincoln's administration decided in 1862 to send a large military and naval force to New Orleans under General Banks, one of the first considerations was to get in haste the required number of ships to be used as transports. To whom did the Government turn in this exigency? To the very merchant class which, since the foundation of the United States, had continuously defrauded the public treasury. The owners of the ships had been eagerly awaiting a chance to sell or lease them to the Government at exorbitant prices. And to whom was the business of buying, equipping and supervising them intrusted? To none other than Cornelius Vanderbilt. Every public man had opportunities for knowing that Vanderbilt had pocketed millions of dollars in his fraudulent hold-up arrangement with various mail subsidy lines. He was known to be mercenary and unscrupulous. Yet he was selected by Secretary of War Stanton to act as the agent for the Government. At this time Vanderbilt was posing as a glorious patriot. With much ostentation he had loaned to the Government for naval purposes one of his ships--a ship that he could not put to use himself and which, in fact, had been built with stolen public funds. By this gift he had cheaply attained the reputation of being a fervent patriot. Subsequently, it may be added, Congress turned a trick on him by assuming that he gave this ship to the Government, and, to his great astonishment, kept the ship and solemnly thanked him for the present. VANDERBILT'S METHODS IN WAR. The outfitting of the Banks expedition was of such a rank character that it provoked a grave public scandal. If the matter had been simply one of swindling the United States Treasury out of millions of dollars, it might have been passed over by Congress. On all sides gigantic frauds were being committed by the capitalists. But in this particular case the protests of the thousands of soldiers on board the transports were too numerous and effective to be silenced or ignored. These soldiers were not regulars without influence or connections; they were volunteers who everywhere had relatives and friends to demand an inquiry. Their complaints of overcrowding and of insecure, broken-down ships poured in, and aroused the whole country. A great stir resulted. Congress appointed an investigating committee. The testimony was extremely illuminative. It showed that in buying the vessels Vanderbilt had employed one T. J. Southard to act as his handy man. Vanderbilt, it was testified by numerous ship owners, refused to charter any vessels unless the business were transacted through Southard, who demanded a share of the purchase money before he would consent to do business. Any ship owner who wanted to get rid of a superannuated steamer or sailing vessel found no difficulty if he acceded to Southard's terms. The vessels accepted by Vanderbilt, and contracted to be paid for at high prices, were in shockingly bad condition. Vanderbilt was one of the few men in the secret of the destination of Banks' expedition; he knew that the ships had to make an ocean trip. Yet he bought for $10,000 the Niagara, an old boat that had been built nearly a score of years before for trade on Lake Ontario. "In perfectly smooth weather," reported Senator Grimes, of Iowa, "with a calm sea, the planks were ripped out of her, and exhibited to the gaze of the indignant soldiers on board, showing that her timbers were rotten. The committee have in their committee room a large sample of one of the beams of this vessel to show that it has not the slightest capacity to hold a nail." [Footnote: The Congressional Globe, Thirty- seventh Congress, Third Session, 1862-63, Part 1: 610.] Senator Grimes continued: If Senators will refer to page 18 of this report, they will see that for the steamer Eastern Queen he (Vanderbilt) paid $900 a day for the first thirty days, and $800 for the residue of the days; while she (the Eastern Queen) had been chartered by the Government, for the Burnside expedition at $500 a day, making a difference of three or four hundred dollars a day. He paid for the Quinebang $250 a day, while she had been chartered to the Government at one time for $130 a day. For the Shetucket he paid $250 a day, while she had formerly been in our employ for $150 a day. He paid for the Charles Osgood $250 a day, while we had chartered her for $150. He paid $250 a day for the James S. Green, while we had once had a charter of her for $200. He paid $450 a day for the Salvor, while she had been chartered to the Government for $300. He paid $250 a day for the Albany, while she had been chartered to the Government for $150. He paid $250 a day for the Jersey Blue, while she had been chartered to the Government for $150. [Footnote: The Congressional Globe, etc., 1862-63, Part i:610.] There were a few of the many vessels chartered by Vanderbilt through Southard for the Government. For vessels bought outright, extravagant sums were paid. Ambrose Snow, a well-known shipping merchant, testified that "when we got to Commodore Vanderbilt we were referred to Mr. Southard; when we went to Mr. Southard, we were told that we should have to pay him a commission of five per cent." [Footnote: Ibid. See also Senate Report No. 84, 1863, embracing the full testimony.] Other shipping merchants corroborated this testimony. The methods and extent of these great frauds were clear. If the ship owners agreed to pay Southard five--and very often he exacted ten per cent. [Footnote: Senator Hale asserted that he had heard of the exacting of a brokerage equal to ten per cent, in Boston and elsewhere.]-- Vanderbilt would agree to pay them enormous sums. In giving his testimony Vanderbilt sought to show that he was actuated by the most patriotic motives. But it was obvious that he was in collusion with Southard, and received the greater part of the plunder. HORRORS DONE FOR PROFIT. On some of the vessels chartered by Vanderbilt, vessels that under the immigration act would not have been allowed to carry more than three hundred passengers, not less than nine hundred and fifty soldiers were packed. Most of the vessels were antiquated and inadequate; not a few were badly decayed. With a little superficial patching up they were imposed upon the Government. Despite his knowing that only vessels adapted for ocean service were needed, Vanderbilt chartered craft that had hitherto been almost entirely used in navigating inland waters. Not a single precaution was taken by him or his associates to safeguard the lives of the soldiers. It was a rule amoung commercial men that at least two men capable of navigating should be aboard, especially at sea. Yet, with the lives of thousands of soldiers at stake, and with old and bad vessels in use at that, Vanderbilt, in more than one instance, as the testimony showed, neglected to hire more than one navigator, and failed to provide instruments and charts. In stating these facts Senator Grimes said: "When the question was asked of Commodore Vanderbilt and of other gentlemen in connection with the expedition, why this was, and why they did not take navigators and instruments and charts on board, the answer was that the insurance companies and owners of the vessel took that risk, as though"--Senator Grimes bitingly continued--"the Government had no risk in the lives of its valiant men whom it has enlisted under its banner and set out in an expedition of this kind." [Footnote: The Congressional Globe, Thirty-seventh Congress, Third Session, 1862-63, Part i: 586.] If the expedition had encountered a severe storm at Cape Hatteras, for instance, it is probable that most of the vessels would have been wrecked. Luckily the voyage was fair. FRAUDS REMAIN UNPUNISHED. Did the Government make any move to arrest, indict and imprison Vanderbilt and his tools? None. The farcical ending of these revelations was the introduction in the United States Senate of a mere resolution censuring them as "guilty of negligence." Vanderbilt immediately got busy pulling wires; and when the resolution came up for vote, a number of Senators, led by Senator Hale, sprang up to withdraw Vanderbilt's name. Senator Grimes thereupon caustically denounced Vanderbilt. "The whole transaction," said he, "shows a chapter of fraud from beginning to end." He went on: "Men making the most open professions of loyalty and of patriotism and of perfect disinterestedness, coming before the committee and swearing that they acted from such motives solely, were compelled to admit--at least one or two were--that in some instances they received as high as six and a quarter per cent ... and I believe that since then the committee are satisfied in their own mind that the per cent. was greater than was in testimony before them." Senator Grimes added that he did not believe that Vanderbilt's name should be stricken from the resolution. In vain, however, did Senator Grimes plead. Vanderbilt's name was expunged, and Southard was made the chief scapegoat. Although Vanderbilt had been tenderly dealt with in the investigation, his criminality was conclusively established. The affair deeply shocked the nation. After all, it was only another of many tragic events demonstrating both the utter inefficiency of capitalist management, and the consistent capitalist program of subordinating every consideration of human life to the mania for profits. Vanderbilt was only a type of his class; although he was found out he deserved condemnation no more than thousands of other capitalists, great and small, whose methods at bottom did not vary from his. [Footnote: One of the grossest and most prevalent forms of fraud was that of selling doctored-up horses to the Union army. Important cavalry movements were often delayed and jeoparded by this kind of fraud. In passing upon the suit of one of these horse contractors against the Government (Daniel Wormser vs. United States) for payment for horses supplied, in 1864, for cavalry use, the Supreme Court of the United States confirmed the charge made by the Government horse inspectors that the plaintiff had been guilty of fraud, and dismissed the case. "The Government," said Justice Bradley in the court's decision, "clearly had the right to proscribe regulations for the inspection of horses, and there was great need for strictness in this regard, for frauds were constantly perpetrated. . . . It is well known that horses may be prepared and fixed up to appear bright and smart for a few hours."--Court of Claims Reports, vii: 257-262.] Yet such was the network of shams and falsities with which the supreme class of the time enmeshed society, that press, pulpit, university and the so-called statesmen insisted that the wealth of the rich man had its foundation in ability, and that this ability was indispensable in providing for the material wants of mankind. Whatever obscurity may cloud many of Vanderbilt's methods in the steamship business, his methods in possessing himself of railroads are easily ascertained from official archives. Late in 1862, at about the time when he had added to the millions that he had virtually stolen in the mail subsidy frauds, the huge profits from his manipulation of the Banks expedition, he set about buying the stock of the New York and Harlem Railroad. THE STORY OF A FRANCHISE. This railroad, the first to enter New York City, had received from the New York Common Council in 1832 a franchise for the exclusive use of Fourth avenue, north of Twenty-third street--a franchise which, it was openly charged, was obtained by distributing bribes in the form of stock among the aldermen. [Footnote: "The History of Tammany Hall": 117.] The franchise was not construed by the city to be perpetual; certain reservations were embodied giving the city powers of revocation. But as we shall see, Vanderbilt not only corrupted the Legislature in 1872 to pass an act saddling one-half of the expense of depressing the tracks upon the city, but caused the act to be so adroitly worded as to make the franchise perpetual. Along with the franchise to use Fourth avenue, the railroad company secured in 1832 a franchise, free of taxation, to run street cars for the convenience of its passengers from the railroad station (then in the outskirts of New York City) south to Prince street. Subsequently this franchise was extended to Walker street, and in 1851 to Park Row. These were the initial stages of the Fourth Avenue surface line, which has been extended, and has grown into a vested value of tens of millions of dollars. In 1858 the New York and Harlem Railroad Company was forced by action of the Common Council, arising from the protests of the rich residents of Murray Hill, to discontinue steam service below Forty-second street. It, therefore, now had a street car line running from that thoroughfare to the Astor House. This explanation of antecedent circumstances allows a clearer comprehension of what took place after Vanderbilt had begun buying the stock of the New York and Harlem Railroad. The stock was then selling at $9 a share. This railroad, as was the case with all other railroads, without exception, was run by the owners with only the most languid regard for the public interests and safety. Just as the corporation in the theory of the law was supposed to be a body to whom Government delegated powers to do certain things in the interests of the people, so was the railroad considered theoretically a public highway operated for the convenience of the people. It was upon this ostensible ground that railroad corporations secured charters, franchises, property and such privileges as the right of condemnation of necessary land. The State of New York alone had contributed $8,000,000 in public funds, and various counties, towns and municipalities in New York State nearly $31,000,000 by investment in stocks and bonds. [Footnote: Report of the Special Committe on Railroads of the New York Assembly, 1879, i:7.] The theory was indeed attractive, but it remained nothing more than a fiction. No sooner did the railroad owners get what they wanted, than they proceeded to exploit the very community from which their possessions were obtained, and which they were supposed to serve. The various railroads were juggled with by succeeding groups of manipulators. Management was neglected, and no attention paid to proper equipment. Often the physical layout of the railroads--the road-beds, rails and cars--were deliberately allowed to deteriorate in order that the manipulators might be able to lower the value and efficiency of the road, and thus depress the value of the stock. Thus, for instance, Vanderbilt aiming to get control of a railroad at a low price, might very well have confederates among some of the directors or officials of that railroad who would resist or slyly thwart every attempt at improvement, and so scheme that the profits would constantly go down. As the profits decreased, so did the price of the stock in the stock market. The changing combinations of railroad capitalists were too absorbed in the process of gambling in the stock market to have any direct concern for management. It was nothing to them that this neglect caused frequent and heartrending disasters; they were not held criminally responsible for the loss of life. In fact, railroad wrecks often served their purpose in beating down the price of stocks. Incredible as this statement may seem, it is abundantly proved by the facts. VANDERBILT GETS A RAILROAD. After Vanderbilt, by divers machinations of too intricate character to be described here, had succeeded in knocking down the price of New York and Harlem Railroad shares and had bought a controlling part, the price began bounding up. In the middle of April, 1863, it stood at $50 a share. A very decided increase it was, from $9 to $50; evidently enough, to occasion this rise, he had put through some transaction which had added immensely to the profits of the road. What was it? Sinister rumors preceded what the evening of April 21, 1863, disclosed. He had bribed the New York City Common Council to give to the New York and Harlem Railroad a perpetual franchise for a street railway on Broadway from the Battery to Union Square. He had done what Solomon Kipp and others had done, in 1852, when they had spent $50,000 in bribing the aldermen to give them a franchise for surface lines on Sixth avenue and Eighth avenue; [Footnote: See presentment of Grand Jury of February 26, 1853, and accompanying testimony, Documents of the (New York) Board of Aldermen, Doc. No. XXI, Part II, No. 55.] what Elijah F. Purdy and others had done in the same year in bribing aldermen with a fund of $28,000 to give them the franchise for a surface line on Third avenue; [Footnote: Ibid., 1333-1335.] what George Law and other capitalists had done, in 1852, in bribing the aldermen to give them the franchises for street car lines on Second avenue and Ninth avenue. Only three years before--in 1860-- Vanderbilt had seen Jacob Sharp and others bribe the New York Legislature (which in that same year had passed an act depriving the New York Common Council of the power of franchise granting) to give them franchises for street car lines on Seventh avenue, on Tenth avenue, on Forty-second street, on Avenue D and a franchise for the "Belt" line. It was generally believed that the passage of these five bills cost the projectors $250,000 in money and stock distributed among the purchasable members of the Legislature. [Footnote: See "The History of Public Franchises in New York City": 120-125.] Of all the New York City street railway franchises, either appropriated or unappropriated, the Broadway line was considered the most profitable. So valuable were its present and potential prospects estimated that in 1852 Thomas E. Davies and his associates had offered, in return for the franchise, to carry passengers for a three-cent fare and to pay the city a million-dollar bonus. Other eager capitalists had hastened to offer the city a continuous payment of $100,000 a year. Similar futile attempts had been made year after year to get the franchise. The rich residents of Broadway opposed a street car line, believing it would subject them to noise and discomfort; likewise the stage owners, intent upon keeping up their monopoly, fought against it. In 1863 the bare rights of the Broadway franchise were considered to be worth fully $10,000,000. Vanderbilt and George Law were now frantically competing for this franchise. While Vanderbilt was corrupting the Common Council, Law was corrupting the legislature. [Footnote: The business rivalry between Vanderbilt and Law was intensified by the deepest personal enmity on Law's part. As one of the chief owners of the United States Mail Steamship Company, Law was extremely bitter on the score of Vanderbilt's having been able to blackmail him and Roberts so heavily and successfully.] Such competition on the part of capitalists in corrupting public bodies was very frequent. THE ALDERMEN OUTWITTED BY VANDERBILT. But the aldermen were by no means unschooled in the current sharp practices of commercialism. A strong cabal of them hatched up a scheme by which they would take Vanderbilt's bribe money, and then ambush him for still greater spoils. They knew that even if they gave him the franchise, its validity would not stand the test of the courts. The Legislature claimed the exclusive power of granting franchises; astute lawyers assured them that this claim would be upheld. Their plan was to grant a franchise for the Broadway line to the New York and Harlem Railroad. This would at once send up the price of the stock. The Legislature, it was certain, would give a franchise for the same surface line to Law. When the courts decided against the Common Council that body, in a spirit of showy deference, would promptly pass an ordinance repealing the franchise. In the meantime, the aldermen and their political and Wall Street confederates would contract to "sell short" large quantities of New York and Harlem stock. The method was simple. When that railroad stock was selling at $100 a share upon the strength of getting the Broadway franchise, the aldermen would find many persons willing to contract for its delivery in a month at a price, say, of $90 a share. By either the repealing of the franchise ordinance or affected by adverse court decisions, the stock inevitably would sink to a much lower price. At this low price the aldermen and their confederates would buy the stock and then deliver it, compelling the contracting parties to pay the agreed price of $90 a share. The difference between the stipulated price of delivery and the value to which the stock had fallen--$30, $40 or $50 a share--would represent the winnings. Part of this plan worked out admirably. The Legislature passed an act giving Law the franchise. Vanderbilt countered by getting Tweed, the all-powerful political ruler of New York City and New York State, to order his tool, Governor Seymour, to veto the measure. As was anticipated by the aldermen, the courts pronounced that the Common Council had no power to grant franchises. Vanderbilt's franchise was, therefore, annulled. So far, there was no hitch in the plot to pluck Vanderbilt. But an unlooked for obstacle was encountered. Vanderbilt had somehow got wind of the affair, and with instant energy bought up secretly all of the New York and Harlem Railroad stock he could. He had masses of ready money to do it with; the millions from the mail subsidy frauds and from his other lootings of the public treasury proved an unfailing source of supply. Presently, he had enough of the stock to corner his antagonists badly. He then put his own price upon it, eventually pushing it up to $170 a share. To get the stock that they contracted to deliver, the combination of politicians and Wall Street bankers and brokers had to buy it from him at his own price; there was no outstanding stock elsewhere. The old man was pitiless; he mulcted them $179 a share. In his version, Croffut says of Vanderbilt: "He and his partners in the bull movement took a million dollars from the Common Council that week and other millions from others." [Footnote: "The Vanderbilts," etc: 75.] The New York and Harlem Railroad was now his, as absolutely almost as the very clothes he wore. Little it mattered that he did not hold all of the stock; he owned a preponderance enough to rule the railroad as despotically as he pleased. Not a foot it had he surveyed or constructed; this task had been done by the mental and manual labor of thousands of wage workers not one of whom now owned the vestige of an interest in it. For their toil these wage workers had nothing to show but poverty. But Vanderbilt had swept in a railroad system by merely using in cunning and unscrupulous ways a few of the millions he had defrauded from the national treasury. HE ANNEXES A SECOND RAILROAD. Having found it so easy to get one railroad, he promptly went ahead to annex other railroads. By 1864 he loomed up as the owner of a controlling mass of stock in the New York and Hudson River Railroad. This line paralleled the Hudson River, and had a terminal in the downtown section of New York City. In a way it was a competitor of the New York and Harlem Railroad. The old magnate now conceived a brilliant idea. Why not consolidate the two roads? True, to bring about this consolidation an authorizing act of the New York Legislature was necessary. But there was little doubt of the Legislature balking. Vanderbilt well knew the means to insure its passage. In those years, when the people were taught to look upon competition as indispensable, there was deep popular opposition to the consolidating of competing interests. This, it was feared, would inflict monopoly. The cost of buying legislators to pass an act so provocative of popular indignation would be considerable, but, at the same time, it would not be more than a trifle compared with the immense profits he would gain. The consolidation would allow him to increase, or, as the phrase went, water, the stock of the combined roads. Although substantially owner of the two railroads, he was legally two separate entities--or, rather, the corporations were. As owner of one line he could bargain with himself as owner of the other, and could determine what the exchange purchase price should be. So, by a juggle, he could issue enormous quantities of bonds and stocks to himself. These many millions of bonds and stocks would not cost him personally a cent. The sole expense--the bribe funds and the cost of engraving--he would charge against his corporations. Immediately, these stocks and bonds would be vested with a high value, inasmuch as they would represent mortgages upon the productivity of tens of millions of people of that generation, and of still greater numbers of future generations. By putting up traffic rates and lowering wages, dividends would be paid upon the entire outpouring of stock, thus beyond a doubt insuring its permanent value. [Footnote: Even Croffut, Vanderbilt's foremost eulogist, cynically grows merry over Vanderbilt's methods which he thus summarizes: "(1) Buy your railroad; (2) stop the stealing that went on under the other man; (3) improve the road in every practicable way within a reasonable expenditure; (4) consolidate it with any other road that can be run with it economically; (5) water its stock; (6) make it pay a large dividend."] CUNNING AGAINST CUNNING. A majority of the New York Legislature was bought. It looked as if the consolidation act would go through without difficulty. Surreptitiously, however, certain leading men in the Legislature plotted with the Wall Street opponents of Vanderbilt to repeat the trick attempted by the New York aldermen in 1863. The bill would be introduced and reported favorably; every open indication would be manifested of keeping faith with Vanderbilt. Upon the certainty of its passage the market value of the stock would rise. With their prearranged plan of defeating the bill at the last moment upon some plausible pretext, the clique in the meantime would be busy selling short. Information of this treachery came to Vanderbilt in time. He retaliated as he had upon the New York aldermen; put the price of New York and Harlem stock up to $285 a share and held it there until after he was settled with. With his chief partner, John Tobin, he was credited with pocketing many millions of dollars. To make their corner certain, the Vanderbilt pool had bought 27,000 more shares than the entire existing stock of the road. "We busted the whole Legislature," was Vanderbilt's jubilant comment, "and scores of the honorable members had to go home without paying their board bills." The numerous millions taken in by Vanderbilt in these transactions came from a host of other men who would have plundered him as quickly as he plundered them. They came from members of the Legislature who had grown rich on bribes for granting a continuous succession of special privileges, or to put it in a more comprehensible form, licenses to individuals and corporations to prey in a thousand and one forms upon the people. They came from bankers, railroad, land and factory owners, all of whom had assiduously bribed Congress, legislatures, common councils and administrative officials to give them special laws and rights by which they could all the more easily and securely grasp the produce of the many, and hold it intact without even a semblance of taxation. The very nature of that system of gambling called stock-market or cotton or produce exchange speculation showed at once the sharply- defined disparities and discriminations in law. Common gambling, so-called, was a crime. The gambling of the exchanges was legitimate and legalized, and the men who thus gambled with the resources of the nation were esteemed as highly respectable and responsible leaders of the community. For a penniless man to sell anything he did not own, or which was not in existence, was held a heinous crime and was severely punished by a long prison term. But the members of the all-powerful propertied class could contract to deliver stocks which they did not own or which were non-existent, or they could gamble in produce often not yet out of the ground, and the law saw no criminal act in their performances. Far from being under the inhibition of law, their methods were duly legalized. The explanation was not hard to find. These same propertied classes had made the code of laws as it stood; and if any doubter denies that laws at all times have exactly corresponded with the interest and aims of the ruling class, all that is necessary is to compare the laws of the different periods with the profitable methods of that class, and he will find that these methods, however despicable, vile and cruel, were not only indulgently omitted from the recognized category of crimes but were elevated by prevalent teaching to be commercial virtues and ability of a high order. With two railroads in his possession Vanderbilt cast about to drag in a third. This was the New York Central Railroad, one of the richest in the country. Vanderbilt's eulogists, in depicting him as a masterful constructionist, assert that it was he who first saw the waste and futility of competition, and that he organized the New York Central from the disjointed, disconnected lines of a number of previously separate little railroads. This is a gross error. The consolidation was formed in 1853 at the time when Vanderbilt was plundering from the United States treasury the millions with which he began to buy in railroads nine years later. The New York Central arose from the union of ten little railroads, some running in the territory between Albany and Buffalo, and others merely projected, but which had nevertheless been capitalized as though they were actually in operation. The cost of construction of these eleven roads was about $10,000,000, but they were capitalized at $23,000,000. Under the consolidating act of 1853 the capitalization was run up to about $35,000,000. This fictitious capital was partly based on roads which were never built, and existing on paper only. Then followed a series of legislative acts giving the company a further list of valuable franchises and allowing it to charge extortionate rates, inflate its stock, and virtually escape taxation. How these laws were procured may be judged from the testimony of the treasurer of the New York Central railroad before a committee of the New York State Constitutional Convention. This official stated that from about 1853 to 1867 the New York Central had spent hundreds of thousands of dollars for "legislative purposes,"--in other words, buying laws at Albany. ACQUISITION BY WRECKING. Vanderbilt considered it unnecessary to buy New York Central stock to get control. He had a much better and subtler plan. The Hudson River Railroad was at that time the only through road running from New York to Albany. To get its passengers and freight to New York City the New York Central had to make a transfer at Albany. Vanderbilt now deliberately began to wreck the New York Central. He sent out an order in 1865 to all Hudson River Railroad employees to refuse to connect with the New York Central and to take no more freight. This move could not do otherwise than seriously cripple the facilities and lower the profits of the New York Central. Consequently, the value of its stock was bound to go precipitately down. The people of the United States were treated to an ironic sight. Here was a man who only eight years before had been shown up in Congress as an arch plunderer; a man who had bought his railroads largely with his looted millions; a man who, if the laws had been drafted and executed justly, would have been condoning his frauds in prison;-- this man was contemptuously and openly defying the very people whose interests the railroads were supposed to serve. In this conflict between warring sets of capitalists, as in all similar conflicts, public convenience was made sport of. Hudson River trains going north no longer crossed the Hudson River to enter Albany; they stopped half a mile east of the bridge leading into that city. This made it impossible to transfer freight. There in the country the trains were arbitrarily stopped for the night; locomotive fires were banked and the passengers were left to shift into Albany the best they could, whether they walked or contrived to hire vehicles. All were turned out of the train--men, women and children--no exceptions were made for sex or infirmity. The Legislature went through a pretense of investigating what public opinion regarded as a particularly atrocious outrage. Vanderbilt covered this committee with undisguised scorn; it provoked his wrath to be quizzed by a committee of a body many of whose members had accepted his bribes. When he was asked why he had so high-handedly refused to run his trains across the river, the old fox smiled grimly, and to their utter surprise, showed them an old law (which had hitherto remained a dead letter) prohibiting the New York Hudson Railroad from running trains over the Hudson River. This law had been enacted in response to the demand of the New York Central, which wanted no competitor west of Albany. When the committee recovered its breath, its chairman timidly inquired of Vanderbilt why he did not run trains to the river. "I was not there, gentlemen," said Vanderbilt. "But what did you do when you heard of it?" "I did not do anything." "Why not? Where were you?" "I was at home, gentlemen," replied Vanderbilt with serene impudence, "playing a rubber of whist, and I never allow anything to interfere with me when I am playing that game. It requires, as you know, undivided attention." As Vanderbilt had foreseen, the stock of the New York Central went down abruptly; at its lowest point he bought in large quantities. His opponents, Edward Cunard, John Jacob Astor, John Steward and other owners of the New York Central thus saw the directorship pass from their hands. The dispossession they had worked to the Pruyns, the Martins, the Pages and others was now being visited upon them. They found in this old man of seventy-three too cunning and crafty a man to defeat. Rather than lose all, they preferred to choose him as their captain; his was the sort of ability which they could not overcome and to which they must attach themselves. On November 12, 1867, they surrendered wholly and unreservedly. Vanderbilt now installed his own subservient board of directors, and proceeded to put through a fresh program of plunder beside which all his previous schemes were comparatively insignificant. CHAPTER V THE VANDERBILT FORTUNE INCREASES MANIFOLD Vanderbilt's ambition was to become the richest man in America. With three railroads in his possession he now aggressively set out to grasp a fourth--the Erie Railroad. This was another of the railroads built largely with public money. The State of New York had contributed $3,000,000, and other valuable donations had been given. At the very inception of the railroad corruption began [Footnote: Report of the New York State and Erie Railroad Company, New York State Assembly Document No. 50, 1842.] The tradesmen, landowners and bankers who composed the company bribed the Legislature to relinquish the State's claim, and then looted the railroad with such consummate thoroughness that in order to avert its bankruptcy they were obliged to borrow funds from Daniel Drew. This man was an imposing financial personage in his day. Illiterate, unscrupulous, picturesque in his very iniquities, he had once been a drover, and had gone into the steamboat business with Vanderbilt. He had scraped in wealth partly from that line of traffic, and in part from a succession of buccaneering operations. His loan remaining unpaid, Drew indemnified himself by taking over, in 1857, by foreclosure, the control of the Erie Railroad. For the next nine years Drew manipulated the stock at will, sending the price up or down as suited his gambling schemes. The railroad degenerated until travel upon it became a menace; one disaster followed another. Drew imperturbably continued his manipulation of the stock market, careless of the condition of the road. At no time was he put to the inconvenience of even being questioned by the public authorities. On the contrary, the more millions he made the greater grew his prestige and power, the higher his standing in the community. Ruling society, influenced solely by money standards, saluted him as a successful man who had his millions, and made no fastidious inquiries as to how he got them. He was a potent man; his villainies passed as great astuteness, his devious cunning as marvelous sagacity. GOULD OVERREACHES VANDERBILT Vanderbilt resolved to wrest the Erie Railroad out of Drew's hands. By secretly buying its stock he was in a position in 1866 to carry out his designs. He threw Drew and his directors out, but subsequently realizing Drew's usefulness, reinstated him upon condition that he be fully pliable to the Vanderbilt interests. Thereupon Drew brought in as fellow directors two young men, then obscure but of whom the world was to hear much--James Fisk, Jr., and Jay Gould. The narrative of how these three men formed a coalition against Vanderbilt; how they betrayed and then outgeneraled him at every turn; proved themselves of a superior cunning; sold him large quantities of spurious stock; excelled him in corruption; defrauded more than $50,000,000, and succeeded--Gould, at any rate--in keeping most of the plunder--this will be found in detail where it more properly belongs--in the chapter of the Gould fortune describing that part of Gould's career connected with the Erie Railroad. Baffled in his frantic contest to keep hold of that railroad--a hold that he would have turned into many millions of dollars of immediate loot by fraudulently watering the stock, and then bribing the Legislature to legalize it as Gould did--Vanderbilt at once set in motion a fraudulent plan of his own by which he extorted about $44,000,000 in plunder, the greater portion of which went to swell his fortune. The year 1868 proved a particularly busy one for Vanderbilt. He was engaged in a desperately devious struggle with Gould. In vain did his agents and lobbyists pour out stacks of money to buy legislative votes enough to defeat the bill legalizing Gould's fraudulent issue of stock. Members of the Legislature impassively took money from both parties. Gould personally appeared at Albany with a satchel containing $500,000 in greenbacks which were rapidly distributed. One Senator, as was disclosed by an investigating committee, accepted $75,000 from Vanderbilt and then $100,000 from Gould, kept both sums,--and voted with the dominant Gould forces. It was only by means of the numerous civil and criminal writs issued by Vanderbilt judges that the old man contrived to force Gould and his accomplices into paying for the stock fraudulently unloaded upon him. The best terms that he could get was an unsatisfactory settlement which still left him to bear a loss of about two millions. The veteran trickster had never before been overreached; all his life, except on one occasion, [Footnote: In 1837 when he had advanced funds to a contractor carrying the mails between Washington and Richmond, and had taken security which proved to be worthless.] he had been the successful sharper; but he was no match for the more agile and equally sly, corrupt and resourceful Gould. It took some time for Vanderbilt to realize this; and it was only after several costly experiences with Gould, that he could bring himself to admit that he could not hope to outdo Gould. A NEW CONSOLIDATION PLANNED However, Vanderbilt quickly and multitudinously recouped himself for the losses encountered in his Erie assault. Why not, he argued, combine the New York Central and the Hudson River companies into one corporation, and on the strength of it issue a vast amount of additional stock? The time was ripe for a new mortgage on the labor of that generation and of the generations to follow. Population was wondrously increasing, and with it trade. For years the New York Central had been paying a dividend of eight per cent. But this was only part of the profits. A law had been passed in 1850 authorizing the Legislature to step in whenever the dividends rose above ten per cent, on the railroad's actual cost, and to declare what should be done with the surplus. This law was nothing more or less than a blind to conciliate the people of the State, and let them believe that they would get some returns for the large outlay of public funds advanced to the New York Central. No returns ever came. Vanderbilt, and the different groups before him, in control of the road had easily evaded it, just as in every direction the whole capitalist class pushed aside law whenever law conflicted with its aims and interests. It was the propertyless only for whom the execution of law was intended. Profits from the New York Central were far more than eight per cent.; by perjury and frauds the directors retained sums that should have gone to the State. Every year they prepared a false account of their revenues and expenditures which they submitted to the State officials; they pretended that they annually spent millions of dollars in construction work on the road--work, in reality, never done. [Footnote: See Report of New York Special Assembly Committee on Railroads, 1879, iv: 3,894.] The money was pocketed by them under this device--a device that has since become a favorite of many railroad and public utility corporations. Unenforced as it was, this law was nevertheless an obstacle in the way of Vanderbilt's plans. Likewise was another, a statute prohibiting both the New York Central Railroad and the Hudson River Railroad from increasing their stock. To understand why this latter law was passed it is necessary to remember that the middle class--the factory owners, jobbers, retail tradesmen and employing farmers--were everywhere seeking by the power of law to prevent the too great development of corporations. These, they apprehended, and with reason, would ultimately engulf them and their fortunes and importance. They knew that each new output of watered stock meant either that the prevailing high freight rates would remain unchanged or would be increased; and while all the charges had to be borne finally by the working class, the middle class sought to have an unrestricted market on its own terms. ALARM OF THE TRADING CLASS It was the opposition of the various groups of this class that Vanderbilt expected and provided against. He was fully aware that the moment he revealed his plan of consolidation boards of trade everywhere would rise in their wrath, denounce him, call together mass meetings, insist upon railroad competition and send pretentious, firebreathing delegates to the State Capitol. Let them thunder, said Vanderbilt placidly. While they were exploding in eruptions of talk he would concentrate at Albany a mass of silent arguments in the form of money and get the necessary legislative votes, which was all he cared about. Then ensued one of the many comedies familiar to observers of legislative proceedings. It was amusing to the sophisticated to see delegations indignantly betake themselves to Albany, submit voluminous briefs which legislators never read, and with immense gravity argue away for hours to committees which had already been bought. The era was that of the Tweed regime, when the public funds of New York City and State were being looted on a huge scale by the politicians in power, and far more so by the less vulgar but more crafty business classes who spurred Tweed and his confederates on to fresh schemes of spoliation. Laws were sold at Albany to the highest bidder. "It was impossible," Tweed testified after his downfall, "to do anything there without paying for it; money had to be raised for the passing of bills." [Footnote: Statement of William M. Tweed before Special Investigating Committee of the New York Board of Aldermen. Documents of the Board of Aldermen, 1877, Part II. Document No. 8:15-16.] Decades before this, legislators had been so thoroughly taught by the landowners and bankers how to exchange their votes for cash that now, not only at Albany and Washington, but everywhere in the United States, both legislative and administrative officials haggled in real astute business style for the highest price that they could get. One noted lobbyist stated in 1868 that for a favorable report on a certain bill before the New York Senate, $5,000 apiece was paid to four members of the committee having it in charge. On the passage of the bill, a further $5,000 apiece with contingent expenses was added. In another instance, where but a solitary vote was needed to put a bill through, three Republicans put their figures up to $25,000 each; one of them was bought. About thirty Republicans and Democrats in the New York Legislature organized themselves into a clique (long styled the "Black Horse Cavalry"), under the leadership of an energetic lobbyist, with a mutual pledge to vote as directed. [Footnote: Documents of the Board of Aldermen, 1877, Part II, No. 8; 212-213.] "Any corporation, however extensive and comprehensive the privileges it asked"--to quote from "The History of Tammany Hall"--"and however much oppression it sought to impose upon the people in the line of unjust grants, extortionate rates or monopoly, could convince the Legislature of the righteousness of its request upon 'producing' the proper sum." A LEGALIZED THEFT OF $44,000,000 One act after another was slipped through the Legislature by Vanderbilt in 1868 and 1869. On May 20, 1869, Vanderbilt secured, by one bill alone, the right to consolidate railroads, a free grant of franchises, and other rights worth hundreds of millions of dollars, and the right to water stock and bonds to an enormous extent. The printing presses were worked overtime in issuing more than $44,000,000 of watered stock. The capital stock of the two roads was thus doubled. Pretending that the railroads embraced in the consolidation had a great surplus on hand, Vanderbilt, instead of distributing this alleged surplus, apportioned the watered stock among the stockholders as a premium. The story of the surplus was, of course, only a pretense. Each holder of a $100 share received a certificate for $180--that is to say, $80 in plunder for every $100 share that he held. [Footnote: Report of Assembly Committee on Railroads, testimony of Alexander Robertson, an expert accountant, 1879, i:994-999.] "Thus," reported the "Hepburn Committee" (the popular name for the New York State Assembly investigating committee of 1879), "as calculated by this expert, $53,507,060 were wrongfully added to the capital stock of these roads." Of this sum $44,000,000 was issued in 1869; the remainder in previous years. "The only answer made by the roads was that the legislature authorized it," the committee went on. "It is proper to remark that the people are quite as much indebted to the venality of the men elected to represent them in the Legislature as to the rapacity of the railroad managers for this state of affairs." [Footnote: Ibid., i:21.] Despite the fact that the report of the committee recorded that the transaction was piracy, the euphemistic wording of the committee's statement was characteristic of the reverence shown to the rich and influential, and the sparing of their feelings by the avoidance of harsh language. "Wrongfully added" would have been quickly changed into such inconsiderate terms as theft and robbery had the case been even a trivial one of some ordinary citizen lacking wealth and power. The facts would have immediately been presented to the proper officials for criminal prosecution. But not a suggestion was forthcoming of haling Vanderbilt to the criminal bar; had it been made, nothing except a farce would have resulted, for the reason that the criminal machinery, while extraordinarily active in hurrying petty lawbreakers to prison, was a part of the political mechanism financed by the big criminals and subservient to them. "The $44,000,000," says Simon Sterne, a noted lawyer who, as counsel for various commercial organizations, unravelled the whole matter before the "Hepburn Committee," in 1879, "represented no more labor than it took to print the script." It was notorious, he adds, "that the cost of the consolidated railroads was less than $44,000,000," [Footnote: "Life of Simon Sterne," by John Foord, 1903:179-181.] In increasing the stock to $86,000,000 Vanderbilt and his confederates therefore stole the difference between the cost and the maximum of the stock issue. So great were the profits, both open and concealed, of the consolidated railroads that notwithstanding, as Charles Francis Adams computed, "$50,000 of absolute water had been poured out for each mile of road between New York and Buffalo," the market price of the stock at once shot up in 1869 from $75 a share to $120 and then to $200. And what was Vanderbilt's share of the $44,000,000? His inveterate panegyrist, Croffut, in smoothly defending the transaction gives this illuminating depiction of the joyous event: "One night, at midnight, he (Cornelius Vanderbilt) carried away from the office of Horace F. Clark, his son-in-law, $6,000,000 in greenbacks as a part of his share of the profits, and he had $20,000,000 more in new stock." [Footnote: "The Vanderbilts": 103. Croffut in a footnote tells this anecdote: "When the Commodore's portrait first appeared on the bonds of the Central, a holder of some called one day and said: 'Commodore, glad to see your face on them bonds. It's worth ten per cent. It gives everybody confidence.' The Commodore smiled grimly, the only recognition he ever made of a compliment. ''Cause,' explained the visitor, 'when we see that fine, noble brow, it reminds us that you'll never let anybody else steal anything.'"] By this coup Vanderbilt about doubled his previous wealth. Scarcely had the mercantile interests recovered from their utter bewilderment at being routed than Vanderbilt, flushed with triumph, swept more railroads into his inventory of possessions. His process of acquisition was now working with almost automatic ease. First, as we have narrated, he extorted millions of dollars in blackmail. With these millions he bought, or rather manipulated into his control, one railroad after another, amid an onslaught of bribery and glaring violations of the laws. Each new million that he seized was an additional resource by which he could bribe and manipulate; progressively his power advanced; and it became ridiculously easier to get possession of more and more property. His very name became a terror to those of lesser capital, and the mere threat of pitting his enormous wealth against competitors whom he sought to destroy was generally a sufficient warrant for their surrender. After his consummation of the $44,000,000 theft in 1869 there was little withstanding of him. By the most favorable account--that of Croffut-- his own allotment of the plunder amounted to $26,000,000. This sum, immense, and in fact of almost inconceivable power in that day, was enough of itself, independent of Vanderbilt's other wealth, to force through almost any plan involving a seizing of competing property. * * * * * * * HE SCOOPS UP MORE RAILROADS. Vanderbilt did not wait long. The ink on the $44,000,000 had barely dried, before he used part of the proceeds to buy a controlling interest in the Lake Shore Railroad, a competing line. Then rapidly, by the same methods, he took hold of the Canada Southern and Michigan Central. The commercial interests looked on dumfounded. Under their very eyes a process of centralization was going on, of which they but dimly, stupidly, grasped the purport. That competition which they had so long shouted for as the only sensible, true and moral system, and which they had sought to buttress by enacting law after law, was being irreverently ground to pieces. Out of their own ranks were rising men, trained in their own methods, who were amplifying and intensifying those methods to shatter the class from which they had sprung. The different grades of the propertied class, from the merchant with his fortune of $250,000 to the retail tradesman, felt very comfortable in being able to look down with a conscious superiority upon the working class from whom their money was wrung. Scoffing at equality, they delighted in setting themselves up as a class infinitely above the toilers of the shop and factory; let him who disputes this consult the phrases that went the rounds--phrases, some of which are still current--as, for instance, the preaching that the moderately well-to-do class is the solid, substantial element of any country. Now when this mercantile class saw itself being far overtopped and outclassed in the only measurement to which it attached any value-- that of property--by men with vast riches and power, it began to feel its relegation. Although its ideal was money, and although it set up the acquisition of wealth as the all-stimulating incentive and goal of human effort, it viewed sullenly and enviously the development of an established magnate class which could look haughtily and dictatorially down upon it even as it constantly looked down upon the working class. The factory owner and the shopkeeper had for decades commanded the passage of summary legislation by which they were enabled to fleece the worker and render him incapable of resistance. To keep the worker in subjection and in their power they considered a justifiable proceeding. But when they saw the railroad magnates applying those same methods to themselves, by first wiping out competition, and then by enforcing edicts regardless of their interests, they burst out in furious rage. VANDERBILT AND HIS CRITICS. They denounced Vanderbilt as a bandit whose methods were a menace to the community. To the onlooker this campaign of virulent assault was extremely suggestive. If there was any one line of business in which fraud was not rampant, the many official reports and court proceedings of the time do not show it. This widespread fraud was not occasional; it was persistent. In one of the earlier chapters, the prevalence, more than a century ago, of the practise of fraudulent substitution of drugs and foods was adverted to. In the middle of the nineteenth century it was far more extensive. In submitting, on June 2, 1848, a mass of expert evidence on the adulteration of drugs, to the House of Representatives, the House Select Committee on the Importation of Drugs pointed out: For a long series of years this base traffic has been constantly increasing, until it has become frightfully enormous. It would be presumed, from the immense quantities, and the great variety of inferior drugs that pass our custom houses, and particularly the custom-house at New York, in the course of a single year, that this country had become the great mart and receptacle of all of the refuse merchandise of that description, not only from the European warehouses, but from the whole Eastern market. [Footnote: Reports of Committees, First Session, Thirtieth Congress, 1847-48, Vol. iii, Report No. 664:3--The committee reported that opium was adulterated with licorice paste and bitter vegetable extract; calomel, with chalk and sulphate of barytes; quinine, with silicine, chalk and sulphate of barytes; castor, with dried blood, gum and ammonia; gum assafoetida with inferior gums, chalk and clay, etc., etc. (pp. 10 and 11).] In presenting a formidable array of expert testimony, and in giving a list of cases of persons having died from eating foods and drugs adulterated with poisonous substances, the House Committee on Epidemic Diseases, of the Forty-Sixth Congress, reported on February 4 1881: That they have investigated, as far as they could ... the injurious and poisonous compounds used in the preparation of food substances, and in the manufacture of wearing apparel and other articles, and find from the evidence submitted to them that the adulteration of articles used in the every day diet of vast numbers of people has grown, and is now practised, to such an extent as to seriously endanger the public health, and to call loudly for some sort of legislative correction. Drugs, liquors, articles of clothing, wall paper and many other things are subjected to the same dangerous process. [Footnote: House Reports, Third Session, Forty-sixth Congress, 1880-81, Vol. i, Report No. 199: 1. The committee drafted a bill for the prevention of these frauds; the capitalists concerned smothered it.] The House Committee on Commerce, reporting the next year, on March 4, stated that "the evidence regarding the adulterations of food indicates that they are largely of the nature of frauds upon the consumer ... and injure both the health and morals of the people." The committee declared that the practise of fraudulent substitutions "had become universal." [Footnote: House Reports, First Session, Forty-seventh Congress, 1881-82, Vol. ii, Report No. 634: 1-5.] These few significant extracts, from a mass of official reports, show that the commercial frauds were continuous, and began long before Commodore Vanderbilt's time, and have prevailed up to the present. Everywhere was fraud; even the little storekeepers, with their smug pretensions to homely honesty, were profiting by some of the vilest, basest forms of fraud, such as robbing the poor by the light-weight and short-weight trick, [Footnote: These forms of cheating exist at present to a greater extent than ever before. It is estimated that manufacturers and shopkeepers cheat the people of the United States out of $200,000,000 a year by the light-weight and short-weight frauds. In 1907 the New York State Sealer of Weights and Measures asserted that, in that State alone, $20,000,000 was robbed from the consumers annually by these methods. Recent investigations by the Bureau of Standards of the United States Department of Commerce and Labor have shown that immense numbers of "crooked" scales are in use. It has been conclusively established by the investigations of Federal, State and municipal inspectors of weights and measures that there is hardly an article put up in bottled or canned form that is not short of the weight for which it is sold, nor is there scarcely a retail dealer who does not swindle his customers by the light-weight fraud. There are manufacturers who make a specific business of turning out fraudulent scales, and who freely advertise the cheating merits of these scales.] or (far worse) by selling skim milk, or poisonous drugs or adulterated food or shoddy material. These practises were so prevalent, that the exceptions were rarities indeed. If any administration had dared seriously to stop these forms of theft the trading classes would have resisted and struck back in political action. Yet these were the men--these traders--who vociferously come forth with their homiletic trades against Vanderbilt's criminal transactions, demanding that the power of him and his kind be curbed. It was not at all singular that they put their protests on moral grounds. In a form of society where each man is compelled to fight every other man in a wild, demoralizing struggle for self- preservation, self-interest naturally usurps the supreme functions, and this self-interest becomes transposed, by a comprehensible process, into moralities. That which is profitable is perverted into a moral code; the laws passed, the customs introduced and persisted in, and the weight of the dominant classes all conspire to put the stamp of morality on practices arising from the lowest and most sordid aims. Thus did the trading class make a moral profession of its methods of exploitation; it congratulated and sanctified itself on its purity of life and its saving stability. From this class--a class interpenetrated in every direction with commercial frauds--was largely empanelled the men who sat on those grand juries and petit juries solemnly passing verdict on the poor wretches of criminals whom environment or poverty had driven into crime. They were the arbiters of justice, but it was a justice that was never allowed to act against themselves. Examine all the penal codes of the period; note the laws proscribing long sentences in prison for thefts of property; the larceny of even a suit of clothes was severely punishable, and begging for alms was a misdemeanor. Then contrast these asperities of law with the entire absence of adequate protection for the buyer of merchandise. Following the old dictum of Roman jurisprudence, "Let the buyer beware," the factory owner could at will oppress his workers, and compel them, for the scantiest wages, to make for his profit goods unfit for consumption. These articles the retailer sold without scruple over his counter; when the buyer was cheated or overcharged, as happened with great frequency, he had practically no redress in law. If the merchant were robbed of even ever so little he could retaliate by sending the guilty one to prison. But the merchant himself could invidiously and continuously rob the customer without fear of any law. All of this was converted into a code of moralities; and any bold spirit who exposed its cant and sham was denounced as an agitator and as an enemy of law and order. [Footnote: A few progressive jurists in the International Prison Congress are attempting to secure the recognition in law of the principle that society, as a supreme necessity, is obligated to protect its members from being made the victims of the cunning and unscrupulous. They have received no encouragement, and will receive none, from a trading class profiting from the very methods which it is sought to place under the inhibition of criminal law.] Vanderbilt did better than expose it; he improved upon, and enlarged, it and made it a thing of magnitude; he and others of his quality discarded petty larceny and ascended into a sphere of superlative grand larceny. They knew with a cynical perception that society, with all its pompous pretensions to morality, had evolved a rule which worked with almost mathematical certainty. This rule was the paradoxical, but nevertheless true, one that the greater the theft the less corresponding danger there was of punishment. THE WISDOM OF GRAND LARCENY. Now it was that one could see with greater clearness than ever before, how the mercenary ideal of the ruling class was working out to its inevitable conclusion. Society had made money its god and property its yardstick; even in its administration of justice, theoretically supposed to be equal, it had made "justice" an expensive luxury available, in actual practice, to the rich only. The defrauder of large sums could, if prosecuted, use a part of that plunder, easily engage a corps of shrewd, experienced lawyers, get evidence manufactured, fight out the case on technicalities, drag it along for years, call in political and social influence, and almost invariably escape in the end. But beyond this power of money to make a mockery of justice was a still greater, though more subtle, factor, which was ever an invaluable aid to the great thief. Every section of the trading class was permeated with a profound admiration, often tangibly expressed, for the craft that got away with an impressive pile of loot. The contempt felt for the pickpocket was the antithesis of the general mercantile admiring view of the man who stole in grand style, especially when he was one of their own class. In speaking of the piratical operations of this or that magnate, it was common to hear many business men interject, even while denouncing him, "Well, I wish I were as smart as he." These same men, when serving on juries, were harsh in their verdicts on poor criminals, and unctuously flattered themselves with being, and were represented as, the upholders and conservers of law and moral conduct. Departing from the main facts as this philosophical digression may seem, it is essential for a number of reasons. One of these is the continual necessity for keeping in mind a clear, balanced perspective. Another lies in the need of presenting aright the conditions in which Vanderbilt and magnates of his type were produced. Their methods at basis were not a growth independent of those of the business world and isolated from them. They were simply a development, and not merely one of standards as applied to morals, but of the mechanism of the social and industrial organization itself. Finally it is advisable to give flashlight glimpses into the modes and views of the time, inasmuch as it was in Vanderbilt's day that the great struggle between the old principle of competition, as upheld by the small capitalists, and the superseding one of consolidation, as incarnated in him and others, took on vigorous headway. HE CONTINUES THE BUYING OF LAWS Protest as it did against Vanderbilt's merging of railroads, the middle class found itself quite helpless. In rapid succession he put through one combination after another, and caused theft after theft to be legalized, utterly disdainful of criticism or opposition. In State after State he bought the repeal of old laws, or the passage of new laws, until he was vested with authority to connect various railroads that he had secured between Buffalo and Chicago, into one line with nearly 1,300 miles of road. The commercial classes were scared at the sight of such a great stretch of railroad--then considered an immense line--in the hands of one man, audacious, all- conquering, with power to enforce tribute at will. Again, Vanderbilt patronized the printing presses, and many more millions of stock, all fictitious capital, were added to the already flooded capital of the Lake Shore and Michigan Southern Railroad Company. Of the total of $62,000,000 of capital stock in 1871, fully one-half was based upon nothing but the certainty of making it valuable as a dividend payer by the exaction of high freight and passenger rates. A little later, the amount was run up to $73,000,000, and this was increased subsequently. Vanderbilt now had a complete railroad system from New York to Chicago, with extensive offshoots. It is at this point that we have to deal with a singular commendation of his methods thrust forward glibly from that day to this. True, his eulogists admitted then, as they admit now, Vanderbilt was not overscrupulous in getting property that he wanted. But consider, they urge, the improvements he brought about on the railroads that came into his possession; the renovation of the roadbed, the institution of new locomotives and cars, the tearing down of the old, worn-out stations. This has been the praise showered upon him and his methods. Inquiry, however, reveals that this appealing picture, like all others of its sort, has been ingeniously distorted. The fact was, in the first place, that these improvements were not made out of regard to public convenience, but for two radically different reasons. The first consideration was that if the dividends were to be paid on the huge amount of fabricated stock, the road, of necessity, had to be put into a condition of fair efficiency to meet or surpass the competing facilities of other railroads running to Chicago. Second, the number of damage claims for accident or loss of life arising largely from improper appliances and insufficient safeguards, was so great that it was held cheaper in the long run to spend millions for improvements. PUBLIC FUNDS FOR PRIVATE USE Instead of paying for these improvements with even a few millions of the proceeds of the watered stock, Vanderbilt (and all other railroad magnates in like cases did the same) forced the public treasury to defray a large part of the cost. A good illustration of his methods was his improvement of his passenger terminus in New York City. The entrance of the New York Central and the Harlem Railroads is by way of Park (formerly Fourth) avenue. This franchise, as we have seen, was obtained by bribery in 1832. But it was a qualified franchise. It reserved certain nominal restrictions in behalf of the people by inserting the right of the city to order the removal of the tracks at any time that they became an obstruction. These terms were objectionable to Vanderbilt; a perpetual franchise could be capitalized for far more than a limited or qualified one. A perpetual franchise was what he wanted. The opportunity came in 1872. From the building of the railroad, the tracks had been on the surface of Fourth avenue. Dozens of dangerous crossings had resulted in much injury to life and many deaths. The public demand that the tracks be depressed below the level of the street had been resisted. Instead of longer ignoring this demand, Vanderbilt now planned to make use of it; he saw how he could utilize it not only to foist a great part of the expense upon the city, but to get a perpetual franchise. Thus, upon the strength of the popular cry for reform, he would extort advantages calculated to save him millions and at the same time extend his privileges. It was but another illustration of the principle in capitalist society to which we have referred before (and which there will be copious occasion to mention again and again) that after energetically contesting even those petty reforms for which the people have contended, the ruling classes have ever deftly turned about when they could no longer withstand the popular demands, and have made those very reforms the basis for more spoliation and for a further intrenchment of their power. [Footnote: Commodore Vanderbilt's descendants, the present Vanderbilts, have been using the public outcry for a reform of conditions on the West Side of New York City, precisely as the original Vanderbilt utilized that for the improvement of Fourth avenue. The Hudson River division of the New York Central and Hudson River Railroad has hitherto extended downtown on the surface of Tenth and Eleventh Avenues and other thoroughfares. Large numbers of people have been killed and injured. For decades there has been a public demand that these dangerous conditions be remedied or removed. The Vanderbilts have as long resisted the demand; the immense numbers of casualties had no effect upon them. When the public demand became too strong to be ignored longer, they set about to exploit it in order to get a comprehensive franchise with incalculable new privileges.] The first step was to get the New York City Common Council to pass, with an assumption of indignation, an ordinance requiring Vanderbilt to make the desired improvements, and committing the city to bear one-half the expense and giving him a perpetual franchise. This was in Tweed's time when the Common Council was composed largely of the most corrupt ward heelers, and when Tweed's puppet, Hall, was Mayor. Public opposition to this grab was so great as to frighten the politicians; at any rate, whatever his reasons, Mayor Hall vetoed the ordinance. Thereupon, in 1872, Vanderbilt went to the Legislature--that Legislature whose members he had so often bought like so many cattle. This particular Legislature, however, was elected in 1871, following the revelations of the Tweed "ring" frauds. It was regarded as a "model reform body." As has already been remarked in this work, the pseudo "reform" officials or bodies elected by the American people in the vain hope of overthrowing corruption, will often go to greater lengths in the disposition of the people's rights and interests than the most hardened politicians, because they are not suspected of being corrupt, and their measures have the appearance of being enacted for the public good. The Tweed clique had been broken up, but the capitalists who had assiduously bribed its members and profited so hugely from its political acts, were untouched and in greater power than ever before. The source of all this corruption had not been struck at in the slightest. Tweed, the politician, was sacrificed and went to prison and died there; the capitalists who had corrupted representative bodies everywhere in the United States, before and during his time, were safe and respected, and in a position to continue their work of corruption. Tweed made the classic, unforgivable blunder of going into politics as a business, instead of into commercialism. The very capitalists who had profited so greatly by his corruption, were the first to express horror at his acts. From the "reform" Legislature of 1982 Vanderbilt secured all that he sought. The act was so dexterously worded that while not nominally giving a perpetual franchise, it practically revoked the qualified parts of the charter of 1832. It also compassionately relieved him of the necessity of having to pay out about $4,000,000, in replacing the dangerous roadway, by imposing that cost upon New York City. Once these improvements were made, Vanderbilt bonded them as though they had been made with private money. "REFORM" AS IT WORKS OUT. But these were not his only gifts from the "reform" Legislature. The Harlem Railroad owned, as we have seen, the Fourth avenue surface line of horse cars. Although until this time it extended to Seventy- ninth street only, this line was then the second most profitable in New York City. In 1864, for instance, it carried nearly six million passengers, and its gross earnings were $735,000. It did not pay, nor was required to pay, a single cent in taxation. By 1872 the city's population had grown to 950,000. Vanderbilt concluded that the time was fruitful to gather in a few more miles of the public streets. The Legislature was acquiescent. Chapter 325 of the Laws of 1872 allowed him to extend the line from Seventy-ninth street to as far north as Madison avenue should thereafter be opened. "But see," said the Legislature in effect, "how mindful of the public interests we have been. We have imposed a tax of five per cent, on all gross receipts above Seventy-ninth street." When, however, the time came to collect, Vanderbilt innocently pretended that he had no means of knowing whether the fares were taken in on that section of the line, free of taxation, below Seventy-ninth street, or on the taxed portion above it. Behind that fraudulent subterfuge the city officials have never been inclined to go, nor have they made any effort. As a consequence the only revenue that the city has since received from that line has been a meager few thousand dollars a year. At the very time that he was watering stock, sliding through legislatures corrupt grants of perpetual franchises, and swindling cities and States out of huge sums in taxes, [Footnote: Not alone he. In a tabulated report made public on February 1, 1872, the New York Council of Political Reform charged that in the single item of surface railways, New York City for a long period had been swindled annually out of at least a million dollars. This was an underestimate. All other sections of the capitalist class swindled likewise in taxes.] Vanderbilt was forcing the drivers and conductors on the Fourth avenue surface line to work an average of fifteen hours out of twenty-four, and reducing their daily wages from $2.25 to $2. Vanderbilt made the pretense that it was necessary to economize; and, as was the invariable rule of the capitalists, the entire burden of the economizing process was thrown upon the already overloaded workers. This subtraction of twenty-five cents a day entailed upon the drivers and conductors and their families many severe deprivations; working for such low wages every cent obviously counted in the management of household affairs. But the methods of the capitalist class in deliberately pyramiding its profits upon the sufferings of the working class were evidenced in this case (as they had been, and since have been, in countless other instances) by the announcement in the Wall Street reports that this reduction in wages was followed by an instant rise in the price of the stock of the Fourth avenue surface line. The lower the wages, the greater the dividends. The further history of the Fourth avenue surface line cannot here be pursued in detail. Suffice to say that the Vanderbilts, in 1894, leased this line for 999 years to the Metropolitan Street Railway Company, controlled by those eminent financiers, William C. Whitney and others, whose monumental briberies, thefts and piracies have frequently been uncovered in official investigations. For almost a thousand years, unless a radical change of conditions comes, the Vanderbilts will draw a princely revenue from the ownership of this franchise alone. It is not necessary to enter into a narrative of all the laws that Vanderbilt bribed Legislature after Legislature, and Common Council after Common Council, into passing--laws giving him for nothing immensely valuable grants of land, shore rights and rights to land under water, more authorizations to make further consolidations and to issue more watered stock. Nor is it necessary to deal with the numerous bills he considered adverse to his interests, that he caused to be smothered in legislative committees by bribery. VANDERBILT'S CHIEF OF STAFF His chief instrument during all those years was a general utility lawyer, Chauncey M. Depew, whose specialty was to hoodwink the public by grandiloquent exhibitions of mellifluent spread-eagle oratory, while bringing the "proper arguments" to bear upon legislators and other public officials. [Footnote: Roscoe Conkling, a noted Republican politician, said of him: "Chauncey Depew? Oh, you mean the man that Vanderbilt sends to Albany every winter to say 'haw' and 'gee' to his cattle up there."] Every one who could in any way be used, or whose influence required subsidizing, was, in the phrase of the day, "taken care of." Great sums of money were distributed outright in bribes in the legislatures by lobbyists in Vanderbilt's pay. Supplementing this, an even more insidious system of bribery was carried on. Free passes for railroad travel were lavishly distributed; no politician was ever refused; newspaper and magazine editors, writers and reporters were always supplied with free transportation for the asking, thus insuring to a great measure their good will, and putting them under obligations not to criticise or expose plundering schemes or individuals. All railroad companies used this form, as well as other forms, of bribery. It was mainly by means of the free pass system that Depew, acting for the Vanderbilts, secured not only a general immunity from newspaper criticism, but continued to have himself and them portrayed in luridly favorable lights. Depending upon the newspapers for its sources of information, the public was constantly deceived and blinded, either by the suppression of certain news, or by its being tampered with and grossly colored. This Depew continued as the wriggling tool of the Vanderbilt family for nearly half a century. Astonishing as it may seem, he managed to pass among the uninformed as a notable man; he was continuously eulogized; at one time he was boomed for the nomination for President of the United States, and in 1905 when the Vanderbilt family decided to have a direct representative in the United States Senate, they ordered the New York State Legislature, which they practically owned, to elect him to that body. It was while he was a United States Senator that the investigations, in 1905, of a committee of the New York Legislature into the affairs of certain life insurance companies revealed that Depew had long since been an advisory party to the gigantic swindles and briberies carried on by Hyde, the founder and head of the Equitable Life Assurance Society. The career of Depew is of no interest to posterity, excepting in so far as it shows anew how the magnates were able to use intermediaries to do their underground work for them, and to put those intermediaries into the highest official positions in the country. This fact alone was responsible for their elevation to such bodies as the United States Senate, the President's Cabinet and the courts. Their long service as lobbyists or as retainers was the surest passport to high political or judicial position; their express duty was to vote or decide as their masters' interest bid them. So it was (as it is now) that men who had bribed right and left, and who had put their cunning or brains at the complete disposal of the magnates, filled Congress and the courts. These were, to a large extent, the officials by whose votes or decisions all measures of value to the working class were defeated; and reversely, by whose actions all or nearly all bills demanded by the money interests, were passed and sustained. Here we are again forced to notice the truism thrusting itself forward so often and conspicuously; that law was essentially made by the great criminals of society, and that, thus far it has been a frightful instrument, based upon force, for legalizing theft on a large scale. By law the great criminals absolve themselves and at the same time declare drastic punishment for the petty criminals. The property obtained by theft is converted into a sacred vested institution; the men who commit the theft or their hirelings sit in high places, and pass laws surrounding the proceeds of that theft with impregnable fortifications of statutes; should any poor devil, goaded on by the exasperations of poverty, venture to help himself to even the tiniest part of that property, the severest penalty, enacted by those same plunderers, is mercilessly visited upon him. After having bribed legislatures to legalize his enormous issue of watered stock, what was Vanderbilt's next move? The usual fraudulent one of securing exemption from taxation. He and other railroad owners sneaked through law after law by which many of their issues of stock were made non-taxable. So now old shaggy Vanderbilt loomed up the richest magnate in the United States. His ambition was consummated; what mattered it to him that his fortune was begot in blackmail and extortion, bribery and theft? Now that he had his hundred millions he had the means to demand adulation and the semblance of respect, if not respect itself. The commercial world admired, even while it opposed, him; in his methods it saw at bottom the abler application and extension of its own, and while it felt aggrieved at its own declining importance and power, it rendered homage in the awed, reverential manner in which it viewed his huge fortune. Over and over again, even to the point of wearisome repetition, must it be shown, both for the sake of true historical understanding and in justice to the founders of the great fortunes, that all mercantile society was permeated with fraud and subsisted by fraud. But the prevalence of this fraud did not argue its practitioners to be inherently evil. They were victims of a system inexorably certain to arouse despicable qualities. The memorable difference between the two classes was that the workers, as the sufferers, were keenly alive to the abominations of the system, while the capitalists not only insisted upon the right to benefit from its continuance, but harshly sought to repress every attempt of the workers to agitate for its modification or overthrow. REPRESSION BY STARVATION. These repressive tactics took on a variety of forms, some of which are not ordinarily included in the definitions of repression. The usual method was that of subsidizing press and pulpit in certain subtle ways. By these means facts were concealed or distorted, a prejudicial state of public opinion created, and plausible grounds given for hostile interference by the State. But a far more powerful engine of repression was the coercion exercised by employers in forcing their workers to remain submissive on instant peril of losing their jobs. While, at that time, manufacturers, jobbers and shopkeepers throughout the country were rising in angry protest against the accumulation of plundering power in the hands of such men as Vanderbilt, Gould and Huntington, they were themselves exploiting and bribing on a widespread scale. Their great pose was that of a thorough commercial respectability; it was in this garb that they piously went to legislatures and demanded investigations into the rascally methods of the railroad magnates. The facts, said they, should be made public, so as to base on them appropriate legislation which would curtail the power of such autocrats. Contrasted with the baseness and hypocrisy of the trading class, Vanderbilt's qualities of brutal candor and selfishness shine out as brilliant virtues. [Footnote: No observation could be truer. As a class, the manufacturers were flourishing on stolen inventions. There might be exceptions, but they were very rare. Year after year, decade after decade, the reports of the various Commissioners of Patents pointed out the indiscriminate theft of inventions by the capitalists. In previous chapters we have referred to the plundering of Whitney and Goodyear. But they were only two of a vast number of inventors similarly defrauded. In speaking of the helplessness of inventors, J. Holt, Commissioner of Patents, wrote in his Annual Report for 1857: "The insolence and unscrupulousness of capital, subsidizing and leading on its minions in the work of pirating some valuable invention held by powerless hands, can scarcely by conceived by those not familiar with the records of such cases as I have referred to. Inventors, however gifted in other respects, are known to be confiding and thriftless; and being generally without wealth, and always without knowledge of the chicaneries of law, they too often prove but children in those rude conflicts which they are called on to endure with the stalwart fraud and cunning of the world." (U. S. Senate Documents, First Session, Thirty-fifth Congress, 1857-58, viii: 9-10). In his Annual Report for 1858, Commissioner Holt described how inventors were at the mercy of professional perjurers whom the capitalists hired to give evidence. The bribing of Patent office officials was a common occurrence. "The attention of Congress," reported Commissioner of Patents Charles Mason in 1854, "is invited to the importance of providing some adequate means of preventing attempts to obtain patents by improper means." Several cases of "attempted bribery" had occurred within the year, stated Commissioner Mason. (Executive Documents, First Session, Thirty-third Congress, 1853-54, Vol. vii, Part I: 19-20.) Every successive Commissioner of Patents called upon Congress to pass laws for the prevention of fraud, and for the better protection of the inventor, but Congress, influenced by the manufacturers, was deaf to these appeals.] These same manufacturers objected in the most indignant manner, as they similarly do now, to any legislative investigations of their own methods. Eager to have the practices of Vanderbilt and Gould probed into, they were acrimoniously opposed to even criticism of their factory system. For this extreme sensitiveness there was the amplest reason. The cruelties of the factory system transcended belief. In, for instance, the State of Massachusetts, vaunting itself for its progressiveness, enlightenment and culture, the textile factories were a horror beyond description. The Convention of the Boston Eight Hour League, in 1872, did not overstate when it declared of the factory system that "it employs tens of thousands of women and children eleven and twelve hours a day; owns or controls in its own selfish interest the pulpit and the press; prevents the operative classes from making themselves felt in behalf of less hours, through remorseless exercise of the power of discharge; and is rearing a population of children and youth of sickly appearance and scanty or utterly neglected schooling."... As the factory system was in Massachusetts, so it was elsewhere. Any employee venturing to agitate for better conditions was instantly discharged; spies were at all times busy among the workers; and if a labor union were formed, the factory owners would obtain sneak emissaries into it, with orders to report on every move and disrupt the union if possible. The factory capitalists in Massachusetts, New York, Illinois and every other manufacturing State were determined to keep up their system unchanged, because it was profitable to work children eleven and a half hours a day in a temperature that in summer often reached 108 degrees and in an atmosphere certain to breed immorality; [Footnote: "Certain to breed immorality." See report of Carrol D. Wright, Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics of Labor, 1881. A cotton mill operative testified: "Young girls from fourteen and upward learn more wickedness in one year than they would in five out of a mill." See also the numerous recent reports of the National Child Labor Committee.] it was profitable to compel adult men and women having families to work for an average of ninety cents a day; it was profitable to avoid spending money in equipping their factories with life-saving apparatus. Hence these factory owners, forming the aristocracy of trade, savagely fought every move or law that might expose or alter those conditions; the annals of legislative proceedings are full of evidences of bribery. Having no illusions, and being a severely practical man, Vanderbilt well knew the pretensions of this trading class; with many a cynical remark, aptly epitomizing the point, he often made sport of their assumptions. He knew (and none knew better) that they had dived deep in bribery and fraud; they were the fine gentlemen, he well recalled, who had generally obtained patents by fraud; who had so often bribed members of Congress to vote for a high tariff; the same, too, who had bribed legislatures for charters, water rights, exemptions from taxation, the right to work employees as long as, and under whatever conditions, they wanted to. This manufacturing aristocracy professed to look down upon Vanderbilt socially as a coarse sharper; and in New York a certain ruling social element, the native aristocracy, composed of old families whose wealth, originating in fraud, had become respectable by age, took no pains to conceal their opinion of him as a parvenu, and drew about their sacred persons an amusing circle of exclusiveness into the rare precincts of which he might not enter. Vanderbilt now proceeded to buy social and religious grace as he had bought laws. The purchase of absolution has ever been a convenient and cheap method of obtaining society's condonation of theft. In medieval centuries it took a religious form; it has become transposed to a social traffic in these superior days. Let a man steal in colossal ways and then surrender a small part of it in charitable, religious and educational donations; he at once ceases being a thief and straightway becomes a noble benefactor. Vanderbilt now shed his life-long irreverence, and gave to Deems, a minister of the Presbyterian Church, as a gift, the Church of the Strangers on Mercer street, and he donated $1,000,000 for the founding of the Vanderbilt University at Nashville, Tenn. The press, the church and the educational world thereupon upon hailed him as a marvel of saintly charity and liberality. THE SERMONIZING OF THE "BEST CLASSES." One section of the social organization declined to accept the views of the class above it. This was the working class. Superimposed upon the working class, draining the life blood of the workers to provide them with wealth, luxuries and power, were those upper strata of society known as the "best classes." These "best classes," with a monstrous presumption, airily proclaimed their superiority and incessantly harped upon the need of elevating and regenerating the masses. And who, it may be curiously asked, were the classes self destined or self selected to do this regenerating? The commercial and financial element, with its peculiar morals so adjusted to its interests, that it saw nothing wrong in the conditions by which it reaped its wealth --conditions that made slaves of the workers, threw them into degradation and poverty, drove multitudes of girls and women into prostitution, and made the industrial field an immense concourse of tears, agony and carnage. Hanging on to this supreme class of wealth, fawning to it, licking its very feet, were the parasites and advocates of the press, law, politics, the pulpit, and, with a few exceptions, of the professional occupations. These were the instructors who were to teach the working class what morals were; these were the eminences under whose guidance the working class was to be uplifted! Let us turn from this sickening picture of sordid arrogance and ignorance so historically true of all aristocracies based upon money, from the remotest time to this present day, and contemplate how the organized part of the working class regarded the morals of its "superiors." While the commercial class, on the one hand, was determined on beating down the working class at every point, it was, on the other, unceasingly warring among itself. In business dealings there was no such recognized thing as friendship. To get the better of the other was held the quintessence of mercantile shrewdness. A flint-hard, brute spirit enveloped all business transactions. The business man who lost his fortune was generally looked upon without emotion or pity, and condemned as an incapable. For self interest, business men began to combine in corporations, but these were based purely upon mercenary aims. Not a microscopic trace was visible of that spirit of fellow kindness, sympathy, collective concern and brotherhood already far developed among the organized part of the working class. As the supereminent magnate of his day, Vanderbilt was invested with extraordinary publicity; he was extensively interviewed and quoted; his wars upon rival capitalists were matters of engrossing public concern; his slightest illness was breathlessly followed by commercialdom dom and its outcome awaited. Hosts of men, women and children perished every year of disease contracted in factories, mines and slums; but Vanderbilt's least ailment was given a transcending importance, while the scourging sweep of death among the lowly and helpless was utterly ignored. Precisely as mercantile society bestowed no attention upon the crushed and slain, except to advance roughshod over their stricken bodies while throwing out a pittance in charity here and there, so Vanderbilt embodied in himself the qualities that capitalist society in mass practiced and glorified. "It was strong men," says Croffut, "whom he liked and sympathized with, not weak ones; the self-reliant, not the helpless. He felt that the solicitor of charity was always a lazy or drunken person, trying to live by plundering the sober and industrious." This malign distrust of fellow beings, this acrid cynicism of motives, this extraordinary imputation of evil designs on the part of the penniless, was characteristic of the capitalist class as a whole. Itself practicing the lowest and most ignoble methods, governed by the basest motives, plundering in every direction, it viewed every member of its own class with suspicion and rapacity. Then it turned about, and with immense airs of superiority, attributed all of its own vices and crimes to the impoverished masses which its own system had created, whether in America or elsewhere. The apologist may hasten forward with the explanation that the commercial class was not to be judged by Vanderbilt's methods and qualities. In truth, however, Vanderbilt was not more inhuman than many of the contemporary shining lights of the business world. "HONESTY AND INDUSTRY" ANALYZED. If there is any one fortune commonly praised as having been acquired "by honesty and industry," it is the Borden millions, made from cotton factories. At the time Vanderbilt was blackmailing, the founder of this fortune, Colonel Borden, was running cotton mills in Fall River. His factory operatives worked from five o'clock in the morning to seven in the evening, with but two half hours of intermission, one for breakfast, the other for dinner. The workday of these men, women and children was thus thirteen hours; their wages were wretchedly low, their life was one of actual slavery. Insufficient nourishment, overwork, and the unsanitary and disgusting conditions in the mills, prematurely aged and debilitated them, and were a constant source of disease, killing off considerable numbers, especially the children. In 1850, the operatives asked Borden for better wages and shorter hours. This was his reply: "I saw that mill built stone by stone; I saw the pickers, the carding engines, the spinning mules and the looms put into it, one after the other, and I would see every machine and stone crumble and fall to the floor again before I would accede to your wishes." Borden would not have been amiss had he added that every stone in that mill was cemented with human blood. His operatives went on a strike, stayed out ten months, suffered frightful hardships, and then were forced back to their tasks by hunger. Borden was inflexible, and so were all the other cotton mill owners. [Footnote: The heroism of the cotton operatives was extraordinary. Slaves themselves, they battled to exterminate negro slavery. "The spinner's union," says McNeill, "was almost dead during the [Civil] war, as most of its members had gone to shoulder the musket and to fight... to strike the shackles from the negro. A large number were slain in battle."-"The Labor Movement": 216-217.] It was not until 1874, after many further bitterly-contested strikes, that the Masachusetts Legislature was prevailed upon to pass a ten-hour law, twenty-four years after the British Parliament had passed such an enactment. The commercial class, high and low, was impregnated with deceit and dissimulation, cynicism, selfishness and cruelty. What were the aspirations of the working class which it was to uplift? The contrast stood out with stark distinctness. While business men were frantically sapping the labor and life out of their workers, and then tricking and cheating one another to seize the proceeds of that exploitation, the labor unions were teaching the nobility of brotherly cooperation. "Cultivate friendship among the great brotherhood of toil," was the advice of Uriah Stevens, master workman of the Knights of Labor, at the annual meeting of that organization on January 12, 1871. And he went on: And while the toiler is thus engaged in creating the world's value, how fares his own interest and well-being? We answer, "Badly," for he has too little time, and his faculties become too much blunted by unremitting labor to analyze his condition or devise and perfect financial schemes or reformatory measures. The hours of labor are too long, and should be shortened. I recommend a universal movement to cease work at five o'clock Saturday afternoon, as a beginning. There should be a greater participation in the profits of labor by the industrious and intelligent laborer. In the present arrangements of labor and capital, the condition of the employee is simply that of wage slavery--capital dictating, labor submitting; capital superior, labor inferior. This is an artificial and man-created condition, not God's arrangement and order; for it degrades man and ennobles mere pelf. It demeans those who live by useful labor, and, in proportion, exalts all those who eschew labor and live (no matter by what pretence or respectable cheat--for cheat it is) without productive work. LABOR'S PRINCIPLES IGNORED. Such principles as these evoked so little attention that it is impossible to find them recorded in most of the newspapers of the time; and if mentioned it was merely as the object of venomous attacks. In varying degrees, now in outright abuse and again in sneering and ridicule, the working class was held up as an ignorant, discontented, violent aggregation, led by dangerous agitators, and arrogantly seeking to upset all business by seeking to dictate to employers what wages and hours of labor should be. And, after all, little it mattered to the capitalists what the workers thought or said, so long as the machinery of government was not in their hands. At about the very time Master Workman Stevens was voicing the unrest of the laboring masses, and at the identical time when the panic of 1873 saw several millions of men workless, thrown upon soup kitchens and other forms of charity, and battered wantonly by policemen's clubs when they attempted to hold mass meetings of protest, an Iowa writer, D. C. Cloud, was issuing a work which showed concretely how thoroughly Government was owned by the commercial and financial classes. This work, obscurely published and now scarcely known except to the patient delver, is nevertheless one of the few serious books on prevailing conditions written at that time, and is in marked contrast to the reams of printed nonsense then circulated. Although Cloud was tinged greatly with the middle class point of view, and did not see that all successful business was based upon deceit and fraud, yet so far as his lights carried him, he wrote trenchantly and fearlessly, embodying series after series of facts exposing the existing system. He observed: ... A measure without any merit save to advance the interest of a patentee, or contractor, or railroad company, will become a law, while measures of interest to the whole people are suffered to slumber, and die at the close of the session from sheer neglect. It is known to Congressmen that these lobbyists are paid to influence legislation by the parties interested, and that dishonest and corrupt means are resorted to for the accomplishment of the object they have undertaken ... Not one interest in the country nor all other interests combined are as powerful as the railroad interest ... With a network of roads throughout the country; with a large capital at command; with an organization perfect in all its parts, controlled by a few leading spirits like Scott, Vanderbilt, Jay Gould, Tracy and a dozen others, the whole strength and wealth of this corporate power can be put into operation at any moment, and Congressmen are bought and sold by it like any article of merchandise. [Footnote: "Monopolies and the People:" 155-156.] CHAPTER VI THE ENTAILING OF THE VANDERBILT FORTUNE The richer Commodore Vanderbilt grew, the more closely he clung to his old habits of intense parsimony. Occasionally he might ostentatiously give a large sum here or there for some religious or philanthropic purpose, but his general undeviating course was a consistent meanness. In him was united the petty bargaining traits of the trading element and the lavish capacities for plundering of the magnate class. While defrauding on a great scale, pocketing tens of millions of dollars at a single raid, he would never for a moment overlook the leakage of a few cents or dollars. His comprehensive plans for self-aggrandizement were carried out in true piratical style; his aims and demands were for no paltry prize, but for the largest and richest booty. Yet so ingrained by long development was his faculty of acquisition, that it far passed the line of a passion and became a monomania. VANDERBILT'S CHARACTERISTICS. To such an extent did it corrode him that even when he could boast his $100,000,000 he still persisted in haggling and huckstering over every dollar, and in tricking his friends in the smallest and most underhand ways. Friends in the true sense of the word he had none; those who regarded themselves as such were of that thrifty, congealed disposition swayed largely by calculation. But if they expected to gain overmuch by their intimacy, they were generally vastly mistaken; nearly always, on the contrary, they found themselves caught in some unexpected snare, and riper in experience, but poorer in pocket, they were glad to retire prudently to a safe distance from the old man's contact. "Friends or foes," wrote an admirer immediately after his death, "were pretty much on the same level in his estimation, and if a friend undertook to get in his way he was obliged to look out for himself." On one occasion, it is related, when a candidate for a political office solicited a contribution, Vanderbilt gave $100 for himself, and an equal sum for a friend associated with him in the management of the New York Central Railroad. A few days later Vanderbilt informed this friend of the transaction, and made a demand for the hundred dollars. The money was paid over. Not long after this, the friend in question was likewise approached for a political contribution, whereupon he handed out $100 for himself and the same amount for Vanderbilt. On being told of his debt, Vanderbilt declined to pay it, closing the matter abruptly with this laconic pronunciamento, "When I give anything, I give it myself." At another time Vanderbilt assured a friend that he would "carry" one thousand shares of New York Central stock for him. The market price rose to $115 a share and then dropped to $90. A little later, before setting out to bribe an important bill through the Legislature--a bill that Vanderbilt knew would greatly increase the value of the stock--the old magnate went to the friend and represented that since the price of the stock had fallen it would not be right to subject the friend to a loss. Vanderbilt asked for the return of the stock and got it. Once the bill became a law, the market price of the stock went up tremendously, to the utter dismay of the confiding friend who saw a profit of $80,000 thus slip out of his hands into Vanderbilt's. [Footnote: These and similar anecdotes are to be found incidentally mentioned in a two-page biography, very laudatory on the whole, in the New York "Times," issue of January 5, 1877.] In his personal expenses Vanderbilt usually begrudged what he looked upon as superfluous expense. The plainest of black clothes he wore, and he never countenanced jewelry. He scanned the table bill with a hypercritical eye. Even the sheer necessities of his physical condition could not induce him to pay out money for costly prescriptions. A few days before his death his physician recommended champagne for some internal trouble. "Champagne!" exclaimed Vanderbilt with a reproachful look, "I can't afford champagne. A bottle every morning! Oh, I guess sody water'll do!" From all accounts it would seem that he diffused about him the same forbidding environment in his own house. He is described as stern, obstinate, masterful and miserly, domineering his household like a tyrant, roaring with fiery anger whenever he was opposed, and flying into fits of fury if his moods, designs and will were contested. His wife bore him thirteen children, twelve of whom she had brought up to maturity. A woman of almost rustic simplicity of mind and of habits, she became obediently meek under the iron discipline he administered. Croffut says of her that she was "acquiescent and patient under the sway of his dominant will, and in the presence of his trying moods." He goes on: "The fact that she lived harmoniously with such an obstinate man bears strong testimony to her character." [Footnote: "The Vanderbilts": 113.] If we are to place credibility in current reports, she was forced time and time again to undergo the most violent scenes in interceding for one of their sons, Cornelius Jeremiah. For the nervous disposition and general bad health of this son the father had not much sympathy; but the inexcusable crime to him was that Cornelius showed neither inclination nor capacity to engage in a business career. If Cornelius had gambled on the stock exchange his father would have set him down as an exceedingly enterprising, respectable and promising man. But he preferred to gamble at cards. This rebellious lack of interest in business, joined with dissipation, so enraged the old man that he drove Cornelius from the house and only allowed him access during nearly a score of years at such rare times as the mother succeeded in her tears and pleadings. Worn out with her long life of drudgery, Vanderbilt's wife died in 1868; about a year later the old magnate eloped with a young cousin, Frank A. Crawford, and returning from Canada, announced his marriage, to the unbounded surprise and utter disfavor of his children. THE OLD MAGNATE'S DEATH. An end, however, was soon coming to his prolonged life. A few more years of money heaping, and then, on May 10, 1876, he was taken mortally ill. For eight months he lay in bed, his powerful vitality making a vigorous battle for life; two physicians died while in the course of attendance on him; it was not until the morning of January 4, 1877, that the final symptoms of approaching death came over him. When this was seen the group about his bed emotionally sang: "Come, Ye Sinners, Poor and Needy," "Nearer, My God, To Thee," and "Show Ye Pity, Lord." He died with a conventional religious end of which the world made much; all of the property sanctities and ceremonials were duly observed; nothing was lacking in the piety of that affecting deathbed scene. It furnished the text for many a sermon, but while ministerial and journalistic attention was thus eulogistically concentrated upon the loss of America's greatest capitalist, not a reference was made in church or newspaper to the deaths every year of a host of the lowly, slain in the industrial vortex by injury and disease, and too often by suicide and starvation. Except among the lowly themselves this slaughter passed unprotested and unnoticed. Even as Vanderbilt lay moribund, speculation was busy as to the disposition of his fortune. Who would inherit his aggregation of wealth? The probating of his will soon disclosed that he had virtually entailed it. About $90,000,000 was left to his eldest son, William H., and one-half of the remaining $15,000,000 was bequeathed to the chief heir's four sons. [Footnote: To Cornelius J. Vanderbilt, the Commodore's "wayward" son, only the income derived from $200,000 was bequeathed, upon the condition that he should forfeit even this legacy if he contested the will. Nevertheless, he brought a contest suit. William H. Vanderbilt compromised the suit by giving to his brother the income on $1,000,000. On April 2, 1882, Cornelius J. Vanderbilt shot and killed himself. Croffut gives this highly enlightening account of the compromising of the suit: "At least two of the sisters had sympathized with 'Cornele's' suit, and had given him aid and comfort, neither of them liking the legatee, and one of them not having been for years on speaking terms with him; but now, in addition to the bequests made to his sisters, William H. voluntarily [sic] added $500,000 to each from his own portion. "He drove around one evening, and distributed this splendid largess from his carriage, he himself carrying the bonds into each house in his arms and delivering them to each sister in turn. The donation was accompanied by two interesting incidents. In one case the husband said, 'William, I've made a quick calculation here, and I find these bonds don't amount to quite $500,000. They're $150 short, at the price quoted today.' The donor smiled, and sat down and made out his check for the sum to balance. "In another case, a husband, after counting and receipting for the $500,000, followed the generous visitor out of the door, and said, 'By the way, if you conclude to give the other sisters any more, you'll see that we fare as well as any of them, won't you?' The donor jumped into his carriage and drove off without replying, only saying, with a laugh, to his companions, 'Well, what do you think o' that'"-- "The Vanderbilts": 151-152.] A few millions were distributed among the founder's other surviving children, and some comparatively small sums bequeathed to charitable and educational institutions. The Vanderbilt dynasty had begun. * * * * * * * PERSONALITY OF THE CHIEF HEIR. At this time William H. Vanderbilt was fifty-six years old. Until 1864 he had been occupied at farming on Staten Island; he lived at first in "a small, square, plain two-story house facing the sea, with a lean-to on one end for a kitchen." The explanation of why the son of a millionaire betook himself to truck farming lay in these facts: The old man despised leisure and luxury, and had a correspondingly strong admiration for "self-made" men. Knowing this, William H. Vanderbilt made a studious policy of standing in with his father, truckling to his every caprice and demand, and proving that he could make an independent living. He is described as a phlegmatic man of dull and slow mental processes, domestic tastes and of kindly disposition to his children. His father (so the chronicles tell) did not think that he "would ever amount to anything," but by infinite plodding, exacting the severest labor from his farm laborers, driving close bargains and turning devious tricks in his dealings, he gradually won the confidence and respect of the old man, who was always pleased with proofs of guile. Croffut gives a number of instances of William's craft and continues: "From his boyhood he had given instant and willing submission to the despotic will of his father, and had made boundless sacrifices to please him. Most men would have burst defiantly away from the repressive control and imperious requirements; but he doubtless thought that for the chance of becoming heir to $100,000,000 he could afford to remain long in the passive attitude of a distrusted prince." (sic.) [Illustration: WILLIAM H. VANDERBILT, He Inherited the Bulk of His Father's Fortune and Doubled It] The old autocrat finally modified his contemptuous opinion, and put him in an executive position in the management of the New York and Harlem Railroad. Later, he elevated him to be a sort of coadjutor by installing him as vice president of the New York Central Railroad, and as an associate in the directing of other railroads. It was said to be painful to note the exhausting persistence with which William H. Vanderbilt daily struggled to get some perceptions of the details of railroad management. He did succeed in absorbing considerable knowledge. But his training at the hands of his father was not so much in the direction of learning the system of management. Men of ability could always be hired to manage the roads. What his father principally taught him was the more essential astuteness required of a railroad magnate; the manipulation of stocks and of common councils and legislatures; how to fight and overthrow competitors and extend the sphere of ownership and control; and how best to resist, and if possible to destroy, the labor unions. In brief, his education was a duplication of his father's scope of action: the methods of the sire were infused into the son. From the situation in which he found himself, and viewing the particular traits required in the development of capitalistic institutions, it was the most appropriate training that he could have received. Book erudition and the cultivation of fine qualities would have been sadly out of place; his father's teachings were precisely what were needed to sustain and augment his possessions. On every hand he was confronted either by competitors who, if they could get the chance, would have stripped him without scruple, or by other men of his own class who would have joyfully defrauded him. But overshadowing these accustomed business practices, new and startling conditions that had to be met and fought were now appearing. Instead of a multitude of small, detached railroads, owned and operated by independent companies, the period was now being reached of colossal railroad systems. In the East the small railroad owners had been well-nigh crushed out, and their properties joined in huge lines under the ownership of a few controlling men, while in the West, extensive systems, thousands of miles long, had recently been built. Having stamped out most of the small owners, the railroad barons now proceeded to wrangle and fight among themselves. It was a characteristic period when the railroad magnates were constantly embroiled in the bitterest quarrels, the sole object of which was to outdo, bankrupt and wreck one another and seize, if possible, the others' property. THE RISE OF THE FIRST TRUST. It was these conflicts that developed the auspicious time and opportunity for a change of the most world--wide importance, and one which had a stupendous ultimate purport not then realized. The wars between the railroad magnates assumed many forms, not the least of which was the cutting of freight rates. Each railroad desperately sought to wrench away traffic from the others by offering better inducements. In this cutthroat competition, a coterie of hawk-eyed young men in the oil business, led by John D. Rockefeller, saw their fertile chance. The drilling and the refining of oil, although in their comparative infancy, had already reached great proportions. Each railroad was eager to get the largest share of the traffic of transporting oil. Rockefeller, ruminating in his small refinery at Cleveland, Ohio, had conceived the revolutionary idea of getting a monopoly of the production and distribution of oil, obliterating the middleman, and systematizing and centralizing the whole business. Then and there was the modern trust born; and from the very inception of the Standard Oil Company Rockefeller and his associates tenaciously pursued their design with a combined ability and unscrupulousness such as had never before been known since the rise of capitalism. One railroad after another was persuaded or forced into granting them secret rates and rebates against which it was impossible to compete. The railroad magnates--William H. Vanderbilt, for instance--were taken in the fold of the Standard Oil Company by being made stockholders. With these secret rates the Standard Oil Company was enabled to crush out absolutely a myriad of competitors and middlemen, and control the petroleum trade not only of the United States but of almost the entire world. Such fabulous profits accumulated that in the course of forty years, after one unending career of industrial construction on the one hand, and crime on the other, the Standard Oil Company was easily able to become owners of prodigious railroad and other systems, and completely supplant the scions of the magnates whom three or four decades before they had wheedled or brow-beaten into favoring them with discriminations. CORPORATE WEALTH AND LABOR UNIONS. The effects of this great industrial transition were clearly visible by 1877, so much so that two years later, Vanderbilt, more prophetically than he realized, told the Hepburn Committee that "if this thing keeps up the oil people will own the roads." But other noted industrial changes were concurrently going on. With the up- springing and growth of gigantic combinations or concentrations of capital, and the gradual disappearance of the small factors in railroad and other lines of business, workers were compelled by the newer conditions to organize on large and compact national lines. At first each craft was purely local and disassociated from other trades unions. But comprehending the inadequacy and futility of existing separately, and of acting independently of one another, the unions had some years back begun to weld themselves into one powerful body, covering much of the United States. Each craft union still retained its organization and autonomy, but it now became part of a national organization embracing every form of trades, and centrally officered and led. It was in this way that the workers, step by step, met the organization of capital; the two forces, each representing a conflicting principle, were thus preparing for a series of great industrial battles. Capital had the wealth, resources and tools of the country; the workers their labor power only. As it stood, it was an uneven contest, with every advantage in favor of capital. The workers could decline to work, but capital could starve them into subjection. These, however, were but the apparent differences. The real and immense difference between them was that capital was in absolute control of the political governing power of the nation, and this power, strange to say, it secured by the votes of the very working class constantly fighting it in the industrial arena. Many years were to elapse before the workers were to realize that they must organize and vote with the same political solidarity that they long had been developing in industrial matters. With political power in their hands the capitalists could, and did, use its whole weight with terrific effect to beat down the working class, and nullify most of the few concessions and laws obtained by the workers after the severest and most self-sacrificing struggles. One of the first memorable battles between the two hostile forces came about in 1877. In their rate wars the railroad magnates had cut incisively into one another's profits. The permanent gainers were such incipient, or fairly well developed, trusts or combinations as the Standard Oil Company. Now the magnates set about asserting the old capitalist principle of recouping themselves by forcing the workers to make up their losses. But these deficits were merely relative. Practically every railroad had issued vast amounts of bonds and watered stock, on which fixed charges and dividends had to be paid. Judged by the extent of this inflated stock, the profits of the railroads had certainly decreased. Despite, however, the prevailing cutthroat competition, and the slump in general business following the panic of 1873, the railroads were making large sums on their actual investment, so-called. Most of this investment, it will be recalled, was not private money but was public funds, which were later stolen by corrupt legislation. It was shown before the Hepburn Committee in 1879, as we have noted, that from 1869 the New York Central Railroad had been making sixteen, and perhaps more than twenty per cent., on the actual cost of the road. Moreover, apart from the profits from ordinary traffic, the railroads were annually fattening on immense sums of public money gathered in by various fraudulent methods. One of these--and is well worth adverting to, for it exists to a greater degree than ever before--was the robbery of the people in the transportation of mails. By a fraudulent official construction, in 1873, of the postal laws, the railroads without cessation have cheated huge sums in falsifying the weight of mail carried, and since that time have charged ten times as much for mail carrying as have the express companies (the profits of which are very great) for equal haulage. But these are simply two phases of the postal plunder. In addition to the regular mail payments, the Government has long paid to the railroad companies an extra allowance of $6,250 a year for the rent of each postal car used, although official investigation has proved that the whole cost of constructing such a car averages but from $2,500 to $5,000. In rent alone, five millions a year have been paid for cars worth, all told, about four millions. From official estimates it would clearly seem that the railroads have long cheated the people out of at least $20,000,000 a year in excess rates--a total of perhaps half a billion dollars since 1873. The Vanderbilt family have been among the chief beneficiaries of this continuous looting. [Footnote: Postmaster General Vilas, Annual Report for 1887:56. In a debate in the United States Senate on February 11, 1905, Senator Pettigrew quoted Postmaster General Wanamaker as saying that "the railroad companies see to it that the representatives in Congress in both branches take care of the interests of the railway people, and that it is practically impossible to procure legislation in the way of reducing expenses."] Occasionally the postal officials have made pretences at stopping the plunder, but with no real effect. THE GREAT STRIKE OF 1877. Making a loud and plaintive outcry about their declining revenues, some of the railroad systems prepared to assess their fictitious losses upon the workers by cutting down wages. They had already reduced wages to the point of the merest subsistence; and now they decreed that wages must again be curtailed ten cents on every dollar. The Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, then in the hands of the Garrett family, with a career behind it of consecutive political corruption and fraud, in some ways surpassing that of the Vanderbilts, led in reducing the wages of its workers. The Pennsylvania Railroad followed, and then the Vanderbilts gave the order for another reduction. At once the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad employees retaliated by declaring a strike; the example was followed by the Pennsylvania men. In order to alienate the sympathy of the general public and to have a pretext for suppressing the strike with armed force, the railroads, it is quite certain, instigated riots at Martinsburg, W. Va., and at Pittsburg. Troops were called out and the so-called mobs were fired on, resulting in a number of strikers being killed and many wounded. That the railroads deliberately destroyed their own property and then charged the culpability to the strikers, was common report. So conservative an authority as Carroll D. Wright, for a long time United States Commissioner of Labor, tells of the railroad agents setting a large number of old, decayed, worthless freight cars at Pittsburg on fire, and accusing the strikers of the act. He further tells of the Pennsylvania Railroad subsequently extorting millions of dollars from the public treasury on the ground that the destruction of these cars resulted from riot. Wright says that from all that he has been able to gather, he believes the reports of the railroads manufacturing riots to have been true. [Footnote: "The Battles of Labor": 122. In all, the railroad companies secured approximately $22,000,000 from the public treasury in Pennsylvania as indemnity for property destroyed during these "riots." In a subsequent chapter, the corruption of the operation is described.] Vanderbilt acted with greater wisdom than his fellow magnates. Adopting a conciliatory stand, he averted a strike on his lines by restoring the old rate of wages and by other mollifying measures. He was now assailed from a different direction. The long gathering anger and enmity of the various sections of the middle class against the corporate wealth which had possessed itself of so dictatorial a power, culminated in a manner as instructive as it was ineffective. In New York State, the Legislature was prevailed upon, in 1879, to appoint an investigating committee. Vanderbilt and other railroad owners, and a multitude of complaining traders were haled up to give testimony; the stock-jobbing transactions of Vanderbilt and Gould were fully and tediously gone into, as also were the methods of the railroads in favoring certain corporations and mercantile establishments with secret preferential freight rates. Not in the slightest did this long-drawn investigation have any result calculated to break the power of the railroad owners, or their predominant grip upon governmental functions. The magnate class preferred to have no official inquiries; there was always the annoying possibility that in some State or other inconvenient laws might be passed, or harrassing legal actions begun; and while revocation or amendment of these laws could be put through subsequently when the popular excitement had died away, and the suits could be in some way defeated, the exposures had an inflaming effect upon a population as yet ill-used to great one-man power of wealth. But if the middle class insisted upon action against the railroad magnates, there was no policy more suitable to these magnates than that of being investigated by legislative committees. They were not averse to their opponents amusing themselves, and finding a vent for their wrath, in volumes of talk which began nowhere and ended nowhere. In reply to charges, the magnates could put in their skillful defense, and inject such a maze of argument, pettifoggery and technicalities into the proceedings, that before long the public, tired of the puzzle, was bound to throw up its hands in sheer bewilderment, unable to get any concrete idea of what it was all about. FRAUD BECOMES RESPECTABLE WEALTH So the great investigation of 1879 passed by without the least deterrent effect upon the constantly-spreading power and wealth of such men as Vanderbilt and Gould. Every new development revealed that the hard-dying middle class was being gradually, yet surely, ground out. But the investigation of 1879 had one significant unanticipated result. What William H. Vanderbilt now did is well worth noting. As the owner of four hundred thousand shares of New York Central stock he had been rabidly denounced by the middle class as a plutocrat dangerous to the interests of the people. He decided that it would be wise to sell a large part of this stock; by this stroke he could advantageously exchange the forms of some of his wealth, and be able to put forward the plausible claim that the New York Central Railroad, far from being a one-man institution, was owned by a large number of investors. In November, 1879, he sold through J. Pierpont Morgan more than two hundred thousand shares to a syndicate, chiefly, however, to British aristocrats. This sale in no way diminished his actual control of the New York Central Railroad; not only did he retain a sufficient number of shares, but he owned an immense block of the railroad's bonds. The sale of the stock brought him $35,000,000. What did he do with this sum? He at once reinvested it in United States Government bonds. Thus, the proceeds of a part of the stock obtained by outright fraud, either by his father or himself, were put into Government bonds. This surely was a very sagacious move. Stocks do not have the solid, honest air that Government bonds do; nothing is more finely and firmly respectable than a Government bondholder. From the blackmailer, corruptionist and defrauder of one generation to the stolid Government bondholder of the next, was not a long step, but it was a sufficient one. The process of investing in Government bonds Vanderbilt continued; in a few years he owned not less than $54,000,000 worth of four per cents. In 1884 he had to sell $10,000,000 of them to make good the losses incurred by his sons on the Stock Exchange, but he later bought $10,000,000 more. Also he owned $4,000,000 in Government three and one-half per cent. bonds, many millions of State and city bonds, several millions of dollars in manufacturing stocks and mortgages, and $22,000,000 of railroad bonds. The same Government of which his father had defrauded millions of dollars now stood as a direct guarantee behind at least $70,000,000 of his bonded wealth, and the whole population of the United States was being taxed to pay interest on bonds, the purchase of which was an outgrowth of the theft of public money committed by Cornelius Vanderbilt. In the years following his father's death, William H. Vanderbilt found no difficulty in adding more extended railroad lines to his properties, and in increasing his wealth by tens of millions of dollars at a leap. MORE RAILROADS ACQUIRED. The impact of his vast fortune was well-nigh resistless. Commanding both financial and political power, his money and resources were used with destructive effect against almost every competitor standing in his way. If he could not coerce the owners of a railroad, the possession of which he sought, to sell to him at his own price, he at once brought into action the wrecking tactics his father had so successfully used. The West Shore Railroad, a competing line running along the west bank of the Hudson River, was bankrupted by him, and finally, in 1883, bought in under foreclosure proceedings. By lowering his freight rates he took away most of its business; through a series of years he methodically caused it to be harrassed and burdened by the exercise of his great political power; he thwarted its plans and secretly hindered it in its application for money loans or other relief. Other means, open and covert, were employed to insure its ruination. When at last he had driven its owners into a corner, he calmly stepped in and bought up its control cheaply, and then turned out many millions of dollars of watered stock. He attempted to break in upon the territory traversed by the Pennsylvania Railroad by building a competing line, the South Pennsylvania Railroad. In the construction of this road he had an agreement with the Philadelphia and Reading Railroad, an intense competitor of the Pennsylvania; and, as a precedent to building his line, he obtained a large interest in the Reading Railroad. Out of this arrangement grew a highly important sequence which few then foresaw--the gradual assumption by the Vanderbilt family of a large share of the ownership and control of the anthracite coal mines of Pennsylvania. Vanderbilt, aiming at sharing in the profits from the rich coal, oil and manufacturing traffic of Pennsylvania, went ahead with his building of the South Pennsylvania line. But there was an easy way of getting millions of dollars before the road was even opened. This was the fraudulent one, so widely practiced, of organizing a bogus construction company, and charging three and four times more than the building of the railroad actually cost. Vanderbilt got together a dummy construction company composed of some of his clerks and brokers, and advanced the sum, about $6,500,000, to build the road. In return, he ordered this company to issue $20,000,000 in bonds, and the same amount in stock. Of this $40,000,000 in securities, more than $30,000,000 was loot. [Footnote: Van Oss' "American Railroads As Investments": 126. Professor Frank Parsons, in his "Railways, the Trusts and the People," incorrectly ascribes this juggling to Commodore Vanderbilt.] If, however, Vanderbilt anticipated that the Pennsylvania Railroad would remain docile or passive while his competitive line was being built, he soon learned how sorely mistaken he was. This time he was opposing no weak, timorous or unsophisticated competitors, but a group of the most powerful and astute organizers and corruptionists. Their methods in Pennsylvania and other States were exactly the same as Vanderbilt's in New York State; their political power was as great in their chosen province as his in New York. His incursion into the territory they had apportioned to themselves for exploitation was not only resented but was fiercely resisted. Presently, overwhelmed by the crushing financial and political weapons with which they fought him, Vanderbilt found himself compelled to compromise by disposing of the line to them. THE SEQUEL TO A "GENTLEMEN'S AGREEMENT." Vanderbilt's methods and his duplicity in the disposition of this project were strikingly revealed in the court proceedings instituted by the State of Pennsylvania. It appeared from the testimony that he had made a "gentlemen's agreement" with the Reading Railroad, the bitterest competitor of the Pennsylvania Railroad, for a close alliance of interests. Vanderbilt owned eighty-two thousand shares of Reading stock, much of which he had obtained on this agreement. Strangely confiding in his word, the Reading management proceeded to expend large sums of money in building terminals at Harrisburg and elsewhere to make connections with his proposed South Pennsylvania Railroad. The Pennsylvania Railroad, however, set about retaliating in various effective ways. At this point, J. Pierpont Morgan--whose career we shall duly describe--stepped boldly in. Morgan was Vanderbilt's financial agent; and it was he, according to his own testimony on October 13, 1885, before the court examiner, who now suggested and made the arrangements between Vanderbilt and the Pennsylvania Railroad magnates, by which the South Pennsylvania Railroad was to become the property of the Pennsylvania system, and the Reading Railroad magnates were to be as thoroughly thrown over by as deft a stroke of treachery as had ever been put through in the business world. To their great astonishment, the Reading owners woke up one morning to find that Vanderbilt and his associates had completely betrayed them by disposing of a majority of the stock of the partly built South Pennsylvania line to the Pennsylvania Railroad system for $5,600,000 in three per cent. railroad debenture bonds. It is interesting to inquire who Vanderbilt's associates were in this transaction. They were John D. Rockefeller, William Rockefeller, D. O. Mills, Stephen B. Elkins, William C. Whitney and other founders of large fortunes. For once in his career, Vanderbilt met in the Pennsylvania Railroad a competitor powerful enough to force him to compromise. Elsewhere, Vanderbilt was much more successful. Out through the fertile wheat, corn and cattle sections of Wisconsin, Minnesota, Iowa, Dakota and Nebraska ran the Chicago and Northwestern Railroad, a line 4,000 miles long which had been built mostly by public funds and land grants. Its history was a succession of corrupt acts in legislatures and in Congress, and comprised the usual process of stock watering and exploitation. [Illustration: THE ORIGINAL VANDERBILT HOMESTEAD, Near New Dorp, Staten Island, N. Y.] [Illustration: PALACES BUILT BY WILLIAM H. VANDERBILT, And Resided in by Him and His Descendants.] By a series of manipulations ending in 1880, Vanderbilt secured a controlling interest in this railroad, so that he had a complete line from New York to Chicago, and thence far into the Northwest. During these years he also secured control of other railroad lines. HE EXPANDS IN SPLENDOR. It was at this time that he, in accord with the chrysalid tendency manifested by most other millionaires, discarded his long-followed sombre method of life, and invested himself with a gaudy magnificence. On Fifth avenue, at Fifty-first and Fifty-second streets, he built a spacious brown-stone mansion. In reality it was a union of two mansions; the southern part he planned for himself, the northern part for his two daughters. For a year and a half more than six hundred artisans were employed on the interior; sixty stoneworkers were imported from Europe. The capaciousness, the glitter and the cluttering of splendor in the interior were regarded as of unprecedented lavishness in the United States. All of the luxury overloading these mansions was, as was well known, the fruit of fraud piled upon fraud; it represented the spoliation, misery and degradation of the many; but none could deny that Vanderbilt was fully entitled to it by the laws of a society which decreed that its rulers should be those who could best use and abuse it. And rulers must ever live imperiously and impressively; it is not fitting that those who command the resources, labor and Government of a nation should issue their mandates from pinched and meager surroundings. Mere pseudo political rulers, such as governors and presidents, are expected to be satisfied with the plain, unornamental official residences provided by the people; thereby they keep up the appearance of that much-bespoken republican simplicity which is part of the mask of political formulas. Luckily for themselves, the financial and industrial rulers are bound by no circumscribing tradition; hence they have no set of buckramed rules to stick close to for fear of an indignant electorate. The same populace that glowers and mutters whenever its political officials show an inclination to pomp, regards it as perfectly natural that its financial and industrial rulers should body forth all of the most obtrusive evidences of grandeur. Those Vanderbilt twin palaces, still occupied by the Vanderbilt family, were appropriately built and fitted, and are more truly and specifically historic as the abode of Government than official mansions; for it is the magnates who have in these modern times been the real rulers of nations; it is they who have usually been able to decide who the political rulers should be; political parties have been simply their adjuncts; the halls of legislation and the courts their mouthpieces and registering bureaus. Theirs has been the power, under cover though it has lurked, of elevating or destroying public officials, and of approving or cancelling legislation. Why, indeed, should they not have their gilded palaces? A SUDDEN TRANSFORMATION. The President of the United States lived in the subdued simplicity of the White House. But William H. Vanderbilt ate in a great, lofty dining room, twenty-six by thirty-seven feet, wrought in Italian Renaissance, with a wainscot of golden-hued, delicately-carved English oak around all four sides, and a ceiling with richly-painted hunting-scene panels. When he entertained it was in a vast drawing- room, palatially equipped, its walls hung with flowing masses of pale red velvet, embroidered with foliage flowers and butterflies, and set with crystals and precious stones. It was his art gallery, however, which flattered him most. He knew nothing of art, and underneath his pretentions cared less, for he was a complete utilitarian; but it had become fashionable to have an elaborate art gallery, and he forthwith disbursed money right and left to assemble an aggregation of paintings. He gave orders to agents for their purchase with the same equanimity that he would contracts for railroad supplies. And, as a rule, the more generous in size the canvasses, the more satisfied he was that he was getting his money's worth; art to him meant buying by the square foot. Not a few of the paintings unloaded upon him were, despite their high-sounding reputations, essentially commonplace subjects, and flashy and hackneyed in execution; but he gloried in the celebrity that came from the high prices he was decoyed into paying for them. For one of Meissionier's paintings, "The Arrival at the Chateau," he paid $40,000, and on one of his visits to Paris he enriched Meissionier to the extent of $188,000 for seven paintings. Not until his corps of art advisers were satisfied that a painter became fashionably talked about, could Vanderbilt be prevailed upon to buy examples of his work. There was something intensely magical in the ease and cheapness with which he acquired the reputation of being a "connoisseur of art." Neither knowledge nor appreciation were required; with the expenditure of a few hundred thousand dollars he instantaneously transformed himself from a heavy-witted, uncultured money hoarder into the character of a surpassing "judge and patron of art." And his pretensions were seriously accepted by the uninformed, absorbing their opinions from the newspapers. "THE PUBLIC BE DAMNED." If he had discreetly comported himself in other respects he might have passed tolerably well as an extremely public-spirited and philanthropic man. After every great fraud that he put through he would usually throw out to the public some ostentatious gift or donation. This would furnish a new ground to the sycophantic chorus for extolling his fine qualities. But he happened to inherit his father's irascibility and extreme contempt for the public whom he exploited. Unfortunately for him, he let out on one memorable occasion his real sentiments. Asked by a reporter why he did not consider public convenience in the running of his trains, he blurted out, "The public be damned!" It was assuredly a superfluous question and answer; but expressed so sententiously, and published, as it was, throughout the length and breadth of the land, it excited deep popular resentment. He was made the target for general denunciation and execration, although unreasonably so, for he had but given candid and succinct utterance to the actuating principle of the whole capitalist class. The moral of this incident impressed itself sharply upon the minds of the masterly rich, and to this day has greatly contributed to the politic manner of their exterior conduct. They learned that however in private they might safely sneer at the mass of the people as created for their manipulation and enrichment, they must not declare so publicly. Far wiser is it, they have come to understand, to confine spoliation to action, while in outward speech affirming the most mellifluous and touching professions of solicitude for public interests. ADDS $100,000,000 IN SEVEN YEARS. But William H. Vanderbilt was little affected by this outburst of public rage. He could well afford to smile cynically at it, so long as no definite move was taken to interfere with his privileges, power and possessions. Since his father's death he had added fully $100,000,000 to his wealth, all within a short period. It had taken Commodore Vanderbilt more than thirty years to establish the fortune of $105,000,000 he left. With a greater population and greater resources to prey upon, William H. Vanderbilt almost doubled the amount in seven years. In January, 1883, he confided to a friend that he was worth $194,000,000. "I am the richest man in the world," he went on. "In England the Duke of Westminster is said to be worth $200,000,000, but it is mostly in land and houses and does not pay two per cent." [Footnote: Related in the New York "Times," issue of December 9, 1885.] In the same breath that he boasted of his wealth he would bewail the ill-health condemning him to be a victim of insomnia and indigestion. Having a clear income of $10,350,000 a year, he kept his ordinary expenses down to $200,000 a year. Whatever an air of indifference he would assume in his grandee role of "art collector," yet in most other matters he was inveterately closefisted. He had a delusion that "everybody in the world was ready to take advantage of him," and he regarded "men and women, as a rule, as a pretty bad lot." [Footnote: "The Vanderbilts": 127.] This incident--one of many similar incidents narrated by Croffut--reveals his microscopic vigilance in detecting impositions: When in active control of affairs at the office he followed the unwholesome habit of eating the midday lunch at his desk, the waiter bringing it in from a neighboring restaurant. He paid his bill for this weekly, and he always scrutinized the items with proper care. "Was I here last Thursday?" he asked of a clerk at an adjoining desk. "No, Mr. Vanderbilt; you stayed at home that day." "So I thought," he said, and struck that day from the bill. Another time he would exclaim, sotto voce, "I didn't order coffee last Tuesday," and that item would vanish. Up to the very last second of his life his mind was filled with a whirl of business schemes; it was while discussing railroad plans with Robert Garrett in his mansion, on December 8, 1885, that he suddenly shot forward from his chair and fell apoplectically to the floor, and in a twinkling was dead. Servants ran to and fro excitedly; messengers were dispatched to summon his sons; telegrams flashed the intelligence far and wide. The passing away of the greatest of men could not have received a tithe of the excitement and attention caused by William H. Vanderbilt's death. The newspaper offices hotly issued page after page of description, not without sufficient reason. For he, although untitled and vested with no official power, was in actuality an autocrat; dictatorship by money bags was an established fact; and while the man died, his corporate wealth, the real director and center, to a large extent, of government functions, survived unimpaired. He had abundantly proved his autocracy. Law after law had he violated; like his father he had corrupted and intimidated, had bought laws, ignored such as were unsuited to his interests, and had decreed his own rules and codes. Progressively bolder had the money kings become in coming out into the open in the directing of Government. Long had they prudently skulked behind forms, devices and shams; they had operated secretly through tools in office, while virtuously disclaiming any insidious connection with politics. But no observer took this pretence seriously. James Bryce, fresh from England, delving into the complexities and incongruities of American politics at about this time, wrote that "these railway kings are among the greatest men, perhaps I may say, the greatest men in America," which term, "greatest," was a ludicrously reverent way of describing their qualities. "They have power," he goes on in the same work, "more power--that is, more opportunity to make their will prevail, than perhaps any one in political life except the President or the Speaker, who, after all, hold theirs only for four years and two years, while the railroad monarch holds his for life." [Footnote: "The American Commonwealth." First Ed.: 515.] Bryce was not well enough acquainted with the windings and depths of American political workings to know that the money kings had more power than President or Speaker, not nominally, but essentially. He further relates how when a railroad magnate traveled, his journey was like a royal progress; Governors of States and Territories bowed before him; Legislatures received him in solemn session; cities and towns sought to propitiate him, for had he not the means of making or marring a city's fortunes? "You cannot turn in any direction in American politics," wrote Richard T. Ely a little later, "without discovering the railway power. It is the power behind the throne. It is a correct popular instinct which designates the leading men in the railways, railroad magnates or kings. ... Its power ramifies in every direction, its roots reaching counting rooms, editorial sanctums, schools and churches which it supports with a part of its revenues, as well as courts and Legislatures." ... [Footnote: "The Independent," issue of August 28, 1890.] HIS DEATH A NOTABLE EVENT. Vanderbilt's death, as that of one of the real monarchs of the day, was an event of transcendent importance, and was treated so. The vocabulary was ransacked to find adjectives glowing enough to describe his enterprise, foresight, sagacity and integrity. Much elaborated upon was the fiction that he had increased his fortune by honest, legitimate means--a fiction still disseminated by those shallow or mercenary writers whose trade is to spread orthodox belief in existing conditions. The underlying facts of his career and methods were purposely suppressed, and a nauseating sort of panegyric substituted. Who did not know that he had bribed Legislature after Legislature, and had constantly resorted to conspiracy and fraud? Not one of his eulogists was innocent of this knowledge; the record of it was too public and palpable to justify doubts of its truth. The extent of his possessions and the size of his fortune aroused wonderment, but no effort was made to contrast the immense wealth bequeathed by one man with the dire poverty on every hand, nor to connect those two conditions. At the very time his wealth was being inventoried at $200,000,000, not less than a million wage earners were out of employment, [Footnote: "It is probably true," said Carroll D. Wright in the United States Labor Report for 1886, "that this total (in round numbers 1,000,000) as representing the unemployed at any one time in the United States, is fairly representative."] while the millions at work received the scantiest wages. Nearly three millions of people had been completely pauperized, and, in one way or another, had to be supported at public expense. Once in a rare while, some perceptive and unshackled public official might pierce the sophistries of the day and reveal the cause of this widespread poverty, as Ira Steward did in the fourth annual report of the Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics of Labor for 1873. "It is the enormous profits," he pointedly wrote, "made directly upon the labor of the wage classes, and indirectly through the results of their labor, that, first, keeps them poor, and, second, furnishes the capital that is finally loaned back to them again" at high rates of interest. Unquestionably sound and true was this explanation, yet of what avail was it if the causes of their poverty were withheld from the active knowledge of the mass of the wage workers? It was the special business of the newspapers, the magazines, the pulpit and the politicians to ignore, suppress or twist every particle of information that might enlighten or arouse the mass of people; if these agencies were so obtuse or recalcitrant as not to know their expected place and duty at critical times, they were quickly reminded of them by the propertied classes. To any newspaper owner, clergyman or politician showing a tendency to radicalism, the punishment came quickly. The newspaper owner was deprived of advertisements and accommodations, the clergyman was insidiously hounded out of his pulpit by his own church associations, the funds of which came from men of wealth, and the politician was ridiculed and was summarily retired to private life by corrupt means. As for genuinely honest administrative officials (as distinguished from the _apparently_ honest) who exposed prevalent conditions and sought to remedy them in their particular departments, they were eventually got rid of by a similar campaign of calumny and corrupt influences. HIS FRAUDS IN EVADING TAXES. As in the larger sense all criticism of conditions was systematically smothered, so were details of the methods of the rich carefully obscured or altogether passed by in silence. At Vanderbilt's death the newspapers laved in gorgeous descriptions of his mansion. Yet apart from the proceeds of his great frauds, the amounts out of which he had cheated the city and State in taxation were alone much more than enough to have paid for his splendor of living. Like the Astors, the Goelets, Marshall Field and every other millionaire without exception, he continuously defrauded in taxes. We have seen how the Vanderbilts seized hold of tens of millions of dollars of bonds by fraud. Certain of their railroad stocks were exempted from individual taxation, but railroad bonds ranked as taxable personal property. Year after year William H. Vanderbilt had perjured himself in swearing that his personal property did not exceed $500,000. On more than this amount he would not pay. When at his death his will revealed to the public the proportions of his estate, the New York City Commissioners of Assessments and Taxes made an apparent effort to collect some of the millions of dollars out of which he had cheated the city. It was now that the obsequious and time-serving Depew, grown gray and wrinkled in the retainership of the Vanderbilt generations, came forward with this threat: "He informed us," testified Michael Coleman, president of the commission, "that if we attempted to press too hard he would take proceedings by which most of the securities would be placed beyond our reach so that we could not tax them. The Vanderbilt family could convert everything they had into non-taxable securities, such as New York Central, Government and city bonds, Delaware and Lackawanna, and Delaware and Western Railroad stocks, and pay not a dollar provided they wished to do so." [Footnote: The New York Senate Committee on Cities, 1890, iii: 2355-2356.] The Vanderbilt estate compromised by paying the city a mere part of the sum owed. It succeeded in keeping the greatest part of its possessions immune from taxation, in doing which it but did what the whole of the large propertied class was doing, as was disclosed in further detailed testimony before the New York Senate Committee on Cities in 1890. HIS WILL TRANSMITS $200,000,000. Unlike his father, William H. Vanderbilt did not bequeath the major portion of his fortune to one son. He left $50,000,000 equally to each of his two sons, Cornelius and William K. Vanderbilt. Supplementing the fortunes they already had, these legacies swelled their individual fortunes to approximately $100,000,000 each--about the same amount as their father had himself inherited. The remaining $100,000,000 was thus disposed of in William H. Vanderbilt's will: $40,000,000, in railroad and other securities, was set apart as a trust fund, the income of which was to be apportioned equally among each of his eight children. This provided them each with an annual income of $500,000. In turn, the principal was to descend to their children, as they should direct by will. Another $40,000,000 was shared outright among his eight children. The remaining $20,000,000 was variously divided: the greater part to his widow; $2,000,000 as an additional gift to Cornelius; $1,000,000 to a favorite grandson; sundry items to other relatives and friends, and about $1,000,000 to charitable and public institutions. He was buried in a mausoleum costing $300,000, which he himself had ordered to be built at New Dorp, Staten Island; and there to-day his ashes lie, splendidly interred, while millions of the living plundered and disinherited are suffered to live in the deadly congestion of miserable habitations. CHAPTER VII THE VANDERBILT FORTUNE IN THE PRESENT GENERATION With the demise of William H. Vanderbilt the Vanderbilt fortune ceased being a one-man factor. Although apportioned among the eight children, the two who inherited by far the greater part of it-- Cornelius and William K. Vanderbilt--were its rulers paramount. To them descended the sway of the extensive railroad systems appropriated by their grandfather and father, with all of the allied and collateral properties. Both of these heirs had been put through a punctilious course of training in the management of railroad affairs; all of the subtle arts and intricacies of finance, and the grand tactical and strategic strokes of railroad manipulation, had been drilled into them with extraordinary care. Their first move upon coming into their inheritance was to surround themselves with the magnificence of imposing residences, as befitted their state and estate. A signatory stroke of the pen was the only exertion required of them; thereupon architects and a host of artisans yielded service and built palaces for them, for the one at Fifth avenue and Fifty-second street, for the other at Fifth avenue and Fifty-seventh street. Millions were spent with prodigal lavishness. On his Fifth avenue mansion alone, Cornelius expended $5,000,000. To get the space for three beds of blossoms and a few square yards of turf, a brownstone house adjoining his mansion was torn down, and the garden created at an expense of $400,000. George, a brother of Cornelius and of William K. Vanderbilt, and a man of retiring disposition, spent $6,000,000 in building a palatial home in the heart of the North Carolina mountains. For three years three hundred stonemasons were kept busy; and he gradually added land to his surrounding estate until it embraced one hundred and eighty square miles. His game preserves were enlarged until they covered 20,000 acres. So, within thirty years from the time their grandfather, Commodore Vanderbilt, was extorting his original millions by blackmailing, did they live like princes, and in greater luxury and power than perhaps any of the titular princes of ancient or modern days. But the splendor of these abodes was intended merely for partial use. At their command spacious, majestic palaces arose at Newport, whither in the torrid season some of the Vanderbilts transferred their august seat of power and pleasure. Hardly had they settled themselves down in the vested security of their great fortunes when an ominous situation presented itself to shake the entire propertied class into a violent state of uneasiness. Hitherto the main antagonistic movement perturbing the magnates was that of the obstreperous and still powerful middle class. Dazed and enraged at the certain prospect of their complete subjugation and eventual annihilation, these small capitalists had clamored for laws restricting the power of the great capitalists. Some of their demands were constantly being enacted into law, without, however, the expected results. THE GREAT LABOR MOVEMENT OF 1886 Now, to the intense alarm of all sections of the capitalist class, a very different quality of movement reared itself upward from the deeps of the social formation. [Footnote: It may be asked why an extended description of this movement is interposed here. Because, inasmuch as it is a part of the plan of this work to present a constant succession of contrasts, this is, perhaps, as appropriate a place as any to give an account of the highly important labor movement of 1886. Of course, it will be understood that this movement was not the result of any one capitalist fortune or process, but was a general revolt to compel all forms of capitalist control to concede better conditions to the workers.] This time it was the laboring masses preparing for the most vigorous and comprehensive attack that they had ever made upon capitalism's intrenchments. Long exploited, oppressed and betrayed, starved or clubbed into intervals of apathy or submission, they were again in motion, moving forward with a set deliberation and determination which disconcerted the capitalist class. No mere local conflict of class interests was it on this occasion, but a general cohesive revolt of the workers against some of the conditions and laws under which they had to labor. In 1884 the Federation of Trades and Labor Unions of the United States and Canada had issued a manifesto calling upon all trades to unite in the demand for an eight-hour workday. The date for a general strike was finally fixed for May 1, 1886. The year 1886, therefore, was one of general agitation throughout the United States. With rapidity and enthusiasm the movement spread. Presently it took on a radical character. Realizing it to be at basis the first national awakening of the proletariat, progressive men and women of every shade of opinion hastened forward to support it and direct it into one of opposition, not merely to a few of the evils of wage slavery, but to what they considered the fundamental cause itself--the capitalist system. The propertied classes were not deceived. They knew that while this labor movement nominally confined itself to one for a shorter workday, yet its impetus was such that it contained the fullest potentialities for developing into a mighty uprising against the very system by which they were enabled to enrich themselves and enslave the masses. The moment this fact was discerned, both great and small capitalists instinctively suspended hostilities. They tacitly agreed to hold their bitter warfare for supremacy in abeyance, and unite in the face of their common danger. The triangular conflict between the large and small capitalists and the trades unions now resolved into a duel between the propertied classes of all descriptions on the one hand, and, on the other, the workingmen's organizations. The Farmers' Alliance, essentially a middle-class movement of the employing farmers in the South and West, was counted upon as aligned with the propertied classes. On the part of the capitalists there was no unity of organization in the sense of selected leaders or committees. It was not necessary. A stronger bond than that of formal organization drove them into acting in conscious unison--namely, the immediate peril involved to their property interests. Apprehension soon gave way to grim decision. This formidable labor movement had to be broken and dispersed at any cost. But how was the work of destruction to be done? This was the predicament. Vested wealth could succeed in bribing a labor leader here and there; but the movement had bounded far beyond the elemental stage, and had become a glowing agitation which no traitor or set of traitors could have stopped. One effective way of discrediting and suppressing it there was; the ancient one of virtually outlawing it, and throwing against it the whole brute force of Government. The task of putting it down was preëminently one for the police, army and judiciary. They had been used to stifle many another protest of the workers; why not this? As the great labor movement rolled on, enlisting the ardent attachment of the masses, denouncing the injustices, corruption and robberies of the existing industrial system, the propertied classes more acutely understood that they must hasten to stamp it out by whatever means. The municipal and State governments and the National Government, completely representing their interests and ideas, and dominated by them, stood ready to use force. But there had to be some kind of pretext. The hosts of labor were acting peacefully and with remarkable self control and discipline. * * * * * * * THE PROPERTIED CLASSES STRIKE BACK. The propitious occasion soon came. It was in Chicago that the blow was struck which succeeded in discrediting the cause of the workers, stayed the progress of their movement, and covered it with a prejudice and an odium lasting for years. There, in that maddening bedlam, called a city, the acknowledged inferno of industrialism, the agitation was tensest. With its brutalities, cruelties, corruptions and industrial carnage, its hideous contrasts of dissolute riches and woe-begone poverty, its arrogant wealth lashing the working population lower and lower into squalor, pauperism and misery, Chicago was overripe for any movement seeking to elevate conditions. In the first months of 1886, strike followed strike throughout the United States for an eight-hour day. At McCormick's reaper works in Chicago [Footnote: The McCormick fortune was the outgrowth, to a large extent, of a variety of frauds and corruptions. Later on in this work, the facts are given as to how Cyrus H. McCormick, the founder of the fortune, bribed Congress, in 1854, to give him a time extension of his patent rights.] a prolonged strike of many months began in February. Determined not only to refuse shorter hours, but to force his twelve hundred wage workers to desert labor unions, McCormick drove them from his factory, hired armed mercenaries, called Pinkerton detectives, and substituted in the place of the union workers those despised irresponsibles called "scabs"-- signifying laborers willing to help defeat the battles of organized labor, and, if the unions won, share in the benefits without incurring any of the responsibilities, risks or struggles. On May 1, 1886, forty thousand men and women in Chicago went on strike for an eight-hour day. Thus far, the aim of inciting violence on the part of the strikers had completely failed everywhere. The Knights of Labor were conducting their strikes with a coolness, method and sober sense of order, giving no opportunity for the exercise of force. On May 2, a great demonstration of the McCormick workers was held near that company's factories to protest against the employment of armed Pinkertons. The Pinkerton detective bureau was a private establishment, founded during the Civil War; in the ensuing contests between labor and capital it was alleged to have made a profitable business of supplying spies and armed men to capitalists under the pretense of safeguarding property. These armed bands really constituted private armies; recruited often from the most debased and worthless part of the population, as well as from the needy and shifty, they were, it was charged, composed largely of men who would perjure themselves, fabricate evidence, provoke trouble, and slaughter without scruple for pay. Some, as was well established, were ex-convicts, others thugs, and still others were driven to the ignoble employment by necessity. [Footnote: The prevailing view of the working class toward the Pinkerton detectives was thus expressed at the time in a chapter on the mine workers by John McBride, one of the trade union leaders: "They have awakened," he wrote, "the hatred and detestation of the workingmen of the United States; and this hatred is due, not only to the fact that they protect the men who are stealing the bread from the mouths of the families of strikers, but to the fact that as a class they seem rather to invite trouble than to allay it.... They are employed to terrorize the workingmen, and to create in the minds of the public the idea that the miners are a dangerous class of citizens that have to be kept down by armed force. These men had an interest in keeping up and creating troubles which gave employers opportunity to demand protection from the State militia at the expense of the State, and which the State has too readily granted."--"The Labor Movement": 264-265.] During the course of the meeting in the afternoon the factory bell rung, and the "scabs" were seen leaving. Some boys in the audience began throwing stones and there was hooting. Fully aware of the combustible accounts wanted by their offices, the reporters immediately telephoned exaggerated, inflammatory stories of a riot being under way; the police on the spot likewise notified headquarters. [Footnote: In a statement published in the Chicago "Daily News," issue of May 10, 1889, Captain Ebersold, chief of police in 1886, charged that Captain Schaack, who had been the police official most active in proceeding against the labor leaders and causing them to be executed and imprisoned, had deliberately set about concocting "anarchist" conspiracies in order to get the credit for discovering and breaking them up.] Police in large numbers soon arrived; the boys kept throwing stones; and suddenly, without warning, the police drew their revolvers and indiscriminately opened a general fire upon the men, women and children in the crowd, killing four and wounding many. Terror stricken and in horror the crowd fled. There was a group of radical spirits in Chicago, popularly branded as anarchists, but in reality men of advanced ideas who, while differing from one another in economic views, agreed in denouncing the existing system as the prolific cause of bitter wrongs and rooted injustices. Sincere, self-sacrificing, intellectual, outspoken, absolutely devoted to their convictions, burning with compassion and noble ideals for suffering humanity, they had stepped forward and had greatly assisted in arousing the militant spirit in the working class in Chicago. At all of the meetings they had spoken with an ardor and ability that put them in the front ranks of the proletarian leaders; and in two newspapers published by them, the "Alarm," in English, and the "Arbeiter Zeitung," in German, they unceasingly advocated the interests of the working class. These men were Albert R. Parsons, a printer, editor of the "Alarm;" August Spies, an upholsterer by trade, and editor of the "Arbeiter Zeitung;" Adolph Fischer, a printer; Louis Lingg, a carpenter; Samuel Fielden, the son of a British factory owner; George Engel, a painter; Oscar Neebe, a well- to-do business man, and Michael Schwab, a bookbinder. All of them were more or less deep students of economics and sociology; they had become convinced that the fundamental cause of the prevalent inequalities of opportunity and of the widespread misery was the capitalist system itself. Hence they opposed it uncompromisingly. [Footnote: The utterances of these leaders revealed the reasons why they were so greatly feared by the capitalist class. Fischer, for instance, said: "I perceive that the diligent, never-resting human working bees, who create all wealth and fill the magazines with provisions, fuel and clothing, enjoy only a minor part of this product, while the drones, the idlers, keep the warehouses locked up, and revel in luxury and voluptuousness." Engel said: "The history of all times teaches us that the oppressing always maintain their tyrannies by force and violence. Some day the war will break out; therefore all workingmen should unite and prepare for the last war, the outcome of which will be the end forever of all war, and bring peace and happiness to mankind."] The newspapers, voicing the interests and demands of the intrenched classes, denounced these radicals with a sinister emphasis as destructionists. But it was not ignorance which led them to do this; it was intended as a deliberate poisoning and inflaming of public opinion. Themselves bribing, corrupting, intimidating, violating laws and slaying for profit everywhere, the propertied classes ever assumed, as has so often been pointed out, the pose of being the staunch conservers of law and order. To fasten upon the advanced leaders of the labor movement the stigma of being sowers of disorder, and then judicially get rid of them, and crush the spirit and movement of the aroused proletariat--this was the plan determined upon. Labor leaders who confined their programme to the industrial arena were not feared so much; but Parsons, Spies and their comrades were not only pointing out to the masses truths extremely unpalatable to the capitalists, but were urging, although in a crude way, a definite political movement to overthrow capitalism. With the finest perception, fully alert to their danger, the propertied classes were intent upon exterminating this portentous movement by striking down its leaders and terrifying their followers. THE HAYMARKET TRAGEDY. Fired with indignation at the slaughter at the McCormick meeting, Spies and others of his group issued a call for a meeting on the night of May 4, at the Haymarket, to protest against the police assaults. Spies opened the meeting, and was followed by Fielden. Observers agreed that the meeting was proceeding in perfect quiet, so quietly that the Mayor of Chicago, who was present to suppress it if necessary, went home--when suddenly one hundred and eighty policemen, with arms in readiness, appeared and peremptorily ordered the meeting to disperse. It seems that without pausing for a reply they immediately charged, and began clubbing and mauling the few hundred persons present. At this juncture a small bomb, thrown by someone, exploded in the ranks of the police, felling sixty and killing one. The police instantly began firing into the crowd. No one has ever been able to find out definitely who threw the bomb. Suspicions were not lacking that it was done by a mercenary of corporate wealth. At Pittsburg, in 1877, as we have seen, the Pennsylvania railroad hirelings deliberately destroyed property and incited riot in order to charge the strikers with crime. In the coal mining regions of Pennsylvania, subsidized detectives had provoked trouble during the strikes, and by means of bogus evidence and packed juries had hung some labor leaders and imprisoned others. The hurling of the bomb, whether done by a secret emissary, or by a sympathizer with labor, proved the lever which the propertied classes had been feverishly awaiting. Spies, Fielding and their comrades were at once cast into jail; the newspapers invented wild yarns of conspiracies and midnight plots, and raucously demanded the hanging of the leaders. The trifling formality of waiting until their guilt had been proved was not considered. The most significant event, however, was the secret meeting of about three hundred leading American capitalists to plan the suppression of "anarchy." Very horrified they professed themselves to be at violent outrages and destruction of property and life. Their views were given wide circulation and commendation; they were the finest types of commercial success and prestige. They were the owners of railroads that slaughtered thousands of human beings every year, because of the demands of profit; of factories which sucked the very life out of their toilers, and which filled the hospitals, slums, brothels and graveyards with an ever-increasing assemblage; every man in that conclave, as a beneficiary of the existing system, had drained his fortune from the sweat, sorrow, miseries and death agonies of a multitude of workers. [Footnote: This seems a very sweeping and extraordinary prejudicial statement. It should be remembered, however, that these capitalists, both individually and collectively, had contested the passage of every proposed law, the aim of which was to improve conditions for the workers on the railroads and in mines and factories. Time after time they succeeded in defeating or ignoring this legislation. Although the number of workers killed or injured in accidents every year was enormous, and although the number slain by diseases contracted in workshops or dwellings was even greater, the capitalists insisted that the law had no right to interfere with the conduct of their "private business."] These were the men who came forth to form the "Citizens' Association," and within a few hours subscribed $100,000 as a fighting fund. JUDICIAL MURDER OF LABOR'S LEADERS. The details of the trial will not be gone into here. The trial itself is now everywhere recognized as having been a tragic farce. The jury, it is clear, was purposely drawn from the employing class, or their dependents; of a thousand talesmen summoned, only five or six belonged to the working class. The malignant class nature of the trial was revealed by the questions asked of the talesmen; nearly all declared that they had a prejudice against Socialists, Anarchists and Communists. Soon the blindest could see that the conviction of the group was determined upon in advance, and that it was but the visible evidence of a huge conspiracy to terrorize the whole working class. The theory upon which the group was prosecuted was that they were actively engaged in a conspiracy against the existing authorities, and that they advocated violence and bloodshed. No jurist would now presume to contend that the slightest evidence was adduced to prove this. But all were rushed to conviction: Spies, Parsons, Fischer, and Engel were hanged on November 11, 1887, after fruitless appeals to the higher courts; Lingg committed suicide in prison, and Fielden, Neebe and Schwab were sentenced to long terms in prison. The four executed leaders met their death with the heroic calmness of martyrdom. "Let the voice of the people be heard!" were Parsons' last words. Fielden, Neebe and Schwab might have rotted away in prison, were it not that one of the noblest-minded and most maligned men of his time, in the person of John P. Altgeld, was Governor of Illinois in 1893. Governor Altgeld pardoned them on these grounds, which he undoubtedly proved in an exhaustive review: (1) The jury was a packed one selected to convict; (2) the jurors were prejudiced; (3) no guilt was proved; (4) the State's attorney had admitted no case against Neebe, yet he had been imprisoned; (5)the trial judge (Gary) was either so prejudiced or subservient to class influence that he did not or could not give a fair trial. Even many of those who denounced Altgeld for this action, now admit that his grounds were justified. THE LABOR UPRISING IN NEW YORK. In the meanwhile, between the time of the Haymarket episode and the hanging and imprisonment of the Chicago group, the labor movement in New York City had assumed so strong a political form that the ruling class was seized with consternation. The Knights of Labor, then at the summit of organization and solidarity, were ripe for independent political action; the effects of the years of active propaganda carried on in their ranks by the Socialists and Single-Tax advocates now began to show fruit. At the critical time, when the labor unions were wavering in the decision as to whether they ought to strike out politically or not, the ruling class supplied the necessary vital impulsion. While in Chicago the courts were being used to condemn the labor leaders to death or prison, in the East they were used to paralyze the weapons of offense and defence by which the unions were able to carry on their industrial warfare. The conviction, in New York City, of certain members of a union for declaring a boycott, proved the one compelling force needed to mass all of the unions and radical societies and individuals into a mighty movement resulting in an independent labor party. To meet this exigency an effort was made by the politicians to buy off Henry George, the distinguished Single-Tax advocate, who was recognized as the leader of the labor party. But this flanking attempt at bribing an incorruptible man failed; the labor unions proceeded to nominate George for Mayor, and a campaign was begun of an ardor, vigor and enthusiasm such as had not been known since the Workingmen's party movement in 1829. The election was for local officers of the foremost city in the United States--a point of vantage worth contending for, since the moral effect of such a victory of the working class would be incalculable, even if short-lived. To the ruling classes the triumph of the labor unions, while restricted to one city, would unmistakably denote the glimmerings of the beginning of the end of their regime. Such rebellious movements are highly contagious; from the confines of one municipality they sweep on to other sections, stimulating action and inspiring emulation. The New York labor campaign of 1886 was an intrinsic part and result of the general labor movement throughout the United States. And it was the most significant manifestation of the onward march of the workers; elsewhere the labor unions had not gone beyond the stage of agitation and industrial warfare; but in New York, with the most acute perception of the real road it must traverse, the labor movement had plunged boldly into political action. It realized that it must get hold of the governmental powers. Its antagonists, the capitalists, had long had a rigid grip on them, and had used them almost wholly as they willed. But the capitalist class was even more doggedly determined upon retaining and intensifying those powers. Government was an essential requisite to its plans and development. The small capitalists bitterly fought the great; but both agreed that Government with its legislators, laws, precedents, and the habits of thought it created, must be capitalistic. Both saw in the uprising of labor a prospective overturning of conditions. From this identity of interest a singular concrete alliance resulted. The great capitalists, whom the middle-class had denounced as pirates, now became the decorous and orthodox "saviors of society," with the small capitalists trailing behind their leadership, and shouting their praises as the upholders of law and the conservators of order. In Chicago the same men who had bribed legislators and common councils to give them public franchises, and who had hugely swindled and stolen under guise of law, had been the principals in calling for the execution and imprisonment of the group of labor leaders, and this they had decreed in the name of law. In New York City a pretext for dealing similarly with the labor leaders was entirely lacking, but another method was found effective in the subjugation and dispersion of the movement. CAPITALIST TRIUMPH BY FRAUD. This was the familiar one of corruption and fraud. It was a method in the exercise of which the capitalists as a class had proved themselves adepts; they now summoned to their aid all of the ignoble and subterranean devices of criminal politics. In the New York City election of 1886 three parties contested, the Labor party, Tammany Hall and the Republican party. Steeped in decades of the most loathsome corruption, Tammany Hall was chosen as the medium by which the Labor party was to be defrauded and effaced. Pretending to be the "champion of the people's rights," and boasting that it stood for democracy against aristocracy, Tammany Hall had long deceived the mass of the people to plunder them. It was a powerful, splendidly-organized body of mercenaries and selfseekers which, by trading on the principles of democracy, had been able to count on the partisan votes of a predominating element of the wage- working class. In reality, however, it was absolutely directed by a leader or "boss," who, with his confederates, made a regular traffic of selling legislation to the capitalists, on the one hand, and who, on the other, enriched themselves by a colossal system of blackmail. They sold immunity to pickpockets, confidence men and burglars, compelled the saloonkeepers to pay for protection, and even extorted from the wretched women of the street and brothels. This was the organization that the ruling class, with its fine assumptions of respectability, now depended upon to do its work of breaking up the political labor revolt. The candidate of Tammany Hall was the ultra-respectable Abram S. Hewitt, a millionaire capitalist. The Republican party nominated a verbose, pushful, self-glorifying young man, who, by a combination of fortuitous circumstances, later attained the position of President of the United States. This was Theodore Roosevelt, the scion of a moderately rich New York family, and a remarkable character whose pugnacious disposition, indifference to political conventionalities, capacity for exhortation, and bold political shrewdness were mistaken for greatness of personality. The phenomenal success to which he subsequently rose was characteristic of the prevailing turgidity and confusion of the popular mind. Both Hewitt and Roosevelt were, of course, acceptable to the capitalist class. As, however, New York was normally a city of Democratic politics, and as Hewitt stood the greater chance of winning, the support of those opposed to the labor movement was concentrated upon him. Intrenched respectability, for the most part, came forth to join sanctimony with Tammany scoundrelism. It was an edifying union, yet did not comprise all of the forces linked in that historic coalition. The Church, as an institution, cast into it the whole weight of its influence and power. Soaked with the materialist spirit while dogmatically preaching the spiritual, dominated and pervaded by capitalist influences, the Church, of all creeds and denominations, lost no time in subtly aligning itself in its expected place. And woe to the minister or priest who defied the attitude of his church! Father McGlynn, for example, was excommunicated by the Pope, ostensibly for heretical utterances, but in actuality for espousing the cause of the labor movement. Despite every legitimate argument coupled with venomous ridicule and coercive and corrupt influence that wealth, press and church could bring to bear, the labor unions stood solidly together. On election day groups of Tammany repeaters, composed of dissolutes, profligates, thugs and criminals, systematically, under directions from above, filled the ballot boxes with fraudulent votes. The same rich class that declaimed with such superior indignation against rule by the "mob" had poured in funds which were distributed by the politicians for these frauds. But the vote of the labor forces was so overwhelming, that even piles of fraudulent votes could not suffice to overcome it. One final resource was left. This was to count out Henry George by grossly tampering with the election returns and misrepresenting them. And this is precisely what was done, if the testimony of numerous eye-witnesses is to be believed. The Labor party, it is quite clear, was deliberately cheated out of an election won in the teeth of the severest and most corrupt opposition. This result it had to accept; the entire elaborate machinery of elections was in the full control of the Labor party's opponents; and had it instituted a contest in the courts, the Labor party would have found its efforts completely fruitless in the face of an adverse judiciary. THE LABOR PARTY EVAPORATES. By the end of the year 1887 the political phase of the labor movement had shrunk to insignificant proportions, and soon thereafter collapsed. The capitalist interests had followed up their onslaught in hanging and imprisoning some of the foremost leaders, and in corruption and fraud at the polls, by the repetition of other tactics that they had long so successfully used. Acting through the old political parties they further insured the disintegration of the Labor party by bribing a sufficient number of its influential men. This bribery took the form of giving them sinecurist offices under either Democratic or Republican local, State or National administrations. Many of the most conspicuous organizers of the labor movement were thus won over, by the proffer of well- paying political posts, to betray the cause in the furtherance of which they had shown such energy. Deprived of some of its leaders, deserted by others, the labor political movement sank into a state of disorganization, and finally reverted to its old servile position of dividing its vote between the two capitalist parties. From now one, for many years, the labor movement existed purely as an industrial one, disclaiming all connection with politics. Voting into power either of the old political parties, it then humbly begged a few crumbs of legislation from them, only to have a few sops thrown to it, or to receive contemptuous kicks and humiliations, and, if it grew too importunate or aggressive, insults backed with the strong might of judicial, police and military power. When it was jubilantly seen by the coalesced propertied classes that the much-dreaded labor movement had been thrust aside and shorn, they resumed their interrupted conflict. The small capitalist evinced a fierce energy in seeking to hinder in every possible way the development of the great. It was in these years that a multitude of middle-class laws were enacted both by Congress and by the State legislatures; the representatives of that class from the North and East joined with those of the Farmers' Alliance from the West and South. Laws were passed declaring combinations conspiracies in restraint of trade and prohibiting the granting of secret discriminative rates by the railroads. In 1889 no fewer than eighteen States passed anti-trust laws; five more followed the next year. Every one of these laws was apparently of the most explicit character, and carried with it drastic penal provisions. "Now," exulted the small capitalists in high spirits of elation, "we have the upper hand. We have laws enough to throttle the monopolists and preserve our righteous system of competition. They don't dare violate them, with the prospects of long terms in prison staring them in the face." THE SMALL CAPITALISTS' LOSING FIGHT. The great capitalists both dared and did. If specific statutes were against them, the impelling forces of economic development and the power of might were wholly on their side. The competitive system was already doomed; the middle class was too blind to realize that what seemed to be victory was the rattle of the slow death struggle. At first, the great capitalists made no attempt to have these laws altered or repealed. They adopted a slyer and more circuitous mode of warfare. They simply evaded them. As fast as one trust was dissolved by court decision, it nominally complied, as did, for instance, the Standard Oil Trust and the Sugar Trust, and then furtively caused itself to be reborn into a new combination so cunningly sheltered within the technicalities of the law that it was fairly safe from judicial overthrow. But the great capitalists were too wise to stake their existence upon the thin refuge of technicalities. With their huge funds they now systematically struck out to control the machinery of the two main political parties; they used the ponderous weight of their influence to secure the appointment of men favorable to them as Attorneys General of the United States, and of the States, and they carried on a definite plan of bringing about the appointment or election of judges upon whose decisions they could depend. The laws passed by the middle class remained ornamental encumbrances on the statute books; the great capitalists, although harassed continually by futile attacks, triumphantly swept forward, gradually in their consecutive progress strangling the middle class beyond resurrection. Such was the integral impotence of the warfare of the small against the great capitalists that, during this convulsive period, the existing magnates increased their wealth and power on every hand, and their ranks were increased by the accession of new members. From the chaos of middle-class industrial institutions, one trust after another sprang full-armed, until presently there was a whole array of them. The trust system had proved itself immensely superior in every respect to the competitive, and by its own superiority it was bound to supplant the other. Where William H. Vanderbilt had thought himself compelled to temporize with the middle class agitation by making a show of dividing the stock ownership of the New York Central Railroad, his sons Cornelius and William ignored or defied it. Utterly disdainful of the bitter feeling, especially in the West, against the consolidation of railroads in the hands of the powerful few, they tranquilly went ahead to gather more railroads in their ownership. The Cleveland, Cincinnati, Chicago and St. Louis Railroad (popularly dubbed the "Big Four") acquired by them in 1890 was one of these. It would be tiresome, however, to enter into a narrative of the complex, tortuous methods by which they possessed themselves of these railroads. By the beginning of the year 1893 the Vanderbilt system embraced at least 12,000 miles of railways, with a capitalized value of several hundred million dollars, and a total gross earning power of more than $60,000,000 a year. "All of the best railroad territory," says John Moody in his sketch entitled "The Romance of the Railways," "outside of New England, Pennsylvania and New Jersey was penetrated by the Vanderbilt lines, and no other railroad system in the country, with the single notable exception of the Pennsylvania Railroad, covered anything like the same amount of rich and settled territory, or reached so many towns and cities of importance. New York, Buffalo, Chicago, Cleveland, St. Louis, Cincinnati, Detroit, Indianapolis, Omaha--these were a few of the great marts which were embraced in the Vanderbilt preserves." So impregnably rich and powerful were the Vanderbilts, so profitable their railroads, and their command of resources, financial institutions and legislation so great, that the panic of 1893 instead of impairing their fortunes gave them extraordinary opportunities for getting hold of the properties of weaker railroads. It was now, acting jointly with other puissant interests, that they saw their chance to get control of a large part of the fabulously rich coal mines of Pennsylvania. These coal mines had originally been owned by separate companies or operators, each independent of the other. But by about the year 1867 the railroads penetrating the coal regions had conceived the plan of owning the mines themselves. Why continue to act as middlemen in transporting the coal? Why not vest in themselves the ownership of these vast areas of coal lands, and secure all the profits instead of those from merely handling the coal? The plan ingratiated itself as a capital one; it could be easily carried out with little expenditure. All that was necessary for the railroad to do was to burden down the operators with exorbitant charges, and hamper and beleaguer them in a variety of compressing ways. [Footnote: See testimony before the committee to investigate the Philadelphia and Reading Railroad Company, and the Philadelphia and Reading Coal and Iron Company, Pennsylvania Legislative Docs. 1876, Vol. v, Doc. No. 2. This investigation fully revealed how the railroads detained the cars of the "independent" operators, and otherwise used oppressive methods.] As was proved in subsequent lawsuits, the railroads frequently declined to carry coal for this or that mine, on the pretext that they had no cars available. Every means was used to crush the independent operators and depreciate the selling value of their property. It was a campaign of ruination; in law it stood as criminal conspiracy; but the railroads persisted in it without any further molestation than prolix civil suits, and they finally forced a number of the well-nigh bankrupted independent operators to sell out to them for comparatively trifling sums. [Footnote: Spahr quotes an independent operator in 1900 as saying that the railroads charged the independents three times as much for handling hard coal as they charged for handling soft coal from the West--"America's Working People": 122-223.] By these methods such railroads as the Philadelphia and Reading, the Delaware, Lackawana and Western, the Central Railroad of New Jersey, the Lehigh Valley and others gradually succeeded, in the course of years, in extending an ownership over the coal mines. The more powerful independent operators struck back early at them by getting a constitutional provision passed in Pennsylvania, in 1873, prohibiting railroads from owning and operating coal mines. The railroads evaded this law with facility by an illegal system of leasing, and by organizing nominally separate and independent companies the stock of which, in reality, was owned by them. To the men who did the actual labor of working in the mines--the coal miners--this change of ownership was not regarded with alarm. Indeed, they at first cherished the pathetic hope that it might benefit their condition, which had been desperate and intolerable enough under the old company system. The small coal-owning capitalists, who had emitted such wailings at their own oppression by the railroads, had long relentlessly exploited their tens of thousands of workers. One abuse had been piled upon another. The miners were paid by the ton; the companies had fraudulently increased the size of the ton, so that the miners had to perform much more labor while wages remained stationary or were reduced. But one of the most serious grievances was that against what were called "company or truck stores." Ingenious contrivances for getting back the miserable wages paid out, these were company-owned merchandise stores in which the miners were compelled to buy their supplies. In many collieries the mine worker was not paid in money but was given an order on the company store, where he was forced to purchase inferior goods at exorbitant prices. To blast in the mines powder was necessary; the miner had to buy it at his own expense, and was charged $2.75 a keg, although its selling value was not more than $1.10 or 90 cents. In every direction the mine worker was defrauded and plundered. "Often," says John Mitchell, long the leader of the miners, and a compromiser whose career proves that he cannot be charged with any deep-seated antagonism to capitalist interests, "a man together with his children would work for months without receiving a dollar of money, and not infrequently he would find at the end of the month nothing in his envelope but a statement that his indebtedness to the company had increased so many dollars." [Footnote: "Organized Labor": 359. Mitchell's comments were fully supported by the vast mass of testimony taken by the United States Anthracite Coal Commission in 1902. Mitchell is, at this writing (1909), in the employ of the Civic Federation, an organization financed by capitalists. Its alleged purpose is to bring about "harmony" between capital and labor.] Mitchell adds that the Legislature of Pennsylvania passed anti-truck store laws, "but the operators who have always cried out loudest against illegal action by miners openly and unhesitatingly violated the act and subsequently evaded it by various devices." [Footnote: Ibid.] The wretched houses the miners occupied "also," says Mitchell, "served as a means of extortion, and, in other instances, as a weapon to be used against the miners." In case they complained or struck, the miners were evicted under the most cruel circumstances. Many other media of extortion were common. In the entire year the miners averaged only one hundred and ninety working days of ten hours each, and, of course, were paid for working time only. According to Spahr 350,000 miners drudged for an average wage of $350 a year. [Footnote: "The Present Distribution of Wealth in the United States": 110-111.] SEIZING RAILROADS AND COAL MINES. This system of abject slavery was in full force when the railroads ousted many of the small operators, and largely by pressure of power took possession of the mines. In vain did the miners' unions implore the railroad magnates for redress of some kind. The magnates abruptly refused, and went on extending and intrenching their authority. The Vanderbilts manipulated themselves into being important factors in the Delaware and Hudson Railroad, and in the Delaware, Lackawana and Western Railroad, which had deviously obtained title to some of the richest coal deposits in Wyoming County, and they also became prominent in the directing of the Lehigh Valley Railroad. The most important coal-owning railroad, however, which they and other magnates coveted was the Philadelphia and Reading Railroad. At least one-half of the anthracite coal supply of Pennsylvania was owned or controlled by this railroad. The ownership of the Reading Railroad, with its subordinate lines, was the pivotal requisite towards getting a complete monopoly of the anthracite coal deposits. William H. Vanderbilt had acquired an interest in it years before, but the actual controlling ownership at this time was held by a group of Philadelphia capitalists of the second rank with their three hundred thousand shares. Unfortunately for this group, the Philadelphia and Reading Railroad was afflicted with a president, one Arthur A. McLeod, who was not only too recklessly ambitious, but who was temerarious enough to cross the path of the really powerful magnates. With immense confidence in his plans and in his ability to carry them out, he set out to monopolize the anthracite coal supply and to make the Reading Railroad a great trunk line. To perfect this monopoly he leased some coal-carrying railroads and made "a gentlemen's agreement" with others; and in line with his policy of raising the importance of the road, he borrowed large sums of money for the construction of new terminals and approaches and for equipment. Now, all of these plans interfered seriously with the aims and ambition of magnates far greater than he. These magnates quickly saw the stupendous possibilities of a monopoly of the coal supply--the hundreds of millions of dollars of profits it held out--and decided that it was precisely what they themselves should control and nobody else. Second, in his aim to have his own railroad connections with the rich manufacturing and heavily-populated New England districts, McLeod had arranged with various small railroads a complete line from the coal fields of Pennsylvania into the heart of New England. In doing this he overreached his mark. He was soon taught the folly of presuming to run counter to the interests of the big magnates. AND THE WAY IN WHICH IT WAS DONE. The two powers controlling the large railroads traversing most of the New England States were the Vanderbilts and J. Pierpont Morgan. The one owned the New York Central, the other dominated the New York, New Haven and Hartford Railroad. The Pennsylvania Railroad likewise had no intention of allowing such a powerful competitor in its own province. These magnates viewed with intense amazement the effrontery of what they regarded as an upstart interloper. Although they had been constantly fighting one another for supremacy, these three interests now made common cause. They adroitly prepared to crush McLeod and bankrupt the railroad of which he was the head. By this process they would accomplish three highly important objects; one the wresting of the Philadelphia and Reading Railroad into their own divisible ownership; second, the securing of their personal hold on the connecting railroads that McLeod had leased; and, finally, the obtaining of undisputed sovereignty over a great part of the anthracite coal mines. The warfare now began without those fanciful ceremonials, heralds or proclamations considered so necessary by Governments as a prelude to slaughter. These formalities are dispensed with by business combatants. First, the Morgan-Vanderbilt interest caused the publication of terrifying reports that grave legislation hostile to the coal combination was imminent. The price of Reading stock on the Stock Exchange immediately declined. Then, following up their advantage, this dual alliance inspired even more ruinous reports. The credit of the Philadelphia and Reading Railroad was represented as being in a very bad state. As the railroad had borrowed immense sums of money both to finance its coal combination and to build extensive terminals and other equipment, large payments to creditors were due from time to time. To pay these creditors the railroad had to borrow more; but when the credit of the railroad was assailed, it found that its sources of borrowing were suddenly shut off. The group of Philadelphia capitalists had already borrowed large sums of money, giving Reading shares as collateral. When the market price of the stock kept going down they were called upon to pay back their loans. Declining or unable to do so, their fifty thousand shares of pledged stock were sold. This sale still more depressed the price of Reading stock. In this group of Philadelphia capitalist were men who were reckoned as very astute business lights--George M. Pullman, Thomas Dolan, one of the street railway syndicate whose briberies of legislatures and common councils, and whose manipulation of street railways in Philadelphia and other cities were so notorious a scandal; John Wanamaker, combining piety and sharp business;--these were three of them. But they were no match for the much more powerful and wily Vanderbilt-Morgan forces. They were compelled under resistless pressure to throw over their Reading stock at a great loss to themselves. Most of it was promptly bought up by J. P. Morgan and Company and the Vanderbilts, who then leisurely arranged a division of the spoils between themselves. This transaction (strict interpreters of the law would have styled it a conspiracy) opened a facile way for a number of extremely important changes. The Vanderbilts and the Morgan interests apportioned between them much of the ownership of the Philadelphia and Reading Railroad with its vast ownership of coal deposits and its coal carrying traffic. [Footnote: An investigation, in 1905, showed that the "Baltimore and Ohio Railroad and the New York Central and Hudson River Railroad owned about 43.3 per cent. of the entire capital stock of the Philadelphia and Reading Railroad Company." "Report on Discriminations and Monopolies in Coal and Oil, Interstate Commerce Commission, January 25, 1907": 46.] The New York, New Haven and Hartford Railroad grasped the New York and New England Railroad from the Reading's broken hold, and there were further far-reaching changes militating to increase the railroad, and other, possessions of both parties. [Footnote: A good account of this expropriating transaction is that of Wolcott Drew, "The Reading Crash in 1903" in "Moody's Magazine" (a leading financial periodical), issue of January, 1907.] It was but another of the many instances of the supreme capitalists driving out the smaller fry and seizing the property which they had previously seized by fraud. [Footnote: One of the particularly indisputable examples of the glaring fraud by which immense areas of coal fields were originally obtained was that of the disposition of the estate of John Nicholson. Dying in December, 1800, Nicholson left an estate embracing land, the extent of which was variously estimated at from three to five million acres. Some of the Pennsylvania legislative documents place the area at from three to four million acres, while others, notably a report in 1842, by the judiciary committee of the Pennsylvania House of Representatives, state that it was 5,000,000 acres. Nicholson was a leading figure in the Pennsylvania Land Company which had obtained most of its vast land possessions by fraud. Some of Nicholson's landed estate lay in Virginia, Kentucky, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia and other States, but the bulk of it was in Pennsylvania, and included extensive regions containing the very richest coal deposits. The State of Pennsylvania held a lien upon Nicholson's estate for unpaid taxes amounting to $300,000. Notwithstanding this lien, different individuals and corporations contrived to get hold of practically the whole of the estate in dispute. How they did it is told in many legislative documents; the fraud and theft connected with it were a great scandal in Pennsylvania for forty-five years. We will quote only one of these documents. Writing on January 24, 1842, to William Elwell, chairman of the Judiciary Committee of the Pennsylvania House of Representatives, Judge J. B. Anthony, of the Nicholson Court (a court especially established to pass upon questions arising from the disposition of the estate), said: "On the 11th of April, 1825, an act passed the Governor to appoint agents to discover and sell the Nicholson lands at auction, for which they were allowed _twenty-five per cent_. A Special Board of Property was also formed to compromise and settle with claimants. From what has come to my knowledge in relation to this Act, I am satisfied that the commonwealth was seriously injured by the manner in which it was carried out by some of the agents. It was made use of principally for the benefit of land speculators; and the very small sums received by the State treasurer for large and valuable tracts sold and compromised, show that the cunning and astute land jobbers could easily overreach the Board of Property at Harrisburg. ... Many instances of gross fraud might be enumerated, but it would serve no useful purpose." Judge Anthony further said that "very many of the most influential, astute and intelligent inhabitants" and "gentlemen of high standing" were participants in the frauds.--Pennsylvania House Journal, 1842, Vol. ii, Doc. No. 127: 700-704.] The Vanderbilts' ownership of a large part of the shares of railroads, which, in turn, own and control the coal mines, may be summed up as follows: Through the Lake Shore Railroad, which they have owned almost absolutely, they own, or until recently did own, $30,000,000 of shares in the Philadelphia and Reading Railroad with its stupendous anthracite coal deposits, and they owned, for a long time, large amounts of stock in the Lehigh Valley Railroad with its unmined coal deposits of 400,000,000 tons. In 1908 they disposed of their Lehigh Valley Railroad ownings, receiving an equivalent in either money or some other form of property. The ownership of the Delaware, Lackawana and Western Railroad with its equally large unmined coal deposits is divided between the Vanderbilt family and the Standard Oil interests. The Vanderbilts, according to the latest official reports, also own heavy interests in the Delaware and Hudson Railroad, the New York, Ontario and Western Railroad, $12,500,000 of stock in the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and large amounts of stock in other coal mining and coal carrying railroads. [Footnote: See Special Report No. 1 of the Interstate Commerce Commission on Intercorporate Relationship of Railroads: 39. Also Carl Snyder's "American Railways as Investments": 473.] Here, then is another important step in the acquisition of a large part of the country's resources by the Vanderbilts. A recapitulation will not be out of place. His first millions obtained by blackmailing, Commodore Vanderbilt then uses those millions to buy a railroad. By further fraudulent methods, based upon bribery of lawmaking bodies, he obtains more railroads and more wealth. His son, following his methods, adds other railroads to the inventory, and converts tens of millions of fraudulently-acquired millions into interest-bearing Government, State, city and other bonds. The third generation (in point of order from the founder) continues the methods of the father and grandfather, gets hold of still more railroads, and emerges as one of the powers owning the great coal deposits of Pennsylvania. THE DICTATION OF THE COAL FIELDS. The Vanderbilt and Morgan interest at once increased the price of anthracite coal, adding to it $1.25 to $1.35 a ton. In 1900 they appeared in the open with a new and gigantic plan of consolidation by which they were able to control almost absolutely the production and prices. That the Vanderbilt family and the Morgan interests were the main parties to this combination was well established. [Footnote: Final Report of the U. S. Industrial Commission, 1902, xix: 462-463.] Already high, a still heavier increase of price at once was put on the 40,000,000 tons of anthracite then produced, and the price was successively raised until consumers were taxed seven times the cost of production and transportation. The population was completely at the mercy of a few magnates; each year, as the winter drew on, the Coal Trust increased its price. In the needs and suffering of millions of people it found a ready means of laying on fresher and heavier tribute. By the mandate of the Coal Trust, housekeepers were taxed $70,000,000 in extra impositions a year, in addition to the $40,000,000 annually extorted by the exorbitant prices of previous years. At a stroke the magnates were able to confiscate by successive grabs the labor of the people of the United States at will. Neither was there any redress; for those same magnates controlled all of the ramifications of Government. What, however, of the workers in the mines? While the combination was high-handedly forcing the consumer to pay enormous prices, how was it acting toward them? The question is almost superfluous. The railroads made little concealment of their hostility to the trades unions, and refused to grant reforms or concessions. Consequently a strike was declared in 1900 by which the mine workers obtained a ten per cent increase in wages and the promise of semi-monthly wages in cash. But they had not resumed work before they discovered the hollowness of these concessions. Two years of futile application for better conditions passed, and then, in 1902, 150,000 men and boys went on strike. This strike lasted one hundred and sixty-three days. The magnates were generally regarded as arrogant and defiant; they contended that they had nothing to arbitrate; [Footnote: It was on this occasion that George F. Baer, president of the Philadelphia and Reading Railroad, in scoring the public sympathy for the strikers, justified the attitude of the railroads in his celebrated utterance in which he spoke "of the Christian men and women to whom God in His infinite wisdom has intrusted the property interests of the country," which alleged divine sanction he was never able to prove.] and only yielded to an arbitration board when President Roosevelt threatened them with the full punitive force of Government action. By the decision of this board the miners secured an increase of wages (which was assessed on the consumer in the form of higher prices) and several minor concessions. Yet at best, their lot is excessively hard. Writing a few years later, Dr. Peter Roberts, who, if anything, is not partial to the working class, stated that the wages of the contract miners were (in 1907) about $600 a year, while adults in other classes of mine workers, who formed more than sixty per cent, of the labor forces, did not receive an annual wage of $450. Yet Roberts quotes the Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics as saying that "a family of five persons requires $754 a year to live on." The average number in the family of a mine worker is five or six. "This small income," Roberts observes, "drives many of our people to live in cheap and rickety houses, where the sense of shame and decency is blunted in early youth, and where men cannot find such home comforts as will counteract the attractions of the saloon." Hundreds of company houses, according to Roberts, are unfit for habitation, and "in the houses of mine employees, of all nationalities, is an appalling infant mortality." [Footnote: "The Anthracite Coal Communities": 346-347.] THE BITUMINOUS COAL MINES ALSO. The sway of the Vanderbilts, however, extends not only over the anthracite, but over a great extent of the bituminous coal fields in Pennsylvania, Maryland, West Virginia, Ohio and other States. By their control of the New York Central Railroad, they own various ostensibly independent bituminous coal mining companies. The Clearfield Corporation, the Pennsylvania Coal and Coke Co., and the West Branch Coal Company are some of these. By their great holdings in other railroads traversing the soft coal regions, the Vanderbilts control about one-half of the bituminous coal supply in the Eastern, and most of the Middle-Western, States. According to the Interstate Commerce Commission's report, in 1907, the New York Central Railroad and the Pennsylvania Railroad owned in that year about forty-five per cent. of the stock of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the New York Central owned large amounts of stock in other railroads. "The Commission, therefore, reaches the conclusion," the report reads on after going into the question of ownership in detail, "that, as a matter of fact, the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad Company, the Norfolk and Western Railroad Company, and the Philadelphia and Reading Railway Company were practically controlled by the Pennsylvania Railroad Company and the New York Central and Hudson River Railroad Company, and that the result was to practically abolish substantial competition between the carriers of coal in the territories under consideration." Although the Standard Oil oligarchy now owns considerable stock in the Vanderbilt railroads, it is an undoubted fact that the Vanderbilts share to a great extent the mastery of both hard and soft coal fields. It is not possible here to present even in condensed form the outline, much less the full narrative, of the labyrinth of tricks, conspiracies and frauds which the railroad magnates have resorted to, and still practice, in the throttling of the small capitalists, and in guaranteeing themselves a monopoly. A great array of facts are to be found in the reports of the exhaustive investigations made by the United States Industrial Commission in 1901-1902, and by the Interstate Commerce Commission in 1907. Thousands of times was the law glaringly violated yet the magnates were at all times safe from prosecution. Periodically the Government would make a pretense of subjecting them to an inquiry, but in no serious sense were they interfered with. These investigations all have shown that the railroads first crushed out the small operators by a conspiracy of rates, blockades and reprisals, and then by a juggling process of stocks and bonds, bought in the mines with the expenditure of scarcely any actual money. Having done this they formed a monopoly and raised prices which, in law, was a criminal conspiracy. The same weapons destructively used against the small coal operators years ago are still being employed against the few independent companies remaining in the coal fields, as was disclosed, in 1908, in the suit of the Government to dissolve the workings of the various railroad companies in the anthracite coal combination. [Footnote: See testimony brought out before Charles H. Guilbert, Examiner appointed by the United States District Court in Philadelphia. The Government's petition charged the defendants with entering into a conspiracy contrary to the letter and the spirit of the Sherman act.] THE HUGE PROFITS FROM THE COAL MINES. No one knows or can ascertain the exact profits of the Vanderbilts and of other railroad owners from their control of both the anthracite, and largely the bituminous, coal mines. As has been noted, the railroad magnates cloud their trail by operating through subsidiary companies. That their extortions reach hundreds of millions of dollars every year is a patent enough fact. Some of the accompaniments of this process of extortion have been referred to;-- the confiscation, on the one hand, of the labor of the whole consuming population by taxing from them more and more of the products of their labor by repeated increases in the price of coal, and, on the other, the confiscation of the labor of the several hundred thousand miners who are compelled to work for the most precarious wages, and in conditions worse, in some respects, than chattel slavery. But not alone is labor confiscated. Life is also immolated. The yearly sacrifice of life in the coal mines of the United States is steadily growing. The report for 1908 of the United States Geological Survey showed that 3,125 coal miners were killed by accidents in the current year, and that 5,316 were injured. The number of fatalities was 1,033 more than in 1906. "These figures," the report explains, "do not represent the full extent of the disasters, as reports were not received from certain States having no mine inspectors." Side by side with these appalling figures must be again brought out the fact adverted to already: that the owners of the coal mines have at all times violently opposed the passage of laws drafted to afford greater safeguard for life in the working of the mines. Being the owners, at the same time, of the railroads, their opposition in that field to life-saving improvements has been as consistent. Improvements are expensive; human life is contemptibly cheap; so long as there is a surplus of labor it is held to be commercial folly to go to the unnecessary expense of protecting an article of merchandise which can be had so cheaply. Human tragedies do not enter into the making of profit and loss accounts; outlays for mechanical appliances do. Assuredly this is a business age wherein profits must take precedence over every other consideration, which principle has been most elaborately enunciated and established by a long list of exalted court decisions. Yea, and the very magnates whose power rests on force and fraud are precisely those who insidiously dictate what men shall be appointed to these omniscient courts, before whose edicts all men are expected to bow in speechless reverence. [Footnote: This is far from being a rhetorical figure of speech. Witness the dictating of the appointment and nominations of judges by the Standard Oil Company (which now owns immense railroad systems and industrial plants) as revealed by certain authentic correspondence of that trust made public in the Presidential campaign of 1908.] CHAPTER VIII FURTHER ASPECTS OF THE VANDERBILT FORTUNE The juggling of railroads and the virtual seizure of coal mines were by no means the only accomplishments of the Vanderbilt family in the years under consideration. Colorless as was the third generation, undistinguished by any marked characteristic, extremely commonplace in its conventions, it yet proved itself a worthy successor of Commodore Vanderbilt. The lessons he had taught of how to appropriate wealth were duly followed by his descendants, and all of the ancestral methods were closely adhered to by the third generation. Whatever might be its pretensions to a certain integrity and to a profound respectability, there was really no difference between its methods and those of the Commodore. Times had changed; that was all. What had once been regarded as outright theft and piracy were now cloaked under high-sounding phrases as "corporate extension" and "high finance" and other catchwords calculated to lull public suspicion and resentment. A refinement of phraseology had set in; and it served its purpose. Concomitantly, while executing the transactions already described, the Vanderbilts of the third generation put through many others, both large and small, which were converted into further heaps of wealth. An enumeration of all of these diverse frauds would necessitate a tiresome presentation. A few examples will suffice. The small frauds were but lesser in relation to the larger. At this period of the economic development of the country, when immense thefts were being consummated, a fraud had to rise to the dignity of at least fifty million dollars to be regarded a large one. The law, it is true, proscribed any theft involving more than $25 as grand larceny, but it was law applying to the poor only, and operative on them exclusively. The inordinately rich were beyond all law, seeing that they could either manufacture it, or its interpretation, at will. Among the conspicuous, audacious capitalists the fraud of a few paltry millions shrank to the modesty of a small, cursory, off-hand operation. Yet, in the aggregate, these petty frauds constituted great results, and for that reason were valued accordingly. AN $8,000,000 AREA CONFISCATED. Such a slight fraud was, for instance, the Vanderbilts' confiscation of an entire section of New York City. In 1887 they decided that they had urgent and particular need for railroad yard purposes of a sweep of streets from Sixtieth street to Seventy-second street along the Hudson River Railroad division. What if this property had been bought, laid out and graded by the city at considerable expense? The Vanderbilts resolved to have it and get it for nothing. Under special forms of law dictated by them they thereupon took it. The method was absurdly easy. Ever compliant to their interests, and composed as usual of men retained by them or responsive to their influences, the Legislature of 1887 passed an act compelling the city authorities to close up the required area of streets. Then the city officials, fully as accommodating, turned the property over to the exclusive, and practically perpetual, use of the New York Central and Hudson River Railroad. With the profusest expressions of regard for the public interests, the railroad officials did not in the slightest demur at signing an agreement with the municipal authorities. In this paper they pledged themselves to cooperate with the city in conferring upon the Board of Street Openings the right to reopen any of the streets at any time. This agreement was but a decoy for immediate popular effect. No such reopening ordinance was ever passed; the streets remained closed to the public which, theoretically at least, was left with the title. In fact, the memorandum of the agreement strangely disappeared from the Corporation Counsel's office, and did not turn up until twenty years later, when it was accidentally and most mysteriously discovered in the Lenox Library. Whence came it to this curious repository? The query remains unanswered. For seventeen and a half acres of this confiscated land, comprising about three hundred and fifty city lots, now valued at a round $8,000,000, the New York Central and Hudson River Railroad has not paid a cent in rental or taxes since the act of 1887 was passed. On the island of Manhattan alone 70,000 poor families are every year evicted for inability to pay rent--a continuous and horribly tragic event well worth comparing with the preposterous facility with which the great possessing classes everywhere either buy or defy law, and confiscate when it suits them. So cunningly drafted was the act of 1887 that while New York City was obliged to give the exclusive use of this large stretch of property to the company, yet the title to the property--the empty name--remained vested in the city. This being so, a corporation counsel complaisantly decided that the railroad company could not be taxed so long as the city owned the title. [Footnote: Minutes of the New York City Board of Estimate and Apportionment--Financial and Franchise Matters, 1907:1071-1085. "It will thus be seen," reported Harry P. Nichols, Engineer-in-Charge of the Franchise Bureau, "that the railroad is at present, and has been for twenty years, occupying more than three hundred city lots, or something less than twenty acres, without compensation to the city."] Another of what may be called--for purposes of distinction--the numerous small frauds at this time, was that foisting upon New York City the cost of replacing the New York Central's masonry viaduct approaches with a fine steel elevated system. This fraud cost the public treasury about $1,200,000, quite a sizable sum, it will be admitted, but one nevertheless of pitiful proportions in comparison with previous and later transactions of the Vanderbilt family. We have seen how, in 1872, Commodore Vanderbilt put through the Legislature an act forcing New York City to pay $4,000,000 for improving the railroad's roadway on Park avenue. His grandsons now repeated his method. In 1892 the United States Government was engaged in dredging a ship canal through the Harlem River. The Secretary of War, having jurisdiction of all navigable waters, issued a mandate to the New York Central to raise its bridge to a given height, so as to permit the passing under of large vessels. To comply with this order it was necessary to raise the track structure both north and south of the Harlem River. Had an ordinary citizen, upon receiving an order from the authorities to make improvements or alterations in his property, attempted to compel the city to pay all or any part of the cost, he would have been laughed at or summarily dealt with. The Vanderbilts were not ordinary property holders. Having the power to order legislatures to do their bidding, they now proceeded to imitate their grandfather, and compel the city to pay the greater portion of the cost of supplying them with a splendid steel elevated structure. PUBLIC TAXATION TO SUPPLY PRIVATE CAPITAL. The Legislature of 1892 was thoroughly responsive. This was a Legislature which was not merely corrupt, but brazenly and frankly so, as was proved by the scandalous openness with which various spoliative measures were rushed through. An act was passed compelling New York City to pay one-half of the cost of the projected elevated approaches up to the sum of $1,600,000. New York City was thus forced to pay $800,000 for constructing that portion south of the Harlem River. If, so the law read on, the cost exceeded the estimate of $800,000, then the New York Central was to pay the difference. Additional provision was made for the compelling of New York City to pay for the building of the section north of the Harlem River. But who did the work of contracting and building, and who determined what the cost was? The railroad company itself. It charged what it pleased for material and work, and had complete control of the disbursing of the appropriations. The city's supervising commissions had, perforce, to accept its arbitrary demands, and lacked all power to question, or even scrutinize, its reports of expenditures. Apart from the New York Central's officials, no one to-day knows what the actual cost has been, except as stated by the company. South of the Harlem River this report cost has been $800,000, north of the Harlem River $400,000. At practically no expense to themselves, the Vanderbilts obtained a massive four-track elevated structure, running for miles over the city streets. The people of the city of New York were forced to bear a compulsory taxation of $1,200,000 without getting the slightest equivalent for it. The Vanderbilts own these elevated approaches absolutely; not a cent's worth of claim or title have the people in them. Together with the $4,000,000 of public money extorted by Commodore Vanderbilt in 1872, this sum of $1,200,000 makes a total amount of $5,200,000 plucked from the public treasury under form of law to make improvements in which the people who have footed the bill have not a moiety of ownership. [Footnote: The facts as to the expenses incurred under the act of 1892 were stated to the author by Ernest Harvier, a member of the Change of Grade Commission representing New York City in supervising the work.] The Vanderbilts have capitalized these terminal approaches as though they had been built with private money. [Footnote: The New York Central has long compelled the New York, New Haven and Hartford Railroad to pay seven cents toll for every passenger transported south of Woodlawn, and also one-third of the maintenance cost, including interest, of the terminal. In reporting an effort of the New York, New Haven and Hartford Railroad to have these terms modified, the New York "Times" stated in its financial columns, issue of December 25, 1908: "As matters now stand the New Haven, without its consent, is forced to bear one-third of the charge arising from _the increased capital invested in the Central's terminal"_] [Illustration: CORNELIUS VANDERBILT Grandson of Commodore Vanderbilt.] At this point a significant note may be made in passing. While these and other huge frauds were going on, Cornelius Vanderbilt was conspicuously presenting himself as a most ardent "reformer" in politics. He was, for instance, a distinguished member of the Committee of Seventy, organized in 1894, to combat and overthrow Tammany corruption! Such, as we have repeatedly observed, is the quality of the men who compose the bourgeois reform movements. For the most part great rogues, they win applause and respectability by virtuously denouncing petty, vulgar political corruption which they themselves often instigate, and thus they divert attention from their own extensive rascality. A MULTITUDE OF ACQUISITIONS Why tempt exhaustion by lingering upon a multitude of other frauds which went to increase the wealth and possessions of the Vanderbilt family? One after another--often several simultaneously--they were put through, sometimes surreptitiously, again with overt effrontery. Legislative measures in New York and many other States were drafted with such skill that sly provisions allowing the greatest frauds were concealed in the enactments; and the first knowledge that the plundered public frequently had of them was after they had already been accomplished. These frauds comprised corrupt laws that gave, in circumstances of notorious scandal, tracts of land in the Adirondack Mountains to railroad companies now included in the Vanderbilt system. They embraced laws, and still more laws, exempting this or that stock or property from taxation, and laws making presents of valuable franchises and allowing further consolidations. Laws were enacted in New York State the effects of which were to destroy the Erie Canal (which has cost the people of New York State $100,000,000) as a competitor of the New York Central Railroad. All of these and many other measures will be skimmed over by a simple reference, and attention focussed on a particularly large and notable transaction by which William K. Vanderbilt in 1898 added about $59,000,000 to his fortune at one superb swoop. The Vanderbilt ownership of various railroad systems has been of an intricate, roundabout nature. A group of railroads, the majority of the stock of which was actually owned by the Vanderbilt family, were nominally put under the ownership of different, and apparently distinct, railroad companies. This devious arrangement was intended to conceal the real ownership, and to have a plausible claim in counteracting the charge that many railroads were concentrated in one ownership, and were combined in monopoly in restraint of trade. The plan ran thus: The Vanderbilts owned the New York Central and Hudson River Railroad. In turn this railroad, as a corporation, owned the greater part of the $50,000,000 stock of the Lake Shore Railroad. The Lake Shore, in turn, owned the control, or a chief share of the control, of other railroads, and thus on. In 1897, William K. Vanderbilt began clandestinely campaigning to combine the New York Central and the Lake Shore under one definite, centralized management. This plan was one in strict harmony with the trend of the times, and it had the undoubted advantage of promising to save large sums in managing expenses. But this anticipated retrenchment was not the main incentive. A dazzling opportunity was presented of checking in an immense amount in loot. The grandson again followed his eminent grandfather's teachings; his plan was nothing more than a repetition of what the old Commodore had done in his consolidations. During the summer and fall of 1897 the market gymnastics of Lake Shore stock were cleverly manipulated. By the declaration of a seven per cent. dividend the market price of the stock was run up from 115 to about 200. The object of this manipulation was to have a justification for issuing $100,000,000 in three and one-half per cent. New York Central bonds to buy $50,000,000 of Lake Shore seven per cent. capital stock. By his personal manipulation, William K. Vanderbilt at the same time ballooned the price of New York Central stock. The purpose was kept a secret until shortly before the plan was consummated on February 4, 1898. On that day William K. Vanderbilt and his subservient directors of the New York Central gathered their corpulent and corporate persons about one table and voted to buy the Lake Shore stock. With due formalities they then adjourned, and moving over to another table, declared themselves in meeting as directors of the Lake Shore Railroad, and solemnly voted to accept the offer. Presently, however, an awkward and slightly annoying defect was discovered. It turned out that the Stock Corporation law of New York State specifically prohibited the bonded indebtedness of any corporation being more than the value of the capital stock. This discovery was not disconcerting; the obstacle could be easily overcome with some well-distributed generosity. A bill was quickly drawn up to remedy the situation, and hurried to the Legislature then in session at Albany. The Assembly balked and ostentatiously refused to pass it. But after the lapse of a short time the Assembly saw a great new light, and rushed it through on March 3, on which same day it passed the Senate. It was at this precise time that a certain noted lobbyist at Albany somehow showed up, it was alleged, with a fund of $500,000, and members of the Assembly and Senate suddenly revealed evidences of being unusually flush with money. [Footnote: The author is so informed by an official who represented New York City's legal interests at this session and successive Legislative sessions, and who was thoroughly conversant with every move. See Chapter 80, Laws of 1898, Laws of New York, 1898, ii: 142. The amendment declared that Section 24 of the Stock Corporation Law did not apply to a railroad corporation.] A very illuminating transaction, surely, and well deserving of philosophic comment. This, however, will be eschewed, and attention next turned to the manner in which the Vanderbilts, in 1899, obtained control of the Boston and Albany Railroad. THE BOSTON AND ALBANY RAILROAD BECOMES THEIRS. To a great extent, this railroad had been built with public funds raised by enforced taxation, the city of Albany contributing $1,000,000, and the State of Massachusetts $4,300,000 of public funds. Originally it looked as if the public interests were fully conserved. But gradually, little by little, predatory corporate interests got in their delicate work, and induced successive legislatures and State officials to betray the public interests. The public holdings of stock were entirely subordinated, so that in time a private corporation secured the practical ownership. Finally, in 1899, the Legislature of Massachusetts effaced the last vestige of State ownership by giving the Vanderbilts a perpetual lease of this richly profitable railroad for a scant two million dollars' payment a year. During the debate over this act Representative Dean charged in the Legislature that "it is common rumor in the State House that members are receiving $300 apiece for their votes." The acquisition of this railroad enabled the New York Central to make direct connection with Boston, and with much of the New England coast, and added about four hundred miles to the Vanderbilt system. Most of the remainder of the New England territory is subservient to the Boston and Maine Railroad system in which the American Express Company, controlled by the Vanderbilts, owns 30,000 shares. To pay interest and dividends on the hundreds of millions of dollars of inflated bonds and stock which three generations of the Vanderbilts had issued, and to maintain and enhance their value, it was necessary to keep on increasingly extorting revenues. The sources of the profits were palpable. Time after time freight rates were raised, as was more than sufficiently proved in various official investigations, despite denials. Conjunctively with this process, another method of extortion was the ceaseless one of beating down the wages of the workers to the very lowest point at which they could be hired. While the Vanderbilts and other magnates were manufacturing law at will, and boldly appropriating, under color of law, colossal possessions in real and personal property, how was the law, as embodied in legislatures, officials and courts acting toward the working class? THE GOVERNMENT AN ENGINE OF TYRANNY. The grievances and protests of the workers aroused no response save the ever-active one of contumely, coercion and violent reprisals. The treasury of Nation, States and cities, raised by a compulsory taxation falling heavily upon the workers, was at all times at the complete disposal of the propertied interests, who emptied it as fast as it was filled. The propertiless and jobless were left to starve; to them no helping arm was outstretched, and if they complained, no quarter given. The State as an institution, while supported by the toil of the producers, was wholly a capitalist State with the capitalists in complete supremacy to fashion and use it as they chose. They used the State political machinery to plunder the masses, and then, at the slightest tendency on the part of the workers to resist these crushing injustices and burdens, called upon the State to hurry out its armed forces to repress this dangerous discontent. In Buffalo, in 1890-1891, thirty-one in every hundred destitutes were impoverished because of unemployment, and in New York City twenty- nine in every hundred. [Footnote: "Encyclopedia of Social Reform," Edition of 1897: 1073.] Hundreds of millions of dollars of public funds were given outright to the capitalists, but not a cent appropriated to provide work for the unemployed. In the panic of 1893, when millions of men, women and children were out of work, the machinery of government, National, State and municipal, proffered not the least aid, but, on the contrary, sought to suppress agitation and prohibit meetings by flinging the leaders into jail. Basing his conclusions upon the (Aldrich) United States Senate Report of 1893--a report highly favorable to capitalist interests, and not unexpectedly so, since Senator Aldrich was the recognized Senatorial mouthpiece of the great vested interests--Spahr found that the highest daily wage for all earners, taken in a mass, was $2.O4 [Footnote: "The Present Distribution of Wealth in The United States."] More than three-quarters of all the railroad employees in the United States received less than two dollars a day. Large numbers of railroad employees were forced to work from twelve to fourteen hours a day, and their efficiency and stamina thus lowered. Periodically many were laid off in enforced idleness; and appalling numbers were maimed or killed in the course of duty. [Footnote: The report of the Wisconsin Railway Commissioners for 1894, Vol. xiii., says: "In a recent year more railway employees were killed in this country than three times the number of Union men slain at the battle of Lookout Mountain, Missionary Ridge and Orchard Knob combined. ... In the bloody Crimean War, the British lost 21,000 in killed and wounded-- not as many as are slain, maimed and mangled among the railroad men injured [Footnote: of the country in a single year." Various reports of the Interstate Commerce Commission state the same facts.] or slain largely because the railroad corporations refused to expend money in the introduction of improved automatic coupling devices, these workers or their heirs were next confronted by what? The unjust and oppressive provisions of worthless employers' liability laws drafted by corporation attorneys in such a form that the worker or his family generally had almost no claim. The very judges deciding these suits were, as a rule, put on the bench by the railroad corporations. MACHINE GUNS FOR THE OVERWORKED. These deadly conditions prevailed on the Vanderbilt railroads even more than on any others; it was notorious that the Vanderbilt system was not only managed in semi-antiquated ways so far as the operation was concerned, but also that its trainmen were terribly underpaid and overworked. [Footnote: "Semi-antiquated ways." Only recently the "Railway Age Gazette," issue of January, 1909, styled the New York Central's directors as mostly "concentrated absurdities, physically incompetent, mentally unfit, or largely unresident and inattentive."] In reply to a continued agitation for better hours on the part of the Vanderbilt employees, the New York Legislature passed an act, in 1892, which apparently limited the working hours of railroad employees to ten a day. There was a gleam of sunshine, but lo! when the act was critically examined after it had become a law, it was found that a "little joker" had been sneaked into its mass of lawyers' terminology. The surreptitious clause ran to this effect: That railroad companies were permitted to exact from their employees overtime work for extra compensation. This practically made the whole law a negation. So it turned out; for in August, 1892, the switchmen employed by various railroad lines converging at Buffalo struck for shorter hours and more pay. The strike spread, and was meeting with tactical success; the strikers easily persuaded men who had been hired to fill their jobs to quit. What did the Vanderbilts and their allies now do? They fell back upon the old ruse of invoking armed force to suppress what they proclaimed to be violence. They who had bought law and had violated the law incessantly now represented that their property interests were endangered by "mob violence," and prated of the need of soldiers to "restore law and order." It was a serviceable pretext, and was immediately acted upon. The Governor of New York State obediently ordered out the entire State militia, a force of 8,000, and dispatched it to Buffalo. The strikers were now confronted with bayonets and machine guns. The soldiery summarily stopped the strikers from picketing, that is to say, from attempting to persuade strikebreakers to refrain from taking their places. Against such odds the strike was lost. If, however, the Vanderbilts could not afford to pay their workers a few cents more in wages a day, they could afford to pay millions of dollars for matrimonial alliances with foreign titles. These excursions into the realm of high-caste European nobility have thus far cost the Vanderbilt family about $15,000,000 or $20,000,000. When impecunious counts, lords, dukes and princes, having wasted the inheritance originally obtained by robbery, and perpetuated by robbery, are on the anxious lookout for marriages with great fortunes, and the American money magnates, satiated with vulgar wealth, aspire to titled connections, the arrangement becomes easy. [Footnote: More than 500 American women have married titled foreigners. The sum of about $220,000,000, it is estimated (1909), has followed them to Europe.] Romance can be dispensed with, and the lawyers depended upon to settle the preliminaries. TEN MILLIONS FOR A DUKEDOM. The announcement was made in 1895 that "a marriage had been arranged" between Consuelo, a young daughter of William K. Vanderbilt, and the Duke of Marlborough. The wedding ceremony was one of showy splendor; millions of dollars in gifts were lavished upon the couple. Other millions in cash, wrenched also from the labor of the American working population, went to rehabilitate and maintain Blenheim House, with its prodigal cost of reconstruction, its retinue of two hundred servants, and its annual expense roll of $100,000. Millions more flowed out from the Vanderbilt exchequer in defraying the cost of yachts and of innumerable appurtenances and luxuries. Not less than $2,500,000 was spent in building Sutherland House in London. Great as was this expense, it was not so serious as to perturb the duchess' father; his $50,000,000 feat of financial legerdemain, in 1898, alone far more than made up for these extravagant outlays. The Marlborough title was an expensive one; it turned out to be a better thing to retain than the man who bore it; after a thirteen years' compact, the couple decided to separate for "good and sufficient reasons," into which it is not our business to inquire. All told, the Marlborough dukedom had cost William K. Vanderbilt, it was said, fully $10,000,000. Undeterred by Cousin Consuelo's experience, Gladys Vanderbilt, a daughter of Cornelius, likewise allied herself with a title by marrying, in 1908, Count Laslo Szechenyi, a sprig of the Hungarian feudal nobility. "The wedding," naively reported a scribe, "was characterized by elegant simplicity, and was witnessed by only three hundred relatives and intimate friends of the bride and bridegroom." The "elegant simplicity" consisted of gifts, the value of which was estimated at fully a million dollars, and a costly ceremony. If the bride had beauty, and the bridegroom wit, no mention of them was made; the one fact conspicuously emphasized was the all-important one of the bride having a fortune "in her own right" of about $12,000,000. [Illustration: THE DUCHESS OF MARLBOROUGH, Daughter of William K. Vanderbilt.] The precise sum which made the Count eager to share his title, no one knew except the parties to the transaction. Her father had died, in 1899, leaving a fortune nominally reaching about $100,000,000. Its actual proportions were much greater. It had long been customary on the part of the very rich, as the New York State Board of Tax Commissioners pointed out, in 1903, to evade the inheritance tax in advance by various fraudulent devices. One of these was to inclose stocks or money in envelopes and apportion them among the heirs, either at the death bed, or by subsequent secret delivery. [Footnote: See Annual Report of the New York State Board of Tax Commissioners, New York Senate Document, No. 5, 1903: 10.] Like his father, Cornelius Vanderbilt had died of apoplexy. In his will he had cut off his eldest son, Cornelius, with but a puny million dollars. And the reason for this parental sternness? He had disapproved of Cornelius' choice in marriage. To his son, Alfred, the unrelenting multimillionaire left the most of his fortune, with a showering of many millions upon his widow, upon Reginald, another son, and upon his two daughters. Cornelius objected to the injustice and hardship of being left a beggar with but a scanty million, and threatened a legal contest, whereupon Alfred, pitying the dire straits to which Brother Cornelius had been reduced, presented him with six or seven millions with which to ease the biting pangs of want. Marriages with titled foreigners have proved a drain upon the Vanderbilt fortune, although, thanks to their large share in the control of laws and industrial institutions, the Vanderbilts possess at all times the power of recouping themselves at volition. The American marriages, on the other hand, contracted by this family, have interlinked other great fortunes with theirs. One of the Vanderbilt buds married Harry Payne Whitney, whose father, William C. Whitney, left a large fortune, partly drawn from the Standard Oil Company, and in part from an industrious career of corruption and theft. The elder Whitney, according to facts revealed in many official investigations and lawsuits, debauched legislatures and common councils into giving him and his associates public franchises for street railways and for other public utilities, and he stole outright tens of millions of dollars in the manipulation of the street railways in various cities. His crimes, and those of his associates, were of such boldness and magnitude that even the cynical business classes were moved to astonishment. [Footnote: For a detailed account see that part of this work, "Great Fortunes from Public Franchises."] Cornelius Vanderbilt, jr., married a daughter of R. T. Wilson, a multimillionaire, whose fortune came to a great extent from the public franchises of Detroit. The initial and continued history of the securing and exploitation of the street railway and other franchises of that city has constituted a solid chapter of the most flagrant fraud. William K. Vanderbilt, jr., married a daughter of the multimillionaire Senator Fair, of California, whose fortune, dug from mines, bought him a seat in the United States Senate. Thus, various multi-millionaire fortunes have been interconnected by these American marriages. [Illustration: CORNELIUS VANDERBILT, Great-Grandson of Commodore Vanderbilt.] DIVERSITY OF THE VANDERBILT POSSESSIONS. The fortune of the Vanderbilt family, at the present writing, is represented by the most extensive and different forms of property. Railroads, street railways, electric lighting systems, mines, industrial plants, express companies, land, and Government, State and municipal bonds--these are some of the forms. From one industrial plant alone--the Pullman Company--the Vanderbilts draw millions in revenue yearly. Formerly they owned their own palace car company, the Wagner, but it was merged with the Pullman. The frauds and extortions of the Pullman Company have been sufficiently dealt with in the particular chapter on Marshall Field. In the far-away Philippine Islands the Vanderbilts are engaged, with other magnates, in the exploitation of both the United States Government and the native population. The Visayan Railroad numbers one of the Vanderbilts among its directors. This railroad has already received a Government subsidy of $500,000, in addition to the free gift of a perpetual franchise, on the ground that "the railroad was necessary to the development of the archipelago." But the Vanderbilts' principal property consists of the New York Central Railroad system. The Union Pacific Railroad, controlled by the Harriman-Standard Oil interests, now owns $14,000,000 of stock in the New York Central system, and has directors on the governing board. The probabilities are that the voting power of the New York Central, the Lake Shore and other Vanderbilt lines is passing into the hands of the Standard Oil interests, of which Harriman was both a part and an ally. This signifies that it is only a question of a short time when all or most of the railroads of the United States will be directed by one all-powerful and all-embracing trust. But this does not by any means denote that the Vanderbilts have been stripped of their wealth. However much they may part with their stock, which gives the voting power, it will be found that, like William H. Vanderbilt, they hold a stupendous amount in railroad, and other kinds of, bonds. As the Astors and other rich families were perfectly willing, in 1867, to allow Commodore Vanderbilt to assume the management of the New York Central on the ground that under his bold direction their profits and loot would be greater, so the lackadaisical Vanderbilts of the present generation perhaps likewise looked upon Harriman, who proved his ability to accomplish vast fraudulent stock-watering operations and consolidations, and to oust lesser magnates. The New York Central, at this writing, still remains a Vanderbilt property, not so distinctively so as it was twenty years ago, yet strongly enough under the Vanderbilt domination. According to Moody, this railroad's net annual income in 1907 was $34,000,000. [Footnote: "Moody's Magazine," issue of August, 1908] In alluringly describing its present and prospective advantages and value Moody went on: "To begin with, it has entry into the heart of New York City, with extensive passenger and freight terminals, all of which are bound to be of steadily increasing worth as the years go by, as New York continues to grow in population and wealth. It has, in addition, a practically 'water grade' line all the way from New York to Chicago, and, therefore, for all time must necessarily have a great advantage over lines like the Erie, the Lackawanna and others with heavy grades, many curves, etc. It has a myriad of small feeders and branches in growing and populous parts of the State of New York, as well as in the sections further to the west. It touches the Great Lakes at various points, operates water transportation for freight to all parts of the lakes; enters Chicago over its own tracks and competes aggressively with the Pennsylvania for all traffic to and from all parts of the Mississippi Valley and the West and Southwest. It is in no danger from disastrous competition in its own chosen territory, therefore, and constantly receives income of vast importance through a network of feeders which penetrate the territory of some of the largest of its rivals." THE SORT OF ABILITY DISPLAYED. The particular kind of ability by which one man, followed by his descendants, obtained the controlling ownership of this great railroad system, and of other properties, has been herein adequately set forth. Long has it been the custom to attribute to Commodore Vanderbilt and successive generations of Vanderbilts an almost supernatural "constructive genius," and to explain by that glib phrase their success in getting hold of their colossal wealth. This explanation is clumsy fiction that at once falls to pieces under historical scrutiny. The moment a genuine investigation is begun into the facts, the glamour of superior ability and respectability evaporates, and the Vanderbilt fortune stands out, like all other fortunes, as the product of a continuous chain of frauds. Just as fifty years ago Commodore Vanderbilt was blackmailing his original millions without molestation by law, so today the Vanderbilts are pursuing methods outside the pale of law. Not all of the facts have been given, by any means; only the most important have been included in these chapters. For one thing, no mention has been made of their repeated violations of a law prohibiting the granting of rebates--a law which was stripped of its imprisonment clause by the railroad magnates, and made punishable by fine only. Time and time again in recent years has the New York Central been proved guilty in the courts of violating even this emasculated law. From the very inception of the Vanderbilt fortune the chronicle is the same, and ever the same--legalized theft by purchase of law, and lawlessness by evasion or defiance of law. With fraud it began, by fraud it has been increased and extended and perpetuated, and by fraud it is held. CHAPTER IX THE RISE OF THE GOULD FORTUNE The greater part of this commanding fortune was originally heaped up, as was that of Commodore Vanderbilt, in about fifteen years, and at approximately the same time. One of the most powerful fortunes in the United States, it now controls, or has exercised a dominant share of the control, over more than 18,000 miles of railway, the total ownership of which is represented by considerably more than a billion dollars in stocks and bonds. The Gould fortune is also either openly or covertly paramount in many telegraph, transatlantic cable, mining, land and industrial corporations. Its precise proportions no one knows except the Gould family itself. That it reaches many hundreds of millions of dollars is fairly obvious, although what is its exact figure is a matter not to be easily ascertained. In the flux of present economic conditions, which, so far as the control of the resources of the United States is concerned, have simmered down to desperate combats between individual magnates, or contesting sets of magnates, the proportions of great fortunes, especially those based upon railroads and industries, constantly tend to vary. In the years 1908 and 1909 the Gould fortune, if report be true, was somewhat diminished by the onslaughts of that catapultic railroad baron, E. H. Harriman, who unceremoniously seized a share of the voting control of some of the railroad systems long controlled by the Goulds. Despite this reported loss, the Gould fortune is an active, aggressive and immense one, vested with the most extensive power, and embracing hundreds of millions of dollars in cash, land, palaces, or profit-producing property in the form of bonds and stocks. Its influence and ramifications, like those of the Vanderbilt and of other huge fortunes, penetrate directly or indirectly into every inhabited part of the United States, and into Mexico and other foreign countries. JAY GOULD'S BOYHOOD The founder of this fortune was Jay Gould, father of the present holding generation. He was the son of a farmer in Delaware County, New York, and was born in 1836. As a child his lot was to do various chores on his father's farm. In driving the cows he had to go barefoot, perforce, by reason of poverty, and often thistles bruised his feet--a trial which seems to have left such a poignant and indelible impression upon his mind that when testifying before a United States Senate investigating committee forty years later he pathetically spoke of it with a reminiscent quivering. His father was, indeed, so poor that he could not afford to let him go to the public school. The lad, however, made an arrangement with a blacksmith by which he received board in return for certain clerical services. These did not interfere with his attending school. When fifteen, he became a clerk in a country store, a task which, he related, kept him at work from six o'clock in the morning until ten o'clock at night. It is further related that by getting up at three o'clock in the morning and studying mathematics for three years, he learned the rudiments of surveying. According to Gould's own story, an engineer who was making a map of Ulster County hired him as an assistant at "twenty dollars a month and found." This engagement somehow (we are not informed how) turned out unsatisfactorily. Gould was forced to support himself by making "noon marks" for the farmers. To two other young men who had worked with him upon the map of Ulster County, Gould (as narrated by himself) sold his interest for $500, and with this sum as capital he proceeded to make maps of Albany and Delaware counties. These maps, if we may believe his own statement, he sold for $5,000. HE GOES INTO THE TANNING BUSINESS. Subsequently Gould went into the tanning business in Pennsylvania with Zadoc Pratt, a New York merchant, politician and Congressman of a certain degree of note at the time. [Footnote: Pratt was regarded as one of the leading agricultural experts of his day. His farm of three hundred and sixty-five acres, at Prattsville, New York, was reputed to be a model. A paper of his, descriptive of his farm, and containing woodcut engravings, may be found in U. S. Senate Documents, Second Session, Thirty-seventh Congress, 1861-62, v:411- 415.] Pratt, it seems, was impressed by young Gould's energy, skill and smooth talk, and supplied the necessary capital of $120,000. Gould, as the phrase goes, was an excellent bluff; and so dexterously did he manipulate and hoodwink the old man that it was quite some time before Pratt realized what was being done. Finally, becoming suspicious of where the profits from the Gouldsboro tannery (named after Gould) were going, Pratt determined upon some overhauling and investigating. Gould was alert in forestalling this move. During his visits to New York City, he had become acquainted with Charles M. Leupp, a rich leather merchant. Gould prevailed upon Leupp to buy out Pratt's interest. When Gould returned to the tannery, he found that Pratt had been analyzing the ledger. A scene followed, and Pratt demanded that Gould buy or sell the plant. Gould was ready, and offered him $60,000, which was accepted. Immediately Gould drew upon Leupp for the money. Leupp likewise became suspicious after a time, and from the ascertained facts, had the best of grounds for becoming so. The sequel was a tragic one. One night, in the panic of 1857, Leupp shot and killed himself in his fine mansion at Madison avenue and Twenty- fifth street. His suicide caused a considerable stir in New York City. [Footnote: Although later in Gould's career it was freely charged that he had been the cause of Leupp's suicide, no facts were officially brought out to prove the charge. The coroner's jury found that Leupp had been suffering from melancholia, superinduced, doubtless, by business reverses. Even Houghton, however, in his flamboyantly laudatory work describes Gould's cheating of Pratt and Leupp, and Leupp's suicide. According to Houghton, Leupp's friends ascribed the cause of the act to Gould's treachery. See "Kings of Fortune," 265-266.] HE BUYS RAILROAD BONDS WITH HIS STEALINGS. Three years later, in 1860, Gould set up as a leather merchant in New York City; the New York directory for that year contains this entry: "Jay Gould, leather merchant, 39 Spruce street; house Newark." For several years after this his name did not appear in the directory. He had been, however, edging his way into the railroad business with the sums that he had stolen from Pratt and Leupp. At the very time that Leupp committed suicide, Gould was buying the first mortgage bonds of the Rutland and Washington Railroad--a small line, sixty-two miles long, running from Troy, New York, to Rutland, Vermont. These bonds, which he purchased for ten cents on the dollar, gave him control of this bankrupt railroad. He hired men of managerial ability, had them improve the railroad, and he then consolidated it with other small railroads, the stock of which he had bought in. With the passing of the panic of 1857, and with the incoming of the stupendous corruption of the Civil War period, Gould was able to manipulate his bonds and stock until they reached a high figure. With a part of his profits from his speculation in the bonds of the Rutland and Washington Railroad, he bought enough stock of the Cleveland and Pittsburg Railroad to give him control of that line. This he manipulated until its price greatly rose, when he sold the line to the Pennsylvania Railroad Company. In these transactions there were tortuous substrata of methods, of which little to-day can be learned, except for the most part what Gould himself testified to in 1883, which testimony he took pains to make as favorable to his past as possible. His career from 1867 onward stood out in the fullest prominence; a multitude of official reports and investigations and court records contribute a translucent record. He became invested with a sinister distinction as the most cold-blooded corruptionist, spoliator, and financial pirate of his time; and so thoroughly did he earn this reputation that to the end of his days it confronted him at every step, and survived to become the standing reproach and terror of his descendants. For nearly a half century the very name of Jay Gould has been a persisting jeer and by-word, an object of popular contumely and hatred, the signification of every foul and base crime by which greed triumphs. WHY THIS BIASED VIEW OF GOULD'S CAREER? Yet, it may well be asked now, even if for the first time, why has Jay Gould been plucked out as a special object of opprobrium? What curious, erratic, unstable judgment is this that selects this one man as the scapegoat of commercial society, while deferentially allowing his business contemporaries the fullest measure of integrity and respectability? Monotonous echoes of one another, devoid of understanding, writer has followed writer in harping undiscriminatingly upon Jay Gould's crimes. His career has been presented in the most forbidding colors; and in order to show that he was an abnormal exception, and not a familiar type, his methods have been darkly contrasted with those of such illustrious capitalists as the Astors, the Vanderbilts, and others. Thus, has the misinformed thing called public opinion been shaped by these scribbling purveyors of fables; and this public opinion has been taught to look upon Jay Gould's career as an exotic, "horrible example," having nothing in common with the careers of other founders of large fortunes. The same generation habitually addicted to cursing the memory of Jay Gould, and taunting his children and grandchildren with the reminders of his thefts, speaks with traditional respect of the wealth of such families as the Astors and the Vanderbilts. Yet the cold truth is, as has been copiously proved, John Jacob Astor was proportionately as notorious a swindler in his day as Gould was in his; and as for Commodore Vanderbilt, he had already made blackmailing on a large scale a safe art before Gould was out of his teens. Gould has been impeached as one of the most audacious and successful buccaneers of modern times. Without doubt he was so; a freebooter who, if he could not appropriate millions, would filch thousands; a pitiless human carnivore, glutting on the blood of his numberless victims; a gambler destitute of the usual gambler's code of fairness in abiding by the rules; an incarnate fiend of a Machiavelli in his calculations, his schemes and ambushes, his plots and counterplots. But it was only in degree, and not at all in kind, that he differed from the general run of successful wealth builders. The Vanderbilts committed thefts of as great an enormity as he, but they gradually managed to weave around themselves an exterior of protective respectability. All sections of the capitalist class, in so fiercely reviling Gould, reminded one of the thief, who, to divert attention from himself, joins with the pursuing crowd in loudly shouting, "Stop thief!" We shall presently see whether this comparison is an exaggerated one or not. THE TEACHINGS OF HIS ENVIRONMENT. To understand the incentives and methods of Gould's career, it is necessary to know the endemic environment in which he grew up and flourished, and its standards and spirit. He, like others of his stamp, were, in a great measure, but products of the times; and it is not the man so much as the times that are of paramount interest, for it is they which supply the explanatory key. In preceding chapters repeated insights have been given into the methods not merely of one phase, but of all phases, of capitalist formulas and processes. At the outset, however, in order to approach impartially this narrative of the Gould fortune, and to get a clear perception of the dominant forces of his generation, a further presentation of the business- class methods of that day will be given. As a young man what did Jay Gould see? He saw, in the first place, that society, as it was organized, had neither patience nor compassion for the very poverty its grotesque system created. Prate its higher classes might of the blessings of poverty; and they might spread broadcast their prolix homilies on the virtues of a useful life, "rounded by an honorable poverty." But all of these teachings were, in one sense, chatter and nonsense; the very classes which so unctuously preached them were those who most strained themselves to acquire all of the wealth that they possibly could. In another sense, these teachings proved an effective agency in the infusing into the minds of the masses of established habits of thought calculated to render them easy and unresisting victims to the rapacity of their despoilers. From these "upper classes" proceeded the dictation of laws; and the laws showed (as they do now) what the real, unvarnished attitude of these fine, exhorting moralists was towards the poor. Poverty was virtually prescribed as a crime. The impoverished were regarded in law as paupers, and so repugnant a term of odium was that of pauper, so humiliating its significance and treatment, that great numbers of the destitute preferred to suffer and die in want and silence rather than avail themselves of the scanty and mortifying public aid obtainable only by acknowledging themselves paupers. Sickness, disability, old age, and even normal life, in poverty were a terrifying prospect. The one sure way of escaping it was to get and hold wealth. The only guarantee of security was wealth, provided its possessor could keep it intact against the maraudings of his own class. Every influence conspired to drive men into making desperate attempts to break away from the stigma and thraldom of poverty, and gain economic independence and social prestige by the ownership of wealth. But how was this wealth to be obtained? Here another set of influences combined with the first set to suppress or shatter whatever doubts, reluctance or scruples the aspirant might have. The acquisitive young man soon saw that toiling for the profit of others brought nothing but poverty himself; perhaps at the most, some small savings that were constantly endangered. To get wealth he must not only exploit his fellow men, he found, but he must not be squeamish in his methods. This lesson was powerfully and energetically taught on every hand by the whole capitalist class. Conventional writers have descanted with a show of great indignation upon Gould's bribing of legislative bodies and upon his cheatings and swindlings. Without adverting again to the corruption, reaching far back into the centuries, existing before his time, we shall simply describe some of the conditions that as a young man he witnessed or which were prevalent synchronously with his youth. Whatever sphere of business was investigated, there it was at once discovered that wealth was being amassed, not only by fraudulent methods, but by methods often a positive peril to human life itself. Whether large or small trader, these methods were the same, varying only in degree. * * * * * * * ALL BUSINESS REEKED WITH FRAUD. A Congressional committee, probing, in 1847-1848, into frauds in the sale of drugs found that there was scarcely a wholesale or retail druggist who was not consciously selling spurious drugs which were a menace to human life. Dr. M. J. Bailey, United States Examiner of Drugs at the New York Custom House, was one of the many expert witnesses who testified. "More than one-half of many of the most important chemical and medicinal preparations," Dr. Bailey stated, "together with large quantities of crude drugs, come to us so much adulterated as to render them not only worthless as a medicine, but often dangerous." These drugs were sold throughout the United States at high prices. [Footnote: Report of Select Committee on the Importation of Drugs. House Reports, Thirtieth Congress, First Session, 1847-48, Report No. 664:9. In a previous chapter, other extracts from this report have been given showing in detail what many of these fraudulent practices were.] There is not a single record of any criminal action pressed against those who profited from selling this poisonous stuff. The manufacture and sale of patent medicines were attended with the grossest frauds. At that time, to a much greater extent than now, the newspapers profited more (comparatively) from the publication of patent medicine advertisements; and even after a Congressional committee had fully investigated and exposed the nature of these nostrums, the newspapers continued publishing the alluring and fraudulent advertisements. After showing at great length the deceptive and dangerous ingredients used in a large number of patent medicines, the Committee on the Judiciary of the House of Representatives went on in its report of February 6, 1849: "The public prints, without exception, published these promises and commendations. The annual [advertising] fee for publishing Brandeth's pills has amounted to $100,000. Morrison paid more than twice as much for the advertisement of his never-dying hygiene." The committee described how Morrison's nostrums often contained powerful poisons, and then continued: "Morrison is forgotten, and Brandeth is on the high road to the same distinction. T. W. Conway, from the lowest obscurity, became worth millions from the sale of his nostrums, and rode in triumph through the streets of Boston in his coach and six. A stable boy in New York was enrolled among the wealthiest in Philadelphia by the sale of a panacea which contains both mercury and arsenic. Innumerable similar cases can be adduced." [Footnote: Report No. 52. Reports of Committees, Thirtieth Congress, Second Sess., i: 31.] Not a few multimillionaire families of to-day derive their wealth from the enormous profits made by their fathers and grandfathers from the manufacture and sale of these poisonous medicines. * * * * * * * SUCCESS AS GOULD LEARNED IT. The frauds among merchants and manufacturers reached far more comprehensive and permeating proportions. In periods of peace these fraudulent methods were nauseating enough, but in times of war they were inexpressibly repellant and ghastly. During the Mexican War the Northern shoe manufacturers dumped upon the army shoes which were of so inferior a make that they could not be sold in the private market, and these shoes were found to be so absolutely worthless that it is on record that the American army in Mexico threw them away upon the sands in disgust. But it was during the Civil War that Northern capitalists of every kind coined fortunes from the national disasters, and from the blood of the very armies fighting for their interests shown how Commodore Vanderbilt and other shipping merchants fraudulently sold or leased to the Government for exorbitant sums, ships for the transportation of soldiers--ships so decayed or otherwise unseaworthy, that they had to be condemned. In those chapters such facts were given as applied mainly to Vanderbilt; in truth, however, they constituted but a mere part of the gory narrative. While Vanderbilt, as the Government agent, was leasing or buying rotten ships, and making millions of dollars in loot by collusion, the most conspicuous and respectable shipping merchants of the time were unloading their old hulks upon the Government at extortionate prices. One of the most ultra-respectable merchants of the time, ranked of high commercial standing and austere social prestige, was, for instance, Marshall O. Roberts. This was the identical Roberts so deeply involved in the great mail-subsidy frauds. This was also the same sanctimonious Roberts, who, as has been brought out in the chapters on the Astor fortune, joined with John Jacob Astor and others in signing a testimonial certifying to the honesty of the Tweed Regime. A select Congressional committee, inquiring into Government contracts in 1862-63, brought forth volumes of facts that amazed and sickened a committee accustomed to ordinary political corruption. Here is a sample of the testimony: Samuel Churchman, a Government vessel expert engaged by Welles, Secretary of the Navy, told in detail how Roberts and other merchants and capitalists had contrived to palm off rotten ships on the Government; and, in his further examination on January 3, 1863, Churchman was asked: Q. Did Roberts sell or chatter any other boats to the Government? A. Yes, sir. He sold the Winfield Scott and the Union to the Government. Q. For how much? A. One hundred thousand dollars each, and one was totally lost and the other condemned a few days after they went to sea. [Footnote: Report of Select Committee to Inquire into Government Contracts, House Reports, Thirty-seventh Congress, Third Session, 1862-63, Report No. 49:95.] In the course of later inquiries in the same examination, Churchman testified that the Government had been cheated out of at least $25,000,000 in the chartering and purchase of vessels, and that he based his judgment upon "the chartered and purchased vessels I am acquainted with, and the enormous sums wasted there to my certain knowledge." [Footnote: Ibid, 95-97.] This $25,000,000 swindled from the Government in that one item of ships alone formed the basis of many a present plutocratic fortune. * * * * * * * FRAUD UNDERLIES RESPECTABILITY. But this was not by any means the only schooling Gould received from the respectable business element. It can be said advisedly that there was not a single avenue of business in which the most shameless frauds were not committed upon both Government and people. The importers and manufacturers of arms scoured Europe to buy up worthless arms, and then cheated the Government out of millions of dollars in supplying those guns and other ordnance, all notoriously unfit for use. "A large proportion of our troops," reported a Congressional Commission in 1862, "are armed with guns of very inferior quality, and tens of thousands of the refuse arms of Europe are at this moment in our arsenals, and thousands more are still to arrive, all unfit." [Footnote: House Reports of Committees, Thirty- seventh Congress, Second Session, 1861-62, vol. ii, Report No. 2: lxxix.] A Congressional committee appointed, in 1862, to inquire into the connection between Government employees on the one hand, and banks and contractors on the other, established the fact conclusively, that the contractors regularly bribed Government inspectors in order to have their spurious wares accepted. [Footnote: House Reports of Committees, Thirty-seventh Congress, 1862-63, Report No. 64. The Chairman of this committee, Representative C. H. Van Wyck, of New York, in reporting to the House of Representatives on February 23, 1863, made these opening remarks: "In the early history of the war, it was claimed that frauds and peculations were unavoidable; that the cupidity of the avaricious would take advantage of the necessities of the nation, and for a time must revel and grow rich amidst the groans and griefs of the people; that pressing wants must yield to the extortion of the base; that when the capital was threatened, railroad communication cut off, the most exorbitant prices could safely be demanded for steam and sailing vessels; that when our arsenals had been robbed of arms, gold could not be weighed against cannon and muskets; that the Government must be excused if it suffered itself to be overreached. Yet, after the lapse of two years, we find the same system of extortion prevailing, and robbery has grown more unblushing in its exactions as it feels secure in its immunity from punishment, and that species of fraud which shocked the nation in the spring of 1861 has been increasing. The fitting out of each expedition by water as well as land is but a refinement upon the extortion and immense profits which preceded it. The freedom from punishment by which the first greedy and rapacious horde were suffered to run at large with ill-gotten gains seems to have demoralized too many of those who deal with the Government."-- Appendix to The Congressional Globe, Third Session, Thirty-seventh Congress, 1862-63, Part ii: 117.] In fact, the ramifications of the prevalent frauds were so extensive that a number of Congressional committees had to be appointed at the same time to carry on an adequate investigation; and even after long inquiries, it was admitted that but the surface had been scratched. During the Civil War, prominent merchants, with eloquent outbursts of patriotism, formed union defense committees in various Northern cities, and solicited contributions of money and commodities to carry on the war. It was disclosed before the Congressional investigating committees that not only did the leading members of these union defense committees turn their patriotism to thrifty account in getting contracts, but that they engaged in great swindles upon the Government in the process. Thus, Marcellus Hartley, a conspicuous dealer in military goods, and the founder of a multimillionaire fortune, [Footnote: When Marcellus Hartley died in 1902, his personal property alone was appraised at $11,000,000. His entire fortune was said to approximate $50,000,000. His chief heir, Marcellus Hartley Dodge, a grandson, married, in 1907, Edith Geraldine Rockefeller, one of the richest heiresses in the world. Hartley was the principal owner of large cartridge, gun and other factories.] admitted that he had sold a large consignment of Hall's carbines to a member of the New York Union Defense Committee. In a sudden burst of contrition he went on, "I think the worst thing this Government has been swindled upon has been these confounded Hall's carbines; they have been elevated in price to $22.50, I think." [Footnote: House Report No.2, etc., 1861-62, vol. ii: 200-204] He could have accurately added that these carbines were absolutely dangerous; it was found that their mechanism was so faulty that they would shoot off the thumbs of the very soldiers using them. Hartley was one of the importers who brought over the refuse arms of Europe, and sold them to the Government at extortionate prices. He owned up to having contracts with various of the States (as distinguished from the National Government) for $600,000 worth of these worthless arms. [Footnote: Ibid.] That corruscating patriot and philanthropic multimillionaire of these present times, J. Pierpont Morgan, was, as we shall see, profiting during the Civil War from the sale of Hall's carbines to the Government. One of the Congressional committees, investigating contracts for other army material and provisions, found the fullest evidences of gigantic frauds. Exorbitant prices were extorted for tents "which were valueless"; these tents, it appeared, were made from cheap or old "farmers'" drill, regarded by the trade as "truck." Soldiers testified that they "could better keep dry out of them than under." [Footnote: House Report No. 64, etc., 1862-63: 6.] Great frauds were perpetrated in passing goods into the arsenals. One manufacturer in particular, Charles C. Roberts, was awarded a contract for 50,000 haversacks and 50,000 knapsacks. "Every one of these," an expert testified, "was a fraud upon the Government, for they were not linen; they were shoddy." [Footnote: Ibid.] A Congressional committee found that the provisions supplied by contractors were either deleterious or useless. Captain Beckwith, a commissary of subsistence, testified that the coffee was "absolutely good for nothing and is worthless. It is of no use to the Government." Q. Is the coffee at all merchantable? A. It is not. Q. Describe that coffee as nearly as you can. A. It seems to be a compound of roasted peas, of licorice, and a variety of other substances, with just coffee enough to give it a taste and aroma of coffee. [Footnote: House Report No. 2, etc. 1861- 62, ii: 1459.] This committee extracted much further evidence showing how all other varieties of provisions were of the very worst quality, and how "rotten and condemned blankets" in enormous quantities were passed into the army by bribing the inspectors. It disclosed, at great length, how the railroads in their schedule of freight rates were extorting from the Government fifty per cent. more than from private parties. [Footnote: House Report No. 2, etc., 1861-62, xxix.] Don Cameron, leader of the corrupt Pennsylvania political machine, and a railroad manipulator, [Footnote: He had been involved in at least one scandal investigated by a Pennsylvania Legislative Committee, and also in several dubious railroad transactions in Maryland.] was at that time Secretary of War. Whom did he appoint as the supreme official in charge of railroad transportation? None other than Thomas A. Scott, the vice-president of the Pennsylvania Railroad. Scott, it may be said, was another capitalist whose work has so often been fulsomely described as being that of "a remarkable constructive ability." The ability he displayed during the Civil War was unmistakable. With his collusion the railroads extorted right and left. The committee described how the profits of the railroads after his appointment rose fully fifty per cent in one year, and how quartermasters and others were bribed to obtain the transportation of regiments. "This," stated the committee, "illustrates the immense and unnecessary profits which was spirited from the Government and secured to the railroads by the schedule fixed by the vice-president of the Pennsylvania Central under the auspices of Mr. Cameron." [Footnote: House Report No. 2, etc., 1861-62, xix. The Pennsylvania Railroad, for example, made in 1862 the sum of $1,350,237.79 more in profits than it did in the preceding year.] These many millions of dollars extorted in frauds "came," reported the committee, "out of the impoverished and depleted Treasury of the United States, at a time when her every energy and resources were taxed to the utmost to maintain the war." [Footnote: Ibid., 4.] These are but a few facts of the glaring fraud and corruption prevailing in every line of mercantile and financial business. Great and audacious as Gould's thefts were later, they could not be put on the same indescribably low plane as those committed during the Civil War by men most of whom succeeded in becoming noted for their fine respectability and "solid fortunes." So many momentous events were taking place during the Civil War, that amid all the preparations, the battles and excitement, those frauds did not arouse that general gravity of public attention which, at any other time, would have inevitably resulted. Consequently, the men who perpetrated them contrived to hide under cover of the more absorbing great events of those years. Gould committed his thefts at a period when the public had little else to preoccupy its attention; hence they loomed up in the popular mind as correspondingly large and important. A SPECIMEN OF GOULD'S TUITION. At the very dawn of his career in 1857, as a railroad owner, Gould had the opportunity of securing valuable and gratuitous instruction in the ways by which railroad projects and land grants were being bribed through Congress. He was then only twenty-one years old, ready to learn, but, of course, without experience in dealing with legislative bodies. But the older capitalists, veterans at bribing, who for years had been corrupting Congress and the Legislatures, supplied him with the necessary information. Not voluntarily did they do it; their greatest ally was concealment; but one crowd of them had too baldly bribed Congress to vote for an act giving an enormous land grant in Iowa, Minnesota and other states, to the Des Moines Navigation and Railroad Company. The facts unearthed must have been a lasting lesson to Gould as to how things were done in the exalted halls of Congress. The charges made an ugly stir throughout the United States, and the House of Representatives, in self defense, had to appoint a special committee to investigate itself. This committee made a remarkable and unusual report. Ordinarily in charges of corruption, investigating committees were accustomed to reporting innocently that while it might have been true that corruption was used, yet they could find no evidence that members had received bribes; almost invariably such committees put the blame, and the full measure of their futile excoriations, on "the iniquitous lobbyists." But this particular committee, surprisingly enough, handed in no such flaccid, whitewashing report. It found conclusively that corrupt combinations of members of Congress did exist; and in recommended the expulsion of four members whom it declared guilty to receiving either money or land in exchange for their votes. One of these four expelled member, Orasmus B. Matteson, it appeared, was a leader of a corrupt combination; the committee branded him as having arranged with the railroad capitalists to use "a large sum of money [$100,000] and other valuable considerations corruptly." [Footnote: Reports of Committees, House of Representatives, Thirty-fourth Congress, Third Session, 1856/57. Report No. 243, Vol. iii. In subsequent chapters many further details are given of the corruption during this period.] But it was essentially during the Civil War that Gould received his completest tuition in the great art of seizing property and privileges by bribing legislative bodies. While many sections of the capitalist class were, as we have seen, swindling manifold hundreds of millions of dollars from a hard-pressed country, and reaping fortunes by exploiting the lives of the very defenders of their interests, other sections, equally mouthy with patriotism, were sneaking through Congress and the Legislatures act after act, further legalizing stupendous thefts. PATRIOTISM AT FIFTY PER CENT. Some of these acts, demanded by the banking interests, made the people of the United States pay an almost unbelievable usurious interest for loans. These banking statutes were so worded that nominally the interest did not appear high; in reality, however, by various devices, the bankers, both national and international, were often able to extort from twenty to fifty, and often one hundred per cent., in interest, and this on money which had at some time or somehow been squeezed out of exploited peoples in the United States or elsewhere. By these laws the bankers were allowed to get annual payment from the Government of six per cent. interest in gold on the Government bonds that they bought. They could then deposit those same bonds with the Government, and issue their own bank notes against ninety per cent. of the bonds deposited. They drew interest from the Government on the deposited bonds, and at the time charged borrowers an exorbitant rate of interest for the use of the bank notes, which passed as currency. It was by this system of double interest that they were able to sweep into their coffers hundreds upon hundreds of millions of dollars, not a dollar of which did they earn, and all of which were sweated out of the adversities of the people of the United States. From 1863 to 1878 alone the Government paid out to national banks as interest on bonds the enormous sum of $252,837,556.77. [Footnote: House Documents, Forty-fifth Congress, Second Session, Ex. Document No. 34, Vol. xiv., containing the reply of Secretary of the Treasury Sherman, in answer to a resolution of the House of Representatives.] On the other hand, the banks were entirely relieved from paying taxes; they secured the passage of a law exempting Government bonds from taxation. Armies were being slaughtered and legions of homes desolated, but it was a rich and safe time for the bankers; a very common occurrence was it for banks to declare dividends of twenty, forty, and sometimes one hundred, per cent. It was also during the stress of this Civil War period, when the working and professional population of the nation was fighting on the battlefield, or being taxed heavily to support their brothers in arms, that the capitalists who later turned up as owners of various Pacific railroad lines were bribing through Congress acts giving them the most comprehensive perpetual privileges and great grants of money and of land. Gould saw how all of the others of the wealth seekers were getting their fortunes; and the methods that he now plunged into use were but in keeping with theirs, a little bolder and more brutally frank, perhaps, but nevertheless nothing more than a repetition of what had long been going on in the entire sphere of capitalism. CHAPTER X THE SECOND STAGE OF THE GOULD FORTUNE The first medium by which Jay Gould transferred many millions of dollars to his ownership was by his looting and wrecking of the Erie Railroad. If physical appearance were to be accepted as a gauge of capacity none would suspect that Gould contained the elements of one of the boldest and ablest financial marauders that the system in force had as yet produced. About five feet six inches in height and of slender figure, he gave the random impression of being a mild, meek man, characterized by excessive timidity. His complexion was swarthy and partly hidden by closely-trimmed black whiskers; his eyes were dark, vulpine and acutely piercing; his forehead was high. His voice was very low, soft and insinuating. PRIVATE CONFISCATION OF THE ERIE RAILROAD. The Erie Railroad, running from New York City to Buffalo and thence westward to Chicago, was started in 1832. In New York State alone, irrespective of gifts in other States, it received what was virtually a gift of $3,000,000 of State funds, and $3,217,000 interest, making $6,217,000 in all. Counties, municipalities and towns through which it passed were prevailed upon to contribute freely donations of money, lands and rights. From private proprietors in New York State it obtained presents of land then valued at from $400,000 to $500,000, [Footnote: Report on the New York and Erie Railroad Company, New York State Assembly Document, No. 50, 1842. See also, Investigation of the Railroads of the State of New York, 1879, I: 100.] but now worth tens of millions of dollars. In addition, an extraordinary series of special privileges and franchises was given to it. This process was manifolded in every State through which the railroad passed. The cost of construction and equipment came almost wholly from the grants of public funds. [Footnote: "The Erie railway was built by the citizens of this State with money furnished by its people. The State in its sovereign capacity gave the corporation $3,000,000. The line was subsequently captured, or we may say stolen, by the fraudulent issue of more than $50,000,000 of stock." ... "An analysis of the Erie Reorganization bill, etc., submitted to the Legislature by John Livingston, Esq., counsel for the Erie Railway Shareholders, 1876."] Confiding in the fair promises of its projectors, the people credulously supposed that their interests would be safeguarded. But from time to time, Legislature after Legislature was corrupted or induced to enact stealthy acts by which the railroad was permitted to pass without restriction into the possession of a small clique of exploiters and speculators. Not only were the people cheated out of funds raised by public taxation and advanced to build the road--a common occurrence in the case of most railroads--but this very money was claimed by the capitalist owners as private capital, large amounts of bonds and stocks were issued against it, and the producers were assessed in the form of high freight and passenger rates to pay the necessary interest and dividends on those spurious issues. THE SPECULATOR, DREW, GETS CONTROL. Not satisfied with the thefts of public funds, the successive cliques in control of the Erie Railroad continually plundered its treasury, and defrauded its stockholders. So little attention was given to efficient management that shocking catastrophies resulted at frequent intervals. A time came, however, when the old locomotives, cars and rails were in such a state of decay, that the replacing of them could no longer be postponed. To do this money was needed, and the treasury of the company had been continuously emptied by looting. The directors finally found a money loaner in Daniel Drew, an uncouth usurer. He had graduated from being a drover and tavern keeper to being owner of a line of steamboats plying between New York and Albany. He then, finally, had become a Wall street banker and broker. For his loans Drew exacted the usual required security. By 1855 he had advanced nearly two million dollars--five hundred thousand in money, the remainder in endorsements. The Erie directors could not pay up, and the control of the railroad passed into his hands. As ignorant of railroad management as he was of books, he took no pains to learn; during the next decade he used the Erie railroad simply as a gambling means to manipulate the price of its stocks on the Stock Exchange. In this way he fleeced a large number of dupes decoyed into speculation out of an aggregate of millions of dollars. Old Cornelius Vanderbilt looked on with impatience. He foresaw the immense profits which would accrue to him if he could get control of the Erie Railroad; how he could give the road a much greater value by bettering its equipment and service, and how he could put through the same stock-watering operations that he did in his other transactions. Tens of millions of dollars would be his, if he could only secure control. Moreover, the Erie was likely at any time to become a dangerous competitor of his railroads. Vanderbilt secretly began buying stock; by 1866 he had obtained enough to get control. Drew and his dummy directors were ejected, Vanderbilt superseding them with his own. * * * * * * * VANDERBILT OUSTS DREW, THEN RESTORES HIM. The change was worked with Vanderbilt's habitual brusque rapidity. Drew apparently was crushed. He had, however, one final resource, and this he now used with histrionic effect. In tears he went to Vanderbilt and begged him not to turn out and ruin an old, self-made man like himself. The appeal struck home. Had the implorer been anyone else, Vanderbilt would have scoffed. But, at heart, he had a fondness for the old illiterate drover whose career in so many respects resembled his own. Tears and pleadings prevailed; in a moment of sentimental weakness--a weakness which turned out to be costly--Vanderbilt relented. A bargain was agreed upon by which Drew was to resume directorship and represent Vanderbilt's interests and purposes. Reinstated in the Erie board, Drew successfully pretended for a time that he was fully subservient. Ostensibly to carry out Vanderbilt's plans he persuaded that magnate to allow him to bring in as directors two men whose pliancy, he said, could be depended upon. These were Jay Gould, demure and ingratiating, and James Fisk, Jr., a portly, tawdry, pompous voluptuary. In early life Fisk had been a peddler in Vermont, and afterwards had managed an itinerant circus. Then he had become a Wall street broker. Keen and suspicious as old Vanderbilt was, and innately distrustful of both of them, he nevertheless, for some inexplicable reason, allowed Drew to install Gould and Fisk as directors. He knew Gould's record, and probably supposed him, as well as Fisk, handy tools (as was charged) to do his "dirty work" without question. He put Drew, Gould and Fisk on Erie's executive committee. In that capacity they could issue stock and bonds, vote improvements, and generally exercise full authority. * * * * * * * DREW, GOULD AND FISK BETRAY VANDERBILT. At first, they gave every appearance of responding obediently to Vanderbilt's directions. Believing it to his interest to buy as much Erie stock as he could, both as a surer guarantee of control, and to put his own price upon it, Vanderbilt continued purchasing. The trio, however, had quietly banded to mature a plot by which they would wrest away Vanderbilt's control. This was to be done by flooding the market with an extra issue of bonds which could be converted into stock, and then by running down the price, and buying in the control themselves. It was a trick that Drew had successfully worked several years before. At a certain juncture he was apparently "caught short" in the Stock Exchange, and seemed ruined. But at the critical moment he had appeared in Wall street with fifty-eight thousand shares of stock, the existence of which no one had suspected. These shares had been converted from bonds containing an obscure clause allowing the conversion. The projection of this large number of shares into the stock market caused an immediate and violent decline in the price. By selling "short"--a Wall street process which we have described elsewhere-- Drew had taken in large sums as speculative winnings. The same ruse Drew, Gould and Fisk now proceeded to execute on Vanderbilt. Apparently to provide funds for improving the railroad, they voted to issue a mass of bonds. Large quantities of these they turned over to themselves as security for pretended advances of moneys. These bonds were secretly converted into shares of stock, and then distributed among brokerage houses of which the three were members. Vanderbilt, intent upon getting in as much as he could, bought the stock in unsuspectingly. Then came revelations of the treachery of the three men, and reports of their intentions to issue more stock. Vanderbilt did not hesitate a moment. He hurried to invoke the judicial assistance of Judge George C. Barnard, of the New York State Supreme Court. He knew that he could count on Barnard, whom at this time he corruptly controlled. This judge was an unconcealed tool of corporate interests and of the plundering Tweed political "ring"; for his many crimes on the bench he was subsequently impeached. [Footnote: At his death $1,000,000 in bonds and cash were found among his effects.] Barnard promptly issued a writ enjoining the Erie directors from issuing further stock, and ordered them to return to the Erie treasury one-fourth of that already issued. Furthermore, he prohibited any more conversion of bonds into stock on the ground that it was fraudulent. So pronounced a victory was this considered for Vanderbilt, that the market price of Erie stock went up thirty points. But the plotters had a cunning trick in reserve. Pretending to obey Barnard's order, they had Fisk wrench away the books of stock from a messenger boy summoned ostensibly to carry them to a deposit place on Pine street. They innocently disclaimed any knowledge of who the thief was; as for the messenger boy, he "did not know." These one hundred thousand shares of stock Drew, Gould and Fisk instantly threw upon the stock market. No one else had the slightest suspicion that the court order was being disobeyed. Consequently, Vanderbilt's brokers were busily buying in this load of stock in million-dollar bunches; other persons were likewise purchasing. As fast as the checks came in, Drew and his partners converted them into cash. GOULD AND HIS PARTNERS FLEE WITH MILLIONS. It was not until the day's activity was over that Vanderbilt, amazed and furious, realized that he had been gouged out of $7,000,000. Other buyers were also cheated out of millions. The old man had been caught napping; it was this fact which stung him most. However, after the first paroxysm of frenzied swearing, he hit upon a plan of action. The very next morning warrants were sworn out for the arrest of Drew, Fisk and Gould. A hint quickly reached them; they thereupon fled to Jersey City out of Barnard's jurisdiction, taking their cargo of loot with them. According to Charles Francis Adams, in his "Chapters of Erie," one of them bore away in a hackney coach bales containing $6,000,000 in greenbacks. [Footnote: "Chapters of Erie": 30.] The other two fugitives were loaded down with valises crammed with bonds and stocks. Here in more than one sense was an instructive and significant situation. Vanderbilt, the foremost blackmailer of his time, the plunderer of the National Treasury during the Civil War, the arch briber and corruptionist, virtuously invoking the aid of the law on the ground that he had been swindled! Drew, Gould and Fisk sardonically jested over it. But joke as they well might over their having outwitted a man whose own specialty was fraud, they knew that their position was perilous. Barnard's order had declared their sales of stock to be fraudulent, and hence outlawed; and, moreover, if they dared venture back to New York, they were certain, as matters stood, of instant arrest with the threatened alternative of either disgorging or of a criminal trial and possibly prison. To themselves they extenuated their thefts with the comforting and self-sufficient explanation that they had done to Vanderbilt precisely what he had done to others, and would have done to them. But it was not with themselves that the squaring had to be done, but with the machinery of law; Vanderbilt was exerting every effort to have them imprisoned. How was this alarming exigency to be met? They speedily found a way out. While Vanderbilt was thundering in rage, shouting out streaks of profanity, they calmly went ahead to put into practice a lesson that he himself had thoroughly taught. He controlled a sufficient number of judges; why should not they buy up the Legislature, as he had often done? The strategic plan was suggested of getting the New York Legislature to pass an act legalizing their fraudulent stock issues. Had not Vanderbilt and other capitalists often bought up Congress and Legislatures and common councils? Why not now do the same? They well knew the approved method of procedure in such matters; an onslaught of bribing legislators, they reckoned, would bring the desired result. GOULD BRIBES THE LEGISLATURE WITH $500,000. Stuffing $500,000 in his satchel, Gould surreptitiously hurried to Albany. Detected there and arrested, he was released under heavy bail which a confederate supplied. He appeared in court in New York City a few days later, but obtained a postponement of the action. No time was lost by him. "He assiduously cultivated," says Adams, "a thorough understanding between himself and the Legislature." In the face of sinister charges of corruption, the bill legalizing the fraudulent stock issues was passed. Ineffectually did Vanderbilt bribe the legislators to defeat it; as fast as they took and kept his money, Gould debauched them with greater sums. One Senator in particular, as we have seen, accepted $75,000 from Vanderbilt, and $100,000 from Gould, and pocketed both amounts. A brisk scandal naturally ensued. The usual effervescent expedient of appointing an investigating committee was adopted by the New York State Senate on April 10, 1868. This committee did not have to investigate to learn the basic facts; it already knew them. But it was a customary part of the farce of these investigating bodies to proceed with a childlike assumption of entire innocence. Many witnesses were summoned, and much evidence was taken. The committee reported that, according to Drew's testimony, $500,000 had been drawn out of the Erie railroad's treasury, ostensibly for purposes of litigation, and that it was clear "that large sums of money did come from the treasury of the Erie Railroad Company, which were expended for some purpose in Albany, for which no vouchers seem to have been filed in the offices of the company." The committee further found that "large sums of money were expended for corrupt purposes by parties interested in legislation concerning railways during the session of 1868." But who specifically did the bribing? And who were the legistators bribed? These facts the committee declared that it did not know. This investigating sham resulted, as almost always happened in the case of similar inquisitions, in the culpability being thrown upon certain lobbyists "who were enriched." These lobbyists were men whose trade it was to act as go-betweens in corrupting legistators. Gould and Thompson--the latter an accomplice--testified that they had paid "Lon" Payn, a lobbyist who subsequently became a powerful Republican politician, $10,000 "for a few days' services in Albany in advocating the Erie bill"; and it was further brought out that $100,000 had been given to the lobbyists Luther Caldwell and Russell F. Hicks, to influence legislation and also to shape public opinion through the press. Caldwell, it appeared, received liberal sums from both Vanderbilt and Gould. [Footnote: Report of the Select Committee of the New York Senate, appointed April 10, 1868, in Relation to Members Receiving Money from Railway Companies. Senate Document No. 52, 1869:3-12, and 137, 140-146. ] A subsequent investigation committee appointed, in 1873, to inquire into other charges, reported that in one year of 1868 the Erie railroad directors, comprising Drew, Gould, Fisk and their associates, had spent more than a million dollars for "extra and legal services," and that it was "their custom from year to year to spend large sums to control elections and to influence legislation." [Footnote: Report of the Select Committee of the Assembly, Assembly Documents, 1873, Doc. No. 98: xix.] [Footnote: "What the Erie has done," the Committee reported, "other great corporations are doubtless doing from year to year. Combined as they are, the power of the great moneyed corporations of this country is a standing menace to the liberties of the people. "The railroad lobby flaunts its ill-gotten gains in the faces of our legislatures, and in all our politics the debasing effect of its influence is felt" (p. 18).] Vanderbilt later succeeded in compelling the Erie Railroad to reimburse him for the sums that he thus corruptly spent in fighting Drew, Gould and Fisk. [Footnote: Railroad Investigation of the State of New York, 1879, ii: 1654.] Their huge thefts having been legalized, Drew, Gould and Fisk returned to Jersey City. But their path was not yet clear. Vanderbilt had various civil suits in New York against them; moreover they were adjudged in contempt of court. Parleying now began. With the severest threats of what the courts would do if they refused, Vanderbilt demanded that they buy back the shares of stock that they had unloaded upon him. Drew was the first to compromise; Gould and Fisk shortly afterward followed. They collectively paid Vanderbilt $2,500,000 in cash, $1,250,000 in securities for fifty thousand Erie shares, and another million dollars for the privilege of calling upon him for the remaining fifty thousand shares at any time within four months. Although this settlement left Vanderbilt out of pocket to the extent of almost two million dollars, he consented to abandon his suits. The three now left their lair in Jersey City and transferred the Erie offices to the Grand Opera House, at Eighth avenue and Twenty-third street, New York City. In this collision with Vanderbilt, Gould learned a sharp lesson he thereafter never overlooked; namely, that it was not sufficient to bribe common councils and legislatures; he, too, must own his judges. Events showed that he at once began negotiations. GOULD AND FISK THROW OVER DREW. The next development was characteristic. Having no longer any need for their old accomplice, Gould and Fisk, by tactics of duplicity, gradually sheared Drew and turned him out of the management to degenerate into a financial derelict. It was Drew's odd habit, whenever his plans were crossed, or he was depressed, to rush off to his bed, hide himself under the coverlets and seek solace in sighs and self-compassion, or in prayer--for with all his unscrupulousness he had an orthodox religious streak. When Drew realized that he had been plundered and betrayed, as he had so often acted to others, he sought his bed and there long remained in despair under the blankets. The whimsical old extortionist never regained his wealth or standing. Upon Drew's effacement Gould caused himself to be made president and treasurer of the Erie Railroad, and Fisk vice-president and controller. When Gould and Fisk began to turn out more watered stock various defrauded malcontent stockholders resolved to take an intervening hand. This was a new obstacle, but it was coolly met. Gould and Fisk brought in gangs of armed thugs to prevent these stockholders from getting physical possession of the books of the company. Then the New York Legislature was again corrupted. A bill called the Classification Act, drafted to insure Gould and Fisk's legal control, was enacted. This bill provided that only one- fifth of the board of directors should be retired in any year. By this means, although the majority of stockholders might be opposed to the Gould-Fisk management, it would be impossible for them to get possession of the road for at least three years, and full possession for not less than five years. But to prevent the defrauded large stockholders from getting possession of the railroad through the courts, another act was passed. This provided that no judgement to oust the board of directors could be rendered by any court unless the suit was brought by the Attorney-General of the State. It was thus only necessary for Gould and Fisk to own the Attorney-General entirely (which they took pains, of course, to do) in order to close the courts to the defrauded stockholders. On a trumped-up suit, and by an order of one of the Tweed judges, a receiver was appointed for the stock owned by foreign stockholders; and when any of it was presented for record in the transfer book of the Erie railroad, the receiver seized it. In this way Gould and Fisk secured practical possesssion of $6,000,000 of the $50,000,000 of stock held abroad. ALLIANCE WITH CORRUPT POLITICS AND JUDICIARY. From 1868 to 1872 Gould, abetted by subservient directors, issued two hundred and thirty-five thousand more shares of stock. [Footnote: Fisk was murdered by a rival in 1872 in a feud over Fisk's mistress. His death did not interrupt Gould's plans.] The frauds were made uncommonly easy by having Tweed machine as an auxiliary; in turn, Tweed, up to 1871, controlled the New York City and State dominant political machine, including the Legislature and many of the judges. To insure Tweed's connivance, they made him a director of the Erie Railroad, besides heavily bribing him. [Footnote: "Did you ever receive any money from either Fisk or Gould to be used in bribing the Legislature?" Tweed was asked by an aldermanic committee in 1877, after his downfall. A. "I did sir! They were of frequent occurrence. Not only did I receive money but I find by an examination of the papers that everybody else who received money from the Erie railroad charged it to me."--Documents of the Board of Aldermen, 1877, Part II, No. 8:49.] With Tweed as an associate they were able to command the judges who owed their elevation to him. Barnard, one of Tweed's servile tools, was sold over to Gould and Fisk, and so throughly did this judge prostitute his office at their behest that once, late at night, at Fisk's order, he sportively held court in the apartment of Josie Mansfield, Fisk's mistress. [Footnote: The occasion grew out of an attempt of Gould and Fisk in 1869 to get control of the Albany and Sesquehanna Railroad. Two parties contested--The Gould and the "Ramsey," headed by J. Pierpont Morgan. Each claimed the election of its officers and board of directors. One night, at half-past ten o'clock, Fisk summoned Barnard from Poughkeepsie to open chambers in Josie Mansfield's rooms. Barnard hurried there, and issued an order ousting Ramsey from the presidency. Judge Smith at Rochester subsequently found that Ramsey was legally elected, and severely denounced Gould and Fisk--"Letters of General Francis C. Barlow, Albany": 1871. The records of this suit (as set forth in Lansing's Reports, New York Supreme Court. I:308, etc.) show that each of the contesting parties accused the other of gross fraud, and that the final decision was favorable to the "Ramsey" party. See the chapters on J. Pierpont Morgan in Vol. III of this work.] When the English stockholders sent over a large number of shares to be voted in for a new management, it was Barnard who allowed this stock to be voted by Gould and Fisk. At another time Gould and Fisk called at Barnard's house and obtained an injunction while he was eating breakfast. It was largely by means of his corrupt alliance with the Tweed "ring" that Gould was able to put through his gigantic frauds from 1868 to 1872. Gould was, indeed, the unquestioned master mind in these transactions; Fisk and the others merely executed his directions. The various fraudulent devices were of Gould's origination. A biographer of Fisk casually wrote at the time: "Jay Gould and Fisk took William M. Tweed into their board, and the State Legislature, Tammany Hall and the Erie 'ring' were fused together and have contrived to serve each other faithfully." [Footnote: "A Life of James Fisk, Jr.," New York, 1871.] Gould admitted before a New York State Assembly investigating committee in 1873 that, in the three years prior to 1873, he had paid large sums to Tweed and to others, and that he had also disbursed large sums "which might have been used to influence legislation or elections." These sums were facetiously charged on the Erie books to "India Rubber Account"--whatever that meant. Gould cynically gave more information. He could distinctly recall, he said, "that he had been in the habit of sending money into various districts throughout the State," either to control nominations or elections for Senators or members of the Assembly. He considered "that, as a rule, such investments paid better than to wait until the men got to Albany." Significantly he added that it would be as impossible to specify the numerous instances "as it would be to recall the number of freight cars sent over the Erie Railroad from day to day." His corrupt operations, he indifferently testified, extended into four different States. "In a Republican district I was a Republican; in a Democratic district, a Democrat; in a doubtful district I was doubtful; but I was always for Erie." [Footnote: Report of, and Testimony Before, the Select Assembly Committee, 1873, Assembly Documents, Doc. No. 98: xx, etc.] The funds that he thus used in widespread corruption came obviously from the proceeds of his great thefts; and he might have added, with equal truth, that with this stolen money he was able to employ some of the most eminent lawyers of the day, and purchase judges. GOULD'S TRADING CLASS SUPPORT Those writers who are content with surface facts, or who lack understanding of popular currents, either state, or leave the inference, that it was solely by bribing and trickery that Gould was able to consummate his frauds. Such assertions are altogether incorrect. To do what he did required the support, or at least tolerance, of a considerable section of public opinion. This he obtained. And how? By posing as a zealous anti-monopolist. The cry of anti-monopoly was the great fetich of the entire middle class; this class viewed with fear the growing concentration of wealth; and as its interests were reflected by a large number of organs of public opinion, it succeeded in shaping the thoughts of no small a section of the working class. While secretly bribing, Gould constantly gave out for public consumption a plausible string of arguments, in which act, by the way, he was always fertile. He represented himself as the champion of the middle and working classes in seeking to prevent Vanderbilt from getting a monopoly of many railroads. He played adroitly upon the fears, the envy and the powerful mainsprings of the self interest of the middle class by pointing out how greatly it would be at the mercy of Vanderbilt should Vanderbilt succeed in adding the Erie Railroad and other railroads to his already formidable list. It was a time of all times when such arguments were bound to have an immense effect; and that they did was shown by the readiness with which the trading class excused his corruption and frauds on the ground that he seemed to be the only man who proved that he could prevent Vanderbilt from gobbling up all of the railroads leading from New York City. With a great fatuousness the middle class supposed that he was fighting for its cause. The bitterness of large numbers of the manufacturing, jobbing and agricultural classes against Commodore Vanderbilt was deep-seated. By an illegal system of preferential freight rates to certain manufacturers, Vanderbilt put these favorites easily in a position where they could undersell competitors. Thus, A. T. Stewart, one of the noted millionaire manufacturers and merchants of the day, instead of owing his success to his great ability, as has been set forth, really derived it, to a great extent, from the secret preferential freight rates that he had on the Vanderbilt railroads. A variety of other coercive methods were used by Vanderbilt. Special freight trains were purposely delayed and run at snail's pace in order to force shippers to pay the extraordinary rates demanded for shipping over the Merchant's Dispatch, a fast freight line owned by the Vanderbilt family. These were but a few of the many schemes for their private graft that the Vanderbilts put in force. The agricultural class was taxed heavily on every commodity shipped; for the transportation of milk, for example, the farmer was taxed one-half of what he himself received for milk. These taxes, of course, eventually fell upon the consumer, but the manufacturer and the farmer realized that if the extortions were less, their sales and profits would be greater. They were in a rebellious mood and gladly welcomed a man such as Gould who thwarted Vanderbilt at every turn. Gould well knew of this bitter feeling against Vanderbilt; he used it, and thrust himself forward constantly in the guise of the great deliverer. As for the small stockholders of the Erie railroad, Gould easily pacified them by holding out the bait of a larger dividend than they had been getting under the former regime. This he managed by the common and fraudulent expedient of issuing bonds, and paying dividends out of proceeds. So long as the profits of these small stockholders were slightly better than they had been getting before, they were complacently satisfied to let Gould continue his frauds. This acquiescence in theft has been one of the most pronounced characteristics of the capitalistic investors, both large and small. Numberless instances have shown that they raise no objections to plundering management provided that under it their money returns are increased. The end of Gould's looting of the Erie railroad was now in sight. However the small stockholders might assent, the large English stockholders, some of whom had invidious schemes of their own in the way of which Gould stood, were determined to gain control themselves. GOULD'S DIRECTORS BRIBED TO RESIGN. They made no further attempt to resort to the law. A fund of $300,000 was sent over by them to their American agents with which to bribe a number of Gould's directors to resign. As Gould had used these directors as catspaws, they were aggrieved because he had kept all of the loot himself. If he had even partly divided, their sentiments would have been quite different. The $300,000 bribery fund was distributed among them, and they carried out their part of the bargain by resigning. [Footnote: Assembly Document No. 98, 1873: xii and xiii. The English stockholders took no chances on this occasion. The committee reported that not until the directors had resigned did they "receive their price." ] The Assembly Investigating Committee of 1873 referred carelessly to the English stockholders as being "impatient at the law's delay" and therefore taking matters into their own hands. If a poor man or a trade union had become "impatient at the law's delay" and sought an illegal remedy, the judiciary would have quickly pronounced condign punishment and voided the whole proceeding. The boasted "majesty of law" was a majesty to which the underdogs only were expected to look up to in fear and trepidation. When the English stockholders elected their own board Gould obtained an injunction from the courts. This writ was absolutely disregarded, and the anti-Gould faction on March 11, 1872, seized possession of the offices and books of the company by physical force. Did the courts punish these men for criminal contempt? No effort was made to. Many a worker or labor union leader had been sent to jail (and has been since), for "contempt of court," but the courts evidently have been willing enough to stomach all of the contempt profusely shown for them by the puissant rich. The propertyless owned nothing, not to speak of a judge, but the capitalists owned whole strings of judges, and those whom they did not own or corrupt were generally influenced to their side by association or environment. "All of this," reported the Assembly Investigating Committee of 1873, speaking of the means employed to overthrow Gould, "has been done without authority of law." But no law was invoked by the officials to make the participants account for their illegal acts. THE LEGISLATURE BRIBED AGAIN. It seems that the entire amount, including the large fees paid to agents and lawyers, corruptly expended by the English capitalists in ousting Gould, was $750,000. Did they foot this bill out of their own pockets? By no means. They arranged the reimbursements by voting this sum to themselves out of the Erie Railroad treasury; [Footnote: Assembly Document No. 98, 1873: xii and xvi.] that is to say, they compelled the public to shoulder it by adding to the bonded burdens on which the people were taxed to pay interest. To complete their control they bribed the New York Legislature to repeal the Classification Act. As has been shown, the Legislature of 1872 was considered a "reform" body, and it also has been brought out how Vanderbilt bribed it to give him invaluable public franchises and large grants of public money. In fact, other railroad magnates as well as he systematically bribed; and it is clear that they contributed jointly a pool of money both to buy laws and to prevent the passage of objectionable acts. "It appears conclusive," reported the Assembly Investigating Committee of 1873, "that a large amount-- reported by one witness at $100,000--was appropriated for legislative purposes by the railroad interest in 1872, and that this [$30,000] was Erie's proportion." [Footnote: Ibid., xvii.] One of the lobbyists, James D. Barber, "a ruling spirit in the Republican party," admitted receiving $50,000 from the Vanderbilts. [Footnote: Ibid., 633.] While uniting to suppress bills feared by them all, each of the magnates bribed to foil the others' purposes. GOULD'S DIRECT ERIE THEFTS WERE $12,000,000. What did Gould's plunder amount to? His direct thefts, by reason of his Erie frauds, seem to have reached more than twelve million dollars, all, or nearly all, of which he personally kept. That sum, considering the falling prices of commodities after the panic of 1873, and comparable with current standards of cost and living, was equivalent to perhaps double the amount at present. Various approximations of his thefts were made. After a minute examination of the Erie railroad's books, Augustus Stein, an expert accountant, testified before the "Hepburn Committee" (the New York Assembly Investigating Committee of 1879) that Gould had himself pocketed twelve or thirteen million dollars. [Footnote: Q.--Do you think you could remember the aggregate amount of wrong-doing on the part of Mr. Gould that you have discovered? A.--I could give an estimate throwing off a couple of millions here and there; I could say that it amounted to--that is, what we discovered--amounted to about twelve or thirteen million dollars.-- Railroad Investigation of the State of New York, 1879, ii: 1765.] This, however, was only one aspect. Between 1868 and 1873 Gould and his accomplices had issued $64,000,000 of watered stock. Gould, so the Erie books revealed, had charged $12,000,000 as representing the outlay for construction and equipment, yet not a new rail had been laid, nor a new engine put in use, nor a new station built. These twelve millions or more were what he and his immediate accomplices had stolen outright from the Erie Railroad treasury. Considerable sums were, of course, paid corruptly to politicians, but Gould got them all back, as well as the plunder of his associates, by personally manipulating Erie stock so as to compel them to sell at a great loss to themselves, and a great profit to himself. Furthermore, in these manipulations of stock, he scooped in more millions from other sources. Had it not been for his intense greed and his constitutional inability to remain true to his confederates, Gould might have been allowed to retain the proceeds of his thefts. His treachery to one of them, Henry N. Smith, who had been his partner in the brokerage firm of Smith, Gould and Martin, resulted in trouble. Gould cornered the stock of the Chicago and Northwestern Railroad; to put it more plainly, he bought up the outstanding available supply of shares, and then ran the price up from 75 to 250. Smith was one of a number of Wall Street men badly mulcted in this operation, as Gould intended. Seeking revenge, Smith gave over the firm's books, which were in his possession, to General Barlow, counsel for the Erie Railroad's protesting stockholders. [Footnote: Railroad Investigation, etc., v:531] Evidence of great thefts was quickly discovered, and an action was started to compel Gould to disgorge about $12,000,000. A criminal proceeding was also brought, and Gould was arrested and placed under heavy bonds. AN EXTRAORDINARY "RESTITUTION." Apparently Gould was trapped. But a wonderful and unexpected development happened which filled the Wall Street legion with admiration for his craft and audacity. He planned to make his very restitution the basis for taking in many more millions by speculation; he knew that when it was announced that he had concluded to disgorge, the market value of the stock would instantly go up and numerous buyers would appear. Secretly he bought up as much Erie stock as he could. Then he ostentatiously and with the widest publicity declared his intension to make restitution. Such a cackling sensation it made! The price of Erie stock at once bounded up, and his brokers sold quantities of it to his great accruing profit. The pursuing stockholders assented to his offer to surrender his control of the Erie Railroad, and to accept real estate and stocks seemingly worth $6,000,000. But after the stockholders had withdrawn their suits, they found that they had been tricked again. The property that Gould had turned over to them did not have a market value of more than $200,000. [Footnote: Railroad Investigation, etc. 1879, iii: 2503. One of the very rare instances in which any of Gould's victims was able to compel him to disgorge, was that described in the following anecdote, which went the rounds of the press: "An old friend had gone to Gould telling him that he had managed to save up some $20,000, and asking his advice as to how he should invest it in such a manner as to be absolutely safe, for the benefit of his family. Gould told him to invest it in a certain stock, and assured him that the investment would be absolutely safe as to income, and, besides, its market value would shortly be greatly enhanced. "The man did as advised by Gould, and the stock promptly started to go down. Lower and lower it went, and seeing the steady depreciation in the price of the stock, and hearing stories to the effect that the dividends were to be passed, the man wrote to Gould asking if the investment was still good. Gould replied to his friend's letter, assuring him that the stories had no foundation in fact and were being circulated purely for market effect. "But still the stock declined. Each day the price went to new lower figures on the Stock Exchange, and finally the rumors became fact, and the Directors passed the dividend. The man had seen the savings of years vanish in a few months and realized that he was a ruined man. "Goaded to an almost insane frenzy, he rushed into Gould's office the afternoon the Directors announced the passing of the dividend, and told Gould that he had been deliberately and grossly deceived and that he was ruined. He wound up by announcing his intention of shooting Gould then and there. "Gould heard his quondam friend through. There could be no mistaking the man's intent. He was evidently half crazed and possessed of an insane desire to carry out his threat. Gould turned to him and said: 'My dear Mr.---' calling him by name, 'you are laboring under a most serious misapprehension. Your money is not lost. If you will go down to my bank tomorrow morning, you will find there a balance of $25,000 to your credit. I sold out your stock some time ago, but had neglected to notify you.' The man looked at him in amazement and, half doubting, left the office. "As soon as he had left the office Gould sent word to his bank to place $25,000 to this man's credit. The man spent a sleepless night, torn by doubts and fears. When the bank opened for business he was the first man in line, and was nearly overcome when the cashier handed him the sum that Gould had named the previous afternoon. "Gould had evidently decided in his own mind that the man was determined to kill him, and that the only way to save his life and his name was to pay the man the sum he had lost plus a profit, in the manner he did. But as a sidelight on the absolutely cold-blooded self-possession of the man, it is interesting."] THE SECOND STAGE OF THE GOULD FORTUNE Gould's thefts from the Erie railroad were, however, only one of his looting transactions during those busy years. At the same time, he was using these stolen millions to corner the gold supply. In this "Black Friday" conspiracy (for so it was styled) he fradulently reaped another eleven million dollars to the accompaniment of a financial panic, with a long train of failures, suicides and much disturbance and distress. CHAPTER XI THE GOULD FORTUNE BOUNDS FORWARD The "gold conspiracy" as plotted and consummated by Gould was in its day denounced as one of the most disgraceful events in American history. To adjudge it so was a typical exaggeration and perversion of a society caring only about what was passing in its upper spheres. The spectacular nature of this episode, and the ruin it wrought in the ranks of the money dealers and of the traders, caused its importance to be grossly misrepresented and overdrawn. THE ABUSE OF GOULD OVERDONE It was not nearly as discreditable as the gigantic and repulsive swindles that traders and bankers had carried on during the dark years of the Civil War. The very traders and financiers who beslimed Gould for his "gold conspiracy" were those who had built their fortunes on blood-soaked army contracts. Nor could the worst aspects of Gould's conspiracy, bad as they were, begin to vie in disastrous results with the open and insidious abominations of the factory and landlord system. To repeat, it was a system in which incredible numbers of working men, women and children were killed off by the perils of their trades, by disease superinduced and aggravated by the wretchedness of their work, and by the misery of their lot and habitations. Millions more died prematurely because of causes directly traceable to the withering influences of poverty. But this unending havoc, taking place silently in the routine departments of industry, and in obscure alleyways, called forth little or no notice. What if they did suffer and perish? Society covered their wrongs and injustices and mortal throes with an inhibitive silence, for it was expected that they, being lowly, should not complain, obtrude grievances, or in any way make unpleasant demonstrations. Yet, if the prominent of society were disgruntled, or if a few capitalists were caught in the snare of ruin which they had laid for others, they at once bestirred themselves and made the whole nation ring with their outcries and lamentations. Their merest whispers became thunderous reverberations. The press, the pulpit, legislative chambers and the courts became their strident voices, and in all the influential avenues for directing public opinion ready advocates sprang forth to champion their plaints, and concentrate attention upon them. So it was in the "gold conspiracy." GOULD EMBARKS ON HIS CONSPIRACY After the opening of the Civil War, gold was exceedingly scarce, and commanded a high premium. The supply of this metal, this yellow dross, which to a considerable degree regulated the world's relative values of wages and commodities, was monopolized by the powerful banking interests. In 1869 but fifteen million dollars of gold was in actual circulation in the United States. Notwithstanding the increase of industrial productive power, the continuous displacement of obsolete methods by the introduction of labor-saving machinery, and the consecutive discovery of new means for the production of wealth, the task of the worker was not lightened. He had, for the most part, after great struggles, secured a shorter workday, but if the hours were shorter the work was more tense and racking than in the days before steam-driven machinery supplanted the hand tool. The mass of the workers were in a state of dependence and poverty. The land, industrial and financial system, operating in the three-fold form of rent, interest and profit, tore away from the producer nearly the whole of what he produced. Even those factory-owning capitalists exercising a personal and direct supervision over their plants, were often at the mercy of the clique of bankers who controlled the money marts. Had the supply of money been proportionate to the growth of population and of business, this process of expropriation would have been less rapid. As it was, the associated monopolies, the international and national banking interests, and the income classes in general, constricted the volume of money into as narrow a compress as possible. As they were the very class which controlled the law- making power of Government, this was not difficult. The resulting scarcity of money produced high rates of interest. These, on the one hand, facilitated usury, and, on the other, exacted more labor and produce for the privilege of using that money. Staggering under burdensome rates of interest, factory owners, business men in general, farmers operating on a large scale, and landowners with tenants, shunted the load on to the worker. The producing population had to foot the additional bill by accepting wages which had a falling buying power, and by having to pay more rent and greater prices for necessities. Such conditions were certain to accelerate the growth of poverty and the centralization of wealth. Gould's plan was to get control of the outstanding fifteen millions of dollars of gold and fix his own price upon them. Not only from what was regarded as legitimate commerce would he exact tribute, but he would squeeze to the bone the whole tribe of gold speculators--for at that time gold was extensively speculated in to an intensive degree. With the funds stolen from the Erie Railroad treasury, he began to buy in gold. To accommodate the crowd of speculators in this metal, the Stock Exchange had set apart a "Gold Room," devoted entirely to the speculative purchase and sale of gold. Gould was confident that his plan would not miscarry if the Government would not put in circulation any part of the ninety-five million dollars in gold hoarded as a reserve in the National Treasury. The urgent and all- important point was to ascertain whether the Government intended to keep this sum entirely shut out from circulation. HE BRIBES GOVERNMENT OFFICIALS. To get this inside information he succeeded in corruptly winning over to his interests A. R. Corbin, a brother-in-law of President Grant. The consideration was Gould's buying of two million dollars' worth of gold bonds, without requiring margin or security for Corbin's account [Footnote: Gold Panic Investigation, House Report: No 32, Forty-first Congress, Second Session, 1870:157. Corbin's venality in lobbying for corrupt bills was notorious; he admitted his complicity before a Congressional Investigating Committee in 1857.] Thus Gould thought he had surely secured an intimate spy within the authoritative precincts of the White House. As the premium on gold constantly rose, these bonds yielded Corbin as much sometimes as $25,000 a week in profits. To insure the further success of his plan, Gould subsidized General Butterfield, whose appointment as sub-treasurer at New York Corbin claimed to have brought about. Gould testified in 1870 that he had made a private loan to Butterfield, and that he had carried speculatively $1,500,000 for Butterfield's benefit. These statements Butterfield denied. [Footnote: Gold Panic Investigation, etc., 160.] Through Corbin, Gould attempted to pry out Grant's policies, and with Fisk as an interlocutor, Gould personally attempted to draw out the President. To their consternation they found that Grant was not disposed to favor their arguments. The prospect looked very black for them. Gould met the situation with matchless audacity. By spreading subtle rumors, and by inspiring press reports through venal writers, he deceived not only the whole of Wall Street, but even his own associates, into believing that high Government officials were in collusion with him. The report was assiduously disseminated that the Government did not intend to release any of its hoard of gold for circulation. The premium, accordingly, shot up to 146. Soon after this, certain financial quarters suspected that Gould was bluffing. The impression spreading that he could not depend upon the Government's support, the rate of the premium declined, and Gould's own array of brokers turned against him and sold gold. GOULD BETRAYS HIS PARTNERS. Entrapped, Gould realized that something had to be done, and done quickly, if he were to escape complete ruin, holding as he did the large amount of gold that he had bought at steep prices. By plausible fabrications he convinced Fisk that Grant was really an ally. Gould had bought a controlling interested in the Tenth National Bank. This institution Gould and Fisk now used as a fraudulent manufactory of certified checks. These they turned out to the amount of tens of millions of dollars. With the spurious checks they bought from thirty to forty millions in gold. [Footnote: Gold Panic Investigation: 13.] Such an amount of gold did not, of course, exist in circulation. But the law permitted gambling in it as though it really existed. Ordinary card gamblers, playing for actual money, were under the ban of law; but the speculative gamblers of the Stock Exchange who bought and sold goods which frequently did not exist, carried on their huge fraudulent operations with the full sanction of the law. Gould's plan was not intricate. Extensive purchases of gold naturally--as the laws of trade went--were bound to increase constantly its price. By September, 1869, Gould and his partners not only held all of the available gold in circulation, but they held contracts by which they could call upon bankers, manufacturers, merchants, brokers and speculators for about seventy millions of dollars more of the metal. To the banking, manufacturing and importing interests gold, as the standard, was urgently required for various kinds of interfluent business transactions: to pay international debts, interest on bonds, customs dues or to move the crops. They were forced to borrow it at Gould's own price. This price was added to the cost of operation, manufacture and sale, to be eventually assessed upon the consumer. Gould publicly announced that he would show no mercy to anyone. He had a list, for example, of two hundred New York merchants who owed him gold; he proposed to print their names in the newspapers, demanding settlement at once, and would have done so, had not his lawyers advised him that the move might be adjudged criminal conspiracy. [Footnote: Gold Panic Investigation, etc., 13.] The tension, general excitement and pressure in business circles were such that President Grant decided to release some of the Government's gold, even though the reserve be diminished. In some mysterious way a hint of this reached Gould. The day before "Black Friday" he resolved to betray his partners, and secretly sell gold before the price abruptly dropped. To do this with success it was necessary to keep on buying, so that the price would be run up still higher. Such methods were prohibited by the code of the Stock Exchange which prescribed certain rules of the game, for while the members of the Exchange allowed themselves the fullest latitude and the most unchecked deception in the fleecing of outside elements, yet among themselves they decreed a set of rules forbidding any sort of double- dealing in trading with one another. To draw an analogy, it was like a group of professional card sharps deterring themselves by no scruples in the cheating of the unwary, but who insisted that among their own kind fairness should be scrupulously observed. Yet, rules or no rules, no one could gainsay the fact that many of the foremost financiers had often and successfully used the very enfillading methods that Gould now used. While Gould was secretly disposing of his gold holdings, he was goading on his confederates and his crowd of fifty or more brokers to buy still more. [Footnote: "Gould, the guiltier plotter of all these criminal proceedings," reported the Congressional Investigating Committee of 1870, "determined to betray his own associates, and silent, and imperturbable, by nods and whispers directed all."-Gold Panic Investigation: 14.] By this time, it seems, Fisk and his partner in the brokerage business, Belden, had some stray inklings of Gould's real plan; yet all that they knew were the fragments Gould chose to tell them, with perhaps some surmises of their own. Gould threw out just enough of an outline to spur on their appetite for an orgy of spoils. Undoubtedly, Gould made a secret agreement with them by which he could repudiate the purchases of gold made in their names. Away from the Stock Exchange Fisk made a ludicrous and dissolute enough figure, with his love of tinsel, his show and braggadacio, his mock military prowess, his pompous, windy airs and his covey of harlots. But in Wall Street he was a man of affairs and power; the very assurance that in social life made him ridiculous to a degree, was transmuted into a pillar of strength among the throng of speculators who themselves were mainly arrant bluffs. A dare-devil audacity there was about Fisk that impressed, misled and intimidated; a fine screen he served for Gould plotting and sapping in the background. THE MEMORABLE "BLACK FRIDAY" The next day, "Black Friday," September 24, 1869, was one of tremendous excitement and gloomy apprehension among the money changers. Even the exchanges of foreign countries reflected the perturbation. Gould gave orders to buy all gold in Fisk's name; Fisk's brokers ran the premium up to 151 and then to 161. The market prices of railroad stocks shrank rapidly; failure after failure of Wall Street firms was announced, and fortunes were swept away. Fearing that the price of gold might mount to 200, manufacturers and other business concerns throughout the country frantically directed their agents to buy gold at any price. All this time Gould, through certain brokers, was secretly selling; and while he was doing so, Fisk and Belden by his orders continued to buy. The Stock Exchange, according to the descriptions of many eye- witnesses, was an extraordinary sight that day. On the most perfunctory occasions the scenes enacted there might have well filled the exotic observer with unmeasured amazement. But never had it presented so thoroughly a riotous, even bedlamic aspect as on this day, Black Friday; never had greed and the fear born of greed, displayed themselves in such frightful forms. Here could be seen many of the money masters shrieking and roaring, anon rushing about with whitened faces, indescribably contorted, and again bellowing forth this order or that curse with savage energy and wildest gesture. The puny speculators had long since uttered their doleful squeak and plunged down into the limbo of ruin, completely engulfed; only the big speculators, or their commission men, remained in the arena, and many of these like trapped rats scurried about from pillar to post. The little fountain in the "Gold Room" serenely spouted and bubbled as usual, its cadence lost in the awful uproar; over to it rushed man after man splashing its cooling water on his throbbing head. Over all rose a sickening exhalation, the dripping, malodorous sweat of an assemblage worked up to the very limit of mental endurance. What, may we ask, were these men snarling, cursing and fighting over? Why, quite palpably over the division of wealth that masses of working men, women and children were laboriously producing, too often amid sorrow and death. While elsewhere pinioned labor was humbly doing the world's real work, here in this "Gold Room," greed contested furiously with greed, cunning with cunning over their share of the spoils. Without their structure of law, and Government to enforce it, these men would have been nothing; as it was, they were among the very crests of society; the makers of law, the wielders of power, the pretenders to refinement and culture. Baffled greed and cunning outmatched and duplicity doubled against itself could be seen in the men who rushed from the "Gold Room" hatless and frenzied--some literally crazed--when the price of gold advanced to 162. In the surrounding streets were howling and impassable crowds, some drawn thither by curiosity and excitement, others by a fancied interest; surely, fancied, for it was but a war of eminent knaves and knavish gamblers. Now this was not a "disorderly mob" of workers such as capitalists and politicians created out of orderly workers' gatherings so as to have a pretext for clubbing and imprisoning; nay it all took place in the "conservative" precincts of sacrosanct Wall Street, the abiding place of "law and order." The participants were composed of the "best classes;" therefore, by all logic it was a scene supereminently sane, respectable and legitimate; the police, worthy defenders of the peace, treated it all with an awed respect. Suddenly, early in the afternoon, came reports that the United States Treasury was selling gold; they proved to be true. Within fifteen minutes the whole fabric of the gold manipulation had gone to pieces. It is narrated that a mob, bent on lynching, searched for Gould, but that he and Fisk had sneaked away through a back door and had gone uptown. The general belief was that Gould was irretrievably ruined. That he was secretly selling gold at an exorbitant price was not known; even his own intimates, except perhaps Fisk and Belden, were ignorant of it. All that was known was that he had made contracts for the purchase of enormous quantities of fictitious gold at excessive premiums. As a matter of fact, his underhand sales had brought him eleven or twelve million dollars profit. But if his contracts for purchase were enforced, not only would these profits be wiped out, but also his entire fortune. ELEVEN MILLIONS POCKETED BY JUDICIAL COLLUSION. Ever agile and resourceful, Gould quickly extricated himself from this difficulty. He fell back upon the corrupt judiciary. Upon various flimsy pretexts, he and Fisk, in a single day, procured twelve sweeping injunctions and court orders. [Footnote: Gold Panic Investigation, etc. 18.] These prohibited the Stock Exchange and the Gold Board from enforcing any rules of settlement against them, and enjoined Gould and Fisk's brokers from settling any contracts. The result, in brief, was that judicial collusion allowed Gould to pocket his entire "profits," amounting, as the Congressional Committee of 1870 reported, to about eleven million dollars, while relieving him from any necessity of paying up his far greater losses. Fisk's share of the eleven millions was almost nothing; Gould retained practically the entire sum. Gould's confederates and agents were ruined, financially and morally; scores of failures, dozens of suicides, the despoilment of a whole people, were the results of Gould's handiwork. [Illustration: JAY GOULD, Who, in a Brief Period, Possessed Himself of a Vast Fortune.] * * * * * * * From his Erie railroad thefts, the gold conspiracy and other maraudings, Gould now had about twenty-five or thirty million dollars. Perhaps the sum was much more. Having sacked the Erie previous to his being ousted in 1873, he looked out for further instruments of plunder. Money was power; the greater the thief the greater the power; and Gould, in spite of abortive lawsuits and denunciations, had the cardinal faculty of holding on to the full proceeds of his piracies. In 1873 there was no man more rancorously denounced by the mercantile classes than Gould. If one were to be swayed by their utterances, he would be led to believe that these classes, comprising the wholesale and retail merchants, the importers and the small factory men, had an extraordinarily high and sensitive standard of honesty. But this assumption was sheer pretense, at complete variance with the facts. It was a grim sham constantly shattered by investigation. Ever, while vaunting its own probity and scoring those who defrauded it, the whole mercantile element was itself defrauding at every opportunity. * * * * * * * SOME COMPARISONS WITH GOULD. One of the numberless noteworthy and conclusive examples of the absolute truth of this generalization was that of the great frauds perpetrated by the firm of Phelps, Dodge and Company, millionaire importers of tin, copper, lead and other metals. So far as public reputation went, the members of the house were the extreme opposites of Gould. In the wide realm of commercialism a more stable and illustrious firm could not be found. Its wealth was conventionally "solid and substantial;" its members were lauded as "high-toned" business men "of the old-fashioned school," and as consistent church communicants and expansive philanthropists. Indeed, one of them was regarded as so glorious and uplifting a model for adolescent youth, that he was chosen president of the Young Men's Christian Association; and his statue, erected by his family, to-day irradiates the tawdry surroundings of Herald Square, New York City. In the Blue Book of the elect, socially and commercially, no names could be found more indicative of select, strong-ribbed, triple-dyed respectability and elegant social poise and position. In the dying months of 1872, a prying iconoclast, unawed by the glamor of their public repute and the contemplation of their wealth, began an exhaustive investigation of their custom house invoices. This inquiring individual was B. G. Jayne, a special United States Treasury agent. He seems to have been either a duty-loving servant of the people, stubbornly bent upon ferreting out fraud wherever he found it, irrespective of whether the criminals were powerful or not, or he was prompted by the prospect of a large reward. The more he searched into this case, the more of a mountainous mass of perjury and fraud revealed itself. On January, 3, 1873, Jayne set the full facts before his superior, George S. Boutwell, Secretary of the Treasury. ". . . Acording to ordinary modes of reckoning," he wrote, "a house of the wealth and standing of Phelps, Dodge and Company would be above the influences that induce the ordinary brood of importers to commit fraud. That same wealth and standing became an almost impenetrable armor against suspicion of wrong-doing and diverted the attention of the officers of the Government, preventing that scrutiny which they give to acts of other and less favored importers." Jayne went on to tell how he had proceeded with great caution in "establishing beyond question gross under-valuations," and how United States District Attorney Noah Davis (later a Supreme Court Justice) concurred with him that fraud had been committed. * * * * * * * THE GREAT FRAUDS OF PHELPS, DODGE AND COMPANY. The Government red tape showed signs at first of declining to unwind, but further investigation proved the frauds so great, that even the red tape was thrilled into action, and the Government began a suit in the United States District Court at New York for $1,000,000 for penalties for fraudulent custom-house under-valuations. It sued William E. Dodge, William E. Dodge, Jr., D. Willis James, Anson Phelps Stokes, James Stokes and Thomas Stokes as the participating members of the firm. The suit was a purely civil one; influential defrauders were not inconvenienced by Government with criminal actions and the prospect of prison lodging and fare; this punishment was reserved exclusively for petty offenders outside of the charmed circle. The sum of $1,000,000 sued for by the Government referred to penalties due since 1871 only; the firm's duplicates of invoices covering the period before that could not be found; "they had probably been destroyed;" hence, it was impossible to ascertain how much Phelps, Dodge and Company had defrauded in the previous years. The firm's total importations were about $6,000,000 a year; it was evident, according to the Government officials, that the frauds were not only enormous, but that they had been going on for a long time. These frauds were not so construed "by any technical construction, or far-fetched interpretation," but were committed "by the firm's deliberately and systematically stating the cost of their goods below the purchase price for no conceivable reason but to lessen the duties to be paid to the United States." These long-continuing frauds could not have been possible without the custom-house officials having been bribed to connive. The practice of bribing customs officers was an old and common one. In his report to the House of Representatives on February 23, 1863, Representative Van Wyck, chairman of an investigating committee, fully described this system of bribery. In summarizing the evidence brought out in the examination of fifty witnesses he dealt at length with the custom house officials who for large bribes were in collusion with brokers and merchants. "No wonder," he exclaimed, "the concern [the custom house] is full of fraud, reeking with corruption." [Footnote: The Congrssional Globe, Appendix, Thirty-seventh Congress, Third Session, 1862-3, Part ii: 118. "During the last session the Secretary had the honor of transmitting the draft of a bill for the detection and prevention of fraudulent entries at the custom-houses, and he adheres to the opinion that the provisions therein embodied are necessary for the protection of the revenue.... For the past year the collector, naval officer, and surveyor of New York have entertained suspicions that fraudulent collusions with some of the customs officers existed. Measures were taken by them to ascertain whether these suspicions were well founded. By persistent vigilance facts were developed which have led to the arrest of several parties and the discovery that a system of fraud has been successfully carried on for a series of years. These investigations are now being prosecuted under the immediate direction of the Solicitor of the Treasury, for the purpose of ascertaining the extent of those frauds and bringing the guilty parties to punishment. It is believed that the enactment at the last session of the bill referred to would have arrested, and that its enactment now will prevent hereafter, the frauds hitherto successfully practiced."-- Annual Report for 1862 of Salmon P. Chase, Secretary of the Treasury. No matter what laws were passed, however, the frauds continued, and the importers kept on bribing.] Great was the indignation shown at the charges by the flustered members of the firm; most stoutly these "eminently proper" men asserted their innocence. [Footnote: If the degree of the scandal that the unearthing of the frauds created is to be judged by the extent of space given to it by the newspapers, it must have been large and sensational. See issues of the New York "Times" and other newspapers of January 11, 1873, January 29, 1873, March 20, 1873, and April 20, 1873. A full history of the case, with the official correspondence from the files of the Treasury Department, is to be found in the New York "Times," issue of April 28, 1873.] In point of fact (as has been shown in the chapters on the Astor fortune) several of them had long been slyly defrauding in other fields, particularly by the corrupt procuring of valuable city land before and during the Tweed regime. They had also been enriching themselves by the corrupt obtaining of railroad grants. There was a scurrying about by Phelps, Dodge and Company to explain that some mistake had been made; but the Government steadfastly pressed its action; and Secretary Boutwell curtly informed them that if they were innocent of guilt, they had the opportunity of proving so in court. After this ultimatum their tone changed; they exerted every influence to prevent the case from coming to trial, and they announced their willingness to compromise. The Government was induced to accept their offer; and on February 24, 1873, Phelps, Dodge and Company paid to the United States Treasury the sum of $271,017.23 for the discontinuance of the million-dollar suit for custom-house frauds. [Footnote: See Houses Executive Documents, Forty-third Congress, First Session, 1874, Doc. No. 124:78. Of the entire sum of $271,017.23 paid by Phelps, Dodge and Company to compromise the suit, Chester A. Arthur, then Collector of, the Port, later President of the United States, received $21,906.01 as official fees; the Naval Officer and the Surveyor of the Port each were paid the same sum by the Government, and Jayne received $65,718.03 as his percentage as informer. One of the methods of defrauding the Government was peculiar. Under the tariff act there was a heavy duty on imported zinc and lead, while works of art were admitted free of duty. Phelps, Dodge and Company had zinc and lead made into Europe into crude Dianas, Venuses and Mercurys and imported them in that form, claiming exemption from the customs duty on the ground of their being "works of art."] THEIR PRESENT WEALTH TRACED TO FRAUD. From these persistent frauds came, to a large extent, the great collective and individual wealth of the members of this firm, and of their successors. It was also by reason of these frauds that Phelps, Dodge and Company were easily able to outdo competitors. Only recently, let it be added, they formed themselves into a corporation with a capital of $50,000,000. With the palpably great revenues from their continuous frauds, they were in an advantageous position to buy up many forms of property. Beginning in 1880 the mining of copper, they obtained hold of many very rich mining properties; their copper mines yield at present (1909) about 100,000,000 pounds a year. Phelps, Dodge and Company also own extensive coal mines and lines of railroads in the southwest Territories of the United States. Ten thousand employees are directly engaged in their copper and coal mines and smaller works, and on the 1,000 miles of railroad directly owned and operated by them. So greatly were the members of the firm enriched by their frauds that when D. Willis James, one of the partners sued by the Government for fraudulent undervaluations, died on September 13, 1907, he left an estate of not less than $26,967,448. John F. Farrel, the appraiser, so reported in his report filed on March 28, 1908, in the transfer tax department of the Surrogate's department, New York City. But as the transfer tax has been, and is, continuously evaded by ingenious anticipatory devices, the estate, it is probable, reached much more. James owned (accepting the appraiser's specific report at a time when panic prices prevailed) tens of millions of dollars worth of stock in railroad, mining, manufacturing and other industries. He owned, for instance, $2,750,000 worth of shares in the Phelps-Dodge Copper Queen Mining Company; $1,419,510 in the Old Dominion Company, and millions more in other mining companies. His holdings in the Great Northern Railway, the history of which is one endless chain of fraud, amounted to millions of dollars--$3,840,000 of preferred stock; $3,924,000 of common stock; $1,715,000 of stock in the Great Northern iron ore properties; $1,405,000 of Great Northern Railway shares in the form of subscription receipts, and so on. He was a large holder of stock in the Northern Pacific Railway, the development of which, as we shall see, has been one of incessant frauds. His interest in the "good will" of Phelps, Dodge and Company was appraised at $180,000; his interest in the same firm at $945,786; his cash on deposit with that firm at $475,000. [Footnote: At his death he was eulogistically described as "the merchant philanthropist." On the day after the appraiser's report was filed, the New York "Times," issue of March 29, 1908, said: "Mr. James was a senior member of the firm of Phelps, Dodge & Co., of 99 John Street. His interest in educational and philanthropic work was very deep, and by his will he left bequests amounting to $1,195,000 to various charitable and religious institutions. The residue of the estate, amounting to $24,482,653, is left in equal shares to his widow and their son." On the same day that the appraiser's report was filed a large gathering of unemployed attempted to hold a meeting in Union Square to plead for the starting of public work, but were brutally clubbed, ridden down and dispersed by the police.] In the defrauding of the United States Government however, Phelps, Dodge and Company were doing no uncommon thing. The whole importing trade was incessantly and cohesively thriving upon this form of fraud. In his annual report for 1874, Henry C. Johnson, United States Commissioner of Customs, estimated that tourists returning from Europe yearly smuggled in as personal effects 257,810 trunks filled with dutiable goods valued at the enormous sum of $128,905,000. "It is well known," he added, "that much of this baggage is in reality intended to be put upon the market as merchandise, and that still other portions are brought over for third parties who have remained at home. Most of those engaged in this form of importation are people of wealth"... [Footnote: Executive Documents, Forty-third Congress, Second Session, 1874, No. 2: 225.] Similar and additional facts were brought out in great abundance by a United States Senate committee appointed, in 1886, to investigate customs frauds in New York. After holding many sessions this committee declared that it had found "conclusive evidence that the undervaluation of certain kinds of imported merchandise is persistently practiced to an alarming extent at the port of New York." [Footnote: U.S. Senate Report, No. 1990, Forty-ninth Congress, Second Session, Senate Reports, iii, 1886-87.] At all other ports the customs frauds were notorious. The frauds of the whiskey distillers in cheating the Government out of the internal revenue tax were so enormous as to call forth several Congressional investigations; [Footnote: Reports of Committees, Fortieth Congress, Third Session, 1869-70. Report No. 3, etc.] the millions of dollars thus defrauded were used as private capital in extending the distilleries; virtually all of the fortunes in the present Whiskey Trust are derived in great part from these frauds. The banks likewise cheated the Government out of large sums in their evasion of the stamp tax. "This stamp tax," reported the Comptroller of Currency in 1874, "is to a considerable extent evaded by banks and more frequently by depositors, by drawing post notes, or bills of exchange at one day's sight, instead of on demand, and by substituting receipts for checks." [Footnote: Executive Document, No. 2, 1874:140.] It was from these various divisions of the capitalist class that the most caustic and virtuous tirades against Gould came. The boards of trade and chambers of commerce were largely made up of men who, while assuming the most vaniloquent pretensions, were themselves malodorous with fraud. To read the resolutions passed by them, and to observe retrospectively the supreme airs of respectability and integrity they individually took on, one would conclude that they were all men of whitest, most irreproachable character. But the official reports contradict their pretensions at every turn; and they are all seen in their nakedness as perjurers, cheats and frauds, far more sinister in their mask than Gould in his carelessly open career of theft and corruption. Many of the descendants of that sordid aggregation live to-day in the luxury of inherited cumulative wealth, and boast of a certain "pride of ancestry" and "refinement of social position;" it is they from whom the sneers at the "lower classes" come; and they it is who take unto themselves the ordaining of laws and of customs and definitions of morality. [Footnote: It is worthy of note that several of the descendants of the Phelps-Dodge-Stokes families are men and women of the highest character and most radical principles. J. G. Phelps Stokes, for instance, joined the Socialist party to work for the overthrow of the very system on which the wealth of his family is founded. A man more devoted to his principles, more keenly alive to the injustices and oppressions of the prevailing system, more conscientious in adhering to his views, and more upright in both public and private dealings, it would be harder to find than J. G. Phelps Stokes. He is one of the very few distinguished exceptions among his class.] From the very foundation of the United States Government, not to mention what happened before that time, the custom-house frauds have been continuous up to the very present, without any intermission. The recent suits brought by the Government against the Sugar Trust for gigantic frauds in cheating in the importation of sugar, were only an indication of the increasing frauds. The Sugar Trust was compelled to disgorge about $2,000,000, but this sum, it was admitted, was only a part of the enormous total out of which it had defrauded the Government. The further great custom-house scandals and court proceedings in 1908 and 1909 showed that the bribery of custom-house weighers and inspectors had long been in operation, and that the whole importing class, as a class, was profiting heavily by this bribery and fraud. While the trials of importers were going on in the United States Circuit Court at New York, despatches from Washington announced, on October 22, 1909, that the Treasury Department estimated that the same kind of frauds as had been uncovered at New York, had flourished for decades, although in a somewhat lesser degree, at Boston, Philadelphia, Norfolk, New Orleans, San Francisco and at other ports. "It is probable," stated these subdued despatches, "that these systematic filchings from the Government's receipts cover a period of more than fifty years, and that in this, the minor officials of the New York Custom House have been the greatest offenders, although their nefarious profits have been small in comparison with the illegitimate gains of their employers, the great importers. These are the views of responsible officials of the Treasury Department." These despatches stated the truth very mildly. The frauds have been going on for more than a century, and the Government has been cheated out of a total of hundreds upon hundreds of millions of dollars, perhaps billions. And the thieving importers of these times comprise the respectable and highly virtuous chambers of commerce and boards of trade, as was the case in Gould's day. They are ever foremost in pompously denouncing the very political corruption which they themselves cause and want and profit from; they are the fine fellows who come together in their solemn conclaves and resolve this and resolve that against "law-defying labor unions," or in favor of "a reform in our body politic," etc., etc. A glorious crew they are of excellent, most devout church members and charity dispensers; sleek, self-sufficient men who sit on Grand Juries and Trial Juries, and condemn the petty thieves to conviction carrying long terms of imprisonment. Viewing commercial society, one is tempted to conclude that the worthiest members of society, as a whole, are to be found within the prisons; yes, indeed, the time may not be far away, when the stigma of the convict may be considered a real badge of ancestral honor. But the comparison of Gould and the trading classes is by no means complete without adding anew a contrast between how the propertied plunderers as a class were immune from criminal prosecution, and the persecution to which the working class was subjected. Although all sections of the commercial and financial class were cheating, swindling and defrauding with almost negligible molestation from Government, the workers could not even plead for the right to work without drawing down upon themselves the full punitive animosity of governing powers whose every move was one of deference to the interests of property. Apart from the salient fact that the prisons throughout the United States were crowded with poor criminals, while the machinery of the criminal courts was never seriously invoked against the commercial and financial classes, the police and other public functionaries would not even allow the workers to meet peacefully for the petitioning of redress. Organized expressions of discontent are ever objectionable to the ruling class, not so much for what is said, as for the movements and reconstructions they may lead to--a fact which the police authorities, inspired from above, have always well understood. THE CLUBBING OF THE UNEMPLOYED. "The winter of 1873-74," says McNeill, was one of extreme suffering. Midwinter found tens of thousands of people on the verge of starvation, suffering for food, for the need of proper clothing, and for medical attendance. Meetings of the unemployed were held in many places, and public attention called to the needs of the poor. The men asked for work and found it not, and children cried for bread.... The unemployed and suffering poor of New York City determined to hold a meeting and appeal to the public by bringing to their attention the spectacle of their poverty. They gained permission from the Board of Police to parade the streets and hold a meeting in Tompkins Square on January 13, 1874, but on January 12 the Board of Police and Board of Parks revoked the order and prohibited the meeting. It was impossible to notify the scattered army of this order, and at the time of the meeting the people marched through the gates of Tompkins Square.... When the square was completely filled with men, women and children, without a moment's warning, the police closed in upon them on all sides. One of the daily papers of the city confessed that the scene could not be described. People rushed from the gates and through the streets, followed by the mounted officers at full speed, charging upon them without provocation. Screams of women and children rent the air, and the blood of many stained the streets, and to the further shame of this outrage it is to be added that when the General Assembly of New York State was called to this matter they took testimony, but made no sign. [Footnote: "The Labor Movement":147-148. In describing to the committee on grievances the horrors of this outrage, John Swinton, a writer of great ability, and a man whose whole heart was with the helpless, suffering and exploited, closed his address by quoting this verse: "There is a poor blind Samson in our land, Shorn of his strength and bound with bonds of steel, Who may in some grim revel raise his hand, And shake the pillars of the Commonweal."] Thus was the supremacy of "law and order" maintained. The day was saved for well-fed respectability, and starving humanity was forced back into its despairing haunts, there to reflect upon the club- taught lesson that empty stomachs should remain inarticulate. For the flash of a second, a nameless fright seized hold of the gilded quarters, but when they saw how well the police did their dispersing work, and choked up with their clubs the protests of aggregated suffering, self-confidence came back, revelry was resumed, and the saturnalia of theft went on unbrokenly. And a lucky day was that for the police. The methods of the ruling class were reflected in the police force; while perfumed society was bribing, defrauding and expropriating, the police were enriching themselves by a perfected system of blackmail and extortion of their own. Police Commissioners, chiefs, inspectors, captains and sergeants became millionaires, or at least, very rich from the proceeds of this traffic. Not only did they extort regular payments from saloons, brothels and other establishments on whom the penalties of law could be visited, but they had a standing arrangement with thieves of all kinds, rich thieves as well as what were classed as ordinary criminals, by which immunity was sold at specified rates. [Footnote: The very police captain, one Williams, who commanded the police at the Tompkins Square gathering was quizzed by the "Lexow Committee" in 1893 as to where he got his great wealth. He it was who invented the term "Tenderloin," signifying a district from which large collections in blackmail and extortion could be made. By 1892, the annual income derived by the police from blackmailing and other sources of extortion was estimated at $7,000,000. (See "Investigation of the Police Department of New York City," 1894, v:5734.) With the establishment of Greater New York the amount about doubled, or, perhaps, trebled.] The police force did not want this system interfered with; hence at all times toadied to the rich and influential classes as the makers of law and the creators of public opinion. To be on the good side of the rich, and to be praised as the defenders of law and order, furnished a screen of incalculable utility behind which they could carry on undisturbedly their own peculiar system of plunder. CHAPTER XII THE GOULD FORTUNE AND SOME ANTECEDENT FACTORS With his score or more of millions of booty, Jay Gould now had much more than sufficient capital to compete with many of the richest magnates; and what he might lack in extent of capital when combated by a combination of magnates, he fully made up for by his pulverizing methods. His acute eye had previously lit upon the Union Pacific Railroad as offering a surpassingly prolific field for a new series of thefts. Nor was he mistaken. The looting of this railroad and allied railroads which he, Russell Sage and other members of the clique proceeded to accomplish, added to their wealth, it was estimated perhaps $60,000,000 or more, the major share of which Gould appropriated. It was commonly supposed in 1873 that the Union Pacific Railroad had been so completely despoiled that scarcely a vestige was left to prey upon. But Gould had an extraordinary faculty for devising new and fresh schemes of spoliation. He would discern great opportunities for pillage in places that others dismissed as barren; projects that other adventurers had bled until convinced nothing more was to be extracted, would be taken up by Gould and become plethora of plunder under his dexterous touch. Again and again Gould was charged with being a wrecker of property; a financial beachcomber who destroyed that he might profit. These accusations, in the particular exclusive sense in which they were meant, were distortions. In almost every instance the railroads gathered in by Gould were wrecked before he secured control; all that he did was to revive, continue and elaborate the process of wrecking. It had been proved so in the case of the Erie Railroad; he now demonstrated it with the Union Pacific Railroad. THE MISLEADING ACCOUNTS HANDED DOWN. This railroad had been chartered by Congress in 1862 to run from a line on the one hundredth meridian in Nebraska to the western boundary of Nevada. The actual story of its inception and construction is very different from the stereotyped accounts shed by most writers. These romancers, distinguished for their sycophancy and lack of knowledge, would have us believe that these enterprises originated as splendid and memorable exhibitions of patriotism, daring and ability. According to their version Congress was so solicitous that these railroads should be built that it almost implored the projectors to accept the great gifts of franchises, land and money that it proffered as assistance. A radiantly glowing description is forged of the men who succeeded in laying these railroads; how there stretched immense reaches of wilderness which would long have remained desolate had it not been for these indomitable pioneers; and how by their audacious skill and persistence they at last prevailed, despite sneers and ridicule, and gave to the United States a chain of railroads such as a few years before it had been considered folly to attempt. Very limpidly these narratives flow; two generations have drunk so deeply of them that they have become inebriated with the contemplation of these wonderful men. When romance, however, is hauled to the archives, and confronted with the frigid facts, the old dame collapses into shapeless stuffing. [Illustration: RESIDENCE OF JAY GOULD, 759 Fifth Avenue, New York] In the opening chapter of the present part of this work it was pointed out by a generalization (to be frequently itemized by specifications later on) that the accounts customarily written of the origin of these railroads have been ridiculously incorrect. To prove them so it is only necessary to study the debates and the reports of Congress before, and after, the granting of the charters. SECTIONAL INTERESTS IN CONFLICT. Far greater forces than individual capitalists, or isolated groups of capitalists, were at work to promote or prevent the construction of this or that Pacific road. In the struggle before the Civil War between the capitalist system of the North and the slave oligarchy of the South, the chattel slavery forces exerted every effort to use the powers of Government to build railroads in sections where their power would be extended and further intrenched. Their representatives in Congress feverishly strained themselves to the utmost to bring about the construction of a trans-continental railroad passing through the Southwest. The Northern constituents stubbornly fought the project. In reprisal, the Southern legislators in Congress frustrated every move for trans-continental railroads which, traversing hostile or too doubtful territory, would add to the wealth, power, population and interests of the North. The Government was allowed to survey routes, but no comprehensive trans-continental Pacific railroad bills were passed. The debates in Congress during the session of 1859 over Pacific railroads were intensely aciduous. Speaking of the Southern slave holders, Senator Wilson, of Massachusetts, denounced them as "restless, ambitious gentlemen who are organizing Southern leagues to open the African slave trade, and to conquer Mexico and Central America." He added with great acerbity: "They want a railroad to the Pacific Ocean; they want to carry slavery to the Pacific and have a base line from which they can operate for the conquest of the continent south." [Footnote: The Congressional Globe. Thirty-fifth Congress, Second Session, 1858-59, Part II, Appendix: 291.] In fiery verbiage the Southern Senators slashed back, taunting the Northerners with seeking to wipe out the system of chattel slavery, only to extend and enforce all the more effectually their own system of white slavery. The honorable Senators unleashed themselves; Senatorial dignity fell askew, and there was snarling and growling, retorts and backtalk and bad blood enough. The disclosures that day were extremely delectable. In the exchange of recriminations, many truths inadvertently came out. The capitalists of neither section, it appeared, were faithful to the interests of their constituencies. This was, indeed, no discovery; long had Northern representatives been bribed to vote for land and money grants to railroads in the South, and vice versa. But the charges further brought out by Senator Wilson angered and exasperated his Southern colleagues. "We all remember," said he, "that Texas made a grant of six thousand dollars and ten thousand acres of land a mile to a Pacific railway company." Yes, in truth, they all remembered; the South had supported that railroad project as one that would aid in the extension of her power and institutions. "I remember," Wilson went on, "that when that company was organized the men who got it up could not, by any possibility, have raised one hundred thousand dollars if they paid their honest debts. Many of them were political bankrupts as well as pecuniary bankrupts--men who had not had a dollar; and some of them were men who not only never paid a debt, but never recognized an obligation." At this thrust a commotion was visible in the exalted chamber; the blow had been struck, and not far from where Wilson stood. "Years have passed away," continued the Senator, "and what has Texas got?" Twenty-two or twenty-three miles of railway, with two cars upon it, with no depot, the company owning everything within hailing distance of the road; and they have imported an old worn-out engine from Vermont. And this is part of your grand Southern Pacific Railroad. These gentlemen are out in pamphlets, proving each other great rascals, or attempting to do so; and I think they have generally succeeded. ... The whole thing from the beginning has been a gigantic swindle. [Footnote: The Congressional Globe, etc., 1858-9, Part II, Appendix, 291.] What Senator Wilson neglected to say was that the capitalists of his own State and other Northern States had effected even greater railroad swindles; the owners of the great mills in Massachusetts were, as we shall see, likewise bribing Congress to pass tariff acts. A MYTH OF MODERN FABRICATION The myth had not then been built up of putative great construction pioneers, risking their every cent, and racking their health and brains, in the construction of railways. It was in the very heyday of the bribing and swindling, as numerous investigating committees showed; there could be no glamour or illusion then. The money lavishly poured out for the building of railroads was almost wholly public money drawn from compulsory taxation of the whole people. At this identical time practically every railroad corporation in the country stood indebted for immense sums of public money, little of which was ever paid back. In New York State more than $40,000,000 of public funds had gone into the railroads; in Vermont $8,000,000 and large sums in every other State and Territory. The whole Legislature and State Government of Wisconsin had been bribed with a total of $800,000, in 1856, to give a large land grant to one company alone, details of which transaction will be found elsewhere. [Footnote: See the chapters on the Russell Sage fortune.]The State of Missouri had already disbursed $25,000,000 of public funds; not content with these loans and donations two of its railroads demanded, in 1859, that the State pay interest on their bonds. In both North and South the plundering was equally conspicuous. Some of the Northern Senators were fond of pointing out the incompetency and rascality of the Southern oligarchy, while ignoring the acts of the capitalists in their own section. Senator Wilson, for instance, enlarged upon the condition of the railroads in North and South Carolina, describing how, after having been fed with enormous subsidies, they were almost worthless. And if anything was calculated to infuriate the Southerners it was the boast that the capitalists of Massachusetts had $100,000,000 invested in railroads, for they knew, and often charged, that most of this sum had been cheated by legislation out of the National, State or other public treasury, and that what had not been so obtained had been extracted largely from the underpaid and overworked laborers of the mills. Often they had compared the two systems of labor, that of the North and that of the South, and had pointedly asked which was really the worse. Not until after the Civil War was under way, and the North was in complete control of Congress, was it that most of the Pacific railroad legislation was secured. The time was exceedingly propitious. The promoters and advocates of these railroads could now advance the all-important argument that military necessity as well as popular need called for their immediate construction. No longer was there any conflict at Washington over legislation proposed by warring sectional representatives. But another kind of fight in Congress was fiercely set in motion. Competitive groups of Northern capitalists energetically sought to outdo one another in getting the charters and appropriations for Pacific railroads. After a bitter warfare, in which bribery was a common weapon, a compromise was reached by which the Union Pacific Railroad Company was to have the territory west of a point in Nebraska, while to other groups of capitalists, headed by John I. Blair and others, charters and grants were given for a number of railroads to start at different places on the Missouri River, and converge at the point from which the Union Pacific ran westward. In the course of the debate on the Pacific Railroads bill, Senator Pomeroy introduced an amendment providing for the importation of large numbers of cheap European laborers, and compelling them to stick to their work in the building of the railroads under the severest penalties for non-compliance. It was, in fact, a proposal to have the United States Government legalize the peonage system of white slavery. Pomeroy's amendment specifically provided that the troops should be called upon to enforce these civil contracts. "It strikes one as the most monstrous proposition I ever heard of," interjected Senator Rice. "It is a measure to enslave white men, and to enforce that slavery at the point of the bayonet. I begin to believe what I have heard heretofore in the South, that the object of some of these gentlemen was merely to transfer slavery from the South to the North; and I think this is the first step toward it." [Footnote: The Congressional Globe, Thirty-seventh Congress, Third Session, 1862-63. Part ii: 1241-1243.] The amendment was defeated. The act which Congress passed authorized the chartering of the Union Pacific Railroad with a capital of $100,000,000. In addition to granting the company the right of way, two hundred feet wide, through thousands of miles of the public domain, of arbitrary rights of condemnation, and the right to take from the public lands whatever building material was needed, Congress gave as a gift to the company alternate sections of land twenty miles wide along the entire line. Still further, the company was empowered to call upon the Government for large loans of money. CONGRESS BRIBED FOR THE UNION PACIFIC CHARTER. It was highly probable that this act was obtained by bribery. There is not the slightest doubt that the supplementary act of 1864 was. The directors and stockholders of the company were not satisfied with the comprehensive privileges that they had already obtained. It was very easy, they saw, to get still more. Among these stockholders were many of the most effulgent merchants and bankers in the country; we find William E. Dodge, for instance, on the list of stockholders in 1863. The pretext that they offered as a public bait was that "capital needed more inducements to encourage it to invest its money." But this assuredly was not the argument prevailing in Congress. According to the report of a Senate committee of 1873--the "Wilson Committee"--nearly $436,000 was spent in getting the act of July, 1864, passed. [Footnote: Reports of Committees, Credit Mobilier Reports, Forty-second Congress, Third session, 1873; Doc. No. 78: xviii. The committee reported that the evidence proved that this sum had been disbursed in connection with the passage of the amendatory act of July 2, 1864.] For this $436,000 distributed in fees and bribes, the Union Pacific Railroad Company secured the passage of a law giving it even more favorable government subsidies, amounting to from $16,000 to $48,000 a mile, according to the topography of the country. The land grant was enlarged from twenty to forty miles wide until it included about 12,000,000 acres, and the provisions of the original act were so altered and twisted that the Government stood little or no chance of getting back its outlays. The capitalists behind the project now had franchises, gifts and loans actually or potentially worth many hundreds of millions of dollars. But to get the money appropriated from the National Treasury, it was necessary by the act that they should first have constructed certain miles of their railroads. The Eastern capitalists had at home so many rich avenues of plunder in which to invest their funds--money wrung out of army contracts, usury and other sources-- that many of them were indisposed to put any of it in the unpopulated stretches of the far West. The banks, as we have seen, were glutting on twenty, and often fifty, and sometimes a hundred per cent.; they saw no opportunity to make nearly as much from the Pacific railroads. THE CREDIT MOBILIER JOBBERY. All the funds that the Union Pacific Railroad Company could privately raise by 1865 was the insufficient sum of $500,000. Some greater incentive was plainly needed to induce capitalists to rush in. Oakes Ames, head of the company, and a member of Congress, finally hit upon the auspicious scheme. It was the same scheme that the Vanderbilts, Gould, Sage, Blair, Huntington, Stanford, Crocker and other railroad magnates employed to defraud stupendous sums of money. Ames produced the alluring plan of a construction company. This corporation was to be a compact affair composed of himself and his charter associates; and, so far as legal technicalities went, was to be a corporation apparently distinct and separate from the Union Pacific Railroad Company. Its designed function was to build the railroad, and the plan was to charge the Union Pacific exorbitant and fraudulent sums for the work of construction. What was needed was a company chartered with comprehensive powers to do the constructing work. This desideratum was found in the Credit Mobilier Company of America, a Pennsylvania corporation, conveniently endowed with the most extensive powers. The stock of this company was bought in for a few thousand dollars, and the way was clear for the colossal frauds planned. The prospects for profit and loot were so unprecedentedly great that capitalists now blithely and eagerly darted forward. One has only to examine the list of stockholders of the Credit Mobilier Company in 1867 to verify this fact. Conspicuous bankers such as Morton, Bliss and Company and William H. Macy; owners of large industrial plants and founders of multimillionaire fortunes such as Cyrus H. McCormick and George M. Pullman; merchants and factory owners and landlords and politicians--a very edifying and inspiring array of respectable capitalists was it that now hastened to buy or get gifts of Credit Mobilier stock. [Footnote: The full lists of these stockholders can be found in Docs. No. 77 and No. 78, Reports of U. S. Senate Committees, 1872-73. Morton, Bliss & Co. held 18,500 shares; Pullman, 8,400 shares, etc. The Morton referred to--Levi P. Morton--was later (1888-1892) made Vice President of the United States by the money interests.] The contract for construction was turned over to the Credit Mobilier Company. This, in turn, engaged subcontractors. The work was really done by these subcontractors with their force of low-paid labor. Oakes Ames and his associates did nothing except to look on executively from a comfortable distance, and pocket the plunder. As fast as certain portions of the railroad were built the Union Pacific Railroad Company received bonds from the United States Treasury. In all, these bonds amounted to $27,213,000, out of much of which sum the Government was later practically swindled. GREAT CORRUPTION AND VAST THEFTS. Charges of enormous thefts committed by Credit Mobilier Company, and of corruption of Congress, were specifically made by various individuals and in the public press. A sensational hullabaloo resulted; Congress was stormed with denunciations; it discreetly concluded that some action had to be taken. The time-honored, mildewed dodge of appointing an investigating committee was decided upon. Virtuously indignant was Congress; zealously inquisitive the committee appointed by the United States Senate professed to be. Very soon its honorable members were in a state of utter dismay. For the testimony began to show that some of the most powerful men in Congress were implicated in Credit Mobilier corruption; men such as James G. Blaine, one of the foremost Republican politicians of the period, and James A. Garfield, who later was elevated into the White House. Every effort was bent upon whitewashing these men; the committee found that as far as their participation was concerned "nothing was proved," but, protest their innocence as they vehemently did, the tar stuck, nevertheless. As to the thefts of the Credit Mobilier Company, the committee freely stated its conclusions. Ames and his band, the evidence showed, had stolen nearly $44,000,000 outright, more than half of which was in cash. The committee, to be sure, was not so brutal as to style it theft; with a true parliamentarian regard for sweetness and sacredness of expression, the committee's report described it as "profit." After holding many sessions, and collating volumes of testimony, the committee found, as it stated in its report, that the total cost of building the Union Pacific Railroad was about $50,000,000. And what had the Credit Mobilier Company charged? Nearly $94,000,000 or, to be exact, $93,546,287.28. [Footnote: Doc. No. 78, Credit Mobilier Investigation: xiv.] The committee admitted that "the road had been built chiefly with the resources of the Government." [Footnote: Ibid., xx.] A decided mistake; it had been entirely built so. The committee itself showed how the entire cost of building the road had been "wholly reimbursed from the proceeds of the Government bonds and first mortgage bonds," and that "from the stock, income bonds, and land grant bonds, the builders received in cash value $23,366,000 as profit--about forty-eight per cent. on the entire cost." [Footnote: Ibid., xvii.] The total "profits" represented the difference between the cost of building the railroad and the amount charged--about $44,000,000 in all, of which $23,000,000 or more was in immediate cash. It was more than proved that the amount was even greater; the accounts had been falsified to show that the cost of construction was $50,000,000. Large sums of money, borrowed ostensibly to build the road, had at once been seized as plunder, and divided in the form of dividends upon stock for which the clique had not paid a cent in money, contrary to law. THRIFTY, SAGACIOUS PATRIOTISM. Who could deny that the phalanx of capitalists scrambling forward to share in this carnival of plunder were not gifted with unerring judgment? From afar they sighted their quarry. Nearly all of them were the fifty per cent. "patriot" capitalists of the Civil War; and, just as in all extant biographies, they are represented as heroic, self-sacrificing figures during that crisis, when in historical fact, they were defrauding and plundering indomitably, so are they also glorified as courageous, enterprising men of prescience, who hazarded their money in building the Pacific railroads at a time when most of the far West was an untenanted desert. And this string of arrant falsities has passed as "history!" If they had that foresight for which they were so inveterately lauded, it was a foresight based upon the certainty that it would yield them forty-eight per cent. profit and more from a project on which not one of them did the turn of a hand's work, for even the bribing of Congress was done by paid agents. Nor did they have to risk the millions that they had obtained largely by fraud in trade and other channels; all that they had to do was to advance that money for a short time until they got it back from the Government resources, with forty-eight per cent profit besides. The Senate Committee's report came out at a time of panic when many millions of men, women and children were out of work, and other millions in destitution. It was in that very year when the workers in New York City were clubbed by the police for venturing to hold a meeting to plead for the right to work. But the bribing of Congress in 1864, and the thefts in the construction of the railroad, were only parts of the gigantic frauds brought out--frauds which a people who believed themselves under a democracy had to bear and put up with, or else be silenced by force. THE BRIBERY PERSISTENTLY CONTINUES. When the act of 1864 was passed, Congress plausibly pointed out the wise, precautionary measures it was taking to insure the honest disbursements of the Government's appropriations. "Behold," said in effect this Congress, "the safeguards with which we are surrounding the bill. We are providing for the appointment of Government directors to supervise the work, and see to it that the Government's interests do not suffer." Very appropriate legislation, indeed, from a Congress in which $436,000 of bribe money had been apportioned to insure its betrayal of the popular interests. Buts Ames and his brother capitalists bribed at least one of the Government directors with $25,000 to connive at the frauds: [Footnote: Document No. 78, Credit Mobilier Investigation: xvii] he was a cheaply bought tool, that director. And immediately after the railroad was built and in operation, its owners scented more millions of plunder if they could get a law enacted by Congress allowing them exorbitant rates for the transportation of troops and Government supplies and mails. They corruptly paid out, it seems, $126,000 to get this measure of March 3, 1871, passed. [Footnote: Doc. No. 78, etc., xvii.] What was the result of all this investigation? Mere noise. The oratorial tom-toms in Congress resounded vociferously for the gulling of home constituencies, and of palaver and denunciations there was a plenitude. The committee confined itself to recommending the expulsion of Oakes Ames and James Brooks from Congress. The Government bravely brought a civil action, upon many specified charges, against the Union Pacific Railroad Company for misappropriation of funds. This action the company successfully fought; the United States Supreme Court, in 1878, dismissed the suit on the ground that the Government could not sue until the company's debt had matured in 1895. [Footnote: 98 U.S. 569.] Thus these great thieves escaped both criminal and civil process, as they were confident that they would, and as could have been accurately foretold. The immense plunder and the stolen railroad property the perpretrators of these huge frauds were allowed to keep. Congress could have forfeited upon good legal grounds the charter of the Union Pacific Railroad Company then and there. So long as this was note done, and so long as they were unmolested in the possession of their loot, the participating capitalists could well afford to be curiously tolerant of verbal chastisement which soon passed away, and which had no other result than to add several more ponderous volumes to the already appallingly encumbered archives of Government investigations of the stock of the Union Pacific Railroad was at a very low point. The excessive amount of plunder appropriated by Ames and his confederates had loaded it down with debt. With fixed charges on enormous quantities of bonds to pay, few capitalists saw how the stock could be made to yield any returns--for some time, at any rate. Now was seen the full hollowness of the pretensions of the capitalists that they were inspired by a public-spirited interest in the development of the Far West. This pretext had been jockeyed out for every possible kind of service. As soon as they were convinced that the Credit Mobilier clique had sacked the railroad of all immediate plunder, the participating capitalists showed a sturdy alacrity in shunning the project and disclaiming any further connection with it. Their stock, for the most part, was offered for sale. JAY GOULD COMES FORWARD It was now that Jay Gould eagerly stepped in. Where others saw cessation of plunder, he spied the richest possibilities for a new onslaught. For years he had been a covetous spectator of the operations of the Credit Mobilier; and, of course, had not been able to contain himself from attempting to get a hand in its stealings. He and Fisk had repeatedly tried to storm their way in, and had carried trumped-up cases into the courts, only to be eventually thwarted. Now his chance came. What if $50,000,000 had been stolen? Gould knew that it had other resources of very great value; for, in addition to the $27,000,000 Government bonds that the Union Pacific Railroad had received, it also had as asset about 12,000,000 acres of land presented by Congress. Some of this land had been sold by the railroad company at an average of about $4.50 an acre, but the greater part still remained in its ownership. And millions of acres more could be fraudulently seized, as the sequel proved. Gould also was aware--for he kept himself informed--that, twenty years previously, Government geologists had reported that extensive coal deposits lay in Wyoming and other parts of the West. These deposits would become of incalculable value; and while they were not included in the railroad grants, some had already been stolen, and it would be easy to get hold of many more by fraud. And that he was not in error in this calculation was shown by the fact that the Union Pacific Railroad and other allied railroads under his control, and under that of his successors, later seized hold of many of these coal deposits by violence and fraud. [Footnote: The Interstate Commerce Commission reported to the United States Senate in 1908 that the acquisition of these coal lands had "been attended with fraud, perjury, violence and disregard of the rights of individuals," and showed specifically how. Various other Government investigations fully supported the charges.] Gould also knew that every year immigration was pouring into the West; that in time its population, agriculture and industries would form a rich field for exploitation. By the well-understood canons of capitalism, this futurity could be capitalized in advance. Moreover, he had in mind other plans by which tens of millions could be stolen under form of law. Fisk had been murdered, but Gould now leagued himself with much abler confederates, the principal of whom was Russell Sage. It is well worth while pausing here to give some glimpses of Sage's career, for he left an immense fortune, estimated at considerably more than $100,000,000, and his widow, who inherited it, has attained the reputation of being a "philanthropist" by disbursing a few of those millions in what she considers charitable enterprises. One of her endowed "philanthropies" is a bureau to investigate the causes of poverty and to improve living conditions; another for the propagation of justice. Deeply interested as the benign Mrs. Sage professes to be in the causes producing poverty and injustice, a work such as this may peradventure tend to enlighten her. This highly desirable knowledge she can thus herein procure direct and gratuitously. Furthermore, it is necessary, before describing the joint activities of Gould and Sage, to give a prefatory account of Sage's career; what manner of man he was, and how he obtained the millions enabling him to help carry forward those operations. 
43598	----	THE FRUITS OF VICTORY "THE GREAT ILLUSION" CONTROVERSY 'Mr. Angell's pamphlet was a work as unimposing in form as it was daring in expression. For a time nothing was heard of it in public, but many of us will remember the curious way in which ... "Norman Angellism" suddenly became one of the principal topics of discussion amongst politicians and journalists all over Europe. Naturally at first it was the apparently extravagant and paradoxical elements that were fastened upon most--that the whole theory of the commercial basis of war was wrong, that no modern war could make a profit for the victors, and that--most astonishing thing of all--a successful war might leave the conquerors who received the indemnity relatively worse off than the conquered who raid it. People who had been brought up in the acceptance of the idea that a war between nations was analogous to the struggle of two errand boys for an apple, and that victory inevitably meant economic gain, were amazed into curiosity. Men who had never examined a Pacifist argument before read Mr. Angell's book. Perhaps they thought that his doctrines sounded so extraordinarily like nonsense that there really must be some sense in them or nobody would have dared to propound them.'--_The New Stateman_, October 11, 1913. 'The fundamental proposition of the book is a mistake.... And the proposition that the extension of national territory--that is the bringing of a large amount of property under a single administration--is not to the financial advantage of a nation appears to me as illusory as to maintain that business on a small capital is as profitable as on a large.... The armaments of European States now are not so much for protection against conquest as to secure to themselves the utmost possible share of the unexploited or imperfectly exploited regions of the world.'--The late ADMIRAL MAHAN. 'I have long ago described the policy of _The Great Illusion_ ... not only as a childish absurdity but a mischievous and immoral sophism.'--MR. FREDERIC HARRISON. 'Among the mass of printed books there are a few that may be counted as acts, not books. _The Control Social_ was indisputably one; and I venture to suggest to you that _The Great Illusion_ is another. The thesis of Galileo was not more diametrically opposed to current ideas than those of Norman Angell. Yet it had in the end a certain measure of success.'--VISCOUNT ESHER. 'When all criticisms are spent, it remains to express a debt of gratitude to Mr. Angell. He belongs to the cause of internationalism--the greatest of all the causes to which a man can set his hands in these days. The cause will not triumph by economics. But it cannot reject any ally. And if the economic appeal is not final, it has its weight. "We shall perish of hunger," it has been said, "in order to have success in murder." To those who have ears for that saying, it cannot be said too often.'--_Political Thought in England, from Herbert Spencer to the Present Day_, by ERNEST BARKER. 'A wealth of closely reasoned argument which makes the book one of the most damaging indictments that have yet appeared of the principles governing the relation of civilized nations to one another.'--_The Quarterly Review._ 'Ranks its author with Cobden amongst the greatest of our pamphleteers, perhaps the greatest since Swift.'--_The Nation._ 'No book has attracted wider attention or has done more to stimulate thought in the present century than _The Great Illusion_.'--_The Daily Mail._ 'One of the most brilliant contributions to the literature of international relations which has appeared for a very long time.'--_Journal of the Institute of Bankers._ 'After five and a half years in the wilderness, Mr. Norman Angell has come back.... His book provoked one of the great controversies of this generation.... To-day, Mr. Angell, whether he likes it or not, is a prophet whose prophesies have come true.... It is hardly possible to open a current newspaper without the eye lighting on some fresh vindication of the once despised and rejected doctrine of Norman Angellism.'--_The Daily News_, February 25, 1920. THE FRUITS OF VICTORY A SEQUEL TO "THE GREAT ILLUSION" BY NORMAN ANGELL [Illustration: colophon] NEW YORK THE CENTURY CO. 1921 _BY THE SAME AUTHOR_ PATRIOTISM UNDER THREE FLAGS THE GREAT ILLUSION THE FOUNDATIONS OF INTERNATIONAL POLITY WHY FREEDOM MATTERS WAR AND THE WORKER AMERICA AND THE WORLD STATE (AMERICA) PRUSSIANISM AND ITS DESTRUCTION THE WORLD'S HIGHWAY (AMERICA) WAR AIMS DANGERS OF HALF-PREPAREDNESS (AMERICA) POLITICAL CONDITIONS OF ALLIED SUCCESS (AMERICA) THE BRITISH REVOLUTION AND THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY (AMERICA) THE PEACE TREATY AND THE ECONOMIC CHAOS Copyright, 1921, by THE CENTURY CO. _Printed in the U. S. A._ To H. S. INTRODUCTION TO THE AMERICAN EDITION The case which is argued in these pages includes the examination of certain concrete matters which very obviously and directly touch important American interests--American foreign trade and investments, the exchanges, immigration, armaments, taxation, industrial unrest and the effect of these on social and political organisation. Yet the greatest American interest here discussed is not any one of those particular issues, or even the sum of them, but certain underlying forces which more than anything else, perhaps, influence all of them. The American reader will have missed the main bearing of the argument elaborated in these pages unless that point can be made clear. Let us take a few of the concrete issues just mentioned. The opening chapter deals with the motives which may push Great Britain still to struggle for the retention of predominant power at sea. The force of those motives is obviously destined to be an important factor in American politics, in determining, for instance, the amount of American taxation. It bears upon the decisions which American voters and American statesmen will be called upon to make in American elections within the next few years. Or take another aspect of the same question: the peculiar position of Great Britain in the matter of her dependence upon foreign food. This is shown to be typical of a condition common to very much of the population of Europe, and brings us to the problem of the pressure of population in the older civilisations upon the means of subsistence. That "biological pressure" is certain, in some circumstances, to raise for America questions of immigration, of relations generally with foreign countries, of defence, which American statesmanship will have to take into account in the form of definite legislation that will go on to American Statute books. Or, take the general problem of the economic reconstruction of Europe, with which the book is so largely occupied. That happens to bear, not merely on the expansion of American trade, the creation of new markets, that is, and on the recovery of American debts, but upon the preservation of markets for cotton, wheat, meat and other products, to which large American communities have in the past looked, and do still look, for their prosperity and even for their solvency. Again, dealing with the manner in which the War has affected the economic organisation of the European society, the writer has been led to describe the process by which preparation for modern war has come to mean, to an increasing degree, control by the government of the national resources as a whole, thus setting up strong tendencies towards a form of State Socialism. To America, herself facing a more far-reaching organisation of the national resources for military purposes than she has known in the past, the analysis of such a process is certainly of very direct concern. Not less so is the story of the relation of revolutionary forces in the industrial struggle--"Bolshevism"--to the tendencies so initiated or stimulated. One could go on expanding this theme indefinitely, and write a whole book about America's concern in these things. But surely in these days it would be a book of platitudes, elaborately pointing out the obvious. Yet an American critic of these pages in their European form warns me that I must be careful to show their interest for American readers. Their main interest for the American is not in the kind of relationship just indicated, very considerable and immediate as that happens to be. Their chief interest is in this: they attempt an analysis of the ultimate forces of policies in Western society; of the interrelation of fundamental economic needs and of predominant political ideas--public opinion, with its constituent elements of "human nature," social--or anti-social--instinct, the tradition of Patriotism and Nationalism, the mechanism of the modern Press. It is suggested in these pages that some of the main factors of political action, the dominant motives of political conduct, are still grossly neglected by "practical statesmen"; and that the statesmen still treat as remote and irrelevant certain moral forces which recent events have shown to have very great and immediate practical importance. (A number of cases are discussed in which practical and realist European statesmen have seen their plans touching the stability of alliances, the creation of international credit, the issuing of international loans, indemnities, a "new world" generally, all this frustrated because in drawing them up they ignored the invisible but final factor of public feeling and temper, which the whole time they were modifying or creating, thus unconsciously undermining the edifices they were so painfully creating. Time and again in the last few years practical men of affairs in Europe have found themselves the helpless victims of a state of feeling or opinion which they so little understood that they had often themselves unknowingly created it.) In such hard realities as the exaction of an indemnity, we see governments forced to policies which can only make their task more difficult, but which they are compelled to adopt in order to placate electoral opinion, or to repel an opposition which would exploit some prevailing prejudice or emotion. To understand the nature of forces which must determine America's main domestic and foreign policies--as they have determined those of Western Society in Europe during the last generation--is surely an "American interest"; though indeed, in neglecting the significance of those "hidden currents flowing continually beneath the surface of political history," American students of politics would be following much European precedent. Although public opinion and feeling are the raw material with which statesmen deal, it is still considered irrelevant and academic to study the constituent elements of that raw material. Americans are sufficiently detached from Europe to see that in the way of a better unification of that Continent for the purposes of its own economic and moral restoration stand disruptive forces of "Balkanisation," a development of the spirit of Nationalism which the statesmen for years have encouraged and exploited. The American of to-day speaks of the Balkanisation of Europe just as the Englishman of two or three years ago spoke of the Balkanisation of the Continent, of the wrangles of Poles, Czecho-Slovaks, Hungarians, Rumanians, Italians, Jugo-Slavs. And the attitude of both Englishman and American are alike in this: to the Englishman, watching the squabbles of all the little new States and the breaking out of all the little new wars, there seemed at work in that spectacle forces so suicidal that they could never in any degree touch his own political problems; the American to-day, watching British policy in Ireland or French policy towards Germany, feels that in such conflict are moral forces that could never produce similar paralysis in American policy. "Why," asks the confident American, "does England bring such unnecessary trouble upon herself by her military conduct in Ireland? Why does France keep three-fourths of a Continent still in ferment, making reparations more and more remote"? Americans have a very strong feeling that they could not be guilty of the Irish mess, or of prolonging the confusion which threatens to bring Europe's civilisation to utter collapse. How comes it that the English people, so genuinely and so sincerely horrified at the thought of what a Bissing could do in Belgium, unable to understand how the German people could tolerate a government guilty of such things, somehow find that their own British Government is doing very similar things in Cork and Balbriggan; and finding it, simply acquiesce? To the American the indefensibility of British conduct is plain. "America could never be guilty of it." To the Englishman just now, the indefensibility of French conduct is plain. The policy which France is following is seen to be suicidal from the point of view of French interests. The Englishman is sure that "English political sense" would never tolerate it in an English government. The situation suggests this question: would Americans deny that England in the past has shown very great political genius, or that the French people are alert, open-minded, "realist," intelligent? Recalling what England has done in the way of the establishment of great free communities, the flexibility and "practicalness" of her imperial policy, what France has contributed to democracy and European organisation, can we explain the present difficulties of Europe by the absence, on the part of Englishmen or Frenchmen, or other Europeans, of a political intelligence granted only so far in the world's history to Americans? In other words, do Americans seriously argue that the moral forces which have wrought such havoc in the foreign policy of European States could never threaten the foreign policy of America? Does the American plead that the circumstances which warp an Englishman's or Frenchman's judgment could never warp an American's? Or that he could never find himself in similar circumstances? As a matter of fact, of course, that is precisely what the American--like the Englishman or Frenchman or Italian in an analogous case--does plead. To have suggested five years ago to an Englishman that his own generals in India or Ireland would copy Bissing, would have been deemed too preposterous even for anger: but then equally, to Americans, supporting in their millions in 1916 the League to Enforce Peace, would the idea have seemed preposterous that a few years later America, having the power to take the lead in a Peace League, would refuse to do so, and would herself be demanding, as the result of participation in a war to end war, greater armament than ever--as protection against Great Britain. I suggest that if an English government can be led to sanction and defend in Ireland the identical things which shocked the world when committed in Belgium by Germans, if France to-day threatens Europe with a military hegemony not less mischievous than that which America determined to destroy, the causes of those things must be sought, not in the special wickedness of this or that nation, but in forces which may operate among any people. One peculiarity of the prevailing political mind stands out. It is evident that a sensible, humane and intelligent people, even with historical political sense, can quite often fail to realise how one step of policy, taken willingly, must lead to the taking of other steps which they detest. If Mr. Lloyd George is supporting France, if the French Government is proclaiming policies which it knows to be disastrous, but which any French Government must offer to its people or perish, it is because somewhere in the past there have been set in motion forces the outcome of which was not realised. And if the outcome was not realised, although, looking back, or looking at the situation from the distance of America from Europe, the inevitability of the result seems plain enough, I suggest that it is because judgment becomes warped as the result of certain feelings or predominant ideas; and that it will be impossible wisely to guide political conduct without some understanding of the nature of those feelings and ideas, and unless we realise with some humility and honesty that all nations alike are subject to these weaknesses. We all of us clamantly and absolutely deny this plain fact when it is suggested that it also applies to our own people. What would have happened to the publicist who, during the War, should have urged: "Complete and overwhelming victory will be bad, because we shall misuse it?" Yet all the victories of history would have been ground for such a warning. Universal experience was not merely flouted by the uninstructed. One of the curiosities of war literature is the fashion in which the most brilliant minds, not alone in politics, but in literature and social science, simply disregard this obvious truth. We each knew "our" people--British, French, Italian, American--to be good people: kindly, idealistic, just. Give them the power to do the Right--to do justice, to respect the rights of others, to keep the peace--and it will be done. That is why we wanted "unconditional surrender" of the Germans, and indignantly rejected a negotiated peace. It was admitted, of course, that injustice at the settlement would fail to give us the world we fought for. It was preposterous to suppose that we, the defenders of freedom and democracy, arbitration, self-determination,--America, Britain, France, Japan, Russia, Italy, Rumania--should not do exact and complete justice. So convinced, indeed, were we of this that we may search in vain the works of all the Allied writers to whom any attention was paid, for any warning whatsoever of the one danger which, in fact, wrecked the settlement, threw the world back into its oldest difficulties, left it fundamentally just where it was, reduced the War to futility. The one condition of justice--that the aggrieved party should not be in the position of imposing his unrestrained will--, the one truth which, for the world's welfare, it was most important to proclaim, was the one which it was black heresy and blasphemy to utter, and which, to do them justice, the moral and intellectual guides of the nations never did utter. It is precisely the truth which Americans to-day are refusing to face. We all admit that, "human nature being what it is," preponderance of power, irresponsible power, is something which no nation (but our own) can be trusted to use wisely or with justice. The backbone of American policy shall therefore be an effort to retain preponderance of power. If this be secured, little else matters. True, the American advocate of isolation to-day says: "We are not concerned with Europe. We ask only to be let alone. Our preponderance of power, naval or other, threatens no-one. It is purely defensive." Yet the truth is that the demand for preponderance of armaments itself involves a denial of right. Let us see why. No one denies that the desire to possess a definitely preponderant navy is related, at least in some degree, to such things as, shall we say, the dispute over the Panama tolls. A growing number feel and claim that that is a purely American dispute. To subject it to arbitral decision, in which necessarily Europeans would have a preponderance, would be to give away the American case beforehand. With unquestioned naval preponderance over any probable combination of rivals, America is in a position to enforce compliance with what she believes to be her just rights. At this moment a preponderant navy is being urged on precisely those grounds. In other words, the demand is that in a dispute to which she is a party she shall be judge, and able to impose her own judgement. That is to say, she demands from others the acceptance of a position which she would not herself accept. There is nothing at all unusual in the demand. It is the feeling which colours the whole attitude of combative nationalism. But it none the less means that "adequate defence" on this basis inevitably implies a moral aggression--a demand upon others which, if made by others upon ourselves, we should resist to the death. It is not here merely or mainly the question of a right: American foreign policy has before it much the same alternatives with reference to the world as a whole, as were presented to Great Britain with reference to the Continent in the generation which preceded the War. Her "splendid isolation" was defended on grounds which very closely resemble those now put forward by America as the basis of the same policy. Isolation meant, of course, preponderance of power, and when she declared her intention to use that power only on behalf of even-handed justice, she not only meant it, but carried out the intention, at least to an extent that no other nation has done. She accorded a degree of equality in economic treatment which is without parallel. One thing only led her to depart from justice: that was the need of maintaining the supremacy. For this she allowed herself to become involved in certain exceedingly entangling Alliances. Indeed, Great Britain found that at no period of her history were her domestic politics so much dominated by the foreign situation as when she was proclaiming to the world her splendid isolation from foreign entanglements. It is as certain, of course, that American "isolation" would mean that the taxation of Gopher Prairie would be settled in Tokio; and that tens of thousands of American youth would be sentenced to death by unknown elderly gentlemen in a European Cabinet meeting. If the American retorts that his country is in a fundamentally different position, because Great Britain possesses an Empire and America does not, that only proves how very much current ideas in politics fail to take cognizance of the facts. The United States to-day has in the problem of the Philippines, their protection and their trade, and the bearing of those things upon Japanese policy; in Hayti and the West Indies, and their bearing upon America's subject nationality problem of the negro; in Mexico, which is likely to provide America with its Irish problem; in the Panama Canal tolls question and its relation to the development of a mercantile marine and naval competition with Great Britain, in these things alone, to mention no others, subjects of conflict, involving defence of American interests, out of which will arise entanglements not differing greatly in kind from the foreign questions which dominated British domestic policy during the period of British isolation. Now, what America will do about these things will not depend upon highly rationalised decisions, reached by a hundred million independent thinkers investigating the facts concerning the Panama Treaty, the respective merits of alternative alliance combinations, or the real nature of negro grievances. American policy will be determined by the same character of force as has determined British policy in Ireland or India, in Morocco or Egypt, French policy in Germany or in Poland, or Italian policy in the Adriatic. The "way of thinking" which is applied to the decisions of the American democracy has behind it the same kind of moral and intellectual force that we find in the society of Western Europe as a whole. Behind the American public mind lie practically the same economic system based on private property, the same kind of political democracy, the same character of scholastic training, the same conceptions of nationalism, roughly the same social and moral values. If we find certain sovereign ideas determining the course of British or French or Italian policy, giving us certain results, we may be sure that the same ideas will, in the case of America, give us very much the same results. When Britain spoke of "splendid isolation," she meant what America means by the term to-day, namely, a position by virtue of which, when it came to a conflict of policy between herself and others, she should possess preponderant power, so that she could impose her own view of her own rights, be judge and executioner in her own case. To have suggested to an Englishman twenty years ago that the real danger to the security of his country lay in the attitude of mind dominant among Englishmen themselves, that the fundamental defect of English policy was that it asked of others something which Englishmen would never accord if asked by others of them, and that such a policy was particularly inimical in the long run to Great Britain, in that her population lived by processes which dominant power could not, in the last resort, exact--such a line of argument would have been, and indeed was, regarded as too remote from practical affairs to be worth the attention of practical politicians. A discussion of the Japanese Alliance, the relations with Russia, the size of foreign fleets, the Bagdad railway, would have been regarded as entirely practical and relevant. These things were the "facts" of politics. It was not regarded as relevant to the practical issues to examine the role of certain general ideas and traditions which had grown up in England in determining the form of British policy. The growth of a crude philosophy of militarism, based on a social pseudo-Darwinism, the popularity of Kipling and Roberts, the jingoism of the Northcliffe Press--these things might be regarded as items in the study of social psychology; they were not regarded as matters for the practical statesman. "What would you have us do about them, anyway?" It has happened to the present writer, in addressing American students, to lay stress upon the rôle of certain dominant ideas in determining policy (upon the idea, say, of the State as a person, upon the conception of States as necessarily rival entities), and afterwards to get questions in this wise: "Your lecture seems to imply an internationalist policy. What is your plan? What ought we to do? Should we make a naval alliance, with Great Britain, or form a new League of Nations, or denounce Article X, or ...?" I have replied: "The first thing to do is to change your ideas and moral values; or to get to know them better. That is the most practical and immediate platform, because all others depend on it. We all profess great love of peace and justice. What will you pay for it, in terms of national sovereignty? What degree of sovereignty will you surrender as your contribution to a new order? If your real feeling is for domination, then the only effect of writing constitutions of the League of Nations will be to render international organisation more remote than ever, by showing how utterly incompatible it is with prevailing moral values." But such a reply is usually regarded as hopelessly "unpractical." There is no indication of something to be "done"--a platform to be defended or a law to be passed. To change fundamental opinions and redirect desires is not apparently to "do" anything at all. Yet until that invisible thing is done our Covenants and Leagues will be as futile as have been the numberless similar plans of the past, "concerning which," as one seventeenth century critic wrote, "I know no single imperfection save this: That by no possibility would any Prince or people be brought to abide by them." It was, I believe, regarded as a triumph of practical organisation to have obtained nation-wide support for the 'League to Enforce Peace' proposal, "without raising controversial matters at all"--leaving untouched, that is, the underlying ideas of patriotism, of national right and international obligation, the prevailing moral and political values, in fact. The subsequent history of America's relation to the world's effort to create a League of Nations is sufficient commentary as to whether it is "practical" to devise plans and constitutions without reference to a prevailing attitude of mind. America has before her certain definite problems of foreign policy--Japanese immigration into the United States and the Philippines; concessions granted to foreigners in Mexico; the question of disorder in that country; the relations with Hayti (which will bear on the question of America's subject nationality, the negro); the exemption of American ships from tolls in the Panama Canal; the exclusion of foreign shipping from "coastwise" trade with the Philippines. It would be possible to draw up plans of settlement with regard to each item which would be equitable. But the development of foreign policy (which, more than any other department of politics, will fix the quality of American society in the future) will not depend upon the more or less equitable settlement of those specific questions. The specific differences between England and Germany before the War were less serious than those between England and America--and were nearly all settled when war broke out. Whether an issue like Japanese immigration or the Panama tolls leads to war will not depend upon its intrinsic importance, or whether Britain or Japan or America make acceptable proposals on the subject. Mr ex-Secretary Daniels has just told us that the assertion of the right to establish a cable station on the Island of Yap is good ground for risking war. The specific issues about which nations fight are so little the real cause of the fight that they are generally completely forgotten when it comes to making the peace. The future of submarine warfare was not mentioned at Versailles. Given a certain state of mind, a difference about cables on the Island of Yap is quite sufficient to make war inevitable. We should probably regard it as a matter of national honour, concerning which there must be no argument. Another mood, and it would be impossible to get the faintest ripple of interest in the subject. It was not British passion for Serbian nationality which brought Britain to the side of Russia in 1914. It was the fear of German power and what might be done with it, a fear wrought to frenzy pitch by a long indoctrination concerning German wickedness and aggression. Passion for the subjugation of Germany persisted long after there was any ground of fear of what German power might accomplish. If America fights Japan, it will not be over cables on Yap; it will be from fear of Japanese power, the previous stimulation of latent hatreds for the strange and foreign. And if the United States goes to war over Panama Canal tolls, it will not be because the millions who will get excited over that question have examined the matter, or possess ships or shares in ships that will profit by the exemption; it will be because all America has read of Irish atrocities which recall school-day histories of British atrocities in the American Colonies; because the "person," Britain, has become a hateful and hostile person, and must be punished and coerced. War either with Japan or Britain or both is, of course, quite within the region of possibility. It is merely an evasion of the trouble which facing reality always involves, to say that war between Britain and America is "unthinkable." If any war, as we have known it these last ten years, is thinkable, war between nations that have already fought two wars is obviously not unthinkable. And those who can recall at all vividly the forces which marked the growth of the conflict between Britain and Germany will see just those forces beginning to colour the relations of Britain and America. Among those forces none is more notable than this: a disturbing tendency to stop short at the ultimate questions, a failure to face the basic causes of divergence. Among people of good will there is a tendency to say: "Don't let's talk about it. Be discreet. Let us assume we are good friends and we shall be. Let us exchange visits." In just such a way, even within a few weeks of war, did people of good will in England and Germany decide not to talk of their differences, to be discreet, to exchange visits. But the men of ill will talked--talked of the wrong things--and sowed their deadly poison. These pages suggest why neither side in the Anglo-German conflict came down to realities before the War. To have come to fundamentals would have revealed the fact to both parties that any real settlement would have asked things which neither would grant. Really to have secured Germany's future economic security would have meant putting her access to the resources of India and Africa upon a basis of Treaty, of contract. That was for Britain the end of Empire, as Imperialists understood it. To have secured in exchange the end of "marching and drilling" would have been the end of military glory for Prussia. For both it would have meant the surrender of certain dominations, a recasting of patriotic ideals, a revolution of ideas. Whether Britain and America are to fight may very well depend upon this: whether the blinder and more unconscious motives rooted in traditional patriotisms, and the impulse to the assertion of power, will work their evil before the development of ideas has brought home to us a clearer vision of the abyss into which we fall; before we have modified, in other words, our tradition of patriotism, our political moralities, our standard of values. Without that more fundamental change no scheme of settlement of specific differences, no platforms, Covenants, Constitution can avail, or have any chance of acceptance or success. As a contribution to that change of ideas and of values these pages are offered. SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT The central conclusion suggested by the following analysis of the events of the past few years is that, underlying the disruptive processes so evidently at work--especially in the international field--is the deep-rooted instinct to the assertion of domination, preponderant power. This impulse sanctioned and strengthened by prevailing traditions of 'mystic' patriotism, has been unguided and unchecked by any adequate realisation either of its anti-social quality, the destructiveness inseparable from its operation, or its ineffectiveness to ends indispensable to civilisation. The psychological roots of the impulse are so deep that we shall continue to yield to it until we realise more fully its danger and inadequacy to certain vital ends like sustenance for our people, and come to see that if civilisation is to be carried on we must turn to other motives. We may then develop a new political tradition, which will 'discipline' instinct, as the tradition of toleration disciplined religious fanaticism when that passion threatened to shatter European society. Herein lies the importance of demonstrating the economic futility of military power. While it may be true that conscious economic motives enter very little into the struggle of nations, and are a very small part of the passions of patriotism and nationalism, it is by a realisation of the economic truth regarding the indispensable condition of adequate life, that those passions will be checked, or redirected and civilised. This does not mean that economic considerations should dominate life, but rather the contrary--that those considerations will dominate it if the economic truth is neglected. A people that starves is a people thinking only of material things--food. The way to dispose of economic pre-occupations is to solve the economic problem. The bearing of this argument is that developed by the present writer in a previous book, _The Great Illusion_, and the extent to which it has been vindicated by events, is shown in the Addendum. CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE I OUR DAILY BREAD 3 II THE OLD ECONOMY AND THE POST-WAR STATE 61 III NATIONALITY, ECONOMICS, AND THE ASSERTION OF RIGHT 81 IV MILITARY PREDOMINANCE--AND INSECURITY 112 V PATRIOTISM AND POWER IN WAR AND PEACE: THE SOCIAL OUTCOME 142 VI THE ALTERNATIVE RISKS OF STATUS AND CONTRACT 169 VII THE SPIRITUAL ROOTS OF THE SETTLEMENT 199 ADDENDUM: SOME NOTES ON 'THE GREAT ILLUSION' AND ITS PRESENT RELEVANCE 253 I. The 'Impossibility of War' Myth. II. 'Economic' and 'Moral' Motives in International Affairs. III. The 'Great Illusion' Argument. IV. Arguments now out of date. V. The Argument as an attack on the State. VI. Vindication by Events. VII. Could the War have been prevented? SYNOPSIS CHAPTER I (pp. 3-60) OUR DAILY BREAD An examination of the present conditions in Europe shows that much of its dense population (particularly that of these islands) cannot live at a standard necessary for civilisation (leisure, social peace, individual freedom) except by certain co-operative processes which must be carried on largely across frontiers. (The prosperity of Britain depends on the production by foreigners of a surplus of food and raw material above their own needs.) The present distress is not mainly the result of the physical destruction of war (famine or shortage is worst, as in the Austrian and German and Russian areas, where there has been no destruction). The Continent as a whole has the same soil and natural resources and technical knowledge as when it fed its populations. The causes of its present failure at self-support are moral: economic paralysis following political disintegration, 'Balkanisation'; that, in its turn, due to certain passions and prepossessions. A corresponding phenomenon is revealed within each national society: a decline of production due to certain moral disorders, mainly in the political field; to 'unrest,' a greater cleavage between groups, rendering the indispensable co-operation less effective. The necessary co-operation, whether as between nations or groups within each nation, cannot be compelled by physical coercion, though disruptive forces inseparable from the use of coercion can paralyse co-operation. Allied preponderance of power over Germany does not suffice to obtain indemnities, or even coal in the quantities demanded by the Treaty. The output of the workers in Great Britain would not necessarily be improved by adding to the army or police force. As interdependence increases, the limits of coercion are narrowed. Enemies that are to pay large indemnities must be permitted actively to develop their economic life and power; they are then so potentially strong that enforcement of the demands becomes correspondingly expensive and uncertain. Knowledge and organisation acquired by workers for the purposes of their labour can be used to resist oppression. Railwaymen or miners driven to work by force would still find means of resistance. A proletarian dictatorship cannot coerce the production of food by an unwilling peasantry. The processes by which wealth is produced have, by increasing complexity, become of a kind which can only be maintained if there be present a large measure of voluntary acquiescence, which means, in its turn, confidence. The need for that is only made the more imperative by the conditions which have followed the virtual suspension of the gold standard in all the belligerent States of Europe, the collapse of the exchanges and other manifestations of instability of the currencies. European statesmanship, as revealed in the Treaty of Versailles, and in the conduct of international affairs since the Armistice, has recognised neither the fact of interdependence--the need for the economic unity of Europe--nor the futility of attempted coercion. Certain political ideas and passions give us an unworkable Europe. What is their nature? How have they arisen? How can they be corrected? These questions are part of the problem of sustenance; which is the first indispensable of civilisation. CHAPTER II (pp. 61-80) THE OLD ECONOMY AND THE POST-WAR STATE The trans-national processes which enabled Europe to support itself before the War were based mainly on private exchanges prompted by the expectation of individual advantage. They were not dependent upon political power. (The fifteen millions for whom German soil could not provide lived by trade with countries over which Germany had no political control, as a similar number of British live by similar non-political means.) The old individualist economy has been largely destroyed by the State Socialism introduced for war purposes: the nation, taking over individual enterprise, became trader and manufacturer in increasing degree. The economic clauses of the Treaty, if enforced, must prolong this tendency, rendering a large measure of such Socialism permanent. The change may be desirable. But if co-operation must in future be less as between individuals for private advantage, and much more as between _nations_, governments acting in an economic capacity, the political emotions of nationalisation will play a much larger role in the economic processes of Europe. If to Nationalist hostilities as we have known them in the past is to be added the commercial rivalry of nations now converted into traders and capitalists, we are likely to have not a less but a more quarrelsome world, unless the fact of interdependence is much more vividly realised than in the past. CHAPTER III (pp. 81-111) NATIONALITY, ECONOMICS, AND THE ASSERTION OF RIGHT The change noted in the preceding chapter raises a profound question of Right--Have we the right to use our power to deny to others the means of life? By our political power we _can_ create a Europe which, while not assuring advantage to the victor, deprives the vanquished of means of existence. The loss of both ore and coal by the Central Powers might well make it impossible for their future populations to find food. What are they to do? Starve? To disclaim responsibility is to claim that we are entitled to use our power to deny them life. This 'right' to starve foreigners can only be invoked by invoking the conception of nationalism--'Our nation first.' But the policy of placing life itself upon a foundation of preponderant force, instead of mutually advantageous co-operation, compels statesmen perpetually to betray the principle of nationality; not only directly, (as in the case of the annexation of territory, economically necessary, but containing peoples of alien nationality,) but indirectly; for the resistance which our policy (of denying means of subsistence to others) provokes, makes preponderance of power the condition of survival. All else must give way to that need. Might cannot be pledged to Right in these conditions. If our power is pledged to Allies for the purpose of the Balance (which means, in fact, preponderance), it cannot be used against them to enforce respect for (say) nationality. To turn against Allies would break the Balance. To maintain the Balance of Power we are compelled to disregard the moral merits of an Ally's policy (as in the case of the promise to the Czar's government not to demand the independence of Poland). The maintenance of a Balance (_i.e._ preponderance) is incompatible with the maintenance of Right. There is a conflict of obligation. CHAPTER IV (pp. 112-141) MILITARY PREDOMINANCE--AND INSECURITY The moral questions raised in the preceding chapter have a direct bearing on the effectiveness of military power based on the National unit, or a group of National units, such as an Alliance. Military preponderance of the smaller Western National units over large and potentially powerful groups, like the German or the Russian, must necessitate stable and prolonged co-operation. But, as the present condition of the Alliance which fought the War shows, the rivalries inseparable from the fears and resentments of 'instinctive' nationalism, make that prolonged co-operation impossible. The qualities of Nationalism which stand in the way of Internationalism stand also in the way of stable alliances (which are a form of Internationalism) and make them extremely unstable foundations of power. The difficulties encountered by the Allies in taking combined action in Russia show that to this fundamental instability due to the moral nature of Nationalism, must be added, as causes of military paralysis, the economic disruption which reduces the available material resources, and the social unrest (largely the result of the economic difficulties) which undermines the cohesion even of the national unit. These forces render military predominance based on the temporary co-operation of units still preserving the Nationalist outlook extremely precarious and unreliable. CHAPTER V (pp. 142-168) PATRIOTISM AND POWER IN WAR AND PEACE: THE SOCIAL OUTCOME The greatest and most obvious present need of Europe, for the salvation of its civilisation, is unity and co-operation. Yet the predominant forces of its politics push to conflict and disunity. If it is the calculating selfishness of 'realist' statesmen that thus produces impoverishment and bankruptcy, the calculation would seem to be defective. The Balkanisation of Europe obviously springs, however, from sources belonging to our patriotisms, which are mainly uncalculating and instinctive, 'mystic' impulses and passions. Can we safely give these instinctive pugnacities full play? One side of patriotism--gregariousness, 'herd instinct'--has a socially protective origin, and is probably in some form indispensable. But coupled with uncontrolled pugnacity, tribal gregariousness grows into violent partisanship as against other groups, and greatly strengthens the instinct to coercion, the desire to impose our power. In war-time, pugnacity, partisanship, coerciveness can find full satisfaction in the fight against the enemy. But when the war is over, these instincts, which have become so highly developed, still seek satisfaction. They may find it in two ways: in conflict between Allies, or in strife between groups within the nation. We may here find an explanation of what seems otherwise a moral enigma: that just _after a war_, universally lauded as a means of national unity, 'bringing all classes together,' the country is distraught by bitter social chaos, amounting to revolutionary menace; and that after the war which was to wipe out at last all the old differences which divided the Allies, their relations are worse than before the War (as in the case of Britain and America and Britain and France). Why should the fashionable lady, capable of sincere self-sacrifice (scrubbing hospital floors and tending canteens) for her countrymen when they are soldiers, become completely indifferent to the same countrymen when they have returned to civil life (often dangerous and hard, as in mining and fishing)? In the latter case there is no common enmity uniting duchess and miner. Another enigma may be solved in the same way: why military terrorism, unprovoked war, secret diplomacy, autocratic tyranny, violation of nationality, which genuinely appal us when committed by the enemy, leave us unmoved when political necessity' provokes very similar conduct on our part; why the ideals for which we went to war become matters of indifference to us when we have achieved victory. Gregariousness, which has become intense partisanship, makes right that which our side does or desires; wrong that which the other side does. This is fatal, not merely to justice, but to sincerity, to intellectual rectitude, to the capacity to see the truth objectively. It explains why we can, at the end of a war, excuse or espouse the very policies which the war was waged to make impossible. CHAPTER VI (pp. 169-198) THE ALTERNATIVE RISKS OF STATUS AND CONTRACT Instinct, being co-terminous with all animal life, is a motive of conduct immeasurably older and more deeply rooted than reasoning based on experience. So long as the instinctive, 'natural' action succeeds, or appears to succeed in its object, we do not trouble to examine the results of instinct or to reason. Only failure causes us to do that. We have seen that the pugnacities, gregariousness, group partisanship embodied in patriotism, give a strong emotional push to domination, the assertion of our power over others as a means of settling our relations with them. Physical coercion marks all the early methods in politics (as in autocracy and feudalism), in economics (as in slavery), and even in the relations of the sexes. But we try other methods (and manage to restrain our impulse sufficiently) when we really discover that force won't work. When we find we cannot coerce a man but still need his service, we offer him inducements, bargain with him, enter a contract. This is the result of realising that we really need him, and cannot compel him. That is the history of the development from status to contract. Stable international co-operation cannot come in any other way. Not until we realise the failure of national coercive power for indispensable ends (like the food of our people) shall we cease to idealise power and to put our intensest political emotions, like those of patriotism, behind it. The alternative to preponderance is partnership of power. Both may imply the employment of force (as in policing), but the latter makes force the instrument of a conscious social purpose, offering to the rival that challenges the force (as in the case of the individual criminal within the nation) the same rights as those claimed by the users of force. Force as employed by competitive nationalism does not do this. It says 'You or me,' not 'You and me.' The method of social co-operation may fail temporarily; but it has the perpetual opportunity of success. It succeeds the moment that the two parties both accept it. But the other method is bound to fail; the two parties cannot both accept it. Both cannot be masters. Both can be partners. The failure of preponderant power on a nationalist basis for indispensable ends would be self-evident but for the push of the instincts which warp our judgment. Yet faith in the social method is the condition of its success. It is a choice of risks. We distrust and arm. Others, then, are entitled also to distrust; their arming is our justification for distrusting them. The policy of suspicion justifies itself. To allay suspicion we must accept the risk of trust. That, too, will justify itself. Man's future depends on making the better choice, for either the distrust or the faith will justify itself. His judgment will not be fit to make that choice if it is warped by the passions of pugnacity and hate that we have cultivated as part of the apparatus of war. CHAPTER VII (pp. 199-251) THE SPIRITUAL ROOTS OF THE SETTLEMENT If our instinctive pugnacities and hates are uncontrollable, and they dictate conduct, no more is to be said. We are the helpless victims of outside forces, and may as well surrender. But many who urge this most insistently in the case of our patriotic pugnacities obviously do not believe it: their demands for the suppression of 'defeatist' propaganda during the War, their support of war-time propaganda for the maintenance of morale, their present fears of the 'deadly infection' of Bolshevist ideas, indicate, on the contrary, a very real belief that feelings can be subject to an extremely rapid modification or redirection. In human society mere instinct has always been modified or directed in some measure by taboos, traditions, conventions, constituting a social discipline. The character of that discipline is largely determined by some sense of social need, developed as the result of the suggestion of transmitted ideas, discussions, intellectual ferment. The feeling which made the Treaty inevitable was the result of a partly unconscious but also partly conscious propaganda of war half-truths, built up on a sub-structure of deeply rooted nationalist conceptions. The systematic exploitation of German atrocities, and the systematic suppression of similar Allied offences, the systematic suppression of every good deed done by our enemy, constituted a monstrous half-truth. It had the effect of fortifying the conception of the enemy people as a single person; its complete collective responsibility. Any one of them--child, woman, invalid--could properly be punished (by famine, say) for any other's guilt. Peace became a problem of repressing or destroying this entirely bad person by a combination of nations entirely good. This falsified the nature of the problem, gave free rein to natural and instinctive retaliations, obscured the simplest human realities, and rendered possible ferocious cruelty on the part of the Allies. There would have been in any case a strong tendency to ignore even the facts which in Allied interest should have been considered. In the best circumstances it would have been extremely difficult to put through a Wilsonian (type 1918) policy, involving restraint of the sacred egoisms, the impulsive retaliations, the desire for dominion inherent in 'intense' nationalisms. The efficiency of the machinery by which the Governments for the purpose of war formed the mind of the nation, made it out of the question. If ever the passions which gather around the patriotisms disrupting and Balkanising Europe are to be disciplined or directed by a better social tradition, we must face without pretence or self-deception the results which show the real nature of the older political moralities. We must tell truths that disturb strong prejudices. THE FRUITS OF VICTORY CHAPTER I OUR DAILY BREAD I _The relation of certain economic facts to Britain's independence and Social Peace_ Political instinct in England, particularly in the shaping of naval policy, has always recognised the intimate relation which must exist between an uninterrupted flow of food to these shores and the preservation of national independence. An enemy in a position to stop that flow would enjoy not merely an economic but a political power over us--the power to starve us into ignominious submission to his will. The fact has, of course, for generations been the main argument for Britain's right to maintain unquestioned command of the sea. In the discussions before the War concerning the German challenge to our naval power, it was again and again pointed out that Britain's position was very special: what is a matter of life and death for her had no equivalent importance for other powers. And it was when the Kaiser announced that Germany's future was upon the sea that British fear became acute! The instinct of self-preservation became aroused by the thought of the possible possession in hostile hands of an instrument that could sever vital arteries. The fact shows how impossible it is to divide off into watertight compartments the 'economic' from the political or moral. To preserve the capacity to feed our people, to see that our children shall have milk, is certainly an economic affair--a commercial one even. But it is an indispensable condition also of the defence of our country, of the preservation of our national freedom. The ultimate end behind the determination to preserve a preponderant navy may be purely nationalist or moral; the means is the maintenance of a certain economic situation. Indeed the task of ensuring the daily bread of the people touches moral and social issues nearer and more intimate even than the preservation of our national independence. The inexorable rise in the cost of living, the unemployment and loss and insecurity which accompany a rapid fall in prices, are probably the predominating factors in a social unrest which may end in transforming the whole texture of Western society. The worker finds his increased wage continually nullified by increase of price. Out of this situation arises an exasperation which, naturally enough, with peoples habituated by five years of war to violence and emotional mass-judgments, finds expression, not necessarily in organised revolution--that implies, after all, a plan of programme, a hope of a new order--but rather in sullen resentment; declining production, the menace of general chaos. However restricted the resources of a country may have become, there will always be some people under a régime of private capital and individual enterprise who will have more than a mere sufficiency, whose means will reach to luxury and even ostentation. They may be few in number; the amount of waste their luxury represents may in comparison with the total resources be unimportant. But their existence will suffice to give colour to the charge of profiteering and exploitation and to render still more acute the sullen discontent, and finally perhaps the tendency to violence. It is in such a situation that the price of a few prime necessaries--bread, coal, milk, sugar, clothing--becomes a social, political, and moral fact of the first importance. A two-shilling loaf may well be a social and political portent. In the week preceding the writing of these lines five cabinets have fallen in Europe. The least common denominator in the cause is the grinding poverty which is common to the peoples they ruled. In two cases the governments fell avowedly over the question of bread, maintained by subsidy at a fraction of its commercial cost. Everywhere the social atmosphere, the temper of the workers, responds to stimulus of that kind. When we reach the stage at which mothers are forced to see their children slowly die for lack of milk and bread, or the decencies of life are lost in a sordid scramble for sheer physical existence, then the economic problem becomes the gravest moral problem. The two are merged. The obvious truth that, if economic preoccupations are not to dominate the minds and absorb the energies of men to the exclusion of less material things, then the fundamental economic needs must be satisfied; the fact, that though the foundations are certainly not the whole building, civilisation does rest upon foundations of food, shelter, fuel, and that if it is to be stable they must be sound--these things have been rendered commonplace by events since the Armistice. But before the War they were not commonplaces. The suggestion that the economic results of war were worth considering was quite commonly rejected as 'offensive,' implying that men went to war for 'profit.' Nations in going to war, we were told, were lifted beyond the region of 'economics.' The conception that the neglect of the economics of war might mean--as it has meant--the slow torture of tens of millions of children and the disintegration of whole civilisations, and that if those who professed to be the trustees of their fellows were not considering these things they ought to be--this was, very curiously as it now seems to us at this date, regarded as sordid and material. We now see that the things of the spirit depend upon the solution of these material problems. The one fact which stood out clear above all others after the Armistice was the actual shortage of goods at a time when millions were literally dying of hunger. The decline of productivity was obvious. It was due in part to diversion of energies to the task of war, to the destruction of materials, failure in many cases to maintain plant (factories, railways, roads, housing); to a varying degree of industrial and commercial demoralisation arising out of the War and, later, out of the struggle for political rearrangements both within States and as between States; to the shortening of the hours of labour; to the dislocation, first of mobilisation, and then of demobilisation; to relaxation of effort as reaction from the special strain of war; to the demoralisation of credit owing to war-time financial shifts. We had all these factors of reduced productivity on the one side, and on the other a generally increased habit and standard of expenditure, due in part to a stimulation of spending power owing to the inflation of the currency and in part to the recklessness which usually follows war; and above all an increasingly insistent demand on the part of the worker everywhere in Europe for a higher general standard of living, that is to say, not only a larger share of the diminished product of his labour, but a larger absolute amount drawn from a diminished total. This created an economic _impasse_--the familiar 'vicious circle.' The decline in the purchasing power of money and the rise in the rate of interest set up demands for compensating increases both of wages and of profits, which increases in turn added to the cost of production, to prices. And so on _da capo_. As the first and last remedy for this condition one thing was urged, to the exclusion of almost all else--increased production. The King, the Cabinet, economists, Trades Union leaders, the newspapers, the Churches, all agreed upon that one solution. Until well into the autumn of 1920 all were enjoining upon the workers their duty of an ever-increasing output. By the end of that year, workers, who had on numberless occasions been told that their one salvation was to increase their output, and who had been upbraided in no mild terms because of their tendency to diminish output, were being discharged in their hundreds of thousands because there was a paralysing over-production and glut! Half a world was famished and unclothed, but vast stores of British goods were rotting and multitudes of workers unemployed. America revealed the same phenomena. After stories of the fabulous wealth which had come to her as the result of the War and the destruction of her commercial competitors, we find, in the winter of 1920-21 that over great areas in the South and West her farmers are near to bankruptcy because their cotton and wheat are unsaleable at prices that are remunerative, and her industrial unemployment problem as acute as it has been in a generation. So bad is it, indeed, that the Labour Unions are unable to resist the Open Shop campaign forced upon them by the employers, a campaign menacing the gains in labour organisation that it has taken more than a generation to make. America's commercial competitors being now satisfactorily disposed of by the War, and 'the economic conquest of the world' being now open to that country, we find the agricultural interests (particularly cotton and wheat) demanding government aid for the purpose of putting these aforesaid competitors once more on their feet (by loan) in order that they may buy American products. But the loans can only be repaid and the products paid for in goods. This, of course, constitutes, in terms of nationalist economics, a 'menace.' So the same Congress which receives demands for government credits to European countries, also receives demands for the enactment of Protectionist legislation, which will effectually prevent the European creditors from repaying the loans or paying for the purchases. The spectacle is a measure of the chaos in our thinking on international economics.[1] But the fact we are for the moment mainly concerned with is this: on the one side millions perishing for lack of corn or cotton; on the other corn and cotton in such abundance that they are burned, and their producers face bankruptcy. Obviously therefore it is not merely a question of production, but of production adjusted to consumption, and vice versa; of proper distribution of purchasing power, and a network of processes which must be in increasing degree consciously controlled. We should never have supposed that mere production would suffice, if there did not perpetually slip from our minds the very elementary truth that in a world where division of labour exists wealth is not a material but a material plus a process--a process of exchange. Our minds are still dominated by the mediæval aspect of wealth as a 'possession' of static material such as land, not as part of a flow. It is that oversight which probably produced the War; it certainly produced certain clauses of the Treaty. The wealth of England is not coal, because if we could not exchange it (or the manufactures and services based on it) for other things--mainly food--it certainly would not even feed our population. And the process by which coal becomes bread is only possible by virtue of certain adjustments, which can only be made if there be present such things as a measure of political security, stability of conditions enabling us to know that crops can be gathered, transported and sold for money of stable value; if there be in other words the indispensable element of contract, confidence, rendering possible the indispensable device of credit. And as the self-sufficing economic unit--quite obviously in the case of England, less obviously but hardly less certainly in other notable cases--cannot be the national unit, the field of the contract--the necessary stability of credit, that is--must be, if not international, then trans-national. All of which is extremely elementary; and almost entirely overlooked by our statesmanship, as reflected in the Settlement and in the conduct of policy since the Armistice. 2 _Britain's dependence on the production by foreigners of a surplus of food and raw materials beyond their own needs_ The matter may be clarified if we summarise what precedes, and much of what follows, in this proposition:-- The present conditions in Europe show that much of its dense population (notably the population of these islands) can only live at a standard necessary for civilisation (leisure, social peace, individual freedom) by means of certain co-operative processes, which must be carried on largely across frontiers. The mere physical existence of much of the population of Britain is dependent upon the production by foreigners of a surplus of food and raw materials beyond their own needs. The processes of production have become of the complex kind which cannot be compelled by preponderant power, exacted by physical coercion. But the attempt at such coercion, the inevitable results of a policy aimed at securing predominant power, provoking resistance and friction, can and does paralyse the necessary processes, and by so doing is undermining the economic foundations of British life. What are the facts supporting the foregoing proposition? Many whose instincts of national protection would become immediately alert at the possibility of a naval blockade of these islands, remain indifferent to the possibility of a blockade arising in another but every bit as effective a fashion. That is through the failure of the food and raw material, upon which our populations and our industries depend, to be produced at all owing to the progressive social disintegration which seems to be going on over the greater part of the world. To the degree to which it is true to say that Britain's life is dependent upon her fleet, it is true to say that it is dependent upon the production by foreigners of a surplus above their own needs of food and raw material. This is the most fundamental fact in the economic situation of Britain: a large portion of her population are fed by the exchange of coal, or services and manufactures based on coal, for the surplus production, mainly food and raw material, of peoples living overseas.[2] Whether the failure of food to reach us were due to the sinking of our ships at sea or the failure of those ships to obtain cargoes at the port of embarkation the result in the end would be the same. Indeed, the latter method, if complete, would be the more serious as an armistice or surrender would not bring relief. The hypothesis has been put in an extreme form in order to depict the situation as vividly as possible. But such a condition as the complete failure of the foreigner's surplus does not seem to-day so preposterous as it might have done five years ago. For that surplus has shrunk enormously and great areas that once contributed to feeding us can do so no longer. Those areas already include Russia, Siberia, the Balkans, and a large part of the Near and Far East. What we are practically concerned with, of course, is not the immediate disappearance of that surplus on which our industries depend, but the degree to which its reduction increases for us the cost of food, and so intensifies all the social problems that arise out of an increasing cost of living. Let the standard alike of consumption and production of our overseas white customers decline to the standard of India and China, and our foreign trade would correspondingly decrease; the decline in the world's production of food would mean that much less for us; it would reduce the volume of our trade, or in terms of our own products, cost that much more; this in turn would increase the cost of our manufactures, create an economic situation which one could describe with infinite technical complexity, but which, however technical and complex that description were made, would finally come to this--that our own toil would become less productive. That is a relatively new situation. In the youth of men now living, these islands with their twenty-five or thirty million population were, so far as vital needs are concerned, self-sufficing. What will be the situation when the children now growing up in our homes become members of a British population which may number fifty, sixty, or seventy millions? (Germany's population, which, at the outbreak of war, was nearly seventy millions, was in 1870 a good deal less than the present population of Great Britain.) Moreover, the problem is affected by what is perhaps the most important economic change in the world since the industrial revolution, namely the alteration in the ratio of the exchange value of manufactures and food--the shift over of advantage in exchange from the side of the industrialist and manufacturer to the side of the producer of food. Until the last years of the nineteenth century the world was a place in which it was relatively easy to produce food, and nearly the whole of its population was doing it. In North and South America, in Russia, Siberia, China, India, the universal occupation was agriculture, carried on largely (save in the case of China and India) upon new soil, its first fertility as yet unexhausted. A tiny minority of the world's population only was engaged in industry in the modern sense: in producing things in factories by machinery, in making iron and steel. Only in Great Britain, in Northern Germany, in a few districts in the United States, had large-scale industry been systematically developed. It is easy to see, therefore, what immense advantage in exchange the industrialist had. What he had for sale was relatively scarce; what the agriculturist had for sale was produced the world over and was, _in terms of manufactures_, extremely cheap. It was the economic paradox of the time that in countries like America, South and North, the farmer--the producer of food--was naturally visualised as a poverty-stricken individual--a 'hayseed' dressed in cotton jeans, without the conveniences and amenities of civilisation, while it was in the few industrial centres that the vast wealth was being piled up. But as the new land in North America and Argentina and Siberia became occupied and its first fertility exhausted, as the migration from the land to the towns set in, it became possible with the spread of technical training throughout the world, with the wider distribution of mechanical power and the development of transport, for every country in some measure to engage in manufacture, and the older industrial centres lost some of their monopoly advantage in dealing with the food producer. In Cobden's day it was almost true to say that England spun cotton for the world. To-day cotton is spun where cotton is grown; in India, in the Southern States of America, in China. This is a condition which (as the pages which follow reveal in greater detail) the intensification of nationalism and its hostility to international arrangement will render very much more acute. The patriotism of the future China or Argentina--or India and Australia, for that matter--may demand the home production of goods now bought in (say) England. It may not in economic terms benefit the populations who thus insist upon a complete national economy. But 'defence is more than opulence.' The very insecurity which the absence of a definitely organised international order involves will be invoked as justifying the attempt at economic self-sufficiency. Nationalism creates the situation to which it points as justification for its policy: it makes the very real dangers that it fears. And as Nationalism thus breaks up the efficient transnational division of labour and diminishes total productivity, the resultant pressure of population or diminished means of subsistence will push to keener rivalry for the conquest of territory. The circle can become exceedingly vicious--so vicious, indeed, that we may finally go back to the self-sufficing village community; a Europe sparsely populated if the resultant clerical influence is unable to check prudence in the matter of the birth-rate, densely populated to a Chinese or Indian degree if the birth-rate is uncontrolled. The economic chaos and social disintegration which have stricken so much of the world have brought a sharp reminder of the primary, the elemental place of food in the catalogue of man's needs, and the relative ease and rapidity with which most else can be jettisoned in our complex civilisation, provided only that the stomach can be filled. Before the War the towns of Europe were the luxurious and opulent centres; the rural districts were comparatively poor. To-day it is the cities of the Continent that are half-starved or famine-stricken, while the farms are well-fed and relatively opulent. In Russia, Poland, Hungary, Germany, Austria, the cities perish, but the peasants for the most part have a sufficiency. The cities are finding that with the breakdown of the old stability--of the transport and credit systems particularly--they cannot obtain food from the farmers. This process which we now see at work on the Continent is in fact the reversal of our historical development. As money acquired a stable value and transport and communication became easy and cheap, the manor ceased to be self-contained, to weave its own clothes and make its own implements. But the Russian peasants are proving to-day that if the railroads break down, and the paper money loses its value, the farm can become once more self-sufficing. Better to thresh the wheat with a flail, to weave clothes from the wool, than to exchange wheat and wool for a money that will buy neither cloth nor threshing machinery. But a country-side that weaves its own cloth and threshes its grain by hand is one that has little surplus of food for great cities--as Vienna, Buda-Pest, Moscow, and Petrograd have already discovered. If England is destined in truth to remain the workshop of that world which produces the food and raw material, then she has indeed a very direct interest in the maintenance of all those processes upon which the pre-war exchange between farm and factory, city and country, depended.[3] The 'farm' upon which the 'factory' of Great Britain depends is the food-producing world as a whole. It does not suffice that the overseas world should merely support itself as it did, say, in the tenth century, but it must be induced by hope of advantage to exchange a surplus for those things which we can deliver to it more economically than it can make them for itself. Because the necessary social and political stability, with its material super-structure of transport and credit, operating trans-nationally, has broken down, much of Europe is returning to its earlier simple life of unco-ordinated production, and its total fertility is being very greatly reduced. The consequent reaction of a diminished food supply for ourselves is already being felt. 3 _The 'Prosperity' of Paper Money_ It will be said: Does not the unquestioned rise in the standard of wages, despite all the talk of debt, expenditure, unbalanced budgets, public bankruptcy, disprove any theory of a vital connection between a stable Europe and our own prosperity? Indeed, has not the experience of the War discredited much of the theory of the interdependence of nations? The first few years of the War did, indeed, seem to discredit it, to show that this interdependence was not so vital as had been supposed. Germany seemed for a long time really to be self-supporting, to manage without contact with other peoples. It seemed possible to re-direct the channels of trade with relative ease. It really appeared for a time that the powers of the Governments could modify fundamentally the normal process of credit almost at will, which would have been about equivalent to the discovery of perpetual motion! Not only was private credit maintained by governmental assistance, but exchanges were successfully 'pegged'; collapse could be prevented apparently with ease. Industry itself showed a similar elasticity. In this country it seemed possible to withdraw five or six million men from actual production, and so organise the remainder as to enable them to produce enough not only to maintain themselves, but the country at large and the army, in food, clothing and other necessaries. And this was accomplished at a standard of living above rather than below that which obtained when the country was at peace, and when the six or seven or eight millions engaged in war or its maintenance were engaged in the production of consumable wealth. It seemed an economic miracle that with these millions withdrawn from production, though remaining consumers, the total industrial output should be very little less than it was before the War. But we are beginning to see how this miracle was performed, and also what is the truth as to the self-sufficiency of the great nations. As late as the early summer of 1918, when, even after four years of the exhausting drain of war, well-fed German armies were still advancing and gaining victories, and German guns were bombarding Paris (for the first time in the War), the edifice of German self-sufficiency seemed to be sound. But this apparently stalwart economic structure crumbled in a few months into utter ruins and the German population was starving and freezing, without adequate food, fuel, clothing. England has in large measure escaped this result just because her contacts with the rest of the world have been maintained while Germany's have not. These latter were not even re-established at the Armistice; in many respects her economic isolation was more complete after the War than during it. Moreover, because our contacts with the rest of the world are maintained by shipping, a very great flexibility is given to our extra-national economic relationships. Our lines of communication can be switched from one side of the world to the other instantly, whereas a country whose approaches are by railroads may find its communications embarrassed for a generation if new frontiers render the old lines inapplicable to the new political conditions. In the first year or so following the Armistice there was a curious contradiction in the prevailing attitude towards the economic situation at home. The newspapers were full of headlines about the Road to Ruin and National Bankruptcy; the Government plainly was unable to make both ends meet; the financial world was immensely relieved when America postponed the payments of debts to her; we were pathetically appealing to her to come and save us; the British sovereign, which for generations has been a standard of value for the world and the symbol of security, dropped to a discount of 20 per cent, in terms of the dollar; our Continental creditors were even worse off; the French could only pay us in a depreciated paper currency, the value of which in terms of the dollar varied between a third and a fourth of what it was before the War; the lira was cheaper still. Yet side by side with this we had stories of a trade boom (especially in textiles and cotton), so great that merchants and manufacturers refused to go to their offices, in order to dodge the flood of orders so vastly in excess of what they could fulfil. Side by side with depreciated paper currency, with public debts so crippling that the Government could only balance its budget by loans which were not successful when floated, the amusement trades flourished as never before. Theatre, music hall, and cinematograph receipts beat all records. There was a greater demand for motor-cars than the trade could supply. The Riviera was fuller than it had ever been before. The working class itself was competing with others for the purchase of luxuries which in the past that class never knew. And while the financial situation made it impossible, apparently, to find capital for building houses to live in, ample capital was forthcoming wherewith to build cinema palaces. We heard and read of famine almost at our doors, and saw great prosperity around us; read daily of impending bankruptcy--and of high profits and lavish spending; of world-wide unrest and revolution--and higher wages than the workers had ever known. Complex and contradictory as the facts seemed, the difficulty of a true estimate was rendered greater by the position in which European Governments found themselves placed. These Governments were faced by the necessity of maintaining credit and confidence at almost any cost. They must not, therefore, throw too great an emphasis upon the dark features. Yet the need for economy and production was declared to be as great as it was during the war. To create a mood of seriousness and sober resolution adequate to the situation would involve stressing facts which, in their efforts to obtain loans, internal or external, and to maintain credit, governments were compelled to minimise. Then, of course, the facts were obscured mainly by the purchasing power created by the manufacture of credit and paper money. Some light is thrown upon this ambiguous situation by a fact which is now so manifest--that this juxtaposition of growing indebtedness and lavish spending, high wages, high profits, active trade, and a rising standard of living, were all things that marked the condition of Germany in the first few years of the War. Industrial concerns showed profits such as they had never shown before; wages steadily rose; and money was plentiful. But the profits were made and the wages were paid in a money that continually declined in value--as ours is declining. The higher consumption drew upon sources that were steadily being depleted--as ours are being depleted. The production was in certain cases maintained by very uneconomic methods: as by working only the best seams in the coal mines, by devoting no effort to the proper upkeep of plant (locomotives on the railway which ordinarily would go into the repair shop every six weeks were kept running somehow during the whole course of the War). In this sense the people were 'living upon capital'--devoting, that is, to the needs of current consumption energy which should have been devoted to ensuring future production. In another way, they were converting into income what is normally a source of capital. An increase in profits or wages, which ordinarily would have provided a margin, over and above current expenditure, out of which capital for new plant, etc., could have been drawn, was rapidly nullified by a corresponding increase in prices. Loans for the purpose even of capital expenditure involved an inflation of currency which still further increased prices, thus diminishing the value of the capital so provided, necessitating the issue of further loans which had the same effect. And so the vicious circle was narrowed. Even after four years of this kind of thing the edifice had in many respects the outward appearances of prosperity. As late as April, 1918, the German organisation, as we have noted, was still capable of maintaining a military machine which could not only hold its own but compel the retirement of the combined forces of France, Britain, America, and minor Allies. But once the underlying process of disintegration became apparent, the whole structure went to pieces. It is that unnoticed process of disintegration, preceding the final collapse, which should interest us. For the general method employed by Germany for meeting the consumption of war and disguising the growing scarcity is in many respects the method her neighbours adopted for meeting the consumption of a new standard of life on the basis of less total wealth--a standard which, on the part of the workers, means both shorter hours and a larger share of their produce, and on the part of other classes a larger share of the more expensive luxuries. Like the Germans of 1914-18, we are drawing for current consumption upon the fund which, in a more healthy situation, would go to provide for renewal of plant and provision of new capital. To 'eat the seed corn' may give an appearance of present plenty at the cost of starvation later. It is extremely unlikely that there will ever be in England the sudden catastrophic economic collapse which we have witnessed in Russia, Germany, Austria, and Central Europe generally. But we shall none the less be concerned. As the increased wages gained by strikes lose with increasing rapidity their value in purchasing power, thus wiping out the effect of the industrial 'victory,' irritation among the workers will grow. On minds so prepared the Continental experiments in social reconstruction--prompted by conditions immeasurably more acute--will act with the force of hypnotic suggestion. Our Government may attempt to cope with these movements by repression or political devices. Tempers will be too bad and patience too short to give the sound solutions a real chance. And an economic situation, not in itself inherently desperate, may get steadily worse because of the loss of social discipline and of political insight, the failure to realise past expectations, the continuance of military burdens created by external political chaos. 4 _The European disintegration: Britain's concern._ What has actually happened in so much of Europe around us ought certainly to prevent any too complacent sense of security. In the midst of this old civilisation are (in Mr. Hoover's calculation) some hundred million folk, who before the War managed to support themselves in fair comfort but are now unable to be truly self-supporting. Yet they live upon the same soil and in the presence of the same natural resources as before the War. Their inability to use that soil and those materials is not due to the mere physical destruction of war, for the famine is worst where there has been no physical destruction at all. It is not a lack of labour, for millions are unemployed, seeking work. Nor is it lack of technical or scientific knowledge, upon which (very erroneously) we are apt to look as the one sufficient factor of civilisation; for our technical knowledge in the management of matter is greater even than before the War. What then is the reason why these millions starve in the midst of potential plenty? It is that they have lost, from certain moral causes examined later in these pages, the capacity to co-ordinate their labour sufficiently to carry on the processes by which alone labour and knowledge can be applied to an exploitation of nature sufficiently complete to support our dense modern populations. The fact that wealth is not to-day a material which can be taken, but a process which can only be maintained by virtue of certain moral factors, marks a change in human relationship, the significance of which still seems to escape us. The manor, or even the eighteenth century village, was roughly a self-sufficing unit. It mattered little to that unit what became of the outside world. The manor or village was independent; its people could be cut off from the outside world, could ravage the near parts of it and remain unaffected. But when the development of communication and the discovery of steam turns the agricultural community into coal miners, these are no longer indifferent to the condition of the outside world. Cut them off from the agriculturalists who take their coal or manufactures, or let these latter be unable to carry on their calling, and the miner starves. He cannot eat his coal. He is no longed independent. His life hangs upon certain activities of others. Where his forebears could have raided and ravaged with no particular hurt to themselves, the miner cannot. He is dependent upon those others and has given them hostages. He is no longer 'independent,' however clamorously in his Nationalist oratory he may use that word. He has been forced into a relation of partnership. And how very small is the effectiveness of any physical coercion he can apply, in order to exact the services by which he lives, we shall see presently. This situation of interdependence is of course felt much more acutely by some countries than others--much more by England, for instance, than by France. France in the matter of essential foodstuffs can be nearly self-supporting, England cannot. For England, an outside world of fairly high production is a matter of life and death; the economic consideration must in this sense take precedence of others. In the case of France considerations of political security are apt to take precedence of economic considerations. France can weaken her neighbours vitally without being brought to starvation. She can purchase security at the cost of mere loss of profits on foreign trade by the economic destruction of, say, Central Europe. The same policy would for Britain in the long run spell starvation. And it is this fundamental difference of economic situation which is at the bottom of much of the divergence of policy between Britain and France which has recently become so acute. This is the more evident when we examine recent changes of detail in this general situation special to England. Before the War a very large proportion of our food and raw material was supplied by the United States. But our economic relationship with that country has been changed as the result of the War. Previous to 1914 we were the creditor and America the debtor nation. She was obliged to transmit to us large sums in interest on investments of British capital. These annual payments were in fact made in the form of food and raw materials, for which, in a national sense, we did not have to give goods or services in return. We are now less in the position of creditor, more in that of debtor. America does not have to transmit to us. Whereas, originally, we did an immense proportion of America's carrying trade, because she had no ocean-going mercantile marine, she has begun to do her own carrying. Further, the pressure of her population upon her food resources is rapidly growing. The law diminishing returns is in some instances beginning to apply to the production of food, which in the past has been plentiful without fertilisers and under a very wasteful and simple system. And in America, as elsewhere, the standard of consumption, owing to a great increase of the wage standard, has grown, while the standard of production has not always correspondingly increased. The practical effect of this is to throw England into greater dependence upon certain new sources of food--or trade, which in the end is the same thing. The position becomes clearer if we reflect that our dependence becomes more acute with every increase of our population. Our children now at school may be faced by the problem of finding food for a population of sixty or seventy millions on these islands. A high agricultural productivity on the part of countries like Russia and Siberia and the Balkans might well be then a life and death matter. Now the European famine has taught us a good deal about the necessary conditions of high agricultural productivity. The co-operation of manufactures--of railways for taking crops out and fertilisers in, of machinery, tools, wagons, clothing--is one of them. That manufacturing itself must be done by division of labour is another: the country or area that is fitted to supply textiles or cream separators is not necessarily fitted to supply steel rails: yet until the latter are supplied the former cannot be obtained. Often productivity is paralysed simply because transport has broken down owing to lack of rolling stock, or coal, or lubricants, or spare parts for locomotives; or because a debased currency makes it impossible to secure food from peasants, who will not surrender it in return for paper that has no value--the manufactures which might ultimately give it value being paralysed. The lack of confidence in the maintenance of the value of paper money, for instance, is rapidly diminishing the food productivity of the soil; peasants will not toil to produce food which they cannot exchange, through the medium of money, for the things which they need--clothing, implements, and so on. This diminishing productivity is further aggravated by the impossibility of obtaining fertilisers (some of which are industrial products, and all of which require transport), machines, tools, etc. The food producing capacity of Europe cannot be maintained without the full co-operation of the non-agricultural industries--transport, manufactures, coal mining, sound banking--and the maintenance of political order. Nothing but the restoration of all the economic processes of Europe as a whole can prevent a declining productivity that must intensify social and political disorder, of which we may merely have seen the beginning. But if this interdependence of factory and farm in the production of food is indisputable, though generally ignored, it involves a further fact just as indisputable, and even more completely ignored. And the further fact is that the manufacturing and the farming, neither of which can go on without the other, may well be situated in different States. Vienna starves largely because the coal needed for its factories is now situated in a foreign State--Czecho-Slovakia--which, partly from political motives perhaps, fails to deliver it. Great food producing areas in the Balkans and Russia are dependent for their tools and machinery, for the stability of the money without which the food will not be produced, upon the industries of Germany. Those industries are destroyed, the markets have disappeared, and with them the incentive to production. The railroads of what ought to be food producing States are disorganized from lack of rolling stock, due to the same paralysis of German industry; and so the food production is diminished. Tens of millions of acres outside Germany, whose food the world sorely needs, have been rendered barren by the industrial paralysis of the Central Empires which the economic terms of the Treaty render inevitable. Speaking of the need of Russian agriculture for German industry, Mr. Maynard Keynes, who has worked out the statistics revealing the relative position of Germany to the rest of Europe, writes:-- 'It is impossible geographically and for many other reasons for Englishmen, Frenchmen, or Americans to undertake it--we have neither the incentive nor the means for doing the work on a sufficient scale. Germany, on the other hand, has the experience, the incentive, and to a large extent, the materials for furnishing the Russian peasant with the goods of which he has been starved for the past five years, for reorganising the business of transport and collection, and so for bringing into the world's pool, for the common advantage, the supplies from which we are now disastrously cut off.... If we oppose in detail every means by which Germany or Russia can recover their material well-being, because we feel a national, racial, or political hatred for their populations or their governments, we must be prepared to face the consequences of such feelings. Even if there is no moral solidarity between the newly-related races of Europe, there is an economic solidarity which we cannot disregard. Even now, the world markets are one. If we do not allow Germany to exchange products with Russia and so feed herself, she must inevitably compete with us for the produce of the New World. The more successful we are in snapping economic relations between Germany and Russia, the more we shall depress the level of our own economic standards and increase the gravity of our own domestic problems.'[4] It is not merely the productivity of Russia which is involved. Round Germany as a central support the rest of the European economic system grouped itself, and upon the prosperity and enterprise of Germany the prosperity of the rest of the Continent mainly depended. Germany was the best customer of Russia, Norway, Poland, Belgium, Switzerland, Italy, and Austria-Hungary; she was the second best customer of Great Britain, Sweden, and Denmark; and the third best customer of France. She was the largest source of supply to Russia, Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Poland, Switzerland, Italy, Austria-Hungary, Rumania, and Bulgaria; and the second largest source of supply to Great Britain, Belgium, and France. Britain sent more experts to Germany than to any other country in the world except India, and bought more from her than any other country in the world except the United States. There was no European country except those west of Germany which did not do more than a quarter of their total trade with her; and in the case of Russia, Austria-Hungary, and Poland, the proportion was far greater. To retard or prevent the economic restoration of Germany means retarding the economic reconstruction of Europe. This gives us a hint of the deep causes underlying the present divergence of French and British policy with reference to the economic reconstruction of Russia and Central Europe. A Britain of sixty or seventy millions faced by the situation with reference to America that has just been touched upon, might well find that the development of the resources of Russia, Siberia, and the Near East--even at the cost of dividing the profits thereof in terms of industrial development with Germany, each supplying that for which it was best suited--was the essential condition of food and social peace. France has no such pre-occupation. Her concern is political: the maintenance of a military predominance on which she believes her political security to depend, an object that might well be facilitated by the political disintegration of Europe even though it involved its economic disintegration. That brings us to the political factor in the decline in productivity. From it we may learn something of the moral factor, which is the ultimate condition of any co-operation whatsoever. The relationship of the political to the economic situation is illustrated most vividly, perhaps, in the case of Austria. Mr. Hoover, in testimony given to a United States Senate Committee, has declared bluntly that it is no use talking of loans to Austria which imply future security, if the present political status is to be maintained, because that status has rendered the old economic activities impossible. Speaking before the Committee, he said:-- 'The political situation in Austria I hesitate to discuss, but it is the cause of the trouble. Austria has now no hope of being anything more than a perpetual poorhouse, because all her lands that produce food have been taken from her. This, I will say, was done without American inspiration. If this political situation continues, and Austria is made a perpetual mendicant, the United States should not provide the charity. We should make the loan suggested with full notice that those who undertake to continue Austria's present status must pay the bill. Present Austria faces three alternatives--death, migration, or a complete industrial diversion and re-organization. Her economic rehabilitation seems impossible after the way she was broken up at the Peace Conference. Her present territory will produce only enough food for three months, and she has now no factories which might produce products to be exchanged for food.'[5] To realise what can really be accomplished by statesmanship that has a soul above such trifles as food and fuel, when it sets its hand to map-drawing, one should attempt to visualise the state of Vienna to-day. Mr A. G. Gardiner, the English journalist, has sketched it thus:-- 'To conceive its situation one must imagine London suddenly cut off from all the sources of its life, no access to the sea, frontiers of hostile Powers all round it, every coalfield of Yorkshire or South Wales or Scotland in foreign hands, no citizen able to travel to Birmingham or Manchester without a passport, the mills it had financed in Lancashire taken from it, no coal to burn, no food to eat, and--with its shilling down in value to a farthing--no money to buy raw materials for its labour, industry at a standstill, hundreds of thousands living (or dying) on charity, nothing prospering except the vile exploiters of misery, the traffickers in food, the traffickers in vice. That is the Vienna which the peace criminals have made. 'Vienna was the financial and administrative centre of fifty million of people. It financed textile factories, paper manufacturing, machine works, beet growing, and scores of other industries in German Bohemia. It owned coal mines at Teschen. It drew its food from Hungary. From every quarter of the Empire there came to Vienna the half-manufactured products of the provinces for the finishing processes, tailoring, dyeing, glass-working, in which a vast population found employment. 'Suddenly all this elaborate structure of economic life was swept away. Vienna, instead of being the vital centre of fifty millions of people, finds itself a derelict city with a province of six millions. It is cut off from its coal supplies, from its food supplies, from its factories, from everything that means existence. It is enveloped by tariff walls.' The writer goes on to explain that the evils are not limited to Austria. In this unhappy Balkanised Society that the peace has created at the heart of Europe, every State is at issue with its neighbours: the Czechs with the Poles, the Hungarians with the Czechs, the Rumanians with the Hungarians, and all with Austria. The whole Empire is parcelled out into quarrelling factions, with their rival tariffs, their passports and their animosities. All free intercourse has stopped, all free interchange of commodities has ceased. Each starves the other and is starved by the other. 'I met a banker travelling from Buda-Pest to Berlin by Vienna and Bavaria. I asked him why he went so far out of his way to get to his goal, and he replied that it was easier to do that than to get through the barbed-wire entanglements of Czecho-Slovakia. There is great hunger in Bohemia, and it is due largely to the same all-embracing cause. Formerly the Czech peasants used to go to Hungary to gather the harvest and returned with corn as part payment. Now intercourse has stopped, the Hungarian cornfields are without the necessary labour, and the Czech peasant starves at home, or is fed by the American Relief Fund. "One year of peace," said Herr Renner, the Chancellor, to me, "has wrought more ruin than five years of war."' * * * * * Mr Gardiner's final verdict[6] does not in essence differ from that of Mr Hoover:-- 'It is the levity of mind which has plunged this great city into ruin that is inexplicable. The political dismemberment of Austria might be forgiven. That was repeatedly declared by the Allies not to be an object of the War; but the policy of the French, backed by the industrious propaganda of a mischievous newspaper group in this country, triumphed and the promise was dishonoured. Austria-Hungary was broken into political fragments. That might be defended as a political necessity. But the economic dismemberment was as gratuitous as it was deadly. It could have been provided against if ordinary foresight had been employed. Austria-Hungary was an economic unit, a single texture of the commercial, industrial, and financial interests.'[7] We have talked readily enough in the past of this or that being a 'menace to civilisation.' The phrase has been applied indifferently to a host of things from Prussian Militarism to the tango. No particular meaning was attached to the phrase, and we did not believe that the material security of our civilisation--the delivery of the letters and the milk in the morning, and the regular running of the 'Tubes'--would ever be endangered in our times. But this is what has happened in a few months. We have seen one of the greatest and most brilliant capitals of Europe, a city completely untouched by the physical devastation of war, endowed beyond most with the equipment of modern technical learning and industry, with some of the greatest factories, medical schools and hospitals of our times, unable to save its children from death by simple starvation--unable, with all that equipment, to provide them each with a little milk and a few ounces of flour every day. 5 _The Limits of Political Control_ It is sometimes suggested that as political factors (particularly the drawing of frontiers) entered to some extent at least into the present distribution of population, political forces can re-distribute that population. But re-distribution would mean in fact killing. So to re-direct the vast currents of European industry as to involve a great re-distribution of the population would demand a period of time so great that during the necessary stoppage of the economic process most of the population concerned would be dead--even if we could imagine sufficient stability to permit of these vast changes taking place according to the naïve and what we now know to be fantastic, programme of our Treaties. And since the political forces--as we shall see--are extremely unstable, the new distribution would presumably again one day undergo a similarly murderous modification. That brings us to the question suggested in the proposition set out some pages back, how far preponderant political power can ensure or compel those processes by which a population in the position of that of these islands lives. For, as against much of the foregoing, it is sometimes urged that Britain's concern in the Continental chaos is not really vital, because while the British Isles cannot be self-sufficing, the British Empire can be. During the War a very bold attempt was made to devise a scheme by which political power should be used to force the economic development of the world into certain national channels, a scheme whereby the military power of the dominant group should be so used as to ensure it a permanent preponderance of economic resources. The plan is supposed to have emanated from Mr Hughes, the Prime Minister of Australia, and the Allies (during Mr Asquith's Premiership incidentally) met in Paris for its consideration. Mr Hughes's idea seems to have been to organise the world into economic categories: the British Empire first in order of mutual preference, the Allies next, the neutrals next, and the enemy States last of all. Russia was, of course, included among the Allies, America among the neutrals, the States then Austria-Hungary among the enemies. One has only to imagine some such scheme having been voted and put into operation, and the modifications which political changes would to-day compel, to get an idea of merely the first of the difficulties of using political and military power, with a basis of separate and competing nationalisms, for economic purposes. The very nature of military nationalism makes surrender of competition in favour of long continued co-operation for common purposes, a moral impossibility. The foundations of the power are unstable, the wills which determine its use contradictory. Yet military power must rest upon Alliance. Even the British Empire found that its defence needed Allies. And if the British Empire is to be self-sufficing, its trade canalised into channels drawn along certain political lines, the preferences and prohibitions will create many animosities. Are we to sacrifice our self-sufficiency for the sake of American and French friendship, or risk losing the friendship by preferences designed to ensure self-sufficiency? Yet to the extent that our trade is with countries like North and South America we cannot exercise on its behalf even the shadow of military coercion. But that is only the beginning of the difficulty. A suggestive fact is that ever since the population of these islands became dependent upon overseas trade, that trade has been not mainly with the Empire but with foreigners. It is to-day.[8] And if one reflects for a moment upon the present political relationship of the Imperial Government to Ireland, Egypt, India, South Africa, and the tariff and immigration legislation that has marked the economic history of Australia and Canada during the last twenty years, one will get some idea of the difficulty which surrounds the employment of political power for the shaping of an economic policy to subserve any large and long-continued political end. The difficulties of an imperial policy in this respect do not differ much in character from the difficulties encountered in Paris. The British Empire, too, has its problems of 'Balkanisation,' problems that have arisen also from the anti-social element of 'absolute' nationalism. The present Nationalist fermentation within the Empire reveals very practical limits to the use of political power. We cannot compel the purchase of British goods by Egyptian, Indian, or Irish Nationalists. Moreover, an Indian or Egyptian boycott or Irish agitation, may well deprive political domination of any possibility of economic advantage. The readiness with which British opinion has accepted very large steps towards the independence and evacuation of Egypt after having fiercely resisted such a policy for a generation, would seem to suggest that some part of the truth in this matter is receiving general recognition. It is hardly less noteworthy that popular newspapers--that one could not have imagined taking such a view at the time, say, of the Boer war--now strenuously oppose further commitments in Mesopotamia and Persia--and do so on financial grounds. And even where the relations of the Imperial Government with States like Canada or Australia are of the most cordial kind, the impotence of political power for exacting economic advantage has become an axiom of imperial statecraft. The day that the Government in London proposed to set in motion its army or navy for the purpose of compelling Canada or Australia to cease the manufacture of cotton or steel in order to give England a market, would be the day, as we are all aware, of another Declaration of Independence. Any preference would be the result of consent, agreement, debate, contract: not of coercion. But the most striking demonstration yet afforded in history of the limits placed by modern industrial conditions upon the economic effectiveness of political power is afforded by the story of the attempt to secure reparations, indemnity, and even coal from Germany, and the attempt of the victors, like France, to repair the disastrous financial situation which has followed war by the military seizure of the wealth of a beaten enemy. That story is instructive both by reason of the light which it throws upon the facts as to the economic value of military power, and upon the attitude of public and statesmen towards these facts. When, some fifteen years ago, it was suggested that, given the conditions of modern trade and industry, a victor would not in practice be able to turn his military preponderance to economic account even in such a relatively simple matter as the payment of an indemnity, the suggestion was met with all but universal derision. European economists of international reputation implied that an author who could make a suggestion of that kind was just playing with paradox for the purpose of notoriety. And as for newspaper criticism--it revealed the fact that in the minds of the critics it was as simple a matter for an army to 'take' a nation's wealth once military victory had been achieved, as it would be for a big schoolboy to take an apple from a little one. Incidentally, the history of the indemnity negotiations illuminates extraordinarily the truth upon which the present writer happens so often to have insisted, namely, that in dealing with the economics of nationalism, one cannot dissociate from the problem the moral facts which make the nationalism--without which there would be no nationalisms, and therefore no 'international' economics. A book by the present author published some fifteen years ago has a chapter entitled 'The Indemnity Futility.' In the first edition the main emphasis of the chapter was thrown on this suggestion: on the morrow of a great war the victor would be in no temper to see the foreign trade of his beaten enemy expand by leaps and bounds, yet by no other means than by an immense foreign trade could a nation pay an indemnity commensurate with the vast expenditure of modern war. The idea that it would be paid in 'money,' which by some economic witchcraft should not involve the export of goods, was declared to be a gross and ignorant fallacy. The traders of the victorious nation would have to face a greatly sharpened competition from the beaten nation; or the victor would have to go without any very considerable indemnity. The chapter takes the ground that an indemnity is not in terms of theoretical economics an impossibility: it merely indicates the indispensable condition of securing it--the revival of the enemy's economic strength--and suggests that this would present for the victorious nation, not only a practical difficulty of internal politics (the pressure of Protectionist groups) but a grave political difficulty arising out of the theory upon which defence by preponderant isolated national power is based. A country possessing the economic strength to pay a vast indemnity is of potential military strength. And this is a risk your nationalists will not accept. Even friendly Free Trade critics shook their heads at this and implied that the argument was a reversion to Protectionist illusions for the purpose of making a case. That misunderstanding (for the argument does not involve acceptance of Protectionist premises) seemed so general that in subsequent editions of the book this particular passage was deleted.[9] It is not necessary now to labour the point, in view of all that has happened in Paris. The dilemma suggested fifteen years ago is precisely the dilemma which confronted the makers of the Peace Treaty; it is, indeed, precisely the dilemma which confronts us to-day. It applies not only to the Indemnity, Reparations, but to our entire policy, to larger aspects of our relations with the enemy. Hence the paralysis which results from the two mutually exclusive aims of the Treaty of Versailles: the desire on the one hand to reduce the enemy's strength by checking his economic vitality--and on the other to restore the general productivity of Europe, to which the economic life of the enemy is indispensable. France found herself, at the end of the War, in a desperate financial position and in dire need of all the help which could come from the enemy towards the restoration of her devastated districts. She presented demands for reparation running to vast, unprecedented sums. So be it. Germany then was to be permitted to return to active and productive work, to be permitted to have the iron and the other raw materials necessary for the production of the agricultural machinery, the building material and other sorts of goods France needed. Not the least in the world! Germany was to produce this great mass of wealth, but her factories were to remain closed, her rolling stock was to be taken from her, she was to have neither food nor raw materials. This is not some malicious travesty of the attitude which prevailed at the time that the Treaty was made. It was, and to a large extent still is, the position taken by many French publicists as well as by some in England. Mr. Vanderlip, the American banker, describes in his book[10] the attitude which he found in Paris during the Conference in these words: 'The French burn to milk the cow but insist first that its throat must be cut.' Despite the lessons of the year which followed the signing of the Treaty, one may doubt whether even now the nature of wealth and 'money' has come home to the Chauvinists of the Entente countries. The demand that we should at one and the same time forbid Germany to sell so much as a pen-knife in the markets of the world and yet compel her to pay us a tribute which could only be paid by virtue of a foreign trade greater than any which she has been able to maintain in the past--these mutually exclusive demands are still made in our own Parliament and Press. How powerfully the Nationalist fears operate to obscure the plain alternatives is revealed in a letter of M. André Tardieu, written more than eighteen months after the Armistice. M. Tardieu, who was M. Clemenceau's political lieutenant in the framing of the Treaty, and one of the principal inspirers of the French policy, writing in July, 1920, long after the condition of Europe and the Continent's economic dependence on Germany had become visible, 'warns' us of the 'danger' that Germany may recover unless the Treaty is applied in all its rigour! He says:-- 'Remember your own history and remember what the _rat de terre de cousin_ which Great Britain regarded with such disdain after the Treaty of Frankfurt became in less than forty years. We shall see Germany recover economically, profiting by the ruins she has made in other countries, with a rapidity which will astonish the world. When that day arrives, if we have given way at Spa to the madness of letting her off part of the debt that was born of her crime, no courses will be too strong for the Governments which allowed themselves to be duped. M. Clemenceau always said to British and American statesmen: "We of France understand Germany better than you." M. Clemenceau was right, and in bringing his colleagues round to his point of view he did good work for the welfare of humanity. If the work of last year is to be undone, the world will be delivered up to the economic hegemony of Germany before twenty-five years have passed. There could be no better proof than the recent despatches of _The Times_ correspondent in Germany, which bear witness to the fever of production which consumes Herr Stinnes and his like. Such evidence is stronger than the biased statistics of Mr Keynes. Those who refuse to take it into account will be the criminals in the eyes of their respective countries.'[11] Note M. Tardieu's argument. He fears the restoration of Germany industry, _unless_ we make her pay the whole indemnity. That is to say, in other words, if we compel Germany to produce during the next twenty-five years something like ten thousand millions worth of wealth _over and above her own needs_, involving as it must a far greater output from her factories, mines, shipyards, laboratories, a far greater development of her railways, ports, canals, a far greater efficiency and capacity in her workers than has ever been known in the past, if that takes place as it must if we are to get an indemnity on the French scale, why, in that case, there will be no risk of Germany's making too great an economic recovery! The English Press is not much better. It was in December, 1918, that Professor Starling presented to the British Government his report showing that unless Germany had more food she would be utterly unable to pay any large indemnity to aid in reparations to France. Fully eighteen months later we find the _Daily Mail_ (June 18, 1920) rampaging and shouting itself hoarse at the monstrous discovery that the Government have permitted Germans to purchase wheat! Yet the _Mail_ has been foremost in insisting upon France's dire need for a German indemnity in order to restore devastated districts. If the _Mail_ is really representative of John Bull, then that person is at present in the position of a farmer who at seed-time is made violently angry at the suggestion that grain should be taken for the purpose of sowing the land, and shouts that it is a wicked proposal to take food from the mouths of his children. Although the Northcliffe Press has itself published page advertisements (from the Save the Children Fund) describing the incredible and appalling conditions in Europe, the _Daily Mail_ shouts in its leading article: 'Is British Food to go to the Boches?' The thing is in the best war style. 'Is there any reason why the Briton should be starved to feed the German?' asks the _Mail_. And there follows, of course, the usual invective about the submarines, war criminals, the sinking of hospital ships, and the approval by the whole German people of all these crimes. We get here, as at every turn and twist of our policy, not any recognition of interdependence, but a complete repudiation of that idea, and an assumption, instead, of a conflict of interest. If the children of Vienna or Berlin are to be fed, then it is assumed that it must be at the expense of the children of Paris and London. The wealth of the world is conceived as a fixed quantity, unaffected by any process of co-operation between the peoples sharing the world. The idea is, of course, an utter fallacy. French or Belgian children will have more, not less, if we take measures to avoid European conditions in which the children of Vienna are left to die. If, during the winter of 1919-1920, French children died from sickness due to lack of fuel, it was because the German coal was not delivered, and the German coal was not delivered because, among other things, of general disorganization of transport, of lack of rolling stock, of underfeeding of the miners, of collapse of the currency, political unrest, uncertainty of the future. It is one of the contradictions of the whole situation that France herself gives intermittent recognition to the fact of this interdependence. When, at Spa, it became evident that coal simply could not be delivered in the quantities demanded unless Germany had some means of buying imported food, France consented to what was in fact a loan to Germany (to the immense mystification of certain journalistic critics in Paris). One is prompted to ask what those who, before the War so scornfully treated the present writer for throwing doubts upon the feasibility of a post-war indemnity, would have said had he predicted that on the morrow of victory, the victor, instead of collecting a vast indemnity would from the simplest motives of self-protection, out of his own direly depleted store of capital, be advancing money to the vanquished.[12] The same inconsistency runs through much of our post-war behaviour. The famine in Central Europe has become so appalling that very great sums are collected in Britain and America for its relief. Yet the reduced productivity out of which the famine has arisen was quite obviously deliberately designed, and most elaborately planned by the economic provisions of the Treaty and by the blockades prolonged after the Armistice, for months in the case of Germany and years in the case of Russia. And at the very time that advertisements were appearing in the _Daily Mail_ for 'Help to Starving Europe,' and only a few weeks before France consented to advance money for the purpose of feeding Germany, that paper was working up 'anti-Hun stunts' for the purpose of using our power to prevent any food whatsoever going to Boches. It is also a duplication of the American phenomenon already touched upon: One Bill before Congress for the loaning of American money to Europe in order that cotton and wheat may find a market: another Bill before the same Congress designed, by a stiffly increased tariff, to keep out European goods so that the loans can never be repaid.[13] The experience of France in the attempt to exact coal by the use of military pressure throws a good deal of light upon what is really annexed when a victor takes over territory containing, say, coal; as also upon the question of getting the coal when it has been annexed. 'If we need coal,' wrote a Paris journalist plaintively during the Spa Conference, 'why in heaven's name don't we go and take it.' The implication being that it could be 'taken' without payment, for nothing. But even if France were to occupy the Ruhr and to administer the mines, the plant would have to be put in order, rolling stock provided, railroads restored, and, as France has already learned, miners fed and clothed and housed. But that costs money--to be paid as part of the cost of the coal. If Germany is compelled to provide those things--mining machinery, rolling stock, rails, miners' houses and clothing and food--we are confronted with pretty much the same dilemma as we encounter in compelling the payment of an indemnity. A Germany that can buy foreign food is a Germany of restored credit; a Germany that can furnish rolling stock, rails, mining machinery, clothing and housing for miners, is a Germany restored to general economic health--and potentially powerful. That Germany France fears to create. And even though we resort to a military occupation, using forced labour militarily controlled, we are faced by the need of all the things that must still enter in the getting of the coal, from miners' food and houses to plant and steel rails. Their cost must be charged against the coal obtained. And the amount of coal obtained in return for a given outlay will depend very largely, as we know in England to our cost, upon the willingness of the miner himself. Even the measure of resistance provoked in British miners by disputes about workers' control and Nationalisation, has meant a great falling off in output. But at least they are working for their own countrymen. What would be their output if they felt they were working for an enemy, and that every ton they mined might merely result in increasing the ultimate demands which that enemy would make upon their country? Should we get even eighty per cent, of the pre-war output or anything like it?[14] Yet that diminished output would have to stand the cost of all the permanent charges aforesaid. Would the cost of the coal to France, under some scheme of forced labour, be in the end less than if she were to buy it in the ordinary commercial way from German mines, as she did before the War? This latter method would almost certainly be in economic terms more advantageous. Where is the economic advantage of the military method? This, of course, is only the re-discovery of the old truth that forced or slave labour is more costly than paid labour. The ultimate explanation of the higher cost of slave labour is the ultimate explanation of the difficulty of using political power for economic ends, of basing our economic security upon military predominance. Here is France, with her old enemy helpless and prostrate. She needs his work for reparations, for indemnities, for coal. To perform that work the prostrate enemy must get upon his feet. If he does, France fears that he will knock her down. From that fear arise contradictory policies, self-stultifying courses. If she overcomes her fear sufficiently to allow the enemy to produce a certain amount of wealth for her, it is extremely likely that more than the amount of that wealth will have to be spent in protecting herself against the danger of the enemy's recovered vitality. Even when wars were less expensive than they are, indemnities were soon absorbed in the increase of armament necessitated by the Treaties which exacted the indemnities. Again, this is a very ancient story. The victor on the Egyptian vase has his captured enemy on the end of a rope. We say that one is free, the other bond. But as Spencer has shown us, both are bond. The victor is tied to the vanquished: if he should let go the prisoner would escape. The victor spends his time seeing that the prisoner does not escape; the prisoner his time and energy trying to escape. The combined efforts in consequence are not turned to the production of wealth; they are 'cancelled out' by being turned one against another. Both may come near to starvation in that condition if much labour is needed to produce food. Only if they strike a bargain and co-operate will they be in the position each to turn his energy to the best economic account. But though the story is ancient, men have not yet read it. These pages are an attempt to show why it has not been read. Let us summarise the conclusions so far reached, namely:-- That predominant political and military power is important to exact wealth is shown by the inability of the Allies to turn their power to really profitable account; notably by the failure of France to alleviate her financial distress by adequate reparations--even adequate quantities of coal--from Germany; and by the failure of the Allied statesmen as a whole, wielding a concentration of power greater perhaps than any known in history to arrest an economic disintegration, which is not only the cause of famine and vast suffering, but is a menace to Allied interest, particularly to the economic security of Britain. The causes of this impotence are both mechanical and moral. If another is to render active service in the production of wealth for us--particularly services of any technical complexity in industry, finance, commerce--he must have strength for that activity, knowledge, and the instruments. But all those things can be turned against us as means of resistance to our coercion. To the degree to which we make him strong for our service we make him strong for resistance to our will. As resistance increases we are compelled to use an increasing proportion of what we obtain from him in protecting ourselves against him. Energies cancel each other, indemnities must be used in preparation for the next war. Only voluntary co-operation can save this waste and create an effective combination for the production of wealth that can be utilised for the preservation of life. 6 _The Ultimate Moral Factor_ The problem is not merely one of foreign politics or international relationship. The passions which obscure the real nature of the process by which men live are present in the industrial struggle also, and--especially in the case of communities situated as is the British--make of the national and international order one problem. It is here suggested that:-- Into the processes which maintain life within the nation an increasing measure of consent and acquiescence by all parties must enter: physical coercion becomes increasingly impotent to ensure them. The problem of declining production by (_inter alios_) miners, cannot be solved by increasing the army or police. The dictatorship of the proletariat fails before the problem of exacting big crops by the coercion of the peasant or countryman. It would fail still more disastrously before the problem of obtaining food or raw materials from foreigners (without which the British could not live) in the absence of a money of stable value. One of the most suggestive facts of the post-war situation is that European civilization almost breaks down before one of the simplest of its mechanical problems: that of 'moving some stones from where they are not needed to the places where they are needed,' in other words before the problem of mining and distributing coal. Millions of children have died in agony in France during this last year or two because there was no coal to transport the food, to warm the buildings. Coal is the first need of our massed populations. Its absence means collapse of everything--of transport, of the getting of food to the towns, of furnishing the machinery and fertilisers by which food can be produced in sufficient quantity. It is warmth, it is clothing, it is light, it is the daily newspaper, it is water, it is communication. All our elaboration of knowledge and science fails in the presence of this problem of 'taking some stones from one heap and putting them on another.' The coal famine is a microcosm of the world's present failure. But if all those things--and spiritual things also are involved because the absence of material well-being means widespread moral evils--depend upon coal, the getting of the coal itself is dependent upon them. We have touched upon the importance of the one element of sheer goodwill on the part of the miners as a factor in the production of coal; upon the hopelessness of making good its absence by physical coercion. But we have also seen that just as the attempted use of coercion in the international field, though ineffective to exact necessary service or exchange, can and does produce paralysis of the indispensable processes, so the 'power' which the position of the miner gives him is a power of paralysis only. A later chapter shows that the instinct of industrial groups to solve their difficulties by simple coercion, the sheer assertion of power, is very closely related to the psychology of nationalism, so disruptive in the international field. Bolshevism, in the sense of belief in the effectiveness of coercion, represents the transfer of jingoism to the industrial struggle. It involves the same fallacies. A mining strike can bring the industrial machine to a full stop; to set that machine to work for the feeding of the population--which involves the co-ordination of a vast number of industries, the purchase of food and raw material from foreigners, who will only surrender it in return for promises to pay which they believe will be fulfilled--means not only technical knowledge, it means also the presence of a certain predisposition to co-operation. This Balkanised Europe which cannot feed itself has all the technical knowledge that it ever had. But its natural units are dominated by a certain temper which make impossible the co-operations by which alone the knowledge can be applied to the available natural resources. It is also suggestive that the virtual abandonment of the gold standard is playing much the same rôle (rendering visible the inefficiency of coercion) in the struggle between the industrial that it is between the national groups. A union strikes for higher wages and is successful. The increase is granted--and is paid in paper money. When wages were paid in gold an advance in wages, gained as the result of strike or agitation, represented, temporarily at least, a real victory for the workers. Prices might ultimately rise and wipe out the advantage, but with a gold currency price movements have nothing like the rapidity and range which is the case when unlimited paper money can be printed. An advance in wages paid in paper may mean nothing more than a mere readjustment of symbols. The advance, in other words, can be cancelled by 'a morning's work of the inflationist' as a currency expert has put it. The workers in these conditions can never know whether that which they are granted with the right hand of increased wages will not be taken away by the left hand of inflation. In order to be certain that they are not simply tricked, the workers must be in a position to control the conditions which determine the value of currency. But again, that means the co-ordination of the most complex economic processes, processes which can only be ensured by bargaining with other groups and with foreign countries. This problem would still present itself as acutely on the morrow of the establishment of a British Soviet Republic as it presents itself to-day. If the British Soviets could not buy food and raw materials in twenty different centres throughout the world they could not feed the people. We should be blockaded, not by ships, but by the worthlessness of our money. Russia, which needs only an infinitesimal proportion relatively of foreign imports has gold and the thing of absolutely universal need, food. We have no gold--only things which a world fast disintegrating into isolated peasantries is learning somehow to do without. Before blaming the lack of 'social sense' on the part of striking miners or railwaymen let us recall the fact that the temper and attitude to life and the social difficulties which lie at the bottom of the Syndicalist philosophy have been deliberately cultivated by Government, Press, and Church, during five years for the purposes of war; and that the selected ruling order have shown the same limitation of vision in not one whit less degree. Think what Versailles actually did and what it might have done. Here when the Conference met, was a Europe on the edge of famine--some of it over the edge. Every country in the world, including the wealthiest and most powerful, like America, was faced with social maladjustment in one form or another. In America it was an inconvenience, but in the cities of a whole continent--in Russia, Poland, Germany, Austria--it was shortly to mean ill-health, hunger, misery, and agony to millions of children and their mothers. Terms of the study like 'the interruption of economic processes' were to be translated into such human terms as infantile cholera, tuberculosis, typhus, hunger-oedema. These, as events proved, were to undermine the social sanity of half a world. The acutest statesmen that Europe can produce, endowed with the most autocratic power, proceed to grapple with the situation. In what way do they apply that power to the problem of production and distribution, of adding to the world's total stock of goods, which nearly every government in the world was in a few weeks to be proclaiming as humanity's first need, the first condition of reconstruction and regeneration? The Treaty and the policy pursued since the Armistice towards Russia tell us plainly enough. Not only do the political arrangements of the Treaty, as we have seen, ignore the needs of maintaining the machinery of production in Europe[15] but they positively discourage and in many cases are obviously framed to prevent, production over very large areas. The Treaty, as some one has said, deprived Germany of both the means and the motive of production. No adequate provision was made for enabling the import of food and raw materials, without which Germany could not get to work on the scale demanded by the indemnity claims; and the motive for industry was undermined by leaving the indemnity claims indeterminate. The victor's passion, as we have seen, blinded him to the indispensable condition of the very demands which he was making. Europe was unable temperamentally to reconcile itself to the conditions of that increased productivity, by which alone it was to be saved. It is this element in the situation--its domination, that is, by an uncalculating popular passion poured out lavishly in support of self-destructive policies--which prompts one to doubt whether these disruptive forces find their roots merely in the capitalist organization of society: still less whether they are due to the conscious machinations of a small group of capitalists. No considerable section of capitalism any where has any interest in the degree of paralysis that has been produced. Capitalism may have overreached itself by stimulating nationalist hostilities until they have got beyond control. Even so, it is the unseeing popular passion that furnishes the capitalist with his arm, and is the factor of greatest danger. Examine for a moment the economic manifestation of international hostilities. There has just begun in the United States a clamorous campaign for the denunciation of the Panama Treaty which places British ships on an equality with American. American ships must be exempt from the tolls. 'Don't we own the Canal?' ask the leaders of this campaign. There is widespread response to it. But of the millions of Americans who will become perhaps passionately angry over that matter and extremely anti-British, how many have any shares in any ships that can possibly benefit by the denunciation of the Treaty? Not one in a thousand. It is not an economic motive operating at all. Capitalism--the management of modern industry by a small economic autocracy of owners of private capital--has certainly a part in the conflicts that produce war. But that part does not arise from the direct interest that the capitalists of one nation as a whole have in the destruction of the trade or industry of another. Such a conclusion ignores the most elementary facts in the modern organisation of industry. And it is certainly not true to say that British capitalists, as a distinct group, were more disposed than the public as a whole to insist upon the Carthaginian features of the Treaty. Everything points rather to the exact contrary. Public opinion as reflected, for instance, by the December, 1918, election, was more ferociously anti-German than capitalists are likely to have been. It is certainly not too much to say that if the Treaty had been made by a group of British--or French--bankers, merchants, shipowners, insurance men, and industrialists, liberated from all fear of popular resentment, the economic life of Central Europe would not have been crushed as it has been. Assuredly, such a gathering of capitalists would have included groups having direct interest in the destruction of German competition. But it would also have included others having an interest in the restoration of the German market and German credit, and one influence would in some measure have cancelled the other. As a simple fact we know that not all British capitalists, still less British financiers, _are_ interested in the destruction of German prosperity. Central Europe was one of the very greatest markets available for British industry, and the recovery of that market may constitute for a very large number of manufacturers, merchants, shippers, insurance companies, and bankers, a source of immense potential profit. It is a perfectly arguable proposition, to put it at the very lowest, that British 'capitalism' has, as a whole, more to gain from a productive and stable Europe than from a starving and unstable one. There is no reason whatever to doubt the genuineness of the internationalism that we associate with the Manchester School of Capitalist Economics. But in political nationalism as a force there are no such cross currents cancelling out the hostility of one nation to another. Economically, Britain is not one entity and Germany another. But as a sentimental concept, each may perfectly well be an entity; and in the imagination of John Citizen, in his political capacity, voting on the eve of the Peace Conference, Britain is a triumphant and heroic 'person,' while Germany is an evil and cruel 'person,' who must be punished, and whose pockets must be searched. John has neither the time nor has he felt the need, for a scientific attitude in politics. But when it is no longer a question of giving his vote, but of earning his income, of succeeding as a merchant or shipowner in an uncertain future, he will be thoroughly scientific. When it comes to carrying cargoes or selling cotton goods, he can face facts. And, in the past at least, he knows that he has not sold those materials to a wicked person called 'Germany,' but to a quite decent and human trader called Schmidt. What I am suggesting here is that for an explanation of the passions which have given us the Treaty of Versailles we must look much more to rival nationalisms than to rival capitalisms; not to hatreds that are the outgrowth of a real conflict of interests, but to certain nationalist conceptions, 'myths,' as Sorel has it. To these conceptions economic hostilities may assuredly attach themselves. At the height of the war-hatred of things German, a shopkeeper who had the temerity to expose German post cards or prints for sale would have risked the sacking of his shop. The sackers would not have been persons engaged in the post card producing trade. Their motive would have been patriotic. If their feelings lasted over the war, they would vote against the admission of German post cards. They would not be moved by economic, still less by capitalistic motives. These motives do enter, as we shall see presently, into the problems raised by the present condition of Europe. But it is important to see at what point and in what way. The point for the moment--and it has immense practical importance--is that the Treaty of Versailles and its economic consequences should be attributed less to capitalism (bad as that has come to be in its total results) than to the pressure of a public opinion that had crystallised round nationalist conceptions.[16] Here, at the end of 1920, is the British Press still clamouring for the exclusion of German toys. Such an agitation presumably pleases the millions of readers. They are certainly not toymakers or sellers; they have no commercial interest in the matter save that 'their toys will cost them more' if the agitation succeeds. They are actuated by nationalist hostility. If Germany is not to be allowed to sell even toys, there will be very few things indeed that she can sell. We are to go on with the policy of throttling Europe in order that a nation whose industrial activity is indispensable to Europe shall not become strong. We do not see, it is true, the relation between the economic revival of Europe and the industrial recuperation of Germany; we do not see it because we can be made to feel anger at the idea of German toys for British children so much more readily than we can be made to see the causes which deprive French children of warmth in their schoolrooms. European society seems to be in the position of an ill-disciplined child that cannot bring itself to swallow the medicine that would relieve it of its pain. The passions which have been cultivated in five years of war must be indulged, whatever the ultimate cost to ourselves. The judgment of such a society is swamped in those passions. The restoration of much of Europe will involve many vast and complex problems of reconstruction. But here, in the alternatives presented by the payment of a German indemnity, for instance, is a very simple issue: if Germany is to pay, she must produce goods, that is, she must be economically restored; if we fear her economic restoration, then we cannot obtain the execution of the reparation clauses of the Treaty. But that simple issue one of the greatest figures of the Conference cannot face. He has not, eighteen months after the Treaty, emerged from the most elementary confusion concerning it. If the psychology of Nationalism renders so simple a problem insoluble, what will be its effect upon the problem of Europe as a whole? Again, it may be that shipowners are behind the American agitation and toy manufacturers behind the British. A Coffin Trust might intrigue against measures to prevent a repetition of the influenza epidemic. But what should we say of the fitness for self-government of a people that should lend itself by millions to such an intrigue of Coffin-makers, showing as the result of its propaganda a fierce hostility to sanitation? We should conclude that it deserved to die. If Europe went to war as the result of the intrigues of a dozen capitalists, its civilisation is not worth saving; it cannot be saved, for as soon as the capitalists were removed, its inherent helplessness would place it at the mercy of some other form of exploitation. Its only hope lies in a capacity for self-management, self-rule, which means self-control. But a few financial intriguers, we are told, have only to pronounce certain words, 'fatherland above all,' 'national honour,' put about a few stories of atrocities, clamour for revenge, for the millions to lose all self-control, to become completely blind as to where they are going, what they are doing, to lose all sense of the ultimate consequences of their acts. The gravest fact in the history of the last ten years is not the fact of war; it is the temper of mind, the blindness of conduct on the part of the millions, which alone, ultimately, explains our policies. The suffering and cost of war may well be the best choice of evils, like the suffering and cost of surgery, or the burdens we assume for a clearly conceived moral end. But what we have seen in recent history is not a deliberate choice of ends with a consciousness of moral and material cost. We see a whole nation demanding fiercely in one breath certain things, and in the next just as angrily demanding other things which make compliance with the first impossible; a whole nation or a whole continent given over to an orgy of hate, retaliation, the indulgence of self-destructive passions. And this collapse of the human mind does but become the more appalling if we accept the explanation that 'wars are caused by capitalism' or 'Junkerthum'; if we believe that six Jew financiers sitting in a room can thus turn millions into something resembling madmen. No indictment of human reason could be more severe. To assume that millions will, without any real knowledge of why they do it or of the purpose behind the behests they obey, not only take the lives of others and give their own, but turn first in one direction and then in another the flood of their deepest passions of hate and vengeance, just as a little group of mean little men, manipulating mean little interests, may direct, is to argue a moral helplessness and shameful docility on the part of those millions which would deprive the future of all hope of self-government. And to assume that they are _not_ unknowing as to the alleged cause--that would bring us to moral phantasmagoria. We shall get nearer to the heart of our problem if, instead of asking perpetually '_Who_ caused the War?' and indicting 'Capitalists' or 'Junkers,' we ask the question: 'What is the cause of that state of mind and temper in the millions which made them on the one side welcome war (as we allege of the German millions), or on the other side makes them acclaim, or impose, blockades, famines,' 'punitive' 'Treaties of Peace?' Obviously 'selfishness' is not operating so far as the mass is concerned, except of course in the sense that a yielding to the passion of hate is self-indulgence. Selfishness, in the sense of care for social security and well-being, might save the structure of European society. It would bring the famine to an end. But we have what a French writer has called a 'holy and unselfish hate.' Balkan peasants prefer to burn their wheat rather than send it to the famished city across the river. Popular English newspapers agitate against a German trade which is the only hope of necessitous Allies obtaining any considerable reparation from Germany. A society in which each member is more desirous of hurting his neighbour than of promoting his own welfare, is one in which the aggregate will to destruction is more powerful than the will to preservation. The history of these last years shows with painful clarity that as between groups of men hostilities and hates are aroused very much more easily than any emotion of comradeship. And the hate is a hungrier and more persistent emotion than the comradeship. The much proclaimed fellowship of the Allies, 'cemented by the blood shed on the field,' vanished rapidly. But hate remained and found expression in the social struggle, in fierce repressions, in bickerings, fears, and rancours between those who yesterday fought side by side. Yet the price of survival is, as we have seen, an ever closer cohesion and social co-operation. And while it is undoubtedly true that the 'hunger of hate'--the actual desire to have something to hate--may so warp our judgment as to make us see a conflict of interest where none exists, it is also true that a sense of conflict of vital interest is a great feeder of hate. And that sense of conflict may well become keener as the problem of man's struggle for sustenance on the earth becomes more acute, as his numbers increase and the pressure upon that sustenance becomes greater. Once more, as millions of children are born at our very doors into a world that cannot feed them, condemned, if they live at all, to form a race that will be defective, stunted, unhealthy, abnormal, this question which Malthus very rightly taught our grandfathers to regard as the final and ultimate question of their Political Economy, comes dramatically into the foreground. How can the earth, which is limited, find food for an increase of population which is unlimited? The haunting anxieties which lie behind the failure to find a conclusive answer to that question, probably affect political decisions and deepen hostilities and animosities even where the reason is ill-formulated or unconscious. Some of us, perhaps, fear to face the question lest we be confronted with morally terrifying alternatives. Let posterity decide its own problems. But such fears, and the motives prompted by them, do not disappear by our refusal to face them. Though hidden, they still live, and under various moral disguises influence our conduct. Certainly the fears inspired by the Malthusian theory and the facts upon which it is based, have affected our attitude to war; affected the feeling of very many for whom war is not avowedly, as it is openly and avowedly to some of its students, 'the Struggle for Bread.'[17] _The Great Illusion_ was an attempt frankly to face this ultimate question of the bearing of war upon man's struggle for survival. It took the ground that the victory of one nation over another, however complete, does not solve the problem; it makes it worse in that the conditions and instincts which war accentuates express themselves in nationalist and racial rivalries, create divisions that embarrass and sometimes make impossible the widespread co-operation by which alone man can effectively exploit nature. That demonstration as a whole belongs to the pages that follow. But bearing upon the narrower question of war in relation to the world's good, this much is certain:-- If the object of the combatants in the War was to make sure of their food, then indeed is the result in striking contrast with that intention, for food is assuredly more insecure than ever alike for victor and vanquished. They differ only in the degree of insecurity. The War, the passions which it has nurtured, the political arrangements which those passions have dictated, have given us a Europe immeasurably less able to meet its sustenance problem than it was before. So much less able that millions, who before the War could well support themselves by their own labour, are now unable so to do and have to be fed by drawing upon the slender stocks of their conquerors--stocks very much less than when some at least of those conquerors were in the position of defeated peoples. This is not the effect of the material destruction of war, of the mere battering down of houses and bridges and factories by the soldier. The physical devastation, heart-breaking as the spectacle of it is, is not the difficult part of the problem, nor quantitatively the most important.[18] It is not the devastated districts that are suffering from famine, nor their losses which appreciably diminish the world supply of food. It is in cities in which not a house has been destroyed, in which, indeed, every wheel in every factory is still intact, that the population dies of hunger, and the children have to be fed by our charity. It is the fields over which not a single soldier has tramped that are condemned to sterility because those factories are idle, while the factories are condemned to idleness because the fields are sterile. The real 'economic argument' against war does not consist in the presentation of a balance sheet showing so much cost and destruction and so much gain. The real argument consists in the fact that war, and still more the ideas out of which it arises, produce ultimately an unworkable society. The physical destruction and perhaps the cost are greatly exaggerated. It is perhaps true that in the material foundations of wealth Britain is as well off to-day as before the War. It is not from lack of technical knowledge that the economic machine works with such friction: that has been considerably increased by the War. It is not from lack of idealism and unselfishness. There has been during the last five years such an outpouring of devoted unselfishness--the very hates have been unselfish--as history cannot equal. Millions have given their lives for the contrary ideals in which they believed. It is sometimes the ideals for which men die that make impossible their life and work together. The real 'economic argument,' supported by the experience of our victory, is that the ideas which produce war--the fears out of which it grows and the passions which it feeds--produce a state of mind that ultimately renders impossible the co-operation by which alone wealth can be produced and life maintained. The use of our power or our knowledge for the purpose of subduing Nature to our service depends upon the prevalence of certain ideas, ideas which underlie the 'art of living together.' They are something apart from mere technical knowledge which war, as in Germany, may increase, but which can never be a substitute for this 'art of living together.' (The arms, indeed, may be the instruments of anarchy, as in so much of Europe to-day). The War has left us a defective or perverted social sense, with a group of instincts and moralities that are disintegrating Western society, and will, unless checked, destroy it. These forces, like the 'ultimate art' which they have so nearly destroyed, are part of the problem of economics. For they render a production of wealth adequate to welfare impossible. How have they arisen? How can they be corrected? These questions will form an integral part of the problems here dealt with. CHAPTER II THE OLD ECONOMY AND THE POST-WAR STATE This chapter suggests the following:-- * * * * * The trans-national processes which enabled Europe to support itself before the War, were based mainly on private exchanges prompted by the expectation of individual advantage. They were not dependent upon political power. (The fifteen millions for whom German soil could not provide, lived by trade with countries over which Germany had no political control, as a similar number of British live by similar non-political means.) The old individualist economy has been largely destroyed by the State Socialism introduced for war purposes; the Nation, taking over individual enterprise, became trader and manufacturer in increasing degree. The economic clauses of the Treaty, if enforced, must prolong this tendency, rendering a large measure of such Socialism permanent. The change may be desirable. But if co-operation must in future be less as between individuals for private advantage, and much more as between _nations_, Governments acting in an economic capacity, the political emotions of nationalism will play a much larger rôle in the economic processes of Europe. If to Nationalist hostilities as we have known them in the past, is to be added the commercial rivalry of nations now converted into traders and capitalists, we are likely to have not a less but more quarrelsome world, unless the fact of interdependence is much more vividly realised than in the past. The facts of the preceding chapter touching the economic chaos in Europe, the famine, the debauchery of the currencies, the collapse of credit, the failure to secure indemnities, and particularly the remedies of an international kind to which we are now being forced, all confirm what had indeed become pretty evident before the War, namely, that much of Europe lives by virtue of an international, or, more correctly, a transnational economy. That is to say, there are large populations that cannot live at much above a coolie standard unless there is a considerable measure of economic co-operation across frontiers. The industrial countries, like Britain and Germany, can support their populations only by exchanging their special products and services--particularly coal, iron, manufactures, ocean carriage--for food and raw materials; while more agricultural countries like Italy and even Russia, can maintain their full food-producing capacity only by an apparatus of railways, agricultural machinery, imported coal and fertilisers, to which the industry of the manufacturing area is indispensable. That necessary international co-operation had, as a matter of fact, been largely developed before the War. The cheapening of transport, the improvement of communication, had pushed the international division of labour very far indeed. The material in a single bale of clothes would travel half round the world several times, and receive the labour of half a dozen nationalities, before finally reaching its consumer. But there was this very significant fact about the whole process; Governments had very little to do with it, and the process did not rest upon any clearly defined body of commercial right, defined in a regular code or law. One of the greatest of all British industries, cotton spinning, depended upon access to raw material under the complete control of a foreign State, America. (The blockade of the South in the War of Secession proved how absolute was the dependence of a main British industry upon the political decisions of a foreign Government). The mass of contradictory uncertainties relating to rights of neutral trade in war-time, known as International Law, furnished no basis of security at all. It did not even pretend to touch the source--the right of access to the material itself. That right, and the international economy that had become so indispensable to the maintenance of so much of the population of Western Europe, rested upon the expectation that the private owner of raw materials--the grower of wheat or cotton, or the owner of iron ore or coal-mines--would continue to desire to sell those things, would always, indeed, be compelled so to do, in order to turn them to account. The main aim of the Industrial Era was markets--to sell things. One heard of 'economic invasions' before the War. This did not mean that the invader took things, but that he brought them--for sale. The modern industrial nation did not fear the loss of commodities. What it feared was their receipt. And the aid of Governments was mainly invoked, not for the purpose of preventing things leaving the country, but for the purpose of putting obstacles in the way of foreigners bringing commodities into the country. Nearly every country had 'Protection' against foreign goods. Very rarely did we find countries fearing to lose their goods and putting on export duties. Incidentally such duties are forbidden by the American Constitution. Before the War it would have seemed a work of supererogation to frame international regulations to protect the right to buy: all were searching for buyers. In an economic world which revolved on the expectation of individual profit, the competition for profit kept open the resources of the world. Under that system it did not matter much, economically, what political administration--provided always that it was an orderly one--covered the area in which raw materials were found, or even controlled ports and access to the sea. It was in no way indispensable to British industry that its most necessary raw material--cotton, say--should be under its own control. That industry had developed while the sources of the material were in a foreign State. Lancashire did not need to 'own' Louisiana. If England had 'owned' Louisiana, British cotton-spinners would still have had to pay for the cotton as before. When a writer declared before the War that Germany dreamed of the conquest of Canada because she needed its wheat wherewith to feed her people, he certainly overlooked the fact that Germany could have had the wheat of Canada on the same conditions as the British who 'owned' the country--and who certainly could not get it without paying for it. It was true before the War to write:-- 'Co-operation between nations has become essential for the very life of their peoples. But that co-operation does not take place as between States at all. A trading corporation called "Britain" does not buy cotton from another corporation called "America." A manufacturer in Manchester strikes a bargain with a merchant in Louisiana in order to keep a bargain with a dyer in Germany, and three, or a much larger number of parties, enter into virtual, or perhaps actual, contract, and form a mutually dependent economic community (numbering, it may be, with the work-people in the group of industries involved, some millions of individuals)--an economic entity so far as one can exist which does not include all organised society. The special interests of such a community may become hostile to those of another community, but it will almost certainly not be a "national" one, but one of a like nature, say a shipping ring or groups of international bankers or Stock Exchange speculators. The frontiers of such communities do not coincide with the areas in which operate the functions of the State. How could a State, say Britain, act on behalf of an economic entity such as that just indicated? By pressure against America or Germany? But the community against which the British manufacturer in this case wants pressure exercised is not "America" or "Germany"--both want it exercised against the shipping ring or the speculators or the bankers who in part are British. If Britain injures America or Germany as a whole, she injures necessarily the economic entity which it was her object to protect.'[19] This line of reasoning is no longer valid, for it was based upon a system of economic individualism, upon a distinction between the functions proper to the State and those proper to the citizen. This individualist system has been profoundly transformed in the direction of national control by the measures adopted everywhere for the purposes of war; a transformation that the confiscatory clauses of the Treaty and the arrangements for the payment of the indemnity help to render permanent. While the old understanding or convention has been destroyed--or its disappearance very greatly accelerated--by the Allies, no new one has so far been established to take its place. To that fact we must ascribe much of the economic paralysis that has come upon the world. I am aware, of course, that the passage I have quoted did not tell the whole story; that already before the War the power of the political State was being more and more used by 'big business'; that in China, Mexico, Central America, the Near East, Morocco, Persia, Mesopotamia, wherever there was undeveloped _and disorderly_ territory, private enterprise was exercising pressure upon the State to use its power to ensure sources of raw material or areas for the investment of capital. That phase of the question is dealt with at greater length elsewhere.[20] But the actual (whatever the potential) economic importance of the territory about which the nations quarrelled was as yet, in 1914, small; the part taken by Governments in the control and direction of international trade was negligible. Europe lived by processes that went on without serious obstacle across frontiers. Little States, for instance, without Colonies (Scandinavia, Switzerland) not only maintained a standard of living for their people quite as high as that in the great States, but maintained it moreover by virtue of a foreign trade relatively as considerable. And the forces which preserved the international understanding by which that trade was carried on were obviously great. It was not true, before the War, to say that Germany had to expand her frontiers to feed her population. It is true that with her, as with us, her soil did not produce the food needed for the populations living on it; as with us, about fifteen millions were being fed by means of trade with territories which politically she did not 'own,' and did not need to 'own'--with Russia, with South America, with Asia, with our own Colonies. Like us Germany was turning her coal and iron into bread. The process could have gone on almost indefinitely, so long as the coal and iron lasted, as the tendency to territorial division of labour was being intensified by the development of transport and invention. (The pressure of the population on the food resources of these islands was possibly greater under the Heptarchy than at present, when they support forty-five millions.) Under the old economic order conquest meant, not a transfer of wealth from one set of persons to another--for the soil of Alsace, for instance, remained in the hands of those who had owned it under France--but a change of administration. The change may have been as unwarrantable and oppressive as you will, but it did not involve economic strangulation of the conquered peoples or any very fundamental economic change at all. French economic life did not wither as the result of the changes of frontier in 1872, and French factories were not shut off from raw material, French cities were not stricken with starvation as the result of France's defeat. Her economic and financial recovery was extraordinarily rapid; her financial position a year or two after the War was sounder than that of Germany. It seemed, therefore, that if Germany, of all nations, and Bismarck, of all statesmen, could thus respect the convention which after war secured the immunity of private trade and property, it must indeed be deeply rooted in international comity. Indeed, the 'trans-national' economic activities of individuals, which had ensued so widespread an international economy, and the principle of the immunity of private property from seizure after conquest, had become so firmly rooted in international relationship as to survive all the changes of war and conquest. They were based on a principle that had received recognition in English Treaties dating back to the time of Magna Carta, and that had gradually become a convention of international relationship. At Versailles the Germans pointed out that their country was certainly not left with resources to feed its population. The Allies replied to that, not by denying the fact--to which their own advisers, like Mr Hoover, have indeed pointedly called attention--but as follows:-- 'It would appear to be a fundamental fallacy that the political control of a country is essential in order to procure a reasonable share of its products. Such a proposal finds no foundation in economic law or history.'[21] In making their reply the Allies seemed momentarily to have overlooked one fact--their own handiwork in the Treaty. Before the War it would have been a true reply. But the Allies have transformed what were, before the War, dangerous fallacies into monstrous truths. President Wilson has described the position of Germany under the Treaty in these terms:-- 'The Treaty of Peace sets up a great Commission, known as the Reparations Commission.... That Reparation Commission can determine the currents of trade, the conditions of credit, of international credit; it can determine how much Germany is going to buy, where it is going to buy, and how it is going to pay for it.'[22] In other words, it is no longer open to Germany, as the result of guarantees of free movement accorded to individual traders, to carry on that process by which before the War she supported herself. Individual Germans cannot now, as heretofore, get raw materials by dealing with foreign individuals, without reference to their nationality. Germans are now, in fact, placed in the position of having to deal through their State, which in turn deals with other States. To buy wheat or iron, they cannot as heretofore go to individuals, to the grower or mine-owner, and offer a price; the thing has to be done through Governments. We have come much nearer to a condition in which the States do indeed 'own' (they certainly control) their raw material. The most striking instance is that of access to the Lorraine iron, which before the War furnished three-fourths of the raw material of Germany's basic industry. Under the individualist system, in which 'the buyer is king' in which efforts were mainly directed to finding markets, no obstacle was placed on the export of iron (except, indeed, the obstacle to the acquisition by French citizens of Lorraine iron set up by the French Government in the imposition of tariffs). But under the new order, with the French State assuming such enormously increased economic functions, the destination of the iron will be determined by political considerations. And 'political considerations,' in an order of international society in which the security of the nation depends, not upon the collective strength of the whole society, but upon its relative strength as against rival units, mean the deliberate weakening of rivals. Thus, no longer will the desire of private owners to find a market for their wares be a guarantee of the free access of citizens in other States to those materials. In place of a play of factors which did, however clumsily, ensure in practice general access to raw materials, we have a new order of motives; the deliberate desire of States, competing in power, owning great sources of raw material, to deprive rival States of the use of them. That the refusal of access will not add to the welfare of the people of the State that so owns these materials, that, indeed, it will inevitably lower the standard of living in all States alike, is certainly true. But so long as there is no real international society organised on the basis of collective strength and co-operation, the motive of security will override considerations of welfare. The condition of international anarchy makes true what otherwise need not be true, that the vital interests of nations are conflicting. Parenthetically, it is necessary to say this: the time may have come for the destruction of the older order. If the individualist order was that which gave us Armageddon, and still more, the type of mind which Armageddon and the succeeding 'peace' revealed, then the present writer, for one, sheds no tears over its destruction. In any case, a discussion of the intrinsic merits, social and moral, of socialism and individualism respectively, would to-day be quite academic. For those who profess to stand for individualism are the most active agents of its destruction. The Conservative Nationalists, who oppose the socialisation of wealth and yet advocate the conscription of life; oppose Nationalisation, yet demand the utmost military preparedness in an age when effective preparation for war means the mobilisation particularly of the nation's industrial resources; resent the growing authority of the State, yet insist that the power of the National State shall be such as to give it everywhere domination; do, indeed, demand omelets without eggs, and bricks not only without straw but without clay. A Europe of competing military nationalisms means a Europe in which the individual and all his activities must more and more be merged in his State for the purpose of that competition. The process is necessarily one of progressively intense socialisation; and the war measures carried it to very great lengths indeed. Moreover, the point to which our attention just now should be directed, is the difference which distinguishes the process of change within the State from that which marks the change in the international field. Within the State the old method is automatically replaced by the new (indeed nationalisation is mostly the means by which the old individualism is brought to an end); between nations, on the other hand, no organised socialistic internationalism replaces the old method which is destroyed. The world is left without any settled international economy. Let us note the process of destruction of the old economy. In July, 1914, the advocacy of economic nationalisation or Socialism would have been met with elaborate arguments from perhaps nine average Englishmen out of ten, to the effect that control or management of industries and services by the Government was impossible, by reason of the sheer inefficiency which marks Governmental work. Then comes the War, and an efficient railway service and the co-ordination of industry and finance to national ends becomes a matter of life and death. In this grave emergency, what policy does this same average Englishman, who has argued so elaborately against State control, and the possibility of governments ever administering public services, pursue? Almost as a matter of course, as the one thing to be done, he clamours for the railways and other public services to be taken over by the Government, and for the State to control the industry, trade, and finance of the country. Now it may well be that the Socialist would deny that the system which obtained during the War was Socialism, and would say that it came nearer to being State Capitalism than State Socialism; the individualist may argue that the methods would never be tolerated as a normal method of national life. But when all allowances are made the fact remains that when our need was greatest we resorted to the very system which we had always declared to be the worst from the point of view of efficiency. As Sir Leo Chiozza Money, in sketching the history of this change, which he has called 'The Triumph of Nationalisation,' says: 'The nation won through the unprecedented economic difficulties of the greatest War in history by methods which it had despised. National organisation triumphed in a land where it had been denied.' In this sense the England of 1914-1920 was a Socialist England; and it was a Socialist England by common consent. This fact has an effect on the moral outlook not generally realised. For very many, as the War went on and increasing sacrifices of life and youth were demanded, new light was thrown upon the relations of the individual to the State. A whole generation of young Englishmen were suddenly confronted with the fact that their lives did not belong to themselves, that each owed his life to the State. But if each must give, or at least risk, everything that he possessed, even life itself, were others giving or risking what they possessed? Here was new light on the institution of private property. If the life of each belongs to the community, then assuredly does his property. The Communist State which says to the citizen, 'You must work and surrender your private property or you will have no vote,' asks, after all, somewhat less than the _bourgeois_ Military State which says to the conscript, 'Fight and give your person to the State or we will kill you.' For great masses of the British working-classes conscription has answered the ethical problem involved in the confiscation of capital. The Eighth Commandment no longer stands in the way, as it stood so long in the case of a people still religiously minded and still feeling the weight of Puritan tradition. Moreover, the War showed that the communal organisation of industry could be made to work. It could 'deliver the goods' if those goods were, say, munitions. And if it could work for the purposes of war, why not for those of peace? The War showed that by co-ordinated and centralised action the whole economic structure can without disaster be altered to a degree that before the War no economist would have supposed possible. We witnessed the economic miracle mentioned in the last chapter, but worth recalling here. Suppose before the War you had collected into one room all the great capitalist economists in England, and had said to them: 'During the next few years you will withdraw from normal production five or six millions of the best workers. The mere residue of the workers will be able to feed, clothe, and generally maintain those five or six millions, themselves, and the country at large, at a standard of living on the whole as high, if not higher, than that to which the people were accustomed before those five or six million workers were withdrawn.' If you had said that to those capitalist economists, there would not have been one who would have admitted the possibility of the thing, or regarded the forecast as anything but rubbish. Yet that economic miracle has been performed, and it has been performed thanks to Nationalisation and Socialism, and could not have been performed otherwise. However, one may qualify in certain points this summary of the outstanding economic facts of the War, it is impossible to exaggerate the extent to which the revelation of economic possibilities has influenced working-class opinion. To the effect of this on the minds of the more intelligent workers, we have to add another psychological effect, a certain recklessness, inseparable from the conditions of war, reflected in the workers' attitude towards social reform. Perhaps a further factor in the tendency towards Communism is the habituation to confiscation which currency inflation involves. Under the influence of war contrivances States have learned to pay their debts in paper not equivalent in value to the gold in which the loan was made: whole classes of bondholders have thus been deprived of anything from one-half to two-thirds of the value of their property. It is confiscation in its most indiscriminate and sometimes most cruel form. _Bourgeois_ society has accepted it. A socialistic society of to-morrow may be tempted to find funds for its social experiments in somewhat the same way. Whatever weight we may attach to some of these factors, this much is certain: not only war, but preparation for war, means, to a much greater degree than it has ever meant before, mobilisation of the whole resources of the country--men, women, industry. This form of 'nationalisation' cannot go on for years and not affect the permanent form of the society subjected to it. It has affected it very deeply. It has involved a change in the position of private property and individual enterprise that since the War has created a new cleavage in the West. The future of private property which was before the War a theoretical speculation, has become within a year or two, and especially, perhaps, since the Bolshevist Revolution in Russia, a dominating issue in European social and political development. It has subjected European society to a new strain. The wearing down of the distinction between the citizen and the State, and the inroads upon the sacro-sanctity of private property and individual enterprise, make each citizen much more dependent upon his State, much more a part of it. Control of foreign trade so largely by the State has made international trade less a matter of processes maintained by individuals who disregarded their nationality, and more a matter of arrangement between States, in which the non-political individual activity tends to disappear. We have here a group of forces which has achieved a revolution, a revolution in the relationship of the individual European to the European State, and of the States to one another. The socialising and communist tendencies set up by measures of industrial mobilisation for the purposes of the War, have been carried forward in another sphere by the economic terms of the Treaty of Versailles. These latter, if even partly carried into effect, will mean in very large degree the compulsory socialisation, even communisation, of the enemy States. Not only the country's foreign trade, but much of its internal industry must be taken out of the hands of private traders or manufacturers. The provisions of the Treaty assuredly help to destroy the process upon which the old economic order in Europe rested. Let the reader ask himself what is likely to be the influence upon the institution of private property and private commerce of a Treaty world-wide in its operation, which will take a generation to carry out, which may well be used as a precedent for future settlements between States (settlements which may include very great politico-economic changes in the position of Egypt, Ireland, and India), and of which the chief economic provisions are as follows:-- 'It deprives Germany of nearly the whole of her overseas marine. It banishes German sovereignty and economic influence from all her overseas possessions, and sequestrates the private property of Germans in those places, in Alsace-Lorraine, and in all countries within Allied jurisdiction. It puts at the disposal of the Allies all German financial rights and interests, both in the countries of her former Allies and in the States and territories which have been formed out of them. It gives the Reparations Commission power to put its finger on any great business or property in Germany and to demand its surrender. Outside her own frontiers Germany can be stripped of everything she possesses, and inside them, until an impossible indemnity has been paid to the last farthing, she can truly call nothing her own. 'The Treaty inflicts on an Empire built up on coal and iron the loss of about one-third cf her coal supplies, with such a heavy drain on the scanty remainder as to leave her with an annual supply of only 60 million tons, as against the pre-war production of over 190 million tons, and the loss of over three-quarters of her iron ore. It deprives her of all effective control over her own system of transport; it takes the river system of Germany out of German hands, so that on every International Committee dealing with German waters, Germans are placed in a clear minority. It is as though the Powers of Central Europe were placed in a majority on the Thames Conservancy or the Port of London Authority. Finally, it forces Germany for a period of years to concede "most favoured nation" treatment to the Allies, while she receives no such reciprocal favour in return.' This wholesale confiscation of private property[23] is to take place without the Allies affording any compensation to the individuals expropriated, and the proceeds will be employed, first, to meet private debts due to Allied nationals from any German nationals, and, second, to meet claims due from Austrian, Hungarian, Bulgarian, or Turkish nationals. Any balance may either be returned by the liquidating power direct to Germany, or retained by them. If retained, the proceeds must be transferred to the Reparations Commission for Germany's credit in the Reparations account. Note, moreover, how the identification of a citizen with his State is carried forward by the discrimination made against Germans in overseas trade. Heretofore there were whole spheres of international trade and industrial activity in which the individual's nationality mattered very little. It was a point in favour of individual effort, and, incidentally, of international peace. Under the Treaty, whereas the property of Allied nationals within German jurisdiction reverts to Allied ownership on the conclusion of peace, the property of Germans within Allied jurisdiction is to be retained and liquidated as described above, with the result that the whole of German property over a large part of the world can be expropriated, and the large properties now within the custody of Public Trustees and similar officials in the Allied countries may be retained permanently. In the second place, such German assets are chargeable, not only with the liabilities of Germans, but also, if they run to it, with 'payment of the amounts due in respect of claims by the nationals of such Allied or Associated Power with regard to their property, rights, and interests in the territory of other Enemy Powers,' as, for example, Turkey, Bulgaria, and Austria. This is a remarkable provision, which is naturally non-reciprocal. In the third place, any final balance due to Germany on private account need not be paid over, but can be held against the various liabilities of the German Government.[24] The effective operation of these articles is guaranteed by the delivery of deeds, titles, and information. It will be noted how completely the Treaty returns to the Tribal conception of a collective responsibility, and how it wipes away the distinction heretofore made in International Law, between the civilian citizen and the belligerent Government. An Austrian who has lived and worked in England or China or Egypt all his life, and is married to an English woman and has children who do not speak a word of German, who is no more responsible for the invasion of Belgium than an Icelander or a Chinaman, finds that the savings of his lifetime left here in the faith of British security, are confiscated under the Treaty in order to satisfy the claims of France or Japan. And, be it noted, whenever attention is directed to what the defenders of the Treaty like to call its 'sternness' (as when it deprives Englishborn women and their children of their property) we are invited to repress our misgiving on that score in order to contemplate the beauty of its 'justice,' and to admire the inexorable accuracy with which reward and punishment are distributed. It is the standing retort to critics of the Treaty: they forget its 'justice.'[25] How far this new tendency is likely to go towards a reassertion of the false doctrine of the complete submergence of the individual in the State, the erection of the 'God-State' which at the beginning we declared to be the main moral cause of the War and set out to destroy, will be discussed later. The point for the moment is that the enforcement of this part of the Treaty, like other parts, will go to swell communistic tendencies. It will be the business of the German State to maintain the miners who are to deliver the coal under the Treaty, the workers in the shipyards who are to deliver the yearly toll of ships. The intricate and elaborate arrangements for 'searching Germany's pockets' for the purpose of the indemnity mean the very strictest Governmental control of private trade in Germany, in many spheres its virtual abolition. All must be done through the Government in order that the conditions of the Treaty may be fulfilled. Foreign trade will be no longer the individual enterprise of private citizens. It will, by the order of the Allies, be a rigidly controlled Governmental function, as President Wilson reminded us in the passage quoted above. To a lesser degree the same will be true of the countries receiving the indemnity. Mr. Lloyd George promises that it will not be paid in cheap goods, or in such a way as to damage home industries. But it must be paid in some goods: ships, dyes, or (as some suggest) raw materials. Their distribution to private industry, the price that these industries shall pay, must be arranged by the receiving Government. This inevitably means a prolongation of the State's intervention in the processes of private trade and industry. Nor is it merely the disposal of the indemnity in kind which will compel each Allied Government to continue to intervene in the trade and industry of its citizens. The fact that the Reparations Commission is, in effect, to allocate the amount of ore, cotton, shipping, Germany is to get, to distribute the ships and coal which she may deliver, means the establishment of something resembling international rationing. The Governments will, in increasing degree, determine the amount and direction of trade. The more thoroughly we 'make Germany pay,' the more State-controlled do we compel her (and only to a lesser extent ourselves) to become. We should probably regard a standard of life in Germany very definitely below that of the rest of Western Europe, as poetic justice. But it would inevitably set up forces, both psychological and economic, that make not only for State-control--either State Socialism or State Capitalism--but for Communism. Suppose we did our work so thoroughly that we took absolutely all Germany could produce over and above what was necessary for the maintenance of the physical efficiency of her population. That would compel her to organise herself increasingly on the basis of equality of income: no one, that is, going above the line of physical efficiency and no one falling below it. Thus, while British, French, and American anti-socialists are declaring that the principle enunciated by the Russian Government, that all trade must be through the Soviet, is one which will prove most mischievous in its example, it is precisely that principle which increasingly, if the Treaty is enforced, they will in fact impose upon a great country, highly organised, of great bureaucratic efficiency, far more likely by its training and character to make the principle a success. This tendency may be in the right direction or the wrong one. The point is that no provision has been made to meet the condition which the change creates. The old system permitted the world to work under well-defined principles. The new regimen, because it has not provided for the consequences of the changes it has provoked, condemns a great part of Europe to economic paralysis which must end in bitter anarchic struggles unless the crisis is anticipated by constructive statesmanship. Meantime the continued coercion of Germany will demand on the part of the Western democracies a permanent maintenance of the machine of war, and so a perpetuation of the tendency, in the way already described, towards a militarised Nationalisation. The resultant 'Socialism' will assuredly not be of the type that most Socialists (among whom, incidentally, the present writer counts himself) would welcome. But it will not necessarily be for that reason any less fatal to the workable transnational individualism. Moreover, military nationalisation presupposes international conflict, if not perpetually recurrent war; presupposes, that is, first, an inability to organise a stable international economy indispensable to a full life for Europe's population; and, secondly, an increasing destructiveness in warfare--self-destruction in terms of European Society as a whole. 'Efficiency' in such a society would be efficiency in suicide. CHAPTER III NATIONALITY, ECONOMICS, AND THE ASSERTION OF RIGHT The change noted in the preceding chapter raises certain profound questions of Right. These may be indicated as follows:-- * * * * * By our political power we _can_ create a Europe which, while not assuring advantage to the victor, deprives the vanquished of means of existence. The loss of both ore and coal by the Central Powers might well make it impossible for their future populations to find food. What are they to do? Starve? To disclaim responsibility is to claim that we are entitled to use our power to deny them life. This 'right' to starve foreigners can only be invoked by invoking the concept of nationalism. 'Our nation first.' But the policy of placing life itself upon a foundation of preponderant force instead of mutually advantageous co-operation, compels statesmen perpetually to betray the principle of nationality; not only directly (as in the case of the annexation of territory, economically necessary, but containing peoples of alien nationality), but indirectly; for the resistance which our policy (of denying means of subsistence to others) provokes, makes preponderance of power the condition of survival. All else must give way to that need. Might cannot be pledged to Right in these conditions. If our power is pledged to Allies for the purposes of the Balance (which means, in fact, preponderance), it cannot be used against them to enforce respect for (say) nationality. To turn against Allies would break the Balance. To maintain the Balance of Power we are compelled to disregard the moral merits of an Ally's policy (as in the case of the promise to the Czar's Government not to demand the independence of Poland). The maintenance of a Balance (_i.e._ preponderance) is incompatible with the maintenance of Right. There is a conflict of obligation. Before the War, a writer in the _National Review_, desiring to show the impossibility of obviating war by any international agreement, took the example of the conflict with Germany and put the case as follows:-- 'Germany _must_ go to war. Every year an extra million babies are crying out for more room, and as the expansion of Germany by peaceful means seems impossible, Germany can only provide for those babies at the cost of potential foes. 'This ... it cannot be too often repeated, is not mere envious greed, but stern necessity. The same struggle for life and space which more than a thousand years ago drove one Teutonic wave after another across the Rhine and the Alps, is now once more a great compelling force.... This aspect of the case may be all very sad and very wicked, but it is true.... Herein lies the ceaseless and ruinous struggle for armaments, and herein for France lies the dire necessity of linking her foreign policy with that of powerful allies.' 'And so,' adds the writer, 'it is impossible and absurd to accept the theory of Mr. Norman Angell.' Now that theory was, not that Germany and others would not fight--I was very insistent indeed that[26] unless there was a change in European policy they would--but that war, however it might end, would not solve the question. And that conclusion at least, whatever may be the case with others, is proved true. For we have had war; we have beaten Germany; and those million babies still confront us. The German population and its tendency to increase is still there. What are we going to do about it? The War has killed two million out of about seventy million Germans; it killed very few of the women. The subsequent privations of the blockade certainly disposed of some of the weaker among both women and children. The rate of increase may in the immediate future be less. It was declining before the War as the country became more prosperous, following in this what seems to be a well-established rule: the higher the standard of civilisation the more does the birth-rate decline. But if the country is to become extremely frugal and more agricultural, this tendency to decline is likely to be checked. In any case the number of mouths to be fed will not have been decreased by war to the same extent that the resources by which they might have been fed have been decreased. What do we propose to Germany, now that we have beaten her, as the means of dealing with those million babies? Professor Starling, in a report to the British Government,[27] suggests emigration:-- 'Before the War Germany produced 85 per cent. of the total food consumed by her inhabitants. This large production was only possible by high cultivation, and by the plentiful use of manure and imported feeding stuffs, means for the purchase of these being furnished by the profits of industry.... The loss to Germany of 40 per cent. of its former coal output must diminish the number of workers who can be maintained. The great increase in German population during the last twenty-five years was rendered possible only by exploiting the agricultural possibilities of the soil to the greatest possible extent, and this in its turn depended on the industrial development of the country. The reduction by 20 per cent. in the productive area of the country, and the 40 per cent. diminution in the chief raw material for the creation of wealth, renders the country at present over-populated, and it seems probable that within the next few years many million (according to some estimates as many as fifteen million) workers and their families will be obliged to emigrate, since there will be neither work nor food for them to be obtained from the reduced industries of the country.' But emigration where? Into Russia? The influence of Germans in Russia was very great even before the War. Certain French writers warn us frantically against the vast danger of Russia's becoming a German colony unless a cordon of border States, militarily strong, is created for the purpose of keeping the two countries apart. But we should certainly get a Germanisation of Russia from the inside if five or ten or fifteen million Germans were dispersed therein and the country became a permanent reservoir for those annual million babies. And if not Russia, where? Imagine a migration of ten or fifteen million Huns throughout the world--a dispersion before which that of the Jews and of the Irish would pale. We know how the migration from an Ireland of eight millions that could not feed itself has reacted upon our politics and our relations with America. What sort of foreign problems are we going to bequeath to our children if our policy forces a great German migration into Russia, or the Balkans, or Turkey? This insistent fact of a million more or less of little Huns being born into the world every year remains. Shall we suggest to Germany that she must deal with this problem as the thrifty householder deals with the too frequent progeny of the family cat? Or shall we do just nothing, and say that it is not our affair; that as we have the power over the iron of Lorraine and Morocco, over the resources of Africa and Asia, over the ocean highways of the world, we are going to see that that power, naval and military, is used to ensure abundance for ourselves and our friends; that as for others, since they have not the power, they may starve? _Vae victis_ indeed![28] Just note what is involved. This war was fought to destroy the doctrine that might is right. Our power, we say, gives us access to the wealth of the world; others shall be excluded. Then we are using our power to deny to some millions the most elemental of all rights, the right to existence. By the economic use of our military power (assuming that military power is as effective as we claim) we compel some millions to choose between war and penury or starvation; we give to war, in their case, the justification that it is on behalf of the bread of their children, their livelihood. Let us compare France's position. Unlike the German, the French population has hardly increased at all in recent generations. In the years immediately preceding the War, indeed, it showed a definite decline, a tendency naturally more marked since the War. This low birth-rate has greatly concerned French statesmen, and remedies have been endlessly discussed, with no result. The causes are evidently very deep-rooted indeed. The soil which has been inherited by this declining population is among the richest and most varied in the world, producing in the form of wines, brandies, and certain other luxuries, results which can be duplicated nowhere else. It stretches almost into the sub-tropics. In addition, the nation possesses a vast colonial empire--in Algeria, Tunis, Morocco (which include some of the greatest food-growing areas in the world), Madagascar, Equatorial Africa, Cochin-China; an empire managed, by the way, on strongly protectionist principles. We have thus on the one side a people of forty millions with no tendency to increase, mainly not industrial (because not needing to be), possessing undeveloped areas capable, in their food and mineral resources (home and colonial), of supporting a population very many times its size. On the other hand is a neighbouring group, very much larger, and rapidly increasing, occupying a poorer and smaller territory. It is unable to subsist at modern standards on that territory without a highly-developed industry. The essential raw materials have passed into the hands of the smaller group. The latter on grounds of self-defence, fearing to be outnumbered, may withhold those materials from the larger group; and its right so to do is to be unquestioned. Does any one really believe that Western Society could remain stable, resting on moral foundations of this kind? Can one disregard primary economic need in considering the problem of preserving the Europe of 'free and independent national states' of Mr. Asquith's phrase?[29] If things are left where this Treaty leaves them, then the militarist theories which before were fallacies will have become true. We can no longer say that peoples as distinct from imperialist parties have no interest in conquest. In this new world of to-morrow--this 'better and more stable world'--the interests of peoples themselves will be in deadly conflict. For an expanding people it will be a choice between robbery of neighbours' territory and starvation. Re-conquest of Lorraine will become for the Germans not a matter of hurt pride or sentiment, but a matter of actual food need, a need which will not, like hurt pride, diminish with the lapse of time, but increase with the growth of the population. On the side of war, then, truly we shall find 'the human stomach and the human womb.' The change is a deeper reversion than we seem to realise. Even under feudalism the means of subsistence of the people, the land they cultivated, remained as before. Only the lords were changed--and one lord was very like another. But where, under modern industrial economy, titles to property in indispensable raw materials can be cancelled by a conqueror and become the State property of the conquering nation, which enforces the right to distribute them as it pleases, whole populations may find themselves deprived of the actual means of supporting themselves on the territory that they occupy. We shall have set up a disruptive ferment working with all the force of the economic needs of 50 or 100 million virile folk to bring about once more some vast explosion. Europe will once more be living on a volcano, knowing no remedy save futile efforts to 'sit on the lid.' The beginnings of the attempt are already visible. Colonel Repington points out that owing to the break up of Russia and Austria, and the substitution for these two powerful States of a large number of small, independent ones likely to quarrel among themselves, Germany will be the largest and most cohesive of all the European Continental nations, relatively stronger than she was before the War. He demands in consequence, that not only France, but Holland and Belgium, be extended to the Rhine, which must become the strategic frontier of civilisation against barbarism. He says there can be no sort of security otherwise. He even reminds us that it was Rome's plan. (He does not remind us that if it had notably succeeded then we should hardly be trying it again two thousand years later.) The plan gives us, in fact, this prospect: the largest and most unified racial block in Europe will find itself surrounded by a number of lesser States, containing German minorities, and possessing materials indispensable to Germany's economic life, to which she is refused peaceful access in order that she may not become strong enough to obtain access by force; an attempt which she will be compelled to make because peaceful access is denied to her. Our measures create resistance; that resistance calls forth more extreme measures; those measures further resistance, and so on. We are in the thick once more of Balance of Power, strategic frontiers, every element of the old stultifying statecraft against which all the Allies--before the Armistice--made flaming protest. And when this conflict of rights--each fighting as he believes for the right to life--has blazed up into passions that transcend all thought of gain or advantage, we shall be asked somewhat contemptuously what purpose it serves to discuss so cold a thing as 'economics' in the midst of this welter. It won't serve any purpose. But the discussion of economics before it had become a matter for passion might have prevented the conflict. The situation has this complication--and irony: Increasing prosperity, a higher standard of living, sets up a tendency prudentially to check increase of population. France, and in hardly less degree even new and sparsely populated countries like Australia, have for long shown a tendency to a decline of the rate of increase. In France, indeed, as has already been mentioned, an absolute decrease had set in before the War. But as soon as this tendency becomes apparent, the same nationalist who invokes the menace of over-population as the justification for war, also invokes nationalism to reverse the tendency which would solve the over-population problem. This is part of the mystic nature of the nationalist impulse. Colonel Roosevelt is not the only warlike nationalist who has exhausted the resources of invective to condemn 'race suicide' and to enjoin the patriotic duty of large families. We may gather some idea of the morasses into which the conception of nationalism and its 'mystic impulses' may lead us when applied to the population problem by examining some current discussions of it. Dr Raymond Pearl, of John Hopkins University, summarises certain of his conclusions thus:-- 'There are two ways which have been thought of and practised, by which a nation may attempt to solve its problem of population after it has become very pressing and after the effects of internal industrial development and its creation of wealth have been exhausted. These are respectively the methods of France and Germany. By consciously controlled methods, France endeavoured, and on the whole succeeded, in keeping her birth-rate at just such a delicate balance with the death-rate as to make the population nearly stationary. Then any industrial developments simply operated to raise the standard of living of those fortunate enough to be born. France's condition, social economy, and political, in 1914 represented, I think, the results of about the maximum efficiency of what may be called the birth-control method of meeting the problem of population. 'Germany deliberately chose the other plan of meeting the problem of population. In fewest words the scheme was, when your population pressed too hard upon subsistence, and you had fully liquidated the industrial development asset, to go out and conquer some one, preferably a people operating under the birth-control population plan, and forcibly take his land for your people. To facilitate this operation a high birth-rate is made a matter of sustained propaganda, and in every other possible way encouraged. An abundance of cannon fodder is essential to the success of the scheme.'[30] A word or two as to the facts alleged in the foregoing. We are told that the two nations not only followed respectively two different methods, but that it was in each case a deliberate national choice, supported by organised propaganda. 'By consciously controlled methods, France,' we are told, 'endeavoured' to keep her birth-rate down. The fact is, of course, that all the conscious endeavours of 'France,' if by France is meant the Government, the Church, the learned bodies, were in the exactly contrary direction. Not only organised propaganda, but most elaborate legislation, aiming through taxation at giving a preference to large families, has for a generation been industriously urging an increase in the French population. It has notoriously been a standing dish in the menu of the reformers and uplifters of nearly every political party. What we obviously have in the case of France is not a decision made by the nation as a corporate body and the Government representing it, but a tendency which their deliberate decision, as represented by propaganda and legislation, has been unable to check.[31] In discussing the merits of the two plans, Dr Pearl goes on:-- 'Now the morals of the two plans are not at issue here. Both are regarded, on different grounds to be sure, as highly immoral by many people. Here we are concerned only with actualities. There can be no doubt that in general and in the long run the German plan is bound to win over the birth-control plan, if the issue is joined between the two and only the two, and its resolution is military in character.... So long as there are on the earth aggressively-minded peoples who from choice deliberately maintain a high birth-rate, no people can afford to put the French solution of the population problem into operation unless they are prepared to give up, practically at the asking, both their national integrity and their land.' Let us assume, therefore, that France adopts the high birth-rate plan. She, too, will then be compelled, if the plan has worked out successfully, 'to get out and conquer some one.' But that some one will also, for the same reasons, have been following the plan of high birth-rate. What is then to happen? A competition in fecundity as a solution of the excess population problem seems inadequate. Yet it is inevitably prompted by the nationalist impulse. Happily the general rise in the standard of life itself furnishes a solution. As we have seen, the birth-rate is, within certain limits, in inverse ratio to a people's prosperity. But again, nationalism, by preventing the economic unification of Europe, may well stand in the way of that solution also. It checks the tendencies which would solve the problem. A fall in the birth-rate, as a concomitant of a rising standard of living, was beginning to be revealed in Germany also before the War.[32] If now, under the new order, German industrialism is checked and we get an agricultural population compelled by circumstances to a standard of life not higher than that of the Russian _moujik_, we may perhaps also be faced by a revival of high fertility in mystic disregard of the material means available for the support of the population. There is a further point. Those who have dealt with the world's food resources point out that there are great sources of food still undeveloped. But the difficulties do not arise from a total shortage. They arise from a mal-distribution of population, coupled with the fact that as between nations the Ten Commandments--particularly the eighth--do not run. By the code of nationalism we have no obligation towards starving foreigners. A nation may seize territory which it does not need, and exclude from it those who direly need its resources. While we insist that internationalism is political atheism, and that the only doctrine fit for red-blooded people is what Colonel Roosevelt called 'intense Nationalism,' intense nationalism means, in economic practice, the attempt, even at some cost, to render the political unit also the economic unit, and as far as possible self-sufficing. It serves little purpose, therefore, to point out that one or two States in South America can produce food for half the world, if we also create a political tradition which leads the patriotic South American to insist upon having his own manufactures, even at cost to himself, so that he will not need ours. He will achieve that result at the cost of diminishing his production of food. Both he and the Englishman will be poorer, but according to the standard of the intense nationalist, the result should be a good one, though it may confront many of us with starvation, just as the intense nationalism of the various nations of Eastern and South-Eastern Europe actually results in famine on soil fully capable, before the War, of supporting the population, and capable of supporting still greater populations if natural resources are used to the best advantage. It is political passions, anti-social doctrines, and the muddle, confusion, and hostility that go therewith which are the real cause of the scarcity. And that may forecast the position of Europe as a whole to-morrow: we may suffer starvation for the patriotic joy of seeing foreigners--Boche or Bolshevist--suffer in still greater degree. Given the nationalist conception of a world divided into completely distinct groups of separate corporate bodies, entities so different that the binding social ties between them (laws, in fact) are impossible of maintenance, there must inevitably grow up pugnacities and rivalries, creating a general sense of conflict that will render immeasurably difficult the necessary co-operation between the peoples, the kind of co-operation which the Treaty of Versailles has, in so large degree, deliberately destroyed. Whether the hostility comes, in the first instance, from the 'herd,' or tribal, instinct, and develops into a sense of economic hostility, or whether the hostility arises from the conviction that there exists a conflict of interest, the result is pretty much the same. I happen to have put the case elsewhere in these terms:-- If it be true that since the world is of limited space, we must fight one another for it, that if our children are to be fed others must starve, then agreement between peoples will be for ever impossible. Nations will certainly not commit suicide for the sake of peace. If this is really the relationship of two great nations, they are, of course, in the position of two cannibals, one of whom says to the other: 'Either I have got to eat you, or you have got to eat me. Let's come to a friendly agreement about it.' They won't come to a friendly agreement about it. They will fight. And my point is that not only would they fight if it really were true that the one had to kill and eat the other, but they would fight as long as they believed it to be true. It might be that there was ample food within their reach--out of their reach, say, so long as each acted alone, but within their reach if one would stand on the shoulders of the other ('this is an allegory'), and so get the fat cocoa-nuts on the higher branches. But they would, nevertheless, be cannibals so long as each believed that the flesh of the other was the only source of food. It would be that mistake, not the necessary fact, which would provoke them to fight. When we learn that one Balkan State refuses to another a necessary raw material, or access over a railroad, because it prefers the suffering of that neighbour to its own welfare, we are shocked and talk about primitive and barbarous passions. But are we ourselves--Britain or France--in better state? The whole story of the negotiations about the indemnity and the restoration of Europe shows that we are not. Quite soon after the Armistice the expert advisers of the British Government urged the necessity, for the economic safety of the Allies themselves, of helping in the restoration of Germany. But they also admitted that it was quite hopeless to go to Parliament with any proposal to help Germany. And even when one gets a stage further and there is general admission 'in the abstract' that if France is to secure reparations, Germany must be fed and permitted to work, the sentiment of hostility stands in the way of any specific measure. We are faced with certain traditions and moralities, involving a psychology which, gathering round words like 'patriotism,' deprives us of the emotional restraint and moral discipline necessary to carry through the measures which intellectually we recognise to be indispensable to our country's welfare. We thus see why it is impossible to speak of international economics without predicating the nation as a concept. In the economic problems of nations or States, one is necessarily dealing not only with economic facts, but with political facts: a political entity in its economic relations (before the War inconsiderable, but since the War very great); group consciousness; the interests, or what is sometimes as important, the supposed interests of this group or area as distinct from that; the moral phenomena of nationalism--group preferences or prejudices, herd instinct, tribal hostility. All this is part of the economic problem in international politics. Protection, for instance, is only in part a problem of economics; it is also a problem of political preferences: the manufacturer who is content to face the competition of his own countrymen, objects to facing that of foreigners. Political conceptions are part of the economic problem when dealing with nations, just as primary economic need must be taken into account as part of the cause of the conflict of nationalisms. One very commonly hears the argument: 'What is the good of discussing economic forces in relation to the conflict of Europe when our participation, for instance, in the War, was in no way prompted by economic considerations?' Our motive may not have been economic, yet the cause of the War may very well have been mainly economic. The sentiment of nationality may be a stronger motive in European politics than any other. The chief menace to nationality may none the less be economic need. While it may be perfectly true that Belgians, Serbs, Poles, Bohemians, fought from motives of nationality, it may also be true that the wars which they were compelled to fight had an economic cause. If the desire of Germany or Austria for undeveloped territory had anything to do with that thrust towards the Near East in the way of which stood Serbian nationality, then economic causes _had_ something to do with compelling Serbia and Belgium to fight for their nationality. Owing to the pressure of the economic need or greed of others, we are still concerned with economic forces, though we may be actuated only by the purest nationalism: the economic pressure of others is obviously part of the problem of our national defence. And if one examines in turn the chief problems of nationality, one finds in almost every case that any aggression by which it may be menaced is prompted by the need, or assumed need, of other nations for mines, ports, access to the sea (warm water or other), or for strategic frontiers to defend those things. Why should the desire of one people to rule itself, to be free, be thwarted by another making exactly the same demands? In the case of the Germans we ascribe it to some special and evil lust peculiar to their race and training. But the Peace has revealed to us that it exists in every people, every one. A glance at the map enables us to realise readily enough why a given State may resist the 'complete independence' of a neighbouring territory. Here, on the borders of Russia, for instance, are a number of small States in a position to block the access of the population of Russia to the sea; in a position, indeed, by their control of certain essential raw materials, to hold up the development of a hundred million people, very much as the robber barons of the Rhine held up the commerce of that waterway. No powerful Russia, Bolshevik or Czarist, will permanently recognise the absolute right of a little State, at will (at the bidding, perhaps, of some military dictator, who in South American fashion may have seized its Government), to block her access to the 'highways of the world.' 'Sovereignty and independence'--absolute sovereignty over its own territory, that is--may well include the 'right' to make the existence of others intolerable. Ought any nation to have such a right? Like questions are raised in the case of the States that once were Austria. They have achieved their complete freedom and independence. Some of the results are dealt with in the first chapter. In some cases the new States are using their 'freedom, sovereignty, and independence' for the purpose of worsening a condition of famine and economic paralysis that spells indescribable suffering for millions of completely innocent folk.[33] So far, the new Europe is economically less competent than the old. The old Austrian grouping, for instance, made possible a stable and orderly life for fifty million people. A Mittel Europa, with its Berlin-Bagdad designs, would, whatever its dangers otherwise, have given us a vastly greater area of co-ordinated production, an area approaching that of the United States; it would have ensured the effective co-operation of populations greatly in excess of those of the United States. Whatever else might have happened, there would have been no destruction by famine of the populations concerned if some such plan of organised production had materialised. The old Austria at least ensured for the children physical health and education, for the peasants work in their fields, in security; and although denial of full national rights was doubtless an evil thing, it still left free a vast field of human activities--those of the family, of productive labour, of religion, music, art, love, laughter. A Europe of small 'absolute' nationalisms threatens to make these things impossible. We have no standard, unhappily, by which we can appraise the moral loss and gain in the exchange of the European life of July, 1914, for that which Europe now faces and is likely to face in the coming years. But if we cannot measure or weigh the moral value of absolute nationalism, the present situation does enable us to judge in some measure the degree of security achieved for the principle of nationality, and to what extent it may be menaced by the economic needs of the millions of Europe. And one is impelled to ask whether nationality is not threatened by a danger far greater than any it had to meet in the old Europe, in the anarchy and chaos that nationalism itself is at present producing. The greater States, like Germany, may conceivably manage somehow to find a _modus vivendi_. A self-sufficing State may perhaps be developed (a fact which will enable Germany at one and the same time to escape the payment of reparations and to defy future blockades). But that will mean embittered nationalism. The sense of exclusion and resentment will remain. The need of Germany for outside raw materials and food may, as the result of this effort to become self-sufficing, prove less than the above considerations might suggest. But unhappily, assumed need can be as patent a motive in international politics as real need. Our recent acquiescence in the independence of Egypt would imply that our need for persistent occupation was not as great as we supposed. Yet the desire to remain in Egypt helped to shape our foreign policy during a whole generation, and played no small part in the bargaining with France over Morocco which widened the gulf between ourselves and Germany. The preservation of the principle of nationality depends upon making it subject at least to some form of internationalism. If 'self-determination' means the right to condemn other peoples to death by starvation, then that principle cannot survive. The Balkanisation of Europe, turning it into a cauldron of rival 'absolute' nationalisms, does not mean safety for the principle of nationality, it means its ultimate destruction either by anarchy or by the autocratic domination of the great Powers. The problem is to reconcile national right and international obligation. That will mean a discipline of the national impulse, and of the instincts of domination which so readily attach themselves to it. The recognition of economic needs will certainly help towards such discipline. However 'materialistic' it may be to recognise the right of others to life, that recognition makes a sounder foundation for human society than do the instinctive impulses of mystic nationalism. Until we have managed somehow to create an economic code or comity which makes the sovereignty of each nationality subject to the general need of the whole body of organised society, this struggle, in which nationality is for ever threatened, will go on. The alternatives were very clearly stated on the other side of the Atlantic:-- 'The underlying assumption heretofore has been that a nation's security and prosperity rest chiefly upon its own strength and resources. Such an assumption has been used to justify statesmen in attempting, on the ground of the supreme need for national security, to increase their own nation's power and resources by insistence upon strategic frontiers, territory with raw material, outlets to the sea, even though that course does violence to the security and prosperity of others. Under any system in which adequate defence rests upon individual preponderance of power, the security of one must involve the insecurity of another, and must inevitably give rise to covert or overt competitions for power and territory, dangerous to peace and destructive to justice. 'Under such a system of competitive as opposed to co-operative nationalism, the smaller nationalities can never be really secure. International commitments of some kind there must be. The price of secure nationality is some degree of internationalism. 'The problem is to modify the conditions that lead to war. It will be quite inadequate to establish courts of arbitration or of law if they have to arbitrate or judge on the basis of the old laws and practices. These have proved insufficient. 'It is obvious that any plan ensuring national security and equality of opportunity will involve a limitation of national sovereignty. States possessing ports that are the natural outlet of a hinterland occupied by another people, will perhaps regard it as an intolerable invasion of their independence if their sovereignty over those ports is not absolute but limited by the obligation to permit of their use by a foreign and possibly rival people on equal terms. States possessing territories in Africa or Asia inhabited by populations in a backward state of development, have generally heretofore looked for privileged and preferential treatment of their own industry and commerce in those territories. Great interests will be challenged, some sacrifice of national pride demanded, and the hostility of political factions in some countries will be aroused. 'Yet if, after the War, States are to be shut out from the sea; if rapidly expanding populations find themselves excluded from raw materials indispensable to their prosperity; if the privileges and preferences enjoyed by States with overseas territories place the less powerful States at a disadvantage, we shall have re-established potent motives for that competition for political power which, in the past, has been so large an element in the causation of war and the subjugation of weaker peoples. The ideal of the security of all nations and "equality of opportunity" will have failed of realisation.'[34] _The Balance of Power and Defence of Law and Nationality._ 'Why were you so whole-soully for this war?' asked the interviewer of Mr Lloyd George. 'Belgium,' was the reply. The Prime Minister of the morrow continued:-- 'The Saturday after war had actually been declared on the Continent (Saturday, 1st August), a poll of the electors of Great Britain would have shown ninety-five per cent. against embroiling this country in hostilities. Powerful city financiers whom it was my duty to interview this Saturday on the financial situation, ended the conference with an earnest hope that Britain would keep out of it. A poll on the following Tuesday would have resulted in a vote of ninety-nine per cent. in favour of war. 'What had happened in the meantime? The revolution in public sentiment was attributable entirely to an attack made by Germany on a small and unprotected country, which had done her no wrong, and what Britain was not prepared to do for interests political and commercial, she readily risked to help the weak and helpless. Our honour as a nation is involved in this war, because we are bound in an honourable obligation to defend the independence, the liberty, the integrity of a small neighbour that has lived peaceably; but she could not have compelled us, being weak. The man who declined to discharge his debt because his creditor is too poor to enforce it, is a blackguard.' A little later, in the same interview, Mr Lloyd George, after allusion to German misrepresentations, said:-- 'But this I know is true--after the guarantee given that the German fleet would not attack the coast of France or annex any French territory, _I_ would not have been party to a declaration of war, had Belgium not been invaded, and I think I can say the same thing for most, if not all, of my colleagues. If Germany had been wise, she would not have set foot on Belgian soil. The Liberal Government then would not have intervened. Germany made a grave mistake.'[35] This interview compels several very important conclusions. One, perhaps the most important--and the most hopeful--is profoundly creditable to English popular instinct and not so creditable to Mr Lloyd George. If Mr Lloyd George is speaking the truth (it is difficult to find just the phrase which shall express one's meaning and be Parliamentary), if he believes it would have been entirely safe for Great Britain to have kept out of the War provided only that the invasion of Belgium could have been prevented, then indeed is the account against the Cabinet, of which he was then a member and (after modifications in it) was shortly to become the head, a heavy one. I shall not pursue here the inquiry whether in point of simple political fact, Belgium was the sole cause of our entrance into the War, because I don't suppose anybody believes it. But--and here Mr Lloyd George almost certainly does speak the truth--the English people gave their whole-souled support to the war because they believed it to be for a cause of which Belgium was the shining example and symbol: the right of the small nation to the same consideration as the great. That objective may not have been the main inspiration of the Governments: it was the main moral inspiration of the British people, the sentiment which the Government exploited, and to which it mainly appealed. 'The purpose of the Allies in this War,' said Mr Asquith, 'is to pave the way for an international system which will secure the principle of equal rights for all civilised States ... to render secure the principle that international problems must be handled by free people and that their settlement shall no longer be hampered and swayed by the overmastering dictation of a Government controlled by a military caste.' We should not sheathe the sword 'until the rights of the smaller nationalities of Europe are placed upon an unassailable foundation.' Professor Headlam (an ardent upholder of the Balance of Power, by the way), in a book that is characteristic of the early war literature, says the cardinal principles for which the War was fought were two: first, that Europe is, and should remain, divided between independent national States, and, second, that subject to the condition that it did not threaten or interfere with the security of other States, each country should have full and complete control over its own affairs. How far has our victory achieved that object? Is the policy which our power supported before the War--and still supports--compatible with it? Does it help to strengthen the national security of Belgium, and other weak States like Yugo-Slavia, Poland, Albania, Finland, the Russian Border States, China? It is here suggested, first, that our commitments under the Balance of Power policy which we had espoused[36] deprived our national force of any preventive effectiveness whatever in so far as the invasion of Belgium was concerned, and secondly, that our post-war policy, which is also in fact a Balance of Power policy is betraying in like fashion the cause of the small State. It is further suggested that the very nature of the operation of the Balance of Power policy sets up in practice a conflict of obligation: if our power is pledged to the support of one particular group, like the Franco-Russian group of 1914, it cannot also be pledged to the support, honestly and impartially, of a general principle of European law. We were drawn into the War, Mr Lloyd George tells us, to vindicate the integrity of Belgium. Very good. We know what happened in the negotiations. Germany wanted very much to know what would induce us to keep out of the War. Would we keep out of the War if Germany refrained from crossing the Belgian frontier? Such an assurance, giving Germany the strongest material reasons for not invading Belgium, converting a military reason (the only reason, we are told, that Germany would listen to) for that offence into an immensely powerful military reason against it, could not be given. In order to be able to maintain the Balance of Power against Germany we must 'keep our hands free.' It is not a question here of Germany's trustworthiness, but of using her sense of self-interest to secure our object of the protection of Belgium. The party in the German councils opposed to the invasion would say: 'If you invade Belgium you will have to meet the hostility of Great Britain. If you don't, you will escape that hostility.' To which the general staff was able to reply: 'Britain's Balance of Power policy means that you will have to meet the enmity of Britain in any case. In terms of expediency, it does not matter whether you go through Belgium or not.' The fact that the principle of the 'Balance' compelled us to support France, whether Germany respected the Treaty of 1839 or not, deprived our power of any value as a restraint upon German military designs against Belgium. There was, in fact, a conflict of obligations: the obligations to the Balance of Power rendered that to the support of the Treaty of no avail in terms of protection. If the object of force is to compel observance of law on the part of those who will not observe it otherwise, that object is defeated by the entanglements of the Balance of Power. Sir Edward Grey's account of that stage of the negotiations at which the question of Belgium was raised, is quite clear and simple. The German Ambassador asked him 'whether, if Germany gave a promise not to violate Belgian neutrality, we would engage to remain neutral.' 'I replied,' writes Sir Edward, 'that I could not say that; our hands were still free, and we were considering what our attitude should be. I did not think that we could give a promise of neutrality on that condition alone. The Ambassador pressed me as to whether I could not formulate conditions on which we would remain neutral. He even suggested that the integrity of France and her Colonies might be guaranteed. I said that I felt obliged to refuse definitely any promise to remain neutral on similar terms, and I could only say that we must keep our hands free.' 'If language means anything,' comments Lord Loreburn,[37] 'this means that whereas Mr Gladstone bound this country to war in order to safeguard Belgian neutrality, Sir Edward would not even bind this country to neutrality to save Belgium. He may have been right, but it was not for the sake of Belgian interests that he refused.' Compare our experience, and the attitude of Sir Edward Grey in 1914, when we were concerned to maintain the Balance of Power, with our experience and Mr Gladstone's behaviour when precisely the same problem of protecting Belgium was raised in 1870. In these circumstances Mr Gladstone proposed both to France and to Prussia a treaty by which Great Britain undertook that, if either of the belligerents should in the course of that war violate the neutrality of Belgium, Great Britain would co-operate with the other belligerent in defence of the same, 'employing for that purpose her naval and military forces to ensure its observance.' In this way both France and Germany knew and the whole world knew, that invasion of Belgium meant war with Great Britain. Whichever belligerent violated the neutrality must reckon with the consequences. Both France and Prussia signed that Treaty. Belgium was saved. Lord Loreborn (_How the War Came_) says of the incident:-- 'This policy, which proved a complete success in 1870, indicated the way in which British power could effectively protect Belgium against an unscrupulous neighbour. But then it is a policy which cannot be adopted unless this country is itself prepared to make war against either of the belligerents which shall molest Belgium. For the inducement to each of such belligerents is the knowledge that he will have Great Britain as an enemy if he invades Belgium, and as an Ally if his enemy attacks him through Belgian territory. And that cannot be a security unless Great Britain keeps herself free to give armed assistance to either should the other violate the Treaty. The whole leverage would obviously disappear if we took sides in the war on other grounds.'[38] This, then, is an illustration of the truth above insisted upon: to employ our force for the maintenance of the Balance of Power is to deprive it of the necessary impartiality for the maintenance of Right. Much more clear even than in the case of Belgium was the conflict in certain other cases between the claims of the Balance of Power and our obligation to place 'the rights of the smaller nationalities of Europe upon an unassailable foundation' which Mr Asquith proclaimed as the object of the War. The archetype of suppressed nationality was Poland; a nation with an ancient culture, a passionate and romantic attachment to its ancient traditions, which had simply been wiped off the map. If ever there was a case of nation-murder it was this. And one of the culprits--perhaps the chief culprit--was Russia. To-day the Allies, notably France, stand as the champions of Polish nationality. But as late as 1917, as part of that kind of bargain which inevitably marks the old type of diplomatic Alliance, France was agreeing to hand over Poland, helpless, to her old jailer, the Czarist Government. In March, 1916, the Russian Ambassador in Paris was instructed that, at the then impending diplomatic conference[39] 'It is above all necessary to demand that the Polish question should be excluded from the subjects of international negotiation, and that all attempts to place Poland's future under the guarantee and control of the Powers should be prevented.' On February 12th, 1917, the Russian Foreign Minister informed the Russian Ambassador that M. Doumergue (French Ambassador in Petrograd) had told the Czar of France's wish to get Alsace-Lorraine at the end of the War, and also 'a special position in the Saar Valley, and to bring about the detachment from Germany of the territories west of the Rhine and their reorganisation in such a way that in future the Rhine may form a permanent strategic obstacle to any German advance.' The Czar was pleased to express his approval in principle of this proposal. Accordingly the Russian Foreign Minister expressed his wish that an Agreement by exchange of Notes should take place on this subject, and desired that if Russia agreed to the unrestricted right of France and Britain to fix Germany's western frontiers, so Russia was to have an assurance of freedom of action in fixing Germany's future frontier on the east. (This means the Russian western frontier.)[40] Or take the case of Serbia, the oppressed nationality whose struggle for freedom against Austria was the immediate cause of the War. It was because Russia would not permit Austria to do with reference to Serbia, what Russia claimed the right to do with reference to Poland, that the latter made of the Austrian policy a _casus belli_. Very well. We stood at least for the vindication of Serbian nationality. But the 'Balance' demanded that we should win Italy to our side of the scale. She had to be paid. So on April 20th, 1915, without informing Serbia, Sir Edward Grey signed a Treaty (the last article of which stipulated that it should be kept secret) giving to Italy the whole of Dalmatia, in its present extent, together with the islands north and west of the Dalmatian coast and Istria as far as the Quarnero and the Istrian Islands. That Treaty placed under Italian rule whole populations of Southern Slavs, creating inevitably a Southern Slav irredentism, and put the Yugo-Slavia, that we professed to be creating, under the same kind of economic disability which it had suffered from the Austrian Empire. One is not astonished to find Signor Salandra describing the principles which should guide his policy as 'a freedom from all preoccupations and prejudices, and from every sentiment except that of "Sacred egoism" (_sacro egoismo_) for Italy.' To-day, it need hardly be said, there is bitter hatred between our Serbian Ally and our Italian Ally, and most patriotic Yugo-Slavs regard war with Italy one day as inevitable.[41] Yet, assuredly, Sir Edward Grey is not to be blamed. If allegiance to the Balance of Power was to come first, allegiance to any principle, of nationality or of anything else, must come second. The moral implications of this political method received another illustration in the case of the Rumanian Treaty. Its nature is indicated in the Report of General Polivanov, amongst the papers published at Petrograd and dated 7th-20th November, 1916. It explains how Rumania was at first a neutral, but shifting between different inclinations--a wish not to come in too late for the partition of Austria-Hungary, and a wish to earn as much as possible at the expense of the belligerents. At first, according to this Report, she favoured our enemies and had obtained very favourable commercial agreements with Germany and Austria-Hungary. Then in 1916, on the Russian successes under Brusilov, she inclined to the Entente Powers. The Russian Chief of the Staff thought Rumanian neutrality preferable to her intervention, but later on General Alexeiev adopted the view of the Allies, 'who looked upon Rumania's entry as a decisive blow for Austria-Hungary and as the nearing of the War's end.' So in August, 1916, an agreement was signed with Rumania (by whom it was signed is not stated), assigning to her Bukovina and all Transylvania. 'The events which followed,' says the report, 'showed how greatly our Allies were mistaken and how they overvalued Rumania's entry.' In fact, Rumania was in a brief time utterly overthrown. And then Polivanov points out that the collapse of Rumania's plans as a Great Power 'is not particularly opposed to Russia's interests.' One might follow up this record and see how far the method of the Balance has protected the small and weak nation in the case of Albania, whose partition was arranged for in April, 1915, under the Treaty of London; in the case of Macedonia and the Bulgarian Macedonians; in the case of Western Thrace, of the Serbian Banat, of the Bulgar Dobrudja, of the Southern Tyrol, of German Bohemia, of Shantung--of still further cases in which we were compelled to change or modify or betray the cause for which we entered the War in order to maintain the preponderance of power by which we could achieve military success. The moral paralysis exemplified in this story is already infecting our nascent efforts at creating a society of nations--witness the relation of the League with Poland. No one in 1920 justified the Polish claims made against Russia. Our own communications to Russia described them as 'imperialistic.' The Prime Minister condemned them in unmeasured terms. Poland was a member of the League. Her supplies of arms and ammunition, military stores, credit, were obtained by the grace of the chief members of the League. The only port by which arms could enter Poland was a city under the special control of the League. An appeal was made to the League to take steps to prevent the Polish adventure. Lord Robert Cecil advocated the course with particular urgency. The Soviet Government itself, while Poland was preparing, appealed to the chief constitutional governments of the League for some preventive action. Why was none taken? Because the Balance of Power demanded that we should 'stand by France,' and Polish Imperialism was part of the policy quite overtly and deliberately laid down by M. Clemenceau, who, with a candour entirely admirable, expressed his preference for the old system of alliances as against the newfangled Society of Nations. We could not restrain Poland and at the same time fulfil our Alliance obligations to France, who was supporting the Polish policy.[42] By reason of the grip of this system we supported (while proclaiming the sacredness of the cause of oppressed nationalities) or acquiesced in the policy of Czarist Russia against Poland, and incidentally Finland; we supported Poland against republican Russia; we encouraged the creation of small border States as means of fighting Soviet Russia, while we aided Koltchak and Denikin, who would undoubtedly if successful have suppressed the border States. We supported the Southern Slavs against Austria when we desired to destroy the latter; we supported Italy (in secret treaties) against the Southern Slavs when we desired the help of the former. Violations and repressions of nationality which, when committed by the enemy States, we declared should excite the deathless resistance of all free men and call down the punishment of Heaven, we acquiesce in and are silent about when committed by our Allies. This was the Fight for Right, the war to vindicate the moral law in the relations of States. The political necessities of the Balance of Power have prevented the country from pledging its power, untrammelled, to the maintenance of Right. The two objects are in theory and practice incompatible. The Balance of Power is in fact an assertion of the principle of _Macht-Politik_, of the principle that Might makes Right. CHAPTER IV MILITARY PREDOMINANCE--AND INSECURITY The War revealed this: However great the military power of a State, as in the case of France; however great its territorial extent, as in the case of the British Empire; or its economic resources and geographical isolation as in the case of the United States, the conditions of the present international order compel that State to resort to Alliance as an indispensable part of its military defence. And the peace reveals this: that no Alliance can long resist the disruptive forces of nationalist psychology. So rapid indeed has been the disintegration of the Alliance that fought this War, that, from this one cause, the power indispensable for carrying out the Treaty imposed upon the enemy has on the morrow of victory already disappeared. So much became patent in the year that followed the signing of the Treaty. The fact bears of course fundamentally upon the question of the use of political power for those economic ends discussed in the preceding pages. If the economic policy of the Treaty of Versailles is to be carried out, it will in any case demand a preponderance of power so immense and secure that the complete political solidarity of the Alliance which fought the War must be assumed. It cannot be assumed. That Alliance has in fact already gone to pieces; and with it the unquestioned preponderance of power. The fact bears not only upon the use of power for the purpose of carrying an economic policy--or some moral end, like the defence of Nationality--into effect. The disruptive influence of the Nationalisms of which alliances are composed raises the question of how far a military preponderance resting on a National foundation can even give us political security. If the moral factors of nationality are, as we have seen, an indispensable part of the study of international economics, so must those same factors be considered as an indispensable part of the problem of the power to be exercised by an alliance. During the War there was an extraordinary neglect of this simple truth. It seemed to occur to no one that the intensification of the psychology of nationalism--not only among the lesser States but in France and America and England--ran the risk of rendering the Alliance powerless after its victory. Yet that is what has happened. The power of an Alliance (again we are dealing with things that are obvious but neglected) does not depend upon the sum of its material forces--navies, armies, artillery. It depends upon being able to assemble those things to a common purpose; in other words, upon policy fit to direct the instrument. If the policy, or certain moral elements within it, are such that one member of the Alliance is likely to turn his arms against the others, the extent of _his_ armament does not add to the strength of the Alliance. It was with ammunition furnished by Britain and France that Russia in 1919 and 1920 destroyed British and French troops. The present building of an enormous navy by America is not accepted in Britain as necessarily adding to the security of the British Empire. It is worth while to note how utterly fallacious are certain almost universal assumptions concerning the relation of war psychology to the problem of alliance solidarity. An English visitor to the United States (or an American visitor to England) during the years 1917-1918 was apt to be deluged by a flood of rhetoric to this effect: The blood shed on the same battle-fields, the suffering shared in common in the same common cause, would unite and cement as nothing had ever yet united the two great branches of the English-speaking race, destined by Providence.... But the same visitor moving in the same circle less than two years later found that this eternal cement of friendship had already lost its potency. Never, perhaps, for generations were Anglo-American relations so bad as they had become within a score or so of months of the time that Englishmen and Americans were dying side by side on the battle-field. At the beginning of 1921, in the United States, it was easier, on a public platform, to defend Germany than to present a defence of English policy in Ireland or in India. And at that period one might hear commonly enough in England, in trams and railway carriages, a repetition of the catch phrase, 'America next.' If certain popular assumptions as to war psychology were right, these things would be impossible. Yet, as a matter of fact, the psychological phenomenon is true to type. It was not an accident that the internationalist America of 1915, of 'Peace without Victory,' should by 1918 have become more fiercely insistent upon absolute victory and unconditional surrender than any other of the belligerents, whose emotions had found some outlet during three years of war before America had begun. The complete reversal of the 'Peace without Victory' attitude was demanded--cultivated, deliberately produced--as a necessary part of war morale. But these emotions of coercion and domination cannot be intensively cultivated and then turned off as by a tap. They made America fiercely nationalist, with necessarily a temperamental distaste for the internationalism of Mr Wilson. And when a mere year of war left the emotional hungers unsatisfied, they turned unconsciously to other satisfactions. Twenty million Americans of Irish descent or association, among others, utilised the opportunity. One feature--perhaps the very largest feature of all--of war morale, had been the exploitation of the German atrocities. The burning of Louvain, and other reprisals upon the Belgian civilian population, meant necessarily a special wickedness on the part of a definite entity, known as 'Germany,' that had to be crushed, punished, beaten, wiped out. There were no distinctions. The plea that all were not equally guilty excited the fierce anger reserved for all such 'pacifist' and pro-German pleas. A German woman had laughed at a wounded American: all German women were monsters. 'No good German but a dead German.' It was in the German blood and grey matter. The elaborate stories--illustrated--of Germans sticking bayonets into Belgian children produced a thesis which was beyond and above reason or explanation: for that atrocity, 'Germany'--seventy million people, ignorant peasants, driven workmen, the babies, the invalids, the old women gathering sticks in the forest, the children trooping to school--all were guilty. To state the thing in black and white sounds like a monstrous travesty. But it is not a travesty. It is the thesis we, too, maintained; but in America it had, in the American way, an over simplification and an extra emphasis. And then after the War an historical enemy of America's does precisely the same thing. In the story of Amritsar and the Irish reprisals it is the Indian and Sinn Fein version only which is told; just as during the War we got nothing but the anti-German version of the burning of Louvain, or reprisals upon civilians. Why should we expect that the result should be greatly different upon American opinion? Four hundred unarmed and hopeless people, women and children as well as men, are mown down by machine-guns. Or, in the Irish reprisals, a farmer is shot in the presence of his wife and children. The Government defends the soldiers. 'Britain' has done this thing: forty-five millions of people, of infinitely varying degrees of responsibility, many opposing it, many ignorant of it, almost all entirely helpless. To represent them as inhuman monsters because of these atrocities is an infinitely mischievous falsehood. But it is made possible by a theory, which in the case of Germany we maintained for years as essentially true. And now it is doing as between Britain and America what a similar falsehood did as between Germany and England, and will go on doing so long as Nationalism includes conceptions of collective responsibility which fly in the face of common sense and truth. If the resultant hostilities can operate as between two national groups like the British and the American, what groups can be free of them? It is a little difficult now, two years after the end of the War, with the world in its present turmoil, to realise that we really did expect the defeat of Germany to inaugurate an era of peace and security, of reduction of armaments, the virtual end of war; and believed that it was German militarism, 'that trampling, drilling foolery in the heart of Europe, that has arrested civilisation and darkened the hopes of mankind for forty years,'[43] as Mr Wells wrote in _The War that will End War_, which accounted for nearly all the other militarisms, and that after its destruction we could anticipate 'the end of the armament phase of European history.' For, explained Mr Wells, 'France, Italy, England, and all the smaller Powers of Europe are now pacific countries; Russia, after this huge War, will be too exhausted for further adventure.'[44] 'When will peace come?' asked Professor Headlam, and answered that 'It will come when Germany has learnt the lesson of the War, when it has learnt, as every other nation has had to learn, that the voice of Europe cannot be defied with impunity.... Men talk about the terms of peace. They matter little. With a Germany victorious no terms could secure the future of Europe, with a Germany defeated, no artificial securities will be wanted, for there will be a stronger security in the consciousness of defeat.'[45] There were to be no limits to the political or economic rearrangements which victory would enable us to effect. Very authoritative military critics like Mr Hilaire Belloc became quite angry and contemptuous at the suggestion that the defeat of the enemy would not enable us to rearrange Europe at our will. The doctrine that unlimited power was inherent in victory was thus stated by Mr Belloc:-- 'It has been well said that the most straightforward and obvious conclusions on the largest lines of military policy are those of which it is most difficult to convince a general audience; and we find in this matter a singular miscalculation running through the attitude of many Western publicists. They speak as though, whatever might happen in the West, the Alliance, which is fighting for European civilisation, the Western Allies and the United States, could not now affect the destinies of Eastern Europe.... Such an attitude is, upon the simplest principles of military science, a grotesque error.... If we are victorious ... the destruction of the enemy's military power gives us as full an opportunity for deciding the fate of Eastern Europe as it does for deciding the fate of Western Europe. Victory gained by the Allies will decide the fate of all Europe, and, for that matter, of the whole world. It will open the Baltic and the Black Sea. It will leave us masters with the power to dictate in what fashion the new boundaries shall be arranged, how the entries to the Eastern markets shall be kept open, garrisoned and guaranteed.... Wherever they are defeated, whether upon the line they now hold or upon other lines, their defeat and our victory will leave us with complete power. If that task be beyond our strength, then civilisation has suffered defeat, and there is the end of it.' German power was to be destroyed as the condition of saving civilisation. Mr Belloc wrote:-- 'If by some negotiation (involving of course the evacuation of the occupied districts in the West) the enemy remains undefeated, civilised Europe has lost the war and Prussia has won it.'[46] Such was the simple and popular thesis. Germany, criminal and barbarian, challenged Europe, civilised and law-abiding. Civilisation can only assert itself by the punishment of Germany and save itself by the destruction of German power. Once the German military power is destroyed, Europe can do with Germany what it will. I suggest that the experience of the last two years, and our own present policy, constitute an admission or demonstration, first, that the moral assumption of this thesis--that the menace of German power was due to some special wickedness on the part of the German nation not shared by other peoples in any degree--is false; and, secondly, that the destruction of Germany's military force gives to Europe no such power to control Germany. Our power over Germany becomes every day less: First, by the break-up of the Alliance. The 'sacred egoisms' which produced the War are now disrupting the Allies. The most potentially powerful European member of the Alliance or Association--Russia--has become an enemy; the most powerful member of all, America, has withdrawn from co-operation; Italy is in conflict with one Ally, Japan with another. Secondly, by the more extended Balkanisation of Europe. The States utilised by (for instance) France as the instruments of Allied policy (Poland, Hungary, Ukrainia, Rumania, Czecho-Slovakia) are liable to quarrel among themselves. The groups rendered hostile to Allied policy--Germany, Russia, China--are much larger, and might well once more become cohesive units. The Nationalism which is a factor of Allied disintegration may nevertheless work for the consolidation of the groups opposed to us. Thirdly, by the economic disorganisation of Europe (resulting mainly from the desire to weaken the enemy), which deprives the Alliance of economic resources sufficient for a military task like that of the conquest of Russia or the occupation of Germany. Fourthly, by the social unrest within each country (itself due in part to the economic disorganisation, in part to the introduction of the psychology of jingoism into the domain of industrial strife): Bolshevism. A long war of intervention in Russia by the Alliance would have broken down under the strain of internal unrest in Allied countries. The Alliance thus succumbs to the clash of Nationalisms and the clash of classes. These moral factors render the purpose which will be given to accumulated military force--'the direction in which the guns will shoot'--so uncertain that the amount of material power available is no indication of the degree of security attained. If it were true, as we argued so universally before and during the War, that German power was the final cause of the armament rivalry in Europe, then the disappearance of that power should mark, as so many prophesied it would mark, the end of the 'armament era.'[47] Has it done so? Or does any one to-day seriously argue that the increase of armament expenditure over the pre-war period is in some mystic way due to Prussian militarism? Let us turn to a _Times_ leader in the summer of 1920:-- 'To-day the condition of Europe and of a large portion of the world is scarcely less critical than it was six years ago. Within a few days, or at most a few weeks, we may know whether the Peace Treaty signed at Versailles will possess effective validity. The independent existence of Poland, which is a keystone of the reorganisation of Europe contemplated by the Treaty, is in grave peril; and with it, though perhaps not in the manner currently imagined in Germany, is jeopardised the present situation of Germany herself. ... There is undoubtedly a widespread plot against Western civilisation as we know it, and probably against British liberal institutions as a principal mainstay of that civilisation. Yet if our institutions, and Western civilisation with them, are to withstand the present onslaught, they must be defended.... We never doubted the staunchness and vigour of England six years ago, and we doubt them as little to-day.'[48] And so we must have even larger armaments than ever. Field-Marshal Earl Haig and Field-Marshal Sir Henry Wilson in England, Marshal Foch in France, General Leonard Wood in America, all urge that it will be indispensable to maintain our armaments at more than the pre-war scale. The ink of the Armistice was barely dry before the _Daily Mail_ published a long interview with Marshal Foch[49] in the course of which the Generalissimo enlarged on the 'inevitability' of war in the future and the need of being 'prepared for it.' Lord Haig, in his Rectorial Address at St Andrews (May 14th, 1919) followed with the plea that as 'the seeds of future conflict are to be found in every quarter, only waiting the right condition, moral, economic, political, to burst once more into activity,' every man in the country must immediately be trained for war. The _Mail_, supporting his plea, said:-- 'We all desire peace, but we cannot, even in the hour of complete victory, disregard the injunction uttered by our first soldier, that "only by adequate preparation for war can peace in every way be guaranteed." '"A strong citizen army on strong territorial lines," is the advice Sir Douglas Haig urges on the country. A system providing twelve months' military training for every man in the country should be seriously thought of.... Morally and physically the War has shown us that the effect of discipline upon the youths of the country is an asset beyond calculation.' So that the victory which was to end the 'trampling and drilling foolery' is made a plea for the institution of permanent conscription in England, where, before the victory, it did not exist. The admission involved in this recommendation, the admission that destruction of German power has failed to give us security, is as complete as it well could be. If this was merely the exuberant zeal of professional soldiers, we might perhaps disregard these declarations. But the conviction of the soldiers is reflected in the policy of the Government. At a time when the financial difficulties of all the Allied countries are admittedly enormous, when the bankruptcy of some is a contingency freely discussed, and when the need of economy is the refrain everywhere, there is not an Allied State which is not to-day spending more upon military and naval preparations than it was spending before the destruction of the German power began. America is preparing to build a bigger fleet than she has ever had in her history[50]--a larger fleet than the German armada, which was for most Englishmen perhaps the decisive demonstration of Germany's hostile intent. Britain on her side has at present a larger naval budget than that of the year which preceded the War; while for the new war instrument of aviation she has a building programme more costly than the shipbuilding programmes of pre-war time. France is to-day spending more on her army than before the War; spending, indeed, upon it now a sum larger than that which she spent upon the whole of her Government when German militarism was undestroyed. Despite all this power possessed by the members of the Alliance, the predominant note in current political criticism is that Germany is evading the execution of the Treaty of Versailles, that in the payment of the indemnity, the punishment of military criminals, and disarmament, the Treaty is a dead letter, and the Allies are powerless. As the _Times_ reminds us, the very keystone of the Treaty, in the independence of Poland, trembles. It is not difficult to recall the fashion in which we thought and wrote of the German menace before and during the War. The following from _The New Europe_ (which had taken as its device 'La Victoire Intégrale') will be recognised as typical:-- 'It is of vital importance to us to understand, not only Germany's aims, but the process by which she hopes to carry them through. If Germany wins, she will not rest content with this victory. Her next object will be to prepare for further victories both in Asia and in Central and Western Europe. 'Those who still cherish the belief that Prussia is pacifist show a profound misunderstanding of her psychology.... On this point the Junkers have been frank: those who have not been frank are the wiseacres who try to persuade us that we can moderate their attitude by making peace with them. If they would only pay a little more attention to the Junkers' avowed objects, and a little less attention to their own theories about those objects, they would be more useful guides to public opinion in this country, which finds itself hopelessly at sea on the subject of Prussianism. 'What then are Germany's objects? What is likely to be her view of the general situation in Europe at the present moment?... Whatever modifications she may have introduced into her immediate programme, she still clings to her desire to overthrow our present civilisation in Europe, and to introduce her own on the ruins of the old order.... 'Buoyed up by recent successes ... her offers of peace will become more insistent and more difficult to refuse. Influences will clamour for the resumption of peace on economic and financial grounds.... We venture to say that it will be very difficult for any Government to resist this pressure, and, _unless the danger of coming to terms with Germany is very clearly and strongly put before the public, we may find ourselves caught in the snares that Germany has for a long time past been laying for us_. ... 'We shall be told that once peace is concluded the Junkers will become moderate, and all those who wish to believe this will readily accept it without further question. 'But, while we in our innocence may be priding ourselves on the conclusion of peace to Germany it will not be a peace, but a "respite." ... This "respite" will be exceedingly useful to Germany not only for propaganda purposes, but in order to replenish her exhausted resources necessary for future aggression. Meanwhile German activities in Asia and Ireland are likely to continue unabated until the maximum inconvenience to England has been produced.' If the reader will carry his mind back a couple of years, he will recall having read numberless articles similar to the above, concerning the duty of annihilating the power of Germany. Well, will the reader note that _the above does not refer to Germany at all, but to Russia_? I have perpetrated a little forgery for his enlightenment. In order to bring home the rapidity with which a change of roles can be accomplished, an article warning us against any peace with _Russia_, appearing in the _New Europe_ of January 8th, 1920, has been reproduced word for word, except that 'Russia' or 'Lenin' has been changed to 'Germany' or 'the Junkers,' as the case may be. Now let us see what this writer has to say as to the German power to-day? Well, he says that the security of civilisation now depends upon the restoration, in part at least, of that German power, for the destruction of which the world gave twenty million lives. The danger to civilisation now is mainly 'the breach between Germany and the West, and the rivalries of nationalism.' Lenin, plotting our destruction, relies mainly on that:-- 'Above all we may be sure that his attention is concentrated on England and Germany. So long as Germany remains aloof and feelings of bitterness against the Allies are allowed to grow still more acute, Lenin can rub his hands with glee; what he fears more than anything is the first sign that the sores caused by five years of war are being healed, and that England, France, and Germany are preparing to treat one another as neighbours, who have each their several parts to play in the restoration of normal economic conditions in Europe.' As to the policy of preventing Germany's economic restoration for fear that she should once more possess the raw material of military power, this writer declares that it is precisely that Carthaginian policy (embodied in the Treaty of Versailles) which Lenin would most of all desire:-- 'As a trained economist we may be sure that he looks first and foremost at the widespread economic chaos. We can imagine his chuckle of satisfaction when he sees the European exchanges getting steadily worse and national antagonisms growing more acute. Disputes about territorial questions are to him so much grist to the Bolshevik mill, as they all tend to obscure the fundamental question of the economic reconstruction of Europe, without which no country in Europe can consider itself safe from Bolshevism. 'He must realise to the full the lamentable condition of the finances of the new States in Central and South-east Europe.' In putting forward these views, The _New Europe_ is by no means alone. Already in January, 1920, Mr J. L. Garvin had declared what indeed was obvious, that it was out of the question to expect to build a new Europe on the simultaneous hostility of Germany _and_ Russia. 'Let us face the main fact. If there is to be no peace with the Bolshevists _there must be an altogether different understanding with Germany.... For any sure and solid barrier against the external consequences of Bolshevism Germany is essential._' Barely six months later Mr Winston Churchill, Secretary of State for War in the British Cabinet, chooses the _Evening News_, probably the arch-Hun-Hater of all the English Press, to open out the new policy of Alliance with Germany against Russia. He says:-- 'It will be open to the Germans ... by a supreme effort of sobriety, of firmness, of self-restraint, and of courage--undertaken, as most great exploits have to be, under conditions of peculiar difficulty and discouragement--to build a dyke of peaceful, lawful, patient strength and virtue against the flood of red barbarism flowing from the East, and thus safeguard their own interests and the interests of their principle antagonists in the West. 'If the Germans were able to render such a service, not by vainglorious military adventure or with ulterior motives, they would unquestionably have taken a giant step upon that path of self-redemption which would lead them surely and swiftly as the years pass by to their own great place in the councils of Christendom, and would have rendered easier the sincere co-operation between Britain, France, and Germany, on which the very salvation of Europe depends.' So the salvation of Europe depends upon our co-operation with Germany, upon a German dyke of 'patient strength.'[51] * * * * * One wonders why we devoted quite so many lives and so much agony to knocking Germany out; and why we furnished quite so much treasure to the military equipment of the very Muscovite 'barbarians' who now threaten to overflow it. One wonders also, why, if 'the very salvation of Europe' in July, 1920, depends upon sincere co-operation of the Entente with Germany, those Allies were a year earlier exacting by force her signature to a Treaty which not even its authors pretended was compatible with German reconciliation. If the Germans are to fulfil the role Mr Churchill assigns to them, then obviously the Treaty of Versailles must be torn up. If they are to be the 'dyke' protecting Western civilisation against the Red military flood, it must, according to the Churchillian philosophy, be a military dyke: the disarmament clauses must be abolished, as must the other clauses--particularly the economic ones--which would make of any people suffering from them the bitter enemy of the people that imposed them. Our Press is just now full of stories of secret Treaties between Germany and Russia against France and England. Whether the stories are true or not, it is certain that the effect of the Treaty of Versailles and the Allied policy to Russia will be to create a Russo-German understanding. And Mr Churchill (phase 1920) has undoubtedly indicated the alternatives. If you are going to fight Russia to the death, then you must make friends with Germany; if you are going to maintain the Treaty of Versailles, then you must make friends with Russia. You must 'trust' either the Boche or the Bolshevist. Popular feeling at this moment (or rather the type of feeling envisaged by the Northcliffe Press) won't do either. Boche and Bolshevist alike are 'vermin' to be utterly crushed, and any policy implying co-operation with either is ruled out. 'Force ... force to the uttermost' against both is demanded by the _Times_, the _Daily Mail_, and the various evening, weekly, or monthly editions thereof. Very well. Let us examine the proposal to 'hold down' by force both Russia and Germany. Beyond Russia there is Asia, particularly India. The _New Europe_ writer reminds us:-- ' ... If England cannot be subdued by a direct attack, she is, at any rate, vulnerable in Asia, and it is here that Lenin is preparing to deliver his real propaganda offensive. During the last few months more and more attention has been paid to Asiatic propaganda, and this will not be abandoned, no matter what temporary arrangements the Soviet Government may attempt to make with Western Europe. It is here, and here only, that England can be wounded, so that she may be counted out of the forth-coming revolutionary struggle in Europe that Lenin is preparing to engage in at a later date.... 'We should find ourselves so much occupied in maintaining order in Asia that we should have little time or energy left for interfering in Europe.' As a matter of fact, we know how great are the forces that can be absorbed[52] when the territory for subjection stretches from Archangel to the Deccan--through Syria, Arabia, Mesopotamia, Egypt, Persia, Afghanistan. Our experience in Archangel, Murmansk, Vladivostock, and with Koltchak, Denikin, and Wrangel shows that the military method must be thorough or it will fail. It is no good hoping that a supply of surplus ammunition to a counter-revolutionary general will subdue a country like Russia. The only safe and thorough-going plan is complete occupation--or a very extended occupation--of both countries. M. Clemenceau definitely favoured this course, as did nearly all the military-minded groups in England and America, when the Russian policy was discussed at the end of 1918 and early in 1919. Why was that policy not carried out? The history of the thing is clear enough. That policy would have called upon the resources in men and material of the whole of the Alliance, not merely those of the Big Four, but of Poland, Czecho-Slovakia, Yugo-Slavia, Italy, Greece, and Japan as well. The 'March to Berlin and Moscow' which so many, even in England and America, were demanding at the time of the Armistice would not have been the march of British Grenadiers; nor the succeeding occupation one like that of Egypt or India. Operations on that scale would have brought in sooner or later (indeed, much smaller operations have already brought in) the forces of nations in bitter conflict the one with the other. We know what the occupation of Ireland by British troops has meant. Imagine an Ireland multiplied many times, occupied not only by British but by 'Allied' troops--British side by side with Senegalese negroes, Italians with Yugo-Slavs, Poles with Czecho-Slovaks and White Russians, Americans with Japanese. Remember, moreover, how far the disintegration of the Alliance had already advanced. The European member of the Alliance greatest in its potential resources, human and material, was of course the very country against which it was now proposed to act; the 'steamroller' had now to be destroyed ... by the Allies. America, the member of the Alliance, which, at the time of the Armistice, represented the greatest unit of actual material force, had withdrawn into a nationalist isolation from, and even hostility to, the European Allies. Japan was pursuing a line of policy which rendered increasingly difficult the active co-operation of certain of the Western democracies with her; her policy had already involved her in declared and open hostility to the other Asiatic element of the Alliance, China. Italy was in a state of bitter hostility to the nationality--Greater Serbia--whose defence was the immediate occasion of the War, and was soon to mark her feeling towards the peace by returning to power the Minister who had opposed Italy's entrance into the War; a situation which we shall best understand if we imagine a 'pro-German' (say, for instance, Lord Morley, or Mr Ramsay MacDonald, or Mr Philip Snowden) being made Prime Minister of England. What may be termed the minor Allies, Yugo-Slavia, Czecho-Slovakia, Rumania, Greece, Poland, the lesser Border States, the Arab kingdom that we erected, were drifting towards the entangling conflicts which have since broken out. Already, at a time when the Quai d'Orsay and Carmelite House were both clamouring for what must have meant in practice the occupation of both Germany and Russia, the Alliance had in fact disintegrated, and some of its main elements were in bitter conflict. The picture of a solid alliance of pacific and liberal democracies standing for the maintenance of an orderly European freedom against German attacks had completely faded away. Of the Grand Alliance of twenty-four States as a combination of power pledged to a common purpose, there remained just France and England--and their relations, too, were becoming daily worse; in fundamental disagreement over Poland, Turkey, Syria, the Balkan States, Austria, and Germany itself, its indemnities, and its economic treatment generally. Was this the instrument for the conquest of half a world? But the political disintegration of the Alliance was not the only obstacle to a thorough-going application of military force to the problem of Germany and Russia. By the very terms of the theory of security by preponderant power, Germany had to be weakened economically, for her subjugation could never be secure if she were permitted to maintain an elaborate, nationally organised economic machinery, which not only gives immense powers of production, capable without great difficulty of being transformed to the production of military material, but which, through the organisation of foreign trade, gives influence in countries like Russia, the Balkans, the Near and Far East. So part of the policy of Versailles, reflected in the clauses of the Treaty already dealt with, was to check the economic recovery of Germany and more particularly to prevent economic co-operation between that country and Russia. That Russia should become a 'German Colony' was a nightmare that haunted the minds of the French peace-makers.[53] But, as we have already seen, to prevent the economic co-operation of Germany and Russia meant the perpetuation of the economic paralysis of Europe. Combined with the maintenance of the blockade it would certainly have meant utter and perhaps irretrievable collapse. Perhaps the Allies at the beginning of 1919 were in no mood to be greatly disturbed by the prospect. But they soon learned that it had a very close bearing both on the aims which they had set before themselves in the Treaty and, indeed, on the very problem of maintaining military predominance. In theory, of course, an army of occupation should live on the occupied country. But it soon became evident that it was quite out of the question to collect even the cost of the armies for the limited occupation of the Rhine territories from a country whose industrial life was paralysed by blockade. Moreover, the costs of the German occupation were very sensibly increased by the fact of the Russian blockade. Deprived of Russian wheat and other products, the cost of living in Western Europe was steadily rising, the social unrest was in consequence increasing, and it was vitally necessary, if something like the old European life was to be restored, that production should be restarted as rapidly as possible. We found that a blockade of Russia which cut off Russian foodstuffs from Western Europe, was also a blockade of ourselves. But the blockade, as we have seen, was not the only economic device used as a part of military pressure: the old economic nerves between Germany and her neighbours had been cut out and the creeping paralysis of Europe was spreading in every direction. There was not a belligerent State on the Continent of Europe that was solvent in the strict sense of the term--able, that is, to discharge its obligations in the gold money in which it had contracted them. All had resorted to the shifts of paper--fictitious--money, and the debacle of the exchanges was already setting in. Whence were to come the costs of the forces and armies of occupation necessitated by the policy of complete conquest of Russia and Germany at the same time? When, therefore (according to a story current at the time), President Wilson, following the announcement that France stood for the military coercion of Russia, asked each Ally in turn how many troops and how much of the cost it would provide, each replied: 'None.' It was patent, indeed, that the resources of an economically paralysed Western Europe were not adequate to this enterprise. A half-way course was adopted. Britain supplied certain counter-revolutionary generals with a very considerable quantity of surplus stores, and a few military missions; France adopted the policy of using satellite States--Poland, Rumania, and even Hungary--as her tools. The result we know. Meantime, the economic and financial situation at home (in France and Italy) was becoming desperate. France needed coal, building material, money. None of these things could be obtained from a blockaded, starving, and restless Germany. One day, doubtless, Germany will be able to pay for the armies of occupation; but it will be a Germany whose workers are fed and clothed and warmed, whose railways have adequate rolling stock, whose fields are not destitute of machines, and factories of coal and the raw materials of production. In other words, it will be a strong and organised Germany, and, if occupied by alien troops, most certainly a nationalist and hostile Germany, dangerous and difficult to watch, however much disarmed. But there was a further force which the Allied Governments found themselves compelled to take into consideration in settling their military policy at the time of the Armistice. In addition to the economic and financial difficulties which compelled them to refrain from large scale operations in Russia and perhaps in Germany; in addition to the clash of rival nationalisms among the Allies, which was already introducing such serious rifts into the Alliance, there was a further element of weakness--revolutionary unrest, the 'Bolshevik' fever. In December, 1918, the British Government was confronted by the refusal of soldiers at Dover, who believed that they were being sent to Russia, to embark. A month or two later the French Government was faced by a naval mutiny at Odessa. American soldiers in Siberia refused to go into action against the Russians. Still later, in Italy, the workers enforced their decision not to handle munitions for Russia, by widespread strikes. Whether the attempt to obtain troops in very large quantities for a Russian war, involving casualties and sacrifices on a considerable scale, would have meant at the beginning of 1919 military revolts, or Communist, Spartacist, or Bolshevik revolutionary movements, or not, the Governments were evidently not prepared to face the issue. We have seen, therefore, that the blockade and the economic weakening of our enemy are two-edged weapons, only of effective use within very definite limits; that these limits in turn condition in some degree the employment of more purely military instruments like the occupation of hostile territory; and indeed condition the provision of the instruments. The power basis of the Alliance, such as it is, has been, since the Armistice, the naval power of England, exercised through the blockades, and the military force of France exercised mainly through the management of satellite armies. The British method has involved the greater immediate cruelty (perhaps a greater extent and degree of suffering imposed upon the weak and helpless than any coercive device yet discovered by man) though the French has involved a more direct negation of the aims for which the War was fought. French policy aims quite frankly at the re-imposition of France's military hegemony of the Continent. That aim will not be readily surrendered. Owing to the division in Socialist and Labour ranks, to the growing fear and dislike of 'confiscatory' legislation, by a peasant population and a large _petit rentier_ class, conservative elements are bound to be predominant in France for a long time. Those elements are frankly sceptical of any League of Nations device. A League of Nations would rob them of what in the Chamber of Deputies a Nationalist called 'the Right of Victory.' But the alternative to a League as a means of security is military predominance, and France has bent her energies since the Armistice to securing it. To-day, the military predominance of France on the Continent is vastly greater than that of Germany ever was. Her chief antagonist is not only disarmed--forbidden to manufacture heavy artillery, tanks or fighting aircraft--but as we have seen, is crippled in economic life by the loss of nearly all his iron and much of his coal. France not only retains her armament, but is to-day spending more upon it than before the War. The expenditure for the army in 1920 amounted to 5000 millions of francs, whereas in 1914 it was only 1200 millions. Translate this expenditure even with due regard to the changed price level into terms of policy, and it means, _inter alia_, that the Russo-Polish war and Feisal's deposition in Syria are burdens beyond her capacity. And this is only the beginning. Within a few months France has revived the full flower of the Napoleonic tradition so far as the use of satellite military States is concerned. Poland is only one of many instruments now being industriously fashioned by the artisans of the French military renaissance. In the Ukraine, in Hungary, in Czecho-Slovakia, in Rumania, in Yugo-Slavia; in Syria, Greece, Turkey, and Africa, French military and financial organisers are at work. M. Clemenceau, in one of his statements to the Chamber[54] on France's future policy, outlined the method:-- 'We have said that we would create a system of barbed wire. There are places where it will have to be guarded to prevent Germany from passing. There are peoples like the Poles, of whom I spoke just now, who are fighting against the Soviets, who are resisting, who are in the van of civilisation. Well, we have decided ... to be the Allies of any people attacked by the Bolsheviks. I have spoken of the Poles, of the help that we shall certainly get from them in case of necessity. Well, they are fighting at this moment against the Bolsheviks, and if they are not equal to the task--but they will be equal to it--the help which we shall be able to give them in different ways, and which we are actually giving them, particularly in the form of military supplies and uniforms--that help will be continued. There is a Polish army, of which the greater part has been organised and instructed by French officers.... The Polish army must now be composed of from 450,000 to 500,000 men. If you look on the map at the geographical situation of this military force, you will think that it is interesting from every point of view. There is a Czecho-Slovak army, which already numbers nearly 150,000 men, well equipped, well armed, and capable of sustaining all the tasks of war. Here is another factor on which we can count. But I count on many other elements. I count on Rumania.' Since then Hungary has been added, part of the Hungarian plan being the domination of Austria by Hungary, and, later, possibly the restoration of an Austrian Monarchy, which might help to detach monarchical and clerical Bavaria from Republican Germany.[55] This is the revival of the old French policy of preventing the unification of the German people.[56] It is that aspiration which largely explains recent French sympathy for Clericalism and Monarchism and the reversal of the policy heretofore pursued by the Third Republic towards the Vatican. The systematic arming of African negroes reveals something of Napoleon's leaning towards the military exploitation of servile races. We are probably only at the beginning of the arming of Africa's black millions. They are, of course, an extremely convenient military material. French or British soldiers might have scruples against service in a war upon a Workers' Republic. Cannibals from the African forest 'conscribed' for service in Europe are not likely to have political or social scruples of that kind. To bring some hundreds of thousands of these Africans to Europe, to train them systematically to the use of European arms; to teach them that the European is conquerable; to put them in the position of victors over a vanquished European people--here indeed are possibilities. With Senegalese negroes having their quarters in Goethe's house, and placed, if not in authority, at least as the instruments of authority over the population of a European university city; and with the Japanese imposing their rule upon great stretches of what was yesterday a European Empire (and our Ally) a new page may well have opened for Europe. But just consider the chances of stability for power based on the assumption of continued co-operation of a number of 'intense' nationalisms, each animated by its sacred egoisms. France has turned to this policy as a substitute for the alliance of two or three great States, which national feeling and conflicting interests have driven apart. Is this collection of mushroom republics to possess a stability to which the Entente could not attain? One looks over the list. We have, it is true, after a century, the re-birth of Poland, a great and impressive case of the vindication of national right. But Poland, yesterday the victim of the imperialist oppressor, has, herself, almost in a few hours, as it were, acquired an imperialism of her own. The Pole assures us that his nationality can only be secure if he is given dominion over territories with largely non-Polish populations; if, that is, some fifteen millions of Ruthenes, Lithuanians, Ukrainians, Russians, are deprived of a separate national existence. Italy, it is true, is now fully redeemed; but that redemption involves the 'irredentism' of large numbers of German Tyrolese, Yugo-Slavs, and Greeks. The new Austria is forbidden to federate with the main branch of the race to which her people belong--though federation alone can save them from physical extinction. The Czecho-Slovak nation is now achieved, but only at the expense of a German unredeemed population larger numerically than that of Alsace-Lorraine. And Slovaks and Czechs already quarrel--many foresee the day when the freed State will face its own rebels. The Slovenes and Croats and the Serbs do not yet make a 'nationality,' and threaten to fight one another as readily as they would fight the Bulgarians they have annexed in Bulgarian Macedonia. Rumania has marked her redemption by the inclusion of considerable Hungarian, Bulgarian, and Serbian 'irredentisms' within her new borders. Finland, which with Poland typified for so long the undying struggle for national right, is to-day determined to coerce the Swedes on the Aaland Islands and the Russians on the Carelian Territory. Greek rule of Turks has already involved retaliatory, punitive, or defensive measures which have needed Blue Book explanation. Armenia, Georgia, and Azerbaidjan have not yet acquired their subject nationalities. The prospect of peace and security for these nationalities may be gathered in some measure by an enumeration of the wars which have actually broken out since the Peace Conference met in Paris, for the appeasement of Europe. The Poles have fought in turn, the Czecho-Slovaks, the Ukrainians, the Lithuanians, and the Russians. The Ukrainians have fought the Russians and the Hungarians. The Finns have fought the Russians, as have also the Esthonians and the Letts. The Esthonians and Letts have also fought the Baltic Germans. The Rumanians have fought Hungary. The Greeks have fought the Bulgarians and are at present in 'full dress' war with the Turks. The Italians have fought the Albanians, and the Turks in Asia Minor. The French have been fighting the Arabs in Syria and the Turks in Cilicia. The various British expeditions or missions, naval or military, in Archangel, Murmansk, the Baltic, the Crimea, Persia, Siberia, Turkestan, Mesopotamia, Asia Minor, the Soudan, or in aid of Koltchak, Denikin, Yudenitch, or Wrangel, are not included in this list as not arising in a strict sense perhaps out of nationality problems. Let us face what all this means in the alignment of power in the world. The Europe of the Grand Alliance is a Europe of many nationalities: British, French, Italian, Rumanian, Polish, Czecho-Slovak, Yugo-Slav, Greek, Belgian, Magyar, to say nothing of the others. None of these States exceeds greatly forty millions of people, and the populations of most are very much less. But the rival group of Germany and Russia, making between them over two hundred millions, comprises just two great States. And contiguous to them, united by the ties of common hatreds, lie the Mahomedan world and China. Prusso-Slavdom (combining racial elements having common qualities of amenity to autocratic discipline) might conceivably give a lead to Chinese and other Asiatic millions, brought to hate the West. The opposing group is a Balkanised Europe of irreconcilable national rivalries, incapable, because of those rivalries, of any prolonged common action, and taking a religious pride in the fact of this incapacity to agree. Its moral leaders, or many of them, certainly its powerful and popular instrument of education, the Press, encourage this pugnacity, regarding any effort towards its restraint or discipline as political atheism; deepening the tradition which would make 'intense' nationalism a noble, virile, and inspiring attitude, and internationalism something emasculate and despicable. We talk of the need of 'protecting European civilisation' from hostile domination, German or Russian. It is a danger. Other great civilisations have found themselves dominated by alien power. Seeley has sketched for us the process by which a vast country with two or three hundred million souls, not savage or uncivilised but with a civilisation, though descending along a different stream of tradition, as real and ancient as our own, came to be utterly conquered and subdued by a people, numbering less than twelve millions, living on the other side of the world. It reversed the teaching of history which had shown again and again that it was impossible really to conquer an intelligent people alien in tradition from its invaders. The whole power of Spain could not in eighty years conquer the Dutch provinces with their petty population. The Swiss could not be conquered. At the very time when the conquest of India's hundreds of millions was under way, the English showed themselves wholly unable to reduce to obedience three millions of their own race in America. What was the explanation? The Inherent Superiority of the Anglo-Saxon Stock? For long we were content to draw such a flattering conclusion and leave it at that, until Seeley pointed out the uncomfortable fact that the great bulk of the forces used in the conquest of India were not British at all. They were Indian. India was conquered for Great Britain by the natives of India. 'The nations of India (says Seeley) have been conquered by an army of which, on the average, about a fifth part was English. India can hardly be said to have been conquered at all by foreigners; she was rather conquered by herself. If we were justified, which we are not, in personifying India as we personify France or England, we could not describe her as overwhelmed by a foreign enemy; we should rather have to say that she elected to put an end to anarchy by submitting to a single government, even though that government were in the hands of foreigners.'[57] In other words, India is an English possession because the peoples of India were incapable of cohesion, the nations of India incapable of internationalism. The peoples of India include some of the best fighting stock in the world. But they fought one another: the pugnacity and material power they personified was the force used by their conquerors for their subjection. I will venture to quote what I wrote some years ago touching Seeley's moral:-- 'Our successful defeat of tyranny depends upon such a development of the sense of patriotism among the democratic nations that it will attach itself rather to the conception of the unity of all free co-operative societies, than to the mere geographical and racial divisions; a development that will enable it to organise itself as a cohesive power for the defence of that ideal, by the use of all the forces, moral and material, which it wields. 'That unity is impossible on the basis of the old policies, the European statecraft of the past. For that assumes a condition of the world in which each State must look for its national security to its own isolated strength; and such assumption compels each member, as a measure of national self-preservation, and so justifiably, to take precaution against drifting into a position of inferior power, compels it, that is, to enter into a competition for the sources of strength--territory and strategic position. Such a condition will inevitably, in the case of any considerable alliance, produce a situation in which some of its members will be brought into conflict by claims for the same territory. In the end, that will inevitably disrupt the Alliance. 'The price of the preservation of nationality is a workable internationalism. If this latter is not possible then the smaller nationalities are doomed. Thus, though internationalism may not be in the case of every member of the Alliance the object of war, it is the condition of its success.' CHAPTER V PATRIOTISM AND POWER IN WAR AND PEACE In the preceding chapter attention has been called to a phenomenon which is nothing short of a 'moral miracle' if our ordinary reading of war psychology is correct. The phenomenon in question is the very definite and sudden worsening of Anglo-American relations, following upon common suffering on the same battle-fields, our soldiers fighting side by side; an experience which we commonly assume should weld friendship as nothing else could.[58] This miracle has its replica within the nation itself: intense industrial strife, class warfare, revolution, embittered rivalries, following upon a war which in its early days our moralists almost to a man declared at least to have this great consolation, that it achieved the moral unity of the nation. Pastor and poet, statesman and professor alike rejoiced in this spiritual consolidation which dangers faced in common had brought about. Never again was the nation to be riven by the old differences. None was now for party and all were for the State. We had achieved the '_union sacrée_' ... 'duke's son, cook's son.' On this ground alone many a bishop has found (in war time) the moral justification of war.[59] Now no one can pretend that this sacred union has really survived the War. The extraordinary contrast between the disunity with which we finish war and the unity with which we begin it, is a disturbing thought when we recollect that the country cannot always be at war, if only because peace is necessary as a preparation for war, for the creation of things for war to destroy. It becomes still more disturbing when we add to this post-war change another even more remarkable, which will be dealt with presently: the objects for which at the beginning of a war we are ready to die--ideals like democracy, freedom from military regimentation and the suppression of military terrorism, the rights of small nations--are things about which at the end of the War we are utterly indifferent. It would seem either that these are not the things that really stirred us--that our feelings had some other unsuspected origin--or that war has destroyed our feeling for them. Note this juxtaposition of events. We have had in Europe millions of men in every belligerent country showing unfathomable capacity for disinterested service. Millions of youngsters--just ordinary folk--gave the final and greatest sacrifice without hesitation and without question. They faced agony, hardship, death, with no hope or promise of reward save that of duty discharged. And, very rightly, we acclaim them as heroes. They have shown without any sort of doubt that they are ready to die for their country's cause or for some even greater cause--human freedom, the rights of a small nation, democracy, or the principle of nationality, or to resist a barbarous morality which can tolerate the making of unprovoked war for a monarchy's ambition or the greed of an autocratic clique. And, indeed, whatever our final conclusion, the spectacle of vast sacrifices so readily made is, in its ultimate meaning one of infinite inspiration and hope. But the War's immediate sequel puts certain questions to us that we cannot shirk. For note what follows. After some years the men who could thus sacrifice themselves, return home--to Italy, or France, or Britain--and exchange khaki for the miner's overall or the railway worker's uniform. And it would then seem that at that moment their attitude to their country and their country's attitude to them undergo a wonderful change. They are ready--so at least we are told by a Press which for five years had spoken of them daily as heroes, saints, and gentlemen--through their miners' or railway Unions to make war upon, instead of for, that community which yesterday they served so devotedly. Within a few months of the close of this War which was to unify the nation as it had never been unified before (the story is the same whichever belligerent you may choose) there appear divisions and fissures, disruptions and revolutions, more disturbing than have been revealed for generations. Our extreme nervousness about the danger of Bolshevist propaganda shows that we believe that these men, yesterday ready to die for their country, are now capable of exposing it to every sort of horror. Or take another aspect of it. During the War fashionable ladies by thousands willingly got up at six in the morning to scrub canteen floors or serve coffee, in order to add to the comfort of their working-class countrymen--in khaki. They did this, one assumes, from the love of countrymen who risked their lives and suffered hardship in the execution of duty. It sounds satisfactory until the same countryman ceases fighting and turns to extremely hard and hazardous duties like mining, or fishing in winter-time in the North Sea. The ladies will no longer scrub floors or knit socks for him. They lose all real interest in him. But if it was done originally from 'love of fellow-countrymen,' why this cessation of interest? He is the same man. Into the psychology of that we shall inquire a little more fully later. The phenomenon is explained here in the conviction that its cause throws light upon the other phenomenon equally remarkable, namely, that victory reveals a most astonishing post-war indifference to those moral and ideal ends for which we believed we were fighting. Is it that they never were our real aims at all, or that war has wrought a change in our nature with reference to them? The importance of knowing what really moves us is obvious enough. If our potential power is to stand for the protection of any principle--nationality or democracy--that object must represent a real purpose, not a convenient clothing for a quite different purpose. The determination to defend nationality can only be permanent if our feeling for it is sufficiently deep and sincere to survive in the competition of other moral 'wishes.' Where has the War, and the complex of desires it developed, left our moral values? And, if there has been a re-valuation, why? The Allied world saw clearly that the German doctrine--the right of a powerful State to deny national independence to a smaller State, merely because its own self-preservation demanded it--was something which menaced nationality and right. The whole system by which, as in Prussia, the right of the people to challenge the political doctrines of the Government was denied (as by a rigorous control of press and education), was seen to be incompatible with the principles upon which free government in the West has been established. All this had to be destroyed in order that the world might be made 'safe for democracy.' The trenches in Flanders became 'the frontiers of freedom.' To uphold the rights of small nations, freedom of speech and press, to punish military terror, to establish an international order based on right as against might--these were things for which free men everywhere should gladly die. They did die, in millions. Nowhere so much, perhaps, as in America were these ideals the inspiration which brought that country into the War. She had nothing to gain territorially or materially. If ever the motive to war was an ideal motive, America's was. Then comes the Peace. And the America which had discarded her tradition of isolation to send two million soldiers on the European continent, 'at the call of the small nation,' was asked to co-operate with others in assuring the future security of Belgium, in protecting the small States by the creation of some international order (the only way in which they ever can be effectively protected); to do it in another form for a small nation that has suffered even more tragically than Belgium, Armenia; definitely to organise in peace that cause for which she went to war. And then a curious discovery is made. A cause which can excite immense passion when it is associated with war, is simply a subject for boredom when it becomes a problem of peace-time organisation. America will give lavishly of the blood of her sons to fight for the small nations; she will not be bothered with mandates or treaties in order to make it unnecessary to fight for them. It is not a question whether the particular League of Nations established at Paris was a good one. The post-war temper of America is that she does not want to be bothered with Europe at all: talk about its security makes the American public of 1920 irritable and angry. Yet millions were ready to die for freedom in Europe two years ago! A thing to die for in 1918 is a thing to yawn over, or to be irritable about, when the war is done. Is America alone in this change of feeling about the small State? Recall all that we wrote and talked about the sacredness of the rights of small nations--and still in certain cases talk and write. There is Poland. It is one of the nations whose rights are sacred--to-day. But in 1915 we acquiesced in an arrangement by which Poland was to be delivered, bound hand and foot, at the end of the war, to its worst and bitterest enemy, Czarist Russia. The Alliance (through France, to-day the 'protector of Poland') undertook not to raise any objection to any policy that the Czar's Government might inaugurate in Poland. It was to have a free hand. A secret treaty, it will be urged, about which the public knew nothing? We were fighting to liberate the world from diplomatic autocracies using their peoples for unknown and unavowed purposes. But the fact that we were delivering over Poland to the mercies of a Czarist Government was not secret. Every educated man knew what Russian policy under the Czarist Government would be, must be, in Poland. Was the Russian record with reference to Poland such that the unhampered discretion of the Czarist Government was deemed sufficient guarantee of Polish independence? Did we honestly think that Russia had proved herself more liberal in the treatment of the Poles than Austria, whose Government we were destroying? The implication, of course, flew in the face of known facts: Austrian rule over the Poles, which we proposed to destroy, had proved itself immeasurably more tolerant than the Russian rule which we proposed to re-enforce and render more secure. And there were Finland and the Border States. If Russia had remained in the War, 'loyal to the cause of democracy and the rights of small nations,' there would have been no independent Poland, or Finland, or Esthonia, or Georgia; and the refusal of our Ally to recognise their independence would not have disturbed us in the least. Again, there was Serbia, on behalf of whose 'redemption' in a sense, the War began. An integral part of that 'redemption' was the inclusion of the Dalmatian coast in Serbia--the means of access of the new Southern Slav State to the sea. Italy, for naval reasons, desired possession of that coast, and, without informing Serbia, we undertook to see that Italy should get it. (Italy, by the way, also entered the War on behalf of the principle of Nationality.)[60] It is not to be supposed, however, that the small State itself, however it may declaim about 'liberty or death,' has, when the opportunity to assert power presents itself, any greater regard for the rights of nationality--in other people. Take Poland. For a hundred and fifty years Poland has called upon Heaven to witness the monstrous wickedness of denying to a people its right to self-determination; of forcing a people under alien rule. After a hundred and fifty years of the martyrdom of alien rule, Poland acquires its freedom. That freedom is not a year old before Poland itself becomes in temper as imperialistic as any State in Europe. It may be bankrupt, racked with typhus and famine, split by bitter factional quarrels, but the one thing upon which all Poles will unite is in the demand for dominion over some fifteen millions of people, not merely non-Polish, but bitterly anti-Polish. Although Poland is perhaps the worst case, all the new small States show a similar disposition: Czecho-Slovakia, Yugoslavia, Rumania, Finland, Greece, have all now their own imperialism, limited only, apparently, by the extent of their power. All these people have fought for the right to national independence; there is not one that is not denying the right to national independence. If every Britain has its Ireland, every Ireland has its Ulster. But is this belief in Nationality at all? What should we have thought of a Southerner of the old Slave States fulminating against the crime of slavery? Should we have thought his position any more logical if he had explained that he was opposed to slavery because he did not want to become a slave? The test of his sincerity would have been, not the conduct he exacted of others, but the conduct he proposed to follow towards others. 'One is a Nationalist,' says Professor Corradini, one of the prophets of Italian _sacro egoismo_, 'while waiting to be able to become an Imperialist.' He prophesies that in twenty years 'all Italy will be Imperialist.'[61] * * * * * The last thing intended here is any excuse of German violence by a futile _tu quoque_. But what it is important to know, if we are to understand the real motives of our conduct--and unless we do, we cannot really know where our conduct is leading us, where we are going--is whether we really cared about the 'moral aims of war,' the things for which we thought we were willing to die. Were we not as a matter of fact fighting--and dying--for something else? Test the nature of our feelings by what was after all perhaps the most dramatised situation in the whole drama: the fact that in the Western world a single man, or a little junta of military chiefs, could by a word send nations into war, millions to their death; and--worse still in a sense--that those millions would accept the fact of thus being made helpless pawns, and with appalling docility, without question, kill and be killed for reasons they did not even know. It must be made impossible ever again for half a dozen Generals or Cabinet Ministers thus to play with nations and men and women as with pawns. The War is at last over. And in Eastern Europe, the most corrupt, as it was one of the potentially most powerful of all the military autocracies--that of the Czar--has either gone to pieces from its own rottenness, or been destroyed by the spontaneous uprising of the people. Bold experiments, in entirely new social and economic methods, are attempted in this great community which may have so much to teach the Western world, experiments which challenge not only old political institutions, but old economic ones as well. But the men who were the Czar's Ministers are still in Paris and London, in close but secret confabulation with Allied Governments. And one morning we find that we are at war with the first Workers' Republic of the world, the first really to try a great social experiment. There had been no declaration, no explanation. President Wilson had, indeed, said that nothing would induce the Allies to intervene. Their behaviour on that point would be the 'acid test' of sincerity. But in Archangel, Murmansk, Vladivostock, the Crimea, on the Polish border, on the shores of the Caspian, our soldiers were killing Russians, or organising their killing; our ships sank Russian ships and bombarded Russian cities. We found that we were supporting the Royalist parties--military leaders who did not hide in the least their intention to restore the monarchy. But again, there is no explanation. But somewhere, for some purpose undefined, killing has been proclaimed. And we kill--and blockade and starve. The killing and blockading are not the important facts. Whatever may be behind the Russian business, the most disturbing portent is the fact which no one challenges and which indeed is most generally offered as a sort of defence. It is this: Nobody knows what the policy of the Government in Russia is, or was. It is commonly said they had no policy. Certainly it was changeable. That means that the Government does not need to give an explanation in order to start upon a war which may affect the whole future form of Western society. They did not have to explain because nobody particularly cared. Commands for youths to die in wars of unknown purpose do not strike us as monstrous when the commands are given by our own Governments--Governments which notoriously we do not trouble to control. Public opinion as a whole did not have any intense feeling about the Russian war, and not the slightest as to whether we used poison gas, or bombarded Russian cathedrals, or killed Russian civilians. We did not want it to be expensive, and Mr Churchill promised that if it cost too much he would drop it. He admitted finally that it was unnecessary by dropping it. But it was not important enough for him to resign over. And as for bringing anybody to trial for it, or upsetting the monarchy....[62] There is another aspect of our feeling about the Prussian tendencies and temper, to rid the world of which we waged the War. All America (or Britain, for that matter: America is only a striking and so a convenient example) knew that the Bismarckian persecution of the Socialists, the imprisonment of Bebel, of Liebknecht, the prosecution of newspapers for anti-militarist doctrines, the rigid control of education, by the Government, were just the natural prelude to what ended in Louvain and Aerschot, to the shooting down of the civilians of an invaded country. Again, that was why Prussia had to be destroyed in the interest of human freedom and the safety of democracy. The newspapers, the professors, the churches, were telling us all this endlessly for five years. Within a year of the end of the War, America is engaged in an anti-Socialist campaign more sweeping, more ruthless, by any test which you care to apply--the numbers arrested, the severity of the sentences imposed, the nature of the offences alleged--than anything ever attempted by Bismarck or the Kaiser. Old men of seventy (one selected by the Socialist party as Presidential Candidate), young girls, college students, are sent to prison with sentences of ten, fifteen, or twenty years. The elected members of State Legislatures are not allowed to sit, on the ground of their Socialist opinions. There are deportations in whole shiploads. If one takes the Espionage Act and compares it with any equivalent German legislation (the tests applied to school teachers or the refusal of mailing privileges to Socialist papers), one finds that the general principle of control of political opinion by the Government, and the limitations imposed upon freedom of discussion, and the Press, are certainly pushed further by the post-war America than they were by the pre-war Germany--the Germany that had to be destroyed for the precise reason that the principle of government by free discussion was more valuable than life itself. And as to military terrorism. Americans can see--scores of American papers are saying it every day--that the things defended by the British Government in Ireland are indistinguishable from what brought upon Germany the wrath of Allied mankind. But they do not even know and certainly would not care if they did know, that American marines in Hayti--a little independent State that might one day become the hope and symbol of a subject nationality, an unredeemed race that has suffered and does suffer more at American hands than Pole or Alsatian ever suffered at German hands--have killed ten times as many Haytians as the Black and Tans have killed Irish. Nor for that matter do Americans know that every week there takes place in their own country--as there has taken place week after week in the years of peace for half a century--atrocities more ferocious than any which are alleged against even the British or the German. Neither of the latter burn alive, weekly, untried fellow-countrymen with a regularity that makes the thing an institution. If indeed it was the militarism, the terrorism, the crude assertion of power, the repressions of freedom, which made us hate the German, why are we relatively indifferent when all those evils raise their heads, not far away, among a people for whom after all we are not responsible, but at home, near to us, where we have some measure of responsibility? For indifferent in some measure to those near-by evils we all are. The hundred million people who make up America include as many kindly, humane, and decent folk as any other hundred million anywhere in the world. They have a habit of carrying through extraordinary and unusual measures--like Prohibition. Yet nothing effective has been done about lynching, for which the world holds them responsible, any more than we have done anything effective about Ireland, for which the world holds us responsible. Their evil may one day land them in a desperate 'subject nationality' problem, just as our Irish problem lands us in political difficulty the world over. Yet neither they nor we can manage to achieve one-tenth of the emotional interest in our own atrocity or oppression, which we managed in a few weeks to achieve in war-time over the German barbarities in Belgium. If we could--if every schoolboy and maid-servant felt as strongly over Balbriggan or Amritsar as they felt over the _Lusitania_ and Louvain--our problem would be solved; whereas the action and policy which arose out of our feeling about Louvain did not solve the evil of military terrorism. It merely made it nearly universal. It brings us back to the original question. Is it mainly, or at all, the cruelty or the danger of oppression which moves us, which is at the bottom of our flaming indignation over the crimes of the enemy? We believed that we were fighting because of a passionate feeling for self-rule; for freedom of discussion, of respect for the rights of others, particularly the weak; the hatred of the mere pride of power out of which oppression grows; of the regimentation of minds which is its instrument. But after the War we find that in truth we have no particular feeling about the things we fought to make impossible. We rather welcome them, if they are a means of harassing people that we do not happen to like. We get the monstrous paradox that the very tendencies which it was the object of the War to check, are the very tendencies that have acquired an elusive power in our own country--possibly as the direct result of the War! Perhaps if we examine in some detail the process of the break-up after war, within the nation, of the unity which marked it during war, we may get some explanation of the other change just indicated. The unity on which we congratulated ourselves was for a time a fact. But just as certainly the patriotism which prompted the duchess to scrub floors was not simply love of her countrymen, or it would not suddenly cease when the war came to an end. The self-same man who in khaki was a hero to be taken for drives in the duchess's motor-car, became as workman--a member of some striking union, say--an object of hostility and dislike. The psychology revealed here has a still more curious manifestation. When in war-time we read of the duke's son and the cook's son peeling potatoes into the same tub, we regard this aspect of the working of conscription as something in itself fine and admirable, a real national comradeship in common tasks at last. Colonel Roosevelt orates; our picture papers give us photographs; the country thrills to this note of democracy. But when we learn that for the constructive purposes of peace--for street-cleaning--the Soviet Government has introduced precisely this method and compelled the sons of Grand Dukes to shovel snow beside common workmen, the same papers give the picture as an example of the intolerable tyranny of socialism, as a warning of what may happen in England if the revolutionists are listened to. That for years that very thing _had_ been happening in England for the purposes of war, that we were extremely proud of it, and had lauded it as wholesome discipline and a thing which made conscription fine and democratic, is something that we are unable even to perceive, so strong and yet so subtle are the unconscious factors of opinion. This peculiar psychological twist explains, of course, several things: why we are all socialists for the purposes of war, and why socialism can then give results which nothing else could give; why we cannot apply the same methods successfully to peace; and why the economic miracles possible in war are not possible in peace. And the outcome is that forces, originally social and unifying, are at present factors only of disruption and destruction, not merely internationally, but, as we shall see presently, nationally as well. When the accomplishment of certain things--the production of shells, the assembling of certain forces, the carriage of cargoes--became a matter of life and death, we did not argue about nationalisation or socialism; we put it into effect, and it worked. There existed for war a will which found a way round all the difficulties of credit adjustment, distribution, adequate wages, unemployment, incapacitation. We could take over the country's railways and mines, control its trade, ration its bread, and decide without much discussion that those things were indispensable for its purposes. But we can do none of these things for the upbuilding of the country in peace time. The measures to which we turn when we feel that the country must produce or perish, are precisely the measures which, when the war is over, we declare are the least likely to get anything done at all. We could make munitions; we cannot make houses. We could clothe and feed our soldiers and satisfy all their material wants; we cannot do that for the workers. Unemployment in war-time was practically unknown; the problem of unemployment in peace time seems beyond us. Millions go unclothed; thousands of workers who could make clothes are without employment. One speaks of the sufferings of the army of poverty as though they were dispensations of heaven. We did not speak thus of the needs of soldiers in war-time. If soldiers wanted uniforms and wool was obtainable, weavers did not go unemployed. Then there existed a will and common purpose. That will and common purpose the patriotism of peace-time cannot give us. Yet, again, we cannot always be at war. Women must have time and opportunity to bear and to bring up children, and men to build up a country-side, if only in order to have men for war to slay and things for war to destroy. Patriotism fails as a social cement within the nation at peace, it fails as a stimulus to its constructive tasks; and as between nations, we know it acts as a violent irritant and disruptive force. We need not question the genuineness of the emotion which moves our duchess when she knits socks for the dear boys in the trenches--or when she fulminates against the same dear boys as working men when they come home. As soldiers she loved them because her hatred of Germans--that atrocious, hostile 'herd'--was deep and genuine. She felt like killing Germans herself. Consequently, to those who risked their lives to fulfil this wish of hers, her affections went out readily enough. But why should she feel any particular affection for men who mine coal, or couple railway trucks, or catch fish in the North Sea? Dangerous as are those tasks, they are not visibly and intimately related to her own fierce emotions. The men performing them are just workpeople, the relation of whose labour to her own life is not, perhaps, always very clear. The suggestion that she should scrub floors or knit socks for _them_ would appear to her as merely silly or offensive. But unfortunately the story does not end there. During these years of war her very genuine emotions of hate were fed and nourished by war propaganda; her emotional hunger was satisfied in some measure by the daily tale of victories over the enemy. She had, as it were, ten thousand Germans for breakfast every morning. And when the War stopped, certainly something went out of her life. No one would pretend that these flaming passions of five years went for so little in her emotional experience that they could just be dropped from one day to another without something going unsatisfied. And then she cannot get coal; her projected journey to the Riviera is delayed by a railway strike; she has troubles with servants; faces a preposterous super-tax and death duties; an historical country seat can no longer be maintained and old associations must be broken up; Labour threatens revolution--or her morning paper says it does; Labour leaders say grossly unfair things about dukes. Here, indeed, is a new hostility, a new enemy tribe, on which the emotions cultivated so assiduously during five years, but hungry and unfed since the War, can once more feed and find some satisfaction. The Bolshevist, or the Labour agitator, takes the place of the Hun; the elements of enmity and disruption are already present. And something similar takes place with the miner, or labour man, in reference to the duchess and what she stands for. For him also the main problem of life had resolved itself during the War into something simple and emotional; an enemy to be fought and overcome. Not a puzzling intellectual difficulty, with all the hesitations and uncertainties of intellectual decision dependent upon sustained mental effort. The rights and wrongs were settled for him; right was our side, wrong the enemy's. What we had to do was to crush him. That done, it would be a better world, his country 'a land fit for heroes to live in.' On return from the War he does not find quite that. He can, for instance, get no house fit to live in at all. High prices, precarious employment. What is wrong? There are fifty theories, all puzzling. As to housing, he is sometimes told it is his own fault; the building unions won't permit dilution. When the 'high-brows' are all at sixes and sevens, what is a man to think? But it is suggested to him that behind all this is one enemy: the Capitalist. His papers have a picture of him: very like the Hun. Now here is something emotionally familiar. For years he has learned to hate and fight, to embody all problems in the one problem of fighting some definite--preferably personified--enemy. Smash him; get him by the throat, and then all these brain-racking puzzles will clear themselves up. Our side, our class, our tribe, will then be on top, and there will be no real solution until it is. To this respond all the emotions, the whole state of feeling which years of war have cultivated. Once more the problem of life is simple; one of power, domination, the fight for mastery; loyalty to our side, our lot, 'right or wrong.' Workers to be masters, workers who have been shoved and ordered about, to do the shoving and the ordering. Dictatorship of the proletariat. The headaches disappear and one can live emotionally free once more. There are 'high-brows' who will even philosophise the thing for him, and explain that only the psychology of war and violence will give the emotional drive to get anything done; that only by the myths which mark patriotism can real social change be made. Just as for the hate which keeps war going, the enemy State must be a single 'person,' a collectivity in which any one German can be killed as vengeance or reprisal for any other,[63] so 'the capitalist class' must be a personality, if class hatred is to be kept alive in such a way as to bring the class war to victory. But that theory overlooks the fact that just as the nationalism which makes war also destroys the Alliances by which victory can be made effective, so the transfer of the psychology of Nationalism to the industrial field has the same effect of Balkanisation. We get in both areas, not the definite triumph of a cohesive group putting into operation a clear-cut and understandable programme or policy, but the chaotic conflict of an infinite number of groups unable to co-operate effectively for any programme. If the hostilities which react to the Syndicalistic appeal were confined to the Capitalist, there might be something to be said for it from the point of view of the Labour movement. But forces so purely instinctive, by their very nature repelling the restraint of self-imposed discipline by intelligent foresight of consequences, cannot be the servant of an intelligent purpose, they become its master. The hostility becomes more important than the purpose. To the industrial Jingo, as to the nationalist Jingo, all foreigners are potential enemies. The hostile tribe or herd may be constituted by very small differences; slight variations of occupation, interest, race, speech, and--most potently of all perhaps--dogma or belief. Heresy-hunting is, of course, one manifestation of tribal animosity; and a heretic is the person who has the insufferable impudence to disagree with us. So the Sorelian philosophy of violence and instinctive pugnacity gives us, not the effective drive of a whole movement against the present social order (for that would require order, discipline, self-control, tolerance, and toleration); it gives us the tendency to an infinite splitting of the Labour movement. No sooner does the Left of some party break off and found a new party than it is immediately confronted by its own 'Leftism.' And your dogmatist hates the dissenting member of his own sect more fiercely than the rival sect; your Communist some rival Communism more bitterly than the Capitalist. Already the Labour movement is crossed by the hostilities of Communist against Socialist, the Second International against the Third, the Third against the Fourth; Trades Unionism by the hostility of skilled against unskilled, and in much of Europe there is also the conflict of town against country. This tendency has happily not yet gone far in England; but here, as elsewhere, it represents the one great danger, the tendency to be watched. And it is a tendency that has its moral and psychological roots in the same forces which have given us the chaos in the international field: The deep human lust for coercion, domination; the irksomeness of toleration, thought, self-discipline. The final difficulty in social and political discussion is, of course, the fact that the ultimate values--what is the highest good, what is the worst evil--cannot usually be argued about at all; you accept them, you see that they are good or bad as the case may be, or you don't. Yet we cannot organise a society save on the basis of some sort of agreement concerning these least common denominators; the final argument for the view that Western Europe had to destroy German Prussianism was that the system challenged certain ultimate moral values common to Western society. On the morrow of the sinking of the _Lusitania_ an American writer pointed out that if the cold-blooded slaughter of innocent women and children were accepted as a normal incident of war, like any other, the whole moral standards of the West would then definitely be placed on another plane. That elusive but immeasurably important moral sense, which gives a society sufficient community of aim to make common action possible, would have been radically altered. The ancient world--highly civilised and cultured as much of it was--had a _Sittlichkeit_ which made the chattel-slavery of the greater part of the human race an entirely normal--and, as they thought, inevitable--condition of things. It was accepted by the slaves themselves, and it was this acquiescence in the arrangement by both parties to it which mainly accounted for its continuance through a very long period of a very high civilisation. The position of women illustrates the same thing. There are to-day highly developed civilisations in which a man of education buys a wife, or several, as in the West he would buy a racehorse. And the wife, or wives, accept that situation; there can be no change in that particular matter until certain quite 'unarguable' moral values have altered in the minds of those concerned. The American writer raised, therefore, an extremely important question in relation to the War. Has its total outcome affected certain values of the fundamental kind just indicated? What has been its effect upon social impulses? Has it any direct relation to certain moral tendencies that have succeeded it? Perhaps the War is now old enough to enable us to face a few quite undeniable facts with some measure of detachment. When the Germans bombarded Scarborough early in the War, there was such a hurricane of moralisation that one rejoiced that this War would not be marked on our side, at least, by the bombardment of open cities. But when our Press began to print reports of French bombs falling on circus tents full of children, scores being killed, there was simply no protest at all. And one of the humours of the situation was that after more than a year, in which scores of such reports had appeared in the Press, some journalistic genius began an agitation on behalf of 'reprisals' for air raids.[64] At a time when it seemed doubtful whether the Germans would sign the Treaty or not, and just what would be the form of the Hungarian Government, the _Evening News_ printed the following editorial:-- 'It might take weeks or months to bring the Hungarian Bolshevists and recalcitrant Germans to book by extensive operations with large forces. It might take but a few days to bring them to reason by adequate use of aircraft. 'Allied airmen could reach Buda-pest in a few hours, and teach its inhabitants such a lesson that Bolshevism would lose its attractions for them. 'Strong Allied aerodromes on the Rhine and in Poland, well equipped with the best machines and pilots, could quickly persuade the inhabitants of the large German cities of the folly of having refused to sign the peace. 'Those considerations are elementary. For that reason they may be overlooked. They are "milk for babes."'[65] Now the prevailing thesis of the British, and particularly the Northcliffe Press, in reference to Bolshevism, was that it is a form of tyranny imposed by a cruel minority upon a helpless people. The proposal amounts, therefore, either to killing civilians for a form of Government which they cannot possibly help, or to an admission that Bolshevism has the support of the populace, and that as the outcome of our war for democracy we should refuse them the right to choose the government they prefer. When the Germans bombarded Scarborough and dropped bombs on London, the Northcliffe Press called Heaven to witness (_a_) that only fiends in human form could make war on helpless civilian populations, women, and children; (_b_) that not only were the Huns dastardly baby-killers for making war in that fashion, but were bad psychologists as well, because our anger at such unheard-of devilries would only render our resistance more unconquerable than ever; and (_c_) that no consideration whatever would induce English soldiers to blow women and children to pulp--unless it were as a reprisal. Well, Lord Northcliffe proposed to _commence_ a war against Hungarians (as it had already been commenced against the Russians) by such a wholesale massacre of the civil population that a Government, which he tells us is imposed upon them against their will, may 'lose its attractions.' This would be, of course, the second edition of the war waged to destroy militarist modes of thought, to establish the reign of righteousness and the protection of the defenceless and the weak. The _Evening News_ is the paper, by the way, whose wrath became violent when it learned that some Quakers and others were attempting to make some provision for the children of interned Austrians and Germans. Those guilty of such 'un-English' conduct as a little mercy and pity extended to helpless children, were hounded in headlines day after day as 'Hun-coddlers,' traitors 'attempting to placate the Hun tiger by bits of cake to its cubs'; and when the War is all over--a year after all the fighting is stopped--a vicar of the English Church opposes, with indignation, the suggestion that his parish should be contaminated by 'enemy' children brought from the famine area to save them from death.[66] On March 3, 1919, Mr Winston Churchill stated in the House of Commons, speaking of the blockade:-- ' ... This weapon of starvation falls mainly upon the women and children, upon the old and the weak and the poor, after all the fighting has stopped.' One might take this as a prelude to a change of policy. Not at all: he added that we were 'enforcing the blockade with rigour' and would continue to do so. Mr Churchill's indication as to how the blockade acts is important. We spoke of it as 'punishment' for Germany's crimes, or Bolshevist infamies, as the case may be. But it did not punish 'Germany' or the Bolshevists.[67] Its penalties are in a peculiar degree unevenly distributed. The country districts escape almost entirely, the peasants can feed themselves. It falls on the cities. But even in the cities the very wealthy and the official classes can as a rule escape. Virtually its whole weight--as Mr Churchill implies--falls upon the urban poor, and particularly the urban child population, the old, the invalids, the sick. Whoever may be the parties responsible for the War, these are guiltless. But it is these we punish. Very soon after the Armistice there was ample evidence available as to the effect of the blockade, both in Russia and in Central Europe. Officers of our Army of Occupation reported that their men 'could not stand' the spectacle of the suffering around them. Organisations like the 'Save the Children Fund' devoted huge advertisements to familiarising the public with the facts. Considerable sums for relief were raised--but the blockade was maintained. There was no connection between the two things--our foreign policy and the famine in Europe--in the public mind. It developed a sort of moral shock absorber. Facts did not reach it or disturb its serenity. This was revealed in a curious way at the time of the signature of the Treaty. At the gathering of the representatives, the German delegate spoke sitting down. It turned out afterwards that he was so ill and distraught, that he dared not trust himself to stand up. Every paper was full of the incident, as also of the fact that the paper-cutter in front of him on the table was found afterwards to be broken; that he placed his gloves upon his copy of the Treaty; and that he had thrown away his cigarette on entering the room. These were the offences which prompted the _Daily Mail_ to say: 'After this no one will treat the Huns as civilised or repentant.' Almost the entire Press rang with the story of 'Rantzau's insult.' But not one paper, so far as I could discover, paid any attention to what Rantzau had said. He said:-- 'I do not want to answer by reproaches to reproaches.... Crimes in war may not be excusable, but they are committed in the struggle for victory and in the defence of national existence, and passions are aroused which make the conscience of peoples blunt. The hundreds of thousands of non-combatants who have perished since November 11 by reason of the blockade, were killed with cold deliberation, after our adversaries had conquered and victory had been assured them. Think of that when you speak of guilt and punishment.' No one seems to have noticed this trifle in presence of the heinousness of the cigarette, the gloves, and the other crimes. Yet this was an insult indeed. If true, it shamefully disgraces England--if England is responsible. The public presumably simply did not care whether it was true or not. A few months after the Armistice I wrote as follows:-- 'When the Germans sank the _Lusitania_ and slew several hundred women and children, _we_ knew--at least we thought we knew--that that was the kind of thing which Englishmen could not do. In all the hates and stupidities, the dirt and heartbreaks of the war, there was just this light on the horizon: that there were certain things to which we at least could never fall, in the name of victory or patriotism, or any other of the deadly masked words that are "the unjust stewards of men's ideas." 'And then we did it. We, too, sank _Lusitanias_. We, too, for some cold political end, plunged the unarmed, the weak, the helpless, the children, the suffering women, to agonising death and torture. Without a tremor. Not alone in the bombing of cities, which we did so much better than the enemy. For this we had the usual excuse. It was war. 'But after the War, when the fighting was finished, the enemy was disarmed, his submarines surrendered, his aeroplanes destroyed, his soldiers dispersed; months afterwards, we kept a weapon which was for use first and mainly against the children, the weak, the sick, the old, the women, the mothers, the decrepit: starvation and disease. Our papers told us--our patriotic papers--how well it was succeeding. Correspondents wrote complacently, sometimes exultingly, of how thin and pinched were all the children, even those well into teens; how stunted, how defective, the next generation would be; and how the younger children, those of seven and eight, looked like children of three and four; and how those beneath this age simply did not live. Either they were born dead, or if they were born alive--what was there to give them? Milk? An unheard-of luxury. And nothing to wrap them in; even in hospitals the new-born children were wrapped in newspapers, the lucky ones in bits of sacking. The mothers were most fortunate when the children were born dead. In an insane asylum a mother wails: "If only I did not hear the cry of the children for food all day long, all day long!" To "bring Germany to reason" we had, you see, to drive mothers out of their reason. '"It would have been more merciful," said Bob Smillie, "to turn the machine-guns on those children." Put this question to yourself, patriot Englishmen: "Was the sinking of the _Lusitania_ as cruel, as prolonged, as mean, as merciless a death as this?" And we--you and I--do it every day, every night. 'Here is the _Times_ of May 21, half a year after the cessation of war, telling the Germans that they do not know how much more severe we can still make the "domestic results" of starvation, if we really put our mind to it. To the blockade we shall add the "horrors of invasion." The invasion of a country already disarmed is to be marked--when we do it--by horror. 'But the purpose! That justifies it! What purpose? To obtain the signature to the Treaty of Peace. Many Englishmen--not Pacifists, not sentimentalists, not conscientious objectors, or other vermin of that kind, but Bishops, Judges, Members of the House of Lords, great public educators. Tory editors--have declared that this Treaty is a monstrous injustice. Some Englishmen at least think so. But if the Germans say so, that becomes a crime which we shall know how to punish. "The enemy have been reminded already" says the _Times_, proud organ of British respectability, of Conservatism, of distinguished editors and ennobled proprietors, "that the machinery of the blockade can again be put into force at a few hours' notice ... the intention of the Allies to take military action if necessary.... Rejection of the Peace terms now offered them, will assuredly lead to fresh chastisement." 'But will not Mr Lloyd George be able to bring back _signatures_? Will he not have made Peace--permanent Peace? Shall we not have destroyed this Prussian philosophy of frightfulness, force, and hate? Shall we not have proved to the world that a State without military power can trust to the good faith and humanity of its neighbours? Can we not, then, celebrate victory with light hearts, honour our dead and glorify our arms? Have we not served faithfully those ideals of right and justice, mercy and chivalry, for which a whole generation of youth went through hell and gave their lives?' CHAPTER VI THE ALTERNATIVE RISKS OF STATUS AND CONTRACT The facts of the present situation in Europe, so far sketched, reveal broadly this spectacle: everywhere the failure of national power to indispensable ends, sustenance, political security, nationality, right; everywhere a fierce struggle for national power. Germany, which successfully fed her expanding population by a system which did not rest upon national power, wrecked that system in order to attempt one which all experience showed could not succeed. The Allied world pilloried both the folly and the wickedness of such a statecraft; and at the peace proceeded to imitate it in every particular. The faith in the complete efficacy of preponderant power which the economic and other demands of the Treaty of Versailles and the policy towards Russia reveal, is already seen to be groundless (for the demands, in fact, are being abandoned). There is in that document an element of _naïveté_, and in the subsequent policy a cruelty which will be the amazement of history--if our race remains capable of history. Yet the men who made the Treaty, and accelerated the famine and break-up of half a world, including those, like M. Tardieu, who still demand a ruined Germany and an indemnity-paying one, were the ablest statesmen of Europe, experienced, realist, and certainly not morally monsters. They were probably no worse morally, and certainly more practical, than the passionate democracies, American and European, who encouraged all the destructive elements of policy and were hostile to all that was recuperative and healing. It is perfectly true--and this truth is essential to the thesis here discussed--that the statesmen at Versailles were neither fools or villains. Neither were the Cardinals and the Princes of the Church, who for five hundred years, more or less, attempted to use physical coercion for the purpose of suppressing religious error. There is, of course an immeasurably stronger case for the Inquisition as an instrument of social order than there is for the use of competing national military power as the basis of modern European society. And the stronger case for the Inquisition as an instrument of social by a modern statesman when he goes to war. It was less. The inquisitor, in burning and torturing the heretic, passionately believed that he obeyed the voice of God, as the modern statesman believes that he is justified by the highest dictates of patriotism. We are now able to see that the Inquisitor was wrong, his judgment twisted by some overpowering prepossession: Is some similar prepossession distorting vision and political wisdom in modern statecraft? And if so, what is the nature of this prepossession? As an essay towards the understanding of its nature, the following suggestions are put forward:-- The assertion of national power, domination, is always in line with popular feeling. And in crises--like that of the settlement with Germany--popular feeling dictates policy. The feelings associated with coercive domination evidently lie near the surface of our natures and are easily excited. To attain our end by mere coercion instead of bargain or agreement, is the method in conduct which, in the order of experiments, our race generally tries first, not only in economics (as by slavery) but in sex, in securing acquiescence to our religious beliefs, and in most other relationships. Coercion is not only the response to an instinct; it relieves us of the trouble and uncertainties of intellectual decision as to what is equitable in a bargain. To restrain the combative instinct sufficiently to realise the need of co-operation, demands a social discipline which the prevailing political traditions and moralities of Nationalism and Patriotism not only do not furnish, but directly discourage. But when some vital need becomes obvious and we find that force simply cannot fulfil it, we then try other methods, and manage to restrain our impulse sufficiently to do so. If we simply must have a man's help, and we find we cannot force him to give it, we then offer him inducements, bargain, enter a contract, even though it limits our independence. Stable international co-operation cannot come in any other way. Not until we realise the failure of national coercive power for indispensable ends (like the food of our people) shall we cease to idealise power and to put our most intense political emotions (like those of patriotism) behind it. Our traditions will buttress and 'rationalise' the instinct to power until we see that it is mischievous. We shall then begin to discredit it and create new traditions. An American sociologist (Professor Giddings of Columbia University) has written thus:-- 'So long as we can confidently act, we do not argue; but when we face conditions abounding in uncertainty, or when we are confronted by alternative possibilities, we first hesitate, then feel our way, then guess, and at length venture to reason. Reasoning, accordingly, is that action of the mind to which we resort when the possibilities before us and about us are distributed substantially according to the law of chance occurrence, or, as the mathematician would say, in accordance with "the normal curve" of random frequency. The moment the curve is obviously skewed, we decide; if it is obviously skewed from the beginning, by authority, or coercion, our reasoning is futile or imperfect. So, in the State, if any interest or coalition of interests is dominant, and can act promptly, it rules by absolutist methods. Whether it is benevolent or cruel, it wastes neither time nor resources upon government by discussion; but if interests are innumerable, and so distributed as to offset one another, and if no great bias or overweighting anywhere appears, government by discussion inevitably arises. The interests can get together only if they talk. If power shall be able to dictate, it will also rule, and the appeal to reason will be vain.' This means that a realisation of interdependence--even though it be subconscious--is the basis of the social sense, the feeling and tradition which make possible a democratic society, in which freedom is voluntarily limited for the purpose of preserving any freedom at all. It indicates also the relation of certain economic truths to the impulses and instincts that underlie international conflict. We shall excuse or justify or fail to restrain those instincts, unless and until we see that their indulgence stands in the way of the things which we need and must have if society is to live. We shall then discredit them as anti-social, as we have discredited religious fanaticism, and build up a controlling _Sittlichkeit_. The statement of Professor Giddings, quoted above, leaves out certain psychological facts which the present writer in an earlier work has attempted to indicate. He, therefore, makes no apology for reproducing a somewhat long passage bearing on the case before us:-- 'The element in man which makes him capable, however feebly, of choice in the matter of conduct, the one fact distinguishing him from that vast multitude of living things which act unreflectingly, instinctively (in the proper and scientific sense of the word), as the mere physical reaction to external prompting, is something not deeply rooted, since it is the latest addition of all to our nature. The really deeply rooted motives of conduct, those having by far the greatest biological momentum, are naturally the "motives" of the plant and the animal, the kind that marks in the main the acts of all living things save man, the unreflecting motives, those containing no element of ratiocination and free volition, that almost mechanical reaction to external forces which draw the leaves towards the sun-rays and makes the tiger tear its living food limb from limb. 'To make plain what that really means in human conduct, we must recall the character of that process by which man turns the forces of nature to his service instead of allowing them to overwhelm him. Its essence is a union of individual forces against the common enemy, the forces of nature. Where men in isolated action would have been powerless, and would have been destroyed, union, association, co-operation, enabled them to survive. Survival was contingent upon the cessation of struggle between them, and the substitution therefor of common action. Now, the process both in the beginning and in the subsequent development of this device of co-operation is important. It was born of a failure of force. If the isolated force had sufficed, the union of force would not have been resorted to. But such union is not a mere mechanical multiplication of blind energies; it is a combination involving will, intelligence. If mere multiplication of physical energy had determined the result of man's struggles, he would have been destroyed or be the helpless slave of the animals of which he makes his food. He has overcome them as he has overcome the flood and the storm--by quite another order of action. Intelligence only emerges where physical force is ineffective. 'There is an almost mechanical process by which, as the complexity of co-operation grows, the element of physical compulsion declines in effectiveness, and is replaced by agreement based on mutual recognition of advantage. There is through every step of this development the same phenomenon: intelligence and agreement only emerge as force becomes ineffective. The early (and purely illustrative) slave-owner who spent his days seeing that his slave did not run away, and compelling him to work, realised the economic defect of the arrangement: most of the effort, physical and intellectual, of the slave was devoted to trying to escape; that of the owner, trying to prevent him. The force of the one, intellectual or physical, cancelled the force of the other, and the energies of both were lost so far as productive value was concerned, and the needed task, the building of the shelter or the catching of the fish, was not done, or badly done, and both went short of food and shelter. But from the moment that they struck a bargain as to the division of labour and of spoils, and adhered to it, the full energies of both were liberated for direct production, and the economic effectiveness of the arrangement was not merely doubled, but probably multiplied many times. But this substitution of free agreement for coercion, with all that it implied of contract, of "what is fair," and all that followed of mutual reliance in the fulfilment of the agreement, was _based upon mutual recognition of advantage_. Now, that recognition, without which the arrangement could not exist at all, required, relatively, a considerable mental effort, _due in the first instance to the failure of force_. If the slave-owner had had more effective means of physical coercion, and had been able to subdue his slave, he would not have bothered about agreement, and this embryo of human society and justice would not have been brought into being. And in history its development has never been constant, but marked by the same rise and fall of the two orders of motive; as soon as one party or the other obtained such preponderance of strength as promised to be effective, he showed a tendency to drop free agreement and use force; this, of course, immediately provoked the resistance of the other, with a lesser or greater reversion to the earlier profitless condition. 'This perpetual tendency to abandon the social arrangement and resort to physical coercion is, of course, easily explainable by the biological fact just touched on. To realise at each turn and permutation of the division of labour that the social arrangement was, after all, the best demanded on the part of the two characters in our sketch, not merely control of instinctive actions, but a relatively large ratiocinative effort for which the biological history of early man had not fitted him. The physical act of compulsion only required a stone axe and a quickness of purely physical movement for which his biological history had afforded infinitely long training. The more mentally-motived action, that of social conduct, demanding reflection as to its effect on others, and the effect of that reaction upon our own position and a conscious control of physical acts, is of modern growth; it is but skin-deep; its biological momentum is feeble. Yet on that feeble structure has been built all civilisation. 'When we remember this--how frail are the ultimate foundations of our fortress, how much those spiritual elements which alone can give us human society are outnumbered by the pre-human elements--is it surprising that those pre-social promptings of which civilisation represents the conquest, occasionally overwhelm man, break up the solidarity of his army, and push him back a stage or two nearer to the brute condition from which he came? That even at this moment he is groping blindly as to the method of distributing in the order of his most vital needs the wealth he is able to wring from the earth; that some of his most fundamental social and political conceptions--those, among others, with which we are now dealing--have little relation to real facts; that his animosities and hatreds are as purposeless and meaningless as his enthusiasms and his sacrifices; that emotion and effort which quantitatively would suffice amply for the greater tasks before him, for the firmer establishment of justice and well-being, for the cleaning up of all the festering areas of moral savagery that remain, are as a simple matter of fact turned to those purposes hardly at all, but to objects which, to the degree to which they succeed, merely stultify each other? 'Now, this fact, the fact that civilisation is but skin-deep and that man is so largely the unreflecting brute, is not denied by pro-military critics. On the contrary they appeal to it as the first and last justification of their policy. "All your talk will never get over human nature; men are not guided by logic; passion is bound to get the upper hand," and such phrases, are a sort of Greek chorus supplied by the military party to the whole of this discussion. 'Nor do the militarist advocates deny that these unreflecting elements are anti-social; again, it is part of their case that, unless they are held in check by the "iron hand," they will submerge society in a welter of savagery. Nor do they deny--it is hardly possible to do so--that the most important securities which we enjoy, the possibility of living in mutual respect of right because we have achieved some understanding of right; all that distinguishes modern Europe from the Europe of (among other things) religious wars and St. Bartholomew massacres, and distinguishes British political methods from those Turkey or Venezuela, are due to the development of moral forces (since physical force is most resorted to in the less desirable age and area), and particularly to the general recognition that you cannot solve religious and political problems by submitting them to the irrelevant hazard of physical force. 'We have got thus far, then: both parties to the discussion are agreed as to the fundamental fact that civilisation is based upon moral and intellectual elements in constant danger of being overwhelmed by more deeply-rooted anti-social elements. The plain facts of history past and present are there to show that where those moral elements are absent the mere fact of the possession of arms only adds to the destructiveness of the resulting welter. 'Yet all attempts to secure our safety by other than military means are not merely regarded with indifference; they are more generally treated either with a truly ferocious contempt or with definite condemnation. 'This apparently on two grounds: first, that nothing that we can do will affect the conduct of other nations; secondly, that, in the development of those moral forces which do undoubtedly give us security, government action--which political effort has in view--can play no part. 'Both assumptions are, of course, groundless. The first implies not only that our own conduct and our own ideas need no examination, but that ideas current in one country have no reaction on those of another, and that the political action of one State does not affect that of others. "The way to be sure of peace is to be so much stronger than your enemy that he will not dare to attack you," is the type of accepted and much-applauded "axioms" the unfortunate corollary of which is (since both parties can adopt the rule) that peace will only be finally achieved when each is stronger than the other. 'So thought and acted the man with the stone axe in our illustration, and in both cases the psychological motive is the same: the long-inherited impulse to isolated action, to the solution of a difficulty by some simple form of physical movement; the tendency to break through the more lately acquired habit of action based on social compact and on the mental realisation of its advantage. It is the reaction against intellectual effort and responsible control of instinct, a form of natural protest very common in children and in adults not brought under the influence of social discipline. 'The same general characteristics are as recognisable in militarist politics within the nation as in the international field. It is not by accident that Prussian and Bismarckian conceptions in foreign policy are invariably accompanied by autocratic conceptions in internal affairs. Both are founded upon a belief in force as the ultimate determinant in human conduct; a disbelief in the things of the mind as factors of social control, a disbelief in moral forces that cannot be expressed in "blood and iron." The impatience shown by the militarist the world over at government by discussion, his desire to "shut up the talking shops" and to govern autocratically, are but expressions of the same temper and attitude. 'The forms which Governments have taken and the general method of social management, are in large part the result of its influence. Most Governments are to-day framed far more as instruments for the exercise of physical force than as instruments of social management. 'The militarist does not allow that man has free will in the matter of his conduct at all; he insists that mechanical forces on the one side or the other alone determine which of two given courses shall be taken; the ideas which either hold, the rôle of intelligent volition, apart from their influence in the manipulation of physical force, play no real part in human society. "Prussianism," Bismarckian "blood and iron," are merely political expressions of this belief in the social field--the belief that force alone can decide things; that it is not man's business to question authority in politics or authority in the form of inevitability in nature. It is not a question of who is right, but of who is stronger. "Fight it out, and right will be on the side of the victor"--on the side, that is, of the heaviest metal or the heaviest muscle, or, perhaps, on that of the one who has the sun at his back, or some other advantage of external nature. The blind material things--not the seeing mind and the soul of man--are the ultimate sanction of human society. 'Such a doctrine, of course, is not only profoundly anti-social, it is anti-human--fatal not merely to better international relations, but, in the end, to the degree to which it influences human conduct at all, to all those large freedoms which man has so painfully won. 'This philosophy makes of man's acts, not something into which there enters the element of moral responsibility and free volition, something apart from and above the mere mechanical force of external nature, but it makes man himself a helpless slave; it implies that his moral efforts and the efforts of his mind and understanding are of no worth--that he is no more the master of his conduct than the tiger of his, or the grass and the trees of theirs, and no more responsible. 'To this philosophy the "civilist" may oppose another: that in man there is that which sets him apart from the plants and the animals, which gives him control of and responsibility for his social acts, which makes him the master of his social destiny if he but will it; that by virtue of the forces of his mind he may go forward to the completer conquest, not merely of nature, but of himself, and thereby, and by that alone, redeem human association from the evils that now burden it.' _From Balance to Community of Power_ Does the foregoing imply that force or compulsion has no place in human society? Not the least in the world. The conclusions so far drawn might be summarised, and certain remaining ones suggested, thus:-- Coercion has its place in human society, and the considerations here urged do not imply any sweeping theory of non-resistance. They are limited to the attempt to show that the effectiveness of political power depends upon certain moral elements usually utterly neglected in international politics, and particularly that instincts inseparable from Nationalism as now cultivated and buttressed by prevailing political morality, must condemn political power to futility. Two broad principles of policy are available: that looking towards isolated national power, or that looking towards common power behind a common purpose. The second may fail; it has risks. But the first is bound to fail. The fact would be self-evident but for the push of certain instincts warping our judgment in favour of the first. If mankind decides that it can do better than the first policy, it will do better. If it decides that it cannot, that decision will itself make failure inevitable. Our whole social salvation depends upon making the right choice. In an earlier chapter certain stultifications of the Balance of Power as applied to the international situation were dealt with. It was there pointed out that if you could get such a thing as a real Balance, that would certainly be a situation tempting the hot-heads of both sides to a trial of strength. An obvious preponderance of power on one side might check the temper of the other. A 'balance' would assuredly act as no check. But preponderance has an even worse result. How in practical politics are we to say when a group has become preponderantly powerful? We know to our cost that military power is extremely difficult of precise estimate. It cannot be weighed and balanced exactly. In political practice, therefore, the Balance of Power means a rivalry of power, because each to be on the safe side wants to be just a bit stronger than the other. The competition creates of itself the very condition it sets out to prevent. The defect of principle here is not the employment of force. It is the refusal to put force behind a law which may demand our allegiance. The defect lies in the attempt to make ourselves and our own interests by virtue of preponderant power superior to law. The feature which stood condemned in the old order was not the possession by States of coercive power. Coercion is an element in every good society that we have heretofore known. The evil of the old order was that in case of States the Power was anti-social; that it was not pledged to the service of some code or rule designed for mutual protection, but was the irresponsible possession of each individual, maintained for the express purpose of enabling him to enforce his own views of his own rights, to be judge and executioner in his own case, when his view came into collision with that of others. The old effort meant in reality the attempt on the part of a group of States to maintain in their own favour a preponderance of force of undefined and unlimited purpose. Any opposing group that found itself in a position of manifest inferiority had in fact to submit in international affairs to the decision of the possessor of preponderant power for the time being. It might be used benevolently; in that case the weaker obtained his rights as a gift from the stronger. But so long as the possession of power was unaccompanied by any defined obligation, there could be no democracy of States, no Society of Nations. To destroy the power of the preponderant group meant merely to transpose the situation. The security of one meant always the insecurity of the other. The Balance of Power in fact adopts the fundamental premise of the 'might makes right' principle, because it regards power as the ultimate fact in politics; whereas the ultimate fact is the purpose for which the power will be used. Obviously you don't want a Balance of Power between justice and injustice, law and crime; between anarchy and order. You want a preponderance of power on the side of justice, of law and of order. We approach here one of the commonest and most disastrous confusions touching the employment of force in human society, particularly in the Society of Nations. It is easy enough to make play with the absurdities and contradictions of the _si vis pacem para bellum_ of our militarists. And the hoary falsehood does indeed involve a flouting of all experience, an intellectual astigmatism that almost makes one despair. But what is the practical alternative? The anti-militarist who disparages our reliance upon 'force' is almost as remote from reality, for all society as we know it in practice, or have ever known it, does rely a great deal upon the instrument of 'force,' upon restraint and coercion. We have seen where the competition in arming among European nations has led us. But it may be argued: suppose you were greatly to reduce all round, cut in half, say, the military equipment of Europe, would the power for mutual destruction be sensibly reduced, the security of Europe sensibly greater? 'Adequacy' and 'destructiveness' of armament are strictly relative terms. A country with a couple of battleships has overwhelming naval armament if its opponent has none. A dozen machine-guns or a score of rifles against thousands of unarmed people may be more destructive of life than a hundred times that quantity of material facing forces similarly armed. (Fifty rifles at Amritsar accounted for two thousand killed and wounded, without a single casualty on the side of the troops.) Wars once started, instruments of destruction can be rapidly improvised, as we know. And this will be truer still when we have progressed from poison gas to disease germs, as we almost certainly shall. The first confusion is this:-- The issue is made to appear as between the 'spiritual' and the 'material'; as between material force, battleships, guns, armies on the one side as one method, and 'spiritual' factors, persuasion, moral goodness on the other side, as the contrary method. 'Force v. Faith,' as some evangelical writer has put it. The debate between the Nationalist and the Internationalist is usually vitiated at the outset by an assumption which, though generally common to the two parties, is not only unproven, but flatly contrary to the weight of evidence. The assumption is that the military Nationalist, basing his policy upon material force--a preponderant navy, a great army, superior artillery--can dispense with the element of trust, contract, treaty. Now to state the issue in that way creates a gross confusion, and the assumption just indicated is quite unjustifiable. The militarist quite as much as the anti-militarist, the nationalist quite as much as the internationalist, has to depend upon a moral factor, 'a contract,' the force of tradition, and of morality. Force cannot operate at all in human affairs without a decision of the human mind and will. Guns do not get pointed and go off without a mind behind them, and as already insisted, the direction in which the gun shoots is determined by the mind which must be reached by a form of moral suasion, discipline, or tradition; the mind behind the gun will be influenced by patriotism in one case, or by a will to rebellion and mutiny, prompted by another tradition or persuasion, in another. And obviously the moral decision, in the circumstances with which we are dealing, goes much deeper and further back. The building of battleships, or the forming of armies, the long preparation which is really behind the material factor, implies a great deal of 'faith.' These armies and navies could never have been brought into existence and be manoeuvred without vast stores of faith and tradition. Whether the army serves the nation, as in Britain or France, or dominates it as in a Spanish-American Republic (or in a somewhat different sense in Prussia), depends on a moral factor: the nature of the tradition which inspires the people from whom the army is drawn. Whether the army obeys its officers or shoots them is determined by moral not material factors, for the officers have not a preponderance of physical force over the men. You cannot form a pirate crew without a moral factor: the agreement not to use force against one another, but to act in consort and combine it against the prey. Whether the military material we and France supplied Russia, and the armies France helped to train, are employed against us or the Germans, depends upon certain moral and political factors inside Russia, certain ideas formed in the minds of certain men. It is not a situation of Ideas against Guns, but of ideas using guns. The confusion involves a curious distortion in our reading of the history of the struggle against privilege and tyranny. Usually when we speak of the past struggles of the people against tyranny, we have in our minds a picture of the great mass held down by the superior physical force of the tyrant. But such a picture is, of course, quite absurd. For the physical force which held down the people was that which they themselves supplied. The tyrant had no physical force save that with which his victims furnished him. In this struggle of 'People _v._ Tyrant,' obviously the weight of physical force was on the side of the people. This was as true of the slave States of antiquity as it is of the modern autocracies. Obviously the free minority--the five or ten or fifteen per cent.--of Rome or Egypt, or the governing orders of Prussia or Russia, did not impose their will upon the remainder by virtue of superior physical force, the sheer weight of numbers, of sinew and muscle. If the tyranny of the minority had depended upon its own physical power, it could not have lasted a day. The physical force which the minority used was the physical force of the majority. The people were oppressed by an instrument which they themselves furnished. In that picture, therefore, which we make of the mass of mankind struggling against the 'force' of tyranny, we must remember that the force against which they struggled was not in the last analysis physical force at all; it was their own weight from which they desired to be liberated. Do we realise all that this means? It means that tyranny has been imposed, as freedom has been won: through the Mind. The small minority imposes itself and can only impose itself by getting first at the mind of the majority--the people--in one form or another: by controlling it through keeping knowledge from it, as in so much of antiquity, or by controlling the knowledge itself, as in Germany. It is because the minds of the masses have failed them that they have been enslaved. Without that intellectual failure of the masses, tyranny could have found no force wherewith to impose its burdens. This confusion as to the relation of 'force' to the moral factor is of all confusions most worth while clearing up: and for that purpose we may descend to homely illustrations. You have a disorderly society, a frontier mining camp, every man armed, every man threatened by the arms of his neighbour and every man in danger. What is the first need in restoring order? More force--more revolvers and bowie knives? No; every man is fully armed already. If there exists in this disorder the germ of order some attempt will be made to move towards the creation of a police. But what is the indispensable prerequisite for the success of such an effort? It is the capacity for a nucleus of the community to act in common, to agree together to make the beginnings of a community. And unless that nucleus can achieve agreement--a moral and intellectual problem--there can be no police force. But be it noted well, this first prerequisite--the agreement among a few members necessary to create the first Vigilance Committee--is not force; it is a decision of certain minds determining how force shall be used, how combined. Even when you have got as far as the police, this device of social protection will entirely break down unless the police itself can be trusted to obey the constituted authority, and the constituted authority itself to abide by the law. If the police represents a mere preponderance of power, using that power to create a privileged position for itself or for its employers--setting itself, that is, against the community--you will sooner or later get resistance which will ultimately neutralise that power and produce a mere paralysis so far as any social purpose is concerned. The existence of the police depends upon general agreement not to use force except as the instrument of the social will, the law to which all are party. This social will may not exist; the members of the vigilance committee or town council or other body may themselves use their revolvers and knives each against the other. Very well, in that case you will get no police. 'Force' will not remedy it. Who is to use the force if no one man can agree with the other? All along the line here we find ourselves, whatever our predisposition to trust only 'force,' thrown back upon a moral factor, compelled to rely upon contract, an agreement, before we can use force at all. It will be noted incidentally that effective social force does not rest upon a Balance of Power: society does not need a Balance of Power as between the law and crime; it wants a preponderance of power on the side of the law. One does not want a Balance of Power between rival parties in the State. One wants a preponderance of power on behalf of a certain fundamental code upon which all parties, or an immense majority of parties, will be agreed. As against the Balance of Power we need a Community of Power--to use Mr. Wilson's phrase--on the side of a purpose or code of which the contributors to the power are aware. One may read in learned and pretentious political works that the ultimate basis of a State is force--the army--which is the means by which the State's authority is maintained. But who compels the army to carry out the State's orders rather than its own will or the personal will of its commander? _Quis custodiet ipsos custodes?_ The following passage from an address delivered by the present writer in America may perhaps help to make the point clear:-- 'When, after the counting of the votes, you ask Mr Wilson to step down from the President's chair, how do you know he will get down? I repeat, How do you know he will get down? You think that a foolish and fantastic question? But, in a great many interesting American republics, Mexico, Venezuela, or Hayti, he would not get down! You say, "Oh, the army would turn him out." I beg your pardon. It is Mr Wilson who commands the army; it is not the army that commands Mr Wilson. Again, in many American republics a President who can depend on his army, when asked to get out of the Presidency, would reply almost as a matter of course, "Why should I get down when I have an army that stands by me?" 'How do we know that Mr Wilson, able, we will assume, to count on his army, or, if you prefer, some President particularly popular with the army, will not do that? Is it physical force which prevents it? If so, whose? You may say: "If he did that, he knows that the country would raise an army of rebellion to turn him out." Well, suppose it did? You raise this army, as they would in Mexico, or Venezuela, and the army turns him out. And your man gets into the Presidential chair, and then, when you think he has stolen enough, you vote _him_ down. He would do precisely the same thing. He would say: "My dear people, as very great philosophers tell you, the State is Force, and as a great French monarch once said. 'I am the State.' _J'y suis, j'y reste._". And then you would have to get another army of rebellion to turn _him_ out--just as they do in Mexico, Venezuela, Hayti, or Honduras.' There, then, is the crux of the matter. Every constitution at times breaks down. But if that fact were a conclusive argument for the anarchical arming of each man against the other as preferable to a police enforcing law, there could be no human society. The object of constitutional machinery for change is to make civil war unnecessary. There will be no advance save through an improved tradition. Perhaps it will be impossible to improve the tradition. Very well, then the old order, whether among the nations of Europe or the political parties of Venezuela, will remain unchanged. More 'force,' more soldiers, will not do it. The disturbed areas of Spanish-America each show a greater number of soldiers to population than States like Massachusetts or Ohio. So in the international solution. What would it have availed if Britain had quadrupled the quantity of rifles to Koltchak's peasant soldiers so long as his land policy caused them to turn their rifles against his Government? Or for France to have multiplied many times the loans made to the Ukraine, if at the same time the loans made to Poland so fed Polish nationalism that the Ukrainians preferred making common cause with the Bolsheviks to becoming satellites of an Imperialist Poland? Do we add to the 'force' of the Alliance by increasing the military power of Serbia, if that fact provokes her to challenge Italy? Do we strengthen it by increasing at one and the same time the military forces of two States--say Poland and Czecho-Slovakia--if the nationalism which we nurse leads finally to those two States turning their forces one against the other? Unless we know the policy (again a thing of the mind, of opinion) which will determine the use to which guns will be put, it does not increase our security--it may diminish it--to add more guns. _The Alternative Risks_ We see, therefore, that the alternatives are not in fact a choice between 'material' and 'spiritual' means. The material can only operate, whether for our defence or against us, by virtue of a spiritual thing, the will. 'The direction in which the gun will shoot'--a rather important point in its effectiveness as a defensive weapon--depends not on the gun but on the mind of the man using it, the moral factor. The two cannot be separated. It is untrue to say that the knife is a magic instrument, saving the cancer patient's life: it is the mind of the surgeon using the material thing in a certain way which saves the patient's life. A child or savage who, failing to realise the part played by the invisible element of the surgeon's mind, should deem that a knife of a particular pattern used 'boldly' could be depended upon to cure cancer, would merely, of course commit manslaughter. It is foolish to talk of an absolute guarantee of security by force, as of guarantee of success in surgical operations by perfection of knives. In both cases we are dealing with instruments, indispensable, but not of themselves enough. The mind behind the instrument, technical in one case, social in the other, may in both cases fail; then we must improve it. Merely to go on sharpening the knife, to go on applying, for instance, to the international problem more 'force,' in the way it has been applied in the past, can only give us in intenser degree the present results. Yet the truth here indicated is perpetually being disregarded, particularly by those who pique themselves on being 'practical.' In the choice of risks by men of the world and realist statesmen the choice which inevitably leads to destruction is for ever being made on grounds of safety; the choice which leads at least in the direction of security is for ever being rejected on the grounds of its danger. Why is this? The choice is instinctive assuredly; it is not the result of 'hard-headed calculation' though it often professes to be. We speak of it as the 'protective' instinct. But it is a protective instinct which obviously destroys us. I am suggesting here that, at the bottom of the choice in favour of the Balance of Power or preponderance as a political method, is neither the desire for safety nor the desire to place 'might behind right,' but the desire for domination, the instinct of self-assertion, the anti-social wish to be judge in our own case; and further, that the way out of the difficulty is to discipline this instinct by a better social tradition. To do that we must discredit the old tradition--create a different feeling about it; to which end it is indispensable to face frankly the nature of its moral origins; to look its motives in the face.[68] It is extremely suggestive in this connection that the 'realist' politician, the 'hard-headed practical man,' disdainful of Sunday School standards,' in his defence of national necessity, is quite ready to be contemptuous of national safety and interest when these latter point plainly to a policy of international agreement as against domination. Agreement is then rejected as pusillanimous, and consideration for national interest as placing 'pocket before patriotism.' We are then reminded, even by the most realist of nationalists, that nations live for higher things than 'profit' or even safety. 'Internationalism,' says Colonel Roosevelt, 'inevitably emasculates its sincere votaries,' and 'every civilisation worth calling such' must be based 'on a spirit of intense nationalism.' For Colonel Roosevelt or General Wood in America as for Mr Kipling, or Mr Chesterton, or Mr Churchill, or Lord Northciffe, or Mr Bottomley, and a vast host of poets, professors, editors, historians, bishops, publicists of all sorts in England and France, 'Internationalist' and 'Pacifist' are akin to political atheist. A moral consideration now replaces the 'realist.' The metamorphosis is only intelligible on the assumption here suggested that both explanations or justifications are a rationalisation of the impulse to power and domination. Our political, quite as much as our social, conduct is in the main the result of motives that are mainly unconscious instinct, habit, unquestioned tradition. So long as we find the result satisfactory, well and good. But when the result of following instinct is disaster, we realise that the time has come to 'get outside ourselves,' to test our instincts by their social result. We have then to see whether the 'reasons' we have given for our conduct are really its motives. That examination is the first step to rendering the unconscious motive conscious. In considering, for instance, the two methods indicated in this chapter, we say, in 'rationalising' our decision, that we chose the lesser of two risks. I am suggesting that in the choice of the method of the Balance of Power our real motive was not desire to achieve security, but domination. It is just because our motives are not mainly intellectual but 'instinctive' that the desire for domination is so likely to have played the determining role: for few instincts and innate desires are stronger than that which pushes to 'self-affirmation'--the assertion of preponderant force. We have indeed seen that the Balance of Power means in practice the determination to secure a preponderance of power. What is a 'Balance?' The two sides will not agree on that, and each to be sure will want it tilted in its favour. We decline to place ourselves within the power of another who may differ from us as to our right. We demand to be stronger, in order that we may be judge in our own case. This means that we shall resist the claim of others to exactly the same thing. The alternative is partnership. It means trust. But we have seen that the exercise of any form of force, other than that which one single individual can wield, must involve an element of 'trust.' The soldiers must be trusted to obey the officers, since the former have by far the preponderance of force; the officers must be trusted to obey the constitution instead of challenging it; the police must be trusted to obey the authorities; the Cabinet must be trusted to obey the electoral decision; the members of an alliance to work together instead of against one another, and so on. Yet the assumption of the 'Power Politician' is that the method which has succeeded (notably within the State) is the 'idealistic' but essentially unpractical method in which security and advantage are sacrificed to Utopian experiment; while the method of competitive armament, however distressing it may be to the Sunday Schools, is the one that gives us real security. 'The way to be sure of preserving peace,' says Mr Churchill, 'is to be so much stronger than your enemy that he won't dare to attack you.' In other words it is obvious that the way for two people to keep the peace is for each to be stronger than the other. 'You may have made your front door secure' says Marshal Foch, arguing for the Rhine frontier, 'but you may as well make sure by having a good high garden wall as well.' 'Make sure,' that is the note--_si vis pacem_.... And he can be sure that 'the average practical man,' who prides himself on 'knowing human nature' and 'distrusting theories' will respond to the appeal. Every club smoking room will decide that 'the simple soldier' knows his business and has judged human forces aright. Yet of course the simple truth is that the 'hard-headed soldier' has chosen the one ground upon which all experience, all the facts, are against him. Then how is he able to 'get away with it'--to ride off leaving at least the impression of being a sternly practical unsentimental man of the world by virtue of having propounded an aphorism which all practical experience condemns? Here is Mr Churchill. He is talking to hard-headed Lancashire manufacturers. He desires to show that he too is no theorist, that he also can be hard-headed and practical. And he--who really does know the mind of the 'hard-headed business man'--is perfectly aware that the best road to those hard heads is to propound an arrant absurdity, to base a proposed line of policy on the assumption of a physical impossibility, to follow a will-o'-the-wisp which in all recorded history has led men into a bog. They applaud Mr Churchill, not because he has put before them a cold calculation of relative risk in the matter of maintaining peace, an indication, where, on the whole, the balance of safety lies; Mr Churchill, of course, knows perfectly well that, while professing to do that, he has been doing nothing of the sort. He has, in reality, been appealing to a sentiment, the emotion which is strongest and steadiest in the 'hard-faced men' who have elbowed their way to the top in a competitive society. He has 'rationalised' that competitive sentiment of domination by putting forward a 'reason' which can be avowed to them and to others. Colonel Roosevelt managed to inject into his reasons for predominance a moral strenuousness which Mr Churchill does not achieve. The following is a passage from one of the last important speeches made by Colonel Roosevelt--twice President of the United States and one of the out-standing figures in the world in his generation:-- 'Friends, be on your guard against the apostles of weakness and folly when peace comes. They will tell you that this is the last great war. They will tell you that they can make paper treaties and agreements and guarantees by which brutal and unscrupulous men will have their souls so softened that weak and timid men won't have anything to fear and that brave and honest men won't have to prepare to defend themselves. 'Well, we have seen that all such treaties are worth less than scraps of paper when it becomes to the interests of powerful and ruthless militarist nations to disregard them.... After this War is over, these foolish pacifist creatures will again raise their piping voices against preparedness and in favour of patent devices for maintaining peace without effort. Let us enter into every reasonable agreement which bids fair to minimise the chances of war and to circumscribe its area.... But let us remember it is a hundred times more important for us to prepare our strength for our own defence than to enter any of these peace treaties, and that if we thus prepare our strength for our own defence we shall minimise the chances of war as no paper treaties can possibly minimise them; and we shall thus make our views effective for peace and justice in the world at large as in no other way can they be made effective.'[69] Let us dispose of one or two of the more devastating confusions in the foregoing. First there is the everlasting muddle as to the internationalist attitude towards the likelihood of war. To Colonel Roosevelt one is an internationalist or 'pacifist' because one thinks war will not take place. Whereas probably the strongest motive of internationalism is the conviction that without it war is inevitable, that in a world of rival nationalisms war cannot be avoided. If those who hate war believe that the present order will without effort give them peace, why in the name of all the abuse which their advocacy brings on their heads should they bother further about the matter? Secondly, internationalism is assumed to be the _alternative_ to the employment of force or power of arms, whereas it is the organisation of force, of power (latent or positive) to a common--an international--end. Our incurable habit of giving to homely but perfectly healthy and justifiable reasons of conduct a high faluting romanticism sometimes does morality a very ill service. When in political situations--as in the making of a Peace Treaty--a nation is confronted by the general alternative we are now discussing, the grounds of opposition to a co-operative or 'Liberal' or 'generous' settlement are almost always these: 'Generosity' is lost upon a people as crafty and treacherous as the enemy; he mistakes generosity for weakness; he will take advantage of it; his nature won't be softened by mild treatment; he understands nothing but force. The assumption is that the liberal policy is based upon an appeal to the better side of the enemy; upon arousing his nobler nature. And such an assumption concerning the Hun or the Bolshevik, for instance (or at an earlier date, the Boer or the Frenchman), causes the very gorge of the Roosevelt-Bottomley patriot to rise in protest. He simply does not believe in the effective operation of so remote a motive. But the real ground of defence for the liberal policy is not the existence of an abnormal if heretofore successfully disguised nobility on the part of the enemy, but of his very human if not very noble fears which, from our point of view, it is extremely important not to arouse or justify. If our 'punishment' of him creates in his mind the conviction that we are certain to use our power for commercial advantage, or that in any case our power is a positive danger to him, he _will_ use his recovered economic strength for the purpose of resisting it; and we should face a fact so dangerous and costly to us. To take cognisance of this fact, and to shape our policy accordingly is not to attribute to the enemy any particular nobility of motive. But almost always when that policy is attacked, it is attacked on the ground of its 'Sunday School' assumption of the accessibility of the enemy to gratitude or 'softening' in Colonel Roosevelt's phrase. We reach in the final analysis of the interplay of motive a very clear political pragmatism. Either policy will justify itself, and by the way it works out in practice, prove that it is right. Here is a statesman--Italian, say--who takes the 'realist' view, and comes to a Peace Conference which may settle for centuries the position of his country in the world--its strength, its capacity for defending itself, the extent of its resources. In the world as he knows it, a country has one thing, and one thing only, upon which it can depend for its national security and the defence of its due rights; and that thing is its own strength. Italy's adequate defence must include the naval command of the Adriatic and a strategic position in the Tyrol. This means deep harbours on the Dalmatian coast and the inclusion in the Tyrol of a very considerable non-Italian population. To take them may, it is true, not only violate the principle of nationality but shut off the new Yugo-Slav nation from access to the sea and exchange one irredentism for another. But what can the 'realist' Italian statesman, whose first duty is to his own country do? He is sorry, but his own nationality and its due protection are concerned; and the Italian nation will be insecure without those frontiers and those harbours. Self-preservation is the law of life for nations as for other living things. You have, unfortunately, a condition in which the security of one means the insecurity of another, and if a statesman in these circumstances has to choose which of the two is to be secure, he must choose his own country. Some day, of course, there may come into being a League of Nations so effective that nations can really look to it for their safety. Meantime they must look to themselves. But, unfortunately, for each nation to take these steps about strategic frontiers means not only killing the possibility of an effective League: it means, sooner or later, killing the military alliance which is the alternative. If one Alsace-Lorraine could poison European politics in the way it did, what is going to be the effect ultimately of the round dozen that we have created under the treaty? The history of Britain in reference to Arab and Egyptian Nationality; of France in relation to Poland and other Russian border States; of all the Allies in reference to Japanese ambitions in China and Siberia, reveals what is, fundamentally, a precisely similar dilemma. When the statesmen--Italian or other--insist upon strategic frontiers and territories containing raw materials, on the ground that a nation must look to itself because we live in a world in which international arrangements cannot be depended on, they can be quite certain that the reason they give is a sound one: because their own action will make it so: their action creates the very conditions to which they appeal as the reason for it. Their decision, with the popular impulse of sacred egoism which supports it, does something more than repudiate Mr Wilson's principles; it is the beginning of the disruption of the Alliance upon which their countries have depended. The case is put in a manifesto issued a year or two ago by a number of eminent Americans from which we have already quoted in Chapter III. It says:-- 'If, as in the past, nations must look for their future security chiefly to their own strength and resources, then inevitably, in the name of the needs of national defence, there will be claims for strategic frontiers and territories with raw material which do violence to the principle of nationality. Afterwards those who suffer from such violations would be opposed to the League of Nations, because it would consecrate the injustice of which they would be the victims. A refusal to trust to the League of Nations, and a demand for "material" guarantees for future safety, will set up that very distrust which will afterwards be appealed to as justification for regarding the League as impracticable because it inspires no general confidence. A bold "Act of Political Faith" in the League will justify itself by making the League a success; but, equally, lack of faith will justify itself by ruining the League.' That is why, when in the past the realist statesman has sometimes objected that he does not believe in internationalism because it is not practical, I have replied that it is not practical because he does not believe in it. The prerequisite to the creation of a society is the Social Will. And herein lies the difficulty of making any comparative estimate of the respective risks of the alternative courses. We admit that if the nations would sink their sacred egoisms and pledge their power to mutual and common protection, the risk of such a course would disappear. We get the paradox that there is no risk if we all take the risk. But each refuses to begin. William James has illustrated the position:-- 'I am climbing the Alps, and have had the ill luck to work myself into a position from which the only escape is by a terrible leap. Being without similar experience, I have no evidence of my ability to perform it successfully; but hope and confidence in myself make me sure that I shall not miss my aim, and nerve my feet to execute what, without those subjective emotions, would have been impossible. 'But suppose that, on the contrary, the emotions ... of mistrust predominate.... Why, then, I shall hesitate so long that at last, exhausted and trembling, and launching myself in a moment of despair, I miss my foothold and roll into the abyss. In this case, and it is one of an immense class, the part of wisdom is to believe what one desires; for the belief is one of the indispensable, preliminary conditions of the realisation of its object. There are cases where faith creates its own justification. Believe, and you shall be right, for you shall save yourself; doubt, and you shall again be right, for you shall perish.' CHAPTER VII THE SPIRITUAL ROOTS OF THE SETTLEMENT _'Human Nature is always what it is'_ 'You may argue as much as you like. All the logic chopping will never get over the fact that human nature is always what it is. Nations will always fight.... always retaliate at victory.' If that be true, and our pugnacities, and hates, and instincts generally, are uncontrollable, and they dictate conduct, no more is to be said. We are the helpless victims of outside forces, and may as well surrender, without further discussion, or political agitation, or propaganda. For if those appeals to our minds can neither determine the direction nor modify the manifestation of our innate instincts, nor influence conduct, one rather wonders at our persistence in them. Why so many of us find an obvious satisfaction in this fatalism, so patently want it to be true, and resort to it in such convenient disregard of the facts, has been in some measure indicated in the preceding chapter. At bottom it comes to this: that it relieves us of so much trouble and responsibility; the life of instinct and emotion is so easily flowing a thing, and that of social restraints and rationalised decisions so cold and dry and barren. At least that is the alternative as many of us see it. And if the only alternative to an impulse spending itself in hostilities and hatreds destructive of social cohesion, were the sheer restraint of impulse by calculation and reason; if our choice were truly between chaos, anarchy, and the perpetual repression of all spontaneous and vigorous impulse--then the choice of a fatalistic refusal to reason would be justifiable. But happily that is not the alternative. The function of reason and discipline is not to repress instinct and impulse, but to turn those forces into directions in which they may have free play without disaster. The function of the compass is not to check the power of the ship's engines; it is to indicate a direction in which the power can be given full play, because the danger of running on to the rocks has been obviated. Let us first get the mere facts straight--facts as they have worked out in the War and the Peace. It is not true that the directions taken by our instincts cannot in any way be determined by our intelligence. 'A man's impulses are not fixed from the beginning by his native disposition: within certain limits they are profoundly modified by his circumstances and way of life.'[70] What we regard as the 'instinctive' part of our character is, again, within large limits very malleable: by beliefs, by social circumstances, by institutions, and above all by the suggestibility of tradition, the work is often of individual minds. It is not so much the _character_ of our impulsive and instinctive life that is changed by these influences, as the direction. The elements of human nature may remain unchangeable, but the manifestations resulting from the changing combinations may be infinitely various as are the forms of matter which result from changing combinations of the same primary elements. It is not a choice between a life of impulse and emotion on the one side, and wearisome repressions on the other. The perception that certain needs are vital will cause us to use our emotional energy for one purpose instead of another. And just because the traditions that have grouped around nationalism turn our combativeness into the direction of war, the energy brought into play by that impulse is not available for the creativeness of peace. Having become habituated to a certain reagent--the stimulus of some personal or visible enemy--energy fails to react to a stimulus which, with a different way of life, would have sufficed. Because we must have gin to summon up our energy, that is no proof that energy is impossible without it. It is hardly for an inebriate to laud the life of instinct and impulse. For the time being that is not the attitude and tendency that most needs encouragement. As to the fact that the instinctive and impulsive part of our behaviour is dirigible and malleable by tradition and discussion, that is not only admitted, but it is apt to be over-emphasised--by those who insist upon the 'unchangeability of human nature.' The importance which we attached to the repression of pacifist and defeatist propaganda during the War, and of Bolshevist agitation after the War, proves that we believe these feelings, that we allege to be unchangeable, can be changed too easily and readily by the influence of ideas, even wrong ones. The type of feeling which gave us the Treaty was in a large degree a manufactured feeling, in the sense that it was the result of opinion, formed day by day by a selection only of the facts. For this manufacture of opinion, we consciously created a very elaborate machinery, both of propaganda and of control of news. But that organisation of public opinion, justifiable in itself perhaps as a war measure, was not guided (as the result shows) by an understanding of what the political ends, which, in the early days of the War, we declared to be ours, would need in the way of psychology. Our machinery developed a psychology which made our higher political aims quite impossible of realisation. Public opinion, 'human nature,' would have been more manageable, its 'instincts' would have been sounder, and we should have had a Europe less in disintegration, if we had told as far as possible that part of the truth which our public bodies (State, Church, Press, the School) were largely occupied in hiding. But the opinion which dictated the policy of repression is itself the result of refusing to face the truth. To tell the truth is the remedy here suggested. _The Paradox of the Peace_ The supreme paradox of the Peace is this:-- We went into the War with certain very definitely proclaimed principles, which we declared to be more valuable than the lives of the men that were sacrificed in their defence. We were completely victorious, and went into the Conference with full power, so far as enemy resistance was concerned, to put those principles into effect.[71] We did not use the victory which our young men had given us to that end, but for enforcing a policy which was in flat contradiction to the principles we had originally proclaimed. In some respects the spectacle is the most astounding of all history. It is literally true to say that millions of young soldiers gladly gave their lives for ideals to which the survivors, when they had the power to realise them (again so far as physical force can give us power,) showed complete indifference, sometimes a contemptuous hostility. It was not merely an act of the statesmen. The worst features of the Treaty were imposed by popular feeling--put into the Treaty by statesmen who did not believe in them, and only included them in order to satisfy public opinion. The policy of President Wilson failed in part because of the humane and internationalist opinion of the America of 1916 had become the fiercely chauvinist and coercive opinion of 1919, repudiating the President's efforts. Part of the story of these transformations has been told in the preceding pages. Let us summarise the story as a whole. We saw at the beginning of the War a real feeling for the right of peoples to choose their own form of government, for the principle of nationality. At the end of the War we deny that right in half a score of cases,[72] where it suits our momentary political or military interest. The very justification of 'necessity,' which shocks our conscience when put forward by the enemy, is the one we invoke callously at the peace--or before it, as when we agree to allow Czarist Russia to do what she will with Poland, and Italy with Serbia. Having sacrificed the small State to Russia in 1916, we are prepared to sacrifice Russia to the small State in 1919, by encouraging the formation of border independencies, which, if complete independencies, must throttle Russia, and which no 'White' Russian would accept. While encouraging the lesser States to make war on Russia, we subsidise White Russian military leaders who will certainly destroy the small States if successful. We entered the War for the destruction of militarism, and to make disarmament possible, declaring that German arms were the cause of our arms; and having destroyed German arms, we make ours greater than they were before the War, and introduce such new elements as the systematic arming of African savages for European warfare. We fought to make the secret bringing about of war by military or diplomatic cliques impossible, and after the Armistice the decision to wage war on the Russian Republic is made without even public knowledge, in opposition to sections in the Cabinets concerned, by cliques of whose composition the public is completely ignorant.[73] The invasion of Russia from the north, south, east, and west, by European, Asiatic, and negro troops, is made without a declaration of war, after a solemn statement by the chief spokesman of the Allies that there should be no invasion. Having declared, during the War, on a score of occasions, that we were not fighting against any right or interest of the German people[74]--or the German people at all--because we realised that only by ensuring that right and interest ourselves could we turn Germany from the ways of the past, at the peace we impose conditions which make it impossible for the German people even adequately to feed their population, and leave them no recourse but the recreation of their power. Having promised at the Armistice not to use our power for the purpose of preventing the due feeding of Germany, we continue for months a blockade which, even by the testimony of our own officials, creates famine conditions and literally kills very many of the children. At the beginning of the War, our statesmen, if not our public, had some rudimentary sense of the economic unity of mankind, of our need of one another's work, and the idea of blockading half a world in time of dire scarcity would have appalled them. Yet at the Armistice it was done so light-heartedly that, having at last abandoned it, they have never even explained what they proposed to accomplish by it, for, says Mr Maynard Keynes. 'It is an extraordinary fact that the fundamental economic problem of a Europe starving and disintegrating before their eyes, was the one question in which it was impossible to arouse the interest of the Four.'[75] At the beginning of the War we invoked high heaven to witness the danger and anomaly of autocratic government in our day. We were fighting for Parliamentary institutions, 'open Covenants openly arrived at.' After victory, we leave the real settlement of Europe to be made by two or three Prime Ministers, rendering no account of their secret deliberations and discussions to any Parliament until, in practice, it is too late to alter them. At the beginning of the War we were profoundly moved by the wickedness of military terrorism; at its close we employ it--whether by means of starvation, blockade, armed negro savages in German cities, reprisals in Ireland, or the ruthless slaughter of unarmed civilians in India--without creating any strong revulsion of feeling at home. At the beginning of the War we realised that the governmental organisation of hatred with the prostitution of art to 'hymns of hate' was vile and despicable. We copied that governmental organisation of hatred, and famous English authors duly produce _our_ hymns of hate.[76] We felt at the beginning that all human freedom was menaced by the German theory of the State as the master of man and not as his instrument, with all that means of political inquisition and repression. When some of its worst features are applied at home, we are so indifferent to the fact that we do not even recognise that the thing against which we fought has been imposed upon ourselves.[77] Many will dissent from this indictment. Yet its most important item--our indifference to the very evils against which we fought--is something upon which practically all witnesses testifying to the state of public opinion to-day agree. It is a commonplace of current discussion of present-day feeling. Take one or two at random, Sir Philip Gibbs and Mr. Sisley Huddleston, both English journalists. (I choose journalists because it is their business to know the nature of the public mind and spirit.) Speaking of the wholesale starvation, unimaginable misery, from the Baltic to the Black Sea, Mr. Huddleston writes:-- 'We read these things. They make not the smallest impression on us. Why? How is it that we are not horrified and do not resolve that not for a single day shall any preventable evil exist? How is it, that, on the contrary, for two years we have been cheerfully engaged in intensifying the sum of human suffering? Why are we so heedless? Why are we so callous? Why do we allow to be committed, in our name, a thousand atrocities, and to be written, in our name and for our delectation, a million vile words which reveal the most amazing lack either of feeling or of common sense? 'There have been crimes perpetrated by the politicians--by all the politicians--which no condemnation could fitly characterise. But the peoples must be blamed. The peoples support the war-making politicians. It is my business to follow the course of events day by day, and it is sometimes difficult to stand back and take a general view. Whenever I do so, I am appalled at the blundering or the wickedness of the leaders of the world. Without party prejudices or personal predilections, an impartial observer, I cannot conceive how it is possible to be always blind to the truth, the glaring truth, that since the Armistice we have never sought to make peace, but have sought only some pretext and method for prolonging the War. 'Hate exudes from every journal in speaking of certain peoples--a weary hate, a conventional hate, a hate which is always whipping itself into a passion. It is, perhaps, more strictly, apathy masquerading as hate--which is worst of all. The people are _blasé_: they seek only bread and circuses for themselves. They regard no bread for others as a rather boring circus for themselves.' Mr. Huddleston was present throughout most of the Conference. This is his verdict:-- ' ... Cynicism soon became naked. In the East all pretence of righteousness was abandoned. Every successive Treaty was more frankly the expression of shameful appetites. There was no pretence of conscience in politics. Force rules without disguise. What was still more amazing was the way in which strife was stirred up gratuitously. What advantage was it, even for a moment, to any one to foment civil war in Russia, to send against the unhappy, famine-stricken country army after army? The result was so obviously to consolidate the Bolshevist Government around which were obliged to rally all Russians who had the spirit of nationality. It seemed as if everywhere we were plotting our own ruin and hastening our own end. A strange dementia seized our rulers, who thought peace, replenishment of empty larders, the fraternisation of sorely tired nations, ignoble and delusive objects. It appeared that war was for evermore to be humanity's fate. 'Time after time I saw excellent opportunities of universal peace deliberately rejected. There was somebody to wreck every Prinkipo, every Spa. It was almost with dismay that all Europeans who had kept their intelligence unclouded saw the frustration of peace, and heard the peoples applaud the men who frustrated peace. I care not whether they still enjoy esteem: history will judge them harshly and will judge harshly the turbulence which men plumed themselves on creating two years after the War.' As to the future:-- 'If it is certain that France must force another fight with Germany in a short span of years, if she pursues her present policy of implacable antagonism; if it is certain that England is already carefully seeking the European equilibrium, and that a responsible minister has already written of the possibility of a military accord with Germany; if there has been seen, owing to the foolish belief of the Allies in force--a belief which increases in inverse ratio to the Allied possession of effective force--the re-birth of Russian militarism, as there will assuredly be seen the re-birth of German militarism; if there are quarrels between Greece and Italy, between Italy and the Jugo-Slavs, between Hungary and Austria, between every tiny nation and its neighbour, even between England and France, it is because, when war has once been invoked, it cannot easily be exorcised. It will linger long in Europe: the straw will smoulder and at any moment may break into flame.... 'This is not lurid imagining: it is as logical as a piece of Euclidean reasoning. Only by a violent effort to change our fashion of seeing things can it be averted. War-making is now a habit.' And as to the outcome on the mind of the people:-- 'The war has killed elasticity of mind, independence of judgment, and liberty of expression. We think not so much of the truth as of conforming to the tacitly accepted fiction of the hour.[78] Sir Philip Gibbs renders on the whole a similar verdict. He says:-- 'The people of all countries were deeply involved in the general blood-guiltiness of Europe. They made no passionate appeal in the name of Christ or in the name of humanity for the cessation of the slaughter of boys and the suicide of nations, and for a reconciliation of peoples upon terms of some more reasonable argument than that of high explosives. Peace proposals from the Pope, from Germany, from Austria, were rejected with fierce denunciation, most passionate scorn, as "peace plots" and "peace traps," not without the terrible logic of the vicious circle, because indeed, there was no sincerity of renunciation in some of those offers of peace, and the Powers opposite to us were simply trying our strength and our weakness in order to make their own kind of peace, which should be that of conquest. The gamblers, playing the game of "poker," with crowns and armies as their stakes, were upheld generally by the peoples, who would not abate one point of pride, one fraction of hate, one claim of vengeance, though all Europe should fall in ruin, and the last legions of boys be massacred. There was no call from people to people across the frontiers of hostility. "Let us end this homicidal mania. Let us get back to sanity and save our younger sons. Let us hand over to justice those who will continue the slaughter of our youth!" There was no forgiveness, no generous instinct, no large-hearted common sense in any combatant nation of Europe. Like wolves they had their teeth in one another's throats, and would not let go, though all bloody and exhausted, until one should fall at the last gasp, to be mangled by the others. Yet in each nation, even in Germany, there were men and women who saw the folly of the war and the crime of it, and desired to end it by some act of renunciation and repentance, and by some uplifting of the people's spirit to vault the frontiers of hatred and the barbed wire which hedged in patriotism. Some of them were put in prison. Most of them saw the impossibility of counteracting the forces of insanity which had made the world mad, and kept silent, hiding their thoughts and brooding over them. The leaders of the nations continued to use mob-passion as their argument and justification, excited it anew when its fires burned low, focussed it upon definite objectives, and gave it a sense of righteousness by the high-sounding watchwords of liberty, justice, honour, and retribution. Each side proclaimed Christ as its captain, and invoked the blessing and aid of the God of Christendom, though Germans were allied with Turks, and France was full of black and yellow men. The German people did not try to avert their ruin by denouncing the criminal acts of their War Lords nor by deploring the cruelties they had committed. The Allies did not help them to do so, because of their lust for bloody vengeance and their desire for the spoils of victory. The peoples shared the blame of their rulers because they were not nobler than their rulers. They cannot now plead ignorance or betrayal by false ideals which duped them, because character does not depend on knowledge, and it was the character of European peoples which failed in the crisis of the world's fate, so that they followed the call-back of the beast in the jungle rather than the voice of the Crucified One whom they pretended to adore.' And perhaps most important of all (though the clergy here just stand for the complacent mob mind; they were no worse than the laity), this:-- 'I think the clergy of all nations, apart from a heroic and saintly few, subordinated their faith, which is a gospel of charity, to national limitations. They were patriots before they were priests, and their patriotism was sometimes as limited, as narrow, as fierce, and as blood-thirsty as that of the people who looked to them for truth and light. They were often fiercer, narrower, and more desirous of vengeance than the soldiers who fought, because it is now a known truth that the soldiers, German and Austrian, French and Italian and British, were sick of the unending slaughter long before the ending of the war, and would have made a peace more fair than that which now prevails if it had been put to the common vote in the trenches; whereas the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Archbishop of Cologne, and the clergy who spoke from many pulpits in many nations under the Cross of Christ, still stoked up the fires of hate and urged the armies to go on fighting "in the cause of Justice," "for the defence of the Fatherland," "for Christian righteousness," to the bitter end. Those words are painful to write, but as I am writing this book for truth's sake, at all cost, I let them stand.'[79] _From Passion to Indifference: the Result of Drift_ A common attitude just now is something like this:-- 'With the bitter memory of all that the Allies had suffered strong upon them, it is not astonishing that at the moment of victory an attitude of judicial impartiality proved too much to ask of human nature. The real terms will depend upon the fashion in which the formal terms are enforced. Much of the letter of the Treaty--trial of the Kaiser, etc.--has already disappeared. It is an intolerable priggishness to rake up this very excusable debauch just as we are returning to sobriety.' And that would be true, if, indeed, we had learned the lesson, and were adopting a new policy. But we are not. We have merely in some measure exchanged passion for lassitude and indifference. Later on we shall plead that the lassitude was as 'inevitable' as the passion. On such a line of reasoning, it is no good reacting by a perception of consequences against a mood of the moment. That is bad psychology and disastrous politics. To realise what 'temperamental politics' have already involved us in, is the first step towards turning our present drift into a more consciously directed progress. Note where the drift has already carried us with reference to the problem of the new Germany which it was our declared object to create. There were weeks following the Armistice in Germany, when a faithful adherence to the spirit of the declarations made by the Allies during the War would have brought about the utter moral collapse of the Prussianism we had fought to destroy. The Prussian had said to the people: 'Only Germany's military power has stood between her and humiliating ruin. The Allies victorious will use their victory to deprive Germany of her vital rights.' Again and again had the Allies denied this, and Germany, especially young Germany, watched to see which should prove right. A blockade, falling mainly, as Mr Churchill complacently pointed out (months after an armistice whose terms had included a promise to take into consideration the food needs of Germany) upon the feeble, the helpless, the children, answered that question for millions in Germany. Her schools and universities teem with hundreds of thousands stricken in their health, to whom the words 'never again' mean that never more will they put their trust in the 'naïve innocence' of an internationalism that could so betray them. The militarism which morally was at so low an ebb at the Armistice, has been rehabilitated by such things as the blockade and its effects, the terms of the Treaty, and by minor but dramatic features like the retention of German prisoners long after Allied prisoners had returned home, and the occupation of German university town by African negroes. So that to-day a League of Nations offered by the Allies would probably be regarded with a contemptuous scepticism--somewhat similar to that with which America now regards the political beatitudes which it applauded in 1916-17. We are in fact modifying the Treaty. But those modifications will not meet the present situation, though they might well have met the situation in 1918. If we had done then what we are prepared to do _now_, Europe would have been set on the right road. Suppose the Allies had said in December, 1918 (as they are in effect being brought to say in 1920): 'We are not going to play into the hands of your militarists by demanding the surrender of the Kaiser or the punishment of the war criminals, vile as we believe their offences to be. We are not going to stimulate your waning nationalism by demanding an acknowledgment of your sole guilt. Nor are we going to ruin your industry or shatter your credit. On the contrary, we will start by making you a loan, facilitating your purchases of food and raw materials, and we will admit you into the League of Nations.' We are coming to that. If it could have been our policy early instead of late, how different this story would have been. And the tragedy is this: To do it late is to cause it to lose its effectiveness, for the situation changes. The measures which would have been adequate in 1918 are inadequate in 1920. It is the story of Home Rule. In the eighties Ireland would have accepted Gladstonian Home Rule as a basis at least of co-operation. English and Ulster opinion was not ready even for Home Rule. Forty years later it had reconciled itself to Home Rule. But by the time Britain was ready for the remedy, the situation had got quite beyond it. It now demanded something for which slow-moving opinion was unprepared. So with a League of Nations. The plan now supported by Conservatives would, as Lord Grey has avowed, have assuredly prevented this War if adopted in place of the mere Arbitration plans of the Hague Conference. At that date the present League of Nations Covenant would have been adequate to the situation. But some of the self-same Conservatives who now talk the language of internationalism--even in economic terms--poured contumely and scorn upon those of us who used it a decade or two since. And now, it is to be feared, the Government for which they are ready will certainly be inadequate to the situation which we face. _'An evil idealism and self-sacrificing hates.'_ 'The cause of this insanity,' says Sir Philip Gibbs, 'is the failure of idealism.' Others write in much the same strain that selfishness and materialism have reconquered the world. But this does not get us very far. By what moral alchemy was this vast outpouring of unselfishness, which sent millions to their death as to a feast (for men cannot die for selfish motives, unless more certain of their heavenly reward than we in the Western world are in the habit of being) turned into selfishness; their high ideals into low desires--if that is what has happened? Can it be a selfishness which ruins and starves us all? Is it selfishness on the part of the French which causes them to adopt towards Germany a policy of vengeance that prevents them receiving the Reparations that they so sorely need? Is it not indeed what one of their writers had called a 'holy hate,' instinctive, intuitive, purged of all calculation of advantage or disadvantage? Would not selfishness--enlightened selfishness--have given us not only a sounder Europe in the material sense, but a more humane Europe, with its hostilities softened by the very fact of contact and co-operation, and the very obviousness of our need for one another? The last thing desired here is to raise the old never-ending question of egoism versus altruism. All that is desired is to point out that a mere appeal to feeling, to a 'sense of righteousness' and idealism, is not enough. We have an illimitable capacity for sublimating our own motives, and of convincing ourselves completely, passionately, that our evil is good. And the greater our fear that intellectual inquiry, some sceptical rationalism, might shake the certitude of our righteousness, the greater the passion with which we shall stand by the guide of 'instinct and intuition.' Can there not be a destructive idealism as well as a social one? What of the Holy Wars? What of the Prussian who, after all, had his ideal, as the Bolshevist has his? What of all fanatics ready to die for their idealism? It is never the things that are obviously and patently evil that constitute the real menace to mankind. If Prussian nationalism had been nothing but gross lust and cruelty and oppression, as we managed to persuade ourselves during the War that it was, it would never have menaced the world. It did that because it could rally to its end great enthusiasms; because men were ready to die for it. Then it threatened us. Only those things which have some element of good are dangerous. A Treaty of the character of that Versailles would never have been possible if men had not been able to justify it to themselves on the ground of its punitive justice. The greeds expressed in the annexation of alien territory, and the violation of the principle of nationality, would never have been possible but for the plea of the sacred egoism of patriotism; our country before the enemy's, our country right or wrong. The assertion of sheer immoralism embodied in this last slogan can be made into the garments of righteousness if only our idealism is instinctive enough. Some of the worst crimes against justice have been due to the very fierceness of our passion for righteousness--a passion so fierce that it becomes undiscriminating and unseeing. It was the passion for what men believed to be religious truth which gave us the Inquisition and the religious wars; it was the passion for patriotism which made France for so many years, to the astonishment of the world, refuse justice to Dreyfus; it is a righteous loathing for negro crime which has made lynching possible for half a century in the United States, and which prevents the development of an opinion which will insist on its suppression. It is 'the just anger that makes men unjust.' The righteous passion that insists on a criminal's dying for some foul crime, is the very thing which prevents our seeing that the crime was not committed by him at all. It was something akin to this that made the Treaty of Versailles possible. That is why merely to appeal to idealism and feeling will fail, unless the defect of vision which makes evil appear good is corrected. It is not the feeling which is at fault; it is the defective vision causing feeling to be misused, as in the case of our feeling against the man accused on what seem to us good grounds, of a detestable offence. He is loathsome to our sight, because the crime is loathsome. But when some one else confesses to the crime, our feeling against the innocent man disappears. The direction it took, the object upon which it settled, was due to a misconception. Obviously that error may occur in politics. Equally certainly something worse may happen. With some real doubt in our mind whether this man is the criminal, we may yet, in the absence of any other culprit, stifle that doubt because of our anger, and our vague desire to have some victim suffer for so vile a crime. Feeling will be at fault, in such a case, as well as vision. And this thing happens, as many a lynching testifies. ('The innocence of Dreyfus would be a crime,' said a famous anti-Dreyfusard.) Both defects may have played their part in the tragedy of Versailles. In making our appeal to idealism, we assume that it is there, somewhere, to be aroused on behalf of justice; we must assume, consequently, that if it has not been aroused, or has attached itself to wrong purposes, it is because it has not seen where justice lay. Our only protection against these miscarriages, by which our passion is borne into the wrong channel, against the innocent while the guilty escape, is to keep our minds open to all the facts, all the truth. But this principle, which we have proclaimed as the very foundation stone of our democratic faith, was the first to go when we began the War. The idea that in war time, most particularly, a democracy needs to know the enemy's, or the Pacifist, or even the internationalist and liberal case, would have been regarded as a bad joke. Yet the failure to do just that thing inevitably created a conviction that all the wrong was on one side and all the right on the other, and that the problem of the settlement was mainly a problem of ruthless punishment. One of that temper may have come the errors of the Treaty and the miseries that have flowed from them. It was the virtual suppression of free debate on the purposes and aims of the War and their realisation that delivered public opinion into the keeping of the extremest Jingoes when we came to make the peace. _We create the temper that destroys us_ Behind the war-time attitude of the belligerents, when they suppressed whatever news might tell in favour of the enemy, was the conviction that if we could really understand the enemy's position we should not want to fight him. That is probably true. Let us assume that, and assume consequently the need for control of news and discussion. If we are to come to the control by governments of political belief, as we once attempted control by ecclesiastical authority of religious belief, let us face the fact, and drop pretence about freedom of discussion, and see that the organisation of opinion is honest and efficient. There is a great deal to be said for the suppression of freedom of discussion. Some of the greatest minds in the world have refused to accept it as a working principle of society. Theirs is a perfectly arguable, extremely strong and thoroughly honest case.[80] But virtually to subpress the free dissemination of facts, as we have done not only during, but after the War, and at the same time to go on with our talk about free speech, free Press, free discussion, free democracy is merely to add to the insincerities and falsehoods, which can only end by making society unworkable. We not only disbelieve in free discussion in the really vital crises; we disbelieve in truth. That is one fact. There is another related to it. If we frankly admitted that public opinion has to be 'managed,' organised, shaped, we should demand that it be done efficiently with a view to the achievement of conscious ends, which we should place before ourselves. What happened during the War was that everybody, including the governments who ought to have been free from the domination of the myths they were engaged in creating, lost sight of the ultimate purposes of the War, and of the fact that they were creating forces which would make the attainment of those ends impossible; rob victory, that is, of its effectiveness. Note how the process works. We say when war is declared: 'A truce to discussion. The time is for action, not words.' But the truce is a fiction. It means, not that talk and propaganda shall cease, only that all liberal contribution to it must cease. The _Daily News_ suspends its internationalism, but the _Daily Mail_ is more fiercely Chauvinist than ever. We must not debate terms. But Mr Bottomley debates them every week, on the text that Germans are to be exterminated like vermin. What results? The natural defenders of a policy even as liberal as that of an Edward Grey are silenced. The function of the liberal Press is suspended. The only really articulate voices on policy are the voices of Lord Northcliffe and Mr Bottomley. On such subjects as foreign policy those gentlemen do not ordinarily embrace all wisdom; there is something to be said in criticism of their views. But in the matter of the future settlement of Europe, to have criticised those views during the War would have exposed the critic to the charge of pro-Germanism. So Chauvinism had it all its own way. For months and years the country heard one view of policy only. The early policy of silence did really impose a certain silence upon the _Daily News_ or the _Manchester Guardian_; none whatever upon the _Times_ or the _Daily Mail_. None of us can, day after day, be under the influence of such a process without being affected by it.[81] The British public were affected by it. Sir Edward Grey's policy began to appear weak, anæmic, pro-German. And in the end he and his colleagues disappeared, partly, at least, as the result of the very policy of 'leaving it to the Government' upon which they had insisted at the beginning of the War. And the very group which, in 1914, was most insistent that there should be no criticism of Asquith, or McKenna, or Grey, were the very group whose criticisms turned those leaders out of office! While in 1914 it was accepted as proof of treason to say a word in criticism of (say) Grey, by 1916 it had almost become evidence of treason to say a word for him ... and that while he was still in office! The history of America's attitude towards the War displays a similar line of development. We are apt to forget that the League of Nations idea entered the realm of practical politics as the result of a great spontaneous popular movement in America in 1916, as powerful and striking as any since the movement against chattel-slavery. A year of war morale resulted, as has already been noted, in a complete reversal of attitude. America became the opponent and Britain the protagonist of the League of Nations. In passing, one of the astonishing things is that statesmen, compelled by the conditions of their profession to work with the raw material of public opinion, seem blind to the fact that the total effect of the forces which they set in motion will be to transform opinion and render it intractable. American advisers of President Wilson scouted the idea, when it was suggested to them early in the War, that the growth of the War temper would make it difficult for the President to carry out his policy.[82] A score of times the present writer has heard it said by Americans who ought to have known better, that the public did not care what the foreign policy of the country was, and that the President could carry out any policy that he liked. At that particular moment it was true, but quite obviously there was growing up at the time, as the direct result of war propaganda, a fierce Chauvinism, which should have made it plain to any one who observed its momentum, that the notion of President Wilson's policy being put into execution after victory was simply preposterous. Mr Asquith's Government was thus largely responsible for creating a balance of force in public opinion (as we shall see presently) which was responsible for its collapse. Mr Lloyd George has himself sanctioned a jingoism which, if useful temporarily, becomes later an insuperable obstacle to the putting into force of workable policies. For while Versailles could do what it liked in matters that did not touch the popular passion of the moment, in the matters that did, the statesmen were the victims of the temper they had done so much to create. There was a story current in Paris at the time of the Conference: 'You can't really expect to get an indemnity of ten thousand millions, so what is the good of putting it in the Treaty,' an expert is said to have remarked. 'My dear fellow,' said the Prime Minister, 'if the election had gone on another fortnight, it would have been fifty thousand millions.' But the insertion of these mythical millions into the Treaty has not been a joke; it has been an enormous obstacle to the reconstruction of Europe. It was just because public opinion was not ready to face facts in time, that the right thing had to be done at the wrong time, when perhaps it was too late. The effect on French policy has been still more important. It is the illusions concerning illimitable indemnities--directly fostered by the Governments in the early days of the Armistice--still dominating French public opinion, which more than anything else, perhaps, explains an attitude on the part of the French Government that has come near to smashing Europe. Even minds extraordinarily brilliant, as a rule, miscalculated the weight of this factor of public passion stimulated by the hates of war, and the deliberate exploitation of it for purposes of 'war morale' and propaganda. Thus Mr Wells,[83] writing even after two years of war, predicted that if the Germans were to make a revolution and overthrow the Kaiser, the Allies would 'tumble over each other' to offer Germany generous terms. What is worse is that British propaganda in enemy countries seems to have been based very largely on this assumption.[84] It constituted an elaboration of the offers implicit in Mr Wilson's speeches, that once Germany was democratised there should be, in Mr Wilson's words, 'no reprisal upon the German people, who have themselves suffered all things in this War which they did not choose.' The statement made by the German rulers that Germany was fighting against a harsh and destructive fate at the hands of the victors, was, President Wilson said, 'wantonly false.' 'No one is threatening the peaceful enterprise of the German Empire.' Our propaganda in Germany seems to have been an expansion of this text, while the negotiations which preceded the Armistice morally bound us to a 'Fourteen Points peace' (less the British reservation touching the Freedom of the Seas). The economic terms of the Peace Treaty, the meaning of which has been so illuminatingly explained by the representative of the British Treasury at the Conference, give the measure of our respect for that obligation of honour, once we had the Germans at our mercy.[85] _Fundamental Falsehoods and their Outcome_ We witnessed both in England and America very great changes in the dynamics of opinion. Not only was one type of public man being brought forward and another thrust into the background, but one group of emotions and of motives of public policy were being developed and another group atrophied. The use of the word 'opinion,' with its implication of a rationalised process of intellectual decision, may be misleading. 'Public opinion' is here used as the sum of the forces which become articulate in a country, and which a government is compelled not necessarily to obey, but to take into account. (A government may bamboozle it or dodge it, but it cannot openly oppose it.) And when reference is made to the force of ideas--Nationalist or Socialist or Revolutionary--a power which we all admit by our panic fears of defeatist or Red Propaganda, it is necessary to keep in mind the kind of force that is meant. One speaks of Communist or Socialist, Pacifist or Patriotic ideas gaining influence, or creating a ferment. The idea of Communism, for instance, has obviously played some part in the vast upheavals that have followed the War.[86] But in a world where the great majority are still condemned to intense physical labour in order to live at all, where peoples as a whole are overworked, harassed, pre-occupied, it is impossible that ideas like those of Karl Marx should be subjected to elaborate intellectual analysis. Rather is it _an_ idea--of the common ownership of wealth or its equal distribution, of poverty being the fault of a definite class of the corporate body--an idea which fits into a mood produced largely by the prevailing conditions of life, which thus becomes the predominating factor of the new public opinion. Now foreign policy is certainly influenced, and in some great crises determined, by public opinion. But that opinion is not the resultant of a series of intellectual analyses of problems of Balkan nationalities or of Eastern frontiers; that is an obvious impossibility for a busy headline-reading public, hard at work all day and thirsty for relaxation and entertainment at night. The public opinion which makes itself felt in Foreign Policy--which, when war is in the balance after a longish period of peace, gives the preponderance of power to the most Chauvinistic elements; which, at the end of a war and on the eve of Treaty-making, as in the December 1918 election, insists upon a rigorously punitive peace--this opinion is the result of a few predominant 'sovereign ideas' or conceptions giving a direction to certain feelings. Take one such sovereign idea, that of the enemy nation as a person: the conception of it as a completely responsible corporate body. Some offence is committed by a German: 'Germany' did it, Germany including all Germans. To punish any German is to inflict satisfactory punishment for the offence, to avenge it. The idea, when we examine it, is found to be extremely abstract, with but the faintest relation to human realities. 'They drowned my brother,' said an Allied airman, when asked his feelings on a reprisal bombing raid over German cities. Thus, because a sailor from Hamburg drowns an Englishman in the North Sea, an old woman in a garret in Freiburg, or some children, who have but dimly heard of the war, and could not even remotely be held responsible for it, or have prevented it, are killed with a clear conscience because they are German. We cannot understand the Chinese, who punish one member of a family for another's fault, yet that is very much more rational than the conception which we accept as the most natural thing in the world. It is never questioned, indeed, until it is applied to ourselves. When the acts of British troops in Ireland or India, having an extraordinary resemblance to German acts in Belgium, are taken by certain American newspapers as showing that 'Britain,' (_i.e._ British people) is a bloodthirsty monster who delights in the killing of unarmed priests or peasants, we know that somehow the foreign critic has got it all wrong. We should realise that for some Irishman or Indian to dismember a charwoman or decapitate a little girl in Somersetshire, because of the crime of some Black and Tan in Cork, or English General at Amritsar, would be unadulterated savagery, a sort of dementia. In any case the poor folk in Somerset were not responsible; millions of English folk are not. They are only dimly aware of what goes on in India or Ireland, and are not really able in all matters, by any means, to control their government--any more than the Americans are able to control theirs. Yet the idea of responsibility attaching to a whole group, as justification for retaliation, is a very ancient idea, savage, almost animal in its origin. And anything can make a collectivity. To one small religious sect in a village it is a rival sect who are the enemies of the human race; in the mind of the tortured negro in the Congo any man, woman, or child of the white world could fairly be punished for the pains that he has suffered.[87] The conception has doubtless arisen out of something protective, some instinct useful, indispensable to the race; as have so many of the instincts which, applied unadapted to altered conditions, become socially destructive. Here then is evidence of a great danger, which can, in some measure, be avoided on one condition: that the truth about the enemy collectively is told in such a way as to be a reminder to us not to slip into injustices that, barbarous in themselves, drag us back into barbarism. But note how all the machinery of Press control and war-time colleges of propaganda prepared the public mind for the extremely difficult task of the settlement and Treaty-making that lay before it. (It was a task in which everything indicated that, unless great care were taken, public judgment would be so swamped in passion that a workable peace would be impossible.) The more tribal and barbaric aspect of the conception of collective responsibility was fortified by the intensive and deliberate exploitation of atrocities during the years of the War. The atrocities were not just an incident of war-time news: the principal emotions of the struggle came to centre around them. Millions whom the obscure political debate behind the conflict left entirely cold, were profoundly moved by these stories of cruelty and barbarity. Sir Arthur Conan Doyle was among those who urged their systematic exploitation on that ground, in a Christmas communication to the _Times_.[88] With reference to stories of German cruelty, he said:-- 'Hate has its uses in war, as the Germans have long discovered. It steels the mind and sets the resolution as no other emotion can do. So much do they feel this that Germans are constrained to invent all sorts of reasons for hatred against us, who have, in truth, never injured them in any way save that history and geography both place us before them and their ambitions. To nourish hatred they invent every lie against us, and so they attain a certain national solidity.... 'The bestiality of the German nation has given us a driving power which we are not using, and which would be very valuable in this stage of the war. Scatter the facts. Put them in red-hot fashion. Do not preach to the solid south, who need no conversion, but spread the propaganda wherever there are signs of any intrigue--on the Tyne, the Clyde, in the Midlands, above all in Ireland, and French Canada. Let us pay no attention to platitudinous Bishops or gloomy Deans or any other superior people, who preach against retaliation or whole-hearted warfare. We have to win, and we can only win by keeping up the spirit of resolution of our own people.' Particularly does Sir Arthur Conan Doyle urge that the munition workers--who were, it will be remembered, largely woman--be stimulated by accounts of atrocities: 'The munition workers have many small vexations to endure, and their nerves get sadly frayed. They need strong elemental emotions to carry them on. Let pictures be made of this and other incidents. Let them be hung in every shop. Let them be distributed thickly in the Sinn Fein districts of Ireland, and in the hot-beds of Socialism and Pacifism in England and Scotland. The Irishman has always been of a most chivalrous nature.' It is possible that Sinn Fein has now taken to heart this counsel as to the use that may be made of cruelties committed by the enemy in war. Now there is no reason to doubt the truth of atrocities, whether they concern the horrible ill-treatment of prisoners in war-time of which Sir Arthur Conan Doyle writes, or the burning alive of negro women in peace time in Texas and Alabama, or the flogging of women in India, or reprisals by British soldiers in Ireland, or by Red Russians against White and White against Red. Every story may be true. And if each side told the whole truth, instead of a part of it, these atrocities would help us towards an understanding of this complex nature of ours. But we never do tell the whole truth. Always in war-time does each side leave out two things essential to the truth: the good done by the enemy and the evil done by ourselves. If that elementary condition of truth were fulfilled, these pictures of cruelty, bestiality, obscenity, rape, sadism, sheer ferocity, might possibly tell us this: 'There is the primeval tiger in us; man's history--and especially the history of his wars--is full of these warnings of the depths to which he can descend. Those ten thousand men and women of pure English stock gloating over the helpless prisoners whom they are slowly roasting alive, are not normally savages.[89] Most of them are kindly and decent folk. These stories of the September massacres of the Terror no more prove French nature to be depraved than the history of the Inquisition, or of Ireland or India, proves Spanish or British nature to be depraved.' But the truth is never so told. It was not so told during the War. Day after day, month after month, we got these selected stories. In the Press, in the cinemas, in Church services, they were related to us. The message the atrocity carried was not: here is a picture of what human nature is capable of; let us be on our guard that nothing similar marks our history. That was neither the intention nor the result of propaganda. It said in effect and was intended to say:-- 'This lecherous brute abusing a woman is a picture of Germany. All Germans are like that; and no people but Germans are like that. That sort of thing never happens in other armies; cruelty, vengeance, and blood-lust are unknown in the Allied forces. That is why we are at war. Remember this at the peace table.' That falsehood was conveyed by what the Press and the cinema systematically left out. While they told us of every vile thing done by the enemy, they told us of not one act of kindness or mercy among all those hundred million during the years of war. The suppression of everything good of the enemy was paralleled by the suppression of everything evil done by our side. You may search Press and cinemas in vain for one single story of brutality committed by Serbian, Rumanian, Greek, Italian, French, or Russian--until the last in time became an enemy. Then suddenly our papers were full of Russian atrocities. At first these were Bolshevik atrocities only, and of the 'White' troops we heard no evil. Then when later the self-same Russian troops that had fought on our side during the War fought Poland, our papers were full of the atrocities inflicted on Poles. By the daily presentation during years of a picture which makes the enemy so entirely bad as not to be human at all, and ourselves entirely good, the whole nature of the problem is changed. Admit these premises, and policies like those proposed by Mr Wells become sheer rubbish. They are based on the assumption that Germans are accessible to ordinary human influences like other human beings. But every day for years we have been denying that premise. If the daily presentation of the facts is a true presentation, the _New York Tribune_ is right:-- 'We shall not get permanent peace by treating the Hun as if he were not a Hun. One might just as well attempt to cure a man-eating tiger of his hankering for human flesh by soft words as to break the German of his historic habits by equally futile kind words. The way to treat a German, while Germans follow their present methods, is as a common peril to all civilised mankind. Since the German employs the method of the wild beast he must be treated as beyond the appeal of generous or kind methods. When one is generous to a German, he plans to take advantage of that generosity to rob or murder; this is his international history, never more conspicuously illustrated than here in America. Kindness he interprets as fear, regard for international law as proof of decadence; agitation for disarmament has been for him the final evidence of the degeneracy of his neighbours.'[90] That conclusion is inevitable if the facts are really as presented by the _Daily Mail_ for four years. The problem of peace in that case is not one of finding a means of dealing, by the discipline of a common code or tradition, with common shortcomings--violences, hates, cupidities, blindnesses. The problem is not of that nature at all. We don't have these defects; they are German defects. For five years we have indoctrinated the people with a case, which if true, renders only one policy in Europe admissible; either the ruthless extermination of these monsters, who are not human beings at all; or their permanent subjugation, the conversion of Germany into a sort of world lunatic asylum. When therefore the big public, whether in America or France or Britain, simply will not hear (in 1919) of any League of Nations that shall ever include Germany they are right--if we have been telling them the truth. Was it necessary thus to 'organise' hate for the purposes of war? Violent partisanship would assuredly assert itself in war-time without such stimulus. And if we saw more clearly the relationship of these instincts and emotions to the formation of policy, we should organise, not their development, but their restraint and discipline, or, that being impossible in sufficient degree (which it may be), organise their re-direction to less anti-social ends. As it was, it ended by making the war entered upon sincerely, so far as public feeling was concerned, for a principle or policy, simply a war for no purpose beyond victory--and finally for domination at the price of its original purpose. For one who is attracted to the purpose, a thousand are attracted to the war--the simple success of 'our side.' Partisanship as a motive is animal in its deep, remote innateness. Little boys and girls at the time of the University boat race will choose the Oxford or the Cambridge colours, and from that moment passionately desire the victory of 'their' side. They may not know what Oxford is, or what a University is, or what a boat race is: it does not in the least detract from the violence of their partisanship. You get therefore a very simple mathematical explanation of the increasing subservience of the War's purpose to the simple purpose of victory and domination for itself. Every child can understand and feel for the latter, very few adults for the former. This competitive feeling, looking to victory, domination, is feeding the whole time the appetite for power. These instincts, and the clamant appetite for domination and coercion are whetted to the utmost and then re-inforced by a moral indignation, which justifies the impulse to retaliation on the ground of punitive justice for inhuman horrors. We propose to establish with this outlaw a relationship of contract! To bargain with him about our respective rights! In the most favourable circumstances it demands a very definite effort of discipline to impose upon ourselves hampering restrictions in the shape of undertakings to another Power, when we believe that we are in a position to impose our will. But to suggest imposing upon ourselves the restrictions of such a relationship with an enemy of the human race.... The astonishing thing is that those who acquiesced in this deliberate cultivation of the emotions and instincts inseparable from violent partisanship, should ever have expected a policy of impartial justice to come out of that state of mind. They were asking for psychological miracles. That the propaganda was in large part conscious and directed was proved by the ease with which the flood of atrocity stories could suddenly be switched over from Germans to Russians. During the time that the Russian armies were fighting on our side, there was not a single story in our Press of Russian barbarity. But when the same armies, under the same officers, are fighting against the Poles, atrocities even more ingenious and villainous than those of the Germans in Belgium suddenly characterise the conduct of the Russian troops. The atrocities are transposed with an ease equal to that with which we transfer our loyalties.[91] When Pilsudski's troops fought against Russia, all the atrocities were committed by them, and of the Russian troops we heard nothing but heroism. When Brusiloff fights under Bolshevik command our papers print long Polish accounts of the Russian barbarities. We have seen that behind the conception of the enemy as a single person is a falsehood: it is obvious that seventy millions of men, women, and children, of infinitely varying degrees of responsibility, are not a single person. The falsehood may be, in some degree, an unwitting one, a primitive myth that we have inherited from tribal forbears. But if that is so, we should control our news with a view to minimizing the dangers of mythical fallacies, bequeathed to us by a barbaric past. If it is necessary to use them for the purposes of war morale, we should drop them when the war is over, and pass round the word, to the Churches for instance, that on the signing of an armistice the moratorium of the Sermon on the Mount comes to an end. As it is, two years after the Armistice, an English Vicar tells his congregation that to bring Austrian children to English, to save them from death by famine, is an unpatriotic and seditious act. Note where the fundamental dishonesties of our propaganda lead us in the matter of policy, in what we declared to be one of the main objects of the War: the erection of Europe upon a basis of nationality. Our whole campaign implied that the problem resolved itself into the destruction of one great Power, who denied that principle, as against the Allies, who were ready to grant it. How near that came to the truth, the round score of 'unredeemed' nationalities deliberately created by the Allies in the Treaties sufficiently testifies. If we had avowed the facts, that a Europe of completely independent nationalities is not possible, that great populations will not be shut off from the sea, or recognise independent nationalities to the extent of risking economic or political strangulation, we should then necessarily have gone on to devise the limitations and obligations which all must accept and the rights which all must accord. We should have been fighting for a body of principles as the basis of a real association of States. The truth, or some measure of it, would have prepared us all for that limitation of independence without which no nationality can be secure. The falsehood that Germany alone stood in the way of the recognition of nationality, made a treaty really based on that principle (namely, upon all of us consenting to limit our independence) impossible of acceptance by our own opinion. And one falsehood leads to another. Because we refused to be sincere about the inducements which we held out in turn to Italy, Bulgaria, Rumania, Greece, we staggered blindly into the alternative betrayal first of one party, then of another. Just as we were faithless to the principle of nationality when we acquiesced in the Russian attitude towards Finland and Poland, and the Italian towards Serbia, so later we were to prove faithless to the principle of the Great State when we supported the Border Nationalities in their secession from Russia. We have encouraged and helped States like Ukrainia, Azerbaidjan. But we have been just as ready to stand for 'Great Russia,' if Koltchak appeared to be winning, knowing perfectly well that we cannot be loyal to both causes. Our defence is apparent enough. It is fairly illustrated in the case of Italy. If Italy had not come into the war, Serbia's prospect of any redemption at all would have been hopeless; we were doing the best we could for Serbia.[92] Assuredly--but we happened to be doing it by false pretences, sham heroics, immeasurable hypocrisy. And the final effect was to be the defeat of the aims for which we were fighting. If our primary aims had been those we proclaimed, we could no more have violated the principle of nationality to gain an ally, than we could have ceded the Isle of Wight to Germany, and the intellectual rectitude which would have enabled us to see that, would also have enabled us to see the necessity of the conditions on which alone a society of nations is possible. The indispensable step to rendering controllable those passions now 'uncontrollable' and disrupting Europe, is to tell the truth about the things by which we excuse them. Again, our fundamental nature may not change, any more than it would if we honestly investigated the evidence proving the innocence of the man, whose execution we demand, of the crime which is the cause of our hatred. That investigation would be an effort of the mind; the result of it would be a change in the direction of our feelings. The facts which it is necessary to face are not abstruse or difficult. They are self-evident to the simplest mind. The fact that the 'person' whose punishment we demand in the case of the enemy is not a person at all, either bad or good, but millions of different persons of varying degrees of badness and goodness, many of them--millions--without any responsibility at all for the crime that angers us, this fact, if faced, would alter the nature of our feelings. We should see that we were confronted by a case of mistaken identity. Perhaps we do not face this evidence because we treasure our hate. If there were not a 'person' our hate could have no meaning; we could not hate an 'administrative area,' nor is there much satisfaction in humiliating it and dominating it. We can desire to dominate and humiliate a person, and are often ready to pay a high price for the pleasure. If we ceased to think of national States as persons, we might cease to think of them as conflicting interests, in competition with one another, and begin to think of them instead as associations within a great association. Take another very simple truth that we will not face: that our arms do, and must do, the things that raise our passions when done by the enemy. Our blockades and bombardments also kill old women and children. Our soldiers, too, the gallant lads who mount our aeroplanes, the sailors who man our blockades, are baby-killers. They must be; they cannot help it if they are to bomb or blockade at all. Yet we never do admit this obvious fact. We erect a sheer falsehood, and then protect ourselves against admitting it by being so 'noble' about it that we refuse to discuss it. We simply declare that in no circumstances could England, or English soldiers, ever make war upon women and children, or even be unchivalrous to them. That is a moral premise beyond or behind which patriotism will not permit our minds to go. If the 'nobility' of attitude had any relation to our real conduct, one would rejoice. When, during the armistice negotiations, the Germans exacted that they should be permitted means, after the surrender of their fleet, of feeding their people, a New York paper declared the condition an insult to the Allies. 'The Germans are prisoners,' it said, 'and the Allies do not starve prisoners.' But one discovers a few weeks later that these noble gestures are quite compatible with the maintenance of the blockade, on the ground that Germans for their sins ought to be starved. We then become the agents of Providence in punitive justice. When the late Lord Fisher[93] came out squarely and publicly in defence of the killing of women and children (in the submarine sinking) as a necessary part of war, there seemed a chance for intellectual honesty in the matter; for a real examination of the principles of our conduct. If we faced the facts in this honest sailor-like fashion there was some hope either that we should refuse to descend to reprisals by disembowelling little girls; or, if it should appear that such things are inseparable from war, that it would help to get a new feeling about war. But Lord Fisher complains that the Editor of the paper to which he sent his letter suppressed it from the later editions of his paper for fear it should shock the public. Shock! You see, _our_ shells falling on schools and circuses don't disembowel little girls; our blockades don't starve them. Everybody knows that British shells and British blockades would not do such things. When Britain blockades, pestilence and hunger and torture are not suffering; a dying child is not a dying child. Patriotism draws a shutter over our eyes and ears. When this degree of self-deception is possible, there is no infamy of which a kindly, humane, and emotionally moral people may not prove themselves capable; no moral contradiction or absurdity which mankind may not approve. Anything may become right, anything may become wrong. The evil is not only in its resultant inhumanities. It lies much more in the fact that this development of moral blinkers deprives us of the capacity to see where we are going, and what we are crushing underfoot; and that may well end by our walking over the precipice. During the War, we formed judgments of the German character which literally make it sub-human. For our praise of the French (during the same period) language failed us. Yet less than twenty years ago the rôles were reversed.[94] The French were the mad dogs, and the Germans of our community of blood. The refusal to face the plain facts of life, a refusal made on grounds which we persuade ourselves are extremely noble, but which in fact result too often in simple falsehood and distortion, is revealed by the common pre-war attitude to the economic situation dealt with in this book. The present writer took the ground before the War that much of the dense population of modern Europe could not support itself save by virtue of an economic internationalism which political ideas (ideas which war would intensify) were tending to make impossible. Now it is obvious that before there can be a spiritual life, there must be a fairly adequate physical one. If life is a savage and greedy scramble over the means of sheer physical sustenance, there cannot be much in it that is noble and inspiring. The point of the argument was, as already mentioned, not that the economic pre-occupation _should_ occupy the whole of life, but that it _will_ if it is simply disregarded; the way to reduce the economic pre-occupation is to solve the economic problem. Yet these plain and undeniable truths were somehow twisted into the proposition that men went to war because they believed it 'paid,' in the stockbroking sense, and that if they saw it did not 'pay' they would not go to war. The task of attempting to find the conditions in which it will be possible for men to live at all with decent regard for their fellows, without drifting into cannibalistic struggles for sustenance one against another, is made to appear something sordid, a 'usurer's gospel.' And on that ground, very largely, the 'economics' of international policy were neglected. We are still facing the facts. Self deception has become habitual. President Wilson failed to carry through the policy he had proclaimed, as greater men have failed in similar moral circumstances. The failure need not have been disastrous to the cause which he had espoused. It might have marked merely a step towards ultimate success, if he had admitted the failure. Had he said in effect: 'Reaction has won this battle; we have been guilty of errors and shortcomings, but we shall maintain the fight, and avoid such errors in future,' he would have created for the generation which followed a clear-cut issue. Whatever there was of courage and sincerity of purpose in the idealism he had created earlier in the War, would have rallied to his support. Just because such a declaration would have created an issue dividing men sharply and even bitterly, it would have united each side strongly; men would have had the two paths clearly and distinctly before their eyes, and though forced for the time along that of reaction, they would have known the direction in which they were travelling. Again and again victory has come out of defeat; again and again defeat has nerved men to greater effort. But when defeat is represented as victory by the trusted leader, there follows the subtlest and most paralysing form of confusion and doubt. Men no longer know who are the friends and who the enemies of the things they care for. When callous cruelty is called righteous, and cynical deception justice, men begin to lose their capacity to distinguish the one from the other, and to change sides without consciousness of their treason. In the field of social relationship, the better management by men of their society, a sincere facing of the simple truths of life, right conclusions from facts that are of universal knowledge, are of immeasurably greater importance than erudition. Indeed we see that again and again learning obscures in this field the simpler truths. The Germany that had grown up before the War is a case in point. Vast learning, meticulous care over infinite detail, had become the mark of German scholarship. But all the learning of the professors did not prevent a gross misreading of what, to the rest of the world, seemed all but self-evident--simple truths which perhaps would have been clearer if the learning had been less, used as it was to buttress the lusts of domination and power. The main errors of the Treaty (which, remember, was the work of the greatest diplomatic experts in Europe) reveal something similar. If the punitive element--which is still applauded--defeats finally the aims alike of justice, our own security, appeasement, disarmament, and sets up moral forces that will render our New World even more ferociously cruel and hopeless than the Old, it will not be because we were ignorant of the fact that 'Germany'--or 'Austria' or 'Russia'--is not a person that can be held responsible and punished in this simple fashion. It did not require an expert knowledge of economics to realise that a ruined Germany could not pay vast indemnities. Yet sometimes very learned men were possessed by these fallacies. It is not learning that is needed to penetrate them. A wisdom founded simply on the sincere facing of self-evident facts would have saved European opinion from its most mischievous excesses. This ignorance of the learned may perhaps be related to another phenomenon; a great increase in our understanding of inert matter, unaccompanied by any corresponding increase in our understanding of human conduct. This latter understanding demands a temperamental self-control and detachment, which mere technical knowledge does not ask. Although in technical science we have made such advances as would cause the Athenians, say, to look on us as gods, we show no corresponding advance upon them, or upon the Hebrew prophets for that matter, in the understanding of conduct and its motives. And the spectacle of Germany--of the modern world, indeed--so efficient in the management of matter, so clumsy in the understanding of the essentials of human relationship, reminds us once more of the futility of mere technical knowledge, unless accompanied by a better moral understanding. For without the latter we are unable to use the improvement in technique (as Europe is unable to use it to-day) for indispensable human ends. Or worse still, technical knowledge, in the absence of wisdom and discipline, merely gives us more efficient weapons of collective suicide. Butler's fantasy of the machines which men have made acquiring a mind of their own, and then rounding upon their masters and destroying them, has very nearly come true. If some new force, like the release of atomic energy, had been discovered during this war, and applied (as Mr Wells has imagined it being applied) to bombs that would go on exploding without cessation for a week or two, we know that passions ran so high that both sides would have used them, as both sides in the next war will use super-poison gas and disease germs. Not only the destruction, therefore, but the passion and the ruthlessness, the fears and hates, the universal pre-emption of wealth for 'defence' perpetually translating itself into preventive offence, would have grown. Man's society would assuredly have been destroyed by the instruments that he himself had made, and Butler's fantasy would have come true. It is coming true to-day. What starves Europe is not lack of technical knowledge; there is more technical knowledge than when Europe could feed itself. If we could combine our forces to effective co-operation, the Malthusian dragon could be kept at bay. It is the group of ideas which underlie the process of Balkanisation that stand in the way of turning our combined forces against Nature instead of against one another. We have gone wrong mainly in certain of the simpler and broader issues of human relationship, and this book has attempted to disentangle from the complex mass of facts in the international situation, those 'sovereign ideas' which constitute in crises the basic factors of public action and opinion. In so doing there may have been some over-simplification. That will not greatly matter, if the result is some re-examination and clarification of the predominant beliefs that have been analysed. 'Truth comes out of error more easily than out of confusion,' as Bacon warned us. It is easier to correct a working hypothesis of society, which is wrong in some detail, than to achieve wise conduct in society without any social principle. If social or political phenomena are for us first an unexplained tangle of forces, and we live morally from hand to mouth, by opinions which have no guiding principle, our emotions will be at the mercy first of one isolated fact or incident, and then of another. A certain parallel has more than once been suggested in these pages. European society is to-day threatened with disintegration as the result of ideas and emotions that have collected round Patriotism. A century or two since it was threatened by ideas and passions which gathered round religious dogma. By what process did we arrive at religious toleration as a social principle? That question has been suggested because to answer it may throw some light on our present problem of rendering Patriotism a social instead of an anti-social force. If to-day, for the most part, in Europe and America one sect can live beside another in peace, where a century or two ago there would have been fierce hatreds, wars, massacres, and burnings, it is not because the modern population is more learned in theology (it is probably less so), but rather conversely, because theological theory gave place to lay judgment in the ordinary facts of life. If we have a vast change in the general ideas of Europe in the religious sphere, in the attitude of men to dogma, in the importance which they attach to it, in their feeling about it; a change which for good or evil is a vast one in its consequences, a moral and intellectual revulsion which has swept away one great difficulty of human relationship and transformed society; it is because the laity have brought the discussion back to principles so broad and fundamental that the data became the facts of human life and experience--data with which the common man is as familiar as the scholar. Of the present-day millions for whom certain beliefs of the older theologians would be morally monstrous, how many have been influenced by elaborate study concerning the validity of this or that text? The texts simply do not weigh with them, though for centuries they were the only things that counted. What do weigh with them are profounder and simpler things--a sense of justice, compassion--things which would equally have led the man of the sixteenth century to question the texts and the premises of the Church, if discussion had been free. It is because it was not free that the social instinct of the mass, the general capacity to order their relations so as to make it possible for them to live together, became distorted and vitiated. And the wars of religion resulted. To correct this vitiation, to abolish these disastrous hates and misconceptions, elaborate learning was not needed. Indeed, it was largely elaborate learning which had occasioned them. The judges who burned women alive for witchcraft, or inquisitors who sanctioned that punishment for heresy, had vast and terrible stores of learning. _What was needed was that these learned folk should question their premises in the light of facts of common knowledge._ It is by so doing that their errors are patent to the quite unlearned of our time. No layman was equipped to pass judgment on the historical reasons which might support the credibility of this or that miracle, or the intricate arguments which might justify this or that point of dogma. But the layman was as well equipped, indeed, he was better equipped than the schoolman, to question whether God would ever torture men everlastingly for the expression of honest belief; the observer of daily occurrences, to say nothing of the physicist, was as able as the theologian to question whether a readiness to believe without evidence is a virtue at all. Questions of the damnation of infants, eternal torment, were settled not by the men equipped with historical and ecclesiastical scholarship, but by the average man, going back to the broad truths, to first principles, asking very simple questions, the answer to which depended not upon the validity of texts, but upon correct reasoning concerning facts which are accessible to all; upon our general sense of life as a whole, and our more elementary institutions of justice and mercy; reasoning and intuitions which the learning of the expert often distorts. Exactly the service which extricated us from the intellectual and moral confusion that resulted in such catastrophes in the field of religion, is needed in the field of politics. From certain learned folk--writers, poets, professors (German and other), journalists, historians, and rulers--the public have taken a group of ideas concerning Patriotism, Nationalism, Imperialism, the nature of our obligation to the State, and so on, ideas which may be right or wrong, but which we are all agreed, will have to be very much changed if men are ever to live together in peace and freedom; just as certain notions concerning the institution of private property will have to be changed if the mass of men are to live in plenty. It is a commonplace of militarist argument that so long as men feel as they do about their Fatherland, about patriotism and nationalism, internationalism will be an impossibility. If that is true--and I think it is--peace and freedom and welfare will wait until those large issues have been raised in men's minds with sufficient vividness to bring about a change of idea and so a change of feeling with reference to them. It is unlikely, to say the least, that the mass of Englishmen or Frenchmen will ever be in possession of detailed knowledge sufficient to equip them to pass judgment on the various rival solutions of the complex problems that face us, say, in the Balkans. And yet it was immediately out of a problem of Balkan politics that the War arose, and future wars may well arise out of those same problems if they are settled as badly in the future as in the past. The situation would indeed be hopeless if the nature of human relationship depended upon the possession by the people as a whole of expert knowledge in complex questions of that kind. But happily the Sarajevo murders would never have developed into a war involving twenty nations but for the fact that there had been cultivated in Europe suspicions, hatreds, insane passions, and cupidities, due largely to false conceptions (though in part also themselves prompting the false conceptions) of a few simple facts in political relationship; conceptions concerning the necessary rivalry of nations, the idea that what one nation gains another loses, that States are doomed by a fate over which they have no control to struggle together for the space and opportunities of a limited world. But for the atmosphere that these ideas create (as false theological notions once created a similar atmosphere between rival religious groups) most of these at present difficult and insoluble problems of nationality and frontiers and government, would have solved themselves. The ideas which feed and inflame these passions of rivalry, hostility, fear, hate, will be modified, if at all, by raising in the mind of the European some such simple elementary questions as were raised when he began to modify his feeling about the man of rival religious belief. The Political Reformation in Europe will come by questioning, for instance, the whole philosophy of patriotism, the morality or the validity, in terms of human well-being, of a principle like that of 'my country, right or wrong';[95] by questioning whether a people really benefit by enlarging the frontiers of their State; whether 'greatness' in a nation particularly matters; whether the man of the small State is not in all the great human values the equal of the man of the great Empire; whether the real problems of life are greatly affected by the colour of the flag; whether we have not loyalties to other things as well as to our State; whether we do not in our demand for national sovereignty ignore international obligation without which the nations can have neither security nor freedom; whether we should not refuse to kill or horribly mutilate a man merely because we differ from him in politics. And with those, if the emergence from chattel-slavery is to be complemented by the emergence from wage slavery, must be put similarly fundamental questions touching problems like that of private property and the relation of social freedom thereto; we must ask why, if it is rightly demanded of the citizen that his life shall be forfeit to the safety of the State, his surplus money, property, shall not be forfeit to its welfare. To very many, these questions will seem a kind of blasphemy, and they will regard those who utter them as the subjects of a loathsome perversion. In just that way the orthodox of old regarded the heretic and his blasphemies. And yet the solution of the difficulties of our time, this problem of learning to live together without mutual homicide and military slavery, depends upon those blasphemies being uttered. Because it is only in some such way that the premises of the differences which divide us, the realities which underlie them, will receive attention. It is not that the implied answer is necessarily the truth--I am not concerned now for a moment to urge that it is--but that until the problem is pushed back in our minds to these great yet simple issues, the will, temper, general ideas of Europe on this subject will remain unchanged. And if _they_ remain unchanged so will its conduct and condition. The tradition of nationalism and patriotism, around which have gathered our chief political loyalties and instincts, has become in the actual conditions of the world an anti-social and disruptive force. Although we realize perhaps that a society of nations of some kind there must be, each unit proclaims proudly its anti-social slogan of sacred egoisms and defiant immoralism; its espousal of country as against right.[96] The danger--and the difficulty--resides largely in the fact that the instincts of gregariousness and group solidarity, which prompt the attitude of 'my country right or wrong,' are not in themselves evil: both gregariousness and pugnacity are indispensable to society. Nationality is a very precious manifestation of the instincts by which alone men can become socially conscious and act in some corporate capacity. The identification of 'self' with society, which patriotism accomplishes within certain limits, the sacrifice of self for the community which it inspires--even though only when fighting other patriotisms--are moral achievements of infinite hope. The Catharian heresy that Jehovah of the Old Testament is in reality Satan masquerading as God has this pregnant suggestion; if the Father of Evil ever does destroy us, we may be sure that he will come, not proclaiming himself evil, but proclaiming himself good, the very Voice of God. And that is the danger with patriotism and the instincts that gather round it. If the instincts of nationalism were simply evil, they would constitute no real danger. It is the good in them that has made them the instrument of the immeasurable devastation which they accomplish. That Patriotism does indeed transcend all morality, all religious sanctions as we have heretofore known them, can be put to a very simple test. Let an Englishman, recalling, if he can, his temper during the War, ask himself this question: Is there anything, anything whatsoever, that he would have refused to do, if the refusal had meant the triumph of Germany and the defeat of England? In his heart he knows that he would have justified any act if the safety of his country had hung upon it. Other patriotisms have like justifications. Yet would defeat, submission, even to Germany, involve worse acts than those we have felt compelled to commit during the War and since--in the work of making our power secure? Did the German ask of the Alsatian or the Pole worse than we have been compelled to ask of our own soldiers in Russia, India, or Ireland? The old struggle for power goes on. For the purpose of that struggle we are prepared to transform our society in any way that it may demand. For the purposes of the war for power we will accept anything that the strength of the enemy imposes: we will be socialist, autocratic, democratic, or communist; we will conscribe the bodies, souls, wealth of our people; we will proscribe, as we do, the Christian doctrine, and all mercy and humanity; we will organise falsehood and deceit, and call it statecraft and strategy; lie for the purpose of inflaming hate, and rejoice at the effectiveness of our propaganda; we will torture helpless millions by pestilence and famine--as we have done--and look on unmoved; our priests, in the name of Christ, will reprove misplaced pity, and call for the further punishment of the wicked, still greater efforts in the Fight for Right. We shall not care what transformations take place in our society or our natures; or what happens to the human spirit. Obediently, at the behest of the enemy--because, that is, his power demands that conduct of us--shall we do all those things, or anything, save only one: we will not negotiate or make a contract with him. _That_ would limit our 'independence'; by which we mean that his submission to our mastery would be less complete. We can do acts of infinite cruelty; disregard all accepted morality; but we cannot allow the enemy to escape the admission of defeat. If we are to correct the evils of the older tradition, and build up one which will restore to men the art of living together, we must honestly face the fact that the older tradition has failed. So long as the old loyalties and patriotisms, tempting us with power and dominion, calling to the deep hunger excited by those things, and using the banners of righteousness and justice, seem to offer security, and a society which, if not ideal, is at least workable, we certainly shall not pay the price which all profound change of habit demands. We have seen that as a fact of his history man only abandons power and force over others when it fails. At present, almost everywhere, we refuse to face the failure of the old forms of political power. We don't believe that we need the co-operation of the foreigner, or we believe that we can coerce him. Little attention has been given here to the machinery of internationalism--League of Nations, Courts of Arbitration, Disarmament. This is not because machinery is unimportant. But if we possessed the Will, if we were ready each to pay his contribution in some sacrifice of his independence, of his opportunity of domination, the difficulties of machinery would largely disappear. The story of America's essay in internationalism has warned us of the real difficulty. Courts of Arbitration, Leagues of Nations, were devices to which American opinion readily enough agreed; too readily. For the event showed that the old conceptions were not changed. They had only been disregarded. No machinery of internationalism can work so long as the impulses and prepossessions of irresponsible nationalism retain their power. The test we must apply to our sincerity is our answer to the question:--What price, in terms of national independence, are we prepared to pay for a world law? What, in fact, _is_ the price that is asked of us? To this last question, the pages that precede, and to some extent those that follow, have attempted to supply an answer. We should gain many times in freedom and independence the contribution in those things that we made. Perhaps we may be driven by hunger--the actual need of our children for bread--to forsake a method which cannot give them bread or freedom, in favour of one that can. But, for the failure of power to act as a deterrent upon our desire for it, we must perceive the failure. Our angers and hatreds obscure that failure, or render us indifferent to it. Hunger does not necessarily help the understanding; it may bemuse it by passion and resentment. We may in our passion wreck civilisation as a passionate man in his anger will injure those he loves. Yet, well fed, we may refuse to concern ourselves with problems of the morrow. The mechanical motive will no longer suffice. In the simpler, more animal forms of society, the instinct of each moment, with no thought of ultimate consequence, may be enough. But the Society which man has built up can only go forward or be preserved as it began: by virtue of something which is more than instinct. On man is cast the obligation to be intelligent; the responsibility of will; the burden of thought. If some of us have felt that, beyond all other evils which translate themselves into public policy, those with which these pages deal constitute the greatest, it is not because war means the loss of life, the killing of men. Many of our noblest activities do that. There are so many of us that it is no great disaster that a few should die. It is not because war means suffering. Suffering endured for a conscious and clearly conceived human purpose is redeemed by hope of real achievement; it may be a glad sacrifice for some worthy end. But if we have floundered hopelessly into a bog because we have forgotten our end and purpose in the heat of futile passion, the consolation which we may gather from the willingness with which men die in the bog should not stand in the way of our determination to rediscover our destination and create afresh our purpose. These pages have been concerned very little with the loss of life, the suffering of the last seven years. What they have dealt with mainly is the fact that the War has left us a less workable society, has been marked by an increase in the forces of chaos and disintegration. That is the ultimate indictment of this War as of all wars: the attitude towards life, the ideas and motive forces out of which it grows, and which it fosters, makes men less able to live together, their society less workable, and must end by making free society impossible. War not only arises out of the failure of human wisdom, from the defect of that intelligence by which alone we can successfully fight the forces of nature; it perpetuates that failure and worsens it. For only by a passion which keeps thought at bay can the 'morale' of war be maintained. The very justification which we advance for our war-time censorships and propaganda, our suspension of free speech and discussion, is that if we gave full value to the enemy's case, saw him as he really is, blundering, foolish, largely helpless like ourselves; saw the defects of our own and our Allies' policy, saw what our own acts in war really involved and how nearly they resembled those which aroused our anger when done by the enemy, if we saw all this and kept our heads, we should abandon war. A thousand times it has been explained that in an impartial mood we cannot carry on war; that unless the people come to feel that all the right is on our side and all the wrong on the enemy's, morale will fail. The most righteous war can only be kept going by falsehood. The end of that falsehood is that our mind collapses. And although the mind, thought, judgment, are not all-sufficient for man's salvation, it is impossible without them. Behind all other explanations of Europe's creeping paralysis is the blindness of the millions, their inability to see the effects of their demands and policy, to see where they are going. Only a keener feeling for truth will enable them to see. About indifferent things--about the dead matter that we handle in our science--we can be honest, impartial, true. That is why we succeed in dealing with matter. But about the things we care for--which are ourselves--our desires and lusts, our patriotisms and hates, we find a harder test of thinking straight and truly. Yet there is the greater need; only by that rectitude shall we be saved. There is no refuge but in truth. ADDENDUM THE ARGUMENT OF _THE GREAT ILLUSION_ CHAPTER I THE 'IMPOSSIBILITY OF WAR' MYTH It will illustrate certain difficulties which have marked--and mark--the presentation of the argument of this book, if the reader will consider for a few minutes the justice of certain charges which have been brought against _The Great Illusion_. Perhaps the commonest is that it argued that 'war had become impossible.' The truth of that charge at least can very easily be tested. The first page of that book, the preface, referring to the thesis it proposed to set out, has these words: 'the argument is _not_ that war is impossible, but that it is futile.' The next page but one describes what the author believes to be the main forces at work in international politics: a fierce struggle for preponderant power 'based on the universal assumption that a nation, in order to find outlets for expanding population and increasing industry, or simply to ensure the best conditions possible for its people, is necessarily pushed to territorial expansion and the exercise of political force against others ... that nations being competing units, advantage, in the last resort, goes to the possessor of preponderant military force, the weaker going to the wall, as in the other forms of the struggle for life.' A whole chapter is devoted to the evidence which goes to show that this aggressive and warlike philosophy was indeed the great actuating force in European politics. The first two paragraphs of the first chapter forecast the likelihood of an Anglo-German explosion; that chapter goes on to declare that the pacifist effort then current was evidently making no headway at all against the tendencies towards rivalry and conflict. In the third chapter the ideas underlying those tendencies are described as 'so profoundly mischievous,' and so 'desperately dangerous,' as to threaten civilisation itself. A chapter is devoted to showing that the fallacy and folly of those all but universal ideas was no guarantee at all that the nations would not act upon them. (Particularly is the author insistent on the fact that the futility of war will never in itself suffice to stop war. The folly of a given course of action will only be a deterrent to the degree to which men realise its folly. That was why the book was written.) A warning is uttered against any reliance upon the Hague Conferences, which, it is explained at length, are likely to be quite ineffective against the momentum of the motives of aggression. A warning is uttered towards the close of the book against any reduction of British armaments, accompanied, however, by the warning that mere increase of armaments unaccompanied by change of policy, a Political Reformation in the direction of internationalism, will provoke the very catastrophe it is their object to avoid; only by that change of policy could we take a real step towards peace 'instead of _a step towards war, to which the mere piling up of armaments, unchecked by any other factor, must in the end inevitably lead_.'[97] The last paragraph of the book asks the reader which of two courses we are to follow: a determined effort towards placing European policy on a new basis, or a drift along the current of old instincts and ideas, a course which would condemn us to the waste of mountains of treasure and the spilling of oceans of blood. Yet, it is probably true to say that, of the casual newspaper references (as distinct from reviews) made during the last ten years to the book just described, four out of five are to the effect that its author said 'war was impossible because it did not pay.' The following are some passages referred to in the above summary:-- 'Not the facts, but men's opinions about the facts is what matters. This is because men's conduct is determined, not necessarily by the right conclusion from facts, but the conclusion they believe to be right.... As long as Europe is dominated by the old beliefs, those beliefs will have virtually the same effect in politics as though they were intrinsically sound.'--(p. 327.) 'It is evident that so long as the misconception we are dealing with is all but universal in Europe, so long as the nations believe that in some way the military and political subjugation of others will bring with it a tangible material advantage to the conqueror, we all do, in fact, stand in danger from such aggression. Not his interest, but what he deems to be his interest, will furnish the real motive of our prospective enemy's action. And as the illusion with which we are dealing does, indeed, dominate all those minds most active in European politics, we must, while this remains the case, regard an aggression, even such as that which Mr Harrison foresees, as within the bounds of practical politics.... On this ground alone I deem that we or any other nation are justified in taking means of self-defence to prevent such aggression. This is not, therefore, a plea for disarmament irrespective of the action of other nations. So long as current political philosophy in Europe remains what it is, I would not urge the reduction of our war budget by a single sovereign.'--(p. 329.) 'The need for defence arises from the existence of a motive for attack.... That motive is, consequently, part of the problem of defence.... Since as between the European peoples we are dealing with in this matter, one party is as able in the long run to pile up armaments as the other, we cannot get nearer to solution by armaments alone; we must get at the original provoking cause--the motive making for aggression.... If that motive results from a true judgment of the facts; if the determining factor in a nation's well-being and progress is really its power to obtain by force advantage over others, the present situation of armament rivalry tempered by war is a natural and inevitable one.... If, however, the view is a false one, our progress towards solution will be marked by the extent to which the error becomes generally recognised in European public opinion.'--(p. 337.) 'In this matter it seems fatally easy to secure either one of two kinds of action: that of the "practical man" who limits his energies to securing a policy which will perfect the machinery of war and disregard anything else; or that of the Pacifist, who, persuaded of the brutality or immorality of war, is apt to deprecate effort directed at self-defence. What is needed is the type of activity which will include both halves of the problem: provision for education, for a Political Reformation in this matter, _as well as_ such means of defence as will meantime counterbalance the existing impulse to aggression. To concentrate on either half to the exclusion of the other half is to render the whole problem insoluble.'--(p. 330.) 'Never has the contest of armament been so keen as when Europe began to indulge in Peace Conferences. Speaking roughly and generally, the era of great armament expansion dates from the first Hague Conference. The reader who has appreciated the emphasis laid in the preceding pages on working through the reform of ideas will not feel much astonishment at the failure of efforts such as these. The Hague Conferences represented an attempt, not to work through the reform of ideas, but to modify by mechanical means the political machinery of Europe, without reference to the ideas which had brought it into existence. 'Arbitration treaties, Hague Conferences, International Federation, involve a new conception of relationship between nations. But the ideals--political, economical, and social--on which the old conceptions are based, our terminology, our political literature, our old habits of thought, diplomatic inertia, which all combine to perpetuate the old notions, have been left serenely undisturbed. And surprise is expressed that such schemes do not succeed.'--(p. 350.) Very soon after the appearance of the book, I find I am shouting myself hoarse in the Press against this monstrous 'impossibility of war' foolishness. An article in the _Daily Mail_ of September 15th, 1911, begins thus:-- ' ... One learns, with some surprise, that the very simple facts to which I have now for some years been trying to draw the attention they deserve, teach that:-- 1. War is now impossible. 2. War would ruin both the victor and the vanquished. 3. War would leave the victor worse off than the vanquished. 'May I say with every possible emphasis that nothing I have ever written justifies any one of these conclusions. 'I have always, on the contrary, urged that:-- (1) War is, unhappily, quite possible, and, in the prevailing condition of ignorance concerning certain elementary politico-economic facts, even likely. (2) There is nothing to justify the conclusion that war would "ruin" both victor and vanquished. Indeed, I do not quite know what the "ruin" of a nation means. (3) While in the past the vanquished has often profited more by defeat than he could possibly have done by victory, it is no necessary result, and we are safest in assuming that the vanquished will suffer most.' Nearly two years later I find myself still engaged in the same task. Here is a letter to the _Saturday Review_ (March 8th, 1913):-- 'You are good enough to say that I am "one of the very few advocates of peace at any price who is not altogether an ass." And yet you also state that I have been on a mission "to persuade the German people that war in the twentieth century is impossible." If I had ever tried to teach anybody such sorry rubbish I should be altogether an unmitigated ass. I have never, of course, nor so far as I am aware, has any one ever said that war was impossible. Personally, not only do I regard war as possible, but extremely likely. What I have been preaching in Germany is that it is impossible for Germany to benefit by war, especially a war against us; and that, of course, is quite a different matter.' It is true that if the argument of the book as a whole pointed to the conclusion that war was 'impossible,' it would be beside the point to quote passages repudiating that conclusion. They might merely prove the inconsequence of the author's thought. But the book, and the whole effort of which it was a part, would have had no _raison d'être_ if the author had believed war unlikely or impossible. It was a systematic attack on certain political ideas which the author declared were dominant in international politics. If he had supposed those powerful ideas were making _not_ for war, but for peace, why as a pacifist should he be at such pains to change them? And if he thought those war-provoking ideas which he attacked were not likely to be put into effect, why, in that case either, should he bother at all? Why, for that matter, should a man who thought war impossible engage in not too popular propaganda against war--against something which could not occur? A moment's real reflection on the part of those responsible for this description of _The Great Illusion_, should have convinced them that it could not be a true one. I have taken the trouble to go through some of the more serious criticisms of the book to see whether this extraordinary confusion was created in the mind of those who actually read the book instead of reading about it. So far as I know, not a single serious critic has come to a conclusion that agrees with the 'popular' verdict. Several going to the book after the War, seem to express surprise at the absence of any such conclusion. Professor Lindsay writes:-- 'Let us begin by disposing of one obvious criticism of the doctrines of _The Great Illusion_ which the out-break of war has suggested. Mr Angell never contended that war was impossible, though he did contend that it must always be futile. He insisted that the futility of war would not make war impossible or armament unnecessary until all nations recognised its futility. So long as men held that nations could advance their interests by war, so long war would last. His moral was that we should fight militarism, whether in Germany or in our own country, as one ought to fight an idea with better ideas. He further pointed out that though it is pleasanter to attack the wrong ideals held by foreigners, it is more effective to attack the wrong ideals held in our own country.... The pacifist hope was that the outbreak of a European war, which was recognised as quite possible, might be delayed until, with the progress of pacifist doctrine, war became impossible. That hope has been tragically frustrated, but if the doctrines of pacifism are convincing and irrefutable, it was not in itself a vain hope. Time was the only thing it asked of fortune, and time was denied it.' Another post-war critic--on the other side of the Atlantic--writes:-- 'Mr. Angell has received too much solace from the unwisdom of his critics. Those who have denounced him most vehemently are those who patently have not read his books. For example, he cannot properly be classed, as frequently asserted in recent months, as one of those Utopian pacifists who went about proclaiming war impossible. A number of passages in _The Great Illusion_ show him fully alive to the danger of the present collapse; indeed, from the narrower view of politics his book was one of the several fruitless attempts to check that growing estrangement between England and Germany whose sinister menace far-sighted men discerned. Even less justifiable are the flippant sneers which discard his argument as mercenary or sordid. Mr Angell has never taken an "account book" or "breeches pocket" view of war. He inveighs against what he terms its political and moral futilities as earnestly as against its economic futility.' It may be said that there must be some cause for so persistent a misrepresentation. There is. Its cause is that obstinate and deep-seated fatalism which is so large a part of the prevailing attitude to war and against which the book under consideration was a protest. Take it as an axiom that war comes upon us as an outside force, like the rain or the earthquake, and not as something that we can influence, and a man who 'does not believe in war,' must be a person who believes that war is not coming;[98] that men are naturally peaceable. To be a Pacifist because one believes that the danger of war is very great indeed, or because one believes men to be naturally extremely prone to war, is a position incomprehensible until we have rid our minds of the fatalism which regards war as an 'inevitable' result of uncontrollable forces. What is a writer to do, however, in the face of persistent misrepresentation such as this? If he were a manufacturer of soap and some one said his soap was underweight, or he were a grocer and some one said his sugar was half sand, he could of course obtain enormous damages. But a mere writer, having given some years of his life to the study of the most important problem of his time, is quite helpless when a tired headline writer, or a journalist indulging his resentment, or what he thinks is likely to be the resentment of his readers, describes a book as proclaiming one thing when as a matter of simple fact it proclaims the exact contrary. * * * * * So much for myth or misrepresentation No. 1. We come to a second, namely, that _The Great Illusion_ is an appeal to avarice; that it urges men not to defend their country 'because to do so does not pay;' that it would have us place 'pocket before patriotism,' a view reflected in Benjamin Kidd's last book, pages of which are devoted to the condemnation of the 'degeneracy and futility' of resting the cause of peace on no higher ground than that it is 'a great illusion to believe that a national policy founded on war can be a profitable policy for any people in the long run.'[99] He quotes approvingly Sir William Robertson Nicoll for denouncing those who condemn war because 'it would postpone the blessed hour of tranquil money getting.'[100] As a means of obscuring truths which it is important to realise, of creating by misrepresentation a moral repulsion to a thesis, and thus depriving it of consideration, this second line of attack is even more important than the first. To say of a book that it prophesied 'the impossibility of war,' is to imply that it is mere silly rubbish, and its author a fool. Sir William Robertson Nicoll's phrase would of course imply that its doctrine was morally contemptible. The reader must judge, after considering dispassionately what follows, whether this second description is any truer than the first. CHAPTER II 'ECONOMIC' AND 'MORAL' MOTIVES IN INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS _The Great Illusion_ dealt--among other factors of international conflict--with the means by which the population of the world is driven to support itself; and studied the effect of those efforts to find sustenance upon the relations of States. It therefore dealt with economics. On the strength of this, certain critics (like some of those quoted in the last chapter) who cannot possibly have read the book thoroughly, seem to have argued: If this book about war deals with 'economics,' it must deal with money and profits. To bring money and profits into a discussion of war is to imply that men fight for money, and won't fight if they don't get money from it; that war does not 'pay.' This is wicked and horrible. Let us denounce the writer for a shallow Hedonist and money-grubber.... As a matter of simple fact, as we shall see presently, the book was largely an attempt to show that the economic argument usually adduced for a particularly ruthless form of national selfishness was not a sound argument; that the commonly invoked justification for a selfish immoralism in Foreign Policy was a fallacy, an illusion. Yet the critics somehow managed to turn what was in fact an argument against national egoism into an argument for selfishness. What was the political belief and the attitude towards life which _The Great Illusion_ challenged? And what was the counter principle which it advocated as a substitute therefore? It challenged the theory that the vital interests of nations are conflicting, and that war is part of the inevitable struggle for life among them; the view that, in order to feed itself, a nation with an expanding population must conquer territory and so deprive others of the means of subsistence; the view that war is the 'struggle for bread.'[101] In other words, it challenged the economic excuse or justification for the 'sacred egoism' which is so largely the basis of the nationalist political philosophy, an excuse, which, as we shall see, the nationalist invokes if not to deny the moral law in the international field, at least to put the morality governing the relations of States on a very different plane from that which governs the relations of individuals. As against this doctrine _The Great Illusion_ advanced the proposition, among others, that the economic or biological assumption on which it is based is false; that the policy of political power which results from this assumption is economically unworkable, its benefits an illusion; that the amount of sustenance provided by the earth is not a fixed quantity so that what one nation can seize another loses, but is an expanding quantity, its amount depending mainly upon the efficiency with which men co-operate in their exploitation of Nature. As already pointed out, a hundred thousand Red Indians starved in a country where a hundred million modern Americans have abundance. The need for co-operation, and the faith on which alone it can be maintained, being indispensable to our common welfare, the violation of the social compact, international obligation, will be visited with penalties just as surely as are violations of the moral law in relations between individuals. The economic factor is not the sole or the largest element in human relations, but it is the one which occupies the largest place in public law and policy. (Of two contestants, each can retain his religion or literary preferences without depriving the other of like possessions; they cannot both retain the same piece of material property.) The economic problem is vital in the sense of dealing with the means by which we maintain life; and it is invoked as justification for the political immoralism of States. Until the confusions concerning it are cleared up, it will serve little purpose to analyse the other elements of conflict. What justifies the assumption that the predatory egotism, sacred or profane, here implied, was an indispensable part of the pre-war political philosophy, explaining the great part of policy in the international field?[102] First the facts: the whole history of international conflict in the decade or two which preceded the War; and the terms of the Treaty of Versailles. If you would find out the nature of a people's (or a statesman's) political morality, note their conduct when they have complete power to carry their desires into effect. The terms of peace, and the relations of the Allies with Russia, show a deliberate and avowed pre-occupation with sources of oil, iron, coal; with indemnities, investments, old debts; with Colonies, markets; the elimination of commercial rivals--with all these things to a degree very much greater and in a fashion much more direct than was assumed in _The Great Illusion_. But the tendency had been evident in the conflicts which preceded the War. These conflicts, in so far as the Great Powers were concerned, had been in practically every case over territory, or roads to territory; over Madagascar, Egypt, Morocco, Korea, Mongolia; 'warm water' ports, the division of Africa, the partitioning of China, loans thereto and concessions therein; the Persian Gulf, the Bagdad Railway, the Panama Canal. Where the principle of nationality was denied by any Great Power it was generally because to recognise it might block access to the sea or raw materials, throw a barrier across the road to undeveloped territory. There was no denial of this by those who treated of public affairs. Mr Lloyd George declared that England would be quite ready to go to war rather than have the Morocco question settled without reference to her. Famous writers like Mahan did not balk at conclusions like this:-- 'It is the great amount of unexploited raw material in territories politically backward, and now imperfectly possessed by the nominal owners, which at the present moment constitutes the temptation and the impulse to war of European States.'[103] Nor to justify them thus:-- 'More and more Germany needs the assured importation of raw materials, and, where possible, control of regions productive of such materials. More and more she requires assured markets, and security as to the importation of food, since less and less comparatively is produced within her own borders for her rapidly increasing population. This all means security at sea.... Yet the supremacy of Great Britain in European seas means a perpetually latent control of German commerce.... The world has long been accustomed to the idea of a predominant naval power, coupling it accurately with the name of Great Britain: and it has been noted that such power, when achieved, is commonly found associated with commercial and industrial pre-eminence, the struggle for which is now in progress between Great Britain and Germany. Such pre-eminence forces a nation to seek markets, and, where possible, to control them to its own advantage by preponderant force, the ultimate expression of which is possession.... From this flow two results: the attempt to possess, and the organisation of force by which to maintain possession already achieved.... This statement is simply a specific formulation of the general necessity stated; itself an inevitable link in a chain of logical sequence: industry, markets, control, navy, bases....[104] Mr Spenser Wilkinson, of a corresponding English school, is just as definite:-- 'The effect of growth is an expansion and an increase of power. It necessarily affects the environment of the growing organisms; it interferes with the _status quo_. Existing rights and interests are disturbed by the fact of growth, which is itself a change. The growing community finds itself hedged in by previously existing and surviving conditions, and fettered by prescriptive rights. There is, therefore, an exertion of force to overcome resistance. No process of law or of arbitration can deal with this phenomenon, because any tribunal administering a system of right or law must base its decision upon the tradition of the past which has become unsuited to the new conditions that have arisen. The growing State is necessarily expansive or aggressive.'[105] Even more decisive as a definite philosophy are the propositions of Mr Petre, who, writing on 'The Mandate of Humanity,' says:-- 'The conscience of a State cannot, therefore, be as delicate, as disinterested, as altruistic, as that of the noblest individuals. The State exists primarily for its own people and only secondarily for the rest of the world. Hence, given a dispute in which it feels its rights and welfare to be at stake, it may, however erroneously, set aside its moral obligations to international society in favour of its obligations to the people for whom it exists. 'But no righteous conscience, it may be said, could give its verdict against a solemn pledge taken and reciprocated; no righteous conscience could, in a society of nations, declare against the ends of that society. Indeed I think it could, and sometimes would, if its sense of justice were outraged, if its duty to those who were bone of its bone and flesh of its flesh came into conflict with its duty to those who were not directly belonging to it.... 'The mechanism of a State exists mainly for its own preservation, and cannot be turned against this, its legitimate end. The conscience of a State will not traverse this main condition, and to weaken its conscience is to weaken its life.... 'The strong will not give way to the weak; the one who thinks himself in the right will not yield to those whom he believes to be in the wrong; the living generations will not be restrained by the promises to a dead one; nature will not be controlled by conventions.'[106] It is the last note that gives the key to popular feeling about the scramble for territory. In _The Great Illusion_ whole pages of popular writing are quoted to show that the conception of the struggle as in truth the struggle for survival had firmly planted itself in the popular consciousness. One of the critics who is so severe upon the present writer for trying to undermine the economic foundation of that popular creed, Benjamin Kidd, himself testifies to the depth and sweep of this pseudo-Darwinism (he seems to think indeed that it is true Darwinism, which it is not, as Darwin himself pointed out). He declares that 'there is no precedent in the history of the human mind to compare with the saturnalia of the Western intellect' which followed the popularisation of what he regards as Darwin's case and I would regard as a distortion of it. Kidd says it 'touched the profoundest depth of the psychology of the West.' 'Everywhere throughout civilisation an almost inconceivable influence was given to the doctrine of the law of biological necessity in books of statecraft and war-craft, of expanding military empires.' 'Struggle for life,' 'a biological necessity,' 'survival of the fit,' had passed into popular use and had come to buttress popular feeling about the inevitability of war and its ultimate justification and the uselessness of organising the natives save on a basis of conflict. We are now in a position to see the respective moral positions of the two protagonists. The advocate of Political Theory No. 1, which an overwhelming preponderance of evidence shows to be the prevailing theory, says:--You Pacifists are asking us to commit national suicide; to sacrifice future generations to your political ideals. Now, as voters or statesmen we are trustees, we act for others. Sacrifice, suicide even, on behalf of an ideal, may be justified when we are sacrificing ourselves. But we cannot sacrifice others, our wards. Our first duty is to our own nation, our own children; to their national security and future welfare. It is regrettable if, by the conquests, wars, blockades, rendered necessary by those objects other people starve, and lose their national freedom and see their children die; but that is the hard necessity of life in a hard world. Advocate of Political Theory No. 2 says:--I deny that the excuse of justification which you give for your cruelty to others is a valid excuse or justification. Pacifism does not ask you to sacrifice your people, to betray the interest of your wards. You will serve their interests best by the policy we advocate. Your children will not be more assured of their sustenance by these conquests that attempt to render the feeding of foreign children more difficult; yours will be less secure. By co-operating with those others instead of using your energies against them, the resultant wealth.... Advocate No. 1:--Wealth! Interest! You introduce your wretched economic calculations of interest into a question of Patriotism. You have the soul of a bagman concerned only to restore 'the blessed hour of tranquil money-getting,' and Sir William Robertson Nicoll shall denounce you in the _British Weekly_! And the discussion usually ends with this moral flourish and gestures of melodramatic indignation. But are they honest gestures? Here are the upholders of a certain position who say:--'In certain circumstances as when you are in a position of trustee, the only moral course, the only right course, is to be guided by the interests of your ward. Your duty then demands a calculation of advantage. You may not be generous at your ward's expense. This is the justification of the "sacred egoism" of the poet.' If in that case a critic says: 'Very well. Let us consider what will be the best interests of your ward,' is it really open to the first party to explain in a paroxysm of moral indignation: 'You are making a shameful and disgraceful appeal to selfishness and avarice?' This is not an attempt to answer one set of critics by quoting another set. The self-same people take those two attitudes. I have quoted above a passage of Admiral Mahan's in which he declares that nations can never be expected to act from any other motive than that of interest (a generalisation, by the way, from which I should most emphatically dissent). He goes on to declare that Governments 'must put first the rival interests of their own wards ... their own people,' and are thus pushed to the acquisition of markets by means of military predominance. Very well. _The Great Illusion_ argued some of Admiral Mahan's propositions in terms of interest and advantage. And then, when he desired to demolish that argument, he did not hesitate in a long article in the _North American Review_ to write as follows:-- 'The purpose of armaments, in the minds of those maintaining them, is not primarily an economical advantage, in the sense of depriving a neighbour State of its own, or fear of such consequences to itself through the deliberate aggression of a rival having that particular end in view.... The fundamental proposition of the book is a mistake. Nations are under no illusion as to the unprofitableness of war in itself.... The entire conception of the work is itself an illusion, based upon a profound misreading of human action. To regard the world as governed by self-interest only is to live in a non-existent world, an ideal world, a world possessed by an idea much less worthy than those which mankind, to do it bare justice, persistently entertains.'[107] Admiral Mahan was a writer of very great and deserved reputation, in the very first rank of those dealing with the relations of power to national politics, certainly incapable of any conscious dishonesty of opinion. Yet, as we have seen, his opinion on the most important fact of all about war--its ultimate purpose, and the reasons which justify it or provoke it--swings violently in absolute self-contradiction. And the flat contradiction here revealed shows--and this surely is the moral of such an incident--that he could never have put to himself detachedly, coldly, impartially the question: 'What do I really believe about the motives of nations in War? To what do the facts as a whole really point?' Had he done so, it might have been revealed to him that what really determined his opinion about the causes of war was a desire to justify the great profession of arms, to one side of which he had devoted his life and given years of earnest labour and study; to defend from some imputation of futility one of the most ancient of man's activities that calls for some at least of the sublimest of human qualities. If a widened idealism clearly discredited that ancient institution, he was prepared to show that an ineradicable conflict of national interests rendered it inevitable. If it was shown that war was irrelevant to those conflicts, or ineffective as a means of protecting the interests concerned, he was prepared to show that the motives pushing to war were not those of interest at all. It may be said that none the less the thesis under discussion substitutes one selfish argument for another; tries by appealing to self-interest (the self-interest of a group or nation) to turn selfishness from a destructive result to a more social result. Its basis is self. Even that is not really true. For, first, that argument ignores the question of trusteeship; and, secondly, it involves a confusion between the motive of a given policy and the criterion by which its goodness or badness shall be tested. How is one to deal with the claim of the 'mystic nationalist' (he exists abundantly even outside the Balkans) that the subjugation of some neighbouring nationalism is demanded by honour; that only the great State can be the really good State; that power--'majesty,' as the Oriental would say--is a thing good in itself?[108] There are ultimate questions as to what is good and what is bad that no argument can answer; ultimate values which cannot be discussed. But one can reduce those unarguable values to a minimum by appealing to certain social needs. A State which has plenty of food may not be a good State; but a State which cannot feed its population cannot be a good State, for in that case the citizens will be hungry, greedy, and violent. In other words, certain social needs and certain social utilities--which we can all recognise as indispensables--furnish a ground of agreement for the common action without which no society can be established. And the need for such a criterion becomes more manifest as we learn more of the wonderful fashion in which we sublimate our motives. A country refuses to submit its dispute to arbitration, because its 'honour' is involved. Many books have been written to try and find out precisely what honour of this kind is. One of the best of them has decided that it is anything which a country cares to make it. It is never the presence of coal, or iron, or oil, which makes it imperative to retain a given territory: it is honour (as Italy's Foreign Minister explained when Italy went to war for the conquest of Tripoli). Unfortunately, rival States have also impulses of honour which compel them to claim the same undeveloped territory. Nothing can prove--or disprove--that honour, in such circumstances, is invoked by each or either of the parties concerned to make a piece of acquisitiveness or megalomania appear as fine to himself as possible: that, just because he has a lurking suspicion that all is not well with the operation, he seeks to justify it to himself with fine words that have a very vague content. But on this basis there can be no agreement. If, however, one shifts the discussion to the question of what is best for the social welfare of both, one can get a _modus vivendi_. For each to admit that he has no right so to use his power as to deprive the other of means of life, would be the beginning of a code which could be tested. Each might conceivably have that right to deprive the other of means of livelihood, if it were a choice between the lives of his own people or others. The economic fact is the test of the ethical claim: if it really be true that we must withhold sources of food from others because otherwise our own would starve, there is some ethical justification for such use of our power. If such is not the fact, the whole moral issue is changed, and with it, to the degree to which it is mutually realised, the social outlook and attitude. The knowledge of interdependence is part, at least, of an attitude which makes the 'social sense'--the sense that one kind of arrangement is fair and workable, and another is not. To bring home the fact of this interdependence is not simply an appeal to selfishness: it is to reveal a method by which an apparently irreconcilable conflict of vital needs can be reconciled. The sense of interdependence, of the need of one for another, is part of the foundation of the very difficult art of living together. Much mischief arises from the misunderstanding of the term 'economic motive.' Let us examine some further examples of this. One is a common confusion of terms: an economic motive may be the reverse of selfish. The long sustained efforts of parents to provide fittingly for their children--efforts continued, it may be, through half a lifetime--are certainly economic. Just as certainly they are not selfish in any exact sense of the term. Yet something like this confusion seems to overlie the discussion of economics in connection with war. Speaking broadly, I do not believe that men ever go to war from a cold calculation of advantage or profit. I never have believed it. It seems to me an obvious and childish misreading of human psychology. I cannot see how it is possible to imagine a man laying down his life on the battle-field for personal gain. Nations do not fight for their money or interests, they fight for their rights, or what they believe to be their rights. The very gallant men who triumphed at Bull Run or Chancellorsville were not fighting for the profits on slave-labour: they were fighting for what they believed to be their independence: the rights, as they would have said, to self-government or, as we should now say, of self-determination. Yet it was a conflict which arose out of slave labour: an economic question. Now the most elementary of all rights, in the sense of the first right which a people will claim, is the right to existence--the right of a population to bread and a decent livelihood.[109] For that nations certainly will fight. Yet, as we see, it is a right which arises out of an economic need or conflict. We have seen how it works as a factor in our own foreign policy: as a compelling motive for the command of the sea. We believe that the feeding of these islands depends upon it: that if we lost it our children might die in the streets and the lack of food compel us to an ignominious surrender. It is this relation of vital food supply to preponderant sea power which has caused us to tolerate no challenge to the latter. We know the part which the growth of the German Navy played in shaping Anglo-Continental relations before the War; the part which any challenge to our naval preponderance has always played in determining our foreign policy. The command of the sea, with all that that means in the way of having built up a tradition, a battle-cry in politics, has certainly bound up with it this life and death fact of feeding our population. That is to say it is an economic need. Yet the determination of some millions of Englishmen to fight for this right to life, to die rather than see the daily bread of their people in jeopardy, would be adequately described by some phrase about Englishmen going to war because it 'paid.' It would be a silly or dishonest gibe. Yet that is precisely the kind of gibe that I have had to face these fifteen years in attempting to disentangle the forces and motives underlying international conflict. What picture is summoned to our minds by the word 'economics' in relation to war? To the critics whose indignation is so excited at the introduction of the subject at all into the discussion of war--and they include, unhappily, some of the great names of English literature--'economic' seems to carry no picture but that of an obese Semitic stockbroker, in quaking fear for his profits. This view cannot be said to imply either much imagination or much sense of reality. For among the stockbrokers, the usurers, those closest to financial manipulation and in touch with financial changes, are to be found some groups numerically small, who are more likely to gain than to lose by war; and the present writer has never suggested the contrary. But the 'economic futility' of war expresses itself otherwise: in half a Continent unable to feed or clothe or warm itself; millions rendered neurotic, abnormal, hysterical by malnutrition, disease, and anxiety; millions rendered greedy, selfish, and violent by the constant strain of hunger; resulting in 'social unrest' that threatens more and more to become sheer chaos and confusion: the dissolution and disintegration of society. Everywhere, in the cities, are the children who cry and who are not fed, who raise shrunken arms to our statesmen who talk with pride[110] of their stern measures of 'rigorous' blockade. Rickety and dying children, and undying hate for us, their murderers, in the hearts of their mothers--these are the human realities of the 'economics of war.' The desire to prevent these things, to bring about an order that would render possible both patriotism and mercy, would save us from the dreadful dilemma of feeding our own children only by the torture and death of others equally innocent--the effort to this end is represented as a mere appeal to selfishness and avarice, something mean and ignoble, a degradation of human motive. 'These theoretical dilemmas do not state accurately the real conditions of politics,' the reader may object. 'No one proposes to inflict famine as a means of enforcing our policy' ... 'England does not make war on women and children.' Not one man or woman in a million, English or other, would wittingly inflict the suffering of starvation upon a single child, if the child were visible to his eyes, present in his mind, and if the simple human fact were not obscured by the much more complex and artificial facts that have gathered round our conceptions of patriotism. The heaviest indictment of the military-nationalist philosophy we are discussing is that it manages successfully to cover up human realities by dehumanising abstractions. From the moment that the child becomes a part of that abstraction--'Russia,' 'Austria,' 'Germany'--it loses its human identity, and becomes merely an impersonal part of the political problem of the struggle of our nation with others. The inverted moral alchemy, by which the golden instinct that we associate with so much of direct human contact is transformed into the leaden cruelty of nationalist hate and high statecraft, has been dealt with at the close of Part I. When in tones of moral indignation it is declared that Englishmen 'do not make war on women and children,' we must face the truth and say that Englishmen, like all peoples, do make such war. An action in public policy--the proclamation of the blockade, or the confiscation of so much tonnage, or the cession of territory, or the refusal of a loan--these things are remote and vague; not only is the relation between results and causes remote and sometimes difficult to establish, but the results themselves are invisible and far away. And when the results of a policy are remote, and can be slurred over in our minds, we are perfectly ready to apply, logically and ruthlessly, the most ferocious of political theories. It is of supreme importance then what those theories happen to be. When the issue of war and peace hangs in the balance, the beam may well be kicked one way or the other by our general political philosophy, these somewhat vague and hazy notions about life being a struggle, and nature red of tooth and claw, about wars being part of the cosmic process, sanctioned by professors and bishops and writers. It may well be these vague notions that lead us to acquiesce in the blockade or the newest war. The typhus or the rickets do not kill or maim any the less because we do not in our minds connect those results with the political abstractions that we bandy about so lightly. And we touch there the greatest service which a more 'economic' treatment of European problems may perform. If the Treaty of Versailles had been more economic it would also have been a more humane and human document. If there had been more of Mr Keynes and less of M. Clemenceau, there would have been not only more food in the world, but more kindliness; not only less famine, but less hate; not only more life, but a better way of life; those living would have been nearer to understanding and discarding the way of death. Let us summarise the points so far made with reference to the 'economic' motive. We need not accept any hard and fast (and in the view of the present writer, unsound) doctrine of economic determinism, in order to admit the truth of the following:-- 1. Until economic difficulties are so far solved as to give the mass of the people the means of secure and tolerable physical existence, economic considerations and motives will tend to exclude all others. The way to give the spiritual a fair chance with ordinary men and women is not to be magnificently superior to their economic difficulties, but to find a solution for them. Until the economic dilemma is solved, no solution of moral difficulties will be adequate. If you want to get rid of the economic preoccupation, you must solve the worst of the economic problem. 2. In the same way the solution of the economic conflict between nations will not of itself suffice to establish peace; but no peace is possible until that conflict is solved. That makes it of sufficient importance. 3. The 'economic' problem involved in international politics the use of political power for economic ends--is also one of Right, including the most elemental of all rights, that to exist. 4. The answer which we give to that question of Right will depend upon our answer to the actual query of _The Great Illusion_: must a country of expanding population expand its territory or trade by means of its political power, in order to live? Is the political struggle for territory a struggle for bread? 5. If we take the view that the truth is contained in neither an unqualified affirmative nor an unqualified negative, then all the more is it necessary that the interdependence of peoples, the necessity for a truly international economy, should become a commonplace. A wider realisation of those facts would help to create that pre-disposition necessary for a belief in the workability of voluntary co-operation, a belief which must precede any successful attempt to make such co-operation the basis of an international order. 6. The economic argument of _The Great Illusion_, if valid, destroys the pseudo-scientific justification for political immoralism, the doctrine of State necessity, which has marked so much of classical statecraft. 7. The main defects of the Treaty of Versailles are due to the pressure of a public opinion obsessed by just those ideas of nations as persons, of conflicting interests, which _The Great Illusion_ attempted to destroy. If the Treaty had been inspired by the ideas of interdependence of interest, it would have been not only more in the interests of the Allies, but morally sounder, providing a better ethical basis for future peace. 8. To go on ignoring the economic unity and interdependence of Europe, to refuse to subject nationalist pugnacities to that needed unity because 'economics' are sordid, is to refuse to face the needs of human life, and the forces that shape it. Such an attitude, while professing moral elevation, involves a denial of the right of others to live. Its worst defect, perhaps, is that its heroics are fatal to intellectual rectitude, to truth. No society built upon such foundations can stand. CHAPTER III THE GREAT ILLUSION ARGUMENT The preceding chapters have dealt rather with misconceptions concerning _The Great Illusion_ than with its positive propositions. What, outlined as briefly as possible, was its central argument? * * * * * That argument was an elaboration of these propositions: Military preponderance, conquest, as a means to man's most elemental needs--bread, sustenance--is futile, because the processes (exchange, division of labour) to which the dense populations of modern Western society are compelled to resort, cannot be exacted by military coercion; they can only operate as the result of a large measure of voluntary acquiescence by the parties concerned. A realisation of this truth is indispensable for the restraint of the instinctive pugnacities that hamper human relationship, particularly where nationalism enters.[111] The competition for power so stimulates those pugnacities and fears, that isolated national power cannot ensure a nation's political security or independence. Political security and economic well-being can only be ensured by international co-operation. This must be economic as well as political, be directed, that is, not only at pooling military forces for the purpose of restraining aggression, but at the maintenance of some economic code which will ensure for all nations, whether militarily powerful or not, fair economic opportunity and means of subsistence. It was, in other words, an attempt to clear the road to a more workable international policy by undermining the main conceptions and prepossessions inimical to an international order.[112] It did not elaborate machinery, but the facts it dealt with point clearly to certain conclusions on that head. While arguing that prevailing beliefs (false beliefs for the most part) and feelings (largely directed by the false beliefs) were the determining factors in international politics, the author challenged the prevailing assumption of the unchangeability of those ideas and feelings, particularly the proposition that war between human groups arises out of instincts and emotions incapable of modification or control or re-direction by conscious effort. The author placed equal emphasis on both parts of the proposition--that dealing with the alleged immutability of human pugnacity and ideas, and that which challenged the representation of war as an inevitable struggle for physical sustenance--if only because no exposure of the biological fallacy would be other than futile if the former proposition were true.[113] If conduct in these matters is the automatic reaction to uncontrollable instinct and is not affected by ideas, or if ideas themselves are the mere reflection of that instinct, obviously it is no use attempting demonstrations of futility, economic or other. The more we demonstrate the intensity of our inherent pugnacity and irrationalism, the more do we in fact demonstrate the need for the conscious control of those instincts. The alternative conclusion is fatalism: an admission not only that our ship is not under control, but that we have given up the task of getting it under control. We have surrendered our freedom. Moreover, our record shows that the direction taken by our pugnacities--their objective--is in fact largely determined by traditions and ideas which are in part at least the sum of conscious intellectual effort. The history of religious persecution--its wars, inquisitions, repressions--shows a great change (which we must admit as a fact, whether we regard it as good or bad) not only of idea but of feeling.[114] The book rejected instinct as sufficient guide and urged the need of discipline by intelligent foresight of consequence. To examine our subconscious or unconscious motives of conduct is the first step to making them conscious and modifying them. This does not imply that instincts--whether of pugnacity or other--can readily be repressed by a mere effort of will. But their direction, the object upon which they expend themselves, will depend upon our interpretation of facts. If we interpret the hailstorm or the curdled milk in one way, our fear and hatred of the witch is intense; the same facts interpreted another way make the witch an object of another emotion, pity. Reason may be a very small part of the apparatus of human conduct compared with the part played by the unconscious and subconscious, the instinctive and the emotional. The power of a ship's compass is very small indeed compared with the power developed by the engines. But the greater the power of the engines, the greater will be the disaster if the relatively tiny compass is deflected and causes the ship to be driven on to the rocks. The illustration indicates, not exactly but with sufficient truth, the relationship of 'reason' to 'instinct.' The instincts that push to self-assertion, to the acquisition of preponderant power, are so strong that we shall only abandon that method as the result of perceiving its futility. Co-operation, which means a relationship of partnership and give and take, will not succeed till force has failed. The futility of power as a means to our most fundamental and social ends is due mainly to two facts, one mechanical, and the other moral. The mechanical fact is that if we really need another, our power over him has very definite limits. Our dependence on him gives him a weapon against us. The moral fact is that in demanding a position of domination, we ask something to which we should not accede if it were asked of us: the claim does not stand the test of the categorical imperative. If we need another's labour, we cannot kill him; if his custom, we cannot forbid him to earn money. If his labour is to be effective, we must give him tools, knowledge; and these things can be used to resist our exactions. To the degree to which he is powerful for service he is powerful for resistance. A nation wealthy as a customer will also be ubiquitous as a competitor. The factors which have operated to make physical compulsion (slavery) as a means of obtaining service less economical than service for reward, operate just as effectively between nations. The employment of military force for economic ends is an attempt to apply indirectly the principle of chattel-slavery to groups; and involves the same disadvantages.[115] In so far as coercion represents a means of securing a wider and more effective social co-operation as against a narrower social co-operation, or more anarchic condition, it is likely to be successful and to justify itself socially. The imposition of Western government upon backward peoples approximates to the role of police; the struggles between the armed forces of rival Western Powers do not. The function of a police force is the exact contrary to that of armies competing with one another.[116] The demonstration of the futility of conquest rested mainly on these facts. After conquest the conquered people cannot be killed. They cannot be allowed to starve. Pressure of population on means of subsistence has not been reduced, but probably increased, since the number of mouths to fill eliminated by the casualty lists is not equivalent to the reduced production occasioned by war. To impose by force (e.g. exclusion from raw materials) a lower standard of living, creates (_a_) resistance which involves costs of coercion (generally in military establishments, but also in the political difficulties in which the coercion of hostile peoples--as in Alsace-Lorraine and Ireland--generally involves their conqueror), costs which must be deducted from the economic advantage of the conquest; and (_b_) loss of markets which may be indispensable to countries (like Britain) whose prosperity depends upon an international division of labour. A population that lives by exchanging its coal and iron for (say) food, does not profit by reducing the productivity of subject peoples engaged in food production. In _The Great Illusion_ the case was put as follows:-- 'When we conquer a nation in these days, we do not exterminate it: we leave it where it was. When we "overcome" the servile races, far from eliminating them, we give them added chances of life by introducing order, etc., so that the lower human quality tends to be perpetuated by conquest by the higher. If ever it happens that the Asiatic races challenge the white in the industrial or military field, it will be in large part thanks to the work of race conservation, which has been the result of England's conquest in India, Egypt, and Asia generally.'--(pp. 191-192.) 'When the division of labour was so little developed that every homestead produced all that it needed, it mattered nothing if part of the community was cut off from the world for weeks and months at a time. All the neighbours of a village or homestead might be slain or harassed, and no inconvenience resulted. But if to-day an English county is by a general railroad strike cut off for so much as forty-eight hours from the rest of the economic organism, we know that whole sections of its population are threatened with famine. If in the time of the Danes England could by some magic have killed all foreigners, she would presumably have been the better off. If she could do the same thing to-day half her population would starve to death. If on one side of the frontier a community is, say, wheat-producing, and on the other coal-producing, each is dependent for its very existence on the fact of the other being able to carry on its labour. The miner cannot in a week set to and grow a crop of wheat; the farmer must wait for his wheat to grow, and must meantime feed his family and dependents. The exchange involved here must go on, and each party have fair expectation that he will in due course be able to reap the fruits of his labour, or both starve; and that exchange, that expectation, is merely the expression in its simplest form of commerce and credit; and the interdependence here indicated has, by the countless developments of rapid communication, reached such a condition of complexity that the interference with any given operation affects not merely the parties directly involved, but numberless others having at first sight no connection therewith. 'The vital interdependence here indicated, cutting athwart frontiers, is largely the work of the last forty years; and it has, during that time, so developed as to have set up a financial interdependence of the capitals of the world, so complex that disturbance in New York involves financial and commercial disturbance in London, and, if sufficiently grave, compels financiers of London to co-operate with those of New York to put an end to the crisis, not as a matter of altruism, but as a matter of commercial self-protection. The complexity of modern finance makes New York dependent on London, London upon Paris, Paris upon Berlin, to a greater degree than has ever yet been the case in history. This interdependence is the result of the daily use of those contrivances of civilisation which date from yesterday--the rapid post, the instantaneous dissemination of financial and commercial information by means of telegraphy, and generally the incredible progress of rapidity in communication which has put the half-dozen chief capitals of Christendom in closer contact financially, and has rendered them more dependent the one upon the other than were the chief cities of Great Britain less than a hundred years ago.--(pp. 49-50.) 'Credit is merely an extension of the use of money, and we can no more shake off the domination of the one than we can of the other. We have seen that the bloodiest despot is himself the slave of money, in the sense that he is compelled to employ it. In the same way no physical force can in the modern world set at naught the force of credit. It is no more possible for a great people of the modern world to live without credit than without money, of which it is a part.... The wealth of the world is not represented by a fixed amount of gold or money now in the possession of one Power, and now in the possession of another, but depends on all the unchecked multiple activities of a community for the time being. Check that activity, whether by imposing tribute, or disadvantageous commercial conditions, or an unwelcome administration which sets up sterile political agitation, and you get less wealth--less wealth for the conqueror, as well as less for the conquered. The broadest statement of the case is that all experience--especially the experience indicated in the last chapter--shows that in trade by free consent carrying mutual benefit we get larger results for effort expended than in the exercise of physical force which attempts to exact advantage for one party at the expense of the other.'--(pp. 270-272.) In elaboration of this general thesis it is pointed out that the processes of exchange have become too complex for direct barter, and can only take place by virtue of credit; and it is by the credit system, the 'sensory nerve' of the economic organism, that the self-injurious results of economic war are first shown. If, after a victorious war, we allow enemy industry and international trade to go on much as before, then obviously our victory will have had very little effect on the fundamental economic situation. If, on the other hand, we attempt for political or other reasons to destroy our enemy's industry and trade, to keep him from the necessary materials of it, we should undermine our own credit by diminishing the exchange value of much of our own real wealth. For this reason it is 'a great illusion' to suppose that by the political annexation of colonies, territories with iron-mines, coal-mines, we enrich ourselves by the amount of wealth their exploitation represents.[117] The large place which such devices as an international credit system must take in our international economy, adds enormously to the difficulty of securing any 'spoils of victory' in the shape of indemnity. A large indemnity is not impossible, but the only condition on which it can be made possible--a large foreign trade by the defeated people--is not one that will be readily accepted by the victorious nation. Yet the dilemma is absolute: the enemy must do a big foreign trade (or deliver in lieu of money large quantities of goods) which will compete with home production, or he can pay no big indemnity--nothing commensurate with the cost of modern war. Since we are physically dependent on co-operation with foreigners, it is obvious that the frontiers of the national State are not co-terminous with the frontiers of our society. Human association cuts athwart frontiers. The recognition of the fact would help to break down that conception of nations as personalities which plays so large a part in international hatred. The desire to punish this or that 'nation' could not long survive if we had in mind, not the abstraction, but the babies, the little girls, old men, in no way responsible for the offences that excited our passions, whom we treated in our minds as a single individual.[118] As a means of vindicating a moral, social, religious, or cultural ideal--as of freedom or democracy--war between States, and still more between Alliances, must be largely ineffective for two main reasons. First, because the State and the moral unit do not coincide. France or the British Empire could not stand as a unit for Protestanism as opposed to Catholicism, Christianity as opposed to Mohammedanism, or Individualism as opposed to Socialism, or Parliamentary Government as opposed to Bureaucratic Autocracy, or even for European ascendancy as against Coloured Races. For both Empires include large coloured elements; the British Empire is more Mohammedan than Christian, has larger areas under autocratic than under Parliamentary government; has powerful parties increasingly Socialistic. The State power in both cases is being used, not to suppress, but to give actual vitality to the non-Christian or non-European or coloured elements that it has conquered. The second great reason why it is futile to attempt to use the military power of States for ends such as freedom and democracy, is that the instincts to which it is compelled to appeal, the spirit it must cultivate and the methods it is compelled increasingly to employ, are themselves inimical to the sentiment upon which freedom must rest. Nations that have won their freedom as the result of military victory, usually employ that victory to suppress the freedom of others. To rest our freedom upon a permanent basis of nationalist military power, is equivalent to seeking security from the moral dangers of Prussianism by organising our States on the Prussian model. Our real struggle is with nature: internecine struggles between men lessen the effectiveness of the human army. A Continent which supported precariously, with recurrent famine, a few hundred thousand savages fighting endlessly between themselves, can support, abundantly a hundred million whites who can manage to maintain peace among themselves and fight nature. Nature here includes human nature. Just as we turn the destructive forces of external nature from our hurt to our service, not by their unintelligent defiance, but by utilising them through a knowledge of their qualities, so can the irrepressible but not 'undirectable' forces of instinct, emotion, sentiment, be turned by intelligence to the service of our greatest and most permanent needs. CHAPTER IV ARGUMENTS NOW OUT OF DATE For the purposes of simplicity and brevity the main argument of _The Great Illusion_ assumed the relative permanence of the institution of private property in Western society, and the persistence of the tendency of victorious belligerents to respect it, a tendency which had steadily grown in strength for five hundred years. The book assumed that the conqueror would do in the future what he has done to a steadily increasing degree in the past, especially as the reasons for such policy, in terms of self-interest, have so greatly grown in force during the last generation or two. To have argued its case in terms of non-existent and hypothetical conditions which might not exist for generations or centuries, would have involved hopelessly bewildering complications. And the decisive reason for not adding this complication was the fact that _though it would vary the form of the argument, it would not effect the final conclusion_. As already explained in the first part of this book (Chapter II) this war has marked a revolution in the position of private property and the relation of the citizen to the State. The Treaty of Versailles departs radically from the general principles adhered to, for instance, in the Treaty of Frankfurt; the position of German traders and that of the property of German citizens does not at all to-day resemble the position in which the Treaty of Frankfurt left the French trader and French private property. The fact of the difference has already been entered into at some length. It remains to see how the change affects the general argument adopted in _The Great Illusion_. It does not affect its final conclusions. The argument ran: A conqueror cannot profit by 'loot' in the shape of confiscations, tributes, indemnities, which paralyse the economic life of the defeated enemy. They are economically futile. They are unlikely to be attempted, but if they are attempted they will still be futile.[119] Events have confirmed that conclusion, though not the expectation that the enemy's economic life would be left undisturbed. We have started a policy which does injure the economic life of the enemy. The more it injures him, the less it pays us. And we are abandoning it as rapidly as nationalist hostilities will permit us. In so far as pre-war conditions pointed to the need of a definitely organised international economic code, the situation created by the Treaty has only made the need more visible and imperative. For, as already explained in the first Part, the old understandings enabled industry to be built up on an international basis; the Treaty of Versailles and its confiscations, prohibitions, controls, have destroyed those foundations. Had that instrument treated German trade and industry as the Germans treated French in 1871 we might have seen a recovery of German economic life relatively as rapid as that which took place in France during the ten years which followed her defeat. We should not to-day be faced by thirty or forty millions in Central and Eastern Europe without secure means of livelihood. The present writer confesses most frankly--and the critics of _The Great Illusion_ are hereby presented with all that they can make of the admission--that he did not expect a European conqueror, least of all Allied conquerors, to use their victory for enforcing a policy having these results. He believed that elementary considerations of self-interest, the duty of statesmen to consider the needs of their own countries just emerging from war, would stand in the way of a policy of this kind. On the other hand, he was under no illusions as to what would result if they did attempt to enforce that policy. Dealing with the damage that a conqueror might inflict, the book says that such things as the utter destruction of the enemy's trade could only be inflicted by an invader as a means of punishment costly to himself, or as the result of an unselfish and expensive desire to inflict misery for the mere joy of inflicting it. In this self-seeking world it is not practical to assume the existence of an inverted altruism of this kind.--(p. 29.) Because of the 'interdependence of our credit-built finance and industry' the confiscation by an invader of private property, whether stocks, shares, ships, mines, or anything more valuable than jewellery or furniture--anything, in short, which is bound up with the economic life of the people--would so react upon the finance of the invader's country as to make the damage to the invader resulting from the confiscation exceed in value the property confiscated--(p. 29). Speaking broadly and generally, the conqueror in our day has before him two alternatives: to leave things alone, and in order to do that he need not have left his shores; or to interfere by confiscation in some form, in which case he dries up the source of the profit which tempted him--(p. 59). All the suggestions made as to the economic futility of such a course--including the failure to secure an indemnity--have been justified.[120] In dealing with the indemnity problem the book did forecast the likelihood of special trading and manufacturing interests within the conquering nation opposing the only condition upon which a very large indemnity would be possible--that condition being either the creation of a large foreign trade by the enemy or the receipt of payment in kind, in goods which would compete with home production. But the author certainly did not think it likely that England and France would impose conditions so rapidly destructive of the enemy's economic life that they--the conquerors--would, for their own economic preservation, be compelled to make loans to the defeated enemy. Let us note the phase of the argument that the procedure adopted renders out of date. A good deal of _The Great Illusion_ was devoted to showing that Germany had no need to expand territorially; that her desire for overseas colonies was sentimental, and had little relation to the problem of providing for her population. At the beginning of 1914 that was certainly true. It is not true to-day. The process by which she supported her excess population before the War will, to put it at its lowest, be rendered extremely difficult of maintenance as the result of allied action. The point, however, is that we are not benefiting by this paralysis of German industry. We are suffering very greatly from it: suffering so much that we can be neither politically nor economically secure until this condition is brought to an end. There can be no peace in Europe, and consequently no safety for us or France, so long as we attempt by power to maintain a policy which denies to millions in the midst of our civilisation the possibility of earning their living. In so far as the new conditions create difficulties which did not originally exist, our victory does but the more glaringly demonstrate the economic futility of our policy towards the vanquished. An argument much used in _The Great Illusion_ as disproving the claims made for conquest was the position of the population of small States. 'Very well,' may say the critic, 'Germany is now in the position of a small State. But you talk about her being ruined!' In the conditions of 1914, the small State argument was entirely valid (incidentally the Allied Governments argue that it still holds).[121] It does not hold to-day. In the conditions of 1920 at any rate, the small State is, like Germany, economically at the mercy of British sea power or the favoritism of the French Foreign Office, to a degree that was unknown before the War. How is the situation to develop? Is the Dutch or Swedish or Austrian industrial city permanently to be dependent upon the good graces of some foreign official sitting in Whitehall or the Quai d'Orsay? At present, if an industrialist in such a city wishes to import coal or to ship a cargo to one of the new Baltic States, he may be prevented owing to political arrangements between France and England. If that is to be the permanent situation of the non-Entente world, then peace will become less and less secure, and all our talk of having fought for the rights of the small and weak will be a farce. The friction, the irritation, and sense of grievance will prolong the unrest and uncertainty, and the resultant decline in the productivity of Europe will render our own economic problems the more acute. The power by which we thus arrogate to ourselves the economic dictatorship of Europe will ultimately be challenged. Can we revert to the condition of things which, by virtue of certain economic freedoms that were respected, placed the trader or industrialist of a small State pretty much on an equality, in most things, with the trader of the Great State? Or shall we go forward to a recognised international economic system, in which the small States will have their rights secured by a definite code? Reversion to the old individualist 'trans-nationalism' or an internationalism without considerable administrative machinery--seems now impossible. The old system is destroyed at its sources within each State. The only available course now is, recognising the fact of an immense growth in the governmental control or regulation of foreign trade, to devise definite codes or agreements to meet the case. If the obtaining of necessary raw materials by all the States other than France and England is to be the subject of wrangles between officials, each case to be treated on its merits, we shall have a much worse anarchy than before the War. A condition in which two or three powers can lay down the law for the world will indeed be an anti-climax. We may never learn the lesson; the old futile struggles may go on indefinitely. But if we do put our intelligences to the situation it will call for a method of treatment somewhat different from that which pre-war conditions required. For the purposes of the War, in the various Inter-Allied bodies for the apportionment of shipping and raw material, we had the beginnings of an economic League of Nations, an economic World Government. Those bodies might have been made democratic, and enlarged to include neutral interests, and maintained for the period of Reconstruction (which might in any case have been regarded as a phase properly subject to war treatment in these matters). But these international organisations were allowed to fall to pieces on the removal of the common enmity which held the European Allies and America together. The disappearance of these bodies does not mean the disappearance of 'controls,' but the controls will now be exercised in considerable part through vast private Capitalist Trusts dealing with oil, meat, and shipping. Nor will the interference of government be abolished. If it is considered desirable to ensure to some group a monopoly of phosphates, or palm nuts, the aid of governments will be invoked for the purpose. But in this case the government will exercise its powers not as the result of a publicly avowed and agreed principle, but illicitly, hypocritically. While professing to exercise a 'mandate' for mankind, a government will in fact be using its authority to protect special interests. In other words we shall get a form of internationalism in which the international capitalist Trust will control the Government instead of the Government's controlling the Trust. The fact that this was happening more and more before the War was one reason why the old individualist order has broken down. More and more the professed position and function of the State was not its real position and function. The amount of industry and trade dependent upon governmental intervention (enterprises of the Chinese Loan and Bagdad Railway type) before the War was small compared with the quantity that owed nothing to governmental protection. But the illicit pressure exercised upon governments by those interested in the exploitation of backward countries was out of proportion to the public importance of their interests. It was this failure of democratic control of 'big business' by the pre-war democracies which helped to break down the old individualism. While private capital was apparently gaining control over the democratic forces, moulding the policy of democratic governments, it was in fact digging its own grave. If political democracy in this respect had been equal to its task, or if the captains of industry had shown a greater scruple or discernment in their use of political power, the individualist order might have given us a workable civilisation; or its end might have been less painful. _The Great Illusion_ did not assume its impending demise. Democracy had not yet organised socialistic controls within the nation. To have assumed that the world of nationalisms would face socialistic regulation and control as between States, would have implied an agility on the part of the public imagination which it does not in fact possess. An international policy on these lines would have been unintelligible and preposterous. It is only because the situation which has followed victory is so desperate, so much worse than anything _The Great Illusion_ forecast, that we have been brought to face these remedies to-day. Before the War, the line of advance, internationally, was not by elaborate regulation. We had seen a congeries of States like those of the British Empire maintain not only peace but a sort of informal Federation, without limitation in any formal way of the national freedom of any one of them. Each could impose tariffs against the mother country, exclude citizens of the Empire, recognise no common defined law. The British Empire seemed to forecast a type of international Association which could secure peace without the restraints or restrictions of a central authority in anything but the most shadowy form. If the merely moral understanding which held it together and enabled co-operation in a crisis could have been extended to the United States; if the principle of 'self-determination' that had been applied to the white portion of the Empire were gradually extended to the Asiatic; if a bargain had been made with Germany and France as to the open door, and equality of access to undeveloped territory made a matter of defined agreement, we should have possessed the nucleus of a world organisation giving the widest possible scope for independent national development. But world federation on such lines depended above all, of course, upon the development of a certain 'spirit,' a guiding temper, to do for nations of different origin what had already been done for nations of a largely common origin (though Britain has many different stocks--English, Scottish, Irish, Welsh, and, overseas, Dutch and French as well). But the spirit was not there. The whole tradition in the international field was one of domination, competition, rivalry, conflicting interest, 'Struggle for life.' The possibility of such a free international life has disappeared with the disappearance of the _laisser-faire_ ideal in national organisation. We shall perforce be much more concerned now with the machinery of control in both spheres as the only alternative to an anarchy more devastating than that which existed before the War. For all the reasons which point to that conclusion the reader is referred once more to the second chapter of the first part of this book. CHAPTER V THE ARGUMENT AS AN ATTACK ON THE STATE There was not before the War, and there has not been since, any serious challenge to the economic argument of _The Great Illusion_. Criticism (which curiously enough does not seem to have included the point dealt with in the preceding Chapter) seems to have centred rather upon the irrelevance of economic considerations to the problem of war--the problem, that is, of creating an international society. The answer to that is, of course, both explicit and implicit in much of what precedes. The most serious criticism has been directed to one specific point. It is made notably both by Professor Spenser Wilkinson[122] and Professor Lindsay,[123] and as it is relevant to the existing situation and to much of the argument of the present book, it is worth dealing with. The criticism is based on the alleged disparagement of the State implied in the general attitude of the book. Professor Lindsay (whose article, by the way, although hostile and misapprehending the spirit of the book, is a model of fair, sincere, and useful criticism) describes the work under criticism largely as an attack on the conception of 'the State as a person.' He says in effect that the present author argues thus:-- 'The only proper thing to consider is the interest or the happiness of individuals. If a political action conduces to the interests of individuals, it must be right; if it conflicts with these interests it must be wrong.' Professor Lindsay continues:-- 'Now if pacifism really implied such a view of the relation of the State and the individual, and of the part played by self-interest in life, its appeal has little moral force behind it.... 'Mr. Angell seems to hold that not only is the national State being superseded, but that the supersession is to be welcomed. The economic forces which are destroying the State will do all the State has done to bind men together, and more.' As a matter of fact Professor Lindsay has himself answered his own criticism. For he goes on:-- 'The argument of _The Great Illusion_ is largely based on the public part played by the organisation of credit. Mr Angell has been the first to notice the great significance of its activity. It has misled him, however, into thinking that it presaged a supersession of political by economic control.... The facts are, not that political forces are being superseded by economic, but that the new industrial situation has called into being new political organisations.... To co-ordinate their activities ... will be impossible if the spirit of exclusive nationalism and distrust of foreigners wins the day; it will be equally impossible if the strength of our existing centres of patriotism and public spirit are destroyed.' Very well. We had here in the pre-war period two dangers, either of which in Professor Lindsay's view would make the preservation of civilisation impossible: one danger was that men would over-emphasise their narrower patriotism and surrender themselves to the pugnacities of exclusive nationalism and distrust of foreigners, forgetting that the spiritual life of densely packed societies can only be rendered possible by certain widespread economic co-operations, contracts; the other danger was that we should under-emphasise each our own nationalism and give too much importance to the wider international organisation of mankind. Into which danger have we run as a matter of simple fact? Which tendency is it that is acting as the present disruptive force in Europe? Has opinion and statesmanship--as expressed in the Treaty, for instance--given too much or too little attention to the interdependence of the world, and the internationally economic foundations of our civilisation? We have seen Europe smashed by neglecting the truths which _The Great Illusion_ stressed, perhaps over-stressed, and by surrendering to the exclusive nationalism which that book attacked. The book was based on the anticipation that Europe would be very much more likely to come to grief through over-stressing exclusive nationalism and neglecting its economic interdependence, than through the decay of the narrower patriotism. If the book had been written _in vacuo_, without reference to impending events, the emphasis might have been different.[124] But in criticising the emphasis that is thrown upon the welfare of the individual, Professor Lindsay would seem to be guilty of confusing the _test_ of good political conduct with the _motive_. Certainly _The Great Illusion_ did not disparage the need of loyalty to the social group--to the other members of the partnership. That need is the burden of most that has been written in the preceding pages when dealing with the facts of interdependence. An individual who can see only his own interest does not see even that; for such interest is dependent on others. (These arguments of egoism versus altruism are always circular.) But it insisted upon two facts which modern Europe seemed in very great danger of forgetting. The first was that the Nation-State was not the social group, not co-terminous with the whole of Society, only a very arbitrarily chosen part of it; and the second was that the _test_ of the 'good State' was the welfare of the citizens who composed it. How otherwise shall we settle the adjustment between national right and international obligation, answer the old and inevitable question, 'What is the _Good_ State?' The only intelligible answer is: the State which produces good men, subserves their welfare. A State which did not subserve the welfare of its citizens, that produced men morally, intellectually, physically poor and feeble, could not be a good State. A State is tested by the degree to which it serves individuals. Now the fact of forgetting the first truth, that the Nation-State is not the whole of Society but only a part, and that we have obligations to the other part, led to a distortion of the second. The Hegelianism which denied any obligation above or beyond that of the Nation-State sets up a conflict of sovereignties, a competition of power, stimulating the instinct of domination, making indeed the power and position of the State with reference to rival States the main end of politics. The welfare of men is forgotten. The fact that the State is made for man, not man for the State, is obscured. It was certainly forgotten or distorted by the later political philosophers of Prussia. The oversight gave us Prussianism and Imperialism, the ideal of political power as an end in itself, against which _The Great Illusion_ was a protest. The Imperialism, not alone in Prussia, takes small account of the quality of individual life, under the flag. The one thing to be sought is that the flag should be triumphant, be flown over vast territories, inspire fear in foreigners, and be an emblem of 'glory.' There is a discernible distinction of aim and purpose between the Patriot, Jingo, Chauvinist, and the citizen of the type interested in such things as social reform. The military Patriot the world over does not attempt to hide his contempt for efforts at the social betterment of his countryman. That is 'parish pump.' Mr Maxse or Mr Kipling is keenly interested in England, but not in the betterment of Englishmen; indeed, both are in the habit of abusing Englishmen very heartily, unless they happen to be soldiers. In other words, the real end of politics is forgotten. It is not only that the means have become the end, but that one element of the means, power, has become the end. The point I desired to emphasise was that unless we keep before ourselves the welfare of the individual as the _test_ of politics (not necessarily the motive of each individual for himself) we constantly forget the purpose and aim of politics, and patriotism becomes not the love of one's fellow countrymen and their welfare, but the love of power expressed by that larger 'ego' which is one's group. 'Mystic Nationalism' comes to mean something entirely divorced from any attribute of individual life. The 'Nation' becomes an abstraction apart from the life of the individual. There is a further consideration. The fact that the Nation-State is not co-terminous with Society is shown by its vital need of others; it cannot live by itself; it must co-operate with others; consequently it has obligations to those others. The demonstration of that fact involves an appeal to 'interest,' to welfare. The most visible and vital co-operation outside the limits of the Nation-State is the economic; it gives rise to the most definite, as to the most fundamental obligation--the obligation to accord to others the right to existence. It is out of the common economic need that the actual structure of some mutual arrangement, some social code, will arise, has indeed arisen. This makes the beginning of the first visible structure of a world society. And from these homely beginnings will come, if at all, a more vivid sense of the wider society. And the 'economic' interest, as distinct from the temperamental interest of domination, has at least this social advantage. Welfare is a thing that in society may well grow the more it is divided: the better my countrymen the richer is my life likely to become. Domination has not this quality: it is mutually exclusive. We cannot all be masters. If any country is to dominate, somebody or some one else's country must be dominated; if the one is to be the Superior Race, some other must be inferior. And the inferior sooner or later objects, and from that resistance comes the disintegration that now menaces us. It is perfectly true that we cannot create the kind of State which will best subserve the interests of its citizens unless each is ready to give allegiance to it, irrespective of his immediate personal 'interest.' (The word is put in inverted commas because in most men not compelled by bad economic circumstances to fight fiercely for daily bread, sheer physical sustenance, the satisfaction of a social and creative instinct is a very real 'interest,' and would, in a well-organised society, be as spontaneous as interest in sport or social ostentation.) The State must be an idea, an abstraction, capable of inspiring loyalty, embodying the sense of interdependence. But the circumstances of the independent modern national State, in frequent and unavoidable contact with other similar States, are such as to stimulate not mainly the motives of social cohesion, but those instincts of domination which become anti-social and disruptive. The nationalist stands condemned not because he asks allegiance or loyalty to the social group, but first, because he asks absolute allegiance to something which is not the social group but only part of it, and secondly, because that exclusive loyalty gives rise to disruptive pugnacities, injurious to all. In pointing out the inadequacy of the unitary political Nation-State as the embodiment of final sovereignty, an inadequacy due to precisely the development of such organisations as Labour, the present writer merely anticipated the drift of much political writing of the last ten years on the problem of State sovereignty; as also the main drift of events.[125] If Mr Lindsay finds the very mild suggestions in _The Great Illusion_ touching the necessary qualification of the sovereignty of the Nation-State subversive, one wonders what his feelings are on reading, say, Mr Cole, who in a recent book (_Social Theory_) leaves the Political State so attenuated that one questions whether what is left is not just ghost. At the best the State is just one collateral association among others. The sheer mechanical necessities of administration of an industrial society, so immeasurably more complex than the simple agricultural society which gave us the unitary political State, seem to be pushing us towards a divided or manifold sovereignty. If we are to carry over from the National State into the new form of the State--as we seem now in danger of doing--the attitude of mind which demands domination for 'our' group, the pugnacities, suspicions, and hostilities characteristic of nationalist temper, we may find the more complex society beyond our social capacity. I agree that we want a common political loyalty, that mere obedience to the momentary interest of our group will not give it; but neither will the temper of patriotism as we have seen it manifested in the European national State. The loyalty to some common code will probably only come through a sense of its social need. (It is on the ground of its social need that Mr Lindsay defends the political State.) At present we have little sense of that need, because we have (as Versailles proved) a belief in the effectiveness of our own power to exact the services we may require. The rival social or industrial groups have a like belief. Only a real sense of interdependence can undermine that belief; and it must be a visible, economic interdependence. A social sense may be described as an instinctive feeling for 'what will work.' We are only yet at the beginning of the study of human motive. So much is subconscious that we are certainly apt to ascribe to one motive conduct which in fact is due to another. And among the neglected motives of conduct is perhaps a certain sense of art--a sense, in this connection, of the difficult 'art of living together.' It is probably true that what some, at least, find so revolting in some of the manifestations of nationalism, chauvinism, is that they violently challenge the whole sense of what will work, to say nothing of the rights of others. 'If every one took that line, nobody could live.' In a social sense this is gross and offensive. It has an effect on one like the manners of a cad. It is that sort of motive, perhaps, more than any calculation of 'interest,' which may one day cause a revulsion against Balkanisation. But to that motive some informed sense of interdependence is indispensable. CHAPTER VI VINDICATION BY EVENTS If the question merely concerned the past, if it were only a matter of proving that this or that 'School of thought' was right, this re-examination of arguments put forward before the War would be a sterile business enough. But it concerns the present and the future; bears directly and pertinently upon the reasons which have led us into the existing chaos; and the means by which we might hope to emerge. As much to-day as before the War (and far more obviously) is it true that upon the reply to the questions raised in this discussion depends the continuance of our civilisation. Our society is still racked by a fierce struggle for political power, our populations still demand the method of coercion, still refuse to face the facts of interdependence, still insist clamorously upon a policy which denies those facts. The propositions we are here discussing were not, it is well to recall, merely to the effect that 'war does not pay,' but that the ideas and impulses out of which it grows, and which underlay--and still underlie--European politics, give us an unworkable society; and that unless they can be corrected they will increasingly involve social collapse and disintegration. That conclusion was opposed, as we have seen, on two main grounds. One was that the desire for conquest and extension of territory did not enter appreciably into the causes of war, 'since no one really believed that victory could advantage them.' The other ground of objection, in contradistinction, was that the economic advantages of conquest or military predominance were so great and so obvious that to deny them was mere paradox-mongering. The validity of both criticisms has been very thoroughly tested in the period that has followed the Armistice. Whether it be true or not that the competition for territory, the belief that predominant power could be turned to economic account, entered into the causes of the War, that competition and belief have certainly entered into the settlement and must be reckoned among the causes of the next war. The proposition that the economic advantages of conquest and coercion are illusory is hardly to-day a paradox, however much policy may still ignore the facts. The outstanding facts of the present situation most worth our attention in this connection are these: Military predominance, successful war, evidently offer no solution either of specifically international or of our common social and economic problems. The political disintegration going on over wide areas in Europe is undoubtedly related very intimately to economic conditions: actual lack of food, the struggle for ever-increasing wages and better conditions. Our attempted remedies--our conferences for dealing with international credit, the suggestion of an international loan, the loans actually made to the enemy--are a confession of the international character of that problem. All this shows that the economic question, alike nationally and internationally, is not, it is true, something that ought to occupy all the energies of men, but something that will, unless dealt with adequately; is a question that simply cannot be swept aside with magnificent gestures. Finally, the nature of the settlement actually made by the victor, its characteristic defects, the failure to realise adequately the victor's dependence on the economic life of the vanquished, show clearly enough that, even in the free democracies, orthodox statecraft did indeed suffer from the misconception which _The Great Illusion_ attributed to it. What do we see to-day in Europe? Our preponderant military power--overwhelming, irresistible, unquestioned--is impotent to secure the most elementary forms of wealth needed by our people: fuel, food, shelter. France, who in the forty years of her 'defeat' had the soundest finances in Europe, is, as a victor over the greatest industrial nation in Europe, all but bankrupt. (The franc has fallen to a discount of over seventy per cent.) All the recurrent threats of extended military occupation fail to secure reparations and indemnities, the restoration of credit, exchange, of general confidence and security. And just as we are finding that the things necessary for the life of our peoples cannot be secured by military force exercised against foreign nations or a beaten enemy, so are we finding that the same method of force within the limits of the nation used by one group as against another, fails equally. The temper or attitude towards life which leads us to attempt to achieve our end by the forcible imposition of our will upon others, by dictatorship, and to reject agreement, has produced in some degree everywhere revolt and rebellion on the one side, and repression on the other; or a general disruption and the breakdown of the co-operative processes by which mankind lives. All the raw materials of wealth are here on the earth as they were ten years ago. Yet Europe either starves or slips into social chaos, because of the economic difficulty. In the way of the necessary co-operation stands the Balkanisation of Europe. Why are we Balkanised rather than Federalised? Why do Balkan and other border States fight fiercely over this coalfield or that harbour? Why does France still oppose trade with Russia, and plot for the control of an enlarged Poland or a reactionary Hungary? Why does America now wash her hands of the whole muddle in Europe? Because everywhere the statesmen and the public believe that if only the power of their State were great enough, they could be independent of rival States, achieve political and economic security and dispense with agreements and obligations. If they had any vivid sense of the vast dangers to which reliance upon isolated power exposed any State, however great; if they had realised how the prosperity and social peace of their own States depended upon the reconciliation and well-being of the vanquished, the Treaty would have been a very different document, peace would long since have been established with Russia, and the moral foundations of co-operation would be present. By every road that presented itself, _The Great Illusion_ attempted to reveal the vital interdependence of peoples--within and without the State--and, as a corollary to that interdependence, the very strict limits of the force that can be exercised against any one whose life, and daily--and willing--labour is necessary to us. It was not merely the absence of these ideas but the very active presence of the directly contrary ideas of rival and conflicting interest, which explained the drift that the present writer thought--and said so often--would, unless checked, lead Western civilisation to a vast orgy of physical self-destruction and moral violence and chaos. The economic conditions which constitute one part of the vindication of _The Great Illusion_ are of course those described in the first part of this book, particularly in the first chapter. All that need be added here are a few suggestions as to the relationship between those conditions and the propositions we are concerned to verify. As bearing upon the truth of those propositions, we cannot neglect the condition of Germany. If ever national military power, the sheer efficiency of the military instrument, could ensure a nation's political and economic security, Germany should have been secure. It was not any lack of the 'impulse to defence,' of the 'manly and virile qualities' so beloved of the militarist, no tendency to 'softness,' no 'emasculating internationalism' which betrayed her. She fell because she failed to realise that she too, for all her power, had need of a co-operation throughout the world, which her force could not compel; and that she must secure a certain moral co-operation in her purposes or be defeated. She failed, not for lack of 'intense nationalism,' but by reason of it, because the policy which guided the employment of her military instrument had in it too small a regard for the moral factors in the world at large, which might set in motion material forces against her. It is hardly possible to doubt that the easy victories of 1871 marked the point at which the German spirit took the wrong turning, and rendered her statesmen incapable of seeing the forces which were massing for her destruction. The presence in 1919 of German delegates at Versailles in the capacity of vanquished can only be adequately explained by recalling the presence there of German statesmen as victors in 1871. It took forty years for some of the moral fruits of victory to manifest themselves in the German spirit. But the very severity of the present German lot is one that lends itself to sophistry. It will be argued: 'You say that preponderant military power, victory, is ineffective to economic ends. Well, look at the difference between ourselves and Germany. The victors, though they may not flourish, are at least better off than the vanquished. If we are lean, they starve. Our military power is not economically futile.' If to bring about hardship to ourselves in order that some one else may suffer still greater hardship is an economic gain, then it is untrue to say that conquest is economically futile. But I had assumed that advantage or utility was to be measured by the good to us, not by the harm done to others at our cost. We are arguing for the moment the economic, and not the ethical aspect of the thing. Keep for a moment to those terms. If you were told that an enterprise was going to be extremely profitable and you lost half your fortune in it, you would certainly regard as curious the logic of the reply, that after all you _had_ gained, because others in the same enterprise had lost everything. We are considering in effect whether the facts show that nations must, in order to provide bread for their people, defeat in war competing nations who otherwise would secure it. But that economic case for the 'biological inevitability' of war is destroyed if it is true that, after having beaten the rival nation, we find that we have less bread than before; that the future security of our food is less; and that out of our own diminished store we have to feed a defeated enemy who, before his defeat, managed to feed himself, and helped to feed us as well. And that is precisely what the present facts reveal. Reference has already been made to the position of France. In the forty years of her defeat France was the banker of Europe. She exacted tribute in the form of dividends and interest upon investments from Russia, the Near East, Germany herself; exacted it in a form which suited the peculiar genius of her people and added to the security of her social life. She was Germany's creditor, and managed to secure from her conqueror of 1871 the prompt payment of the debts owing to her. When France was not in a position to compel anything whatsoever from Germany by military force, the financial claims of Frenchmen upon Germany were readily discountable in any market of the world. To-day, the financial claims on Germany, made by a France which is militarily all-powerful, simply cannot be discounted anywhere. The indemnity vouchers, whatever may be the military predominance behind them, are simply not negotiable instruments so long as they depend upon present policy. They are a form of paper which no banker would dream of discounting on their commercial merits. To-day France stands as the conquerer of the richest ore-fields in the world, of territory which is geographically the industrial centre of Europe; of a vast Empire in Africa and Asia; in a position of predominance in Poland, Hungary, and Rumania. She has acquired through the Reparations Commission such power over the enemy countries as to reduce them almost to the economic position of an Asiatic or African colony. If ever wealth could be conquered, France has conquered it. If political power could really be turned to economic account, France ought to-day to be rich beyond any nation in history. Never was there such an opportunity of turning military power into wealth. Then why is she bankrupt? Why is France faced by economic and financial difficulties so acute that the situation seems inextricable save by social revolution, a social reconstruction, that is, involving new principles of taxation, directly aiming at the re-distribution of wealth, a re-distribution resisted by the property-owning classes. These, like other classes, have since the Armistice been so persistently fed upon the fable of making the Boche pay, that the government is unable to induce them to face reality.[126] With a public debt of 233,729 million of francs (about £9,300,000,000, at the pre-war rate of exchange); with the permanent problem of a declining population accentuated by the loss of millions of men killed and wounded in the war, and complicated by the importation of coloured labour; with the exchange value of the franc reduced to sixty in terms of the British pound, and to fifteen in terms of the American dollar,[127] the position of victorious France in the hour of her complete military predominance over Europe seems wellnigh desperate. She could of course secure very considerable alleviation of her present difficulties if she would consent to the only condition upon which Germany could make a considerable contribution to Reparations; the restoration of German industry. But to that one indispensable condition of indemnity or reparation France will not consent, because the French feel that a flourishing Germany would be a Germany dangerous to the security of France. In this condition one may recall a part of _The Great Illusion_ case which, more than any other of the 'preposterous propositions,' excited derision and scepticism before the War. That was the part dealing with the difficulties of securing an indemnity. In a chapter (of the early 1910 Edition) entitled _The Indemnity Futility_, occurred these passages:-- 'The difficulty in the case of a large indemnity is not so much the payment by the vanquished as the receiving by the victor ... 'When a nation receives an indemnity of a large amount of gold, one or two things happens: either the money is exchanged for real wealth with other nations, in which case the greatly increased imports compete directly with the home producers, or the money is kept within the frontiers and is not exchanged for real wealth from abroad, and prices inevitably rise.... The rise in price of home commodities hampers the nation receiving the indemnity in selling those commodities in the neutral markets of the world, especially as the loss of so large a sum by the vanquished nation has just the reverse effect of cheapening prices and therefore, enabling that nation to compete on better terms with the conqueror in neutral markets.'--(p. 76.) The effect of the payment of the French indemnity of 1872 upon German industry was analysed at length. This chapter was criticised by economists in Britain, France, and America. I do not think that a single economist of note admitted the slightest validity in this argument. Several accused the author of adopting protectionist fallacies in an attempt to 'make out a case.' It happens that he is a convinced Free Trader. But he is also aware that it is quite impracticable to dissociate national psychology from international commercial problems. Remembering what popular feeling about the expansion of enemy trade must be on the morrow of war, he asked the reader to imagine vast imports of enemy goods as the means of paying an indemnity, and went on:-- 'Do we not know that there would be such a howl about the ruin of home industry that no Government could stand the clamour for a week?... That this influx of goods for nothing would be represented as a deep-laid plot on the part of foreign nations to ruin the home trade, and that the citizens would rise in their wrath to prevent the accomplishment of such a plot? Is not this very operation by which foreign nations tax themselves to send abroad goods, not for nothing (that would be a crime at present unthinkable), but at below cost, the offence to which we have given the name of "dumping"? When it is carried very far, as in the case of sugar, even Free Trade nations like Great Britain join International Conferences to prevent these gifts being made!...' The fact that not one single economist, so far as I know, would at the time admit the validity of these arguments, is worth consideration. Very learned men may sometimes be led astray by keeping their learning in watertight compartments, 'economics' in one compartment and 'politics' or political psychology in another. The politicians seemed to misread the economies and the economists the politics. What are the post-war facts in this connection? We may get them summarised on the one hand by the Prime Minister of Great Britain and on the other by the expert adviser of the British Delegation to the Peace Conference. Mr Lloyd George, speaking two years after the Armistice, and after prolonged and exhaustive debates on this problem, says:-- 'What I have put forward is an expression of the views of all the experts.... Every one wants gold, which Germany has not got, and they will not take German goods. Nations can only pay debts by gold, goods, services, or bills of exchange on nations which are its debtors.[128] 'The real difficulty ... is due to the difficulty of securing payment outside the limits of Germany. Germany could pay--pay easily--inside her own boundary, but she could not export her forests, railways, or land across her own frontiers and make them over to the Allies. Take the railways, for example. Suppose the Allies took possession of them and doubled the charges; they would be paid in paper marks which would be valueless directly they crossed the frontier. 'The only way Germany could pay was by way of exports--that is by difference between German imports and exports. If, however, German imports were too much restricted, the Germans would be unable to obtain food and raw materials necessary for their manufactures. Some of Germany's principal markets--Russia and Central Europe--were no longer purchasers, and if she exported too much to the Allies, it meant the ruin of their industry and lack of employment for their people. Even in the case of neutrals it was only possible generally to increase German exports by depriving our traders of their markets.'[129] There is not a line here that is not a paraphrase of the chapter in the early edition of _The Great Illusion_. The following is the comment of Mr Maynard Keynes, ex-Advisor to the British Treasury, on the claims put forward after the Paris Conference of January 1921:-- 'It would be easy to point out how, if Germany could compass the vast export trade which the Paris proposals contemplate, it could only be by ousting some of the staple trades of Great Britain from the markets of the world. Exports of what commodities, we may ask, in addition to her present exports, is Germany going to find a market for in 1922--to look no farther ahead--which will enable her to make the payment of between £150,000,000 and £200,000,000 including the export proportion which will be due from her in that year? Germany's five principal exports before the War were iron, steel, and machinery, coal and coke, woollen goods and cotton goods. Which of these trades does Paris think she is going to develop on a hitherto unprecedented scale? Or if not these, what others? And how is she going to finance the import of raw materials which, except in the case of coal and coke, are a prior necessity to manufacture, if the proceeds of the goods when made will not be available to repay the credits? I ask these questions in respect of the year 1922 because many people may erroneously believe that while the proposed settlement is necessarily of a problematic character for the later years--only time can show--it makes some sort of a start possible. These questions are serious and practical, and they deserve to be answered. If the Paris proposals are more than wind, they mean a vast re-organisation of the channels of international trade. If anything remotely like them is really intended to happen, the reactions on the trade and industry of this country are incalculable. It is an outrage that they should be dealt with by the methods of the poker party of which news comes from Paris.'[130] If the expert economists failed to admit the validity of _The Great Illusion_ argument fifteen years ago, the general public has barely a glimmering of it to-day. It is true that our miners realise that vast deliveries of coal for nothing by Germany disorganise our coal export trade. British shipbuilding has been disastrously affected by the Treaty clauses touching the surrender of German tonnage--so much so that the Government have now recommended the abandonment of these clauses, which were among the most stringent and popular in the whole Treaty. The French Government has flatly refused to accept German machinery to replace that destroyed by the German armies, while French labour refuses to allow German labour, in any quantity, to operate in the devastated regions. Thus coal, ships, machinery, manufactures, labour, as means of payment, have either already created great economic havoc or have been rejected because they might. Yet our papers continue to shout that 'Germany can pay,' implying that failure to do so is merely a matter of her will. Of course she can pay--if we let her. Payment means increasing German foreign trade. Suppose, then, we put the question 'Can German Foreign Trade be increased?' Obviously it can. It depends mainly on us. To put the question in its truer form shows that the problem is much more a matter of our will than of Germany's. Incidentally, of course, German diplomacy has been as stupid as our own. If the German representatives had said, in effect: 'It is common ground that we can pay only in commodities. If you will indicate the kind and quantity of goods we shall deliver, and will facilitate the import into Germany of, and the payment for, the necessary food and raw material, we will accept--on that condition--even your figures of reparation.' The Allies, of course, could not have given the necessary undertaking, and the real nature of the problem would have stood revealed.[131] The review of the situation of France given in the preceding pages will certainly be criticised on the ground that it gives altogether too great weight to the temporary embarrassment, and leaves out the advantages which future generations of Frenchmen will reap. Now, whatever the future may have in store, it will certainly have for France the task of defending her conquests if she either withholds their product (particularly iron) from the peoples of Central Europe who need them, or if she makes of their possession a means of exacting a tribute which they feel to be burdensome and unjust. Again we are faced by the same dilemma; if Germany gets the iron, her population goes on expanding and her potential power of resistance goes on increasing. Thus France's burden of defence would grow steadily greater, while her population remained constant or declined. This difficulty of French deficiency in human raw material is not a remote contingency; it is an actual difficulty of to-day, which France is trying to meet in part by the arming of the negro population of her African colonies, and in part by the device of satellite militarisms, as in Poland. But the precariousness of such methods is already apparent. The arming of the African negro carries its appalling possibilities on its face. Its development cannot possibly avoid the gravest complication of the industrial problem. It is the Servile State in its most sinister form; and unless Europe is itself ready for slavery it will stop this reintroduction of slavery for the purposes of militarism. The other device has also its self-defeating element. To support an imperialist Poland means a hostile Russia; yet Poland, wedged in between a hostile Slav mass on the one side and a hostile Teutonic one on the other, herself compounded of Russian, German, Austrian, Lithuanian, Ukrainian, and Jewish elements, ruled largely by a landowning aristocracy when the countries on both sides have managed to transfer the great estates to the peasants, is as likely, in these days, to be a military liability as a military asset. These things are not irrelevant to the problem of turning military power to economic account: they are of the very essence of the problem. Not less so is this consideration: If France should for political reasons persist in a policy which means a progressive reduction in the productivity of Europe, that policy would be at its very roots directly contrary to the vital interests of England. The foregoing pages have explained why the increasing population of these islands, that live by selling coal or its products, are dependent upon the high productivity of the outside world. France is self-supporting and has no such pre-occupation. Already the divergence is seen in the case of the Russian policy. Britain direly needs the wheat of Russia to reduce the cost of living--or improve the value of what she has to sell, which is very nearly the same thing. France does not need Russian foodstuffs, and in terms of narrow self-interest (cutting her losses in Czarist bonds) can afford to be indifferent to the devastation of Russia. As soon as this divergence reaches a certain degree, rupture becomes inevitable. The mainspring of French policy during the last two years has been fear--fear of the economic revival of Germany which might be the beginning of a military revival. The measures necessary to check German economic revival inevitably increase German resentment, which is taken as proof of the need for increasingly severe measures of repression. Those measures are tending already to deprive France of her most powerful military Allies. That fact still further increases the burden that will be thrown upon her. Such burdens must inevitably make very large deductions from the 'profits' of her new conquests. Note in view of these circumstances some further difficulties of turning those conquests to account. Take the iron mines of Lorraine.[132] France has now within her borders what is, as already noted, the geographical centre of Continental industry. How shall she turn that fact to account? For the iron to become wealth at all, for France to become the actual centre of European industry, there must be a European industry: the railroads and factories and steamship lines as consumers of the iron must once more operate. To do that they in their turn must have _their_ market in the shape of active consumption on the part of the millions of Europe. In other words the Continent must be economically restored. But that it cannot be while Germany is economically paralysed. Germany's industry is the very keystone of the European industry and agriculture--whether in Russia, Poland, the Balkans, or the Near East--which is the indispensable market of the French iron.[133] Even if we could imagine such a thing as a reconstruction of Europe on lines that would in some wonderful way put seventy or eighty million Germans into a secondary place--involving as it would vast redistributions of population--the process obviously would take years or generations. Meantime Europe goes to pieces. 'Men will not always die quietly' as Mr Keynes puts it. What is to become of French credit while France is suppressing Bolshevik upheavals in Poland or Hungary caused by the starvation of cities through the new economic readjustments? Europe famishes now for want of credit. But credit implies a certain dependence upon the steady course of future events, some assurance, for instance, that this particular railway line to which advances are made will not find itself, in a year or two's time, deprived of its traffic in the interest of economic rearrangements resulting from an attempt to re-draw the economic map of Europe. Nor can such re-drawing disregard the present. It is no good telling peasants who have not ploughs or reapers or who cannot get fertilisers because their railroad has no locomotives, that a new line running on their side of the new frontier will be built ten or fifteen years hence. You cannot stop the patients breathing 'for just a few hours' while experiments are made with vital organs. The operation must adapt itself to the fact that all the time he must breathe. And to the degree to which we attempt violently to re-direct the economic currents, does the security upon which our credit depends decline.[134] There are other considerations. A French journalist asks plaintively: 'If we want the coal why don't we go in and take it'--by the occupation of the Ruhr. The implication is that France could get the coal for nothing. Well, France has taken over the Saar Valley. By no means does she get the coal for nothing. The miners have to be paid. France tried paying them at an especially low rate. The production fell off; the miners were discontented and underfed. They had to be paid more. Even so the Saar has been 'very restless' under French control, and the last word, as we know, will rest with the men. Miners who feel they are working for the enemy of their fatherland are not going to give a high production. It is a long exploded illusion that slave labour--labour under physical compulsion--is a productive form of labour. Its output invariably is small. So assuredly France does not get this coal for nothing. And from the difference between the price which it costs her as owner of the mines and administrator of their workers, and that which she would pay if she had to buy the coal from the original owners and administrators (if there is a difference on the credit side at all) has to be deducted the ultimate cost of defence and of the political complications that that has involved. Precise figures are obviously not available; but it is equally obvious that the profit of seizure is microscopic. Always does the fundamental dilemma remain. France will need above all, if she is to profit by these raw materials of European industry, markets, and again markets. But markets mean that the iron which has been captured must be returned to the nation from which it was taken, on conditions economically advantageous to that nation. A central Europe that is consuming large quantities of metallurgical products is a Central Europe growing in wealth and power and potentially dangerous unless reconciled. And reconciliation will include economic justice, access to the very 'property' that has been seized. The foregoing is not now, as it was when the present author wrote in similar terms a decade since, mere speculation or hypothesis. Our present difficulties with reference to the indemnity or reparations, the fall in the exchanges, or the supply of coal, are precisely of the order just indicated. The conqueror is caught in the grip of just those difficulties in turning conquest to economic account upon which _The Great Illusion_ so repeatedly insisted. The part played by credit--as the sensory nerve of the economic organism--has, despite the appearances to the contrary in the early part of the War, confirmed those propositions that dealt with it. Credit--as the extension of the use of money--is society's bookkeeping. The debauchery of the currencies means of course juggling with the promises to pay. The general relation of credit to a certain dependability upon the future has already been dealt with.[135] The object here is to call attention to the present admissions that the maintenance or re-creation of credit is in very truth an indispensable element in the recovery of Europe. Those admissions consist in the steps that are being taken internationally, the emphasis which the governments themselves are laying upon this factor. Yet ten years ago the 'diplomatic expert' positively resented the introduction of such a subject into the discussion of foreign affairs at all. Serious consideration of the subject was generally dismissed by the orthodox authority on international politics with some contemptuous reference to 'cosmopolitan usury.' Even now we seize every opportunity of disguising the truth to ourselves. In the midst of the chaos we may sometimes see flamboyant statements that England at any rate is greater and richer than before. (It is a statement, indeed, very apt to come from our European co-belligerents, worse off than ourselves.) It is true, of course, that we have extended our Empire; that we have to-day the same materials of wealth as--or more than--we had before the War; that we have improved technical knowledge. But we are learning that to turn all this to account there must be not only at home, but abroad, a widespread capacity for orderly co-operation; the diffusion throughout the world of a certain moral quality. And the war, for the time being, at least, has very greatly diminished that quality. Because Welsh miners have absorbed certain ideas and developed a certain temperament, the wealth of many millions who are not miners declines. The idea of a self-sufficing Empire that can disregard the chaos of the outside world recedes steadily into the background when we see the infection of certain ideas beginning the work of disintegration within the Empire. Our control over Egypt has almost vanished; that over India is endangered; our relations with Ireland affect those with America and even with some of our white colonies. Our Empire, too, depends upon the prevalence of certain ideas. CHAPTER VII COULD THE WAR HAVE BEEN PREVENTED? 'But the real irrelevance of all this discussion,' it will be said, 'is that however complete our recognition of these truths might have been, that recognition would not have affected Germany's action. We did not want territory, or colonies, or mines, or oil-wells, or phosphate islands, or railway concessions. We fought simply to resist aggression. The alternatives for us were sheer submission to aggression, or war, a war of self-defence.' Let us see. Our danger came from Germany's aggressiveness. What made her more aggressive than other nations, than those who later became our Allies--Russia, Rumania, Italy, Japan, France? Sheer original sin, apart from political or economic circumstance? Now it was an extraordinary thing that those who were most clamant about the danger were for the most part quite ready to admit--even to urge and emphasise as part of their case--that Germany's aggression was _not_ due to inherent wickedness, but that any nation placed in her position would behave in just about the same way. That, indeed, was the view of very many pre-eminent before the War in their warnings of the German peril, of among others, Lord Roberts, Admiral Mahan, Mr Frederic Harrison, Mr Blatchford, Professor Wilkinson. Let us recall, for instance, Mr Harrison's case for German aggression--Germany's 'poor access to the sea and its expanding population':-- 'A mighty nation of 65,000,000, with such superb resources both for peace and war, and such overweening pride in its own superiority and might, finds itself closed up in a ring-fence too narrow for its fecundity as for its pretensions, constructed more by history, geography, and circumstances than by design--a fence maintained by the fears rather than the hostility of its weaker neighbours. That is the rumbling subterranean volcano on which the European State system rests. 'It is inevitable but that a nation with the magnificent resources of the German, hemmed in a territory so inadequate to their needs and pretensions, and dominated by a soldier, bureaucratic, and literary caste, all deeply imbued with the Bismarckian doctrine, should thirst to extend their dominions, and their power at any sacrifice--of life, of wealth, and of justice. One must take facts as they are, and it is idle to be blind to facts, or to rail against them. It is as silly to gloss over manifest perils as it is to preach moralities about them.... England, Europe, civilisation, is in imminent peril from German expansion.'[136] Very well. We are to drop preaching moralities and look at the facts. Would successful war by us remove the economic and political causes which were part at least of the explanation of German aggression? Would her need for expansion become less? The preceding pages answer that question. Successful war by us would not dispose of the pressure of German population. If the German menace was due in part at least to such causes as 'poor access to the sea,' the absence of any assurance as to future provision for an expanding population, what measures were proposed for the removal of those causes? None whatever. Not only so, but any effort towards a frank facing of the economic difficulty was resisted by the very people who had previously urged the economic factors of the conflict, as a 'sordid' interpretation of that conflict. We have seen what happened, for instance, in the case of Admiral Mahan. He urged that the competition for undeveloped territory and raw materials lay behind the political struggle. So be it; replies some one; let us see whether we cannot remove that economic cause of conflict, whether indeed there is any real economic conflict at all. And the Admiral then retorts that economics have nothing to do with it. To Mr Frederic Harrison '_The Great Illusion_ policy is childish and mischievous rubbish.' What was that policy? To deny the existence of the German or other aggressiveness? The whole policy was prompted by the very fact of that danger. Did the policy suggest that we should simply yield to German political pretensions? Again, as we have seen, such a course was rejected with every possible emphasis. The one outstanding implication of the policy was that while arming we must find a basis of co-operation by which both peoples could live. In any serious effort to that end, one overpowering question had to be answered by Englishmen who felt some responsibility for the welfare of their people. Would that co-operation, giving security to others, demand the sacrifice of the interest or welfare of their own people? _The Great Illusion_ replied, No, and set forth the reasons for that reply. And the setting-forth of those reasons made the book an 'appeal to avarice against patriotism,' an attempt 'to restore the blessed hour of money getting.' Eminent Nonconformist divines and patriotic stockbrokers joined hands in condemning the appalling sordidness of the demonstration which might have led to a removal of the economic causes of international quarrel. It is not true to say that in the decade preceding Armageddon the alternatives to fighting Germany were exhausted, and that nothing was left but war or submission. We simply had not tried the remedy of removing the economic excuse for aggression. The fact that Germany did face these difficulties and much future uncertainty was indeed urged by those of the school of Mr Harrison and Lord Roberts as a conclusive argument against the possibility of peace or any form of agreement with her. The idea that agreement should reach to such fundamental things as the means of subsistence seemed to involve such an invasion of sovereignty as not even to be imaginable. To show that such an agreement would not ask a sacrifice of vital national interest, that indeed the economic advantages which could be exacted by military preponderance were exceedingly small or non-existent, seemed the first indispensable step towards bringing some international code of economic right within the area of practical politics, of giving it any chance of acceptance by public opinion. Yet the effort towards that was disparaged and derided as 'materialistic.' One hoped at least that this disparagement of material interest as a motive in international politics might give us a peace settlement which would be free from it. But economic interest which is 'sordid' when appealed to as a means of preserving the peace, becomes a sacred egoism when invoked on behalf of a policy which makes war almost inevitable. Why did it create such bitter resentment before the War to suggest that we should discuss the economic grounds of international conflict--why before the War were many writers who now demand that discussion so angry at it being suggested? Among the very hostile critics of _The Great Illusion_--hostile mainly on the ground that it misread the motive forces in international politics--was Mr J. L. Garvin. Yet his own first post-war book is entitled: _The Economic Foundations of Peace_, and its first Chapter Summary begins thus:-- 'A primary war, largely about food and raw materials: inseparable connection of the politics and economics of the peace.' And his first paragraph contains the following:-- 'The war with many names was in one main aspect a war about food supply and raw materials. To this extent it was Germany's fight to escape from the economic position of interdependence without security into which she had insensibly fallen--to obtain for herself independent control of an ample share in the world's supplies of primary resources. The war meant much else, but it meant this as well and this was a vital factor in its causes.' His second chapter is thus summarised:-- 'Former international conditions transformed by the revolution in transport and telegraphic intelligence; great nations lose their former self-sufficient basis: growth of interdependence between peoples and continents.... Germany without sea power follows Britain's economic example; interdependence without security: national necessities and cosmopolitan speculation: an Armageddon unavoidable.' Lord Grey has said that if there had existed in 1914 a League of Nations as tentative even as that embodied in the Covenant, Armageddon could in any case have been delayed, and delay might well have meant prevention. We know now that if war had been delayed the mere march of events would have altered the situation. It is unlikely that a Russian revolution of one kind or another could have been prevented even if there had been no war; and a change in the character of the Russian government might well have terminated on the one side the Serbian agitation against Austria, and on the other the genuine fear of German democrats concerning Russia's imperialist ambitions. The death of the old Austrian emperor was another factor that might have made for peace.[137] Assume, in addition to such factors, that Britain had been prepared to recognise Germany's economic needs and difficulties, as Mr Garvin now urges we should recognise them. Whether even this would have prevented war, no man can say. But we can say--and it is implicit in the economic case now so commonly urged as to the need of Germany for economic security--that since we did not give her that security we did not do all that we might have done to remove the causes of war. 'Here in the struggle for primary raw materials' says Mr Garvin in effect over the six hundred pages more or less of his book, 'are causes of war that must be dealt with if we are to have peace.' If then, in the years that preceded Armageddon, the world had wanted to avoid that orgy, and had had the necessary wisdom, these are things with which it would have occupied itself. Yet when the attempt was made to draw the attention of the world to just those factors, publicists even as sincere and able as Mr Garvin disparaged it; and very many misrepresented it by silly distortion. It is easy now to see where that pre-war attempt to work towards some solution was most defective: if greater emphasis had been given to some definite scheme for assuring Germany's necessary access to resources, the real issue might have been made plainer. A fair implication of _The Great Illusion_ was that as Britain had no real interest in thwarting German expansion, the best hope for the future lay in an increasingly clear demonstration of the fact of community of interest. The more valid conclusion would have been that the absence of conflict in vital interests should have been seized upon as affording an opportunity for concluding definite conventions and obligations which would assuage fears on both sides. But criticism, instead of bringing out this defect, directed itself, for the most part, to an attempt to show that the economic fears or facts had nothing to do with the conflict. Had criticism consisted in taking up the problem where _The Great Illusion_ left it, much more might have been done--perhaps sufficient--to make Armageddon unnecessary.[138] The importance of the phenomenon we have just touched upon--the disparagement before war of truths we are compelled to face after war--lies in its revelation of subconscious or unconscious motive. There grows up after some years of peace in every nation possessing military and naval traditions and a habit of dominion, a real desire for domination, perhaps even for war itself; the opportunity that it affords for the assertion of collective power; the mysterious dramatic impulse to 'stop the cackle with a blow; strike, and strike home.' * * * * * For the moment we are at the ebb of that feeling and another is beginning perhaps to flow. The results are showing in our policy. We find in what would have been ten years ago very strange places for such things, attacks upon the government for its policy of 'reckless militarism' in Mesopotamia or Persia. Although public opinion did not manage to impose a policy of peace with Russia, it did at least make open and declared war impossible, and all the efforts of the Northcliffe Press to inflame passion by stories of Bolshevist atrocities fell completely flat. For thirty years it has been a crime of _lèse patrie_ to mention the fact that we have given solemn and repeated pledges for the evacuation of Egypt. And indeed to secure a free hand in Egypt we were ready to acquiesce in the French evasion of international obligations in Morocco, a policy which played no small part in widening the gulf between ourselves and Germany. Yet the political position on behalf of which ten years ago these risks were taken is to-day surrendered with barely a protest. A policy of almost unqualified 'scuttle' which no Cabinet could have faced a decade since, to-day causes scarcely a ripple. And as to the Treaty, certain clauses therein, around which centred less than two years ago a true dementia--the trial of the Kaiser in London, the trial of war prisoners--we have simply forgotten all about. It is certain that sheer exhaustion of the emotions associated with war explains a good deal. But Turks, Poles, Arabs, Russians, who have suffered war much longer, still fight. The policy of the loan to Germany, the independence of Egypt, the evacuation of Mesopotamia, the refusal to attempt the removal of the Bolshevist 'menace to freedom and civilisation' by military means, are explained in part at least by a growing recognition of both the political and the economic futility of the military means, and the absolute need of replacing or supplementing the military method by an increasing measure of agreement and co-operation. The order of events has been such as to induce an interpretation, bring home a conviction, which has influenced policy. But the strength and permanence of the conviction will depend upon the degree of intelligence with which the interpretation is made. Discussion is indispensable and that justifies this re-examination of the suggestions made in _The Great Illusion_. In so far as it is mere emotional exhaustion which we are now feeling, and not the beginning of a new tradition and new attitude in which intelligence, however dimly, has its part, it has in it little hope. For inertia has its dangers as grave as those of unseeing passion. In the one case the ship is driven helplessly by a gale on to the rocks, in the other it drifts just as helplessly into the whirlpool. A consciousness of direction, a desire at least to be master of our fate and to make the effort of thought to that end, is the indispensable condition of freedom, salvation. That is the first and last justification for the discussion we have just summarised. FOOTNOTES: [1] But British policy can hardly be called less contradictory. A year after the enactment of a Treaty which quite avowedly was framed for the purpose of checking the development of German trade, we find the unemployment crisis producing on the part of the _New Statesman_ the following comment:-- 'It must be admitted, however, that the present wave of depression and unemployment is far more an international than a national problem. The abolition of "casual labour" and the adoption of a system of "industrial maintenance" would appreciably affect it. The international aspect of the question has always been important, but never so overwhelmingly important as it is to-day. 'The present great depression, however, is not normal. It is due in the main to the breakdown of credit and the demoralisation of the "exchanges" throughout Europe. France cannot buy locomotives in England if she has to pay 60 francs to the pound sterling. Germany, with an exchange of 260 (instead of the pre-war 20) marks to the pound, can buy scarcely anything. Russia, for other reasons cannot buy at all. And even neutral countries like Sweden and Denmark, which made much money out of the war and whose "exchanges" are fairly normal, are financially almost _hors de combat_, owing presumably to the ruin of Germany. There appears to be no remedy for this position save the economic rehabilitation of Central Europe. 'As long as German workmen are unable to exercise their full productive capacity, English workmen will be unemployed. That, at present, is the root of the problem. For the last two years we, as an industrial nation, have been cutting off our nose to spite our face. In so far as we ruin Germany we are ruining ourselves; and in so far as we refuse to trade with revolutionary Russia we are increasing the likelihood of violent upheavals in Great Britain. Sooner or later we shall have to scrap every Treaty that has been signed and begin again the creation of the New Europe on the basis of universal co-operation and mutual aid. Where we have demanded indemnities we must offer loans. 'A system of international credit--founded necessarily on British credit--is as great a necessity for ourselves as it is for Central Europe. We must finance our customers or lose them and share their ruin, sinking deeper every month into the morass of doles and relief works. That is the main lesson of the present crisis.'--(Jan. 1st, 1921.) [2] Out of a population of 45,000,000 our home-grown wheat suffices for only about 12,500,000, on the basis of the 1919-20 crop. Sir Henry Rew, _Food Supplies in Peace and War_, says: 'On the basis of our present population ... we should still need to import 78 per cent. of our requirements.' (p. 165). Before the War, according to the same authority, home produce supplied 48 per cent. in food value of the total consumption, but the table on which this figure is based does not include sugar, tea, coffee, or cocoa. [3] The growing power of the food-producing area and its determination to be independent as far as possible of the industrial centre, is a fact too often neglected in considering the revolutionary movements of Europe. The war of the classes almost everywhere is crossed by another war, that between cities and country. The land-owning countryman, whether peasant or noble, tends to become conservative, clerical, anti-socialist (and anti-social) in his politics and outlook. [4] 'The Economic Consequences of the Peace,' pp. 275-277. [5] _Manchester Guardian_, Weekly Edition, February 6th., 1920. [6] _Daily News_, June 28th., 1920. [7] Sir William Goode, British Director of Relief, has said, (_Times_ Dec. 6th., 1919):-- 'I have myself recently returned from Vienna. I feel as if I had spent ten days in the cell of a condemned murderer who has given up all hope of reprieve. I stayed at the best hotel, but I saw no milk and no eggs the whole time I was there. In the bitter, cold hall of the hotel, once the gayest rendezvous in Europe, the visitors huddled together in the gloom of one light where there used to be forty. They were more like shadows of the Embankment than representatives of the rich. Vienna's world-famous Opera House is packed every afternoon. Why? Women and men go there in order to keep themselves warm, and because they have no work to do.' He went on:-- 'First aid was to hasten peace. Political difficulties combined with decreased production, demoralisation of railway traffic, to say nothing of actual shortages of coal, food, and finance, had practically paralysed industrial and commercial activity. The bold liberation or creation of areas, without simultaneous steps to reorganise economic life, had so far proved to be a dangerous experiment. Professor Masaryk, the able President of Czecho-Slovakia, put the case in a nutshell when he said: "It is a question of the export of merchandise or of population."' [8] The figures for 1913 are:-- Imports. From British Possessions £192,000,000. From Foreign Countries £577,000,000. Exports. To British Possessions £195,000,000. To Foreign Countries £330,000,000. Re-exports. To British Possessions £14,000,000. To Foreign Countries £96,000,000. [9] The question is dealt with more fully in the last chapter of the 'Addendum' to this book. The chapter of 'The Great Illusion' dealing with the indemnity says: 'The difficulty in the case of a large indemnity is not so much the payment by the vanquished as the receiving by the victor.' (p. 76, 1910 Edition.) Mr Lloyd George (Jan. 28th., 1921) says: 'The real difficulty is in securing payment outside the limits of Germany.... The only way Germany can pay is by exports--the difference between German imports and exports.... If she exports too much for the Allies it means the ruin of their industry.' Thus the main problem of an indemnity is to secure wealth in exportable form which will not disorganise the victor's trade. Yet so obscured does the plainest fact become in the murky atmosphere of war time that in many of the elaborate studies emanating from Westminster and Paris, as to 'What Germany can pay' this phase of the problem is not even touched upon. We get calculations as to Germany's total wealth in railroads, public buildings, houses, as though these things could be picked up and transported to France or Belgium. We are told that the Allies should collect the revenues of the railroads; the _Daily Mail_ wants us to 'take' the income of Herr Stinnes, all without a word as to the form in which this wealth is to _leave Germany_. Are we prepared to take the things made in the factories of Herr Stinnes or other Germans? If not, what do we propose that Germany shall give? Paper marks increased in quantity until they reach just the value of the paper they are printed on? Even to secure coal, we must, as we have seen, give in return food. If the crux of the situation were really understood by the memorialists who want Germany's pockets searched, their studies would be devoted _not_ to showing what Germany might produce under favourable circumstances, which her past has shown to be very great indeed, but what degree of competitive German production Allied industrialists will themselves be ready to face. "Big business" in England is already strongly averse to the payment of an indemnity, as any conversation in the City or with industrialists readily reveals. Yet it was the suggestion of what has actually taken place which excited the derision of critics a few years ago. Obviously the feasibility of an indemnity is much more a matter of our will than of Germany's, for it depends on what shall be the size of Germany's foreign trade. Clearly we can expand that if we want to. We might give her a preference! [10] 'What Happened to Europe.' [11] _Times_, July 3rd., 1920. [12] The proposal respecting Austria was a loan of 50 millions in instalments of five years. [13] Mr Hoover seems to suggest that their repayment should never take place. To a meeting of Bankers he says:-- 'Even if we extend these credits and if upon Europe's recovery we then attempt to exact the payment of these sums by import of commodities, we shall have introduced a competition with our own industries that cannot be turned back by any tariff wall.... I believe that we have to-day an equipment and a skill in production that yield us a surplus of commodities for export beyond any compensation we can usefully take by way of imported commodities.... Gold and remittances and services cannot cover this gulf in our trade balance.... To me there is only one remedy, and that is by the systematic permanent investment of our surplus production in reproductive works abroad. We thus reduce the return we must receive to a return of interest and profit.' A writer in the _New Republic_ (Dec. 29th., 1920.) who quotes this says pertinently enough:-- 'Mr Hoover disposes of the principal of our foreign loans. The debtors cannot return it and we cannot afford to receive it back. But the interest and profit which he says we may receive--that will have to be paid in commodities, as the principal would be if it were paid at all. What shall we do when the volume of foreign commodities received in payment of interest and profit becomes very large and our industries cry for protection?' [14] The present writer declines to join in the condemnation of British miners for reduced output. In an ultimate sense (which is no part of the present discussion) the decline in effort of the miner is perhaps justified. But the facts are none the less striking as showing how great the difference of output can be. Figures given by Sir John Cadman, President of the Institute of Mining Engineers a short time ago (and quoted in the _Fortnightly Review_ for Oct. 1920.), show that in 1916 the coal production per person employed in the United Kingdom was 263 tons, as against 731 tons in the United States. In 1918 the former amounted to 236 tons, and during 1919 it sank to 197½ tons. In 1913 the coal produced per man per day in this country was 0.98 tons, and in America it was 3.91 tons for bituminous coal and 2.19 tons for anthracite. In 1918 the British output figure was 0.80 tons, and the American 3.77 tons for bituminous coal and 2.27 for anthracite. Measured by their daily output, a single American miner does just as much work as do five Englishmen. The inferiority in production is, of course, 'to some considerable extent' due to the fact that the most easily workable deposits in England are becoming exhausted, while the United States can most easily draw on their most prolific and most easily workable sites.... It is the fact that in our new and favourable coalfields, such as the South Yorkshire area, the men working under the most favourable modern conditions and in new mines where the face is near the shaft, do not obtain as much coal per man employed, as that got by the miners in the country generally under the conditions appertaining forty and fifty years ago. [15] Mr J. M. Keynes, 'The Economic Consequences of the Peace,' p. 211, says:--'It is an extraordinary fact that the fundamental economic problem of a Europe starving and disintegrating before their eyes, was the one question in which it was impossible to arouse the interest of the Four.' [16] Incidentally we see nations not yet brought under capitalist organisation (e.g. the peasant nations of the Balkans) equally subject to the hostilities we are discussing. Bertrand Russell writes (_New Republic_, September 15th., 1920):--'No doubt commercial rivalry between England and Germany had a great deal to do with causing the war, but rivalry is a different thing from profit-seeking. Probably by combination, English and German capitalists could have made more than they did out of rivalry, but the rivalry was instinctive, and its economic form was accidental. The capitalists were in the grip of nationalist instinct as much as their proletarian 'dupes.' In both classes some have gained by the war, but the universal will to war was not produced by the hope of gain. It was produced by a different set of instincts, one which Marxian psychology fails to recognise adequately.... Men desire power, they desire satisfaction for their pride and their self-respect. They desire victory over their rivals so profoundly that they will invent a rivalry for the unconscious purpose of making a victory possible. All these motives cut across the pure economic motive in ways that are practically important. There is need of a treatment of political motives by the methods of psycho-analysis. In politics, as in private life, men invent myths to rationalise their conduct. If a man thinks that the only reasonable motive in politics is economic self-advancement, he will persuade himself that the things he wishes to do will make him rich. When he wants to fight the Germans, he tells himself that their competition is ruining his trade. If, on the other hand, he is an 'idealist,' who holds that his politics should aim at the advancement of the human race, he will tell himself that the crimes of the Germans demand their humiliation. The Marxian sees through this latter camouflage, but not through the former. [17] 'If the Englishman sells goods in Turkey or Argentina, he is taking trade from the German, and if the German sells goods in either of these countries--or any other country, come to that--he is taking trade from the Englishman; and the well-being of every inhabitant of the great manufacturing towns, such as London, Paris, or Berlin, is bound up in the power of the capitalist to sell his wares; and the production of manufactured articles has outstripped the natural increase of demand by 67 per cent., therefore new markets must be found for these wares or the existing ones be "forced"; hence the rush for colonies and feverish trade competition between the great manufacturing countries. And the production of manufactured goods is still increasing, and the great cities must sell their wares or starve. Now we understand what trade rivalry really is. It resolves itself, in fact, into the struggle for bread.' (A Rifleman: '_Struggle for Bread._' p. 54.) [18] Mr J. M. Keynes, _The Economic Consequences of the Peace_, says: 'I do not put the money value of the actual _physical_ loss to Belgian property by destruction and loot above £150,000,000 as a _maximum_, and while I hesitate to put yet lower an estimate which differs so widely from those generally current, I shall be surprised if it proves possible to substantiate claims even to this amount.... While the French claims are immensely greater, here too, there has been excessive exaggeration, as responsible French statisticians have themselves pointed out. Not above 10 per cent. of the area of France was effectively occupied by the enemy, and not above 4 per cent. lay within the area of substantial devastation.... In short, it will be difficult to establish a bill exceeding £500,000,000 for _physical and material_ damage in the occupied and devastated areas of Northern France.' (pp. 114-117.) [19] _The Foundations of International Policy_ pp. xxiii-xxiv. It is true, of course, that Governments were for their armies and navies and public departments considerable purchasers in the international market. But the general truth of the distinction here made is unaffected. The difference in degree, in this respect, between the pre-war and post-war state in so great as to make a difference of kind. The dominant motive for State action has been changed. [20] See Addendum and also the authors' _War and the Workers_. (National Labour Press). pp. 29-50. [21] Note of May 22, 1919. [22] Speech of September 5, 1919. From report in Philadelphia Public Ledger, Sept 6. [23] In German East Africa we have a case in which practically the whole of the property in land was confiscated. The whole European population were evicted from the farms and plantations--many, of course, representing the labour of a lifetime--and deported. A visitor to the colony describes it as an empty shell, its productivity enormously reduced. In contradistinction, however, one welcomes General Smuts's statement in the Union House of Assembly in regard to the Government's intentions as to German property. He declared that the balance of nine millions in the hands of the Custodian after claims for damages had been recovered, would not be paid to the Reparations Commission, as this would practically mean confiscation. The Government would take the nine millions, plus interest, as a loan to South Africa for thirty years at four per cent. While under the Peace Treaty they had the right to confiscate all private property in South-West Africa, they did not intend to avail themselves of those rights. They would leave private property alone. As to the concessions, if the titles to these were proved, they would also be left untouched. The statement of the South African Government's intentions, which are the most generous of any country in the world, was received with repeated cheers from all sections of the House. [24] Since the above lines were written the following important announcement has appeared (according to _The Times_ of October 26th., 1920.) in the _Board of Trade Journal_ of October 21st.:-- 'H. M. Government have informed the German Government that they do not intend to exercise their rights under paragraph 18 of Annex II to Part VIII of the Treaty of Versailles, to seize the property of German nationals in this country in case of voluntary default by Germany. This applies to German property in the United Kingdom or under United Kingdom control, whether in the form of bank balances, or in that of goods in British bottoms, or of goods sent to this country for sale. 'It has already been announced that German property, rights, and interests acquired since the publication of the General Licence permitting the resumption of trade with Germany (i.e. since July 12th., 1919), are not liable to retention under Art. 297 of the Peace Treaty, which gives the Allied and Associated Powers the right to liquidate all German property, rights, and interests within their territories at the date of the coming into force of the Treaty.' This announcement has called forth strong protests from France and from some quarters in this country, to which the British Government has rejoined by a semi-official statement that the concession has been made solely on account of British commercial interests. The incident illustrates the difficulty of waiving even permissive powers under the Treaty, although the exercise of those powers would obviously injure British traders. Moreover, the Reparations (Recovery) Act, passed in March 1921, appears to be inconsistent with the above announcement. [25] A point that seems to have been overlooked is the effect of this Treaty on the arrangements which may follow changes in the political status of, say, Egypt or India or Ireland. If some George Washington of the future were to apply the principles of the Treaty to British property, the effects might be far-reaching. A _Quarterly Review_ critic (April 1920) says of these clauses of the Treaty (particularly Article 297b.):-- 'We are justified in regarding this policy with the utmost apprehension, not only because of its injustice, but also because it is likely to form precedents of a most mischievous character in the future. If, it will be said, the Allied Governments ended their great war for justice and right by confiscating private property and ruining those unfortunate individuals who happened to have investments outside their own country, how can private wealth at home complain if a Labour Government proposes to confiscate private property in any business which it thinks suitable for "nationalisation"? Under another provision the Reparations Commission is actually allowed to demand the surrender of German properties and German enterprises in _neutral_ countries. This will be found in Article 235, which "introduces a quite novel principle in the collection of indemnities."' [26] See quotations in Addendum. [27] Cmd. 280 (1919), p. 15. [28] The dilemma is not, of course, as absolute, as this query would suggest. What I am trying to make perfectly clear here is the _kind_ of problem that faces us rather than the precise degree of its difficulty. My own view is that after much suffering especially to the children, and the reduction during a generation or two, perhaps, of the physical standard of the race, the German population will find a way round the sustenance difficulty. For one thing, France needs German coke quite as badly as Germany needs French ore, and this common need may be made the basis of a bargain. But though Germany may be able to surmount the difficulties created for her by her victors, it is those difficulties which will constitute her grievance, and will present precisely the kind, if not the degree, of injustice here indicated. [29] One very commonly sees the statement that France had no adequate resources in iron ore before the War. This is an entire mistake, as the Report of the Commission appointed by the Minister of Munitions to visit Lorraine (issued July, 1919), points out (p. 11.):--'Before the War the resources of Germany of iron ore were 3,600,000,000 tons and those of France 3,300,000,000.' What gave Germany the advantage was the possession not of greater ore resources than France, but of coal suitable for furnace coke, and this superiority in coal will still remain even after the Treaty, although the paralysis of transport and other indispensable factors may render the superiority valueless. The report just quoted says:--'It is true that Germany will want iron ore from Lorraine (in 1913 she took 14,000,000 tons from Briey and 18,500,000 tons from Lorraine), but she will not be so entirely dependent upon this one source of supply as the Lorraine works will be upon Germany for coke, unless some means are provided to enable Lorraine to obtain coke from elsewhere, or to produce her own needs from Saar coal and imported coking coal.' The whole report seems to indicate that the _mise en valeur_ of France's new 'property' depends upon supplies of German coal--to say nothing of the needs of a German market and the markets depending on that market. As it is, the Lorraine steel works are producing nothing like their full output because of the inability of Germany to supply furnace coke, owing largely to the Westphalian labour troubles and transport disorganisation. Whether political passion will so far subside as to enable the two countries to come to a bargain in the matter of exchange of ore or basic pig-iron for furnace coke, remains to be seen. In any case one may say that the ore-fields of Lorraine will only be of value to France provided that much of their product is returned to Germany and used for the purpose of giving value to German coal. [30] From the summary of a series of lectures on the _Biology of Death_, as reported in the _Boston Herald_ of December 19th., 1920. [31] A recent book on the subject, summing up the various recommendations made in France up to 1918 for increasing the birth-rate is _La Natalité: ses Lois Economiques et Psychologiques_, by Gaston Rageot. The present writer remembers being present ten years before the War at a Conference at the Sorbonne on this subject. One of the lecturers summarised all the various plans that had been tried to increase the birth-rate. 'They have all failed,' he concluded, 'and I doubt if anything remains to be done.' And one of the savants present added: 'Except to applaud.' [32] Mr William Harbutt Dawson gives the figures as follows:-- 'The decline in the birth-rate was found to have become a settled factor in the population question.... The birth-rate for the whole Empire reached the maximum figure in 1876, when it stood at 41.0 per 1000 of the population.... Since 1876 the movement has been steadily downward, with the slightest possible break at the beginning of the 'nineties.... Since 1900 the rate has decreased as follows:-- 1900 35.6 per 1000. 1901 35.7 per " 1902 35.1 per " 1903 33.9 per " 1904 34.1 per 1000. 1905 33.0 per " 1906 33.1 per " (_The Evolution of Modern Germany._ p. 309) [33] Conversely it may be said that the economic position of the border States becomes impossible unless the greater States are orderly. In regard to Poland, Mr Keynes remarks: 'Unless her great neighbours are prosperous and orderly, Poland is an economic impossibility, with no industry but Jew-baiting.' Sir William Goode (the British Director of Relief) states that he found 'everywhere never-ending vicious circles of political paradox and economic complication, with consequent paralysis of national life and industry. The new States of repartitioned Europe seem not only incapable of maintaining their own economic life, but also either unable or unwilling to help their neighbours.' (Cmd. 521 (1920), p. 6.) [34] From a manifesto signed by a large number of American intellectuals, business men, and Labour Leaders ('League of Free Nations Association') on the eve of President Wilson's departure for Paris. [35] Interview published by _Pearson's Magazine_, March, 1915. [36] _Times_, March 8, 1915. 'Our honour and interest must have compelled us to join France and Russia even if Germany had scrupulously respected the rights of her small neighbours and had sought to hack her way through the Eastern fortresses. The German Chancellor has insisted more than once upon this truth. He has fancied apparently that he was making an argumentative point against us by establishing it. That, like so much more, only shows his complete misunderstanding of our attitude and our character.... We reverted to our historical policy of the Balance of Power.' The _Times_ maintains the same position five years later (July 31st, 1920): 'It needed more than two years of actual warfare to render the British people wholly conscious that they were fighting not a quixotic fight for Belgium and France, but a desperate battle for their own existence.' [37] _How the War Came_, p. 238. [38] Lord Loreburn adds:-- 'But Sir Edward Grey in 1914 did not and could not offer similar Treaties to France and Germany because our relations with France and the conduct of Germany were such, that for us to join Germany in any event was unthinkable. And he did not proclaim our neutrality because our relations with France, as described in his own speech, were such that he could not in honour refuse to join France in the war. Therefore the example of 1870 could not be followed in 1914, and Belgium was not saved but destroyed.' [39] See the Documents published by the Russian Government in November, 1917. [40] It is not clear whether the undertaking to Russia was actually given. Lord R. Cecil in the House of Commons on July 24th, 1917, said: 'It will be for this country to back up the French in what they desire. I will not go through all the others of our Allies--there are a good many of them--but the principle (to stand by our Allies) will be equally there in the case of all and particularly in the case of Serbia.' [41] Since these lines were written, there has been a change of government and of policy in Italy. An agreement has been reached with Yugo-Slavia, which appears to satisfy the moderate elements in both countries. [42] Lord Curzon (May 17th, 1920) wrote that he did not see how we could invoke the League to restrain Poland. The Poles, he added, must choose war or peace on their own responsibility. Mr Lloyd George (June 19th, 1920) declared that 'the League of Nations could not intervene in Poland.' [43] _The War that will End War_, p. 14. [44] _Ibid._, p. 19. [45] _The Issue_, p. 37-39. [46] _Land and Water_, February 21st, 1918. [47] Even as late as January 13th, 1920, Mr H. W. Wilson of the _Daily Mail_ writes that if the disarmament of Germany is carried out 'the real cause of swollen armaments in Europe will vanish.' On May 18th, 1920, Field-Marshal Sir Henry Wilson (_Morning Post_, May 19th) declares himself thus:-- 'We were told that after this last war we were to have peace. We have not; there are something between twenty and thirty bloody wars going on at the present moment. We were told that the great war was to end war. It did not; it could not. We have a very difficult time ahead, whether on the sea, in the air, or on the land.' He wanted them to take away the warning from a fellow soldier that their country and their Empire both wanted them to-day as much as ever they had, and if they were as proud of belonging to the British Empire as he was they would do their best, in whatever capacity they served, to qualify themselves for the times that were coming. [48] July 31st, 1920. [49] April 19th, 1919. [50] A Reuter Despatch dated August 31st, 1920, says:-- 'Speaking to-day at Charleston (West Virginia) Mr Daniels, U. S. Naval Secretary, said: "We are building enormous docks and are constructing 18 dreadnoughts and battle cruisers, with a dozen other powerful ships which in effective fighting power will give our navy world primacy."' [51] We are once more back to the Carlylean 'deep, patient ... virtuous ... Germany.' [52] Sir Henry Wilson, Chief of the Imperial General Staff, in a memorandum dated December 1st, 1919, which appears in a Blue Book on 'the Evacuation of North Russia, 1919,' says:--'There is one great lesson to be learned from the history of the campaign.... It is that once a military force is involved in operations on land it is almost impossible to limit the magnitude of its commitments.' [53] And Russo-German co-operation is of course precisely what French policy must create. Says an American critic:-- 'France certainly carries a big stick, but she does not speak softly; she takes her own part, but she seems to fear neither God nor the revulsion of man. Yet she has reason to fear. Suppose she succeeds for a while in reducing Germany to servitude and Russia to a dictatorship of the Right, in securing her own dominion on the Continent as overlord by the petty States of Europe. What then? What can be the consequence of a common hostility of the Teutonic and Slavonic peoples, except in the end common action on their part to throw off an intolerable yoke? The nightmare of a militant Russo-German alliance becomes daily a more sinister prophecy, as France teaches the people of Europe that force alone is the solvent. France has only to convince all of Germany that the Treaty of Versailles will be enforced in all its rigour, which means occupation of the Ruhr and the loss of Silesia, to destroy the final resistance of those Germans who look to the West rather than to the East for salvation. Let it be known that the barrier of the Rhine is all bayonet and threat, and western-minded Germany must go down before the easterners, Communist or Junker. It will not matter greatly which.' (_New Republic_, Sept. 15th, 1920). [54] December 23rd, 1919. [55] _The Times_ of September 4th, 1920 reproduces an article from the Matin, on M. Millerand's policy with regard to small States. M. Millerand's aim was that economic aid should go hand in hand with French military protection. With this policy in view, a number of large businesses recently passed under French control, including the Skoda factory in Czecho-Slovakia, big works at Kattowitz in Upper Silesia, the firm of Huta-Bankowa in Poland, railway factories in Rumania, and certain river systems and ports in Yugo-Slavia. In return for assistance to Admiral Horthy, an agreement was signed whereby France obtained control of the Hungarian State Railways, of the Credit Bank, the Hungarian river system and the port of Buda-pest. Other reports state that France has secured 85 per cent. of the oil-fields of Poland, in return for her help at the time of the threat to Warsaw. As the majority of shares in the Polish Oil Company 'Galicia,' which have been in British hands until recently, have been bought up by a French Company, the 'Franco-Polonaise,' France now holds an important weapon of international policy. [56] The present writer would like to enter a warning here that nothing in this chapter implies that we should disregard France's very legitimate fears of a revived militarist Germany. The implication is that she is going the right way about to create the very dangers that terrify her. If this were the place to discuss alternative policies, I should certainly go on to urge that England--and America--should make it plain to France that they are prepared to pledge their power to her defence. More than that, both countries should offer to forgo the debts owing to them by France on condition of French adhesion to more workable European arrangements. The last thing to be desired is a rupture, or a mere change of rôles: France to become once more the 'enemy' and Germany once more the 'Ally.' That outcome would merely duplicate the weary story of the past. [57] _The Expansion of England_, p. 202. [58] The assumption marks even post-war rhetoric. M. Millerand's message to the Senate and Chamber upon his election as President of the Republic says: 'True to the Alliances for ever cemented by blood shed in common,' France will strictly enforce the Treaty of Versailles, 'a new charter of Europe and the World.' (_Times_, Sept. 27th, 1920). The passage is typical of the moral fact dealt with in this chapter. M. Millerand knows, his hearers know, that the war Alliance 'for ever cemented by blood shed in common,' has already ceased to exist. But the admission of this patent fact would be fatal to the 'blood' heroics. [59] Dr L. P. Jacks, Editor of _The Hibbert Journal_, tells us that before the War the English nation, regarded from the moral point of view, was a scene of 'indescribable confusion; a moral chaos.' But there has come to it 'the peace of mind that comes to every man who, after tossing about among uncertainties, finds at last a mission, a cause to which he can devote himself.' For this reason, he says, the War has actually made the English people happier than they were before: 'brighter, more cheerful. The Englishman worries less about himself.... The tone and substance of conversation are better.... There is more health in our souls and perhaps in our bodies.' And he tells how the War cured a friend of insomnia. (_The Peacefulness of Being at War_, _New Republic_, September 11, 1915). [60] The facts of both the Russian and the Italian bargains are dealt with in more detail in Chap. III. [61] Quoted by Mr T. L. Stoddard in an article on Italian Nationalism, in the _Forum_, Sept. 1915. One may hope that the outcome of the War has modified the tendencies in Italy of which he treats. But the quotations he makes from Italian Nationalist writers put Treitschke and Bernhardi in the shade. Here are some. Corradini says: 'Italy must become once more the first nation in the world.' Rocco: 'It is said that all the other territories are occupied. But strong nations, or nations on the path of progress, conquer.... territories occupied by nations in decadence.' Luigi Villari rejoices that the cobwebs of mean-spirited Pacifism have been swept away. Italians are beginning to feel, in whatever part of the world they may happen to be, something of the pride of Roman citizens.' Scipione Sighele writes: 'War must be loved for itself.... To say "War is the most horrible of evils," to talk of war as "an unhappy necessity," to declare that we should "never attack but always know how to defend ourselves," to say these things is as dangerous as to make out-and-out Pacifist and anti-militarist speeches. It is creating for the future a conflict of duties: duties towards humanity, duties towards the Fatherland.' Corradini explains the programme of the Nationalists: 'All our efforts will tend towards making the Italians a warlike race. We will give it a new will; we will instil into it the appetite for power, the need of mighty hopes. We will create a religion--the religion of the Fatherland victorious over the other nations.' I am indebted to Mr Stoddard for the translations; but they read quite 'true to type.' [62] It is true that the Labour Party, alone of all the parties, did take action, happily effective, against the Russian adventure--after it had gone on in intermittent form for two years. But the above paragraphs refer particularly to the period which immediately succeeded the War, and to a general temper which was unfortunately a fact despite Labour action. [63] Mr Hartley Manners, the playwright, who produced during the War a book entitled _Hate with a Will to Victory_, writes thus:-- 'And in voicing our doctrine of Hate let us not forget that the German people were, and are still, solidly behind him (the Kaiser) in everything he does.' ... 'The German people are actively and passively with their Government to the last man and the last mark. No people receive their faith and their rules of conduct more fatuously from their rulers than do the German people. Fronting the world they stand as one with their beloved Kaiser. He who builds on a revolution in Germany as a possible ending of the war, knows not what he says. They will follow through any degradation of the body, through any torture of spirit, the tyrants they have been taught from infancy to regard as their Supreme Masters of body and soul.' ... And here is his picture of 'the German':-- ... 'a slave from birth, with no rights as a free man, owing allegiance to a militaristic Government to whom he looks for his very life; crushed by taxation to keep up the military machine; ill-nourished, ignorant, prone to crime in greater measure than the peasants of any other country--as the German statistics of crime show--a degraded peasant, a wretched future, and a loathesome past--these are the inheritances to which the German peasant is born. What type of nature can develop in such conditions? But one--the _brute_. And the four years' commerce of this War has shown the German from prince to peasant as offspring of the one family--the _brute_ family.' ... [64] The following--which appeared in _The Times_ of April 17, 1915--is merely a type of at least thirty or forty similar reports published by the German Army Headquarters: 'In yesterday's clear weather the airmen were very active. Enemy airmen bombarded places behind our positions. Freiburg was again visited, and several civilians, the majority being children, were killed and wounded.' A few days later the Paris _Temps_ (April 22, 1915) reproduced the German accounts of French air-raids where bombs were dropped on Kandern, Loerrach, Mulheim, Habsheim, Wiesenthal, Tüblingen, Mannheim. These raids were carried out by squads of airmen, and the bombs were thrown particularly at railway stations and factories. Previous to this, British and French airmen had been particularly active in Belgium, dropping bombs on Zeebrugge, Bruges, Middlekirke, and other towns. One German official report tells how a bomb fell on to a loaded street car, killing many women and children. Another (dated September 7, 1915) contains the following: 'In the course of an enemy aeroplane attack on Lichtervelde, north of Roulers in Flanders, seven Belgian inhabitants were killed and two injured.' A despatch from Zürich, dated Sept. 24, 1915, says: 'At yesterday's meeting of the Stuttgart City Council, the Mayor and Councillors protested vigorously against the recent French raid upon an undefended city. Burgomaster Lautenschlager asserted that an enemy that attacked harmless civilians was fighting a lost cause.' [65] March 27th, 1919. [66] In Drinkwater's play, _Abraham Lincoln_, the fire-eating wife of the war-profiteer, who had been violently abusing an old Quaker lady, is thus addressed by Lincoln:-- 'I don't agree with her, but I honour her. She's wrong, but she is noble. You've told me what you think. I don't agree with you, and I'm ashamed of you and your like. You, who have sacrificed nothing babble about destroying the South while other people conquer it. I accepted this war with a sick heart, and I've a heart that's near to breaking every day. I accepted it in the name of humanity, and just and merciful dealing, and the hope of love and charity on earth. And you come to me, talking of revenge and destruction, and malice, and enduring hate. These gentle people are mistaken, but they are mistaken cleanly, and in a great name. It is you that dishonour the cause for which we stand--it is you who would make it a mean and little thing....' [67] The official record of the Meeting of the Council of Ten on January 16, 1919, as furnished to the Foreign Relations Committee of the American Senate, reports Mr Lloyd George as saying:-- 'The mere idea of crushing Bolshevism by military force is pure madness.... 'The Russian blockade would be a "death cordon," condemning women and children to starvation, a policy which, as humane people, those present could not consider.' [68] While attempting in this chapter to reveal the essential difference of the two methods open to us, it is hardly necessary to say that in the complexities and cross-currents of human society practical policy can rarely be guided by a single absolute principle. Reference has been made to the putting of the pooled force of the nations behind a principle or law as the alternative of each attempting to use his own for enforcing his own view. The writer does not suppose for an instant that it is possible immediately to draw up a complete Federal Code of Law for Europe, to create a well-defined European constitution and then raise a European army to defend it, or body of police to enforce it. He is probably the last person in the world likely to believe the political ideas of the European capable of such an agile adaptation. [69] Delivered at Portland, Maine, on March 28th, 1918; reported in _New York Times_, March 29th. [70] Bertrand Russell: _Principles of Social Reconstruction._ Mr. Trotter in _Instincts of the Herd in War and Peace_, says:-- 'We see one instinct producing manifestations directly hostile to each other--prompting to ever-advancing developments of altruism while it necessarily leads to any new product of advance being attacked. It shows, moreover ... that a gregarious species rapidly developing a complex society can be saved from inextricable confusion only by the appearance of reason and the application of it to life. (p. 46.) ... 'The conscious direction of man's destiny is plainly indicated by Nature as the only mechanism by which the social life of so complex an animal can be guaranteed against disaster and brought to yield its full possibilities, (p. 162.) ... 'Such a directing intelligence or group of intelligences would take into account before all things the biological character of man.... It would discover when natural inclinations in man must be indulged, and would make them respectable, what inclinations in him must be controlled for the advantage of the species, and make them insignificant.' (p. 162-3.) [71] The opening sentence of a five volume _History of the Peace Conference of Paris_, edited by H. W. V. Temperley, and published under the auspices of the Institute of International Affairs, is as follows:-- 'The war was a conflict between the principles of freedom and of autocracy, between the principles of moral influence and of material force, of government by consent and of government by compulsion.' [72] Foremost as examples stand out the claims of German Austria to federate with Germany; the German population of the Southern Tyrol with Austria; the Bohemian Germans with Austria; the Transylvanian Magyars with Hungary; the Bulgarians of Macedonia, the Bulgarians of the Dobrudja, and the Bulgarians of Western Thrace with Bulgaria; the Serbs of the Serbian Banat with Yugo-Slavia; the Lithuanians and Ukrainians for freedom from Polish dominion. [73] We know now (see the interview with M. Paderewski in the _New York World_) that we compelled Poland to remain at war when she wanted to make peace. It has never been fully explained why the Prinkipo peace policy urged by Mr Lloyd George as early as December 1918 was defeated, and why instead we furnished munitions, tanks, aeroplanes, poison gas, military missions and subsidies in turn to Koltchak, Denikin, Yudenitch, Wrangel, and Poland. We prolonged the blockade--which in the early phases forbade Germany that was starving to catch fish in the Baltic, and stopped medicine and hospital supplies to the Russians--for fear, apparently, of the very thing which might have helped to save Europe, the economic co-operation of Russia and Central Europe. [74] 'We have no quarrel with the German people. We have no feeling towards them but one of sympathy and friendship. It was not upon their impulse that their government acted in entering this war.' ... 'We are glad ... to fight thus for the ultimate peace of the world, and for the liberation of its peoples, the German peoples included: for the rights of nations great and small ... to choose their way of life.' (President Wilson, Address to Congress, April 2nd, 1917). [75] _The Economic Consequences of the Peace_, p. 211. [76] See quotations from Sir A. Conan Doyle, later in this Chapter. [77] See, e.g., the facts as to the repression of Socialism in America, Chapter V. [78] _The Atlantic Monthly_, November 1920. [79] _Realities of War_, pp. 426-7, 441. [80] Is it necessary to say that the present writer does not accept it? [81] The argument is not invalidated in the least by sporadic instances of liberal activity here--an isolated article or two. For iteration is the essence of propaganda as an opinion forming factor. [82] In an article in the _North American Review_, just before America's entrance into the War, I attempted to indicate the danger by making one character in an imaginary symposium say: 'One talks of "Wilson's programme," "Wilson's policy." There will be only one programme and one policy possible as soon as the first American soldier sets foot on European soil: Victory. Bottomley and Maxse will be milk and water to what we shall see America producing. We shall have a settlement so monstrous that Germany will offer any price to Russia and Japan for their future help.... America's part in the War will absorb about all the attention and interest that busy people can give to public affairs. They will forget about these international arrangements concerning the sea, the League of Peace--the things for which the country entered the War. In fact if Wilson so much as tries to remind them of the objects of the War he will be accused of pro-Germanism, and you will have their ginger Press demanding that the "old gang" be "combed out."' [83] 'If we take the extremist possibility, and suppose a revolution in Germany or in South Germany, and the replacement of the Hohenzollerns in all or part of Germany by a Republic, then I am convinced that for republican Germany there would be not simply forgiveness, but a warm welcome back to the comity of nations. The French, British, Belgians, and Italians, and every civilised force in Russia would tumble over one another in their eager greeting of this return to sanity.' (_What is coming?_ p. 198). [84] See the memoranda published in _The Secrets of Crewe House_. [85] Mr Keynes is not alone in declaring that the Treaty makes of our armistice engagements a 'scrap of paper.' _The Round Table_, in an article which aims at justifying the Treaty as a whole, says: 'Opinions may differ as to the actual letter of the engagements which we made at the Armistice, but the spirit of them is undoubtedly strained in some of the detailed provisions of the peace. There is some honest ground for the feeling manifested in Germany that the terms on which she laid down her arms have not been observed in all respects.' A very unwilling witness to our obligations is Mr Leo Maxse, who writes (_National Review_, February, 1921):-- 'Thanks to the American revelations we are in a better position to appreciate the trickery and treachery of the pre-Armistice negotiations, as well as the hideous imposture of the Paris Peace Conference, which, we now learn for the first time, was governed by the self-denying ordinance of the previous November, when, unbeknown to the countries betrayed, the Fourteen Points had been inextricably woven into the Armistice. Thus was John Bull effectively 'dished' of every farthing of his war costs.' As a fact, of course, the self-denying ordinance was not 'unbeknown to the countries betrayed.' The Fourteen Points commitment was quite open; the European Allies could have repudiated them, as, on one point, Britain did. [86] A quite considerable school, who presumably intend to be taken seriously, would have us believe that the French Revolution, the Russian Revolution, the English Trade Union Movement are all the work of a small secret Jewish Club or Junta--their work, that is, in the sense that but for them the Revolutions or Revolutionary movements would not have taken place. These arguments are usually brought by 'intense nationalists' who also believe that sentiments like nationalism are so deeply rooted that mere ideas or theories can never alter them. [87] An American playwright has indicated amusingly with what ingenuity we can create a 'collectivity.' One of the characters in the play applies for a chauffeur's job. A few questions reveal the fact that he does not know anything about it. 'Why does he want to be a chauffeur?' 'Well, I'll tell you, boss. Last year I got knocked down by an automobile and badly hurt. And I made up my mind that when I came out of the hospital I'd get a bit of my own back. Get even by knocking over a few guys, see?' A policy of 'reprisals,' in fact. [88] December 26th, 1917. [89] A thing which happens about once a week in the United States. [90] October 16th, 1917. [91] The amazing rapidity with which we can change sides and causes, and the enemy become the Ally, and the Ally the enemy, in the course of a few weeks, approaches the burlesque. At the head of the Polish armies is Marshal Pilsudski, who fought under Austro-German command, against Russia. His ally is the Ukrainian adventurer, General Petlura, who first made a separate peace at Brest-Litovsk, and contracted there to let the German armies into the Ukraine, and to deliver up to them its stores of grain. These in May 1920 were the friends of the Allies. The Polish Finance Minister at the time we were aiding Poland was Baron Bilinski, a gentleman who filled the same post in the Austrian Cabinet which let loose the world war, insisted hotly on the ultimatum to Serbia, helped to ruin the finances of the Hapsburg dominions by war, and then after the collapse repeated the same operation in Poland. On the other side the command has passed, it is said, to the dashing General Brusiloff, who again and again saved the Eastern front from Austrian and German offensives. He is now the 'enemy' and his opponents our 'Allies.' They are fighting to tear the Ukraine, which means all South Russia, away from the Russian State. The preceding year we spent millions to achieve the opposite result. The French sent their troops to Odessa, and we gave our tanks to Denikin, in order to enable him to recover this region for Imperial Russia. [92] The Russian case is less evident. But only the moral inertia following on a long war could have made our Russian record possible. [93] He complained that I had 'publicly reproved him' for supporting severity in warfare. He was mistaken. As he really did believe in the effectiveness of terrorism, he did a very real service by standing publicly for his conviction. [94] Here is what the _Times_ of December 10th, 1870, has to say about France and Germany respectively, and on the Alsace-Lorraine question:-- 'We must say with all frankness that France has never shown herself so senseless, so pitiful, so worthy of contempt and reprobation, as at the present moment, when she obstinately declines to look facts in the face, and refuses to accept the misfortune her own conduct has brought upon her. A France broken up in utter anarchy, Ministers who have no recognised chief, who rise from the dust in their air balloons, and who carry with them for ballast shameful and manifest lies and proclamations of victories that exist only in their imagination, a Government which is sustained by lies and imposture, and chooses rather to continue and increase the waste of lives than to resign its own dictatorship and its wonderful Utopia of a republic; that is the spectacle which France presents to-day. It is hard to say whether any nation ever before burdened itself with such a load of shame. The quantity of lies which France officially and unofficially has been manufacturing for us in the full knowledge that they are lies, is something frightful and absolutely unprecedented. Perhaps it is not much after all in comparison with the immeasurable heaps of delusions and unconscious lies which have so long been in circulation among the French. Their men of genius who are recognised as such in all departments of literature are apparently of opinion that France outshines other nations in a superhuman wisdom, that she is the new Zion of the whole world, and that the literary productions of the French, for the last fifty years, however insipid, unhealthy, and often indeed devilish, contain a real gospel, rich in blessing for all the children of men. We believe that Bismarck will take as much of Alsace-Lorraine, too, as he chooses, and that it will be the better for him, the better for us, the better for all the world but France, and the better in the long run for France herself. Through large and quiet measures, Count von Bismarck is aiming with eminent ability at a single object; the well-being of Germany and of the world, of the large-hearted, peace-loving, enlightened, and honest people of Germany growing into one nation; and if Germany becomes mistress of the Continent in place of France, which is light-hearted, ambitious, quarrelsome, and over-excitable, it will be the most momentous event of the present day, and all the world must hope that it will soon come about.' [95] We realise without difficulty that no society could be formed by individuals each of whom had been taught to base his conduct on adages such as these: 'Myself alone'; 'myself before anybody else'; 'my ego is sacred'; 'myself over all'; 'myself right or wrong.' Yet those are the slogans of Patriotism the world over and are regarded as noble and inspiring, shouted with a moral and approving thrill. [96] However mischievous some of the manifestations of Nationalism may prove, the worst possible method of dealing with it is by the forcible repression of any of its claims which can be granted with due regard to the general interest. To give Nationalism full play, as far as possible, is the best means of attenuating its worst features and preventing its worst developments. This, after all, is the line of conduct which we adopt to certain religious beliefs which we may regard as dangerous superstitions. Although the belief may have dangers, the social dangers involved in forcible repression would be greater still. [97] _The Great Illusion_, p. 326 [98] 'The Pacifists lie when they tell us that the danger of war is over.' General Leonard Wood. [99] _The Science of Power_, p. 14. [100] Ibid, p. 144. [101] See quotations, Part I, Chapters I and III. [102] The validity of this assumption still holds even though we take the view that the defence of war as an inevitable struggle for bread is merely a rationalisation (using that word in the technical sense of the psychologists) of impulse or instinct, merely, that is, an attempt to find a 'reason' for conduct the real explanation of which is the subconscious promptings of pugnacities or hostilities, the craving of our nature for certain kinds of action. If we could not justify our behaviour in terms of self-preservation, it would stand so plainly condemned ethically and socially that discipline of instinct--as in the case of sex instinct--would obviously be called for and enforced. In either case, the road to better behaviour is by a clearer revelation of the social mischief of the predominant policy. [103] Rear-Admiral A. T. Mahan: _Force in International Relations_. [104] _The Interest of America in International Conditions_, by Rear-Admiral A. T. Mahan, pp. 47-87. [105] _Government and the War_, p. 62. [106] _State Morality and a League of Nations_, pp 83-85. [107] _North American Review_, March 1912. [108] Admiral Mahan himself makes precisely this appeal:-- 'That extension of national authority over alien communities, which is the dominant note in the world politics of to-day, dignifies and enlarges each State and each citizen that enters its fold.... Sentiment, imagination, aspiration, the satisfaction of the rational and moral faculties in some object better than bread alone, all must find a part in a worthy motive. Like individuals, nations and empires have souls as well as bodies. Great and beneficent achievement ministers to worthier contentment than the filling of the pocket.' [109] It is not necessary to enter exhaustively into the difficult problem of 'natural right.' It suffices for the purpose of this argument that the claim of others to life will certainly be made and that we can only refuse it at a cost which diminishes our own chances of survival. [110] See Mr Churchill's declaration, quoted Part I Chapter V. [111] Mr J. L. Garvin, who was among those who bitterly criticised this thesis on account of its 'sordidness,' now writes: 'Armageddon might become almost as frequent as General Elections if belligerency were not restrained by sheer dread of the consequences in an age of economic interdependence when even victory has ceased to pay.' (Quoted in _Westminster Gazette_, Jan. 24, 1921.) [112] The introductory synopsis reads:-- What are the fundamental motives that explain the present rivalry of armaments in Europe, notably the Anglo-German? Each nation pleads the need for defence; but this implies that some one is likely to attack, and has therefore a presumed interest in so doing. What are the motives which each State thus fears its neighbours may obey? They are based on the universal assumption that a nation, in order to find outlets for expanding population and increasing industry, or simply to ensure the best conditions possible for its people, is necessarily pushed to territorial expansion and the exercise of political force against others (German naval competition is assumed to be the expression of the growing need of an expanding population for a larger place in the world, a need which will find a realisation in the conquest of English Colonies or trade, unless these were defended); it is assumed, therefore, that a nation's relative prosperity is broadly determined by its political power; that nations being competing units, advantage, in the last resort, goes to the possessor of preponderant military force, the weaker going to the wall, as in the other forms of the struggle for life. The author challenges this whole doctrine. [113] See chapters _The Psychological Case for Peace_, _Unchanging Human Nature_, and _Is the Political Reformation Possible?_ 'Not the facts, but men's opinions about the facts, is what matters. Men's conduct is determined, not necessarily by the right conclusion from facts, but the conclusion they believe to be right.' In another pre-war book of the present writer (_The Foundations of International Polity_) the same view is developed, particularly in the passage which has been reproduced in Chapter VI of this book, 'The Alternative Risks of Status and Contract.' [114] The cessation of religious war indicates the greatest outstanding fact in the history of civilised mankind during the last thousand years, which is this: that all civilised Governments have abandoned their claim to dictate the belief of their subjects. For very long that was a right tenaciously held, and it was held on grounds for which there is an immense deal to be said. It was held that as belief is an integral part of conduct, that as conduct springs from belief, and the purpose of the State is to ensure such conduct as will enable us to go about our business in safety, it was obviously the duty of the State to protect those beliefs, the abandonment of which seemed to undermine the foundations of conduct. I do not believe that this case has ever been completely answered.... Men of profound thought and profound learning to-day defend it, and personally I have found it very difficult to make a clear and simple case for the defence of the principle on which every civilised Government in the world is to-day founded. How do you account for this--that a principle which I do not believe one man in a million could defend from all objections has become the dominating rule of civilised government throughout the world? 'Well, that once universal policy has been abandoned, not because every argument, or even perhaps most of the arguments, which led to it, have been answered, but because the fundamental one has. The conception on which it rested has been shown to be, not in every detail, but in the essentials at least, an illusion, a _mis_conception. 'The world of religious wars and of the Inquisition was a world which had a quite definite conception of the relation of authority to religious belief and to truth--as that authority was the source of truth; that truth could be, and should be, protected by force; that Catholics who did not resent an insult offered to their faith (like the failure of a Huguenot to salute a passing religious procession) were renegade. 'Now, what broke down this conception was a growing realisation that authority, force, was irrelevant to the issues of truth (a party of heretics triumphed by virtue of some physical accident, as that they occupied a mountain region); that it was ineffective, and that the essence of truth was something outside the scope of physical conflict. As the realisation of this grew, the conflicts declined.'--_Foundations of International Polity_, p. 214. [115] An attempt is made, in _The Great Illusion_, to sketch the process which lies behind the progressive substitution of bargain for coercion (The Economic Interpretation of the History of Development 'From Status to Contract') on pages 187-192, and further developed in a chapter 'the Diminishing Factor of Physical Force' (p. 257). [116] 'When we learn that London, instead of using its police for the running in of burglars and "drunks," is using them to lead an attack on Birmingham for the purpose of capturing that city as part of a policy of "municipal expansion," or "Civic Imperialism," or "Pan-Londonism," or what not; or is using its force to repel an attack by the Birmingham police acting as the result of a similar policy on the part of the Birmingham patriots--when that happens you can safely approximate a police force to a European army. But until it does, it is quite evident that the two--the army and the police force--have in reality diametrically opposed roles. The police exist as an instrument of social co-operation; the armies as the natural outcome of the quaint illusion that though one city could never enrich itself by "capturing" or "subjugating" another, in some wonderful (and unexplained) way one country can enrich itself by capturing or subjugating another.... 'France has benefited by the conquest of Algeria, England by that of India, because in each case the arms were employed not, properly speaking, for conquest, but for police purposes, for the establishment and maintenance of order; and, so far as they filled that role, their role was a useful one.... 'Germany has no need to maintain order in England, nor England in Germany, and the latent struggle, therefore, between these two countries is futile.... 'It is one of the humours of the whole Anglo-German conflict that so much has the British public been concerned with the myths and bogeys of the matter, that it seems calmly to have ignored the realities. While even the wildest Pan-German does not cast his eyes in the direction of Canada, he does cast them in the direction of Asia Minor; and the political activities of Germany may centre on that area for precisely the reasons which result from the distinction between policing and conquest which I have drawn. German industry is coming to have a dominating situation in the Near East, and as those interests--her markets and investments--increase, the necessity for better order in, and the better organisation of, such territories, increases in corresponding degree. Germany may need to police Asia Minor.' (_The Great Illusion_, pp. 131-2-3.) [117] 'If a great country benefits every time it annexes a province, and her people are the richer for the widened territory, the small nations ought to be immeasurably poorer than the great; instead of which, by every test which you like to apply--public credit, amounts in savings banks, standard of living, social progress, general well-being--citizens of small States are, other things being equal, as well off as, or better off than, the citizens of great. The citizens of countries like Holland, Belgium, Denmark, Sweden, Norway, are, by every possible test, just as well off as the citizens of countries like Germany, Austria, or Russia. These are the facts which are so much more potent than any theory. If it were true that a country benefited by the acquisition of territory, and widened territory meant general well-being, why do the facts so eternally deny it? There is something wrong with the theory.' (_The Great Illusion_, p. 44). [118] See Chapters of _The Great Illusion_, _The State as a Person_, and _A False Analogy and its Consequences_. [119] In the synopsis of the book the point is put thus: 'If credit and commercial contract are tampered with an attempt at confiscation, the credit-dependent wealth is undermined, and its collapse involves that of the conqueror; so that if conquest is not to be self-injurious it must respect the enemy's property, in which case it becomes economically futile.' [120] 'We need markets. What is a market? "A place where things are sold." That is only half the truth. It is a place where things are bought and sold, and one operation is impossible without the other, and the notion that one nation can sell for ever and never buy is simply the theory of perpetual motion applied to economics; and international trade can no more be based upon perpetual motion than can engineering. As between economically highly-organised nations a customer must also be a competitor, a fact which bayonets cannot alter. To the extent to which they destroy him as a competitor, they destroy him, speaking generally and largely, as a customer.... This is the paradox, the futility of conquest--the great illusion which the history of our own empire so well illustrates. We "own" our empire by allowing its component parts to develop themselves in their own way, and in view of their own ends, and all the empires which have pursued any other policy have only ended by impoverishing their own populations and falling to pieces.' (p. 75). [121] See Part I, Chapter II. [122] _Government and the War_, pp. 52-59. [123] _The Political Theory of Mr Norman Angell_, by Professor A. D. Lindsay, _The Political Quarterly_, December 1914. [124] In order that the reader may grasp more clearly Mr Lindsay's point, here are some longer passages in which he elaborates it:-- 'If all nations really recognised the truth of Mr Angell's arguments, that they all had common interests which war destroyed, and that therefore war was an evil for victors as well as for vanquished, the European situation would be less dangerous, but were every one in the world as wisely concerned with their own interests as Mr Angell would have men to be, if they were nevertheless bound by no political ties, the situation would be infinitely more dangerous than it is. For unchecked competition, as Hobbes showed long ago, leads straight to war however rational men are. The only escape from its dangers is by submitting it to some political control. And for that reason the growth of economic relations at the expense of political, which Mr Angell heralds with such enthusiasm, is the greatest peril of modern times. 'If men are to avoid the danger that, in competing with one another in the small but immediate matters where their interests diverge, they may overreach themselves and bring about their mutual ruin, two things are essential, one moral or emotional, the other practical. It is not enough that men should recognise that what they do affects other men, and vice versa. They must care for how their actions affect other men, not only for how they may react on themselves. They must, that is, love their neighbours. They must further agree with one another in caring for certain ways of action quite irrespective of how such ways of action affect their personal interests. They must, that is, be not only economic but moral men. Secondly, recognising that the range of their personal sympathies with other men is more restricted than their interdependence, and that in the excitement of competition all else is apt to be neglected, they must depute certain persons to stand out of the competitive struggle and look after just those vital common interests and greater issues which the contending parties are apt to neglect. These men will represent the common interests of all, their common ideals and their mutual sympathies; they will give to men's concern for these common ends a focus which will enable them to resist the pull of divergent interests and round their actions will gather the authority which these common ends inspire.... ' ... Such propositions are of course elementary. It is, however, important to observe that economic relations are in this most distinguished from political relations, that men can enter into economic relations without having any real purpose in common. For the money which they gain by their co-operation may represent power to carry out the most diverse and conflicting purposes.... ' ... Politics implies mutual confidence and respect and a certain measure of agreement in ideals. The consequence is that co-operation for economic is infinitely easier than for political purposes and spreads much more rapidly. Hence it easily overruns any political boundaries, and by doing so has produced the modern situation which Mr Angell has described.' [125] I have in mind, of course, the writings of Cole, Laski, Figgis, and Webb. In _A Constitution for the Socialist Commonwealth of Great Britain_, Mr Webb writes:-- 'Whilst metaphysical philosophers had been debating what was the nature of the State--by which they always meant the sovereign Political State--the sovereignty, and even the moral authority of the State itself, in the sense of the political government, were being silently and almost unwittingly undermined by the growth of new forms of Democracy.' (p. xv.) In _Social Theory_, Mr Cole, speaking of the necessary co-ordination of the new forms of association, writes:-- 'To entrust the State with the function of co-ordination would be to entrust it in many cases with the task of arbitrating between itself and some other functional association, say a church or a trade union.' There must be a co-ordinating body, but it 'must be not any single association, but a combination of associations, a federal body in which some or all of the various functional associations are linked together.' (pp. 101 and 134.) A reviewer summarises Mr Cole as saying: 'I do not want any single supreme authority. It is the sovereignty of the State that I object to, as fatal to liberty. For single sovereignty I substitute a federal union of functions, and I see the guarantee of personal freedom in the severalty which prevents any one of them from undue encroachments.' [126] The British Treasury has issued statements showing that the French people at the end of last year were paying £2. 7s., and the British people £15. 3s. per head in direct taxation. The French tax is calculated at 3.5. per cent. on large incomes, whereas similar incomes in Great Britain would pay at least 25 per cent. This does not mean that the burden of taxes on the poor in France is small. Both the working and middle classes have been very hard hit by indirect taxes and by the rise in prices, which is greater in France than in England. The point is that in France the taxation is mainly indirect, this falling most heavily upon the poor; while in England it is much more largely direct. The French consumers are much more heavily taxed than the British, but the protective taxes of France bring in comparatively little revenue, while they raise the price of living and force the French Government and the French local authorities to spend larger and larger amounts on salaries and wages. The Budget for the year 1920 is made the occasion for an illuminating review of France's financial position by the reporter of the Finance Commission, M. Paul Doumar. The expenditure due to the War until the present date amounts roughly to 233,000 million francs (equivalent, at the normal rate of exchange, to £9,320,000,000) whereof the sum of 43,000 million francs has been met out of revenue, leaving a deficit of 190 billions. This huge sum has been borrowed in various ways--26 billions from the Bank of France, 35 billions from abroad, 46 billions in Treasury notes, and 72 billions in regular loans. The total public debt on July 1 is put at 233,729 millions, reckoning foreign loans on the basis of exchange at par. M. Doumer declares that so long as this debt weighs on the State, the financial situation must remain precarious and its credit mediocre. [127] January, 1921. [128] An authorised interview published by the daily papers of January 28th, 1921. M. Briand, the French Premier, in explaining what he and Mr Lloyd George arranged at Paris to the Chamber and Senate on February 3rd, remarked:-- 'We must not lose sight of the fact that in order to pay us Germany must every year create wealth abroad for herself by developing her exports and reducing her imports to strictly necessary things. She can only do that to the detriment of the commerce and industry of the Allies. That is a strange and regrettable consequence of facts. The placing of an annuity on her exports, payable in foreign values, will, however, correct as much as possible this paradoxical situation.' [129] Version appearing in the _Times_ of January 28th, 1921. [130] _The Manchester Guardian_, Jan 31st, 1921. [131] Mr John Foster Dulles, who was a member of the American delegation at the Peace Conference, has, in an article in _The New Republic_ for March 30th, 1921, outlined the facts concerning the problem of payment more completely than I have yet seen it done. The facts he reveals constitute a complete and overwhelming vindication of the case as stated in the first edition of _The Great Illusion_. [132] As the Lorraine ores are of a kind that demand much less than their own weight of coal for smelting, it is more economic to bring the coal to the ore than vice versa. It was for political and military reasons that the German State encouraged the placing of some of the great furnaces on the right instead of the left bank of the Rhine. [133] It is worth while to recall here a passage from _The Economic Consequences of the Peace_, by Mr J. M. Keynes, quoted in Chapter I. of this book. [134] There is one aspect of the possible success of France which is certainly worth consideration. France has now in her possession the greatest iron ore fields in Europe. Assume that she is so far successful in her policy of military coercion that she succeeds in securing vast quantities of coal and coke for nothing. French industry then secures a very marked advantage--and an artificial and 'uneconomic' one--over British industry, in the conversion of raw materials into finished products. The present export by France of coal which she gets for nothing to Dutch and other markets heretofore supplied by Britain might be followed by the 'dumping' of steel and iron products on terms which British industry could not meet. This, of course, is on the hypothesis of success in obtaining 'coal for nothing,' which the present writer regards as extremely unlikely for the reasons here given. But it should be noted that the failure of French effort in this matter will be from causes just as disastrous for British prosperity as French success would be. [135] See Part I, Chapter I. [136] _English Review_, January 1913. Lord Roberts, in his 'Message to the Nation,' declared that Germany's refusal to accept the world's _status quo_ was 'as statesmanlike as it is unanswerable.' He said further:-- 'How was this Empire of Britain founded? War founded this Empire--war and conquest! When we, therefore, masters by war of one-third of the habitable globe, when _we_ propose to Germany to disarm, to curtail her navy or diminish her army, Germany naturally refuses; and pointing, not without justice, to the road by which England, sword in hand, has climbed to her unmatched eminence, declares openly, or in the veiled language of diplomacy, that by the same path, if by no other, Germany is determined also to ascend! Who amongst us, knowing the past of this nation, and the past of all nations and cities that have ever added the lustre of their name to human annals, can accuse Germany or regard the utterance of one of her greatest a year and a half ago, (or of General Bernhardi three months ago) with any feelings except those of respect?' (pp. 8-9.) [137] Lord Loreburn says: 'The whole train of causes which brought about the tragedy of August 1914 would have been dissolved by a Russian revolution.... We could have come to terms with Germany as regards Asia Minor: Nor could the Alsace-Lorraine difficulty have produced trouble. No one will pretend that France would have been aggressive when deprived of Russian support considering that she was devoted to peace even when she had that support. Had the Russian revolution come, war would not have come.' (_How the War Came_, p. 278.) [138] Mr Walter Lippmann did tackle the problem in much the way I have in mind in _The Stakes of Diplomacy_. That book is critical of my own point of view. But if books like that had been directed at _The Great Illusion_, we might have made headway. As it is, of course, Mr Lippmann's book has been useful in suggesting most that is good in the mandate system of the League of Nations. * * * * * Typographical errors corrected by the etext transcriber: wth Great Britain=> with Great Britain {pg xvii} his colleages=> his colleagues {pg 38} retore devastated districts=> restore devastated districts {pg 39} aquiescence=> acquiescence {pg 45} indispensible=> indispensable {pg 46} the Lorrarine work=> the Lorraine work {pg 86} rcently passed=> recently passed {pg 135} Allied aerodomes on the Rhine=> Allied aerodromes on the Rhine {pg 163} the sublest=> the subtlest {pg 239} the enemy's propetry=> the enemy's property {pg 294} a monoply=> a monopoly {pg 299} goverments=> governments {pg 299} econmic=> economic {pg 303} 
41463	----	produced from scanned images of public domain material from the Google Print project.) Every attempt has been made to replicate the original book as printed. Some typographical errors have been corrected. No attempt has been made to correct or normalize the printed accentuation or spelling of Spanish names or words. (etext transcriber's note) [Illustration: _Frontispiece._ ENTRANCE TO HAVANA HARBOUR.] INDUSTRIAL CUBA BEING A STUDY OF PRESENT COMMERCIAL AND INDUSTRIAL CONDITIONS, WITH SUGGESTIONS AS TO THE OPPORTUNITIES PRESENTED IN THE ISLAND FOR AMERICAN CAPITAL, ENTERPRISE, AND LABOUR. BY ROBERT P. PORTER SPECIAL COMMISSIONER FOR THE UNITED STATES TO CUBA AND PORTO RICO WITH MAPS AND 62 ILLUSTRATIONS G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS NEW YORK AND LONDON The Knickerbocker Press 1899 COPYRIGHT, 1899 BY ROBERT P. PORTER Entered at Stationers' Hall, London The Knickerbocker Press, New York TO WILLIAM McKINLEY PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES THIS BOOK IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED BY THE AUTHOR INTRODUCTION This volume deals with the living questions of Cuba--the questions which confront the United States in the reconstruction of the Island. It aims to give a description of Cuba as it appeared to the author when, as Special Commissioner of the United States, he was sent by President McKinley to report on its industrial, commercial, and financial condition, soon after the signing of the protocol of peace, August 12, 1898. It is the result of nearly seven months' inquiry and hard work, in which the Island has been visited three times, over five hundred witnesses have been examined, and innumerable statements have been studied and analysed. In the course of this inquiry the author has visited all the provinces and nearly all the principal cities and towns. The merit of the book lies in the freshness and originality of the material brought together, and the demerit in the fact that it has been written by one who was obliged to snatch a few hours at a time to map out or write a chapter. The author realises the defects and asks the indulgence of the reader on the ground that it is the first attempt to discuss the economic and political future of Cuba under its new form of government. Whatever the future may have in store for this wonderful and unfortunate Island, the author can truly say that the task allotted him by the President has, so far as Cuba and the Cuban people are concerned, been conscientiously and faithfully performed. The measures inaugurated for the government of the Island, which were based upon the author's reports, have been scrupulously framed in the interest of Cuba and not with a view of benefiting by discrimination the United States. The machinery of the new government has been set running in Cuba, and though some time may elapse before it is working as smoothly as we would wish, it has been inaugurated with the sole desire of doing the best possible by Cuba. Of the rest, the reader must judge for himself. The subject at least is interesting, even though its treatment here may be a little statistical. The account of the visit to General Gomez was deemed sufficiently interesting and important to give it in full, exactly as the report was made through the Honourable Secretary of the Treasury, Lyman J. Gage, to the President. Recognition is due to Mr. W. J. Lampton for his assistance to the writer. R. P. P. 36 EAST SIXTY-FIFTH STREET, NEW YORK. _February 9, 1899._ CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE I.--CUBA--POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC 1 II.--CONDITIONS WHICH CONFRONT US 14 III.--POLITICAL FUTURE OF CUBA 32 IV.--THE ENGLISH IN JAMAICA 47 V.--THE AMERICANS IN SANTIAGO 62 VI.--OUTLOOK IN CUBA FOR LABOUR 73 VII.--THE POPULATION OF CUBA 90 VIII.--SANITARY WORK IN CUBA 108 IX.--CITIES AND TOWNS OF CUBA 122 X.--HAVANA 139 XI.--COLONEL WARING'S SANITARY REPORT 154 XII.--MUNICIPAL PROBLEMS IN HAVANA 172 XIII.--BANKS AND CURRENCY 190 XIV.--PAYMENT OF INSURGENT SOLDIERS 204 XV.--THE REVENUE OF CUBA--CUSTOMS TARIFFS 211 XVI.--THE AMENDED TARIFF--OFFICIAL 221 XVII.--THE REVENUE OF CUBA--INTERNAL TAXES 248 XVIII.--HOW THE REVENUE WAS SPENT 256 XIX.--COMMERCE 267 XX.--SUGAR 281 XXI.--TOBACCO 302 XXII.--MINES AND MINING 318 XXIII.--AGRICULTURE AND STOCK 329 XXIV.--TIMBER AND FRUIT 338 XXV.--TRANSPORTATION 351 XXVI.--NAVIGATION 362 XXVII.--EDUCATION AND RELIGION 376 XXVIII.--A MEETING WITH GENERAL GOMEZ 390 XXIX.--CONCLUSION--THE OUTLOOK FOR THE FUTURE 408 [Illustration: _Frontispiece._ ENTRANCE TO HAVANA HARBOUR.] Illustrations PAGE ENTRANCE TO HAVANA HARBOUR Frontispiece SKETCH-MAP OF THE PROVINCE OF PINAR DEL RIO 8 SKETCH-MAP OF THE PROVINCES OF HAVANA AND MATANZAS 16 BATEY OF SANTA CATALINA 22 SKETCH-MAP OF THE PROVINCE OF SANTA CLARA 28 SKETCH-MAP OF THE PROVINCE OF PUERTO PRINCIPE 38 SKETCH-MAP OF THE PROVINCE OF SANTIAGO DE CUBA 44 ON THE ROAD TO CASTLETON, JAMAICA 50 CATHEDRAL STREET, SANTIAGO DE CUBA 66 From a photograph by J. F. Coonley, Nassau, N. P. CANE CUTTERS 76 A COUNTRY VILLA 92 CUBAN "GUARACHERO" (MINSTREL) 96 A NATIVE HUT 100 From a photograph by J. F. Coonley, Nassau, N. P. STREET VIEW, SANTIAGO DE CUBA 108 From a photograph by J. F. Coonley, Nassau, N. P. WATERMAN IN THE COUNTRY 112 MARIANAO WATER VENDOR 116 SQUARE IN FRONT OF GOVERNOR'S PALACE AT SANTIAGO DE CUBA 122 A MULE TRAIN, SANTIAGO DE CUBA 124 From a photograph by J. F. Coonley, Nassau, N. P. MATANZAS YUMURI RIVER AND ENTRANCE TO THE VALLEY 128 PANORAMA FROM THE ROAD TO THE CAVES, MATANZAS 132 THE PLAZA, CIENFUEGOS 136 HAVANA, FROM ACROSS THE BAY 146 THE PRADO, HAVANA 150 YARD OF AMERICAN CLUB, HAVANA 156 THE PRADO AND INDIAN STATUE, HAVANA 166 HOUSE OF PARLIAMENT, HAVANA 180 TACON MARKET, HAVANA 186 FIRE DEPARTMENT, SANTIAGO DE CUBA 196 MORRO CASTLE, SANTIAGO DE CUBA 206 PALM TREE BRIDGE 220 AVENUE OF PALM TREES, PALATINO 238 ROAD IN A PINE GROVE OF YUELTA ABAJO 252 A COCOANUT GROVE 262 A SUGAR-CANE TRAIN 272 SUGAR-CANE SCALES 276 CANE FIELDS 282 CUTTING SUGAR-CANE 286 UNLOADING CANE AT A BATEY 290 CYLINDERS FOR GRINDING SUGAR-CANE 294 APPARATUS FOR PACKING SUGAR AT THE SAN JOSE CENTRAL 298 PLANTING TOBACCO 302 TOBACCO FARM AND DWELLING 304 WETTING THE TOBACCO LEAF 308 TOBACCO-DRYING HOUSE 310 BALING TOBACCO 314 OLD COPPER MINES AT LA COPERA 318 MINING CAMP AT FIRENEZA 322 ORE BANK OF JURAGUA MINES 326 OX CART 332 A FOWL VENDOR 334 ROYAL PALMS, YUMURI VALLEY 336 SAGO PALM 338 MAHOGANY CARRIED BY OXEN 340 CUBAN FRUITS 344 COFFEE MILL, SANTIAGO DE CUBA 348 A CONVOY IN THE HILLS 352 A CUBAN VOLANTE 354 CUBAN MULE CART 358 A CURVE ON THE YAGUAJAY RAILROAD 360 THE HAVANA FLOATING DOCK 364 A CUBAN FERRY 368 PIER OF THE JURAGUA IRON CO., LTD. 372 OLD ARCH OF THE JESUIT COLLEGE, HAVANA 378 OLD CATHOLIC CHURCH AT LA COPERA 380 THE CATHEDRAL, HAVANA 384 THE CATHEDRAL, SANTIAGO DE CUBA 388 SPANISH FORT ON RAILROAD TO JURAGUA MINES 396 MAP OF CUBA 416 INDUSTRIAL CUBA CHAPTER I CUBA--POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC A nation, like an individual, must be gauged by its endowments, its environment, its opportunities, and the various causes which from time to time accelerate or retard its progress. Cuba is richly endowed with natural resources, it is within a short distance of the best and most profitable market in the world, and its opportunities, under favourable conditions of trade, should have made its population contented and prosperous. Had it not been for the numerous causes which have retarded all progress in this Island, what would have been its industrial, commercial, and social conditions at the close of the present century? Numbering over a million population fifty years ago, the Island of Cuba, at the rate of growth common to the more prosperous countries of the western hemisphere, ought to number at the present time between four and a half and five millions of inhabitants. With this population, and a government giving everyone the right to the fruits of his own labour, Cuba's sugar crop alone would have been more than double the high-water mark of the last prosperous year, exceeding two millions of tons, with a value of one hundred millions of dollars. Tobacco, coffee, tropical fruits, iron ore, other minerals of various kinds, lumber, cattle, and innumerable other products which form the commercial wealth of this marvellous Island, would have increased the annual value of its products to figures ranging between two hundred and two hundred and fifty millions of dollars, and thus more than doubled, perhaps trebled, its commercial importance. Laws favourable to trade, and a government interested in development of home industry would have retained for Cuba a large proportion of this wealth, and there would have sprung up an industrial system giving actual employment to as many people in the gainful occupations as will be found in all Cuba when the last Spanish soldier departs from the desolate and prostrate Island. Cuba should have developed some diversified industries, if only those branches of manufacture which are necessary to supply the requirements of its own population. In its mineral resources it has the basis for the manufacture of iron and steel and for the establishment of machine-shops to supply home demands. In its untouched forests of excellent hardwood, Cuba possesses the chief raw material for the manufacture of furniture and other articles for which the Spanish race are justly famous. With steel and wood for the first quality in abundance, and a water tonnage of considerable magnitude, there should have sprung up, in many of the unequalled harbours of the coast of Cuba, shipyards of no mean dimensions. Without becoming a manufacturing country, except in sugar and tobacco and a few other products in which Cuba excels, it might, under favourable conditions, at this period of its industrial history have been producing many articles of home consumption which, by reason of the unhappy management of its affairs, it has been compelled to purchase abroad. Not abroad in the open markets of the world, for that is another story; but of Spain, because the most infamous discriminating duties have shut Cuba out of the cheaper markets; and while thus gagged and bound, the Island has been plundered and despoiled by the mother country. In this manner have resources and revenue alike been drained away and nothing left, either for home enterprise or improvement, nor for reserve capital with which to do business. Cuba should have established a central railway system running the length of the Island from east to west, with branches extending on all sides, like its rivers, to the many good towns and harbours on both north and south coasts. Instead of this it has a little less than a thousand miles of line, operated by seven timid companies, extending in various directions, but leaving the two ends of the Island farther apart in actual days of travel than are New York and San Francisco. The capital city of Cuba, Havana, has within it the possibilities of a great and beautiful city; the commercial and industrial city of a prosperous country of five millions of people, and the winter health-resort for the rich and fashionable families of all North America. Its public buildings should have been of the best, its tropical parks and gardens the most fascinating in the world, its streets and pavements the most substantial, its healthfulness unquestioned, and its harbours and docks thronged with shipping and resonant with commercial activity. The merchants of Havana should rank among the richest and most prosperous in the world, and the business, manufacturing, and social interests of the place be equal to those of Boston or Baltimore or San Francisco. What applies to Havana applies only in a lesser degree to the other cities of Cuba, many of which are excellently located and should be important industrial and commercial centres, with numerous fields for the modern municipal enterprise which has done so much to improve the condition of the urban population of Europe and of the United States. Last, though not least, the Island should have been dotted over with the trinity of civilisation--the home, the schoolhouse, and the church. It is the lack of these three great elements of national strength and progress, underlying Cuba's ills, that is the cause of much of its misfortune. The building of the home, the establishment of the school, and the tolerance of religious worship in half a century changed Texas from a wilderness to a great and prosperous State, with the possibilities of an empire. These same forces, had full play been given them in Cuba during the same period, would have transformed that Island into all that has herein been depicted. Its resources are abundant to maintain five and even ten millions of persons, for only a small proportion of its area is populated. The climate is healthful and the dangers to those unacclimated which lurk in its seaport towns may all be controlled by sanitary and engineering science. That these possibilities have not been realised does not lie with Cuba itself, but is due to the numerous causes which have retarded and stopped its development, and which have finally, after years of strife and war, left the Island with population depleted, agriculture prostrate, industry destroyed, and commerce devastated. It may be necessary for a clear view of the subject in hand to review briefly the causes which have led to this unhappy end; but, happily, a work dealing with the rehabilitation or industrial reconstruction of Cuba does not require the author either to dwell long upon nor to emphasise the gloomy side of the picture. The results of Spanish robbery and misrule speak too plainly. The reader has seen what Cuba might have been under an honest, stable government, or under the protecting ægis of the United States. The picture presented is not exaggerated, but is coloured by a moderate brush. What Cuba is, alas! is too well known to American and English readers to call for more than a brief summary of conditions as they existed when the author was requested by the President of the United States to visit the Island, report upon its industrial condition, and suggest plans for the relief of the population and for the commercial and industrial reconstruction of the country. Visiting the Island immediately after the signing of the protocol of the cessation of hostilities between the United States and Spain, August 12, 1898, and again returning to Santiago in December after that province had been in charge of the United States military authorities for nearly six months, he had ample and satisfactory opportunity for the study of conditions and future needs of the people. Surely the horrors and the desolating hand of war were never laid more heavily upon a once prosperous country. Nearly a third of the population wiped out by battle, wholesale slaughter, starvation, exposure, or disease, and a large proportion of those left enfeebled by deprivation and too weak to take up their occupations; the cane-fields and tobacco plantations, which formed the basis of prosperity, burned, and whole sections of country swept of every vestige of civilisation; sugar-centrals, houses, and structures of all kinds destroyed, and inhabitants either dead or huddled half starved in miserable huts near the towns and cities; not a living creature to be seen where once browsed innumerable cattle, and death, destruction, and desolation spread throughout this land that should, and under ordinary circumstances would, be as full of life and prosperity as the richest agricultural section of our own country. Nor were the cities and towns exempted. Trade and commerce at a standstill; the few sickly manufacturing industries which at the best struggled under the most adverse conditions closed, the ruined buildings emphasising the scene of desolation. In Havana, the wharves and numerous large warehouses were empty, or converted into rendezvous and hospitals for Spanish troops. Hungry and discouraged, the native population stood listlessly on the streets and in the public places. At each station the railroad trains were boarded by half-starving women or children begging for bread or coppers. The principal signs of life were exhibited by the Spanish soldiers, who, with their blue cotton uniforms and Mauser rifles, seemed to form the greater part of the population of the cities and towns, while at the small country railroad stations the squads of woe-begone soldiers alongside the blockhouses comprised the only living relief to miles of waste. The Cuban railways, like all other implements of industry in the unfortunate Island, show evidences of the conflict. Stations burned, bridges destroyed, tracks torn up, freight-cars made into portable blockhouses, locomotives blown to pieces, and passenger-cars dilapidated and dingy. In short, a country more systematically pillaged, more infamously deprived of its resources, more wantonly plundered of its revenues, and a population more completely deprived of its rights by those who had every reason to foster and protect a valuable possession cannot be found recorded in ancient or modern history. Cuba, as it was left at the close of this year by the Spanish, who to the last moment seemed loth to leave the emaciated body which their inordinate greed had thus reduced, presents a picture so sad and sorrowful that, for the sake of our common humanity, it is better to draw a curtain over the past and direct attention to the happier omens which point to the possibilities of the future. The work of industrial, commercial, and social reconstruction of Cuba must date from the eventful day when the Stars and Stripes were unfurled above Morro Castle. It is with this work that the present volume deals. Whatever form the government of Cuba may take, the responsibility of the commercial and industrial rehabilitation of the Island must rest with the United States. The power that forced the Spanish to evacuate the Island is the power which the world will hold responsible for the future welfare of its people. The timid, the weak, and the craven-hearted who contend that the United States has no responsibility, after it has assumed all responsibility, are entitled to no voice in the disposition of Cuba. The cost to the United States cannot be put in the balance against the duty of the United States. The moral obligation, therefore, toward Cuba and humanity must come first. The war was a war of humanity and not of conquest. The same principle must guide those upon whose shoulders will fall the more difficult task of restoring peace, forming a stable government, and reviving commerce and industry. For the United States to desert Cuba in its hour of greatest need would be more inhuman than it would have been to have left it to Weyler and his policy of extermination. The plain duty of the hour, so far as the United States is concerned, and the best means of solving all political questions which may arise in connection with the Island, is to begin at once the work of economic or industrial reconstruction, postponing for future discussion all political questions. To this end the mission already referred to was projected. To this end a firm military government, capable of keeping law and order, will be established. To this end the attention of the people of Cuba should be at once directed toward the economic questions upon which depend the progress and prosperity of the population. The destruction and disorganisation brought about by the war will make the work of placing the Island in a favourable economic condition costly and protracted, and many years must elapse before Cuba will take its rightful place in the economies of the world. By this is meant the position to which its resources and location entitle it. If it is true, and I doubt it not, that the causes which have led to war, both in 1868 and in 1895, were more economic than political (and the greater importance of economic over political questions in such a colony of small and mixed population as Cuba is easy to understand), then Cuba to-day is free. The Spanish Government would have more willingly granted political freedom to Cuba had it not been for the well-grounded fear that economic concessions would have necessarily followed. Those United States officials who have been in Cuba since the signing of the protocol of peace understand this fully. The United States Military Commissioners, in their daily intercourse with Spanish officials, have found no sentiment of resentment toward the United States. The regrets have all been of a sordid character and may be summed up in loss of revenue and commerce for Spain. The war which has just been brought to an end really began in 1868. Although between 1878 and 1895 there was some appearance of peace, the real situation in Cuba during these seventeen years was one of silent economic struggle with Spain. The meaning of the peace of Zanjon (1878) was that Spaniards and Cubans were to be treated alike. The fact has been, however, that the Cuban native population has been kept in a condition similar to slavery. The means employed have been skilful and full of cunning. Leaving to the Cubans complete liberty of discussion by means of the press, the Government has felt itself powerful enough to despise them, and when warned of the danger of a new revolution, always considered impossible this last extremity. This feeling of absolute confidence and reliance on the military power of Spain has constantly been expressed in Madrid, both officially and privately, and also by the Spanish party in Cuba. During the years 1878-1895, a political organisation (the Autonomist party) was formed in opposition to the obstinate Spanish party. It would be too tedious to go now into the details of contemporary Cuban politics; it is enough to say that the Spanish Government has been to the last moment strenuously opposed to any plan of real autonomy, that is, to an autonomy that would grant industrial freedom to Cuba. Even the laws of autonomy actually conceded in 1897-1898, as a last and desperate resource against the revolution, were not granted in good faith, as is well known to those who have carefully watched the course of Cuban-Spanish politics. Therefore, although the Cubans knew very well how superior to their own strength was the Spanish power, and understood equally well how great and numerous were the dangers of a new insurrection, nevertheless the sufferings of the entire native population were such that the popular sentiment became irresistible, and after a few fruitless outbreaks the war was renewed in 1895. [Illustration: SKETCH MAP OF THE PROVINCE OF PINAR DEL RIO.] The long contest between Spain and Cuba has been finally decided by American intervention, without which the war must have been protracted until the Island was completely devastated and ruined; and even then Spain would never have given it up. Not from patriotic motives, but simply and solely because it yielded revenue to Spain's depleted treasury, and gave her sons an opportunity for pillage and plunder. The tenacity with which these officials have clung to the offices, and the difficulty which the United States Commissioners encountered in obtaining a relinquishment of the custom-houses, all point to the cupidity of the Spanish, and show that they were in Cuba for revenue exclusively. Considering now the political aspect of Cuban affairs after the protocol of August 12, 1898, it will be found that no well-defined scheme of political organisation exists in Cuba, and that the only really popular and, it may be said, unanimous feeling is that liberty, in all the legitimate meanings of this word, is necessary. The actual situation may be compared to an anarchy, for there is really no supreme authority. How to discuss and establish any political laws in the midst of this existing legal anarchy and complete lack of political experience, is the question confronting the United States Government. This situation and many other conditions that are the natural consequences of the last events point out the necessity of forming provisionally a strong government in Cuba, under the guidance and protection of the United States. Under such protection the work of rebuilding the industries destroyed, and of once more making productive the fields burned and the plantations dismantled and devastated, can be carried on, and in no other way. With these general conditions in mind, it may be well to ascertain if there exist any facts of a promising nature, which will contribute to make easier the work the United States has undertaken. It is undoubtedly true that the people of Cuba can be brought together on economic questions, if not on those of a political character. The United States has specifically disclaimed "any disposition or intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control over said Island," except for "the pacification thereof." If, therefore, the pacification can be more easily and surely accomplished by giving Cuba industrial freedom,--the right to buy in the most advantageous markets in the world, and sell where the natural demands for its products exist,--the United States has the right before all the world to carry out that programme. Spain never granted this right to Cuba, not even in the alleged Autonomist Government wrung from Madrid when war with the United States seemed imminent and Spanish diplomacy was in the last ditch. The signs and omens for crystallising public sentiment in the Island of Cuba on all industrial questions are far more hopeful at the present moment than are those which indicate the possibility of establishing a stable government, and thus leaving the management and control of the Island to its people. There is now no opposition nor rivalry of different interests among the Cubans, as the strong and important industries in Cuba, most of them agricultural, are of such a nature that they may all thrive at the same time. Until now the condition has been different, because the prosperity of all Cuban industries has been thwarted and impeded by the protection and privileges which the Spanish Government had to grant to the Peninsular industries, whose interests (always in opposition to the legitimate wants of Cuba) have ever been systematically preferred to those most vital in the Island. Another fact is that the productive energy of Cuba and the fertility of its soil are so great, and the real needs of the population so very small, that the process of accumulating capital will become very rapid, after the worst results of the late war are over and a settled and stable government has been established. How far the natural resources of the country will contribute to this result will soon be understood and appreciated. Heretofore, the yearly increase of public wealth has been a very doubtful quantity, and it has never been possible to build any hope on that ground, because all industrial profits have been absorbed by Spain, without leaving any surplus to provide for the accumulation of capital and the material progress of the Island. The consequences of the Spanish colonial system have been such that even before the present war Cuba was already ruined. The 1895-1898 war has completed and aggravated to the utmost degree the material ruin of the Island. The ultimate result of this industrial thraldom has been the never-ending removal of Cuban wealth to Spain, without any return. The means employed for securing that object were numberless. The irresponsible methods of governing Cuba converted the Island into a powerful means of political influence in the hands of the Ministers. The most difficult political questions, either personal or otherwise, were usually decided at the expense of Cuba. Very often the single signature of a Minister of the Colonies was sufficient to make the fortune of a man for his whole life; and it is easy to understand that every political party in Spain would be opposed to any reform that should deprive it of such efficient means of influence and power. With very few exceptions, all the Spanish officials in Cuba, from the lowest to the highest, came from Spain. Their number was extraordinarily large, and their work, as a general rule, pitifully bad; their constant aim being to do as little work as possible, and to enrich themselves, at the cost of Cuba, as quickly as they could. The fleet of the Spanish transatlantic steamers was constantly employed in transferring impecunious officials from Spain to Cuba, and taking them back again with more or less wealth acquired during their residence in the Island, and sometimes with pensions during their lives and the lives of their widows and daughters. Even a share of the passage money of these officials "both ways" was paid by Cuba. Besides this salaried staff of officials, backed by the army and navy (which were wholly paid by Cuba), Spain depended for the support of its rule in Cuba on the so-called Spanish political party, known since 1878 as the "Union Constitutional." This party comprises the whole of the Spanish population in Cuba, which is very numerous; and the blind and unconditional support it gave to every measure of government, or of misgovernment, whether the ruling party in Spain was liberal or conservative, was paid for by the Government in many different ways, and in such a degree that whatever might be the economic situation of Cuba, the men belonging to the Spanish party had always the means of enriching themselves. To these causes of impoverishment must be added the results of the commercial policy of Spain; a subject which will receive attention later in this volume. In vain the productive classes of Cuba protested, during many years, against this deadly regime. It is no wonder, therefore, that the insatiable ambition of Spain should have led to such an antagonism of interests as to render a Cuban insurrection necessary, there being no peaceful means of convincing Spain of its folly. In the same measure as Cuba was reduced to utter bankruptcy and poverty, the importation of Cuban wealth into Spain, without any return, increased year after year. More particularly after the price of sugar fell permanently (in 1884) to about one-half of its former value, and after the complete abolition of slavery took place (in 1885), was the contrast strikingly manifested between the gradual exhaustion of Cuba and the ever-increasing exactions of the mother country. It may with accuracy be said that after the slavery of the negroes came to an end, Spain possessed the power of reducing to real slavery the whole native Cuban population, both white and black. For this systematic process of thorough draining, Prime Minister Canovas invented the name or appellation of _realidad nacional_ (national reality), meaning thereby that the necessity of maintaining the old colonial system could not be avoided, as it had become interwoven with the Spanish economics in such a degree as to make it impossible for any Government, either conservative or liberal, to interfere with it. The Cubans could not accept, without repeatedly protesting against it, the oppressive system of the "national reality," for which name they substituted, very properly and accurately, the denomination of "economical slavery." It is now useless to explain in how many forms, and how often, the Cubans have appealed to the Madrid Government, especially since 1890. But all their efforts failed, and the necessary outcome of those failures was war. Cuba, no more a European colony, will henceforth be an entirely American country. It is now completely ruined and devastated, and many years of peaceful industry will be necessary in order to convert its unhappy people into a prosperous nation. How that can best be accomplished is of far more importance to the people of Cuba at this time than the question of who shall administer the government. For the present, at least, if its people are wise, the Island will be content with the industrial freedom which has been accorded to it, and rejoice in the fact that it is an American country, and not a Spanish dependency. CHAPTER II CONDITIONS WHICH CONFRONT US To treat of Cuba as an American country is the purpose of this volume. If the people of the Island, regardless of nationality, will only postpone the question of the particular form of government for the present, and give all their attention to the new economic questions which confront them, the future will be full of promise. Cuba is no longer a European colony, but an American country, under the protection of the United States. So long as the Island is occupied and governed by the military forces of the United States, law and order will be maintained and equal rights will be granted to all the people. From an industrial point of view Cuba will have practically obtained what she has been fighting for for nearly a generation: namely, industrial and commercial freedom. The United States will administer the laws for the Cubans in the interest of Cuba. The United States asks nothing in return but the same opportunity for trade and commerce as is accorded to the other countries of the world. The Republic will levy no tribute, nor will it exact a dollar of taxation over and above the revenue necessary for protecting life and property, and the cost of inaugurating such works for the improvement of sanitation, or the carrying on of industries, as may become necessary. Many Cubans, and a very large number of Spaniards, who appeared before the author when in Cuba, for the purpose of giving testimony on industrial and commercial matters, took it for granted that the United States would, in making up the new fiscal laws for the Island, exact discriminating duties in favour of the United States and against European countries. When told nothing of the sort was contemplated, the Cubans were surprised and the Spaniards incredulous. Indeed, the latter were astounded, and seemed to wonder what the United States was in Cuba for. Even American citizens interested in pushing their Cuban trade have expressed surprise at the absolute freedom which has been allowed all fiscal legislation, and the scrupulous care exercised by our Government not to exact any right itself which is not accorded to other nations. In such matters we are of course bound by our international treaties, and so long as Cuba remains under the protection of the Republic, and not part of it, she must be treated, so far as customs regulations and navigation laws are concerned, as a free country. In the preliminary work of economic reconstruction these sound principles have been kept in mind and adhered to. In fact, the fullest and broadest plan was chosen by the Administration to secure information in Cuba; and the refrain of the instructions, both from President McKinley and his able and broad-minded Secretary of the Treasury, was, to spare neither time nor money to secure the views of all the people of Cuba; for whatever the United States Government finds necessary to do in the Island must be done, as far as possible, by the people of Cuba, for Cubans, and in the interests of Cuba. By this it must not be inferred that those of Spanish birth were to be excluded, but, on the contrary, that the views of all who proposed to remain in Cuba and help by their labour and thrift to build up the industry and commerce of the Island should be sought and considered. In following out the spirit of these statesmanlike instructions, the author invited, through the newspapers, all persons interested in the industry, trade, foreign commerce, and currency and banking system of Cuba to express their views on these and kindred topics. Many responded, and as may be imagined the information gathered took a wide range, and will, it is hoped, be of practical value in adjusting the questions with which the Government of the United States will have to deal during the military occupation of the Island. In the prosecution of this work, public hearings were given in Havana, Cienfuegos, and Santiago; and to committees of persons representing interests at Trinidad, Caibarien, Sagua la Grande, and other parts of the Island an opportunity was given to express their views as to the industrial necessities of their respective communities. In New York and Washington opportunity was given to those interested in Cuban commerce and such American citizens as represent large sugar estates, iron mines, and tobacco and fruit interests in the Island of Cuba, to present a full and free expression of their views on all topics included in the scope of the investigation. A large amount of information was thus obtained, and no inconsiderable assistance rendered by these gentlemen. With hardly an exception, such assistance has been rendered freely and disinterestedly, and the author takes this occasion to thank a large number of business men who have been found ready and willing to drop their business at any moment and devote much valuable time in an endeavour to elucidate the somewhat complicated conditions which surround the commerce and industry of Cuba. In Cuba every possible consideration was shown to the writer and no pains nor trouble were spared on the part of the Spanish officials and business men to give all required information and to aid in the inquiry undertaken. In this work neither political prejudice nor nationality took any part. The Spanish bankers and merchants, whose influence a few weeks previously had been arrayed against the United States, came forward and placed such information as they had at the disposal of the United States Government. The Cubans engaged in business, and the military commanders in the field, from Generals Gomez and Rodriguez down, have alike assured me of their sympathy in the work thus instituted by the United States, and proffered their services in its prosecution. The following expression from the veteran warrior, General Gomez, dated Boffill Plantation, October 3, 1898, will be read in this connection with interest: "I must congratulate you cordially for the high mission which you have had entrusted to you. I am completely identified in all and with all concerning it; I reserve for a better opportunity giving you my personal views on the matter.... On my side I am working in the same sense; I am doing all I can for the immediate reconstruction of the country; its wounds will heal with the rapid promotion of the work. This is the battle we are now fighting, and all men of good will should join us in our struggle. I avail myself of this opportunity to tender my services." The business men and merchants of Havana and other large cities, regardless of nationality, have rendered services of incalculable value to this inquiry, on the ground that the one thing that Cuba wants more than all else is, as General Gomez truly says, that its people should lay down their arms and take up the implements of peace. The Presidents of the Chambers of Commerce of Havana, Cienfuegos, and Santiago have all taken an interest in this work and elaborate reports were prepared by committees appointed especially to aid in gauging the industrial necessities of the Island. A similar report has been prepared for Matanzas. Whatever may be the shortcomings of this volume on _Industrial Cuba_, they must not be attributed either to lack of interest on the part of the people of Cuba, or to any failure on their part to give information, especially on all matters relating to foreign commerce. There is, of course, a dearth of statistical information, in consequence of which it has been difficult to work out certain fiscal statements and estimates with the degree of exactitude easily attainable on the same lines at home. The information which has been obtained, however, would seem to leave no room for doubt as to the wisest course for the United States Government to pursue in adjusting Cuban customs duties, in establishing a sound currency, in protecting the savings of the people, in preventing usury, in abolishing onerous and iniquitous taxation, in establishing free schools, in starting new and reviving the old industries of Cuba, in increasing commerce, in improving the sanitary condition of the cities, in distributing labour, and in the general industrial and moral upbuilding of the people. The present volume touches on all these topics, and endeavours to give the reader a clear and practical idea of the present industrial condition of Cuba. The present chapter aims to present in a concise form a few of the more important problems which the United States Government was called upon to face January 1, 1899, and with which it may have to grapple during the first years of the new century. No attempt is made to forecast the manner of their settlement. It is not, as a rule, wise to worry about how we are to cross a bridge until we get to it. Many Cuban economic problems which at a distance seem to be complicated, will simplify as we come within close range. Once the United States military authorities are in possession, ways and means will suggest themselves to overcome obstacles which now seem almost insurmountable. The most urgent needs of the Island, when it was turned over to our Government, were those briefly discussed in this review of the economic conditions of Cuba. First among these needs of the Island was a tariff that should bear lightest in directions where the people could least afford the burden of taxation, and heaviest on commodities which the well-to-do and those engaged in large enterprises required. The Spanish tariff was made by Spaniards, for Spain, in the interests of the Spanish. That seems to be the actuating principle of it. On any other theory it was inexplicable. In adopting, July, 1898, for an exigency measure, the rates of duty which Spain levied for her own commodities, the United States acted wisely. These rates, however, were full of inequalities, and were not levied on any sound principle, but on the "heads, Spain wins; tails, Cuba loses" idea which prevailed in the whole fiscal fabric. It was found that the only way to remedy these inequalities, equalise the rates of duties, improve the administration, and reduce the rates of duties on all articles of general consumption, was to frame a practically new tariff. This was done, and the new tariff now in force will undoubtedly do its share in the industrial reconstruction of Cuba. In this tariff it was not thought advisable to make radical changes in the administrative branches, nor to change weights and measures into United States equivalents, because the people of Cuba are accustomed to the metric system. As a rule, all duties in Cuba are levied by the kilo and hundred kilos. United States currency, however, was substituted for the Spanish _pesos_. This will simplify collection of taxes, as customs duties were collected by Spain in three different classes of currency: gold, silver, and bank notes, all (for the gold coins used in Cuba have fictitious values) fluctuating in value. The tariff adopted by the United States, when the military forces took charge of the custom-houses, reduced all duties about sixty per cent. on the old Spanish rate, and averages fully two-thirds less than the rates exacted by Spain in Cuban ports during the last five months of its occupancy of the Island. The reasons for these reductions, together with the reasons which led up to the decision of the President to admit cattle and agricultural implements free into Cuban ports in possession of the United States, are fully given in another chapter. Still another chapter will be devoted to an analysis and discussion of the Cuban Budget, in which the effect of the new tariff on the revenue of the country, together with the other sources of revenue, are explained and discussed. It will naturally be asked: With such a large reduction of duties, how does the United States expect to secure revenue for the purpose of administering the government of the Island? There are several answers to this question, and the facts bearing on the subject are given in full in the chapter on the Cuban Budget. The general answer is that by reason of fraudulent classification and smuggling, much of the revenue collected from the people of Cuba never found its way into the treasury of that Island, nor of Spain. The cupidity and rapacity of the Spanish officials in Cuba are beyond conception, and, if one may judge by the reports of the United States customs officials at Santiago, as much revenue will be received from a tariff whose duties are from a half to two thirds less than the Spanish tariff as was received under the iniquitous and exasperating law which has been abolished by the advent of the American forces. As the officials recommending the measure believed, the reduction to a reasonable rate of duty in certain schedules--such, for example, as those relating to machinery and railway supplies--would increase importation, and certainly the revenue would be greater than during the period of prohibitory duties. A railway company naturally hesitated to import a locomotive when the duty was equivalent to the value of the engine. With a revised tariff of twenty-five per cent. ad valorem, it may import two, or four, or even six. In adjusting such schedules, the revenue features alone need be considered, because Cuba has no locomotive works, or any iron or steel industry. The same is true of a variety of other articles. In all cases where there are home industries in Cuba capable of supplying a manufactured product made by home labour, care was exercised by those who framed this tariff (either by making free the raw material, or by not making a too radical reduction of duty) not to injure their prospects. In so doing, the Administration is only carrying out the policy which has been fruitful in developing the industries of the United States and in securing diversified employment for its labour. If honestly enforced, the new tariff established in Cuba by the United States will yield sufficient revenue, enable Cuba to buy in the cheapest markets of the world, and not compel her to purchase from Spain inferior commodities at a high price. In every section it is a Cuban measure, and in no single case can there be found a section that discriminates in favour of the United States as against any other market. The United States purposes to take its chances for the Cuban trade with the rest of the world. If Cuba can purchase cheaper and better articles on more favourable terms of the United States than of Europe, we shall secure the trade. If not, the Cuban consumer is free to purchase in the markets of the world. In this one act alone, conservative, thoughtful Cubans must realise that they have attained to the commercial freedom which some, not without reason, contend was the real object of the two insurrections. However that may be, Cuba has secured a right which England would never concede to Ireland, namely, a separate revenue system. In granting this economic freedom to her other colonies, England has strengthened their ties to the mother country. With industrial freedom assured, a colonial country may be indifferent to the form of its political government. Next in importance to the fiscal laws for the revenue of the Island comes the currency question. No country can be permanently prosperous unless its currency is sound and its credit good. Bad financial management of state affairs begets bad credit, and impaired credit is the forerunner of depreciated currency. Although Cuba is afflicted with many kinds of depreciated currency, the established basis is strictly gold, and in any commercial engagement the value is understood to be in Spanish gold, unless there is a specification to the contrary. Indeed, there is something almost pathetic in the manner in which Cuba, though plundered and depleted of her resources and wealth, has never wavered from the gold standard. The business interests of the Island are, as the author found, unanimously in favour of a continued gold basis; for the Cubans have suffered so much from Spain's various attempts to force upon the people a depreciated currency, both in the form of silver and bank bills, that they want no further experiments with the currency. The Spanish silver money current in the Island is taken at the daily value only, which is fixed, partly by the larger or smaller demand for wages and necessities of the Government to pay troops, but principally by the continually fluctuating value of the Spanish money in the European markets. As this Spanish silver is legal tender in Spain for its face value, it is able to maintain a fictitious value for purposes of shipment to that country. This silver dollar, therefore, fluctuates in value with the fitful changes in Spain's credit, and it is probable, should the United States establish American currency as sole legal tender for the Island of Cuba, that all the Spanish silver dollars will be shipped to Spain. There was in Cuba during the last months of Spanish control a margin of thirty per cent. on the silver dollars. It is not probable that these dollars will go down to a point where it will not pay to ship the Spanish silver to Spain and utilise the American dollar in Cuba. In this event the United States Government will, of course, ship its own silver dollars to Cuba; which, with the subsidiary coins, will be required for small payments. At Santiago the immediate disappearance of Spanish dollars and minor coins has made small transactions extremely difficult. Some think that the present stock of Spanish silver in the Island exceeds the necessities; but however this may be in the western part of the Island, it was evidently not the case in Santiago. [Illustration: BATEY OF SANTA CATALINA.] Besides the silver, there is a bank-note circulation, but that has no actual bearing on the question of currency, as the trade and business of the Island has refused to accept it, and the present quoted value is less than ten cents on the dollar. The greater part of this emission, which was a war issue made by the Spanish Government at Madrid through the _Banco Espanol de la Isla de Cuba_ (not _by_ that bank), is largely in the hands of speculators and government contractors. The only public application is for the payment in the custom-house of the so-called ten per cent. ad valorem duty assessed on the official value of imported merchandise in addition to the regular specific rate of duty exacted. The abolition of this duty, under the new tariff, ends the life of these bank bills. There still remains a question as to whether the Spanish Bank of Cuba was in any way responsible for these bills, and the question will come up for future adjustment. The Bank will probably deny responsibility and refer those who hold this depreciated currency to the Spanish Government at Madrid. It is an interesting fact in this connection that the credit of the Spanish Bank of Cuba is of a higher standard than the credit of the Spanish Government, for the Bank has never failed to redeem its own paper during nearly half a century of its existence, first as the Bank of Spain of Havana and subsequently under its present name. It has at times suffered embarrassment, but ultimately the bills of the Spanish Bank of the Island of Cuba have always been redeemed. The gold coins current in Cuba are the Spanish and French coins, the bulk of which consists of Spanish twenty-five-_peseta_ pieces, so-called Alfonsinos, which for many years have been inflated by royal decree to $5.30, and the French twenty-franc piece, so-called Napoleons, which have also been given a legal value of $4.24 and decreed since the end of 1893 as legal money.[1] When the necessity for adopting and inflating another gold coin besides the Spanish Alfonsino was under discussion, the suggestion was made that the United States gold eagle would make an excellent coin for this purpose, as it would figure out almost exactly eleven dollars Spanish gold.[2] The idea was not entertained, because of the general distrust of Americans, and the fear lest the relations between the United States and Cuba should become too intimately interwoven. STATEMENT SHOWING VALUE OF UNITED STATES GOLD IN COMPARISON WITH SPANISH AND FRENCH GOLD ON THE BASIS OF PAR VALUE Spanish Alfonsino $5. French Napoleon 4. Spanish Alfonsino, value in Havana $5. Value in United States mint ($4.80 less shipping expenses, .024) 4.776 ------ $0.224. Exchange 4-11/16% French Napoleon, value in Havana $4. Value in United States mint ($3.84 less shipping expenses, .0192) 3.8208 ------- $0.1792 Exchange 4-11/16% Value of $5, less 1/2% shipping expenses $4.975. At 4-11/16% Quotations: £ Stlg., Spain, $39.40 currency in Havana, 10% £ in U. S. 4.84 STATEMENT SHOWING ACTUAL VALUE OF $1. SPANISH SILVER 100,000 dollars Spanish silver can be bought to-day here with $66,000 Spanish gold, equal to $60,000 U. S. currency. 100,000 silver dollars shipped to Spain after deducting 1% shipping expenses would produce $99,000. 99,000 dollars Spanish silver on Spain will buy at rate of £1, which is $7.88, £12,563. £12,563 would produce in the U. S. at $4.84, $60,804.92. Cost $60,000 Proceeds 60,804.92 ---------- $ 804.92, from which deduct commission, revenue stamp, interest, and profit. While the principal banking concerns are unanimous as to the gold standard, there is a difference of opinion in relation to the advisability of squeezing the inflation out of these gold coins. Some of the Cuban bankers and financiers contend that the United States Government should add another gold coin to the currency, namely, the American eagle; and, by maintaining the fictitious value given to the other two gold coins, leave it equivalent to eleven dollars in Cuba. This, it is claimed, will be a very easy way of leaving matters _in statu quo_, as it were, until such time as permanent government and laws shall be provided for the Island. They fear that to make the United States currency legal tender would work an injury to the creditor class, whose contracts would then be payable in gold worth six per cent. less than the gold specified in such contracts. There are others, whose opinions are equally worthy of consideration, who recommend as the only logical remedy for this situation the substitution of the American currency as sole legal tender. Such action on the part of the United States Government it is believed would not seriously interfere with present contracts, which are invariably expressed as payable in Spanish gold, and which might be arranged for accordingly. The premium on Spanish gold was never agreed to by the business people. Having thus arbitrarily put a premium on Spanish gold, the same authorities later put a premium on French gold, and to make the matter more complicated, the United States Government is now requested, by some of the Cuban financiers, to introduce another gold coin, which, practically, will be worth ten per cent. more in Cuba than in the United States; that is, a man owing $1,100 gold in Cuba may pay that debt with $1,000 gold in United States currency. As a temporary measure, and in view of the fact that this inflation so far as Spanish coin goes has been in force for over half a century, this may be justifiable. The process, however, is entirely artificial, and to continue it would certainly result in many complications. Some Cuban financiers think it inadvisable to introduce American money at this time, while certain planters are fearful lest their labourers should refuse to take one American silver dollar instead of two Spanish silver dollars. The latter looks larger in amount, it must be granted; but if the purchasing power of the American dollar, by reason of the sound credit of the United States, is double that of the depreciated dollar, with only Spain's guaranty between it and its intrinsic value of fifty cents, there will be no difficulty in the end. A country which is just now going through an operation involving its very existence will hardly be seriously affected by taking this fictitious value out of the gold coin and establishing once and for all a sound currency that will be good for a hundred cents on the dollar--no more, no less--the world over. Cuba has no banks in the national sense. There are some excellent private banks, and since its establishment, nearly half a century ago, the Spanish Bank of Cuba has cut an important figure in the finance of the Island. In another chapter, a brief history of banking in the Island from the earliest period to the present time will be given. For the present, the banking facilities are adequate to the business, because it would be extremely hazardous to loan money in Cuba on any kind of collateral or property. Upon the revival of business, however, the agricultural interests will require facilities for obtaining money in advance of the crops at reasonable rates of interest, and protection from the abominable usury which heretofore has blighted the strongest industries of the Island and added materially to the burdens of the Cuban planters. There are so many forms of obnoxious taxes in Cuba that even a brief description of them would occupy considerable space and convert this volume into a treatise on the evils of Spanish taxation. Foremost among the taxes which the United States will abolish is the "consumption tax," on the killing of cattle, which is an exaction that greatly increases the price of food to the people. This tax, like many others, was simply farmed out to private firms or corporations, whose emissaries in its collection became a constant menace to thrift and industry in their respective districts. Another tax, which will fall of its own weight, now that the United States forces control the Island, is the "cedula," or head tax, which varied in amount from a few cents to one hundred dollars, according to the rank and importance of the individual. Curiously enough, this tax, when not collected, became under Spanish rule a greater source of injustice and annoyance than when collected. It was generally allowed to run until some occasion came for the unhappy victim of Spanish rapacity to require a public document, a permit to bury a child or relative, a licence to marry, a transfer of real estate, or a notarial acknowledgment. Then it was that the petty rascals in charge of public business came down heavily, and unless the fines and back "cedula" and a handsome "gratification" to the official was forthcoming, the body must await interment, the marriage must be postponed, or the transaction be delayed. The United States Government will not continue taxes that yield nothing in revenue and were simply the means by which unprincipled officials whose cupidity seemed to know no bounds were enabled to plunder and distress the weak and the unfortunate. The "consumption tax," the "cedula," and the revenue from "lotteries," must necessarily disappear with the advent of United States administration of affairs. Until the tax laws of Cuba can be thoroughly revised, the revenue from customs, from the various forms of internal revenue (and there are many), and from the receipts from taxes upon municipal real estate will, if the strictest economy prevail, suffice for immediate wants, without resorting to measures of taxation which are alike debasing and tyrannical. It is impossible to make specific suggestions at this time in relation to a subject so hopelessly complicated. After the administration of affairs of the Island has been longer in the hands of United States officials, these matters may be carefully studied and adjusted on a basis of equality and justice to all concerned. The true inwardness of Spanish taxation, as developed in the Island of Cuba, can be studied and remedied only after time has elapsed and all the facts are in possession of those who have assumed the responsibility of control. The question of education is one that will receive early attention, and in which the President of the United States has personally evinced considerable interest. Free public schools exist, but the teachers have the right to take pay scholars, and naturally those who do not pay get little or no attention. In the cities from which data are available it was found that only a small portion of the school population attend school. There were 888 schools for boys and girls in 1893 and the amount paid for their support was $775,646. It is impossible even to approximate the situation at the present moment. In a general way, it may be described as simply deplorable. A free public-school system must be immediately established, for much of the misfortune and suffering Cuba has undergone may be traceable to the neglect of education. The number of people who are illiterate is very great. Some statistics show only one in forty of the labouring classes able to read and write. There can be no stable government in Cuba until this has been remedied. The reader familiar with Cuban history will remember that the first movement toward the emancipation of the slaves was the practical freeing of all children born subsequent to 1868, the year the revolution started which ended in the abolition of slavery. In the same way, the first act looking toward political emancipation should be the establishment of a free public-school system, which shall have for its aim the preparation of the young Cubans for self-government, whether exercised as part of a Cuban republic or part of the greater republic the basis of which is industrial freedom and the common school. [Illustration: SKETCH MAP OF THE PROVINCE OF SANTA CLARA.] Manufacturing in Cuba is limited to a few industries in Havana, to the manufacture of sugar and tobacco, and to machine-shops and small foundries scattered over the Island for the convenience of the railway companies, sugar-centrals, and harbours. The author visited all the manufacturing plants in Havana, some of which were located in quarters of the city reeking of filth and teeming with disease germs. There is little hope for industrial enterprise in the broader sense until the sanitary conditions have been improved in all the industrial centres of the Island. The fear of that deadly enemy to all enterprise and thrift, yellow fever, which lurks in the vicinity of the most flourishing industries of Havana, makes it dangerous for those unacclimatised to enter these occupations. The initiatory success of manufacturing in Cuba must depend upon the importation of skilled labour from the United States or Europe. With this invisible and deadly foe in the background, ready to strike when least expected, and against which, as a Confederate officer now in the United States Army at Havana said, "You cannot even raise an old-fashioned rebel yell," the outlook is far from attractive. Not only the commercial prosperity of Cuba, but to a considerable extent that of the southern portion of the United States depends upon the possibility of destroying the foci of yellow fever which exist in the larger cities and towns--especially in Havana and Matanzas--and which have been the cause of the epidemics of this disease which have occurred in the United States during the present century. It is believed that to destroy these germs is possible, and from a mere industrial and commercial point of view it would be a paying investment to spend several millions of dollars, if necessary, to effect it. Until this has been accomplished, and the centres of industrial activity of Cuba made safe for the influx of skilled artisans, whose advent alone will make it possible for Cuba to diversify its industries and elevate the condition of its labour, it will be vain to hope for the establishment of new manufactures. The importance of sanitation is so great and the subject of so much general interest to all those looking towards Cuba with the idea of residence or investment there, that considerable space in this volume will hereafter be devoted to a consideration of the subject. The railway system of Cuba, consisting of seven companies, the aggregate length of whose lines is only 1,467 kilometres, or 917 miles, is entirely inadequate in bringing the extreme ends of the Island together; Santiago and Havana in point of time being as far apart as San Francisco and New York, though only separated by a distance of a few hundred miles. The facts gathered on this subject and the maps presented elsewhere point to the advisability of immediately constructing a trunk railway from end to end of the Island, with branches extending north and south to the important cities and ports. From whatever standpoint it may be viewed, no one enterprise could do so much to improve the situation on the Island. No revolution could have existed in Cuba if such a railroad had been completed by the former Government, and nothing will so rapidly tend to the revival of commercial and general business as the facility for quick passage from one end of the Island to the other, and from the trunk line over branches to the seaboard cities. All political turbulence will be quieted thereby and prevented in the future. The entire country will be open to commerce; lands now of practically no value, and unproductive, will be worked; the seaport towns will become active and commerce between the Island and the United States will soon be restored to the former figures of approximately one hundred millions of dollars per annum. Business enterprise, ever alert to conditions such as herein described, has already surveyed the route, and there are several projects on foot looking toward prompt action in this direction. After a careful study of the situation, it would seem extremely doubtful if such an enterprise could be made a commercial success for many years to come, without material assistance from those responsible for the industrial future of Cuba. The questions arising in relation to navigation between Cuba and the United States are delicate, and involve, as does the question of discriminating duties in favour of the United States, in a greater or less degree our international relations with other countries. Those interested in American shipping suggest discrimination in favour of American vessels between Cuba and the United States, and some go so far as to indicate that a joint arrangement of the American and Cuban flags would be a solution of the problem. Much of this is mere speculation. We cannot discriminate in favour of American vessels in the trade between Cuba and foreign countries, just as we cannot do so in the case of American vessels in trade between New York and foreign countries, on account of our commercial treaties. The chapter on this subject has been submitted to Mr. Eugene T. Chamberlain, Chief of the Bureau of Navigation of the Treasury Department, and this experienced and efficient official has thrown considerable light on the subject which, it is believed, will be of value to the commercial interests of both Cuba and the United States. These are some of the most important economic questions with which the United States will be called upon to deal during its military occupancy of Cuba. That we are capable of dealing with them intelligently and satisfactorily can hardly be doubted. Questions of far greater magnitude are continually presenting themselves at home, and as a rule the people of the United States have been found equal to the task of adjustment. To doubt our capacity as a nation to bring about complete pacification of the Island, industrially and politically, is to throw a doubt on our most cherished institutions and to cast a shadow on the Republic itself. CHAPTER III POLITICAL FUTURE OF CUBA The political future of Cuba is a matter of much speculation and interest. Considerable will hereafter be said in this volume on the economic and industrial future of this wonderfully productive Island, and little doubt can be entertained that with an honest effort and stable government the commercial future of Cuba will be full of promise. What of the political future? The industrial independence of the Island attained, what, if any, steps are likely to be taken for the political independence? At the present moment, it is difficult to discern any nucleus around which is likely to crystallise sentiment strong enough to form, with any degree of unanimity, a cohesive, independent government. The strongest and uppermost sentiment in the Island, as I have found it since the close of the war, is for peace and reconstruction under the guidance of the United States. Those who have made the greatest sacrifice for independence are apparently willing to rest for a while and enjoy the glorious results of industrial and commercial independence and a release for ever from Spanish misrule. Let the future shape its own political policy, is the desire of all intelligent Cubans. In commercial and business circles (and it must be remembered that the author has, in the course of his inquiries, been very largely thrown in contact with business people), the desire for ultimate absorption or annexation by the United States is almost unanimous. Those who have property, those engaged in industrial pursuits, those carrying on commerce, those interested in affairs, regardless of nationality, see the greatest future for Cuba in ultimate annexation to the United States, and openly advocate that policy. There are others who advocate annexation on grounds of sentiment, and who take the stand that the degree of real freedom enjoyed by a State of the Republic is greater, and the advantages far in excess of those likely to accrue to the mixed population of Cuba by the establishment of any sort of independent government. This is not a matter for surprise when it is recalled that a large proportion of the most enlightened Cubans have been educated in the United States, while no inconsiderable number of the most active participants in the war for Cuban freedom carried individually, alike into battle and into conference, the grandest badge of freedom so far vouchsafed to mankind--United States citizenship. These ideas are admirably set forth in a pamphlet just written by Fran Figueras, who makes an eloquent plea for the annexation of Cuba to the United States. The title of the little book--for it is more than a pamphlet--suggests the line of argument: _Cuba Libre--Independence or Annexation_. Exactly! Cuba is free to-day! Liberty came when Spanish sovereignty ended. Adapting the lines of Kipling, the Cubans may truthfully say: "If blood be the price of liberty, Lord God, we ha' bought it fair." Liberty, therefore, has been won and paid for. By the very nature of things there can be no forcible annexation to the nation representing the absolute liberties of the people. If Cuba becomes part of the United States, it will be because the Cubans, having won their liberty, shall so decree. Intelligent Cubans understand this perfectly well and none better than the author referred to above. After reviewing the state of public opinion in Spain late in 1896 and the sentiments predominating in Cuba among the native population in regard to the mutual relations with the mother country, Mr. Figueras analyses the present situation, and considers that public opinion in Cuba is divided into three classes. Those wanting: 1. Immediate and absolute independence. 2. Independence under American protectorate. 3. Annexation, more or less immediate. He allows independence to be the ideal of all peoples, but considers Cuban independence to be still in embryo, and compares the sudden liberation of the island from Spanish dominion to a premature birth, brought on by American intervention and subject to the dangers attending its early advent at an unexpected time. The author contends that to form a nation it is important that the inhabitants shall have some common interests, usually apparent in countries where one element predominates. He finds that in Cuba there are three races equally strong: the autochthonic or white Cuban (pure white), the Cuban with unmistakable and acknowledged signs of black descent, and the white Spaniard; the first of which by its number, the second by its greater acclimation, and the third by its wealth preserve the balance. The fact that these people do not live in different provinces but in the same places makes this adjustment all the more noticeable. Sometimes in one house you will see a patriarchal Spanish father with conservative ideas in the same room with his son of high-flown, Robespierre-like ideas, convinced that a country progresses more in a year of revolution than in a century of peaceful campaigning; while in a dark corner the negro servant, a slave only yesterday, to-day free and taking an interest by no means meagre in the revolutionary legend, curses his colour but does not fail to realise how better fitted he is for rough work than his white neighbours. "And in the present situation which, pray, of these elements," the author asks, "is victorious? Which has conquered and is ready to take under its protecting ægis the other two? Is it perchance the revolutionary party that has had its work crowned with success and that can therefore force its criterion of independence on all the inhabitants? Facts answer this question negatively and it would be sheer madness to constitute one nation out of such heterogeneous elements." The author establishes comparisons with the other southern republics, contends that Cuba will be in a chronic state of revolution if left to herself, calls attention to the handicap to Cuban sugar, tobacco, and coffee industries by the annexation of Puerto Rico and the Philippines, and asks if it is to be expected that the United States understands that her interest in Cuba's welfare is to justify damaging that of the new colonies for Cuba's exclusive benefit. Arguing against a protectorate, the author calls attention to the fact that Cuba has nothing to fear from foreign nations. Her dangers are at home; it is _pronunciamentos_ and the like that threaten, and a protectorate will not avoid this; it is only absolute annexation that will. "If before 1895," continues the author of _Cuba Libre_, "all Cubans were satisfied with a Canadian autonomy system given by Spain, why should the United States be refused a trust given to a nation like Spain, which has treated Cuba with injustice, bad government, and extortion, against the tested 'cash' good faith of the other?" Refuting arguments upon the offensiveness of annexation to Cuban dignity, the author calls attention to the fact that dignity does not always accompany independence, as, for example, it is often seen how an English, German, or Italian schoolship silences the dignity of some independent states by firing a few shots. In conclusion he says: "We Cubans have been tyrannised by an unscrupulous mother country and the proceeding has dishonoured the nation which did so, and we victims have withstood the humiliation with dignity. We stood with dignity when we were burdened with a system of colonial servitude, it was with dignity that we rebelled, staining the chains that bound us with our own and foreign blood; we have kept our dignity whilst the Americans have cut them for us; when to-morrow comes, and we ask for annexation to the United States, we shall do so with the same dignity." There is sentiment, force, and good hard business sense in this attitude. A flag, after all, is nothing in itself, but all in what it represents. The Stars and Stripes have for a century or more represented human liberty and have taken into their folds millions of the people of the old world. The historic flags of all nations have been fully and freely and joyously repudiated by them, in search of broader liberties, for that fascinating emblem of the people's rights; and under it scarred and impoverished Cuba may in truth rest with dignity and content. Adolfo Muñoz, one of the ablest and most thoughtful Cubans it has been my pleasure to meet, gave utterance to similar views in relation to the future of Cuba, though he approached the subject more from a commercial than a sentimental point of view. "A new community," said Mr. Muñoz to the author, "particularly a small one, after a long and destructive war, is always surrounded by many dangers, both internal and external; and the only safety Cuba may find against them is a close connection with the United States which will afford the immediate protection of the American Government. Cuba left alone could not enjoy a high credit, either public or private; neither could she build a respectable navy, which her geographical position renders necessary. In these, and in many other respects, Cuba has to depend exclusively on the United States. The political connection between both countries becomes consequently a matter of extreme importance, which cannot be discussed, and much less decided upon, in haste." Continuing, Mr. Muñoz said: "The liberty which, by the aid of the United States, Cuba has now conquered, will enable her to frame an entirely new tariff. This work, which must be done in accordance with other financial laws, will prove to be a rather easy task, because the commercial relations between Cuba and the United States are naturally beneficial to both countries. Perhaps the best arrangement, both on commercial and political grounds, would be to convert these relations into a coastwise trade, so that the productions of either country should be admitted free of duty in the other; provided that the question of the United States sugar industry could be settled by means of some compensation or otherwise. Cuba expects to be placed, in what respects custom duties, on the same footing as Puerto Rico; as it is necessary to save her sugar industry from its present depression and ruin." Here is annexation clearly marked out though not actually advocated. A country without credit cannot start up the machinery of government. To make the trade coastwise for Cuba, as we have already done in the case of Puerto Rico, means ultimate annexation. If, therefore, as Mr. Muñoz says, Cuba "expects to be placed on the same footing as Puerto Rico," she expects annexation--nothing more, nothing less. Attention is next directed to another, though not less interesting view of the future of Cuba. When in Cienfuegos the author had the honour and pleasure of meeting the Marquis de Apezteguia, President of the Conservative party, and, although a Cuban born, a strong sympathiser with Spain. There are few abler men in Cuba than the Marquis de Apezteguia. Educated in London, Paris, and Madrid, and at home in the best circles of New York, the Marquis is, in a sense, a cosmopolitan. His interests, however, are all bound up in Cuba. If Cuba once more flourishes the Marquis will become rich again; if it does not his large fortune will have gone, and he himself have been reduced to penury. Asked to give his opinion of the present and future condition of the Island of Cuba, the Marquis de Apezteguia did so without hesitation, clothing his thoughts in English so pointed and vigorous that it would be an injustice to the reader to abridge or change it, and it is therefore made part of this chapter. "In regard to the disposition of Cuba," said the Marquis de Apezteguia to the author, "you have first of all to consider the population of the Island, then you have its geographical position, which makes it of importance to the United States; nay, if there is anything in geographical position, which makes it dependent upon the United States. Key West is not an offensive position, it is simply a defensive position for the United States, because it commands the defence of the American coasts. The defence of your coast, with the Island of Cuba, is trebled with the same number of vessels, as its 750 miles practically makes the Gulf an inland sea, outside of the possibility of incursions from foreigners. Up to Cape Hatteras, Cuba defends your eastern coast. Therefore, to you as a military nation and as a naval power, Cuba is a necessity; without Cuba, you have simply Key West, and Cuba is an excellent substitute for Key West. Having this naval defence, which makes the United States non-attackable from Cape Hatteras to the Rio Grande, with how much more efficacy, and without danger, you can move your armies! Cuba is of immense value to the United States, and therefore from that point of view we will develop the others. Under the naval and military aspect in regard to the concentration of the army, we command the Gulf of Mexico as an inland sea of the United States, and we are the principal factor in the trans-oceanic traffic. "The Cuban question is not a difficult one, because there is an imposed issue. In commercial development, to all evidence, you have been a long time a borrowing country, but to-day you have great banking centres: New York, Philadelphia, and Boston constituting an eastern centre; Chicago, St. Louis, and Cincinnati constituting another; with a smaller one at New Orleans, and a western one at San Francisco. Certain centres, such as the New York one, which has an excess of capital, will act in this annexation of Cuba as a multiple in the matter of capital. The capital will in preference come to Cuba, instead of going west. "In the political problem, the condition of the population of Cuba must be considered. It is not a new country, but four hundred years old,--a totally different nation, with different habits, ways, and languages. Then how can you profitably absorb that population as a State? You cannot afford to sacrifice the United States for Cuba, but must lend Cuba both moral and material riches without forgetting yourself. Is it profitable for the United States to absorb Cuba as a State? If I were an American, I would oppose it. I do not think the Cuban people have sufficient adaptation; in fact they will not Americanise for quite a while, and therefore you must create an empire and a public right that is not within the federal bounds. Your territorial laws pursue colonisation towards the end of absorption, and have placed in your Constitution a limit of population, which we initially possess. Were I an American, I would not be for annexation of Cuba as one of the units of the Union. I think there is a condition of injustice which would be felt by both parties, if you held Cuba in an inferior political state so close to Florida. I say that this is inevitably American, from the material defence which it procures to the United States, and it is a military necessity. It cannot, however, be absorbed and governed rapidly, and for a time you will have to create a new political right, for it is inevitable. You cannot absorb it without creating a different political right. "Now I have said that, in my belief, the issue is imposed and inevitable; Cuba has to be American territory, and cannot be anything else, with restringent or lax ties uniting it; but in the exterior life it will have to be American. You have no laws so far that can be established here; the new political right will have to be created because of the way in which you acquired the Island. You cannot govern it until you give it those things which have been assured it. You have acquired responsibilities which you are not at liberty to throw away and go back on; that is your position towards Cuba and towards the world, and therefore towards yourself. The American people must not feel that they are making of Cuba a business, but a necessity, to be maintained by force if necessary until evolution can be accomplished. "Since we see the problem is one with an imposed ultimate solution, the easiest way is to continue the same action that brought the Island. You need, as a guaranty to yourself, and to the Cubans not in arms (which are the majority), a material force here that cannot be disputed with any chance of success. After Spain has abandoned her sovereignty here you are under the responsibility of keeping a force here which will make it a crazy enterprise to dispute. This is a moral duty which you are obliged to fulfil; you cannot have the excuse of want of power that Spain had. The first element of success is the destruction beforehand of all insurgent or insurrection element. All minor things should be put aside and the American mind have a national policy toward the colonisation and final prosperity of Cuba. You do not want the Cuban question to become one of those burning questions of American politics; but it will, unless you have strength to determine it in the way it should go. If it is disputed now in the transient state, you will convert it into an interior American question, which would make things worse than if you had never come into the thing at all. It is the duty of your Administration to mark out these lines and tell the American people that it is a duty outside of small political lines. "What is the duty of the Cuban people? Your trouble comes from having to handle an unknown land. The business of the President is, not to show business people how they can make money, but to show the people their duty, and leave the rest to American ingenuity. The Cubans are a good people. The population is divided about equally between whites and blacks, and has decreased about one third during the war. I do not wish to discuss the inferiority of the black race, but, so far as I can see in this country from whatever cause, they do not meet worry. The act of force is the determining one with them, and in it they are of great value. In all other social determinations they count very little indeed. From this you derive two lines of conduct: you must try to satisfy the whites as far as possible, and you must content the black so that he will not lend his brutal force to the discontent of the white. The insurrection caused a great fraternity, that is to say, the distinction of race which existed before the war does not exist now. This is not, however, one of the elements that is going to cause trouble, if you do not let them conflict. The insurgents have fought many years for independence, making great sacrifices for the sake of it, and therefore they will not be satisfied with anything short of independence. If you leave them in the future to their own inferior force, I do not think there will be a strong fight towards acquiring total independence in the exterior world, because they recognise the fact that their country is comparatively small and the United States is large, but if these people see that this independence at any moment is not given to them, they will rise in arms--to what extent I do not know. A man who has lost family, suffered sickness, and has no interest now in the home where he was born, is a very reduced moral being. He has not the energies of a total being. The Island of Cuba has been debased by a war of extermination, brought about by its own manner of warfare, and by the Spanish warfare. The Island of Cuba is now totally inert and totally incapable of any governing faculties, not only because of the dead, but by making the rich poor, by making the poor indigent, and the indigent dying. You have in the Island of Cuba a reduced specimen both of material and moral wealth, and these individuals are not capable of determinations of value and worth towards the natural end of civilisation. You then see how much you can depend on the help of the individual. If you attempt to govern by carpet-bag legislation, you will bring on an insurrection. If you help the indigent, and bring them to a condition like they were before the war, you will do them no good. Therefore, you must have a force to establish an indisputable power, and then you must have a policy in which each one finds a solution to his own interest and welfare, under the idea that the Cuban people are unable to take care of themselves to-day, and that none of them have definite ideas or definite plans for their welfare. These plans must come through a strange guidance and not from the Cubans. I have on the Constancia in my care about five thousand people to-day, whom I have helped all I could. I shall have to employ means of coercion to throw these people outside of my house, so little is the sense of dignity in them to-day, and shall have to give them lands, and help them, in order to get them to find their own way in life. This is the real condition of things. The more energetic element is the one in the insurrection, but these on my estate are such as constitute the element which took no sides but suffered the distress of both. "The size of property was one of the causes of the war, together with the total neglect of the lower orders of population. "Of the element in arms, you have to distinguish between those who made the war and those who are wittily called the 'Veterans of 1898'--about one half are Veterans of 1898. These people have energy, and these people have accustomed themselves to that life of civil warfare, but their condition is very bad to-day, and because of this they would like to come into order, although they have great inclination to continue. This is about the only energy left here, but it will be of no use to you except by getting these people out of the way. They have gone to war and acquired honours and salary to the extent of probably $10,000,000. The only way you can do is to offer them the security of what they have acquired so far as material welfare is concerned,--that is, their salaries. It would be an error not to give it all to them. If you give them work in the face of that inert mass I have shown you, and let them see their superiority, giving them certain annuities or monthly payments, you can bridge over the troublesome part of this population, but you cannot do it through their moral nature. You will have to bridge over several months by a strong occupation, by destroying the insurgent energy, by helping the other people, and by drawing general lines which all parties in the United States will accept. You must outline a distinct American policy which must be followed by both parties, and which no party can differ from. With these conditions you will have no trouble in the Island of Cuba. "If you name your high officials Cubans, this will run off into Cuban solution, and not American. If the occupation is made by sufficient force, and you name only a few high officials who have the confidence of the Administration and have a general plan to carry through, and these appoint lower officials, taking the best class of Cubans and insurgents, the problem is solved. As a Spaniard born in Cuba and wishing this country all the good I can, I think it would be absurd to hope for the peace of the Island without a strong military force. The place must be occupied on strategic lines and not as Spain occupied it, and with good means of communication. This is the solution of the question. If this is not done, guerrilla warfare will have the advantage and it will be the same as when the Island was occupied by the Spanish forces; there were no enemies and no battles and it was like making a cavalry charge on a cloud or a mist." The above is a vigorous statement of the situation from the standpoint of one who has lost his all, not in fighting for independence, but in a contest for what he believed was a strong government. The Marquis wastes no sentiment. He tells some hard truths which all who know Cuba will recognise as such. Few foreigners know the United States better than the Marquis de Apezteguia and few have his ability of touching the weak spots in our armour. He tells us we cannot absorb Cuba, and as an American he would oppose annexation. These observations, as well as some others, will delight Mr. Andrew Carnegie, Mr. Edward Atkinson, Mr. Charles Francis Adams, and other opponents of annexation. The talk of strategic necessity, the exertion of power, and the material force necessary to make Cuba American territory will give these gentlemen who have raised the anti-Imperialist cry sentences which will greatly increase their stock of phrases, but in no way solve the question of what shall be done with our new possessions. Indeed, the Marquis, consoling the so-called anti-Imperialists with his well turned sentences, offers them medicine more stringent and a remedy more drastic than annexation. The word "Empire" has no terror for this Cuban-born Spaniard. You must create an Imperialistic policy, or right, not granted in the Federal Constitution, you must maintain American ascendency at any cost, and do your duty toward the people of Cuba and the people of the world. Cuba must, for all time to come, be American territory. It is only by a policy of this sort the Marquis thinks we shall succeed. In carrying out this plan, we are warned not to allow the Cuban question to become a burning question of American policy, but we are enjoined to hold up President McKinley's hands in establishing a stable government in Cuba. It must not be made into a business, but a necessity. Carpet-bag legislation, he thinks, would bring on an insurrection. In this the Marquis is undoubtedly right. Lastly, he offers the good advice that something must be done and done quickly for the insurgents in arms, whose deplorable condition he vividly portrays. That these soldiers should be speedily paid off there can be no doubt, for until that is done, the rural districts of Cuba can never become productive. Presumptuous as it may be to pass judgment on the utterances of a man of such wide range of experience in Cuba as the Marquis de Apezteguia, I believe the President of the late Conservative party of Cuba underestimates the Cuban capacity, both for self-government and for annexation to the United States. The work of final absorption may take a generation, but it will surely come. Once annexed, Cuba would become an English-speaking country, and the alert Cuban mind would grasp those great principles of fundamental liberty with far greater alacrity than the Spanish. Let the word go forth to teach English in every schoolhouse in Cuba, and the work of amalgamation would be half done. The more the Cubans know of the United States and of our institutions, the better they will like us. As confidence takes the place of distrust in the minds of the population of Cuba,--native or foreign-born, black or white,--the sooner all will reach the conclusion that the most promising future for Cuba can only be attained by complete union with the greater Republic. In support of this opinion as to the political future of Cuba it is only necessary to quote the utterance of one whose opportunity for making such a forecast has been exceptional. Major-General Matthew C. Butler, of South Carolina, combines in his make-up and experience both soldier and statesman. The Confederate cause can point to no more brave and capable officer than General Butler. For sixteen years he represented his State in the United States Senate, and during that period grappled with all the important questions of the day. No man on the Cuban Evacuation Commission was so well equipped to study the political and economic side of the Cuban question as General Butler; and no man took so much pains to ascertain the facts in relation to the condition and sentiment of the people of Cuba. For a month last autumn the author was daily and closely associated with General Butler at the Vedado, near Havana, where the Military Commission had its headquarters. Between acquaintances of many years, in Washington, it is not strange that conversation during those long evenings at the Hotel Trotcha turned on the future of Cuba and that the exchange of thought was both free and frank. Summed up, the opinion of General Butler on the future of Cuba is as follows: "You ask an expression of my opinion before leaving Cuba as to the character of the people of the Island and their future prospects. If they will be patient, following the dictates of prudence, and trust the Government of the United States, a very prosperous and happy future awaits them. The process of rehabilitation may be slow, but by cordial co-operation of all classes it will be more certain and permanent. "The army of the United States is here to guarantee public order and enforce obedience to law. Its use will be controlled very largely by the conduct of the people themselves. If they uphold the law and insure public tranquillity, if each will respect the rights and persons of the other, there will be no occasion for interference by American troops. And you may take my word for it they will not interfere with the people in their peaceful vocations, if the conditions I have suggested prevail. "The officers and soldiers on duty in the Island of Cuba are American citizens as well as American soldiers, accustomed to rendering loyal obedience to law; and they will not abandon on this Island their devotion to the principles of American liberty regulated by law. I therefore repeat that the people of Cuba may safely trust the officers and soldiers of the United States to establish and maintain the principles of government as set forth in our Constitution and laws, which mean freedom, not licentiousness, and equality before the law for all. "We have no such thing as 'one man power' in the United States, and cannot so far depart from our devotion to popular liberty as to tolerate it here. So I say, if the people of Cuba (I include in the word 'people' all classes and conditions) will await with patience and resolution the establishment of good government, honestly and impartially administered, a brilliant future is in store for them. If, on the contrary, bickerings among themselves, unreasonable complaints, and demands in disregard of the rights of persons and property should lead to bloodshed and breaches of the peace and the disturbance of public order and tranquillity, as they most surely will, the day of their deliverance will be indefinitely deferred. "You ask me whether I think the people of the Island of Cuba capable of self-government. This is a very difficult question to answer. I may, however, say that I have no sympathy with the harsh and unjust judgments of those who condemn them without a hearing and settle in advance a problem which requires time for solution. "Officially I have no opinion to express as to the status of such a commonwealth, for that is a question to be settled by the people themselves in their aggregate capacity, but personally I should like to see Cuba a State in the American Union, enjoying all the rights of local autonomy and self-government on terms of equality with the other commonwealths of the United States. She would then have liberty, regulated by a written constitution, where the military is subordinate to the civil power, and where each of the three great co-ordinate branches of the government, legislative, executive, and judicial, execute the will of the people." The above statement, which, with General Butler's consent, is made part of this chapter, was prepared with great precision and care and only after long deliberation. Moreover, it was submitted to some of his colleagues, and the subject-matter fully discussed with the author, who is in full and hearty accord with the views expressed. Officially the author has no opinion to express as to the status of such a commonwealth, for the work committed to him was purely of an economic and fiscal and not of a political character. Personally, however, the author, with General Butler, looks forward to the day when Cuba will be a State of the Union, in the enjoyment of that full degree of liberty and self-government which is accorded the other commonwealths of the United States. CHAPTER IV THE ENGLISH IN JAMAICA Having sought light and information in relation to the future political government of Cuba from both Cuban and Spanish sources, for the Marquis de Apezteguia is more Spanish than Cuban, it may be well to ascertain if any useful lesson may be found in British colonial administration. With this thought in view, the author, after completing the work in Cuba, made a brief visit to the island of Jamaica. Through the courtesy of the American Mail Steamship Company, the S.S. _Admiral Sampson_ stopped at Santiago and thus enabled me to reach Port Antonio, Jamaica, in seven hours. At this point I met Captain L. D. Baker, the head of the vast American fruit interests of Jamaica, and with him visited Kingston and had an interview with the Governor-General of Jamaica, and with the heads of nearly all the Departments of Government. In this connection it affords me pleasure to mention the name of Dr. James Johnston, member of the Jamaica Council for St. Ann's Parish and member of the Commission now revising the revenue law of Jamaica. Dr. Johnston was a fellow-passenger on the S.S. _Sampson_, on its return voyage to the United States, and furnished much valuable explanatory information in relation to the government of Jamaica, for which this opportunity is taken to express thanks. The information thus obtained and the data gathered from the various blue books and the reports of the Royal Commission on the British West India Islands, all have a special bearing on the problem the United States is now confronting in Cuba, and hence on the political future of the Island. Better to appreciate the present aims of British administration in Jamaica, one should read the following extract from an article in the December number of _Scribner's Magazine_, by the Right Honourable Joseph Chamberlain, British Colonial Secretary: "In the first period of this eventful history the territories acquired by conquest or discovery were treated as possessions to be exploited entirely for the advantage of the occupying nation, and little or no thought was given to the rights or the interests either of the original inhabitants or of the colonists who had dispossessed them. This view of the relations between a state and its outlying territories continued more or less throughout the eighteenth century, although the War of Independence in America did much to modify and dispel it. The success of the Revolution not only destroyed the hope that colonies could be made tributary to the mother country, but led ultimately to the conclusion that, since they would never be a source of direct revenue, we should be better without colonies at all. Assuming that an entirely independent and separate existence was the ultimate destiny of all our possessions abroad, and believing that this consummation would relieve us of burdensome obligations, we readily conceded self-government to the colonies in the temperate zones, in the hopes that this would hasten the inevitable and desirable result. We found, not without surprise, that in spite of hints to this effect, our kinsfolk and fellow-subjects resented the idea of separation and, fortunately for us, preferred to remain, each 'daughter in her mother's house and mistress in her own.' Influenced by the same idea, we elaborated constitutions by the score for every kind of tropical dependency, in the vain expectation that the native population would appreciate forms of government evolved in our own civilisation, and would learn quickly to be self-supporting and to develop for themselves the territories in which we began to think we had only a temporary interest. We were disappointed, and we have had to recognise the fact that, for an indefinite period of time, the ideas and standards of our political and social order cannot be intelligently accepted or applied by races which are centuries behind us in the process of national evolution. The experience of Hayti and Liberia under independent native government, of many of the South American republics, of Egypt and of India, and the stagnation of all tropical countries, in regard to matters dependent on local effort, make it evident that wherever the white man cannot be permanently or advantageously acclimatised and wherever, therefore, the great majority of the population must always be natives, the only security for good government and for the effective development of the resources of the country consists in providing this native population with white superintendence, and with rulers and administrators who will bring to their task the knowledge derived from the experience of a higher civilisation; and, constantly changing, will be always under the influence of the standards and ideals which they have been brought up to respect. "This is the root idea of British administration in the tropics. At the same time we have abandoned forever any desire to secure tribute from these possessions, and we no longer seek any direct or exclusive advantage. "We find our profit in the increased prosperity of the people for whose interests we have made ourselves responsible, and in the development of, and access to, markets which we open at the same time to the rest of the world. Our primary obligation is to maintain peace, and safety of life and property, and equal justice for all irrespective of race or class. Subject to these conditions, we interfere as little as possible with native religions, customs, or laws; and under this system we are successfully administering the affairs of hundreds of millions of people of almost every race under the sun, with trifling cost to the British taxpayer, and with the smallest army of white soldiers of any of the powers of Europe. In India, where three hundred millions of people acknowledge the Queen as Empress, the total white garrison is only seventy thousand men; in Egypt, with a population of nine millions, the normal white garrison is thirty-five hundred men; while in Ceylon, the Straits Settlements and protected States, the West Indies, and West Africa not a single white regiment is stationed for the maintenance of our rule, which is secured entirely by coloured soldiers and police under British officers. Our experience should at least go far to satisfy the objections of those Americans who anticipate that the occupation of tropical countries would involve the retention of vast numbers of American soldiers in an unhealthy climate, and would lay an intolerable burden on the American treasury." The Spanish idea in its government of Cuba was purely and absolutely the idea of possession, and the facts pointing to this will be abundantly set forth in the several chapters in this volume relating to the fiscal, commercial, and industrial condition of the Island of Cuba. The work of reconstruction already so auspiciously begun by the United States Government in Santiago, and described in a subsequent chapter, is absolutely in line with what Mr. Chamberlain aptly terms the root idea of British administration in the tropics. The primary obligation of the United States in Cuba is to maintain peace, the safety of life and property, and equal justice for all, irrespective of race or class. The final instructions given by the President of the United States, last August, to the author, leaving for Cuba, were to the effect that the United States desired to secure no tribute from Cuba, that the work of reconstruction must be performed in the interests of the people of Cuba, only, and that the profit to the United States must come in the increased prosperity of the people of Cuba, and in the benefits accruing from a peaceful, instead of a constantly warring neighbour. According to Mr. Chamberlain, this is the fundamental principle underlying England's operation in her tropical colonies. [Illustration: ON THE ROAD TO CASTLETON, JAMAICA.] In comparing British administration in Jamaica with any possible operations of the United States Government in Cuba, the fact of the great difference in the population must be considered. In Jamaica not over 15,000 of the 700,000 population are white. When England began to treat this island as a trust, and not as a possession,--say about 1834,--the population was made up of 311,070 slaves, 15,000 whites, 40,000 coloured, or brown people, as they are called in Jamaica, and 5000 free blacks. In Cuba a majority of the population are white--the census of 1887 showing 1,102,889 white and 528,798 coloured--in all provinces; Matanzas, with forty-five per cent. coloured, and Santiago, with forty-two per cent. coloured, representing the strongest coloured sections of the Island. That half a century of British rule in Jamaica has improved the population of Jamaica, nearly all of whom were slaves when the work was begun, is self-evident, though it is equally true that similar government in Cuba would have resulted, by reason of the preponderance of white population, in more far-reaching results. That is, Cuba, under such a government as England has given Jamaica, would, in all reasonable probability, have numbered at this time a population of from four to five millions, with a greatly increased commerce, diversified industries, magnificent main and parochial roads, an adequate railway system, many prosperous and well-built cities, and a degree of prosperity and civilisation far in excess of that which the United States officials found when they took possession of the Island. With the disadvantages of race, with the scars of slavery, and, until recently, with the single industry of sugar and its allied product, rum, the policy set forth so clearly by Mr. Chamberlain has been successful in making habitable and law-abiding and measurably prosperous a tropical island which might have been in a condition little better than that of savagery. To be sure, England has not made Anglo-Saxons of these people, but it has made of them peaceful, law-abiding, and, in the main, self-respecting citizens. There is little doubt that the bulk of the inhabitants of Jamaica are in a position which compares not unfavourably with that of the peasants of most countries in the world. The facts given farther along show that the condition of the labouring classes of Jamaica is infinitely better than that of the labouring classes--especially the coloured population--of Cuba, who are in a deplorable state, even on plantations where work is abundant. The number of holdings in Jamaica is 92,979, of which 81,924 are under ten acres each. In 1882 there were only 52,608 holdings, of which 43,707 were under ten acres each. Even allowing for the fact that some persons may hold two or more plots of land, it is clear that the island already contains a very large and increasing number of peasant proprietors. The Crown Land Regulations offer facilities for the settlement of the labouring population on the land, and as sugar estates are abandoned some of them will probably fall into the hands of small cultivators. In the last ten years the number of savings-bank accounts of the amount of twenty-five dollars and under has nearly doubled. The census returns of 1891 show that in the ten years, 1881 to 1891, there had been an increase of thirty per cent. in the number of persons able to read and write. The acreage of provision grounds has increased more than thirty per cent. in ten years. There are 70,000 holdings of less than five acres. The area in coffee, usually in small lots, increased in ten years from 17,000 to 23,000 acres. More than 6,000 small sugar-mills are owned by the peasantry. The number of enrolled scholars was 100,400 in 1896, as against 49,000 in 1881; while the actual average daily attendance at schools had increased from 26,600 to 59,600. These facts indicate considerable advance, though no doubt in certain districts the people are poor. The Royal Commission appointed to investigate and report on the agricultural, commercial, and industrial condition of the West Indies came to the conclusion that the depression in Jamaica was the result of the almost entire dependence of the island on a single industry. Here is what they say: "The general statement regarding the danger of depending on a single industry applies with very special force to the dependence of the West Indian Colonies upon the sugar industry, for the cultivation of sugar collects together a larger number of people upon the land than can be employed or supported in the same area by any other form of cultivation. In addition to this it also unfits the people, or at any rate gives them no training, for the management or cultivation of the soil for any other purpose than that of growing sugar-cane. The failure, therefore, of a sugar estate not only leaves destitute a larger number of labourers than can be supported upon the land in other ways, but leaves them also without either the knowledge, skill, or habits requisite for making a good use of the land. In those colonies where the sugar industry cannot be carried on without imported coolie labour the position of dependence upon this one industry is still more dangerous. In these cases not only is there a yearly charge upon the public revenue to meet the cost of immigration, but a liability for back passages is incurred, which a failure of the industry would leave the colony without funds to meet. Whilst, therefore, the vital importance of the sugar industry to the present prosperity of nearly all the colonies is beyond dispute, we wish to observe that so long as they remain dependent upon sugar their position can never be sound or secure. It has become a commonplace of criticism to remark upon the perpetual recurrence of crises in the West Indian Colonies, and we submit that the repeated recurrence of such crises, as well as the fact that the present crisis is more ominous than any of the previous ones, illustrates the danger to which we have referred, and adds much force to our recommendations for the adoption of special measures to facilitate the introduction of other industries." The special remedies recommended were as follows: "1. The settlement of the labouring population on small plots of land as peasant proprietors. "2. The establishment of minor agricultural industries, and the improvement of the system of cultivation, especially in the case of small proprietors. "3. The improvement of the means of communication between the different islands. "4. The encouragement of a trade in fruit with New York, and, possibly, at a future time, with London. "5. The grant of a loan from the Imperial Exchequer for the establishment of central factories in Barbadoes. "The subject of emigration from the distressed tracts also requires the careful attention of the various governments, though we do not find ourselves at the present time in a position to make recommendations in detail." The fact is, Captain L. D. Baker, of the Boston Fruit Company, and the other companies engaged in the banana and orange business of Jamaica, have pointed a way out of the present difficulties, and that industry, in the course of a short time, bids fair to be as important as the sugar industry was in former times. Last year this single company shipped five million bunches of bananas to New York. There are now over one hundred thousand orange trees planted in Jamaica, which in a few years will be bearing finely and give additional prosperity to the country. With the American fruit market inadequately supplied, and the English market practically untouched, there is hope both in Jamaica and Cuba--especially Santiago province--for diversified industries created by rapid transportation. The recent establishment of a fleet of fast steamships between New York, Philadelphia, Boston, and Baltimore, and the various ports of Jamaica, and the probability that these or similar lines will be established between the United States and Cuban ports, are all factors of promise for the industrial future of both the British and the American West Indies. While Jamaica is a well-governed country, and its revenue is all honestly expended for the public good of the people, it is far from an economically administered government. Order is thoroughly established, laws are obeyed, justice for the humblest is easily obtainable, education is general, sanitary matters admirably administered, roads maintained, the rights of all conserved, and the revenue honestly collected and expended. In these particulars the government of Jamaica differs widely from that which the author found in Cuba. In that unhappy Island all is absolutely the reverse of this. The cost of governing Jamaica, however, is nearly twenty-five per cent. of the value of its commerce, whereas the cost of governing Cuba--if gauged by the actual revenue raised--under Spanish rule ranged from 12-1/2 to 15 per cent. of the value of its commerce. The comparison, however, is of little value, because Cuba got nothing for the money exacted by taxation, while Jamaica not only gets all, but also the taxpayers are informed in advance of the purposes for which much of the money is wanted, and the sums thus raised are rigidly applied to the purposes for which they are appropriated. The most useful lessons for those responsible for administering the affairs of Cuba can be learned by a study of the Jamaica Budgets. The methods of raising the needed revenue are intelligent and simple, and the method of expenditure not only enables the authorities to get as much as possible for the money, but also makes possible the strictest accountability. The Legislative Council of Jamaica discusses every item of the budget as closely as the Town Council of Glasgow or the County Council of London, both model public bodies, so far as honesty of purpose goes, even if some of their legislative experiments fail. The humblest Jamaica negro, if he can read and write, may at least know the purposes for which the revenue he pays in taxes is expended. He may even have the pleasure of deciding which of these items of expenditure he regards the least important. At the present moment the annual cost of education, $350,000, is regarded as too high, and a proposition to reduce it to $250,000 is pending. The total expenditures of Jamaica have reached nearly $4,000,000 and additional revenue is necessary to meet these expenses. The customs tariff is in course of revision, with a view of increasing the revenue, and many articles formerly on the free list will have to be put upon the dutiable list, while the general ad valorem rates of duty must be raised from 12-1/2 to 16-2/3 per cent. Before going into the future sources of revenue, it may be well to look at the present sources, and for that purpose the subjoined table has been compiled from official sources: COMPARATIVE TABLE OF REVENUE OF JAMAICA, 1896-97 REVENUE. Pounds. Dollars. Customs 321,780 1,608,900 Excise 122,735 613,675 Licences 732 3,660 Stamps 23,947 119,735 Post-Office 24,072 120,360 Telegraph 5,364 26,820 Tax on Stock[3] Court Fees 8,284 41,420 Tax in lieu of Education Fees 11,243 56,215 Fines, etc. 4,412 22,060 Jamaica Railway 208 1,040 Reimbursements 35,969 179,845 Miscellaneous 13,992 69,960 Revenues now appropriated 181,663 908,315 Interest on Sinking Funds 14,199 70,995 Savings Bank 3,927 19,635 ------- --------- Total 773,527 3,867,635 IMMIGRATION REVENUE. Capitation Tax, etc., Laws 7 of 1878 and 14 of 1891, 1,476 7,380 Miscellaneous 205 1,025 ----- ----- Total 1,681 8,405 APPROPRIATED REVENUE. Poor Rates 39,339 196,695 Kingston Streets 4,354 21,770 Market Dues Pounds Main Road Revenue, Law 17 of 1890 28,091 140,455 Parochial Roads 45,538 227,690 Sanitary 7,862 39,310 Fire Rates, Kingston 1,561 7,805 Trade, Metal, Hawker, and Gunpowder Licences, Surplus Fund[4] 13,271 66,355 Gas Rates, etc. 3,793 18,965 Parochial General Purposes 4,503 22,515 Agricultural Produce Licences Law, 37 of 1896 3,685 18,425 Miscellaneous 8,544 42,720 Advances from General Revenue in aid of Funds 21,122 105,610 ------- ------- Total 181,663 908,315 Customs, excise, and appropriated revenue, as will be seen above, are the principal sources of income, while the expenditures for the same period are divided under the following heads: COMPARATIVE TABLE OF EXPENDITURE OF JAMAICA, 1896-97 EXPENDITURE. Pounds. Dollars. Charges of Debt ................................ 82,417 412,085 Governor and Staff ............................. 7,368 36,840 Privy Council .................................. 62 310 Legislative Council ............................ 2,469 12,345 Colonial Secretariat ........................... 5,612 28,060 Director of Public Works ....................... 17,979 89,895 Audit Office ................................... 3,629 18,145 Treasury ....................................... 4,634 23,170 Savings Bank ................................... 3,275 16,375 Stamp Office ................................... 1,106 5,530 Post-Office and Telegraphs ..................... 35,910 179,550 Revenue Departments ............................ 39,969 199,845 Judicial ....................................... 45,611 228,055 Ecclesiastical ................................. 2,927 14,635 Medical ........................................ 59,307 296,535 Police ......................................... 60,889 304,445 Prisons and Reformatories ...................... 27,836 139,180 Education ...................................... 67,540 337,700 Harbour-Masters and Harbours and Pilotage ...... 2,741 13,705 Colonial Allowances and Military Expenditure ... 12,814 64,070 Miscellaneous .................................. 29,571 147,855 Census ......................................... Steam Communication ............................ 1,800 9,000 Stationery and Printing ........................ 7,989 39,945 Library and Museum ............................. 2,404 12,020 Plantations and Gardens ........................ 6,484 32,420 Railway[5] ....................................... Main Roads and Buildings ....................... 80,467 402,335 Pensions, etc. 16,962 84,810 Purposes now supplied by Appropriated Revenue .. 135,842 679,210 -------- --------- Total Expenditure from Income ............ 765,607 3,828,035 Sinking-Funds, etc. ............................ 14,199 70,995 -------- --------- Total Payments from Income ............... 779,806 3,899,030 Less Debt Payments as above .................... 14,199 70,995 -------- --------- 765,607 3,828,035 Add Expenditures from Moneys raised by Loans ... 8,125 40,625 -------- --------- Total .......................................... 773,732 3,868,660 -------- --------- Immigration .................................... 979 4,895 A glance at the above tables and then a glance at the budget of Cuba, which will be found in a subsequent chapter, is all that is necessary to show the vast difference between the British and the Spanish methods of dealing with the fiscal interests of their colonies. The business-like methods of the one, and the blind, slip-shod methods of the other, are in sharp contrast. In dealing with Cuba, it may be difficult to follow entirely these English methods of accounting at once. The sooner, however, the United States inaugurates its own clear methods of national bookkeeping and official accountability, the quicker the people of Cuba will appreciate sound business principles in the conduct of their own affairs. It makes no difference whether Cuba is annexed to the United States or established as an independent government; these lessons must be learned in either event, or the Island will come to grief. It is hardly necessary to do more than call attention to the principal items of expenditure. First of all come roads. England has discovered that good roads are not only an important factor in mountainous countries in keeping order, but also the basis of industrial development and prosperity. In the budget given above the following items must be added together in order to ascertain the amount expended in 1897 for roads: Main Roads and Buildings $402,335 Parochial Roads 227,690 -------- $630,025 Here may be found a good illustration of England's policy which is a great contrast to the policy of Spain in Cuba. No money has been spent on the roads of Cuba, all of which are in a deplorable condition. Attention should at once be given to this important question and a liberal sum out of both local and general revenues of the Island set apart for this purpose. The debt of Jamaica is not excessive; it is in the neighbourhood of $10,000,000, with an annual charge of about $400,000. Police and medical charges are about the same, averaging about $300,000 each, or in all $600,000. In this connection attention is called to the annual expenditure on roads in Jamaica for fourteen years: EXPENDITURE FOR MAIN AND PAROCHIAL ROADS IN JAMAICA, FROM 1883-84 TO 1896-97, INCLUSIVE -----------+------------+-----------+------------------ Year. |Appropriated|Expenditure| |revenue for |for Main | Total. | Parochial | Roads and | | Roads. |Buildings. | -----------+------------+-----------+---------+-------- | Pounds | Pounds | Pounds |Dollars. |sterling. |sterling. |sterling.| 1883-84 .. |39,514 | 48,156 | 87,670 |438,350 1884-85 .. |40,496 | 47,614 | 88,110 |440,550 1885-86 .. |38,246 | 52,285 | 90,531 |452,655 1886-87 .. |39,670 | 48,080 | 87,750 |438,750 1887-88 .. |42,935 | 52,318 | 95,253 |476,265 1888-89 .. |42,146 | 57,632 | 99,778 |498,890 1889-90[6] |20,740 | 32,210 | 52,950 |264,750 1890-91 .. |50,317 | 91,659 |141,976 |709,880 1891-92 .. |44,845 | 91,659 |136,504 |682,520 1892-93 .. |48,520 | 83,718 |132,238 |661,190 1893-94 .. |50,169 | 58,460 |108,629 |543,145 1894-95 .. |47,111 | 65,647 |112,758 |563,790 1895-96 .. |48,398 | 68,654 |117,052 |585,260 1896-97 .. |45,538 | 80,467 |126,005 |630,025 -----------+------------+-----------+---------+-------- Total for | | |1,477,204|7,386,020 14 years | | | | Average | | | | per year | | | | 527,573 -----------+------------+-----------+---------+--------- The necessity of liberal expenditure for maintaining the health of the community is of first importance. A study of this budget may be found a preparation for the subsequent study of the Cuban budget, to which the reader's attention will be invited presently. The present Jamaica tariff was evidently framed with the two ideas of revenue for the island and a market for British goods. Food products, for example, such as bacon, beef, beans, bread, butter, cheese, corn, meats, oats, oil, pork, rice, salt, sausages, wheat, sugar, tea, coffee, and many other staple articles are all on the dutiable list, some paying a fairly stiff rate of duty. On the other hand, many articles of merchandise, bricks, bridges, carts and waggons, clocks, diamonds, machinery, locomotives, and a host of other things, which England supplies the island, are all exempted from duty. Under a general ad valorem clause, 12-1/2 per cent. is collected on all articles not enumerated. The enumerated list of the Jamaica tariff is not large, so a large amount of merchandise has been actually imported under this clause. The proposed new tariff, which will probably go into effect next year, takes many articles off the free list and puts them on the dutiable list. It also increases the ad valorem rate to 16-2/3 per cent. This has been found necessary because there has been a deficit in the revenue. The new tariff is expected to yield £400,000, or about $2,000,000, and from internal revenue or excise £150,000, or $750,000, and £250,000, or $1,250,000, from appropriated revenue which will really come from the land and householders. Here it is summarised: Revenue from Customs ......................... $2,000,000 " " Excise .......................... 750,000 " " Appropriated Revenue (land and household taxes, etc.) ........ 1,250,000 ---------- $4,000,000 If this amount can be secured, the revenue of Jamaica will be a trifle more than expenditure, and the result will be happiness. If not, expenses must be reduced. Some members of the Legislative Council favour this latter plan. The Commission has the whole fiscal question now in hand, and within a short time will probably reach conclusions. There is much more of interest that might be said about the present economic condition of Jamaica, but the points herein brought out appear to be the only ones that bear especially on the problem continually facing the reader in a volume dealing with the industrial and commercial reconstruction of Cuba. It will also be interesting to compare the British method of colonial administration with the idea set forth in the previous chapter by the Marquis de Apezteguia, whose point of view in such matters is wholly Spanish. That is, the idea of possession is paramount. The Marquis evidently has no faith in the ability of the United States to administer the affairs of Cuba as a trust. CHAPTER V THE AMERICANS IN SANTIAGO A visit to Santiago should give relief to those suffering from "the craven fear of being great," for there may be found much that is encouraging. In this province of Cuba may be seen in full operation the work which the Government of the United States has been impelled to undertake, and here may be studied the character of the forces upon which the people of the United States must rely in the work of reconstruction now in progress. The machinery of government is running with a fair degree of smoothness, and the men responsible for it, from the humblest official to the capable commander of the province, understand their business and are masters of the situation. It is a striking illustration of the marvellous adaptability of the American character. Every department of the public service is carrying on its work; the only difference apparent to one so recently in parts of Cuba still in possession of Spain being the absence of Spanish soldiers and the more businesslike methods of the officials. The disagreeable smells of the typical Cuban city are less pronounced in Santiago, and whitewash, limewash, fresh paint, and all sorts of disinfectants have deodorised the surrounding atmosphere and made the old town really habitable. The streets are no longer used as sewers, and the unhappy person who violates the law and escapes the lash of the Sanitary Commissioner's whip is compelled to work on the streets for thirty days. This official, Major George M. Barbour, with one hundred and twenty-five men, dressed in spotless white, and thirty-two good United States mule-teams and carts, having dug out from the streets of Santiago the filth of ages, is now able to keep them absolutely clean. Every day by the aid of that great disinfectant, petroleum, the garbage of the city is burned. The work of sanitation is not confined to the streets, but extends to the dwelling-houses, shops, and buildings of all kinds. Indeed, the campaign against dirt and disease has been as sharp and hot as the charge of San Juan Hill, and as productive of beneficial results. The resistance on the part of the native population was even more stubborn than that of the Spanish soldiers to our forces around Santiago. The doors of houses had to be smashed in; people making sewers of the thoroughfares were publicly horsewhipped in the streets of Santiago; eminently respectable citizens were forcibly brought before the commanding general and sentenced to aid in cleaning the streets they were in the habit of defiling. The campaign has ended in the complete surrender to the sanitary authorities, and the inhabitants of Santiago, regardless of class, have had their first object-lesson in the new order of things inaugurated by the war. Looking backward five months and picturing Santiago in July, and comparing it with the more hopeful condition existing on all sides at the present moment, it is easy to discern the omens which point to the coming prosperity of the whole Island under intelligent and honest government. Besides the improved sanitary conditions, there are many other indications of the good work of Major-General Leonard Wood and his capable corps of assistants. Several important thoroughfares have been repaved. All the public buildings have been thoroughly cleaned and put in good order, the work even extending to the large opera house, which is now ready for the opening performance under American auspices; for General Wood believes in furnishing decent amusements for the soldiers of his command. The law courts abolished when General Shafter took the city have been re-organised, and it was the privilege of the author to take part in the brief, simple ceremonies on December 1st, when in a modest speech the American commander turned over the legal business of the province to the judiciary and inaugurated the Supreme Court. This Court was composed of carefully selected Cuban judges, the appointees nominated wholly on account of legal attainments; the Bar Association of the province having been consulted as to the character and qualifications of the new judges. As the occasion of turning over the judiciary of the province to the people was one of considerable moment, a brief description may not be out of place. A committee selected by the Court called at the palace on the morning of December 1st, and after being presented to General Wood, escorted him to the Supreme Court Building. The room in which the Supreme Court of Santiago holds its sessions is one story up a rather rickety-looking stairway. It looks more like a long, narrow store than a court-room. At the far end is the bench where the Court sits. It was draped with scarlet cloth and the chairs are of dark oak. The courtroom was filled by interested spectators. General Wood appeared in a fatigue uniform, taking a position in the centre of the group of jurists, under the canopy over the seat of the Chief-Justice, and in a businesslike manner proceeded to state the object of the gathering. He told those assembled they had met for the purpose of starting up the judicial machinery of the province. While the military authorities still retained the power to revise all cases involving life and death, there was no disposition to interfere with civil matters. Innumerable cases had been piling up during the five months of military occupation, and it was time they were adjusted. He hoped the gentlemen appointed to this, the highest Court in the province, would prove equal to the trust. "Your enemies who say the Cubans cannot govern themselves," said General Wood, turning toward the Court, "will watch you critically, and your friends hopefully. Above and beyond all, be honest in your decisions, for absolute integrity must ever be the foundation of a fair and impartial judiciary. I pray you do not follow the example of those who have made the courts of Cuba a byword for corruption. With sincere hope for your success in dealing with these matters, and with assurance of all the assistance in my power, I hereby reinstate the Judiciary of the Province of Santiago de Cuba." Then the Chief-Justice, a man of fifty-five or sixty, attired in a rich black silk gown, with handsome white lace cuffs, arose, and in a few graceful words accepted the responsibility in the spirit in which it was tendered, and assuring General Wood of his fealty to the United States Government during the military occupancy, made a profound bow, and the ceremony was over. Two members of the Court then escorted General Wood and the author, who was invited to represent the civil authorities of the United States, to the top of the staircase, and with a cordial adieu the Military went out and the Judiciary came in and was reinstated. In a few moments the Court was in session. "Let me walk back," said General Wood, and the waiting carriage was dismissed. Passing the city jail, General Wood exclaimed to the author, "Take a look at the jail, and see the good work we are doing there." There were no prisoners, and it was evident the building was being renovated for some new and more inspiring purpose. There is no more practical man in the military service of the United States to-day than Major-General Leonard Wood. He is just the man to build up the city and the province of Santiago. Not only has the judiciary been reinstated, but also, in the same manner, local government has been restored, and native mayors and officials have been appointed; the only requirement being that persons accepting such offices shall take the oath recognising the military occupancy of the Island by the United States. They are in no way committed to any future form of government. The wisdom of this action cannot be doubted, and the moral effect upon the people of Cuba will be far-reaching.[7] In constant meetings between General Wood and the author, during the former's recent brief visit to the United States, he informed me that all arrangements have been completed for the spring elections of Santiago. Thus the next movement is towards a system of local self-government which the Cubans heretofore have never enjoyed. The Spanish, when in possession of Cuba, assumed absolute control not only of the judiciary, but also of the municipal government, the larger portion of the taxes raised for municipal purposes being diverted, with the other revenues, into channels which either led to Spain or into Spanish pockets. It will be even a greater stroke of wisdom if these taxes are hereafter used exclusively for local purposes, and, as far as may be deemed practicable, collected and disbursed by properly constituted local authorities. [Illustration: CATHEDRAL STREET, SANTIAGO DE CUBA. FROM A PHOTOGRAPH BY J. F. COONLEY, NASSAU, N. P.] There could be no wiser expenditure of local revenue for several years than upon the streets and sewers of the cities and towns of Cuba. For years the money which should have been used for these purposes has been drained away to Spain, and all local improvements shamefully neglected. The rural districts of Santiago de Cuba have been so depleted that it will be impossible to collect taxes over and above those needed for the bare necessities of schools, for the poor, and possibly, in small sums, for the improvement of sanitary conditions. The dawn of prosperity should, however, be the signal for inaugurating systematic work on the country roads. The province of Santiago de Cuba is similar in geographical and geological structure to the island of Jamaica, where, as is shown elsewhere in this volume, the good main and parochial roads have been the principal stay of the population. In another chapter will be found a brief history of the nearly two thousand miles of good roads in Jamaica, together with an account of the expenditure thereon and cost of keeping them in repair. The British Administration spends on an average annually for roads in Jamaica about $500,000. Without underestimating the strategical importance of a central railway from east to west in Cuba the immediate returns to the population from good roads would be far in excess of the more pretentious enterprise. The money thus expended, whether from the general funds of the Island, or from the local budgets, would come back a hundredfold, and make Santiago one of the richest sugar-, coffee-, and fruit-growing districts of the West Indies. Santiago Province should be a profitable producing country for bananas. It is good for the poorer classes to undertake the cultivation of this fruit. The banana takes only fourteen months to grow and therefore, unlike coffee and oranges, the cultivator does not have to wait several years for the crop. All the capital in this business can be turned quickly, and the banana can be planted near the hut of the small planter and attended easily. Banes, Sigua, and Baracoa are good ports to export them from. The Dumois family invested considerably in the business and used to ship to the United States. This business is soon to be revived on a much larger scale. The extension of good roads would largely increase the possibilities of this industry in many parts of Santiago Province. With quick transportation the market for bananas is rapidly extending to Europe, while the United States market is only partially supplied with this fruit and with oranges. The internal, industrial, professional, licensing, and other miscellaneous taxes have so far been remitted in this part of Cuba, but the military authorities are now preparing to enforce them. In this connection the author suggests that, now the customs tariff has been disposed of,[8] an immediate scheme be prepared for levying and collecting internal revenue taxes for the entire Island. The question of separating these taxes from purely municipal taxes should also be considered at the earliest possible moment, in order that no revenue shall be lost. Methods of local administration differ so greatly in different provinces in Cuba that the wisdom of appointing a governor or commander for each province is unquestioned. As much latitude as possible should be given to these officials. The provincial governors should have power to decide all questions appertaining to local matters, for the fewer the references to Havana the sooner the people of Cuba will realise the difference between Spanish possession and United States occupancy. For military purposes, the government of the Island may be easily vested in one central authority at Havana. For civil purposes, each province should be made as absolutely independent as is possible, with general supervision by the commander of the United States forces. The secret of General Wood's success in Santiago is entirely due to the fact that he has good judgment, the courage to use it, and full power in Santiago Province to exercise both. The supervising power over the civil department-commander should be made, as far as possible, advisory on such matters as relate to the general welfare of all the people of the Island, but all department questions should be scrupulously relegated to the provincial governors. There will of course have to be some general scheme inaugurated as to the collection and the expenditure of the general revenue, but before this can be intelligently arranged it will be necessary to designate what revenue shall be considered local, what, if any, for the exclusive use of the department, and what may fairly be regarded as revenue applicable for the general purpose of the whole Island. In thus distributing the revenue, the greatest care should be exercised not to hamper the provincial governor by an arbitrary division of the purposes for which the money must be expended, until he has been given ample opportunity to ascertain the needs of his department. A country undergoing such changes as Cuba is, cannot be judged by ordinary circumstances, and the most successful results will certainly be obtained by giving the generals in command of the several provinces the rein, and with the excellent example of the commander of Santiago before them tell them to go and do likewise. Apportionments and divisions of revenue will come later. The present emergency demands large sums for sanitary purposes, for cleaning up cities, for fighting disease, for renovating public buildings, for maintaining order, and for establishing a decent, efficient administration of public affairs. These operations must be done quickly and be planned chiefly by the judgment of the man on the spot, acquainted with local conditions. The results of a free hand are plainly visible in Santiago. The same policy must be followed elsewhere, or summer will bring dangers from which the unacclimatised population may well seek to escape. As this is being written, the first difficulty has arisen at Santiago in relation to the distribution of the customs revenue. The order of General Brooke to send the customs receipts to Havana has met with opposition. This is a natural result of the peculiar conditions existing there, and no one can be blamed for it. For nearly five months no municipal, internal, or local taxes have been collected; and with the exception of about ten thousand dollars collected by Mr. Donaldson as cemetery and meat taxes, the entire revenue of Santiago Province was derived from customs dues. This money has been expended, as above shown, by General Wood in cleaning up the city, in making new streets, in renovating public buildings, in fighting disease, and in many other ways, all with a view of benefiting the community. All this and much more was justifiable in the emergency with which he was confronted. Meanwhile the machinery for collecting local and other public dues was, for various reasons, not put in motion until a few weeks ago. The taxes from these sources rightfully belong to the municipality, and hereafter will be expended thereon. The Spanish authorities collected all the taxes, local and general, returning of the local taxes but a small percentage to the municipalities. There is no intention on the part of the military authorities of the United States in Cuba to use these local taxes for other than local purposes, but it stands to reason that the customs taxes must be collected by one central authority, equalised and expended for the general welfare of the whole community. The ports of Santiago Province, being practically the only ports in possession of the United States, naturally used all moneys collected. January 1, 1899, all other Cuban ports came into possession of the United States, and Santiago becomes again part of the Island of Cuba, and as such is entitled to equal, but not special consideration. The people of Santiago have had over one hundred thousand dollars of local taxes remitted, in consequence of the delay in getting the tax-levying and tax-collecting machinery at work. This has been saved to the community. All these taxes, being local, would have probably been spent on local works or would at this time have been available for such purposes. It is not the intention of the Government to have these sent to Havana, nor does the order include them. New York might as well demand that she be allowed to keep all the customs dues collected at that port, or, more to the point, Havana. Over sixty per cent. of all Cuba's customs dues are collected at Havana, but Havana will have to pool her receipts, just as New York does, and take back such portion as appropriations for public works as may hereafter be decided to be rightfully her share. There is really no need for the people of Santiago to get excited over the order, which is reasonable, just, and in the line of fair government. On the contrary, the people should rejoice to think they have had so much of the money expended in improving the city, and that for several months they have practically been relieved of local taxes. The Custom-House at Santiago the author found to be under very capable management. Mr. Walter A. Donaldson, who has had charge of the office, has performed the rather difficult initiatory duties devolving upon him with enthusiasm and ability. His knowledge of Spanish and his long training in the customs service of the United States have enabled him to recast the old Spanish methods and inaugurate the more businesslike methods of our own custom-house without much friction; and as a result we find to-day a complete organisation at Santiago, with branches at all the other ports in the province, working efficiently and collecting the revenue. While Mr. Donaldson has been able to dispense with about twenty of the seventy employees, he has retained fifty of the Cuban and Spanish already in the service, and with five United States officers is able to collect the revenues expeditiously and administer the affairs of the port with general satisfaction to the merchants and shippers of Santiago. Mr. Donaldson estimated, that at the end of December, the total custom-house receipts in his entire district would aggregate in the neighbourhood of four hundred thousand dollars. It is safe to say that the collections in this port for the twelve months under American administration will be twice the amount collected during the last twelve months of Spanish control. As the rates of the tariff have been reduced two-thirds this fact would seem to be a good sign alike for the interest of American administration and the possibilities of a low tariff for producing sufficient revenue. As is stated elsewhere in this volume, the hope of sufficient revenue to manage the affairs of the Island is largely--under greatly reduced taxation--based upon honest and efficient collections. If it were otherwise, the natural consequence of reducing the rates of duty by two-thirds (a measure which the President of the United States has authorised) in a tariff capable of producing a revenue of fifteen million dollars per annum, would mean a revenue of five million dollars per annum. To accomplish this feat and still have fifteen or even ten millions of revenue the future management of the custom-houses in Cuba must be more businesslike and more honest. The industrial importance of Santiago will be treated in the chapter on Mines and Mining, the idea of this chapter being to give a glimpse of some of the changes in this old city already brought about by American military occupancy. CHAPTER VI OUTLOOK IN CUBA FOR LABOUR That the wounds of Cuba will soon heal with the rapid promotion of work, is undoubtedly true. This is the struggle the United States is now entering upon, and the employment of the people should be the first aim of those responsible for the management of affairs. There will naturally be many disappointments, some disillusioning. The condition of labour in the Island requires the most serious attention of our Government. A brief history of it during the present century may elucidate the existing situation. In 1815, after the Napoleonic wars, the principal nations of Europe came together and agreed upon the Treaty of Vienna. An important provision of this Treaty was that henceforth slavery should be abolished. Spain, in common with other nations, signed this agreement, but, as is her habit, kept it not. The horrors of slavery were continued in her colonies, and in the middle of the present century almost reached the depths of inhumanity. At this time the population of Cuba was nearly a million people, and the traffic in human flesh and blood was a prosperous and profitable business. How long it would have continued is impossible to say, had not England interfered. After painful delays, much threatening, and innumerable broken promises on the part of Spain to observe the Treaty of Vienna, England agreed to give that country two millions of dollars to compensate those who owned "slave factories" in Havana, provided the nefarious business was stopped. Spain simply pocketed the money, told her noble sons engaged in the slave business in Cuba to look out for British cruisers when bringing slaves, assured them that no harm beyond the loss of cargo should come to them if caught--and the plantations of Cuba continued to be supplied as usual with slaves. Interesting facts in relation to conditions in Cuba during this period, when British cruisers kept watch of Spanish slave-ships, have been recently given in a series of articles in the _Century Magazine_, written in 1859. According to this chronicle, the Spaniards in Cuba were in open sympathy with the slave-dealers, and a story is told of a slaver chased by a cruiser into the harbour of Havana, the shores being lined with people cheering the slaver. The cruiser would have effected a capture, but the slaver, dodging into a corner of the harbour, came to anchor, and her officers told the slaves on board to jump overboard and swim ashore, as the British were cannibals and would eat them all if captured. The slaves escaped to the shore, where the Spaniards picked them up and laughed at the British and the trick. The same writer notes that by law the British must sell captured slaves by a mixed commission at fifty dollars each for a seven years' term of labour. These slaves were known as _emancipados_ and each wore a tin tag on his neck, showing the date of his sale and the date of the expiration of his slave service; but _emancipados_, strangely, seldom reached the end of their terms; the Spaniards prevented that, by taking the tag from an _emancipado_ whenever one of their slaves died and putting it on the corpse. This was sufficient evidence that the _emancipado_ was dead, and the Spanish owner had a new slave. As for the general condition of the _emancipado_, it was much worse than that of the real slave, for his master, knowing he must soon lose him, treated him cruelly, by overwork and starving, and when at last the poor _emancipado_ had his freedom, he had neither strength nor health to enjoy it. A Cuban gentleman, now over threescore years and ten, told the author, in Cuba, that nothing in ancient or modern history exceeded in horror the slave-trade of Cuba during this period. In spite of England's watchfulness, it could be made profitable, even if occasional mishaps sent a shipful of unhappy Africans, chained together below decks, to the bottom of the sea, or a catastrophe set fire to the load of writhing humanity, fettered to prevent escape. Naturally a large percentage died on the voyage, and the condition of those landed was so awful that a description would be impossible in these pages. It will suffice to say that upon one occasion a young Cuban, who had been sent down by his employer to land some of these unfortunate creatures, was so impressed by the awful spectacle that he shot himself through the brain with a revolver and died on the spot. So long as this traffic continued, and the plantations of the Island were supplied by the unhappy African victims of man's inhumanity to man, there was no labour trouble in Cuba. Under such conditions sugar-growing was a comparatively simple process, and those engaged in it became wealthy. The day of reckoning, however, was at hand. After repeated disappointments, England succeeded in absolutely stopping further importations of slaves into Cuba. Up to the time of the breaking out of the insurrection of 1868, black labour had been almost exclusively used on the sugar estates of Cuba. Bad as slavery is at the best, there was in Cuba probably the worst system ever known. The work was of the hardest, the climatic conditions severe, and the unhappy victims of cupidity were ill-treated and brutalised. With such a beginning, continuing in one form and another until 1885, how could such conditions produce aught but dissatisfaction and misery at the present time? The same causes demoralised the Cubans. They were reared in luxury and idleness and looked upon work as fit only for slaves. The owners of plantations were rich men, their children were educated abroad, and, as a rule, spent most of their time in foreign travel. A large proportion of them were simply alien landlords. Unskilled in business, when the change took place and the slaves were freed, these people were not prepared to meet the new conditions which confronted them and to adjust themselves to a new form of life. Here the Spaniard, who is always anxious for gain, took advantage of the situation, and at the end of the rebellion of 1868-1878 the Cuban planters, who were formerly rich, found themselves impoverished. Their slave labour had been taken from them, their opportunities for further employment of contract coolies had been lost, and they found themselves in need of outside assistance. The Spaniards and some others responded by advancing money to them at the current rate of interest (twelve per cent.), but the planters, unaccustomed to economise, could not pay expenses and interest, and year by year their debts grew heavier. Some managed to continue operations, but many broke down under their burdens and their plantations went to satisfy their creditors, chiefly Spaniards. Short of labour, the crops declined; and to add to their troubles, beet-sugar made its advent. The European beet-growers, with a clear knowledge of conditions in the Island, were quick to take advantage of them and push their product forward to supply the Cuban cane-sugar deficit, and so successful were they that at the end of the insurrection of 1868, say in 1878, Cuba was practically bankrupt. Competition with the European beet-growers was difficult, and it was impossible to induce capital from the United States to restore the sugar industry of Cuba, owing to a lack of confidence in the stability of the government of the Island. [Illustration: CANE CUTTERS.] During the ten years of rebellion, the planters were able to protect their property by paying regular taxes to the Spanish Government, and at the same time allowing a certain amount to the insurgents, who agreed for this not to destroy the plantations. During this period they employed slave and coolie labour; but they were then subject to the Moret law, which was, in effect, that each planter should liberate a certain number of his slaves each year, and this was to continue until slavery had disappeared. Before this occurred, however, the treaty of Zanjon was made, whereby all slaves were liberated. By the Moret law, numbers were given to the slaves by the municipality, the name and number of the slave written on a slip, which was put in a box and each year ten per cent. of the names were drawn out. The owners were then officially notified that certain slaves, giving their numbers, were free, and this was published in a local paper. Most of these slaves remained with the planters. This law had a very good effect. Returning for a moment to the outbreak of the rebellion of 1868, it is necessary to refer to another sad page in the history of labour in Cuba; namely, the introduction of coolie labour from China. In 1869 the importation of slaves into Cuba was stopped, and then commenced the traffic in coolies, who were shipped from China, cargoes of them being landed at Havana. They were brought over under a contract for eight years by a company in Havana which had its own line of steamers. The contracts were sold to anyone who wished to buy them, at from four hundred to five hundred dollars per contract. The conditions of a contract were that the Chinaman was to serve for eight years. He was to be paid at the rate of four dollars per month, with rations, and was to receive two suits of clothes and a blanket. If ill for fifteen days, his wages were to be deducted and his time lost. One of the conditions of the contract was that at the end of eight years he was to be considered a citizen of Cuba with such privileges as were extended to Spanish subjects. Before the expiration of the eight years, however, those holding these Chinese contracts were notified by the Spanish authorities that at the expiration of the contract of any coolie in their employ they were to deliver said coolie to the authorities of the locality where they were at work. Here, the authorities placed the coolie on public land, obliging him to work for the municipality, and held him there until someone offered to take him under a new contract. This was entirely by force and not optional on the part of the coolie. The conditions of the new contract were for four years more at seventeen dollars per month, twelve dollars of which were to be retained by the municipality, and five dollars were to be given to the coolie. At the expiration of the four years, if the coolie's conduct had been satisfactory to his employer, then the municipality was to return to the Chinaman the money it had retained. The treatment of these coolies was quite as severe as was ever meted out to an African, and when this condition of affairs was learned by the Chinese Government, a commission was sent to Cuba to investigate. A report was made to the Chinese Government, which resulted in the prohibition of further coolie emigration from China to Cuba. Confronted by the loss of his slaves and by the prohibition of further contracts for coolie labour, the Cuban was at a loss whither to turn for help. His only hope lay with the Spanish peasants and the Canary Islanders, and these, in as large numbers as could be secured, were imported. They were much more valuable than the slaves or the coolies, but jealousies arose among the Cuban labourers, and the newcomers, being less numerous, were unable to protect themselves and in many instances were forced into the towns for protection, thus leaving the planters quite as short of labour as before, and at the same time increasing the complications of the labour problem. In this condition we find Cuba to-day. The great problem will be how to obtain labour for the plantations, for the mines, and for agricultural purposes, in order to carry on the work of industrial reconstruction. All sorts of schemes have been suggested, but upon examination of the conditions in Cuba, it is feared they will prove impracticable. The life of the labourer, in consequence of the lack of diversified employment, and the fact that labour in Cuba is the severest kind of toil, has few attractions. If the Spanish soldiers are willing to remain and take up peaceful pursuits, it will aid in the solution of the problem. Possibly Italians may be induced to emigrate to Cuba, if assured of a stable government and plenty of work. The opportunity (small allotments and homes) is limited, and the drudgery on large plantations, without family life, is not likely to attract those from Europe who are ever eager to seek homes and broader opportunities in the United States. When in Cuba, the author visited many plantations and talked with many planters and overseers on the labour question. The extracts from notes taken on the spot will be found instructive on this point. The following excellent explanatory account of farm labour was prepared by an American who has spent the best part of his life on Cuban plantations and is now working a prosperous colona, or cane farm: * * * * * "From the 1st of December to the 1st of June an average of about 350 people were employed; of these ten per cent. were Canary Islanders or Spaniards, ten per cent. negro women and boys (white women do no field work), twenty per cent. native whites, and about sixty per cent. negroes and mulattos. From the 1st of June to the 1st of December an average of about 150 were employed. Women do no field work during this period. "During harvest I give the negro women preference and pay them the same salaries as the best male labour; they are more constant, their work is usually well done, and each one keeps her man straight, which is an appreciable item. "Next I prefer the negro, because he is, as a rule, a more faithful worker than either the native white or mulatto, the most of whom are addicted to gambling, and they cannot be depended on from one day to another. "For stowing cane on the cars, ploughing, ditching, road repairing, and railroad work, Canary Islanders and Spaniards are preferable; they are more used to this kind of work, more constant, and have fewer vices. "For cane cutting, carting, planting, and cultivating, native labour, in particular negro labour, is preferable; because the natives, being experts, work more rapidly, the cane plant suffers less injury, bringing in more remunerative returns, and its life is prolonged, which is a big item to the farmer; the natives are also much less addicted to smoking in the field, and danger from this source is materially reduced. But as a rule they are dishonest, and untruthful in the extreme, and this is general and applies both to whites and blacks, the latter being the champions. Canary Islanders and Spaniards are cigarette smokers and they are dangerous in the cane fields. "At the present time labour is very poor and very much demoralised. Many of the abler men are in the insurrection, a great number of those remaining have seen mothers, wives, and children dying a lingering death from hunger; some could obtain work for their food, while others earned a salary of from six to eight dollars per month in depreciated Spanish silver. Provisions were high, and the Government increased taxes on meats and other necessaries, until these poor ignorant people, bent down by great sorrow and seeing no help for themselves, gave up in despair and became indifferent. "During the past crop, as well as at the present time, I employ a considerable number of Asiatics, but many of these are opium smokers and much debilitated, and we calculate on sixty per cent. only being at work, while forty per cent. are resting in their barracon.[9] SALARIES "The average salaries paid by this colona during normal times, that is, previous to the insurrection, were about as follows: ALL THE YEAR Administration.........per month, $166.66 gold, and maintenance. Servant................ " " 30.00 " " " Overseer............... " " 85.00 " " " Second overseer........ " " 35.00 " " " Steward and bookkeeper. " " 50.00 " " " Assistant.............. " " 25.00 " " " Carpenter.............. " " 35.00 " " " Montero................ " " 25.00 " " " Assistant.............. " " 20.00 " " " Hostler................ " " 20.00 " " " Assistant.............. " " 15.00 " " " Pumping water.......... " " 6.00 " " " Cook................... " " 30.00 " " " Assistant.............. " " 25.00 " " " Night watchman......... " " 20.00 " " " Mounted field-guard.... " " 30.00 " " " " " " .... " " 25.00 " " " DURING CROP TIME Mounted field guard............. per month, $25.00 gold, and maintenance. " " " ............. " " 25.00 " " " Time-keeper..................... " " 20.00 " " " Waiter for operatives' table.... " " 15.00 " " " Vegetable gardener.............. " " 20.00 " " " Bueyero......................... " " 22.00 " " " Assistant....................... " " 16.00 " " " " ....................... " " 12.00 " " " Foreman with cartmen............ " " 30.00 " " " Assistant....................... " " 23.00 " " " Foreman with stevedores......... " " 28.00 " " " Cartmen......................... " " 23.00 " " " Ploughmen....................... " " 23.00 " " " Cane cutters.................... " " 21.00 " " " Cane lifters.................... " " 15.00 " " " Cane loaders (stevedores)....... " " 21.00 " " " "During the summer months wages for field labour averaged about $17 per month. Cost for maintaining labour averaged about $7.50 per month in gold; cost for maintaining overseers, foremen, carpenters, cooks, stewards, guards, etc., amounted to about $12 per month. "Rations for each man per day were as follows: "Clear beef, one pound, or its equivalent in tasajo or salt fish. "Rice, one pound, or its equivalent in beans, peas, macaroni, etc. "Lard, two ounces. "Coffee, one ounce. "Sugar, two ounces. "Bread, six ounces, or instead of bread, sweet potatoes, plantains, or melanga. "Sweet-oil, bacon, salt, and spices sufficient to season the food. "During the winter months, cabbage, tomatoes, and turnips are served every day without regard to rations. RULES AND REGULATIONS "When a labourer enters his name on the pay-roll he receives his machete or hoe, tin plate, tin dipper, and spoon, the same being charged to him and credited when returned. "Time-keeper makes his rounds twice every day. "Away from the batey[10] smoking is absolutely prohibited, and the penalty is immediate dimissal. "Salaries are paid any day between 11 A.M. and 1 P.M., Sundays excepted, to those who desire the money. "Except in case of sickness, meals are charged to those who are not at work. "To the sick such medicines as we have are given free; the most prominent of these is quinine. "If a man remains in the barracon sick for more than two days he is sent to his home, or to a hospital. If it is an injury received in the service of the colona, he is cared for until able to work again. "The bell tolls at 4 A.M. for the people to get up; at break of day, after having drunk a cup of coffee, they go to the field; at 11 o'clock they return to breakfast; at 1 o'clock they again go to the field; at 6 o'clock they come in to dinner, and at 8 o'clock the bell sounds silence, after which absolute quiet is enforced. The negro is fond of his music and dancing, and this is permitted at seasonable hours, and sometimes the overseer gives special permission to prolong their amusements beyond the usual hour. "Gambling is prohibited, but the rule cannot be successfully enforced. "In the dry season (at mid-day) when the people are in the batey, sentinels are stationed on the hills to give timely warning of cane fires. "Armed guards patrol the fields by day, and guard the cattle at night--this applies to times of peace. ADVANTAGES OF LARGE COLONAS OVER SMALL ONES "During my experience in this vicinity I have never known a single instance where a small colona prospered or was able to extricate itself from debt, and this condition is owing to various causes. A colona employing from three hundred to four hundred men can be carried on more economically than one employing from one hundred to two hundred men. The high-salaried men in the one are very nearly the same as in the other, but the small farmers with fifty or two hundred acres fare much worse. These purchase everything they require at retail, often paying from fifteen to thirty per cent. more than the large farmers, who purchase at wholesale and receive rebate for prompt payment. A small farmer employing ten men requires a cook; the larger, employing three hundred men, requires but two cooks. The small farmer is always cramped for money, has but a limited credit with the central, and outside of that none, except with an occasional country storekeeper, who may consider the risk and accommodate him by charging exorbitant interest. The money which ought to be expended on the cane fields goes to pay this interest, his fields get to such low ebb that the cane no longer pays the expense for harvesting, he can obtain no money for replanting, fails to pay his rent, and the owner of the land takes possession of what remains, resulting in some other poor fellow stepping in only to repeat his predecessor's experience. "The cost for preparing, breaking up, cross-ploughing, making, furrowing, seed cane, planting, cultivating, wear and tear to implements, and weeding one caballeria[11] of cane to maturity, and doing it well, is from $1400 to $1600, according to conditions of soil, salaries, etc., and under normal conditions will here require from three to four years before the farmer can see any profits, and then only by intelligent management and good soil; soil which requires planting every three to five years will ruin any man. "The average yield of cane per caballeria in Guabairo for 1895 was about 71,500 arrobas,[12] and the cost per one hundred arrobas for weeding, cutting, carting, and delivering to the central amounted to about $1.84. "During the crop time we employed from one hundred and fifty to two hundred Chinamen; of the balance of the labourers, probably there were more negroes than Spanish, with the white Cubans in a distinct minority. The Chinamen we have here now make very steady workmen, but they are weak, and not able to do as much work per day as either a negro or a Spaniard can do in the field. The best workmen we have, if we can get enough of them, are the negroes. One negro in cutting cane, can do as much as two of any other class; but I do not think this country is adapted for the American negro, from what I have heard of him, as he would have to put up with hardships here, and a style of eating and living which, I imagine, is not as good as he has in the southern part of the United States. The immigration of Chinese is prohibited, although a few manage to get in at a time. I do not know of any other restrictions on immigration. I do not believe the Jamaica negro would make a good workman; for, from what I have heard of him, he is very lazy, and would not be at all a desirable labourer. Thus our only hope for labour is to retain here the Canary Islanders, because they are harder working and can stand the climate better than others. They are men who can save money here, and that in itself is proof that they must be steady workmen, because they earn so little. Galicians are also good workers, but so far as I know of the men working here, the Canary Islanders are the best. The white men are mainly employed as stevedores in the batey, though they are also good labourers in the field. "As a rule the labourers are not married. The families of the married labourers live in the villages in the neighbourhood. The men must sleep in the batey at night. Sunday they work half a day, and get paid for a full day, provided they have worked five full days during the week; otherwise they only get half a day's pay. The men sleep in large rooms called barracones; sleeping in hammocks, and not taking their clothes off. Many of them possess but one suit, and on Sundays, after breakfast, they go to a stream, wash their clothes, lie around until they are dry, and then put them on again. For the better class of workmen, employed in the factory, the machinery helpers, etc., we have bath-houses. These men have rooms, and as a rule they are unmarried. Most of the labouring men, if they have families, when they are paid off, go away for a day, or a day and a half, and take their money to their families, and then come back to work. Those who are not married, keep on working or stay off a few days. It is quite uncommon to find a labouring man who can read and write. Their chief vice is gambling, the Cuban and Spaniard being similar about this, though we try on this estate to prevent gambling as much as possible. The Chinese gamble and smoke opium. The bell rings at 8 P.M., at which time the men are supposed to be in their barracones, and are not supposed to walk around the batey, this rule not being enforced except during the last two years. "The price of labour, in 1895, for cutting cane, etc., before the insurrection commenced, varied from fourteen dollars to twenty dollars per month, Spanish gold. This has fallen off to from twelve dollars to fifteen dollars, Spanish silver, paid during the past crop for the same labour--in American gold about fifty-five per cent. of this. The maintenance per month per man is nine dollars, Spanish gold. This fall in wages was necessitated by the fall in the price of sugar, and by the fact that but few plantations in the neighbourhood were able to continue working." * * * * * Labour seeking employment in Cuba must face these conditions. That the field will prove sufficiently attractive to tempt immigration in large numbers, even from the poorer sections of Europe, is doubtful. Still, with more prosperous times, the Canary Islanders may try their fortunes in the future as they have tried them successfully in the past; and so with Italians, Spaniards, South and Central Americans, and even the Southern negro of the United States, despite the fact, as stated above, that the American negro will not come to Cuba because the work is too hard and the food and accommodations too poor. But the American negro will, unwittingly, no doubt be the pioneer of a new labour era in Cuba. With the coming of the new order and new people, will come higher ideas of labour, and that which has ennobled labour in the United States will have its elevating influence among the labouring people of Cuba. Herding labourers in barracones like so many cattle, sleeping them, feeding them, bathing them, with less care than is shown to fine cattle, ruling them with whip and spur, making no provision or allowing no time for their mental or moral improvement, regarding them merely as so much live stock, but of less value than cattle, because when too old to work they cannot be slaughtered and eaten, it is small wonder that the crying need of the sugar-planter for two centuries has been sufficient and efficient labour. When the planter, under the newer influences which shall soon prevail, learns that by education, by the adoption and enforcement of sanitary regulations, by the establishment of homes, by the observance of the decent amenities of life, by the liberalising of religious belief, by the recognition of human rights, and by the general uplifting of the sentiment of work, a sufficiency of labour may be easily secured, and its efficiency guaranteed, the problem so long unsolved will be made as clear as day, and Cuba will enter an era of prosperity for all classes that will astonish and attract the world. There is at this time a steady increase in the demand for labour on plantations and, in Santiago Province, for the mines. While in Cuba the author received one cable despatch calling for fifteen hundred labourers for the mines, while three large planters stood ready, among them, to employ a thousand men to work in the sugar fields. In the neighbourhood of the sugar plantations all the able-bodied men had either been killed in battle, died of disease and starvation, or were still in a state of practical destitution, hidden away in the insurgent camps. Those who offered themselves for employment were, as a rule, too weak to endure the hard labour. Three years of privations and lack of food had destroyed their stamina. To be sure, there is surplus labour in Havana,--able-bodied labour,--but those who applied there had no means of transportation to the localities where they could obtain work. Through a suggestion made by the writer to an enterprising American concern, four hundred of these Havana labourers were sent to Santiago. It is estimated that at least three thousand additional labourers could be well employed in these mines at once, if it were possible to send them from the spots where starvation stares them in the face to the localities where work can be obtained for those able to endure, as already indicated, the hardest toil under trying climatic conditions. Many Spanish soldiers desire to remain in the Island. They have formed alliances in Cuba; some of them have married and have families there. These men have come before American officials and entreated them to aid in finding them employment of some kind, either as Civil Guards, in the mines, or on the plantations. As a rule they make industrious and faithful labourers. Attention is called to an extract from a letter written by a prominent business man of Havana,--the man, in fact, who in October was employed to send the four hundred labourers from that city to Santiago: "I advertised for labourers in the Santiago mines in our principal newspapers, and, in consequence, have had for the last three days at least one hundred and twenty men calling at my office for situations. They are willing to accept the price offered, but not one of them can pay the passage from this port to Santiago. "Lots of soldiers, lots of labourers, many of whom have already worked in the Santiago mines and know all about the work, living, and everything else, but were taken away from there as guerrillas, volunteers, and soldiers of some kind, are willing to go; but, as you will understand, the people here have been without work and the soldiers without any pay, and therefore nobody can pay the passage. "While I have been writing these lines several men have called on me, but it is the same thing over and over again; they need work, and are willing to work, but they have not got one cent to save their souls." It is believed this indicates clearly and without exaggeration the present conditions in Havana as regards would-be labourers and their suffering for want of work. During fifteen years' experience in operating iron mines in Cuba, those who know say, the labour question there has always been the unsolved problem, as never during that time have they been able fully to supply their wants in this direction. If the number of labourers has not in normal times been sufficient to satisfy the requirements of all industries in Cuba, how much will it fall short under the new conditions? The only hope for the renewal of prosperity in the Island is, first, the rehabilitation of the sugar industry; second, a revival of work on the tobacco plantations; and third, a full complement of men in the mining districts. These industries are the basis of the prosperity of the Island. A better distribution of labour will aid somewhat, and if this is accomplished intelligently by the United States Government, employment can be found for thousands whose presence in Havana without work is a menace to the city. It should be borne in mind that the Cuban harvest is in the winter months, and therefore plans should at once be inaugurated by which those who want work can be immediately brought to those anxious to give them employment. A small expenditure of money in this direction now will save a large expenditure in the future in some other and less desirable ways. It is useless to try to create new industries until the old and strong industries of the Island are re-established. If it is difficult, after the Spanish soldiers leave, to secure the necessary labour for the plantations, producing, as they will this year, a maximum of 400,000 tons of sugar for export, where are the labourers coming from to produce the high-water mark of 1,100,000 tons of sugar? The process of industrial reconstruction will necessarily be slow and depend in a large degree upon the stability of the Government and the rapidity with which the people settle down to work. There is no possibility, however, of a surplus labour supply. Work can be found for all capable and willing to perform hard labour now that the affairs of the Island have passed into the hands of the United States military authorities and the new customs tariff has gone into force. From this time the work of repairing the dismantled sugar plantations should go forward and thousands of labourers will be required. Whatever may be the future of Cuba, the present must be provided for and life and property and the right to labour be protected. The disposal of the insurgent troops is so intimately interwoven with the labour problem that it is difficult to separate the two. Some of the insurgent troops should be, and probably will be, utilised as Civil Guards, supplementing the United States forces; but those who are not needed for this purpose should be systematically aided as far as possible in any endeavours they may make to secure work. Men with hardly clothes to cover their nakedness, who have existed for three years on a diet that would kill the ordinary American labourer in three weeks, and who have practically foraged for their daily existence, must be helped a little before they can stand alone--helped at least to the extent of food and raiment and transportation to the locality where there is work in abundance. Lastly, in this connection, the need of homes in Cuba is one of the most pressing. The condition of those who labour on the plantations is truly deplorable. They literally have none of the necessities of civilisation. A complete state of savagery would be preferable to the condition of those employed on the sugar estates, who toil from early sunrise to sunset on rations of the plainest sort, and live in huts built of the bark of palm trees and thatched with the palm leaf. CHAPTER VII THE POPULATION OF CUBA The number and the characteristics of the people of Cuba are matters of doubt. If not of doubt exactly, at least there seem to be many discrepancies in relation to the numerical side of the problem, and great variation in opinion as to the qualities and peculiarities of the several classes of inhabitants which constitute the people of the Island. Before attempting to discuss the traits of the people, it may be advisable to ascertain, as far as practicable, the component parts of the population, and for that purpose recourse must be had to such statistical data as may be found available. The census report of Cuba can be obtained, but it is not issued, like our own, in book form, or even as printed reports. The results, moreover, are not worked out with any degree of detail as to age, sex, race, marital condition, occupation, and such other data as make an analysis of the population of the United States a comparatively easy task. The first census of Cuba was taken as far back as 1774, and since then the population has been enumerated at various periods, apparently when it suited the convenience or desire of the authorities at Madrid. The last count of the people was in December, 1897, but the returns from this enumeration have not been tabulated. The authorities admit they are imperfect in the four provinces of Pinar del Rio, Havana, Matanzas, and Santa Clara, and that they lack entirely the population of Puerto Principe and Santiago de Cuba. It may, therefore, be expedient that this work should be abandoned and that the United States authorities should take a complete and satisfactory census of the Island in December (for it cannot be taken in the month of June), 1899, or December, 1900, either of which dates will be near enough to the date of our own Twelfth Census, which will be June 1, 1900--the earlier date will probably be better for Cuba and nearer our own census. Such an enumeration should elicit information in relation to occupations and such social topics as will aid in constructing a suitable government for the people of Cuba. The method of taking the Cuban census has been crude and the returns not very reliable. The organisation for the work has always been made in Spain and delegated to a Central Board in Cuba, which board is presided over by a Cabinet Minister--the last by Mr. Montoro, Secretary of State. The Secretary to this Board is the Director of Census. The schedules are then forwarded to the municipalities, who thus control their own enumerations. Fortunately for Cuba, there are no "boom towns," so the returns are not unduly padded. The schedules for the rural districts are handled from the capital of the province. When the schedules are filled, they are sent to Havana, where the work of tabulation is performed. The completed work is sent to Spain for approval and promulgation. The method seems roundabout and cumbersome and must result in a large percentage of errors. The official who had charge of the last census admitted it was not exact--excepting possibly for some places where the municipal authorities took pride in the work. This was the case in Matanzas, where a census was taken in 1893, which seems on the face to be careful statistical work. A study of the census columns of unfortunate Cuba reveals the story of that Island in unmistakable terms. (See table on page 92.) Disease and war have performed their fatal work and from time to time decimated the inhabitants. The cheerful side of the picture is the constant increase of population from 1852 to 1867. These few years were called the Golden Age of Cuba. The cholera visited Cuba at the end of the year 1868, and the Ten Years' War began October 10, 1868, at which time many Cubans emigrated. This will explain the decrease of the year 1869. From 1870 to 1877 Spanish soldiers poured into the country, and not less than 200,000 Spaniards were sent there to crush the insurrection of 1868 to 1878 (Ten Years' War). POPULATION OF CUBA AT THE SEVERAL ENUMERATIONS OF THE POPULATION OF THE ISLAND ----------------+-----------+-----------+---------- | | Increase | Decrease YEARS. | TOTALS. | Per cent. | Per cent. ----------------+-----------+-----------+---------- 1774 | 171,620 | .... | .... 1787 | 176,167 | 2.64 | .... 1792 | 273,939 | 55.49 | .... 1804 | 432,000 | 57.69 | .... 1810 | 600,000 | 38.88 | .... 1817 | 635,604 | 5.93 | .... 1819 | 553,033 | .... | 12.99 1825 | 715,000 | 29.28 | .... 1827 | 704,487 | .... | 1.47 1830 | 755,695 | 7.26 | .... 1841 | 1,007,625 | 33.33 | .... 1846 | 898,754 | .... | 10.80 1849 | 945,440 | 5.19 | .... 1850 | 973,742 | 2.99 | .... 1852 | 984,042 | 1.05 | .... 1855 | 1,044,185 | 6.11 | .... 1857 | 1,110,095 | 6.31 | .... 1859 | 1,129,304 | 1.72 | .... 1860 | 1,199,429 | 6.20 | .... 1862 | 1,396,470 | 16.42 | .... 1867 | 1,426,475 | 2.14 | .... 1869 | 1,399,811 | .... | 1.86 1874 | 1,446,372 | 3.32 | .... 1877 | 1,521,684 | 5.20 | .... 1887 | 1,631,687 | 7.23 | .... 1899 (est.) | 1,200,000 | .... | 2.65 ----------------+-----------+-----------+---------- [Illustration: A COUNTRY VILLA.] Then came the last war, which has been even more disastrous, and many competent authorities put the loss by disease, starvation, and slain at 400,000. It is impossible to verify these figures until we shall have an accurate enumeration of the population, so it must remain guesswork until then. Whatever the result of the next census may show, the fact remains apparent that the population of Cuba, by reason of its misfortunes, is far behind the natural increment; that is, the growth by excess of births over deaths. This is shown by the following table, giving the estimated population of the Island of Cuba from 1774 to 1894, by decades, taking the average rate of increase of the _native_ population in the United States by census decades: -------------------------+-------+------------|------------------- |YEAR. | Estimated | | |Population. | -------------------------+-------+------------|------------------- |1774 | 171,620 |As by Mr. Bonnet's |1784 | 216,928 |table as increased |1794 | 274,197 |by United States |1804 | 346,585 |census rates, |1814 | 438,083 |estimated averages. |1824 | 554,537 | |1834 | 700,934 | |1844 | 885,981 | From 1850 to 1890 native |1854 | 1,119,880 | and foreign were given |1864 | 1,459,204 | separately by census |1874 | 1,772,718 | takers; previously no |1884 | 2,336,442 | such count was made. |1894 | 2,869,150 | -------------------------+-------+------------+------------------- In the opening chapter of this volume the point was made that Cuba, had it been permitted to remain in peace and enjoy its advantages, should have had a population ranging from 4,500,000 to 5,000,000. That this statement is borne out may be noted in the subjoined table, which gives the estimated population of the Island of Cuba from 1774 to 1894, taking the average rate of increase of the _total_ population in the United States, by census decades: --------------------------+-------------|---------------------------------- YEAR. | Estimated | | Population. | --------------------------+-------------|---------------------------------- 1774......................| 171,620 | As per Mr. Bonnet's table. 1784......................| 231,687 } | 1794......................| 312,777 } | 1804......................| 378,460 } | 1814......................| 516,144 } | 1824......................| 686,832 } | Increased at United States census 1834......................| 917,264 } | rates for decades, estimated 1844......................| 1,216,934 } | averages. 1854......................| 1,653,448 } | 1864......................| 2,241,745 } | 1874......................| 2,749,051 } | 1884......................| 3,575,965 } | 1894......................| 4,464,950 } | --------------------------+-------------|---------------------------------- The rate of growth of the Western Hemisphere, had Cuba been allowed to enjoy her natural advantages, would have found her at the close of 1900 with close upon 5,000,000 population and a country as flourishing as that pictured in the early part of this volume. The population of the Island of Cuba, as enumerated on the 31st of December, 1887, was 1,631,687. This population was scattered over an area of about 122,606 square kilometres. These figures give an average density of population of 13.31 inhabitants to the square kilometre, the maximum of which appeared to be in the province of Havana (52.49), and the minimum in the province of Puerto Principe (2.10). CENSUS OF DECEMBER 31, 1887 ----------------------+-------------+-------------+------------- | | | Density per PROVINCE. | Number | Square | Square |Inhabitants. | Kilometres. | Kilometre. ----------------------+-------------+-------------+------------- Havana | 451,928 | 8,610 | 52.49 Matanzas | 259,578 | 8,486 | 30.59 Pinar del Rio | 225,891 | 14,967 | 15.09 Puerto Principe | 67,789 | 32,341 | 2.10 Santa Clara | 354,122 | 23,083 | 15.34 Santiago de Cuba | 272,379 | 35,119 | 7.76 |-------------+-------------+------------- | 1,631,687 | 122,606 | 13.31 ----------------------+-------------+-------------+------------- Distributed as white population and coloured people, the latter comprising negroes and half-breeds and Asiatics, the proportions were as follows: CENSUS OF DECEMBER 31, 1887 -----------------+-------------------+------------------+------------------ | NUMBER | DENSITY PER | | INHABITANTS. |SQUARE KILOMETRE. | PERCENTAGE. +---------+---------+--------+---------+--------+--------- PROVINCE. | Whites. |Coloured.| Whites.|Coloured.| Whites.|Coloured. -----------------+---------+---------+--------+---------+--------+--------- Havana | 335,782| 116,146 | 39.00 | 13.49 | 74.30 | 25.70 Matanzas | 142,040| 117,538 | 16.74 | 13.85 | 54.72 | 45.28 Pinar del Rio | 166,678| 59,213 | 11.14 | 3.95 | 73.79 | 26.21 Puerto Principe | 54,581| 13,208 | 1.69 | 0.41 | 80.52 | 19.48 Santa Clara | 245,097| 109,025 | 10.62 | 4.72 | 69.27 | 30.73 Santiago de Cuba | 158,711| 113,668 | 4.52 | 3.24 | 58.27 | 41.73 +---------+---------+--------+---------+--------+--------- |1,102,889| 528,798 | 9.00 | 4.31 | 67.59 | 32.41 +---------+---------+--------+---------+--------+--------- | 1,631,687 13.31 100. -----------------+--------------------------------------------------------- It will be observed that the number of whites is greatest in the province of Havana, but the highest percentage of whites is found in the province of Puerto Principe (80.52). The province of Matanzas shows the greatest number of the coloured race, which is explained by the fact that slavery prevailed more extensively in that province than elsewhere. The proportion of males and females was as follows: CENSUS OF DECEMBER 31, 1887 -------------------------+------------------------+------------------------ | NUMBER OF INHABITANTS. | PERCENTAGE. PROVINCE. +------------------------+------------------------ | Males. | Females. | Males. Females. +-----------+------------+-----------+------------ Havana...................| 243,966 | 207,962 | 53.98 | 46.02 Matanzas.................| 148,876 | 110,702 | 57.35 | 42.65 Pinar del Rio............| 122,829 | 103,062 | 54.38 | 45.62 Puerto Principe..........| 35,843 | 31,946 | 52.87 | 47.13 Santa Clara..............| 193,496 | 160,626 | 54.64 | 45.36 Santiago de Cuba.........| 137,590 | 134,789 | 50.51 | 49.49 +-----------+------------+-----------+------------ | 882,600 | 749,087 | 54.09 | 45.91 -------------------------+-----------+------------+-----------+------------ Notice that in each province, males are in excess of females. The immigration of women into Cuba has always been small. The proportion of males and females of the white and coloured races is as follows: CENSUS OF DECEMBER 31, 1887 -------------------------+------------------------------------------------- | WHITES. +------------------------+------------------------ | NUMBER OF INHABITANTS. | PERCENTAGE. PROVINCE. +-----------+------------+-----------+------------ | Males. | Females. | Males. | Females. +-----------+------------+-----------+------------ Havana...................| 188,269 | 147,513 | 56.07 | 43.93 Matanzas.................| 79,362 | 62,678 | 55.87 | 44.13 Pinar del Rio............| 91,627 | 75,051 | 54.97 | 45.03 Puerto Principe..........| 29,473 | 25,108 | 53.99 | 46.01 Santa Clara..............| 134,412 | 110,685 | 54.84 | 45.16 Santiago de Cuba.........| 84,044 | 74,667 | 52.95 | 47.05 +-----------+------------+-----------+------------ | 607,187 | 495,702 | 55.05 | 44.95 -------------------------+-----------+------------+-----------+------------ -------------------------+------------------------------------------------- | COLOURED. +------------------------+------------------------ | NUMBER OF INHABITANTS. | PERCENTAGE. PROVINCE. +-----------+------------+-----------+------------ | Males. | Females. | Males. | Females. +-----------+------------+-----------+------------ Havana...................| 55,697 | 60,449 | 47.95 | 52.05 Matanzas.................| 69,514 | 48,024 | 59.14 | 40.86 Pinar del Rio............| 31,202 | 28,011 | 52.69 | 47.31 Puerto Principe..........| 6,370 | 6,838 | 48.23 | 51.77 Santa Clara..............| 59,084 | 49,941 | 54.12 | 45.88 Santiago de Cuba.........| 53,546 | 60,122 | 47.20 | 52.80 +-----------+------------+-----------+------------ | 275,413 | 253,385 | 52.46 | 47.54 -------------------------+-----------+------------+-----------+------------ Notice that the proportion of males is larger in the white race than in the coloured. The enumeration of the population of Cuba in 1877 resulted as follows: CENSUS OF YEAR 1877 ----------------+-------------------+-----------------+------------------ | Number of | | | Inhabitants. | DENSITY. | PERCENTAGE. PROVINCE +---------+---------+-------+---------+--------+--------- | Whites.|Coloured.|Whites.|Coloured.|Whites. |Coloured. ----------------+---------+---------+-------+---------+--------+--------- Havana..........| 321,951| 113,945 |37.59 | 13.24 | 73.86 | 26.14 Matanzas........| 160,806| 122,315 |19.11 | 14.41 | 56.80 | 43.20 Pinar del Rio...| 128,986| 53,218 | 8.62 | 3.55 | 70.79 | 29.21 Puerto Principe.| 57,692| 11,553 | 1.78 | 0.36 | 83.32 | 16.68 Santa Clara.....| 219,294| 102,103 | 9.50 | 4.42 | 68.23 | 31.77 Santiago de Cuba| 143,706| 86,115 | 4.09 | 2.45 | 62.53 | 37.47 +---------+---------+-------+---------+--------+--------- |1,032,435| 489,249 | 8.42 | 3.99 | 67.85 | 32.15 +---------+---------+-------+---------+--------+--------- | 1,521,684 12.41 100 ----------------+-------------------------------------------------------- The increase in population from 1877 to 1887 was 110,003 individuals, or 7.23 per cent. The number of whites increased 70,454; the number of coloured people increased 39,549. Asiatics in this census, numbering 43,811, were included with the whites. [Illustration: CUBAN "GUARACHERO" (MINSTREL).] There are four classes of Cuban residents: the whites, the coloured, the blacks, and the Chinese. The whites comprise native Cubans, Spaniards, and foreigners; a certain proportion in the interior being Canary Islanders, who are fitted by constitution, habits, and tastes for farm work. The native Cuban is usually bright, and is gifted particularly with a remarkable memory. Children are very precocious, and, when given educational advantages, they develop into men of no mean ability. In addition to the intelligent Cubans residing in the Island, whose reputation in different branches of learning extends abroad, there are many who have attained honourable distinction in foreign countries, in competition with others whose advantages were conspicuously greater. Dr. Albarran, the well-known Paris physician, and Albertini, the violinist, are two of the many Cubans who have struggled and succeeded in Europe by dint of their individual exertions and natural talents. In America, a most distinguished professor of civil engineering, two leading civil engineers in the navy, and the most eminent authority on yellow fever in the country are native Cubans. Havana is the only city in Cuba where any instruction is obtainable, and it is noticeable there that even the boys of the poorer classes are anxious to follow the university courses after leaving school. In former days the sons of wealthy Cubans led the typical life of gentlemen of leisure. It was customary among them to take a profession, if that could be accomplished with little or no exertion. The remainder of their lives was usually spent in travelling through Europe. The present generation, however, is very different. It is composed of the sons of men who have been on the verge of bankruptcy for many years, owing to their thoughtless extravagance. They have had to work for their living from the moment they have left college, and, owing to the increasing poverty of the Island, they have never been able to reconstruct the fortunes ill spent by their forbears. The consequence is that one finds in Cuba the younger generation to be, as a class, vastly superior to the older men in principles, education, and working capacity. The Cuban is more analytical than inventive. His mind easily grasps subjects on which he has received very little information; but he is decidedly lacking in inventive and constructive power. The Cuban mother is very affectionate, but her maternal fondness often leads her into indulgence of the many failings of childhood, that, in later life, are impossible to overcome. Prevarication and pilfering are no uncommon failings of child-life in Cuba. Despite these weaknesses, children are so generous that their parents find it hard to prevent them from sharing their pocket-money with their young friends. Their politeness and affability are striking. Cuban hospitality is proverbial. In the old and prosperous days of wealth it was a common thing for whole families to constitute themselves guests at the country-house of some friendly sugar-planter, and spend Christmas or Holy Week there without having given the host a word of warning. The planter, far from resenting this proceeding, invariably provided entertainment for his self-invited guests in the shape of riding parties, picnics, and dancing, considering himself highly honoured by the unforeseen advent of his friends. Like most Southerners, the Cubans are musically inclined. They dance well, and prolonged dancing parties are a favourite form of amusement. There was an old Spanish law, in force up to some years ago, which entitled all suitors in marriage, whose proposals had been opposed, to demand that the lady's parents state before the courts the reasons of their objections. There are interesting cases recorded of proud young Cubans who, animated by a high sense of honour, have availed themselves of this harsh expedient, in preference to breaking their vows to their lady-loves. The opposition in most cases was due to the fact that the father of the young lady was Spanish and the suitor Cuban. There is an instance of a man prominent in Havana circles who, taking advantage of this privilege, married a lady, and refused to accept his wife's patrimony, and the father-in-law brought suit to compel him to do so. It was only after many years, when the allowance, handed periodically to the court, had accumulated to a considerable sum, that a compromise was reached and a reconciliation took place between the father and the married couple. Cubans are very much attached to family life. Deep affection usually exists among the members of families, and they follow each other's affairs with great interest, even after the families break up. In Cuban houses, the first morning meal, or "coffee" as it is called, consists of coffee and rolls; breakfast then follows at ten or eleven o'clock, consisting, usually, of fried eggs, hash, fried plantains, sweet potatoes, meat, and _café au lait_. Dinner takes place at six or seven o'clock. Occasionally fruit is served at two or three o'clock. Visits are exchanged in the evening; but ladies follow the European custom of calling in the afternoon. Most families have an "at home" one evening every week to receive their friends. Married ladies may go out shopping alone early in the day. Among intimate friends young men occasionally call on their young lady friends alone, but this is not general, European customs prevailing. The Cubans are very fond of fencing, and it is remarkable that the good fencers scarcely ever have duels, or seek quarrels. Duelling is practised _ad libitum_ in all Cuba among the upper class. Just before the war it had become an everyday occurrence; in fact, in one week as many as five duels took place between men well known in Havana society and clubs. As a rule the seconds manage to stop the fight after the first wound, even catching at the pretext of a flesh wound on the forearm; appealing to the attending surgeon to state whether he considers the wound will impair the free use of the arm, and also if there is any chance of nervous twitches setting in from the pain. It is unnecessary to add that the surgeon invariably finds that it is very likely that all of these contingencies may occur--thereby stopping the duel, and "honour is satisfied." Baseball, bull-fights, and cock-fights were the most popular entertainments until recently; cock-fights have waned now in popularity considerably, whilst bull-fights are patronised by the Spanish element exclusively. Baseball continues to hold public favour, and since its introduction some twenty years ago a taste for athletics has developed among the Cubans, which was lacking before. Horse-racing was in vogue while there was capital to import foreign half-breeds, but it has now completely died out. The foreign population of the Island is comparatively limited. A large number of German merchants are engaged in all branches of the tobacco business, which they practically control. It will be found that the knowledge and experience of the Germans in this respect have given them preferment in the direction and management of the largest syndicates and tobacco firms. A sprinkling of English, Americans, and French are to be found throughout the country. The coloured inhabitants of Cuba (mulattoes) are usually the children of black women and white fathers--the cases of a white woman having children with a black father being so rare as to be nearly unknown. In the cities the mulattoes are servants,--not hotel waiters, for they are all Spaniards,--barbers, and occasionally musicians. Mulatto women, though usually very statuesque in appearance, are unprincipled and insolent. [Illustration: A NATIVE HUT. FROM A PHOTOGRAPH BY J. F. COONLEY, NASSAU, N. P.] The Cuban negro inherits from his forefathers, the African slaves, a physique and a character strengthened and tempered by the toil of generations. During the sugar season he works steadily, from four in the morning until sunset every day, taking only two hours of rest with his meals. The coloured population shows no inclination to be on terms of equality with the white, and though under General Calleja's administration negroes and mulattoes were all granted the handle of "Don" (Mr.) to their names, and though the right to be recognised in hotels, theatres, street-cars, etc., on equal terms with the whites has been extended to them, they have not availed themselves of the privilege to any extent. The savagery of the African negro has, unfortunately, shown itself among his descendants in the Island. Some years ago a secret society called "�añigos" was introduced in Havana. These �añigos are divided into bands, whose object is to fight and kill each other. They commit all sorts of depredations and crimes. It has often been shown that the police have been in their pay. Some four hundred were banished some time ago to Spanish penitentiaries, together with political suspects, with whom they were chained in couples and marched through the streets of Havana prior to embarking. This is one of the many acts of refined cruelty that the Spaniards committed during the late insurrection; most respectable and honourable men, accused of sympathising in the cause of the rebellion, were chained arm to arm with negroes of the lowest caste, who, besides being convicted for crime, defiled the very atmosphere around them from the filth of their attire. The �añigos have lately been returned to Havana and set free, where they have lost no time in renewing their criminal work. The Chinese element was brought over by contract for working on sugar plantations. They were virtually slaves until the Chinese Government intervened in their behalf. The following extract from the comprehensive report of Mr. Robert T. Hill, of the United States Geological Survey on the Island of Cuba, may be considered as authority on the subject of population: THE CUBANS "Seventy-five percent. of the native population of the Island is found outside of the Spanish capital of Habana, which, being the seat of an unwelcome foreign despotism, is no more representative of Cuban life or character than is the English city of Hong Kong of the rural Chinese. While the Habanese have had the freest communication with the United States during the last three years of the revolution, Americans have had little opportunity to hear from the true white Cuban population. The Cubans are mostly found in the provinces and provincial cities, especially in Pinar del Rio and the eastern provinces of Santa Clara, Puerto Principe, and Santiago. Although of Spanish blood, the Cubans, through adaptation to environment, have become a different class from the people of the mother country, just as the American stock has differentiated from the English. Under the influence of their surroundings, they have developed into a gentle, industrious, and normally peaceable race, not to be judged by the combativeness which they have developed under a tyranny such as has never been imposed upon any other people. The better class of Camagueynos, as the natives are fond of calling themselves, are certainly the finest, the most valiant, and the most independent men of the Island, while the women have the highest type of beauty. It is their boast that no Cuban woman has ever become a prostitute, and crime is certainly almost unknown among them. "While these people may not possess our local customs and habits, they have strong traits of civilised character, including honesty, family attachment, hospitality, politeness of address, and a respect for the golden rule. While numerically inferior to the annual migration of Poles, Jews, and Italians into the eastern United States, against which no official voice is raised, they are too far superior to these people to justify the abuse that has been heaped upon them by those who have allowed their judgment to be prejudiced by fears that they might by some means be absorbed into our future population. "Notwithstanding the disadvantages under which the Cubans have laboured, they have contributed many members to the learned professions. To educate their sons and daughters in the institutions of the United States, England, and France has always been the highest ambition of the creoles of Cuba and Porto Rico. The influence of their educated men is felt in many countries, the most distinguished professor of civil engineering, two leading civil engineers of our navy, and the most eminent authority on yellow fever in our country belonging to this class. Thousands of these people, driven from their beloved Island, have settled in Paris, London, New York, Mexico, and the West Indies, where they hold honourable positions in society, and even the exiles of the lower classes, with their superior agricultural arts, have been eagerly welcomed in countries like Jamaica, Mexico, and Florida, which hope to share with Cuba the benefits of its tobacco culture. "THE NEGROES "In addition to the white creole population, thirty-two per cent. are black or coloured--using the latter word in its correct signification, of a mixture of the black and white. This black population of Cuba has been as little understood in this country as has been the creole, especially by those who have alleged that in case Cuba should gain her freedom the Island would become a second Haiti. The black and coloured people of the Island as a class are more independent and manly in their bearing than their brethren of the United States, having possessed even before slavery was abolished on the Island the four rights of free marriage, of seeking a new master at their option, of purchasing their freedom by labour, and of acquiring property. While the negro shares with the creole the few local rights possessed by any of the inhabitants, their social privileges are greater than here, although a strong caste feeling exists. Miscegenation has also produced many mulattoes, but race mixture is no more common than in this country. "The coloured people of Cuba belong to several distinct classes. The majority of them are descendants of slaves imported during the present century, but a large number, like the negroes of Colombia and the maroons of Jamaica, come from a stock which accompanied the earliest Spanish settlers, like Estevan, the negro, who, with the two white companions of Cabeza de Vaca, first crossed the United States from the Gulf of Mexico to California in 1528-36. The amalgamation of this class in the past century with the Spanish stock produced a superior class of free mulattoes of the Antonio Maceo type, unlike any people in this country with which they can be compared. "The current expressions of fear concerning the future relations of this race in Cuba seem inexplicable. The slaves of the South were never subjected to a more abject servitude than have been the free-born whites of Cuba, for they at least were protected from arbitrary capital punishment, imprisonment, and deportation without form of trial, such as that to which all Cubans are still subjected, and the white race of this or any other country has furnished few more exalted examples of patriotism than the mulattoes Toussaint L'Ouverture or Antonio Maceo. "The experiences of the past have shown that there is no possibility of Cuba becoming Africanised without constant renewal by immigration. The 520,000 coloured people, one-half of whom are mulattoes, represent the diminished survival of over 1,000,000 African slaves that have been imported. The Spaniards had the utmost difficulty in acclimatising and establishing this race upon the Island. While Jamaica and other West India islands are a most prolific negro-breeding ground, the race could not be made to thrive in Cuba. "Those persons who undertake to say what the social conditions of Cuba would be under independence should look elsewhere than to Haiti for a comparison. Even were the population of Cuba black, as it is not, the island of Jamaica would afford a much better contrast. This island, only about one-tenth the size of Cuba, is composed of mountainous lands like the least fertile portion of Cuba; has a population wherein the blacks outnumber the whites forty-four to one; yet, under the beneficent influence of the English colonial system, its civilisation is one of which any land might be proud, possessing highways, sanitation, and other public improvements even superior to those of our own country, and such as have never been permitted by Spain in Cuba. Even though Cuba should become a second Haiti, which it could not, there is some satisfaction in knowing, in the light of historic events, that Haiti free, although still grovelling in the savagery which it inherited, is better off than it would have been had Napoleon succeeded in forcing its people back into slavery, as he endeavoured to do. "Another fact which will stand against the Africanising of Cuba is that it is highly probable that nearly one-half of these five hundred thousand coloured people have been destroyed during the present insurrection. A large number of them had but recently been released from the bonds of slavery, and were naturally the poorer class of the Island, upon which the hardships have mostly fallen, being generally the field hands in the sugar districts of Habana, Matanzas, and Santa Clara, where the death-rate of the terrible Weyler reconcentramiento has been greatest. Three hundred thousand of the five hundred thousand blacks belonged to these provinces, and of this number fully one-half have been starved to death. The population of Cuba has undergone great modification since the collection of the statistics given. What changes the deplorable conflict has wrought can only be surmised. Beyond doubt, however, the population has at least been reduced to a million inhabitants by emigration of non-combatants, destruction in battle, official deportation of suspects and political prisoners, and by the reconcentration. "The rural population of the four western provinces of Pinar del Rio, Habana, Matanzas, and Santa Clara has been totally obliterated. Estimates of this extermination are all more or less conjectural, but the Bishop of Habana is authority for the statement that more than four hundred thousand people have been buried in the consecrated cemetery." Mr. Charles M. Pepper, in one of his newspaper letters, speaking of the negroes in Cuba, cites instances of their industry and thrift, and says: "These notes are perhaps not conclusive, yet they have established in my own mind that the negro in Cuba is not an idler or a clog on industrial progress. He will do his part in rebuilding the industries of the Island, and no capitalist need fear to engage in enterprises because of an indefinite fear regarding negro labour. In the country, for a time, the black labourers may be in the majority. That is one of the results of the reconcentration. The blacks stood it better than the whites, and relatively a larger number of them are left for the work in the fields. When the present conditions are improved the question will arise over the immigration of labour. No need for discussing it has yet arisen. The leading blacks are opposed to the wholesale negro immigration to Cuba, and the mass of their people apparently agree with them. "On its political side the black population of Cuba has a definite status. Social equality does not exist, but social toleration prevails. There is no colour line. Visitors to the Island invariably remark this fact. In places in the interior I have seen the coloured serving-woman occupying a box at the theatre with the family, and no one seemed to be the worse for it. The custom is not general, yet the toleration of the white and black races is strong enough for an incident of this kind to pass without notice. I have heard Americans say it won't do at all after the Island is Americanised. One ambitious young fellow from a Southern State said to me that he was going back because the coloured race occupied too prominent a place in Cuba. He did not speak with bitterness or intolerance. He had been brought up under different conditions and felt that he would not be in harmony with such surroundings. Those who feel as he does had better stay away. "The part taken in the insurrection by the blacks has unquestionably strengthened their future influence. In order to depreciate the white Cubans the Spaniards were in the habit of giving all the credit for the warfare of the bush to the black insurgents. Some Americans have thereby been led into error. When the insurrection began the population of the Island was about two-thirds white and one-third black. That proportion was maintained among the insurgent troops. In some of the regiments more than one-half were black, but in others they did not amount to twenty per cent. In the beginning Maceo drew a large following in the eastern provinces, and this was almost entirely of blacks. "When the insurrection spread over the entire Island the disproportion between the two races was removed. Many of the officers among the insurgents to-day are blacks. They have few officers of the higher rank, because most of these were killed. Of all the insurgent generals who are seen in Havana--and there is a legion of them--the one who attracts the most attention from Americans is General Ducasse. He is a mulatto, and was educated, I think, at the French military school of St. Cyr. A brother, more famous than he, was killed during the last year of the insurrection in Pinar del Rio Province. This General Ducasse is of polished manners and undeniable force of character. A few weeks ago I read an address of his to the black insurgents, in which he counselled them with moderation, and impressed on them the duty of preparing for their new responsibilities. "These coloured Cubans have at no time been clamorous for recognition. They seem disposed to ask less than is due them. At least they are not forward in their demands. Back of all this is a consciousness of their own strength. In the States a jovial piece of advice used to be given the negroes--'Don't hit the white man, but if you do hit him, hit hard.' Such advice would be unnecessary in Cuba. It is not probable that a temporary influx of Americans with inherited race prejudices will ever succeed in creating a colour line in political affairs. If that should happen the black Cuban would not need to be advised about hitting the white man hard. He would hit both hard and quick, and it would be a long time before Anglo-Saxon civilisation recovered from the blow and proved its superiority. Fortunately, this is never likely to happen. The black man will share the future of Cuba with the white man. "The race has far more than its proportion of criminals. Some tendencies toward retrogression have to be watched. But in the midst of many discouraging circumstances the unprejudiced student must recognise the great advance that has been made. When Cuba has a system of common schools the advance will be greater. What is significant in the present is that the black man has been doing very well. He will continue to do well, and even better, if too many people do not stay up nights worrying other people with their fears of the future." CHAPTER VIII SANITARY WORK IN CUBA Underlying the prosperity and happiness of the people of any country is health, for without it there can be no strength, no energy, no success, even if all other conditions be favourable. This is true of every section of the world, and is notably true of Cuba, which with almost every advantage that nature could bestow has ever been feared for its malarious diseases, the fatal typhus, and the dreaded "yellow jack," which acknowledges no master save the frost. For years the world has quarantined against Havana, and other cities have drawn away from this sister in the tropics as from one plague-stricken. Yet this condition is not of nature's making, but of man's, and by man shall it be changed into something better. Spain in herself was a tyrant contagion and everything she touched became diseased and rotten to its vitals. And this terrible condition was not only physical, but moral, for moral uncleanness is sure always to follow physical uncleanness. This truth constitutes a corollary out of which has grown the maxim, "Cleanliness is next to Godliness." The first consideration, then, with the American authorities who have undertaken to clean Spain's Augean Stables in Cuba is sanitation; and already the best thought and knowledge and experience we have are being brought to bear upon the stupendous task before us. [Illustration: STREET VIEW, SANTIAGO DE CUBA. FROM A PHOTOGRAPH BY J. F. COONLEY, NASSAU, N. P.] As has been stated, Cuba is not naturally unhealthful for a hot, wet country; and among the mountains in its interior and in many places along the coasts, removed from the filthiness of aggregated population, the average mortality is not higher than it is in lands of better repute for healthfulness, and the general health is quite as good. As might be expected, there is not that strength and robustness of physique characterising the people of the higher latitudes, nor is the climate conducive to the pink-and-white health of northerners; but though the people are less rugged of constitution and frame and lungs, and lack the outward signs of northern health, they are by no means constant subjects for physicians' care and they are anything but chronic candidates for the cemetery. Even in the nasty cities they are not all so, for there are many who are able to have their own houses well located, and to adopt modern methods of sanitation for their own private use. But the public health is not considered of importance, and there is not a city in Cuba which is not wofully lacking in good water, good drainage, and good health. One or two towns, which in America would have a contagion flag run up over them, are so much cleaner than the average that in every description of them by any writer appears the statement that they are said to be the cleanest towns in Cuba. It may be said in this connection that the towns are not large. Beginning with Havana, the capital of the country and the largest city in it, the stories of its great filthiness can scarcely be believed by those who have seen the place upon the surface and moved about in beautiful parks, in brilliant cafés, on the lovely drives, and elsewhere, among pleasure-loving people, all clothed in their clean white suits and smoking their dainty cigarettes. Yet Havana is viler than words can express; and the vileness has slopped over until her harbour is a veritable cesspool, whose waters are deadly, and whose bottom is so covered with filth that ships will not drop their anchors in it, because it is necessary to clean and disinfect them before they can be taken on board. Havana has been in Spain's possession for four hundred years, and that harbour is a typical result of Spain's good government. In the city itself the poor people are huddled in ill-built houses--there are only about eighteen thousand houses in the entire place--more densely than in any city of the world, on narrow streets without sewerage, upon the surface of which garbage and all kinds of refuse are thrown. No attention is paid to ventilation. The houses are built so low that the floors rest upon the soft, damp--in many places swampy--ground; the material is a porous conglomerate which absorbs moisture as a sponge does. Sinks are totally inadequate or absent. Water is not sufficiently supplied, and there is scarcely any effort by the authorities to exercise that care and provision for the public well-being which is characteristic of every properly governed city in the world. As an indication of what might be expected from such a condition of affairs the following table, prepared for American officials by the Havana Department of Sanitation showing the number of deaths for the first eleven months of 1898, is cited: January ................................ 1,081 February ............................... 1,518 March .................................. 1,500 April .................................. 1,411 May .................................... 1,298 June ................................... 1,129 July ................................... 1,381 August ................................. 1,975 September .............................. 2,390 October ................................ 2,249 November ............................... 1,828 ------ Total ............................ 17,760 And this out of a population of about 200,000, in which there were only a few, if any, _reconcentrados_ to starve to death. During this period there were only 2,224 births, showing a net loss of 14,336, or about seven per cent. of the population; a condition of health which would produce a panic in a northern city as soon as the figures were known. Speaking of these figures, Captain Davis, who has been inspecting hospitals, prisons, and public buildings under General Greene, says: "Vienna, with its million and a half of population, has been called the pest-hole of Europe, because of its death-rate of more than twenty-five to the thousand; yet Havana, with less than one-sixth of its population, has more deaths in one month than Vienna in twelve. The deaths this year in Havana will outnumber those in Chicago by probably five thousand, and will exceed the totals of Boston, St. Louis, Baltimore, and San Francisco combined." New York City at this rate would have a death-roll of 270,000 a year and London 450,000, and the deaths in the United States, which are now about 1,000,000 a year, would be about 7,000,000. Of course the figures for 1898 are greatly in excess of other years, owing to the war and the generally disturbed condition of affairs, but even in the healthiest years the death-rate was two or three times greater than the average of other cities. The leading diseases are consumption, a common disease in hot, wet countries; diarrhoea, dysentery, cholera infantum, and fevers, worst of which is the yellow fever, which is present in Havana every month of the year, although much worse at certain times than at others. It is said that portions of Havana are permanently infected by yellow-fever germs, but Surgeon-General Sternberg, Dr. Wyman, Supervising Surgeon-General of the Marine Hospital Service, and other authorities say that by proper sanitary regulations and careful quarantining, the city may be made free of the disease and kept so, as is the case in Jamaica, where the English have had control for years. The work of sanitation will be difficult and expensive, and years will be required to accomplish it, but it must be done before Havana's future is assured. Sewers are few and far between, and those which exist are filled with refuse from the streets and are never cleaned, as the odours that rise from them constantly most disagreeably testify. They empty into the bay. Most of the drainage is surface, and as the city lies so low that a heavy wind across the waters of the bay will inundate many of the streets, it will be understood that the drainage is sluggish, and that what should be carried off by water is usually left to be rotted and dried by the sun--except in the rainy season, when it rots without drying. Much of the lower part of the city is built on swamp and "made-land," and what this means for the health of those who live upon it needs no elucidation. The following statement, made by José M. Yzquierdo, civil engineer, of Havana, under date of September 28, 1898, will throw some light upon street-sweeping contracts in Havana, show why the work cannot be properly done, and also indicate the part that the city authorities have always taken in the good cause: "I now have the contract for cleaning the streets and have been connected with the city government a long time. The present system of cleaning the streets is a combination of old and new. When I took up the work about five years ago, I ascertained that the system was very deficient, so I went to New York and studied up the matter. To begin with, the pavements were very bad. The automatic street-sweepers cannot be used to advantage, though I have two sweeping-machines. At night time my people go out with the sweeping-machines and a sprinkler and clean the streets, and from there the dirt is taken to the railroad cars and from the station about nine miles from here, and there I do some business with it; that is, I make a kind of fertilizer. I employ 230 men. We have no furnace to burn up the garbage. I am now going to make a proposition to the city council to clean the cities for the same price and use crematories, doing it on the American plan. For cleaning the city I am to be paid $2350.50 weekly, but I do not get the money; they owe me $180,000. A year or two ago, by giving ten per cent. to the city mayors, etc., I collected $20,000 in one week. Immediately after I got the contract the aldermen called upon me and directed my attention to certain articles in it, so that I finally had to take these aldermen into partnership in order to collect the money. [Illustration: WATERMAN IN THE COUNTRY.] "I have also had the slaughter-house privilege. I paid the city council $800,000 per year for the privilege of collecting the slaughter-house taxes, and one year I collected nearly $880,000, out of which, of course, I had to pay my men. This has fallen off a great deal. To slaughter cattle, you have to pay 4-1/2 cents per kilo, $1 per head for the corral, $1.25 to kill and dress it, and then 50 cents to take it to the market. The present slaughter-house is a new one, and not very efficient at present, but it could be made into a good one. All the refuse from the slaughter-house now goes into the bay." What is true of Havana is true in lesser degree of the other cities and towns of the Island, the degree being governed chiefly by the difference in size; the larger the town, the nastier it is. Cienfuegos, which, by the way, is the most promising town in the Island, in the commercial sense, is notoriously ill policed, and is a sprouting-ground for all manner of diseases. A report dated November 21, 1898, made by D. E. Dudley, Sanitary Inspector, U.S.M.H.S., notes the fact that its elevation above sea-level is only about eight feet and it is surrounded by a belt of lowlands from eight to ten miles wide. The streets are seventy feet wide, unclean, and out of repair, and in the wet season are fields of nasty mud. There are three sewers, one from the Hotel Union, and another from buildings in the same block, and the third and only public sewer is from the Civil Hospital. The first two of these sewers empty into the bay at the steamer wharf, about two feet above the water-line, and when the wind is in the right direction the gases and vile odours are blown back into the buildings, filling them with stenches. The Hotel Union, the Charity Hospital, and a few private dwellings have modern water-closets, but elsewhere over the city the houses have shallow privy sinks, which are emptied at night and the contents dumped against the cemetery walls. Around the cemetery is also the dumping-ground for garbage, dead animals, and all the refuse of the city, the disposal of which is not under any especial authority. This dumping-ground is a mile and a half from the Hotel Union. Dr. Dudley says: "Here in this garbage reservation can be seen large numbers of buzzards, feasting on dead horses or dogs, or perched on the cemetery walls, waiting for fresh consignments. Extensive lagoons and lakes of foecal matter taken from privy vaults lie spread upon the ground. A small section of this reservation faces the bay, and here the collector of the garbage has his living-quarters, in an old tumble-down hut. "The only cemetery is situated a mile and a half from the heart of the city. It is surrounded by a wall twelve feet high, which furnishes vault room. The cemetery is very small and the section reserved for paupers is more than overcrowded. During my visit ten graves were being dug. By actual measurement I found these graves three feet in depth. Coffins are loaned by the municipalities to paupers, and the bodies alone are buried. In these pauper graves three bodies are buried, one over the other; and then, in less than one year's time, they are reopened and made ready for new bodies. Portions of skeletons were thrown out of each of the ten graves I saw. In consideration of a dollar, a grave was opened for me, and I counted four skulls. In closing up the graves, these bones are packed around the new bodies. As a rule the topmost corpse is so near the surface that the earth has to be banked up a foot in order completely to cover it. "_Water._--This is one of the most serious problems which confront the municipal authorities of this city, and one of much concern to us, if American troops are to be quartered there. The supply is absolutely inadequate to the demands of the city. The hotels and a few residences have cement cisterns built in the ground and use rain-water; but the chief supply comes from a small (and said to be badly polluted) stream, the Jicotea River, a small branch of the Cannau. The water is pumped into two aqueducts; the principal one, which is called after the Jicotea River, holds four hundred thousand litres; a smaller one, the Bouffartique, holds three hundred thousand litres. Pipes from these two aqueducts run through a few of the streets, above ground, alongside the curbing. The gates are open only two hours daily. The hospitals use this water, after boiling. As a remedy for this condition, I am told, there was a project to bring water from a point twenty miles distant, from the falls of the Hanabanilla River, 1200 feet above the sea. Absolute freedom from pollution was claimed. It was abandoned on account of the war. The estimated cost for this work was $1,000,000. The Jicotea aqueduct is simply a large open cistern, built of rock and cement, attached to a brick building in which the Spanish quartermaster has his stores. There are about two hundred wells in the city, but infected, the privy sinks being within a few feet. "_Quarantine._--At a point nine miles from the city, on the western shore, I found, in my opinion, an ideal location for a quarantine station. The place, the Concha, owned by the Marquis de Apezteguia as a winter resort, can be purchased. The palace, built on a terrace near the water's edge, was burned by the insurgent forces. A pier thirty to fifty feet can be built so that steamers can have eight fathoms of water. An island about one-half a mile distant could be used, and a hospital for infectious and contagious diseases built. "In concluding this report I wish to call your attention to the probability of an extensive spread of smallpox in the interior. At a town eight hours' ride from Habana to Colon, I saw beggars convalescent from smallpox." During the first ten months in 1898 the total number of deaths in Cienfuegos was 3626, out of a population which before the war was 21,500; adding soldiers and _reconcentrados_, it might be said to be 25,000, and at these figures a monthly death-rate of 362 is something fearful to contemplate. Estimating the deaths for a year at 4144, we have a rate of 166 per 1000. In the ten years ending December 31, 1889, reported by Dr. Luis Perna, over fifty per cent. of the deaths were from infectious and contagious diseases due almost entirely to bad or no sanitation. During the same year the births exceeded the deaths by 1982, a much better showing than in Havana, the difference there being 12,433 against the population in four years, and in Matanzas, 2397 lost in eight years. Of the effect of proper sanitary regulations and personal attention on tuberculosis, Dr. Perna says: "There can be no doubt that the ravages of tuberculosis could be materially arrested by compliance with the laws of hygiene. Infractions of civil law may or may not be punished, but infractions of the laws of hygiene are inevitably paid for sooner or later. In combating tuberculosis we must consider the air we breathe, the food we eat, the roof that covers us, and the clothes we wear. The disease should be recognised as contagious. Phthisical patients should be kept in well-ventilated apartments; sputa should be disinfected, and clothing and utensils used by such patients should be disinfected." Matanzas is situated on high ground, with the rivers San Juan and Yumuri running through it, and the natural facilities for drainage are excellent; but only two streets have sewers, and these drains have few or no connections with buildings. The water supply is of excellent quality, from springs seven miles away; but only two thousand of the five thousand houses take it, and the majority of the people prefer to buy water from street vendors, who are quite as likely to get it from fever-infected wells as elsewhere. There are public fountains, but those who need Cuban water most are too lazy to carry it home. Privies and sinks are more numerous than modern closets, and are handled as elsewhere, with the usual results. The streets are narrow (thirty feet wide), dirty, and unpaved; in the wet season they are vile. The houses are built of porous stone, which absorbs the dampness; the floors, laid on the ground, are overflowed by the rains, and their smell at all times is difficult to describe and dangerous to health. The deaths per year for 1895 were 1465, with a nominal population of 50,000, although it was cut to 35,000 by the insurrection; in 1896, 2399; in 1897, 6795; and in 1898, to September, 3901--which fearful figures may be accounted for by the fact that Matanzas was the centre for _reconcentrados_, and they died like sheep--eighty per cent. of them from starvation. The only disinfection that could reach this condition was applied to Spain by the United States, and there will never be any more epidemics of starvation in Cuba, or any more _reconcentrados_, for that matter. But even without her _reconcentrado_ population, Matanzas is no health resort, and the cleansing hand must be applied to her early and rigorously. [Illustration: MARIANAO WATER VENDOR] Cardenas, a city of twenty thousand people, more or less, is set down in the midst of a swamp, rarely more than ten feet above sea-level, and oftener only three or four. Its narrow streets are lacking in pavements or sewers. Lying contiguous to the south-east side of the city are more than thirty thousand acres of swamp, a fecund breeding-ground for typhus-and yellow-fever germs. Twenty years ago a commission was appointed to inquire into the construction of a canal to drain this swamp into the Anton River, but at this present date no canal is in sight, and the fever germs go merrily on in their work of supplying the cemeteries with subjects. The water supply is good, but many of the people prefer to buy dangerous well-water from street vendors, because of its cheapness. At Cape Hicacos, near Cardenas, are extensive salt-pits, the chlorides of which are supposed to act as a disinfectant, and that immediate locality is said to be the most healthful along the coast. Puerto Principe, a town of forty thousand inhabitants, the largest of the inland cities, is situated on high ground, well watered and well drained, and though antiquated and utterly lacking in modern conveniences or sanitary regulations, as they are known among northern people, is so much more healthful than other Cuban towns as to warrant a milder animadversion than in the case of others. Yellow fever is only known sporadically, if at all, and contagion and infection are so much less flourishing than in the coast towns that Puerto Principe seems positively healthful in comparison, albeit in an American community the condition of the city would warrant the impeachment of any board of health having control of its sanitation. Santiago de Cuba, with a population of, say forty thousand, is next to Havana in importance among the cities of Cuba, and has been accumulating filth since 1514, when the first Spaniards settled there. Just what nearly four hundred years of Spanish sanitation means is better imagined than experienced. Moreover, its location is down among hills which shut off the breeze, and in summer the city becomes intolerably hot and dangerous to health. It is situated on a hillside, with a landlocked bay before it, removed from all sea or coast currents, and for 384 years the drainage of the town--not by sewers, for they do not exist--has gone into this bay, until its bottom and waters are vile beyond expression. In the city itself filth everywhere prevails--or did prevail until the United States authorities took charge, since which time Governor Wood and his assistants have done an amount of cleaning up that is as wholesome as it is difficult to accomplish. This work has been so vigorously prosecuted and the results so beneficial that a chapter has been devoted to the subject. It is said that in time man may become accustomed to any condition of life, and the dozen generations of Santiagoans seem to have got used to their town, for its ordinary death-rate was but 29.8 per 1000, with an increase to 33 to 35 when yellow fever or smallpox became more violent than usual. In 1895 the death-rate went up to 51.2 per 1000, and in 1896 to 82.77. Four thousand people died in that year, and this is the last record known. This large increase was due to the presence of unacclimated troops from Spain, and though it may explain the high death-rate, it scarcely can excuse a sanitary condition which is so fatal to Spanish soldiers, who have had experience with Spanish sanitary regulations in their own country until they ought to be almost used to it. In 1896 there were 372 deaths from yellow fever and 509 from smallpox. Santiago has one inventive sanitarian in the person of Dr. Garcia, who, five years ago, devised a "cold box" for the case of yellow-fever patients. As is known, the frost will kill the germs of yellow fever; and as natural frost is impossible in Cuba Dr. Garcia hit upon the idea of producing artificial cold. His device is simple enough. The main feature is a small house, say five feet by seven, and six feet high, which is practically a refrigerator, with double roof and walls for packing the ice. A window is put in for light, and the patient is laid in his bed in a temperature of about freezing. He has no attendants inside, except when needed, and he is watched through the window. This method usually kills or cures the patient in from twelve to thirty-six hours. At first the box was not successful, for condensation practically drowned the patient out; but that was remedied by draining the water off. There is a great difference of opinion in relation to the efficacy of this treatment; some physicians entirely disapproving it, while others as strongly recommend it. What may be done for the proper sanitary regulation of Santiago is a serious problem, as, owing to the distance from the sea and the landlocked character of the bay, the sewage, which may be easily drained down the sloping streets of the town, is bound to remain near the shore. For the present, Major Barbour, Superintendent of the Santiago Street Department, disposes of the sewage by sprinkling it with petroleum and burning it. Manzanillo, population nine thousand, with a large and beautiful military plaza, has filthy streets and no public improvements of any kind looking to the health or comfort of the people; and the people seem to like it. The streets are unpaved, and Manzanillo mud is an alliterative term which has become a household word for the nastiest mud on the Island. The town is twenty feet above the bay, with hills to the rear, and near it are great swamps filled with mosquitoes and malaria, which spread themselves abroad in every direction. Guantanamo, population nine thousand, seven miles inland, one hundred and fifteen feet above the bay of the same name, is situated on the river Guaso, and might be easily and thoroughly drained; but no efforts have been made in that direction, and malaria and fevers prevail. With any kind of decent care, the city could be made as healthful as any in the same latitude. Pinar del Rio, the capital of its province, with 5500 population, is situated 25 miles from the sea, 160 feet above it, and on a hill 70 feet high. It is in the midst of the famous Vuelta Abajo tobacco district, and it might be made a clean town; but its streets are narrow and filthy, its people are a mixture of French and African, and it is a reflection on the great American Republic, in that it was founded in 1776. Batabano, the southern seaport of Havana, thirty miles away, in its narrow, dirty streets presents a condition of neglect and nastiness suggesting that it is also a receptacle for the surplus refuse of the capital. Guanabacoa, a high and beautifully located city of twenty-five thousand people, just outside of Havana, several degrees cooler than the capital city, in the midst of pleasant breezes and cool groves, has narrow, filthy streets, no pavements, no public improvements, small houses with no modern conveniences, huddled together, and is a dozen times worse than if nature had not done so much for it. Güines and Marianao are so much cleaner and sweeter than any other towns as to make one wonder why they are the exception instead of the rule. Possibly it is hardly fair to call attention to or animadvert upon the sanitary regulations and conditions of Santa Clara, an inland city and capital of Santa Clara Province, seeing that in ten and a half months of 1897 there were over one hundred thousand deaths in the province, of which nearly one third occurred in Santa Clara district. These were chiefly _reconcentrados_, and show that there are some things Spanish even worse than Spanish sanitation. The town has a population of twenty thousand, is situated in a healthful locality, and while little has been done toward public health, there is no yellow fever. As with the cities and towns above mentioned, with the two exceptions named, so of all Cuban aggregations of population. Everywhere there is ignorance, carelessness, filth, disease, and death, and only education, care, and time can remedy the evil. It may not, cannot be that Cuba will ever enjoy the robuster health of the north, but she can be clean, and to that end must every ability of knowledge, labour, and means be directed, not only by those who are in authority, but by those whose direct welfare is at stake. Outside of the cities, conditions prevail which will be more difficult, if not in many cases impossible, to remedy. Much of the Island along the coasts is swampy; there malaria and fevers breed, and these sections, if not capable of drainage, must be deserted by man, and left to the alligators, toads, and lizards. Many of the swamps may be drained and the land converted into fields yielding rich harvests; these should be given the proper attention. In many places the tropical forests are of such dense and tangled growth that no sunlight ever penetrates them, and here, after nightfall, deadly miasmas arise, full of poison and disease. Vast areas of such forests are filled with valuable timber, and when these woods are cleared and converted into money, and the sunlight can get in and exercise its saving grace upon the land, a wonderful improvement will follow. Back from the coasts, particularly in the eastern part of the Island, the land is high and well drained, with mountains in some portions rising from five thousand to eight thousand feet above the level of the sea. While the heat and humidity incidental to the latitude prevail all over the Island, they are much less in the uplands than along the coast, and the climate for half the year is very agreeable and the air has a brilliant clearness that has become famous. Over all these lands there should be in the future a population which should develop into a contradiction of the tradition that the people of the tropics live because they are too lazy to die. CHAPTER IX CITIES AND TOWNS OF CUBA The political divisions of Cuba, known as provinces, are six in number, and are named as follows, beginning at the west: Pinar del Rio, Havana, Matanzas, Santa Clara, Puerto Principe, and Santiago de Cuba; the capital city of each bearing the same name as its province. Of the provinces it may be said that Pinar del Rio, with an area of 8486 square miles, has a population of 225,891 (167,160 white and 58,731 black), and is the centre of the tobacco industry, the famous Vuelta Abajo district lying within its limits; sugar, coffee, rice, corn, cotton, and fruits are also raised. Havana, with an area of 8610 square miles, has a population of 451,928 (344,417 white and 107,511 black). It is the centre of manufacture, the capital province, and the most populous province of the Island. Matanzas, with an area of 14,967 square miles, has a population of 259,578 (143,169 white and 115,409 black), and is the centre of the sugar industry; corn, rice, honey, wax, and fruits are produced and the province contains a deposit of peat and copper. Santa Clara, with an area of 23,083 square miles, has a population of 354,122 (244,345 white and 109,777 black), and it is rich in sugar, fruits, and minerals, including gold deposits in the Arino River. Puerto Principe, with an area of 32,341 square miles, has a population of 67,789 (54,232 white and 13,557 black), and is a mountainous region, with the largest caves and the highest mountains; building and cabinet woods and guava jelly are its chief products. Santiago de Cuba, with an area of 35,119 square miles, the largest of the provinces, has a population of 272,379 (57,980 white and 114,399 black), and not only possesses all the agricultural products found in the other provinces, but also has deposits of gold, iron, copper, zinc, asphalt, manganese, mercury, marble and alabaster, rock crystal, and gems, and its commerce is most extensive. [Illustration: SQUARE IN FRONT OF GOVERNOR'S PALACE AT SANTIAGO DE CUBA.] There are 115 cities and towns in the Island having an estimated population of 200 and upwards named as follows: CITIES. Population. | CITIES. Population. | Havana................... 200,000 | Macurijes................. 4,100 Matanzas................. 50,000 | Bayamo.................... 3,634 Puerto Principe.......... 40,679 | San Luis.................. 3,556 Santiago de Cuba......... 40,000 | San Cristobal............. 3,522 Cienfuegos............... 25,790 | Guira de Melena........... 3,500 Guanabacoa............... 25,000 | Morón..................... 3,017 Santa Clara.............. 24,635 | La Cruces................. 3,000 Cardenas................. 20,505 | Alfonso XII............... 3,000 Trinidad................. 18,000 | Arroyo Navanijo........... 3,000 Sancti Spiritu........... 17,540 | Sabanillo del Encomendador 2,991 Sagua la Grande.......... 14,000 | Palmira................... 2,987 Regla.................... 10,486 | Guanajayabo............... 2,879 Manzanillo............... 9,036 | Nueva Paz................. 2,737 Guantanamo............... 9,000 | Alquizar.................. 2,700 San Antonio de las Baños. 7,500 | San Felipe................ 2,311 San Juan de los Remedios. 7,230 | San Juan de las Yeras..... 2,267 San Fernando de Nuevitas. 6,991 | Jaruco.................... 2,200 San Julian de los Guines. 6,828 | San Jose de las Lajas..... 2,170 Colón.................... 6,525 | La Esperanza.............. 2,147 Bejucal.................. 6,239 | San Juan y Martinez....... 2,100 Jorellanos (Bemba)....... 6,000 | Corral Nuevo.............. 2,092 Santiago de las Vegas.... 6,000 | Consolacion del Sur....... 2,000 Guanajay................. 6,000 | Guines.................... 2,000 Pinar del Rio............ 5,500 | Santa Cruz................ 2,000 Holguin.................. 5,500 | Quemados de Guines........ 2,000 Caibarien................ 5,500 | Quivican.................. 1,950 Baracoa.................. 5,213 | Bahia Honda............... 1,889 Guira.................... 5,000 | Batabano.................. 1,864 La Isabela............... 5,000 | Bolondron................. 1,758 Artemisa................. 5,000 | Santa Domingo............. 1,750 Santa Isabel de las Lajas 4,924 | Mariel.................... 1,637 Guana.................... 4,650 | Cuevitas.................. 1,629 Gibara................... 4,608 | Cervantes................. 1,560 Macagua.................. 4,100 | Ranchuelo................. 1,533 Cabañas.................. 1,509 | Managua................... 896 San Antonio de Cabezas .. 1,500 | Ceiba del Agua............ 892 Zaza..................... 1,500 | Roque..................... 800 Calaboya................. 1,500 | Salud..................... 800 Cartagena................ 1,497 | Canasi.................... 700 Calabazar................ 1,481 | Caney..................... 700 Palmillas................ 1,471 | Jibacos................... 696 Aguacate................. 1,427 | Cidra..................... 695 San Diego del Valle...... 1,403 | Vereda Nueva.............. 672 Jiguani.................. 1,393 | Santa Maria del Rosario... 660 Mantua................... 1,380 | Rancho Velez.............. 656 Cayajabos................ 1,352 | Santa Ana ............ 601 Marianao................. 1,225 | San Jose de los Remos..... 570 San Antonio de Rio Blanco | Camarones................. 546 del Norte.............. 1,200 | Lagunillas................ 520 Candelaria............... 1,200 | Guane..................... 510 Ciego de Avila........... 1,167 | San Matias de Rio Blanco.. 400 Catalina................. 1,165 | Alto Songo................ 400 San Antonio de las Vegas. 1,136 | Limonar................... 330 Tapaste.................. 1,130 | Amaro..................... 320 San Nicolas.............. 1,100 | San Miguel................ 300 Melena del Sur........... 1,082 | Madruga................... 300 Santa Cruz del Sur....... 1,000 | Cimarrones................ 300 Bainoa................... 1,000 | Mangar.................... 209 Sagua de Tanamo.......... 981 | La Boca................... 200 Vinales.................. 925 | Alonso Rojos.............. 200 In addition to these are 132 places with less than 200 population, including railroad stations, bathing and health resorts, and farm hamlets. As will be observed by the student of municipal nomenclature, the Spanish were liberal to Cuba in christening the towns in the Island, however parsimonious the mother country was in respect of all other things; and many Cuban towns have more name than anything else. The oldest town is Baracoa, in the province of Santiago de Cuba. It was laid out in 1512. Its chief products are bananas, cocoa, and cocoa oil, and there are some remarkable caves near by, noted for beautiful stalactites and well preserved fossil human remains. The largest city in the Island is Havana, the capital, to which a chapter is devoted elsewhere in this volume. [Illustration: A MULE TRAIN, SANTIAGO DE CUBA.] FROM A PHOTOGRAPH BY J. F. COONLEY, NASSAU, N. P. Matanzas, in size the second city of the Island, and the capital of the province of Matanzas, is, in some particulars, the most attractive city of Cuba, although but one-fourth the size of Havana. It lies seventy-four miles by rail to the east of Havana, on the fine bay of Matanzas, with beautiful hills at its back. The town is divided into three parts by the rivers San Juan and Yumuri, two streams which water the valley of Yumuri, situated behind the hills of Matanzas, and presenting the most exquisite scenery in Cuba. The climate and soil of the valley make Yumuri, to Cubans, synonymous with poesy and Paradise. Notwithstanding the commercial importance of Matanzas, the Spanish authorities have neglected the wharves and permitted its harbour to become so filled with sediment from the river that ships are compelled to load and unload by means of lighters in the roadstead. The city was founded in 1693, and has paved streets, usually thirty feet in width, with three-foot sidewalks; interesting stuccoed houses of two stories, coloured drab and ochre, with balconies; pleasant parks, with fountains and flowers; a pleasure promenade and drive--the Paseo; one of the best hotels in Cuba; several theatres, among them the Esteban; some notable churches, including the Hermitage, on Mount Montserrat, at whose shrine marvellous cures are said to be effected. The people are well content. The leading industries are rum distilleries, sugar refineries, guava-jelly factories, machine and railroad-car shops. Shipments of sugar and molasses to the United States in 1891-95 were about $60,000,000. The city has gas-works and an electric-light plant, but no street-cars, and since 1872 it has had a fine water supply, though only about half the houses are connected with the water system, and many of the people still buy water of street vendors, without knowledge as to the source of supply or purity of the water. Sewers run through only two streets, though the location of the city is well adapted to secure excellent drainage. The suburbs, or rather divisions, of the city by the river are known as Versailles, on the north-east, and to the south-east, Pueblo Nuevo. Through the latter part of the city leads the road to the famous caves of Bellamar, three and a half miles, where many invalids resort for the health-giving qualities of the warm air of the caverns. The most beautiful and striking feature of Matanzas is the cañon of the Yumuri, a great gorge of perpendicular walls green-clad with tropical vegetation through which the rivers of the Yumuri Valley flow down to the sea. This is a constant resort for the pleasure-loving Matanzans, and they thoroughly realise its beauty and value to the city. There are many interesting drives and excursions by river and rail from Matanzas. The waggon roads extending into the interior, as everywhere in Cuba, are in wretched condition; the railroad connections by several routes are fairly good, the roads being equipped with American-cars and engines. Its population of fifty thousand is nominal, having been reduced about one-third by the war. The third city in the Island is Puerto Principe, capital of the province of Puerto Principe, and known to the natives as Camagüey, the original name of the town and province. It is forty-five miles from the south coast and thirty-five from the north, although it is forty-five miles from its seaport, Nuevitas, with which it is connected by its only railroad. It is located in the midst of what once was the grazing district,--though the cattle are now destroyed,--and being on a plain seven hundred feet above the sea it is a healthful place. Camagüey is a back-number town, so to speak, having narrow streets with narrow sidewalks, or none at all, old houses, old fashions, and fewer foreigners than any of the other Cuban towns. It is distinctively Cuban, and the new era of Cuba will no doubt work a long time on the good people of Camagüey before they set aside the old things and step out into the procession of progress, clothed in the uniforms of the modern "hustlers." In this city of over forty thousand people there is not a hotel, and the inhabitants are noted for their hospitality. Of great commercial significance is Cienfuegos, one of the south-coast cities, and in some respects one of the best towns on the Island. It is situated on the landlocked bay of Jagua, with one of the safest harbours in the world, and though built only since 1819, and restored after a hurricane in 1825, it has developed a spirit of energy and progress rare in Cuban cities. It has an extensive and growing commerce, with numerous wharves and piers for its shipping; a railroad 190 miles to Havana and one to Sagua la Grande on the north coast; electric lights and gas-works; 25,790 people; 3000 stone and wooden houses; the famous Terry theatre and one of the finest plazas in Cuba; a good location for drainage, but with stagnant water in the streets, and no sewers; much bad health, and one of the finest opportunities on earth to take advantage of the new order of things and convert its energy and youth into a power that will make Cienfuegos the Chicago of Cuba. There is one good hotel. The only serious strike that ever occurred in Cuba took place in Cienfuegos among the longshoremen, and resulted in the sending of all the recalcitrants by the authorities to the Isle of Pines as criminals. The bay of Jagua is noted for its beautiful clear blue water with a bottom of the whitest sand. The climate is more variable than that of Cuban coast cities as a rule, the mercury marking as high as ninety-three degrees in summer and going down into the fifties during the night in the rainy season. The Cuban city held to be the most healthful, though sanitary regulations are practically unknown, is Trinidad, in the province of Santa Clara. It is also one of the oldest, having been founded by Diego Velasquez in 1514. It is three miles in the interior from its seaport, Casilda, though coastwise vessels of light draft can approach it by the river Guaurabo. The town has a picturesque location, on the slope of La Vija ("Lookout"), a hill rising nine hundred feet above the sea. The harbour of Casilda is three miles long by one and a half miles wide, and has only about eleven feet of water. From this bay Cortez sailed for Mexico. There are several fine public parks and drives, and socially Trinidad in the winter season is one of the gayest cities on the Island. It is lighted by gas, and though it has no sewers, its location is such that the rains keep it washed clean. The population is eighteen thousand. In good times Trinidad has shipped to the United States $903,700 worth of sugar, mahogany, coffee, and honey in one year, but times have been poor in recent years, and Trinidad is one of the towns which will feel the reviving effects of the new era of prosperity. Santa Clara, the capital of the province of that name, has a population of twenty-five thousand, and is popularly known as Villa Clara. It was founded in 1689, and was once known for its great wealth and beautiful women; its glory in this latter regard still continues. It has one excellent hotel, kept in modern fashion, and a fine theatre. Its railway connections are excellent in all directions; indeed, it is the terminus of the Cuban system of railways. It is 248 miles by rail from Havana, and thirty miles from the north and forty from the south coast. Its location is high, and a fine grazing country surrounds it. Minerals also abound, and ten thousand tons of a fine asphaltum have been shipped in a year. Silver yielding as much as $200 per ton has been found, but the mines have not been worked. Evidences of natural gas are present near the town. Santa Clara has wide streets, and despite its healthful location, it is, by reason of poor or no sanitary regulations, an unhealthful place, though there is never any yellow fever. [Illustration: YUMURI RIVER AND ENTRANCE TO THE VALLEY, MATANZAS.] The capital of the province of Santiago de Cuba is Santiago de Cuba, generally known as Cuba to the natives and Santiago to foreigners. Owing to its war record it is the best-known town in the Island. It is situated on the south coast, one hundred miles from the west end of Cuba, and its harbour is one of the safest and finest in the world, having an opening into the sea only one hundred and eighty yards in width, extending back six miles into a beautiful bay, three miles wide at its greatest width. Santiago has a population of forty thousand (estimated sixty thousand in 1895), and is the second oldest city in Cuba, the capital having been removed thither from Baracoa in 1514 by Velasquez. It is historically the most interesting city in Cuba, and it promises to be for the future second in importance to none in the Island, except Havana. It became a bishopric as early as 1527 and is now the metropolis of the Catholic Church in Cuba, the Archbishop of Santiago being the Primate. The celebrations of church festivals are conducted with ceremonies more elaborate than those anywhere else in the Island, and the cathedral, in the Hispano-American style, is the largest in Cuba, if not the handsomest. It is said that in a Santiago theatre Adelina Patti made her first public appearance, at the age of fourteen years; Velasquez is buried in this city, and so is Antomarchi, the physician of Napoleon, who died, as his emperor did, upon a foreign island. Cuba's greatest poet, José Maria Heredia, was born here, as were Milanes, Dona Luisa Perez de Montes de Oca, Dona Gertrudis Gomez de Avellanda; and Placido, next to Heredia in merit, passed several years here. Although well located for drainage, Santiago is one of the most unhealthful towns in Cuba, and its beautiful bay is little better than a cesspool. Yellow fever and smallpox have been the prevailing epidemics for years, but under the new order a new condition will arise. Santiago, with very poor business houses and offices, does a flourishing trade, wholesale, retail, and in shipping. The surrounding country has many people employed not only in agriculture, but in mining as well, for Santiago is the centre of the mining district. Its railway facilities are practically nil, being located two hundred miles east of the last railway leading anywhere. The city is Moorish in its aspect. It is sufficiently ancient to be without hotels, though there are several clubs where civilised beings may be entertained comfortably. The fortifications about the city are interesting: the Morro,--which is one hundred years older than that of Havana,--La Socapa, La Estrella, and Smith Key--all these have received much mention during the late war. The mining interests of Santiago will be considered under a separate chapter. Cardenas may be said to be the newest town in Cuba, and is known as "the American city," owing to the fact that many Americans are located here in business, or make it their headquarters, with business interests elsewhere in the Island. It was founded in 1828, is a thriving town, with wide streets, numerous wharves, a plaza with a bronze statue of Columbus, and is a purely commercial city. The harbour is shallow, and the piers running into it are from three hundred to one thousand feet in length. Although without sewers and located on swampy ground, Cardenas is not unhealthful as the term is understood in Cuba. There are fine water-works, but many of the people still prefer to buy water of street vendors. Gas and electricity light the town. Its chief business is in sugar, but, unlike other Cuban cities, it possesses numerous and varied manufactures, producing liquors, beers, metal-work, soap, cigars, fabrics, etc. It has connection by steamer and rail with the chief points of the Island. The population is 20,505, over 15,000 of which is white. Cardenas exported goods in 1894 to the amount of $10,008,565, of which $9,682,335 was in sugar shipped to the United States, as against $10,000,000 the previous year. Her imports in 1892 were $4,900,000, and in 1895 the United States sent 32,283 tons of coal to this port. Situated in one of the richest agricultural sections of Cuba, Cardenas is also not poor in mineral wealth, notably asphalt. Peculiar mines of asphalt are found in the waters of the bay. The mineral is broken loose by bars dropped from ten to twelve feet through the water upon it, and the pieces are scooped up with a net. The supply of the mineral is renewed from some unknown source as fast as it is taken away. One of these mines has furnished as much as 20,000 tons, and the supply is inexhaustible. Asphalt of the first grade is worth from $80 to $125 per ton. Sagua la Grande, twenty-five miles from the mouth of the river of that name, is almost wholly a sugar town. It has a population of 14,000, and is the northern terminus of the Havana Railway system. Its seaport is La Isabela, with a poor harbour; and its exports in 1895 reached nearly $5,000,000--with a great falling off since, as it has suffered as much as any town in the Island from the insurrection. As an indication of this it may be said that immediately before the insurrection there were 23,500 cattle, 4500 horses, 4000 hogs, 700 sheep, and 450 mules in the Sagua district, practically all of which have been destroyed or stolen. Sagua has an ice plant whose product has sold at $3 per hundredweight. The railway from Sagua to Cienfuegos marks the boundary between the western and eastern districts of Cuba. Caibarien is another nineteenth-century town, having been founded in 1822. Its houses are of brick, and its warehouses of recent styles of architecture. Its population is fifty-five hundred, and it is said to be not unhealthful, though its general level is not much more than ten feet above the sea, and the country is swampy. Its chief industry is sugar, although recently an active business in sponges has grown up, principally of local consumption, the annual value approaching half a million of dollars. The harbour is extensive, but shallow and poor. A railway extends to San Andres, twenty-eight and one-half miles in the interior. Some waggon roads, unusually good for Cuba, connect it with various sugar estates. The future possibilities of Caibarien are numerous and great. Manzanillo is the best town on the south coast between Trinidad and Santiago, and was founded in 1784. It has a population of nine thousand, and is the seaport of several interior towns and a rich sugar district, and is also the gateway to the fertile valley of the Cauto River, the most important stream in the Island. It has a fine plaza, and numerous inferior houses on fairly good streets, wider than the usual Cuban street. There are no water-works, gas-works, electric lights, or street-cars. The town is one of the most unhealthful in the Island, and of Manzanillo mud the author has spoken in a previous chapter. The principal shipments are lumber, tobacco, sugar, honey, and wax. In 1892-93-94 four million feet of mahogany and two million one hundred thousand feet of cedar were exported. Pinar del Rio, the capital of its province, should be particularly interesting to Americans, as it was founded in 1776. It is a brick and stone town of 5500 population and is neither clean nor attractive. It has very few foreigners and is in no sense a modern place. It is, however, of commercial importance, being the centre of the famous Vuelta Abajo tobacco district, which produces the finest tobacco in the world. Pinar del Rio is essentially a tobacco town. It is connected with Havana by a highroad (_calzada_) and also by railway. The town is lacking in most of the modern conveniences, and the spirit of the people is not quick to respond to new notions. An alphabetical list of the lesser towns may serve a useful purpose to the reader whose geography of Cuba is as yet not complete. Artemisa (Pinar del Rio) is a town of five thousand people, with a paved road to Guanajay, nine miles, and a railway to Havana, thirty-five miles. It is in a fine tobacco and sugar district, and is a low and unhealthful place, but beautifully shaded with palms. [Illustration: PANORAMA FROM THE ROAD TO THE CAVES, MATANZAS.] Bahia Honda (Pinar del Rio), with about two thousand population, is one of the chief seaports of the mountain coast; and although it possesses none of the visible evidences of future promise, still it is one of the places which impress the visitor with belief in its future greatness. Its population is largely black, its wharves are miserable, its houses are poor; though over one hundred years old, it is not a port of entry--and still Bahia is promising. The harbour is one of the finest on the coast, the surrounding country is rich in tobacco and sugar soil, the climatic conditions are favourable, and the new times will be good times for Bahia. Cabanas (Pinar del Rio), with a population of fifteen hundred, has a landlocked, shallow harbour, four miles by seven in extent, and its connections with the interior are bad. It came into prominence during the war, and was partly destroyed by General Maceo. Consolacion del Sur (Pinar del Rio) is, after Bahia Honda, the chief commercial town of the province. It has a population of two thousand, and is in the centre of the Vuelta Abajo tobacco district, with eight hundred plantations tributary to it. Guanajay (Pinar del Rio) has a population of six thousand, is the junction of several paved roads, and is considerably above the average interior town in progressive spirit. It is lacking, however, in modern conveniences and suffered by the war. San Cristobal (Pinar del Rio), though one of the oldest towns in the Island, is very enterprising and its people are energetic and prosperous. It has a railway and good waggon roads, and its thirty-five hundred people have a good climate and good health. It is in the midst of the Vuelta Abajo tobacco district. San Diego de los Banos (Pinar del Rio) is to be especially mentioned for its wonderful sulphur baths. In one enclosure there are four of these springs, having a temperature of ninety degrees, and they have effected cures in leprosy, other cutaneous diseases, and rheumatism which are passing belief. It has beautiful surroundings of hill and sea and its caves of Arcos de Carguanabo are famous. Vinales (Pinar del Rio), a small town of 925 people, is the interior terminus of the railroad running to the north coast and the celebrated San Vincente mineral springs. Batabano (Havana) is the southern seaport of the city of Havana, thirty-three miles to the north, and connected with it by rail and paved roads. The town, in two parts, La Plaza and Surgirdero, is meanly built, and has about nineteen hundred people. It has no harbour, but is the western terminus of the south-coast line of steamers. The waters about Batabano are notable for the beautiful submarine views they present to observers on steamers. Batabano is hot and unhealthful. Bejucal (Havana), built in 1710, has a population of six thousand two hundred, an elevation of three hundred feet, and a situation in the midst of pleasing scenery. The town itself is unattractive to the eye, but its health is good, the people being noted for their long lives. Cojimar (Havana), four miles from Havana, has a beautiful sand beach, the finest in Cuba, and in time will become a profitable seaside resort, though now unimproved. The British landed here in 1762. Guanabacoa (Havana) is practically a suburb of Havana and has a population of twenty-five thousand. With every opportunity and possibility of being a clean, modern city, it is quite the reverse. Güines (Havana), thirty miles from Havana over a fine waggon road, and forty-four by rail, has a population of about seven thousand, and one of the most desirable situations in the Island. It has bridges over the river Catalina, a good hotel, a fine railway station; about it lies a rich agricultural and grazing country, and the town is, in respect of health, thrift, and progress, a model town--for Cuba. Jaruco (Havana), with a population of two thousand two hundred, claims recognition chiefly because it is clean. Naturally its health is better than that of most Cuban towns. Madruga (Havana) is famed for its warm mineral springs. It is fifty-five miles from Havana by rail. Population three hundred. Marianao (Havana), a suburb of Havana six miles away, has a population of twelve hundred, and is said to be the cleanest and prettiest town in Cuba. Its people are entirely of the better class. Regla (Havana), a suburb of Havana, connected with the city by ferries, has the largest and finest sugar warehouses in the world and a bull-ring vying in popularity with those of Havana. San Antonio de los Banos (Havana), with seven thousand five hundred people, twenty miles from Havana, is the most popular mineral-springs resort in the Island and its climate is famous for its health-giving qualities. Colon (Matanzas), on the railway between Matanzas and Cardenas, in the heart of the sugar-producing district of this section, has six thousand five hundred people and is of much commercial importance. Like all the others, it needs public improvements. Jovellanos (Matanzas), also known as Bemba, is a coloured town, the bulk of its population being negroes, and its only hotel is kept by a Chinaman. Macagua (Matanzas) is noted for its extensive sugar estates. Some of the largest in Cuba are immediately around it. Population four thousand one hundred. It has a railway to Colon and Santa Clara. Calaboya (Santa Clara) has a population of fifteen hundred and possesses, in the bridge over the Calaboya River, the longest railway bridge in Cuba. Otherwise it is not important. La Cruces (Santa Clara) is a railway junction and was at one time actively engaged in shipping horses, cattle, and sugar. The people are active and energetic, and have been complimented with the name of the "Yankees of Cuba." La Isabela (Santa Clara), called also Concha and La Boca, is the seaport of Sagua la Grande, and has five thousand people. It is the shore terminus of the railway to Sagua and is of considerable commercial importance, with a cosmopolitan people. Remedios (Santa Clara), with a population of seven thousand, is in a fine country and is one of the cities of the future, naturally and logically. Sancti Spiritus (Santa Clara), also known as Santo Espiritu, founded in 1514, is one of the old towns of the Island. Despite its size (seventeen thousand), it is of no great commercial importance, and is a dirty town in a good location for cleanliness. Santa Isabel (Santa Clara), with a population of five thousand, does a good business in sugar and cattle. Cienfuegos is its seaport and is connected with it by a railroad twenty-five miles long. Tunas de Zaza (Santa Clara), with fifteen hundred population, is in such a poor country agriculturally and aquatically, that the railway has a monopoly in carrying vegetables and water supply to the people. The town is hot and healthful. It has shipped as much as half a million dollars' worth of sugar, mahogany, cedar, honey, beeswax, etc., to the United States in one year. Nuevitas (Puerto Principe), population seven thousand, is a town of promise and no public improvements. Water, in the dry season, commands nearly as high a price as whiskey. It is the seaport of Puerto Principe, Cuba's largest inland town, and is connected with it by forty-five miles of railroad. It has a fine harbour and a good location for drainage. It was at or near Nuevitas that Columbus first saw Cuba. Its annual exports to the United States have, in a good year, exceeded one million dollars. Banes (Santiago de Cuba) is noted for its fruit business, as many as 4,651,000 bunches of bananas having been exported since 1890. Thirty-two thousand pineapples were shipped in 1894, but the insurrection ruined the business in 1896. Baracoa (Santiago de Cuba) is the most eastern port of importance on the north coast. It is the oldest town in Cuba and formerly was the capital. It was founded in 1512 by Velasquez, whose house is still shown to the traveller. Baracoa is far behind the times, but it has all the potentialities for future greatness. The country along the coast is not healthful, but the interior is not only fine scenically but also excellent as to its health standard. There are no good roads and no railways of any kind. Baracoa imports about nineteen thousand pints of beer per annum from the United States, and Milwaukee sells at twenty-five cents a bottle. Copper, cocoanuts and oil, bananas, and cocoa constitute the exports. General Maceo and his followers inaugurated the last Cuban revolution in Baracoa, on the 20th of February, 1895, and within a year had marched through the Island to Mantua in the west of Pinar del Rio. [Illustration: THE PLAZA, CIENFUEGOS.] Bayamo (Santiago de Cuba), with a population of about 4000 and an age of about 350 years, is a Spanish relic city, being very like the earlier cities of the mother country. It has eleven churches. It has none of the modern conveniences and no railways, and its waggon roads are impassable in the wet season. Bayamo never had a boom. It was the cradle of the Ten Years' War. Cobre (Santiago de Cuba), founded in 1558, is famous for its copper mines. It has a magnificent sanctuary, in which is the little statue known as the _Virgin of Charity_, which is claimed to have effected miraculous cures of all kinds. Gibara (Santiago de Cuba), also spelled with a "J," is the seaport for Holguin, with which it is connected by a railroad seventeen miles long and by a very bad waggon road. It has a population of about five thousand. It is greatly in need of improvement. Guantanamo (Santiago de Cuba) has a population of nine thousand, and is the centre of the coffee district. Other agricultural products and minerals abound. It was founded in 1843, and still is not a modern town in the matter of conveniences. It is unhealthful because it has no sanitary provisions. It has a fine harbour and is of much commercial importance. It came into prominence during the late war. Holguin (Santiago de Cuba), with a high and healthful location and fifty-five hundred people, ought to be a much better town than it is, and will improve under the new order. It is fifteen miles from the north coast, and is in the centre of the hardwood industry. It was of great military importance during the late war. Jiguani (Santiago de Cuba), with a picturesque mountainous location, and an old castle in the vicinity, will be attractive to tourists and artists. Of the 570 islands, or keys, on the north coast of Cuba and the 730 on the south, the Isle of Pines is the only one of sufficient size to be of importance; its area being 1214 square miles to 1350 square miles for all the other 1299 Islands. The Isle of Pines belongs to the judicial district of Bejucal (Havana), and was first called "Evangelist Island" by Columbus, who discovered it in 1494. It has a population of 2000, of which 1800 is about equally divided between its two chief towns, Nueva Gerona and Santa Fe. The people are rather superior to those of the Island of Cuba, and the climate is drier and better than that of the main Island. Besides the pines which flourish on the island, there is a great quantity of mahogany, cedar, and other hardwoods. There are deposits of fine marble, as well as of silver, mercury, and iron, yet to be developed. Turtle fishing and pineapple raising flourish to some extent. The Isle of Pines is really two islands, separated by a tide-covered swamp, over which there is a causeway. The south portion is rough and barren, while the northern part is fertile and pleasing to the eye. The towns are poor. Its mineral waters are much recommended for affections of the stomach. A few of the other islands, or keys, are inhabited in a small way, and the largest of them, Cayo Romano, has an area of 140 square miles, with three hills rising from its flat plain. CHAPTER X HAVANA "Oh Queen of many-coloured garb And red-tiled crown!--in glory The poets who Have sung of you Have set your name and story. "No fairer Queen, they sing, than you, The fairest of the daughters Of Southern seas Who take their ease Beside the sunlit waters. "And I, as they, would sing thy praise As is to be expected; But ere I sing, Oh Queenly Thing, Won't you be disinfected?" W. J. LAMPTON. Whatever may be said of Havana, the capital city of the Island of Cuba, however sonorously its high-sounding name, San Cristobal de la Habana, may be rolled forth, what titles of Queen of the Antilles, Key of the New World, or other titular effervescence may be thrown about it by the sentimental Spaniard, or the vivid-minded visitor, the plain, prosaic fact remains that Havana for centuries has smelt bad, and man's other four senses are utterly routed from any field of enjoyment when his nose goes on the warpath. Unfortunately Havana has, for this reason, never been the city of delight that Nature intended it should be for at least one third of every year of its existence. In the great majority of instances bad smells arise from a condition of sanitary neglect which means bad health; and Havana has been, to all intents and purposes, a plague spot for centuries. Yellow fever is always present, malarial diseases of all kinds are prevalent, smallpox rings the changes at every opportunity, and every ill that tropic flesh is heir to has found a home and government encouragement in Havana. This chapter on Cuba's capital city is thus introduced because, before anything else is done looking to the reorganisation and the regeneration of the city and the Island, thorough measures for the health of the people must be formulated and put into immediate and active operation. With the new order must come thousands of new people; and if these newcomers, accustomed, as the poorest of them are, to better sanitary regulations and conditions than have existed in Havana and Cuba, are permitted to enter the Island and inhale its deadly stenches, Cuba will become an international cemetery and it will receive a backset worse than the worst Spain ever did for it. Whatever Havana is now commercially, the time was when it ranked eighth among the commercial cities of the globe, and the wealth of its people was of the fabulous kind which characterised everything in the New World. The city was founded about 1519, and it received its name, San Cristobal de la Habana, from a small town of that name established by Velasquez near Batabano, on the south coast. This was practically the first settlement, but the second town absorbed the settlers of the less important place. So large was the hope of a great future for the new town that Diego Velasquez, the first Governor of the Island, called it Lláve del Nuevo Mundo, the "Key of the New World." Later, Las Casas obtained a grant of civic rights for it, and it became the permanent capital. It was burned by the buccaneers in 1528 and was rebuilt by De Soto, who discovered the Mississippi, and he surrounded the city by well constructed fortifications. It was captured and sacked by the pirate Jacob Sores in 1556, but was refortified, and in 1573-1589 Philip II. built the castles, Morro and Los Tres Reyes, which still exist. In 1628 an attack of the Dutch fleet was repulsed, and in 1762 it was taken by the British. It was restored to the Spanish July 18, 1763, who held it until December 31, 1898, when it passed into the hands of the United States as trustee for the people of Cuba. The approach to Havana from the sea is most pleasing to the eye, the narrow entrance to the harbour (one thousand feet wide) being flanked on either side by castellated forts, the best known of which are Morro Castle and Cabañas, whose names are familiar to all Americans since the Spanish-American war. The harbour is three miles in length by one and one half miles in width, is naturally very fine and of ample capacity for the business of the port; but the Spanish authorities have, for four hundred years and more, permitted it to be filled with the filth of the city and the sediment from various small streams which empty into it, until now a large part of it is useless for navigable purposes, and it is a constant source of ill-health to both native and visitor. The natural depth of the harbour is forty feet, but it has filled up to such an extent that an available depth of only about eighteen to twenty feet is possible. The tide on the Cuban coast rises and falls only about two feet. The water-front of the bay, comparatively of small extent, is lined with docks and piers, some of them built of iron, and of the first class. Still, the bulk of the shipping business is done by lighters, and the harbour is alive with small boats. Two lines of ferry-boats connect Havana with Regla, across the harbour, where the principal coal docks are situated. The harbour sea-wall, which is backed by a wide street lined with parks and fine buildings, gives to the city a most attractive appearance from the water. Havana has a fluctuating population, variously estimated at from two hundred thousand to three hundred thousand souls; at present it is probably not greater than the former number. The people represent the best there is in Cuba, in point of wealth, education, and progress, and they are largely Spaniards, either Spanish-or Cuban-born. The city is by far the largest and richest in the Island, and has always been to Cuba what Paris is to France. The city is especially noticeable in that its houses, built of the absorbent, porous stone of the Island, are painted in yellows and pinks and greens and blues and whites, with a prevailing red in the tiled roofs. Of the seventeen or eighteen thousand houses of the city, three-fourths are of one story and only about two dozen have four stories. The people live very closely together; the rich and the poor, the good and the bad, are strangely huddled, all of them more or less regardless of the simplest laws of sanitation. It is not so great a wonder that the health of the city is so bad, as that any health exists. Rents are high, with the result that as many poor persons as possible live in one house, and the moral health suffers no less than the physical. If any animals are owned--as, for example, horses--they find quarters on the ground floor. Except in the best houses (and some fine specimens of elegant homes exist in the city), modern conveniences are unknown. Iron bars take the place of glass in the windows and doors, and windows are always open in dry weather. The domestic life of the Havanese is an open book to all who wish to look upon it as they pass, for the houses open directly upon the street, and the lower story is on the street-level. Most of the floors are laid directly on the ground, and it would seem as if the people did all in their power to maintain a low degree of health. All the good houses have marble floors. Churches are numerous all over the city, the Cathedral in which the remains of Columbus are said to have reposed being the chief in point of interest.[13] The women of Havana constitute a large portion of the congregations; the men give little attention to church attendance. The Government buildings are numerous, but neither modern nor beautiful. The cigar factories and tobacco warehouses are commodious structures; indeed, some of the former occupy what were at one time official or private palaces. The retail stores are usually small places, with the stocks of goods mostly in the windows. There are numerous parks. The Parque Central, the first in importance, is the fashionable centre of the city. About it are hotels, theatres, public buildings, and cafés; a band plays there during certain evenings, and at night it is a blaze of light and alive with promenaders. The streets in old Havana, that portion originally within the walls, are very narrow; often the sidewalks are not wider than two feet, and sometimes they are entirely lacking. In the newer portions of the city the streets are thirty-three feet wide, with five-foot sidewalks. Some of the streets are paved with blocks of stone in poor fashion, and some are dirt roads which are almost impassable in the wet season. Naturally, this condition of the streets does not improve the public health. Some effort was making when the war began, looking to street improvement, and contracts were let to an American firm; but the war stopped all operations in that direction. The handsomest street in Havana is the Cerro, running up the hill back of the city, and lined with handsome villas in grounds and gardens of tropical loveliness. Here many of the aristocracy reside. Another fine public promenade-street is the Prado, which follows, as nearly as may be, the line of the old walls. The Prado, and the Paseo de Tacon, are the Champs �lysées of Havana, and on many nights the former is as brilliant as that famed Parisian promenade. Havana lies so low that a wind tide will inundate the streets near the water; and as much of that portion of the city is built on made-ground, the material being of the worst sort of refuse, it is scarcely to be expected that health will abound. Owing to the narrowness of the streets, the possibilities for street-railway building are small, although there are twenty-seven miles of track in the city, with cars run by horse power; in the suburbs by steam dummies. The field for development in this line presents especial attractions for American capital, and the future promises much. The cab system of Havana was unusually good before the war. At that time there were six thousand public vehicles, with a maximum fare of twenty cents, and many were so cheap that labouring people could afford to use them as street-cars are used in this country. The volante, once the national vehicle of Cuba, has been relegated to the rougher roads of the country districts. There is also a 'bus line, doing about three times the business of the street-cars. The sewerage system is in a deplorable condition, and the last effort made to improve it was stopped by the war. What should be done is a problem to be solved by American engineers, and had Colonel Waring, of New York, not fallen a victim to Havanese filth, he would no doubt have done for the city what Spain in all her years of possession failed to do. The task is now upon the shoulders of General Ludlow, whose efficiency is beyond question. The city is lighted by gas and electricity, the works being operated by a Spanish-American company, controlled from New York City. The water supply of the city has been excellent since the new aqueduct was completed, in 1893, after thirty-two years of delay. The water is gathered from about four hundred springs in the neighbourhood of Vento, ten miles from the city; it is calculated that they will yield nearly forty millions of gallons every twenty-four hours. The aqueduct, tunnel, and receiving basin cost $3,500,000. The reservoirs, four miles from the city, with a capacity of eight millions of gallons, cost $566,486, and the laying of pipes, etc., $1,566,374, or a total of over $5,000,000. The works are owned by the city. The telephone system, owned by the Government, is leased to the Red Telefonica de la Habana, and had, previous to the war, twenty-one miles of line and fifteen hundred subscribers. Two companies comprise the fire department of the city, and these are of the old-style "volunteer" variety. One of the companies is supported by the city, the other by private enterprise. Fires are rare and seldom extensive, the annual losses not aggregating half a million dollars, and insurance companies find Havana risks most desirable. The death-rate of Havana is about 33 per 1000, a figure 25 per cent. in excess of the majority of American cities. In one year (1893) there were 6610 deaths to 4175 births, showing a loss in population of 2435. While yellow fever and diseases due to lack of sanitation are the chief causes of death, it is noticeable that 20 per cent. of the deaths are due to consumption, a disease not generally understood to prevail in the soft air of the tropics. The proportion of illegitimacy, which is 147 per 1000 births in Austria, the leading European country in this regard, is over 250 in Havana among the whites. What it is among the blacks is unknown. There are 120 tobacco manufactories of the first class in the city, and many of lesser rank, and thousands of people find employment in them. Some of the larger factories employ between 400 and 500 hands each. The shipments of cigars from Havana from 1888 to 1896 reached the enormous total of 1,615,720,000; the United States taking 739,162,000, or somewhat less than half. Owing to the heavy tariff, the shipments decreased from 188,750,000 in 1888 to 60,000,000 in 1896 and for several years previously. Ninety-nine per cent. of the Cuban cigars received in the United States come from Havana. Havana easily leads the other seaports of the Island in commerce, about one-third of all the shipments from the Island coming from that port. An average of 1200 vessels a year clear from the port, with an aggregate tonnage of over 1,500,000. In 1894, 1309 foreign vessels entered the port, having a tonnage of 1,794,597 tons. Commercially, Havana occupies a most important position, and when by the adoption of modern ideas in all matters of progress she has regenerated herself, cleansed herself, rejuvenated herself, there is no doubt that she will take her place among the rich and powerful cities of the world. The Botanical Gardens are situated on the Paseo de Carlos III., next to the Captain-General's estate. They were originally intended for giving practical lessons in botany to the students of the University of Havana; but there was so much disorder during these lessons that they had to be suppressed. These gardens are on one of the most beautiful places in the outskirts of Havana and have been comparatively well kept. Some ten years ago a stone and iron wall that had surrounded the Campo de Marte was removed from there and placed around the Botanical Gardens. If the Spanish Government had attended to the cultivation and preservation of tropical plants and fruits in the way that has been done in the British colonies, especially in Jamaica, these gardens would be to-day of the greatest utility; but with the characteristic slackness that they have shown in all the branches of administration of public affairs they have neglected botany, and, from a scientific point of view, the gardens are of little or no value. Probably a scientist could find in some of the gardens for the cultivation and sale of flowers just as valuable material as he could here. Let us hope that under the new regime the necessity of studying the tropical flora will be realised. [Illustration: HAVANA, FROM ACROSS THE BAY.] Education in Havana and in all Cuba is in a very primitive condition--old-fashioned, theoretical systems are general, and the lack of practical applications of the different subjects taught is greatly felt. This difficulty is mainly due to the fact that the Government has hitherto controlled education in all its branches, and, far from applying to its improvement the receipts from other sources, it has attempted to arrange matters in such a way that the bulk of the expense should be borne by a portion of those receiving instruction. In the last Cuban budget the revenue from matriculation fees alone reached $90,000. These fees are paid by students of all schools which are not free. If to this the other items, as, for example, "examination fees" and "inscription of certificates," are added, the receipts will probably reach $150,000, nearly two-thirds of the total sum of $247,000 yearly appropriated for public instruction in the same budget. Under Spanish Government control all teaching is divided into three classes: first, or primary instruction; second, or elementary instruction; and professions. To follow these courses, a student must have matriculated and passed the examinations of the preceding ones, either in Spain or a Spanish Government college, no foreign titles being respected. There is only one examination required to pass from first to second instruction; the third instruction, however, is a five years' course, divided as follows: First year: Latin and Spanish grammar, geography. Second year: Latin and Spanish grammar, Spanish history. Third year: Arithmetic and algebra, universal history, rhetoric, French, English, or German. Fourth year: Geometry and trigonometry, philosophy (logic, ethics, and psychology), and languages (French, English, or German). Fifth year: Physics, chemistry, natural history, agriculture, physiology. After being examined in these each year, the student passes the Bachelor of Arts examination, which consists of two oral exercises on the subjects he has studied during the previous five years. To enter the professional courses at the University a candidate must show the title of A. B. It must be said to the honour of some schools, that, although they have been bound to follow the plan of studies ordered by the Government, they have not confined themselves to it strictly, and other courses have been taught in them in addition. The best schools in Havana are the Jesuits', the Pious schools, and one or two others of a smaller number of students. There is a class of cheap day-schools both in the city of Havana and throughout the Island which is very objectionable; the instruction given is very bad and the children are so neglected that they acquire in a very short period of time a number of vicious habits and lose all idea of morality and self-respect. Cuban children are generally gifted with remarkable memories, and this is taken advantage of by some of their teachers, who cram their heads with stuff which they cannot understand and which consequently proves utterly useless to them. The University of Havana is established in the old convent of Saint Dominic in the centre of the city, facing the back of the Governor's Palace. The building is over three hundred years old and is a typical specimen of the old Spanish monastical architecture; the quadrangles are surrounded by arched cloisters, the stone steps are long and wide, and the walls are six feet thick of solid masonry. All the mortar on the outer wall has long since fallen off, and the building has more the aspect of an old-fashioned fortress than of a peaceful temple of contemplation and learning. When the old Dominicans owned the convent they instituted a free school for children, and as the requirements of the city became more pressing they extended their teaching to other and higher branches of learning, among which the study of law, medicine, and philosophy was included. They also had an annex school for special instruction. At present the lectures are given by graduates of Spanish universities who have taken the degree of Doctor in the course they may have followed. The number of students, in some years, has reached two thousand. None of them sleep in the building. To be a professor it is necessary either to have acquired distinction in the vacant chair of the special profession, or to be the best in a public contest against all the others aspiring to the chair, or to be appointed by the Crown. The students of the Havana University wear no caps and gowns, but the professors on every official occasion appear in their "togas" and caps, which are black, with tassels, lining, and cuffs of the colour of their respective faculties. Medicine is yellow, Law is red, Science is dark blue, Philosophy and Letters, light blue. Pharmacy, purple, and so on. In spite of strict orders from the rectors and professors and covert threats from the Spanish Government officers, no student has attended lectures on the 27th of November since 1871, when seven students were unjustly accused by the Spanish Volunteers of having desecrated the tomb of a patriot. It was in vain that a brave Spanish officer, called Capdevilla, showed that the scratches on the glass of the coffin were covered with moss: all he succeeded in doing was to provoke the Volunteers, who did their best to kill him, and to spoil his career; he lived twenty-seven years more and was never promoted. He died in Santiago. The students were executed two days after their arrest. When the son of the man whose tomb had been the cause of so much villainy went to Cuba for his father's remains, twenty years after that event, a notary public attended the ceremony and the son was a witness to the declaration that all was in exactly the same condition as at the time of the burial. A monument was erected to the memory of the students after the Spanish Cortes had declared that they had been innocent of the charge that had been brought against them. There is a significant statue of a blindfold woman with broken scales in her hand on one side of the monument whilst History on the other side appears recording. After this disgraceful act it is not surprising that the students of Havana University furnished such a ready contingent to the ranks of the rebellion. When in Havana last September the author, accompanied by Admiral Sampson, paid a visit to the Boys' Technical School. It was just starting up again after the blockade, and though there were not many scholars, the opportunity was afforded to observe the possibilities of this admirable institution. Many specimens of the boys' work were given to the author, and on returning to the United States some of them were shown the President, who expressed gratification at these signs of industrial life and a hope that the school would be provided for in the new budget of the Island. The Havana Provincial School of Arts and Trades is an institution for the promotion of technical knowledge among workmen and the training of youths (preferably artisans' sons) in the theories and practice of trades. It is maintained at the expense of the Deputation of the Province of Havana. The first courses given in this school commenced in 1882. In 1889, thanks to the efforts of its founder, Don Fernando Aguado y Rico and some zealous assistants, some shops were added to the school. They succeeded in having an increase allowed in the appropriation voted by the Provincial Deputation. The present cost of the school is $16,350 a year. This school is absolutely a free school. The instruction is divided into day courses and night courses. In view of its limited resources, to provide for boarders in the institution has, thus far, been impossible, consequently all the pupils are day scholars. A good deal may be said of Mr. Aguado's work in this school. It is to be regretted that, like so many others who work for the public good, the results should not correspond to the labour. He conceived the idea of creating this school a few years after graduating from the University of Havana. After several unsuccessful attempts he managed to start his enterprise, and since then the improvement of the instruction and the general welfare of its scholars have been the main object of his life. The acquisition of a lot of ground and the building of a suitable house for the shops for mechanical training have been the most important steps taken since the foundation. The new building is outside the city and is high and airy. Part of the ground purchased will have a building erected for an agricultural and industrial museum. It is to be regretted that this school, which is the only one of its class in Cuba, should furnish accommodation for only the limited number of 491 pupils. A city of 250,000 inhabitants, like Havana, should be able to provide more for this object. It is to be remarked that, out of the number mentioned, as many as 316 take night courses. [Illustration: THE PRADO, HAVANA.] There is perhaps no branch of instruction that may lead to such important developments in Cuba as the training of her youths in the mechanical trades; the want has been felt for a long time, and with the only exception of this school no efforts have been made to alleviate it. The Cuban, being naturally quick, makes a good mechanic, but unless he is trained to his work and has some knowledge of technicalities he can never reach the degree of skill which the modern mechanic requires to master his trade. However bright a man may be he can never acquire perfection in any branch of industry if he confines himself to the results of individual practice and personal observation. In a place like Cuba, where the wealth and prosperity of the country depend materially on one industry like the sugar industry, which is worked with huge machinery, there is no excuse for bringing over every year foreign engineers and mechanics to oversee any important repairs that may be necessary, or to erect new plants. One would expect that being constantly on the ground, seeing daily the working of this machinery, those interested would acquire such complete mastery of the processes that, far from having to depend on outsiders, they would be making and suggesting improvements. The explanation is, as has been stated, merely the want of technical knowledge; give the Cubans complete mechanical instruction, technical and practical, and tangible results will be seen in a remarkably short period. Let us hope that Mr. Aguado will continue working with the zeal and ardour that he has shown heretofore, and that ere long he may enjoy the satisfaction of seeing his work completed in a way that may exceed his most sanguine expectations. Havana feels the want of good hotels. There are some where a certain degree of comfort may be had by paying high prices, but even then it falls short of what can be obtained in other places at very much lower rates. Travellers in Cuba have to be satisfied with taking what they can get in this respect, as among those of so-called first-class standard there is little difference between one hotel and another. Anybody who has been in Havana during the winter months can have no doubt how profitable an investment would be an hotel on American lines. As every steamer arrives there is a rush for rooms most uncomfortable for travellers, to say nothing of their disappointment after they have succeeded in securing what, judging by the rate, they expect to find an unusually fine apartment, and which actually turns out to be a small whitewashed den, with very second-rate furniture and an iron bed. No curtains, no carpets, and bare walls. The most frequented are the Inglaterra and Pasaje hotels. Besides these, there is the Louvre, which, though much smaller than the other two, is beyond comparison more comfortable and better furnished. There are several theatres in Havana. The Tacon, now owned by American capitalists, is the third largest in the world. The Church of the Merced (Mercy) is the most fashionable in the city. The Belen (Jesuit) is the most frequented. It has, connected with it, a school, a laboratory, an observatory, and a museum of natural history. More men go to the Church of Santo Domingo than to any other because more pretty women go there. Fine suburbs of hill and seashore hedge Havana in. Notable among these are Jesus del Monte, the highest point, 220 feet; Cerro, Chorreta Vedado (beautiful and fashionable), Marianao, eight miles out; Regla, across the harbour, famed for its bull-ring and large sugar warehouses; Guanabacoa, Casa Blanco, Playa de Marianao (seashore); La Cienaga, Puertos Grandes, and others of less importance. These places are of varying quality, from the very fashionable to the kind which exist because existence there is cheaper than in the city. The roads (_calzadas_) leading out of Havana are, as a rule, good, though, owing to the war, some are just now in bad repair. Weather observations have been made in Havana since 1859. The rainy season continues from June to November; the rest of the year is dry, although about one-third of the rainfall of the year comes in the dry season. The average rainfall is about 50 inches. The temperature varies from 64 degrees to 85 degrees, and the humidity, which rarely falls below 75, makes the heat most oppressive. The early morning and late afternoon and evening are the hours devoted to business and pleasure. The Jersey mosquito is a silken-winged messenger of mercy compared with his cousins in Havana. There are many asylums and hospitals in the city which are not lacking in funds or attention, but they are all conducted upon antiquated notions, which greatly lessen their usefulness. As in other Catholic cities, Sunday is the amusement day of the week, and all the Havanese are out in gala attire on that day after morning service at the churches. There are many parks and promenades. The Alameda, the Plaza de Armas, the Parque de Isabella, and the Prado are the chief places of resort. CHAPTER XI COLONEL WARING'S SANITARY REPORT When in October, 1898, the late Colonel George E. Waring, of New York City, who had been sent by the Government to investigate the physical condition of Havana, became the victim of the monster he had sought to throttle, he had already written a large portion of his report, and he left copious notes for the completion of it, from which his efficient secretary and assistant, Mr. G. Everett Hill, prepared a full report. From this report the following extracts are made: "The death-rate of the city has always been high. In five years (not consecutive) between 1800 and 1819, with a population less than one-third of the present number of inhabitants, 26,576 people perished from yellow fever alone. In 1832 the cholera killed 10,000. The official reports of the Spanish garrison show that up to January 16, 1896, more than 82 per cent. of the total losses were due to yellow fever. In 1897 the total mortality by disease in the Spanish army in Cuba was 32,534. "At present the death-rate in Havana is enormous. The mortality for the week ending October 6, 1898, was 536--an annual rate of 139.36 per cent. per 1000. Since then owing to the change of season and to the removal of certain contributing causes, it has fallen to 114.4. "The surroundings and customs of domestic life are disgusting almost beyond belief. Sixteen thousand houses, out of a total of less than 20,000, are but one story high, and at least 90 per cent. of the population live in these--averaging say 11 to each house. Usually the house covers the entire lot, so that there is no yard; though one or two courts are commonly included in the building. According to the general--almost the universal--plan, the front rooms are used as parlours or reception rooms. Beyond them is a court, on which open the dining-rooms and sleeping-rooms. Beyond these, on another court, are--I might say is--the 'kitchen, stable, and privy, practically all in one.'" In Colonel Waring's own words: "The characteristic feature of the whole establishment--perhaps the only feature which is conspicuous in every house without exception--is the privy-vault, and sometimes a second vault for kitchen waste. These occupy a space practically under and almost in the kitchen. It is very rarely, indeed, that a Cuban privy has a ventilating pipe, so it belches forth its nauseous odours throughout the house and pervades the streets." "There is no ordinance--at least none in force--requiring a householder to empty his privy vault. He uses it until it threatens to overflow; then he hires a night-scavenger, who comes with a cart, carrying the requisite number of barrels. These are filled through square holes at the top, and discharged through a plugged orifice at the bottom. "The workmen use tub-like ladles with long handles, with which they scoop up the filth. These they carry, dripping as they go, through kitchen, dining-room, reception-room, and hall to the street." "When the barrels are filled, the cart starts, ostensibly for the prescribed place of disposal; but often, in a dark street, the plugs come out, and, before the waggon has gone very far, the barrels are empty. "Lest the conditions above set forth should fail to do their appointed work of destruction, stimulus for their effectiveness is furnished by an extraneous source of malaria of the very worst character. "The southerly edge of the harbour is bordered by broad marshes, through which flow a number of watercourses, and to which these bring the offscouring of a very poor quarter of the town, and especially the effluent of the slaughtering-pens and of other foul establishments; while a large portion of the flat is used as a dumping-ground for garbage. "This intimate relation of marsh and filth is greatly aggravated by the admixture of fresh and salt water, by occasional floods, and by a daily scorching sun. "The vicinity of such marshes would be deadly in this climate, even to a veritable 'City of Hygeia.' Their proximity to this foul, fever-cursed town has always been recognised as disastrous, even by intelligent Habaneros themselves." The water supply of Havana is very pure and abundant,--more than two hundred gallons per head per day: "This and the winds of the Gulf save the city from being absolutely and unqualifiedly bad; but they are powerless to make it tolerable. It is a veritable plague-spot. "Its own people, largely immune though they are to yellow fever, which has prevailed here without interruption for one hundred and sixty-eight years, fall constant victims under the pernicious malarial and depressing influences to which they are always subjected; and it needs only the immigration of fresh material, which the enterprise of our population is sure to bring here, to create a sacrifice such as we have not yet known; while commerce will carry the terror and the terrible scourge of yellow fever to our shores, until we rise again in a war of humanity, and at all costs wipe out an enemy with which no military valour can cope. [Illustration: YARD OF AMERICAN CLUB, HAVANA.] "Can Havana be purified? And if so, will such purification result in the eradication of yellow fever and malaria? Both questions can be answered affirmatively and positively. Havana is no dirtier than many another city has been. In England, in the olden time, the earthen floors were strewn with rushes. When these became sodden with filth beyond all endurance, fresh rushes were thrown over the old ones, and these in turn were buried, until the foul accumulation was several feet deep. Excrement was allowed to remain in and around the houses indefinitely, or was thrown into the streets regardless of consequences. In London, the frequent cry of, 'Ware below!' indicated that the household slops were about to be poured from an upper window. These conditions remained until repeated visits of the great sanitary teachers--the plague, the black death, the cholera, and other pestilences, which devastated cities and swept whole villages out of existence--had taught their hard lesson. On the continent the ignorance and neglect were, if possible, even greater. We have profited by the bitter experience of our ancestors; and no intelligent person questions the merit of sanitary works. But their true value is not yet fully appreciated, even by educated men whose interests are at stake. "The poison of yellow fever is ponderable. It clings to low levels and usually follows the lines of greatest humidity. Like malaria, it is more active--or at least more to be feared--by night than by day. The danger from it in any quarter of an infected locality depends upon the presence primarily of filth, secondarily of dampness; and it increases in direct proportion to the confinement and stagnation of the air. Infected cellars are more dangerous than infected rooms. The holds of ships are notorious hotbeds of the disease. "In Havana the average height of the ground floor of a house above the soil is but six or seven inches; and this space is unventilated. The earth is not only damp, but is sodden with putrefying organic matter. The houses are closely built, without adequate space for ventilation between them. In the poorer quarters the population is crowded, a whole family often occupying a single room. The emanations from the cesspool and garbage-vault pervade, as has been stated, the kitchen and the sleeping-and living-rooms, even of houses of the better class. The standard of personal cleanliness is, necessarily, very low. These conditions, for which the citizens are responsible, are sufficient in themselves to transform the most healthy locality into a fever-nest. In the case of Havana, they are accumulated by climatic conditions favourable to, but in no case accountable for, the propagation of disease. No amount of rainfall, no high average of humidity, and no degree of temperature will cause zymotic pestilence, if cleanliness be secured and maintained, and proper drainage of the soil established." In the notes which Colonel Waring brought with him from Cuba, the following improvements are specified as absolutely necessary for the sanitary redemption of Havana: (1) The immediate organisation of a Department of Public Cleaning," under the full control of a single Commissioner experienced in the conduct of such work," who should have authority to act as occasion may require. The chief function of the Department would be the maintenance of a "constant state of cleanliness" in all the streets and places of public business or resort, including the abattoirs and markets. "It should also control the disposal of all wastes, except sewage--by cremation and otherwise." (2) The construction of a system of sewers "to receive the liquid wastes of all houses of the main city." The topography of the city divides it naturally into several districts. Each of these should be served by a distinct sewerage system, which should discharge directly into the harbour or the Gulf, as the case may be. " Before such discharge, the effluent should be effectively clarified by one of the various well known methods; so that it would carry only its dissolved impurities." The dilution would be immediate and more than sufficient; for the daily movement of sea water into and out of the harbour is about six thousand times as great as would be the day's discharge of clarified sewage from the harbour slope of the city. (3) The clearing out and filling with clean earth of all the cesspools and garbage-vaults, and the supplying to each house of a suitable water-closet connected with the public sewer system. The closets furnished should be practically automatic in operation, and not liable to damage from ignorance or carelessness. They should be made so that no foreign substance able to cause an obstruction in the house drain or the sewer could pass out of sight. If more elaborate plumbing be desired, this may be put in by the householder, under proper supervision, at his own expense. The immediate installation of the water-closet in each house is the only course which will make possible the annihilation of the cesspool; and Havana will not be a healthy city until this result is accomplished. The benefit that will be gained when it is done is out of all proportion to the insignificant cost of the doing. (4) The paving, or repaving, of all the streets with the best quality of asphaltum. Some form of artificial paving of the streets of cities is indispensable. Mr. Edwin Chadwick says that between the two divisions of a town population, similarly situated in general condition, one part inhabiting streets which are unpaved and another inhabiting streets that are paved, a difference of health is observed. He cites instances showing the sanitary benefit resulting from paving. Laying aside all considerations of comfort and economy, which in themselves are sufficient to warrant its construction, asphaltum is the best paving material from a hygienic standpoint. Being a monolithic sheet it is impervious alike to the rise of exhalations from the earth and the soakage of liquids into the earth. It is easily cleaned; and, as it can be cleaned without sprinkling, it can be cleaned dry. At intervals it can be thoroughly washed with a hose, and all surplus water removed immediately with a squeegee. The absence of dust and the minimising of noise are hygienic benefits of secondary degree. (5) The erection of a new abattoir, adequate to all the needs of the population, and furnished with modern appliances for the inoffensive utilisation of the entire animal, so that no refuse remains to be got rid of. (6) The construction of "a suitable and sufficient incinerating furnace, for the complete and inoffensive destruction of garbage and other refuse," including dead animals, street sweepings, mattresses, discarded clothing, rags, excelsior, paper, and similar substances, which might serve as vehicles of contagion. The experiments made by Colonel Waring while Street Cleaning Commissioner of New York, indicated that such a furnace may produce steam in quantities large enough to be valuable. (7) The reclamation and drainage of all the marshes, or at least of those bordering on the harbour on the south and west. "This reclamation to be made after the 'Polder' method of Holland--by diking out the harbour and the watercourses and removing the water by pumping." (8) The establishment of a "power-plant sufficient for this pumping, for pumping sewage where necessary, and for propelling the machinery of the abattoir." In concluding his paper, Mr. Hill says: "It may seem strange that no reference has been made to the dredging of the harbour--so urgently advocated by some advisers--or to any improvement of it, save such as would be effected by the withholding of solid organic matters from the abattoir, sewage, and dumping grounds, and by the construction of the dikes at its southern end. As has been said, the tidal flow is more than sufficient to effect the purification of the clarified sewage, which Colonel Waring proposed to empty into the harbour. So long as solid wastes are withheld, its surplus oxidizing power will gradually destroy the accumulation of putrescible material. "To dredge the harbour now would be dangerous work; for it would stir up and expose to the air vast quantities of putrid filth. Later, if Colonel Waring's recommendations should be carried out, it would mean only the removal of innocuous mud. Navigation is not yet impeded by the deposits; and the rate at which the harbour is silting up--one-third of one per cent. per year--makes it evident that a delay of even ten years would not be injurious to commerce. Long before this time has elapsed the harbour should be clean. "Havana can be freed from her curse. The price of her freedom is about $10,000,000. Can the United States afford to redeem her? For once humanity, patriotism, and self-interest should be unanimous, and their answer should be, Yes!" General Greene, U.S.A., has submitted an extended report on the city's condition. General Greene notes that about sixty per cent. of the street surface is not paved, and that which is paved is in very poor condition. In some streets are small drains, connecting by gratings with the gutters, but no official record is kept of them, and no city plat shows whither they go, but as in Havana all sewers lead to the bay, it is supposed that is their destination. Some few private houses have their own sewers, but no official knows anything further than that permits were granted to build them and they are never cleaned. In parts of the city a drain two feet deep and two feet wide, covered or uncovered, runs alongside of the streets and into these all manner of ill-smelling and nasty refuse is dumped and left to wash away by the rain or to rot in the sun. For four years previous to the war the authorities had been considering an elaborate plan of street improvement and sewerage system, submitted by an American contractor, but no action had been taken. The estimated cost was $7,000,000. For three hundred years or more house drainage has been discharged into cesspools, varying in size from three to ten feet in diameter, and from four to eight feet deep, closed at the top with a stone. While rules for taking proper care of these cesspools are plenty, enforcement of them is so neglected that some of them have not been cleaned in five years. They are not cemented inside and they drain off into the soil and rock, infecting everything in reach. The paved streets (surface) are cleaned by contract, by methods prevailing in this country twenty-five years ago, and the work is fairly well done. The cleanings are carried eight miles from the city, where they are dumped and left on the ground, and the condition there is fearful. During the blockade the authorities ordered the cleanings to be dumped into the marsh near the Christina Street station, and here in the wet soil they remain, a dangerous menace to health. The thousands of _reconcentrados_ and soldiers in the city used the unpaved streets as open privies, and when the Americans went into the city they found these streets utterly noxious and foul, and set to work at once to clean them, the street-cleaning contractor being permitted to continue his work on the paved streets. There is but one slaughter-house in the city and it is owned by the municipality. It is mortgaged, like other city properties, to the Spanish Bank. From three hundred to four hundred cattle are killed daily, and the offal, which might easily be saved, and is, in American slaughter-houses, is dumped into Chavez Creek, where it is left to rot in the sun. The construction of a new building in a different locality has been long discussed, but opposition has been made to it, and nothing has been done. In the meantime the dumping continues in Chavez Creek. The military hospitals have not yet been examined. Of the nine city hospitals, asylums, and homes examined by Surgeon Davis, three were in fairly good condition, two in bad condition, and four are most deplorable. Some of the houses are overcrowded and the inmates half starved. These hospitals can be put in good condition very soon. The two principal markets, the Colon and the Tacon, are owned by the city and mortgaged to the Spanish Bank. Their sanitary condition is bad as it can be, but it can be remedied easily and quickly. An elaborate code of Health Regulations, a volume of fifty pages, exists, but it is seldom or never referred to or its provisions carried out. Dairies prevail in many parts of the city, where twenty to thirty cows are kept in stalls in the same house where human beings live; livery stables are located in the most thickly settled parts of the city; dead dogs, cats, and other animals are left in the open streets for weeks; slops, filth, and night soil are thrown out of the windows and doors on the streets in the poorer localities and no kind of regard is paid to health regulations of any kind. The condition of the harbour is gone into at length, one new fact being noted, to wit: that the water is so foul that the bottom cannot be seen two feet below the surface, while at Marianao, eight miles away, the bottom at twenty feet is plainly visible. Both General Greene and Surgeon Davis are of the opinion that the harbour is not such a menace to health as are the cesspools, slaughter-house, and general filth of the city, and that it should come last in the cleaning process. In recapitulation, General Greene says: "From the foregoing it is apparent that the first steps toward sanitation are the improvement of the slaughter-house, the cleaning of cesspools, the inauguration of a proper system of street cleaning, and the devising and rigid enforcement of health regulations. I have therefore advised that immediately on taking possession of the city government a board be appointed, consisting of three army surgeons and two civilians--one from New York and one from Chicago--of long experience on the Health Boards in those cities; that this board study the sanitary conditions of the city and draw up a new code of sanitary regulations, including the management of the hospitals; and that this code be rigidly enforced by the new city police, assisted by such number of sanitary inspectors as may prove to be necessary. In this manner I believe that the sanitary conditions can be improved and the death-rate enormously reduced before the next rainy season sets in. The death-rate in October last was at the rate of 133 per 1000 per annum; in December it had been reduced to 106, and with only two deaths per week from yellow fever. "In order completely to stamp out yellow fever it will be necessary to destroy a limited number of the worst infected houses occupied by the poorest classes, to construct a system of sewers, and lay new pavements. This will involve a very large expenditure of money, and it is not at present clear how the city can raise this money. It is probable, however, that a feasible financial scheme could be devised after thorough study, and in the meantime a commission of engineers should be appointed to study the problem, and either acquire the existing surveys by purchase, at a fair valuation, or else make new surveys, and a definite report covering the whole ground, so that the matter may be intelligently considered." EXTRACTS FROM REPORT OF THE HAVANA YELLOW FEVER COMMISSION, 1879 TEMPERATURE "This is conceded to be a climatic element of greatest importance, and the 'annual mean' to be the chief factor. Throughout the West Indies the mean annual temperature, near the sea, is from 78 degrees to 80, the mean daily range is only about 6 degrees, and the extreme annual range does not usually exceed 20 degrees. At Havana the mean annual temperature varies in different years from 77 degrees to 79; the mean temperature of the hottest months, July and August, varies from 82 to 85 degrees; and of the coldest months, December and January, from 70 to 76 degrees. The minimum temperature is very rarely as low as 50 degrees, and the maximum as rarely exceeds 100 degrees; in fact, the thermometer, in the shade, seldom rises above 94 degrees. There are no records nor any tradition of frost having ever occurred except on December 24 and 25, 1856. It is alleged that even in the sparsely inhabited mountains in the east of Cuba, where the Tarquino peak reaches an altitude of about 8000 feet, frost rarely occurs, and snow never." RAINFALL "During the sixteen years, 1859-74, the average number of rainy days at Havana was 113; the minimum number, 97 days, occurred in 1869, and the maximum number, 141 days, occurred in 1862. The average amount of rain for the sixteen years was 49 inches, the minimum was 42.5 in 1861, and the maximum was 70 inches in 1867. The maximum amount of rain falling in any one season is from May to September, inclusive, but especially during August and September. The rain then descends with such rapidity that it runs off in torrents; but, as is seen, the usual belief that the annual rainfall is excessive is erroneous. The annual mean relative humidity varies in different years from about 73 to 74.5, and that of the different months of the year from 66 to 79; the minimum, occurring in any day of the year, may be as low as 34, and the maximum as high as 96. Evaporation is extremely rapid." ANNUAL DEATHS IN HAVANA, 1870-79 ----+-----------+-----------+----------------------------------------------- | | | | Deaths | | DEATHS BY | by all | | | | | Diseases | Deaths by | YELLOW FEVER. | SMALL POX.| CHOLERA. | in the | all | | | | Military |Diseases in+-----------+-----------+-----------+----------- | and Civil | the Civil | Military | | Military | Military |Population.|Population.| and Civil | Civil | and Civil | and Civil | | |Population.|Population.|Population.|Population. ----+-----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+----------- 1870| 10,379 | 9,451 | 665 | 277 | 681 | 1,655 1871| 9,174 | 8,290 | 991 | 796 | 1,126 | .... 1872| 7,031 | 6,036 | 515 | 372 | 174 | .... 1873| 7,755 | 6,932 | 1,244 | 1,019 | 47 | .... 1874| 9,604 | 8,523 | 1,225 | 1,236 | 772 | .... 1875| 8,390 | 7,044 | 1,001 | 94 | 711 | .... 1876| 9,122 | 7,438 | 1,619 | 904 | 160 | .... 1877| 10,217 | 7,139 | 1,374 | 567 | 97 | .... 1878| 11,507 | 8,594 | 1,559 | 758 | 1,225 | .... 1879| 9,052 | 7,826 | 1,444 | 737 | 523 | .... +-----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+----------- | 92,231 | 77,273 11,837 6,760 5,516 1,655 ----+-----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+----------- "Spanish army losses to January 16, 1896: Killed in action and died from wounds......... 405 Died from yellow fever........................ 3,190 All other diseases............................ 282 ----- 3,877 "Total mortality of Spanish army in Cuba in 1897 (from Public Health Report, U. S. Marine Hospital Service, April 29, 1898): Died from yellow fever........................ 3,190 Deaths from yellow fever...................... 6,034 Deaths from enteric fever..................... 2,500 Enteritis and dysentery..................... 12,000 Malarial fevers............................... 7,000 All other diseases............................ 5,000 ------ Deaths from all diseases............. 32,534 "The above table ... clearly proves that 'the actual sanitary condition of the principal ports of Cuba' is very unfavourable, since, in recent years, their death-rates have ranged from 31.9 to 66.7. It also proves that the sanitary condition of the inland towns is very little, if at all, better than that of the seaports. The high death-rates of Guanabacoa and of Marianao are especially notable, because these suburban towns, within three and six miles of Havana, are summer resorts, and enjoy, especially Marianao, a high repute for salubrity. Taking a general view of the death-rates for the total population of all the twenty towns in the above list--towns selected solely because the only ones which furnish reliable official reports, though many others were solicited, it will be found that twenty-six death-rates are given; that these range from 23.5 to 66.7, and that, while only eight of the twenty-six are under 35, twelve of them are 50 or more." "The portion of the city in worst repute is the fifth district, and especially Jesus Maria, one of its wards. This is, to considerable extent, reclaimed swamp lands, filled in largely with street refuse and garbage. It fronts the bottom of the harbour. Its rough, unpaved streets are in many places almost impassable in wet weather, even to pedestrians. Great mud-holes, covered with green slime, and fit only for the abode of hogs, are numerous. The houses, as well as the streets, have an uncared-for, filthy, and disgusting appearance; and the sickly, anæmic residents look as dirty and cheerless as the streets and houses. "The Punta or Colon wards in the third district--at least the portions which immediately front the sea--have a reputation almost as bad as the Jesus Maria ward. The foundation rocks were, during the last century, excavated to build fortifications, and these excavations were filled up with street refuse and garbage; hence this ward is, like Jesus Maria, to some extent, reclaimed land. These portions are alleged to be very unhealthful, while houses only six or eight blocks distant are not so; comparatively light rains flood the _banquettes_ and run into the houses. The streets are wider and the houses better than in Jesus Maria. Some consider the location of the latter, at the bottom of the harbour, a chief cause for its unhealthfulness, but the unhealthy portion of the city now referred to fronts the sea. [Illustration: THE PRADO AND INDIAN STATUE, HAVANA.] "The Pueblo Nuevo ward, still farther to the west, also fronts the sea, and is built on a slope which attains an altitude of nearly seventy feet. Notwithstanding these advantages, it is very badly drained, and has, as it apparently deserves, an ill repute for healthfulness.... "The three suburban wards, Jesus del Monte, the Cerro, and Vedado, enjoy the best reputation for salubrity, and also for their freedom from yellow fever. Intelligent residents are readily found, who will assert with great assurance that no one is ever attacked in these wards except those who have been elsewhere infected. The summit of Jesus del Monte has an altitude of 67 meters, or 220 feet, the highest point in Havana, or its immediate vicinity. However, there are few, if any, houses about the summit; the average level of the ward is only 80 feet, and more inhabitants live below than above this level. The natural drainage is excellent, the houses in the elevated portion occupy more ground and are better ventilated than in Havana." GEOLOGICAL FORMATION "The surface soil of Havana consists for the most part of a thin layer of red, yellow, or black earths. At varying depths beneath this, often not exceeding one or two feet, lie the solid rocks. These foundation rocks are (especially in the northern and more modern portion of the city, towards the coast of the sea and not of the harbour) quarternary and especially tertiary formation so permeable that liquids emptied into excavations are absorbed and disappear. In the southern and greater portion of the city, these rocks are of cretaceous formation, and so much less permeable that sinks and other excavations readily fill to overflowing. About twenty thousand persons or one-tenth of the population, live on land reclaimed from the sea, in large measure, by dumping on garbage and street refuse. Much of this reclaimed land was formerly mangrove swamps, and Havana still lies adjacent to these breeders of malarial poison. There are few if any towns in Cuba which are not subjected to malarial effluvia from mangrove or other swamps, and many of these suffer to greater extent than Havana." Messrs. Ariza and Herrera reported a population of 3000 on the reclaimed parts of the first district, 5000 on parts of the third and fourth, 5000 on part of the fifth, and 600 on part of the sixth district. THE CLEANSING OF THE HARBOUR "The sanitarian cannot hesitate to advocate, for general reasons if not especially for yellow fever, the cleansing of the harbour, the cessation of daily additions to it of large masses of filth, and the replenishment of it by constant currents of pure water. To accomplish the last, it has been much insisted on, in the United States, as well as in Cuba, that canals should be dug. Out of Cuba it ought to be better understood that Havana is by no means deficient in highly educated, skilful, practical engineers, who are fully alive to the sanitary interests of the city, and to the merits of this especial subject. Among these, Colonel Albear stands pre-eminent, and in September, 1879, he delivered before the Academy of Sciences an extremely able address on this subject, which is so full of instruction, on other local conditions also of interest to the sanitarian, that this address has been translated and is presented, as a most interesting part of this report. Colonel Albear seems to have conclusively demonstrated the impracticability of these proposed canals; and my own conviction is that if practicable they could not possibly place the small harbour of Havana in as favourable sanitary conditions as are by nature the large harbour of Matanzas and of Cienfuegos, where yellow fever none the less prevails." DRAINAGE "In Cuban cities, generally, good drainage is not found except in such comparatively inextensive parts where nature required little or no assistance. Even in Havana, the oldest and wealthiest city, the visitor is often astounded, especially in the rainy season, by impassable mud-holes, and green, slimy, stagnant pools in the streets and in the backyards. This condition was found even in the Pueblo Nuevo ward, which is located so admirably for good drainage that little labour would be required to make it perfect. "Messrs. Ariza and Herrera reported: 'Havana has no sewers save in a few principal streets. These sewers have been built at interrupted intervals, without reference to any general plan for drainage. They are seldom cleaned and are generally obstructed in part or wholly with sediment or filth from the streets, and exhale offensive odours. As the sewers are few in number, the greater part of the water of the city empties through the streets, into the harbour or the sea; but the quantity flowing into the sea is comparatively small.' Mr. A. H. Taylor, a civil engineer, thoroughly informed on this subject, testified that the sewers of only three streets subserved any good purpose whatever, and that the remainder were so defective that the city would really be much better off without them. Through the gratings, which have large interspaces, the dirt and refuse of the streets find such ready entrance that a number of these sewers were soon filled up, with apparently solid materials, to within a few inches of the surface openings. Since very few houses or privies are connected with sewers, these are less offensive than they would otherwise be, but no one who has seen them can find any words except of unhesitating condemnation for their grossly defective structure." THE PAVING OF STREETS "Less than one-third of the population live on paved streets, and these are well paved and kept as clean, it is believed cleaner, than is usual in the United States. The remainder live on unpaved streets, which for the most part are very filthy. Many of these, even in old and densely populated parts of the city, are no better than rough country roads, full of rocks, crevices, mud-holes, and other irregularities, so that vehicles traverse them with difficulty at all times, and in the rainy season they are sometimes impassable for two months. Rough, muddy, or both, these streets serve admirably as permanent receptacles for much decomposing animal and vegetable matter. Finally, not less, probably more, than one-half of the population of Havana live on streets which are constantly in an extremely insanitary condition, but these streets, though so numerous, are not in the beaten track of the pleasure tourist, in which capacity the writer, in 1856, spent ten days in Havana without witnessing many of the evils now testified to with emphasis." DENSITY OF POPULATION "Of the various evils recounted in connection with the subject of houses, there are two which deserve special attention. Many facts, besides those associated with the holds of vessels, justify the belief that the growth of the poison of yellow fever is specially favoured in warm, moist, ill-ventilated places, where air is closely confined. The low-lying floors touching the earth, the small, densely packed houses, the unusually contracted ventilating space in their rear, the large unventilated excavation for privies and sinks, all furnish, as is firmly believed, the most favourable breeding-places for the poison of yellow fever. In addition, statistics prove that in great cities subjected to their ordinary unfavourable conditions, the denser their population the sicklier and shorter-lived their inhabitants. Common-sense and experience unite to teach that the denser a population the more widespread and frightful the havoc of diseases, especially of communicable diseases. Elsewhere will be found a special report on the density of the population of Havana compared with numerous other cities, and it therein appears that more than three-fourths of the people of Havana live in the most densely populated localities in the world. A tropical climate renders this enormous evil still greater. Not only in Havana but throughout Cuba the average number of inhabitants to each house is unusually great, and this fact enables us better to understand the great prevalence in Cuba of those communicable diseases which its climate and other local conditions favour. "The Registry Office in Havana reports that there are upwards of eighteen thousand fincas in this registry district, which comprises the village of Marianao in addition to the city of Havana. "A finca is a piece of land, with definite boundaries or limits whether large or small, and whether it has buildings on it or not. "Of the eighteen thousand fincas in the district about fourteen thousand have houses upon them, and the other four thousand being vacant lots in the city, or fincas rusticas, in the rural districts. "At least twelve in every thirteen inhabitants live in one-story houses; and as the total civil, military, and transient population exceeds two hundred thousand, there are more than twelve inhabitants to every house. Tenement houses may have many small rooms, but each room is occupied by a family. Generally, the one-story houses have four or five rooms; but house-rent (as also food and clothing) is rendered so expensive by taxation, by export as well as import duties, that it is rare for a workman, even when paid fifty to one hundred dollars a month, to enjoy the exclusive use of one of these mean little houses. Reserving one or two rooms for his family, he rents the balance. This condition of affairs is readily understood when it is known that so great a necessity as flour costs in Havana $15.50, when its price in the United States was $6.50 per barrel. "In the densely populated portions of the city the houses generally have no back yard, properly so called, but a flagged court, or narrow vacant space into which sleeping-rooms open at the side; and in close proximity with these, at the rear of this contracted court, are located the kitchen, the privy, and often a stall for animals." "Messrs. Ariza and Herrera report that in Havana the average height of the ground floor is from seven to eleven inches above the pavement, but in Havana, and more frequently in other Cuban towns, one often encounters houses which are entered by stepping down from the sidewalk; and some floors are even below the level of the streets. In Havana some of the floors; in Matanzas more; in Cardenas and Cienfuegos many, are of bare earth itself, or of planks raised only a few inches above the damp ground. "The privy and the sink for slops, the open kitchen shed, and the stable immediately adjoin each other, confined in a very contracted space close to sleeping-rooms. The privy consists of an excavation which often extends several feet laterally under the stone flags of the court. Even if the sides be walled, the bottom is of the original porous earth or subsoil rock, thus permitting widespread saturation of the soil." LA LUCHA OCTOBER, 21, 1896 "These houses are veritable pig-styes. Houses which rent from thirty to forty-five dollars per month--an extremely high price for a country where wealth has been destroyed by war--are devoid of all comfort. They are unhealthful habitations. A very distinguished stranger, who visited us some time ago, said of them: 'They are composed solely of four walls and a pavement which are stained with dampness and a privy whose fetid and constant emanations poison the air that must be breathed.'" CHAPTER XII MUNICIPAL PROBLEMS IN HAVANA The American authorities and American enterprise have jointly taken hold of the municipal problem of Havana with considerable energy. This subject is of such vital importance, not only to the industrial reconstruction of Cuba, but to the future of the Island itself, that no apology is necessary for devoting an entire chapter to it. The problems which General Ludlow, the present Governor of Havana, has taken up energetically are those relating to the reorganisation of the police force, public works, water and gas supply, fire department, and other branches of local government. Private enterprise, both English and American, has lost no time in securing the street-railway system and some of the public theatres, and in various ways engaged in semi-public enterprises, the result of which will be greatly to improve existing conditions, and make Havana a much more desirable city, both for business and residence. Next to the question of sanitary improvement, which is absolutely imperative unless the United States stands ready to sacrifice thousands of lives next summer, is the organisation of the police force for the preservation of life and property. For several years past it is said the attention of the police of Havana has been directed more to political arrests than to prevention of crime. Whether these rumours are well founded or not, General Greene, whose report upon the sanitation of Cuba was presented in the previous chapter, is not prepared to assert; but he contends that at the time he made his report, last December, the police force was completely disorganised. As it formerly existed, the police force of Havana consisted of two parts, namely: the Government police, under the direct orders of the civil governor of the province; and the municipal police, under the orders of the Alcalde, or Mayor. The functions of the latter were mainly those of inspectors, to look after the enforcement of city ordinances in regard to buildings, public health, and such matters. They numbered 200. The Government police consisted of a battalion called the _Orden Publico_, the colonel in command of which was chief of police. The battalion numbered about 1200 men, and was recruited from the Spanish army, among men who had passed through not less than six years' service, who held the grade of sergeant, and who had won certificates of perfectly good character. This force was disarmed and shipped to Spain in November, on the ground of alleged mutiny; the facts being that they claimed the money belonging to them which had been deposited with the regimental paymaster, and by him embezzled. In addition to the municipal police and the _Orden Publico_, there was a force, detailed from the _Guarda Civil_, whose total strength was about 3500 men. This force constituted the rural police of the entire Island, under the orders of the civil governor of each province. About 300 were used by the civil governor of Havana for duty in the suburbs of Jesus del Monte, Cerro, and other outlying neighbourhoods. At the time the control of the city passed from Spanish into American hands, the police force consisted simply of the municipal police, about 200 in number, with a few additions, all of whom were temporarily organised into a Government police force after the disarmament of the _Orden Publico._ The city, according to General Greene's report, is divided into ten districts, and these are still further subdivided into thirty-nine _barrios_, or wards. The _barrios_ correspond in a measure to the precincts in New York, and in each there was a _celador_, corresponding to a sergeant in New York. He received $100 per month, and had charge of the police in his _barrio_, or precinct. There were five inspectors, each of whom had two of the principal districts under his charge. They received $125 per month. They were in turn subject to the orders of the chief of police, and he to the orders of the civil governor. The appointments to all of the positions named were made by the Governor-General on the nomination of the Governor. Each inspector had an office on the ground floor of the house where he lived, and these were all connected by telephone, through the Telephone Exchange, with the Police Headquarters on Cuba Street, near Quarteles Street. Similarly, each of the _celadors_ had an office in his own house. There were a large number of details for special service at banks, theatres, public offices, and similar places, and while the nominal strength of the _Orden Publico_ was 1200, yet vacancy, sickness, and other causes reduced its effective strength to 800 or 900. According to this report, in the opinion of the civil governor, a force of 600 carefully selected men, thoroughly well organised, under proper officers, will be ample for the security of life and property in this city. The orders of the President of the United States authorised the organisation of a force of 1000 men. Subsequently the Secretary of War telegraphed General Greene to employ such number of men as was necessary. In the judgment of the commanding general the number authorised by the President was sufficient, and the proposed organisation, inaugurated by General Greene and just completed under the direction of General Ludlow, aided by ex-Chief of Police of New York City, McCullough, is as follows: Salary per month 1 Colonel (U. S. V.), Chief of Police.......... 1 Deputy Chief of Police....................... $250 1 Secretary Inspector.......................... 165 1 Chief of Detectives, Deputy Inspector........ 165 6 Inspectors, officers U. S. V................. 6 Deputy Inspectors............................ 150 12 Captains..................................... 115 48 Lieutenants.................................. 90 48 Patrol Sergeants............................. 65 10 Detective Sergeants.......................... 115 14 Detectives................................... 100 12 Detectives................................... 75 820 Patrolmen.................................... 50 1 Stenographer and Interpreter................. 150 6 Clerks....................................... 50 6 Drivers...................................... 40 12 Janitors..................................... 35 2 Surgeons..................................... 100 The total expenses for salary would be $56,360 per month, or $676,020 per annum. In addition there would be expenses for rent of office, telephone, telegrams, patrol service, 100 horses for use in suburban districts, and other expenses, which would bring the total cost of the police up to about $723,660 per annum. It is proposed to put the entire police management under charge of an officer of the volunteer army, and to give him a deputy chief, who shall be a resident of the Island, and, if possible, experienced in police matters. Similarly, to put officers of the army of junior rank as inspectors in the principal districts--six in number--and to give to each a deputy inspector, who will be a resident. At the beginning, it is deemed essential that the police management should be in the hands of army officers who can be relied upon, but each will have a deputy who will be a resident, and if possible thoroughly experienced in the police service. It may be necessary to change these resident officers once or more before the best men for the positions are finally found. After the system has been in operation, and the men have proved their efficiency, it will be possible for the army officers to be relieved, and the native or resident officers to assume full control. In his report on the organisation of the Havana police force General Greene says: "There are three sources from which the men can be obtained, namely, the existing police force, the Cuban troops under General Menocal, and the discharged Spanish soldiers. The President's instructions are positive that this force should be selected without reference to previous affiliations, either for or against the revolutionary movement, and by drawing from the three classes above named; these instructions will be carried out in letter and in spirit." In accordance with the President's instructions, every officer and member of the police force will be required to subscribe the following oath, which will be printed in both Spanish and English: "I do solemnly swear that I will bear true and exclusive faith and allegiance to the Government of the United States existing in the Island of Cuba, and that I will faithfully and obediently perform my duty as a member of the police force of Havana under the said Government. So help me God." The uniform of the new Havana police officer will consist of straw hat, dark blue blouse and trousers, tan-coloured shoes, and white gloves. The public works needed in Havana are sewers, pavements, a new slaughter-house, buildings for the police, fire, and health departments, and new hospitals. All of these will require a very large sum of money, and the ability of the city to raise this money is not yet evident. For the present, all that can be done is thoroughly to clean, disinfect, and repair the existing public buildings, either owned or rented, so as to make them habitable for the public officials, both American and native. The means of communication are entirely inadequate. They consist of lines of tramways running out to Jesus del Monte, Cerro, and the foot of the Principe Hill. The tracks are in bad order, the cars are old and dirty, and they are drawn by three horses each. The live stock is in bad condition, and the stables are filthy. These lines are owned by a company called the _Ferro Carril Urbano y Omnibus de la Habana_, under a concession granted February 5, 1859. The same company also runs, in the suburban districts, a few lines of very small omnibuses, drawn by two mules. The service is extremely bad. In addition to these facilities for transportation there is a "dummy" line, running from the centre of the city to the western end of the Vedado, a distance of about four miles. The track is in bad order, and the service is unsatisfactory. Undoubtedly one of the first enterprises that will be pushed to completion in Havana will be an entirely new tramway system, with mechanical traction. General Greene recognises the necessity of this when he says in his report: "There is a great need of a thorough and modern system of electric street railways in this city. While the streets are narrow, yet a single track could be laid on each street, near the curbstone on one side, in such a manner as not to impede traffic. It is a question, however, whether these tracks should be laid prior to the laying of the sewers, which would cause the tearing up of every street in the thickly populated portion of the city." General Greene is undoubtedly right in saying that the new sewerage, gas, and water pipes, tramways, and paving of Havana should all be done at one time. If a general plan of this sort were inaugurated, the streets could be taken one at a time and finished. It should be borne in mind that this sort of work cannot be done as it is done in American cities, by reason of the fact that the streets are so narrow that to pull part of them up and leave any room for traffic is impossible. Added to this, the paving which should be done in Havana is more like masonry work than ordinary paving, because in consequence of the tremendous rains in the rainy season when the streets practically become small rivers (for it is not an unusual thing to see small boys swimming in the street), the sort of pavements we are familiar with would be entirely inadequate. In the chapter on Havana mention was made of the excellent water supply. While the following description of the water supply of Havana by General Greene partially covers the statement already made, it brings out an interesting point in relation to the necessity of not only encouraging but also insisting on the additional use of water in Havana. It is nothing less than criminal for a city so abundantly supplied with magnificent spring water as is Havana not to insist upon its more liberal use. The waterworks themselves were built by American enterprise and there can be no doubt that those responsible for their management will be glad enough to increase the use of the water, and in so doing reduce the price to the consumer. However this may be, the water supply of Havana is so closely allied to its sanitary condition, that whatever the United States Government may decide to do in regard to its sewerage should be taken up in conjunction with the water supply. It is not a matter that should be left to the decision of the people of Havana themselves, but should be managed with no uncertain hand by those in authority, and the supply paid for by the city if the people are too poor or too indifferent to appreciate the necessity of cleanliness. Note what General Greene says on this point: "The present water supply of Havana is excellent, although it is used by only a portion of the population. It comes from enormous springs on the banks of the Almendares River, about eight miles due south of the city. These springs are inclosed in a masonry structure, about 150 feet in diameter at its base, and 250 feet at the top, and 60 feet deep. Masonry drains are laid around the upper surface to prevent any surface water from washing into the spring. At the base of this spring the water is constantly bubbling up, and appears to be of remarkable purity. The supply is so large that it more than fills all the present requirements, and a large portion of it runs to waste. From the spring the water is conveyed under the Almendares River by pipes situated in a tunnel, and from the north side of the river the water is conveyed in a masonry tunnel or aqueduct for a distance of about six miles, where it discharges into a receiving reservoir, the altitude of which is 35 metres, or about 108 feet, above the sea level. From the distributing reservoir the water is carried into the city by gravity in pipes, the highest point in the thickly populated portion of the city being, as already stated, 68 feet. The pipes in the streets are said to be small, and there is not sufficient pressure to carry the water to the upper stories of the small number of buildings which exceed one story in height. In these buildings pumping is necessary. "There are said to be about 18,000 houses in the city, and from a report made by the municipality in 1897 it appears that the number of houses directly connected with the water pipes is 9233. The poorer houses, which are not thus connected, obtain water either by purchase from the street vendors or by getting it from public taps, of which there are a certain number scattered throughout the city." Of the efficiency of the fire department, General Greene, in his report, said that he was unable to speak without further knowledge. "It is generally considered," he says, "to be very satisfactory, and the inhabitants of the city take great pride in it." The fire department of Havana appears to consist of two branches--the Municipal Fire Department and the Commercial Fire Department, the former being partly supported at public expense and the latter at the expense of private individuals. The Municipal Fire Department is organised as a battalion, as follows: 1 Colonel, Chief of Fire Department. 74 Corporals. 1 Lieutenant-Colonel, Deputy-Chief. 10 Cornets. 2 Majors 1531 Firemen. 1 Adjutant. 1 Chief Surgeon. 12 Captains. 4 Assistant Surgeons. 16 First Lieutenants. 1 Chief Apothecary. 13 Second Lieutenants. 2 Assistant Apothecaries. 44 Sergeants. The only paid employes, however, are a few machinists, drivers, clerks, and a telegraph operator. The entire expense in the budget of 1897-98 is as follows: For salaries.. $ 6,713 For materials. 7,062 ------- Total... $13,774 The apparatus consists of five steam fire engines in Havana, one in Jesus del Monte, and one in Marianao; two hose-carts, and one hook and ladder carriage. There are 78 fire-alarm stations and 356 water-plugs distributed in different parts of the city. The debt of the city of Havana on December 31, 1898, according to a statement signed by the Mayor and Controller, was as follows: Loan of April 22, 1889, fifty-year 6 per cent. bonds (mortgagee, Spanish Bank of the Island of Cuba) $6,721,000.00 Loan of October 17, 1891, fifty-year 6 per cent. bonds (mortgagee, Bank of Commerce, United Railroads, and Regla Warehouses) 2,882,000.00 Notes 23,830,94 Floating debt for salaries, materials, interest, and sinking fund. 2,450,064.78 -------------- Total $12,076,895.72 By the end of this year the floating debt will be still greater, and the total obligations of the city at that time will probably be about $12,500,000. [Illustration: HOUSE OF PARLIAMENT, HAVANA] The mortgage for the loan of 1889 to the Spanish Bank is a document of 158 printed pages, including the index. It recites that in 1877 the city borrowed from the Spanish Bank a sum of money which, together with its interest, amounted in 1889 to $3,177,053.25; that the city was in arrears for interest and sinking fund, and that lawsuits have been in progress to compel the city to pay; that the city also desired funds for the completing the water-works and other purposes, and it was finally agreed that the city would issue $6,500,000 6 per cent. fifty-year bonds for the purpose of taking up the existing debt and completing the water-works, the expense of which was estimated at $1,850,000; and that the balance of the loan, which was taken at 90, was to be turned over to the city for general purposes. There was a further provision that the loan might be increased to $7,000,000 in case the city found it necessary, and this was done. The sinking fund provides for withdrawal by lot and payment of a certain number of bonds every three months during the fifty years, the amount at the end of the first quarter being $5000 and the last quarter $100,000. As security for the loan the city gave a first mortgage on the following property: Canal de Vento, valued at................ $5,030,000 The aqueduct of Fernando VII., valued at. 153,000 The Cristina market, valued at........... 103,000 The Tacon market, valued at.............. 960,000 The Colon market, valued at.............. 304,000 ---------- Making a total of.................. $6,550,000 together with all revenues and receipts from them during the period of the loan. In addition the municipality mortgaged as further security upward of fifty houses which it owns in various sections of the city. The amount of this loan was $7,000,000, which has been reduced by the operations of the sinking fund to $6,721,000. The mortgage of 1891 is also for fifty years and at 6 per cent., with the same property as security. The original amount was $3,000,000, which has now been reduced by the operations of the sinking fund to $2,882,000. The amount of arrears of interest and sinking fund on the two loans is $343,600.56, which figures as part of the floating debt first above stated. The floating debt of Havana arises from the failure to pay practically any salaries, contractors, or bills for materials during the whole of the year 1898, and for some debts contracted prior to this year. The items are given as follows: Salaries........................... $ 678,117.55 Supplies........................... 230,205.77 Materials.......................... 1,183,312.31 Public works....................... 2,568.59 Interest and sinking fund of debts. 343,600.56 Notes overdue...................... 12,160.00 ------------- $2,450,064.78 This is _prima facie_ a valid obligation of the municipality, and should be funded. But before making a new loan for the purpose of paying these debts it would be only proper to have a court of claims established, before which all the creditors of the municipality could appear and definitely prove the amount of their claims and the date at which they accrued. The debt question of Havana can not be disposed of lightly. In his instructive report on the municipal finances of Havana, General Greene gives it as his opinion that $12,500,000 is not excessive for a city of the size and wealth of Havana. Discussing the question with prominent financiers of Havana, the author found that these gentlemen agreed substantially with General Greene, some going so far as to declare the city could easily stand double the present debt, which would bring it up to $25,000,000. According to the last census, the only city comparable with Havana in the United States that carries a debt approaching this was Cincinnati, which had then a debt of $24,737,611. Cleveland, on the other hand, with a population about the same, had in 1890 a debt of only $6,143,206. The other United States cities of about the same population are respectively Pittsburg, debt, $10,026,806; Buffalo, debt, $10,843,029; Milwaukee, debt only $2,915,900; and San Francisco, less than $1,000,000 of municipal indebtedness. The debts of both Boston and Philadelphia were in 1890 less than $30,000,000. It will be bad financiering to burden Havana at present with more debt. When the budget is fully examined by expert accountants a large floating debt will be found, some of which it may be right and just to pay, and much of which is fraudulent. There will be long past-due gas bills, aggregating over $500,000; unpaid bills for street cleaning; salary accounts unadjusted, and a great variety of debts the validity of which may have to be tried in the courts. To meet current expenses the revenues of the city will have to be increased and honestly expended. Naturally, the city will have to bear its share of the important sanitary work which must be done in Havana, but as this work is for the general welfare of the Island, part of it may rightly be taken from the general funds. Judged from an American point of view, the municipal debt of Havana at the present moment is quite large enough, and great care should be taken not to increase it beyond the danger line. The revenue of the city is derived entirely from licences and indirect taxation. Real estate is not directly taxed, and the municipality does not receive directly anything from it. The Island of Cuba imposes, among other taxes, a duty of 12 per cent. on the estimated rental value of all houses in the city and country, and it pays over to the city of Havana 18 per cent. of the amount thus collected on rents within the city limit. The Island of Cuba also levies a tax on industry, commerce, and professions, and it pays over to the city of Havana 25 per cent. of all such taxes collected within the city limits. The other sources of city revenue, which are directly collected by the municipality, are the rent of houses owned by the municipality, revenues of the waterworks, slaughter-house, and markets, taxes on meat, coke, and wood, licences on factories and business of all kinds, and various minor licences. The total estimated revenue for the year 1897-98 is slightly in excess of $2,000,000, and the principal items, taken from the budget, are as follows: 1. Rent of houses owned by the city............. $159,598.16 2. Special taxes and licences: Street vendors............................. $ 15,000.00 Slaughter-house............................ 163,000.00 Water rents................................ 300,000.00 Tax on pleasure houses..................... 12,000.00 Tax on wood................................ 9,000.00 Tax on charcoal and coke................... 44,660.00 Licence on factories....................... 26,000.00 Licence on advertisements and signs........ 8,101.90 Sundry licences, etc. ..................... 12,496.00 -------------- 590,257.90 3. Charities--Income of legacies................ 4,000.00 4. Public Instruction--Income of legacies....... 1,138.80 5. Public Correction--Income from shops, private cells, etc. .......................... 30,638.42 6. Extraordinary Receipts: Building permits........................... $ 29,000.00 Fines, municipal ordinances................ 6,000.00 Special sewer tax.......................... 50,000.00 Replacing street openings.................. 22,258.57 Licence on cedulas......................... 28,000.00 Tax on business............................ 111,300.00 Tax on meat................................ 663,000.00 Special deposits........................... 20,000.00 Sundries................................... 3,300.00 -------------- 932,858.57 7. Contributions by General Government: Quota from real estate..................... $ 165,200.00 Quota from industry and commerce........... 206,700.00 -------------- 371,900.00 ----------- Total................................ $2,090,441.95 These receipts amount to something between $8 and $10 per head of a population estimated between 200,000 and 250,000. The expenses of Havana are such as are common in every city, namely: expenses of the Mayor and Council (Ayuntamiento), police, fire, health, schools, charities, correction, courts, street cleaning, lighting, repairs and paving, interest, and sinking fund. There is only one unusual item, namely: a contribution of $100,000 towards the expenses of the government of the province. The items are shown in the following statement, taken from the budget of 1897-98: 1. Council: Salaries................... $ 79,220.00 Materials.................. 9,792.00 Elections.................. 9,100.00 Cost of collections........ 49,500.00 Sundries................... 1,874.00 -------------- $ 149,486.00 2. Police: Mayor, deputies, etc. ..... $ 43,060.00 Salaries, municipal police. 99,470.00 Materials.................. 3,650.00 Fire Department............ 13,974.00 -------------- $ 160,154.00 3. Urban and rural police: Sundries...................$ 806.00 Street lighting............ 134,589.50 Street cleaning............ 125,577.28 Tree planting, etc. ....... 11,212.00 Slaughter-house............ 20,149.50 -------------- 292,334.28 4. Schools: Salaries...................$ 53,452.00 Materials.................. 13,890.00 Rents...................... 28,904.90 Sundries................... 300.00 -------------- 96,546.90 5. Charities.................... 177,308.80 6. Public works: Salaries................... $ 22,270.00 Labor, repair streets...... 170,000.00 Material, repair streets... 12,200.00 Sundries, repair streets... 4,500.00 -------------- 208,970.00 7. Corrections--Prisons......... 78,683.50 8. Trees........................ 1,000.00 9. Justice and Legal Credits: Interest and Sinking Fund.. 676,195.00 Provincial expenses........ 100,000.00 Repayment special deposits, etc. 26,950.00 Litigation...................... 11,000.00 Street condemnation............. 5,000.00 Subsidy in harbour works........ 5,000.00 Sundries........................ 9,013.47 ---------- 833,158.47 10. New Works: Ditches and Drains................... $45,000.00 Subscription private Fire Department. 2,400.00 ----------- 47,400.00 11. Contingencies: Public Calamities and unforeseen contingencies 45,400.00 ----------- Total..................... $2,090,441.95 The current annual estimated expenses of Havana, according to the printed budget, which the author has had translated for 1897-98, were $2,090,441.95, and the revenue, of course, is made to balance. This looks all right on paper, but it is exceedingly doubtful that the present authorities will find the real facts corresponding with these figures. The items that are excessively high are moneys spent for salaries, for office of mayor, for gas, for street cleaning, for charitable institutions, for paving, and for contingent expenses. By "excessive" is of course meant excessive when compared with what the city receives for the money thus expended. The officials do little or nothing for their salaries, the gas is wretched and intolerably expensive, the streets are not cleaned, only the vilest patchwork in the way of paving has of late years been done, and the charitable institutions, so called, are in a miserable and filthy condition. In spite of this, the city of Havana is mulcted to this extent for these purposes: Salary of employés and experts and expenses of mayor's office $120,000 Municipal lighting 134,000 Street cleaning 125,577 Charitable institutions 177,308 Pavements and paving and drains 208,000 Provincial contingent 100,000 --------- $864,885 If honestly and economically expended, these sums would produce good results without greatly increasing the taxes. The interest and liquidation of the debt makes an annual charge of $676,195, about one-third of the present total revenue of Havana; which, if not excessive, is quite enough under existing conditions of the population. General Greene thinks the revenues may be with safety increased, say to $3,000,000. There is force in this, but probably the better way would be before the debt and taxes are increased to try what an honest expenditure of the present revenue will do for the rehabilitation of Havana. Here is what General Greene says on this subject: [Illustration: TACON MARKET, HAVANA.] "I am inclined to think, although further study might modify this opinion, that the wealth of Havana is such that a judicious system of taxation would yield a revenue of $15 per head, or upward of $3,000,000, and this, if honestly and judiciously collected and expended, would probably be twice the actual net revenue now enjoyed by the city. The collection of taxes of all kinds is now farmed out on a basis of five per cent. commission for collection, which is added to the tax. The tax collector states that there are no arrears, but this statement is vigorously disputed. The whole system of taxation is radically different from that used in American cities, and the system has been so long in operation, and is so intertwined with the system of taxation for the Island, that it would probably be unwise to attempt to introduce American methods during the period of military occupation, the duration of which is so uncertain. It would seem that all that can be done is to make an honest collection, substantially on the basis of existing laws, increasing such items as in the judgment of the military governor can stand an increase without hardship. Such arbitrary changes would create no surprise, as the population has for generations been accustomed to having them made by the Spanish Governor-General." Arbitrary changes are the one thing the military authorities should avoid in Cuba, for therein lies our greatest danger with these people. The fact that the people were accustomed to such action under Spanish rule makes them far more sensitive to such action than they otherwise would have been. Note the flutter in Santiago because of the order to send the custom-house funds to Havana, a perfectly righteous order in itself, but promulgated in too arbitrary a manner. Notwithstanding this it created something akin to a panic in Santiago, principally because it reminded the people of that province of the high-handed Spanish way of doing things. It is not advisable to increase either the debt or revenue of Havana at present, but, in the opinion of the author, it would be far wiser to keep the total revenues about as they now exist. The sources of revenue may be changed, however, to great advantage; increased in some directions, reduced in others. For example, ordinances should be passed compelling the owners of all houses not having water supply (and, according to General Greene, there are about 18,000 of these) to put in a water supply immediately. If this were done the water tax could be spread over a larger number of population, the individual taxes reduced, and yet the revenue from this source measurably increased. A good water-works, like that of Havana, should be made self-sustaining, and under proper management the profits from this department could easily be made sufficient to pay all the expenses, and at the same time to take care of the interest and sinking fund of the water-works bonds. From the American point of view the most unwise tax in Havana is that which has made the slaughter-houses of that city a constant source of scandal. To-day every kilogram of meat killed and used costs the people of Havana 4-1/4 cents, and thus the cost of living of the poorer classes is greatly increased; yet the revenues of the slaughter-house are pledged to pay the interest on the water-works bonds, when the water-works themselves are ample security for this purpose. The real estate of the city should be reassessed fairly and justly, and a tax-rate arranged which would relieve many of the professions and industries of unnecessary taxation. It would seem from a glance at the budget of Havana that, if this were done, and the petty, annoying taxes abolished, sufficient revenue could easily be raised for all legitimate purposes. As a matter of fact, a very large proportion of the taxes collected for municipal purposes in Havana has been diverted from legitimate channels only to find its way into the pockets of those who have had charge of municipal affairs. According to the evidence of several witnesses who appeared before the author in Havana, a large amount of money was exacted from the people of the city by corruption, in the way of petty fines paid direct to officials, and not into the treasury of the state, and also large sums of money in the shape of payment for indulgences, much in the same manner as the Tammany officials exact tribute from those conducting illegitimate business or those engaged in breaking the ordinances of the city. Relief from this sort of exaction has been at once felt in Havana, but will not be fully appreciated until the present Governor of the city is able to ferret out and stop these several forms of imposition. CHAPTER XIII BANKS AND CURRENCY The heading of this chapter is somewhat misleading, for, strictly speaking, Cuba has neither banks nor currency--that is, of her own. The basis of the money which circulated in Cuba before the military occupation of the United States was Spanish gold, principally the _centen_, or twenty-five-_peseta_ piece, the value of which had been inflated to $5.30 by royal decree. Owing to the scarcity of this coin and to the fear that it might leave the Island, in 1893 the French louis, or twenty-franc piece was similarly inflated by royal decree and made legal tender in Cuba at $4.24. The silver coins of Cuba were of Spanish origin: the peso, or dollar, the _medio peso_, or half dollar, the _peseta_, twenty-cent piece, the _real_, or dime, and the _medio real_, corresponding to our nickel. There are also the usual bronze coins. The silver money of Cuba has for some time been worth only its market value, and that subject to daily changes. At various periods in the history of Cuba the Spanish Government at Madrid has attempted to force bank bills on the people of Cuba, and such attempts, as a rule, have ended disastrously to the people of the Island. The Spanish Bank of the Island of Cuba, a semi-official institution, whose governor was appointed by the Spanish Government, has also at times issued bank bills, and to the credit of this institution they have always been redeemed ultimately. As much cannot be said of the Government, whose repudiated bank bills, aggregating about $17,000,000, are at this moment only worth six or seven cents on the dollar. The passing of the control of the Island into the hands of the military authorities of the United States has happily ended all the currency complications of Cuba, and the order of President McKinley, which went into force January 1, 1899, will in a short time not only bring order out of confusion, but gradually reduce the currency systems of Cuba to a sound basis, making gold and silver alike worth one hundred cents the world over--no more, no less. The object of this order is not only to unify the Cuban currency, but in time to replace the present system by the monetary system of the United States. There is no need for entering further into the history of Cuban currency, but in the following pages will be given the reasons which led up to the Executive Order of December 28, 1898. Considering that the author was called upon by the President of the United States and the Secretary of the Treasury to make a report upon this subject, and the report was subsequently adopted and acted upon, therefore the facts herein stated may be regarded as official. The real point at issue in relation to Cuban currency and the only one which caused the United States authorities any trouble was that arising from the inflation by royal decree of the Spanish twenty-five-_peseta_ pieces, popularly known as alfonsinos, or _centen_, and the subsequent inflation of the French twenty-franc piece, the so-called louis, which, as we have seen, were given a legal value of $4.24 and decreed since the end of 1893 as legal money. The Spanish authorities at Madrid, having thus inflated two gold coins six per cent. above their current value and about ten per cent. above their intrinsic value--for the mint value of these two coins at Havana is $4.776 and $3.8208 respectively--the United States authorities at Washington were now called upon to inflate a third gold coin and make the American eagle worth $11 in Cuba and our $5 gold piece current there at $5.50. As a temporary measure this might have had some justification, and the statements in support of it from Cuban bankers, planters, and business men had a certain degree of plausibility. The process, however, is entirely artificial, and whatever was done in this direction to-day must be undone some other day, and the only question the Administration had to decide was whether the inflation should be taken out when the United States authorities took possession or the operation postponed to some more opportune time. The danger in following the advice of some influential financiers of Havana lay in the adoption by the United States Government of a bad precedent in Cuban financiering, inaugurated by the Spanish Government, a precedent for which the United States was in no manner responsible. The reckoning day must come for all inflated values, whether of paper, of silver, or of gold; and when that day comes someone will suffer. Fortunately, in this case the degree of suffering was small, varying only from six to ten per cent. The practical question would seem to be how to disinflate these two coins with the least possible disturbance to mortgages, contracts, notes, and all classes of existing agreements to pay money. Current matters will adjust and take care of themselves. It is generally known that all transactions in Cuba since the close of the war have been made with the belief that the United States would not continue the royal decree of Spain, and that the inflations would collapse with the disappearance of Spanish rule. In Santiago the author found the bankers and financiers in favour of leaving matters as they existed and adopting similar methods in the rest of the Island, namely, reducing the $5.30 gold piece to $5. This was the view taken by Mr. Schuman, of Schuman & Co., Santiago. On this question the Chamber of Commerce of Santiago, in a thoughtfully prepared memorial, submitted to the President of the United States, say: "It is frequently difficult in this market to effect change, especially in small sales, for the want of fractional currency. As this makes considerable difference in transactions, the chamber considers it necessary for the American Government to remedy this difficulty by sending sufficient silver fractional money, utilising it to pay the army of occupation. "This chamber has heard that the administration of the custom-house of this port has solicited the Government at Washington to declare American money legal and obligatory tender in all transactions which take place in this territory, and we consider this movement premature, as the political situation of the country is not settled; and furthermore, prejudicial to commercial interests and to the public wealth by the depreciation it would cause in the Spanish gold in circulation and for the difficulty it will occasion through the lack of American money in sufficient quantity for these transactions. For this reason we beg that this petition will not be considered, it being even more inopportune, since the resolution of the civil governor of the province on the first of August last, establishing the legal value of Spanish gold, is just and has given satisfactory results." Speaking to the author on the same subject, Mr. Brooks, of Brooks & Co., Santiago, a careful financier and capable business man, said: "Regarding the currency question, we should also be inclined to support the opinion of the Chamber of Commerce, to leave matters as they are at present, _i.e._, the Spanish and French gold coins having been disinflated, to leave them as current circulating medium, including for the payment of custom-house duties. It is also always a small advantage for the sugar estates to pay their labour in Spanish gold as it represents a saving of three to four per cent. as compared with paying them in American money, as where a planter now pays $5 Spanish, he would, with a change in the circulating medium, have to pay $5 American, which would represent from three to four per cent. advance in wages without receiving any compensation from his sugar shipped to the United States, from which, in former years, and with inflated gold values, he derived an advantage of ten per cent." A partial adjustment of the question was suggested to the author by Dr. Antonio Jover, director of the Spanish Bank of the Island of Cuba, and as Dr. Jover is an authority on Cuban finances, the statement thus made is quoted in full: "The only way to settle all the difficulties of the present Spanish monetary state of things is to declare legal tender the American dollar and admit at par all Spanish gold coins. "1. Thus the onza should be worth $16; the medio onza $8; the doubloon, $4; the escudo, $2; the centen, $5--that is, pretty nearly its intrinsic alloy and weight value. "2. The English sovereign ought to be taken for $5, and the French louis (which circulates in Cuba in great numbers) for $4. "This arrangement, that slightly improves the value of the Spanish gold,--for the centen is worth in the New York market $4.87 or $4.90 at the utmost,--would tend to drive to Cuba the foreign coins of this country, perfectly useless for circulation. As for the Spanish silver, it is considered there almost as a merchandise or stock value subject to daily quotation, and it is really troublesome in its use. Therefore I would propose to give it a fixed value in American gold, thus-- Value. The peso....... $ 0.60 The medio-peso. .30 The peseta..... .12 The real....... .06 The medio-real. .03 "This value is a little less than the price of quotation to-day, but it is much more than it was a few months ago, but I do not think acceptable the use of any coin without a fixed, invariable value. Now, as the American currency and the American silver would stand at the par value, and, on the other hand, the Spanish silver is at the present quoted higher in Spain, there too would likely go a large quantity, if not all, Spanish silver coins; that nevertheless would not be objectionable, but rather convenient to both nations. Bronze or copper coins should be received just at half their face value; the _centavo_ for half a cent American gold, and the two-_centavo_ piece for one cent. But as this implies a change in the standard value of the Spanish gold dollar, which up to the present has been the basis of all contracts and dealings of the country, it will be necessary to fix a date to implant the new system, and that can be no other but the 1st of January next. Hence, from that date all money transactions will be understood to be on the basis of American gold, with American currency; Spanish, French, and English gold at par value; American silver to be accepted also at its full value only in quantities not exceeding $5; Spanish silver at the stated rate, and foreign silver coin as merchandise. "As for all contracts and stipulations in money matters standing at present to be fulfilled after the appointed date of the 1st of January, I believe it would be but right to be paid off with six per cent. discount, which would simply disinflate them, because they were made with the basis of gold coins which had six per cent. premium; and discounting the same six per cent. when they were settled with coins whose said premium had been taken off, although the intrinsic value of which coins had remained unaltered during the time, would only be common morality and fair equity. Lastly, all those who would attempt to alter the value of money ought to be severely punished, according to the law of the country." With these supplemental facts, the case is fully and impartially before the reader. To accept the proposition of the Havana bankers meant a continuation of the inflated value of ten per cent. To concede the proposition of Dr. Jover and the Santiago financier would reduce the inflation about six per cent., still retaining Spanish and French gold in circulation at a slightly increased value. (Dr. Jover even includes the British sovereign at $5.) The other and only remaining course would be to accept United States money at its full value for customs and taxes and the foreign coins at their intrinsic or mint value. After carefully considering all these facts, the Honourable Secretary of the Treasury, Lyman J. Gage, prepared and submitted to the President the following order in relation to the future currency of Cuba: "EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, December 28, 1898. "It is hereby ordered that on and after January 1, 1899, and until otherwise provided, all customs, taxes, public and postal dues in the Island of Cuba shall be paid in United States money, or in foreign gold coin such as the Spanish alfonsinos (centen) and the French louis, which will be accepted in payment of such customs, taxes, public and postal dues at the following rates: Alfonsinos (25-peseta piece) $4.82 Louis (20-franc piece) 3.86 "That all existing contracts for the payments of money shall be payable in the money denominated in such contracts, and where French and Spanish gold shall be the stipulated money of payment they shall be received in their present decreed inflated values, _i. e._, alfonsinos (25-peseta piece) $5.30; louis (20-franc piece) $4.24, or in United States money at the relative value set forth in the above table, namely, $4.82 for alfonsinos (25-peseta piece) and $3.86 for louis (20-franc piece). "It is further ordered that on and after January 1, 1899, and until further provided, the following Spanish silver coins now in circulation in the Island of Cuba shall be received for customs, taxes, public and postal dues at the following fixed rates in American money: The peso $0.60 The medio-peso .30 The peseta .12 The real .06 The medio-real .03 "Bronze and copper coins now current in the Island of Cuba will be received at their face value for fractional parts of a dollar in a single payment to an amount not exceeding 12 cents (1 peseta). "WILLIAM MCKINLEY." [Illustration: FIRE DEPARTMENT, SANTIAGO DE CUBA.] In signing and promulgating the above order, the currency question of Cuba has been settled for all time to come on a sound basis. In offering to accept for the present the Cuban peso or silver dollar for sixty cents, American money, the United States Government merely delays the migration of the coin to Spain. At this price it is profitable to ship them to Spain, but at fifty cents they would have disappeared so rapidly that a commercial disturbance might have followed on account of scarcity of silver dollars and fractional currency. It is not probable, nor is it asserted that this adjustment can be accomplished without hardship to some debtors and a slight financial disturbance. It is not, however, apprehended that the trouble will be as great as some have anticipated. In Santiago the first step to absolutely sound finance was taken last summer and six per cent. of the inflation squeezed out. The business interests in that part of the Island were opposed to a continuation of the ten per cent. inflation, and merely asked of the United States Government that the several gold coins in circulation should be left at their face value. As one of the evils arising from disinflation, certain Cuban bankers put forward the fact that it will mean an increase of from four to ten per cent. in the wages of labour, which Cuban industries cannot afford. Such a result, if true, cannot be regarded as an evil, but, on the contrary, a benefit to the poorer classes, whose condition in Cuba is deplorable beyond description. In the iron mines at Santiago the large American enterprises have already adjusted themselves to the new conditions and are paying their labour seventy-five cents per day American currency instead of a Spanish dollar worth sixty-five cents in Cuba and only sixty cents in exchange for United States currency. The author, when in the mining districts of this province, heard no complaints, either from the proprietors or the labourers. Stress was laid in the arguments before the President and Secretary Gage upon the loss to the debtor who has borrowed on a fictitious value and must pay the premium, and the unfortunate Cuban sugar-planter is especially singled out for sympathy. That the planter will suffer cannot be denied, but the advent of the United States into Cuba will lighten so many of his burdens that his condition is not without hope. All the customs duties on his imported food supplies, as will be seen in the chapter on the tariff, have been reduced, and many important commodities put upon the free list. The duty on his sugar machinery has been reduced to ten per cent. ad valorem; on his locomotives and railway supplies to twenty per cent.; and all along the line the taxes have been cut down. It is not probable that his land taxes will be collected during the present fiscal year, and the return of peace, establishment of law and order, and protection of property will immeasurably improve his lot. If, therefore, the sugar-planter of Cuba will gauge his present outlook by a glance backward and compare it with his condition last year at this time, he may face the new year with less gloomy premonitions as to his future than some of the testimony taken by the United States Government on the effects of disinflation would indicate. The action of the President, by and with the advice of the able financier at the head of the Treasury Department, will give Cuba a sound currency, which must be the foundation of her future fiscal prosperity. The proof of the poverty of Cuba is a scarcity of capital, manifest in many different ways. The difficulty, not to say the impossibility, of selling sugar plantations proves the scarcity of capital and at the same time the precarious situation of the sugar industry. The decrease in the price of property is a natural consequence of lack of disposable capital, and this is why the rate of money is so high; it can only be caused by lack of capital, and not of money, since scarcity or abundance of money has only a limited influence on rates of interest. Nearly all the banks established for the last twenty or thirty years in Cuba have disappeared, owing to the losses experienced by the gradual increase of the poverty of the country; the want of resources rendering it impossible to start these banks anew or establish new ones with Cuban capital. A few years ago there were in Havana, besides the Spanish Bank and the Bank of Commerce, the Industrial Bank, the San José, the Alianza, the Maritime Security Bank, and the Caja de Ahorros (savings bank). Excepting the first two, all have stopped working, and if the two surviving ones have outlived the others, it is because the Spanish Bank enjoys official privilege, and because the Bank of Commerce, though compelled twice to reduce its capital, owns valuable property, as, for example, the Regla warehouses and the United Railroads, which property, if the Island were prosperous, would be worth several millions more than it is to-day. It is almost incredible that, having such extensive relations with foreign countries, the condition of banks in Cuba should be so precarious, especially as the Island feels more every year the need of banking facilities, without which no modern country can prosper. Although not as important as regular banks, savings banks are a gauge of public wealth, since their object is to gather the economies of the working classes and create capital for the promotion of industries. The only savings bank in Cuba failed in 1884, ruining in its fall not only those who had deposited their funds, but also the shareholders; and to this day no other institution has been established to take its place, and at the present moment there is not a single public institution where money can be deposited in large or small quantities earning interest! In foreign countries the thrift of the working classes is the corner-stone of new industries. Are there in Cuba any economies or annual profits that can be capitalised? The sugar industry, the base of Cuban wealth, yields to-day no profit save in exceptional cases. The tobacco industry since 1895 has been in a critical condition, and as all the other industries depend on these two, or are of comparatively limited importance, it may be said that work and capital yield no profit in Cuba at present; since either no profits are realised, or, if they are, they leave the Island. This aspect of the present economic situation of Cuba is of immense importance and not only explains the actual situation at this moment, but shows that the hope of improvement alone lies in the prosperity of these industries. The history of banking in Cuba is sad with financial disasters. The only bank which has survived during half a century is the Spanish Bank of the Island of Cuba. This concern was originally chartered as the Spanish Bank of Havana, and although it was a private institution, owned by shareholders, the Spanish Government maintained the right of appointing the governor, and in many other ways controlled its actions. At various times this bank has itself issued bank bills, and at other times it has been the medium through which the Spanish Government endeavoured to circulate its own paper money. The notes of the bank itself, as already stated, have never been repudiated, though during hard times, as a result of the Ten Years' War, the bank bills of the Spanish Bank were at a small discount. Sixteen years ago the Spanish Bank of Havana was reorganised and the name changed to the Spanish Bank of the Island of Cuba. At the present time this bank has no bills in circulation; the paper currency now valued at but a few cents on the dollar, which was issued during the war by the Spanish Government through the Spanish Bank of the Island of Cuba, is not regarded by the shareowners of the bank nor by the public as the issue of the bank itself. The history of these bills is briefly as follows: In order to meet the expenses of the last war, the Spanish Government arranged to issue $20,000,000 worth of paper money. As a security and partial fund for redemption of the same, the Madrid authorities deposited in the vaults of the Spanish Bank of the Island of Cuba $6,330,000 in silver against this issue. For a while this bullion, together with the mandate of the Spanish Government that these bills must be accepted as legal tender, kept the currency floating somewhat below par. The people of Cuba, however, had been deceived so many times in relation to paper money that they were suspicious of these bills from the beginning, and when in due course of time Spain gradually and dishonestly absorbed from the bank all silver upon which the paper money had been issued, the bills depreciated until they were absolutely refused in all business transactions. This entailed considerable loss, as the street railways and cabs of the city were compelled to take them in spite of this great depreciation in value. Finally, they were repudiated on all sides. A temporary value was given this paper by accepting ten per cent. in the payment of customs dues. This raised it up to twelve to fifteen cents on the dollar. Immediately upon the military occupancy of the United States the value of these bills fell still lower, and they are to-day worth but a few cents on the dollar, and are held chiefly by Government contractors and speculators. Realising that a decided change would take place in banking as soon as the United States took charge of affairs, the shareholders of the Bank of Spain met some months ago in Havana and reorganised the bank, making it a private concern, and changing its by-laws so that it could do business as a private institution, untrammelled by Government interference. Among other uses to which the Government of Spain put the Spanish Bank was that of a collecting agency for practically all taxes other than those of the custom-houses. The value of receipts for direct taxation that have been delivered for collection to the Spanish Bank of the Island of Cuba, from the fiscal year 1885-86, when this institution commenced the collection, with right of seizure, to 1894-95, both inclusive, actual amounts collected, deductions, and amounts pending collection as per vouchers, and accounts rendered to the Treasury by this institution, are as follows: ---------+-------------+-------------+-------------+------------+---------- | | |Deductions | |Per cent. Fiscal | Face Value. | Collected. |for which | Pending | of face Years. | | |Bank was not |Collections.|value un- | | |responsible. | |collected. ---------+-------------+-------------+-------------+------------+---------- | Pesos C.| Pesos C.| Pesos C. | Pesos C. | | | | | | 1885-86 | 5,021,271.25| 4,561,976.18| 438,029.78 | 21,265.29| 0.423 1886-87 | 5,240,651.50| 4,655,776.10| 547,435.19 | 37,440.21| 0.714 1887-88 | 5,386,627.83| 4,758,446.22| 575,840.11 | 52,341.50| 0.971 1888-89 | 5,316,367.75| 4,694,829.26| 549,628.25 | 71,910.24| 1.352 1889-90 | 4,878,047.21| 4,304,196.24| 497,220.89 | 76,630.08| 1.570 1890-91 | 5,336,611.25| 4,659,477.26| 571,994.17 | 105,139.82| 1.970 1891-92 | 4,242,982.34| 3,696,877.74| 428,374.80 | 117,729.80| 2.774 1893-93 | 5,357,928.97| 4,635,278.61| 572,890.51 | 149,759.85| 2.795 1893-94 | 5,092,200.41| 4,505,426.32| 432,163.62 | 154,610.47| 3.036 1894-95 | 5,163,321.70| 4,421,631.99| 534,492.41 | 207,197.30| 4.012 +-------------+-------------+-------------+------------+---------- |51,036,010.21|44,893,915.92|5,148,069.73 | 994,024.56| ---------+-------------+-------------+-------------+------------+---------- The above table gives a good idea of how this arrangement worked during normal times. There were two or three features in it, however, which were bad, and which the author is glad to notice that the United States Government in renewing the agreement of the Bank of Spain for the present fiscal year, that is, the year ending June 30, 1899, has obliterated. The Spanish Government paid the five per cent. on the receipts given the bank, and not on the money collected. This resulted in great abuses, because the delinquents during the years of war were fifteen, sixteen, and forty-three per cent. respectively. The punishment of delinquents has also been considerably modified by the United States authorities. The following table gives the receipts for direct taxation that have been delivered for collection to the Spanish Bank of the Island of Cuba from the fiscal year 1895-96 to 1896-97, both inclusive, actual amounts collected, deductions, and receipts pending collection up to December 12, 1898, as per data at hand in the Spanish Bank: -------+---------------+-------------+-------------+-------------+--------- | | |Deductions |Pending |Per cent. FISCAL| Face Value. | Collected |for which |Collections. |of face YEARS.| | |bank not is | |value un- | | |responsible. | |collected. -------+---------------+-------------+-------------+-------------+--------- | | | | | 1895-96|$ 4,802,936.66 |$3,460,998.24|$ 579,002.52 |$ 762,935.90|15.88 1896-97| 4,589,735.08 | 3,283,286.51| 547,975.70 | 758,472.87|16.52 1897-98| 4,341,112.87 | 2,250,806.74| 223,119.47 | 1,867,186.66|43.01 +---------------+-------------+-------------+-------------+--------- |$13,733,784.61 |$8,995,091.49|$1,350,097.69|$3,388,595.43| -------+---------------+-------------+-------------+-------------+--------- This table and the one preceding it were prepared for the author by the governor of the Spanish Bank of the Island of Cuba and differ from the table prepared by the Spanish authorities which will be found in the chapter on the revenue of Cuba. In the report furnished by the officials, the face value of the tax receipts is given in one column and the actual amount collected in another, the third column showing, under the caption of "Total Delinquent Taxes," the amounts uncollected, without any explanation as to why they were not collected. The governor of the Spanish Bank in the two tables given above includes a fourth column, namely, deductions for which the bank was not responsible. The bank authorities claim that the amounts represented in this column were receipts which were not valid, inasmuch as they were claims in many cases upon persons dead and upon property which had been destroyed by fire. The governor of the bank thinks it an injustice to the bank to add these under the general head of delinquent taxes, without this explanation. It is easy to enforce and collect the customs duties; but the collection of internal revenue taxes is a much more difficult matter. The United States authorities found, on coming into possession of the Island of Cuba, January 1st, that all the receipts of taxes for the present fiscal year were in the hands of the Spanish Bank of the Island of Cuba; that this institution had not only six or seven branch banks in various parts of the Island, but also in the neighbourhood of 258 sub-district or collecting agencies. The bank assumed all the responsibility of these agencies, and it was decided to place in its hands for the present fiscal year this work, for the reason that it had all the machinery and there would be no loss in revenue. An agreement was entered into between the Spanish Bank of the Island of Cuba and the United States military authorities, and an order issued from Washington to the bank to make the collection, but the arrangement engendered such opposition among the Cubans that the order was revoked and the work was placed entirely in the hands of the American authorities under General Brooke. CHAPTER XIV PAYMENT OF INSURGENT SOLDIERS The question of the payment of insurgent soldiers and of certain legitimate indebtedness incurred by the insurgent government has an important bearing upon the civil, if not the industrial reconstruction of the Island of Cuba. This matter was referred to a commission of Cuban officers, consisting of General Garcia, General José Miguel Gomez, Colonel Manuel Sanguily, Colonel José Ramon Villalon, Dr. José Gonzales Lanuza, Señor Gonzalo de Quesada, and Mr. Horatio S. Rubens, who acted as interpreter. This commission came to Washington in November for the purpose of aiding in the pacification of the people of Cuba. General Garcia unhappily was taken ill of pneumonia and died. This delayed the work somewhat and took from the commission one of its strongest members. The commission had several informal interviews with the President, the members of the Cabinet, and finally with the author, who, as Special Commissioner for the United States to Cuba, took the testimony of these gentlemen and prepared a report on the subject for the consideration of the President and Secretary of the Treasury. The substance of this report is of permanent public interest, as it was the first official step towards the settlement of a question that must be adjusted before the entire Cuban army will disband and go to work. It also has considerable bearing upon the industrial future of Cuba. The gentlemen comprising this commission were briefly informed by the author as to the work committed to him, namely, an inquiry into the economic condition of the Island of Cuba and the recommendation of such measures for the commercial and industrial reconstruction of that country as might appear advisable after impartially consulting all interests. They were told that so far as the United States was concerned, Cuba had won her economic and industrial freedom. That the work had been performed with scrupulous regard to the interest of the people of Cuba. That the aim had been the rehabilitation of its industries and the building up of the country generally with as little friction as possible. That in accordance with instructions received from both the President and Secretary of the Treasury the tariff of Cuba had been framed so that there should be no discrimination in favour of the United States, and that the same tariff laws would be applied alike to all countries, so that Cuba was now free to purchase her supplies in the world's markets wherever they were best and cheapest, and not compelled to buy in a dear market, as under Spanish rule. They were furthermore informed that hereafter the revenues of the country were to be used exclusively for the economical and honest government of the Island and that the largest portion would not be drained away to pay the enormous interest charged (aggregating $10,500,000) upon an indebtedness which had unrighteously been saddled upon a people already bowed down under the double yoke of war and debt. Lastly they were asked to state fully and frankly, as citizens of Cuba, their views on any subject bearing upon the reconstruction of Cuba. In reply, these gentlemen said, in substance, that they were entirely satisfied with the course the Government of the United States had pursued in relation to these economic questions, and realised the fact that Cuba had become free, commercially and industrially. They then proceeded to discuss the important problem of how the existing transitory condition of the Island could best be changed to a permanent civil life, without friction in Cuba or trouble and annoyance throughout the United States. Their purpose, they avowed, was simply to co-operate with the United States toward the restoration of order, without which, in their opinion, there could be no reconstruction of industries and no return of prosperity. Their purpose was, they assured the author, to advise with the people of the United States, to the end that everything might be harmonious and that the people of Cuba might get to work as soon as possible. Speaking for all the gentlemen above named, Colonel José R. Villalon said: "The discharge of the army of Cuba is a very complex and difficult problem. It has to be done for humanity's sake, in one sense; those men who have been working and suffering have to be remunerated in some way. But that is not the only point of view. We have got to look towards the maintaining of order and we have got to give them compensation or gratification or a certain amount of money with which they can go back to their homes and their agricultural labours. In doing that we have a duty to our country so far as the Cubans are concerned, but, at the same time, it seems to me that it is a high political measure on the part of the United States to prevent now what would afterwards be very difficult to suppress. If we scatter these 30,000 men (approximately) throughout the country without any resources whatever--men who for the last two or three years have been accustomed to live upon the resources of the country or forage on the enemy and who are used to the hardships of the campaign--it will not be very difficult to foresee that in spite of the good nature and good disposition of the people these men will be forced to do what they do not wish to do by their nature. If the men are left as they are, with their present needs unsupplied, they will go to the woods and will be a source of disorder and brigandage, which will be very difficult for the United States to suppress; and for the sake possibly of saving a few million dollars now the nation will be obliged afterwards to spend many more millions, in addition to the sacrifice of many lives. It is an economic question. Unless something is done to relieve their needs the disorder of the Island will be prolonged indefinitely. As an example, I would call attention to the case of your Indians in this country, who now and then break away. In Cuba the condition will be worse, for there they would have the shelter of the woods, and besides the Americans would not be able to stand the climate as well as they stand their own. Ultimately, of course, they will succumb, but it will be at the cost of a great many lives and a great many millions of dollars. [Illustration: MORRO CASTLE, SANTIAGO DE CUBA.] "Besides, there is another thing; that if to-day we provide for their needs and restore order, it is the wish of every inhabitant of Cuba to contribute their share towards this. If these men are supplied now, they will not have the moral support of the people of Cuba should they not go to work; but the people of Cuba will see that they are punished. If, however, they had the moral support of the people of Cuba it would be difficult to punish them. "There is another point, and that is with regard to the amount of money required. Although they have not said anything about this, nevertheless, there is a tendency to lessen this amount. We want to say that although the measure, in principle, will be very good, even if it does not attend to all of the needs at present; though it will be a moral obligation from ourselves to the United States, it will not solve the problem, because the sum determined upon is not enough. If the revenues of the Island of Cuba ought to be mortgaged to repay whatever advances they have received from the United States now, it will not be a very difficult matter to make this amount a few millions more." The above gives a fair summary of the general tenor of the testimony taken, and it is believed fairly represents the views of these gentlemen. Testimony was also taken in relation to the payment of certain legitimate debts which, as these gentlemen felt, the good faith of the people of Cuba had been pledged to pay. On being asked the probable amount of this indebtedness, they said it was not in excess of $2,250,000 or $2,500,000. The first and most important matter and the one which, they insist, will have much to do with the pacification of the Island, is the payment of some sort of compensation to the impoverished Cuban soldiers. These gentlemen were asked if they had in their possession any estimate as to the number of soldiers, the length of service, and the amount of money necessary for the purpose they had in mind. An itemised account, they were told, would make a useful supplement to the interesting and instructive testimony given. In compliance with this request, these gentlemen prepared and presented certain tables, with additional verbal testimony. This testimony was subsequently reduced to writing. It purports to be a statement showing the number of officers and privates of the Cuban army and their time of service. On behalf of Cuba, these gentlemen informed the author that had Cuba been recognised as an independent nation, their first duty would have been to pay all legal obligations contracted during the struggle for independence. They request that the United States, acting as trustee for Cuba, will give this subject a careful hearing and enable the people of Cuba to disband the army and complete the pacification of the Island. They recognise the fact that $3,000,000 has been appropriated for a purpose similar to this, but regard it as inadequate. The figures submitted by these gentlemen, as representing the pay which the insurgent army, in their opinion, has earned, are somewhat startling. The summary is as follows: ESTIMATE FOR PAYMENT OF INSURGENT TROOPS 11 Major-Generals $ 179,450 19 Generals of Division 296,175 54 Brigadier-Generals 682,825 153 Colonels 1,491,750 290 Lieutenant-Colonels 2,362,800 578 Majors 3,870,240 965 Captains 4,561,800 1245 Lieutenants 3,763,800 1794 Sub-Lieutenants 4,952,880 2130 1st Sergeants 3,796,200 3123 2d Sergeants 4,605,600 4509 Corporals 5,238,240 30,160 Privates 21,502,620 ------ ----------- 45,031 $57,304,380 The pay promised the Cuban army is very much higher (except in the grade of generals) than the amounts actually paid the officers and men in the United States army, as will be seen from the following comparison of the salaries of the two armies: SALARIES PAID CUBAN AND UNITED STATES ARMIES PER MONTH United Cuban. States. Major-General. $500 $625 General of Division 450 -- Brigadier-General 400 458.33 Colonel 325 290.67 Lieutenant-Colonel 275 250 Major 220 208.33 Captain 130 150 Lieutenant 100 125 Sub-Lieutenant 90 116.67 1st Sergeant 60 25 2d Sergeant 50 18 Corporal 40 15 Private 30 13 It is not assumed by the gentlemen who prepared the above estimates that claims of such magnitude could be seriously considered by an independent Republic. The resources of the Island at present are entirely inadequate to shoulder such a debt. Upon the reduced basis of the salaries paid the United States soldiers, the reduction would be about one half, or less than $30,000,000, an equally impossible sum. On the other hand, that some aid should be rendered by the United States to enable these soldiers to disband and go to work would seem both feasible and just. It could easily be met by the revenue of the Island, and would have a decided effect in securing permanent peace and the early establishment of a stable government in Cuba. If done now under the guidance of the United States it would prevent excessive payment to the troops hereafter. In the same manner the liquidation of the small amount of outstanding obligation--not exceeding $2,500,000--might settle the debt question for all time to come. Especially if all other advances for these purposes were prohibited until such debt was adjusted to the satisfaction of the United States. In case the ultimate solution of the Cuban question should be, as it is quite within the range of probability, annexation, the independent government will not previously have had the opportunity of incurring improvident indebtedness, which ultimately may have to be assumed by the United States. In short, whatever may be done in this matter, or however it may be done, the United States should control and safeguard the finances of the Island for a considerable period. It has been very truly stated that should an independent government be established and recognised, the United States will no longer be able to control the financial legislation of the Island. It can, however, by the plan proposed, and very properly, not only save money for Cuba while under its military possession or control, but also prevent the making of unnecessary improvident or other loans by such independent government, except with the consent, or approval in advance, of the United States. This can be readily done, if, when making an advance for the benefit of Cuba, the right to apply the customs receipts and other revenues of the Island to the repayment of the principal and interest of such advance be reserved to the United States. In this way all reckless expenditure may be prevented and all speculative or independent bond issues be avoided and at the same time quick assistance be rendered those whose position at present is deplorable in the extreme. CHAPTER XV REVENUE--CUSTOMS TARIFF The revenues and expenditures of the Island of Cuba for the fiscal year 1898-99, according to the reports obtained by the author from the Secretary of the Treasury, Marquis Rafael Montoro, may be thus summarised: BALANCE OF THE ESTIMATED RECEIPTS AND EXPENDITURES OF THE BUDGET OF THE ISLAND OF CUBA FOR 1898-99 --------------------------------------+----------------------------------- Expenditures. Amount. | Receipts. Amount. --------------------------------------+----------------------------------- Sovereignty | Taxes and Imposts $ 6,142,500 Expenditure $22,500,808.59 | Custom-Houses 14,705,000 _Local._ | Internal Revenue 1,640,650 General Expenditures 159,605.50 | Lotteries 1,900,500 State-Church, Justice, | State Property 435,000 and Government 1,612,859.44 | Miscellaneous Revenue 1,536,000 Treasury 708,978.51 | ----------- Public Instruction 247,033.02 | Estimates of Total Public Works and | Revenue $26,359,650 Communications 1,036,582.10 | Agriculture, Industry, | and Commerce 108,178.52 | -------------- | $26,374,045.68 | Deduct Amounts not | Specified 17,314.27 | -------------- | Total $26,356,731.41 | Receipts $ 26,359,650.00 Expenses 26,356,731.41 --------------- Surplus $2,918.59 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- While the revenues are all derived from the various species of taxation exacted from the people of Cuba, the expenditures are divided into two important classes: those under the head of "Sovereignty Expenses," or expenses of the General Government, which, according to this estimate, aggregate $22,500,808.59, and those which, under the head of "Local Expenses" aggregating $3,873,237.09, constitute the expenditures for the immediate necessities of the Island. In order to obtain a clear view of the possibilities of revenue and the probable future expenses of the Island of Cuba, these receipts and expenditures should be further examined. Taxes in Cuba, as will be seen from the above exhibit, are collected under six general classifications, namely: (1) taxes and imposts, including excise and liquor taxes, and taxes on railway freight and passengers; (2) receipts from custom-houses, which include taxes on imports and exports, loading and unloading merchandise, fines and passports; (3) internal revenue, including stamped paper,[14] postage stamps, warrants for payment issued by the State, diplomas and titles, stamps on letters of exchange or deeds of transfer, on insurance policies, on matches, and on almost every other conceivable sort of deed and document; (4) lotteries, are put down in the above table as yielding $1,900,500; (5) revenue from State property, including rents and sale of lands and rent from docks; (6) revenue from miscellaneous sources, some of which seem somewhat mythical. These comprise the general sources of revenue which appear in this report, and from which the Secretary of the Treasury, Marquis Montoro, informed the author he hoped to secure for the fiscal year 1898-99 the following sums: Estimated Amount Sources of Revenue. Spanish Gold. Taxes and Imposts $ 6,142,500 Custom-Houses 14,705,000 Internal Revenue 1,640,650 Lotteries 1,900,500 State Property 435,000 Miscellaneous Revenue 1,536,000 ---------- Total Estimated Revenue $26,359,650 As to how much of this has been collected or how much can be collected, it is impossible to say with any degree of certainty. Spanish official reports are not very reliable documents at the best, and during the last three years of internal dissensions, frequent changes in officials, and war, they appear to be at their worst. The only possible light on the subject which the author was able to obtain was a statement of the actual taxes as levied between 1887 and 1897, inclusive, and the actual amounts collected at the custom-houses and by the Spanish Bank of the Island of Cuba, for under Spanish administration the latter institution collected all taxes other than customs. According to these figures, the custom-house receipts of Cuba fell from $14,708,509.10 in 1895 to $9,648,369.94 in 1897-98. While the value of the tax receipts handed to the Spanish Bank for collection for the fiscal year 1896-97 exceeded $5,000,000, the actual money collected was only $3,266,583.37, while for the next fiscal year, 1897-98, out of receipts aggregating in the neighbourhood of $4,500,000, only $2,377,742.21 was realised. The exhibits show that rural real estate, which, under prosperous conditions, should yield in taxes from $880,000 to $1,000,000, is incapable of paying anything. Out of receipts aggregating in 1897-98 over $800,000, the Spanish Bank only collected $89,661.98 from these properties. Nor will it be possible in the reconstruction of the Island to secure revenue from these sources, for the burned and destroyed estates are yielding nothing to their owners. City property which, in times of prosperity, should yield upward of $2,000,000, or even $3,000,000, in 1897-98 only yielded $1,140,230.12. This tax, however, and the receipts from customs will be the first to recover, as the immediate effects of permanent peace and honest government will be felt in the cities and towns and seaports. Lotteries will become a doubtful, if not impossible source of revenue. The collections from internal revenue may keep up to the estimate, though the income from State property and miscellaneous revenues seems upon examination a rather doubtful resource for the new government to rely upon. Judged from the actual revenue collected in 1897-98, had present conditions prevailed, it is extremely doubtful if the real revenue collected for 1898-99 would have reached more than half the rosy estimates put forth by the Marquis Montoro. The fact is apparent to those who know existing conditions in Cuba that the people of the Island are just now in such an impoverished condition that the agricultural interests are simply incapable of paying taxes. The cities will soon be all right again, and under honest municipal government, taxes on urban property will be paid. The influx of commodities of all sorts, to make up for losses and destruction by war and low stocks due to the blockade, will increase the custom-house receipts. The reduction of duties on machinery and railway supplies may increase the importations of these articles, and thus the lower rates of duty will yield a revenue which the present high rates, by making importations impossible, fail to do. By putting an end to smuggling, and by honestly administering the custom-houses, the United States Government may increase the revenue, but the proposed reduction of duties of the amended tariff in a measure offsets this. Unless, therefore, some new source of revenue is found practicable (and the Spanish seem to have exhausted all known means of raising revenue), reliance for the future will have to be on five of the six revenue sources above enumerated. If for the first year or two they should yield in all $15,000,000, it will probably be all the revenue that may safely be estimated. Much will naturally depend upon the foreign imports. The cable despatches from Havana, as this volume goes to press, indicate that the customs revenue will be fully up to the author's estimates. Aside from special imports, such as specie, leaf tobacco, etc., the value of the imports of merchandise proper into Cuba the last normal year (1895) was upward of $60,000,000. An average tariff rate of twenty-five per cent. on this valuation of imported merchandise would itself yield $15,000,000. As a matter of fact, the duties collected in 1895 were $14,587,920.57, on a total importation of merchandise other than specie of $61,443,334.65, or about an average of twenty-five per cent. To be sure, the nominal tariff rates were much higher in 1895 than they will be in 1899, but there is a possibility of making up for the loss by reason of lower duties by abolishing smuggling and honestly administering the custom-houses. It is impossible, however, to estimate on this, because, to do so with any degree of success, it would be necessary to reduce to figures the losses of revenue by smuggling, undervaluation, and misclassification. This is an impossibility. The tariff which the Spanish Government enacted and put in force in the Island of Cuba in September, 1897, and which, with modifications in the shape of war taxes, was in force in ports of Cuba in possession of the Spanish Government until the change of government, January 1, 1899, is based upon the preceding tariffs. Both this tariff and its predecessors seem to lack rational basis, so far as Cuba is concerned, the aim apparently being to secure, by the means of exorbitant customs duties revenue for the Spanish exchequer and profits for Spanish subjects, without the slightest regard for the welfare of the people of Cuba. While the duties seem to have been levied with this idea, the classifications and methods of administration are so complicated and obscure that they easily lend themselves to every known species of revenue fraud, from false classifications and undervaluations to smuggling of the most barefaced character. In fact, the author, after a careful inquiry into the Cuban tariff and an examination of several hundred witnesses in Havana and other cities of Cuba, reached the conclusion that almost every form of revenue iniquity has been perpetrated upon the people of this Island by the ruling powers. Not only was the tariff constructed in a way that compelled the Cuban producer to purchase the articles he needed and could not himself manufacture, of Spain, instead of in the cheaper markets, but also it levied almost prohibitive duties on such articles as Spain could not under any circumstances send to Cuba. For example, the Spanish exporter was able, by a discriminating duty of more than one hundred per cent. against other countries, to import from Minnesota to Barcelona American flour and reship it to Cuba at a price just below the price of the American article shipped direct to Cuba, upon which a duty nearly three times as great as that exacted from Spain had to be paid. On the other hand, Spain took little interest in such articles as machinery and railway supplies, including steel rails and locomotives, because she neither produced them nor could she purchase elsewhere and reship as Spanish production. The amended tariff for the Island, which went into force January 1, 1899, was framed on the general plan of the "open door" for all nations; that is, the merchandise of all nations will be admitted on an equal footing, or at the same rate of duty. There is but one uniform rate of duty, and that, as far as possible, a revenue, not a protective rate. In a few cases, a protective rate has been allowed, for the purpose of encouraging Cuban home industry, but as over half of all the imports into Cuba are food products, not produced to advantage in the Island, the rates of duty rarely exceed twenty-five per cent. ad valorem. In this connection, it will be interesting to note the value of the merchandise imported, divided by schedules or classes (page 217). It will be seen from the following exhibit that Schedule 12, "Alimentary Substances," covering all food products, is the most important of all the schedules, representing more than half the total imports into Cuba during 1895, and aggregating over $31,000,000. Next in importance to this is Schedule 4, "Cotton and Manufactures thereof," aggregating nearly $6,000,000, or ten per cent. of the total imports; Schedule 1, "Ores, etc.," aggregating in the neighbourhood of $4,750,000, ranking third, and so on through the list. TABLE SHOWING VALUE OF IMPORTS INTO CUBA BY TARIFF CLASSES FOR THE LAST NORMAL YEAR, 1895-96 ----------+---------------------------------------------+--------------- Number of | | Value Imports, Schedule. | Commodity. | 1895-96. ----------+---------------------------------------------+--------------- Class I. | Stones, earths, ores, etc. | $ 4,733,358.12 " II. | Metals, and manufactures of | 2,063,281.95 " III. | Pharmacy and chemicals | 2,166,414.92 " IV. | Cotton, and manufactures of | 5,908,202.23 " V. | Hemp, flax, jute, and other vegetable | | fibres and manufactures of | 3,587,713.23 " VI. | Wool, bristles, etc., and manufactures of | 1,060,192.13 " VII. | Silk, and manufactures of | 315,010.00 " VIII. | Paper and its applications | 1,257,132.94 " IX. | Wood, etc., and manufactures of | 2,054,057.57 " X. | Animals and animal wastes | 3,880,209.64 " XI. | Instruments, machinery, etc. | 2,123,315.43 " XII. | Alimentary substances | 31,179,289.98 " XIII. | Miscellaneous | 1,115,156.51 | +--------------- | | $61,443,334.65 ----------+---------------------------------------------+--------------- In conjunction with the above table, the following recapitulation of values of exports and reshipments into Cuba during 1895-96 is given: RECAPITULATION OF VALUES OF EXPORTS AND RESHIPMENTS IN CUBA DURING 1895-96 ------------+---------------+---------------+ | First | Second | Exports | Quarter | Quarter | ------------+---------------+---------------+ Classes of | | | goods: | | | Timber | $ 286,190.70 | $ 267,068.47 | Cigars | 6,616,458.97 | 4,374,938.70 | Sugar | 26,288,456.91 | 30,457,278.50 | Molasses | 427,886.11 | 1,010,657.35 | Rum and | | | liquors | 352,393.44 | 292,808.18 | Other | | | articles | 1,332,714.86 | 2,538,509.69 | +---------------+---------------+ Total | 35,304,100.99 | 38,941,260.89 | +---------------+---------------+ Reshipment: | | | Foreign | | | goods | 15,462.65 | 8,477.91 | Spanish | | | goods | 61,343.08 | 27,477.62 | +---------------+---------------+ Total | 76,805.73 | 35,955.53 | +---------------+---------------+ Special | | | exports | 207,477.55 | 166,881.15 | +---------------+---------------+ Grand | | | total |$35,588,384.27 |$39,144,097.57 | ------------+---------------+---------------+ ------------+---------------+---------------+--------------- | Third | Fourth | Exports | Quarter | Quarter | Total ------------+---------------+---------------+--------------- Classes of | | | goods: | | | Timber | $ 200,878.03 | $ 130,463.90 | $ 848,601.10 Cigars | 6,389,770.95 | 6,666,672.71 | 24,047,841.33 Sugar | 10,679,269.55 | 7,572,016.36 | 74,997,021.32 Molasses | 152,205.65 | 8,846.30 | 1,599,595.41 Rum and | | | liquors | 267,277.53 | 121,991.00 | 1,034,470.15 Other | | | articles | 2,738,024.01 | 1,112,242.44 | 7,721,491.00 +---------------+---------------+--------------- Total | 20,427,425.72 | 15,612,232.71 | 110,285,020.31 +---------------+---------------+--------------- Reshipment: | | | Foreign | | | goods | 17,567.05 | 27,524.08 | 69,031.69 Spanish | | | goods | 28,718.17 | 29,276.53 | 146,815.40 +---------------+---------------+--------------- Total | 46,285.22 | 56,800.61 | 215,847.09 +---------------+---------------+--------------- Special | | | exports | 2,092,960.13 | 153,326.30 | 2,620,645.13 +---------------+---------------+--------------- Grand | | | total |$22,566,671.07 |$15,822,359.62 |$113,121,512.53 ------------+---------------+---------------+--------------- The grand total of the trade of the Cuban ports for the last normal year was nearly $175,000,000. Perhaps with allowance for smuggling and undervaluations, this total may have reached $200,000,000; possibly it may have exceeded those figures. However this may be, Cuba, under a satisfactory government and normal conditions, may be easily said to represent from $200,000,000 to $250,000,000 in the world's commerce. This fact gives some idea of the vast trade possibilities of Cuba after a complete rehabilitation and industrial reconstruction of the Island. In the following table the author has carefully compiled from the several available sources of information the average receipts from 1886 to 1897, inclusive, of the several custom-houses of Cuba: TOTAL CUSTOM-HOUSE RECEIPTS IN ISLAND OF CUBA FROM 1886 TO 1897, INCLUSIVE ------------------------+-----------------+----------------+--------- | Total for | Average per | Ratio of Custom-Houses. | Twelve Years. | Year. | Total. ------------------------+-----------------+----------------+--------- Havana | $106,132,753.38 | $ 8,844,396.11 | 69.9 Cienfuegos | 13,691,144.65 | 1,140,928.72 | 9.0 Matanzas | 9,381,754.10 | 781,812.84 | 6.2 Santiago de Cuba | 7,668,501.66 | 639,041.81 | 5.1 Cardenas | 4,363,935.76 | 363,661.32 | 2.9 Sagua la Grande | 2,994,082.56 | 249,506.88 | 2.0 Caibarien | 1,705,523.71 | 142,126.97 | 1.1 Nuevitas | 1,564,595.30 | 130,382.94 | 1.0 Guantanamo | 1,380,693.44 | 115,057.79 | 0.9 Gibara | 1,186,480.34 | 98,873.37 | 0.8 Manzanillo | 913,896.91 | 76,158.07 | 0.6 Baracoa | 373,498.11 | 31,124.85 | 0.2 Trinidad | 194,656.85 | 16,221.40 | 0.1 Santa Cruz | 107,935.59 | 8,994.63 | 0.1 Zaza | 91,276.51 | 7,606.38 | 0.1 ------------------------+-----------------+----------------+--------- Total | $151,750,728.87 | $12,645,894.08 | 100.00 ------------------------+-----------------+----------------+--------- During the twelve years, it should be stated the largest amount of revenue was collected in 1886, when it was $15,330,778.96, and the smallest amount last year, namely, $9,648,369.94. The receipts show the working of the Reciprocity Treaty with the United States, which, while it greatly added to the prosperity of the Island, decreased the revenues which Spain sought to secure for herself. From the above table it will be seen that the total amount of revenue collected during these twelve years averaged $12,645,894.08 per year; that the custom-house of Havana collected 69.9 per cent, and Cienfuegos--which is an important city, and, in the opinion of the author, the city which, under the new conditions, will show the most rapid development--9 per cent., ranking second. In the custom-house district of Santiago, the average revenue receipts per year have been 5.1 per cent. The inclusion in this district of Guantanamo, Gibara, Manzanillo, and Baracoa will probably increase the collections for the province to nearly ten per cent. of the total revenue of the Island. The following is a similar table to that given above, but gives at a glance the customs receipts from imports and exports at each port: RECEIPTS FROM IMPORTS AND EXPORTS--1886-1897 ----------------+---------------------------+------------------------- | IMPORTS. | EXPORTS. +---------------+-----------+--------------+---------- | | | | | Average | Per Cent. | Average | Per Cent. Custom-Houses. | Twelve Years. | of Total | Twelve Years.| of Total | | imports. | | Exports. | | | | ----------------+---------------+-----------+--------------+---------- Havana |$ 7,882,855.48 | | $ 961,540.63 | Cienfuegos | 1,094,962.53 | | 45,966.19 | Matanzas | 723,978.04 | | 57,834.80 | Santiago de Cuba| 625,517.97 | | 13,523.84 | Cardenas | 297,738.05 | | 65,923.27 | Sagua la Grande | 207,422.23 | | 42,084.65 | Caibarien | 127,011.98 | | 15,114.99 | Nuevitas | 122,282.25 | | 8,100.69 | Guantanamo | 103,198.88 | | 11,858.91 | Gibara | 63,371.21 | | 35,502.16 | Manzanillo | 60,664.85 | | 15,493.22 | Baracoa | 31,122.49 | | 2.36 | Trinidad | 11,963.02 | | 4,258.38 | Santa Cruz | 4,679.98 | | 4,314.65 | Zaza | 4,520.12 | | 3,086.26 | ----------------+---------------+-----------+--------------+---------- Aggregate |$11,361,289.08 | 8.33 |$1,284,605.00 | 8.33 ----------------+---------------+-----------+--------------+---------- During the war, as already explained, the customs receipts have naturally declined, therefore the year preceding that has been selected as indicating the average revenue from custom-houses, when not disturbed by commercial treaty, such as that made in connection with the McKinley Tariff law of the United States, nor the other disturbances, such as civil war and subsequently the blockade of Cuban ports by the United States navy. The value of the following table is in the fact that it shows customs receipts from the several sources other than those which may be considered strictly import duties. CUSTOM-HOUSE RECEIPTS DURING 1895-96, SPECIFYING TAXES --------------+-------------+-------------+ | First | Second | Tariff | Quarter | Quarter | --------------+-------------+-------------+ Import Duties |$2,464,392.70|$2,387,357.28| Ten per cent. | | | on Imports | 272,162.34| 237,673.86| Provisional | | | fifteen per | | | cent. on | | | Imports | 84,126.55| 312,346.57| Export Duties | 344,850.62| 227,858.34| Navigation Tax| 2,539.75| 4,635.50| Loading Tax | 254,316.53| 346,953.59| Unloading Tax | 140,562.35| 128,938.58| Passenger Tax | 8,925.75| 7,808.00| Merchants' | | | Bonds | 332.05| 143.50| Fines | 18,308.40| 22,496.45| Interest on | | | Promissory | | | Notes | 695.03| ..........| Excise Tax | 333,003.78| 252,265.95| +-------------+-------------+ Totals $3,924,215.85|$3,928,477.62| ----------------------------+-------------+ --------------+-------------+-------------+-------------- | Third | Fourth | Tariff | Quarter | Quarter | Total --------------+-------------+-------------+-------------- Import Duties |$1,947,152.48|$1,977,028.01|$ 8,775,930.47 Ten per cent. | | | on Imports | 521,216.92| 209,483.87| 970,536.99 Provisional | | | fifteen per | | | cent. on | | | Imports | 302,821.71| 267,337.93| 966,632.76 Export Duties | 359,135.46| 369,237.95| 1,301,082.37 Navigation Tax| 6,232.50| 5,305.00| 18,712.75 Loading Tax | 124,242.98| 91,509.85| 817,022.95 Unloading Tax | 129,965.77| 112,984.47| 512,451.17 Passenger Tax | 6,190.25| 6,229.75| 29,153.75 Merchants' | | | Bonds | 208.56| 228.84| 912.95 Fines | 13,346.50| 16,663.15| 70,814.50 Interest on | | | Promissory | | | Notes | ..........| ..........| 695.03 Excise Tax | 333,525.56| 205,179.59| 1,123,974.88 +-------------+-------------+-------------- Totals $3,474,038.69|$3,261,188.41|$14,587,920.57 Having treated as fully as possible on the revenue of Cuba in the past from customs and made such forecasts as to the probable revenue as would seem warranted by the official figures, the next chapter will be devoted to a summary of the schedules of the amended tariff now in force, which will probably remain during United States occupancy the customs revenue law of the Island. [Illustration: PALM-TREE BRIDGE.] CHAPTER XVI THE AMENDED CUBAN TARIFF--OFFICIAL After a careful consideration of the facts given in the foregoing chapter, Assistant-Secretary of the Treasury, William B. Howell, and the author recommended the adoption of the following amended tariff, the order for the establishment of which President McKinley signed on the 13th of December, 1898; and the tariff was promulgated and took effect in all Cuban ports in the possession of the United States January 1, 1899. The new tariff, at the time this volume goes to press, is reported by the several custom-houses of the Island as working smoothly, and yielding an amount of revenue equivalent to the estimates given in the chapters relating to the revenue of the Island. CUSTOMS TARIFF FOR PORTS IN CUBA FREE LIST The undermentioned articles may be imported into Cuba exempt from the duties stipulated in the tariffs on compliance with the prescribed conditions and the formalities established for every case in the customs ordinances: 346. Manures, natural. 347. Trees, plants, and moss, in natural or fresh state. 348. National products returning from foreign exhibitions, on presentation of the bill of lading or certificate proving their exportation from the Island and of satisfactory evidence attesting that such products have been presented and have been shipped to their point of departure. 349. Carriages, trained animals, portable theatres, panoramas, wax figures, and other similar objects for public entertainment, imported temporarily, provided bond be given. 350. Receptacles exported from Cuba with fruits, sugar, molasses, honey, and brandy, and reimported empty, including receptacles of galvanised iron intended for the exportation of alcohol. 351. Specimens and collections of mineralogy, botany, and zoology; also small models for public museums, schools, academies, and scientific and artistic corporations, on proof of their destination. 352. Used furniture of persons coming to settle in the Island. 353. Samples of felt, wall paper, and tissues, when they comply with the following conditions: (_a_) When they do not exceed 40 centimetres in length, measured in the warp or length of the piece, even when such samples have the entire width of the piece. The width shall, for tissues, be determined by the list, and for felts and wall paper by the narrow border which has not passed through the press. (_b_) Samples not having these indications shall only be admitted free of duty when they do not exceed 40 centimetres in any dimension. (_c_) In order to avoid abuse, the samples declared for free entry must have cuts at every 20 centimetres of their width, so as to render them unfit for any other purpose. 354. Samples of trimmings in small pieces, of no commercial value or possible application. 355. Archæological and numismatical objects for public museums, academies, and scientific and artistic corporations, on proof of their destination. 356. Works of fine art acquired by the Government, academies, or other official corporations, and intended for museums, galleries, or art schools, when due proof is given as to their destination. 357. Gold in bars, powder, or coined; also national silver or bronze coins. 358. Wearing apparel, toilet objects, and articles for personal use, bed and table linen, books, portable tools and instruments, theatrical costumes, jewels, and table services bearing evident trace of having been used, imported by travellers in their luggage in quantities proportionate to their class, profession, and position. 359. When travellers do not bring their baggage with them, the clearing of the same may be made by the conductor or persons authorised for the purpose, provided they prove, to the satisfaction of the customs, that the effects are intended for private use. 360. Stone, unwrought, for paving purposes. 361. Ploughs, hoes, hatchets, machetes, cane knives, etc., for agricultural purposes, and other agricultural implements not machinery. 362. Quinine, sulphate and bisulphate of, and all alkaloids or salts of cinchona bark. 363. Hemp, flax, and ramie, raw, hackled, or tow. 364. Abaca, heniquen, pita, jute, and other vegetable fibres, raw, hackled, or tow. 365. Single yarns made of jute for the manufacture of sugar bags only, to be imported by sugar-bag manufacturers only, the importer to give a bond to use the yarn exclusively for the manufacture of sugar bags. 366. Books, maps, and scientific instruments, for the use of schools. 367. Coal and coke. 368. Mineral, carbonated or seltzer waters, natural or artificial, root beer, ginger ale, and other similar non-alcoholic beverages, not otherwise provided for. 369. Fresh fish. 370. Second-hand clothing donated for charitable purposes to needy persons, and not for sale. 371. Articles of the growth, produce, and manufacture of the island of Cuba exported to a foreign country and returned without having been advanced in value or improved in condition by any process of manufacture or other means, and upon which no drawback or bounty has been allowed. IMPORT RATES OF DUTY ABBREVIATIONS EMPLOYED IN THE TARIFF G. W. = Gross weight. N. W. = Net weight. G. W.; T. = Gross weight or tare, as the case may be. T. = Tare. S. T. = Special tare. Kil. = Kilograms. Kilog. = Kilogram. Hectog. = Hectogram. Hectol. = Hectoliter. Duties shall be paid in United States money, or in foreign gold coin, such as the Spanish alfonsinos (centen) and the French louis, which will be accepted at the following rates: Alfonsinos (25-peseta piece), $4.82; louis (20-franc piece), $3.86. The following Spanish silver coins now in circulation in the Island of Cuba shall be received for customs at the following fixed rates in American money: Peso, 60 cents; medio peso, 30 cents; peseta, 12 cents; real, 6 cents; medio real, 3 cents. Bronze and copper coins now current in the Island of Cuba will be received at their face value for fractional parts of a dollar in a single payment to an amount not exceeding 12 cents (1 peseta). The metrical system of weights and measures is in use in Cuba. Importations from the United States are dutiable like other commodities. CLASS I.--STONES, EARTHS, ORES, GLASS, AND CERAMIC PRODUCTS GROUP I.--_Stones and earths employed in building, arts, and manufactures_ 1. Marble, jasper, and alabaster: _a._ In the rough or in dressed pieces, squared or prepared for shaping, G. W......100 kil. $0.50 _b._ Slabs, plates, or steps of any dimension, polished or not, G.W......100 kil. 1.00 _c._ Sculptures, high and bas-reliefs, vases, urns, and similar articles for house decoration, T......100 kil. 3.10 _d._ Wrought or chiselled into other articles, polished or not, T......100 kil. 2.00 2. Stones, other, natural or artificial: _a._ Slabs, plates, or steps, G. W......do. .50 _b._ Wrought into all other articles, T......do. 1.00 3. Earths employed in manufactures and arts: Cement, lime, and gypsum, G. W.....100 kil. .60 4. Gypsum manufactured into articles: _a._ Statuettes, T......do. 3.00 _b._ Articles, other, T......do. .75 GROUP 2. _Coal._ (See Free list). GROUP 3.----_Schists, bitumens, and their derivatives_ 6. Tar and mineral pitch, asphalts, bitumens, and schists, G. W.,.....100 kil. $ 0.60 7. Oleonaphtha, crude natural petroleum and crude oils derived from schists, G. W......100 kil. 1.40 _a._ Crude petroleum to be used exclusively in the manufacture of illuminating gas and only at gas works in Cuba, said gas works to be subject to inspection by the customs authorities, and to be used for no other purpose, provided that the importer gives such bond as may be regarded necessary by the acting collector, G. W......100 kil. .70 8. Petroleum and other mineral oils, rectified or refined, intended for illumination; benzine, gasoline, and mineral oils not specially mentioned; vaseline, G. W......100 kil. 4.70 _a._ A product from petroleum known under the name of cordage oil, imported by and used exclusively for cordage works in their manufacture of rope and cordage, provided that the importation be made at the direct demand of the president of the cordage company, and that the latter submit their works at all times to the inspection of the customs authorities, and that the importer give such bond as may be regarded necessary by the acting collector, G. W......100 kil. 2.35 GROUP 4.----Ores 9. Ores, G. W......100 kil. .10 GROUP 5.----_Crystal and Glass_ 10. Common or ordinary hollow glassware; electric insulators, T......100 kil. 1.00 Common bottles of glass, intended to contain beer, rum, and sparkling wines, manufactured with native fruit, and garrafones or demijohns and siphons to contain mineral, carbonated, or seltzer waters, shall enjoy a rebate of 60 per cent. of the duties stipulated in this number, when imported and declared in the custom-house by the manufacturers of said beverages. 11. Crystal, and glass imitating crystal: _a._ Articles, cut, engraved, or gilt, T......100 kil. 14.00 _b._ Articles, other, T......do. 7.00 12. Plate glass and crystal: _a._ Slabs, paving or roofing, T......100 kil. 1.65 _b._ For windows or in other articles, provided they be neither polished, bevelled, engraved, nor annealed, T......100 kil. 3.40 _c._ Window glass set in lead and polished, or bevelled plate glass, T......100 kil. $ 4.90 _d._ Articles, engraved or annealed, T......do. 9.80 13. Glass and crystal, tinned, silvered, or coated with other metals: _a._ Common mirrors not exceeding 2 mm. in thickness, coated with red or dark mercurial varnish, T......100 kil. 10.00 _b._ Mirrors, other, not bevelled, T......do. 15.00 _c._ Mirrors, bevelled, T......do. 18.00 14. Glass and crystal in statuettes, flower stands, and vases and similar articles for toilet purposes and house decorations; spectacle and watch glasses; imitations of precious or fine stones; enamel, T......kilog. .56 15. Incandescent electric lamps, mounted or not hundred. 2.50 GROUP 6.----_Pottery, earthenware, and porcelain_ 16. Bricks of clay, not glazed, for building purposes, furnaces, etc.; articles of fire clay, G. W......100 kil. .30 17. Roofing tiles of clay, not glazed, for building purposes, per square (10 by 10 feet) 1.50 18. Slabs or conduits of clay, glazed or unglazed, cement or stoneware, G. W......100 kil. .50 19. Ceramic tiles of all kinds and glazed roofing tiles, per square (10 by 10 feet) 2.50 20. Hollow ware, glazed or not, of clay or stoneware: _a._ Household and kitchen utensils, T......100 kil. .80 _b._ Dishes or other articles, provided that they be neither gilt, painted, nor ornamented in relief, T. .....100 kil. 5.50 _c._ Common bottles of earthenware, to contain beer, etc......do. 1.00 _d._ Articles, gilt, painted, or ornamented in relief, T......do. 5.60 21. Hollow ware or dishes of faience: _a._ Neither painted, gilt, nor in relief, T......do. 3.50 _b._ Gilt, painted, or with ornaments in relief, T......do. 6.40 22. Hollow ware or dishes of porcelain: _a._ Neither painted, gilt, nor in relief, T......do. 5.80 _b._ Painted, gilt, or with ornaments in relief, T......do. 9.30 23. Statuettes, flower stands, and vases, high and bas-reliefs, articles for toilet purposes and house decoration, of fine clay, faience, stoneware, porcelain, or bisque, T......kilog. .25 CLASS II.--METALS, AND ALL MANUFACTURES IN WHICH A METAL ENTERS AS A PRINCIPAL ELEMENT GROUP I.--_Gold, silver, and platinum, and alloys of these metals_ 24. Gold and platinum in jewelry or goldsmiths' wares, with or without precious stones or pearls; jewelry or wares of silver, with precious stones, pearls and seed pearls, not set, N. W. hectog. $7.50 25. Gold or platinum wrought in articles, other, of all kinds, N. W. hectog. $2.80 26. Silver in ingots, bars, plates, sheets, or powder, N. W. kilog. 2.60 27. Jewelry or wares of silver, without precious stones or pearls, N.W. hectog. 1.50 28. Silversmiths' wares, other, of all kinds, and platinum in ingots, N. W. .....kilog. 8.00 29. Plate, N. W......do. 2.40 GROUP 2.--_Cast iron_ (I) (I) Articles of malleable cast iron are dutiable as manufactures of wrought iron, Cast iron: 30. Pigs, G. W......100 kil. .10 31. Articles not coated or ornamented with another metal or porcelain, neither polished or turned-- _a._ Bars, beams, plates, grates for furnaces, columns, and pipes, G. W......100 kil. .50 _b._ Lubricating boxes for railway trucks and carriages, and railway chairs, G. W......100 kil. .35 _c._ Articles, other, G. W......do. .75 32. Articles of all kinds not coated or ornamented with another metal or porcelain, polished or turned, T......100 kil. 1.20 33. Articles of all kinds, enamelled, gilt, tinned, or coated or ornamented with other metals or porcelain, T......100 kil. 2.30 GROUP 3.--_Wrought iron and steel_ 34. Iron, soft or wrought, in ingots or "tochos"; steel in ingots, G. W., .....100 kil. .40 35. Wrought iron or steel, rolled-- _a._ Rails, G. W......do. .425 _b._ Bars of all kinds, including rods, tires, hoops, and beams, G. W......100 kil. .90 _c._ Bars of all kinds of fine crucible steel, G. W......do. 1.60 36. Sheets, rolled-- _a._ Neither polished nor tinned, of 3 millimetres and more in thickness, G. W......100 kil. 1.10 _b._ Neither polished nor tinned, of less than 3 millimetres in thickness, and hoop iron, G. W......100 kil. 1.20 _c._ Tinned and tin plate, G. W......do. 1.50 _d._ Polished, corrugated, perforated, cold-rolled, galvanised or not, and bands of polished hoop iron, G. W......100 kil. 1.30 37. Wrought iron or steel: Cast in pieces, in the rough, neither polished, turned, nor adjusted, weighing, each-- _a._ 25 kil. or more, G. W......100 kil. $1.00 _b._ Less than 25 kil., G. W......do. 1.35 38. Cast in pieces, finished-- _a._ Wheels weighing more than 100 kilograms, fish plates, chairs, sleepers, and straight axles; springs for railways and tramways; lubricating boxes, G. W......100 kil. .60 _b._ Wheels weighing 100 kilograms or less; springs other than for railways and tramways; bent axles and cranks, G. W. .....100 kil. 1.40 39. Pipes-- _a._ Covered with sheet brass, G. W......do. 1.40 _b._ Other, galvanised or not, G. W......do. 1.40 40. Wire, galvanised or not-- _a._ 2 millim. or more in diameter, T......do. 1.00 _b._ More than 1/2 and up to 2 millim. in diameter, T......do. 1.30 _c._ 1/2 millim. or less in diameter, and wire covered with any kind of tissue, T......100 kil. 1.60 41. In large pieces, composed of bars or bars and sheets fastened by means of rivets or screws; the same, unriveted, perforated, or cut to measure for bridges, frames, and other buildings, G. W., .....100 kil. 1.80 42. Anchors, chains for vessels or machines, moorings, switches, and signal disks, G. W......100 kil. .80 42_a._ Anvils, T......do. 2.50 43. Wire gauze-- _a._ Up to 20 threads per inch, T......do. 2.00 _b._ Of 20 threads or more per inch, T......kilog. .06 44. Cables, fencing (barbed wire), and netting; furniture springs, G. W., .....100 kil. 1.00 45. Tools and implements-- _a._ Fine, for arts, trades, and professions, of crucible steel, T. .....100 kil. 8.00 _b._ Other, T......do. 2.50 46. Screws, nuts, bolts, washers, and rivets; Parisian and similar tacks, T.....100 kil. 1.50 47. Nails, clasp nails, and brads, T......do. 1.00 48. Buckles: _a._ Gilt, silvered, or nickeled, T......kilog. .20 _b._ Other, T......do. .15 49. Needles, sewing or embroidering, pins, and pens; pieces of clockworks, N. W......kilog. .30 50. Crochet hooks and the like; hooks, hairpins, and surgical instruments, N. W......kilog. .30 51. Cutlery of all kinds; tailors' scissors; sidearms and pieces for same, T......kilog. .40 52. Firearms: _a._ Barrels, unfinished, for portable arms, G. W......kilog. $ .25 _b._ Small arms, such as pistols and revolvers, also their detached parts, T......kilog. 1.00 _c._ Sporting guns: Muzzle-loading, and detached parts thereof, T......kilog. .60 _d._ Breech-loading, and detached parts thereof, T......do. 2.50 53. Manufactures of tin plate, T......100 kil. 4.00 Wrought iron or steel: 54. Articles of all kinds not specially mentioned, common, even coated with lead, tin, or zinc, or painted or varnished-- _a._ In which sheet predominates, T......100 kil. 3.00 _b._ In which sheet does not predominate, T......do. 2.00 55. Articles of all kinds not specially mentioned, fine, i.e., polished, enamelled, coated with porcelain, nickel, or other metals (with the exception of lead, tin, or zinc), or with ornaments, borders, or parts of other metals, or combined with glass or earthenware-- _a._ In which sheet predominates, T......100 kil. 3.00 _b._ In which sheet does not predominate.....do. 3.00 GROUP 4.--_Copper and alloys of common metals with copper (brass, bronze, etc.)_ 56. Copper scales, copper of first fusion, old copper, brass, etc., G. W. .....100 kil. 3.00 57. Copper and alloys of copper in ingots, G. W......do. 4.00 58. Rolled in bars of all kinds, G. W......do. 4.50 59. Rolled in sheets, G. W......do. 5.00 60. Wire, galvanised or not-- _a._ 1 millimetre and more in diameter, T......do. 6.00 _b._ Less than 1 millimetre in diameter, T......do. 6.00 _c._ Gilt, silvered, or nickeled, T......kilog. .50 61. Wire covered with tissues or insulating materials; conducting cables for electricity over public thoroughfares, T......100 kil. 7.50 62. Wire gauze-- _a._ Up to 100 threads per inch, T......100 kil. 6.00 _b._ Of 100 threads or more per inch, T......kilog. .15 63. Pipes, bearings, plates for fireplaces, and boilermakers' wares partially wrought, G. W......100 kil. 4.50 64. Nails and tacks: _a._ Gilt, silvered, or nickeled, T......kilog. .20 _b._ Other, T......do. .12 65. Pins or pens, N. W......do. .60 Copper and alloys of copper: 66. Articles not specially mentioned, varnished or not, T......kilog. .20 67. Articles, gilt, silvered, or nickeled, not specially mentioned, T. .....kilog. .50 GROUP 5.--_Other metals and their alloys_ 68. Mercury, G. W......kilog. $ .20 Nickel, aluminium, and alloys having for a basis these metals: 69. In lumps or ingots, G. W.....100 kil. 3.00 Tin and alloys thereof: 70. In lumps or ingots, G. W......do. 4.00 Zinc, lead, and other metals not specially mentioned, as well as their alloys: 71. In lumps or ingots, G. W......100 kil. 1.00 Nickel, aluminium, and their alloys: 72. In bars, sheets, pipes, and wire, G. W.......do. 7.00 Tin and alloys thereof: 73. In bars, sheets, pipes, and wire, G. W.......do. 7.00 Zinc, lead and other metals: 74. In bars, sheets, pipes, and wire, G. W. 1.50 75. Tin hammered in thin leaves (tin foil) and capsules for bottles, T......kilog. .04 Nickel, or aluminium, and their alloys: 76. Articles of all kinds, T......do. .50 Tin and alloys thereof (Britannia metal, etc.): 77. Articles of all kinds, T......do. .50 78. Zinc, lead, and other metals, and their alloys: _a._ Articles, gilt, silvered, or nickeled, T......do. .30 _b._ Articles, other, T.....do. .15 GROUP 6.--_Wastes and scoriæ_ 79. Filings, shavings, cuttings of iron or steel, and other wastes of cast iron or from the manufacture of common metals, fit only for resmelting, G. W......100 kil. .15 80. Scoriæ resulting from the smelting of ores, G. W......do. .03 CLASS III.--SUBSTANCES EMPLOYED IN PHARMACY AND CHEMICAL INDUSTRIES, AND PRODUCTS COMPOSED OF THESE SUBSTANCES GROUP 1.--_Simple drugs_ 81. Oleaginous seeds, copra or cocoanuts, G. W......100 kil. $2.00 82. Resins and gums: _a._ Colophany, pitch, and similar products, G. W......do. .50 _b._ Spirits of turpentine, T......do. 2.50 _c._ Caoutchouc and gutta-percha, raw or melted in lumps, G. W......100 kil. 3.00 83. Extracts of licorice, camphor, aloes, and other similar vegetable juices, G. W......100 kil. 5.25 84. Tan bark, G. W.....do. .25 85. Opium, G. W......kilog. 6.00 86. Other simple vegetable products, not specially mentioned, G. W......100 kil. $2.75 87. Animal products employed in medicine, not specially mentioned, G. W......100 kil. 1.80 88. Natural colours, in powder or in lumps (ochres, etc.),.....do. .60 G. W. GROUP 2.--_Colours, dyes, and varnishes_ 89. Artificial colours of metallic bases: _a._ In powder or lumps, G. W.; T......100 kil. 2.55 _b._ Prepared in the paste, oil, or water; also lead or coloured pencils, G. W.; T......100 kil. 5.00 90. Other artificial colours, in powder, crystals, lumps, or paste, G. W.; T......kilog. .25 91. Natural dyes: _a._ Woods, barks, roots, etc., for dyeing, G. W......100 kil. .20 _b._ Madder, G. W......do. 4.50 _c._ Indigo and cochineal, G. W......kilog. .20 92. Artificial dyes: _a._ Extracts from logwood, archil, and other dyeing extracts, G. W.; T......100 kil. 5.00 _b._ Writing, drawing, or printing inks, G. W.; T......do. 3.00 _c._ Colours derived from coal, G. W.; T......kilog. .20 93. Varnish, G. W.; T......100 kil. 7.50 94. Blacking, G. W......do. 3.00 GROUP 3.--_Chemical and pharmaceutical products_ 95. Simple bodies: _a._ Sulphur, G. W.....100 kil. .15 _b._ Bromine, boron, iodine, and phosphorus. Phosphorus, T.; other, G. W......kilog. .18 96. Inorganic acids: _a._ Hydrochloric, boric, nitric, and sulphuric, also aqua regia, G. W......100 kil. .30 _b._ Liquid carbonic acid, N. W......do. 5.00 _c._ Other, G. W......do. 5.00 97. Organic acids: _a._ Oxalic, citric, tartaric, and carbolic, G. W......do. 1.00 _b._ Oleic, stearic, and palmetic, G. W......do. 1.40 _c._ Acetic, G. W......do. 6.00 _d._ Other, G. W......do. 5.00 98. Oxides and oxyhydrates: Of ammoniac, potash, and other caustic and barilla alkalies, G. W......100 kil. .25 99. Inorganic salts: _a._ Chloride of sodium (common salt), G. W......do. .50 _b._ Chloride of potassium; sulphates of soda, iron, or magnesia; carbonate of magnesia; alum, G. W......100 kil. $0.45 _c._ Sulphate of ammoniac; phosphates and superphosphates of lime; nitrate of potash and soda, G. W......100 kil. .03 _d._ Other salts of ammoniac, salts of copper, chloride of lime, sulphate of potash, hyposulphite of soda and borax, G. W.,.....100 kil. .75 _e._ Chlorates of soda and potash, G. W......do. 1.80 100. Organic salts: _a._ Acetates and oxalates, G. W......do. 2.50 _b._ Citrates and tartrates, T......do. 3.00 101. Alkaloids and their salts; chlorides of gold and silver, N. W.,.....kilog. 6.75 102. Chemical products not specially mentioned, G. W.; T......do. .05 103. Pills, capsules, medicinal dragees, and the like, T......do. .25 104. Pharmaceutical products not specially mentioned, T......do. .10 GROUP 4.--_Oils, fats, wax, and their derivatives_ 105. Vegetable oils: _a._ Solid (cocoanut, palm, etc.), G. W......100 kil. 2.50 _b._ Liquid, except olive oil, G. W......do. 3.00 106. Crude oils and animal fats: _a._ Cod-liver oil and other medicinal oils, not refined, G. W......100 kil. 1.47 _b._ Glycerin, olein, stearin, and spermaceti, crude, G. W......do. 1.40 _c._ Other crude oils and fats, G. W......100 kil. .50 107. Mineral, vegetable, or animal wax, unwrought, and paraffin in lumps, G. W......100 kil. 2.50 108. Articles of stearin and paraffin, wax of all kinds, wrought, T......100 kil. 2.40 109. Common soap, G. W.; T......do. 1.50 110. Perfumery and essences, T......kilog. .20 GROUP 5.--_Various_ 111. Artificial or chemical fertilizers, G. W......100 kil. .05 112. Starch and feculæ for industrial uses; dextrin and glucose, G. W.; T......100 kil. 1.40 113. Glues, albumens, and gelatin, G. W......do. 3.90 114. Carbons prepared for electric lighting, G. W......do. 3.00 115. Gunpowder and explosives: _a._ Gunpowder, explosive compounds, and miners' fuses, G. W.; T......100 kil. 4.00 _b._ Gunpowder, sporting, and other explosives not intended for mines, N. W......kilog. .20 CLASS IV.--COTTON AND MANUFACTURES THEREOF. GROUP 1.--_Cotton in the wool and yarns_ 116. Cotton in the wool and cotton waste, G. W......100 kil. $1.00 117. Cotton yarn and thread for crocheting, embroidering, and sewing; including the weight of reels, N. W......kilog. .33 GROUP 2.--_Tissues_ 118. Tissues, plain and without figures, napped or not, weighing 10 kilograms or more per 100 square metres, unbleached, bleached, or dyed, having: _a._ Up to 9 threads, N. W......kilog. .13 _b._ From 10 to 15 threads, N. W......do. .17 _c._ From 16 to 19 threads, N. W......do. .23 _d._ 20 threads or more, N. W......do. .35 118 _a._ The same tissues, printed or manufactured with dyed yarns: Dutiable as the tissue, with a surtax of 30 per cent., N. W. 119. Tissues, plain and without figures, napped or not, weighing less than 10 kilograms per 100 square metres, unbleached, bleached, or dyed, having: _a._ Up to 6 threads, N. W......kilog. .15 _b._ From 7 to 11 threads. N. W......do. .20 _c._ From 12 to 15 threads, N. W......do. .27 _d._ From 16 to 19 threads, N. W......do. .37 _e._ 26 threads or more, N. W......do. .50 119 _a._ The same tissue, printed or manufactured with dyed yarns: Dutiable as the tissue, with a surtax of 40 per cent., N. W. 120. Tissues, twilled or figured on the loom, napped or not, weighing 10 kilograms or more per 100 square meters, unbleached, bleached, or dyed, having: _a._ Up to 6 threads, N. W......kilog. .15 _b._ From 7 to 11 threads, N. W......do. .18 _c._ From 12 to 15 threads, N. W......do. .20 _d._ From 16 to 19 threads, N. W......do. .32 _e._ 20 threads or more, N. W......do. .42 120 _a._ The same tissues, printed or manufactured with dyed yarns: Dutiable as the tissue, with a surtax of 30 per cent., N. W. 121. Tissues, twilled or figured on the loom, napped or not, weighing less than 10 kilograms per 100 square metres, unbleached, bleached, or dyed, having: _a._ Up to 6 threads. N. W......kilog. .18 _b._ From 7 to 11 threads, N. W......do. .23 _c._ From 12 to 15 threads, N. W......do. .32 _d._ From 16 to 19 threads, N. W......do. .43 _e._ 20 threads or more, N. W......do. .55 121 _a._ The same tissues, printed or manufactured with dyed yarns: Dutiable as the tissues, with surtax of 40 per cent., N. W. 122. Tissues for counterpanes, N. W......kilog. $ 0.24 123. Piqués of all kinds, N. W......do. .45 124. Carded tissues: _a._ Unbleached, half bleached, or dyed in the piece, N. W......do. .08 _b._ Bleached, printed or manufactured with dyed yarns, N. W.,.....kilog. .20 125. Velvety tissues, such as corduroys and velveteens; three-ply plush tissues, cut or not, N. W......kilog. .47 126. Knitted goods, even with needlework......do. .30 _a._ Undershirts and drawers of simple finish or rough sewing, N. W......kilog. .70 _b._ Undershirts and drawers of double sewing or fine finish, N. W.,.....kilog. .80 _c._ Stockings, socks, gloves, and other small articles of simple finish or rough sewing, N. W......kilog. .70 _d._ Stockings, socks, gloves, and other small articles of double sewing or fine finish, N. W......kilog. .90 127. Tulles: _a._ Plain, N. W......do. .70 _b._ Figured or embroidered on the loom, N. W......do. .92 128. Lace, blondes, and tulle for borders, of all kinds, N. W......do. 1.47 129. Carpets of cotton, N. W......kilog. .15 130. Tissues called tapestry, for upholstering furniture and for curtains manufactured with dyed yarns; table-covers and counterpanes of the same kind, N. W......kilog. .32 131. Wicks for lamps and candles, N. W......do. .15 132. Trimmings of cotton; ribbons and galloons, N. W......do. .52 CLASS V.--HEMP, FLAX, PITA, JUTE, AND OTHER VEGETABLE FIBRES, AND THEIR MANUFACTURES GROUP 1.--_Raw and spun_ 133. Twisted yarns of two or more ends (including the weight of the reels); also the fibres of abaca, heniquen, pita, jute, and other vegetable fibres, prepared for spinning, not otherwise provided for, N. W......kilog. $ 0.10 133_a._ Bags for sugar.....100 kil. 2.00 134. Rope and cordage: _a._ Twine or rope yarn and cord of hemp, not exceeding 3 millimetres in thickness, G. W......100 kil. 6.00 _b._ Cordage- and ropemakers' wares of hemp, exceeding 3 millimetres in thickness, N. W......100 kil. 6.00 _c._ Cordage- and ropemakers' wares of abaca, heniquen, pita, jute, or other fibres, N. W......100 kil. 6.00 GROUP 2.--_Tissues_ 135. Tissues of hemp, linen, ramie, jute, or other vegetable fibres, not specially mentioned, plain, twilled or damasked, weighing 35 kilograms or more per 100 square metres, unbleached, half bleached, or dyed in the piece, having: _a._ Up to 5 threads, N. W......100 kil. $2.00 _b._ From 6 to 8 threads, N. W......kilog. .05 _c._ 9 threads or more, N. W......do. .08 135_a._ The same tissues, bleached or printed: Dutiable as the tissue, with a surtax of 15 per cent., N. W. 135_b._ The same tissues, manufactured with dyed yarns: Dutiable as the tissue, with a surtax of 25 per cent., N. W. 136. Tissues, plain, twilled, or damasked, weighing from 20 to 35 kilograms per 100 square metres, unbleached, half bleached, or dyed in the piece, having: _a._ Up to 5 threads, N. W......kilog. .06 _b._ From 6 to 8 threads, N. W......do. .08 _c._ From 9 to 12 threads, N. W......do. .12 _d._ From 13 to 16 threads, N. W......do. .16 _e._ 17 threads or more, N. W......do. .20 136_a._ The same tissues, bleached or printed: Dutiable as the tissue, with a surtax of 25 per cent., N. W. 136_b._ The same tissues, manufactured with dyed yarns: Dutiable as the tissue, with a surtax of 40 per cent., N. W. 137. Tissues, plain, twilled, or damasked, weighing from 10 to 20 kilograms per 100 square metres, unbleached, half bleached, or dyed in the piece, having: _a._ Up to 8 threads, N. W......kilog. .08 _b._ From 9 to 12 threads, N. W......do. .12 _c._ From 13 to 16 threads, N. W......do. .18 _d._ From 17 to 20 threads, N. W......do. .25 _e._ 21 threads or more, N. W......do. .35 137_a._ The same tissues, bleached or printed: Dutiable as the tissue, with a surtax of 30 per cent., N. W. 137_b._ The same tissues, manufactured with dyed yarns: Dutiable as the tissue, with a surtax of 50 per cent., N. W. 138. Tissues, plain, twilled, or damasked, weighing less than 8 kilograms per 100 square metres, unbleached, half bleached, or dyed in the piece, having: _a._ Up to 8 threads, N. W......kilog. .10 _b._ From 9 to 12 threads, N. W......do. .14 _c._ From 13 to 16 threads, N. W......do. .20 _d._ From 17 to 20 threads, N. W......do. .35 _e._ 21 threads or more, N. W......do. .06 138_a_. The same tissues, bleached or printed: Dutiable as the tissue, with a surtax of 30 per cent., N. W. 138_b_. The same tissues, manufactured with dyed yarns: Dutiable as the tissue, with a surtax of 50 per cent., N. W. 139. Velvets and plushes of linen, jute, etc., N. W......kilog. $0.20 140. Knitted goods of linen or hemp, mixed or not with cotton or other vegetable fibres, even with needlework: _a._ In the piece, jerseys, or drawers, N. W......kilog. .80 _b._ Stockings, socks, gloves, and other small articles, N.W......do. 1.00 141. Tulles: _a._ Plain, N. W......do. .60 _b._ Figured or embroidered on the loom, N. W......do. .75 142. Lace, blonde, and tulles for borders, N. W......do. 2.00 143. Carpets of jute, hemp, or other vegetable fibres without admixture of wool, N. W......kilog. .05 144. Tissues called tapestry for upholstering furniture and for curtains, mixed or not with cotton, figured or damasked, provided they be manufactured with yarns dyed prior to being woven; table- covers and counterpanes of the same kind, N. W......kilog. .28 145. Trimmings of hemp, jute, linen, ramie, etc.; ribbons and galloons, N. W......kilog. .40 CLASS VI.--WOOL, BRISTLES, HAIR, HORSEHAIR, AND THEIR MANUFACTURES GROUP 1.--_Raw and spun_ 146. Bristles, hair, and horsehair per cent. ad valorem 40 147. Wool, raw.....do. 40 148. Woollen yarn, unbleached, bleached or dyed, single or twisted per cent. ad valorem. 40 Woollen yarns mixed with silk shall be liable to the following surtaxes: When containing up to one-fifth of silk, per cent. ad valorem 22 When containing up to two-fifths of silk.....do. 50 When containing three-fifths or more of silk the yarns shall be dutiable as untwisted silk. GROUP 2.--_Tissues and fulled stuffs_ 149. Swanskin of pure or mixed wool per cent. ad valorem 40 150. Baizes: _a._ Of pure wool.....do. 40 _b._ Of mixed wool.....do. 40 151. Flannels, white or colored, for underclothing: _a._ Of pure wool.....do. 40 _b._ Of mixed wool.....do. 40 152. Blankets or counterpanes of wool, pure or mixed with other materials: _a._ Grey blankets ("pardas") per cent. ad valorem 40 _b._ Other.....do. 40 153. Astrakhans, plushes, and velvets of wool, pure or mixed.....do. 40 154. Cloths and other tissues not specially mentioned, of wool, hair, or flock wool, comprised or not in drapery, weighing per square metre: 300 grams or more: _a._ Of wool, hair, or flock wool, pure per cent. ad valorem 40 _b._ Of wool or hair, mixed.....do. 40 155. From 175 to 300 grams: _a._ Of wool, hair, or flock wool, pure.....do. 40 _b._ Of wool or hair, mixed.....do. 40 156. Less than 175 grams: _a._ Of wool, hair, or flock wool, pure.....do. 40 _b._ Of wool or hair mixed.....do. 40 157. Tissues of bristle or horsehair, with or without an admixture of cotton or other vegetable fibres per cent. ad valorem 40 158. Knitted stuffs, with or without an admixture of cotton or other vegetable fibres, even with needlework: _a._ In the piece, jerseys, or drawers per cent. ad valorem 40 _b._ In stockings, socks, gloves, and other small articles.....do. 40 159. Carpets of wool, pure or mixed with other materials: _a._ With uncut pile.....do. 40 _b._ Plushy or with cut pile.....do. 40 160. Tissues called tapestry, for curtains and uphol- stering furniture, of wool, pure or mixed with cotton or other vegetable fibres, even figured or damasked, weighing more than 350 grams per square metre; table- covers and counterpanes of the same kind per cent. ad valorem 40 161. Felts of wool, pure or mixed.....do. 40 162. Trimmings of wool; ribbons and galloons.....do. 40 CLASS VII.--SILK AND MANUFACTURES OF SILK GROUP 1.--_Yarns_ 163. Silk and floss silk, spun or twisted, in skeins per cent. ad valorem 50 164. Silk on reels, including weight of the reels.....do. 50 GROUP 2.--_Tissues_ 165. Tissues of unbleached silk per cent. ad valorem 50 166. Tissues of silk or floss silk: Not mixed with any other material-- Plain, not figured, twilled, or serged-- _a._ Black.....do. 50 _b._ Coloured.....do. 50 167. Figured, plushy or velvety.....do. 50 168. Mixed with another material: Plain, not figured, twilled, or serged-- _a._ Mixed with cotton or other vegetable fibres.....do. 50 _b._ Mixed with wool or hair.....do. 50 169. Figured, plushy or velvety.....do. 50 170. Knitted stuffs of boiled silk, of unbleached silk; or of floss silk, made up in any kind of article: _a._ Of pure silk per cent ad valorem 50 _b._ Mixed with other textile materials.....do. 50 171. Tulles of silk or floss silk, pure or mixed: _a._ Plain.....do. 50 _b._ Figured or embroidered on the loom.....do. 50 172. Lace tulles for borders and blondes, of silk or floss silk, plain or figured: _a._ Not mixed per cent ad valorem 50 _b._ Mixed with cotton or other vegetable fibres.....do. 50 173. Trimmings of silk.....do. 50 CLASS VIII.--PAPER AND ITS APPLICATIONS GROUP 1 174. Paper pulp, G. W......100 kil. $0.15 GROUP 2.--_Printing and writing paper_ 175. Paper, endless or in sheets, white or coloured, uncut and unprinted, for printing purposes, T......100 kil. 4.00 176. Paper, endless or in sheets, white or coloured, used for wrapping purposes, T......100 kil. 2.50 177. Paper in sheets, unruled, unprinted, and uncut, white or coloured, used for writing purposes.....100 kil. 8.00 GROUP 3.--_Paper, printed, engraved, or photographed_ 178. Books, bound or unbound, and similar printed matter.....100 kil. 1.25 179. Headed paper, forms for invoices, labels, cards, and the like, T......kilog. .10 180. Prints, maps, charts, etc., drawings, photographs, and engravings; pictures, lithographs, chromolithographs, oleographs, etc., used as labels and wrappers for tobacco or other purposes: _a._ Of a single printing and bronze or leaf, including labels printed only in bronze or leaf, T......kilog. .05 _b._ Of two printings and bronze or leaf, T......do. .20 _c._ Of three to ten printings (inclusive) and bronze or leaf, T......kilog. .40 _d._ Of more than ten printings and bronze or leaf, T......do. .80 GROUP 4.--_Wallpaper_ 181. Wall paper printed: _a._ On natural ground, T......100 kil. $4.00 _b._ On dull or glazed ground, T......do. 6.00 _c._ With gold, silver, wool, or glass, T......kilog. .27 GROUP 5.--_Pasteboard and various papers_ 182. Blotting paper, common packing paper, and sand or glass paper, T......100 kil. 1.75 183. Thin paper, of common pulp, for packing fruit, T......do. 2.30 184. Other paper not specially mentioned, T......do. 4.60 185. Pasteboard in sheets: _a._ Cardboard paper and fine, glazed, or pressed cardboard, T......100 kil. 3.50 _b._ Other pasteboard, T......do. 1.00 186. Manufactures of pasteboard: _a._ Boxes lined with ordinary paper, T......do. 1.00 _b._ Boxes with ornaments or lined with fine paper, T......kilog. .22 _c._ Articles not specially mentioned, T......do. .17 187. Paste and carton-pierre: _a._ In mouldings or unfinished articles, T......100 kil. 1.00 _b._ In finished articles, T......kilog. .15 CLASS IX.--WOOD AND OTHER VEGETABLE MATERIALS EMPLOYED IN INDUSTRY, AND ARTICLES MANUFACTURED THEREWITH GROUP 1.--_Wood_ 188. Staves thousand $0.80 189. Ordinary wood: _a._ In boards, deals, rafters, beams, round wood, and timber for shipbuilding, G. W. cubic metre .40 _b._ Planed or dovetailed, for boxes and flooring, broomsticks and cases wherein imported goods were packed, G. W......100 kil. .16 190. Fine wood for cabinetmakers: _a._ In boards, deals, trunks, or logs, G. W......do. 1.20 _b._ Sawn in veneers, T......do. 1.75 191. Coopers' wares: _a._ Fitted together, G. W......do. .65 _b._ In shooks, also hoops and headings, G. W......do. .36 192. Wood, cut, for making hogsheads or casks for sugar or molasses, G. W......100 kil. .06 193. Latticework and fencing, G. W......do. .60 [Illustration: AVENUE OF PALM TREES, PALATINO.] GROUP 2.----_Furniture and manufactures of wood_ 194. Common wood manufactured into joiners' wares, and articles of all kinds, turned or not, painted or not, varnished or not, but neither chiselled, inlaid, nor carved, T......100 kil. 4.75 195. Fine wood manufactured into furniture or other wares, turned or not, polished or not, varnished or not, and furniture and common wooden wares veneered with fine wood; furniture upholstered with tissue (other than with silk or stuffs containing an admixture thereof, or with leather), provided that the articles specified in this number be neither chiselled, carved, inlaid, nor ornamented with metal, T......100 kil. $15.00 196. Furniture of bent wood, T......do. 12.00 197. Battens: _a._ Molded, varnished, or prepared for gilding, T......100 kil. 5.05 _b._ Gilt or carved, T......kilog. .20 198. Wood of any kind manufactured into furniture or other wares, gilt, chiselled, carved, inlaid, or veneered with mother-of-pearl or other fine materials, or ornamented with metal, and furniture upholstered with stuffs of pure or mixed silk or leather, N. W. .....kilog. .68 GROUP 3.--_Various_ 199. Charcoal, firewood, and other vegetable fuel, G. W......1000 kil. 1.50 200. Cork: _a._ In the rough or in boards, G. W......100 kil. 1.40 _b._ Manufactured, T......do. 4.50 201. Rushes, vegetable hair, cane, osiers, fine straw, palm, and genista, raw, raw esparto, and baskets and other common wares of esparto, G. W......100 kil. 1.83 Baskets wherein imported goods were packed shall be dutiable according to this number, with a rebate of 60 per cent. 202. Esparto manufactured into fine articles; rushes, vegetable hair, cane, osiers, fine straw, palm, and genista, manufactured into articles of all kinds not specially mentioned, T......100 kil. 13.10 CLASS X.--ANIMALS AND ANIMAL WASTES EMPLOYED IN INDUSTRY GROUP 1.--_Animals_ 203. Horses and mares: _a._ Above the standard height.....each $10.00 _b._ Other.....do. 5.00 204. Mules.....do. 5.00 205. Asses.....do. 5.00 206. Bovine animals: _a._ Oxen.....do. 1.00 _b._ Cows.....do. 1.00 _c._ Bullocks, calves, and heifers.....do. 1.00 207. Pigs.....do. 1.00 208. Sucking pigs.....do. 1.00 209. Sheep, goats, and animals not specially mentioned.....do. 1.00 210. Singing birds, parrots, etc.....per cent. ad valorem .25 GROUP 2.--_Hides, Skins, and Leather Wares_ 211. Pelts in their natural state or dressed, G. W......kilog. $1.50 212. Hides and skins, green or not tanned, G. W......do. .02 Wet-salted hides and skins shall enjoy a reduction of 60 per cent. in respect of salt and moisture. Dry-salted hides and skins shall be allowed a rebate of 30 per cent. 213. Hides tanned with the hair, G. W......kilog. .20 214. Hides tanned without the hair: _a._ Cow and other large hides, whole, G. W......do. .15 _b._ Other and backs of large hides, G. W......do. .20 215. Hides and skins, curried, dyed or not: _a._ Sheepskins (basils), T......do. .20 _b._ Calf or goat skins, T......do. .25 _c._ Kid, lamb, or young calf skins, T......do. .36 _d._ Cow and other large hides, whole, T......do. .15 _e._ Backs of large hides and hides and skins not specially mentioned, T......kilog. .30 216. Hides and skins, varnished, satiny, grained, dulled, and hides and skins with figures, engravings, or embossed, T......kilog. .50 Leather cut out for boots and shoes or other articles shall be liable to a surtax of 30 per cent, of the respective duties leviable thereon. 217. Chamois leather or parchment of all kinds and gilt or bronzed hides and skins, T......kilog. .60 218. Gloves of skin, T......do. 3.50 219. Shoes of cowhide and similar leather: _a._ For men.....dozen 2.50 _b._ For women.....do. 2.00 _c._ For boys below size 4-1/2.....do. 1.50 220. Shoes of patent and similar leather: _a._ For men.....do. 2.75 _b._ For women.....do. 2.25 _c._ For boys below size 4-1/2.....do. 1.75 221. Boots of calfskin, with elastics, or for lacing: _a._ For men.....do. 5.00 _b._ For women.....do. 3.00 _c._ For boys below size 4-1/2.....do. 2.00 222. Boots of patent and similar leather: _a._ For men.....do. 6.00 _b._ For women, and top-boots ("polacas").....do. 7.00 _c._ For boys below size 4-1/2.....do. 5.00 223. Other boots and shoes, fancy.....do. 8.00 224. Riding boots.....pair 2.00 225. Sandals dozen .40 226. Saddlery and harnessmakers' wares; valises, hat-boxes, and travelling bags of cardboard or leather, T......kilog. $0.20 227. Other manufactures of leather or covered with leather, T......kilog. .40 GROUP 3.--_Various_ 228. Feathers for ornament, in their natural state or manufactured, N. W......kilog. 2.00 229. Other feathers and feather dusters, T......do. .40 230. Intestines, dried, N. W......do. 2.00 231. Animal wastes, unmanufactured, not specially mentioned, G. W. .....100 kil. .50 _Class XI._--INSTRUMENTS, MACHINERY, AND APPARATUS EMPLOYED IN AGRICULTURE, INDUSTRY, AND LOCOMOTION GROUP 1.--_Instruments_ 232. Pianos: _a._ Grand .....per cent. ad valorem .40 _b._ Other.....do. .40 233. Harmoniums and organs.....do. .40 234. Harps, violins, violoncellos; guitars and mandolins with incrustations; flutes and fifes of the ring system; metal instruments of 6 pistons or more; detached parts for wind instruments of wood or copper.....per cent. ad valorem .40 235. Musical instruments, other.....do. .40 236. Watches: _a._ Of gold; also chronometers.....per cent. ad valorem .40 _b._ Of silver or other metals.....do. .40 237. Clocks with weights, and alarm clocks.....do. .40 238. Works for wall or table clocks, finished, with or without cases .....per cent. ad valorem .40 GROUP 2.--_Apparatus and Machines_ 239. Weighing machines.....per cent. ad valorem .20 240. Machinery and apparatus for making sugar and brandy.....do. .10 241. Agricultural machinery and apparatus.....do. .10 242. Steam motors, stationary.....do. .20 243. Marine engines; steam pumps; hydraulic, petroleum, gas, and hot or compressed air motors.....per cent. ad valorem .20 244. Boilers: _a._ Of sheet iron.....do. .20 _b._ Tubular.....do. .20 245. Locomotives and traction engines.....do. .20 246. Turntables, trucks and carts for transshipment, hydraulic cranes and columns.....per cent. ad valorem .20 247. Machines of copper and its alloys; detached parts of the same metals.....per cent. ad valorem .20 248. Dynamo-electric machines: _a._ Exceeding 50 kil. in weight.....do. .20 _b._ Weighing 50 kil. or less; inductors and detached parts.....do. .20 249. Sewing machines and detached parts thereof.....do. .20 250. Velocipedes.....do. .20 251. Machines and apparatus, other, or of materials not specially mentioned, also detached parts of all kinds other than of copper or its alloys.....per cent. ad valorem .20 GROUP 3.--_Carriages_ 252. Coaches and berlins, new, used, or repaired: _a._ With four seats, and calashes with two "tableros," .....per cent. ad valorem .40 _b._ With two seats, with or without folding seat; omnibuses with more than 15 seats; diligences.....per cent. ad valorem .40 _c._ Four or two wheeled, without "tableros," with or without hood, irrespective of the number of seats; omnibuses up to 15 seats; carriages not specially mentioned. .....per cent. ad valorem .40 253. Railway carriages of all kinds for passengers, and finished wooden parts for same.....per cent. ad valorem .40 254. Vans, trucks, and cars of all kinds; miners' trolleys, and finished wooden parts for same.....per cent. ad valorem .40 255. Tramway carriages of all kinds, and finished wooden parts for the same.....per cent. ad valorem .40 256. Waggons, carts, and hand carts.....do. .40 256_a_. Salvage from wrecked vessels is _prima facie_ dutiable on appraised value according to its material. CLASS XII.--ALIMENTARY SUBSTANCES GROUP 1.--_Meat and fish, butter and greases_ 257. Poultry, live or dead, and small game, N. W.....kilog. $0.08 258. Meat in brine, N. W.: _a._ Beef, brine or salt, N. W.....100 kil. 2.80 _b._ Pork, brine or salt, N. W.....do. 2.80 259. Lard, N. W......do. 2.80 260. Tallow, N. W......do. 2.00 261. Bacon, N. W......do. 4.00 262. Ham, N. W......do. 5.50 263. Jerked beef ("tasajo"), N. W......do. 3.96 264. Meat of all other kinds, T.: _a._ Beef, canned, N. W......do. 5.00 _b._ Beef, fresh, N. W......do. 4.50 _c._ Mutton, fresh, N. W......do. $4.50 _d._ Pork, fresh, N. W......do. 4.00 265. Butter and oleomargarine, N. W.; T......do. 7.00 266. Cheese, N. W......do. 5.00 267. Condensed milk......per cent. ad valorem .10 268. Salt cod and stock fish, G. W.; T......100 kil. $2.00 269. Herring, pickled, smoked, salted, or marinated, and skate salted, N. W......100 kil. 1.00 270. Mackerel, pickled, smoked, salted, or marinated, N. W......do. 2.00 271. Salmon, canned, smoked, salted, or marinated, N. W......do. 5.00 272. Oysters of all kinds, and shellfish, dried or fresh, G. W......do. 1.00 273. Eggs (taken out of Group 7).....do. 5.00 GROUP 2.--_Cereals_ 274. Rice, husked or not, T......100 kil. 1.00 275. Wheat, N. W......do. .60 276. Cereals: _a._ Corn, N. W......do. .30 _b._ Rye, N. W......do. .40 _c._ Barley, N. W......do. .50 _d._ Oats, N. W......do. .40 277. Flour: _a._ Of wheat, T......do. 1.50 _b._ Of rice, T......do. 2.00 _c._ Of corn, N. W......do. .50 _d._ Of oats, N. W......do. 1.20 GROUP 3.--_Pulse, garden produce, and fruits_ 278. Beans, N.W......100 kil. 1.10 279. Pease, N. W......do. 1.10 280. Onions, N. W......do. .70 281. Potatoes, N. W......do. .50 282. Flour of pulse, T......do. 2.50 283. Fruits, fresh, T......do. .60 284. Apples, fresh, N. W......do. .60 285. Fruits, dried or drained, T......do. 1.50 286. Apples, dried, N. W......do. 1.50 GROUP 4.--_Seeds and fodder_ 287. Clover, N. W......100 kil. 3.60 288. Flax, N. W......do. .82 289. Timothy, N. W......do. 2.00 290. Fodder and bran.....per cent. ad valorem .25 GROUP 5.--_Preserves_ 291. Fish or shellfish, preserved in oil or otherwise, in tins .....per cent. ad valorem .25 292. Vegetables and pulse, pickled or preserved in any manner, .....per cent. ad valorem .25 293. Fruits, preserved: _a._ In brandy.....do. .25 _b._ Other.....do. .25 294. Alimentary preserves not specially mentioned; pork butchers' wares, truffles, sauces, and mustard.....per cent. ad valorem .25 GROUP 6.--_Oils and beverages_ 295. Olive oil: _a._ In receptacles of earthenware or tin, G. W.; T......100 kil. $2.40 _b._ In bottles, including the weight of bottles, G. W.; T......do. 3.00 296. Alcohol, S. T. ectol. 14.00 297. Brandy and all compound spirits not specially mentioned: _a._ In casks, S. T......do. 21.00 _b._ In bottles or flasks, S. T......do. 34.00 _c._ Rum, in casks......do. 18.00 _d._ Whiskies, in casks......do. 10.00 298. Wines, sparkling, S. T. liter. .85 299. Liqueurs and cordials: _a._ In casks or similar receptacles, S. T......do. .18 _b._ In bottles, S. T......do. .36 300. Wines, other: _a._ In casks or similar receptacles, S. T. hectol. 4.50 _b._ In bottles, S. T......do. 13.00 301. Beer and cider: _a._ Malt liquor, in casks. hectol. 3.30 _b._ Malt liquor, in bottles......do. 3.66 _c._ Cider......do. 1.60 GROUP 7.--_Various_ 302. Saffron, safflower, and flowers of "tobar".....per cent. ad valorem .25 303. Cinnamon of all kinds.....do. .25 304. Cinnamon, Chinese ("canelon"), cloves, pepper, and nutmegs, .....per cent. ad valorem .25 305. Vanilla.....do. .25 306. Tea.....do. .25 307. Coffee in the bean or ground; chicory roots and chicory, T. .....100 kil. 12.15 308. Cocoa of all kinds, in the bean, ground, or in paste; cocoa butter, T......100 kil. 20.25 309. Chocolate and sweetmeats of all kinds, including the immediate packages......per cent. ad valorem .25 310. Eggs. (See last item, Group I.) 311. Pastes and feculæ for soups and other alimentary purposes, .....per cent. ad valorem .25 312. Biscuits: _a._ Ordinary, T......100 kil. $0.60 _b._ Fine, of all kinds, including the immediate package, T. .....100 kil. 2.50 314. Honey. per gallon .20 315. Molasses......do. .06 316. Sugar, raw. per pound .015 317. Sugar, refined......do. .02 318. Saccharine......do. 1.50 CLASS XIII.--MISCELLANEOUS GOODS 319. Fans: _a._ With mountings of bamboo, reeds, or other wood, T......kilog. $0.15 _b._ With mountings of horn, bone, composition, or metal (other than gold or silver), N. W......kilog. .60 _c._ With mountings of tortoise shell, ivory, or mother-of-pearl; also fans of kid skin, silk tissue, or feathers, N. W......kilog. .80 320. Trinkets and ornaments of all kinds, except those of gold and silver, N. W......kilog. .75 321. Amber, jet, tortoise-shell, coral, ivory, and mother-of-pearl: _a._ Unwrought, N. W......kilog. 1.00 _b._ Wrought, N. W......do. 1.80 322. Horn, whalebone, celluloid, meerschaum, and bone; also compositions imitating these materials or those of the preceding number: _a._ Unwrought, N. W......kilog. .60 _b._ Wrought, N.W......do. 1.20 323. Walking-sticks and sticks for umbrellas and parasols......hundred 4.00 324. Buttons of all kinds other than gold or silver, N. W......kilog. .20 325. Hair, human, manufactured into articles of all kinds or any shape, N. W......kilog. 5.00 326. Cartridges, with or without projectiles or bullets, for unprohibited firearms; also primers and caps for such arms, T......100 kil. 30.00 327. Tarpaulins coated with sand, for vans; felts and tow, tarred or coated with pitch, G. W......100 kil. .28 328. Oilcloths: _a._ For floors and packing purposes, T......do. 3.00 _b._ Other, T......kilog. .06 Pads and brief cases of oilcloth shall be liable to a surtax of 40 per cent. 329. Cases: _a._ Of fine wood or leather, lined with silk; other similar cases, N. W......kilog. .75 _b._ Of common wood, cardboard, osier, and the like, N. W. .....kilog. .20 330. Artificial flowers of tissue, also pistils, buds, leaves, and seeds, of any kind of material, for the manufacture of flowers, N. W., .....kilog. $1.00 331. Matches of wax, wood, or cardboard, including the immediate packages, N. W......kilog. .20 332. Caoutchouc and gutta-percha manufactured in any shape or into any kind of article not specially mentioned, T......kilog. .05 333. Games and toys, other than those of tortoise shell, ivory, mother-of-pearl, gold, or silver, T......kilog. .10 334. Umbrellas and parasols: _a._ Covered with silk each .10 _b._ Other.....do. .05 335. Oil paintings.....per cent. ad valorem .25 336. Hats of straw or "guano" bast, straw of Curaçoa, and the like dozen $0.10 337. Hats of "yarey," leghorn or Indian straw, rice straw or esparto, and their imitations: _a._ Shaped or not, but without lining, ribbons, borders, or trimmings dozen .80 _b._ Finished, or with either of these accessories.....do. 1.40 338. Hats known as "jipijapa," having: _a._ Up to 4 straws, inclusive.....do. 4.50 _b._ Of from 4 to 6 straws, inclusive.....do. 8.00 _e._ More than 6 straws.....do. 30.00 339. Hats of woollen felt: _a._ Shaped or not, but without ribbons, borders, or lining, and shapes for the manufacture of these hats.....dozen .40 _b._ Finished, with ribbons, borders, or lining, with either of these accessories.....dozen .80 340. Hats of felt of hair, carded or not, and those of silk, velvet, cloth, cashmere, satin, or plush: _a._ Shaped or not, but without ribbons, borders, or lining, and shapes for the manufacture of these hats.....dozen .75 _b._ Finished, with ribbons, borders, or lining, or with either of these accessories.....dozen 1.00 341. Hats for ladies or children, with whatever kind of trimmings or accessories.....each .40 342. Caps of all kinds.....dozen .40 343. Waterproof and caoutchouc stuffs: _a._ On cotton tissue, T......kilog. .25 _b._ On woollen or silk tissue, T......do. .50 CLASS XIV.--TOBACCO 344. Tobacco: _a._ In cakes, so-called "breva," or in carrots.....100 kil. $10.50 _b._ In powder or snuff, or otherwise manufactured per lb. .12 _c._ Leaf tobacco, stemmed, or unstemmed, whether wrapper or filler, per pound $5.00 _d._ Cigars, cigarettes, cheroots of all kinds, $4.50 per pound and 25 per cent. ad valorem. Paper cigars and cigarettes, including wrappers, shall be subject to the same duties as are herein imposed on cigars. 345. On all other goods, wares, merchandise, and effects, not otherwise enumerated or provided for, except crude materials, .....per cent. ad valorem 25 345a. On crude materials, not otherwise enumerated.....do. 10 EXPORT RATES OF DUTY Tobacco: Manufactured-- _a._ Cigarettes in boxes thousand $ 0.90 _b._ Tobacco, cut.....100 kil. 3.75 _c._ Cigars.....thousand 1.35 In the leaf or filler tobacco-- _a._ Harvested in the Province of Santiago de Cuba and exported through the custom-houses of Santiago, Gibara, or Manzanillo .....100 kil. 2.20 _b._ Other.....do. 6.30 CHAPTER XVII REVENUE OF CUBA--INTERNAL TAXES In the two preceding chapters the attention of the reader has been called to the revenue of Cuba derived from custom-house receipts, which aggregates about $15,000,000 of the $26,000,000 required by the Spanish to pay the governmental expenses of the Island. Before ascertaining the way in which this money has been expended, and before making any suggestion as to possible division of revenue for the future, it may be well to pass briefly in review the other sources of revenue; and in this process the land, professional, and internal taxes come in for consideration. The Spanish Government estimated that the revenue from these combined sources for 1898-99 would be $7,783,150. This amount--when added to the customs, $14,705,000; the lotteries, $1,900,500; income from State property, $435,000; and miscellaneous revenue, $1,536,000,--practically completed the budget, as given in the opening of Chapter XV. Dismissing lotteries, the most important source of Cuban revenue has been from land and professional taxes, which should yield under normal conditions the following amount: TAXES AND IMPOSTS Sources. Dollars. Sovereignty taxes 650,000 Impost on mining property 10,000 Taxes on city property at 12 per cent. 1,600,000 Taxes on rural property, irrespective of cultivation, at 2 per cent. 150,000 Taxes on industry, commerce, and the professions, including 1/2 per cent. from contractors 1,400,000 Tax on personal drafts (cedulas) 150,000 Liquor consumption tax 1,300,000 Sale of liquor licences 120,000 Additional tax of 10 per cent. on transportation of passengers and 3 per cent. on that of merchandise 300,000 Discount on payments 70,000 Tax of 1 per cent. on payments 400,000 --------- 6,150,000 Deduct 5 per cent. commission for the collection of personal drafts (cedulas) 7,500 --------- Total 6,142,500 The following important statement in regard to the taxes of Cuba other than customs duties was prepared by José Anton Alcala, chief of the tax bureau of the Banco Español of Cuba, for Hon. Charles W. Gould, of the Department of Justice, and through the courtesy of Mr. Gould has been made part of this chapter: "We have selected for our explanations the collection of taxes during the year 1894 to 1895 because it is the latest year in which taxes were collected with regularity and the accounts of the yearly production to the State duly verified. In our statements appear only the sums belonging to the public Treasury and by no means the total amount of receipts collected. A reason for this is that with the exception of the capital of the Island all receipts of taxes in Cuba include, as an additional tax, the sums which belong to the municipalities. Both taxes and the agreed expenses for collection are perceived jointly. We hope thus to render clearer which are the real taxes, in behalf of the Treasury. Otherwise it would be necessary, in order to form a judgment, to make in each case a deduction of the sums belonging to the municipalities, which are of 18 per cent. over the Treasury taxes on the city real estates, of 100 per cent. for the country estates, and of 25 per cent. for the industrial taxes. As expenses for collection, 5 per cent. on the total amount belonging to the Treasury is charged. "Here is the rule followed to impose taxes for real-estate, city, and real-estate, country: "On city estate, 25 per cent. on the amount of the rent which the proprietor declares to perceive is discounted, and over the remaining 75, 12 per cent. is imposed. "On country estates, 2 per cent, is charged on the rent which the proprietor declares to perceive, without any previous discount. "The Industrial Subsidy affects every citizen who should exercise any industry, profession, trade, art, or employ. A relation of them is made, being arranged by tariffs, classes, and numbers, with expression of the portion anyone ought to satisfy according to the last Regulation and Tariffs approved by the Government on 12th of May, 1893. These relations, named _matriculas_, are made every year. "There are also the _patentes_ or receipts of taxes on certain industries which satisfy their duties per annum and in advance. If the industrial stops business before the year is over, he has no right to claim the balance. To this class belong certain shops, hawkers (_vendedores ambulantes_), veterinary surgeons, etc. The amount to be paid in each case is unchangeable and it is fixed in a special tariff for the _patentes_. "There are also receipts called of 'occasional amounts.' They include the receipts from the taxpayers who begin or stop business. As taxes as a rule are collected quarterly, these receipts are for the amount of time during the three months in which the taxpayer is a debtor to the Treasury. "'Occasional taxes' and _patentes_ amounted, for the whole Island, during the year 1894 to 1895, to the sum of $133,283.31 for the public Treasury. We do not include that total in our statements because it is collected only occasionally. "It is to be borne in mind that the total of taxes is never collected in Cuba, and that there is always a deficit, which has been less since the Spanish Bank is the collector. "Here is the total collection of taxes during the year 1894 to 1895: Havana Province 90.84 per cent. Matanzas " 89.72 " Santa Clara " 87.73 " Pinar del Rio " 78.34 " Santiago de Cuba " 66.59 " Puerto Principe " 93.65 " "The last-mentioned province gives such a good result (notwithstanding the very great difficulties in collecting, over only five municipal districts which are on a very large area of land), because the capital of the province and the city of Nuevitas afforded a splendid revenue. In the province of Santiago de Cuba the collection is harder than in any other, on account of the scarce and bad roads and means of communication. "In the lists of collection of 'Industrial Subsidy' in the province of Havana, there appears a great number of taxpayers who have not existed for many years and whom, nevertheless, the administration continues to keep on its records, because every new administrator is reluctant to confess that the taxpayers have decreased during his time of office. "There are reasons to suspect that there are concealments of taxpayers in the city estates list. A new record (_catastro_), made by an intelligent and honest administration, would surely give a rise in the collection of taxes. "The collection of taxes is in charge of the Banco Español de la Isla de Cuba, which has branches at Matanzas, Cardenas, Cienfuegos, Sagua, and Santiago de Cuba, and auxiliary offices at Puerto Principe and Pinar del Rio. "The Island has been divided into groups of towns near those cities. The representatives of the Bank collect the taxes themselves in the cities where they live, and by delegates in the other towns. "The actual contract signed by the Government and the Bank began in 1892-93, and holds good for ten years. The Bank receives as a commission 5 per cent. upon the total amount of the taxes to collect, presented by the public Treasury. As the Bank has no interference whatever, when the lists of taxes are made, it confines itself to collecting what the public Treasury declares in its own lists. The Bank, therefore, is merely an agent. "City and country taxes are collected quarterly, semi-annually, and annually. Industrial Subsidy is only collected by quarterly receipts. Annual receipts are applied to the estates whose taxes do not exceed the sum of eight dollars a year; the semi-annual are for those that do not exceed the sum of ten dollars a year. "The annual receipts and the receipts for the first six months of the year are collected jointly with the receipts for the first three months. The second six months' receipts are collected with the second three months'. This explains why there is an increase in the collection of taxes in some places, during the first and second three months of each year. Some sudden increases happen also in some places in the 'Industrial Subsidy' during certain quarterly collections. This is due to the collection of receipts from some corporations which pay 12-1/2 per cent. of their profits according to their balances. Railway companies pay 6-1/4 per cent. of their profits. State contractors pay 1/2 per cent. "Taxpayers who do not pay their taxes at the time fixed for it are subject to the procedure called _apremios_, according to the rules of May 15, 1885, approved by the Government. When _apremios_ are to begin, taxpayers are duly warned by mail, giving them time enough to pay their taxes before incurring trouble. "_Apremios_ are of three _degrees_: The first consists in an increase on the tax of 5 per cent.; the second consists in the seizure and afterwards the sale at public auction of chattel and live stock, besides a further increase of 7 per cent.; the third consists in the seizure and sale at public auction of real estate, besides a further increase of 9 per cent. "These rules embody many details. They are obscure and complicated. According to them, long proceedings are made against morose taxpayers, a characteristic of Spanish bureaucracy." The two tables which follow show the face value of the tax receipts placed in the hands of the Spanish Bank for a series of years and the actual amounts collected. They have been carefully compiled by the author from official sources and are believed to be reliable: TABLE I.----FACE VALUE OF TAX RECEIPTS HANDED TO SPANISH BANK FOR COLLECTION -------+---------------+-------------+--------------+-------------+-------------- YEARS. | City | Rural Real| Taxes on | Minor | Total. | Property. | Estate. | Professions,| Taxes. | | | | Trades, etc.| | -------+---------------+-------------+--------------+-------------+-------------- 1886-87|$ 2,520,061.51 |$ 507,739.70|$ 1,963,778.53|$ 249,071.76|$ 5,240,651.50 1887-88| 2,565,834.77 | 472,909.25| 2,090,306.46| 257,577.35| 5,386,627.83 1888-89| 2,633,491.17 | 510,456.81| 2,030,542.86| 141,876.76| 5,316,367.60 1889-90| 2,451,866.27 | 393,938.19| 1,895,638.08| 136,604.67| 4,878,047.21 1890-91| 2,498,060.52 | 693,323.04| 2,027,435.32| 117,792.37| 5,336,611.25 1891-92| 2,093,492.10 | 386,578.79| 1,654,306.58| 108,604.87| 4,242,982.34 1892-93| 1,989,290.65 | 784,943.09| 2,452,044.86| 131,650.37| 5,357,928.97 1893-94| 1,889,814.97 | 804,838.90| 2,183,355.47| 214,191.07| 5,092,200.41 1894-95| 1,884,766.87 | 814,006.33| 2,297,452.23| 167,096.27| 5,163,321.70 1895-96| 1,905,731.44 | 823,609.47| 2,073,581.75| 104,731.51| 4,907,654.17 1896-97| 2,060,263.25 | 880,946.21| 1,995,542.42| 105,453.12| 5,042,205.00 1897-98| 1,924,866.65 | 811,470.78| 1,609,094.32| 85,163.40 | 4,430,595.15 -------+---------------+-------------+--------------+-------------+-------------- |$26,417,540.17 |$7,884,766.50|$24,273,078.88|$1,819,813.52|$60,395,193.13 -------+---------------+-------------+--------------+-------------+-------------- [Illustration: ROAD IN A PINE GROVE OF VUELTA ABAJO.] TABLE II.---- ACTUAL AMOUNT OF TAXES COLLECTED BY THE SPANISH BANK -------+--------------+-------------+--------------+-------------+-------------- | City | Rural Real | Taxes on | Minor | YEARS.| Property. | Estate. | Professions, | Taxes. | Total. | | | Trades, etc. | | -------+--------------+-------------+--------------+-------------+-------------- 1886-87| $2,275,853.10| $468,245.88|$1,662,664.91 | $249,071.76| $4,655,835.65 1887-88| 2,347,957.42| 436,222.17| 1,716,689.28 | 257,577.35| 4,758,446.22 1888-89| 2,380,545.54| 466,897.68| 1,705,509.13 | 141,876.91| 4,694,829.26 1889-90| 2,227,503.12| 363,222.63| 1,576,865.82 | 136,615.59| 4,304,207.16 1890-91| 2,227,217.01| 619,271.48| 1,695,196.40 | 117,792.36| 4,659,477.25 1891-92| 1,851,515.43| 345,743.88| 1,391,013.56 | 108,604.87| 3,696,877.74 1892-93| 1,789,106.74| 717,760.37| 1,996,761.13 | 131,650.37| 4,635,278.61 1893-94| 1,728,234.60| 722,572.96| 1,842,921.66 | 214,191.07| 4,507,920.29 1894-95| 1,703,327.71| 684,296.62| 1,870,617.89 | 167,096.27| 4,425,338.49 1895-96| 1,594,158.79| 371,845.50| 1,468,294.18 | 104,731.51| 3,539,029.98 1896-97| 1,523,368.43| 224,870.98| 1,412,890.84 | 105,453.12| 3,226,583.37 1897-98| 1,140,230.12| 89,661.98| 1,062,686.71 | 85,163.40| 2,377,742.21 -------+--------------+-------------+--------------+-------------+-------------- |$22,789,018.01|$5,510,612.13|$19,402,111.51|$1,819,824.58|$49,521,566.23 -------+--------------+-------------+--------------+-------------+-------------- The following table is compiled from the totals of the detailed tables above, and shows the amount of the taxes collected by the Bank of Spain and the amount and percentage of delinquent taxes in each year for twelve years. It is probable that the amount for the half of the present fiscal year is relatively greater: TAX RECEIPTS HANDED TO SPANISH BANK FOR COLLECTION --------+---------------+---------------+---------------+--------------- | | Actual Amount | Total | Percentage of YEARS. | Face Value. | Collected. | Delinquent |Delinquent Tax | | | Taxes. | Each Year. --------+---------------+---------------+---------------+--------------- 1886-87 | $5,240,651.50 | $4,655,835.65 | $584,815.85 | 11.16 1887-88 | 5,386,627.83 | 4,758,446.22 | 628,181.61 | 11.66 1888-89 | 5,316,367.60 | 4,694,829.26 | 621,538.34 | 11.69 1889-90 | 4,878,047.21 | 4,304,207.16 | 573,840.05 | 11.76 1890-91 | 5,336,611.25 | 4,659,477.25 | 677,134.00 | 12.69 1891-92 | 4,242,982.34 | 3,696,877.74 | 546,104.60 | 12.87 1892-93 | 5,357,928.97 | 4,635,278.61 | 722,650.36 | 13.49 1893-94 | 5,092,200.41 | 4,507,920.29 | 584,280.12 | 11.47 1894-95 | 5,163,321.70 | 4,425,338.49 | 737,983.21 | 14.29 1895-96 | 4,907,654.17 | 3,539,029.98 | 1,368,624.19 | 27.88 1896-97 | 5,042,205.00 | 3,266,583.37 | 1,775,621.63 | 35.21 1897-98 | 4,430,595.15 | 2,377,742.21 | 2,052,852.94 | 46.33 --------+---------------+---------------+---------------+--------------- Total |$60,395,193.13 | 49,521,566.23 |$10,873,626.90 | 18.04 --------+---------------+---------------+---------------+--------------- Of course this difference does not absolutely represent the uncollected taxes, because the Government officials may have subsequently been able to secure collections from some of the delinquents. The delinquent column is also very greatly enlarged by reason of the fact that the Government authorities place in the hands of the Spanish Bank a large number of worthless receipts--that is, receipts in which the taxpayer is dead or the properties destroyed. This explanation, of course, exonerates the Spanish Bank, and shows that it collects the taxes in a businesslike way; but it does not change matters from a revenue point of view. That remains the same. It is probable, however, that under the new conditions it will be easy so to levy these taxes that they will yield annually from $4,000,000 to $5,000,000 in revenue. In thus proceeding the United States authorities will unquestionably abolish some of the most onerous. The receipts from internal taxes are estimated as follows: INTERNAL REVENUE Stamped paper $350,000 Postage stamps 300,000 Stamped paper for payment to the State 250,000 Stamps for the same 50,000 Telegraph stamps 40,000 Bills of Health 3,000 Stamps for diplomas and matriculation 90,000 Stamped paper for municipal fines 1,000 Postal cards 2,000 Papal Bulls 1,000 Revenue stamps for drafts, etc. 60,000 " " " receipts, etc. 300,000 Stamps on policies 20,000 Revenue stamp on consumption of matches 260,000 ---------- $1,727,000 Deduct commission for sale of the above 86,350 ---------- Total $1,640,650 This source of revenue will be greatly increased under American control, though it will come from improved postal and telegraph facilities, increase in banking business, and other legitimate sources of internal revenue. The internal taxes of Cuba must be fully revised. If this work is intelligently performed, the same revenue can be obtained in a manner far less odious to the taxpayer. This table practically completes the sources of Cuban revenue, for the miscellaneous sources are of an intermittent character, and the lotteries revenue is not likely to cut any figure in the future finances of the Island. In the next chapter the author will briefly consider how the money has been expended and give some suggestions as to the future division of the funds collected. CHAPTER XVIII HOW THE REVENUE WAS SPENT In dealing with expenditures, the factors become more certain quantities than those present in the forecasting of possible revenue. The money collected from Cuba, whether it was $26,000,000 or more, has all gone, and nothing was found in the treasury when the United States forces took possession but numerous evidences of promises to pay, records of receipts given by the Government for goods not paid for, and debts of all kinds, including the salaries of a large number of the minor officials. The first and most important item of expenditure is, as has been said, for sovereignty expenses, and aggregates a sum exceeding $22,000,000. These expenses are subdivided as follows: I. Interest on Public Debt and General Expenses $12,574,709.12 II. State Church, and Justice 329,072.63 III. War 5,896,740.73 IV. Navy 1,055,136.13 V. Executive 2,645,149.98 -------------- $22,500,808.59 The largest single item in these expenditures is that of the interest on the public debt and general expenses, which aggregates $12,574,709.12. Of the total, about $10,500,000 undoubtedly found its way to Spain to pay interest and sinking-fund payments on the enormous debt which Spain had saddled upon Cuba. There has been much controversy over this debt, and as the discussion has ended by the American Peace Commission insisting on Spain's assuming the debt, and thus freeing Cuba forever from the legal obligation, a brief review of the subject will be of interest to the reader. Owing to the fact that Cuba has been, until United States occupancy, a colony without personality and without real representation, the question of the public debt was never properly settled. The Spanish Government, the Cubans contend, arbitrarily burdened the Island with the weight of the whole war debt of 1868-78. The Cubans have rightly taken the ground that this debt was Spanish, not Cuban. As a matter of fact, the Spanish Government, during the insurrection of 1868-78, never admitted that there was any war in Cuba, affirming, on the contrary, that the trouble was only a disturbance limited to some parts of the Island, and that the immense majority of the population of Cuba were loyal Spaniards. The conclusion to be drawn from this official fact and from its assertion by the Government was that Cuba was not bound to pay the expenses of that revolt. A somewhat similar instance occurred in the Peninsula at the same time. The Carlist War was likewise a very serious disturbance spread over some important provinces of Spain. The cost, however, of that war was not charged to the revolted provinces, but was considered a national debt. Besides, there are some items which have been held as forming part of the Cuban debt, which by no means can be accepted as such. Thirty or forty years ago Spain sustained war with Mexico, San Domingo, and Peru, the cost of those three wars having been charged to the Cuban Treasury, which, since then, has annually paid the interest thereon. In 1878 or 1879, a general liquidation of Cuban accounts took place, in which the "Banco Hispano-Colonial" of Barcelona assumed a very important position. Probably the cost of the three above-mentioned wars (in Mexico, San Domingo, and Peru) and some other accounts were then settled. Not even the smallest part of the whole debt has been employed in any kind of Cuban improvement. A memorandum prepared by the Cuban planters and addressed to Madrid in 1894 thus referred to the debt: "This debt has its origin in the extraordinary expenses of the civil war (1868-78), and it has since been increased, first by the administrative demoralisation which is so evident to all those who live in Cuba, and which has been so well described in the Cortes by ministers and by representatives belonging to all political parties; and secondly, by the deficits originating in the fiscal laws, the first object, or aim, of which has been (particularly since the year 1882), more than the regulation of public expenses, to secure an excessive protection to the Spanish industries. And, so formed, the public debt, which, as well in the years of insurrection as in the years of peace, has enriched so many people, represents the ruins of the war, the disorders of the public administration, and the injustice of the fiscal laws." During the discussion of the Cuban debt by the Peace Commission in Paris last autumn, the _Economiste Français_ contained an article by Paul Leroy Beaulieu, proposing an arrangement or compromise, with the bondholders, of part of the Cuban debt (about $140,000,000). The author of the article admitted that Cuba was not bound to pay the cost of the last insurrection (of 1895-98). As the _Economiste Français_ represents the interests of the French public and of the great French banking houses that have largely invested in Cuban bonds of the issues of 1886 and 1890, the inference to be finally drawn from the above-mentioned article is rather in favour of Cuba. If Spain thus lent her guarantee, she did so in obedience to a necessity and as a business convenience, in order to prop up her colonial and commercial system. The Spanish nation believed that her domination in Cuba would be lasting, and that the remote danger of being called upon to pay the Cuban debt was more than compensated by the enormous amount of wealth which she drew every year from the colony. If, instead of extorting, yearly, millions of dollars, the Government of Spain had applied the superabundant resources of the Island to the extinction of the debt, it is certain that in 1895 the whole of it would have been paid off. It may unquestionably be asserted that Cuba has, in many ways, from 1878 to 1895, spent enormous sums of money, millions of dollars, in payment of debts not really her own,--but with this difference, namely, that the whole of the money lost to the colony, instead of going to redeem the outstanding Cuban bonds, has been spent in Spain, either in a reproductive way, or otherwise. The amount in Spain of the manufacturing, commercial, and agricultural riches, dwelling-houses, and even palaces, country villas, and other investments, representing Cuban wealth which has been transferred without any return, is incredible. The magnificent fleet of steamers of the Transatlantic Company enters into this category. At the same time, the unhappy Cubans who produced that wealth suffered want and went into bankruptcy; for the Spanish exactions absorbed not only the profits of Cuban industries, but also a part of its gross production, and in that way encroached on the industrial capital of the Island. The encroachment was shown and evinced by the accumulation of public and private debts in all forms. The productive classes of Cuba have always, though in vain, protested against the injustice of having this burden thrown upon the treasury of the Island, which, as is shown above, has been compelled to pay more than $10,500,000 every year for the interest and sinking fund of this unrighteous debt. The debt which was, so far as Cuba is concerned, wiped out by the American Commission in Paris must have amounted to over $500,000,000. From a variety of rather scrappy data, obtained by the author in Havana, a brief statement of the Cuban debt has been made up. The debts of the Cuban Treasury before the war can be reduced to five. First: Spain's debt to the United States. Second: Redeemable debt of 1 per cent. per annum and 3 per cent. interest. Third: Annuity debt. Fourth: Mortgage notes of 1886. Fifth: Mortgage notes of 1890. The first debt, $600,000. is an engagement made by Spain and signed in Madrid on the 17th of February, 1834, to pay the United States the amount specified; it was confirmed by the minister of the Spanish Treaty in a royal order, dated April 8, 1841, ordering the payment to be made by the Havana Treasury. The second and third debts have been almost entirely converted into mortgage notes. The fourth debt: by a royal decree of May 10, 1886, 1,240,000 notes of 500 _pesetas_ each (about $124,000,000) were issued, redeemable by quarterly drawings and paying six per cent. per annum interest. The fifth debt: by a royal decree of the 27th of September, 1890, 1,750,000 mortgage notes of 500 _pesetas_ each (about $175,000,000), were issued, redeemable at par by quarterly drawings, and paying five percent. per annum interest. The notes of these last two emissions are placed in Paris and London, and the redemption and interest thereon are payable in gold or its equivalent. They are guaranteed by the customs, post-office, and stamp revenue of the Island of Cuba, and the direct and indirect taxes, and besides by the Spanish nation. Besides, during the last war, the Spanish Government made an internal loan against the Cuban Treasury of 400,000,000 _pesetas_ ($80,000,000) and another one of 200,000,000 _pesetas_ more ($40,000,000), guaranteed by the Spanish customs. The floating debt, caused by the war expenditure and payments of current appropriations in Cuba, was not less than $100,000,000. These are not exactly official statements, and yet they were obtained personally by the author from official sources, and come close to the mark. Tabulated, we have this: STATEMENT OF CUBAN DEBT, OCTOBER, 1898 Spain's debt to the United States $600,000 Notes by royal decree of May 10, 1886 124,000,000 " " " " " September 27, 1890 175,000,000 Internal loan against Cuban Treasury 80,000,000 " " " Spanish customs 40,000,000 Floating debt, war expenses, etc. 100,000,000 ------------ $519,600,000 Paul Leroy Beaulieu gives the bonded debt of Cuba as 2,032,000,000 _pesetas_, or $406,400,000. This evidently does not include the large floating debt included in the above estimate. So far as Cuba is concerned, this debt has been liquidated. It will, therefore, in the language of the French economist, be "absolutely necessary for Spain to meet the expenditure." Why not? Spain lost the game, therefore she must pay the cost. The largest expenditure, next to interest on debt, was for purposes of war, $5,896,740.73. The expenses of the navy aggregate $1,055,136.13, and of the executive department, $2,645,149.98. Under the last section will be noted the salary of the Cuban Governor-General, $40,000, and the expenses of his office, $46,450, aggregating $86,450. In this division, it appears, the Civil Guards were paid; this body of men received, in all, $2,095,221.12. The second largest item in this total is the subsidy to the Compañia Transatlántica, which amounts to $471,836.68. A study of these several items will at once show that the principal expenditures for the Island of Cuba are those which have, directly or indirectly, to do with the control of the Island by Spain. Ten and a half millions, annual charge for the debt; nearly $7,000,000, the combined cost of the army and navy; while upward of $2,000,000 of the total amount expended under the classification of executive went to the Civil Guards, who have been used for patrolling the various parts of the Island. Here, then, we have a total of $19,500,000 for extraordinary expenditures, the larger portion of which will be abolished now the public debt is wiped out and peace restored to Cuba. The second grand division of expenditure is the smallest, and represents the amount of money which was spent strictly for local affairs, and not in the defence of the sovereignty, in its possession of Cuba, and the payment of an unjust debt. One of the first items of expenditure under this latter head is the result of the concession last year by Spain of autonomy for the Island, and the round sum of $133,830 is paid under the head of "Colonial Legislature." The second section is for the church, justice, and executive; also for the courts of justice, expenses for prisons and charitable institutions. It aggregates $1,612,859.44. The next most expensive department of the Government seems to be that of the Treasury, the salaries of the secretary, sub-secretaries, and other officers aggregating $218,725. This does not include general expenses, which make another item of this department, aggregating $33,500. Under the head of contingent expenses may be found the various provincial administrations of the Treasury; the cost of administration of custom-houses and revenue marine, amounting to $472,370, giving a total for the department of $708,978.51. Public instruction fares badly in Cuba. Under this head, it appears, $247,033.02 were expended. The largest item in these expenditures seems to be for the University of Havana and its educational adjuncts, aggregating $172,840.80. The next largest item is the salary of the Secretary of Education and the inspectors of primary instruction, etc., aggregating $58,300. None of the total amount seems to go for common-school education, as it is understood in the United States. Under the head of "Public Works and Communications," $1,036,582.10 was expended. The proportion of this money which goes for salaries is very large indeed. The largest single item of expenditure is given under the rather dubious heading of "Communication," and aggregates $417,640. Repairs and care of public buildings, including rent of buildings, aggregates $79,500; postal communication, $114,514. Marine navigation, including docks and sheds, lighthouses and buoys, aggregates $98,058; and the construction of the San Cristobal bridge, $49,000. The care and repair of public roads cost $100,000; in all making the above-mentioned total. [Illustration: A COCOANUT GROVE.] The agriculture, industry, and commerce of Cuba, like the public instruction, in the broader sense of the word, comes in for a meagre share of the small amount of the total budget, which seems to be reserved exclusively for expenditures for the benefit of the Home Government. The aggregate under the title of "Agriculture, Industry, and Commerce" is $108,178.52, the most of which is used in salaries and expenses for the secretary's office, for which one-third of the total appropriation is expended. Under the head of "Local Fairs of Agricultural Industries," $40,000 is appropriated. The forest lands seem to come in for some attention; at least $16,175 is expended for inspection under this head. These form the chief items of expenditure for all purposes for the Island of Cuba. Perhaps it would be more accurate to say these are the estimates of the appropriations which the Secretary of the Treasury thought would be necessary to run the government on the present plan. It is only necessary to study these interesting tables in detail to see where a large amount of this expenditure can be reduced or abolished altogether. In doing this, however, it must be borne in mind that other expenses will be necessary in order satisfactorily and honestly to administer the affairs of Cuba in the interests of the people of the Island. At this moment it is impossible to make a satisfactory estimate of the new budget, nor can it very well be done until after the United States authorities have been in full possession for at least twelve months, and are thus able to secure complete data as to the pressing needs of the Government of Cuba. Of course, the large items, such as interest on the public debt and expenditures of Spain for the purpose of conquering the Island will have disappeared, making a reduction, if we include the Civil Guards, of $18,000,000 or $20,000,000. To forecast how much of this amount will be required for immediate expenditures under the new order of things is impossible. In recommending revenue laws for Cuba, the author was aided by the suggestions of Mr. Fran Figueras, who has given the subject intelligent consideration. To emphasise the importance of giving immediate attention to a careful division of the expenditures for the central government and the expenditures for local purposes (something the Spanish Government, in the whole history of its management of Cuba, has failed to do), the following is given from a statement made to the author by Mr. Figueras: "The right to impose customs duties has a rational and just limit; it is determined by the legitimate needs of the Treasury. All in excess of these needs converts tax into an unjust, and therefore insupportable exaction. With due attention to these considerations and bearing in mind that the customs duties are the real source of revenue in the Island of Cuba, it is indispensable to determine the total amount of expenditure which this revenue must liquidate. If these expenditures are those used for public defence, central government administration of post-offices, justice, public works, education, and any other which it would not be advisable to turn over to the municipal or provincial governments, we may safely consider that six million to eight million dollars annually would be quite sufficient. This is the largest revenue the American Government should expect from the administration of customs duties in Cuba." Another statement well worth attention in this connection is that of Mr. Philip Pelaez, a former official of the Spanish Government in Cuba, who said to the author when in Havana: "Neither in the administration of the islands, nor in the ministry of the colonies, are there any statistics with respect to the composition of the tariffs, and only a few data with regard to valuations. This is as much as can be stated precisely offhand concerning the said tariffs, an analysis of which, article by article, it would be very difficult to get, seeing that there are no statistics of the real importations. Even without asking these investigations, there remains for the Government of the United States the most interesting problem on the making of peace, with the cession of the two islands. Is free trade convenient? Is a simple tariff preferable? Would it not be more prudent to keep to the existing one? Free trade at the present time would impose the burden of the general expenses without any profit and with great dangers, the most immediate being the paralysation of business, the flight of existing capital, etc. The _ad valorem_ tariff diminishes the receipts and gives advantages to a multitude of foreign articles. The tariffs now in force would, with a few changes, suit the islands and the United States for a long time to come." This sets forth substantially what has been done. The United States Government has made no violent fiscal changes in Cuba. Where the old laws and methods and customs could be fitted to the new order of things, they have been so fitted. The first and only radical change in the revenue system of Cuba is the speedy and absolute separation of local and general revenue. That which is local should be collected by local authorities and regarded as municipal revenue, to be expended for municipal purposes; while that which is general should be levied and collected by general authorities and expended for the general welfare of the Island. The general fund, after careful consultation with the governor of each province, should be apportioned geographically, and also into funds, such as the following: _a._--Maintenance of the general government, 20 per cent. _b._--Sanitary and other improvements, and loans to cities therefor, 10 per cent. _c._--Public schools and education, 10 per cent. _d._--To pay the bonds and other obligations issued by the Provisional Government of Cuba and its duly authorised agents since February, 24, 1895, which in the aggregate must not exceed $2,500,000, and to pay amounts due the soldiers of the Army of Liberation, 20 per cent. _e._--Development of the Island by the building of railroads, properly constructed highways, and other means of communication, 25 per cent. _f._--The repayment of the cost to the United States of the temporary military occupation pending the establishment of the proposed stable and independent government, 15 per cent. As all the expenses of the municipal and local government can be readily provided from taxes on real estate, income tax, liquor licences, and other internal-revenue taxes, the customs revenue can, without embarrassment, be devoted to and amply satisfy all general governmental requirements as scheduled above. The percentages above suggested are, of course, tentative, and must not be regarded as more than a rough apportionment. The widest possible latitude should be given each provincial governor in the expenditure of the share of the general funds allotted him for sanitary and other improvements, public schools, for building railroads, and constructing highways. A study of the Jamaica budget, presented in Chapter IV., might help in a fair apportionment of funds for the new budget of Cuba. The subject has not yet been taken up systematically by the United States Government, but will soon need attention, or the old haphazard Spanish methods will receive a new lease of life. Such a contingency would indeed prove a misfortune. CHAPTER XIX COMMERCE Speaking in round numbers, the commerce of Cuba during the last normal year aggregated about $100,000,000 of exports and a trifle over $60,000,000 of imports. From these figures it would seem that the balance of trade is about $40,000,000 in favour of Cuba. But this is more apparent than real. In one way and another Spain has annually turned away from the Island $40,000,000, which, had it been expended in Cuba every year, would have added immeasurably to the prosperity of the country. This money went to Spain in a variety of ways. Ten and a half millions of it were used in payment of a debt which did not justly belong to Cuba, and with which the people of the Island had been arbitrarily burdened without their consent. Large sums also went to Spain through the constantly changing Spanish civil and military officials, who regarded Cuba as their legitimate field for plunder. It has been estimated elsewhere in this volume that the total commerce of Cuba, had the affairs of the Island been honestly and economically administered, would have reached from $200,000,000 to $250,000,000, so prolific is the country, and so valuable in the world's markets are its two staple productions, sugar and tobacco. To indicate more definitely the extent of Cuban commerce, the reports for 1893, which was a good year, are given below, presenting, among the principal exports from Cuba to the United States, the following: Fruits and nuts $2,347,800 Molasses 1,081,034 Sugar 60,637,631 Wood, unmanufactured 1,071,123 Tobacco, manufactured 2,727,030 Tobacco, not manufactured 8,940,058 Iron ore 641,943 ------------ Total $77,446,619 In the same year the principal exports from the United States to Cuba, aggregating $15,448,981, were distributed as follows: Wheat flour $2,821,557 Corn 582,050 Carriages and street cars 316,045 Freight and passenger cars (steam railroad) 271,571 Coal 931,371 Builders' hardware 395,964 Railroad rails 326,654 Saws and tools 243,544 Locomotives 418,776 Stationary engines 130,652 Boilers and engine parts 322,284 Wire 321,120 Manufactures of leather 191,394 Mineral oil 514,808 Hog products 5,401,022 Beans and peas 392,962 Potatoes 554,153 Planks, joists, etc. 1,095,928 Household furniture 217,126 ------------ Total $15,448,981 These tables show the extent of Cuban commerce with but one country, the United States; and though, naturally and logically, that is the country with which Cuba must always do the vast bulk of her business, the other countries of the world have not been shut out; the average annual amount of exports from the Island to foreign countries other than the United States fell between $13,000,000 and $15,000,000, and the imports were upward of $40,000,000, the most of which, of course, was compulsory commerce with Spain. A casual inspection of the above table of imports to Cuba, covering only a portion of the articles taken from us by the Cubans, shows at once what the demands of the Island are for even the simplest necessities beyond bare existence. The million and a half people of the Island want our flour, our lard and pork, our oil, our barbed wire--our soldiers found samples of it strung around San Juan hill,--our manufactures of leather, our household furniture of all kinds, our locomotives and cars and steel rails, our saws and mechanics' tools, our stationary engines and boilers, our lumber in its various shapes for framing and building, our locks and hinges and nails, our corn and beans and potatoes; our coal, our street cars and carriages, and any and every kind of the manifold things we produce in this country for the comfort and convenience and economy of mankind. In part exchange for these things, we get from Cuba sugar and tobacco, and control the markets of the world in these products; mahogany and all manner of beautiful hard woods; bananas and cocoanuts and fruits, pleasing to the palate and wholesome to the health; honey from the flowers; glycerine, no less sweet, from the fats of cattle; manganese and molasses; cigars and coffee; beeswax and birds, and the vast fields of tropical wealth and luxuries for the millions of our colder clime scarcely yet touched. The golden dream of Columbus and his followers, when they beheld for the first time the purple peaks of the strange land rising out of the sea before them, are as poverty and nightmare in comparison with what is actual and real, for the more material age of the twentieth century. The greatest obstacle in the way of Cuban commerce, and the peculiar disadvantage under which the Island laboured was in a large measure attributable to the fact that Spain compelled Cuba to purchase merchandise in Spain which could have been bought in other markets at prices far below the figures which Cuba was forced by these discriminating duties to pay to Spanish merchants and manufacturers. The most glaring illustration of this may be seen by reference to the following table of Spanish imports into Cuba in 1896, which the author has prepared from the report of the Bureau of Statistics in relation to Spanish trade with Cuba and the West Indies: ARTICLES. VALUE. Marble, and manufactures of $ ...... Mineral waters 29,031 Glass bottles, etc. 66,889 Bricks, tilings, mosaics, etc. 28,371 Earthenware 77,853 Lime and cement 5,036 Silverware and jewelry 6,800 Iron bars, etc. 176,719 Fire-arms 1,872,240 Copper, and manufactures of 15,772 Lead, manufactured 15,344 Zinc 6,373 Other metals 52,654 Oils and paints. 117,542 Salt 51,030 Chemicals, medicines, etc. 35,365 Soap 635,369 Wax and stearin 419,124 Perfumery, etc. 12,722 Cotton thread 67,451 Other manufactures 3,676,807 Flax, hemp, etc., and manufactures of 740,017 Woollen blankets 219,971 Other woollen manufactures 73,007 Silk goods 74,206 Paper in rolls 82,457 Writing paper 88,219 Smoking paper 377,046 Packing paper 284,047 Books, music, etc. 39,655 Other paper 107,917 Wood, manufactures of 451,568 Leather 110,955 Shoes of leather 3,449,952 Saddlery 102,122 Machinery and musical instruments ..... Hams and meats, salted, etc. 75,679 Butter 171,918 Rice 298,970 Corn 286,563 Wheat flour 4,065,376 Beans 375,604 Other dried vegetables 128,254 Onions, garlic, and potatoes 241,023 Almonds 80,298 Olives 121,765 Raisins 44,982 Saffron 234,252 Pepper, ground and unground 61,582 Oil, common 663,244 Wine, common 1,469,409 " other 18,752 Preserved food 948,472 Pressed meat 316,314 Soup pastes (vermicelli, etc.) 287,200 Sandals 2,686,702 Playing cards 34,345 Felt hats 28,079 Cartridges 69,719 All other articles 614,196 ------------ Total $ 26,892,329 ------------ Gold ..... Silver $ 24,288,640 The most casual observer and the person of the most superficial knowledge in trade matters must be well aware that Spain is by no means as good a market in which to purchase such commodities as are noted above as is the United States, or as is any other country, for that matter; yet Cuba, by reason of iniquitous discriminating duties, was forced to buy these commodities of the mother country, and to pay a higher price for them than that at which they could have been bought elsewhere. And not only was the price exorbitant, but the articles were of inferior quality, and, especially in the line of all machinery and the appliances of modern industrial progress, the types were primitive and the models were as old and ineffective as the workmanship and material were poor. To any Government seeking the best interests of the governed, these discrepancies would have suggested themselves; and in the logic of location and the invincible combination of first-class goods, low prices, cheap freights, and quick delivery, the trade of Cuba would have been turned to the United States. The Spanish Government would have been the gainer by the greatly increased prosperity, progress, and wealth of her Island dependency. But Spain pursued a different policy, and by the overwhelming force of natural laws, regulating the relation of the governing to the governed, she has lost not only the trade of Cuba, but also the Island itself, and by trade laws not less immutable than those of civil government, the compulsory commerce she exacted from Cuba goes freely, naturally, and logically, to the United States. It is scarcely necessary to say what the Great Republic will do in the premises. The youngest of nations, it stands to-day to the fore with the oldest and the greatest of the powers of the earth in every field of human intelligence, industry, and endeavour, and it will scarcely leave the great work it has undertaken in Cuba to others for that final accomplishment which it is best qualified to carry to perfect completion. Cuba looks to the United States for encouragement, for strength, for education, for development, for business--for union, shall we say?--and, as her nearest neighbour, the United States will pledge itself that the Queen of the Antilles shall not look in vain. [Illustration: A SUGAR-CANE TRAIN.] In strong and hopeful contrast with this compulsory commerce is the amended American tariff of Cuba, which makes no discrimination whatever against the Cuban purchaser; and now and hereafter, so long as the United States Government controls the affairs of Cuba, the Cuban producer may sell his sugar, tobacco, fruit, iron ore, hard woods, and all that he produces to whomsoever he will; and he may buy what he wants from whomsoever he thinks sells cheapest and best. He is in no way bound to the United States and its markets, but is perfectly free to buy his goods in England, or France, or Germany, or Kamschatka, or even in Spain herself, if he can there find the best return for his money. We of the United States shall not so much as expect that the Cuban may, from a sense of gratitude to us for services we have rendered, give his trade to us; but we shall teach him, by the invincible example of the very best goods at the very lowest prices, that the markets of the United States present to the buyer attractions possessed by no other markets of the world, and he will learn early that having been his benefactor in war, we are not less so in peace; and as we have made him free, we have no fear that he will use that freedom to his own disadvantage. Under the reciprocity of the McKinley Tariff law, Cuba and the United States were brought more closely together in commercial union than ever before in their history. No more competent testimony on this point can be adduced than the following extract from the report for 1892 of the British Consul-General at Havana: "It will be seen from the above article" [on the lack of reliable statistics] "that the difficulty--especially to a new-comer--of forming anything like a clear and accurate view of the commercial movement of the district is next door to impossible. But, unfortunately, there is one feature of a very unsatisfactory nature which stands out prominently and did not take long to discover, namely, that British trade with Cuba has almost become a thing of the past; and under the recent reciprocity treaty the United States of America practically supplies all the wants of the Island and receives all its produce.... "Machinery, which formerly was largely supplied by England, Germany, France, and Belgium, now nearly all comes from the United States; and the machinery required for the vast amount of sugar manufactured in Cuba is immense and of great value.... "The reciprocity treaty between Spain and the United States would appear to be mainly beneficial to the latter nation. Articles such as machinery, iron, steel, coal, etc., which formerly came principally from Europe and continue to pay duty when imported from those countries, are admitted free of duty when coming from America, so that the former trade is fast disappearing, although some articles of English manufacture and of superior quality are still able to compete, notwithstanding the duty. The free admission of flour makes bread cheaper, but this is the only article which seems reduced in price. The free admission of Cuban sugar into the large markets of the United States is, of course, the great inducement for Spain to enter into an arrangement by which she sacrificed a considerable portion of her customs revenue.... "The effect of the recent reciprocity treaty between the United States and Spain in regard to her West Indian colonies has been to throw nearly the entire Cuban trade into the hands of the United States traders, with whom importers of goods from less favoured nations cannot compete, having to pay, by the terms of such a treaty, higher import duties." As a further indication of the benefit of reciprocity between Cuba and the United States, and as a working suggestion of the commercial possibilities presented to the business interests of this country, the following extract from an article on the "Commercial Relations between Cuba and the United States," by Mr. E. Sherman Gould, in the _Engineering Magazine_ for July, 1894, is given: "The value of the sugar exported to the United States has no doubt frequently reached, if not surpassed, the sum of $60,000,000 in a single year. At any rate, it will surely be safe to estimate the total yearly value of all exports from Cuba to this country at that figure. This large sum must be paid back to Cuba either in money or in exchange of commodities. In regard to this alternative we must recall the fact that Cuba has no manufactures of any account except cigars; that all the implements and machinery used in sugar-making and all the textile fabrics used for clothing, and even many articles of food, such as breadstuffs, butter, salt meats, and 'canned goods' must come from abroad. That is to say, $60,000,000 worth of exports are sent by a country without manufactures to the greatest manufacturing country in the world, and one in which the danger of 'over-production' is supposed to be a standing menace. Under these circumstances the mere statement of the question, 'How should these imports be paid for?' carries its answer with it. "In this connection the following table, compiled from the records of the United States Treasury at Washington, and showing the total value of exports from the United States to Cuba for two different years will be of great interest, especially as it gives an idea of the varied character of American products which already find a market in the latter country. "This table shows that the balance of trade is largely against us, assuming our imports from Cuba to reach $60,000,000. There is evidently room in the Island for at least thirty millions more of American goods. The table shows also that about one-half of the value of our exports in 1893 consisted of breadstuffs, provisions, etc., while wood and woodwork amounted to about one-eighth, and coal, iron, hardware, and machinery entered the list for about a quarter of the total amount. VALUE OF EXPORTS FROM THE UNITED STATES TO CUBA IN 1889 AND 1893 DESCRIPTION. IN 1889. IN 1893. Agricultural implements $74,135 $130,341 Animals 14,264 39,401 Books 46,617 39,075 Brass manufactures 32,420 44,150 Breadstuffs 1,336,147 3,511,617 Bricks 4,922 95,489 Builders' hardware 80,285 395,464 Carriages 67,282 316,045 Car-wheels 1,908 18,073 Chemicals 223,784 386,562 Clocks and watches 17,399 26,551 Coal 581,094 931,571 Copper manufactures 13,692 48,656 Cotton manufactures 126,180 148,178 Cutlery 10,347 21,094 Fire-arms 3,030 3,055 Flax, hemp, and jute 301,290 86,478 Fruit 30,971 126,954 Glass 55,178 117,870 India-rubber goods 27,804 42,879 Iron manufactures, not otherwise specified 241,122 1,343,551 Lamp goods 28,326 51,389 Leather manufactures 166,334 181,476 Lime and cement 16,500 71,570 Machinery 965,242 2,792,050 Marble and stone 14,243 77,003 Nails and spikes 58,112 127,583 Oils 430,203 548,092 Paper 198,461 159,895 Provisions 3,267,883 5,611,076 Railway bars 20,240 327,411 Railway cars 127,533 271,571 Saws and tools 115,232 243,544 Scales and balances 35,406 62,561 Sewing-machines 42,571 95,630 Steam-engines 10,493 130,652 Sugar and candy 19,941 35,911 Tobacco, manufactured 59,658 61,494 Vegetables 380,802 978,261 Wire 118,214 321,120 Wood, and manufactures of 1,110,946 2,881,095 All other 820,987 701,656 ----------- ----------- Total $11,297,198 $23,604,094 [Illustration: SUGAR-CANE SCALES.] "The Western Railway of Havana, now in English hands, and recently extended from Havana to Pinar del Rio, in the heart of the finest tobacco region of the Island, has called largely upon the United States for its new work. Many hundred feet of iron bridging were furnished and erected by the Union Bridge Company of New York, the railway company being satisfied with the price, and their engineer, as well as the government inspectors, satisfied with the work. The cement used was also wholly or largely American, the American being adopted rather than the English, somewhat reluctantly, by their engineer, on account of the greatly reduced cost. The stone used for bridge-seats was American granite, and highly praised to me by the engineer, who, being a Scotchman, was naturally a good judge of the material. The fact merits attention, in estimating the value of the Cuban market, that the people are heavy buyers. There is very little saving practised. I do not think there is a single savings bank on the Island.... As a rule, all the money received is freely spent, particularly by the poorer and middle classes, who, of course, form the bulk of the population. Probably the pernicious system of government lotteries has something to do with the absence of saving, as the practice of purchasing tickets is as widespread among the poor as it is destructive and demoralising. Probably, too, the character of the climate and the consequent ease of living prevent people from devoting much forethought to a future that they do not dread, for there is really very little of that pinching want ever felt in Cuba which recent hard times have brought to notice in our own country. Be the cause what it may, the fact remains that all the Cubans are prodigal in their expenditures, which goes far to account for the immense quantities of goods consumed and paid for by a comparatively small population. "Enough has been said, I think, to show that Cuba offers a most inviting field for American enterprise. Her prosperity and even her very existence may be said to depend upon her commercial relations with the United States; the two are bound together by the strong ties of mutual interest, and everything points to the fact that, commercially, Cuba should be ours.... "I believe that if the trade, not only of Cuba, but also of the South American countries, were first poured into the United States as a receiving reservoir, it would be naturally distributed, directly or indirectly, over the world to better advantage than if distant and various nations were carrying on desultory and independent business relations with them. The purchasing power that would be gathered into and concentrated in the United States by such trade would be largely expended in procuring those requirements of an ever-advancing refinement and civilisation which Europe can, at present at least, furnish better than we can ourselves. We appreciate and want these things--none more so--and the wealth which a practical monopoly of the South American trade would give us would make us Europe's best customer for those things of which she is the best producer. But this is a digression. "The Cuban market, like all others, is governed largely by fashion. Hitherto all supplies, except perhaps locomotives and steam-boilers, which have for a long time been chiefly furnished by the United States, have come, for the greater part, from Europe. I think that both in Spain and in South America, French goods, as well as French manners and customs have the preference. Just as there is a certain tendency in the United States to admire and imitate that which is derived from English sources, so everything French is apt to 'go' in these countries. It naturally takes time to overcome such preoccupations, particularly as in many cases they are well founded. I have taken occasion elsewhere to call attention to the fact that American houses shipping goods to Cuba put themselves under quite unnecessary disadvantage by careless packing. In the case of many fancy articles the mere appearance of the package goes a great way, and in the case of all goods careless packing entails great loss from breakage. This loss is a twofold one for the American dealer. Not only does he have to make good the damage at his own cost, but he creates a prejudice against his goods and his ways of doing business. This brings up another important point. It is a great mistake to suppose that 'anything is good enough for Cuba.' On the contrary, the people there not only want the best, but they also know it when they see it, and, once deceived, they never have any further transactions with the deceiver. The market is perhaps a capricious one, but it is one that fully recognises and appreciates fair dealing, and there is no better or more paying advertisement than to enter it 'on the square.' "The market being such as it is, and, moreover, being for many classes of goods a new one, the agents employed in it should be carefully selected. Here, again, Americans are at a disadvantage. Very few of the commercial travellers who are sent out from the United States speak Spanish, whereas nearly all those representing foreign concerns do. The Americans are therefore obliged to put themselves entirely into the hands of agents and interpreters, which is always an unsatisfactory way of doing business. In view of the growing relations between the United States and the South American countries, it would seem as if Spanish should occupy a preferential place, in our educational institutions, over French or German. Our business is to invade the Spanish-speaking territories, whereas we are ourselves invaded by the European nations, and this fact necessitates a more perfect equipment on the part of our business agents entering the foreign field. "As regards the classes of goods most needed in Cuba it would be impossible and wholly unnecessary to particularise more fully in this paper. We may broadly say that everything needed in this country is needed in Cuba, within the limits imposed by the difference of climate. They want or can be led to want everything we can furnish that is good and cheap. "I may perhaps be here permitted another digression. We have heard a great deal in times past, and more particularly of late, of 'overproduction,' and it is supposed to account for many of our business troubles. Now overproduction is a strictly relative condition, and its remedy is either to produce less or to dispose of more. Political economists tell us that true material progress lies in commonising the good things of life, so that what to-day are the luxuries of the rich shall become to-morrow the ordinary possessions of the middle classes, who will, in their turn, relegate their previous simple comforts to the poor, thus establishing an ever-ascending scale of prosperity, and raising, as it were, the standard of poverty. It is impossible, I think, to deny the truth of this proposition, which dictates a _levelling up_, instead of the socialistic plan of _levelling down_. In this view it is plainly to be seen that we are not, and cannot be, in any danger from _overproduction_. What we and all the world are suffering from is _underdistribution_. The remedy, as far as the United States are concerned, is not to limit production, but rather to increase it even to its utmost possibilities and then launch out in quest of new markets. It is this policy which has given England her vast commercial supremacy in the past. She has never attempted to restrict the production of her manufactures, but her efforts have always been to open up new markets, until she has forced her way to the remotest regions of the earth. It is said that the sun never sets on the British flag; it certainly never sets on British manufactures. "In carrying out such a policy for the United States it is evident that the Spanish-American countries offer themselves to us as our natural field for enterprise. As already pointed out, our labours in this field would be of mutual advantage to them and to us, and in more ways than one. While receiving from us our labour-saving machinery and wonderful mechanical appliances of all kinds, they would also imbibe a portion of the spirit which led to their invention and use. We, on our part, would not only receive from them the rich products of their fertile soil, but might also catch, by contact with men of another race, something of that natural grace and refinement in which our national character is said to be deficient." Referring to the fact that the railways in Cuba under English control have had their machinery from the United States, the manager of the English railways in Cuba only so recently as October, 1898, informed the author that they had not only purchased of the United States in the past, but that they intended getting all their railway supplies for the future from the same source. Surely no higher tribute could be paid to the manufacturers of our country than this from an Englishman, whose people for hundreds of years have led all competitors in the industrial manufacturing of the world. And this is but a step in the giant strides of commercial progress the United States will make in Cuba, under the encouraging influence of a reasonable tariff, the abolition of all discrimination, the assurances of a stable government, and that proximity which makes Cuba one with us in temper, in trade, and in territory. CHAPTER XX SUGAR--HISTORY AND FUTURE OUTLOOK Of Cuba's 28,000,000 acres, about 2,000,000 are devoted to the raising of her sugar crop, which in amount is a little less than half of the entire cane-sugar product of the world. Historians differ as to when the cultivation of sugar began in Cuba, but in 1523 Philip I., King of Spain, allowed a loan of 4000 _pesetas_ to each person who would undertake to establish a sugar plantation; and although it appears that the people of San Domingo began cane farming about this time, it is not positively known that the industry had secured much of a hold in Cuba until sixty years later. Indeed, some writers assert that the first cane farm was established in Cuba in 1595. In any event, three hundred years--or, to be exact, two hundred and ninety-nine years--later, that is, in 1894, the year before the last rebellion, during which the sugar industry was almost wiped out, 1,054,214 tons of sugar were produced, the greatest quantity ever raised in any one year in the Island. Although it made so early a start in the history of American agriculture, the sugar industry in Cuba languished for two hundred years, the annual output during that time being only about 28,000 tons. A quarter of a century later it reached 75,000 tons; the middle of the nineteenth century saw it at 250,000 tons, and in 1894 it passed the million mark, with an impetus that would have sent it on the first quarter in the second million by the end of the century, if the wretched mismanagement and criminal culpability of Spain had not brought on the rebellion. With millions of acres of the richest and best cane land on the globe, yet untouched by the plough, with a climate unsurpassed for the growth and development of sugar cane, and with a prestige for Cuban sugar second to none in the markets of the world, the future of Cuba's sugar presents a possibility of wealth surpassing the richness of the gold and silver which came to Columbus in the marvellous tales of the interior of the magnificent Island which he had discovered. Recurring to the effect of the rebellion of 1895-1898 on the sugar industry, it is appalling to contemplate the dreadful decrease in a country's chief source of wealth and income to the government, as well as to the individual. In 1894, the output was 1,054,214 tons, and the following year, under the first touch of war and its alarms, the crop dropped off 50,000 tons, though it remained still above the million. This was the second year in Cuban sugar history that the million mark was passed. In 1896, the war was raging all over the Island, and with the Spaniards on one side, taking men and cattle, and the insurgents on the other, burning cane and buildings and stealing stock, the sugar planter was utterly obliterated in some sections, and so badly crippled in others that the output reached only 225,221 tons, the lowest figure known in fifty years. Nor was this astounding decrease a matter of gradual accomplishment, permitting the country, the business, and the people to accommodate themselves to the changed conditions, but it happened almost in a night, and an income from sugar of $80,000,000 a year dwindled on the instant to $16,000,000, a loss of $64,000,000 at once as the result of Spanish mismanagement. [Illustration: CANE FIELDS.] As a cane-sugar-producing country, nature has made Cuba superior to any competitor which may appear; but all sugar does not come from cane, and since 1840, when the first record of beet sugar appeared, with 50,000 tons for the year's output for the world, as against 1,100,000 tons of cane sugar, about 200,000 tons of which was raised in Cuba, the sugar growers of the Island have had their only dangerous rival. Beginning with the small production of 50,000 tons in 1840, principally grown in France, the beet-sugar production increased rapidly in Europe, reaching 200,000 tons in 1850; 400,000 tons in 1860; 900,000 tons in 1870; 1,860,000 tons in 1880; and in 1894 going to 3,841,000 tons. Cane sugar in the meantime only increased from 1,100,000 to 2,960,000 metric tons. Cuba in 1895 produced only 100,000 tons less than the world's entire output of all kinds of sugar in 1840. The total output of beet and cane sugars in 1893-1894 was 6,801,000 metric tons. The United States in 1894 produced 272,838 tons of cane sugar, 20,219 tons of beet sugar, 394 tons of sorghum sugar, and 3408 tons of maple sugar. With the growth of sugar production in Cuba have come newer and better methods; and whereas in 1825 the largest plantations rarely exceeded 1500 acres in extent, producing only 350 tons per year, with a total value of land, buildings, machinery, stock, and slaves, of, say, $500,000, with aggregate revenue of, say, $60,000, and expenses of $30,000, leaving a profit of $30,000,--in these later times there are plantations of 25,000 acres, representing an investment of $2,000,000 with an annual revenue of $1,000,000, expenses, say, of $800,000, leaving a profit of $200,000 per year. Contrasting the earlier figures with these later estimates, a profit of ten per cent. is shown in 1894 as against six per cent. in 1825. In 1840, it is estimated there were 1710 sugar plantations in Cuba; while in 1894 there were 1100. Sugar farms are upland soils, the cane requires to be planted only once in seven years, and no fertilizers are required. Many of the planters in later years are very enterprising, and the machinery they use is the best in the world. The outfitting of one central, or grinding plant, with a capacity of 1000 tons a day, costs $500,000. Houses and stores for the accommodation of the employes are provided; there are locomotives and cars for the miles of railway for bringing the cane to the mill from all parts of the plantations; as many as 2000 labourers are employed; 1000 cattle for work and beef are to be found on this place; and the _colonia_ is conducted upon the most economic, advantageous, and improved lines. This is a model _colonia_; but all Cuban _colonias_ are not models. To give the reader a somewhat more definite idea of a sugar farm, a statement by Mr. P. M. Beal, of Beal & Co., lessees of the _Colonia Guabairo_, owned by Messrs. E. Atkins & Co., of Boston, possibly the largest American proprietors in Cuba, is herewith appended. Mr. Beal says: "In 1889, when preparations for cane farming were commenced, the _Guabairo_ was mostly impenetrable forest, and not a building of any kind existed; the working people slept under a cart until temporary palm-leaf huts could be constructed to shelter them. At this time the _Guabairo_ proper contained 1333 acres; later some 1100 acres were hired or bought, and the _colonia_ increased in area to about 2433 acres, of which in 1895, at the breaking out of the insurrection, 1100 acres were planted with cane and the rest was pasture, woods, and waste lands. In 1895, at the breaking out of the insurrection, the 1100 acres under cane cultivation produced about 2,500,000 _arrobas_ (an _arroba_ is twenty-five pounds), and aside from this, a sufficient quantity of corn and vegetables were grown for all the requirements of the _colonia_, so we never had to purchase. From the 1st of December to the 1st of June, an average of about 350 people were employed; of these ten per cent. were Canary Islanders or Spaniards, ten per cent. negro women and boys (white women do no field work); twenty per cent. native whites, and about sixty per cent. negroes and mulattoes. From the 1st of June to the 1st of December, an average of about 150 were employed. Women do no field work during this period. "For agricultural purposes this _colonia_ keeps nearly 300 oxen and about 20 horses and mules; also a few cows for milk, and a number of animals for beef, which in normal times varies from 30 to something over 100. In normal times this _colonia_ slaughters on an average, about 22 animals per month, with an average dressed weight of about 200 kilos (450 pounds) per head. The cost for preparing, breaking up, cross-ploughing, marking, furrowing, seed cane, planting, cultivating, wear and tear to implements, and weeding one _caballeria_ (33-1/3 acres) of cane to maturity, and do it well, is from $1400 to $1600, according to conditions of soil, wages, etc., and under normal conditions will here require from three to four years before the farmer can see any profits, and then only by intelligent management and good soil. Soil which requires planting every three to five years will ruin any man. The average yield of cane per _caballeria_ in Guabairo for 1895 was about 71,500 _arrobas_, and the cost per 100 _arrobas_ for weeding, cutting, carting, and delivering to the central amounted to about $1.84." The concluding passage of Mr. Beal's statement indicates to some extent the effect of the war upon his plantation, which escaped happily as compared with hundreds of others. He says: "In 1896 we had some new plantings, and the crop was estimated at 2,700,000 _arrobas_; very nearly the whole of this was burned by the insurgents, some of the fields were burned twice and no crop was made. The horses were seized, cattle driven off, storehouses plundered repeatedly, and finally the manager had to flee for his life and seek safety in Cienfuegos; since then the fields have suffered repeated burnings and the crop has been reduced from 2,700,000 _arrobas_ to 1,400,000 _arrobas_, estimated. In 1897 and 1898 the crops were made under difficulties, the colonia employing a private armed force of sixteen men, and Colonel Luis Ramos Izquierdo kept a small garrison of his guerrillas in the _colonia_." Contrasting opinions as to the matter of profit in the production of sugar in Cuba, we present herewith two statements. The first is by Mr. William J. Clark, in his work, _Commercial Cuba_, and is as follows: "We have already seen that Mr. Gollan, the British Consul-General at Havana, estimates the factory cost of sugar in Cuba at the best managed centrals to be 2.50 cents per pound, although in exceptional cases it may be less. But during the month of October, 1898, the selling price of raw centrifugal sugar, 96 degrees test, in the New York market has ranged between 2.40 and 2.60 cents per pound, neglecting United States import duty, which is a fixed rate of 1.685 cents per pound. If we take this selling price at 2.50 cents per pound, and deduct .22 cents per pound freight, wharfage, and commission, we get 2.28 cents as the price paid for raw sugar free on board at Cuban ports. From this amount must be taken export charges of five cents per 100 kilos lighterage at the port of shipment, and the cost of transportation from the central to the seaboard. These together sum up not less than .10 of one cent, which would leave the net price at the central 2.18 cents. But we have already shown that the factory cost of the product has been as low as 1.99 in Trinidad, 1.94 in British Guiana, and 1.86 in Barbadoes. These three costs give an average of 1.93 cents. Deducting from 2.18 cents which we have calculated as the present selling price at the central, 1.93 cents, the present possible minimum cost of production, we shall get .25 cents, equal to 12.95 per cent. as the margin of profit." Mr. Clark takes New York prices in October, 1898. These prices were not under normal conditions, the current prices of the year being 2-3/8 to 2-1/2 cents for 96 centrifugals in bond. Mr. Clark gives cost of Muscovado sugars at the British islands of Trinidad and Barbadoes. These sugars test 89, and are worth seven cents less per pound in New York than 96 test centrifugals. He compares cost and values as if they were worth the same money. Properly compared, his profit changes into loss. In this connection the following figures, especially prepared by an expert for this work, may be of interest: THEORETICAL SUGAR CONTENTS OF 100 POUNDS CANE _Bagasse_ (dry fibre) 12 pounds Juice 88 " --- Total 100 " 88 pounds of juice containing 16 per cent. in sugar 14 " [Illustration: CUTTING SUGAR CANE.] THEORETICAL PURE SUGAR CONTENTS OF 100 POUNDS CANE "The practical results are difficult to obtain. The best of work seems to be about as follows: Per 100 pounds of cane: _Bagasse_ 30 pounds Juice (extracted) 70 " --- Total 100 " 70 pounds of juice at 16 per cent. sugar equal in pure sugar, 11.20" "This 11.20 pounds of sugar, less loss of working and less the sugar left in the final molasses, reduced the actual yield to about 10 per cent. of pure sugar, or 10-1/2 per cent. of commercial product, besides the mechanical difficulty of increased impurities, whose ratio increases rapidly with better milling, and the loss of fuel in the _bagasse_, which is an important consideration where such loss must be made up by imported coal. "With 30 pounds of _bagasse_ per 100 pounds of cane, no other fuel should be required. "The difficulty of increasing the sugar contents of the cane comes from the fact that cane, unlike beet, has no seed, and must be reproduced from cuttings. "Improvement in this line is quite possible, but must come from long years of study and experiment and will require the best attention of scientific minds." The expert who furnished the above, adds: "It will seem strange to the uninitiated that the manufacturers can afford to leave any sugar in the _bagasse_, if there is any possible method of getting it out; but with low prices for the sugar product and expensive coal it can be seen that there is a point beyond which it may not be profitable to pass. With cheap fuel and high-priced sugar products, the case might be different." The second statement, which is at considerably greater length, is by Mr. E. F. Atkins, who prepared the following especially for this volume: The total output of sugar in the world was for some years in excess of the requirements for consumption. This over-production and consequent accumulation of stocks brought prices down to a point which in all probability was considerably below the average cost of production. Germany, as the largest sugar-producing country, naturally fixes the market prices of the world. The refiner in New York will pay no more for sugars to be shipped from Havana than the equivalent of the price at which he can buy at Hamburg; difference of freight, duties, bounties, and quality, of course, considered. The present average cost of production of German raw sugar is said to be about 9_s._ per 112 pounds. At this figure the existing bounty upon exports would allow sales for shipment to England, where no duty is paid, as low as 8_s._= $1.71 per pound for 88 analysis beets; this, allowing for difference in values of the two grades, would be equivalent to $1.89 United States currency for 96 test Cuba centrifugals, under like conditions, viz.: f.o.b. at port of shipment, for any country such as England where the two grades enter upon equal terms. The effect of our countervailing duty assessed upon bounty-fed sugars under the Dingley Act of 1897, has been to raise the comparative value of cane sugar in producing countries, as against beet sugar, and to place Germany and other European sugar countries in exactly the same condition, so far as the United States market is concerned, as if no bounties were paid by them; thus in considering Germany's competition with Cuba in the United States markets, we may eliminate both bounties and countervailing duties as factors, and say that when Germany can sell to England at 8_s._ she must obtain 9_s._ from the United States to give her shippers an equal price; 9_s._ is equivalent to about $2.18 United States currency, for Cuba centrifugals, 96 test, f.o.b. Cuba. The export price of German sugar at Hamburg from January 1 to June 1, 1898 (a period covering the Cuban sugar crop season), ranged from 9_s._ to 9_s._ 9_d._ with an average of about 9_s._ 4-1/2_d._ Last crop prices gave the Cuban manufacturers an average of about 4-1/2 reals per arroba, say 2-1/4 cents Spanish gold, a price at which they could be laid down in New York slightly under the parity of European beets, duty paid. The imports of beet sugar from Europe into the United States, from January 1 to June 1, 1898, were 22,000 tons against 496,000 tons for same period of previous year; while imports of cane sugars showed an increase of some 60,000 tons; this change in source of supply being brought about by the countervailing duty. It is not possible to give any figures of the average cost of production in Cuba. In my opinion it is undoubtedly higher than the average of Germany. Of the 2-1/4 cents net obtained by the Cuban manufacturers, the cane (which is generally purchased upon a sliding scale based upon the current value of sugar) costs them from 1 cent to 1-1/4 cents per pound of sugar according to yield at the various factories. This would leave them but little over 1 cent per pound, average margin, to cover manufacturing expenses, salaries, maintenance and repairs, office expenses, interest, insurance, and freight to seaboard, and while some factories, thoroughly equipped as regards machinery, skilfully conducted as to business management, favourably located regarding inland transportation, and not dependent upon borrowed capital, have shown fair interest returns upon capital invested, very many have been operated at a loss (aside from such losses as arose from the war), and the margin of profit, both past and prospective, is not such as to invite any large investment of new capital in sugar manufacturing. The future values of sugar in Cuba are dependent, not upon cost of production in the Island, but rather upon the cost in Germany; and upon the extent to which free sugars are to be admitted into the United States from the Sandwich Islands, Porto Rico, and the Philippines. With new capital and skill the average cost of production in Cuba can be reduced, and with either free sugars or a uniform rate of duty in the United States, assessed upon all sugars (a countervailing duty to offset foreign bounties always maintained), she can hold her own and recover her prestige as a sugar-producing country, but the margin of profit in sugar manufacturing is so small, and the world's capacity for production so great, that Cuba cannot recover her prosperity in the face of any advantage to be given to sugars from other countries entering the United States. At current prices in Cuba cane is worth to the planter the equivalent of $2 to $2.50 per net ton, out of which price he must pay for his planting and cultivation, cutting, and delivery to factory or nearest railroad point. As the cost of cane production consists almost entirely of labour, and wages in Cuba, for some years previous to the insurrection, ranged about the same in Spanish gold as similar work commanded in the United States, the profits in this branch of the industry have not been great, and have been dependent upon skill in management, quality of lands, and proximity to the factories. The supply of labour and rates of wages in the future are now most serious questions to the sugar producer in Cuba, and present the greatest obstacle to reducing cost. For supplies of cane the manufacturer must depend either upon his own resources or upon large planters. Factories to be operated at a profit should be kept running day and night, and cane, owing to its nature, must be ground immediately it is cut. The grinding season in Cuba is limited to about one hundred and twenty working days, and small farmers, while they can generally find a market for their cane, cannot be depended upon for a constant regular supply. Had Cuba the power to dictate her own prices, she could maintain sufficient margin to overcome local difficulties, but that power has long since passed and future profits must be dependent upon her economies. The price of cane to her planters is dependent upon the price at which her manufacturers can sell their sugar, and this price in turn is dependent upon the price at which other sugar-producing countries (principally Germany, the great factor in the world's sugar trade) can place their goods, duty paid, in New York. If Cuba in the future should have to compete to any extent, in the United States, with free sugar from other countries, while a duty was exacted upon Cuban sugars, her case would seem to be hopeless. [Illustration: UNLOADING CANE AT A BATEY.] Another interesting and valuable statement was prepared for the author by Mr. Wm. Bonnet, of Havana, under date of October 8, 1898, and gives an array of statistical information which is as follows: The loss to Spain's dominion of the Mexican Territory (1821-1825) deprived the Island of a yearly allowance of about $1,000,000, which amount was drawn out of the Mexican budget for the needs of the Cuban administration. The Island, up to those days, was considered more as a penitentiary than as a productive colony; convicts were sent to Havana with the principal object of building good ships for the Spanish Armada. It was only after the loss to Spain of Mexico that Cuba began to improve her general production, and the efforts of the country in growing sugar and coffee were so successful that a few years later, with the help of the slaves that were again freely brought from Africa, and with the co-operation of immigrants that had come from Hayti, etc., the Island, besides covering all her expenses, was able to send large amounts of money to the mother country. From 1840 to 1850, the production of sugar increased gradually from 200,000 to about 300,000 tons. Prices of coffee began to decline owing to excess of production and competition of Brazil, and all the attention was given to cane growing, so much so that from 1853 up to 1868, the production was rapidly increased to the following figures: 1853................ 332,000 Tons. 1854................ 374,000 " 1855................ 392,000 " 1856................ 348,000 " 1857................ 355,000 " 1858................ 385,000 " 1859................ 536,000 " 1860................ 447,000 " 1861................ 466,000 " 1862................ 525,000 " 1863................ 507,000 " 1864................ 575,000 " 1865................ 620,000 " 1866................ 612,000 " 1867................ 597,000 " 1868................ 749,000 " This period of sixteen years was really the so-called Golden Age of Cuba. The Cuban budgets, although heavy at that time, were easily covered, and on this account extra taxes were imposed upon the Cuban people in excess of what the budgets called for and remitted to the mother country; such extra sums reaching as high as $5,000,000 per annum,--an erroneous and fatal system, the consequence of a mistaken policy, which then, as ever, led Spain to consider her colony as a source of income, forgetting that such excessive calls, constantly resulting in a deficit, clearly indicate bad administration. Cuba was overtaxed and nothing was done to help the growing of our fertile Island. In vain did the Cubans lay their claims for better administration. The mother country was deaf. Commissioners went to Madrid to represent, but they had to return, bringing back only many promises that were never fulfilled. No hope was left to the Cubans, and all these obstinate errors brought on the outbreak of October 10, 1868, which resulted in a civil war that lasted ten years, ending in 1878 with the so-called agreement of Zanjon. The war at first was not a drawback to sugar production, and the crops gathered during the Ten Years' War were: Called the { 1869 726,000 Tons. twin crops. { 1870 726,000 " 1871[15] 547,000 " 1872 690,000 " 1873 775,000 " 1874 681,000 " 1875 718,000 " 1876 590,000 " 1877 520,000 " 1878 533,000 " It is to be noticed that during the period of war the sugar production continued to increase at first, say from 1869 to 1875. Highly remunerative prices were then obtained for sugar; besides, from 1869 to 1870, $70,000,000 in paper money were issued, and money was easy. From 1876 to 1878, the production rapidly decreased. Mismanagement, enormous taxes to attend war expenses, and depreciation of paper money brought on national distrust and financial troubles. And with all this, the emancipation of slaves was carried through at that time, moreover, without any compensation of any kind to owners. Prices of sugar, up to the year 1880, were still remunerative (4 to 4-1/2 cents per pound, centrifugals 96 test); but the competition of beet sugars in Europe began to be felt more and more every day, causing a lower tendency towards the crisis in prices of the article which finally reached a value of only fifty per cent. of its former quotation. Under such difficulties Cuba struggled hard. The Cuban army was disbanded after the war, and many persons who had come to towns for safety went back to work their fields and became a new contingent of cane growers. The system of cane _colonias_ was started all over with marked success. Canes were sold to the mills at remunerative prices and fresh impulse was imparted to the country. In spite of all these efforts, Spain persisted in considering her colony a source of income. Our deputies to the Cortes went full of faith, but they came back fruitlessly as always. The same mistaken policy that ruled Cuba before was continued as ever, and the outbreak of February 24, 1895, was the inevitable result. The crops gathered from 1879 to 1898 were: 1879 670,000 Tons. 1880 530,000 " 1881 493,000 " 1882 595,000 " 1883 460,397 " 1884 558,937 " 1885 631,000 " 1886 731,723 " 1887 646,578 " 1888 656,719 " 1889 560,333 " 1890 632,368 " 1891 816,980 " 1892 976,960 " 1893 815,894 " 1894 1,054,214 " 1895 1,004,264 " 1896 225,221 " 1897 212,051 " 1898 300,000 " (about) Notice the decrease of production of the year 1896. We could have ground that year more than 1,100,000 tons of sugar, had it not been for the war. The amount of the coming crop will depend entirely on the greater celerity that is to be given to the so-wished for political change. Any delay will be of disadvantage to all our productions. The proper season for cleaning cane fields has already vanished, and besides cattle are badly wanted and very scarce. Training for working purposes requires time. If peace becomes a fact and all the available cane is ground, I would say that 500,000 tons might be reached. Now I will call your attention to the distribution of our crops these few years back. CROP OF 1893--815,894 TONS OF 2240 LBS. Exported to the United States 680,642 Tons. " " Canada 25,069 " " " Spain 9,448 " " " England 3,045 " Local consumption whole year 50,000 " CROP OF 1894--1,054,214 TONS OF 2240 LBS. Exported to the United States 965,524 Tons " " Canada 24,372 " " " Spain 23,295 " " " England 10,528 " Local consumption whole year 50,000 " CROP OF 1895--1,004,264 TONS OF 2240 LBS. Exported to the United States 769,958 Tons " " Canada 28,324 " " " Spain 28,428 " " " England 5,674 " Local consumption whole year 50,000 " CROP OF 1896--225,221 TONS OF 2240 LBS. Exported to United States 235,659 Tons " " Spain 9,969 " Local consumption whole year 40,000 " CROP OF 1897--212,051 TONS OF 2240 LBS. Exported to United States 202,703 Tons " " Nassau 83 " " " Spain 1,337 " Local consumption whole year 38,000 " [Illustration: CYLINDERS FOR GRINDING SUGAR CANE.] The stock of sugar left in store on December 1, 1897, was 1888 tons, the smallest stock held at an equal date since several years. The returns and distribution of this year's crop are not completed yet. Notice the proportion of exports to Spain in 1897 as compared with exports to the United States. Mr. Adolfo Muñoz del Monte, writing in the _Revista de Agricultura_, says: "During the thirty years before 1884 the following classes of sugar were made: "First. White sugar nearly refined, manufactured with the aid of vacuum pans, filtered through bone-black, and purified in centrifugal turbines; and the inferior products of this manufacture. "Second. White and brown sugar, manufactured and purified in forms. Some estates use vacuum pans for these sugars. "Third. Muscovado sugars manufactured directly from the cane juice. "The best sugars of these three classes were exported in boxes, and the inferior in hogsheads. "Fourth. Raw sugar, made in vacuum pans and crystallised immediately in centrifugal turbines, there being two varieties of this class of sugar, that extracted directly from the juice and the one extracted from the molasses resulting in the purification of the first product. "In the year 1857 there was a universal crisis and after that time planters considered that the first class mentioned was the most profitable, and machinery was improved at great expense for the purpose of manufacturing this grade of sugar. A plantation with this machinery could be improved only at great cost, and it would have been impossible to do so to any advantage had it not been for the reduced cost of labour owing to slavery, carried on at the time. "In the meanwhile, the beetroot-sugar industry was progressing both in its agriculture and manufacture. No one in Cuba foresaw the terrible revolution that this industry was to suffer in consequence. It first became apparent in the crisis in 1884, which may be considered the most important event in the history of the sugar industry. This crisis, which came in a most sudden and unexpected manner, caused the reduction in the price of sugar which, though a benefit to the poorer classes of the world, was the ruin of Cuba, as at the same time slavery was abolished without any compensation whatever, direct or indirect, at the time when the losses of a sanguinary civil war were being overcome. "It may be stated that absolutely no one could foresee, either in the present or in the past generation, the revolution that since 1884 has shaken the industry; though the French colonists, fearing the competition from the start, solicited the protection of their Government. "The French colonists feared this competition so much that fifty years ago they solicited from the French Chamber of Deputies a law prohibiting the cultivation of beetroot in French territories, offering to indemnify those who had commenced it. Experience has proved how just their fears were at that early date; but the French Government did not grant their petition, because it was adverse to favouring monopolies, and besides, because Germany, having no colonies, could promote that industry without fear of the rivalry which has proved of material benefit to all Europe, including France itself. "In the course of human events, time alone will cause considerable changes; just as before 1884 all planters firmly believed that greater profit was obtainable by the manufacture of white sugars than lower grades. They then realised that the unexpected improvements in the manufacturing and refining processes in Europe indicated the necessity of changing their system. Those countries which had, up to that time, imported fine grades of sugar from Cuba have been able since then not only to manufacture better sugar at lower cost for their own consumption, but also to export immense quantities of this article both raw and refined to the principal markets of the world. The production is to-day considerably greater than that of Cuba. "The change is so marked that there are no longer any estates in Cuba where the white sugar is manufactured which was so desirable from 1856 to 1884. "Instead of this high-grade sugar, planters are manufacturing the fourth of the above mentioned classes. The founding of these estates or _centrales_ requires investing considerable capital for the erection and running expenses of the works. These _centrales_ require excellent machines and apparatus, furnaces to burn the green _bagasse_, transportation facilities, usually narrow-gauge railroads, and fuel--without counting the necessity of having well-paid superintendents, aided by competent workmen. "Many will accuse planters of hasty action and imprudence for having invested so heavily in the sugar business, but this would be an unjust charge, since their object was to keep up an industry which was threatened with destruction, and which is the main source of wealth of the country. "The consequence is that since 1884 the general condition of planters, considering the circumstances, is remarkably better than it otherwise would have been, and had it not been for the numerous obstacles which have always prevented the growth and increase of Cuban wealth there is no reason why their work should not have been crowned with success. It is the obstacles that have been put in their way at the time when these changes were being carried out that made their work so much more difficult, but upon it depends the fortunes of the present generations. "It is the principle of accumulation of capital produced by work and thrift, put into effect during one century, which has created the colossal fortune and solid civilisation of the United States; and this simple and natural procedure is the only one that can produce in Cuba results of any importance tending to alleviate the present necessities. To organise a sugar factory of any importance it is absolutely necessary to invest a capital of, at the very least, one half a million dollars, and if the work is to be of great importance the first expense must be increased to from one million to two million dollars. The annual expenditure of the sugar estates can be divided into the following groups. "First. Cost of cane and its transportation to the mills, whether bought from outsiders or grown on the estate itself. This will absorb fifty per cent. of the gross receipts of each crop. "Second. Salaries and wages, ordinary and extraordinary. "Third. Interest, whether on mortgages, running expenses, or accounts current. "Fourth. Management and running expenses, which are so considerable that a statement of them would seem exaggerated. "Fifth. The redemption of loans invested therein, taking into account the wear and tear of the plant. "Sixth. The loss of interest of the capital invested in the lands, factories, and other works of the plantation. "The gross receipts of the crop are the source of the planter's income, and naturally the six items specified have been deducted therefrom before the net profit can be estimated. "In the above expenses no repair items have been included, since they are often virtually an increase in the value of the property and therefore merely constitute an additional amount of the capital invested. Although some companies insure parts of sugar estates, they only take limited risks; so many losses by fire, in addition to hurricanes, impair the value of the property. The fire insurance companies charge very high premiums for the insurance that they effect. "The result of the crop depends naturally on two factors--first, the quantity of sugar made; and second, the price at which it is sold. "Before the year 1884 the average price was eight rials the _arroba_ (equal to one dollar for twenty-five pounds) of cane sugar, number twelve, Dutch standard; or centrifugal sugar, 96 degrees polarisation; and when sold under this price the planter could not cover expenses. "Since 1884 the price of sugar has decreased so considerably that it has reached a ruinous figure. During the last ten years, as can be seen by official quotations, 96 degree centrifugal sugars have been quoted from four to five rials, and although from 1889 to 1893 the prices have several times exceeded eight rials, it has only been for a very short while. "At the end of 1893 and during 1894, the average price has been five and one-half rials, which is simply ruinous for the planters. "In Europe there are facilities for obtaining money; and besides, it happens that the beetroot only takes five months from its planting to the making of sugar, while sugar cane, besides having to struggle against many obstacles, requires fifteen months. [Illustration: APPARATUS FOR PACKING SUGAR AT THE SAN JOSE CENTRAL.] "The consequence is that the periods of high prices are always of short duration, since as soon as the prices commence to rise the sowings of beet increase, thereby causing an obstacle to the continuance of the rise. "The lack of capital makes the problem insoluble to the Cuban planter, and whatever means he can use to overcome his difficulties, the final result will always be the same, as he cannot reduce the expenses of his plantation beyond a certain limit. "There is no doubt that to-day (1894) the sugar estates do not cover expenses, and this fact is of immense importance, not only because it explains the present misfortunes, but because in it will be found latent the germs of many future misfortunes. "The causes of the dangerous situation have been well studied; some will be found in history and in the economic management of the Island and others in the effect of beetroot industry on cane. "Consequently, the unfortunate situation of the sugar industry in Cuba is due to three principal causes which by a strange coincidence have acted simultaneously, to wit: the economic régime in the Island, the abolishment of slavery without indemnifying the owners, and the great reduction in the price of sugar since 1884. "The efforts of the planters to save their industry have been interpreted by the Spanish Government as signs of prosperity, and that has based on this misunderstanding of facts the indefinite continuance of a disastrous economic system that is moulded on the old colonial system and is bound to ruin this Island, even if it were as rich and prosperous as the Government states that it is. "This official optimism is deplorable for more than one reason. It is to be noticed that as Cuba's poverty increases the pretensions of perpetual exactions are greater, and that the bulk is borne by the planters, who, together with the rest of the Cuban population, are possessors, judging by these exactions, of sources of unlimited wealth." This chapter may be fittingly concluded with the following table compiled by Messrs. Willet & Gray, January 5, 1899, giving the entire sugar production of all the countries of the world, including those crops which have heretofore been ignored in statistics. These figures include local consumptions of home production wherever known. -----------------------------------+----------+----------+----------+--------- | 1898-99. | 1897-98. | 1896-97. | 1895-96. -----------------------------------+----------+----------+----------+--------- United States: | Tons. | Tons. | Tons. | Tons. Cane | 270,000 | 310,000 | 282,009 | 237,730 Beet | 33,960 | 41,347 | 40,000 | 30,000 Porto Rico | 70,000 | 54,000 | 54,000 | 50,000 Canada--beets | 300 | 300 | 300 | 500 Cuba--crop | 450,000 | 314,009 | 219,500 | 240,000 British West Indies: | | | | Trinidad--export | 50,000 | 52,000 | 51,000 | 58,000 Barbadoes--exports | 47,000 | 52,000 | 58,249 | 47,800 Jamaica | 27,000 | 30,000 | 30,000 | 30,000 Antigua and St. Kitts | 22,000 | 25,000 | 29,000 | 24,000 French West Indies: | | | | Martinique--exports | 32,000 | 35,000 | 35,000 | 35,000 Guadeloupe | 40,000 | 45,000 | 45,000 | 45,000 Danish West Indies: | | | | St. Croix | 12,000 | 13,000 | 13,058 | 8,000 Hayti and San Domingo | 48,000 | 48,000 | 48,800 | 50,000 Lesser Antilles, not named above | 8,000 | 8,000 | 8,000 | 8,000 Mexico--exports | 2,000 | 2,000 | 2,000 | 2,000 Central America: | | | | Guatemala--crop | 9,000 | 9,000 | 8,000 | 7,000 San Salvador--crop | 4,000 | 4,000 | 3,000 | 2,000 Nicaragua--crop | 1,500 | 1,500 | 500 | 500 Costa Rica--crop | 500 | 500 | 200 | 200 South America: | | | | British Guiana (Demerara)--export| 98,000 | 98,000 | 99,789 | 105,000 Dutch Guiana (Surinam)--crop | 6,000 | 6,000 | 6,000 | 6,000 Venezuela | | | | Peru--crop | 75,000 | 70,000 | 70,000 | 68,000 Argentine Republic--crop | 75,000 | 110,000 | 165,000 | 130,000 Brazil--crop | 165,000 | 195,000 | 210,000 | 225,000 +----------+----------+----------+--------- Total in America |1,546,260 |1,523,656 |1,469,405 |1,409,720 +----------+----------+----------+--------- Asia: | | | | British India--exports | 50,000 | 50,000 | 50,000 | 50,000 Siam--crop | 7,000 | 7,000 | 7,000 | 7,000 Java--exports | 635,000 | 541,581 | 473,420 | 605,025 Japan (consumption 125,000 tons, | | | | mostly imported) | | | | Philippine Islands--exports | 140,000 | 165,000 | 197,000 | 240,000 Cochin China | 31,000 | 30,000 | 30,000 | 30,000 +----------+----------+----------+--------- Total in Asia | 863,000 | 793,581 | 757,420 | 932,025 +----------+----------+----------+---------- Australia and Polynesia: | | | | Queensland | 65,000 | 65,000 | 70,000 | 60,000 New South Wales | 30,000 | 30,000 | 30,000 | 30,000 Hawaiian Islands | 240,000 | 204,833 | 224,220 | 201,632 Fiji Islands--exports | 30,000 | 30,000 | 30,000 | 30,000 +----------+----------+----------+--------- Total in Australia and Polynesia | 365,000 | 329,833 | 354,220 | 321,632 +----------+----------+----------+--------- Africa: | Tons. | Tons. | Tons. | Tons. Egypt--crop | 105,000 | 85,000 | 100,000 | 92,000 Mauritius and other | 150,000 | 120,000 | 150,000 | 140,000 British possessions | | | | Reunion and other | 45,000 | 45,000 | 48,000 | 44,700 French possessions | | | | +----------+----------+----------+--------- Total in Africa | 300,000 | 250,000 | 298,000 | 276,700 +----------+----------+----------+--------- Europe: | | | | Spain | 8,000 | 8,000 | 8,000 | 8,000 +----------+----------+----------+---------- Total cane-sugar production |3,082,260 |2,905,070 |2,887,045 |2,948,077 Total beet-sugar production |4,790,000 |4,825,529 |4,916,586 |4,285,429 (Licht.) | | | | +----------+----------+----------+---------- Grand total cane- and beet-sugar | | | | production |7,872,260 |7,730,599 |7,803,631 |7,233,506 Estimated increase in world's | | | | production | 141,661 | | | -----------------------------------+----------+----------+----------+---------- The above table shows the relative importance of the sugar-producing countries of the world. The time will come when Germany and the other continental countries will become tired of paying a bounty on the production of beet sugar. Then Cuba will take her rightful place as the greatest sugar-producing country of the world. If Cuba then belongs to the United States we shall control the sugar market of the world just as we now control the world's market in so many other staple products. CHAPTER XXI TOBACCO The companions of Christopher Columbus on the first voyage of discovery in 1492 found what has since been known as tobacco. Two weeks after sighting the first known land in the New West, that is to say, on the 27th of October, the ships of Columbus anchored off the shores of a great land, supposed to be the Kingdom of the Khan, to whose ruler Columbus bore letters of introduction from the King and Queen of Spain. Here--in the Island which is now called Cuba--exploring parties went ashore and proceeded into the interior seeking mines of gold and silver, which they had been told existed. They found no gold or silver, but many strange things, among them natives, with firebrands in their hands, and puffing smoke from their mouths and noses. After investigation into the nature of this peculiar custom the sailors tried it for themselves; but its adoption by the Spaniards was not immediate. The herb bore several names, but tabago, or tobago, or tabaco, seemed to be the one of most general adoption. It was the name of a peculiar-shaped implement, or pipe, which the natives used in smoking, and from this the name tobacco easily grew--though various European writers attempted to fix more romantic or poetic names upon the new narcotic. Although tobacco was first known to the Spaniards in 1492, it was not until 1560 that it was known at all in Spain, and not until 1586 that it was used in Europe, when Ralph Lane, sent out to Virginia as Governor by Sir Walter Raleigh, returned and smoked the first pipe in England. [Illustration: PLANTING TOBACCO.] Thence very quickly the habit grew, until in the middle of the seventeenth century tobacco was sought and fêted in every civilised country of the world. It may be appropriate in this connection to call the reader's attention to the fact that, although every known climate and soil of the earth have been tried in the cultivation of tobacco, Cuba, where it was discovered more than four hundred years ago, is still first in the quality produced, and Cuban tobacco need never fear a successful rival in excellence. The cultivation of tobacco in Cuba was not begun until 1580, when the Spaniards laid out small plantations in the neighbourhood of Havana. Three hundred years later there were over ten thousand tobacco plantations in the Island. These first plantations were located in or near the Vuelta Abajo (Lower Valley) to the south-west of Havana; and although even at that early period these plantations produced the best tobacco in the Island, the product of the Vuelta Abajo did not reach its world-wide fame until two hundred and fifty years later. Having once reached the summit of tobacco glory, however, the Vuelta Abajo product has never lost its proud position, and to-day ranks as the first tobacco in the world. This is due, of course, to soil and climatic conditions; for that peculiar skill or strange power, or whatever it may be, which the Cuban tobacco grower possesses is not more a characteristic of the Vuelta Abajo farmer than of other growers in the Island. Indeed, the Partidos leaf is larger in size, finer in texture, and richer in colour than its neighbour, the Vuelta Abajo, but it is lacking in the flavour which can only come from water, soil, and air. The Vuelta Abajo district occupies an area of about ninety miles in length by ten in width, and its province (Pinar del Rio) leads in the Cuban tobacco output, both as to quality and quantity. Tobacco is the second leading industry of Cuba, with sugar first, and its cultivation is considerably in advance of sugar as concerns not only profit to acreage, but conditions of plantations and labour. A sugar plantation is a wide waste of monotony in appearance; while a tobacco plantation, or _vega_, as it is known, with its kitchen garden, its _plantanos_ for feeding the hands, its flowering and fruit trees, its stone walls, its entrance gates and, pretty houses, is the most charming agricultural sight in Cuba except a coffee plantation. The average acreage of a _vega_ is, say, thirty-five acres, and from a dozen to forty men are employed in each _vega_, chiefly lower-class whites. More skill, too, is required in the cultivation of tobacco than sugar, and the class of labour is considerably superior to that employed in sugar planting. Only a small portion of the acreage of Cuba is occupied by tobacco plantations, notwithstanding tobacco is its second product in value. The bulk of it comes from the western end of the Island: the provinces of Pinar del Rio, Havana, and Santa Clara. The following report on the tobacco product will show the amounts raised in each province, the grade, the amount consumed, and the amount exported: "The production of leaf-tobacco in the Island of Cuba before the revolution of the year 1894-95 amounted to about 560,000 bales, averaging about 50 kilos each, say 28,000,000 kilos or 62,173,800 pounds. Of this amount about 260,000 bales are harvested in the province of Pinar del Rio, known in the trade as Vuelta Abajo leaf, which is of the finest quality and of which about 140,000 bales are used by first-class cigar and cigarette manufacturers of Havana, the balance being exported to the United States of America and Europe. "The province of Havana on an average produced, before the war, only about 70,000 bales known as Partido leaf, one-fifth of which is used in Cuba for cheaper grades of cigars and cigarettes and the remainder exported to Key West, New York, and Europe. The quantity of tobacco grown in the province of Matanzas is so very insignificant that it is not known in the market at all. [Illustration: TOBACCO FARM AND DWELLING.] "The province of Santa Clara produces on an average about 130,000 bales, generally known as Remedios leaf, of which about 30,000 bales are used in that district and the neighbouring cities, and the remainder, 100,000 bales, goes to the United States; that is, the finer grades, for the lower grades are shipped to Germany, etc. The province of Puerto Principe produces little or no tobacco; nothing at least comes to the market. "El Oriente, or in other words the province of Santiago de Cuba, had a production of about 100,000 bales, generally called tobacco Gibara or Mayari, of which about 40,000 bales are consumed by the inhabitants of the district, and the remaining 60,000 bales are exported to those countries where a government monopoly of the tobacco industry exists, viz.: Austria, Spain, Italy, etc. This tobacco is very coarse and the greater part suitable only for pipe smoking. The price is in proportion to the quality; often not higher than twelve to fifteen cents a pound." While the methods of the tobacco grower differ in detail in the various provinces, in a general way one fairly broad description of tobacco raising will apply to all. The activity begins in September, at which time the seed is sown in the _semilleros_, or planting beds, which ordinarily lie higher than the common level of the farm. About the end of October, or say in fifty days, the young plants are transferred to a field prepared for them, and are set out at intervals of eighteen inches; great care being taken, as they are so delicate that a slight bruise upon their roots will kill them. The plants are removed from the nursery in the morning and set out in the evening. The growing plant is now carefully watched, the ground kept free from weeds, the tops of the plants pruned, and the suckers removed from the roots. The pruning is done with the thumb nail, as its dull edge closes the wound to the stem and prevents its bleeding. The three enemies to the plant are the common tobacco worm, a slug that destroys the leaf, and a butterfly from this slug, which lays its eggs on the leaves and kills them. These insects must be removed by hand, and the work is hard and disagreeable. The plant is ready for cutting in January, and after being cut the leaves are hung on poles and dried in the open air and in the drying-sheds. When thoroughly dry, the leaves are removed from the poles, sprinkled with water in which tobacco stems have been left until fermentation has taken place, and the tobacco is packed, first into bunches, then into bales of 110 pounds each. In this form it is ready for shipment. The tobacco is classed according to quality, which also fixes the price. Fertilisers are not often used, as they affect the flavour. One man can attend to 15,000 plants, which is about the product of two acres, and one acre has been known to yield a crop worth $3000, but, of course, quality, rather than quantity, makes such value. It is estimated that 80,000 persons are engaged in cultivating tobacco in Cuba. Although profits of from ten to thirty-five per cent. have been realised on tobacco-raising in Cuba, very few foreigners, excepting an occasional German, have undertaken it. English and German companies own the majority of the manufacturing establishments in Havana and elsewhere, but they have found that it is more profitable to buy the raw material than to raise it, although an English company, manufacturing in Havana, is reported to have paid $1,000,000 for 18,000 acres in the Vuelta Abajo district. Among the great Havana companies are the famous Henry Clay and Bock Company, Limited, with a capital of $2,500,000; the Partagos Company, of London, capital $1,500,000; H. Upmann & Company, a German corporation, and many others (120 in all), of varying nationalities; but no American companies.[16] Of the total exports of cigars and tobacco from Cuba, Havana ships by far the largest percentage, estimated at from ninety-five to ninety-nine per cent. of the whole. The largest number of cigars (188,755,000) were shipped in 1888, out of a total shipment to all countries of 219,892,000. In 1896, owing to the high tariff in the United States, the exports dropped to 60,000,000, estimated, and the entire shipments of Cuban tobacco to the United States decreased from 26,771,317 pounds, valued at $10,613,468, in 1896, to 4,410,073 pounds, valued at $2,306,067 for the first nine months of 1897. The tobacco interests of Cuba have suffered, as all others have, from Spanish greed, dishonesty, and misrule; and now that the new era is at hand, changed conditions for the better will develop at once. No more fitting conclusion to this chapter could be made than to present the following clear and comprehensive statement of Mr. Gustavo Bock, of the Henry Clay and Bock Company, Limited, of Havana, on the production of tobacco in Cuba, its manufacture, its necessities in the present difficult situation, and the quickest and best means of improvement. Mr. Bock prepared this valuable report especially for the author. "The war, with its sad and distressing consequences, has been the principal cause of the destruction of the farms employed in the cultivation of tobacco and the ruin of the tobacco industry. "The principal causes of destruction are three: 1st. Depopulation of the country. It is an undoubted and recognised fact that the scarcity of men employed in the country has greatly reduced the production of tobacco, limiting it to small zones, where at great expense and sacrifice a small production has been obtained. This reduction in the population is estimated at sixty-five per cent., as may be seen by the statistics of the districts of Guane, Remates, Grifa, Cortes, and Sabalo, in the province of Pinar del Rio, to which--not to make these notes too long--we will limit ourselves. Before the war there were 36,000 inhabitants in the province named, and the average production of leaf tobacco was 60,000 to 65,000 bales. To-day there are scarcely 6000 inhabitants, and the last crop was barely 6000 bales; and these were produced thanks to the efforts of a foreign syndicate, which, risking its capital, and with few hopes of future compensation, began the work of reconstruction, thereby saving thousands of families from a certain death. "2nd. Seizure of cattle. Cattle, which are the most important factor in agriculture, have been reduced to such small numbers that in some tobacco districts there are absolutely none, and in the few places where there are any left, they are entirely insufficient for the most urgent requirements. Cattle in this Island are of the first necessity. Without exaggerating the expression, oxen constitute the right hand of the farmer during the crop. Their work commences with the plough and continues without rest until the crop is gathered and taken to the seaboard. They cannot be replaced by any other animal, as has been proved by experience; practice having shown that horses and mules are unavailable in this service, in view of the special topography of the Vuelta Abajo district and the climate of the Island of Cuba. One of the chief reasons of this scarcity is the constant seizure of the cattle by the Government troops, carried on unmercifully. It is not necessary to prove that this state of affairs will bring about the complete annihilation of cattle, leaving the poor labourer and the majority of the inhabitants of the Vuelta Abajo in the most precarious circumstances. The consequence of this unjustifiable measure will affect not only those employed in the fields of that province, but also those who depend exclusively on the tobacco industry in the towns and in Havana. Without a crop, without raw material, the factories will have to close their doors, and the misery with all its horrors, brought about by the system of reconcentration, will only be renewed. "3rd. Loss of capital and credit. The disappearance of capital, and the consequent absence of credit, are due essentially to the above mentioned causes. It is unnecessary to prove this statement; it has been the inevitable. These are, I repeat, the principal causes which have brought about the disastrous condition of the tobacco industry. "That the reconstruction be permanent, it is necessary to give ample protection to the farmer, and for this we need: [Illustration: WETTING THE TOBACCO LEAF.] "1st. The promotion of immigration. All obstacles to the return of the white man to his labour in the fields should be removed. As the existing number of white labourers is entirely insufficient for the needs of the cultivation of tobacco, it is necessary to favour as much as possible the immigration of Canary Islanders, who constituted before the war the majority of the tobacco growers. Their knowledge and condition make them suitable for the working of these fields in preference to others. "2nd. Free importation of cattle. The immediate free importation of cattle is necessary, as only a few oxen and milchers are left. As I have already stated, oxen are the principal factors in the farmer's work in this district, and it is necessary to import them without delay, free of duty, as the farmer cannot afford to pay the exorbitant duties now enforced. Immediate attention should be given this subject in view of the fact that work on the next crop must begin in a very short time. "3rd. Inducement to capital and revival of credit. With the free importation of cattle, immigration of white labourers, and the establishment of a firm and stable government, undoubtedly this district would return to its former prosperous condition. Peace, order, and work would invite capital to lend a vigorous and impulsive hand to regain the district's lost wealth and credit. "4th. Construction of roads. The province of Pinar del Rio has always felt the want of communication with the commercial centres. After three years of war, between neglect and destruction, there are to-day practically no roads. This evil has caused an increase in freight rates, and in some cases the rates exceed the value of the goods. To promote the industry of the province, new roads should be built and the old ones reconstructed. "5th. Establishment of a corps of rural police. The establishment of a corps of police is an important point to the country districts. They should be organised under conditions similar to those now given to the Civil Guards, an armed force for the persecution of bandits and the maintenance of order in the country districts of Cuba. It is not to be expected that all the vagabonds, thieves, and bad characters who existed before the revolution have decreased in number, considering the irregular lives they must have been leading, and that, now peace is restored, they will become honest and good workmen. Protection against this class of people can be afforded the tobacco grower by a well constituted corps of rural police. "Protection and guarantee of the genuineness of Cuban tobacco. Now that we have pointed out the measures we consider most urgent to re-establish the industry of the tobacco provinces, we will mention what we consider necessary for the protection of the Vuelta Abajo tobacco leaf. It is not enough that the agriculture of the district should rise to its former state of prosperity; it is necessary, besides, to protect in some way the reputation of Cuban tobacco, and especially the Vuelta Abajo tobacco leaf, considered to-day without a rival in the world. These measures are purely economical. They concern an uncommon article, for the production of which means and expenses are used that entitle it to unusual protection, as will be shown by the following calculation: "To produce 100 bales of tobacco, of 50 kilos each, a farmer would rent one _caballeria_ of land (equalling 33-16/100 acres), one half of which he would employ for tobacco cultivation and the remainder for vegetables. Rent of land per year $ 300.00 250,000 plants @ $1.50 per thousand 375.00 6250 lbs. of Peruvian fertiliser 250.00 Hiring of oxen 102.00 Wages and maintenance of 12 men @ $25 per month each 3000.00 _Yaguas_, _Majaguas_, and expenses 300.00 Taxes, physicians bills and medicines, and living expenses of the planter 400.00 --------- Total $4,727.00 [Illustration: TOBACCO DRYING HOUSE.] "So that a planter would have to sell each 50 kilos of tobacco at $47.27 to cover the cost of production. The foregoing figures show clearly that the production of tobacco in the Island of Cuba is more expensive than that in any other part of the world, special attention being necessary to its raising from the day it is planted to the cutting of the leaf, besides the subsequent treatment necessary to obtain good results; which work goes on night and day, if a good quality is desired. The following measures are therefore necessary for the protection of the industry: "To insure a planter the sale of his crop at a price in proportion to the cost of production, it is absolutely indispensable that the present regulations prohibiting the importation and reimportation in this Island of all foreign manufactured or unmanufactured tobacco should continue in force; excepting only snuff and chewing tobacco, that have always been imported here and in no way hurt our trade or agriculture. Of the many laws and decrees which the Madrid Government has issued to favour this colony, none has been wiser than this prohibition of the importation of foreign leaf tobacco, thereby avoiding the importation of a leaf of inferior quality by unscrupulous persons, who after manufacturing the cigar in the way usual in this country, made perhaps with a small proportion of Cuban leaf, would export it as genuine Havana; a business which would prove most profitable to the adulterator, but which in time would totally ruin the reputation of our products, both agricultural and industrial, bringing about a decrease in prices which would eventually cause a cessation of the cultivation of tobacco. "Production of tobacco in the Island, local consumption, exports, particularly those to the United States. The production of tobacco in normal times is estimated at: In Pinar del Rio, called Vuelta Abajo 260,000 bales In Havana, called Partido 70,000 " In Las Villas Sta. Clara, called Remedios 130,000 " In the Eastern Provinces, called Mayiri y Gibara 100,000 " ------- Total 560,000 " or, on an average of 50 kilos per bale (110 pounds), 28,000,000 kilos, or 62,173,800 pounds. "Note.--In Vuelta Abajo there is a good deal of uncultivated land, and with permanent peace and a stable government, that could insure protection to capitalists, this production could easily be increased in Vuelta Abajo alone to 500,000 bales. The provinces of Havana, Las Villas, and the Eastern Provinces would increase in the same proportion. "In the manufacture of cigars, cigarettes, and packages of smoking tobacco for home consumption, the following number of bales of tobacco are used: Vuelta Abajo 140,000 bales. Partido 10,000 " Sta. Clara 30,000 " Gibara 40,000 " ------- Total 220,000 " and for export as follows: Vuelta Abajo 120,000 bales. Partido 60,000 " Sta. Clara 100,000 " Gibara 60,000 " ------- Total 340,000 " at 50 kilos per bale, 17,000,000 kilos or 36,956,000 pounds. "The United States has bought and imported from the Island of Cuba as follows: In the year 1893 21,694,881 pounds $8,940,058 In the year 1894 14,578,248 " 5,828,954 In the year 1895 20,175,620 " 7,271,794 In the year 1896 26,771,317 " 10,613,468 In the year 1897 4,410,073 " (6 mos.) 2,306,067 A total value of leaf exported is estimated per annum at $12,000,000 and the 220,000 bales for home consumption are valued at 10,000,000 ----------- Total $22,000,000 "Manufacturing: its importance and prospects. Having expressed our views concerning the production of leaf tobacco, we will now refer to its manufacture, an industry which has for several years dragged along, and which is of great importance and deserves the utmost attention. It is impossible to estimate how important an industry it would be to-day, if, instead of the setbacks it has received, its energies had been allowed to develop. The universal reputation which this leaf enjoys, owing to the excellency of its quality and the perfection of its manufacture, would increase threefold if the industry were promoted. In importance, it is to-day the second industry in the country, and in the provinces of Havana and Pinar del Rio it is the foremost. With 100,000 cwt. costing $4,000,000 in 1889, the following has been manufactured: For exportation 250,000,000 cigars $11,500,000 Local consumption 50,000,000 " 2,000,000 ----------- ----------- Total 300,000,000 " $13,500,000 "In addition to this, the manufacture of cigarettes represents from $3,000,000 to $4,000,000 per annum. However, the importance of this industry must not be gauged by these figures, but by the fact that the proceeds of this industry circulate rapidly and give life and movement to other industries that depend upon it, which in the city of Havana alone employ from 18,000 to 20,000 workmen, who, with their families, represent from 45,000 to 50,000 people. "We have cursorily glanced over its actual importance: let us study its future. Even if under the auspices of peace, with the adoption of proper measures for the future of the agriculture and production of tobacco a brilliant and promising future is assured, the same cannot be said, unfortunately, of its industry and manufacture. The future of the former is most promising; it has no rival in the world; there is only one Vuelta Abajo district. The latter, besides, handicapped as it is by excessive competition, has the insurmountable obstacle of being taxed by the treasuries of countries burdened by a heavy national debt; while other nations, like the United States, levy heavy duties on cigars to protect their national industry in its various phases. As a proof of what we say, we call attention to the following figures showing the gradual decrease of the manufacture of tobacco in this Island, a decrease which nearly reaches fifty per cent. of normal. The following will show how the exportation of cigars decreased from 250,000,000 in 1889 to 123,000,000 in 1897: EXPORTATION OF CIGARS IN NINE YEARS In 1889 250,467,000 In 1890 211,823,000 In 1891 196,667,000 In 1892 166,712,000 In 1893 147,365,000 In 1894 134,210,000 In 1895 158,662,000 In 1896 185,914,000 In 1897 123,417,000 "On the other hand, the exportation of leaf tobacco has increased fifty per cent.; from 177,000 bales exported in 1889 by the port of Havana, the exports in 1895 had increased to approximately 250,000 bales. It is easy, then, to understand the actual condition of the tobacco industry and its dependencies, and that of the numerous families who live by the work that this gives them; their future cannot be promising, unless laws are immediately enforced to protect them and raise them from the abject state in which they find themselves. [Illustration: BALING TOBACCO.] "Cause of decline. Besides the high customs tariffs on imported cigars abroad, among which we may mention those of the Argentine Republic, as well as the internal taxes of those countries where tobacco is a source of government revenue, one of the main reasons of the decline of the Cuban industry originated in the McKinley bill, which compelled many manufacturers to move their factories to the United States, owing to the want of protection on the raw material, thereby causing a considerable decrease in the production of the Island, and increasing in the same proportion that of the United States, in which country the manufacture has reached the enormous sum of 5,000,000,000 cigars per annum. EXPORTATION OF TOBACCO TO THE UNITED STATES In 1889 101,698,560 cigars $3,970,034 In 1890 95,105,760 " 4,113,730 In 1891 52,015,600 " 2,742,285 In 1892 54,472,250 " 2,859,941 In 1893 46,033,660 " 2,424,425 In 1894 40,048,330 " 2,131,981 In 1895 39,579,400 " 2,050,367 In 1896 40,601,750 " 2,091,856 In 1897 34,017,583 " 1,868,610 "Mode of protection. To protect and promote the prosperity of this industry it is necessary: 1st. To maintain the suppression of export duty on cigars ordered by the local Government of this Island on the 31st of last December, both on cigars and cigarettes and packages of cut tobacco, as well as on tobacco in fibre or powdered, which are considered as industrial products thereof. "2nd. To maintain to its full extent the export duty on leaf tobacco, ordered at the same time, of $12 per 100 kilos for that grown in the provinces of the west and centre of the Island (Vuelta Abajo, Partido, and Remedios). The following data will prove the justice of this step: to manufacture in the United States 1000 cigars weighing 12 pounds, sold in Havana, unstemmed, 25 pounds of filler, and 5 pounds of wrapper, we should arrive at the following results: For export duty on the leaf in Cuba, 30 lbs. of leaf at $12.00 per 100 kilos $ 3.60 Import duty in the United States on 25 lbs. of filler at 35 cents each 8.70 " " " " " " " 5 lbs. wrapper @ $2 each 10.05 ------ Total $22.35 The same 1000 cigars imported from Cuba, weighing 12 lbs., at $4.50 per lb. $54.00 Export duty 25 per cent. ad valorem, valued @ $60 per thousand 15.00 ------ Total $69.00 making a difference of $46.65 against our tobacco. "3rd. It is also indispensable that the prohibition of importing and reimporting all tobacco, whether prepared or in leaf, be maintained, and "4th. If, as is to be hoped, the commercial relations between this Island and the North American Republic continue in perfect harmony and well directed, we may soon expect to have complete reciprocity and free exchange of trade." In this connection it will be interesting to note the relative importance of the tobacco-producing countries of the world. The following table is the latest and most reliable obtainable: AVERAGE PRODUCTION OF TOBACCO Countries. Product in Pounds. United States of America 488,000,000 Mexico 5,600,000 Cuba 62,000,000 Puerto Rico 8,800,000 Santo Domingo 8,000,000 Brazil 33,000,000 Argentine 6,000,000 Austria Hungary 135,000,000 Russia 110,000,000 Turkey 80,000,000 Germany 72,000,000 France 50,000,000 Greece 18,000,000 Belgium 10,000,000 Roumania 8,000,000 Bulgaria 7,500,000 Bosnia 7,000,000 Netherlands 6,300,000 Italy 4,000,000 Switzerland 3,000,000 Servia 3,000,000 Sweden 2,200,000 Philippine Islands 45,000,000 British East Indies 370,000,000 Dutch " " 66,000,000 Japan 50,000,000 Ceylon 8,000,000 Cochin China 6,000,000 Algiers 10,000,000 Australia 10,000,000 China } 160,000,000 Paraguay } Sundries 55,000,000 ------------- 1,907,400,000 Thus the primary cost of the world's tobacco ranges from $200,000,000 to $225,000,000 per annum. It is not in quantity but in quality that Cuba leads the world. CHAPTER XXII MINES AND MINING The first questions asked the natives of Cuba by Columbus and his company concerned gold and silver, and they heard many tales of the riches of the unknown interior, but all their searching produced nothing of value, nor have the succeeding centuries added greatly to what was first discovered. Some little gold and silver was found, but it amounted to really nothing, and the mineral riches of the Island remained hidden until 1524, when copper was discovered near Santiago de Cuba; and here grew up the little mining town of Cobre (copper). Since that date deposits of asphaltum, iron, manganese, and salt have been found and have been worked, but not as they would have been in a well governed and progressive country. The mining districts of Cuba are confined almost exclusively to the mountainous or eastern end of the Island, and so far the province of Santiago is the chief producer. Its leading product is iron ore, mined principally by American companies with American corporations. The first real iron-mining in Cuba began about 1884, when 21,798 tons were shipped to the United States. This was the first Cuban iron ore received in this country, and was about one-twenty-third of the total iron ore importation. In 1897 we received 397,173 tons of Cuban ore, which was three-fourths of the ore imported. During the years 1884-1897 we received 3,401,077 tons of Cuban ore. [Illustration: OLD COPPER MINES AT LA COPERA.] The ore is a brown hematite, in large quantities, easy to work, of excellent quality, about sixty-two per cent. iron, and is especially adapted for the making of Bessemer steel. Though there are many mining properties, three American companies, the Juragua Iron Company, the Spanish-American Iron Company, and the Sigua Iron Company, do all the business. The Juragua does far more than all the others. Its shipments to the United States in 1897 were 244,817 (5932 tons, in addition, to Nova Scotia) to 152,356 tons by the Spanish-American Company, which made its first shipment in 1895, and none by the Sigua Company, which has shipped, in all, 21,853 tons. The Sigua began operations in 1892, the Spanish-American in 1885, and the Juragua in 1884. In 1897, the Spanish-American Company shipped 51,537 tons to foreign countries; bringing its total output for the year up to 203,893 tons. Although iron ore of the best quality outcrops in many places on the estates once devoted to coffee on the southern slope of the coast range, it was not until the year 1881 that the first claim was located, or "denounced." Since then more than a hundred locations have been denounced in this range (the Sierra Maestro), both to the east and the west of the city of Santiago de Cuba. Of these denouncements the most important, and in fact the only ones that have ever been worked, are to the east of the city, covering a distance of twenty odd miles along the range, a few miles in from the coast. The deposit is not continuous, but there are numerous separate deposits along this distance; some of them very extensive. In order to encourage the mining of this ore, the Crown of Spain issued, on the 17th of April, 1883, a royal decree to the following effect: That for a period of twenty years from that date, the mining companies should be free from all tax on the surface area of all claims of iron or combustibles; that ores of all classes should be free from all export taxes; that coal brought in by mining companies for use in their work should be free from all import taxes; that combustibles and iron ore should be exempted from the three per cent. tax on raw materials; that mining and metallurgical companies should be free from all other impost; that for a period of five years the mining companies should be exempt from the payment of duties on all machinery or materials required for working and transporting the ore; that vessels entering in ballast and sailing with ore should pay a duty of five cents per ton navigation dues, and that vessels entering with cargo destined for the mining companies should pay $1.30 per ton navigation and port dues on all such cargo, and on the remainder of the cargo as per general tariff. Under this charter the Juragua Iron Company, Limited, opened mines in Firmeza, laid a railroad twenty miles long from that point to La Cruz in Santiago Bay, where fine docks and piers were built, and, in 1884, shipped the first cargo of iron ore from Cuba. The company has a fine fleet of iron steamers. The mines of this company were extensively and successfully worked, and, encouraged by this, the Spanish-American Company and the Sigua Company purchased mines to the east of the Juragua properties and at once began the work of developing them. The Spanish-American Iron Company, incorporated under the laws of West Virginia, and owned entirely by American citizens, built four miles of standard-gauge railroad from its mines to Daiquiri Bay, about sixteen miles east of the harbour of Santiago de Cuba. Here the company constructed a steel ore-dock of 3000 tons capacity, a landing-pier, buoys, moorings, and other harbour improvements at a cost of $500,000. The work of preparing this harbour delayed the opening of the mines for shipment, and it was not until May, 1895, that the first cargo was cleared. The Sigua Iron Company built a standard-gauge road nine miles long from its mines to Sigua Bay, and there constructed a breakwater and a wooden ore-dock. This company during the first two years of operation shipped 21,853 tons. Later, the mines were closed, and during the war between Spain and the Cubans the dock, roundhouse, locomotives, and buildings of the company at Sigua Bay were entirely destroyed in the course of an engagement between the Spanish and the Cuban forces. The Spanish-American Iron Company and the Juragua Iron Company remained in operation during the entire war between Spain and Cuba, and, although located at the extreme outpost of the Spanish troops, with Cuban forces in the immediate vicinity, maintained throughout a strict neutrality, and continued shipping ore until they were closed by order of the Spanish authorities, after the declaration of war between the United States and Spain. The three companies, which are the only ones that have ever operated mines in the province, represent an investment of American capital of about $8,000,000, and the two still operating have paid into the Treasury of the United States more than $2,000,000 in import duties on iron ore. The following table shows the production of iron ore in the province from 1884 to 1897: ------+------------------------------------------------------ | PRODUCTION. YEARS.+----------+----------------+-------------+------------ | Juragua |Spanish-American|Sigua Iron | Total Tons. | Company. | Iron Company. | Company. | ------+----------+----------------+-------------+------------ 1884 | 23,977| .... | .... | 23,977 1885 | 80,095| .... | .... | 80,095 1886 | 110,880| .... | .... | 110,880 1887 | 94,810| .... | .... | 94,810 1888 | 204,475| .... | .... | 204,475 1889 | 255,406| .... | .... | 255,406 1890 | 356,060| .... | .... | 356,060 1891 | 261,620| .... | .... | 261,620 1892 | 320,859| .... | .... | 320,859 1893 | 334,341| .... | 12,000[1]| 346,341 1894 | 153,650| .... | .... | 153,650 1895 | 302,050| 74,992 | .... | 377,041 1896 | 291,561| 114,110 | .... | 405,671 1897 | 246,530| 206,029 | .... | 452,559 ------+----------+----------------+-------------+------------ Total | 3,036,314| 395,131 | [17] |3,443,444 ------+----------+----------------+-------------+------------ It is interesting to note that none of the mines are worked underground. The ore outcrops on the sidehills, and the mining is in the nature of quarrying. Daiquiri, the port of the Spanish-American Company, is the point at which General Shafter's army landed; and the dock, pier, mooring, buoys, and water supply of the place were of great value to the army and to the vessels of the navy. The Spanish forces, who abandoned Daiquiri when the United States troops landed, set fire to the shops, roundhouse, docks, pier, warehouse, and cars of the company. Through the efforts of the company's men, who were waiting in the hills and who returned as soon as the bombardment ceased, the fire was partly extinguished; but the locomotives, shops, some cars, and a number of buildings were a total loss. The hospital buildings and a number of dwellings at Daiquiri were afterwards burned by order of the United States officers commanding. At Siboney, the Juragua Company's village, a number of buildings were also burned by order of the United States officers in command. Rich deposits of iron ore of several varieties are found in the provinces of Santa Clara and Puerto Principe, and some work has been done in developing, but the war put an end to it. The following list of the mining properties, all in the province of Santiago, with the number of acres, condition, etc., may be useful as reference: Dorothea and Recrio 4 mines, 300 acres For sale Carpintero 9 " 1300 " " Bayamitas 5 " 925 " Guama 6 " 950 " Cuero 6 " 760 " For sale De la Plata 9 " 975 " Sigua Company Uvera and Jaqueca 12 " 1557 " 10 for sale Berracoe 4 " 502 " $150,000 refused Cajobaba 8 " ---- For sale Economia 19 " 2650 " " Providencia 3 " ---- " Madalena 8 " 1000 " 4 " Demajobo 1 " 150 " " Juragua Group 17 " 2500 " 11 " Sevilla 11 " 1300 " " [Illustration: MINING CAMP AT FIRENEZA.] All these mining properties are from two hundred to fifteen hundred feet above the sea, and though the climate is hot, the region is not affected by fevers or malaria, and it may be said to be the most healthful section of the Island. This location is excellent for mining and shipping also, being from five to sixty miles from Santiago; and nearly all of the properties have excellent outlets to the sea or are conveniently located to rail facilities. Nature as usual in Cuba has done her share, except in the production of man, and the most serious drawback to mining is the want of proper labour. The whites, except of the Latin races, are not equal to the work, and the blacks are inefficient as compared with the same class of labour in higher latitudes. The labour problem here, as in all other Cuban industrial fields, is the most serious which confronts capital, and its solution is to be reached only after careful study and continued experiment. All kinds of suggestions have been offered and many of them acted upon; but so far the problem is unsolved, and now capital looks most to the Latin races of Europe and the black race of the United States for assistance out of its difficulties. What inducements new Cuba offers to these people remains to be seen, but it is apparent that capital must do more in Cuba for labour, if it will secure what is best, than is done for it in those parts of the world where climate, disease, and social environments do not lay additional burdens upon the "hewers of wood and the drawers of water." Manganese, which is an essential raw material in the manufacture of Bessemer and open-hearth steel, is found in greater or less quantities in the province of Santiago de Cuba. The deposits lie in the San Maestro range on the south coast, extending over a distance of one hundred miles between Santiago and Manzanillo. As the demand in the United States for manganese was far in excess of the native supply, and the nearest known mines were in the neighbourhood of the Black Sea in Europe and in the northern part of South America, attention was at once drawn to the Cuban deposits and one American company was formed, known as the Panupo Iron Company, sixteen miles north of Santiago, with a railroad extending to that point. Other companies also began work, and the shipments from 1890 to 1893 inclusive amounted to 62,601 tons. In 1894 there was none, and in 1895-96 the total shipments were 750 tons. This decrease in business was due, in some measure, to low prices and to other causes than the insurrection and war, but that was the prime factor in the cause of the decrease, because already, with the promise of peace, mining has been resumed, with every prospect of continued increase and prosperity. Though only comparatively small efforts have as yet been made to develop the capacity of these mines, numerous properties have been staked off, and it is estimated that there are eighty-eight manganese mines in sight along the San Maestro range. The appended list names some of them: Hatillo 400 acres Cobre 2 mines, 425 " $50,000 refused Macio 4 " 4345 " Unopened Ramas 3 " 330 " For sale San Andres 5 " 440 " Santa Filomena 2 " 300 " Bueycito Manzanillo section Undeveloped Portillo 8 mines, 700 acres Discontinued Boniato 1 " 472 " Dos Bocas 11 " 905 " Margarita 4 " 1077 " Quemado 5 " 322 " Boston 10 " 665 " San Juan In the majority of these, no active mining operations have been carried on. Whatever conditions of taxation, duties, and other expenses on the production of manganese existed previously have been changed by the war, and entirely new conditions are presented now for the continuance of the work. It is believed that the mines are practically inexhaustible, and that the metal, while varying considerably in quantity, is in the main high grade and can be mined and shipped at prices which will extend the industry until the United States steel manufacturers will get their entire manganese supply from this nearest known manganese district. Copper. It is believed that the natives mined copper long before Columbus discovered the Island, for copper ornaments have been found, not only in Cuba, but in Florida, long antedating 1492. Whatever may have been true of prehistoric periods, it is known that the mines at Cobre in the province of Santiago de Cuba were opened as early as 1524 and became the greatest copper-producing mines of the world. As high as fifty tons of ore a day have been mined from them. Some of these mines were sunk to the distance of nine hundred to twelve hundred feet. Before the development of the great copper deposits in the United States, this country received the output of the Cuban mines, which were worked by English capital. From 1828 to 1840 between two million and three million dollars' worth of copper was annually shipped to this country, besides shipments to other countries. Owing to the fact that below three hundred feet these mines were beneath the level of the sea, the pumping problem was difficult of solution and expensive, and at last, in 1867, this hindrance, combined with the development of copper deposits in the United States, which cut prices materially, stopped work. The shafts filled with water and have remained so. The only work that has been done was an attempt by a Cuban company to work the copper found in solution in the water. It is believed that there are still rich and valuable deposits of copper in this section and that the time will come when the red glory of Cobre will again be restored to its ancient prestige. Gold and silver. Some discoveries of gold have been made in various parts of Cuba and in the Isle of Pines, and some placer mining has been done along a few of the rivers, but it is believed that the quantity found will scarcely justify the opinion that Cuban gold will ever make much of a showing in the world's product of the yellow metal. Silver appears far better. Deposits have been found in the provinces of Santa Clara, Puerto Principe, and Santiago. Some silver has also been found in other parts of the Island and on the Isle of Pines. As early as 1827 silver was mined in the Manicaragua district, province of Santa Clara, said to yield seventy-five ounces per ton; and near the town of Santa Clara deposits yielding $200 per ton were prospected fifty years ago. In the lead mines of Santiago de Cuba, some silver has been found yielding nineteen ounces to the ton. More work was done in the Santa Clara mines than elsewhere; in fact little has been done in any of them, but the deposits in Santa Clara did not continue of sufficient richness to pay for working them, and in recent years nothing has been done in Cuban silver mining. Reaching a conclusion by way of the geology of Cuba and of the other West Indian islands, it may be safely predicted that the prosperity which is promised for Cuba, and which is sure to come soon, will raise the Cuban silver mines to their former productiveness. Lead. This metal, reported to exist in several localities, has had no development save in Santiago de Cuba, where two or three mines have been opened. One of them shows a twenty-inch vein, forty-six per cent. copper, with some silver and zinc and a trace of gold. The mines so far have been opened by American "boomers" for the purpose of bringing the properties into notice. Coal. A serious deficiency in Cuban products is mineral fuel; and although coal is said to exist and, again, said not to exist on the Island, Mr. Frederick W. Ramsden, late British Consul at Santiago, made the following report in 1895: "A deposit of coal has been found at five leagues of the Dos Caminos railway station, or about fifteen leagues north-north-west of Santiago. A sample sent to the United States analysed as follows: [Illustration: ORE BANK OF JURAGUA MINES.] Per Cent. Remarks. Moisture 13.20 Specific gravity 1.368. Volatile combustible 49.20 One cubic yard weighs 2303 pounds. Half sulphur 47.76 Fixed carbon 28.48 This sample is fairly black, and when powdered it contains visible layers of pyrites and no appreciable bitumen. Half sulphur 27.04 Ash 9.12 Sulphur 2.88 "I understand, however, that since this sample was taken the mines have been partially opened up and a better class of coal found lower down. No estimate has been formed as to the quantity of coal there, as no investigations have so far been made with this object. I am informed, however, that the geological formation is favourable." Some of the coal reported in other sections of the Island proves to be either a lignite or a hardened bitumen. Possibly workable deposits of coal exist somewhere, and efforts will be made to explore thoroughly every locality where there is the slightest coal prospect, as so much depends in the development of manufacturing industries upon contiguous and cheap fuel. Asphaltum. Asphaltum appears to be a very general product of the Island and of the water along its shores. Deposits of it show in every province, in some localities in inexhaustible quantities; the deposits at Cardenas and Santa Clara take the lead in development. As much as ten thousand tons a year have been shipped from Santa Clara. At and near Cardenas the deposits are found in the bottom of the bay, and the method of securing it is peculiar. A shaft eighty feet or more in depth below the surface extends into the sea-bottom; and into this the asphalt runs or filters. It is supposed that the supply is brought from the interior through the subterranean rivers which prevail in this locality,--from which, indeed, Cardenas gets its water supply. Over this shaft the ship is anchored; from her deck a heavy bar of iron attached to a rope is dropped, and the asphalt is broken from the sides of the shaft and falls to the bottom, where it is scooped up into a net and loaded into the vessel. As this work has been going on for years and the asphalt replenishes itself constantly, it is fair to suppose that the run will go on for ever. It is of such quality as to be worth from $80 to $125 per ton in New York, and a ship has gathered as much as three hundred tons in three weeks. This and two other mines, of not such good quality, are immediately in the bay of Cardenas; and near Diana Key is the great Constancia mine, covering a circumference of one hundred and fifty or more feet, from which twenty thousand tons have been taken; yet there is no diminution in the quality of the deposit. There are several other smaller deposits in this locality. As asphalt is so general in Cuba and the mines are so generous in their yield, even under the crude methods adopted, it is only to be concluded that the asphaltum industry of the Island has a bright outlook; and when it is understood what a fine paving material asphalt is, and how greatly paving is needed in the streets of Cuban towns, it seems to be almost providential that so sore a need has healing so close at hand, demanding only enlightenment and energy to apply it. Quicksilver is known to exist, though in small quantities, and as yet not enough has been found to pay for the working. Nickel is also said to exist. Petroleum is found in several parts of the Island, and in and near Manzanillo it comes out of the ground and rocks in a remarkably pure state. Natural gas may yet be found, for a gasoline mine near Santa Clara clearly indicates its presence. Marble of fine quality is reported in the Isle of Pines and in a number of localities in Cuba, but its superiority may be slightly doubted, as its grain is somewhat coarse and it lacks the proper density. The same may be said of such building stone as has been thus far produced. However, so very little has been done in developing any of these products and giving them fair tests, that definite conclusions as to quantity and quality cannot be justly reached at present. CHAPTER XXIII AGRICULTURE AND STOCK Data of any kind on the farming interests of Cuba are difficult to collect, and those obtained are, as a rule, meagre, indefinite, and unsatisfactory. Statements vary as to the acreage under cultivation, estimates vary from 2,000,000 to 9,000,000 of acres. One writer says there are 100,000 farms, plantations, and cattle ranches in the Island, valued at $20,000,000; and Cabrera, in 1862, gives these figures: 18 cocoa plantations, 35 cotton plantations, 782 coffee plantations, 1523 sugar plantations, 1731 bee farms, 2712 stock farms, 6175 cattle ranches, 11,541 tobacco plantations, 11,738 truck farms, and 22,748 produce farms, a total of 59,001. Spanish official figures show a total of 37,702 farms, cattle ranches, sugar, tobacco, and coffee plantations. What these properties may be worth or valued at now cannot be stated; but before the war their value might be fairly estimated at from $275,000,000 to $300,000,000. The Cuban farmer, despite what nature had done for him in climate and soil, was never equal to his opportunities. True, the mother country, by taxation, had kept him over-burdened with debt, and by not giving him the benefit of progressive ideas had forced him to use only the most primitive implements and farm machinery. When he used these at all, they were of Spanish manufacture, the worst in the world; but even under such adverse circumstances he might have done much better than he did. That he did not is due largely to himself, for indeed there are thrifty Cuban farmers, who have good farms and do as well as farmers anywhere, all things considered. But they are not in a majority. As one evidence of the general lack of thrift, the Cubans imported from the United States in 1893, a good year, animal products (largely hogs), worth $5,718,101; bread stuffs, $3,164,541; provisions other than the foregoing, $1,315,097; a total value of over $10,000,000, all of which except, possibly, wheat flour, might have been raised at home, with a fair amount of care and industry, under a decent government. While all parts of the Island are not adapted to such agricultural development as is found in higher latitudes, nearly all the products of northern soil may be grown in Cuba. Our common corn is very generally raised, on the uplands especially, and two crops of it will grow yearly. It is smaller than the corn of the north, but is said to be more nutritious. It is fed to stock in the ear and as fodder. Wheat growing has never been attempted to any extent, and while the lowlands are impossible for it, in the mountain regions, according to theory, it might be accomplished successfully. However, all the chances are against Cuba's entering the wheat market against Minnesota and the Dakotas. Oats and barley are not in the list of Cuban products. A great deal of rice is raised in the lowlands along the coast; but the Cubans are great rice eaters and none is exported. A careful handling of the Cuban rice crop would bring it into the markets of the United States. Although, to insure good quality, seed potatoes must be brought to Cuba each year from the United States, the crops raised are enormous, and they come twice a year. We do not get new potatoes from Cuba in the spring, but there is no reason why we should not, if the farmer will raise them for export. The Cuban potato is worth considerably more in Havana than those imported. The sweet potato grows everywhere and anywhere, and is not only of great quantity but good quality. To Cuba it is almost what the white potato is to Ireland. The yam, another and larger form of the sweet potato, is prolific and prevalent. It is not cultivated for exportation. In fact it can scarcely be said to be cultivated at all in Cuba, so common is the growth. Beans are an article of import into Cuba, and the people consume great quantities of them, yet every variety of bean grows there rankly, and that they are not grown not only to meet the home demands but for export as well, is simply because of a lack of industry in their cultivation. Asparagus may be grown and greatly improved, as that now produced is small and inferior. Beets, as far as produced, show that by proper cultivation they might become a leading product. Cabbage, too, is so neglected that it is imported to meet the demand that Cuba easily could supply. Watercress of good quality grows along most of the streams. Spinach is found in the home market-gardens, but none is raised beyond that. The sago palm, furnishing sago flour, is neglected though it grows in profusion. Radishes grow all the year. Two crops a year of fine peanuts might be produced, but not enough for export are raised. So far the Cuban onion, though it flourishes with very little cultivation, is not in competition with the Bermuda onion, so popular in American markets. Lettuce is perennial and of the best quality. The cucumber is another vegetable growing profusely but never exported. Yuca is a root much used in place of potatoes. It is rendered palatable by pressure or by cooking. The sweet variety is used raw as a table vegetable. Bitter cassabe flour, made from yuca, when parched in pellets, is known as tapioca, and is a popular edible in various forms of soups, puddings, etc., in northern countries. Celery, which is found in the local gardens, is inferior by reason of neglect. Millet is raised for local fowl food. Cotton, although it is mentioned as an agricultural product of Cuba, is only a possibility, for its cultivation has been so slightly attempted as scarcely to warrant an opinion of what may be done in its cultivation. Sea-island cotton, which is of famous excellence in the United States, may be raised along the Cuban coasts; and there is no known reason why the general cultivation of cotton would not be fairly profitable. Whether or not it may be developed under the new order remains to be seen. The indigo plant grows easily, but it has never been cultivated profitably. The future may bring to its producers more knowledge and better methods than the past has known. Grasses grow rankly almost anywhere in the Island. In the province of Pinar del Rio one variety grows to the height of six feet; another is a bunch grass similar to our species. Of these two grasses stock is very fond, but a third variety has such sharp edges that stock cannot eat it. Little of this grass is used as hay, and the hay crop has not been of especial significance in Cuban agricultural products, but it might well be, if it were given proper cultivation and care. The fibre plants of Cuba are numerous, and many of them are of the best quality; moreover, they grow upon soil not very useful for any other purpose. The best known of them are the henequin, lanseveria, and lengua de vaca. The first produces from twenty-five to thirty leaves a year for twelve years, each leaf from five to nine feet long, weighing from four to seven pounds. So far as Spanish statistics may be correct, there were in Cuba in 1891 a total of 2,485,768 cattle of all kinds; but at the close of the war in August, 1898, it was estimated by American stockmen, who were apprised of the condition of affairs throughout the Island, that not over 75,000 head were left. For a number of years past, owing to excessive import duties and other exactions, shipments of cattle to Cuba have been kept far below the demand, not only for working, but for slaughtering purposes; and as the Cubans raised few cattle, though every natural condition of climate, forage, and water was favourable to grazing, there was never a surplus to meet any emergency. Therefore the result was that, when the war came the ports were blockaded and no new supplies could be brought in, the people, as well as the soldiers, had to be fed, and the cattle were slaughtered indiscriminately. It should be stated here that just prior to the war, cattle were admitted free, and the imports, chiefly from South American countries, reached from 70,000 to 80,000 head per month. These were nearly all beef cattle. From August, 1897, to May, 1898, 83,868 head of cattle were received at Havana, of which 37,129 came from the United States. These cattle came chiefly from Texas, Florida, Alabama, Georgia, and Louisiana, for southern cattle are much better suited to the Cuban climate and conditions than northern or western cattle. The fact that cattle are bought by weight in the United States and sold by the head in Cuba has been against the American stockmen. [Illustration: AN OX CART.] From a report of a dealer in Havana, under date of October 5, 1898, these extracts are made: "The average of cattle weighs about seven hundred pounds, for which I get between $32 and $48. On these I have to pay all the freight and customs charges, etc., so that by the time that the meat gets into the butcher's shop, it is up to about 42 cents silver (say 38 cents gold) per pound, although it is the same that costs in the United States from 3 to 3-1/2 cents. Cottonseed-fed steers give between sixty-five and seventy per cent. of meat, nett; grass-fed cattle from the United States only nett fifty per cent. Tampico cattle give only about fifty per cent. There is no advantage in selling good cattle in Cuba, as they buy these by the head. On my St. Louis cattle I lost money, they weighing about fifteen hundred pounds and costing in the United States about $65, and I sold them for about $52. A good team (yoke) of oxen for working purposes is worth between seven and eight onzas (an onza equalling $17), and I give a statement of what it costs to get such a team into Cuba": Cost in Texas for one team of oxen $90.00 Freight to Havana 14.00 Exchange 11.40 Duty 20.00 Risk, about five per cent. 5.00 -------- $140.40 "Milk cows in Cuba are worth from $60 to $80 each and cost as follows: Cow costs in United States, with calf $40.00 Freight for the two 8.50 Exchange 2.50 Duty: cow, $8, calf, $4 12.00 Risk 2.50 ------ $65.50 "The food of cattle for the trip from the United States to Cuba costs about fifteen cents a head. We pay an extra twenty-five cents a head for the attention." Though Cuban estimates of the Island's cattle capacity are fanciful and unreliable (one estimate sets the "untilled land for cattle raising" at 28,300,000 acres, every acre of which when tilled will support at least one head), it is an undeniable fact that within a few years, by ordinary care in the selection and handling of stock, Cuba will be in a position to export cattle. The fact is worthy of American stockmen's attention that at least a million cattle of all kinds, for breeding, beef, and work, are needed in Cuba, that the best cattle so far received in Cuba have come from the United States, and that by contiguity and sentiment the United States is first choice against all South and Central American and Mexican competitors. It is as well worthy of the attention of the Government authorities that in restocking the Island with cattle, careful and scientific attention should be given to the class of cattle used for breeding purposes in order that the very best results be obtained. The estimate of a million head to meet the immediate demands may seem to be large, but when we come to consider that one sugar plantation of 3000 acres requires from 250 to 400 yoke of working cattle, not to mention cows and beef cattle,--and that there are thousands of sugar and tobacco plantations, besides other thousands of farms of various kinds,--and ox-carts for general transportation all over the Island, it will be seen that a million head will be scarcely enough. [Illustration: A FOWL VENDOR.] "Jerked beef" has been an important article of import into Cuba, and it may become still more so in the future, as Texas, with its millions of cattle, has a climate peculiarly adapted to the preparation of this form of beef product. On this subject a report made by Mr. Modesto Trelles of Cienfuegos, under date of September 19, 1898, may be of more than passing interest: "The Island of Cuba has about twenty-eight million acres of land. Under cultivation, producing sugar cane, there are 1,980,000 acres, about 1,000,000 in roads, towns, etc., and 1,500,000 acres of fallow land. The cattle here pay consumption duty of 5-1/2 cents per kilo. The jerked beef pays $3.96 import duty, per hundred kilos. The import duty on each head of cattle is $8. The consumption tax $5.50 a head. Buenos Ayres has been sending about 500,000 head of cattle to Cuba in the shape of jerked beef. The reason of this is a treaty between Spain and Buenos Ayres, obliging the latter to take in Spanish wines, in lieu of which provision Cuba was to import jerked beef. We have, therefore, been importing jerked beef to the extent of 500,000 head of cattle, owing to the advantages given Buenos Ayres. One of the secrets of this great importation has been that in the first place, when the Cuban merchant called for jerked beef, he went directly to Spain for it. Certain Spaniards sent a ship from Barcelona to Buenos Ayres, loaded with wine, etc., from which point the ship came here with a cargo of jerked beef. It lands the cargo here, and then goes north with a cargo of sugar; then takes a new cargo of cotton from New York to Europe, and goes back to the first point of shipment. This is one of the reasons why they had cheap rates on jerked beef. "The whole thing has been done to chastise the cattle breeding in Cuba, owing to this reciprocity treaty which Buenos Ayres had with Spain. One of the greatest errors Spain has made has been in killing the cattle breeding here by these great advantages given to foreign meat markets. I wish to open your eyes in regard to this, because if it remains as it is we will always be under the same disadvantage of importing jerked beef to the detriment of the cattle breeding. You must remember that jerked beef is a great detriment to salubrity, due to being salt, and obliges the people who eat it to drink large quantities of water which generally brings on anæmia. Of 1,500,000 inhabitants 1,000,000 have eaten jerked beef heretofore, and that is equivalent to the amount of 1600 head of cattle per day of three hundred pounds each, and naturally Cuba very well could produce this number of cattle with the utmost ease because the pastures are very good here. It will be an economy of $5,000,000 or $6,000,000 a year of what we pay here for the jerked beef to Buenos Ayres, and if the importation of this jerked beef is avoided an equal amount could be grown, and we would besides have the benefit of the hides, tallow, and the horns of the cattle, which constitute a big industry in itself. Naturally, with the breeding of cattle here, all this land which is now idle could be used, and in addition would give employment to many cowboys, etc. The people here are very fond of cattle raising. Under the basis of having all these farms in a condition to produce cattle, we could employ almost all our idle in this business." In 1891 it was estimated that there were 531,416 horses in Cuba and 43,309 mules, yet a report dated as late as October, 1898, is to the effect that there are practically no horses in the Island. The same authority states that there is a great demand for cheap horses, and that now, since the prohibitive duty of fifty dollars a head is gone with other Spanish customs, the American "plug horse" would bring a quick sale all over the Island. The Cuban horse, of Andalusian ancestry, is a fair average animal for a low, hot country, but great improvement could be made in the stock by careful selection and breeding. At present he is a substantial, small horse of the cob style, is very easy under the saddle, and does well in harness. Stallions and mares are needed, and the surplus horse-flesh of the United States, increased by the introduction of electricity as a street-car motor, might easily find profitable use in this new country. The Cuban horse will hardly achieve the proud position of the Arabian or Kentuckian, but he may be as useful in his humbler fashion. [Illustration: ROYAL PALMS, YUMURI VALLEY.] The mule in Cuba as elsewhere, "without pride of ancestry or hope of posterity," is a most patient and useful animal, and his virtues and his scarcity make him more valuable than the horse. A fine mule commands a fancy price, and a pair are worth from $600 to $800. What the mule raisers of the United States can do in Cuba is left for them to determine. Sheep of good quality are among the impossibles to Cuba, for the climate has the peculiar effect of straightening their wool into harsh hair, like that of the goat. Although Cuba has not only every facility for hog raising, including the palm, the seed of which is one of the finest hog-fatteners on earth, and although the people of the Island use more lard, bacon, hams, and pickled pork than any other meat product, nevertheless, instead of raising their own, they have received from the United States over $35,000,000 worth of pork in the ten years from 1887 to 1896. Some hogs are raised, but it is because of the energy of the hog, not of the Cuban. Wild hogs (_jabali_) prevail in many parts of the Island, and the boar hunts are sometimes exciting sport. The wild hog is merely the domestic hog run away and grown up in the woods. Poultry of all kinds similar to that found in the United States was common all over the Island before the war. No attention is paid to its cultivation, except in the matter of game-cocks. Cock-fighting is so wide-spread and popular that the game-cock may be well called the national bird of Cuba. Humboldt has said that the bee is not native to Cuba and came from Europe. However that may be, the busy little worker has found there a land of flowers, and his products of honey and wax are among the reliable exports of the Island. The value of honey shipped to the United States in 1893 was $39,712, and of beeswax, $45,504. The best honey comes from the uplands and the poorest from the swamp flowers. Agriculture in Cuba promises rich results in the future. CHAPTER XXIV TIMBER AND FRUIT TREES Of the approximately twenty-eight millions of acres in Cuba and its islands, it is estimated that from thirteen to fifteen millions of acres are covered with timber, the vastly larger portion of it yet untouched by the axe. Of this, mahogany and cedar lead in value as lumber, though, for the variety of its uses, the palm, of which there are thirty species in the Island, easily takes precedence. A notable peculiarity of tree growth in Cuba is the presence of the pine, a distinctively northern product, yet here it is found growing side by side with the mahogany; and on the Isle of Pines it is so plentiful as to have given the name to the island. The province of Pinar del Rio (River of Pines) also receives its name from the pines which are so numerous there. [Illustration: SAGO PALM.] Of the thirty varieties of palm, the first and foremost is the Palma Real, or Royal Palm, called also the "Blessed Tree" because of its manifold uses to man. This tree is common all over the Island, growing alike on hills and in valleys; but it is most frequent in the west, where the soil is generally richest and heaviest. It rises to a height of from sixty to eighty feet, like a tall shaft of rough, grey marble, and from its top springs a great tuft of green leaves. Its peculiar growth does not make it especially valuable as a shade tree, but an avenue of palms is unequalled in its impressive beauty. Of its uses in other respects an inventory can scarcely be made. Its roots are said to have medicinal virtues. The stem of its leaves, or _yagua_, often six feet in length, is like a thin board and can be used as a dinner plate by cutting it into shape; it may be folded like stiff paper when wet; and is bent into a _catana_, or basin, or a pot, in which food may be boiled, and there is sufficient salt in the wood to make the food palatable; it serves also as a basket for carrying farm products; it is said a dozen _catanas_ will produce a pound of salt. The seed of the royal palm furnishes an excellent "mast" for fattening hogs. Good weather-boarding is made from its trunk, and the lumber may also be made into plain furniture; its leaves form the roofs of houses; fine canes are made from the hard outside shell, which may be polished like metal; the bud of the tuft is a vegetable food much like cauliflower in taste, and is eaten raw and cooked; and hats, baskets, and even cloth may be made from its leaves and fibre. What further uses may be found for it, future Yankee ingenuity will develop. Of the other palms, the guano and yarey are valuable for their fibre, from which very fine hats and baskets are made for export; the guano de cana produces the vanilla-bean parasite and makes the best roofing material; the cocoanut palm is another variety, probably better known abroad by its product than any other; the guano de costa is noted for its elastic and waterproof wood. Mahogany is the most valuable wood for export, although Cuban cedar is probably better known, because so much more of it is shipped to the United States; for example, in 1894, a good year, 12,051 mahogany logs were received here, and 106,545 cedar logs. Cuban mahogany is the most valuable known in the market. The common variety is worth from $110 to $150 per 1000 feet, and the bird's-eye, or figured mahogany, commands almost any price. Ordinary prices for it run from $400 to $600 per 1000 feet, with more than double that for fancy varieties. Mahogany cutting in Cuba is done in the most primitive fashion and under numerous difficulties, and thus far it has been carried on in only the easily accessible places, leaving millions of feet yet standing in the dense forests of the interior. To begin with, the mahogany tree does not grow in groups, but takes its stand alone, a very monarch of the forest. Here it is found by the hunter, who sights its peculiar foliage from his lookout in some tall tree. Noting all the landmarks, he climbs down and cuts a path through the jungle to his prize, "blazing the way" for his companions. The trees are often large, sometimes thirty feet in circumference, and when they are very wide at the roots, the cutters build rude platforms of poles or saplings, called "barbecues," around them, and from these platforms the tree is cut from ten to fifteen feet up the trunk. Thus are wasted several hundred feet of the finest part of the wood about the gnarled and curly roots. It is fair to suppose that there are fortunes to-day in the mahogany "stumpage" of Cuba, and it is in the most accessible portion of the Island. A day's work for a man is to cut down two trees of from eight to ten feet in circumference; two men will cut three larger trees, and when a giant of a quarter of a hundred feet around is found, four men take the entire day, which is very short in the dense jungle, to lay it low. Great care is taken in felling the tree not to have it split or break and destroy its value. When the tree is down, all of it that is available for market is squared. It is hauled either to the nearest stream or to the coast or to a railroad station, as may be. Three hundred trees, averaging 2000 feet each, are a fair season's work for an ordinary camp. Notwithstanding the poor methods of getting out mahogany timber, the shipments to the United States alone since 1885 have been 235,000 logs, aggregating 35,700,000 feet, valued at upwards of $5,000,000. The following statement of the shipments since 1894 will show the disastrous effects of the war. 1894 12,051 logs 1895 20,388 " 1896 3,607 " 1897 757 " 1898 (to December) 738 " [Illustration: MAHOGANY CARRIED BY OXEN.] Although the mahogany tree in the wilds, when it reaches its best condition, reaches enormous growth, much of that coming to market is comparatively small. Some logs are not over two feet in circumference, but fine logs are five times that. It may be explained that the mahogany which gives prestige to the Cuban product and which commands the highest price, comes from the Santiago district. In other parts of the Island the timber is smaller, but it is noted for its hardness. The United States is most familiar with Cuban cedar in the form of cigar boxes. The shipments of cedar since 1885 have exceeded 700,000 logs containing over 70,000,000 feet, valued at $4,900,000, allowing $70 per 1000 as the average price in the market. Proportionately, cedar has suffered equally with mahogany by the war, as will be seen by the following table of shipments: 1894 106,545 logs 1895 61,888 " 1896 28,130 " 1897 4,055 " 1898 (to November) 5,204 " Of the supposed forty varieties of hard woods in the Cuban forests, lignum-vitæ is one of the hardest, and it grows fairly plentifully. Not a great deal of it has been shipped, and it is worth from thirteen to thirty dollars per ton according to quality. Cuban ebony is a fine wood growing generally about the Island, and is noted for its blackness. The majagua is a flourishing tree, forty feet in height at its best, and its bark produces a fibre which is made into rope equal to much of the hemp rope now in use. Its wood is also hard and durable. The baria is a fragrant flowering tree of hard wood, and the granadillo, though only a small tree of ten to twelve feet in height, produces a wood of great hardness and fine colour, from which handsome canes are made. The acana, roble blanco (white), roble amarillo (yellow), jique, and caiguaran are hard and durable woods, the last being especially useful for fence posts and other underground work, as it lasts like iron. The cuia is durable in water, and is useful for dock timber and such purposes. The caimitillo, yaya, moboa, and cuen are all useful woods in the making of house frames, furniture, barrel hoops, handles, and carriage shafts. The jaguey is a peculiar tree, beginning as a parasite on some other, from which it sends shoots to the ground, where, taking root, they grow up and choke out the parent tree, taking its place as a tree composed of innumerable stems or vines. It bears a fruit of which bats are fond, and they are thick in these trees in May. Its wood is used for walking-sticks and other small articles. The ceiba, cottonwood or silk-cotton tree, is a tree of beauty and size, and of very general growth. It bears a pod filled with beautiful white silk-cotton, used for stuffing pillows, but too short of fibre for spinning. One of the notable trees of the world that travellers tell us of is the great ceiba tree in the Plaza at Nassau, Jamaica. The rubber tree has been introduced, in addition to some native gum-producing trees, undeveloped; and though enough was done towards its cultivation to prove that it could be grown successfully, the usual fate of new industries in competition with the Spanish style of taxation proved too much for it, and the business was ruined. The sand box receives its name from the peculiar rattling of its pods as of dropping sand. The trumpet tree is so called because of its hollow trunk which produces a trumpet-like sound. The banyan tree is noticeable along the coasts, where it generally prevails. One specimen, near Marianao just outside of Havana, has hung its branches down and taken root until it covers four or five acres, and is a great curiosity to the traveller. Rosewood is plentiful in some parts of the Island, also logwood and other dyewoods, but little or nothing has been done to develop business in this direction, and they are holding their riches for the new discoverers from the north who shall explore the Island in good time. Concerning the practical side of the timber and lumber industry in Cuba, Mr. Charles M. Pepper, journalist, writes as follows: "I have heard a hint that some of the Pennsylvanians who know something of lumber have got ahead of the Michigan and Wisconsin lumbermen who were expecting to exploit the forests of the interior. It is of no consequence who does it so long as the industry is developed. A civil engineer came to me the other day to ask some points about reaching a certain part of the Island. He also wanted to know a good land-title lawyer. His plan was to take the lawyer along and close up purchases of timber lands at once. The men he represented must have had money or they would not have indulged in the luxury of a lawyer to accompany them to the wilds of the interior. But their idea was the right one. Their money is in Havana banks. When they find timber lands which suit their purpose they will buy the tracts instead of seeking options and going back to the United States to sell these rights. Options on land are hardly known in Cuba. Nobody is likely to make money by that means. "As to how far the woods can be cleared by native labor I asked the opinion of Major Van Leer, the government engineer who is superintending the construction of Colonel Hecker's little military railroad across the bay at Guanabacoa. He has had experience in South America, in Santo Domingo and in other parts of the West Indies. 'Native labor,' he said, 'will do for most everything except to boss the job and run the sawmills. They don't know much about sawmills in these tropical countries, but they quickly learn how to get out the timber. A few lumbermen from Michigan or Pennsylvania would be able to handle the work without trouble.' "The Cubans have already learned how to get out the mahogany, though only the edges of the forests have been touched. They have also learned something of sawmills, for in Pinar del Rio I have seen the tracts which they cleared of pine and cedar. "These remarks on lumber are a digression. They may be taken at sawdust value by real lumbermen who have been brought up in Wisconsin or Pennsylvania. They are made because some folks with money have come to Cuba to buy timber lands. As long as it was only promoters forming companies for the exploitation of an unknown timber country it was not worth mentioning. Other phases of investment are becoming live topics for the same reason." Next in value to the lumber trees in Cuba are fruit-bearing trees of an almost innumerable variety, some of which are universally known in the United States. With a climate and soil peculiarly adapted to the highest development of all kinds of tropical fruits little has as yet been done, and what has been accomplished has not been by the natives. It is said of too many of them that when they are too lazy to pick the fruit nature so lavishly bestows upon them, they simply lie down under the trees and wait for it to fall. Though all kinds of southern fruits grow luxuriantly, the most valuable commercially thus far developed are bananas, cocoanuts, lemons, oranges, limes, and pineapples, and the north-eastern uplands seem to be, by climate and soil, especially adapted to the highest development. While some degree of progress has been made in the raising of bananas and cocoanuts, very little has been done with the other fruits, and the possibilities are wonderful. The banana, of which millions of bunches are shipped annually, easily leads its competitors, in point of value. It is scarcely necessary to comment upon a fruit so well known to every American. As usual with fruits shipped out of the latitude of their growth, the banana of commerce is not the banana of its native garden, although it suffers much less by the transition than other fruits, as it ripens almost as well off the tree as on. It is much more wholesome for the foreigner in his own home than in Cuba. The banana has three stages of usefulness: in the first, roasted or boiled, it is nourishing and a good substitute for bread; at three-fourths of its growth it is sweeter, but not so nourishing; and at last it takes on an acid, bitter taste, healthful and palatable. Bananas of various kinds grow wild in many parts of the Island, and the poorer people practically live upon them free of cost. The fig banana, which is much more delicate than the common kind, is used as a dessert everywhere, and is very fine, but it cannot be shipped. During the past eight years, shipments of bananas from the four ports handling the business were as follows: Baracoa 7,570,547 bunches Gibara 7,369,193 " Banes 4,751,000 " Cabonico 3,118,007 " [Illustration: CUBAN FRUITS.] The war wiped out the banana business at Baracoa. The shipments fell from 1,552,700 bunches in 1894, to 2000 in 1896; but at the other ports the effect was not so serious. Gibara sent away 1,305,000 bunches in 1896 to 1,671,000 in 1894; Banes, 755,000 in 1896, to 1,028,000 in 1894; and Cabonico, 550,000 in 1896, to 643,000 in 1894. The plantain, another variety, may be called the vegetable banana, and is of very general local use as a food. Cocoanuts are raised in the same north-eastern section, and Baracoa handles, or did handle, the business; 27,430,413 were shipped from 1890 to 1896. Here, again, the war laid its heavy hand, and shipments fell from 6,268,000 nuts in 1893 to 35,000 in 1896. Of cocoanut oil, 4672 barrels were shipped in 1890-1896, with the highest number of barrels, 1500, in 1896, as against 50 barrels in 1893. Shipments of cocoa in 1894-1896 were 2,930,445 pounds. The cocoanut palm rises to a height of fifty feet or more. The nuts grow in bunches in the tuft at the top of the trunk; bunches which often weigh as much as three hundred pounds. The nut furnishes meat and drink to the hungry native. The milk of the green cocoanut, a most palatable drink, is said to have valuable medicinal qualities in kidney troubles. A few other Cuban fruits are oranges, lemons, limes, mangoes, rose apples, pineapples, pomegranates, _sapotes_, tamarinds, citrons, figs, custard apples, guavas, and _aguacates_. Cuban oranges are considered by many experts to be the best and sweetest in the world and they are the favourite fruit of the better classes of Cubans. One orange and a cup of coffee in the morning to a Cuban is what a chew of tobacco and a drink of whiskey is said to be to a Kentuckian. Although little attention has been paid to the cultivation of oranges, except for local use, they still constitute the second most valuable fruit import from the Island. The United States received $530,680 worth from 1887 to 1896. The imports reached their greatest value ($97,078) in 1887; in 1896 the imports amounted to $58,612. Cuban oranges are of the seedless variety and are extremely cheap all over the Island. The possibilities of their cultivation are limitless, and it is safe to say that within a few years the production for export will be enormous. The lemon tree, with its white flower and its varicoloured fruit, is one of the prettiest trees to be found in Cuba. Its leaves are almost as fragrant as are those of our lemon verbena. The yield is continuous. Generally the fruit is of large size, though the finest lemons are rather small, juicy, thin-skinned, and of full flavour. The larger variety is thick-skinned. Little or no attention is paid to proper cultivation and no lemons are exported. The same is true of the lime, the fruit of which is very largely used, for its therapeutic qualities, in beverages of various kinds. The rose apple, or rose fruit, grows on a tree of remarkable symmetry, with glossy leaves, and is as large as a good-sized peach, smooth-skinned and cream-coloured; with an odour and taste of attar of roses, so strong in fact as not always to be agreeable after the first one is eaten. Cubans use it as flavour for soups and puddings. The mammee, or mamey, is an odd fruit, growing on high trees. It is as large as a muskmelon, with a firm texture and somewhat the taste of a peach. It is of no commercial value. The natives eat it, but it is not agreeable to foreign palates. The mango, of Oriental origin, flourishes everywhere in Cuba, growing on a tree similar to our apple tree. It is the size of a pullet's egg, yellow in colour, grows in long bunches, is very juicy when fully ripe, and is agreeable to most tastes. The natives are especially fond of it. Whether it can be grown for shipment remains to be seen. Dates and figs find a genial climate and a good soil, but so far they have been left to look out for themselves. The _sapotilla_ is a fine tree with a bell-shaped white flower, as fragrant as apple blossoms; and the fruit is the size of a peach, in a rough russet skin. When ripe it is delicious and melts in the mouth. The custard apple grows wild and is also cultivated. It is green in colour, tough-skinned, acid in flavour, and full of small black seeds. It weighs as much as a pound and a half, and is used for flavouring purposes. The star apple is so called because, when cut in half, a star appears in the centre. The meat is green in colour when the fruit is ripe. It is eaten out of the skin with a spoon, and has the flavour of strawberries and cream. The guava grows on a tree about like an American cherry tree, and though not eaten in its natural state, it is of universal use in making the well-known guava preserves and jelly. The guava has a peculiar odour which will scent a room for hours after the fruit is cut. The pomegranate is a bush fruit of handsome appearance not unknown in American hothouses and in southern localities, and though not at its best in Cuba, it is a great favourite, taking the place there that apples take in this country. The well-known citron, with many other Cuban fruits, is waiting for the care and attention that will make it a valuable commercial product. The tamarind grows in a pod-shape on a lofty shade tree, and when ripe is of the consistency of marmalade, and quite as toothsome. It is a sweet acid, and is used in making a favourite drink in tropic countries. The tamarind can be exported. The wild or bitter orange is used for hedges, and the thick skin of the fruit makes a sweetmeat of some commercial value. The _aguacate_, better known to us as the alligator pear, is a vegetable fruit and is used as a salad. The _guanabana_ is a green-skinned fruit with white meat, and is used chiefly for making a pleasant drink, although it can be eaten. Somewhat similar to it is the _anon_, a pulpy and rich fruit in great favour. Neither of these can be shipped out of the country. The bread-fruit is not a native Cuban, having been brought in about a hundred years ago. Little has been done in its cultivation. The cinnamon tree, introduced by Las Casas, will grow well, but nothing has been done towards its cultivation. Humboldt mentions the fact that in the early times the Spaniards made wine of Cuban wild grapes, but grape culture is not of any value, though some fine varieties are grown. The water-and muskmelon and cantaloup grow easily, but they need more care than they have to be equal in flavour and popularity to those raised elsewhere. The strawberry grows everywhere and produces two crops yearly, but the natives are too lazy to give it any attention. Strawberry culture in Cuba could be successfully carried on to supply the early markets of the United States. The zapote is a fruit of brown colour similar to our apple, and is not edible until it has rotted. Last but not least is that delightful fruit, the pineapple. There are several varieties growing wild in Cuba and cultivation greatly improves them. The fruit grows out of a bunch of great leaves, eighteen inches or two feet from the ground. Each plant bears one apple weighing from one to four or five pounds. The fruit stem matures in about eighteen months from planting, bears one apple, and will bear an apple annually after that for three or four years. The plant is raised from slips. Pineapples are chiefly grown in the Isle of Pines and Western Cuba. This latter section, however, takes the lead in all fruit-growing. Thirty-two thousand pineapples were shipped from Banes in 1894. As yet the Cuban pineapple is a weak competitor of the Bahama fruit. [Illustration: COFFEE MILL, SANTIAGO DE CUBA.] As may be readily seen, fruit-raising in Cuba is yet in its infancy, and inasmuch as there is no serious competitor in the American market, save Florida and Porto Rico, there is no reason why the future development should not be of the vastest proportions. Since the great frost in Florida, which killed out the orange trees and slaughtered fruit and vegetables generally, that garden spot has become more or less unreliable; and as Cuba has never known a killing frost, is not much farther from the markets than Florida, and has water communication from all points, it must be accepted that Cuba will control the future fruit supply of this country, and American capital will not be slow to avail itself of the opportunities offered. Authorities differ as to the introduction of coffee, which is not indigenous to Cuban soil. One sets the date as 1742, and asserts that the plant was imported from Haiti; another says it came in 1709 from Martinique; but, whenever it came, coffee culture grew at once into a flourishing industry, and in time Cuban coffee ranked with the best in the world. Sugar-growing first lessened its field for profit by showing larger returns with much less labour and care, always an object of first consideration with Cubans; and in 1843 and 1846 disastrous hurricanes destroyed many plantations. Later, Brazil and other coffee-producing countries came into the market with a product grown under more favourable circumstances of governmental liberality and new and improved methods and machinery, and Cuban coffee practically disappeared from foreign markets. Still there are several hundred coffee plantations, supplying the local demand, and the business is profitable. The eastern end of the Island is the coffee-producing section, and 14,048,490 pounds were raised in the province of Santiago de Cuba in 1890-1896. Shipments to Spain in 1891-1895 aggregated $322,266. There is no prettier sight than a coffee plantation. The trees are set out in rows with wide alleys between, where waggons may pass to receive the crop, and with other trees, of various kinds, to furnish the shade needed for the proper development of the berry. The berry or seed grows peculiarly. Instead of hanging from the boughs of the tree, it gathers in clusters along the trunk. The seed in its pod resembles some strange kind of parasite. The harvest extends from July to December; the plant is in the full glory of its blossom in February. Coffee-raising is a very pleasant occupation, for the plantations are in the uplands where the climate is good, and the work is much easier than that required either in sugar-or tobacco-raising. Naturally the condition of labour is considerably above the average, and a much better class of workmen is employed. All things considered, it is fair to conclude that coffee culture will receive more attention than sugar, tobacco, or fruit from the small farmers who migrate to Cuba from the United States; and in future the industry will be restored to the high place it once occupied, now that the burden of Spanish taxation is removed, and every encouragement will be given to all who undertake its cultivation. CHAPTER XXV TRANSPORTATION Though it has as poor a system of railway and waggon-road transportation as could be imagined, Cuba is by nature fitted for the very best system possible. With a length of over seven hundred miles a main stem of railway from end to end of the Island would have control of every shipping point on both coasts, by the extension of short branches to such of the harbours on either side (at the farthest not more than fifty miles away) as seem capable of development. With such a system of railways, the tributary waggon roads could be built at comparatively small cost, because at no point would long stretches of highway be necessary. But no such transportation facilities have been developed in Cuba; and, although there are about one thousand miles of railway and some few waggon roads, they are totally inadequate, even if they were of the highest type. As a rule, they are wretchedly poor, and the Island has suffered more, industrially, from bad roads than from any other cause except Spanish domination. Under the new régime, the necessity of a railway from one end of the Island to the other is so urgent, and its value as an investment is so apparent, that capital stands waiting to complete it at the very earliest opportunity. The waggon-road system of the Island, if there be any system, comprises a number of government roads, or "royal highways," which are royal chiefly in name. The best known is the _Camino Central_, or Central Road, extending from Havana to Santiago de Cuba, a distance of about six hundred miles. Most of it is little better than a very bad specimen of "dirt road," and none of it is _calzada_, or paved road (turnpike), except in the immediate vicinity of the better class of towns through which it passes. It has branches to the north and south, usually worse than the parent road. It is the national turnpike of Cuba, navigable only by mules in the wet season. It is said these sagacious creatures know the road so well that in particularly bad places they get out and walk along the stone walls by the roadside. Of the paved roads, or _calzadas_, other than mere local roads, leading out of the towns a short distance into the country, one from Coloma to Pinar del Rio is fifteen miles in length; one, the Western _Calzada_, from Havana to San Cristobal, sixty miles; Havana to Bejucal, the Southern _Calzada_, fifteen miles; Batabano to the beach, two miles and a half; Havana to Güines, the South-eastern _Calzada_, thirty miles; Havana to Santa Maria del Rosario, fifteen miles; Luyano to Guanabacoa, twelve miles; Nuñez to La Canoa, twenty-six miles; San Cristobal to Pinar del Rio, the South-western _Calzada_, thirty miles; Pinar del Rio to Colon, fifteen miles. This list includes all the roads in the Island, except those local outlets before mentioned, of which, though some are really good roads, the most are in bad repair. Of the country roads, known as "dirt roads" in our country, Cuba has specimens which, but for the patient mule, would not for weeks during the rainy season feel the weight of a passenger; and even the mule is barred at times. There is a legend to the effect that once upon a time a mule kicked over a Spanish saint, and, as a penance, he was sent to serve as a beast of travel on Cuban roads. Inasmuch as the mule was the only possible carrier for these roads, and as the worse the mud the greater would be his penance, it came to be deemed sacrilege by the pious Spaniards to improve the dirt roads of Cuba. Hence their condition. These roads are really not roads; they are nothing better than unpaved strips of the public domain in its natural state; in the wet season they are impassable by reason of the mud, and in the dry season are impossible by reason of the dust. Travellers who have tried these roads say they are worse than the yellow fever, because they are more lingering. [Illustration: A CONVOY IN THE HILLS.] Of wheeled vehicles on Cuban roads, the heavy, wooden-wheeled, primitive style, slow-going ox-and mule-carts take precedence as freighters, and for passenger transportation the _volante_ (flyer) takes rank of all others. Indeed, no other vehicle would be possible on many of the roads, not only because modern carriage building has not devised a vehicle strong enough to stand the strain, and light enough to be hauled, but because endurance in any of them for any distance would be impossible. The _volante_, drawn by one, two, or three horses, according to the exigencies of the highways, is the only possible form of vehicular travel. This vehicle consists of a two-seated bed, swung low on leather straps from the axle of two very large wheels, very wide apart, with shafts fifteen feet long. This peculiar gearing relieves the jolting, removes the danger of upsetting, and makes _volante_ riding really endurable on rough roads, and a languorous luxury where the roads are good and meander among the waving palms and tropical vegetation of the gently rolling valleys. The only street railways are to be found in Puerto Principe, where a short mule motor line exists, and in Havana, which has about twenty-seven miles of track, say about one hundred miles less than a city of over 200,000 population should have. Its power is principally horse, one route steam, and although it is badly managed, poor in service, and always in bad condition, its annual receipts are about $500,000. Under the new régime the opportunities for investment of American capital in street-railway building will be especially excellent, not only in the city of Havana, but in most of the towns of the Island. In the same field, on a more extended scale, will be the development of trolley lines through the interior, to take the place of the miserable roads which serve to retard the progress of the Island. There are, in round numbers, one thousand miles of steam railroad in Cuba, almost all of which is standard gauge, and the most of which is owned and controlled by English and Spanish companies. There is no great central system; the lines are independent, short roads. The leading combination is the United Railways Company, with five lines out of Havana: (1) to Matanzas, fifty-five miles; (2) to Batabano, thirty-six miles; (3) to Guanajay, thirty-five miles; (4) to La Union, seventy-seven miles; (5) to Jovellanos, eighty-eight miles; a parallel line runs between Matanzas and Empalme, joining the line again at Güines. These lines are in the main well built and ballasted, having steel rails, stone culverts, and iron bridges, and they pass through rich sections of agricultural and grazing country. The second in importance is the Western Railway, running to Pinar del Rio, 106 miles, and traversing the famous Vuelta Abajo tobacco district. The line next in importance is the Cardenas and Jucaro Railway, extending from Cardenas to Santa Clara, 110 miles, with branches to Montalvo from Jovellanos, twenty-seven miles; to Aguada from Cardenas, fifty-nine miles, to Itabo, thirteen miles; from Artemisal to Macagua, seventeen miles. These lines traverse a rich agricultural country, chiefly devoted to sugar-growing. [Illustration: A CUBAN VOLANTE.] The Matanzas Railway, from Matanzas to Cumanayagua, seventy-three miles, is a well-built road, through a rich sugar district. The Navajas-Jaguey branch extends from the main line at Montalvo, twenty-five miles, to Murga in the interior. The Sagua la Grande Railway extends from Concha, the seaport of Sagua, to Cruces, forty-eight miles, where it connects with the Cienfuegos and Santa Clara Railway. This is a generally stone-ballasted road through a rich agricultural and fruit-growing section. The Cienfuegos and Santa Clara Railway extends from Cienfuegos to Santa Clara, forty-two miles. A portion of the country along the line is rough, but there are many fine sugar farms. The Caibarien Railway Company has a local line extending to Placetas, thirty-three miles. The Puerto Principe and Nuevitas Railway, forty-five miles in length, connects Puerto with Nuevitas, its seaport. This railroad has paid the extraordinary dividends of fifteen to twenty per cent. The Guantanamo Railway is a profitable road, four miles long, connecting Guantanamo with Caimanera, its seaport. The Marianao Railway is a suburban line, eight and a half miles long, connecting Havana with Marianao and La Plaza. It carries about 800,000 passengers annually at a thirty-cent fare. The Regla and Guanabacoa Railway is a local line, two and a half miles long, connecting the two towns, and is owned by the proprietor of one of the ferries between Regla and Havana. It has valuable terminal facilities in Regla. The Encrucijada Railway extends from Sitiecito, on the main stem of the Havana line, to Encrucijada, a distance of twenty miles, through a rich sugar and stock district. The San Cayetano and Viñales Railway is a two-and-a-half-foot gauge road, fifteen miles long, from the port of San Cayetano to Viñales. The Casilda and Fernandez Railway extends from the seaport of Trinidad to Fernandez, twenty-two miles. The Las Tunas Railway extends from Zaza to Valle, twenty-four miles, and was built to connect Sancti Spiritus with the seaboard, though it is not yet completed. The Zaza Railway, of three-foot gauge, is a private road, and parallels the Caibarien United Railways to Placetas, twenty-one and a half miles. The Jucaro-Morón Railway is a military road on the line of the Jucaro Trocha, connecting Jucaro on the south coast with Estero on the north, passing through heavy forests of fine timber for nearly its entire length. The Gibara-Holguin Railway connects Gibara with Auras, a small town in the interior, nine and a half miles. It runs through a very rich fruit district and is intended to extend to Holguin. Penetrating thirty-three miles into the rich mineral and agricultural districts to the north of Santiago de Cuba, is the Sabanilla and Maroto Railway, a well-built standard-gauge road. A short branch extends to El Caney, famous in war history, and at Morón, twelve miles from Santiago, a new line branches to the north-east, passing through several unimportant villages and terminating at Sabanilla, six or eight miles away. The old line goes to San Luis, thirty-three miles from Santiago, passing Enramadas, twenty-one miles out; and from this point, or San Luis, it is proposed to extend the line to Manzanillo, a thriving town of 9000 people, the seaport for Bayamo and Jiguani, and the centre of a large lumber and sugar trade, as well as headquarters for the celebrated Yara tobacco leaf, grown along the Yara River, which empties into the sea a mile from the town. The Ponupo Mining and Transportation Company, which is practically the Juragua Mining Company, an organisation which has done more towards the industrial development of Eastern Cuba than all other agencies combined, proposes to assume all the responsibility and expense of building, equipping, and running a first-class road from Santiago to Manzanillo, a distance of 110 miles. Leaving Enramadas, or San Luis, the road will pass through the towns and villages of Paso del Corralillo, Palma Soriano, Arroyo Blanco, Fray Juan, Baire Abajo, Las Piedras, Jiguani, Santa Rita, San Antonio, Bayamo, Jucaibana, Barrancas, Jara, Palmas Altas, and thence to Manzanillo. At each of these points a substantial station will be built; all bridges will be of iron, and the entire construction will be on the best lines of modern railway building. The route extends through an almost undeveloped country, rich in the possibilities of wealth-producing. Fine grazing lands abound; the soil in many places is of the finest for cane-growing; much of the territory is covered with mahogany, cedar, and other hard woods; near Baire are iron and manganese deposits; at Guisa are thermal springs, famed for their medicinal virtues; about Bayamo, a city of 15,000 people, there are coffee and cocoa lands and manganese and zinc deposits; eight miles from Manzanillo are the broad fields where the famous tobacco grows, known as the Yara leaf, and in the vicinity of the city eight or ten large sugar plantations are in operation. Several rivers are crossed on the route, from which a vast water power may be secured for application to any kind of manufacture, and as the country is virtually new, the opportunities for settlers are unusually good. The company proposes to complete the road within five years at a cost of $2,100,000, and the facts that it has for a long time been successfully conducting the original road and that it is willing to spend its money in building the new line, are ample evidence that the road will fill a long-felt want and be a productive investment. Its construction should be encouraged in every way consistent with the best interests of all concerned, and that it will soon be a substantial fact, as well as a long step towards the consummation of a great trunk line running the entire length of the Island, goes without saying. The author visited the country along the line of this road and speaks from his own personal observation. Generally speaking, these roads are fairly well built, but are in poor condition, owing to neglect growing out of the war. They are largely equipped with American locomotives and cars, usually of lighter construction than those in the United States. Indeed the passenger cars are built for summer travel, with wicker seats and plenty of ventilation. While some heavy steel rail is used, sixty to eighty pounds, there is much lighter rail put down, with the result that riding on some of the Cuban roads is nearly as painful to the passenger as is riding on the dirt roads. Fair time is made on the best roads, and the service is much better than might be expected. The stations of the railways in the cities are often creditable in architecture and conveniences, but those in the small towns and the country need to be improved. It is more than possible that an earlier and more noticeable progress in Cuban railway matters will be made than in any other important department of industry in the Island. In addition to the railways herein noted, there are numerous private railways on sugar estates, ranging from one to forty miles in length. These are chiefly used in conveying cane to the mill, but in some instances they extend beyond the limit of the farm and serve a useful purpose in local transportation. These roads are not elaborately constructed or equipped, but they are ordinarily satisfactory to the owners and patrons. There are also a number of short lines in the mining district, connecting the mines with the seaboard or other shipping point. What margin of profit there may be in the railroad business of Cuba is not definitely known, as figures are not always accessible, though ten per cent. dividends and even higher have not been unheard of in the past. A table from which calculations may be made is presented below, covering the railways of the western part of the Island: Cuba has over 6,500 miles of coast-line, counting all the undulations of the coast, much of which is practically inaccessible from the outside by reason of long stretches of low-lying coral reefs; but within these natural breakwaters what is virtually inland navigation may be and is carried on by small coastwise vessels of all kinds. There are, however, many miles of open coast, and land-locked harbours, not excelled elsewhere, are frequent. There are fifty-four harbours in all. The best on the north coast are Bahia Honda, Cabanas, Havana, Matanzas, Sagua, Nuevitas, Gibara, Nipe, and Baracoa; and on the south, Guantanamo, Santiago de Cuba, Manzanillo, Trinidad, and particularly Cienfuegos, which has one of the finest harbours in the world. With so favourable a coast-line, added to the long and narrow shape of the Island, which brings points in the interior so near to the coasts, transportation by water is naturally given precedence, and the shipping trade is one of the most flourishing in the Island. Twelve hundred vessels, steam and sail, clear from Havana alone every year, while the tonnage of Havana and eight other ports in 1894 was 3,538,539 tons, carried in 3181 vessels. And yet with such a showing the policy of the Island with reference to its neighbouring islands has been such that if one wishes to go from Cuba to a near-by island, say a distance of seventy-five to one hundred miles, he must first go to New York, and reship to the point of destination. An account of the lines that connect Cuba with other countries and the ports of Cuba with one another appears in the following chapter on navigation. ----------------+-------+----------------------------------------------------------------- | | TRAFFIC. |Length +---------+---------+---------+--------+---------+--------+------- NAME OF ROAD. |in | |Number of| Number |Number |Number | | |Kilo- |Number of| Locomo- |Passenger|Goods |Passen- |Sugar, |Tobacco, |metres |Stations.| tives | Coaches.|Waggons.|gers. |Tons. |Tons. ----------------+-------+---------+---------+---------+--------+---------+--------+------- The Western | | | | | | | | Railways | | | | | | | | of Havana, Ld. | 175| 26 | 19 | 20 | 237 | 300,000| 10,000| 10,000 | | | | | | | | United Railways | | | | | | | | of Havana and | | | | | | | | Regla Warehouse,| | | | | | | | Ld. | 396| 56 | 80 | 73 | 1,738 | 688,000| 150,000| 5,800 | | | | | | | | Compania del | | | | | | | | Ferro Carril | | | | | | | | de Matanzas. | 230| 26 | 47 | 21 | 984 | 292,000| 130,000| .... | | | | | | | | Empresa Unida | | | | | | | | de los C. de | | | | | | | | H. de Cardenas | | | | | | | | y Jucaro. | 339| 35 | 49 | 40 | 1,123 | 360,000| 120,000| .... | | | | | | | | Compania del | | | | | | | | Ferro Carril | | | | | | | | de Sagua la | | | | | | | | Grande. | 137| 15 | 22 | 25 | 482 | 230,000| 70,000| 2,100 | | | | | | | | Compania de | | | | | | | | F. C. de | | | | | | | | Cienfuegos | | | | | | | | a S. Clara | 101| 13 | 19 | 28 | 438 | 220,000| 63,000| 1,600 | | | | | | | | Compania Unida | | | | | | | | de los F. C. de | | | | | | | | Caibarien. | 89| 11 | 17 | 24 | 583 | 200,000| 60,000| 2,800 ----------------+-------+---------+---------+---------+--------+---------+--------+------- | 1,467| 182 | 253 | 231 | 5,585 |2,290,000 603,000 22,300 ----------------+-------+---------+---------+---------+--------+---------+--------+------- FISCAL STATEMENT ----------------+------------+-------------+----------+-------+-----------+----------+--------+ | | |Proportion| | | |Interest| | Products. | Expenses. | of |Number | Share |Loans and | on | NAME OF ROAD. | | | Expenses.|Shares.| Capital. |Debenture.| Loans | ----------------+------------+-------------+----------+-------+-----------+----------+--------+ | | | | | | | | The Western | | | | | | | | Railways | | | | | | | | of Havana, Ld. | $500,000 | $300,000 | 60% | 60,000| £600,000| £390,000| 6% | | | | | | | | | United Railways | | | | | | | | of Havana and | | | | | | | | Regla Warehouse,| | | | | | | | Ld. |2,792,000[1]|1,557,000[18]| 53% |154,000| 1,540,000|1,950,000 | 5% | | | | | | | | | Compania del | | | | | | | | Ferro Carril | | | | | | | | de Matanzas. | 1,250,000 | 610,000 | 49% | 10,000| $5,000,000| 50,000 | 6% | | | | | | | | | Empresa Unida | | | | | | | | de los C. de | | | | | | | | H. de Cardenas | | | | | | | | y Jucaro. | 1,470,000 | 870,000 | 59% | 15,582| 7,791,070| .... | .... | | | | | | | | Compania del | | | | | | | | Ferro Carril | | | | | | | | de Sagua la | | | | | | | | Grande. | 700,000 | 350,000 | 50% | 6,000| 3,000,000| 6,400 | 7% | | | | | | | | | Compania de | | | | | | | | F. C. de | | | | | | | | Cienfuegos | | | | | | | | a S. Clara | 600,000 | 400,000 | 66% | 5,000| 2,500,000| $795,000|7 and 8%| | | | | | | | | Compania Unida | | | | | | | | de los F. C. de | | | | | | | | Caibarien. | 450,000 | 310,000 | 69% | 4,542| 2,271,124| 285,000| 7% | ----------------+------------+-------------+----------+-------+-----------+----------+--------+ | | | | | £2,140,000|£2,396,400| | | $7,762,000 | $4,397,000 | 56% |255,124+-----------+----------+ | | | | | |$20,562,194|$1,080,000| | ----------------+------------+-------------+----------+-------+-----------+----------+--------+ [Illustration: CUBAN MULE CART.] Notwithstanding the dangers of navigation among the keys, there are only nineteen lighthouses on the entire coast, or one for every three hundred and fifty miles, a scarcity that is too dangerous to be allowed to continue. Many of the harbours are badly neglected, being permitted to fill up with sediment; and where there is one good wharf, well conditioned and adequate to the demands upon it, there are a hundred which are not so. In this respect improvement is greatly needed, and American capital should make it. Although Cuba possesses hundreds of running streams, generally known as rivers, the narrowness of the Island necessarily curtails their length, and the longest, the Cauto, is but one hundred and fifty miles from its source to the sea. Others are considerably shorter than the Cauto; many of them are scarcely more than estuaries putting in from the ocean. The Cauto is navigable for light-draught boats over about six miles of its course, and some of the others will permit short navigation by light craft. The usefulness of these streams as means of communication and traffic with the sugar, tobacco, and other farms of the interior, and with the timber districts, may be greatly enhanced by proper attention from modern engineers and a more extensive acquaintance with River and Harbour Appropriations legislation. The lakes of the Island, which are numerous, are usually small, and if they are used at all for transportation purposes, it is by hunters and pleasure seekers, in canoes and small boats; though where it is possible to utilise them in rafting timber it is done. [Illustration: A CURVE ON THE YAGUAJAY RAILROAD.] As to the extent of the telegraph lines of Cuba, figures vary from 2300 to 2500 miles, but the latest Spanish report is to the effect that there are 2300 miles, with 153 offices, doing a business of 360,000 public messages a year. The lines have been controlled by the Government, and telegraphing has not been popular in Cuba, owing to the strict and annoying censorship of the Spanish authorities. There are about one thousand miles of submarine cable connecting Cuban towns; the International Ocean Telegraph Company has a line from Havana to Florida, connecting with the Western Union Telegraph Company; the Cuba Submarine Telegraph Company has a line from Havana to Santiago and Cienfuegos; the West India and Panama Telegraph Company connects Havana with Santiago, Jamaica, Porto Rico, the Lesser Antilles, and the Isthmus of Panama; the French Submarine Cable Company connects Havana with Santiago, Haiti, Santo Domingo, Venezuela, and Brazil. Nearly all of these cables were cut by the Americans during the war. The telephone system of Cuba, like the telegraph, is in Government hands, with the exception of the lines in Havana, which are leased by a private company, the Red Telefonica de la Habana. Telephones have been in use for some time, and they exist in many of the towns, but their use through the interior has not become general, for the long-distance telephone is scarcely known as yet, and American capital may have the opportunity of introducing and developing the system without fear of Government interference to control the business. It may be said, in explanation, in concluding this chapter, that the statistics herein presented refer to the time before the Hispano-American war, which naturally affected steamships, railways, and telegraphs more than any other business of the Island, owing to their semipublic character. Very radical changes may be made in the conditions hitherto existing, but it is safe to say that those changes will result in a vast improvement and extension of all these public conveniences and essentials to progress. CHAPTER XXVI NAVIGATION Navigation, with Cuba, may be considered under three division: _a_--Navigation between Cuba and foreign countries other than the United States. _b_--Navigation between Cuba and the United States, including Porto Rico. _c_--Navigation between Cuban ports. The most delicate problem connected with merchant shipping in Cuba during the military administration of the affairs of the Island by the United States, has been the regulation of the coasting trade. Under Spanish administration, transportation by sea from one port in the Island to any other Cuban port was restricted to vessels under the Spanish flag and of Spanish register. Some modification of this regulation became necessary immediately upon American occupation, for, after Spanish evacuation of the Island, the obligatory display of the Spanish flag in Cuban ports would have been obviously intolerable to the residents. Three courses were open to the authorities of the United States: first, the coasting trade of the Island could have been thrown open to the vessels of all nations without reserve; second, the coasting trade of the Island could have been restricted to vessels of the United States; and third, a temporary expedient could have been employed which would reserve the adoption of a navigation policy for Cuban decision, when an independent government shall have been established and its flag and sovereignty recognised. The first course involved the most radical departure from both the policy which always has obtained in Cuban ports and the policy which has always obtained in the United States, which had undertaken to restore stable government on the Island. Had the coasting trade of the Island been thrown open temporarily to vessels of all nations, a reversal of that policy in the future could be effected only with difficulty and would certainly provoke complaint from commercial nations, eager to insist that a temporary privilege, be it enjoyed for never so short a time, becomes a vested right. An independent Cuban government will undoubtedly decree that the coasting trade of the Island shall be confined to vessels of the Cuban flag. Such a measure is the easiest and quickest method to begin the creation of a national merchant marine, which will be a necessity to the insular republic. It is equally certain that in the event of the ultimate annexation of Cuba to the United States, the coasting trade of the Island will be confined to vessels of American register, in pursuit of the traditional policy of this country. The first course open was accordingly rejected. The proposition to confine the coasting trade of the Island to vessels of American register was entirely out of consonance with the declared purposes of the United States in going to war with Spain. That proposition would, not unnaturally, have been construed as notice to the world and to the Cubans themselves that it was our purpose to exploit the Island for the benefit of our own trade, a purpose entirely opposite to the views which have inspired the Administration and the great mass of the American people throughout all the stages of discussion and action upon the Cuban situation. Military exigencies made it necessary to provide that American vessels should engage in carrying, from one port in Cuba to another, in order to move men, supplies, and mails. In the restoration of trade to its ordinary channels, the employment of some shipping to fill the place vacated by Spanish shipping withdrawn was a necessity; and the shipping of the nation which had liberated and assumed tutelage of the Cubans was properly drawn upon for this purpose. More than this the authorities of the United States have not asked of the Island in the way of navigation privileges; less than this could not have been taken consistently with the purpose to restore order and normal trade conditions, necessarily preliminary to the establishment of an independent government. The regulation actually adopted and in force since the 1st of January contains the germs of a Cuban merchant marine. It is provided that any resident of Cuba, who owns a vessel, no matter where built, or under what flag, upon renouncing his allegiance to the King of Spain or any other foreign prince, state, or sovereignty whatever, may obtain from the military authorities of the United States in Cuba a permit entitling the vessel to engage in the coasting trade of the Island. It is thus within the power of any resident of the Island, who purposes to become a citizen of the future republic, to own as many ships as he has the money and inclination to buy. For the time being these ship-owners occupy the anomalous position of being men not without a country, but without an established form of government to which they can take allegiance. How long this anomalous condition shall continue rests to a very great extent with the Cubans themselves. Their shipping, too, is virtually without a flag. Yet in the designation of a distinctive signal--the blue flag with a white union--the authorities of the United States have more closely consulted historic and heraldic proprieties than did the Cubans themselves. The colours chosen are those adopted in different forms by Argentina, Uruguay, Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua, the former Spanish colonies on the Atlantic which won and have maintained independence. The cynical student of history cannot point to a lone star, and croak that we have imposed it on Cuba as a sign that the history of Texas is to be repeated. [Illustration: THE HAVANA FLOATING DOCK.] The same just policy, the same desire to consult the probable wishes of a future independent government, the same willingness to forego selfish advantages, have characterised the formulation of navigation regulations for the foreign trade as for the coasting trade of Cuba. Under the war power, as construed by the courts, the President could, without doubt, have so framed regulations as to divert forcibly to the United States, and to vessels of the United States, a large share of the commerce of the Island which now seeks other channels. Direct taxation is not the only form in which commerce can be made to pay its contributions toward the expenses of war. Disregarding narrow advice to create opportunities for American profit out of the Cuban situation, the President and his advisers have so framed the navigation regulations for foreign trade that not only is there no discrimination among nations in trade with Cuba, but also the opportunities for trade between the Island and Spain are greater even than they were under Spain's own rule; and the navigation and port charges imposed on ships and their cargoes have been materially reduced. These are the general features of the navigation policy which has been in force in Cuba since the 1st of January. It is believed that the history of colonies and dependencies furnishes no other instance where the governing power has asked less for itself, has sought more carefully to furnish every opportunity for the development of an independent mercantile marine and the extension of an independent foreign trade. The people of Cuba have it easily within their power to have within a year a national shipping as great as that of Argentina after ninety years of independence. Many ships, foreign and coastwise, ply between the ports of Cuba and every port of the world, especially American ports, and a number of lines have been long established, the most prominent of these being the New York and Cuba Mail Steamship Company, better known as the "Ward Line," from its founder, James E. Ward. This company, which is incorporated under the laws of the State of New York, was organised in July, 1881. Its authorised capital stock is $2,500,000, of which $2,200,000 has been issued and paid in. At the time of organisation, the following steamers were bought of James E. Ward & Co., and operated: _Newport_ 2735 tons _Niagara_ 2265 tons _Saratoga_ 2820 " _Santiago_ 2359 " The following steamers have been acquired since organisation: _Cienfuegos_ 2332 tons _Seguranca_ 4115 tons _City of Washington_ 2684 " _Seneca_ 2729 " _City of Alexandria_ 2915 " _Vigilancia_ 4115 " _Yumuri_ 3497 " _Matanzas_ 3094 " _Orizaba_ 3497 " _Havana_ 5667 " _Yucatan_ 3525 " _Mexico_ 5667 " with a number of auxiliaries, etc., in list hereafter. The following have been lost and sold: _City of Alexandria_ Lost _Cienfuegos_ " _Newport_ Sold to Pacific Mail Steamship Company _Yumuri_ Taken by United States Government _Niagara_ Sold to United States Government The _Newport_ was sold in March, 1886, to the Pacific Mail Steamship Company. In June, 1888, the vessels owned by the Alexandria Line, which operated steamers to Cuba and Mexico, were purchased and added to the fleet. The vessels were the _City of Alexandria_, lost in 1893, and the _City of Washington_, which was thoroughly overhauled, renovated, and in which were installed new boilers and engines in 1889. In 1890 the _Yumuri_, _Orizaba_, and _Yucatan_, all three of about equal dimensions and tonnage, were built and placed in the service. In July, 1893, the _Seneca_ was purchased of the Old Dominion Steamship Company and added to the fleet. In January, 1894, the _Seguranca_ and the _Vigilancia_, sister ships, built in 1890 for the Brazil Line, were purchased and added to the fleet. In 1897 contracts were awarded to the Messrs. Cramp & Sons, of Philadelphia, for the construction of two vessels of over 5000 tons each. One of the vessels, the _Havana_, has just been completed, made 18.46 knots on her trial trip in January, 1899, and is now in commission. The other, the _Mexico_, will be soon launched, completed, and placed on the regular route. Both of these vessels are built under the provisions of the Subsidy Act of March 3, 1891; both are of the second class, available as auxiliary cruisers, etc., and exceed in speed and tonnage the requirements of such class. In August, 1898, the Spanish steamer _Guido_, captured during the war with Spain, was purchased of the Government, renamed the _Matanzas_, and, under American register, placed in the service as an auxiliary steamer. In April, 1898, the steamer _Niagara_ was purchased by the Government for use as an auxiliary to the navy, and soon after the steamer _Yumuri_ was taken by the Government under the provisions of the Subsidy Act, to be converted into an auxiliary cruiser. The company has contracted with the British, Mexican, and United States Governments for service to and from and between ports in the Bahamas, Mexico, Cuba, and the United States. The contracts with the United States were entered into with the Post-Office Department in 1892. These contracts call for regular service of ships, which under test come under the provisions of the Act of March 3, 1891, as third-class ships, to ports in Cuba and Mexico. Under the provisions of the Act above cited, American crews are employed and certain conditional requirements fulfilled. This especial service has been maintained uninterruptedly except during the Spanish war. In addition to its regular express service, the company operates a fleet of modern freight and combined freight and passenger steamers, which touch at the principal ports of the various routes, according to the demand of traffic. The line maintains a service on each of the following routes: New York to Havana, thence to Tampico, and return, via Havana, to New York. New York to Tuxpan, via Havana, Progreso, and Vera Cruz, returning via Frontera, Campeche, Progreso, and Havana to New York. New York to Nassau, thence to Guantanamo, Santiago, Manzanillo and Cienfuegos, returning via Santiago and Nassau. The sailing on these routes is on fixed schedule, as follows: To Havana and Tampico Saturdays To Havana and Mexico Wednesdays To Nassau and South Coast of Cuba alternate Thursdays Additional sailings are frequently made to the above ports by express ships, and it is contemplated to make such additional sailings fixed ones, subject to schedule, so that--so far as Cuba hereafter is concerned--in the near future, the south coast will have at least a weekly service, and Havana a tri-weekly service of fast express steamships. The principal ports of call in Cuba have been enumerated. Other calls are made from time to time when traffic demands it. The company operates, in addition to its Atlantic fleet, a number of steamers of suitable tonnage and speed to act as feeders to and from smaller ports in the Gulf of Mexico. These vessels act in combination with the larger ones of the fleet with which they connect, and in addition maintain a coastwise service. Lighterage plants at Havana, Santiago, Vera Cruz, Tampico, Progreso, and tugs at the principal ports, complete the list of floats, the property of the company. Their auxiliary vessels are the following: _Hidalgo_ 1128 tons _Atlantica_ (transfer) _Cometa_ 1151 " _Delenfeu_ (tug) _Manteo_ 584 " _Moran_ (tug) _Bailey_ 238 " _Francke_ (tug) The rates may vary, but slightly. The present rates, or rates now in force, are named in following tariff. [Illustration: A CUBAN FERRY.] EFFECTIVE FROM OCTOBER 17, 1898 First Class. First Class, Second Class. Excursion. To Havana $40 $ 70 20 " Progreso 55 95 35 " Vera Cruz 60 105 35 " Tuxpan 65 115 45 " Tampico 60 105 35 " Campeche 75 130 45 " Frontera 75 130 45 " Laguna 75 130 45 " Mexico City 65 115 45 " Guantanamo 60 100 30 " Santiago de Cuba 60 100 30 " Manzanillo 60 100 30 " Cienfuegos 60 100 30 " Nassau 40 70 20 These rates are for rooms on main deck. An extra charge of five dollars per berth will be made for all hurricane-deck rooms taken in any direction. "Stop-over" privilege, five dollars for each port. Children 3 to 12 years of age, half rates Children under 3 years of age, free Servants accompanying employers pay half rates. Another leading line is the Companía Transatlántica Español (Spanish Transatlantic Company), whose list of ships, taken from the British Lloyd's Register, 1898-99, including those vessels sailing to and from Spanish ports as well, is as follows: Net Net Tonnage. Tonnage. _Alfonso XII_ 3418 _Columbia_ 2299 _Alfonso XIII_ 3585 _Covadonga_ 3523 _Alicante_ 2865 _Don Alvaro de Basan_ 2898 _Antonio Lopez_ 2238 _Fernando Po_ 151 _Buenos Aires_ 3765 _Habana_ 1573 _Cataluña_ 2247 _Isla de Luzon_ 2580 _Ciudad Condal_ 1616 _Isla de Mindanao_ 3036 _Ciudad de Cadiz_ 1845 _Isla de Panay_ 2460 _Colon_ 3935 _Joaquin Piélago_ 390 _Larache_ 1009 _P. de Satrustegui_ 5090 _Léon XIII_ 3950 _Rabat_ 514 _Manuel L. Villaverde_ 951 _Reina Maria Cristina_ 3634 _Mexico_ 1366 _Reina Mercedes_ 2074 _Mogador_ 323 _San Agustin_ 1554 _Montserrat_ 2306 _San Francisco_ 1672 _Monte Video_ 3673 _San Ignacio de Loyola_ 2299 _Normannia_ 3054 This line runs its steamers from New York to Havana direct on the 10th, 20th, and 30th of each month. The Compania Transatlantica, which has always manifested a progressive spirit, will, as soon as the differences in the Spanish-American war are definitely settled, immediately begin the extension of its lines in the development of commerce between the West Indies and the Americas, and will seriously entertain the establishment of a line connecting the Philippines with San Francisco; and, as it has a sufficient number of steamers to meet the requirements, it will be prepared to inaugurate the service at once, especially if the United States Government will enter into an arrangement to grant it a mail service. This additional service will in no-wise affect the service between Spain and Cuba, which must continue for at least ten years, under a contract entered into with the Spanish Government. A third company is the Munson Steamship Line, which carries on an extensive and general transportation business in chartered steamers. Every Saturday a ship carrying passengers and freight leaves New York for Cuban ports, and others go at irregular intervals, carrying freight to every port of any importance in Cuba. The Munson vessels go from Philadelphia and Baltimore, carrying coal; others carry cattle from Mobile, Galveston, and other American ports, and a steamer goes once a month from Halifax. This line does the bulk of the cattle business to Cuba. Its general offices are in New York. There are a few unimportant, irregular lines, in addition to the three leading lines named, but they carry freight chiefly, and take their cargoes as they can get them. A large number of "tramp steamers" do business between various American and Cuban ports, coming and going as their work demands. In addition to ships from American ports, there are lines from Havana to Spanish ports; a monthly steamer between Vera Cruz and Southampton calling at St. Thomas and Havana; a French line runs from St. Nazaire to Havana, stopping at Santander; lines from Havana to Sisal and Vera Cruz; from Havana to Colon, calling at Nuevitas and Gibara; from Havana to Porto Rico, calling at all Cuban ports on the north coast; a French line from Havana to Vera Cruz and New Orleans; a German line from Havana to Hamburg; and the little steamers _Olivette_ and _Mascotte_ of the Plant Line, best known to Americans, who go from Tampa to Havana twice a week. In 1894, 1309 foreign vessels, having a tonnage of 1,794,597 tons, entered the port of Havana. Of these 603 were American and 409 Spanish, with a tonnage, respectively, of 776,229 and 677,907. Coastwise steamers are not included in these figures. These are numerous, and the service between Havana and other Cuban ports is much better than might be expected, due very largely to the fact that communication by road and rail between Cuban towns is so far below the standard, and in many instances entirely lacking by rail and practically lacking by highways. Since the occupation of Cuban ports by the United States authorities amended customs and port regulations have been adopted to meet the changed conditions of affairs in the Island. The following port regulations are taken from the latest report on the subject issued by the Treasury Department: "CUSTOMS PORTS: The port of Habana has been duly designated as the chief customs port of Cuba, and the following have been declared to be subports, viz.: Matanzas, Cardenas, Cienfuegos, Sagua, Caibarien, Santiago, Manzanillo, Nuevitas, Guantanamo, Gibara, Baracoa, Trinidad, Santa Cruz, Zaza, and Batabano, in the Island of Cuba, and the officer of the Army duly assigned to each of said ports as collector, will have general jurisdiction of the collection of customs at such ports respectively. Every collector stationed at a subport will make weekly reports to the collector at Habana of all transactions at his subport, with copies of all entries of merchandise duly certified, and all moneys collected at subports must be deposited with the duly designated officer, whose receipt therefor must be taken in duplicate. Any questions arising at any subport will be referred to the collector at Habana for his decision, from which there shall be no appeal, except in such cases as he may refer for decision to the Secretary of War. "ENTRANCE AND CLEARANCE OF VESSELS: Every vessel shall, on arrival, be placed under customs control until duly discharged. Passengers with no dutiable property in their possession may be permitted to land without detention. "If, upon the unlading of any cargo, there shall be found goods, wares, or merchandise not duly declared on the manifest, such articles in excess shall be required to pay additional duties of 25 per cent. on the regular duties. Should any packages or articles named on the manifest be missing on the arrival of the vessel, the latter shall pay a penalty of $1 per ton measurement, unless such deficiency shall be satisfactorily explained or accounted for. "Within twenty-four hours after the arrival of any vessel the master must, under a penalty for failure of $1 per ton registry measurement, produce to the proper officer a manifest of her cargo, with the marks, numbers, and description of the packages and the names of the respective consignees, which manifests, if the vessel be from a port in the United States, shall be certified by the collector of the port of sailing. If the vessel be from any other than a United States port, her manifest must be certified by the United States consul or commercial agent at such port; if there be no United States consul or commercial agent at such port, then by the consul of any nation at peace with the United States; and the register of the vessel shall, upon her arrival in Cuba, be deposited with the consul of the nation to which she may belong, if any there be; otherwise with the collector of the port, until the master shall have paid such tonnage taxes and other port charges as may be due under these regulations. [Illustration: PIER OF THE JURAGUA IRON CO., LTD.] "No vessel shall be allowed to clear for another port until all her cargo shall be landed or accounted for. All goods not duly entered for payment of duty within ten days after their arrival in port shall be landed and stored, the expense thereof to be charged against the goods. "Prior to the departure of any vessel from any of the ports herein designated, the master shall deposit with the proper officer a manifest of the outward cargo of such vessel, specifying the marks and numbers of packages, a description of their contents, with names of shippers and consignees, with a statement of the value of each separate lot; also names of passengers and their destination. A clearance will then be granted to the vessel. No prohibited or contraband goods shall be exported. "TONNAGE DUES: At all ports or places in Cuba there shall be levied the following tonnage dues, until further orders: Per Net Ton. (_a_) On entry of a vessel from a port or place not in Cuba $0.20 (_b_) On entry of a vessel from another port or place in Cuba, engaged at time of entry in the coasting trade of Cuba .02 (_c_) The rate of tonnage dues on a vessel which enters in ballast shall be one half of the rate imposed by subdivision (_a_) or (_b_), and one half the tonnage dues imposed on a vessel entering with cargo shall be refunded if the vessel clears in ballast. (_d_) A vessel which has paid the tonnage tax imposed on entry from a port or place not in Cuba shall not be liable to tonnage tax on entering another port or place in Cuba during the same voyage until such vessel again enters from a port or place not in Cuba. (_e_) The tonnage tax on entries of a vessel from a port or place not in Cuba shall not exceed in the aggregate $2 per net ton in any one year, beginning from the date of the first payment. The tonnage tax on entries of a vessel from other ports or places in Cuba, engaged at the time of entry exclusively in the coasting trade of Cuba, shall not exceed 40 cents per net ton in any one year, beginning from the date of the first payment. "The following shall be exempt from tonnage dues: "A vessel belonging to or employed in the service of the Government of the United States; or a vessel of a neutral foreign government not engaged in trade; a vessel in distress; or a yacht belonging to an organised yacht club of the United States or of a neutral foreign nation. "The tonnage of a vessel shall be the net or register tonnage expressed in her national certificate of registry. "LANDING CHARGES: The tax of $1 on each ton of merchandise imported or exported, hitherto imposed as a substitute for tonnage taxes, is abolished. "The present exemption of coal from this tax is continued. "The present export tax of 5 cents per gross ton on ore is abolished. "SPECIAL CHARGES AT SANTIAGO:[19] The harbour improvement taxes at Santiago de Cuba will continue to be levied, as at present, as follows: Each steamer entering $8.50 Each sailing vessel entering 4.25 Each ton of cargo landed from a steamer .25 Each ton of cargo landed from a sailing vessel .125 Each ton of coal landed from a steamer .125 Each ton of coal landed from a sailing vessel .10 "COASTING TRADE OF CUBA: To facilitate the occupation and control of Cuba by the military forces of the United States and the restoration of order, the laws now in force restricting the coasting trade of the Island to Spanish vessels are hereby modified as follows: "(_a_) Vessels of the United States may engage in the coasting trade of the island of Cuba. "(_b_) The officer of the Army of the United States in command at any port of Cuba in possession of the United States is empowered to issue a permit to a resident of Cuba who owns a vessel, which shall entitle such vessel to engage in the coasting trade of the Island: _Provided_, That the owner and master of such vessel shall upon oath before such officer entirely renounce and abjure all allegiance and fidelity to the King of Spain or to any other foreign prince, state, or sovereignty whatever. "Such permits shall first be approved by the general in command of the forces of the United States in Cuba. "Vessels entitled under this paragraph to engage in the coasting trade of Cuba shall carry a distinctive signal, which shall be a blue flag and the union of the flag shall be a white field. "The form and manner of the issue of permits provided for in this paragraph shall be prescribed by the Secretary of War." The following table of distances is given for reference: Key West to Havana 93 miles " " " nearest point on Cuban coast 86 " New York to Havana 1413 " New Orleans to Havana 475 " Cape San Antonio to Cape Catoche, Yucatan 125 " Santiago to Kingston, Jamaica 200 " Santiago to Greytown (entrance Nicaragua Canal) 700 " CHAPTER XXVII EDUCATION AND RELIGION Whatever the Cuban people may have thought of Spain and her methods, it is plain that in one regard, at least, the child deemed its mother a pattern of excellence and followed her example far beyond the pattern,--and that regard was education. Spain has always been at the head of the ignorant list among European countries, but Cuba is far worse, for she has the sloth of climate against her, in addition to other handicaps, and the people are slow to avail themselves of even such opportunities as they have. Indeed, the opportunities seem not to be lacking for a great many, for there are laws for general education, even compulsory education, and there are schools and colleges; but neither those for whose benefit the laws were made nor those to whom their execution is entrusted care to work any harder than is necessary, and the result is that the proportion of scholars to population, including all kinds of schools, is as 1 to 40. The rates in the United States are 1 to 4.39, except in the South, where they are 1 to 8. Nowhere in rural Cuba does the country schoolhouse prevail as we know it and feel its influence all over the United States, and possibly, quite surely indeed, it will never exist there as it does with us; but a great deal of improvement can be made, and to the 300,000 children of school age in Cuba who do not yet know their a, b, c's, may be given an opportunity to get, at least, a little sip at the fountain of learning. Although the country schoolhouse was entirely absent, in the city there was a pretence of having so-called "common schools," but their teachers were usually selected by politicians, and the pay was so small and precarious that even the political "scum" did not become school-teachers until every other chance was gone. What these teachers were like may be guessed at nearly. On the subject of common-school education, Mr. Charles M. Pepper, in a newspaper letter from Cuba, says: "It is tolerably clear that military control will not be able to do much for Cuba in the way of education. The most that can be done will be to encourage the reopening of municipal schools and to sustain the local authorities in rigorously enforcing the laws against truancy. The reconcentration has left large numbers of children on the streets. After a time, when homes are found for them, it will be important that they shall go to school. Before that the various towns will have to get the schools opened and provide means for keeping them open. That will come when the municipal revenues again appear, and these revenues will be slow in making their appearance. As for the teachers, there is little prospect for those from the United States. It is a common delusion that the need of Cuba is a school system of which the basis is the English language. One tongue is all that the mass of the children can use during their primary schooling, and that is the tongue which is heard all around them. Reading, writing, and arithmetic can be taught in Castilian as well as in English. The first two are taught the easier because in Spanish every syllable is pronounced as written. "A large number of young Cubans who have been educated in the United States are now wondering what they will do to earn a living. Most of them are thinking of getting office. The best office that they could seek would be that of schoolmaster. If any educational system can be provided under which they will find employment, their energies and their knowledge will not go amiss. Most of them are full of sentimental patriotism. They want to help raise their people above the plane to which Spanish rule had degraded the mass of the inhabitants. The schoolroom is the place in which to do it, and it is the only place. These educated young Cubans will be better employed in teaching than in talking politics or in fretting about the independence of the Island. "This is said only of the municipal schools. I do not know when a system of country schools can be established in Cuba. The present problem is to get what is left of the reconcentrado population back into homes in the country, and to raising crops which will support them. Some progress has been made. Next year they may all be back on their farms and on the plantations. Then it will be possible to plan schooling for the children of the fields. In the meantime the education of the few Cuban youths at American colleges does not solve the question. That is praise-worthy in its way, but the mass of children in Cuba cannot be transferred in a body to the States, nor is it desirable that they should be taken away. They have got to be given their schooling in the midst of the surroundings to which they are born. That can only be done by planting the schoolhouse. It will not be a little red one, most likely will not be painted at all, for the bamboo frames and the palm thatching do not need to be painted. When the country schoolmaster (or perhaps under the new conditions it will be the country schoolma'am) becomes part of the rural life of Cuba the future will no longer be blank." While it scarcely seems necessary to comment upon matters of the past, which will soon undergo such changes as scarcely to be recognisable, still history is interesting, and a short description of the University of Havana, the chief educational agency of the Island, its purpose and its future, by Dr. Joaquin Lastres, will not be inappropriate. It may be said of the University that it has branches in all the provinces, and numbered before 1898 about 3000 students, 1800 of whom were in Havana. Dr. Lastres writes as follows, under date of September, 1898, in Havana: [Illustration: OLD ARCH OF THE JESUIT COLLEGE, HAVANA.] "The University of Havana, which is the highest institution of instruction in the Island of Cuba, has, ever since its foundation in 1721, had a personality of its own, and consequently it has never been considered a property, or dependency of the State; but, like municipalities and deputations, has constituted an institution, self-supporting as regards the State. Since its foundation it has occupied buildings that have not been State property. At the beginning, its own property and income maintained it; but in 1842, without removing its own judicial individuality, the State undertook its maintenance in exchange for the confiscation of its property and income. The _Instituto de 2ª Enseñanza_ (The Institution of Elementary Instruction) is only a dependency of the University under the same judicial conception, owing to its having substituted the old College of the University, which in its turn was formed of several schools teaching different branches of learning, which were within the sphere of the University's jurisdiction at the time of its foundation in 1721. Consequently, this elementary school has to-day the same judicial character as the University. "The property and estate seized by the State in exchange for the obligation to maintain this institution were numerous and important; a full statement is to be found in the Treasury Department of this city. Among the properties may be mentioned quit-rents in favour of the University, the building occupied by the old College of Pharmacy, the building occupied by the University 'Instituto,' the important sums of money delivered to the State when it undertook the maintenance of the College, and several other effects. Some of this property has been already expropriated by the State partially or totally. "By the law of the 24th of March, 1883, published in the _Gacota de la Habana_ on the 5th of the following May, it was decided to construct a new University, the necessary funds to be raised by the sale of the building occupied by the University and Instituto, the sale of State property not yet expropriated originally occupied by the old city walls, provided this property be free of all incumbrances, the sale of other lands in Havana belonging to the State not yet disposed of, gifts and subscriptions that may be obtained for this object by the Governor-General of the Island, and the amount annually fixed in the budget of the Island as an appropriation to this end. The subscription was never started, nor was any appropriation made for it. The same law that assigned the means of raising the funds declared it a public benefit and liable to compulsory appropriation. "The royal decree of the 7th of July, 1883, ordered the Governor-General of this Island to commence the construction of the University building, and blocks eight and nine of the old city walls were chosen by the State architect. The corner-stone of this building was solemnly laid at 9 o'clock A.M. of the 23d of January, 1884, his Excellency, the Governor-General Don Ignacio-Maria del Castillo y Gil de la Torre, as President, in the presence of the authorities, corporations, civil functionaries, and a number of invited guests. This stone remains in the corner where it was placed in the grounds chosen for the new University. "By decree of the 9th of August, 1886, the Botanical Gardens of this city were ordered to be a dependency of this University, as they continue to be. "The scant scientific material of this University, and the valuable collections of the Havana _Instituto_, and also the modest appurtenances of the Matanzas Institution are all the exclusive property of the colleges in which they are, as they have been acquired by the same and they have the legal right to their possession. "The library belongs to the University, as nearly all the books came from the Pontifical Library; the appropriation made by the State in the annual budget for the University Library has scarcely sufficed to provide for its care. A good proportion of the books are donations of professors and private individuals, and are mostly valuable acquisitions. "As all the present furniture of the University is new and has been paid for with the proceeds of the academical dues of the different faculties, in other words, with the University funds, it must be considered as University property. The archives of the secretary's department referring to the files of those graduated from the University should be retained as the University has an individuality of its own, and these documents being purely of a personal character can have no interest for outsiders. Files of an administrative character and those relating to examinations and degrees should certainly be kept in the University archives. Those professors who decide to remain in Cuba should have their files kept in the secretary's department of this University; those who may wish to be changed to some university in Spain, or who may not renounce the Spanish citizenship, may obtain at their own expense a certified copy of their files or a certificate of their services duly legalized, the originals to be kept in the archives of this University so long as its individuality be retained. [Illustration: OLD CATHOLIC CHURCH AT LA COPERA.] "Such titles as may have been given during Spanish sovereignty in the West Indies should be respected, both in Spain and in Cuba and Porto Rico, without in any way interfering with such rights as may be acquired by those obtaining titles given after the cessation of Spanish sovereignty in Cuba, which will depend upon the laws which may be applied to both countries in this connection. "Cuban students, who have commenced their studies in Spanish universities, whether in Cuba or in Spain, after cessation of Spanish sovereignty, should be given credit for the courses of study followed whether in Cuba or in Spain, adapting their future studies, as much as possible, to any new plans adopted. It would be well to give a maximum limit of five years to those who may have commenced their studies under old plans, in which to finish them, whether such studies be elementary or superior. "All professors remaining in this Island should have all their rights respected, including promotions, prizes, and superannuations, which they may be entitled to, including _excedencia_. The Spanish sovereignty should also respect the rights of all professors who may go to other universities of the kingdom, whatever institution of this Island they may come from in order of antiquity." Dr. JOAQUIN LASTRES. Of more interest and of more future potency, scope, and applicability is the "Industrial School of Havana," by Director Fernando Aguado y Rico, who goes into details which are here given in full to show how elaborate are Spanish educational laws and details of instruction, and how very little more work in that line will have to be done by whatever American talent may be called upon to conduct an educational advance along these and other lines in Cuba. The Director says: "In regard to the origin of the school, one of the originators proposed to the city to establish this school, which proposition was accepted. We first began with night courses and then day and night classes and some workshops. We have not been able to keep the workshops going owing to lack of funds, but I think this school is a nucleus from which to enlarge this work. "We do not graduate civil engineers from our school, and our aim is to teach these boys carpentering, mechanical pursuits, and industrial chemistry, though the laboratories have not yet been established. There is a great lack of elementary schools here with industrial applications. This is something like a manual-training school, and like the one of arts and trades in Paris. I studied systems in France, Belgium, and the United States, and so far as possible have applied the best of these systems here. I graduated in 1881 in physical chemistry in the Department of Science in the University here, and the next year I commenced teaching. "It does not cost the pupil anything to attend this school. There is an absolute lack of anything between the higher engineer and the ordinary labourer. Mechanics, agriculturists, and industrial chemists are most needed here, and the aim of the school is to supply these. There are a good many architects here who build houses but know nothing about mechanics, and a good many engineers who do not know anything about a steam-engine, being merely copies of what they have seen other men do. There are absolutely no draughtsmen here, though there is a great demand for them. The school will be extended as soon as we have the means. "_The School of Arts and Trades_ is a public institution of instruction, depending on the Provincial Deputation of Havana, consistent with the rights which these institutions are entitled to by Article 147 of the present Plan of Studies (Educational Law). "The courses of instruction of this school are divided into two sections--day classes and night classes. Instruction is absolutely free and only day-scholars are allowed. "The day classes comprise: "Preparatory instruction for admission. "Technical industrial instruction. "The night classes are intended to give workmen opportunities to improve themselves in their trades, acquiring technical knowledge of their work. "These are divided into: "Oral instruction and drawing classes. "Graphical, numerical, and analytical exercises in connection with the above. "Assays, analysis, and manipulation. "Practical work in the shops of the school, giving instruction of a practical character and in connection with the theoretical courses, besides giving the ways of judging the quality of the raw materials; names, description, and use of different utensils and tools. "DAY CLASSES--PREPARATORY INSTRUCTION Writing Religion and Morals. Spanish Grammar and Spelling. Arithmetic. Geography and Spanish History. Elements of Geometry and Geometrical Drawing. "The foreign studies are adapted to those to be followed by the students in the other courses and which constitute the main object of the school. The students of these courses do some simple work in the shops. "To be admitted to the preparatory courses at the request of fathers, tutors, or trustees, it is necessary: "(1) To be at least eleven years old on the 1st of September. "(2) To know how to read and write well. "The admission term will be during all September. "The number of inscriptions for preparatory courses will be limited to 100, the most promising being selected from such as may apply, preference being given to the children of artisans. "Vacancies up to the end of December to be covered as they occur. "Examinations to take place during the last ten days of June. "Vacations will last from the end of the examinations to the 31st day of August. "In September, students who may have failed in previous examinations, those not yet examined, and new scholars will attend the courses. "Those who may have studied and passed the examinations in the school of the preparatory courses will be entitled to commence the technical courses. "TECHNICAL INDUSTRIAL INSTRUCTION "Young men wishing to be admitted to the courses of Technical Industrial Instruction at the request of their fathers, tutors, or trustees must: "(1) Be at least twelve years old on October 1st. "(2) Have followed the preparatory courses. "Examinations for admission to this section will take place on the 26th of September at 12 M. "Petitions for admission should be addressed to the Director, and will be received up to the previous day. "Both spoken and written exercises will be given in these examinations. "The written exercises will consist in: "(1) Dictation. "(2) A problem in Arithmetic. "(3) A problem in Geometry, applying the metric system. "(4) Free-hand croquis with boundaries. "The written exercises will be the same for all the applicants, and will be all on the same day and hour, which will be duly announced beforehand. "The Board of Examiners for admission will be constituted by the Director of the schools, the President, the Professors of Grammar, Geography, and History, one of Mathematics, one of Drawing, and the Instructor of the preparatory course, who will act as secretary. "Technical instruction will be divided into general and special for Constructors, Mechanics, and Industrial Chemists. "General instruction comprises the theory of the following subjects applied to Industrial Arts and the apprenticeship in the shops: "Spanish Grammar; Geography and History; Arithmetic; Geometry; Elementary Algebra; Trigonometry; Applied Geometry; Completion of Mathematics; Descriptive Geometry; Elements of Physics, with practical applications; Elementary Chemistry, with experiments; Elementary Mechanics, with practical applications; Elements of Hygiene; Notions of Accounting and Industrial Economy; Geometrical, Mechanical, and Applied Drawing; Ornamental and Decorative Drawing. "Woodwork: Carpenter's work and turning; models. "Metal-work: Mechanics; forge; adjusting. "The special studies comprise a separate course each as follows: [Illustration: THE CATHEDRAL, HAVANA.] { Applied Mechanics. Civil Constructors { Construction and Architecture. { Industrial Mechanics. Mechanics { Steam-Engines and Elements of Machine Construction. { Industrial Physics. Industrial Chemists { Industrial Chemistry Chemical Analysis. "The tuition of each special course is complemented with graphical work, applied drawing, plans, and practices. "Special studies cannot be followed unless the general courses have been studied. "The courses will commence on the first Monday of October and will close on the eve of the examinations, which will take place in June on the days and hours that may be chosen. "July and August are vacation months, but a limited amount of work in the shops will be continued, as may be determined by the Board of Professors. In September the extra examinations will take place. "NIGHT CLASSES "To be admitted to the night classes, it is necessary: "(1) To be at least twelve years old. "(2) To know how to read and write well and the rudiments of Grammar, Arithmetic, and Geometrical Drawing. "Those under fifteen must call accompanied by their fathers or tutors when applying for admittance. "Admittance examinations will take place in September. "The night classes comprise the following courses: Written exercises. Grammar. Arithmetic. Geometry with practical applications. Elementary Algebra. Physics with practical applications. Chemistry with practical applications. Mechanics with practical applications. Geometrical and Mechanical Drawing. Geometrical and Applied Drawing. Ornamental and Decorative Drawing. "In studying these courses the following rules shall be observed: "(1) Arithmetic and Geometry with practical applications shall precede all the oral courses, excepting Grammar. "(2) Geometrical Drawing shall precede Mechanical and Applied Drawing. "The term for inscribing in the night courses shall be during all September. "All persons soliciting matriculation in the night courses shall be admitted free of charge. "REGULATIONS: "All courses shall be public and anyone is entitled to attend with the sanction of the Director. No dues are charged for matriculation or the examinations that may be necessary to get a diploma. "New students are entitled to inscribe in the higher courses prior to payable examinations, once they show having followed the elementary courses in some other institution. "During the college term the classes will be suspended only on Sundays, holidays, Saints'-days, and birthdays of the King and Queen, All-Souls Day, from December 23d to January 2d, the three days of Carnival, Ash Wednesday and the last four days of Holy Week, Easter, and Pentecost. "The matriculation term shall be all of September. Applicants will solicit the same in printed forms furnished by the school, together with this prospectus. "DUTIES OF STUDENTS: Students will attend the courses punctually and with decorum; they will endeavour to benefit by the lessons of the professors, doing the work assigned to them in connection with their studies and the trade they may be following. They will use a special suit for working in the shops, a model of which will be furnished by the school. "Due respect will be shown the Director, professors, and the shop instructors. The file of each student will show the prizes he may be given, as well as the punishment he may receive. "Should a student commit some offence deserving special punishment, either the Director will be charged to administer it, or a 'Council of Discipline' as specified in the present Laws of Public Instruction. "The fathers, tutors, trustees of the students, will attend to being informed every month of the behaviour and progress of their charges, calling at the secretary's department where the information on the subject will be exposed for inspection. "EXAMINATIONS: Examinations for passing to higher classes are divided into ordinary and extraordinary. The former to take place in June, the latter in September. "In June such students will be examined as the professors may consider deserving it. Those failing to go to the examinations when called upon, may do so the next time the examiners meet if they justify their previous absence. "In September may be examined: "(1) Those included in these lists by the professors. "(2) Those who may have been absent at the June examinations. "(3) Those failing to pass in June. "(4) Those wishing to improve their record in the June examinations. "PRIZES: To encourage students, the School will distribute prizes every year, consisting of medals, books, instruments, tools, etc. "One prize will be given for every 25 students; "honourable mention" will besides be made of others. "Only those rated first-class in each course may be awarded prizes. "There will be extraordinary prizes, awarded by competition, during the first fortnight of September. "DIPLOMAS: Students will be given at the end of the third year a certificate or diploma of general instruction and apprenticeship of the trade they may have followed, if their practical work of the three years' course is considered satisfactory. "Those finishing a special course are entitled to a diploma, after a theoretical and practical examination. These examinations may be solicited at any time excepting during July and August. Those failing in their first examinations will have to wait at least two months before being examined again. "A certificate of the studies followed and practical work done by each student will accompany every diploma. "The Director, "FERNANDO AGUADO Y RICO. "HAVANA, August, 1898. "SCHOOL: _Diputacion Provincial_, 32 Empedrado St. "SHOPS: Belascoain St., between Maloja and Sitios Sts." The following figures indicate what amount of public money goes to the cause of education in Cuba: University $120,650 Department of Secretary of Public Instruction 58,300 Professional School 18,300 Drawing and Fine Arts School 8,750 Normal School for Schoolmasters and Schoolmistresses 25,147 -------- Total $231,147 The municipalities in all the Island pay $775,646 for 888 schools for boys and girls (1893), four per cent. on all municipal taxes taken from this. The Provincial Elementary State Schools are paid by the _Diputaciones Provinciales._ (Paid out of _cedula_ tax.) In 1893 they (the _Diputaciones Provinciales_) paid: Havana $ 37,550 Pinar del Rio (closed) 12,650 Matanzas 14,650 Santa Clara 15,900 Puerto Principe 14,650 Santiago de Cuba 15,900 -------- Total $110,400 The religion of the Island is Roman Catholic, and no other religious bodies are permitted to exercise their belief in public, although no interference has ever been attempted with individual belief so long as the individual was careful not to interfere with the established religion. There are no churches of any kind except Catholic and Baptist. [Illustration: THE CATHEDRAL, SANTIAGO DE CUBA.] From the beginning until 1788 the Island consisted of a single diocese with the seat of the bishop at Santiago de Cuba, which has always been the religious centre; but in that year the diocese of Havana was created, with a bishop in charge, and Santiago was erected into a bishopric with an archbishop. The religious festivals and celebrations at Santiago are observed with an attempt at magnificence nowhere else approached on the Island. The priests of the Island are appointed by the archbishop and bishop, and as a rule the Captain-General has not interfered to any extent with religious matters. Generally speaking, the Cuban men, outside of the profession of the Church, do not pay much attention to religious observances, leaving that duty mainly to the women. The Church has always been a State institution and receives its regular annual allowance in the budget, in addition to its private income, which is not small. In 1894 the amount given by the Government amounted to $385,588. Under the new order there will be no union of Church and State, neither will there be any interference with the religious belief and practice of the people. Every denomination will have equal rights in New Cuba. CHAPTER XXVIII A VISIT TO GENERAL GOMEZ "The following account of the author's official visit to General Gomez has an important bearing on the future of the Island, and is deemed of enough importance to insert here in full. WASHINGTON, D. C., February 6, 1899. _Hon. Lyman F. Gage, Secretary of the Treasury, Washington, D.C._ SIR: Acting in accordance with your instructions, and after consulting, as you suggested, the President, Secretary of State, and Secretary of War, I proceeded on the afternoon of Friday, January 27th, to Havana. Arriving in Havana Monday morning, January 30th, I called upon Major-General John R. Brooke, Governor-General and Commander of the United States forces in Cuba, and presented the following letter from the Secretary of War: "WAR DEPARTMENT, "WASHINGTON, D.C., "January 27, 1899. "DEAR SIR: "Hon. Robert P. Porter, Commissioner appointed by the President to investigate and report upon the general tax questions of the Island of Cuba, goes to Cuba to investigate those matters further, and also to confer with you upon matters that he will suggest to you. "Mr. Porter has the entire confidence of the President, who directs that any subject he may bring to your attention shall receive your careful and immediate attention and co-operation. "Very truly yours, "R. A. ALGER, "Secretary of War. "Major-General J. R. Brooke, "Military Governor and Division Commander, "Havana, Cuba." General Brooke was informed that the President wished to bring about an informal and friendly conference between the commander of the United States army in Cuba and General Maximo Gomez, commander-in-chief of the Cuban forces, for the purpose of promoting harmony, disbanding the Cuban army, and aiding the people of the Island, now under arms, to return again to their peaceful occupations. General Brooke was furthermore informed that the sum of $3,000,000 was available for the relief of the Cuban army as soon as some practical plan could be arranged for its distribution; and that in this distribution it was the President's wish that General Gomez should be consulted. The question of the payment of the Cuban troops had been brought before your Commissioner by a commission of Cuban gentlemen, December 14th, and a report made thereon to you January 13th.[20] This report, together with the following memoranda left with the Secretary of War by the Secretary of the Cuban Commission, was submitted to General Brooke. "MEMORANDA "Suggestions presented by Colonel J. R. Villalon of the Cuban Commission regarding the distribution of funds appropriated and to be expended on behalf and for the relief of the Cuban army. "1. A Cuban officer should co-operate with the American disbursing officer for the distribution of funds. "2. The $100 to be paid per person is to be in part payment of his dues. "3. Cubans shall surrender their arms to the Cuban Assembly or its appointed representatives. "4. Immediate action is necessary. "WASHINGTON, D. C. "January 26, 1899." It was explained to General Brooke that the President did not wish this money or any part thereof to be paid out as part payment of salaries or dues, but simply as a relief to the army and an assistance to those willing to lay down their arms and return to peaceful pursuits. General Brooke entered cordially into these plans and said he would be glad to welcome General Gomez to Havana and avail himself of the General's co-operation in the manner suggested. To this end General Brooke gave your Commissioner the following letter of introduction to General Gomez: "HEADQUARTERS DIVISION OF CUBA. "HAVANA, January 30, 1899. _"General Maximo Gomez, "General-in-Chief of the Cuban Army._ "GENERAL:--I desire to introduce to you Honourable Robert P. Porter, Special Commissioner of the United States to Cuba, who desires to meet you and will explain his mission to you in person. "When you feel that you can find it convenient to come this way I shall be most happy to see you. "I am, General, "Very respectfully, (Signed) "JOHN R. BROOKE, "Major-General." General Brooke offered one or more members of his staff as escorts, and the services of Captain J. A. Campbell were accepted. With General Leonard Wood, who was in Havana, your Commissioner also had an informal conference, and was glad to learn that General Wood heartily approved of the plan of co-operation with General Gomez to aid in disbanding the army and in the reconstruction of Cuba. Lieutenant Hanna, of General Wood's staff, was also assigned to your Commissioner and instructed to convey the good wishes of the Governor of Santiago Province to the Cuban General. Tuesday morning, January 31st, at six o'clock, accompanied by Señor Gonzalo de Quesada, Cuban agent in Washington, and the representatives of General Brooke and General Wood, your Commissioner started for Remedios, the headquarters of the Cuban army. The manager of the United Railroads of Havana and Regla Warehouses, Ltd., Mr. Albert de Ximeno, kindly placed a special car at the disposal of the party, which enabled us to save considerable time and go through without change. From Havana to St. Domingo, nearly two hundred miles, your Commissioner went over the same route as that traversed last September; the difference, however, between the condition of the country now and the condition then is very marked. In September, the whole distance was one prolonged scene of desolation. There were literally no signs of life, human or animal, except at the railway stations, which swarmed with starving humanity. These unfortunate victims of misrule and war crowded into the cars in search of alms, and almost tore each other to pieces to obtain the small change and coppers thrown to them by sympathising travellers. Never was so much abject misery seen as then. To-day conditions have improved. There are beggars of the chronic sort, they are few, however, compared with the desperate starving women and children in all these towns at the close of the war. A decided change for the better is noticeable in the country itself. The people are beginning to work again. The quick-growing crops have been planted and some are ready for harvest. The sugar cane is being cut and taken to the centrals. Many fields of tobacco may be seen, especially in the Remedios district. Fields are in course of preparation for next year's crop. During ten hours of travel on this railroad in September but one yoke of oxen was seen. To-day draft-oxen, cows, and cattle are visible all along the route, and in some fields large herds of several hundred greeted the eye. This is the surest sign that Cuba is pacified, and that only a little friendly co-operation between the United States military authorities and the Cubans, who have manfully borne the heat and burden of this terrible and devastating war, is needed to bring about normal conditions. Sugar-houses have been restored, in some cases repainted and put in excellent condition, as though the owners were satisfied of a stable government. After a long journey of fourteen hours we arrived at Remedios, the centre of one of the richest sugar and tobacco sections of the Island. We were met by some of General Gomez's staff, and also by Major John A. Logan and a party of American officers who had thoughtfully made such arrangements as the place afforded for our comfort. The reception accorded Señor Quesada along the entire route demonstrated how much he is beloved by his countrymen. Word had been telegraphed in advance from Havana, and some of the railway stations were densely crowded by people anxious to see the second most popular of Cubans; for, next to General Gomez, Señor Quesada has undoubtedly the largest share of the affection of the people. At Remedios messages were received from General Gomez that he was with the Cuban army a few miles from town, but that he would be in Remedios early next morning to greet his old and trusted friend Quesada, and to meet the representatives of the President, of General Brooke, and of General Wood. The next morning, Wednesday, February 1st, General Gomez came into the town on horseback, escorted by a body-guard of about one hundred mounted men. He immediately repaired to a house he occupied in Remedios, and sent a social invitation for breakfast to his friend, Señor Quesada, and an invitation for your Commissioner to see him at twelve o'clock. A little before the appointed hour Señor Quesada and two of General Gomez's officers came over to the hotel and escorted the party to General Gomez's house, where we were cordially received by General Gomez and invited up-stairs to his private apartments, which consisted of a commodious front parlour opening into a comfortable bedroom, upon the immaculate white bed of which lay the General's hat, sword, and gauntlets. The interview, which lasted about an hour and a half, was agreeable and to the point. It opened by General Gomez assuring your Commissioner that he was welcome and that he had fully sympathised with the work of commercial and industrial reconstruction of the Island which had been carried on since the signing of the protocol of peace last August. He said he was completely identified in all and with all concerning it. On his side he was working in the same sense and doing all he could for the immediate reconstruction of the country, "Its wounds," he said, "will heal with the rapid promotion of work. This is the battle we are now fighting, and all men of good will should join us in our struggle. I avail myself of this opportunity to tender my services." General Gomez said he was all ready to see your Commissioner and discuss industrial matters last fall, but owing to the illness in the family of the Cuban gentleman who had promised to take your Commissioner to meet him, the visit was indefinitely postponed. After some other conversation of a general character, General Gomez was informed that the President had instructed your Commissioner to see General Gomez, express his friendly feeling, and to ascertain if the General was willing to co-operate in a friendly spirit with the United States in the pacification and upbuilding of the Island. To this General Gomez answered that he received your Commissioner in precisely the same friendly spirit in which he knew the President had sent him thither. He said that his friend, Señor Quesada, had explained to him the true attitude of President McKinley and the people of the United States towards Cuba, and he was satisfied that many of the rumours afloat were without foundation and absurd; that he had never entertained toward the United States anything but feelings of the most profound gratitude and admiration; that far from any desire to estrange himself and his followers from the United States, his sole desire was a closer union of friendship and co-operation; that now he was aware of the President's wishes, he was pleased and would gladly do anything in his power to promote them; that he was sure a friendly conference or getting together of the United States and Cuban officers would aid in making things go all right, and for his part he would willingly co-operate in such manner as the President might direct for the general welfare of Cuba. Thanking him for this assurance of confidence in the wisdom and intention of the President, your Commissioner directed attention to the present condition of Cuba with a view of emphasising the necessity of patience and forbearance on the part of all concerned. It was suggested that within only a few weeks the deadening hand of Spanish misrule had been lifted from this fair Island. That already he would see along the route between Remedios and Havana a great difference in the condition of the country now, compared with its condition last September. Then all was desolation: now people were more cheerful, and a glimmering of sunshine was visible, penetrating the drab skies of depression, ruin, and starvation which had so long enveloped the Island. It was true that some restless and impatient people were asking where was the promised liberty, where was the Cuban freedom, etc. The answer to this was that Cuba now possessed absolute commercial and industrial freedom. In framing the new tariff, the President and yourself directed that no discrimination in favour of the United States should be made; that you had repeatedly said the new tariff must be made in the interest of Cuba and not in the interest of the United States. Spain, on the contrary, had by outrageous discriminating duties compelled Cuba to purchase all sorts of commodities of her which could have been bought cheaper and better in other markets. All these changes, looking to a better condition, were promptly inaugurated on the day the United States began its military occupancy. Much of the criticism was unjust, not only to the Administration but to the military officials of the United States, who had undertaken the gigantic task of reorganising the country, of reforming its iniquitous tax system, of improving its sanitary condition, of building up its destroyed industries. Our military authorities had found Cuba without capital, with hundreds of thousands of people on the verge of starvation, to whom rations had to be furnished, and with the incubus of Spanish rule resting upon all branches of its government, municipal, provincial, judicial, and general. It was a great task, and one that must take time. There were still from twenty thousand to twenty-five thousand Spanish troops at Cienfuegos who had not gone home. [Illustration: SPANISH FORT ON RAILROAD TO JURAGUA MINES.] The President's idea, General Gomez was informed, was to build up the new government from the foundation by first organising the municipalities, and policing the Island, and that in all this work, including the judiciary, only Cubans would be employed. Under such conditions, your Commissioner frankly told General Gomez that the President needed and was entitled to the friendly co-operation of all interested in the future welfare of Cuba, and to his (General Gomez's) co-operation above all others, because the first problem to be confronted was the immediate disbandment of the Cuban army and the return of the men to work. To all this General Gomez listened with thoughtful attention, and replied that he realised the situation fully and appreciated all that had been said as to the condition of the country, and was willing to aid in any way the President might wish. The special mission, namely, the disbanding of the army, and the aid to Cuban soldiers willing to lay down their arms and go to work, was then discussed. A brief history of the facts was presented and the attention of General Gomez called to the report made to you, January 13, 1899, and submitted herewith. He was informed that the President would like his aid in the work of disbanding the Cuban army, in the distribution of the fund appropriated for the relief of that army, and in suggesting the most practical and efficient manner of policing the country. General Gomez said he would gladly aid in this manner and would go to Havana as soon as possible and confer with General Brooke to that end. He said that the amount was too small; but that was not his fault; that he was willing to co-operate in the distribution and make it go as far as possible. It was like the miracle of the loaves and fishes, and he would aid in making the most of it. Your Commissioner informed General Gomez that no man in military history had done so much with such small resources as he, and hence his co-operation with General Brooke in this matter would bring good results. He (General Gomez) especially impressed upon your Commissioner that the money itself must be placed to the order of General Brooke. This General Gomez repeated three times, and he was evidently desirous of impressing your Commissioner that while he was willing to aid in any way possible in the distribution of the money, he did not wish to take personal responsibility for the money itself. The next question taken up was the method of distribution, and while General Gomez and your Commissioner reached no written agreement, the general plan verbally agreed upon was as follows: "Memoranda regarding the distribution of funds appropriated by the United States Congress to be expended on behalf of and for the relief of the Cuban army, as discussed at Remedios, February 1, 1899, by General Maximo Gomez and Robert P. Porter. 1. That a Cuban officer shall be appointed in each province to co-operate with the American officers in the distribution of funds; and furthermore, General Maximo Gomez, as commander-in-chief of the Cuban forces, is hereby named to confer with Major-General Brooke, U.S.A., in the selection of this committee on distribution. 2. That these officers shall immediately meet at some convenient point and decide as to how, when, and where this fund shall be distributed, and such other details as will assure a prompt distribution. 3. That the sum paid each man shall not be regarded as part payment of salary or wages due for services rendered, but to facilitate the disbandment of the army, and as a relief for the suffering, and an aid in getting the people to work again. 4. That Cubans shall surrender their arms to the Cuban Assembly, or its appointed representatives, or make such other distribution of the same as may be agreed upon by the aforesaid committee on distribution. 5. That the committee shall use its best endeavours in the payment of this fund to distribute the military population of the Island so that all may secure work and the wounds of war be healed as rapidly as possible. 6. That the money thus appropriated ($3,000,000) shall be placed subject to the order of the Governor-General, U.S.A., of the Island of Cuba. Immediate action is necessary." The appointment of a Cuban and a United States officer from each province will be necessary, because no fair distribution of this fund can possibly be made without a knowledge of local conditions and a personal acquaintance with the troops. In Santiago, for example, no two persons would be so well qualified to advise with General Brooke as Major-General Leonard Wood and General Castillo, and officers of similar experience in both armies will of course be called in from the other provinces. Another advantage of such a committee, and one which appealed to General Gomez, and subsequently, on your Commissioners returning to Havana, to General Brooke, is that the question of policing the Island can be taken up at the same time, and a plan agreeable to all concerned agreed upon. The men called together to deal with the disbandment of the army will be able to supply considerable information in relation to local conditions and to the needs of each community. This is a problem upon which General Brooke is at the moment seeking enlightenment, and a Cuban general from each province will be a valuable addition to his own sources of information. The utter impossibility of considering the payment offered by the United States, to help the Cuban army to disband and get to work, as part payment of salary or wages due for services rendered was explained by your Commissioner, and in response General Gomez said he understood the attitude of the President on that subject, and could make no objection. Other phases of the question were discussed, such as the advisability of making the payment absolutely on the per capita plan, or only to those who needed help. For example, many of the soldiers have already been provided for, notably in Santiago, and later in Havana, on the police force. These men are drawing good salaries from the municipality and are not the objects of State aid. There is no necessity to include such cases. This will leave more for those who must be helped back to the land. These questions of detail, however, it was finally agreed, should be properly left to the committee. As a matter of fact, the Cuban Commission only claimed 30,000 privates. The total pay earned by these privates, according to the Commission's report,--based on the same rate of pay as United States soldiers receive,--was a trifle over $9,000,000. It is not likely, however, that the committee to be called together by General Brooke will find anything like this number of soldiers who need the assistance herewith proffered. There is no controversy over the other paragraphs of the memoranda. The actual basis of distribution will undoubtedly be the most troublesome question to be adjusted by General Brooke and General Gomez and the officers of both armies called in to advise. It can be settled, however, with the proper local information, and settled to much greater advantage, in the opinion of your Commissioner, to the Island than by a payment of one hundred dollars all around. If, however, the committee cannot see their way clear to a more equitable distribution they can, of course, resort to the original proposition of the late General Garcia to the President of one hundred dollars all around to the privates; or, if the silver dollar is used--and that is still the basis of payment in Cuba for day labour--the $3,000,000 will take in all, including the commissioned officers.[21] The above was the sum and substance of the conference. General Gomez was exceedingly gracious, and several times said he had no doubt of the friendly attitude of the President toward Cuba and toward him personally, which good feeling, he said, was reciprocated. He sent the President and yourself his cordial wishes and thanks for the courtesy extended and said he would telegraph the President and General Brooke direct, and would accept the latter's invitation to see him in Havana at an early date. He wished your Commissioner to assure the President he would do all in his power to aid in the work of reconstruction of Cuba. Turning to Captain Campbell, he said: "Tell General Brooke that I am coming to Havana to see him, and that I will co-operate with him in every way in the world for the general welfare of Cuba--especially in getting these men disarmed, in aiding them in going to work, and in establishing law and order in every part of the Island." In concluding the interview, General Gomez said to your Commissioner: "Your visit has thrown light in our way, and all that we have said encourages me to approach Havana, that by coming to an understanding with General Brooke the affairs of this unsettled country may be better directed. "Please express to the President my gratitude for his attentions, informing him that I will do my utmost to maintain order, contributing to the definite constitution of the Republic, that Cuba may be really free and independent, thereby helping to your desires, which are mine." In response, your Commissioner thanked General Gomez for his offer to thus aid in the difficult work the United States had in hand in Cuba, and ventured to hope that the conference would result in a more complete understanding between the people of Cuba and the people of the United States. His cordial and prompt response to the wishes of the President he was told would be appreciated in Washington and was a good omen for the future prosperity of Cuba. General Gomez is a man of strong personality and great force. He is resourceful, clear-headed, and direct in dealing with men, and will make as potent a force in the civil work of government as he has been in the military. His word is his bond and must never be doubted. The only occasion in the conference when he showed the slightest feeling was on being asked to make his visit to Havana as soon as possible. "Do you doubt my activity?" he exclaimed. "Your enemies never did, General, and I come on a friendly errand," was the answer. When General Gomez was asked if your Commissioner might cable the President his promise of co-operation, he promptly answered: "I will cable both the President and General Brooke myself." Copies of the cable and letter in question were afterward sent over in the original Spanish to the hotel, and when translated read as follows: (1--CABLE) "REPUBLIC OF CUBA, "HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY. "_President McKinley_, _Washington_: "It has afforded me great pleasure to have conferences with your Commissioner, Porter, introduced by my friend Quesada, and I am informed of and satisfied with your wishes. In a short time I will go to Havana to have conferences with General Brooke, that all may run smoothly, following your advices and gladly contributing to the reconstruction of Cuba. "MAXIMO GOMEZ. "REMEDIOS, February 1, 1899." (2--CABLE) "REPUBLIC OF CUBA, "HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY. "_General Brooke_, _Havana_: "The conference with Mr. Porter, Commissioner for President McKinley, encourages me to proceed soon to Havana to come to an understanding with you and solve matters for the good of this country. I avail myself of this opportunity to inform you that you may rely on my consideration and distinguished affection. "GENERAL MAXIMO GOMEZ. "REMEDIOS, February 1, 1899." (3--LETTER TO GENERAL BROOKE) "REPUBLIC OF CUBA, "HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY, "REMEDIOS, February 1, 1899. "_Major-General John R. Brooke_, _Havana_: "GENERAL,--Your courteous letter was presented to me by Hon. Robert P. Porter, Commissioner of President McKinley, and although I have telegraphed you that the conference with Mr. Porter encourages me to go to Havana in a short time and confer with you and resolve whatever be best for this country, I do it again through this letter. "I will be highly pleased to meet you soon. Meantime, I remain, "Respectfully yours, "GENERAL M. GOMEZ." In the afternoon word was sent over by General Gomez that arrangements had been made for a speech at the theatre by Señor Quesada, a reception to your Commissioner and the officers accompanying him, and a ball to which the representatives of the best families of Remedios had been invited. In the evening the little theatre was crowded. The boxes and orchestra were occupied by ladies in evening dress, and the other parts of the house were packed by earnest, intelligent people, intensely interested in the orator of the evening. In the middle of the stage a sort of pulpit had been placed, completely covered with the most beautiful tropical flowers. When Señor Quesada ascended the pulpit a shower of flowers fell from all parts of the house and covered the entire stage. General Gomez escorted your Commissioner to a box, and the General remained throughout an interested but silent spectator. The oration of Señor Quesada was an eloquent one and was devoted to an explanation of the real feeling of the United States towards Cuba. He thoroughly disillusionised the audience of any idea that the United States desired to annex Cuba against the will of the people, and assured them of the friendship of President McKinley and his advisers. These sentiments were loudly applauded, and it was evident the audience was at heart with the speaker. After the speaking came a reception, and then all adjourned to the ballroom, where General Gomez led off in the dance, and the festivities were kept up until the early morning hours. These facts are given for the purpose of showing the cordiality of the reception given the representative of the United States and as indicating that General Gomez more than met the informal overture of our Government in the spirit in which the recognition on our part was offered. On parting with your Commissioner General Gomez offered the services of Lieutenant Cornill, a brilliant young officer of his staff, as escort to Havana. Returning to Havana, all these facts were laid before General Brooke, and he expressed himself pleased with the results of the conference. The memoranda discussed and all despatches were placed in General Brooke's hands, and he desired your Commissioner to say he will be ready to take up the matter of distribution of the army relief fund next week with General Gomez in the manner herewith submitted. General Chaffee now has in hand the complete scheme for policing the Island, and the delay in carrying it out is partly due to the lack of funds and partly to the innumerable details necessary to meet the varied conditions of each province. It is more than probable that the convening of such an army relief committee as suggested in this report will have the effect of crystallising these plans and securing a general plan for the rural policing of the Island by native Cuban troops. The excellent condition of the Island throughout the most trying ordeal it has undergone--the passing of the Spanish control--has encouraged our military officials in the belief that the solution of the problem is local policing by Cuban troops. The present situation may be thus briefly summarised. Senator Proctor of Vermont, just up from the most western province, Pinar del Rio, says he has been with General Davis, who reports the most perfect order as being maintained by native troops, and that this has been done without money and without price. In fact, all the police work is now done by Cubans. In Havana Province General Lee has the entire confidence of the people, while a Cuban police force under General Menocal is being formed for Havana. This force is now drilling every day in the public square of Havana, and they appear to be a fine body of men. In Matanzas Province it was your Commissioner's good fortune to meet General Pedro Betancourt, who says all is tranquil throughout that province, a fact certified to by General Wilson in a despatch published Saturday. In Santa Clara Province General Monteagudo, in command of the Cuban forces, boarded the train, and in a conversation lasting nearly two hours explained the conditions in that province. He had nearly three thousand men who since January 1st have kept order and policed the entire province. He has a complete scheme for continuing this work with about half the number of men. This plan has been laid before General Bates, and by him referred to General Brooke at Havana. General Chaffee has the plan now before him with all the other plans, and it will be immediately considered and acted upon. In Puerto Principe the Cuban army has disbanded, law and order prevail, and the people are rapidly getting to work again. In Santiago General Leonard Wood and the Cuban General Castillo are masters of the situation. So great is General Gomez's confidence in General Wood that he expressed a hope to your Commissioner that General Wood would be in Havana at the conference of United States and Cuban officers, because he (General Gomez) wanted to consult him in relation to matters in that province. The situation may change, but the above represents the conditions at the present moment. Some of the leaders will object, for various reasons, some perhaps selfish ones, to the present attitude of General Gomez, but it is not likely that their views will prevail if once the United States and Cuban military leaders in each province can get together and meet around a table with General Brooke and General Gomez. If this can be brought about at an early date all outside opposition will surely disappear and the Cuban problem will be in a fair way of solution. The following message was sent to your Commissioner at Remedios, and was translated into Spanish and submitted to General Gomez: "_Hon. Robert P. Porter_, _Havana_: "The President sends his hearty congratulations and thanks for your despatch. Convey his cordial greetings to General Gomez and his grateful appreciation of the General's frank and friendly message. The co-operation of General Gomez in the pacification of Cuba will be of the greatest value for both peoples. "JOHN HAY, "Secretary of State." It is respectfully suggested, in view of the facts above given, that the sum of money ($3,000,000) assigned by the President for the relief of the Cuban troops and to aid in the disbandment of the army be at once placed at the disposal of General Brooke, Governor-General in command of the United States forces in Cuba. All of which is respectfully submitted, ROBERT P. PORTER, Special Commissioner for the United States to Cuba and Porto Rico. This chapter may be fittingly concluded with a few words as to the personality of General Gomez, who in appearance is as absolutely unlike the photographs of him as his manner and action toward strangers are unlike the accounts we have so often heard of him. The photographs published--and there is nothing General Gomez dislikes so much as having his photograph taken--are invariably harsh and belligerent looking; whereas the man himself, while in manner and expression a soldier, has a sympathetic side to him which makes him altogether a different being to the one so often pictured. This side came out at the ball, to which reference was made in the foregoing pages, when he was talking to twenty or thirty children prettily dressed, who carried bouquets of flowers and walked around the room. He had something to say to all these little misses, and was most affable to them. General Gomez is very fond of dancing; in fact, it is his chief recreation. He dances well and with great agility, enjoying it fully. The people of Remedios, men and women, are very fond of him, and his social side, which can be studied to advantage there, gives quite a new light to his character. CHAPTER XXIX CONCLUSION--A LOOK AHEAD In the opening chapters of this volume we have seen Cuba as it is and speculated on what it should have presented to the world at the close of the present century. The past, it is to be hoped, is a closed book. The future is more hopeful, perhaps, but replete with difficult problems and many dangers. The war has emancipated the people of Cuba from Spain, made them a self-governing people protected by a great nation, the flag of which is a symbol of freedom and a guaranty of the fruits of individual endeavour. The fate of Cuba and the Cubans no longer rests in the hands of a small cabal of mediæval and selfish statesmen at Madrid, intent only upon enriching the mother country. It rests with the people of the United States who are to-day actively and impartially discussing the future of the Island. The question is not how much the United States can make out of Cuba, but how best to make a prosperous, peaceful, and useful neighbour of an island within a hundred miles from the shores of the Great Republic. The people of Cuba must disabuse themselves of the idea that the future of their native land is in the hands of some one man or any set of men. They must comprehend, on the contrary, that it has been committed to the care of a liberty-loving people as jealous of popular rights as those Cuban patriots who, like Marti and Gomez and Maceo and Garcia and Quesada, risked their lives to make their country free. That the people of the United States will deal justly and fairly with the people of Cuba does not admit of doubt, and the closer the people of the two countries come together on a platform of mutual trust and confidence, the sooner a stable government will be established. It may be well for our Cuban friends to remember that a considerable number of the seventy-five millions in the American Republic have, themselves, exchanged for the Stars and Stripes flags that mean as much to them as the Cuban flag to the most patriotic Cuban, and around which cluster as tender memories as those which the flag of the Cuban Republic suggests. The great newspaper press of the United States is discussing all sides of the Cuban question as intelligently and vigorously, and as fairly and honestly towards Cuban interests, as it does our own important domestic questions, and no Cuban need for a moment fear that the conclusions reached will be other than for the best interests of all concerned. If, at the conclusion of military occupation, Cuba is made an independent republic, it will be because the people of Cuba and the people of the United States, acting jointly, so decide. If, on the contrary, the future of Cuba shall lie in the still greater independence of American Statehood, it will be by the mutual consent of the people of the two countries. There are no other possibilities in the final solution of the political future of Cuba. The more stable the government of Cuba, the more certain the industrial development. The closer and stronger the ties which bind Cuba to the United States, the greater the prosperity and the more rapid the reconstruction of the Island. To the outside world Cuba has become part of the United States, and the arrangements in respect of the government of the Cuban people a domestic affair. Whether the present government be termed Military Protectorate, Military Occupancy, or Statehood, the fact remains that the strength of Cuba to-day is in its close alliance with the United States. Commercially and industrially, as has been repeatedly shown in this volume, the two countries fit perfectly. The products Cuba produces can all find a market in the United States, while the needs of Cuba can all be supplied by its continental neighbour. The Cubans have had a taste of the prosperity which followed reciprocal commercial relations with the United States. The golden possibilities of absolute free intercourse between Cuba and the United States must be apparent to the more intelligent Cubans. That sentiment for a flag and a country is natural and laudable cannot be denied, but in the final and mutual coming together of Cuba and the United States, the single Star becomes not less bright by reason of association or companionship with the other Stars, together making an harmonious whole and representing all that is best and most hopeful for mankind. A great change has already taken place in Cuba in the six weeks of United States occupancy. The author has had opportunity to study three stages in the recent history of Cuba. He visited the four western provinces soon after the signing of the Protocol of Peace and before the Spanish had relinquished control. He was in Santiago after six months of American occupancy, and in the chapter on that province has made note of the good work inaugurated by Major-General Leonard Wood, Governor of the province. Again after six weeks of American control he travelled over much the same ground as in September and October, and has noted in the preceding chapter the improved condition. A good deal of honest and intelligent work has already been done by the United States for Cuba. A new tariff has been framed and put in operation by the War Department, aided by experienced officers from the Treasury Department. The Post-Office Department has inaugurated an improved mail service. The telegraph lines are rapidly being put in order. The United States sanitary authorities are laying their plans for a vigorous campaign against epidemic disease this summer. The governors of cities are as rapidly as possible cleaning up the streets and preparing plans for modern sewerage and drainage. Under the direction of General Brooke and the immediate supervision of General Chaffee, a complete system for policing the rural districts of the Island with Cuban police is in progress of organisation. For this purpose the Cuban army will be utilised as far as possible. The United States has abolished many onerous taxes, stopped the draining away to Spain of the resources and revenues of Cuba, and rigorously applied all available methods and instruments to build up the Island and to improve the condition of the people. It has endeavoured to establish the principle that the Island should be governed in the interest of Cuba, by Cubans, for the people of Cuba. There still remains a great deal of work to do. The thin end of the wedge of the stronger civilisation has been inserted, but time and patience and strength will all be required to drive it home. The programme mapped out is a long and expensive one and more money than is at present in sight will be required to carry it through. The building of public roads, the establishment of public schools, and the inauguration of sanitary work are three branches of the civil government that must be pressed forward with all possible vigour, immediately after the scheme for policing Cuba has been completed. The importance of teaching English in all Cuban public schools must not be overlooked, because the Cuban people will never understand the people of the United States until they appreciate our institutions. A complete reform of the judiciary must follow. The laws relating to ownership and transfer of property must be revised, safeguards added to the laws relating to mortgages, and some of the old customs repealed. Savings banks must also be established, for no people can become permanently prosperous where thrift is unknown and where there are no opportunities for saving the surplus earnings of the population. The Government of the United States, acting in conjunction with the Cuban people, has a serious and important work to perform. The Government, however, cannot be depended upon to do it all. The people must get to work again themselves and help in every possible way in the work of reconstruction. To be successful this work should be begun in the right way from the foundation up, or it will become top-heavy, and the second condition of the Cuban people will be worse and more helpless than the first. The population must be got to work again in its strong industries and the fields must be made to yield in abundance before enterprises, of which so much is heard, and the success of which depends so largely upon the prosperity of the people, can be made to pay. In the chapters on Sugar, Tobacco, Mining, Agriculture, Timber, Fruit-Production, and Miscellaneous Industries the reader may learn the true source of Cuban wealth. The industrial and commercial future of Cuba depends upon how thoroughly and how persistently these industries are worked, and not upon distribution of foreign capital in enterprises which in the end must be fed by the wealth coming from the soil. For judicious investment there is opportunity in Cuba, but the scramble for franchises of various kinds has inflated values, and unless conservatism prevails there is danger of repeating in Cuba some of the follies with which the New South is strewn. The basic industries must be vigorously worked in Cuba. Unless this is done the author sees only trouble and disaster ahead. To do this successfully the labour market must be enlarged by immigration, and to attract immigration the condition of the labourer must be improved. The chapter on Labour aims to give an idea of Cuban labour as it is. The picture is not attractive. Where is the labour to come from to build up the wasted fields of Cuba? It is a hard question to answer. Efforts are being made by those who best know the needs of Cuba to entice labour thither. They should be encouraged, for unless more labourers can be found the return of prosperity will be painful and prolonged over many years. The opportunities for American labour in Cuba are circumscribed. If the climate were more temperate and the dangers of disease less there would undoubtedly be an influx of labour from the United States. Just as the restless and hopeful population of the Eastern States has migrated westward and to some extent southward in our own country, so it would find its way to Cuba if conditions allowed of extensive settlement and home-making. In the opinion of the author they do not, and hence the industrial rehabilitation of Cuba must rely upon other sources than the United States for its supply of labour. Of course Americans will settle in Cuba and do business in Cuba and possibly make their fortunes in Cuba. Not in the way they have settled up our own unsettled area by purchasing farms and building homes, but in projecting and pushing enterprises. In Cuba, sugar production has become two distinct industries: one the sugar factory and the other the _colonia_, or cane-raising farm, or estate. The central, or sugar factory, often owns large areas of land, but does not depend wholly upon its own acres for cane. Some factories depend more largely upon the colonias, or small farms which supply the cane. This cane the central brings to the sugar-house by the aid of narrow-gauge railways, extending over the estate and into adjoining farms. There are opportunities for farm labourers who can withstand a tropical climate, to settle on small areas of land and raise sugar cane. Every possible encouragement will be given this class of immigrants. Mr. J. White Todd, who lived twenty years in Cuba, has informed the author that in his opinion industrious immigrants from Southern Italy and Southern Spain will find ample opportunities in Cuba to establish homes and make a profitable living raising cane for the sugar factories. If they are willing to work, the owners of the centrals or factories will gladly secure them the land and tide them over the first crop. This class of labour and the Canary Islanders are the only ones likely to take up and work small sugar farms in Cuba. Heretofore the experience with the negroes has not been satisfactory, though under a better system of government it may be different. The success of the sugar factory depends so largely upon the available sugar cane of the district that the central is always glad to aid a labourer likely to become a thrifty _colono_. In coffee and tobacco there are possibilities on a small scale, and also in fruit-growing, when roads and highways have been sufficiently improved to get the product to market. Herein lies the only feasible opportunity for small American capitalists who desire to live in a tropical climate. It is true, only a small portion of this wonderful Island is under cultivation. In time it might all be utilised, the larger part, of course, in sugar. In the chapter on Sugar the possibilities of this crop and its relation to the sugar-production of the world have been fully discussed. When continental Europe tires of paying a bounty for producing sugar, Cuba must take its place as the first sugar-producing country of the world; a place it would never have lost had it not been for misgovernment, war, and failure promptly to adopt modern methods when beet-sugar first became a factor in the world's supply. The particular lines in which the enterprise, ingenuity, and capital of the United States can be utilised in Cuba will undoubtedly be in the establishment of public and semi-public works and in the improvement of methods of production. Here are some of the enterprises likely to be taken up by American and English capitalists: Sanitary Improvements and Water-works. Street Railways and light railway transportation in suburban districts. Gas-works and Electric Lighting. Unifying and extension of railway system. Establishment of better facilities for coastwise transportation. Navigation between Cuba and the United States. Wharfage, Lighterage, and Public Warehouses. Telegraphic and Telephone Services. Public Roads and Highways. Savings Banks and Financial Institutions to aid commerce and industry. Places of Amusement, Tropical Gardens, and Hotels. The directing hand of American enterprise will be soon felt in these branches of modern endeavour, and the effect must be an improved condition of life and of morals. To make these enterprises profitable, however, the real productive forces of the Island must first be revived, and if possible increased. The strength of the building of our own nation lies in the fact that our productive powers were developed first and the modern improvements and conveniences have been gradually coming along in the proper order. Nothing could be more unfortunate for Cuba than a wild and speculative plunge in the above direction before the real strength of the Island is again concentrated and put in vigorous working order. In the first place, it would temporarily take away the working forces from the land. In the second place, these enterprises cannot be made self-sustaining until normal productive conditions are restored. The effect, therefore, would be loss of capital and disappointment. The objective and immediate point for good work should be the land. If the new industrial impetus shall be in this direction the Cuban problem will be simplified and the future of Cuba full of promise. INDEX Acana wood, 341 Adams, Charles Francis, 43 Agricultural products, imports of, from United States, 330 Agriculture and stock, 329-337 Aguacate, population, 124 _Aguacates_, 345 Aguado y Rico, Fernando, School of Arts and Trades, 150, 151; Industrial School. 381-388 Alameda of Havana, 153 Albarran, Dr., 97 Albear, Colonel, 168 Albertini, 97 Alcala, José Anton, statement in regard to taxes other than customs duties, 249 Alexandria Line of steamers, 366 Alfonsino, Spanish, value of, 23 Alfonso XII., population, 123 Alger, Hon. R. A., letter to Maj.-Gen. John R. Brooke, 390, 391 Alianza Bank, 198 Almendares River, 178 Alonso Rojos, population, 124 Alquizar, population, 123 Alto Songo, population, 124 Amaro, population, 124 Amended Cuban tariff, official, 221-247. Americans in Santiago, 62-72 American Mall S.S. Co., 47 Amusements, 100 Annexation, 32-36 _Anon_ fruit, 347 Annual deaths in Havana, table, 165 Antomarchi, physician of Napoleon, 129 Apezteguia, Marquis de, on future of Cuba, 37-42; 43, 47, 60, 115 Ariza and Herrara, 167, 168, 171 _Arroba_, 83 Arroyo Navanijo, population, 123 Artemisa, population, 123; description, 132 Asphaltum, 327, 328 Atkins, E. F., statement in regard to sugar, 287 Atkins & Co., Messrs. E., 284 Atkinson, Edward. 43 Autonomist party, 8 Auxiliary vessels N. V. and Cuba Mail S. S. Co., 368 Average production of tobacco of world (table), 316 _Bagasse_, 286, 287, 297 Bahia Honda, population, 123; description, 132 Bainoa, population, 124 Baker, Capt. L. D., 47, 53 Bananas, production of Santiago province, 67, 344; shipments of, 345 "Banco Hispano-Colonial," of Barcelona, 257 Banes, description, 136; exports of fruit, 136; shipments of bananas, 345; exports of pineapples, 348 Bank of Commerce, 198 Banking, history of, 199, 200 Banks and Currency, 190-203 Banks of Havana, list of, 198 Banyan tree, 342 Baracoa, population, 123; capital removed from, 129; description, 136; shipments of bananas, 345; production of cocoanuts, 345 Barbadoes, cost of Muscovado sugars at, 286 Barbour, Maj. George M., 62, 119 Baria wood, 341 _Barracones_, 80 _Barrios_, 173 Batabano, sanitary condition, 120; population, 123; description, 133, 140 Bates, General, 405 _Batey_, 82 Bayamitas iron mines, 322 Bayamo, population, 123; description, 137 Beal, P. M., statement in regard to sugar farms, 284, 285 Beal & Co., 284 Beans, 331 Beaulieu, Paul Leroy, on Cuban debt, 258, 261 Bees, 337 Beet-sugar competition, 76; production of, 283; comparative value, 288; imports from Europe into United States, 289 Bejucal, population, 123; description, 134 Belen Church of Havana, 152 Bemba (_see_ Jovellanos) Berracoe iron mines, 322 Betancourt, Gen. Pedro, 405 Bock, Gustavo, on production, manufacture, and necessities of tobacco in Cuba, 307-316 Bolondron, population, 123 Boniato manganese mines, 324 Bonnet, Wm., statement in regard to sugar, 291-294 Boston Fruit Company, 53; manganese mines, 324 Botanical Gardens of Havana, 146 Brazil Line of steamers, 367 British Colonial Government, article on, by Hon. Joseph Chamberlain, 48, 50, 51 British Consul-General at Havana on reciprocity, 273, 274 Brooke, Maj.-Gen. John R., 69; letter from Secretary Alger to, 390, 391, 399; letter and cable from General Gomez, 403 Brooks, Mr. (of Brooks & Co.), 193 Bueycito manganese mines, 324 Building stone, 328 Butler, Maj.-Gen. M. C., 44; on future of Cuba, 45, 46 Caballeria, 83, 310 Cabañas, fort of Havana, 141 Cabañas, population, 124; description, 133 Cabonico, shipments of bananas, 345 Cabrera, 329 Caibarien, population, 123; description, 131 Caibarien Railway, 355 Caiguaran wood, 341 Caimitillo wood, 342 Caja de Ahorros, 198 Cajobaba iron mines, 322 Calabazar, population, 124 Calaboya, population, 124; description, 135; River, 135 _Calzada_, 352 Camaguey (Puerto Principe), 126 Camarones, population, 124 _Camino Central_ (Central Road), 351 Campbell, Capt. J. A., 392, 401 Campo de Marte of Havana, 146 Canada, sugar exported from Cuba to, 1893-1897, 294 Canary Islanders, value as labourers, 78-80 Canasi, population, 124 Candelaria, population, 124 Cane, yield of, per _caballeria_, 83; theoretical sugar contents of one hundred pounds of, 286; theoretical pure sugar contents of one hundred pounds, 287 Caney, population, 124 Cannau River, 114 Canovas, Prime Minister, invented name "realidad nacional," 12 Capdevilla, 149 Capital, American and English, enterprises for, 414, 415 Capital, inducement to, and revival of credit, necessary to reconstruction of tobacco industry, 309 Cardenas, sanitary condition, 117; population, 123; description, 130; exports and imports, 130; minerals, 130; deposits of asphaltum, 327, 328 Cardenas and Jucaro Railway, 354 Carnegie, Andrew, 43 Carpintero iron mines, 322 Cartagena, population, 124 Casa Blanco, suburb of Havana, 152 Casilda, seaport of Trinidad, 127 Casilda and Fernandez Railway, 355 Castillo, General, 399, 406 Catalina, population, 124 _Catana_, 339 Cattle, 332, 334; cost of importing, 333; export possibilities, 334 Causes of unfortunate situation of sugar industry, 299 Cauto River, 131, 360 Caves, of Bellamar, 126; of Arcos de Carguanabo, 133 Cayajabos, population, 124 Cayo Romano, 138 Cedar, 341, shipments, 341 "Cedula" or head tax, 27 Ceiba del Agua, population, 124 Ceiba wood, 342 _Celador_, 173 _Century Magazine_, series of articles on slave trade in, 74 Cereals, 330 Cerro of Havana, 152; salubrity, 167 Cervantes, population, 123 Chadwick, Edwin, 159 Chaffee, General, 405, 406-410 Chamber of Commerce of Santiago, memorial to President, 192 Chamberlain, E. T., on navigation, 31 Chamberlain, Hon. Joseph, article on British Colonial Government, 48, 50, 51 Characteristics of people, 97-100 Chavez Creek, 162 Chinamen, comparative value of, as labourers, 83 Chinese coolie labour, 77 Chinese immigration prohibited, 84 Chorreta Vedado of Havana, 152; salubrity, 167 Church of the Merced, of Havana, 152 Cidra, population, 124 Ciego de Avila, population, 124 Cienfuegos, sanitary condition, 113; population, 123; description, 127; harbour, 358 Cienfuegos and Santa Clara Railway, 354 Cigarettes, value of manufacture of, per annum, 313 Cigars, exports from Havana, 306 Cigars, cigarettes, and packages of smoking tobacco for home consumption, 312 Cigars, exportation of, decrease from 1889 to 1897 (table), 314 Cigars, number manufactured in 1889 for exportation and local consumption, 313 Cimarrones, population, 124 Cities and towns, 122-138 _City of Alexandria_, 366 _City of Washington_, 366 City property, face value of tax receipts on, 1886-1898, 252; actual amount of taxes collected on, 253 Civil Guards, 261 Clark, William J., 285, 286 Coal, 326; analysis of, 327 Coasting trade, regulation of, 362 Coast line, 358 Cobre, description, 137, 318, 325 Cobre manganese mines, 324 Cocoa shipments, 345 Cocoanuts, 345 Cocoanut-oil shipments, 345 Coffee, 349, 350 Coins, gold, value of, 23, 190-192 Cojimar, description, 134 Collection of taxes other than customs duties by Spanish Bank, 252, 254 Colón, population, 123; description,135; market, 162 _Colonia_, 284 Colonia Guabairo, 284 Colonial government, Jamaica, 48 Columbus, Christopher, place of burial, 142; discovery of tobacco, 302 Commerce, 267-280; value of, 267 _Commercial Cuba_, quotation from, 285 "Commercial relations between Cuba and the United States," by E. Sherman Gould, 274-280 Commission of Cuban officers on payment of insurgent soldiers, 204 Compania del Ferro Carril de Cienfuegos a Santa Clara, traffic and fiscal statement (table), 359 Compania del Ferro Carril de Matanzas, traffic and fiscal statement (table), 359 Compania del Ferro Carril de Sagua la Grande, traffic and fiscal statement, 359 Compania Transatlantica, 261 Compania Transatlantica Español, 369, 370 Compania Unida de los Ferro Carril de Caibarien, traffic and fiscal statement (table), 359 Comparative value of cane sugar as against beet sugar, 288 Concha (_see_ La Isabela) Conclusion--a look ahead, 408-415 Conditions which confront us, 14-31 Consolacion del Sur, population, 123; description, 133 Constancia mine, 328 Construction of roads necessary to reconstruction of tobacco industry, 309 "Consumption Tax," 26 Coolie labour, 76; imported from China, 77 Copper, 325 Cornill, Lieutenant, 404 Corral Nuevo, population, 123 Cortes, district of, 307 Cortez, F., 128 Cost, average, of production of German raw sugar, 288 Cost of farming, 83 Cost of production of sugar in Cuba, 289 Cotton, 331, 332 Cramp & Sons, 367 Cuban debt, statement of (table), 259-261 Cuba Submarine Telegraph Company, 361 Cuen wood, 342 Cuero iron mines, 123 Cuevitas, population, 123 Cuia wood, 342 Currency question, 21-26 Custom-House receipts, 213; 1886 to 1897, inclusive, by custom-house districts (table), 218; during 1895-96, specifying taxes (table), 220 Customs of living, 98-100 Daiquiri, 322 Daiquiri Bay, 320 Davis, Captain, 110 Davis, General, 405 Davis, Surgeon, 162, 163 Death-rate of Havana, 145, 154 Deaths in Havana, first eleven months 1898, 110; rate in Havana compared with other cities, 111; table, 165 Debt of Cuba, 259-261 Debt of the city of Havana, 180-183; compared with United States cities, 182 Decline of Cuban tobacco industry, cause of, 314 De la Plata iron mines, 322 Delinquent taxes, total and percentage, 1886-98, 253; percentage of each year, 253 Demajobo iron mines, 322 Density of population of Havana, 169, 171 De Soto, 140 Destruction of tobacco industry, causes of, 307, 308 Diana Key, 328 Disbanding of army, discussion with General Gomez, 395, 398 Diseases, principal, 111 Distances, table of, 375 Distribution of fund for relief of army, memorandum between General Gomez and Robert P. Potter, 398, 399 Donaldson, W. A., 69, 71 Dorothea and Recrio iron mines, 322 Dos Bocas manganese mines, 324 Drainage of Havana, 168 Ducasse, General, 106 Dudley, D. E., report on Cienfuegos, 113-115 Duelling, 99 Dumois family in banana business, 67 Ebony, 341 Economic condition at time of signing of protocol, Aug. 12, 1898, 1-13 _Economiste Français_, article by Paul Leroy Beaulieu on Cuban debt, 258 Economia iron mines, 322 Education, public money for, 388 Education and religion, 376-389 Education under Spanish rule, 28 "_Emancipados_," 74 Empresa Unida de los C. de H. de Cardenas y Jucaro, traffic and fiscal statement (table), 359 Encrucijada Railway, 355 _Engineering Magazine_, article by E. Sherman Gould on "Commercial relations between Cuba and the United States," 274 England, sugar exported from Cuba to, 1893-97, 294 English in Jamaica, 47, 61 Enterprises for American and English capital, 414, 415 Equipment of railroads, 357 "Evangelist Island" (_see_ Isle of Pines), 138 Expenditure, annual, of sugar estates, 297, 298 Expenditures of Cuba, analysis of, 256-263; methods suggested, 265, 266 Expenditures of Jamaica, 57 Expense of producing one hundred bales of tobacco, 310 Expenses, sovereignty (table), 256 Expenses of Havana, 184-186; for salaries of police department, 174, 175 Exportation of tobacco to United States, 1889-97, 315 Export duty on leaf tobacco to be maintained, 315 Export price of German sugar, 288 Exports, from Cuba to the United States, 1893 (table), 268; from United Stales to Cuba, 1893 (table), 268; from United States to Cuba in 1889 and 1893, value of (table), 275, 276; of sugar to United States, Canada, Spain, and England. 294 Exports and reshipments, 1885-96, values of (table), 217 Face value of tax receipts handed to Spanish Bank for collection, 1886-98 (table), 252 Farm labour on _colonia_, 79-85 Fibre plants, 332 Figueras, Fran, on annexation, 33, 264 Fire department of Havana, organisation, 179; expense, 180 Firmeza, iron mines in, 320 Fiscal statement of railways of Western Cuba, 359 Foreign population, 100 Foreign tonnage of Havana, 371 Fortifications of Havana, 141 Free importation of cattle necessary to reconstruction of tobacco industry, 308, 309 French lines of steamships, 371 French Submarine Cable Company, 361 Fruit-bearing trees, 344-349 Fruit trees and timber, 338-350 Gage, Hon. Lyman J., order in relation to currency, 195; report in relation to visit to General Gomez, 390-407 Garcia, Dr., invented "cold box" in yellow fever, 118 Garcia, General, 204, 401, 408 Genuineness of Cuban tobacco, protection and guarantee of, 310 Geological formation of Havana, 167 German sugar, average cost of production of, 288; export price, 288 Gibara, population, 123; description, 137; shipments of bananas, 345 Gibara-Holguin Railway, 355 Gibara or Mayari tobacco, 305 Gold and silver, 325, 326 Gold coins, value of, 23 Gollan, British Consul-General at Havana, estimate of factory cost of sugar, 285 Gomez, General José Miguel, 204 Gomez, General Maximo, sympathy with United States, 16; letter from, 17; visit to, 390-407; letter from General Brooke, 392; memorandum regarding distribution of funds for relief of army, 398; cable from Secretary Hay, 406; personality of, 407, 408 Gomez de Avellanda, Dona Gertrudis, birthplace of, 129 Gould, Hon. Charles W., 249 Gould, E. Sherman, article on "Commercial relations between Cuba and the United States," 274-280 Granadillo wood, 341 Grasses, 332 Greene, General F. R., report on condition of Havana, 160-163, 172-175, 177, 182, 186 Grifa, district of, 307 Guama iron mines, 322 Guana, population, 123 Guanabacoa, sanitary condition, 120; population, 123; description, 134, 152; high death-rates, 166 _Guanabana_, 347 Guanajay, population, 123; description, 133 Guanajayabo, population, 123 Guane, district of, 307 Guane, town of, population, 124 Guano palm, 339 Guantanamo, sanitary condition, 119; population, 123; description, 137 Guantanamo Railway, 355 _Guarda Civil_, 173 Guaurabo River, 127 Guido, steamer, 367 Güines, sanitary condition, 120; population, 123; description, 134 Guira, population, 123 Guira de Melena, population, 123 Hanabanilla River, 114 Hanna, Lieutenant, 393 Harbour of Havana, cleansing of, 168 Harbours of Cuba, 358 Hard woods, varieties, 341 Hatillo manganese mines, 324 Havana, possibilities of, 3; sanitary condition, 109-113; population, 123; chapter on, 139-153; commercial importance, 140; history, 140; harbour, 141; churches, 142; parks, 143; street railways, 143; sewerage, 144; water supply, 144; telephone system, 144; fire department, 145; death-rate, 145, 154; commerce, 145; education, 146-151; hotels, 151; theatres, 152; suburbs, 152; weather observations, 152; municipal problems, 172-189 Havana Commercial Company, 306 Havana province, area and population, 122; tobacco production of, 304 _Havana_, steamer, 367 Hay, Hon. John, cable to General Gomez, 406 Hecker, Colonel, 343 Henequin, 332 Henry Clay and Bock Company Limited, 306, 307 Heredia, José Maria, birthplace of, 129 Hill, Mr. G. Everett, report on sanitary condition of Havana, 154-158, 160 Hill, Robert T., on population, 101-105 Hogs, 337 Holguin, population, 123; description, 137 Home consumption of tobacco, 312 Horses, 336 Hospitality, 98 Immigration, promotion of, necessary to reconstruction of tobacco industry, 309 Imports and exports, 1886-97, receipts from, by custom-house districts, average, 219 Imports from United States, agricultural products, 330 Imports of merchandise, value of in 1895, 214; value of by tariff classes, for 1895-96, 217 Indigo plant, 332 Industrial Bank, 198 Industrial School, 381-388 Ingleterra Hotel of Havana, 152 Insurgent troops, disposal of, 89; payment of, 204-210; 390-407 Internal revenue, receipts from taxes (table), 254 Internal revenue taxes, collection of, 203 Internal taxes, 248-255 International Ocean Telegraph Company, 361 Iron ore, production of in Santiago, 321 Iron-ore mining, when begun, 318; history, 318-321; mining properties, 322 Islands of Cuba, 138 Isle of Pines, description, 138; gold and silver, 325; production of pineapples, 348 Izquierdo, Colonel Luis Ramos, 285 Izquierdo, José M., in regard to street-sweeping contracts, 112, 113 Jagua, bay of, 127 Jaguey wood, 342 Jamaica, English in, 47, 61 Jamaica, revenue, 55, 56; expenditures, 57; roads, 58, 59; tariff, 59, 60 Jamaica negro, value as labourer, 84 Jaruco, population, 123; description, 134 "Jerked beef," 335, 336 Jesus del Monte, 152; salubrity and altitude, 167 Jibacoa, population, 124 Jicota River, 114 Jiguani, population, 124; description, 137 Jique wood, 341 Johnston, Dr. James, 47 Jovellanos, population, 123; description, 135 Jover, Dr. Antonio, 194, 195 Jucaro Morón Railway, 355 Juragua Group iron mines, 322 Juragua Iron Company, 319-322, 356 Keys, 138 La Boca (_See_ La Isabela), population, 124 La Cienaga of Havana, 152 La Cruces, population, 123; description, 135 La Esperanza, population, 123 La Estrella of Santiago, 130 La Isabela, population, 123; seaport of Sagua, 131; description, 135 La Plaza of Batabano, 133 La Socapa of Santiago, 130 La Vija, 127 Labour, outlook for, 73-89; increased demand for, 86; for mining, 323; opportunities for, 412, 413 Lagunillas, population, 124 Lakes, 360 Lampton. W. J., 139 Land and professional taxes, 248 Lane, Ralph, discovery of tobacco, 302 Lanuza, Dr. José Gonzales, 204 Las Casas, 140 Las Tunas Railway, 355 Lastres, Dr. Joaquin, on University of Havana, 378-381 Lead, 326 Lee, General, 405 Lemons, 346 Lengua de vaca, 332 Lighthouses, 360 Lignum vitæ, 341 Limonar, population, 124 Llave del Nuevo Mundo, 140 Logan, Major John A., 394 Los Tres Reyes of Havana, 141 Louvre Hotel of Havana, 152 Ludlow, General, 144, 172, 174 McCullough, ex-chief of police of New York, 174 McKinley, President, 43; order in regard to currency, 196; cable from General Gomez, 402, 403 McKinley Tariff law, reciprocity of, 273 Macagua, population, 123; description, 135 Maceo, General, inaugurated revolution, 137, 408 Macio manganese mines, 324 Macurijes, population, 123 Madalena iron mines, 322 Madruga, population, 124; description, 134 Mahogany, 339, 341; shipments to United States, 340 Majagua wood, 341 Mamey, 346 Managua, population, 124 Manganese, 323, 324; mines, list of, 324 Mangar, population, 124 Manicaragua district, silver in, 326 Mantua, population, 124 Manufacture of tobacco; importance and prospects, 313; number of workmen employed in Havana, 313; decrease, 314 Manufactures under Spanish rule, 29 Manufacturing establishments of tobacco owned by English, French, and German companies, 306 Manzanillo, sanitary condition, 119; population, 123; description, 131; exports of lumber, 132; petroleum in, 328 Marble, 328 Margarita manganese mines, 324 Marianao, sanitary condition, 120; population, 124; description, 134, 152 Marianao Railway, 355 Mariel, population, 123 Maritime Security Bank, 198 Marti, 408 _Mascotte_, steamer, 371 Matanzas, sanitary condition, 116, 117; population, 123; description, 125 _Matanzas_, steamer, 367 Matanzas Province, area and population, 122 _Matanzas_ Railway, 354 Mayari y Gibara tobacco, 305; production of, estimate, 311 Melena del Sur, population of, 124 Menocal, General, 176, 405 _Mexico_, steamer, 367 Milanes, birthplace of, 129 Mineral Springs of Madruga, 134; of San Antonio de los Banos, 135 Mines and mining, 318-328 Mining properties in Santiago, list of, 322 Moboa wood, 342 Monteagudo, General, 405 Montoro, Marquis Rafael, 91, 211, 212, 214 Moret law, 76, 77 Morion, population, 123 Morro, of Santiago, 130; of Havana, 141 Mules, 336, 337 Municipal problems in Havana, 172-189 Muñoz del Monte, Adolfo, 36; article in _Revista de Agriculture_, 295-299 Munson Steamship Line, 370 Muscovado sugars, cost of, 286, 295 �añigos, 101 Napoleon, French, value of, 23 Nassau, sugar exported from Cuba to, 1897, 294 Natural gas, 328 Navigation, 362-375 Navajas-Jaguey Railway, 354 Navigation policy of United States, 364, 365 Negro, Cuban, characteristics of, 101 _Newport_, steamer, 366 New York and Cuba Mail Steamship Company, 365; list of steamers, 366, 368; routes, 368; rates, 369 _Niagara_, steamer, 367 Nickel, 328 Nueva Gerona, 138 Nueva Paz, population, 123 Nuevitas, population, 123; description, 136; exports, 136 Oath for police force, 176 Obstacle to Cuban commerce, 269 Officers and soldiers of the Cuban army, number of, 208 Old Dominion Steamship Company, 366 _Olivette_, steamer, 371 Oranges, 345, 346 _Orden Publico_, 173 _Orizaba_, steamer, 366 Pacific Mail Steamship Company, 366 Palma Real, 338 Palmillas, population, 124 Palmira, population, 123 Panupo Iron Company, 324 Parque Central of Havana, 143 Parque de Isabela of Havana, 153 Partagos Company, 306 Partidos leaf, 303, 304 Partido tobacco, production of, estimate, 311 Pasaje Hotel of Havana, 152 Paseo de Carlos III. of Havana, 146 Paseo de Tacon of Havana, 143 Patti, Adelina, first appearance, 129 Payment of insurgent soldiers, 204, 210; suggestions in relation to, 391, 392 Peace Commission, 258 Pelaez, Philip, 264 Pepper, Charles M., on negroes of Cuba, 105-107; in regard to timber and lumber in Cuba, 343; on education, 377, 378 Perez de Montes de Oca, Dona Luisa, birthplace of, 129 Perna, Dr. Luis, on tuberculosis, 115, 116 Petroleum, 328 Philip I., 281 Pinar del Rio, sanitary condition, 119; population, 123; description, 132 Pinar del Rio Province, area and population, 122; tobacco production, 304, 307; grasses of, 332 Pinar del Rio (River of Pines), 338 Pineapple, export of, 348 Placido, 129 Plant Line, 371 Playa de Marianao of Havana, 152 Plaza de Armas of Havana, 153 Policy of United States toward Cuba, 15 Political condition at time of signing of protocol, August 12, 1898, 1-13 Political future of Cuba, 32-46 Ponupo Mining and Transportation Company, 356 Population, 90-107; 1774-1899 (table), 92; estimated, 93; total census, 1887, 94; by colour, 94; density of, 94; by sex, 95, 96; census, 1877, 96; of cities and towns (table), 123 Portillo manganese mines, 324 Port regulations, amended 371-374 Potatoes, 330 Poultry, 337 Prado of Havana, 143, 153 Price of sugar, average, 298 Proctor, Hon. R., 405 Production of iron ore in province of Santiago (table), 321 Prohibition of importing and reimporting all tobacco should be maintained, 316 Providencia iron mines, 322 Provinces, population and area, 122, 123 Public money for education, 388 Public works needed in Havana, 176 Puerto Principe, sanitary condition, 117; population, 123; description, 126 Puerto Principe, street railways in, 353 Puerto Principe and Nuevitas Railway, 355 Puerto Principe Province, area and population, 122; tobacco production of, 305; iron ore in, 322; silver in, 326 Puertos Grandes, suburb of Havana, 152 Quemado manganese mines, 324 Quemados de Guines, population, 123 Quesada, Señor Gonzalo de, 204, 393, 408 Quicksilver, 328 Quivican, population, 123 Railroads, steam, 354-358 Railways of Western Cuba, traffic and fiscal statement, 359 Railway supplies, obtained from United States, 280 Railway system, under Spanish rule, 30 Rainfall of Havana, 164 Raleigh, Sir Walter, 302 Ramas manganese mines, 324 Ramsden, Frederick W., on coal, 326 Rancho Velez, population, 124 Ranchuelo, population, 123 Rates, New York and Cuba Mail Steamship Company, 369 Rations, farm labourers', 81 Rebellion of 1895-98, effect of, on sugar industry, 282 Receipts and expenditures of the Budget of the Island of Cuba for 1898-99 (table), 211 Reciprocity, British Consul-General at Havana on, 273, 274 Reconstruction of tobacco industry, what is necessary for, 308-310 Red Telefonica de la Habana, 144, 361 Regla, population, 123; description, 134, 141, 152 Regla and Guanabacoa Railway, 355 Regulations for labourers, 81, 82 Relative importance of sugar-producing countries of the world, 301 Religion, 388, 389 Religion and education, 376-389 Remates, district of, 307 Remedios, population, 123; description, 135 Remedios leaf, 305 Remedios tobacco, production of, estimate, 311 Revenue, customs tariff, 211-220 Revenue, how spent, 256-266 Revenue of Cuba, internal taxes, 248-255 Revenue of Havana, 183, 184 Revenue of Jamaica, 55, 56 _Revista de Agriculture_, article by Adolfo Muñoz del Monte, 295-299 Rivers, 360 Roads, waggon, 351-353 Roads in Jamaica, 58, 59 Roble amarillo wood, 341 Roble blanco wood, 341 Rodriguez, General, sympathy with United States, 16 Roque, population, 124 Rosewood, 342 Routes of New York and Cuba Mail Steamship Company, 368 Royal Commission, report on condition of West Indies, 52, 53 Rubens, Horatio S., 204 Rural police, establishment of corps of, necessary to reconstruction of tobacco industry, 309, 310 Rural real estate, face value of tax receipts on, 1886-98, 252; actual amount collected, 253 Sabalo, district of, 307 Sabanilla and Maroto Railway, 356 Sabanilla del Encomendador, population, 123 Sagua de Tanamo, population, 124 Sagua la Grande, population, 123; description, 131 Sagua la Grande Railway, 354 Salaries paid Cuban and United States armies per month, 209 Salud, population, 124 Sampson, Admiral, 149 Sancti Spiritu, population, 123; description, 135 San Andres manganese mines, 324 San Antonio de Cabezas, population, 124 San Antonio de las Vegas, population, 124 San Antonio de los Banos, population 123; description, 135 San Antonio de Rio Blanco del Norte, population, 124 San Cayetano and Vinales Railway, 355 San Cristobal, population, 123; description, 133 San Cristobal de la Habana (_see_ Havana) San Diego de los Banos, description, 133 San Diego del Valle, population, 124 San Felipe, population, 123 San Jose Bank, 198 San Jose de las Lajas, population, 123 San Jose de los Remos, population, 124 San Juan de las Yeras, population, 123 San Juan manganese mines, 324 San Juan y Martinez, population, 123 San Luis, population, 123 San Maestro range, 323, 324 San Matias de Rio Blanco, population, 124 San Miguel, population, 124 San Nicolas, population, 124 San Vincente mineral springs, 133 Sanguily, Colonel Manuel, 204 Sanitary conditions, rural, 121 Sanitary report of Colonel Waring, 154-171 Sanitary work in Cuba, 108-121 Santa Ana, population, 124 Santa Clara, sanitary condition, 120; population, 123; description, 128 Santa Clara Province, area and population, 122; tobacco production of, 304, 305; iron ore in, 322; silver in, 326; asphaltum, 327 Santa Cruz, population, 123 Santa Cruz del Sur, population, 124 Santa Domingo, population, 123 Santa Fe, 138 Santa Filomena manganese mines, 324 Santa Isabel, population, 123; description, 136 Santa Maria del Rosario, population, 124 Santiago, Americans in, 62-72; Custom-House receipts, estimate of, 71 Santiago, Chamber of Commerce, memorial to President, 192 Santiago, iron mines near, 319 Santiago, sanitary condition, 117; population, 123; description, 128; fortifications, 130 Santiago de las Vegas, population, 123 Santiago Province, area, 122; population, 123; tobacco production of, 305; manganese in, 323; copper in, 325; silver in, 326; lead in, 326 Santo Domingo, Church of, Havana, 152 Santo Espiritu (_see_ Sancti Spiritu) _Sapotilla_, 347 _Sapotes_, 345 Savings banks in Cuba, 199 School of Arts and Trades, 382 Schuman, Mr., 192 _Scribner's Magazine_, article Hon. Jos. Chamberlain, 48 _Seguranca_, steamer, 366 _Semilleros_ (planting beds), 305 _Seneca_, steamer, 366 Sevilla iron mines, 322 Sheep, 337 Siboney, 322 Sierra Maestre range, iron mines in, 319, 323, 324 Sigua Bay, 320 Sigua Iron Company, 319-322 Silver, Spanish, value of, 24 Slave-trade, horrors of, 74 Smith Key of Santiago, 130 Sores, Jacob, 141 South-eastern _Calzada_, 352 Southern _Calzada_, 352 South-western _Calzada_, 352 Spain, sugar exported from Cuba to, 1893-97, 294 Spain's policy toward Cuba in relation to commerce, 272 Spanish-American Iron Company, 319-322 Spanish army, mortality, 1897 (table), 165 Spanish Bank of the Island of Cuba, 198, 199; branches of, 251 Spanish imports into Cuba, 1896 (table), 270, 271 Spanish peasants, value as labourers, 78 Steam railroads, 354-358 Steamers of Compania Transatlantica Español, 369, 370 Steamers of New York and Cuba Mail Steamship Company, list of, 366 _S. S. Admiral Sampson_, 47 Sternberg, Surgeon-General, 111 Stock, 329-337 Strawberry, 348 Street railways, 353 Streets of Havana, paving of, 169 Street-sweeping contracts, J. M. Yzquierdo in regard to, 112, 113 Sugar, production of, 1869-98 (table), 292; 1879-98 (table), 293; prices of, 293; local consumption, 1893-97, 294; distribution of crops, 1893-97, 294; classes made during thirty years before 1884, 295; left in store December 1, 1897, 295; history and future outlook, 281-301; total production of the world (table), 300; producing countries of the world, relative importance of, 301; beet, competition of, 293 Sugar, beet and cane, total production in 1893-94, 283 Surgirdero of Batabano, 133 Tacon market, 162 Tacon Theatre of Havana, 152 Tapaste, population, 124 Tariff, amended, how framed, 216; amended official rates, 221-247 Tariff of Jamaica, 59, 60 Tariff, Spanish, actuating principle of, 18 Tariff, Spanish, 215 Tax receipts delivered for collection to the Spanish Bank of the Island of Cuba (tables), 201, 202 Tax receipts handed to Spanish Bank for collection, 1886-98, face value of (table), 252 Taxes in Cuba, classification, 212 Taxes collected during 1894-95, by provinces, per cent., 250 Taxes collected by the Spanish Bank, 1886-93, actual amount of (table), 253 Taxes and Imposts (table), 248 Taxes, minor, face value of receipts, 252; actual amount collected 1886-98, 253 Taxes other than customs duties, statement of José Anton Alcala, chief of tax bureau of Spanish Bank, 24 Taxes on professions, trades, etc., 1886-98, face value of receipts on, 252; actual amount collected, 1886-98, 253 Taylor, A. H., 169 Telegraph lines, 360, 361 Telephones, 361 Temperature of Havana, 164 Theoretical sugar contents of 100 pounds cane, 286 Timber and fruit trees, 338-350 Tobacco, 302-316 Tobacco, exports of, percentage shipped by Havana, 306; decrease in shipments to United States in 1897, 307 Tobacco, United States imports, from Cuba, 312 Tobacco, history of cultivation, 302, 303 Tobacco, leaf, exportation of, increase, 314 Tobacco manufacturing companies, list of, 306 Tobacco manufactories of Havana, 145 Tobacco production, report by provinces, grade, amount consumed, and amount exported, 304, 305; in eastern provinces, estimate, 311; in Havana Province, estimate, 311; in Pinar del Rio, estimate, 311; in Las Villas Sta. Clara, estimate, 311; in normal times, by provinces, estimate, 311; of the world, average (table), 316 Tobacco raising, methods of, 305, 306 Tobacco, yield per acre, 306; number of persons engaged in cultivating, 306 Todd, J. White, on labour, 413 Tonnage of Havana, foreign, 371 Tonnage of Havana and other ports, 358 Total delinquent taxes, 202 Trade of Cuban ports, 218 Traffic of railways of Western Cuba, 359 Tramways of Havana, 176, 177 Transportation, 351, 361 Treaty of Vienna, 73 Trelles, Modesto, statement in regard to "jerked beef," 335, 336 Trinidad, cost of Muscovado sugars at, 286 Trinidad, population, 123; description, 127; exports, 128 Tunas de Zaza, population, 124; description, 136; exports, 136 Union Bridge Company of New York, 276 United Railways Company, 354 United Railways of Havana and Regla Warehouse, Ld., traffic and fiscal statement (table), 359 United States, sugar exported from Cuba to, 1893-97, 294 University of Havana, 148, 378, 381 Uplands, climate of, 121 Upmann & Company, H., 306 Uvera and Jaqueca iron mines, 322 Values of sugar in Cuba, on what dependent, 289 Van Leer, Major, 343 Vegetables, 331 Velasquez, Diego, 127, 129, 140 Vereda Nueva, population, 124 Vienna, treaty of, 73 _Vigilancia_, steamer, 366 Villalon, Colonel José Ramon, 204, 206; regarding payment of army, 391, 392 Vinales, population, 124; description, 133 _Volante_, 353 Vuelta Abajo, tobacco district, 132 Vuelta Abajo tobacco, production of, e stimate, 303, 304, 308, 310-313, 315 Wages, farm labourers', 80, 81, 85 Waggon roads, 351-353 War, causes of, 7, 8 War debt, 257, 259 Ward, James E., 365, 366 "Ward Line," 365 Waring, Colonel George E., 144; sanitary report, 154-171 Water supply of Havana, 156, 177-179 Western _Calzada_, 352 Western Railway, 354 Western Railways of Havana, Ld., 276; traffic and fiscal statement (table), 359 West India and Panama Telegraph Company, 361 Willet & Gray, Messrs., total sugar production of the world (year 1895), (table), 299, 300 Wood, Major-General Leonard, 63-66, 68, 69, 392, 399, 408 Wyman, Dr., 111 Ximeno, Mr. Albert de, 393 Yaba wood, 342 _Yagua_, 338 Yarey palm, 339 Yellow fever commission, Havana, extracts from report of, 164-171 Yuca, 331 _Yucatan_, steamer, 366 Yumuri River, 125; cañon of, 126 _Yumuri_, steamer, 366, 367 Yzquierdo, José M., on street-sweeping contracts, 112 Zanjon, peace of, 8, 76 Zapote, 348 Zaza Railway, 355 * * * * * Typographical errors corrected by the etext transcriber: Banco Espanol de la Isla de Cuba=> Banco Español de la Isla de Cuba {pg 22} deadly miasms=> deadly miasmas {pg 121} neither chiselled, carved, inalid=> neither chiselled, carved, inlaid {pg 239} better know abroad=> better known abroad {pg 339} for fancy varietes=> for fancy varieties {pg 339} Wisconsin or Pennyslvania=> Wisconsin or Pennsylvania {pg 343} Compania Transatlantica Español=> Companía Transatlántica Español {pg 369} (_f_) The tonnage tax on entries=> (_e_) The tonnage tax on entries {pg 373} Yumuri River, 125; canon of, 126=> Yumuri River, 125; cañon of, 126 {index} Yzquierdo, Jose M., on street-sweeping contracts, 112=> Yzquierdo, José M., on street-sweeping contracts, 112 {index} FOOTNOTES: [1] The following shows the precise value of both the Spanish Alfonsino and the French Napoleon, with the inflated value. It also shows the cost of Spanish silver in Havana in September, 1898. These facts are necessary to a complete view of the subject of Cuban currency: STATEMENT SHOWING VALUE OF UNITED STATES GOLD IN COMPARISON WITH SPANISH AND FRENCH GOLD AT ACTUAL LEGAL-TENDER VALUE Spanish Alfonsino $5.30 French Napoleon 4.24 Spanish Alfonsino, value in Havana $5.30 Value in United States mint ($4.80 less shipping expenses) 4.776 ------ $0.524 Exchange 10-31/32% French Napoleon, value in Havana $4.24 Value in United States mint ($3.84 less shipping expenses) 3.8208 ------- $0.4192 Exchange 10-31/32% Value of $5, less 1/2% shipping expenses $4.975. At 10-31/32% .....$5.53 [2] Taking into account the weight of gold contained in the United States gold ten-dollar piece and in the Spanish Alfonsino or centen (5.30 Cuban dollars), the value of the American eagle is exactly 10.9875 Cuban dollars, or practically 11 Cuban dollars. There is a shade of difference, namely, $5.53, which would equal $11.06, for the American eagle in the estimate given in the former footnote, but the exchange is included in the calculation. As the matter now stands in Cuba, a ten-dollar American gold piece is worth 11 Spanish dollars in gold. [3] In this year there was no expenditure for this purpose. [4] Includes Market Dues and Pounds. [5] In this year there was no expenditure for these purposes. [6] Half-year. [7] A cable despatch to the New York _Sun_, dated Santiago, December 19th, a week after the author left Santiago, contains the information that General Wood has now completed his scheme of local taxation, and that the local machinery will soon be in running order. The despatch says: "A committee of the Chamber of Commerce met General Wood at the palace to-day and agreed to accept the scheme of municipal taxation arranged by the committee of American officers and Cubans. The scheme in operation the first year will yield annually $240,000, or sixty per cent. under the Spanish schedule. It is not retroactive. General Wood decided to-day, after consultation, that it will be impossible to make many merchants pay the back tax without litigation. The city loses nearly $100,000 by the ruling." [8] The amended Cuban tariff, prepared under the direction of the author of this book, went into force in all ports in Cuba, January 1, 1899. Elsewhere in the present volume will be found an epitome of the tariff, and also of the other forms of Cuban taxation. [9] Barracones are the buildings occupied by the working people. [10] Batey is the space occupied by the buildings. [11] A caballeria contains 324 cordeles or 33-1/3 acres. [12] An arroba is twenty-five pounds. [13] It is not certain that the remains of Columbus were in this Cathedral at the time of the supposed removal that lately took place; there are strong reasons to believe that his body is still at San Domingo. [14] In Cuba you must use stamped paper in writing to government officials. The higher the official, the more expensive the stamped paper to be used, and as only a certain number of words are allowed per sheet, correspondence with those in authority may become expensive. [15] The two hurricanes of October, 1870, were the cause of the short crop of 1871. [16] Since this chapter was written an American syndicate known as the Havana Commercial Co. has been formed. This company has absorbed some fourteen factories in Cuba. [17] Complete figures not obtainable. [18] Including the Regla Warehouses. [19] Since this chapter was written these charges have been extended to all Cuban ports. [20] See Chapter XIV. [21] The estimate of the Cuban Commission, as given to Commissioner Porter, aggregated, for commissioned officers, non-commissioned officers, and privates, 45,031 men, which, at 100 silver dollars each at the value established by order of the President (60 of U. S.), would aggregate 2,701,860 U. S. dollars, or nearly $300,000 less than the amount appropriated by Congress. 
43211	----	ENGLISH ECONOMIC HISTORY SELECT DOCUMENTS ENGLISH ECONOMIC HISTORY SELECT DOCUMENTS COMPILED AND EDITED BY A.E. BLAND, B.A., P.A. BROWN, M.A., AND R.H. TAWNEY, D. LITT. LONDON G. BELL AND SONS, LTD. YORK HOUSE, PORTUGAL STREET, W.C.2 _Seventeenth Impression First published October, 1914_ _Printed in Great Britain by Jarrold & Sons, Limited, Norwich_ INTRODUCTION The object of this book is to supply teachers and students of English Economic History with a selection of documents which may serve as illustrations of their subject. It should be read in conjunction with some work containing a broad survey of English economic development, such as, to mention the latest and best example, Professor W.J. Ashley's "The Economic Organization of England."[1] The number of historical "source books" has been multiplied so rapidly in recent years that we ought, perhaps, to apologise for adding one to their number. We ventured to do so because in the course of our work as teachers of Economic History in the University Tutorial Classes organised by the Workers' Educational Association, we found it difficult to refer our students to any single book containing the principal documents with which they ought to be acquainted. That Economic History cannot be studied apart from Constitutional and Political History is a commonplace to which we subscribe; and we are not so incautious as to be tempted into a discussion of what exactly Economic History means. It is sufficient for our purpose that a subject which is called by that name is being increasingly studied by University students, and that while the principal documents of English Constitutional History are available in the works of Stubbs, Prothero, Gardiner and Grant Robertson, there is no book, as far as we know--except Professor Pollard's "The Reign of Henry VII. from Contemporary Sources"--which illustrates English economic development in a similar way. We are far from comparing our own minnow with these Tritons. But it may perhaps do some service till more competent authors take the field. It is hardly necessary for us to apologise for translating our documents into English, and for modernizing the spelling throughout. We are likely not to be alone in thinking that it would be a pity if a passing acquaintance with the materials of mediæval economic history were confined to those who can read Latin and Norman-French. A word of explanation as to the selection and arrangement of our extracts may perhaps be excused. Our object was not to produce a work of original research, but to help students of economic history to see it more intelligently by seeing it through the eyes of contemporaries. Hence, though a considerable number of our documents are published here for the first time, we have not consciously followed the lure of the unprinted, and have chosen our extracts not because they were new, but because they seemed to illustrate some important aspect of our subject. For the same reason we have not confined ourselves entirely to "documents" in the strict acceptation of that term, but have included selections from such works as Roger of Hoveden, The Libel of English Policy, The Commonweal of this Realm of England, Hakluyt's Voyages, and the Tours of Defoe and Arthur Young, when they seemed to throw light upon points which could not easily be illustrated otherwise. The arrangement of our selections caused us some trouble. It is, perhaps, hardly necessary to urge that a document must be studied with reference to its chronological setting; and the simplest plan, no doubt, would have been to print them in strict chronological order. We felt, however, that the work of all but the more expert readers would be lightened if we grouped them under definite, even if somewhat arbitrary, headings of period and subject, and added short bibliographies of the principal authorities. This seemed to involve the writing of short introductory notes to explain the contents of each section, which we have accordingly done. But no one need read them. No one but students beginning the subject will. If an excuse is needed for stopping with the year 1846, we must plead that to end earlier would have been to omit documents of the first importance for the study of modern economic history, and that to continue further would have caused our book to be even more overburdened than it is at present. That the attempt to produce in one volume a satisfactory selection of documents to illustrate English Economic History from the Norman Conquest to the Repeal of the Corn Laws can hardly be successful, that we have neglected some subjects--taxation, colonization, and foreign trade--and paid excessive attention to others--social conditions, economic policy, and administration--that every reader will look for a particular document and fail to find it, of all this we are sadly conscious. We are conscious also of a more serious, because less obvious, defect. Partly through a pardonable reaction against the influence of economic theorists, partly because of the very nature of the agencies by which historical documents are compiled and preserved, the natural bias of economic historians is to lay a perhaps excessive stress on those aspects of economic development which come under the eyes of the State and are involved in its activity, and to neglect the humbler but often more significant movements which spring from below, to over-emphasize organisation and to under-estimate the initiative of individuals. If a reader of these selections exclaims on putting them down, "How much that is important is omitted!" we can only confess ourselves in mercy and express the hope that they may soon be superseded. It remains for us to thank those who have helped us with suggestions and criticisms, or by permitting us to reprint extracts from documents already published. We have to acknowledge the kind permission to reprint documents given to us by the Clarendon Press, the Cambridge University Press, the London School of Economics, the Department of Economics of Harvard University, The Royal Historical Society, The Early English Text Society, the Co-operative Union, Ltd., the Controller of H.M. Stationery Office, the Corporation of Norwich, the Corporation of Nottingham, Messrs. Kegan Paul, Trench and Trübner, Messrs. Duncker & Humblot, Dr. G. von Schanz, Professor G. Unwin, Professor F.J.C. Hearnshaw, The Rev. Canon Morris, Miss M.D. Harris, Mr. and Mrs. J.L. Hammond and Mr. F.W. Galton. Among those who have assisted us with suggestions or in other ways we must mention Mr. Hubert Hall, Mr. M.S. Giuseppi, Mr. S.C. Ratcliff, all of the Public Record Office, The Ven. Archdeacon Cunningham, Mr. W.H. Stevenson, of St. John's College, Oxford, Mr. A. Ballard, Miss Putnam, Mr. R.V. Lennard, of Wadham College, Oxford, Mr. K. Bell, of All Souls' College, Oxford, Mr. H. Clay, Mr. F.W. Kolthammer, Miss O.J. Dunlop, Miss H.M. Stocks, and Mr. and Mrs. J.L. Hammond. For reading our proofs, or part of them, we are indebted to Mr. E. Barker, of New College, Oxford, Mr. C.G. Crump and Mr. C.H. Jenkinson, of the Public Record Office, Dr. Knowles, of the London School of Economics, and Professor G. Unwin, of the University of Manchester. We desire especially to express our gratitude to Mr. A.L. Smith, of Balliol College, Oxford, to whose encouragement it was largely due that this book was undertaken, and to Professor Unwin, who has not only read through the whole of it in proof, but by his advice and inspiration has laid us under an obligation that we cannot easily acknowledge. [Footnote 1: Messrs. Longman Green & Co.] A.E.B. P.A.B. R.H.T. CONTENTS PART I: 1000-1485 SECTION I THE EARLY ENGLISH MANOR AND BOROUGH 1. Rights and Duties of All Persons (_Rectitudines singularum personarum_), _c._ 1000 5 2. The form of the Domesday Inquest, 1086 9 3. The borough of Dover, 1086 10 4. The borough of Norwich, 1086 11 5. The borough of Wallingford, 1086 13 6. The customs of Berkshire, 1086 15 7. Land of the Church of Worcester, 1086 15 8. The manor of Rockland, 1086 16 9. The manor of Halesowen, 1086 16 10. The manor of Havering, 1086 17 SECTION II THE FEUDAL STRUCTURE 1. Frankalmoin, _temp._ Henry II 22 2. Knight Service, 1308 23 3. Grand Serjeanty, 1319 24 4. Petty Serjeanty, 1329 25 5. An action on the feudal incidents due from lands held by petty serjeanty, 1239-40 25 6. Free socage, 1342 26 7. Commutation of a serjeanty for knight service, 1254 27 8. Commutation of service for rent, 1269 27 9. Subinfeudation, 1278 28 10. Licence for the widow of a tenant in chief to marry, 1316 29 11. Marriage of a widow without licence, 1338 30 12. Alienation of land by a tenant in chief without licence, 1273 30 13. Wardship and marriage, 1179-80 30 14. Grant of an heir's marriage, 1320 31 15. Wardship, 1337 31 16. Collection of a carucage, 1198 32 17. An acquittance of the collectors of scutage of a sum of £10 levied by them and repaid, 1319 33 18. Payment of fines in lieu of knight service, 1303 34 19. The assessment of a tallage, 1314 35 20. A writ _Precipe_, _c._ 1200 36 21. Articles of enquiry touching rights and liberties and the state of the realm, 1274 36 22. Wreck of sea, 1337 40 SECTION III THE JEWS 1. Charter of liberties to the Jews, 1201 44 2. Ordinances of 1253 45 3. Expulsion of a Jew, 1253 46 4. Punishment for non-residence in a Jewry, 1270 47 5. Grant of a Jew, 1271 47 6. Ordinances of 1271 48 7. Removal of Jewish communities from certain towns to others, 1275 50 8. Disposition of debts due to Jews after their expulsion, 1290 50 SECTION IV THE MANOR 1. Extent of the manor of Havering, 1306-7 56 2. Extracts from the Court Rolls of the manor of Bradford, 1349-58 65 3. Deed illustrating the distribution of strips, 1397 76 4. Regulation of the common fields of Wimeswould, _c._ 1425 76 5. Lease of a manor to the tenants, 1279 79 6. Grant of a manor to the customary tenants at fee farm, _ante_ 1272 81 7. Lease of manorial holdings, 1332 82 8. An agreement between lord and tenants, 1386 84 9. Complaints against a reeve, 1278 84 10. An eviction from copyhold land, _temp._ Henry IV.-Henry VI 85 11. Statute of Merton, 1235-6 87 12. An enclosure allowed, 1236-7 88 13. An enclosure disallowed, 1236-7 89 14. A villein on ancient demesne dismissed to his lord's court, 1224 89 15. Claim to be on ancient demesne defeated, 1237-8 90 16. The little writ of right, 1390 91 17. Villeinage established, 1225 92 18. Freedom and freehold established, 1236-7 93 19. A villein pleads villeinage on one occasion and denies it on another, 1220 93 20. An assize allowed to a villein, 1225 95 21. A freeman holding in villeinage, 1228 96 22. Land held by charter recovered from the lord, 1227 97 23. The manumission of a villein, 1334 97 24. Grant of a bondman, 1358 98 25. Imprisonment of a gentleman claimed as a bondman, 1447 98 26. Claim to a villein, _temp._ Henry IV-Henry VI 100 27. The effect of the Black Death, 1350 102 28. Accounts of the Iron Works of South Frith before and after the Black Death, 1345-50 103 29. The Peasants' Revolt, 1381 105 SECTION V TOWNS AND GILDS 1. Payments made to the Crown by gilds in the twelfth century, 1179-80 114 2. Charter of liberties to the borough of Tewkesbury, 1314 116 3. Charter of liberties to the borough of Gloucester, 1227 119 4. Dispute between towns touching the payment of toll, 1222 121 5. Dispute with a lord touching a gild merchant, 1223-4 123 6. The affiliation of boroughs, 1227 124 7. Bondman received in a borough, 1237-8 125 8. An inter-municipal agreement in respect of toll, 1239 126 9. Enforcement of charter granting freedom from toll, 1416 126 10. Licence for an alien to be of the Gild Merchant of London, 1252 127 11. Dispute between a gild merchant and an abbot, 1304 128 12. Complaints of the men of Leicester against the lord, 1322 131 13. Grant of pavage to the lord of a town, 1328 133 14. Misappropriation of the tolls levied for pavage, 1336 135 15. Ordinances of the White Tawyers of London, 1346 136 16. Dispute between Masters and Journeymen, 1396 138 17. Ordinances of the Dyers of Bristol, 1407 141 18. Incorporation of the Haberdashers of London, 1448 144 19. Indenture of Apprenticeship, 1459 147 20. A runaway apprentice, c. 1425 148 21. Incorporation of a gild for religious and charitable uses, 1447 148 SECTION VI THE REGULATION OF TRADE, INDUSTRY, AND COMMERCE 1. Assize of Measures, 1197 154 2. Grant to the lord of a manor of the assize of bread and ale and other liberties, 1307 155 3. An offence against the assize of bread, 1316 156 4. Inquisition touching a proposed market and fair, 1252 157 5. Grant of a fair at St. Ives to the abbot of Ramsey, 1202 158 6. Grant of a market at St. Ives to the abbot of Ramsey, 1293 158 7. Proceedings in the court at the fair of St. Ives, 1288 159 8. The Statute of Winchester, 1285 160 9. The recovery of debt on a recognisance, 1293 161 10. Procedure at a fair pursuant to the Statute for Merchants, 1287 162 11. The aulnage of cloth, 1291 163 12. The Ordinance of Labourers, 1349 164 13. Presentments made before the Justices of Labourers, 1351 167 14. Excessive prices charged by craftsmen, 1354 169 15. Fines levied for excessive wages, 1351 169 16. Writ to enforce payment of excess of wages to the collectors of a subsidy, 1350 170 17. Application of fines for excessive wages to a subsidy, 1351-2 171 18. Labour Legislation: the Statute of 12 Richard II, 1388 171 19. Labour Legislation: a Bill in Parliament, 23 Henry VI, 1444-5 176 20. Organisation of the Staple, 1313 178 21. Arguments for the establishment of home staple towns, 1319 180 22. Ordinances of the Staple, 1326 181 23. The election of the mayor and constables of a Staple town, 1358 184 24. Royal letters patent over-ruled by the custom of the Staple, _c._ 1436 185 25. Prohibition of export of materials for making cloth, 1326 186 26. Commercial policy, _temp._ Edward IV 187 27. The perils of foreign travel, 1315 188 28. Grant of letters of marque and reprisals, 1447 190 29. Grant of liberties to the merchants of Douai, 1260 192 30. Aliens at a fair, 1270 193 31. Confirmation of liberties to the merchants of Almain, 1280 194 32. Alien weavers in London, 1362 195 33. The hosting of aliens, 1442 197 34. An offence against Stat. 18 Henry VI for the hosting of aliens, 1440 198 35. Imprisonment of an alien craftsman, _c._ 1440 199 36. Petition against usury, 1376 200 37. Action upon usury, _c._ 1480 201 SECTION VII TAXATION, CUSTOMS AND CURRENCY 1. Form of the taxation of a fifteenth and tenth, 1336 204 2. Disposition of a subsidy of tonnage and poundage, 1382 206 3. The king's prise of wines, 1320 206 4. The custom on wool, 1275 207 5. The custom on wine, 1302 208 6. The custom on general imports, 1303 211 7. Administration of the search for money exported, 1303 216 8. Provisions for the currency, 1335 217 9. Opinions on the state of English money, 1381-2 220 PART II: 1485-1660 SECTION I RURAL CONDITIONS 1. Villeinage in the Reign of Elizabeth, 1561 231 2. Customs of the Manor of High Furness, 1576 232 3. Petition in Chancery for Restoration to a Copyhold, _c._ 1550 234 4. Petition in Chancery for Protection against Breach of Manorial Customs, 1568 241 5. Lease of the manor of Ablode to a Farmer, 1516 245 6. Lease of the Manor of South Newton to a Farmer, 1568 246 7. The Agrarian Programme of the Pilgrimage of Grace, 1536 247 8. The Demands of the Rebels led by Ket, 1549 247 9. Petition to Court of Requests from Tenants Ruined by Transference of a Monastic Estate to lay hands, 1553 251 10. Petition to Court of Requests to stay Proceedings against Tenants Pending the Hearing of their Case by the Council of the North, 1576 254 11. Petition from Freeholders of Wootton Bassett for Restoration of Rights of Common, _temp._ Charles I 255 12. Petition to Crown of Copyholders of North Wheatley, 1629 258 13. An Act Avoiding Pulling Down of Towns, 1515 260 14. The Commission of Enquiry Touching Enclosures, 1517 262 15. An Act Concerning Farms and Sheep, 1533 264 16. Intervention of Privy Council under Somerset to Protect Tenants, 1549 266 17. An Act for the Maintenance of Husbandry and Tillage, 1597 268 18. Speech in House of Commons on Enclosures, 1597 270 19. Speeches in House of Commons on Enclosures, 1601 274 20. Return to Privy Council of Enclosers furnished by Justices of Lincolnshire, 1637 275 21. Complaint of Laud's Action on the Commission for Depopulation, 1641 276 SECTION II TOWNS AND GILDS 1. A Protest at Coventry against a Gild's Exclusiveness, 1495 282 2. A Complaint from Coventry as to Inter-Municipal Tariffs, 1498 282 3. The Municipal Regulation of Wages at Norwich, 1518 282 4. The Municipal Regulation of Markets at Coventry, 1520 283 5. The Municipal Regulation of Wages at Coventry, 1524 284 6. An Act for Avoiding of Exactions taken upon Apprentices in Cities, Boroughs, and Towns Corporate, 1536 284 7. An Act whereby certain Chantries, Colleges, Free Chapels and the Possessions of the same be given to the King's Majesty, 1547 286 8. Regrant to Coventry and Lynn of Gild Lands Confiscated under 1 Edward VI, c. xiv (the preceding Act), 1548 291 9. A Petition of the Bakers of Rye to the Mayor, Jurats, and Council to prevent the Brewers taking their trade, 1575 294 10. Letter to Lord Cobham from the Mayor and Jurats of Rye concerning the Preceding Petition, 1575 295 11. The Municipal Regulation of the Entry into Trade at Nottingham, 1578-9 295 12. The Municipal Regulation of Markets at Southampton, 1587 296 13. The Municipal Regulation of Wages at Chester, 1591 296 14. The Company of Journeymen Weavers of Gloucester, 1602 297 15. Petition of Weavers who are not Burgesses, 1604-5 299 16. Extracts from the London Clothworkers' Court Book. 1537-1627 300 17. The Feltmakers Joint-Stock Project, 1611 302 18. The Case of the Tailors of Ipswich, 1615 305 19. The Grievances of the Journeymen Weavers of London, _c._ 1649 307 SECTION III THE REGULATION OF INDUSTRY BY THE STATE 1. Proposals for the Regulation of the Cloth Manufacture (_temp._ Henry VIII) 317 2. Administrative Difficulties in the Regulation of the Manufacture of Cloth, 1537 319 3. An Act Touching Weavers, 1555 320 4. Enactment of Common Council of London as to Age of Ending Apprenticeship, 1556 323 5. William Cecil's Industrial Programme, 1559 323 6. The Statute of Artificers, 1563 325 7. Proposals for the Better Administration of the Statute of Artificers, 1572 333 8. Draft of a Bill Fixing Minimum Rates for Spinners and Weavers, 1593 336 9. Draft Piece-list Submitted for Ratification to the Wiltshire Justices by Clothiers and Weavers, 1602 341 10. An Act empowering Justices to fix Minimum Rates of Payment, 1603-04 342 11. Administration of Acts Regulating the Manufacture of Cloth, 1603 344 12. Assessment made by the Justices of Wiltshire, dealing mainly with other than Textile Workers, 1604 345 13. Assessment made by the Justices of Wiltshire, dealing mainly with Textile Workers, 1605 351 14. Administration of Wage Clauses of Statute of Artificers, 1605-08 352 15. Administration of Apprenticeship Clauses of the Statute of Artificers, 1607-08 353 16. The Organisation of the Woollen Industry, 1615 354 17. Proceedings on the Apprenticeship Clauses of the Statute of Artificers, 1615 356 18. A Petition to Fix Wages Addressed to the Justices by the Textile Workers of Wiltshire, 1623 356 19. Appointment by Privy Council of Commissioners to Investigate Grievances of Textile Workers in East Anglia, 1630 357 20. Report to Privy Council of Commissioners appointed above, 1630 358 21. High Wages in the New World, 1645 360 22. Young Men and Maids ordered to enter Service, 1655 360 23. Request to Justices of Grand Jury of Worcestershire to assess Wages, 1661 361 24. Proceedings on the Apprenticeship Clauses of the Statute of Artificers, 1669 361 SECTION IV THE RELIEF OF THE POOR AND THE REGULATION OF PRICES 1. Regulations made at Chester as to Beggars, 1539 366 2. A Proclamation concerning Corn and Grain to be brought into open Markets to be sold, 1545 367 3. Administration of Poor Relief at Norwich, 1571 369 4. The first Act Directing the Levy of a Compulsory Poor Rate, 1572 372 5. The first Act requiring the Unemployed to be set to Work, 1575-6 373 6. Report of Justices to Council Concerning Scarcity in Norfolk, 1586 373 7. Orders devised by the Special Commandment of the Queen's Majesty for the Relief and Ease of the Present Dearth of Grain within the Realm, 1586 374 8. The Poor Law Act, 1601 380 9. A note of the Grievances of the Parish of Eldersfield, 1618 381 10. Petition to Justices of Wiltshire for Permission to Settle in a Parish, 1618 382 11. Letter from Privy Council to Justices of Cloth-making Counties, 1621-2 382 12. Letter from Privy Council to the Deputy Lieutenants and Justices of the Peace in the Counties of Suffolk and Essex concerning the Employment of the Poor, 1629 383 13. The Licensing of Badgers in Somersetshire, 1630 385 14. Badgers Licensed at Somersetshire Quarter Sessions, 1630 385 15. The Supplying of Bristol with Grain, 1630-1 385 16. Proceedings against Engrossers and other Offenders, 1631 386 17. Order of Somersetshire Justices Granting a Settlement to a Labourer, 1630-1 386 18. Report of Derbyshire Justices on their Proceedings, 1631 387 19. Letter from Privy Council to Justices of Rutlandshire, 1631 390 20. Judgment in the Star Chamber against an Engrosser of Corn, 1631 391 SECTION V THE ENCOURAGEMENT OF INDUSTRY AND COMMERCE 1. Letters Patent granted to the Cabots by Henry VII, 1496 400 2. The Merchant Adventurers' Case for Allowing the Export of Undressed Cloth, 1514-36 402 3. The Rise in Prices, the Encouragement of Corn growing, and the Protection of Manufactures, c. 1549 404 4. Sir Thomas Gresham on the Fall of the Exchanges, 1558 416 5. The reasons why Bullion is Exported (_temp. Eliz._) 419 6. The Italian Merchants Explain the Foreign Exchanges, 1576 420 7. An Act Avoiding divers Foreign Wares made by Handicraftsmen Beyond the Seas, 1562 424 8. An Act Touching Cloth Workers and Cloth Ready Wrought to be Shipped over the Sea, 1566 426 9. Incorporation of a Joint Stock Mining Company, 1568 427 10. An Act for the Increase of Tillage, 1571 428 11. Instructions for an English Factor in Turkey, 1582 431 12. The Advantages of Colonies, 1583 434 13. Lord Burghley to Sir Christopher Hatton on the State of Trade, 1587 438 14. A List of Patents and Monopolies, 1603 440 15. Instructions Touching the Bill for Free Trade, 1604 443 16. The Establishment of a Company to export Dyed and Dressed Cloth in place of the Merchant Adventurers, 1616-17 454 17. Sir Julius Cæsar's proposals for Reviving the Trade in Cloths, 1616 460 18. The Grant of a Monopoly for the Manufacture of Soap, 1623 461 19. The Statute of Monopolies, 1623-4 465 20. An Act for the Free Trade of Welsh Cloths, 1623-4 468 21. The Economic Policy of Strafford in Ireland, 1636 470 22. Revocation of Commissions, Patents and Monopolies Granted by the Crown, 1639 472 23. Ordinance establishing an Excise, 1643 475 PART III: 1660-1846 SECTION I INDUSTRIAL ORGANISATION AND SOCIAL CONDITIONS 1. Defoe's account of the West Riding Cloth Industry, 1724 482 2. Defoe's account of the Woollen Trade (_temp._ George II) 483 3. Defoe's account of the Corn Trade (_temp._ George II) 487 4. Defoe's account of the Coal Trade (_temp._ George II) 491 5. A description of Middlemen in the Woollen Industry, 1739 492 6. Report on the Condition of Children in Lancashire Cotton Factories, 1796 495 7. Newcastle Coal Vend, 1771-1830 497 8. The Old Apprenticeship System in the Woollen Industry, 1806 499 9. A Petition of Cotton Weavers, 1807 500 10. Depression of Wages and its Causes in the Cotton Industry, 1812 501 11. Evidence of the Condition of Children in Factories, 1816 502 12. Change in the Cotton Industry and the Introduction of Power Loom Weaving, 1785-1807 505 13. Evidence by Factory Workers of the Condition of Children, 1832 510 14. Women's and Children's Labour in Mines, 1842 516 15. Description of the Condition of Manchester by John Robertson, Surgeon, 1840 519 SECTION II AGRICULTURE AND ENCLOSURE 1. Enclosure Proceedings in the Court of Chancery, 1671 525 2. Advice to the Stewards of Estates, 1731 526 3. Procedure for Enclosure by Private Act, 1766 528 4. Farming in Norfolk, 1771 530 5. A Petition against Enclosure, 1797 531 6. Extracts on Enclosure from the Surveys of the Board of Agriculture, 1798-1809 532 7. Arthur Young's Criticism of Enclosure, 1801 536 8. Enclosure Consolidating Act, 1801 537 9. General Enclosure Act, 1845 541 SECTION III GOVERNMENT REGULATION OF WAGES, CONDITIONS OF EMPLOYMENT, AND PUBLIC HEALTH 1. An Act against Truck, 1701 545 2. A Wages Assessment at a Warwickshire Quarter Sessions, 1738 546 3. Spitalfields Weavers Act, 1773 547 4. A Middlesex Wages Assessment under the Spitalfields Act, 1773 551 5. Agricultural Labourers' Proposals for a Sliding Scale of Wages, 1795 552 6. Debates on Whitbread's Minimum Wage Bill, 1795-6 554 7. Arbitration Act for the Cotton Industry, 1800 568 8. Amendment of the Arbitration Act, 1804 570 9. The First Factory Act, 1802 571 9 A. Minutes of Committee on Children in Factories 573 10. Calico Printers' Petition for Regulation, 1804 573 11. Report on Calico Printers' Petition, 1806 574 12. Cotton Weavers' Petition against the Repeal of 5 Elizabeth, _c._ 4, 1813 576 13. Debates on the Regulation of Apprentices, 1813-14 577 14. Resolutions of the Watchmakers on Apprenticeship, 1817 588 15. Report of the Committee on the Ribbon Weavers, 1818 590 16. The Cotton Factory Act of 1819 591 17. Oastler's First Letter on Yorkshire Slavery, 1830 592 18. Factory Act, 1833 594 19. Proposals for a Wages Board for Hand-Loom Weavers, 1834 596 20. Coal Mines Regulation Act, 1842 598 21. Debate on Factory Legislation, 1844 599 22. Factory Act, 1844 612 23. Recommendations of the Commission on the Health of Towns, 1845 614 SECTION IV COMBINATIONS OF WORKMEN 1. A Strike of the Journeymen Feltmakers, 1696-99 619 2. A Petition of Master Tailors against Combination among the Journeymen, 1721 622 3. A Dispute in the Northumberland and Durham Coal Industry, 1765 625 4. Sickness and Unemployment Benefit Clubs among the Woolcombers, 1794 626 5. Combination Act, 1799 626 6. Combination Act, 1800 627 7. The Scottish Weavers' Strike, 1812 631 8. The Repeal of the Combination Acts, 1824 633 9. A Prosecution of Strikers under the Common Law of Conspiracy, 1810 635 10. An Act Revising the Law affecting Combinations, 1825 636 11. The Conviction of the Dorchester Labourers, 1834 638 12. An Address of the Working Men's Association to Queen Victoria, 1837 641 13. A Chartist Manifesto on the Sacred Month, 1839 642 14. The Rochdale Pioneers, 1844 643 SECTION V THE RELIEF OF THE POOR 1. Settlement Law, 1662 647 2. Defoe's Pamphlet "Giving Alms no Charity," 1704 649 3. The Workhouse Test Act, 1722 650 4. Gilbert's Act, 1782 652 5. Speenhamland "Act of Parliament," 1795 655 6. The Workhouse System, 1797 657 7. Two Varieties of the Roundsman System of Relief, 1797 660 8. Another Example of the Roundsman System, 1808 660 9. A Report of the Poor Law Commission, 1834 661 10. The Poor Law Amendment Act, 1834 663 11. Outdoor Relief Prohibitory Order, 1844 664 SECTION VI FINANCE AND FOREIGN TRADE 1. Act abolishing Tenure by Knight Service, etc., 1660 670 2. Navigation Act, 1660 670 3. Proposals for Free Exportation of Gold and Silver, 1660 671 4. An Attack on the Navigation Act, _c._ 1663 672 5. Free Coinage at the Mint Proclaimed, 1666 674 6. The East India Company and the Interlopers, 1684 675 7. Foundation of the Bank of England, 1694 676 8. The Need for the Recoinage of 1696 677 9. Speech by Sir Robert Walpole on the Salt Duties, 1732 678 10. Pitt's Sinking Fund Act, 1786 679 11. The Suspension of Cash Payments, 1797 681 12. Pitt's Speech on the Income Tax, 1798 683 13. Foreign Trade in the early Nineteenth Century, 1812 689 14. Debate on the Corn Laws, 1815 692 15. The Corn Law of 1815 697 16. Free Trade Petition, 1820 698 17. The Foundation of the Anti-Corn-Law League, 1839 701 18. The Bank Charter Act, 1844 702 19. Debate on the Corn Laws, 1846 705 PART I: 1000-1485 SECTION I THE EARLY ENGLISH MANOR AND BOROUGH 1. Rights and Duties of All Persons [_Rectitudines singularum personarum_], _c._ 1000--2. The form of the Domesday Inquest, 1086--3. The borough of Dover, 1086--4. The borough of Norwich, 1086--5. The borough of Wallingford, 1086--6. The customs of Berkshire, 1086--7. Land of the Church of Worcester, 1086--8. The manor of Rockland, 1086--9. The manor of Halesowen, 1086--10. The manor of Havering, 1086. The task of reconstructing the economic life of Saxon England is not easy, and while the document translated below (No. 1) vividly analyses the obligations and rights of the various classes of tenants and officers on Saxon estates of the eleventh century, it raises many difficulties and is probably only true for the more settled parts of the country. It affords, however, clear proof of a high agricultural and social development; and though the exact significance of specific terms, and the status of different classes, may remain obscure, a comparison of the _Rectitudines_ and the _Gerefa_[2] with later extents and custumals, and with Domesday Book itself, establishes the essential continuity of English economic life and customs, notwithstanding the shock of the Norman Conquest. The further study of Domesday Book will undoubtedly yield valuable results supplementing the information derived from Saxon documents. While it is primarily a supreme example of the defining spirit and centralising energy of the conquering race, it is also a permanent record of England before and at the time of the Norman invasion. Especially, perhaps, is this apparent in the detailed descriptions of the boroughs, which at once set forth Saxon customs and illustrate the effects of the Conquest. The extracts given below are intended to show in brief, first, the methods both of the commissioners who conducted the survey, and of the officials who reduced the information to a common form;[3] second, the fiscal preoccupation of the government; third, the origin and character of the early borough, especially manifest in the case of Wallingford (No. 5), and fourth, the different classes of tenants, free and unfree. Of particular interest are the following features: the manner of levying the feudal army (No. 6), the evidence of the looser organisation of the Eastern Counties, and the greater degree of freedom prevailing among tenants in the Danelaw (Nos. 4 and 8), the ample franchises that might be enjoyed by a great Saxon prelate (No. 7), the saltpans of Worcestershire (No. 9), and the gildhall of the burgesses of Dover (No. 3). AUTHORITIES The more accessible writers dealing with the subject of this section are:--Kemble, _The Saxons in England_; Maine, _Village Communities in the East and West_; Seebohm, _The English Village Community_; Vinogradoff, _Villeinage in England_, _The Growth of the Manor_, and, _English Society in the Eleventh Century_; Andrews, _The Old English Manor_; Maitland, _Domesday Book and Beyond_; Pollock and Maitland, _History of English Law_; Ballard, _The Domesday Boroughs_, and, _The Domesday Inquest_; Round, _Domesday Studies_, and, _The Domesday Manor_ (Eng. Hist. Rev. xv.); Stubbs, _Constitutional History_, and, _Lectures on Mediæval History_; Ellis, _Introduction to Domesday Book_; Gomme, _The Village Community_; de Coulanges, _Origin of Property in Land_; Freeman, _The History of the Norman Conquest of England_; Petit Dutaillis, _Studies Supplementary to Stubbs' Constitutional History_. Almost the whole of Domesday Book has now been translated and is printed county by county in the Victoria County History series. For a general survey of the Saxon period the student should refer to Cunningham, _Growth of English Industry and Commerce, Mediæval Times_, pp. 28-133. 1. RIGHTS AND DUTIES OF ALL Persons [_Rectitudines Singularum Personarum_. _Cambridge_, _Corpus Christi_, 383], c. 1000. _The Thegn's Law._--The thegn's law is that he be worthy of his book-right,[4] and that he do three things for his land, fyrdfare,[5] burhbote[6] and bridge-work. Also from many lands a greater land-service arises at the king's command, such as the deer-hedge at the king's abode and provision of warships (_scorp to fyrdscipe_)[7] and sea-ward and head-ward[8] and fyrd-ward, almsfee and churchscot, and many other diverse things. _The Geneat's Service._--Geneat-service is diverse according to the custom of the estate. On some he must pay land-gafol[9] and grass-swine[10] yearly, and ride and carry and lead loads, work, and feast the lord, and reap and mow and cut the deer-hedge and maintain it, build and hedge the burh,[11] bring strange wayfarers to the tun, pay churchscot and almsfee, keep head-ward and horse-ward, go errands far and near whithersoever he be told. _The Cotter's Service._--The cotter's service is according to the custom of the estate. On some he must work for his lord each Monday throughout the year and for three days each week in harvest. On some he works through the whole harvest every day and reaps an acre of oats for a day's work, and he shall have his sheaf which the reeve or lord's servant will give him.[12] He ought not to pay land-gafol. It bents him to have 5 acres; more, if it be the custom of the estate; and if it be less, it is too little, because his work shall be oft required; he shall pay his hearth-penny on Holy Thursday, as all free men should; and he shall defend his lord's inland,[13] if he be required, from sea-ward and the king's deer-hedge and from such things as befit his degree; and he shall pay his churchscot at Martinmas. _The Gebur's Services._--The gebur's services are diverse, in come places heavy, in others moderate; on some estates he must work two days at week-work at such work as is bidden him every week throughout the year, and in harvest three days at week-work, and from Candlemas[14] to Easter three. If he do carrying, he need not work while his horse is out. He must pay on Michaelmas[15] Day 10 gafol-pence, and on Martinmas[16] Day 23 sesters of barley and two henfowls, at Easter a young sheep or two pence; and from Martinmas to Easter he must lie at the lord's fold as often as his turn comes; and from the time of the first ploughing to Martinmas he must plough an acre every week and himself fetch the seed in the lord's barn; also 3 acres at boonwork and 2 for grass-earth[17]; if he need more grass, he shall earn it as he shall be allowed; for his gafol-earth he shall plough 3 acres[18] and sow it from his own barn; and he shall pay his hearth-penny; two and two they shall feed a hunting-hound; and every gebur shall pay 6 loaves to the lord's swineherd when he drives his herd to mast. On the same lands where the above customs hold good, it belongs to the gebur that he be given for his land-stock[19] 2 oxen and 1 cow and 6 sheep and 7 acres sown on his yardland; wherefore after that year he shall do all the customs that befit him; and he shall be given tools for his work and vessels for his house. When death befals him, his lord shall take back the things which he leaves. This land-law holds good on some lands, but, as I have said before, in some places it is heavier, in others lighter, for all land-customs are not alike. On some lands the gebur must pay honey-gafol, on some meat-gafol, on some ale-gafol. Let him who keeps the shire take heed that he knows what are the ancient uses of the land and what the custom of the people. _Of those who keep the Bees._--It belongs to the bee-churl, if he keep the gafol-hives, that he give as is customary on the estate. Among us it is customary that he give 5 sesters of honey for gafol; on some estates more gafol is wont to be rendered. Also he must be oft ready for many works at the lord's will, besides boon-ploughing and bedrips[20] and meadow-mowing; and if he be well landed[21], he must have a horse that he may lend it to the lord for carrying or drive it himself whithersoever he be told; and many things a man so placed must do; I cannot now tell all. When death befals him, the lord shall have back the things which he leaves, save what is free. _Of the Swineherd._--It belongs to the gafol-paying swineherd that he give of his slaughter according to the custom of the estate. On many estates the custom is that he give every year 15 swine for sticking, 10 old and 5 young, and have himself what he breeds beyond that. To many estates a heavier swine-service belongs. Let the swineherd take heed also that after sticking he prepare and singe well his slaughtered swine; then is he right worthy of the entrails, and, as I said before of the bee-keeper, he must be oft ready for any work, and have a horse for his lord's need. The unfree swineherd and the unfree bee-keeper, after death, shall be worthy of one same law. _Of the Serf-Swineherd._--To the serf swineherd who keeps the inherd[22] belong a sucking-pig from the sty and the entrails when he has prepared bacon, and further the customs which befit the unfree. _Of Men's Board_.--To a bondservant (_esne_) belong for board 12 pounds of good corn and 2 sheep-carcases and a good meat-cow, and wood, according to the custom of the estate. _Of Women's Board._--To unfree women belong 8 pounds of corn for food, one sheep or 3d. for winter fare, one sester of beans for Lent fare, in summer whey or 1d. To all serfs belong a mid-Winter feast and an Easter feast, a ploughacre[23] and a harvest handful,[24] besides their needful dues. _Of Followers._[25]--It belongs to the follower that in 12 months he earn two acres, the one sown and the other unsown; he shall sow them himself, and his board and provision of shoes and gloves belong to him; if he may earn more, it shall be to his own behoof. _Of the Sower._--It belongs to the sower that he have a basketful of every kind of seed when he have well sown each sowing throughout the year. _Of the Ox-herd._--The ox-herd may pasture 2 oxen or more with the lord's herd in the common pastures by witness of his ealdorman[26]; and thereby may earn shoes and gloves for himself; and his meat-cow may go with the lord's oxen. _Of the Cow-herd._--It belongs to the cow-herd that he have an old cow's milk for seven days after she has newly calved, and the beestings[27] for fourteen nights; and his meat-cow shall go with the lord's cow. _Of Sheep-herds._--The sheep-herd's right is that he have 12 nights' manure at mid-Winter and 1 lamb of the year's increase, and the fleece of 1 bellwether and the milk of his flock for seven nights after the equinox and a bowlful of whey or buttermilk all the summer. _Of the Goat-herd._--To the goat-herd belongs his herd's milk after Martinmas Day and before that his share of whey and one kid of the year's increase, if he have well cared for his herd. _Of the Cheese-maker._--To the cheese-maker belong 100 cheeses, and that she make butter of the wring-whey[28] for the lord's table; and she shall have for herself all the buttermilk save the herd's share. _Of the Barn-keeper._--To the barn-keeper belong the corn-droppings in harvest at the barn-door, if his ealdorman give it him and he faithfully earn it. _Of the Beadle._--It belongs to the beadle that for his office he be freeer from work than another man, for that he must be oft ready; also to him belongs a strip of land for his toil. _Of the Woodward._--To the woodward belongs every windfall-tree. _Of the Hayward._--To the hayward it belongs that his toil be rewarded with land at the ends of the fields that lie by the pasture meadow; for he may expect that if he first neglects this, to his charge will be laid damage to the crops; and if a strip of land be allowed to him, this shall be by folk-right next the pasture meadow, for that if out of sloth he neglect his lord, his own land shall not be well defended, if it be found so; but if he defend well all that he shall hold, then shall he be right worthy of a good reward. Land-laws are diverse, as I said before, nor do we fix for all places these customs that we have before spoken of, but we shew forth what is accustomed there where it is known to us; if we learn aught better, that will we gladly cherish and keep, according to the customs of the place where we shall then dwell; for gladly should he learn the law among the people, who wishes not himself to lose honour in the country. Folk-customs are many; in some places there belong to the people winter-feast, Easter-feast, boon-feast for harvest, a drinking feast for ploughing, rick-meat,[29] mowing reward, a wainstick at wood-loading, a stack-cup[30] at corn-loading, and many things that I cannot number. But this is a reminder for men, yea, all that I have set forth above.[31] [Footnote 2: _See_ Cunningham, _Growth of English Industry and Commerce_, i., 570-576.] [Footnote 3: _cf._ _Dialogus de Scaccario_: "Finally, that nothing might be thought lacking, he brought the whole of his far-seeing measures to completion by despatching from his side his wisest men in circuit throughout the realm. The latter made a careful survey of the whole land, in woods and pastures and meadows and arable lands also, which was reduced to a common phraseology and compiled into a book, that every man might be content with his own right and not encroach with impunity on that of another."] [Footnote 4: The right conferred by his book or charter.] [Footnote 5: Military service.] [Footnote 6: Repair of the king's castles or boroughs.] [Footnote 7: Reading with Leo _fyrdscipe_ for _frithscipe_. For the difficult word "_scorp_" cf. Pat. 9 John m. 3. _Rex omnibus scurmannis et marinellis et mercatoribus Anglie per mare itinerantibus. Sciatis nos misisse Alanum ... et alios fideles nostros scurimannos ... ad omnes naves quas invenerint per mare arrestandas._] [Footnote 8: Guard of the king's person.] [Footnote 9: Rent or tribute. Gafol is sometimes a tax payable to the king, and sometimes a rent or dues payable to the lord.] [Footnote 10: Payment for pasturing swine.] [Footnote 11: The lord's house.] [Footnote 12: This clause appears only in the Latin version.] [Footnote 13: _i.e._, Acquit his lord's inland or demesne.] [Footnote 14: February 2.] [Footnote 15: September 29.] [Footnote 16: November 11.] [Footnote 17: Pasture-land.] [Footnote 18: _i.e._, He must plough 3 acres as his rent (gafol).] [Footnote 19: Outfit.] [Footnote 20: Reaping at the lord's command.] [Footnote 21: If he have good land, good, that is, either in quality or quantity or both.] [Footnote 22: The lord's herd.] [Footnote 23: An acre for ploughing.] [Footnote 24: A sheaf from each acre in harvest.] [Footnote 25: A free but landless retainer.] [Footnote 26: The reeve (gerefa).] [Footnote 27: The first milk of a milch-cow after calving.] [Footnote 28: The residue after the last pressing of the cheese.] 2. THE FORM OF THE DOMESDAY INQUEST [_Inquisitio Eliensis, Domesday Book, Additamenta, p. 497_], 1086. Here below is written the inquest of the lands, in what manner the King's barons enquire, to wit, by the oath of the sheriff of the shire, and of all the barons and their Frenchmen and of the whole hundred, of the priest, the reeve, six villeins of each town. Then how the manor is named; who held it in the time of King Edward; who holds it now; how many hides; how many ploughs on the demesne, and how many of the men; how many villeins; how many cotters; how many serfs; how many freemen; how many socmen; how much wood; how much meadow; how many pastures; how many mills; how many fishponds; how much has been added or taken away; how much it was worth altogether; and how much now; how much each freeman or socman there had or has. All this for three periods; to wit, in the time of King Edward; and when King William granted it; and as it is now; and if more can be had therefrom than is had. [Footnote 29: A feast on the completion of the hayrick.] [Footnote 30: Probably a feast at the completion of corn-stacking.] [Footnote 31: The best printed text is in Liebermann, _Die Gesetze der Angelsachsen,_ I. 444.] 3. THE BOROUGH OF DOVER [_Domesday Book, I, 1_], 1086. Dover in the time of King Edward rendered 18l., of which money King Edward had two parts and Earl Godwin the third. On the contrary the canons of St. Martin had another moiety.[32] The burgesses gave twenty ships to the King once a year for fifteen days and in each ship were twenty-one men. This they did for that he had fully granted to them sac and soc.[33] When the King's messengers came there, they gave for the passage of a horse 3d. in winter and 2d. in summer. The burgesses, however, found a pilot and one other assistant, and if need were for more, it was hired from the messenger's own money. From the feast of St. Michael[34] to the feast of St. Andrew[35] the King's truce (that is, peace) was in the town. If any man broke it, the King's reeve received therefor common amends. Whosoever, dwelling in the town continually, rendered custom to the King, was quit of toll throughout all England. All these customs were there when King William came to England. Upon his very first coming to England the town was burned, and therefore the value thereof could not be computed, how much it was worth when the Bishop of Bayeux received it. Now it is valued at 40l., and yet the reeve renders therefrom 54l., that is, to the King 24l. of pence which are twenty in the ounce (_ora_)[36] and to the Earl 30l. by tale. In Dover there are 29 messuages, from which the King has lost the custom. Of these Robert of Romney has two, Ralph de Curbespine three, William son of Tedald one, William son of Oger one, William son of Tedold and Robert Niger six, William son of Goisfrid three, in which was the gildhall of the burgesses, Hugh de Montfort one house, Durand one, Ranulf de Columbels one, Wadard six, the son of Modbert one. And all these of these houses avow the Bishop of Bayeux as their protector, donor and grantor. Of the messuage which Ranulf de Columbels holds, which belonged to an exile (that is, an outlaw), they agree that half the land is the King's, and Ranulf himself has both. Humphrey the Bandylegged (_Loripes_) holds one messuage wherefrom half the forfeiture was the King's. Roger de Ostreham made a house over the King's water and has held hitherto the King's custom. And the house was not there in the time of King Edward. At the entry of the port of Dover there is a mill which by great disturbance of the sea shatters almost all ships, and does the greatest damage to the King and the men; and it was not there in the time of King Edward. Touching this the nephew of Herbert says that the Bishop of Bayeux granted to his uncle Herbert son of Ivo that it should be made. [Footnote 32: There was clearly a difference of opinion.] [Footnote 33: Rights and profits of jurisdiction.] [Footnote 34: September 29.] [Footnote 35: November 30.] [Footnote 36: _cf_. Fleta ii. 12: "_Viginti denarii faciunt unciam_."] 4. THE BOROUGH OF NORWICH [_Domesday Book, II_, 116], 1086. In Norwich there were in the time of King Edward 1320 burgesses. Of whom one was so much the King's own (_dominicus_) that he could not withdraw nor do homage without his licence; whose name was Edstan. He had 18 acres of land and 12 of meadow and 2 churches in the borough and a sixth part of a third; and to one church pertained a messuage in the borough and 6 acres of meadow. This borough Roger Bigot holds of the King's gift. And of 1238 burgesses the King and the Earl had soc and sac[37] and custom; and over 50 Stigand had soc and sac and commendation[38]; and over 32 Harold had soc and sac and commendation; of whom one was so much his own (_dominicus_) that he could not withdraw nor do homage without his licence. In all they all had 80 acres of land and 20 acres and a half of meadow; and of these one was a woman, Stigand's sister, with 32 acres of land; and between them all they had half a mill and the fourth part of a mill, and still have; and in addition they had 12 acres and a half of meadow which Wihenoc took from them; now Rainald son of Ivo has the same; and in addition 2 acres of meadow which belonged to the church of All Saints; these also Wihenoc took, and now Rainald has them. There is also in the borough a church of St. Martin which Stigand held in the time of King Edward, and 12 acres of land; William de Noiers has it now as part of the fee of Stigand. Stigand also held a church of St. Michael, to which belong 112 acres of land and 6 of meadow and 1 plough. This Bishop William holds, but not of the bishopric. And the burgesses held 15 churches to which belonged in almoin 181 acres of land and meadow. And in the time of King Edward 12 burgesses held the church of Holy Trinity; now the bishop holds it of the gift of King William. The King and the Earl had 180 acres of land. The Abbot has a moiety of the church of St. Lawrence and one house of St. Edmund. This was all in the time of King Edward. Now there are in the borough 665 English burgesses and they render the customs; and 480 bordiers who owing to poverty render no custom. And on that land which Stigand held in the time of King Edward there dwell now 39 burgesses of those above; and on the same land there are 9 messuages empty. And on that land of which Harold had the soke there are 15 burgesses and 17 empty messuages which are in the occupation of the castle. And in the borough are 190 empty messuages in that part which was in the soke of the King and Earl, and 81 in the occupation of the castle. In the borough are further 50 houses from which the King has not his custom.... And in the borough the burgesses hold 43 chapels. And the whole of this town rendered in the time of King Edward 20l. to the King and to the Earl 10l. and besides this 21s. 4d. for allowances and 6 quarts of honey and 1 bear and 6 dogs for bear-[baiting]. And now 70l. king's weight and 100s. by tale as gersum to the Queen and 1 goshawk and 20l. blanch to the Earl and 20s. by tale as gersum to Godric.... Of the burgesses who dwelt in Norwich 22 have gone away and dwell in Beccles, a town of the abbot of St. Edmund, and 6 in Humbleyard hundred, and have left the borough, and in King's Thorpe 1, and on the land of Roger Bigot 1, and under W. de Noies 1, and Richard de Sent Cler 1. Those fleeing and the others remaining are altogether ruined, partly owing to the forfeitures of Earl Ralph, partly owing to a fire, partly owing to the King's geld, partly through Waleram. In this borough if the bishop wishes he can have one moneyer.... _Land of the Burgesses._--In the hundred of Humbleyard always 80 acres and 14 bordiers and 1 plough and 3 acres of meadow; and they are worth 13s. 4d. _The French of Norwich._--In the new borough are 36 burgesses and 6 Englishmen and of yearly custom each one rendered 1d. besides forfeitures; of all this the King had two parts and the Earl the third. Now there are 41 French burgesses on the demesne of the King and the Earl, and Roger Bigot has 50, and Ralph de Bella Fago 14, and Hermer 8, and Robert the crossbowman 5, and Fulcher, the abbot's man, 1, and Isac 1, and Ralph Visus Lupi 1, and in the Earl's bakehouse Robert Blund has 3, and Wimer has 1 ruined messuage. All this land of the burgesses was on the demesne of Earl Ralph and he granted it to the King in common to make the borough between himself and the King, as the sheriff testifies. And all those lands as well of the knights as of the burgesses render to the King his custom. There is also in the new borough a church which Earl Ralph made, and he gave it to his chaplains. Now a priest of the sheriff, by name Wala, holds it of the King's gift, and it is worth 60s. And so long as Robert Blund held the county, he had therefrom each year 1 ounce of gold. [Footnote 37: _i.e._, Rights of jurisdiction.] [Footnote 38: _i.e._, Feudal lordship.] 5. THE BOROUGH OF WALLINGFORD [_Domesday Book, I_, 56], 1086. In the borough of Wallingford King Edward had 8 virgates of land, and in these there were 276 haws[39] rendering 11l. of rent (_gablo_), and those who dwelt there did service for the King with horses or by water as far as Blewbury, Reading, Sutton, Bensington, and to those doing this service the reeve gave hire or corrody not from the king's revenue (_censu_) but from his own. Now there are in the borough all customs as there were before. But of the haws there are thirteen less; for the castle eight have been destroyed, and the moneyer has one quit so long as he makes money. Saulf of Oxford has one, the son of Alsi of Farringdon one, which the King gave him, as he says. Humphrey Visdelew has one, for which he claims the King to warranty. Nigel holds one of Henry by inheritance from Soarding, but the burgesses testify that the latter never had it. From these thirteen the King has no custom; and further William de Warenne has one haw from which the King has no custom. Moreover there are 22 messuages of Frenchmen rendering 6s. 5d. King Edward had 15 acres in which housecarles dwelt. Miles Crispin holds them, they know not how. One of these belongs to[40] (_jacet in_) Wittenham, a manor of Walter Giffard. Bishop Walchelin has 27 haws rendering 25s. and they are valued in Brightwell, his manor. The abbot of Abingdon has 2 acres on which are 7 messuages rendering 4s., and they pertain to Oxford. Miles has 20 messuages rendering 12s. 10d., and they belong to (_jacent in_) Newnham, and also one acre on which there are 6 haws rendering 18d. In Hazeley he has 6 messuages rendering 44d. In Stoke one messuage rendering 12d. In Chalgrove one messuage rendering 4d. In Sutton one acre on which there are 6 messuages rendering 12d., and in Bray one acre and 11 messuages rendering 3s. there. All this land pertains to Oxfordshire; nevertheless it is in Wallingford.... Alwold and Godric have the rent (_gablum_) of their houses and bloodwite if blood is shed there, if the man should be received within them before he be claimed by the King's reeve, except on Saturday owing to the market, because then the King has the forfeiture; and they have the fine for adultery and theft in their houses; but other forfeitures are the King's. In the time of King Edward the borough was worth 30l. and afterwards 40l.; now 60l. And yet it renders of farm 80l. by tale. What pertains to Adbrei is worth 7s. and the land of Miles Moli 24s. What the abbot of Abingdon has is worth 8s. What Roger de Laci has, 7s. What Rainald has, 4s. The underwritten thegns of Oxfordshire had land in Wallingford. Archbishop Lanfranc, 4 houses pertaining to Newington rendering 6s. Bishop Remigius, one house pertaining to Dorchester rendering 12d. The abbot of St. Alban one house rendering 4s. Abbot R. one house in Ewelme rendering 3s. Earl Hugh, one house in Pyrton rendering 3s. Walter Giffard, 3 houses in Caversham rendering 2s. Roger de Olgi, 2 houses in Watlington rendering 2s. and one house in Perie rendering 2s. Ilbert de Lacy and Roger son of Seifrid and Orgar, 3 houses rendering 4s. Hugh de Bolebec 3 houses in Crem rendering 3s. Hugh Grando de Scoca, one house rendering 12d. Drogo, in Shirburne and in Weston, 3 houses rendering 4s. Robert Armenteres, in Ewelme, one house rendering 12d. Wazo, one house in Ewelme rendering 3s. [Footnote 39: _i.e._, Houses.] [Footnote 40: Or, "is valued in."] 6. CUSTOMS OF BERKSHIRE [_Domesday Book, I_, 56], 1086. When geld was given in the time of King Edward in common throughout the whole of Berkshire, a hide gave 3-1/2d. before Christmas and as much at Whitsuntide. If the King sent an army anywhere, from 5 hides went one knight only, and for his food or wages 4s. were given to him from each hide for two months. This money, however, was not sent to the King, but was given to the knights. If anyone summoned for military service went not, he forfeited to the King the whole of his land. And if anyone stayed behind and promised to send another in his place, and yet he who was to be sent stayed behind, his lord was quit for 50s. A thegn or knight of the King's own (_dominicus_) left to the King at death for relief all his arms and one horse with a saddle and one without a saddle. And if he had hounds or hawks, they were presented to the King, that he might receive them if he would. If anyone killed a man having the King's peace, he forfeited to the King both his body and all his substance. He who broke into a city by night made amends in 100s. to the King, not to the sheriff. He who was warned to beat the woods for hunting and went not, made amends to the King in 50s. 7. LAND OF THE CHURCH OF WORCESTER [_Domesday Book, I_, 172_b_], 1086. The church of St. Mary of Worcester has a hundred which is called Oswaldslaw, in which lie 300 hides, wherefrom the bishop of that church, by a constitution of ancient times, has all the profits of the sokes and all the customs belonging thereto for his own board and for the king's service and his own, so that no sheriff can have any plaint there, neither in any plea nor in any cause whatsoever. This the whole county testifies. These aforesaid 300 hides were of the demesne itself of the church, and if anything thereof had been in any wise demised or granted to any man soever, to serve the bishop therewith, he who held the land granted to him could not retain for himself any custom at all therefrom, save through the bishop, nor could he retain the land save until the completed term which they had determined between themselves, nor could he go anywhither with that land. 8. THE MANOR OF ROCKLAND, CO. NORFOLK [_Domesday Book, II_, 164, 164 _b_], 1086. In Rockland Simon holds 3 carucates of land which one freeman, Brode, held in the time of King Edward. Then as now 2 villeins and 12 bordiers.[41] Then 4 serfs, now 1, and 8 acres of meadow; then as now 2 ploughs on the demesne and 1 plough among the men. Wood for 6 swine. Then 4 rounceys,[42] now none. Then 8 beasts, now 5. Then 30 swine, now 15. Then 100 sheep, and now likewise. And in the same [town] the same Simon holds 6 freemen and a half, whom the same Brode had in commendation only; 70 acres of land and 4 acres of meadow; then as now 1 plough and a half. Of these 6 freemen and a half the soke was in the King's [manor of] Buckenham in the time of King Edward, and afterwards, until William de Warenne had it. Then and always they were worth 3l. 10s. After this there were added to this land 9 freemen and a half, 1 carucate of land, 54 acres, this is in demesne; then as now 9 bordiers and 8 acres of meadow; then as now 6 ploughs, and 2 half mills. The whole of this is [reckoned] for one manor of Lewes and is worth 3l. 11s. Of four and a half of the 9 freemen the soke and commendation was in the King's [manor of] Buckenham in the time of King Edward, and afterwards, until William de Warenne had it, and the whole was delivered in the time of Earl Ralph. The whole is 1 league in length and a half in breadth, and [pays] 15d. of geld. [Footnote 41: Cotters.] [Footnote 42: Horses.] 9. THE MANOR OF HALESOWEN, CO. WORCESTER [_Domesday Book, I_, 176], 1086. Earl Roger holds of the King one manor, Halesowen. There are 10 hides there. On the demesne there are 4 ploughs and 36 villeins and 18 bordiers, 4 "radmans" and a church with 2 priests. Among them all they have 41-1/2 ploughs. There are there 8 serfs and 2 bondwomen. Of this land Roger Venator holds of the Earl one hide and a half, and there he has one plough and 6 villeins, and 5 bordiers with 5 ploughs. It is worth 25s. In the time of King Edward this manor was worth 24l. Now 15l. Olwin held and had in Droitwich a saltpan worth 4s. and in Worcester a house worth 12d. The same Earl holds Salwarpe, and Urso of him. Elwin Cilt held it. There are 5 hides there. On the demesne there is one plough and 6 villeins, and 5 bordiers with 7 ploughs. There are there 3 serfs and 3 bondwomen and a mill worth 10s. and 5 saltpans worth 60s. Half a league of wood and a park there. In the time of King Edward it was worth 100s. Now 6l. There can be two ploughs more there. 10. THE MANOR OF HAVERING, CO. ESSEX [_Domesday Book, II_, 2 _b_], 1086. _Hundred of Bintree._--Harold held Havering in the time of King Edward for one manor and for 10 hides. Then 41 villeins, now 40. Then as now 41 bordiers and 6 serfs and 2 ploughs on the demesne. Then 41 ploughs among the men, now 40. Wood for 500 swine, 100 acres of meadow; now one mill, two rounceys and 10 beasts and 160 swine and 269 sheep. To this manor belonged 4 freemen with 4 hides in the time of King Edward, rendering custom. Now Robert son of Corbutio holds 3 hides, and Hugh de Monte Forti the fourth hide, and they have not rendered custom since they have had them. And further the same Robert holds 4 hides and a half which one freeman held at this manor in the time of King Edward; the freeman held also a soke of 30 acres, rendering custom; and now John son of Galeram holds it. And this manor in the time of King Edward was worth 36l., now 40l. And Peter the sheriff received therefrom 80l. of rent and 10l. of gersom.[43] To this manor pertain 20 acres lying in Lochetun, which Harold's reeve held in the time of King Edward; now the King's reeve holds the same, and they are worth 40d. [Footnote 43: _i.e._, Fine.] Section II THE FEUDAL STRUCTURE 1. Frankalmoin, _temp._ Hen. II.--2. Knight Service, 1308--3. Grand Serjeanty, 1319--4. Petty Serjeanty, 1329--5. An action on the feudal incidents due from land held by petty serjeanty, 1239-40--6. Free socage, 1342--7. Commutation of a serjeanty for knight service, 1254--8. Commutation of service for rent, 1269--9. Subinfeudation, 1278--10. Licence for the widow of a tenant in chief to marry, 1316--11. Marriage of a widow without licence, 1338--12. Alienation of land by a tenant in chief without licence, 1273--13. Wardship and marriage, 1179-80--14. Grant of an heir's marriage, 1320--15. Wardship, 1337--16. Collection of a carucage, 1198--17. An acquittance of the collectors of scutage of a sum of 10l. levied by them and repaid, 1319--18. Payment of fines in lieu of knight service, 1303--19. The assessment of a tallage, 1314--20. A writ _Precipe_, _c._ 1200--21. Articles of enquiry touching rights and liberties and the state of the realm, 1274--- 22. Wreck of sea, 1337. The general characteristics of feudalism as a system by which the administrative, legislative and judicial functions of the state had their basis in the tenure of land, are well known. In the following documents an attempt has been made to illustrate the development of English feudalism under the direction of a strong central government, which succeeded in controlling the centrifugal force of feudal institutions and in establishing a national administration dependent on the crown and antagonistic to local franchise. By the end of the thirteenth century the crown was firmly entrenched behind well developed courts of permanent officials, having at the same time retained its control of local affairs by preventing the office of sheriff from becoming hereditary; in the sphere of justice, the central courts of King's Bench and Common Pleas, supplemented by the itinerant Justices of Assize and by the energy of the Chancellor in devising new remedies and new legal actions, were slowly but surely undermining the manorial justice of the greater tenants, a process well understood by the framers of _Magna Carta_; while the creation of Parliament brought into being an institution destined to rival and ultimately to supersede the exclusive claims of the lords, the feudal council, to advise and control the crown. While therefore the worst tendencies of feudalism were neutralised, the sovereign's hold on the land was tightened, and feudal obligations were reduced to a rigid system which persisted until the Civil War of the seventeenth century. The administration of this branch of royal rights, facilitated by the existence of Domesday Book and the rapid development of the Exchequer, was locally in the hands of the sheriffs for a century and a half after the Conquest; but the growth of business, due to the increase of population and the subdivision of the original knights' fees, necessitated the creation of a separate official. Already in the time of Richard I., there appears "the keeper of the king's escheats," and early in the reign of Henry III. the sheriffs are relieved by the two escheators, one on each side of the Trent, who answer directly at the Exchequer, although it is not until the year 17 Edward II. (1323-4) that their accounts are transferred from the Pipe Roll to a separate enrolment. The office of escheator passed through a period of experimental fluctuation during the first half of the fourteenth century; Edward I. in 1275 temporarily abolished the original two escheatries, dividing the realm into three stewardships with the sheriffs as escheators in each county; Edward II. in 1323 divided the country into ten escheatries,[44] a plan readopted by Edward III. in 1340; between 1332 and 1340 there were five escheators, between 1341 and 1357 the office was held by the sheriffs, though separate patents were issued, while from 1357 onwards the office suffered no change of importance until the Tudor period, when the Court of Wards was established (32 Henry VIII.) and the feodary appears. The functions of the escheator were to take into the king's hand and administer the lands of all tenants in chief and of others whose lands by death, escheat or forfeiture, fell to the crown, to deliver seisin to the heirs, after taking security for the payment of relief, to make partitions of lands among heiresses, to assign dowers to the widows of tenants, and in general to watch over the interests of the crown in all matters of feudal obligation. The documents given below show the machinery in operation. Instances are given of the different tenures[45] (Nos. 1 to 6), while the uncertainty prevailing in the twelfth century as to the incidents due from land held by serjeanty is illustrated in No. 5. The gradual substitution of a money economy for a feudal economy, which finds expression in scutage (No. 17) and otherwise (No. 18), encouraged an elasticity of tenure which made a change from serjeanty to knight service (No. 7) and from personal service to a rent (No. 8) convenient equally to lord and tenant. The degree to which subinfeudation had commonly proceeded in the thirteenth century is shown in No. 9, and the burden of the feudal incidents is exemplified in Nos. 10 to 15. The ordinary revenues of the Crown from feudal incidents and aids, rents, the profits of justice, and escheats, were never sufficient to meet emergencies, just as the feudal army was inadequate for a protracted campaign, and hence the Crown was forced to resort on the one hand to a universal land-tax (No. 16) or a limited exaction from the crown demesnes (No. 19), and on the other to a tax on the feudal unit, the knight's fee (No. 17); the provisions for the collection of a carucage illustrate the royal determination to exact the uttermost farthing, while the assessment of a scutage was conducted on the modern principle of extracting the money first and settling the liability afterwards. No. 20 is a rare surviving instance of an original writ _Precipe_ issued before _Magna Carta_, and shows precisely the method of the royal procedure in attracting legal causes to the King's jurisdiction out of the hands of the lord. The section concludes with the important articles of enquiry initiated by Edward I., which led to the compilation of the Hundred Rolls and the proceedings _quo warranto_, and also set out in detail the King's conception of his sovereignty and of the royal origin of all feudal franchises and liberties (No. 21); while the last document (No. 22) furnishes a curious instance of one of the minor royal rights. AUTHORITIES The principal modern writers dealing with the subject of this section are:--Pollock & Maitland, _History of English Law_; Maitland, _Lectures on Constitutional History_; Stubbs, _Constitutional History_; Hazlitt, _Tenures of land and customs of manors_; Round, _Feudal England_; Round, _The King's Serjeants and Officers of State_; Baldwin, _Scutage and Knight Service in England_; McKechnie, _Magna Carta_; Freeman, _Norman Conquest_; Hatschek, _Englische Verfassungsgeschichte_; Digby, _History of the Law of Real Property_. _Documentary authorities_:--The principal original sources are, _The Red Book of the Exchequer_ (Hall, Rolls Series); _The Hundred Rolls_ (Record Commission), _Placita de quo Warranto_ (Record Commission); _Placitorum Abbreviatio_ (Record Commission); _Testa de Nevill_ (Record Commission),[46] _Inquisitions Post Mortem_ (Record Office Calendars), _Feudal Aids_ (Record Office Calendars). [Footnote 44: Besides these ten, the palatinate county of Chester had its own escheator, and the Mayor of London exercised the office in London. Minor escheatries were carved out from time to time.] [Footnote 45: Unfree tenure is illustrated below in section III., The Manor.] [Footnote 46: A new edition is in course of preparation.] 1. FRANKALMOIN [_Ancient Deeds_, B. 4249]. _temp._ Henry II. To all sons of Holy Mother Church, present and to come, Roger son of Elyas of Helpstone, greeting. Know ye that I have given and granted and by my present charter confirmed to God and the church of St. Michael of Stamford and the nuns serving God there, for the souls of my father and my mother and for the salvation of my soul and the souls of my ancestors and successors, in free and pure and perpetual alms, 2 acres of land, less 1 rood, in the fields of Helpstone, to wit, 3 roods of land on Peselond between the land of Payn the knight and between the land of Robert Blund, and 1/2 acre between the land of William Peri and between the land of William son of Ede, and 2 roods between the land of Sir Roger de Torpel, lying on both sides. I have given, moreover, to God and the church of St. Michael and the nuns serving God there, in free and pure and perpetual alms 1/2d. of rent which John son of Richard of Barnack used to render to me on the day of St. Peter's Chains[47] for a house and for a rood of land in Helpstone. And the aforesaid land and 1/2d. of rent I, Roger, and my heirs will warrant to the aforesaid nuns against all men and against all women. Witnesses:--Payn of Helpstone, Roger his son, Geoffrey of Lohoum, Geoffrey of Norbury, Walter of Helpstone, Robert son of Simon, Geoffrey son of John, Geoffrey son of Herlewin, Walter of Tickencote, Richard Pec. [Footnote 47: August 1.] 2. KNIGHT SERVICE [_Inquisitions post mortem, Edward II,_ 2, 19], 1308. _Somerset._--Inquisition made before the escheator of the lord the King at Somerton on 29 January in the first year of the reign of King Edward [II], of the lands and tenements that were of Hugh Poyntz in the county of Somerset on the day on which he died, how much, to wit, he held of the lord the King in chief and how much of others and by what service, and how much those lands and tenements are worth yearly in all issues, and who is his next heir and of what age, by the oath of Matthew de Esse[48] ... Who say by their oath that the aforesaid Hugh Poyntz held in his demesne as of fee in the county aforesaid on the day on which he died the manor of Curry Mallet, with the appurtenances, of the lord the King in chief for a moiety of the barony of Curry Mallet by the service of one knight's fee; in which manor is a capital messuage which is worth 4s. a year with the fruit and herbage of the garden; and there are there 280 acres of arable land which are worth 4l. 13s. 4d. a year at 4d. an acre; and there are there 60 acres of meadow which are worth 4l. 10s. a year at 18d. an acre; and there is there a park the pasture whereof is worth 6s. 8d. a year and not more owing to the sustenance of deer; and the pleas and perquisites of the court there are worth 4s. a year; And there are there 12 free tenants in fee, who render yearly at the feasts of Michaelmas and Easter by equal portions 74s. 8d. for all service; and there are there 16 customary tenants, each of whom holds 1/2 virgate of land in villeinage, rendering yearly at the said terms by equal portions 4s., and the works of each are worth from the feast of the Nativity of St. John the Baptist[49] to the feast of Michaelmas 2s. a year; and there are there 28 customary tenants, each of whom holds 1 fardel[50] of land in villeinage, rendering yearly at the said terms by equal portions 2s., and the works of each for the same time are worth 12d. Sum of the extent:--22l. 12s. 8d. Further, the aforesaid jurors say that Nicholas Poyntz, son of the aforesaid Hugh Poyntz, is next heir of the same Hugh and of the age of 30 years and more. In witness whereof the same jurors have set their seals to this inquisition. * * * * * The aforesaid Hugh de Poyntz held no other lands or tenements in my bailiwick on the day on which he died, except the lands and tenements in these inquisitions.[51] [Footnote 48: And eleven others named.] [Footnote 49: June 24.] [Footnote 50: A quarter of a virgate.] [Footnote 51: A second inquisition is appended.] 3. GRAND SERJEANTY [_Inquisitions ad quod damnum_, 135, 10], 1319. _Norfolk._--Inquisition made at Bishop's Lynn before the escheator of the lord the King on 30 March in the 12th year of the reign of King Edward, son of King Edward, by Robert de Causton.[52] ... Which jurors say upon their oath that it is not to the damage or prejudice of the lord the King or of others if the lord the King grant to Thomas de Hauvill that he may grant to the venerable father John, bishop of Norwich, a custom called lastage[53] which he has and receives in the port of Bishop's Lynn in the county of Norfolk, to receive and hold to him and his successors, bishops of that place, for ever. Asked of whom that custom is holden in chief, they say, Of the lord the King in chief. Asked also by what service, they say that Thomas de Hauvill holds the manors of Dunton and Rainham and the custom called lastage in the ports of Bishop's Lynn and Great Yarmouth, in the county aforesaid, and Boston, in the county of Lincoln, by grand serjeanty, to wit, by the service of keeping a falcon of the lord the King yearly.[54] Asked how much that custom is worth yearly in the port of Lynn, they say that the aforesaid custom in the aforesaid port of Lynn is worth 16s. according to the true value in all issues yearly. In witness whereof the aforesaid jurors have set their seals to this inquisition at Lynn the day and year abovesaid. [Footnote 52: And eleven others named.] [Footnote 53: Here a toll of ships' ladings.] [Footnote 54: The service of grand serjeanty was usually more onerous.] 4. PETTY SERJEANTY [_Fine Roll, 3 Edward III, m. 5_], 1329. The King to his beloved and faithful, Simon de Bereford, his escheator on this side Trent, greeting. Because we have learned by an inquisition which we caused to be made by you that Nicholaa, who was the wife of Nicholas de Mortesthorp, deceased (_defuncta_), held on the day on which she died the manor of Kingston Russell with the appurtenances for the term of her life of the gift of William Russel, and that that manor is held of us in chief by the service of counting our chessmen (_narrandi familiam scaccarii nostri_) in our chamber, and of putting them in a box when we have finished our game; and that the aforesaid Nicholaa held on the day aforesaid the manor of Allington with the appurtenances for the term of her life of Theobald Russel by knight service; and that the aforesaid Theobald, son of the aforesaid William, is William's next heir of the manors aforesaid and of full age: We have taken Theobald's homage for the manor which is thus held of us and have given it back to him. And therefore we command you, that after you have taken security from the aforesaid Theobald for rendering to us a reasonable relief at our Exchequer, you cause the same Theobald to have full seisin of the manor aforesaid with the appurtenances and of the other lands and tenements which the same Nicholaa so held for the term of her life of the inheritance aforesaid in your bailiwick on the day on which she died, and which on account of her death have been taken into our hand, saving the right of every man. Witness the King at Gloucester, 26 September. By writ of privy seal. 5. AN ACTION ON THE FEUDAL INCIDENTS DUE FROM LANDS HELD BY PETTY SERJEANTY [_Bracton's Note-Book, III, 290. No. 1280_], 1239-40. Jollan de Nevill was summoned to shew wherefore without licence of the lord the King he gave in marriage William, son and heir of Randolf son of Robert, who ought to be in the wardship of the lord the King because Randolf held his land of the King by the service of serjeanty, etc. And Jollan comes and says that the aforesaid William held no such land of the lord the King in chief save by the following service, to wit, that he ought to be verger (_portare unam uirgam_) before the justices in eyre at Lincoln, wherefore it seems to him that no wardship pertains thereof to the lord the King, and he says that at another time he was impleaded by Earl Richard[55] touching that wardship on account of certain land which the same Randolf held of the same Earl, and in such wise that an inquisition was made whereby it was proved that the same Earl had no right in that wardship, and also he says that another inquisition was made between the lord the King and him, Jollan, whereby it was proved that the wardship pertained to Jollan, and the inquisition was delivered to the Chancellor, and he puts himself on that inquisition, and thereof he says that after the wardship remained to him by that inquisition he sold the wardship and marriage forthwith to the Chancellor at Lincoln for 20 marks. And therefore let the inquisition be viewed etc.[56] [Footnote 55: Earl of Cornwall, the king's brother.] [Footnote 56: For the uncertainty prevailing as to the burdens of this tenure in the thirteenth century, _cf._ Bracton, _f._ 35_b_. "Since such services are not done for the king's army or the defence of the country, no marriage or wardship is due therefrom to the chief lord, any more than from socage." But the gloss of this dictum quotes an instance of a justice upholding the claim of a chief lord to the wardship and marriage of the heir of a tenant by petty serjeanty.] 6. FREE SOCAGE [_Fine Roll, 16 Edward III, m. 15_], 1342. The King to his beloved and trusty, Richard de Monte Caniso, his escheator in the counties of Essex, Hertford and Middlesex, greeting. Because we have learned by an inquisition which we caused to be made by you that a tenement with the appurtenances in the parish of St. Clement Danes without the bar of the New Temple, London, which was of Thomas de Crauford, barber, deceased, and which is worth by the year in all issues 6s. 8d. according to the true value of the same, is holden of us in chief in free socage by the service of 18d. a year to be rendered therefrom to us at our Exchequer for all services, and that the wardship of the land and heir of the same Thomas does not pertain to us, because the wardship of such tenements holden of us in form aforesaid ought to pertain to the next friends of the same heirs to whom the aforesaid tenements cannot come by hereditary right, and that John, son of the said Thomas, is next heir of the same Thomas and of the age of fourteen years: We have taken the fealty of the same John due to us from the tenement aforesaid. And therefore we command you that after you have received from the aforesaid John security for rendering to us his reasonable relief at our Exchequer, you deliver to the same John the tenement aforesaid with the appurtenances, which was taken into our hand by reason of the death of the aforesaid Thomas; saving the right of any man. Witness the King at Woodstock, 18 June. 7. COMMUTATION OF A SERJEANTY FOR KNIGHT SERVICE [_Inquisitions ad quod damnum_, 1, 30], 1254. This is the inquisition made by the oath of James de Northon[57] ... in the presence of the keepers of the pleas of the crown,[58] what damage it would be to the lord the King to grant to his beloved and trusty Adam de Gurdun that for the service which his father used to do to the same lord the King, to wit, of finding a serjeant for the lord the King for 40 days in his army and expedition, for the land which the same Adam and his mother hold of the lord the King by serjeanty in Tisted and Selborne in the county of Southampton, hereafter he do to the lord the King the service of half a knight's fee: Who say that it is not to the damage of the lord the King to grant to Adam de Gurdun that for the service which his father used to do to the lord the King ... he do hereafter the service of half a knight's fee. In witness whereof they have set their seals to this inquisition. [Footnote 57: And eleven others named.] [Footnote 58: The coroners.] 8. COMMUTATION OF SERVICE FOR RENT [_Inquisitions ad quod damnum_, 2, 40], 1269. Inquisition made before the sheriff on All Souls Day[59] in the 53rd year of the reign of King Henry son of King John, what and what sort of customs and services are due to the lord the King from two virgates of land with the appurtenances which Adam de Ardern holds of the aforesaid lord the King in Colverdon and Walesworth, within the manor of the aforesaid lord the King of Barton without Gloucester, and how much those customs and services are worth yearly in money, if they were converted into money, and whether it would be to the damage of the aforesaid lord the King or to the injury of the manor aforesaid, if the lord the King should grant to the aforesaid Adam that for the customs and services aforesaid he should render to the aforesaid lord the King the value of the same yearly in money; and if it should be to the damage of the lord the King aforesaid or to the injury of the same manor, to what damage and what injury; by the oath of the below written persons, to wit, Philip de Hatherle[60] ... Who say upon their oath that the aforesaid Adam holds of the aforesaid lord the King within the manor aforesaid in Colverdon a virgate of land with the appurtenances and renders 10s. a year to the lord the King, and another virgate of land with the appurtenances in Walesworth and renders 20s. to the same lord the King, and for the aforesaid two virgates of land he owes suit to the court of the lord the King at the Barton aforesaid, and it is worth 2s. a year, and he shall carry writs within the county and shall have no answering of the aforesaid writs, and it is worth 2s. a year, and he ought to be tallaged for the two virgates of land aforesaid, when tallage is imposed, at the will of the lord the King. And if the aforesaid lord the King should grant to the aforesaid Adam to hold the aforesaid land for the aforesaid service,[61] it would not be to the damage of the lord the King nor to the injury of the manor aforesaid. [Footnote 59: November 2.] [Footnote 60: And twelve others named.] [Footnote 61: _i.e._, for the money-payments specified above.] 9. SUBINFEUDATION [_Rotuli Hundredorum, II_, 350], 1278 _Township of Thornborough._--The abbot of Biddlesdon holds 6 hides of land and a virgate in Thornborough, to wit, of John de Hastings one hide of land, and John himself holds of Sir John son of Alan, and Sir John himself holds of the lord the King in chief. Again, the said abbot holds a half hide of land and a virgate of Alice daughter of Robert de Hastings, and she holds of Sir John son of Alan, and he holds of the King in chief, and the said abbot renders to the said Alice 30s. a year. Again, the same abbot holds of Hugh de Dunster 2-1/2 hides of land and a virgate, and renders for the said land to the nuns of St. Margaret of Ivinghoe 40s. a year, and maintains the chapel of Butlecote for the aforesaid land. And Hugh held of John de Bello Campo a hide and a virgate of land, rendering to John de Bello Campo 4d. a year, and John himself holds of Sir John son of Alan, and he holds of the lord the King in chief. Again the same abbot holds of the gift of Roger Foliot a half hide and a virgate, and Roger himself held of Reynold de Fraxino, and Reynold held of John son of Alan, and he of the lord the King in chief. Again, the same abbot holds of the gift of William de Fraxino and his ancestors a hide of land, and they held of John son of Alan, and he of the lord the King in chief. And it is to be known that all the aforesaid land used to render foreign service,[62] except the land which the said abbot has of the gift of John de Hastings and Alice daughter of Robert de Hastings, but John son of Alan and his heirs will acquit the said abbot towards the lord the King and all other men, to wit, of the ward of Northampton, of scutage, of a reasonable aid to make the king's son a knight and to marry his daughter, for ever, and of all services pertaining to them.[63] [Footnote 62: _i.e._, service due to the King, a permanent burden upon the land. _See_ Bracton, _f._ 36. "Item sunt quedam servitia que dicuntur forinseca ... quia pertinent ad dominum regem ... et ideo forinsecum did potest quia fit et capitur foris sive extra servitium quod fit domino capitali."] [Footnote 63: The process of subinfeudation was brought to an end by the Statute of _Quia Emptores_, 1290. "Our lord the king ... has ... enacted that henceforth it be lawful for any freeman to sell his land or tenement or any part thereof at his pleasure, so always that he who is enfeoffed thereof hold that land or tenement of the same chief lord, and by the same services and customs, whereby the enfeoffor formerly held them."] 10. LICENCE FOR THE WIDOW OF A TENANT IN CHIEF TO MARRY [_Fine Roll, 10 Edward II, m. 19_], 1316. The King to all to whom etc. greeting. Know ye that by a fine of 100s. which our beloved John de la Haye has made with us for Joan, who was the wife of Simon Darches, deceased, who held of us in chief as of the honour of Wallingford, we have given licence to the same Joan that she may marry whomsoever she will, provided that he be in our allegiance. In witness whereof etc. Witness the King at Westminster, 11 July. 11. MARRIAGE OF A WIDOW WITHOUT LICENCE [_Fine Roll, 12 Edward III, m. 26_], 1338. The King to his beloved and trusty, William Trussel, his escheator on this side Trent, greeting. Whereas Millicent, who was the wife of Hugh de Plescy, deceased, who held of us in chief, who (_que_) lately in our Chancery took a corporal oath that she would not marry without our licence, has now married Richard de Stonley without having obtained our licence hereon: We, refusing to pass over such a contempt unpunished, and wishing to take measures for our indemnity in this behalf, command you that without delay you take into our hand all the lands and tenements which the aforesaid Richard and Millicent hold in Millicent's dower of the inheritance of the aforesaid Hugh in your bailiwick; so that you answer to us at our Exchequer for the issues forthcoming thence, until we deem fit to order otherwise thereon. Witness the King at the Tower of London, 6 May. By the King. 12. ALIENATION OF LAND BY A TENANT IN CHIEF WITHOUT LICENCE [_Fine Roll, 1 Edward I, m. 7_], 1273. Order is made to the sheriff of Hereford that without delay he take into the King's hand the manor of Dilwyn, which Edmund, our[64] brother, holds of the King in chief, and which he has now alienated to John Giffard without the King's licence; and that he keep it safely until the King make other order thereon, so that he answer to the King at the King's Exchequer for the issues arising therefrom. Given as above [at St. Martin le Grand, London, 5 October]. By the King's council. [Footnote 64: i.e., the King's brother. The enrolling clerk confuses the first person of the original writ with the third person of the enrolment formula.] 13. WARDSHIP AND MARRIAGE [_Pipe Roll, 26 Henry II, Rot. 5, m. 2d._], 1179-80. Otto de Tilli renders account of 400l. to have the wardship of the land of his grandson; and let his daughter be given [in marriage] at the King's will. In the treasury are 100l. And he owes 300l. Adam son of Norman and William son of Hugh de Leelai render account of 200 marks for marrying the daughter of Adam with the son of William, with the King's good will. In the treasury are 50 marks. And they owe 100l. 14. GRANT OF AN HEIR'S MARRIAGE [_Fine Roll, 13 Edward II, m. 3_], 1320. The King to all to whom etc., greeting. Know ye that by a fine of 6l. which our beloved clerk, Adam de Lymbergh, has made with us, we have granted to him the marriage of John, son and heir of Joan de Chodewell, deceased, late one of the sisters and heirs of Philip le Brode, deceased, who held of us in chief, which John is under age and in our wardship; to hold without disparagement.[65] In witness whereof etc. Witness the King at Odiham, 26 March. By the council. And command is given to Richard de Rodeney, the King's escheator on this side Trent, that he deliver to the same Adam the body of the heir aforesaid, to be married in the form aforesaid. Witness as above. [Footnote 65: _i.e.,_ The heir is not to be married below his rank. _cf. Magna Carta, 6._ "Heirs shall be married without disparagement, so that before a marriage be contracted, the near kindred of the heir shall be informed thereof."] 15. WARDSHIP [_Fine Roll, 11 Edward III, m. 18_], 1337. The King to his beloved and trusty, William Trussel, his escheator on this side Trent, greeting. We command you, straitly enjoining, that forthwith, on view of these presents, you cause the body of the heir of Roger de Huntyngfeld, deceased, who held of us in chief, wheresoever and in whosesoever hands it be found in your bailiwick, to be seized into our hand and to be sent to us without delay, wheresoever we shall be in England, to be delivered to us or to him whom we shall depute as guardian of the said heir: and that you in no wise neglect this, as you will save yourself harmless against us. Witness the King at the Tower of London, 2 September. By letter of the secret seal. 16. THE COLLECTION OF A CARUCAGE [_Roger of Hoveden, Rolls Series_, iv. 46], 1198. In the same year Richard, King of England, took an aid of 5s. from every carucate of land or hide, of the whole of England, for the collection whereof the same King sent throughout every county of England a clerk and a knight, who, together with the sheriff of the county to which they were sent, and with lawful knights elected hereto, after taking oath faithfully to execute the King's business, summoned before them the stewards of the barons of that county and from every town the lord or bailiff of that town and the reeve with four lawful men of the town, whether freemen or unfree (_rusticis_), and two of the more lawful knights of the hundred, who swore that they would faithfully and without deceit say how many ploughlands (_carucarum wannagia_) there were in every town, to wit, how many in demesne, how many in villeinage, how many in alms granted to men of religion, which the grantors or their heirs are bound to warrant or acquit, or wherefrom men of religion ought to do service; and by command of the King they put on each ploughland first 2s. and afterwards 3s.; and all these things were reduced to writing; and the clerk had thereof one roll, and the knight a second roll, the sheriff a third roll, the steward of the barons a fourth roll of his lord's land. This money was received by the hands of two lawful knights of each hundred and by the hand of the bailiff of the hundred; and they answered therefor to the sheriff, and the sheriff answered therefor by the aforesaid rolls at the Exchequer before the bishops, abbots and barons appointed hereto. And for the punishment of any jurors who should conceal aught in this business contrary to their oath, it was decreed that any unfree man convicted of perjury should give to his lord his best plough-ox, and moreover should answer from his own property, to the use of the lord the King, for as much money as he should be declared to have concealed by his perjury; and if a freeman should be convicted, he should be at the King's mercy, and moreover should refund from his own property, to the use of the lord the King, as much as should be concealed by him, like the unfree man. It was also decreed that every baron together with the sheriff should make distraints upon his men; and if through default of the barons distraints were not made, that which should remain to be rendered by their men should be taken from the demesne of the barons, and the barons themselves should have recourse to their men for the same. And the free fees of parish churches were excepted from this tallage. And all escheats of barons, which were in the hand of the lord the King, paid their share. Serjeanties, however, of the lord the King, which were not of knights' fees, were excepted; nevertheless a list was made of them and of the number of carucates of land and the value of the lands and the names of the serjeants, and all those serjeants were summoned to be at London on the octave of the Close of Pentecost, to hear and execute the command of the lord the King. And those who were elected and appointed to execute this business of the King decreed, by the valuation of lawful men, 100 acres of land to each ploughland. 17. AN ACQUITTANCE OF THE COLLECTORS OF SCUTAGE OF A SUM OF 10L. LEVIED BY THEM AND REPAID [_Chancery Miscellanea, 1, 18, 9_], 1319. To all Christ's faithful to whom the present letters shall come, John de Twynem, receiver of the money of the lord John of Brittany, earl of Richmond, in the barony of Hastings, greeting in the Lord. Know ye that, whereas John Fillol and William de Northo were appointed[66] to collect and levy in the counties of Surrey and Sussex the scutage of the lord the King of the armies of Scotland of the twenty-eighth, thirty-first and thirty-fourth years of the reign of King Edward, father of King Edward that now is, and afterwards by command of the lord the King were appointed[67] to pay to the said lord John of Brittany, earl of Richmond, the scutage of the tenants of the barony aforesaid of the aforesaid thirty-first and thirty-fourth years, I have received of the aforesaid John Fillol and William de Northo by the hands of the said John to the use of the said lord John of Brittany, earl of Richmond, 10l. for the scutage of five knights' fees in Wartling, Cowden and Socknersh, of the aforesaid thirty-fourth year; of which 10l. I will acquit the aforesaid John and William, their heirs and executors, and save them harmless, against the said earl and others whomsoever. In witness whereof I have set my seal to these presents. Given at Lympne, 12 September, at the beginning of the thirteenth year of the reign of the King abovesaid.[68] [Footnote 66: _Fine Roll, 8 Edward II., m._ 19.] [Footnote 67: _Scutage Roll, 8-11 Edward II., mm._ 2. l.] [Footnote 68: Scutage was imposed on all tenants of knights' fees, but might be reclaimed by the lord if he did the service due.] 18. PAYMENT OF FINES IN LIEU OF KNIGHT SERVICE [_Patent Roll, 31 Edward I, m. 12d_], 1303. The King to the sheriff of York, greeting. Though we lately commanded you that you should cause to be summoned archbishops, bishops, abbots, priors and other ecclesiastical persons, and also widows and other women of your bailiwick, who hold of us in chief by knight service or by serjeanty, or hold of the guardianships of archbishoprics and bishoprics or other guardianships or wardships in our hand, that they should have at our side on the feast of Whitsunday next coming at Berwick-upon-Tweed their whole service due to us, well furnished with horses and arms, and ready to march with us and with others our faithful against the Scots, our enemies; wishing, however, on this occasion graciously to spare the labours of the same prelates, religious persons, women and others, who are unskilled in or even unfit for arms, we command you, straitly enjoining, that forthwith on sight of these presents, in full county-court and none the less in market towns and elsewhere throughout the whole of your bailiwick where you shall deem most expedient, you cause it to be publicly proclaimed that the same prelates, religious persons, women and others insufficient or unfit for arms, who owe us their service and are willing to make fine with us for the same service, come before our treasurer and barons of the Exchequer on the morrow of the Ascension of the Lord next coming, or sooner, if they can, at York, or then send some one thither on their behalf, to make fine with us for their service aforesaid, and to pay the same fine to us on the same morrow, to wit, 20l. for a knight's fee and otherwise in proportion to their knight service or serjeanty due to us in this behalf; or else that they be at our side on the aforesaid feast of Whitsunday with horses and arms, and the whole of their service, as they are bound; and that you have this writ at our said Exchequer on the morrow abovesaid. Witness the King at Laneham, 16 April. 19. THE ASSESSMENT OF A TALLAGE [_Patent Roll, 8 Edward II_, p. 1, _m._ 14, _schedule_], 1314. The King to his beloved and faithful, Hervey de Stanton, Henry le Scrop, John de Merkingfeld and Ralph de Stokes, greeting. Whereas in the sixth year of our reign we caused our cities, boroughs and demesnes throughout England to be tallaged, and certain our lieges to be appointed in the counties of our realm to assess our tallage in our cities, boroughs and demesnes, separately by heads or in common, as they should deem the more expedient for our advantage, and that tallage for certain causes yet remains to be assessed in our city of London: We appoint you to assess that tallage in the city aforesaid and the suburb of the same separately by heads or in common, as you shall deem the more expedient for our advantage. And therefore we command you that without delay you go to the city aforesaid and the suburb of the same to assess the said tallage according to the means of the tenants of the same city and suburb, to wit, from their moveables a fifteenth and from their rents a tenth, so that that tallage be assessed as soon as possible, and the rich be not spared nor the poor burdened overmuch in this behalf; and that after that tallage be assessed in the form aforesaid, you deliver estreats thereof under your seals without delay to our sheriffs of London separately for that tallage to be levied without delay and paid to us at our Exchequer; and that you apply such diligence upon the expedition of the premises that we may deservedly commend you thereupon, in no wise omitting to appear at the Exchequer aforesaid as soon as you conveniently can to certify our treasurer and barons of the Exchequer aforesaid of that which you shall have done in the premises; for we have commanded our sheriffs of the city aforesaid that when they be forewarned by you, three or two of you, they cause to come before you, three or two of you, all those of the city and suburb aforesaid whom they shall deem necessary for the said tallage, and that they be aiding and attending to you hereon, as you shall enjoin upon them on our behalf. In witness whereof, etc. Witness the King at Spalding, 24 October, in the eighth year. 20. A WRIT _Precipe_ [_Chancery Files_], _c._ 1200. G. Fitz Peter,[69] earl of Essex, to the sheriff of York, greeting. Command (_precipe_) Ralph de Nevill justly and without delay to render to Robert, son of Richard de Haverford, Fivelay and Moseton and Sloxton with the appurtenances which the same Robert claims to be his right and inheritance, and whereof he complains that Ralph unjustly deforces him; and if he refuse and Robert give us security to prosecute his claim, summon the same Ralph by good summoners to be before us at Westminster on the quinzaine of Michaelmas to show wherefore he does it not; and have there the summoners and this writ. Witness H. Bard at Shoreham, 21 June.[70] 21. ARTICLES OF ENQUIRY TOUCHING RIGHTS AND LIBERTIES AND THE STATE OF THE REALM, 2 EDWARD I.[71] [_Patent Roll, 2 Edward I., m. 6_], 1274. How many and what demesne manors the King has in his hand in every county, as well, to wit, of ancient demesnes of the crown, as of escheats and purchases. Also what manors used to be in the hands of Kings, the King's predecessors, and who hold them now and by what warrant and from what time, and by whom and in what manner they were alienated. Also touching fees of the lord the King, and his tenants who now hold them of him in chief, and how many fees each of them holds, and what fees used to be holden of the King in chief and are now holden by a mesne lord, and by what mesne, and from what time they have been alienated, and how and by whom. Also touching the lands of tenants of the ancient demesne of the crown, as well free sokemen as bond, whether [holden] by bailiffs or by the same tenants, and by what bailiffs and by what tenants, and by whom they have been alienated, how and at what time. In like manner let enquiry be made touching the farms of hundreds, wapentakes and ridings, cities, boroughs and other rents whatsoever, and from what time [they have been alienated]. Also how many hundreds, wapentakes and ridings are now in the hand of the lord the King, and how many and what are in the hands of others, and from what time and by what warrant, and how much each hundred is worth yearly. Touching ancient suits, customs, services and other things withdrawn from the lord the King and his ancestors, who have withdrawn them and from what time, and who have appropriated to themselves such suits, customs and other things pertaining to the lord the King and accustomed, and from what time and by what warrant. Also what other persons claim from the King to have the return and estreats of writs, and who hold pleas of replevin,[72] and who claim to have wreck of sea,[73] by what warrant, and other royal liberties, as gallows, assizes of bread and ale, and other things that pertain to the crown, and from what time. Also touching those who have liberties granted to them by Kings of England and have used them otherwise than they ought to have done, how, from what time, and in what manner. Again, touching liberties granted which hinder common justice and subvert royal power, and by whom they were granted, and from what time. Further, who have newly appropriated to themselves free chaces or warrens without warrant, and likewise who have had such chaces and warrens from of old by grant of the King, and have exceeded the bounds and metes thereof, and from what time. Also what lords or their stewards or bailiffs whosoever or also the ministers of the lord the King have not suffered execution of the commands of the lord the King to be made, or also have contemned to do them or in any wise hindered them from being done, from the time of the constitutions made at Marlborough in the 52nd year of the reign of the lord King Henry, father of the King that now is. Again, touching all purprestures[74] whatsoever made upon the King or the royal dignity, by whom they have been made, how, and from what time. Touching knights' fees of every fee soever, and land or tenements given or sold to religious or others to the prejudice of the King, and by whom, and from what time. Touching sheriffs taking gifts for consenting to conceal felonies done in their bailiwicks, or who have been negligent in attaching such felons by any favour, as well within liberties as without; and in like manner touching clerks and other bailiffs of sheriffs, touching coroners and their clerks and bailiffs whomsoever, who have so done in the time of the lord King Henry after the battle of Evesham, and in the time of the lord the King that now is. Touching sheriffs and bailiffs whomsoever taking gifts for removing recognitors from assizes and juries, and from what time. Again, touching sheriffs and bailiffs whomsoever who have amerced for default those who were summoned to inquisitions made by command of the lord the King, when by the same summons sufficient persons came to make such inquisitions, and how much and from whom they have taken for the cause aforesaid, and at what time. Again, touching sheriffs who have delivered to bailiffs, extortionate and burdensome to the people beyond measure, hundreds, wapentakes or ridings at high farms, that so they might raise their farms; and who were those bailiffs and on whom such damages were inflicted, and at what time. Again, when sheriffs ought not to make their tourn save twice a year, who have made their tourn more often in a year, and from what time. Again, when fines for redisseisin or for purprestures made by land or water, for hiding of treasure and for other such things, pertain to the lord the King, and sheriffs ought to attach the same, who have taken such fines, and from whom and how much. Again, who by the power of their office have troubled any maliciously and hereby extorted lands, rent or other payments, and from what time. Who have received command of the lord the King to pay his debts and have received from the creditors any portion for paying them the residue, and nevertheless have caused the whole to be allowed them in the Exchequer or elsewhere, and from what time. Who have received the King's debts or part of his debts and have not acquitted the debtors, as well in the time of the lord King Henry as in the time of the lord the King that now is. Who have summoned any to be made knights and have received bribes from them to have respite, and how much and at what time. And if any great men or others without the King's command have distrained any to take up arms, and at what time. Again, if any sheriffs or bailiffs of any liberty soever have not made summons in due manner according to the form of the writ of the lord the King, or have otherwise fraudulently or insufficiently executed the royal commands through prayer, price or favour, and at what time. Again, touching those who have had approvers[75] imprisoned and have caused them to appeal[76] loyal and innocent persons for the sake of gain, and sometimes have hindered them from appealing guilty persons, and from what time. Again, who have had felons imprisoned and permitted them for money to depart and escape from prison free and unpunished, and who have extorted money for dismissing prisoners by plevin,[77] when they have been replevied, and from what time. Again, who have received any gifts or bribes for exercising or not exercising or executing their offices, or have executed the same or exceeded the limits of the King's command otherwise than pertained to their office, and at what time. And let all these things be enquired of, as well in the case of sheriffs, coroners, their clerks and bailiffs whomsoever, as in the case of lords and bailiffs of liberties whatsoever. Again, what sheriffs or keepers of castles or manors of the lord the King, for any [works], or also what surveyors of such works wheresoever made by the King's command, have accounted for a greater sum in the same than they have reasonably spent and hereupon have procured false allowances to be made to them. And likewise who have retained or moved away to their own use stone, timber or other things bought or purveyed for such works, and what and how much damage the lord the King has had thence, and at what time. Touching escheators and subescheators, during the lord the King's seisin, doing waste or destruction in woods, parks, fishponds, warrens within the wardships committed to them by the lord the King, how much, and in the case of whom, and in what manner and at what time. Again, touching the same, if by reason of such seisin they have unjustly taken goods of deceased persons or of heirs into the hand of the lord the King, until they were redeemed by the same, and what, and how much they have so taken for such redemption and what they have retained thereof to their own use, and at what time. Again, touching the same, who have taken gifts from any for executing or not executing their office, how much and from whom and at what time. Again, touching the same, who have insufficiently extended[78] the lands of any man for favour to him or another to whom the wardship of those lands should be given, sold or granted, to the deception of the lord the King, and where and in what manner, and if they have taken anything therefor, and how much, and at what time.[79] [Footnote 69: Geoffrey Fitz Peter, justiciar of England, 1198-1213.] [Footnote 70: It was to writs of this nature that the barons objected. _Cf. Magna Carta_, 34. "The writ called _Precipe_ shall not hereafter be issued to any one touching any tenement, whereby a freeman may lose his court." It illustrates the method by which the King stole from the barons the administration of justice.] [Footnote 71: Printed in Foedera, I., ii., 517.] [Footnote 72: The recovery of goods equivalent in value to goods wrongfully seized by way of distraint.] [Footnote 73: For a curious instance of this liberty, _see_ No. 22.] [Footnote 74: Encroachments.] [Footnote 75: A criminal who turns King's evidence.] [Footnote 76: To bring an action for treason or felony.] [Footnote 77: Surety or pledge.] [Footnote 78: Surveyed.] [Footnote 79: The results of this enquiry were embodied in the Hundred Rolls and served as a basis for the _Placita de quo warranto_; these records are as important for the thirteenth century as is Domesday Book for the eleventh.] 22. WRECK OF SEA [_Fine Roll, 10 Edward III, m._ 1], 1337. The King to the sheriff of Kent, greeting. Because we have been given to understand that a great mass of a whale lately cast ashore by the coast of the river Thames between Greenwich and Northfleet in your county, which should pertain to us as our wreck, and whereof a great part has been carried away by certain evildoers in contempt of us, remains still in your keeping, to be delivered to us or others at our command, as is fitting: We order you, straitly enjoining on you, that you cause all of the whale aforesaid, which is thus in your keeping, to be entirely delivered without any delay to our beloved and trusty Nicholas de la Beche, constable of our Tower of London, to be kept to our use, as has been more fully enjoined on him by us; and that you in no wise neglect so to do; for we have commanded the same Nicholas to receive from you that mass, to be kept in the form aforesaid. Witness the King at Westminster 14 January. By the King himself. SECTION III THE JEWS 1. Charter of liberties to the Jews, 1201--2. Ordinances of 1253--3. Expulsion of a Jew, 1253--4. Punishment for non-residence in a Jewry, 1270--5. Grant of a Jew, 1271--6. Ordinances of 1271--7. Removal of Jewish communities from certain towns to others, 1275--8. Disposition of debts due to Jews after their expulsion, 1290. The documents in the following section illustrate the anomalous position of the Jews in England, the nature of the royal protection, which accorded them a security due to them as the king's personal property (No. 1), the restrictions put upon their religious and social life (No. 2) and upon their possession of land (No. 6), the summary treatment dealt out to them if they failed to fulfil their function (No. 3), or dwelt outside the narrow range of a Jewry-town (No. 4), the arbitrary manner in which they were transferred from person to person, or uprooted from one town and transplanted (Nos. 5 and 7), and the manner of their expulsion (No. 8). Their function in the state was twofold, to supply the crown at any moment with ready money, and to act as a channel for the conveyance to the king of the property of his subjects. The degree of their usefulness must be gauged by the provisions of their charter (No. 1). It is reasonable to suppose that their expulsion was only determined on when the crown had drained their resources, or when, as was the case, there were other supplies available from a class of financiers less obnoxious to the racial and religious prejudices of the age. The place of the Jews was immediately occupied by the merchants of Lucca, and later by the Friscobaldi, the Bardi and Peruzzi and other wealthy societies of Italian merchant-bankers. AUTHORITIES The principal modern writers dealing with the subject in this section are:--Jacobs, _The Jews in Angevin England_; Jacobs, _London Jewry_ (Anglo-Jewish Exhibition Papers); Gross, _Exchequer of the Jews_ (Anglo-Jewish Exhibition Papers); Rigg, _Select Pleas of the Exchequer of the Jews_ (Selden Society); Rye, _Persecution of the Jews in England_ (Anglo-Jewish Exhibition Papers); Abrahams, _The Expulsion of the Jews from England_. 1. CHARTER OF LIBERTIES TO THE JEWS[80] [_Charter Roll, 2 John, m._ 5.], 1201. John by the grace of God, etc. Know ye that we have granted to all Jews of England and Normandy that they may freely and honourably reside in our land, and hold of us all things that they held of King Henry, our father's grandfather, and all things that they now hold reasonably in their lands and fees and pawns and purchases, and that they may have all their liberties and customs as well and peaceably and honourably as they had them in the time of the aforesaid King Henry, our father's grandfather. And if a plaint shall have arisen between Christian and Jew, he who shall have appealed the other shall have witnesses for the deraignment of his plaint, to wit, a lawful Christian and a lawful Jew. And if the Jew shall have a writ touching his plaint, his writ shall be his witness; and if a Christian shall have a plaint against a Jew, it shall be judged by the Jew's peers. And when a Jew be dead, his body shall not be detained above ground, but his heir shall have his money and his debts; so that he be not disturbed thereon, if he have an heir who will answer for him and do right touching his debts and his forfeit. And it shall be lawful for Jews without hindrance to receive and buy all things which shall be brought to them, except those which are of the Church and except cloth stained with blood. And if a Jew be appealed by any man without witness, he shall be quit of that appeal by his bare oath upon his Book. And in like manner he shall be quit of an appeal touching those things which pertain to our crown, by his bare oath upon his Roll. And if there shall be dispute between Christian and Jew touching the loan of any money, the Jew shall prove his principal and the Christian the interest. And it shall be lawful for the Jew peaceably to sell his pawn after it shall be certain that he has held it for a whole year and a day. And Jews shall not enter into a plea save before us or before those who guard our castles, in whose bailiwicks Jews dwell. And wherever there be Jews, it shall be lawful for them to go whithersoever they will with all their chattels, as our own goods, and it shall be unlawful for any to retain them or to forbid them this freedom. And we order that they be quit throughout all England and Normandy of all customs and tolls and prisage of wine, as our own chattel. And we command and order you that you guard and defend and maintain them. And we forbid any man to implead them touching these things aforesaid against this charter, on pain of forfeiture to us, as the charter of King Henry, our father, reasonably testifies. Witnesses; Geoffrey Fitz Peter, Earl of Essex; William Marshal, Earl of Pembroke; Henry de Bohun, Earl of Hereford; Robert de Turnham; William Briwere; etc. Dated by the hand of Simon, Archdeacon of Wells, at Marlborough, on the 10th day of April in the second year of our reign. [Footnote 80: Printed in Selden Society Publications, Vol. 15, p. 1.] 2. ORDINANCES OF 1253[81] [_Close Roll, 37 Henry III, m._ 18]. The King has provided and decreed, etc., that no Jew dwell in England unless he do the King service, and that as soon as a Jew shall be born, whether male or female, in some way he shall serve the King. And that there be no communities of the Jews in England save in those places wherein such communities were in the time of the lord King John, the King's father. And that in their synagogues the Jews, one and all, worship in subdued tones according to their rite, so that Christians hear it not. And that all Jews answer to the rector of the parish in which they dwell for all parochial dues belonging to their houses. And that no Christian nurse hereafter suckle or nourish the male child of any Jew, and that no Christian man or woman serve any Jew or Jewess, nor eat with them, nor dwell in their house. And that no Jew or Jewess eat or buy meat in Lent. And that no Jew disparage the Christian faith, nor publicly dispute touching the same. And that no Jew have secret intercourse with any Christian woman, nor any Christian man with a Jewess. And that every Jew wear on his breast a conspicuous badge. And that no Jew enter any church or any chapel save in passing through, nor stay therein to the dishonour of Christ. And that no Jew in any wise hinder another Jew willing to be converted to the Christian faith. And that no Jew be received in any town without the special licence of the King, save in those towns wherein Jews have been wont to dwell.[82] And the justices appointed to the guardianship of the Jews are commanded to cause these provisions to be carried into effect and straitly kept on pain of forfeiture of the goods of the Jews aforesaid. Witness the King at Westminster on the 31st day of January. By the King and Council. [Footnote 81: Printed in Selden Society Publications, Vol. 15, p. xlviii.] [Footnote 82: See below, No. 6.] 3. EXPULSION OF A JEW[83] [_Jews' Plea Rolls, 6, m. 8_], 1253. The King, etc., to the sheriff of Kent, etc. Know that we caused to be assessed before us upon Salle, a Jew, a tallage to be rendered on Wednesday next before Whitsunday in the thirty-seventh year, and because the same Jew rendered not his tallage on the said day, and on the same day received a command on our behalf before the justices [appointed to the guardianship of the Jews] that within three days after the aforesaid Wednesday he should make his way to the port of Dover to go forth there with his wife and never to return, saving to the King his lands [rents and tenements and chattels]: We command you that by oath of twelve [good and lawful men] you make diligent enquiry what lands [rents and tenements and chattels] he had on the said day, and who [holds or hold the same] and how much they are worth, saving the service, etc., and how much they are worth for sale; and that you enquire also by oath, etc., what chattels he had in all chirographs outside the chest, and what they are worth, and to whose hands they have come, and that you cause proclamation to be made that none of Salle's debtors hereafter render a penny to him,--let the proclamation be made in every hundred, city, etc.,--and that you take into our hand all the lands, rents and tenements and chattels aforesaid, and keep them safely until [we make other order thereon]; and let the inquisition come on the morrow of Holy Trinity. [Footnote 83: Printed in Selden Society Publications, Vol. 15, p. 29.] 4. PUNISHMENT FOR NON-RESIDENCE IN A JEWRY[84] [_Jews' Plea Rolls, 6, m._ 7d.], 1270. Devon. Because Jacob of Norwich, a Jew, dwells at Honiton without the King's licence, where there is no community of Jews, the sheriff is ordered to take into the King's hand all goods and chattels of Jacob, and to keep them safely until [the King make other order thereon], and to have his body before [the justices appointed to the guardianship of the Jews] on the octave of Holy Trinity, to answer, etc.; and to certify [the Treasurer and Barons of the Exchequer] what goods [and chattels] of the said Jacob he has taken, On the same day, etc. [Footnote 84: Printed in Selden Society Publications, Vol. 15, p. 61.] 5. GRANT OF A JEW[85] [_Jews' Plea Rolls, 6, m. 10_], 1271. Henry, etc., to all, etc., greeting. Whereas we have given and granted to Edmund, our dearest son, Aaron, son of Vives, a Jew of London, with all his goods and chattels and other things which may pertain to us touching the aforesaid Jew; We, at the instance of our aforesaid son, willing to show more abundant grace to the aforesaid Aaron, grant that in all pleas moved or to be moved for or against him, there be associated with the justices appointed to the guardianship of the Jews, on behalf of and by the choice of our son, an assessor to hear and determine those pleas according to the Law and Custom of Jewry. We have granted also to the same Jew that by licence of our aforesaid son he may give and sell his debts to whomsoever he will, and that any man soever may buy them, notwithstanding the Provision made of late that no Jew may sell his debts to any Christians, and that no Christian may buy the same, without our will and licence. In witness whereof, etc. Witness myself at Westminster on the---- day of January in the 55th year of our reign. [Footnote 85: Printed in Selden Society Publications, Vol. 15, p. 62.] 6. ORDINANCES OF 1271[86] [_Patent Roll, 55 Henry III, m._ 10d.]. The King to his beloved and trusty men, his Mayor and Sheriffs of London, and to all his bailiffs and trusty men to whom [these present letters shall come], greeting. Know ye that to the honour of God and the Church Universal, and for the amendment and profit of our land and the relief of Christians from the damages and burdens which they have borne on account of the freeholds which the Jews of our realm claim to have in lands, tenements, fees, rents and other holdings; and that prejudice may not grow hereafter to us or the commonalty of our realm or to the realm itself: We have provided by the counsel of the prelates, magnates and chiefs who are of our council, and also have ordained and decreed for us and our heirs that no Jew have a freehold in manors, lands, tenements, fees, rents and holdings whatsoever by charter, gift, feoffment, confirmation or any other obligation, or in any other wise; so however that they may dwell hereafter in their houses in which they themselves dwell in cities, boroughs or other towns, and may have them as they have been wont to have them in times past; and also that they may lawfully let to Jews only and not to Christians other their houses, which they have to let; so, however, that it be not lawful for our Jews of London to buy or in any other wise purchase[87] more houses than they now have in our city of London, whereby the parish churches of the same city or the rectors of the same may incur loss. Nevertheless the same Jews of London shall be able to repair their ancient houses and buildings formerly demolished and destroyed, and restore them at their will to their former condition. We have also provided and decreed by the same our council that touching their houses aforesaid to be dwelt in or let, as is aforesaid, no Jew plead or be able to plead by our original writs of Chancery but only before our justices appointed to the guardianship of the Jews by the writs of Jewry hitherto used and accustomed. Touching lands and holdings, however, whereof Jews were enfeoffed before the present Statute, which also they now hold, we will that such infeudations and gifts be totally annulled, and that the lands and tenements remain to the Christians who demised the same to them; so, however, that the Christians satisfy the Jews of the money or chattel specified in their charters and chirographs,[88] which the Jews gave to the Christians for such gift or infeudation, without interest; with this condition added, that if those Christians cannot satisfy them thereof forthwith, it be lawful for the Jews aforesaid to demise those tenements to other Christians, until their chattels can be levied therefrom without interest by reasonable extent, according to the true value of the same, saving, however, to the Christians their lodging, so that the Jew receive therefrom his money or chattel by the hands of Christians and not of Jews, as is aforesaid. And if it happen that any Jew hereafter receive feoffment from any Christian of any fee or tenement against the present Statute, the Jew shall altogether lose the said tenement or fee, and the same shall be taken into our hand and kept safely, and those Christians or their heirs shall have again that land or tenement from our hand; so, however, that they then pay to us the whole sum of money which they received from the Jews for such feoffment; or if their means are not sufficient therefor, then they shall render to us and our heirs at our Exchequer yearly the true value of those tenements or fees, by true and reasonable extent of the same, until we be fully satisfied of such money or chattel. Moreover touching nurses of young children, bakers, brewers, and cooks employed by Jews, because Jews and Christians are diverse in faith, we have provided and decreed that no Christian man or woman presume to minister to them in the aforesaid services. And because Jews have long been wont to receive by the hands of Christians certain rents of lands and tenements of Christians as in perpetuity, which rents were also called fees, we will and have decreed that the Statute made of late by us thereon remain in full force, and be not impaired in any wise by the present Statute. And therefore we command, straitly enjoining on you, that you cause the Provision, Ordinance and Statute aforesaid to be publicly proclaimed throughout your whole bailiwick, and to be straitly kept and observed. In witness whereof, etc. Witness the King at Westminster, July 25. In the same manner order is made to the several sheriffs throughout England. [Footnote 86: Printed in Selden Society Publications, Vol. 15, p. 1.] [Footnote 87: _i.e._, Acquire.] [Footnote 88: Indented bonds.] 7. REMOVAL OF JEWISH COMMUNITIES FROM CERTAIN TOWNS TO OTHERS[89] [_Jews' Plea Rolls, 18, m. 6_], 1275. By writ of the lord the King directed to the justices in these words:--Whereas by our letters patent we have granted to our dearest mother, Eleanor, Queen of England, that no Jew shall dwell or stay in any towns which she holds in dower by assignment of the lord King Henry, our father, and of ourself, within our realm, so long as the same towns be in her hand; and for this cause we have provided that the Jews of Marlborough be transferred to our town of Devizes, the Jews of Gloucester to our town of Bristol, the Jews of Worcester to our town of Hereford, and the Jews of Cambridge to our city of Norwich, with their Chirograph Chests, and with all their goods, and that henceforth they dwell and stay in the aforesaid towns and city among the rest of our Jews there: We command you that you cause the aforesaid Jews of Marlborough, Gloucester, Worcester and Cambridge to be removed from those towns, without doing any damage to them in respect of their persons or their goods, and to transfer themselves to the places aforesaid with their Chirograph Chests, as safely to our use as you shall think it may be done. Witness myself at Clarendon on the 16th day of January in the third year of our reign. The sheriffs of the counties aforesaid, and the constables, are ordered to cause the aforesaid Jews to be transferred to the places aforesaid. [Footnote 89: Printed in Selden Society Publications, Vol. 15, p. 85.] 8. DISPOSITION OF DEBTS DUE TO JEWS AFTER THEIR EXPULSION[90] [_Close Roll, 18 Edward I, m. 1_], 1290. Edward etc. to the Treasurer and Barons of the Exchequer, greeting. Whereas formerly in our Parliament at Westminster on the quinzaine of St. Michael in the third year of our reign, to the honour of God and the profit of the people of our realm, we ordained and decreed that no Jew thenceforth should lend anything at usury to any Christian on lands, rents or other things, but that they should live by their commerce and labour; and the same Jews, afterwards maliciously deliberating among themselves, contriving a worse sort of usury which they called courtesy (_curialitatem_), have depressed our people aforesaid on all sides under colour thereof, the last offence doubling the first; whereby, for their crimes and to the honour of the Crucified, we have caused those Jews to go forth from our realm as traitors: We, wishing to swerve not from our former choice, but rather to follow it, do make totally null and void all manner of penalties and usuries and every sort thereof, which could be demanded by actions by reason of the Jewry from any Christians of our realm for any times whatsoever; wishing that nothing be in any wise demanded from the Christians aforesaid by reason of the debts aforesaid, save only the principal sums which they received from the Jews aforesaid; the amount of which debts we will that the Christians aforesaid verify before you by the oath of three good and lawful men by whom the truth of the matter may the better be known, and thereafter pay the same to us at terms convenient to them to be fixed by you. And therefore we command you that you cause our said grace so piously granted to be read in the aforesaid Exchequer, and to be enrolled on the rolls of the same Exchequer, and to be straitly kept, according to the form above noted. Witness myself at King's Clipstone on the 5th day of November in the eighteenth year of our reign. [Footnote 90: Printed in Selden Society Publications, Vol. 15, p. xl.] SECTION IV THE MANOR 1. Extent of the manor of Havering, 1306-7--2. Extracts from the Court Rolls of the manor of Bradford, 1349-58--3. Deed illustrating the distribution of strips, 1397--4. Regulation of the common fields of Wimeswould, _c._ 1425--5. Lease of a manor to the tenants, 1279--6. Grant of a manor to the customary tenants at fee farm, _ante_ 1272--7. Lease of manorial holdings, 1339--8. An agreement between lord and tenants, 1386--9. Complaints against a reeve, 1278--10. An eviction from copyhold land, _temp._ Hen. IV.-Hen. VI.--11. Statute of Merton, 1235-6--12. An enclosure allowed, 1236-7--13. An enclosure disallowed, 1236-7--14. A villein on ancient demesne dismissed to his lord's court, 1224--15. Claim to be on ancient demesne defeated, 1237-8--16. The little writ of right, 1390--17. Villeinage established, 1225--18. Freedom and freehold established, 1236-7--19. A villein pleads villeinage on one occasion and denies it on another, 1220--20. An assize allowed to a villein, 1225--21. A freeman holding in villeinage, 1228--22. Land held by charter recovered from the lord, 1227--23. The manumission of a villein, 1334--24. Grant of a bondman, 1358--25. Imprisonment of a gentleman claimed as a bondman, 1447--26. Claim to a villein, _temp._ Hen. IV.-Hen. VI.--27. The effect of the Black Death, 1350--28. Accounts of the iron-works of South Frith before and after the Black Death, 1345-50.--29. The Peasants' Revolt, 1381. The attempt to find an inclusive definition of the manor, true alike for every century and for all parts of the country, involves a risk of divorcing the institution from its historical associations, and of depriving it of its social and economic significance. The typical manor exists only in theory, actual manors being continuously modified by the inevitable changes due to the growth of population and commercial expansion. Such modifications of economic structure proceeded with great rapidity between the Conquest and the beginning of the fourteenth century. A comparison of the neat simplicity of the royal manor of Havering in Domesday Book (Section I., No. 10) with its highly complex organisation in the time of Edward I. (below, No. 1), reveals an extraordinary development; the 10 hides, 40 villeins and 40 ploughs of the one are represented by the 40 virgates of the other, but the elaborate hierarchy of tenants in the later survey throws into strange relief the primitive customary nucleus and gives it the appearance already of an archaic survival. It is reasonable to assume that the generation which immediately followed the Conquest witnessed a crystallisation of custom, which preserved untouched for centuries the lord's demesne and the common fields; while on the other hand the colonisation of the waste by progressive enclosures slowly altered the social balance, emphasising the disabilities of the villein class and widening the gulf between lord and customary tenant. The economic position of the customary tenants was becoming worse by the operation of natural laws, for not only was the subdivision of the virgates reaching its limits, but common rights were being continuously diminished by enclosure. Large numbers of the Havering virgaters in 1307 were occupying quite small holdings, while the purprestures, or encroachments on the waste, were becoming formidable. These considerations suggest that early manorial history can best be studied by investigations into the extent of enclosure in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, and that concentration on the unprogressive nucleus of the manor, on villeinage and customary tenure, may well blind the student to the greater economic significance of the developments outside the common fields. It thus appears probable that the visitation of the Black Death will fall into place as an incident rather than an epoch. The documents given below attempt to illustrate manorial history in both its praedial and its personal aspects. The essential features of the manor, in its legal aspect, namely, the customary court, customary tenure, and customary services, are shown in the Extent (No. 1) and the extracts from a Court Roll (No. 2), while the common-field system and the distribution of strips appear in Nos. 3 and 4. The commutation of service for rent (Nos. 1, 8, 9) and the transition from customary to leasehold tenure (Nos. 7, 10) show natural forces at work undermining the traditional economy; while the leasing of customary holdings (No. 7) or of a whole manor to all the tenants in common (No. 5) or to a farmer (No. 10), the grant of manors to the tenants at fee farm in perpetuity (No. 6), and the enclosure of waste (Nos. 1, 11, 12, 13), illustrate the wide range of variety possible in the actual management of the agricultural unit. There appears to be little doubt that the villeins suffered a considerable depression as the result of the Norman Conquest; their refusal, however, to acquiesce permanently in the changed conditions is clear from their continued efforts to rise out of their disabilities and to improve their social and economic status, a movement which begins by the attempts of individuals to climb in the scale by flight (No. 2), by claims to be on the king's ancient demesne (Nos. 14, 15), and by the bringing of actions before the justices of assize, a procedure open only to freemen (Nos. 17-22), and gathers force in the fourteenth century until it culminates in the "great fellowship" which organised a self-conscious class revolt throughout the country (No. 29). No. 16 is an instance of the little writ of right, one of the privileges of the favoured tenants on ancient demesne. Manumission was always a possible method of achieving freedom (No. 23), and it may be that the grant of a bondman (No. 24) was a stage in the process of emancipation. Manumission became common at a time when the demand for English wool was encouraging pasture at the sacrifice of tillage, but even in the fifteenth century men might suffer atrocious ignominy through the imputation of villeinage (Nos. 25, 26). The dislocation caused by the Black Death is dramatically illustrated in the Court-Roll (No. 2), the letter from the abbot of Selby (No. 27), and the accounts of the South Frith iron-works in the year before and the year after the first visitation (No. 28); it is to be noted, in the latter document, that for the years 1347-8 and 1348-9 there are no accounts extant at all. AUTHORITIES The principal modern writers dealing with the subject in this section are:--Pollock and Maitland, _History of English Law_; Vinogradoff, _Villeinage in England_; Ashley, _The Character of Villein Tenure_ (English Historical Review, VIII.); Rogers, _History of Agriculture and Prices_; Rogers, _Six Centuries of Work and Wages_; Maitland, _History of a Cambridgeshire Manor_; Bateson, _Mediæval England_; Vinogradoff, _Oxford Studies in Social and Legal History, II._; Hone, _The Manor and Manorial Records_; Elton, _Custom and Tenant Right_; Gasquet, _The Great Pestilence_; Little, _The Black Death in Lancashire_ (English Historical Review, V.); Oman, _The Great Revolt_; Powell, _The Rising in East Anglia in 1381_. _Documentary authorities_:--Durham Halmote Rolls (Surtees Society); Custumals of Battle Abbey (Camden Society); Boldon Book Survey of Possessions of the See of Durham (Surtees Society); Select Pleas in Manorial Courts (Maitland, Selden Society); The Court Baron (Maitland & Baildon, Selden Society); Cartulary of Ramsey Abbey (Rolls Series); Inquisition of Manors of Glastonbury Abbey (Roxburgh Club); Manchester Court Leet Records (Harland, Chetham Society). A large number of manorial records are edited among the publications of the Society of Antiquaries and County Record and Archæological Societies. _Literary authorities_:--Robert Grossteste, _Epistoloe_ (Rolls Series); Walter of Henley, _Husbandry_ (Lamond); _Piers Plowman_; Chaucer, _Canterbury Tales_. 1. EXTENT OF THE MANOR OF HAVERING [_Rentals and Surveys, Roll_ 189], 1306-7. The Manor of Havering extended by the order of the King before ... and Richard le Rus in the thirty-fifth year of the reign by Richard of the Elms (_de Ulmis_)[91].... Who say on their oath that the King has there in demesne 223-1/2 acres of arable land, whereof the acre is worth 6d. a year. Sum, 111s. 9d. Further, 38 acres of arable land, which Adam de Rumford holds, which are of the demesne and were arrented by William Brito and his fellows, as is found below. Further, 5 acres of arable land, which Walter le Blake holds, and they are of the demesne and were arrented by the same as below, etc. Further, 15 acres of meadow, whereof each is worth 16d. a year. Sum, 20s. Further, 4 acres of meadow, which Baldwin le Blund holds, which are of the demesne and were arrented by the same as below, etc. Further, 23 acres of several pasture, whereof each is worth 14-1/4d. a year. Sum, 27s. 3-3/4d. Further, they say that the King can have in the common pasture, to wit, in the woods, heaths and marshes, his oxen and cows, sheep, horses and swine and other his beasts at his will, and so that all the tenants of the same manor may have their beasts and all their cattle in the aforesaid common when they will. And if the King have no beasts in the common, he shall take nothing therefor. Further, they say that the King has a plot of land in his park enclosed with hedge and dyke, which is called the King's garden; but it is not tilled; therefore there is no profit. Further, they say that the King has there his park enclosed round with a paling, and as well the men of the same manor as others of the neighbourhood outside the manor ought to renew and repair that paling as often as need be,[92] according as is found below; and in that park no cattle nor any beasts ought to enter except by licence of the King's bailiff. And if any cattle or any beasts enter the same park without licence of the bailiff, they are forfeit and must be ransomed at the will of the bailiff, if they are foreign, and if they are of the manor, then they are to be ransomed for 1d. for each foot, if it please the bailiff to take so much. Further, they say that the King has in the same manor three foreign woods pertaining to the aforesaid manor, which the King's bailiffs of the same manor have always had in keeping, together with the aforesaid manor, and they have had attachments and all other esplees[93] of the same woods, to complete the farm of the same manor, to wit, Westwode, Haraldeswode and Crocleph. And in those three woods all the tenants of the same manor ought to have common of herbage for all their beasts and all their cattle throughout the whole year, except between the feast of Michaelmas and the feast of Martinmas,[94] and then also there may enter into the same woods the horses of the aforesaid tenants, as also throughout the whole year, and the swine of the same tenants for pannage,[95] and no other beasts. And if sheep or oxen be found in the aforesaid woods, or geese, except when driven to the water or the market or elsewhere, so that they make no stay in the same, whosesoever they be, they ought to be imparked and kept until they shall have satisfied the King's bailiff for that trespass. And if within the aforesaid time any foreign beast, which does not belong to any tenant of the manor, be found in the aforesaid woods, the King's bailiff can ransom it, to wit, for 40d. for each ox or cow, or 1d. for each foot of each beast, or otherwise, as he shall please, within 40d. And if any foreign cart shall pass through the aforesaid woods within the aforesaid time, it shall give to the King's bailiff 1d. of custom. And if any foreigner shall drive his beasts through the aforesaid woods within the aforesaid time, he shall give to the King's bailiff 1d. of custom. And these customs are called "leph" within the aforesaid time. Further, they say that the King's bailiff ought to have all the wood thrown down by the wind and all windfall wood in the aforesaid three woods within the aforesaid time, to complete the farm of the manor. And the pannage of the whole manor and the aforesaid customs called "leph" and the wood and windfall wood within the aforesaid time are extended in the profit of the manor at 100s. Further, they say that no men of the foreign neighbourhood ought to have common in the aforesaid woods at any time of the year, nor ought their beasts or cattle to enter the aforesaid woods except by licence of the bailiff. And if they enter, they ought to be imparked and kept until they shall satisfy the bailiff for that trespass. Further, they say that every customary cart which carries wood or charcoal or any other thing of custom for sale and passes through any of the aforesaid woods shall give to the bailiff 4d. of custom. Names of the tenants holding virgate lands, and rents of the same virgates and customs which pertain to them. [Sidenote: 3-1/2 virgates.] John de Walda holds 3-1/2 virgates with their homages appurtenant and renders 76s. a year at the two terms, without customs. Sum, 76s. [Sidenote: Virgate.] Maurice Algar holds 1\2 virgate with its homages appurtenant and renders 9s. a year at the two terms. William the Smith holds two parts of half a virgate with its homages appurtenant and renders 6s. a year at the two terms. Richard Maneland holds a third part of half a virgate with its homages and renders 3s. a year at the two terms. Sum, 18s. [Sidenote: Virgate]. Richard de Dovere holds one virgate with its homage appurtenant and renders 30s. a year at the two terms; which virgate was of Hamo Peverel. Sum, 30s. [Sidenote: Virgate.] Nicholas de la Hulle holds a fourth part of a virgate with homages and renders 5s. a year. Walter de la Hulle holds a fourth part of a virgate with homages and renders 4s. 2d. a year at the two terms. Richard son of Thomas de Bruera holds a fourth part of a virgate with homages and renders 30d. a year at the two terms. William Annore holds a fourth part of a virgate with homages and renders 6s. a year at the two terms.[96] Sum, 17s. 8d. * * * * * [Sidenote: Virgate.] William Emeline holds a third part of a fourth part of a virgate and renders 20d. a year at the two terms. William Snelling holds a third part of a fourth part of a virgate and renders 20d. a year at the two terms. John Dasel holds a third part of a fourth part of a virgate and renders 20d. a year at the two terms. William Trilling holds two parts of half a virgate and renders 10s. a year at the two terms. William Don holds a third part of half a virgate with homage at the Faucur and renders 5s. a year at the two terms. Simon Pecoc holds a third part of a fourth part of a virgate and renders 2s. 6d. a year at the two terms. Isabel Pecoc holds a third part of a fourth part of a virgate and renders 2s. 6d. a year at the two terms. Richard the Fuller holds a third part of a fourth part of a virgate and renders 2s. 6d. a year at the two terms. Sum, 27s. 6d. [Sidenote: Half a Virgate.] Henry de la Bruer holds a fourth part of a virgate and renders 7s. 6d. a year at the two terms. Simon Pecoc holds an eighth part of a virgate and renders 3s. 9d. at the two terms. Isabel Pecoc holds an eighth part of a virgate and renders 3s. 9d. a year at the two terms. Sum, 15s. Sum total of rent of 39 virgates a year: 46l. 9s. 5-1/2d. [Sidenote: Virgate.] Further, John de Walda holds a virgate of land which was arrented first to the use of the King in the presence of William Brito and his fellows, approvers, and renders therefor 30s. a year of rent of assize. And thus there are in all in the aforesaid manor 40 virgates of land which render yearly in rent of assize: Sum, 47l. 19s. 5-1/2d. Further, from works of the aforesaid 40 virgates 14l. yearly. And be it known that each virgate ought to do all the works underwritten, and the works of each virgate are worth by themselves 7s. a year. Virgate works.--Further, it is acknowledged by the aforesaid jurors that each virgate in the aforesaid manor owes all the customs underwritten, and so in proportion half a virgate and other parts according to the portion and quantity of land, as the virgate is divided, to wit, to plough 4 acres a year in the winter season, and the ploughing of each acre is worth 4d. Further, it ought to harrow those 4 acres, and the harrowing of each acre is worth 1/2d. Further it ought to thresh and winnow 1 quarter of rye for seed, and that threshing and winnowing is worth 2d. Further it ought to reap, bind and cock 4 acres, and this custom is worth 3d. for each acre, to wit, of rye. Further it ought to plough 4 acres in the summer season, and the ploughing of each acre is worth 3d. Further it ought to harrow those 4 acres, and the harrowing of each acre is worth 1/2d. Further it ought to thresh and winnow 1-1/2 quarters of oats, and the threshing and winnowing is worth 1-1/2d. Further it ought to reap, bind and cock 4 acres of oats, and that custom is worth 2-1/2d. for each acre. Further it ought to find two men for one day to hoe until noon, and that custom is worth 2d. Further it ought to find two men for one day to hoe in the summer season until noon, and that custom is worth 2d. Further it ought to carry the corn from the field of the lord the King to the grange with one waggon for one day until noon, and that carrying is worth 3-1/2d. Further it ought to find four men to lift the hay in the meadow of the lord the King for one day, and that custom is worth 2d. Further it ought to carry a waggonload of hay, and each carrying is worth 3d. Further it ought to manure with manure of the lord the King 4 selions[97] 40 perches in length in the next field ploughed for fallow, and that manuring is worth 4d. And it ought to do all these customs beforewritten at its own cost. Sum of the aforesaid works, 6s. 2d. And of lawful increment for each virgate, 10d. a year. And thus the sum of the works of each virgate is 7s. a year. Further, each virgate ought to enclose 6 perches of the paling of the park of the lord the King in the same manor with timber given by livery of the foresters and parkers. Further, all the tenants in the said manor ought to pay pannage for all the swine which they have between the feast of St. Michael[98] and the feast of St. Martin,[99] except those whom the King's charter protects, wheresoever they be within the manor, to wit, they owe a tenth part of the value of each pig which is worth more than 5d., whether there be acorns (_pesona_) or not; so nevertheless that for a pig worth more than 20d. the tenant shall give only 2d. Further all the tenants and sub-tenants throughout the bounds ought to guard the prisoners of the lord the King by night, except the cotmen, who ought to guard the said prisoners by day; and the prisoners ought to be imprisoned at the houses of the cotmen by night and day from house to house until their term be finished. Names of the tenants of the forelands and rents of the same forelanders-- [Sidenote: Foreland.] The relict of William Arnold holds 1 foreland and renders yearly 2s. Richard of the Elms holds 1 foreland and renders yearly 4s. John the Smith 3s. John of the Oak of the burnt wood 18d. Richard de la Strate 9d. Arnewic May 12d. Gilbert de la Berewe 3s. 4d. William le Hettere holds 1 foreland and renders yearly 1d. and a ploughshare worth 6d. 7d. John de Bollond 5s. William Goldstan 2s. Adam de Rumford 12d. John de Haketon 2s. Richard of the Elms 6d. Nicholas de Wybrugge 4s. 4d. Roger son of Elias holds 1 foreland which Gerald le Petit held and renders yearly 3s. 6d. Andrew de la Lake 22d. The heirs of William son of Guy 10d. Sum of the rents of the aforesaid forelanders yearly, 37s. 2d. [Sidenote: Sum.] Names of the tenants assigned to serve the King's table. [Sidenote: Of the Table of the King.] Simon Weyland holds the swineherd's land, and renders 1/2 mark a year, because there are no swine. [Sidenote: Virgate.] The heir of William the Weaver holds the shepherd's land, and renders 12s. a year, because there are no animals. John le Messager holds one ploughman's land, and renders 12s. a year, because there is no plough. Adam le Wardur holds another ploughman's land, and renders 12s. a year, because there is no plough. William Anore holds the smith's land, and renders 5s. a year, because there is no plough. Reckoned as a virgate for the works of the paling. Sum of rents of the aforesaid lands of the King's table, 47s. 8d. [Sidenote: King's Messenger.] Geoffrey son of Peter holds 6 acres of land, for which land he ought to carry the writs of the lord the King, when they come in the manor of the lord the King, wheresoever the bailiff shall wish within the county, at his own cost, and receiving 1-1/2d. for going a reasonable day's journey out of the county and nothing for the return journey. Names of the cotters and rents of assize of their tenements and the customs of the same. [Sidenote: Cotters.] [Sidenote: Virgate.] Geoffrey Scurel holds one cotland and renders yearly 5s. and for works 49d. Peter le Abbot and his partners hold one cotland and render yearly 4s. and for works 49d. William son of Savary holds one cotland and renders yearly 4s. and for works 49d. Juliana relict of Edmund and her partners hold one cotland and render yearly 5s. and for works 49d. Richard del Ho holds one cotland and renders yearly 3s. and for works 49d. William de Ros and Adam Pays hold one cotland and render yearly 5s. and for works 49d. William de Uphavering the younger holds one cotland and renders yearly 5s. and for works 49d. Reckoned as a virgate for the works of the paling. [Sidenote: Sums.] Sum of rents of assize of the aforesaid cotters yearly, 31s. Sum of the same works yearly, 28s. 7d. Sum of both, that is, rents of assize and the same works yearly, 59s. 7d. Lands occupied over[100] the King and arrented by William Brito and his fellows. Richard Hageman holds 16 acres of land of new purpresture[101] and renders yearly half a mark.[102] * * * * * [Sidenote: Sum.] Sum, 102s. 11-1/2d. Richard Segar holds two dayworks with a house of the same [_i.e._ of new purpresture] and renders yearly 8d. The same holds 1-1/2 acres of old purpresture and renders yearly 6d.[103] * * * * * [Sidenote: Sum.] Sum, 10l. 1s. 6d. Edmund Prest holds 5 acres and renders yearly 10d.[104] * * * * * The prior of Hornchurch holds 66 acres and 2 dayworks of land and 1 rood of meadow of encroachment and renders yearly half a mark. Richard de Dovere holds the watercourse from Romford bridge to the park of Havering, and for the watercourse from the end of the fishpond of the abbot of Waltham between Havering and Weald to the mete and bound of the limits of Havering as far as the watercourse extends, and renders yearly 12d. Richard de Dovere holds 85 acres of demesne in several places and renders yearly 20s. [Sidenote: Sum.] Sum, 117s. 7d. Sum total of all lands occupied over the King, 21l. 2s. 0-1/2d. [Sidenote: Subtenants.] Names of all sub-tenants in the town of Havering who have chattels to the value of 40d. of whom it is acknowledged by the aforesaid jurors that each such tenant ought to reap, bind and cock one acre of oats of the demesne of the lord the King in autumn, and to find one man to mow in the King's meadow for one day at his own cost. And every of them, according as they join in a plough for ploughing their own land, shall plough for the lord the King each year for one day at the summer ploughing and for another day at the winter ploughing.[105] * * * * * [Sidenote: Sum.] Sum of the rents of the aforesaid sub-tenants without ploughing, 4l. 6s. The King is in seisin of the wardship of the lands and heirs of all the tenants of the same manor, and can hold them when he deems it to his advantage, and then he shall have no heriot. And if he deem it not to be expedient for him to hold the wardship of the lands and heirs in his own hand, he can demise the same, and then he shall have a heriot and relief. Further, they say that all the tenants of the same manor can marry their sons and daughters without licence of the King or of his bailiffs, except the cotmen. Further, they say that the King can tallage all the tenants of the same manor, except those who hold by charters of Kings at their will, according to their means, when he tallage other his demesne manors. Further, they say that the pleas of court can be worth 40s. a year. Further, they say that heriots and reliefs and other perquisites can be worth in common years 53s. 4d. Further, they say that view of frankpledge can be worth in common years 6s. 8d. [Sidenote: Sum.] Sum total of all sums of the same manor, 112l. 10s. 11-3/4d., except free tenants and the ploughing of sub-tenants and customary carts. [Footnote 91: And 28 others named.] [Footnote 92: _cf. above, Rectitudines, p. 5, under Geneat's Service_, "he must ... cut the deer-hedge and maintain it."] [Footnote 93: Produce or profits.] [Footnote 94: November 11.] [Footnote 95: Food for swine.] [Footnote 96: Thirty-one virgates follow in like detail.] [Footnote 97: Strips.] [Footnote 98: September 29.] [Footnote 99: November 11.] [Footnote 100: In feudal law seisin _or_ possession is conceived of as concrete rather than abstract. Any encroachment on the waste, therefore, is regarded as the imposition of a new seisin upon the old seisin, as an occupation over the lord, who in this case is the King.] [Footnote 101: Encroachment.] [Footnote 102: A hundred more similar entries follow.] [Footnote 103: A hundred and two more similar entries follow.] [Footnote 104: Thirty-nine more similar entries follow.] [Footnote 105: 174 names follow.] 2. EXTRACTS FROM THE COURT ROLLS OF THE MANOR OF BRADFORD, CO. YORK [_Court Rolls_, 129, 1957], 1349-1358. Court of Bradford holden on Saturday, the eve of St. Lucy the Virgin, 23 Edward III.[106] [Sidenote: [m.20.]] [Sidenote: Damages.] Henry son of William the Clerk of Bradford, executor of the will of the said William, was summoned to answer Richard de Wilseden, chaplain, touching a plea wherefore he renders not to him 7s. 10d., which he owes him, because the aforesaid William, his father, whose executor he is, was bound to him, and which he ought to have paid him at Michaelmas last past, and which the same Henry still detains from him, to the heavy damage of the said Richard of 2s. etc. And the aforesaid Henry, being, present in court, cannot deny that he owes him the said money. It is therefore awarded that the same Richard recover against him the aforesaid 7s. 10d., together with his aforesaid damages. And the aforesaid Henry is in mercy for the unjust detention, etc. [Sidenote: Mercy, 2d.] * * * * * [Sidenote: Entry, 2s.] Amice, daughter and heir of Roger de Oulesnape, came here into Court and took a cottage and 4 acres of poor bondage land in the town of Stanbury after the death of the aforesaid Roger, to hold to her and her heirs according to the custom of the manor by the services, etc., saving the right, etc. And she gives to the lord 2s. of fine for entry. Pledge, Roger son of Jurdan. [Sidenote: Entry, 2s.] William Couper, who held a cottage and 4 acres of bondage land there, is dead; and hereupon came Roger, his son and heir, and took those tenements, to hold to him and his heirs according to the custom of the manor by the services, etc., saving the right, etc. And he gives to the lord 2s. of fine for entry. Pledge, Thomas de Kyghley. [Sidenote: Entry, 3s.] Robert son of Roger son of Richard, who held a toft and 8 acres of bondage land there, is dead. And hereupon came John, his brother and heir, and took those tenements, to hold to him and his heirs according to the custom of the manor by the services, etc., saving the right, etc. And he gives to the lord 3s. of fine for entry. Pledge, Roger son of Jurdan. [Sidenote: Entry, 5s.] Jordan de Stanbury, who held a messuage and 1/2 bovate of bondage land there, is dead. And hereupon came John, his son and heir, and took those tenements, to hold to him and his heirs by the services etc., saving the right, etc. And he gives to the lord 5s. of fine for entry. Pledges, John son of Roger and Roger son of Jurdan. John de Oldefeld, who held a messuage and 1/2 bovate of bondage land there, is dead. And Alice, his daughter and heir, is of the age of half a year. [Sidenote: Fine, 2s.] And hereupon came John Swerd and took those tenements, to hold for a term of ten years next following fully complete, by the services, etc. And he gives to the lord 2s. of fine. Pledge, Adam de Oldefeld. [Sidenote: Entry, 2s.] Adam Dykson came here into Court and took a messuage and 1/2 bovate of very poor land, which was of Adam atte Yate, to hold according to the custom of the manor, by the services, etc., saving the right, etc. And he gives to the lord 2s. of fine for entry. Pledge, John de Helwyk. [Sidenote: Entry, 5s.] Roger Dikson, who held half a messuage and 1/2 bovate of land, is dead. And hereupon came Robert de Oldefeld, next friend of William, son and heir of the aforesaid Roger, and took those tenements to the use of the said William, to hold to him and his heirs, according to the custom of the manor by the services, etc. And he gives to the lord 5s. of fine in the name of the said William. Pledge, John Swerd. [Sidenote: Fine, 2s.] John Barne of Manningham, who held a messuage and a bovate of bondage land there, is dead. And hereupon came Margery his wife and took those tenements, to hold according to the custom of the manor for the term of her life by the services, etc. And she gives to the lord 2s. of fine. Pledge, John atte Yate. [Sidenote: Fealties. Respite of acknowledgement of services.] Margaret and Agnes, daughters and heirs of Hugh Browne, Alice, Joan and Juliana, daughters and heirs of John Kyng, Juliana, who was the wife of Hugh Kyng of Thornton, Robert son of John Bollyng and Elizabeth his wife, Alice, who was the wife of William le Clerk of Clayton, Alice, daughter and heir of Robert de Manyngham, and Thomas her husband, William, son and heir of Ellen Coke, and John (dead), son and heir of John de Wyndhill, came here into Court and did their fealties, and they have a day at the next Court to acknowledge their tenements and services, etc. and also to show their deeds etc. Agnes Chapman came here into Court and took a small house in Bradford called the Smythhouse, to hold at the will of the lord by the services. And she gives to the lord 18d. of fine to have such estate, etc. [Sidenote: Fine, 12d. (_sic_.)] [Sidenote: Entry, 8s.] William Barne, who held 2 messuages and 2 bovates of bondage land in Manningham, is dead. And hereupon came Hugh, his brother and heir, and took the aforesaid tenements, to hold to him and his heirs according to the custom of the manor by the services, etc., saving the right, etc. And he gives to the lord 8s. of fine for entry. Pledges, Thomas de Chellowe and John his son. [Sidenote: Entry, 10s.] Richard Gilleson, who held there in the same manner 2 messuages and 2 bovates of land, is dead. And hereupon came John, his son and heir, and took those tenements, to hold to him and his heirs according to the custom of the manor by the services, etc., saving the right, etc. And he gives to the lord 10s. of fine for entry. Pledges, Hugh Barne and the whole homage, etc. [Sidenote: Entry, 10s.] John son of Richard Gillesson came here into Court and rendered into the hands of the lord 2 messuages and 2 bovates of very poor land there to the use of Thomas de Chellowe for ever. Which tenements were afterwards granted to the same Thomas, to hold to him and his heirs according to the custom of the manor by the services, etc., saving the right, etc. And the same Thomas gives the lord 10s. of fine for entry. Pledges, Hugh Barne and John Gilleson. [Sidenote: Fine, 2s.] William Wilkynson, who held there in like manner a messuage and a bovate of land, is dead, and Alice his daughter and heir is of the age of half a year. And hereupon came John Magson, her next friend, to whom, etc.[107] and took the wardship of the aforesaid land and heir until her full age, etc., by the services, etc. And he gives to the lord 2s. of fine for entry. Pledges Hugh Barne and Thomas de Chellowe. [Sidenote: Fine respited.] Thomas Neucomen, who held a messuage and a bovate of bondage land in Bradford, is dead. And hereupon came Margery, daughter and heir of the same Thomas, and took the aforesaid tenements, to hold to her and her heirs according to the custom of the manor by the services, etc., saving the right, etc. And the fine for entry is put in respite until the next court. [Sidenote: Distraint.] [Sidenote: Tenements to be seized.] William Tompsey of Bradford, the lord's bondman, who held a messuage and a bovate of bondage land in Bradford, is a runaway, because [he holds] other tenements in Moreton by York by hereditary descent. Therefore he is distrained to dwell on the tenement here. Let the tenements at Moreton be seized into the lord's hand, etc. [Sidenote: Respite.] William Clerk of Clayton, who held a messuage and 2 bovates of land in Clayton by knight service, is dead. Let William, his son and heir, of the age of two years, together with the tenements aforesaid, be seized into the hands of the lord the Earl. And hereupon comes Alice, who was the wife of the same William Clerk, and says that she was jointly enfeoffed of the aforesaid tenements with the aforesaid William, her husband, and craves a day at the next Court to show her charters thereof, and has it. William, the son and heir, is committed to the wardship of the aforesaid Alice to be kept safely without a wife. Pledges, William son of Adam of Horton and Roger del Holyns. [Sidenote: Fine, 10s.] Whereas before these times a stall was taken from the lord's waste in the market place of Bradford to be holden by the services of 6d. a year, and hereupon one Adam Notebroun, receiver of the money of the lord the Earl [took it], to hold in the said form, etc., and afterwards the same Adam alienated that stall to one Hugh son of Thomas in fee for [20s.], on account whereof the stall was seized into the lord's hand according to the form of the statute; and hereupon the same Hugh comes here and says that he took the stall for 20s. and paid only 10s. thereof to the same Adam, etc., and craves that he [may pay the said 10s.] and hold the stall in the form in which [it was held] after it was taken; which is granted to him by the steward. Pledge for payment, of the aforesaid 10s. ... And order is made to levy from the aforesaid Adam another 10s. to the use of the lord, unless he may have better grace by the counsel of the lord, etc. [Sidenote: Inquisition of office.] It is presented by William de Berecroft ... that Thomas son of Thomas 12(d.), Ralph atte Tounhend (8d.), William ... (12d.), and William son of John (6d.) exercise the trades of tanner and shoemaker. Therefore they are in mercy. And it is ordered that they be attached to abjure, etc. [Sidenote: Mercy, 10d.] Further, they present that Hugh son of Thomas exercises the trade of butcher together with the trades of shoemaker and tanner. Therefore it is ordered that he be attached to abjure those two trades, etc. [Sidenote: Mercy, 12d.] Further, that Alice Geldoghter and Adam Notebroun are bakers and sell bad bread contrary to the assize. Therefore they are [in mercy]. * * * * * Sum of this tourn, with waifs and strays, 24s. 1d. * * * * * Court of Bradford holden on Thursday next before the feast of St. Gregory the Pope, 24 Edward III. * * * * * [Sidenote: Acknowledgment of service.] Thomas le Harpour and Alice his wife, daughter and heir of Robert de Manynghame, come here into Court and acknowledge that they hold of the lord a messuage and a cottage and 8 acres of land by knight service by homage and fealty and suit of court every three weeks, rendering therefrom yearly 2s. at the usual terms; and they give to the lord 4s. for relief. * * * * * [Sidenote: Fine, 1/2 mark.] William Iveson came into Court and made fine with the lord by 1/2 mark for licence to exercise the trades of tanner and shoemaker until Michaelmas next. Pledge, William son of Hugh the Bailiff. * * * * * [Sidenote: [m. 31.]] Court holden at Bradford the day and year aforesaid.[108] [Sidenote: Leyrwite.] Agnes Chilyonge of Manningham, the lord's bondwoman, came here in Court and made fine of 12d. with the lord for her leyrwite[109]; pledge, William Walker; and the fine is not more because she is very poor and has nothing. [Sidenote: [m. 32.]] Court holden at Bradford on Friday next before the feast of the Nativity of St. John the Baptist, 28 Edward III.[110] [Sidenote: Fine, 20s.] John Abbot, William son of Henry de Allerton, John Dughti, Robert de Oldfeld, and Adam de Oldfeld, who mainprised[111] for the aforesaid John Abbot to keep the peace towards all persons and specially towards Roger Fairegh, under a penalty of 10l. to be paid to the lord Duke, now, because the aforesaid John Abbot beat and evilly entreated the aforesaid Roger Fairegh, on account whereof the aforesaid penalty of 10l. ought to be levied from the aforesaid John Abbot and his mainpernors,[112] because the express cause for which the aforesaid penalty should be rightly levied is now come to pass; nevertheless, the aforesaid lord Duke, mindful that they are all his bondmen, and regarding their poverty, has granted of his special grace that the aforesaid John Abbot and his mainpernors may make fine of 20s. for the aforesaid 10l. forfeited, to be paid at Michaelmas next; and each of them is the others' pledge. [Sidenote: Merchet]. Roger son of Roger de Manynghame has made fine of 1/2 mark for the merchet of Cecily his wife, the lord's bondwoman; pledge, Thomas de Manynghame. [Sidenote: Merchet.] Thomas Gabriell has made fine of 1/2 mark in like manner for the merchet[113] of Maud his wife, the lord's bondwoman; pledge, Thomas de Tiresale. [Sidenote: Fine, 6d.] Thomas de Tiresale has made fine of 6d. with the lord for licence to have John son of Roger Childyong, the lord's bondman, in his service until Michaelmas next, so that he then render the aforesaid John to the lord's bailiffs, etc. [Sidenote: Chevage.] Agnes daughter of Adam atte Yate, the lord's bondwoman, has made fine for her chevage[114], for licence to dwell wheresoever she will, to wit, 6d. to be paid yearly at Michaelmas and Easter in equal portions; pledge, Robert atte Yate. [Sidenote: Distrain.] It is presented by Roger Judson, Thomas son of Roger, Thomas Gabriel, Adam del Oldfeld, Robert de Oldfeld, and John atte Yate, that Cecily de la More,[115] the lord's bondwoman, has been violated by John Judson; therefore let her be distrained to make fine therefor with the lord. [Sidenote: Distrain.] Further, it is presented that Isabel daughter of William Childyong, the lord's bondwoman, has married one William Cisson, a free man, without licence. And Alice daughter of John Gepson, the lord's bondwoman, has married one William del Hale, a free man, at Beston, without licence; therefore let them be distrained to make fine with the lord for their merchet, etc. [Sidenote: Inquest.] Let inquest be made touching the sons and daughters of William del Munkes, who dwell at Darthington and are the lord Duke's bondmen and bondwomen of Bradford, etc. [Sidenote: Arrest.] Further, it is presented that Alice daughter of William Childyong, the lord's bondwoman, dwells at York; therefore let her be taken, etc. Sum of this Court:--35s. 3d. {Merchets, 13s. 4d. Thereof further for chevage, 6d. {Perquisites, 21s. 11d. [Sidenote: [m. 45 d.]] Court holden at Bradford on Wednesday, 12 December, 32 Edward III [1358]. [Sidenote: Day given under a penalty.] Again Anabel del Knoll has a day, as above,[116] to rebuild a house on a plot of land which she holds of the lord at will, and under the same penalty as in the Court preceding. [Sidenote: Arrest bondmen.] It is ordered, as many times before, to take William son of Richard Gilleson, Roger son of William del Mersh, dwelling with John de Bradlay, Thomas son of John atte Yate, William son of William Childyong (in Pontefract), Alice daughter of John atte Yate (in Selby), Alice daughter of William Childyong (in Methelay), and William son of William Childyong, the lord's bondmen and bondwomen of his lordship here, etc., who have withdrawn without licence, and to bring them back hither until [they make fine for their chevage]. * * * * * [Sidenote: [m. 46.]] [Sidenote: Mercy, 4d.] [Sidenote: Without a day.] Roger son of Roger makes plaint of Alice de Bollyng [in a plea] of trespass, pledge to prosecute, William Walker, to wit, that she has not made an enclosure which she is bound to make between his holdings and her own holdings in Mikelington, so that for lack of enclosure there divers cattle entered and fed off his corn, to wit, his rye and oats and grass, to his damages of 10s. And the aforesaid Alice defends and says that the aforesaid Roger, and not she, is bound to make an enclosure there, and hereon she puts herself upon the country. But the jurors hereupon elected, tried and sworn, say on their oath that the aforesaid Roger is bound to make the aforesaid enclosure between the aforesaid holdings. And therefore it is awarded that the aforesaid Roger be in mercy for his false claim, and that the said Alice go without a day. [Sidenote: Mercy, 2s.] It is presented by the parker that William Walker (6d.) with 11 beasts, Roger de Manyngham (4d.) with 3 beasts, John de Gilles (2d.), Thomas Staywal (2d.) with one beast, Roger Megson (2d.) with one beast, Denis Walker (2d.), Richard Wright (4d.) with 2 beasts and William Coke (2d.) with a horse, have fed off the grass of the lord's wood in Bradfordbank; therefore they are in mercy. [Sidenote: Mercy, 12d.] Again it is presented that William Notbroun (6d.) and Adam Notbroun (6d.) with their cattle have broken down the hedge around the lord's wood, and with the said cattle have fed off the grass of the lord's wood; therefore they are in mercy. [Sidenote: Mercy, 10d.] Again it is presented that Richard Milner of Idel (6d.), Richard Baillif (2d.) and William Smyth of Caleshill (2d.) have carried millstones over the lord's soil here without licence; therefore they are in mercy. [Sidenote: Fine, 26s. 8d.] [Sidenote: Chevage, 2s.] Again it is presented by John de Denholm, John Judson, Adam Dikson, Robert del More, Thomas de Chellowe, Hugh Barn, Robert atte Yate, John atte Yate, Richard Curtays, John Rous, Roger Johanson and John de Gilles, that William Tomse, the lord's bondman, dwelling in Moreton by York, Roger de Stanbiri, the lord's bondman, dwelling in Wirkley, and John Bonde, dwelling in Sighelesden, and John son of Roger son of William del Mersh, dwelling with John de Bradlay, the lord's bondmen here, have withdrawn without licence; and hereupon order was made to take them all, so that they be [here] until, etc. And the aforesaid William Tomse and Roger de Stanbiri were taken and were brought before the steward at Pontefract on Saturday next after the feast of the Circumcision of the Lord. And the aforesaid William Tomse there made fine of 26s. 8d. before the said steward, to wit, in order to have his goods at the steward's will,[117] to be paid at the feasts of St. Peter's Chains and St. Michael next by equal portions. And also the aforesaid William made fine for chevage, to wit, a fine of 2s. to be paid yearly at the feasts of Whitsunday and St. Martin in Winter by equal portions; and William Cooke of Brotherton became his pledge as well for his yearly chevage as for his other fine for his said goods. And Roger de Stanbiri likewise on the same day was brought before the aforesaid steward at Pontefract and made fine of 20s. to have his goods at the steward's will, to be paid at the terms of Easter and Michaelmas next; and also the aforesaid Roger made fine of 12d. for his chevage, to be paid yearly at the terms aforesaid; and Thomas Dantrif became his pledge as well for his yearly chevage as for his fine aforesaid. And it was granted to the same William and Roger that they may stay outside the lordship here in the places where they were staying before, and that too at the lord's will, for their chevages aforesaid, to be paid yearly, as is aforesaid. [Sidenote: Fine, 20s.] [Sidenote: Chevage, 12d.] [Sidenote: Take bondmen.] And order is made to take all the other bondmen named above, because they come not, and to bring them back hither to their nests until, etc.[118] * * * * * Sum of this Court:--51s. 9d., the whole perquisite. Further from chevage as above:--3s. a year to be paid at the terms as above. [Footnote 106: December 12, 1349, the year of the Black Death. The monotonous death roll is noteworthy.] [Footnote 107: _Sc._ the inheritance cannot descend.] [Footnote 108: Monday before May 1, 1354.] [Footnote 109: Fine on giving birth to an illegitimate child.] [Footnote 110: Friday before June 24, 1354.] [Footnote 111: _i.e._ Became sureties.] [Footnote 112: _i.e._ Sureties.] [Footnote 113: _i.e._ Fine upon marriage.] [Footnote 114: _i.e._, head-money, a fine paid yearly by bond-tenants dwelling away from the manor.] [Footnote 115: _Interlined above_ Cecily _is_ Roger Judson.] [Footnote 116: Anabel has persistently refused to rebuild the house during the last six years; she discharges her obligation two years later [m.50].] [Footnote 117: _i.e._ In order to retain his own possessions during the steward's good pleasure. In law a bondman's goods belong to his lord.] [Footnote 118: _cf._ Bracton, _De Legibus Anglie, ff. 6 b. and 7._ "Serfs are under the power of their lords, nor is the lord's power loosed so long as they abide in villeinage, waking and sleeping, whether they hold land or not. Moreover, if they are not abiding in villeinage, but wandering abroad through the country, going and returning, they are always under the power of the lords, so long as they return; and when they have lost the habit of returning, they begin to be runaways, after the likeness of tame stags. Moreover, if when they are abroad as merchants or wage-earners they pay chevage at fixed times ... and so long as they pay chevage, they are said to be under the power of the lords, and the lord's power is not loosed. And when they cease to pay they begin to be fugitives ... and ought to be pursued forthwith." And _ibid. f._ 26. "It was said in the King's court before the justices of the Bench at Westminster by John de Metingham and his fellows, justices there, that if a bondman born and bred shall be a runaway ... and shall have returned and be found on the bond estate where he was born, and be taken there by his true lord or his ministers as a bird in its nest, and this be proved, if such a man venture to deny it in the King's court, he shall be a serf for ever."] 3. DEED ILLUSTRATING THE DISTRIBUTION OF STRIPS [_Ancient Deeds_, B 4397], 1397. To all Christ's faithful to whom the present writing shall come, Morgan Gogh, greeting in the Lord. Know ye that I have demised, granted and by this my present writing indented confirmed to John Druwere a cottage with a curtilage situate in Modbury between the cottage of John Janekyns on the east side and the tenement of Thomas Cobbe on the west side, and three acres, one rood of arable land lying in the fields of Modbury, whereof one acre lies in Brokeryg between the lord's land on either side, one acre in Totecombe between the lord's land and the land of Thomas Cobbe, three roods in Brokeryg between the lord's land and the land of William Cockes, a half acre there between the land of Thomas Cobbe and the land of Ralph Smale, and a half acre of meadow lies in Sturtilmede between the meadow of Gilbert Scolemaystre on either side, with pasture for one plough-beast and two draught-beasts in common; which land, meadow and pasture John Pipere lately held for term of his life; to have and to hold all the aforesaid cottage with the curtilage, land, meadow, and pasture, to the aforesaid John for term of his life, of me and my heirs or my assigns freely, quietly, well and in peace, rendering therefor yearly to the aforesaid Morgan and his heirs or his assigns 3s. 4d. sterling at the four principal terms of the year by equal portions for all services, saving the royal service, and doing suit to my court yearly upon reasonable summons.... Nor shall it be lawful for the aforesaid John to demise to any man the said cottage, with the curtilage, land, meadow and pasture, as well in parcels as in whole, during his life, under penalty of loss of the aforesaid cottage with all its appurtenances.... In witness whereof the parties aforesaid have interchangeably set their seals to these indentures. These witnesses:--Richard Pokeswell, Thomas Wodham, Robert Grey, John Hunte, John Iryssh and many others. Given at Modbury on Thursday next after Michaelmas, 21 Richard II. 4. REGULATION OF THE COMMON FIELDS OF WIMESWOULD [_Hist. MSS. Com., Middleton MSS., p. 106_], _c._ 1425. For neat [_i.e._ cattle] pasture we ordain Orrow and Breches, Woldsyke and Wylougbybroke, for to be broken[119] on Crowchemesseday [14 September]; and whoso break this, every man shall pay for each beast that may be taken in any other several pasture a penny to the church; therefor to go a sevennightday [_i.e._, to endure for a week]. Also, for the neat pasture, after that be eaten, all the wheatfield, to wit, Hardacre field namely, save Strete headlands, where they may not go for destroying of corn; this for to endure another sevennightday under the pain beforesaid. Also, on Holy Thursday eve we ordain the commons of the Peasfield for horses to be broken, and no other beasts to come therein. For if there be any man that have any horse that is feeble and may not do his work for fault of meat, and this may reasonably be known, let him relieve of his own, so that he save his neighbour from harm, for if any man may ... which beasts 'lose' in corn or in grass, he shall for each beast pay a penny to the church, and make amends to his neighbour. Also, on Whitsun eve every man [shall] break his several pasture as he likes, and no man tie his horse on other ... his own for to be several till Lammas, each man to eat his own, under the pain beforesaid. Furthermore, if any man ... plough-oxen for to be relieved on his several grass, let him tie them in his best manner or hold them in, as other men do their horses ... on no other man's grass going to or fro abroad, as they will pay for each beast a penny to the church and make [amends] ... to him that has the harm. Also, if any man tie his horse or reach on any headlands or by brookside into any man's corn, he shall make amends to him that has the harm, and for each foot that is within the corn pay a penny to the church. Also if any man shall be taken at night time destroying other corn or grass, he shall be punished as the law will, and pay 4d. to the church. Also, all manner of men that have any pease in the field when codding time comes, let them cod in their own lands and in no other man's lands. And other men or women that have no peas of their own growing, let them gather them twice in the week on Wednesday and on Friday, reasonably going in the land-furrows and gathering with their hands and with no sickles, once before noon and no more, for if any man or woman other that has any peas of his own and goes into any other, for each time [he shall] pay a penny to the church and lose his cods, and they that have none and go oftener than it is before said, with sickle or without, shall lose the vessel they gather them in and the cods, and a penny to the church. Also, no man with common herd nor with shed herd [shall] come on the wold after grass be mown till it be made and led away, but on his own, and then let them go all together in God's name; and if they do, each man pay for his quantity of his beasts a certain to the church, that is for to say, a penny for each beast. Also, if there be any man that throws in any sheaves on any land for to tie on his horses, he shall make a large amends to them that have the harm, and for each foot pay a penny to the church, but on his own. Furthermore, if any man tie his horse in any stubble and it be mown in reasonable time [he] shall pay the aforesaid pain. Also, if any man may be taken at nighttime in the field with cart or with bearing of any other carriage in unreasonable time between bell and bell [he shall] pay 40d. to the church, save as thus, if any man in peas harvest, he and his servants, in furthering of his work and saving of his corn, bind at morning or till it be moonshine, all other works at nighttime except, save this. Also, all manner labourers that dwell in the town and have commons among us shall work harvest work and other works for their hire reasonable as custom is, and not to go to other towns but if they have no work or else no man speak to them, so that they may be excused, for if they do, they shall be chastised as the law will. Also, no man or woman that works harvest work bear home no sheaves of no man's, but if [_i.e._ unless] they be given them well and truly, for if it may be wist, for each sheaf that they bear home without leave [they] shall pay a penny to the church. Also, no man or woman glean no manner of corn that is able to work for his meat and twopence a day at the least to help to save his neighbour's corn; nor no other gleaners, that may not work, glean in no manner of wise among no sheaves, for if they do, they shall lose the corn and a penny to the church for each burden. Also, neither common herd nor shed herd come in the wheat cornfield till the corn be led away, nor in the peas cornfield in the same wise till the peas be led away, and the common herd and shed herd may go together as they should do, on pain of each beast a penny to the church. Also, that no man take away his beasts from the common herd from Michaelmas tide to Yule to go in the wheatfield to 'lose' the wheat, for if any man may take any beast therein, they shall pay for each beast a penny to the church as often as they may be taken destroying the corn, and the herd [shall pay] his hire. Also, if our hayward pen a flock of neat of the country, he shall take six pence, for a flock of sheep four pence, and for each horse a penny. And that our wold be laid in several at Candlemas, for if any herd let his beasts come thereon after, [he shall] pay for each time four pence to the church. Also, whosoever has any meadows within the corns, my lord or any man else, let make them to 'dele' them out and take a profit of them on God's behalf, and whoso trespass, let make amends.[120] [Footnote 119: _i.e._ Thrown open for grazing.] [Footnote 120: This document is defective, and at the best its bucolic English is hard to interpret.] 5. LEASE OF A MANOR TO THE TENANTS [_Cart. Rams._ II, 244], 1279. To all Christ's faithful who shall see or hear the present writing, William, by the grace of God Abbot of Ramsey, greeting in the Lord. Know ye that we have demised at farm to our men of Hemingford our manor of Hemingford from Michaelmas in the eighth year of the reign of King Edward, son of King Henry, at the beginning of the ninth, until the end of seven years next following, for 40l. sterling to be paid to us therefrom yearly at the four terms, to wit, at Michaelmas 10l., on St. Andrew's Day[121] 10l., at the Annunciation[122] 10l. and at Midsummer 10l. Our aforesaid men shall hold the aforesaid manor with all its appurtenances, except the gift of the church when it fall vacant, and our fishery, and the mill, which we have kept in our hand. Also they shall have all profits of the town except our tallages, sheriff's aid, hundred aid, "wardpenys," and scutage of the lord the King, and except the issues of causes which cannot be determined without us or our bailiffs, of the issue whereof they shall have a moiety, and except view of frankpledge[123] and the Maunde acre and the acres of the reeve of Ramsey. And be it known that if any customary tenant die without heir of his body, we will demise his land and his messuage to whomsoever we will and keep in our hand the gersum[124] arising thence. Also no customary tenant shall make fine for relieving or marrying his daughters without our presence, but their gersums shall be made before us in the presence of the reeves or any of the farmers, who shall have and collect the said money towards their farm. Nor may the said farmers demise house or land to any stranger or one of another's homage, without our special licence. For we will that such gersums beyond the fixed farm be entirely paid to us. Moreover the said farmers have received the following stock:-- The corn grange full of corn on either side the door by the door posts and by the beams beyond the door, and so sloping to the roof of the granary. They have received also the oat barn full of oats by the east door post. The breadth of the grange was 28 feet within, the length 39 feet, and the east end of the grange is round; the height in the middle is 19 feet; and at the side from the door to the curve of the round end the length of the wall is 30 feet, the height 5-1/2 feet. They have received also a heap of barley 36 feet in length, 11 feet in breadth, 11 feet in height, and 18 feet in breadth in the middle. Moreover they shall be quit of a serjeant[125] in autumn every year except in the last year, in which they shall have a serjeant, by whose view, according to the custom of the abbey, the stock shall be made up. They shall also be quit of our yearly lodging due, except that as often as we shall come there they shall find for us salt, straw and hay without an account. And at the end of the seven years they shall render to us the aforesaid manor with the stock with which they received it. Also they shall give back the land well ploughed twice. And be it known that the fruits which were then in the barn ought to be counted for the first year, because they were of our stock. In witness of which demise of the land and the manor we have caused our seal to be set to this present writing.[126] [Footnote 121: November 30.] [Footnote 122: March 25.] [Footnote 123: In law every man was forced to be in frankpledge, that is, to be one of a group, each member of which was responsible for the others' good behaviour. The 'view' was a half yearly survey of such groups, at which offences were presented and punished.] [Footnote 124: Fine.] [Footnote 125: _i.e._ Free from the inspection and audit of the lord's officer.] [Footnote 126: This document is of great interest as an instance of an early stock-and-land lease.] 6. GRANT OF A MANOR BY A LORD TO THE CUSTOMARY TENANTS AT FEE FARM [_Patent Roll, 6 Edward III, p. 2, m. 27_], _ante_ 1272. The King to all to whom, etc., greeting. We have inspected a writing which Richard, sometime earl of Cornwall, made to his customary tenants of his manor of Corsham in these words:-- To all to whom the present writing shall come, Richard, earl of Cornwall, greeting. Know all of you that we have demised and granted and by our present writing confirmed for us and our heirs to all our customary tenants of our manor of Corsham all our manor of Corsham, with the rents, demesnes, meadows, feedings and pastures to the said manor pertaining, saving to us a third part of the meadow of Myntemede, which third part the said customary tenants shall mow, carry and cock at their own costs, saving also to us the site of our fishpond, our parks, our warren, pleas, perquisites and all escheats which can escheat to us or our successors; to have and to hold to the said customary tenants and their successors of us and of our heirs for ever, for 110 marks to us and our heirs or assigns yearly to be paid to our bailiff in the said manor at two terms of the year, to wit, on the octave of Easter 55 marks and on the octave of Michaelmas 55 marks, for all services and demands to us or to our heirs or assigns belonging, saving to us all the things aforenamed. And we will that our said customary tenants for ever be quit of tallage and view of frankpledge and all other customs and services to us or to our heirs pertaining. Our aforesaid customary tenants, however, have granted for them and their successors that, if they keep not this covenant according to the form of the present writing, all their tenements which they hold of us shall revert to us and our heirs without any contradiction, if it be through them that the form of this writing be not kept. We will also and we grant that if any of our said customary tenants of our said manor of Corsham be rebellious, contravening the form of this writing, our bailiff for the time being shall have power to distrain him by lands and chattels to observe more fully all the things abovesaid according to the tenour of this writing. And in witness thereof we have caused our seal to be set to this writing. These witnesses:--Sir Richard de Turry, Sir Sampson de la Bokxe, Sir Henry Crok, Sir Philip de Eya, Walter Galun, then bailiff, Martin de Hortham, Sir Gilbert, then prior of Corsham, Richard de Cumberwell, Ralph, then vicar of Corsham, and others.[127] And we, ratifying and approving the demise, grant and confirmation aforesaid, grant and confirm them for us and our heirs, as far as in us lies, to the aforesaid customary tenants and their successors, as the writing aforesaid reasonably testifies, and as they now hold the manor aforesaid with the appurtenances, and they and their ancestors and predecessors have held that manor hitherto, and have reasonably used and enjoyed the liberties aforesaid, saving to us a third part of the said meadow of Myntemede and the site of the fishpond, the parks, warren, pleas, perquisites and all escheats abovesaid, as is aforesaid. In witness whereof, etc. Witness the King at Woodstock, 1 July. By a fine of 5 marks. Wilts. [Footnote 127: The date of the original deed must be earlier than 1272, in which year the earl died.] 7. LEASE OF MANORIAL HOLDINGS [_Fine Roll, 10 Edward III, m. 7_], 1332. The King to all to whom, etc., greeting. We have inspected a writing which John late earl of Cornwall, our brother, now deceased, made in these words: John, son of the illustrious King of England, earl of Cornwall, to all and singular who shall see or hear the present writing indented, greeting in the Lord. Know ye that, having regard to the no small decrease and decay of rents and farms pertaining to our manor of Kirton in Lindsey in times past, for that tenants of escheated tenements in the same manor, having no estate of the same tenements save from year to year or at least at the will of the lords, our predecessors there, have made no outlay or the least which they could on the maintenance of the buildings on the same tenements; and wishing to raise again the aforesaid rents and farms as much as we can for our advantage; we have granted for us and our heirs and by our present writing have demised to John of Westminster and Emma his wife and Thomas, son of the same John and Emma, those two parts of all those tenements with the appurtenances in the town of Kirton aforesaid which the same John before the making of this writing held of us during our pleasure, as of an escheat formerly in our hand of the tenements which were sometime of Thomas of Bromholm; to have and to hold to the same John and Emma his wife and Thomas, son of the same John and Emma, and each of them that lives the longer, for their whole life, of us and our heirs, rendering therefrom yearly to us and our heirs 100s. sterling at the feasts of Easter and Michaelmas by equal portions; and we, the aforesaid earl, and our heirs will warrant the aforesaid two parts of the tenements aforesaid with their appurtenances to the aforesaid John and Emma his wife and Thomas, son of the same John and Emma, for their whole life, as is aforesaid, against all people for the aforesaid rent. In witness whereof we have thought fit to set our seal to this writing. These witnesses:--Sirs John de Haustede, Thomas de Westone and William de Cusancia, knights, Sir William de Cusancia, rector of the church of Wakefield, our treasurer, and William de Munden, our clerk and secretary, and others. Given at York on Tuesday next after the feast of All Saints in the 6th year of the reign of King Edward the Third after the Conquest, our dearest brother. And we, ratifying and approving the demise aforesaid, grant and confirm it for us and our heirs, as much as in us lies, as the writing aforesaid reasonably testifies, willing and granting for us and our heirs that the same John, Emma and Thomas have and hold the tenements aforesaid with the appurtenances for the whole life of each of them by the aforesaid service of rendering to us and our heirs yearly the said 100s. according to the tenour of the writing of the same earl abovesaid. In witness whereof etc. Witness the King at Leicester, 1 October. By the King himself. 8. AN AGREEMENT BETWEEN LORD AND TENANTS [_Duchy of Lancaster, Misc. Bks., 5, f. 103_], 1386. _Warkington._--At the view of frankpledge holden there on 20 October, 10 Richard II., it was granted to all the lord's tenants in the presence of John Mulso, Nicholas Lovet, Edmund Bifeld, Stephen Walker of Keteryng and others there present, that if it pleased the lord they might hold certain bond lands and tenements at a certain rent and service, as follows, during a term of six years next after the date abovewritten, the term beginning at Michaelmas last past; to wit, that each tenant of a messuage and a virgate of bond land shall render to the lord 18s. yearly at four terms, to wit, at the feasts of St. Edmund the King and Martyr,[128] Palm Sunday, the Nativity of St. John the Baptist,[129] and Michaelmas, by equal portions, and shall do two ploughings a year at what times of the year he shall be forewarned by the bailiff of the manor for the time being, and shall work in "le Keormede" as he used before, save that the lord shall find him food and drink for the ancient customs, that is, for half a sheep and for each scythe 1/2d., and so he shall reap in Autumn for two days, to wit, one day with two men and another day with one man, at the lord's dinner[130]; he shall give 4d. for a colt if he sell it, he shall pay heriot if he die within the term, and he shall make fine for marrying his daughters and for his sons attending school, and for "leyre-wite" as he used before.[131] [Footnote 128: November 20.] [Footnote 129: June 24.] [Footnote 130: _i.e._ The lord providing dinner.] [Footnote 131: The lord here is the Abbot of Bury St. Edmunds.] 9. COMPLAINTS AGAINST A REEVE [_Court Rolls_, 179, 4, _m._ 1d.], 1278.[132] _Elton._--St. Clement's Day.[133] Michael the Reeve complains of Richer son of Jocelin and Richard the Reeve and his wife that when he was in the churchyard of Elton on the Sunday next before the feast of All Saints[134] in this year, there came the aforesaid Richer, Richard and his wife and insulted him with vile words before the whole parish, charging him with having collected his own hay by the labour services due to the lord the Abbot [of Ramsey], and with having reaped his own corn in autumn by the boon-works done by the Abbot's customary tenants, and with having ploughed his land in Everesholmfeld with ploughs "booned" from the town, and with having released to the customary tenants their works and carryings on condition that they demised and leased their lands to him at a low price, and with having taken gifts from the rich tenants that they should not become tenants at a money rent, and with having put the poor tenants at a money rent.[135] And the aforesaid Richard and Richer are present and deny, etc. and ask for an enquiry by twelve jurors. Who come and say that the said Michael is guilty of none of the charges. Therefore the said Richard and Richer shall satisfy him, and for the trespass shall be in mercy; Richard's fine, 2s., pledge William son of James; Richer's fine, 12d., pledge, Jocelin. And the damages are taxed at 10s. to be received from Richard the Reeve, which sum Michael has released except 2s. [Footnote 132: Printed in Selden Society Publications, II., 95.] [Footnote 133: November 23.] [Footnote 134: November 1.] [Footnote 135: The commutation of services for rent was not always popular.] 10. AN EVICTION FROM COPYHOLD LAND [_Chancery Proceedings, Early_, 16, 376], _temp._ Henry IV-Henry VI. To the most reverend father in God, the Archbishop of Canterbury, Chancellor of England. Beseecheth lowly your poor bedefolks, Elizabeth Baroun, Harry Baroun and Richard Baroun, which be the King's tenants, that whereas the said Elizabeth was possessed and seised of a messuage and 4 acres of land in the town of Great Hormead in the shire of Hertford, and the said messuage and land held to her and to her heirs at the will of my lord of Oxford as of his manor of Hormead in the same shire by copy of court roll after the custom of the said manor, there hath one Harry Edmond, farmer of the said manor, without cause reasonable and contrary to the custom of the said manor, entered in the said messuage and land and put out the said Elizabeth, and certain goods and chattels of the said Elizabeth, Harry and Richard, to the value of 40 marks in the said house being, seized, and it withholdeth, and over that the said Harry Edmond with his adherents daily lie in wait to beat and slay the said Harry and Richard, your beseechers, so that they dare not well abide in their houses neither go about their husbandry, to their uttermost destruction and undoing for ever, without succour of your gracious lordship: Please your good grace to consider the premises and that your said beseechers have no remedy at the Common Law, to grant a writ directed to the said Harry Edmond, commanding him to appear before you at a certain day upon a certain pain by you to be limited, to be examined of the premises, and thereupon to do that good faith and conscience require, and that for the love of God and in way of charity. * * * * * This is the answer of Harry Edmond to the bill of Elizabeth Baron, Harry Baron and Richard Baron, in the Chancery. First, whereas it is surmised by the said Elizabeth that she was possessed and seised of a messuage and four acres of land in the town of Great Hormead in the shire of Hertford, and the said messuage and land held to her and to her heirs at the will of my lord of Oxford as of his manor of Hormead in the same shire by copy of court roll after the custom of the said manor, and that the said Harry Edmond, farmer of the same manor, without cause reasonable and contrary to the custom of the said manor, entered into the said messuage and land and put out the said Elizabeth: The said Harry saith that the said messuage and land be holden of my said lord of Oxford bondly at the will of my said lord as of his said manor by the services of three shillings and halfpenny of yearly rent and by a certain service called the common fine, as it falleth more or less after the entries and ... of the tenants of the said manor by the custom of the said manor, by cause whereof the said Harry with one Thomas Denys, under-steward of the court of the said manor, by the commandment of my said lord of Oxford entered into the said messuage and land, after which entry my said lord let the said messuage and land to the said Harry for term of years, by virtue of which lease he [entered] the said messuage and land, as lawful is for him, which matter the said Harry is ready to prove as this Court will [award], and prayeth as for that to be dismissed out of this Court. [And as for t]he seizing and withholding of certain goods and chattels of the said Elizabeth, Harry Baron and Richard, to the value of [40 marks, as is sur]mised by the said bill, the said Harry Edmond saith that the seizing and withholding of the said goods and chattels is a matter determinable at the Common Law, and not in this Court of the Chancery. Wherefore as for that he prayeth to be dismissed out of this Court. And as for the declaration of the said Harry as for the said goods and chattels, the said Harry saith that he never seized nor withheld the said goods and chattels neither no parcel thereof, as it is surmised by the said bill, which matter the said Harry Edmond is ready to prove as the Court will award, if the Court rule him thereto. And as for the lying in await surmised by the said bill the said Harry Edmond saith that the said lying in await is matter determinable by the Common Law and not in this Court of the Chancery, wherefore as for that matter he prayeth to be dismissed out of this Court of the Chancery. But, for the declaration of the said Harry Edmond in that matter, the said Harry Edmond saith that he never lay in await neither to beat nor to slay the said Harry Baron nor the said Richard, as they surmise by their said bill, which matter the said Harry Edmond is ready to prove as this Court will award, if the said Court will rule him thereto.[136] [Footnote 136: This case illustrates first, the protection coming to be given by Chancery to villein or customary tenure, and second, the growing desire of lords to substitute leasehold for copyhold, a process which began at least as early as the beginning of the fourteenth century; see No. 7 above, and Part II., Section I.; _cf._ also Savine, in E.H.R. xvii., 296.] 11. STATUTE OF MERTON, C. 4 [_Statutes of the Realm, Vol. I, p. 2_], 1235-6. Also, because many great men of England, who have enfeoffed their knights and freeholders of small tenements in their great manors, have complained that they cannot make their profit of the residue of their manors, as of wastes, woods, and pastures, though the same feoffees have sufficient pasture, as much as belongs to their tenements: it is thus provided and granted, that when any persons so enfeoffed bring an assize of novel disseisin touching their common of pasture, and it is acknowledged before the justices that they have as much pasture as suffices for their tenements, and that they have free entry and issue from their tenements into their pasture, then they shall be content therewith; and they of whom they had complained shall go quit of the profit which they have made of the lands, wastes, woods, and pastures; and if they allege that they have not sufficient pasture, or sufficient entry and issue as belongs to their tenements, then the truth shall be inquired by assize; and if it be acknowledged by the assize that their entry or issue is in any way hindered by the same [deforcers] or that they have not sufficient pasture and sufficient entry and issue, as is aforesaid, then shall they recover their seisin by view of the jurors: so that by their discretion and oath, the plaintiffs shall have sufficient pasture and sufficient entry and issue in form aforesaid, and the disseisors shall be in the mercy of the lord the King, and shall yield damages, as they ought to have rendered before this provision. And if it be acknowledged by the assize that the plaintiffs have sufficient pasture with free and sufficient entry and issue, as is aforesaid, then the others may make their profit lawfully of the residue, and go quit of that assize. 12. AN ENCLOSURE ALLOWED [_Bracton's Note-Book_, III, 212, _No._ 1198], 1236-7. The assize comes to recognise if Elias of Leyburn unjustly etc. disseised Wymar of Leyburn of common of his pasture pertaining to his free tenement in the same town of Leyburn after, etc.[137] And Elias comes and says that an assize ought not to be made thereof because that pasture belonged to five lords, and a covenant was made between the lords that each should make his profit of his part, and by this covenant he caused his part to be tilled, and thereof he put himself on a jury. The jurors say that the wood was at one time common, in such wise that there were five sharers who had the wood common, and afterwards by their consent a partition was made between them that each should have his part in severalty, and it was granted that each might assart[138] his part and grow corn, saving however to each of them common of herbage after the corn was carried, and most of them assarted their part, but the wood whereof complaint is made was not then assarted, and because he to whom the wood pertains has now assarted a part, the said Wymar has brought a writ of _novel disseisin_. But because it is acknowledged that the wood was thus partitioned among the sharers, it is decided that the aforesaid Elias has not disseised him, and so Elias is dismissed _sine die_ and Wymar is in mercy. And it shall be lawful for each sharer to assart his wood, saving to each of them common of his pasture after the corn and hay is carried. [Footnote 137: _sc._ The King's last return from Brittany.] [Footnote 138: Bring into cultivation.] 13. AN ENCLOSURE DISALLOWED [_Bracton's Note-Book_, III, 211, _No._ 1196], 1236-7 The assize comes to recognise if Robert de Fislake unjustly etc. raised a dyke in Woodhouse to the injury of the free tenement of Adam de Bladewrthe in the same town after etc.[139] Whereon Adam complains that Robert caused to be enclosed a meadow lying near his land, in which he ought to have common of herbage after hay-carrying, and that it ought to lie to pasture every third year with the fallow, wherefore he says that the dyke is to his injury and puts himself on a jury thereof. And Robert does the like. The jurors say that the aforesaid Adam always used to have common in that meadow and in the land of Robert by that meadow after the corn and hay were carried, and when the land lay fallow, then in both meadow and fallow, and Robert caused the meadow to be enclosed so that Adam can have no entry to that pasture. And so it is awarded that the dyke be thrown down, and the meadow made as it should be, so that the aforesaid Adam have entry and issue, and that Robert be in mercy, etc. [Footnote 139: _sc._ The king's last return from Brittany.] 14. A VILLEIN ON ANCIENT DEMESNE DISMISSED TO HIS LORD'S COURT [_Bracton's Note-Book_, III, 65. _No._ 1030], 1224. The assize comes to recognise if Bartholomew son of Eustace unjustly and without a judgment disseised William son of Henry of his free tenement in Pilton after the last, etc. And Bartholomew comes and says that the assize ought not to be made thereof because the said William held the tenement only in villeinage, and is his villein, and does for him all customs such as ploughings and others, and says further that he cannot marry his daughter save by his lord's licence etc. And William son of Henry comes and says that he is a free man and that he holds his tenement freely and that at another time he impleaded in the court of the lord the King as a free man touching the aforesaid tenement, to wit, touching the services and the like, and thereof he brings the rolls of Sir Martin de Patteshull to warrant and likewise a writ which the same Martin wrote with his own hand, which also was sent to the sheriff of Rutland for the same plea, and the sheriff's clerk has shown him the writ, etc. A day is given to hear his judgment on such a day, etc. On the day the court records at Westminster that the same William in the time of King John was convicted at Bedford of owing villein customs from that tenement, such as ploughing, reaping and many others at his own food, and of being unable to marry his daughter or sister without licence of his lord. And so it is decided that the assize of _novel disseisin_ does not lie because the tenement is not free, and so William is in mercy. And if he will, let him plead in the manor by writ of right. 15. CLAIM TO BE ON ANCIENT DEMESNE DEFEATED [_Bracton's Note-Book_, III, 250, _No._ 1237], 1237-8. The men of the Prior and convent of St. Swithin of Crondall, Hurstbourne and Whitchurch, complained to the lord the King that whereas they had been granted to the same Prior and convent and their church in pure and perpetual alms by the ancestors of the lord the King, the Prior and convent demanded of them other customs and services than they used to do in the times in which they were in the hands of the aforesaid predecessors, etc. And Oliver the Steward and Horder come and say that they demand no other services than the men used and ought to do, and that the lands were never in the hands of the ancestors of the lord the King, because two hundred years before the conquest of England they were given to the Prior and Convent of St. Swithin and by others than Kings, to wit, earls and others, etc., and then they owed and used to do whatever was commanded them. But in process of time, when the priory was well nigh destroyed by one Abbot Robert,[140] bishop Richard came and for the profit of the Prior and convent disposed of their lands and manors in such wise that he caused an inventory to be made of the holdings and of the names of the tenants and their services, as well tenants in villeinage as in frank fee, and so that he demanded no other services than they did then and were then set forth in the inventory. Afterwards however when the lands were in the hand of farmers at one time and at one time in the hand of the aforesaid villeins for forty years,[141] the farmers remitted to them certain services and customs for money. And when the lands were in the hand of the aforesaid villeins they detained and withheld the rent to the sum of 60s. and more, and also a great amount of corn, and withheld a great amount of the lands contrary to the aforesaid enrolment made by the aforesaid bishop Richard. And because the aforesaid men acknowledge that they are villeins, as is aforesaid, and because they cannot deny these things, they are told to do to the Prior and convent the services and customs which they used to do. And the lord the King will not meddle with them since they were never in the hand of him or his ancestors, etc. [Footnote 140: 1174-1188.] [Footnote 141: For a similar lease to tenants see No. 5.] 16. THE LITTLE WRIT OF RIGHT [_Court Rolls_, 172, 27], 1390. Richard by the grace of God King of England and France and Lord of Ireland to the bailiffs of Anne, Queen of England, our beloved Consort, of Havering atte Bower, greeting. We command you that without delay and according to the custom of the manor of Havering atte Bower you do (_teneatis_) full right to John de Lancastre of Hatfield Broadoak touching 40s. of rent with the appurtenances in Havering atte Bower, of which John Organ, citizen and mercer of London, and Margery his wife deforce him; that we may hear no further complaint thereof for default of right. Witness myself at Westminster the 30th day of January in the thirteenth year of our reign. 17. VILLEINAGE ESTABLISHED [_Bracton's Note-Book_, III, 119, _No._ 1103], 1225. A jury comes by consent of the parties [to recognise] whether William son of Henry and his ancestors held two parts of a bovate of land with the appurtenances in Pilton in villeinage of the ancestors of Bartholomew son of Eustace, doing these underwritten customs, to wit, 3s. 4d. a year of farm, and at Christmas 4 hens, and at the summons of Bartholomew, between Christmas and the Purification, one feast, and whether in Lent he ought to plough for one day at his own food, and to harrow for one day at his own food, and on Easter day to give 20 eggs, and in summer to plough for one day at the dinner of Bartholomew,[142] to reap for one day at the food of Bartholomew, to wit, twice a day, and for one day to carry his hay at the food of the same Bartholomew, and in autumn to do boon-work for Bartholomew, with his whole household except his wife, and for Bartholomew's loveboon to find a man at his own food, and in winter to plough for one day at Bartholomew's dinner, and whether, if he wish to marry his daughter or his sister, he shall make fine with Bartholomew as best he may; or whether William or his ancestors have held the land freely, rendering 3s. 4d. a year and doing foreign service for all service, etc. The jurors say that the same William and his ancestors used and ought to do all the aforesaid customs which Bartholomew demands, to wit, from 1 bovate of land with the appurtenances, except that on Christmas day when he renders hens he ought to eat with Bartholomew on the same day, and furthermore that they never saw him sell a daughter or sister or give merchet or marry, but have seen that Bartholomew sold to Ralph Cayllard John, brother of William by the same father and mother, for 40s., and the same Ralph did with him his will. And so it is awarded that William is convicted of villeinage, and if he will do the aforesaid customs, let him hold the bovate of land by the same customs, but if not, let Bartholomew do his will with the land and with William as with his villein, and let him be delivered to him. [Footnote 142: _i.e._ Bartholomew providing dinner.] 18. FREEDOM AND FREEHOLD ESTABLISHED [_Bracton's Note-Book_, III, 224, _No._ 1210], 1236-7. The assize comes to recognise if Thomas de Sumerdeby and many others disseised Roger Gladewine of his free tenement in Spitelgate after etc.,[143] whereof he complains that they disseised him of 2-1/2 acres and a toft. And Thomas and the others come and say that the same Roger is a villein and the tenement whereof view is made is villeinage, and thereof they put themselves on a jury. And Roger says that he is a free man and the tenement is free, and that his ancestors were free men and held freely, and thereof he puts himself on a jury. The jurors say that the aforesaid Roger holds his tenement in the same town by 2s. a year and by two works in autumn at his lord's food, and he shall give two hens at Christmas and eat with his lord. And questioned if he or any of his ancestors had given merchet for marrying his daughter, they say, No. Questioned if he had ever been tallaged, they say, No. And the aforesaid Thomas, questioned if others of his fee do other villein services, he says that others do all manner of villein services. And because he does no service save the aforesaid money payment and the services named, nor gives merchet for a daughter, nor is tallaged, therefore it is awarded that he held freely and that he recover his seisin, and Thomas and the others are in mercy. [Footnote 143: _sc_. The King's last return from Brittany.] 19. A VILLEIN PLEADS VILLEINAGE ON ONE OCCASION AND DENIES IT ON ANOTHER [_Bracton's Note-Book_, III, 364, _No._ 1411], 1220. Hamelin son of Ralph was attached to answer Hugh de Gundevill wherefore he brought an assize of _novel disseisin_ against the aforesaid Hugh, his lord, touching a tenement in Pinpre, inasmuch as he is a villein and acknowledged himself to be the villein of the aforesaid Hugh's father in the time of the lord King John, etc. before the justices in eyre at Sherborne, as the same Hugh says, and thereon shows that Simon de Patteshull, Eustace de Faucumberge and others their fellows were then justices. And that Thomas acknowledged himself to be his father's villein, as is aforesaid, he puts himself on the record of the court and on the rolls, etc. And Hamelin comes and denies that he is a villein or ever acknowledged himself to be a villein in the court of the lord the King, as Hugh says, and thereof puts himself in like manner on the record of the court. But he will speak the truth. He says that at that time, to wit, in the eyre of the justices, he held certain land in villeinage which he had bought, and then acknowledged that the land was villeinage, and specifically denies that he ever acknowledged himself to be a villein. The rolls of the eyre are searched, and there it is recorded that one Osbert Crede brought an assize of _mort d'ancestor_ in respect of the death of Henry his brother against Hamelin touching a carucate of land with the appurtenances in Pinpre, in such wise that Hamelin answered against the assize that it ought not to proceed because he could not gain or lose that land, because he was the villein of Hugh de Gundevill, father of the aforesaid Hugh. And this was found in many rolls, and when Hamelin should have had his judgment, he absented himself and withdrew without licence, whereupon the sheriff was ordered to have his body on such a day, etc., to hear his judgment thereof, etc. And on that day he came not, and the sheriff reported that he had withdrawn himself and could not be found, wherefore the sheriff was ordered to take the whole of Hamelin's land into the hand of the lord the King, and to keep it safely, etc., because Hamelin withdrew himself and would not stand to right touching Hugh's complaint of him, and to certify the justices of what he should do thereof on such a day etc. On that day Hamelin came not and the sheriff reported that he had taken his land into the hand of the lord the King. And because the court records that Hamelin acknowledged himself to be a villein, and Hugh afterwards by the aforesaid assize of _novel disseisin_ lost his land, it is decided that Hugh recover seisin of that land whereon the assize was taken, and that he have Hamelin as his villein convicted, and that the assize of _novel disseisin_ which was taken thereof be held void, and that Hugh be quit of the mercy wherein he was put for that disseisin. And the sheriff is ordered to make diligent enquiry who were the jurors of that assize and to have them on such a day, etc., to hear the judgment on them for the oath which they made thereof. And if Hamelin held any tenement of Hugh, let Hugh do therewith as with his own, etc. 20. AN ASSIZE ALLOWED TO A VILLEIN [_Bracton's Note-Book_, III, 527, _No._ 1681], 1225. The justices in eyre in the county of Essex were ordered to take a grand assize between Thomas of Woodford, claimant, and John de la Hille, tenant, of a virgate and a half of land with the appurtenances in Woodford. And the said John and Thomas came before the justices at Chelmsford and offered themselves, and the bailiff of the Abbot of Waltham came and said both claimant and tenant were villeins, and the tenement was the Abbot's villeinage and therefore the assize thereof ought not to proceed. He was questioned by the tenant whether the latter was a villein or not, and he said Yes, asserting that the said tenement was the Abbot's villeinage. And Thomas comes [and says] that this ought not to hurt him, because when he impleaded the aforesaid John in the court of the lord Abbot by writ of the lord the King, no mention was made by the Abbot nor by John that the tenement was villeinage nor that John was a villein, but because the Abbot failed to do him right in his court, Thomas went to the county court and complained in the county court that the lord Abbot had failed to do him right in his court, and the Abbot, summoned hereon, came not, and the suit proceeded so far in the county court that the tenant asked and obtained view of the land. Afterwards he put himself on a grand assize as to which of the two had greater right in the aforesaid land without any challenge of villeinage being made on the part of the Abbot or of John. And this he sought to be allowed him. And the Abbot's bailiff comes and denies the whole, as the court of the lord the King should award. And he said that unknown to the Abbot and without his court failing to do Thomas right, the suit was taken away to the county court, and this he asked to be allowed him. And owing to the doubt a day was given to the parties at Westminster, etc. And because the Abbot permitted John to be impleaded in his court first and in the county court afterwards until he put himself on a grand assize, the Abbot not having lodged the claim which he should have made, it is awarded that the assize proceed. 21. A FREEMAN HOLDING IN VILLEINAGE [_Bracton's Note-Book_, II, 233, _No._ 281], 1228. William de Bissopestun, William de Ludington and Geoffrey de Cherlescote, knights, whom the lord the King appointed as justices to take an assize of _novel disseisin_ which Thomas son of Adam arraigned against Ralph, Prior of Stiffleppe, and many others, of a tenement in Aldrestun, [were summoned] to make a record of that assize before the justices at Westminster, and to certify the same justices how far the process in the same assize was carried, and the same Thomas was summoned to hear that record. And William and Geoffrey come and record that the assize came to recognise before them if the aforesaid Prior and Thomas son of Payn and Gilbert son of Henry [and] Osmar le Bracur unjustly and without a judgment and after the last, etc., disseised the aforesaid Thomas son of Adam of his free tenement in Aldredestun. And the Prior came before them, and, being asked if he wished to say anything against the assize, said that the assize ought not to be made thereof, because the same tenement was his villeinage, and the same Thomas was his villein and owed villein customs as did all others of the aforesaid manor, such as ploughings and reapings, and he could not marry his daughter as a freeman could. And Thomas acknowledged that he owed certain customs at the Prior's food, and that he owed him a rent and a fixed fine for his daughter, and said that he was a free man and held freely of the Prior, and thereof put himself on a jury. And hereon a jury was taken and the jurors said that they (the aforesaid Prior and others) disseised him of his free tenement, and after the term,[144] and the damage was taxed and estimated at two marks. And the Prior says that in part their record is correct, but they say too little, because the jurors said that Thomas ought to give 12d. for marrying his daughter, and owed many other customs; and he and his fellows sought respite that they might have the opinion of Sir Robert de Lexinton whether this was a free tenement from which they know what the tenant ought to do and what not; and they could have no respite. And the justices deny all this, and say that the jurors said nothing of the 12d.[145] And so it was awarded that the justices made a right judgment, and so they are quit thereof; and let the Prior be in mercy, and proceed further against Thomas if he will.[146] [Footnote 144: _i.e._ And after the king's last return from Brittany.] [Footnote 145: 2d. in the text.] [Footnote 146: On this case Bracton's comment runs: "Note the exception opposed that the complainant was a villein because he did villein services and customs, but fixed, and knew well what and how much. Answer, that though he did villein customs, he was free as to his body. And he did fixed customs and services, a thing which a villein holding villeinage cannot do."] 22. LAND HELD BY CHARTER RECOVERED FROM THE LORD [_Bracton's Note-Book_, III, 622, _No._ 1814], 1227. The assize comes to recognise if William de Sufford and Reynold de Sufford unjustly etc. disseised William the Tailor of his free tenement in Lodenes after the last, etc. And William comes and grants the assize, and Reynold comes not, and it is not known who he is, etc. The jurors say that the father of the aforesaid William the Tailor was a villein of Roger, father of the aforesaid William de Sufford, and he held of him in villeinage all his life, and after his death Roger came and gave to William the Tailor a messuage and an acre and a rood of land to hold freely for a mark which William the Tailor gave to him, so that he should hold the land for 8d. a year and for foreign service, and so William the Tailor held the land and messuage the whole of Roger's life, and after his decease William the Tailor came to the aforesaid William de Sufford and to his mother and gave them 5s. to hold the land as he held it before, and so held it until William de Sufford unjustly disseised him. And so it is awarded that William the Tailor recover his seisin, etc.[147] [Footnote 147: On this case Bracton's comment runs: "Note that a villein's son recovered by assize of novel disseisin land which his father held in villeinage, because the villein's lord gave it to the son by charter, even without manumission."] 23. THE MANUMISSION OF A VILLEIN [_Ancient Deeds_, A 10279], 1334. Be it manifest to all by these presents that we, brother Robert, Abbot of Stoneleigh, and the convent of the same place, have granted for us and our successors that Geoffrey son of the late William Austyn of Wottonhull be free of his body with all his brood and his chattels hereafter for ever; so that neither we nor our successors shall be able to demand or claim anything in him or his brood or his chattels, but by these presents we are wholly excluded. In witness whereof we have put our seal to these presents. Given at Stonle on Monday next after the feast of the Purification of the Blessed Virgin Mary[148] in the eighth year of the reign of King Edward the third after the conquest. [Footnote 148: Monday after February 2.] 24. GRANT OF A BONDMAN [_Duchy of Lancaster, Misc. Bks., 8, f._ 81 d.], 1358. To all who shall see or hear this writing, Geoffrey, by divine permission Abbot of Selby, and the Convent of the same place, greeting in the Lord. Know ye that we, with the unanimous consent of out chapter, have given, granted and by this our present charter confirmed to John de Petreburgh John son of William de Stormesworth, our bondman, with all his brood and all his chattels, so that the aforesaid John with all his brood and all his chattels, as is aforesaid, remain henceforth for ever, in respect of us and our successors, free, at large, and quit of all bond of serfdom, so that neither we nor our successors nor any man in our name shall be able henceforth to demand, claim or have any right or claim or any action in the aforesaid John, his brood or his chattels, by reason of serfdom, villeinage or bondage. In witness whereof our common seal is appended to these presents. Given at Selby in our chapter-house on the 10th day of the month of June, A.D. 1358. 25. IMPRISONMENT OF A GENTLEMAN CLAIMED AS A BONDMAN [_Patent Roll, 25 Henry VI, p. 2, m. 9_], 1447. The King to all to whom, etc., greeting. Know ye that whereas Humphrey, late duke of Gloucester, lately seised of the manor of Bowcombe in the Isle of Wight in the county of Southampton in his demesne as of fee or at least fee tail, lately, upon undue information given to him, claiming one John Whithorne of the county of Wiltshire, gentleman, to be his bondman belonging to him as it were to the manor aforesaid, caused the same John to be taken by his ministers and servants, and all the lands and tenements of the same John, to wit, 60 messuages, 6 tofts, one dovecote, 600 acres of land, 30 acres of meadow, 6 acres of pasture and 6s. 8d. of rent with the appurtenances in the city of Salisbury, Fisherton Anger, Middle Winterslow and West Winterslow, Woodmanton, Burchalk, Bulbridge, Ugford St. James, Wilton, Foulston, Barford St. Martin, Fonthill Gifford, Sharnton, Ashton Gifford, Babeton, Deptford, Wily, Alderbury and Avon, in the said county of Wilts, to be seized into his hands, and certain goods and chattels of the same John being at Wilton in the said county of Wilts likewise to be taken into his hands, and the same John to be brought to the same late duke's castle of Pembroke in Wales, where the same late duke imprisoned the same John and detained him there in prisons so dire, in a dungeon so obscure and dark, in such great hunger, misery of life, deprivation of food and clothes, and imposition on the same John of imprisonment, duress and divers other hardships and miseries, putting aside and abandoning all pity, for seven years and more, that the same John by occasion thereof has totally lost the sight of his eyes, miserably incurring bodily blindness for the term of his life and other incurable infirmities, as we have learned; which messuages, tofts, dovecote, land, meadow, pasture and rent, by and after the death of the aforesaid late duke, have descended to us as kinsman and heir of the same late duke: And now we, being credibly informed upon the truth of the matter in this behalf, have learned from trustworthy testimony that the aforesaid John has always been and is a freeman and of free condition, never infected with the taint of villeinage, and that all the premises, done and brought upon him so enormously and opprobriously as well in his person as in his tenements and goods and chattels aforesaid, as is aforesaid, were done and perpetrated unduly and unjustly of great malice and insatiable avarice against all conscience: We, duly weighing all and singular the premises, and wishing due reformation of such and so great damages, oppressions, injuries and grievances, to be made and had, as far as in us lies, of our especial grace and of our certain knowledge and mere motion and in true execution and due completion of justice, by the tenour of these presents have deemed fit to remove and in fact by these presents we have removed our hands from the messuages, tofts, dovecote, land, meadow, pasture and rent aforesaid, with the appurtenances and with knights' fees, advowsons of churches and other ecclesiastical benefices whatsoever, franchises, liberties and all other things pertaining or belonging to the same, and by these presents have restored the same John to and into those messuages ... and by these presents we give and grant the same ... with all and all manner of issues ... from the time of the death of the said late duke forthcoming or received, to have and hold those messuages ... to him, his heirs and assigns, of the chief lords of that fee by the services therefrom due and accustomed for ever, as freely, well, entirely, peaceably and quietly as the same John had held or occupied the messuages ... before the seisin aforesaid made by the aforesaid late duke or his servants or ministers.... In witness whereof, etc., Witness the King at Westminster, 16 July. By the King himself and of the date aforesaid by authority of Parliament. 26. CLAIM TO A VILLEIN [_Early Chancery Proceedings_, 16, 436], _temp._ Henry IV-Henry VI. To the most reverend father in God, the archbishop of Canterbury, and chancellor of England. Beseecheth meekly your poor bedeman, John Bishop, that where he late was in his house at Hamble-en-le-Rice in the county of Southampton the 12th day of March last past in God's peace and the King's, there came John Wayte, Richard Newport and John Newport with thirteen other persons in their company arrayed in manner of war, and in full riotous wise in forcible manner there and then entered the house of your said beseecher about midnight, and him lying in his bed took, seized and imprisoned, and his purse with 25s. of money therein and the keys of his coffers from him took and the same coffers opened and 28l. of his money, 2 standing cups of silver gilt, 7 flat pieces of silver, 2 masers, 6 girdles and a baselard harnessed with silver, of the goods and chattels of William Poleyn of the value of 40l. there being in the keeping of your said beseecher, and 5 pieces of kerseys and the stuff of household of your said beseecher to the value of 30l. there found, took and bare away, and him from thence the same night to Sydyngworth led and in horrible strait prison kept by the space of two days, and from thence him carried to a place called Spereshot's place in the same [town] and him there in full strait grievous prison in stocks kept still by the space of five days and other full great wrongs to him did against the peace of the King our sovereign lord to the utter destruction of the body of your said beseecher, which is not of power to sue his remedy by the common law, and importable loss of his goods but if more sooner remedy be had for him in this behalf. Please it your gracious lordship to grant several writs to be directed to the said John Wayte, Richard Newport and John Newport, commanding them to appear before you at a certain day by you to be limited to be examined of these premises and to do and receive what good faith and conscience will in this behalf, and that they moreover by your discretion be compelled to find sufficient surety to keep the King's peace against your said beseecher and against all the King's liege people, at the reverence of God and in the way of charity. Pledges to prosecute {William Poleyn. {John Grene. This is the answer of John Wayte to a bill put against him by John Bishop before the King in his Chancery. The said John Wayte saith by protestation that the said John Bishop is his villein regardant to his manor of Lee in the county of Southampton, and he and his ancestors and all those whose estate John Wayte hath in the same manor have been seised of the said John Bishop and of his ancestors as villeins regardant to the said manor from the time that no mind is, and saving to the said John Wayte and his heirs all manner advantage to seize and claim the same John Bishop and his heirs and their blood, all their lands and tenements, goods and chattels, and all manner other advantage and objections of bondage of and against the said John Bishop and his blood hereafter, by protestation that the said John Wayte is not guilty of no matter contained in the said bill like as by the same bill it is supposed for plea, saith, inasmuch as all the matters of complaint contained in the said bill be matters determinable by the common law of this land in other courts of our sovereign lord the King, and not in this court, asketh judgment and prayeth to be dismissed out of this court after the form of the Statute. This is the replication of John Bishop unto the answer of John Wayte. The said John Bishop saith that he is a free man born and of free condition and not bondman of the said John Wayte, and that all the ancestors of the same John Bishop from the time that no mind is have been free men and of free condition, born within the parish of Corfe in the county of Dorset and not within the manor of Lee in the county of Southampton, as by divers true inquisitions hereof taken before certain commissioners by virtue of the king's commission to them directed it plainly appeareth, which commissions and inquisitions remaineth in this place of record; and he saith moreover that the said John Wayte wrongfully by great force hath taken from him his goods and chattels and him grievously imprisoned in the manner and form declared in his bill, and him put to such cost, loss of his good, let of his labour and business, and other great troubles and vexations, that he is so poor and brought to so great misery that he is not of power to sue against the said John Wayte for remedy of the said wrongs by course of the common law of this land. Wherefore, inasmuch as he withsaith not the matter contained in the said bill of complaint of the said John Bishop, he prayeth that the said John Wayte may be compelled by the rule and discretion of this court to restore him of his said goods and to give him sufficient damages and amends for the said trespass to him done. 27. THE EFFECT OF THE BLACK DEATH [_Duchy of Lancaster, Misc. Bks. 8, f. 57d._], 1350. _Proxy for Parliament._--To his most excellent Prince and Lord, the most reverend Lord Edward, by the grace of God illustrious King of England and France and Lord of Ireland, his most humble chaplain, Geoffrey, Abbot of the Monastery of Selby, in the diocese of York, submission and reverence, with the bond of instant prayer to God. Since we are occupied beyond our strength in supporting the charges incumbent on our monastery, as well because our discreeter and stronger brethren, on whom rested the governance of our house, have gone the way of all flesh through the pestilence, as because our house both in decay of rents and in lack of corn and other victuals is suffering undue disaster, and also being hindered by other unavoidable obstacles, we are unable to be present in person in the instant Parliament to be held on the octave of the Purification of the Blessed Virgin Mary next coming, we make and appoint by these presents our beloved in Christ Sir Thomas de Brayton, clerk, and Hilary de Useflete, and each of them singly, our true and lawful proctors to appear for us in your said Parliament on the said day and place with the continuation and prorogation of the days following; giving and granting to the same and to each of them special command in our name to treat with you and with the rest of the prelates, magnates and chiefs of the said realm, being in the same Parliament, on the arduous and urgent affairs touching you and the estate and good governance of your realm of England and other your lands and lordships, which shall be there treated in common, and to consent to the measures which by God's favour shall be ordained then and there by the common council, and also to do and further all and singular other measures which we could have done in the said Parliament, if we had been present there in person; intending to ratify and approve whatsoever our said proctors or any one of them shall deem fit to be done in the premises in our name. In witness whereof our seal is affixed to these presents. Dated, etc. 28. ACCOUNTS OF THE IRON-WORKS OF SOUTH FRITH BEFORE AND AFTER THE BLACK DEATH [_Ministers' Accounts_, 891, 8 _and_ 9], 1345-6 and 1349-50. The account of Thomas Judde, receiver of South Frith, from Michaelmas, 19 Edward III, to the morrow of Michaelmas following, 20 Edward III. * * * * * _Sale of Wood._--[He answers] also for 188l. 4s. 6d. for wood sold in South Frith by Sir Andrew de Bures, Walter Colpeper, and William Lengleys, in the month of April, as appears in the particulars; and for 18l. 7s. for wood sold there by the same in the month of August, as appears by the particulars; and for 6l. 7s. 5d. for wood blown down by the wind, sold during the time covered by this account, as appears by the particulars indented. Sum:--212l. 18s. 11d. * * * * * _Defect of rent._--In defect of rent of 40 acres of land sometime of Hugh Champion in South Frith, because they are in the hand of the lady and lie waste for lack of a tenant, 13s. 4d. a year; in defect of rent of Thomas Springget for a smithy which lies waste and is not worked, 12d. a year; in defect of rent of a house sometime of Walter le Smyth, because it is pulled down, and it is testified that he has nothing on the lady's fee, 12d. a year. Sum:--15s. 4d. * * * * * The account of Thomas Judde, receiver of South Frith, from Michaelmas, 23 Edward III, to the morrow of Michaelmas following, 24 Edward III, for the whole year. * * * * * _Sale of wood._--He answers for 17l. 14d. received for wood thrown down by the wind, as appears by the particulars indented between Walter Colpepyr and the said receiver. Sum:--17l. 14d. * * * * * _Defect of rent._--He accounts in defect of rent of 40 acres sometime of Hugh Campyon, because they are in the hands of the lady and lie waste in the said wood for lack of a tenant, 13s. 4d. a year; further, in defect of rent of Thomas Springet for a smithy in the hand of the lady, as above, 12d.; further, in defect of rent of the house of Walter le Smyth, as above, 12d.; further, in defect of rent of Richard atte Ware, as above, 5s. 7d. for 8 acres 3 roods of land at Bukesworthbrom with other parcels of land there; further, in defect of rent of Thomas Harry for 3 roods of land, as above, 4-1/2d.; further in defect of rent of William Huchon for 6 acres of land, as above, 3s.; further, in defect of rent of Richard Sampson for 19 acres 1 rood of land, as above, 12s. 10d.; further, in defect of rent of Thomas Harry for two smithies, as above, 2s.; further, in defect of rent of Robert le Hore for a house, as above, 7d.; further, in defect of rent of Richard Gambon for a house, as above, 12d.; further, in defect of rent of John Coppynger for a house, as above, 12d.; further, in defect of rent of Richard Sampson for 3 acres of land, as above, 18d.; further, in defect of rent of William atte Sandhelle for 20 acres of land, as above, 13s. 4d.; further, in defect of rent of Richard Sewale for 20 acres of land, as above, 13s. 4d.; further, in defect of rent of William Crowle and Simon de Herst for 36 acres 3 roods of land, as above, 18s. 4-1/2d.; further, in defect of rent of Robert Smale, John Watte, Jordan Odam and William Mowyn, for 23 acres 3 roods of land, as above, 15s. 11d.; further, in defect of rent of Walter Colpeper for 22 acres 3 roods of land, as above, 5s. 8-1/4d.; further, in defect of rent of Walter Mody for 18 acres of land, as above, 9s. Sum of the ancient defect, 15s. 4d. New defect through the pestilence this second year. Sum:--119s. 3-1/4d. Whereof 103s. 11-1/4d. is of new defect by reason of the pestilence. * * * * * 29. THE PEASANTS' REVOLT [_Assize Roll, 103, mm. 10 & 10d._], 1381. Pleas in the Isle of Ely before the justices appointed in the county of Cambridge to punish and chastise insurgents and their misdeeds, on Thursday next before the feast of St. Margaret the Virgin,[149] 5 Richard II. Inquisition taken there on the said Thursday by the oath of John Baker[150] ... who say on their oath that Richard de Leycestre of Ely on Saturday next after the feast of Corpus Christi in the 4th year of the Lord the King that now is, of his own will made insurrection, gathering to himself John Buk of Ely and many other evildoers unknown, and went through the whole town of Ely, commanding that all men, of whatsoever estate, should make insurrection and go with him to destroy divers traitors whom he would name to them on behalf of the lord King Richard and the faithful commons; and hereupon he made divers proclamations seditiously and to the prejudice of the lord the King, whereby the people of the same town of Ely and other townships of the isle aforesaid were greatly disturbed and injured. Further they say that the same Richard [de Leycestre] on Sunday following commanded John Shethere of Ely, Elias Glovere, John Dassh, skinner, John Tylneye, wright, and John Redere of Ely, Thomas Litstere of Ely, Richard Swonn of Ely and John Milnere of Ely and many others of the commons there assembled, that they should go with him to the monastery of Ely to stand with him, while he, in the pulpit of the same monastery, should declare to them and all others the matters to be performed on behalf of King Richard and the commons against traitors and other disloyal men, and this under pain of the burning of their houses and the taking off of their heads; and so the same Richard [de Leycestre] was a notorious leader and assembler feloniously, and committed all the aforesaid acts to the prejudice of the crown of the lord the King. Further they say that the same Richard on Monday next following at Ely, as principal leader and insurgent, with the aforesaid men above named and many others unknown of his fellowship, feloniously broke the prison of the lord Bishop of Ely at Ely and feloniously led away divers felons there imprisoned. And that the same Richard on the said Monday at Ely feloniously adjudged to death Edmund de Walsyngham, one of the justices of the peace of the lord the King in the county of Cambridge, whereby the said Edmund was then feloniously beheaded and his head set on the pillory there, the same being a pernicious example. And that the same Richard was the principal commander and leader in all the felonies, seditions and other misdeeds committed within the isle at the time aforesaid, etc. And hereupon the aforesaid Richard was taken by the justices aforesaid and afterwards brought before them and charged and diligently examined touching all the felonies and seditions aforesaid, article by article, in what manner he would acquit himself thereof; and he made no answer thereto but proffered a protection of the lord the King granted to him for the security of his person and his possessions to endure for one year according to the form and effect used in the Chancery of the lord the King; and he says that he does not intend to be annoyed or disquieted touching any presentments made against him by the justices, by virtue of the protection aforesaid, etc. And the aforesaid Richard was asked if he would make any other answer to the premises under the peril incumbent, in that the protection aforesaid is insufficient to acquit him of the premises or of any article of the same. And hereupon the same Richard made no further denial of any of the premises presented against him, but said, "I cannot make further answer, and I hold myself convicted." And because it is clear and plain enough to the aforesaid justices that the same Richard is guilty of all the felonies and seditions aforesaid, as has been found before the same justices in lawful manner, therefore by the discretion of the said justices he was drawn and hanged the same day and year, etc., and [it was adjudged] that his lands and tenements, goods and chattels, should be forfeit to the lord the King, as law requires. And order was made to Ralph atte Wyk, escheator of the lord the King, that he should make due execution thereof forthwith for the lord the King, etc. And it is to be known that it was found before the aforesaid justices that the same Richard has a shop in "le Bocherie" in Ely, which is worth yearly beyond reprises 10s., and chattels to the value of 40 marks, which the same Ralph seized forthwith, etc. Further the aforesaid jurors say that John Buk of Ely was a fellow of the aforesaid Richard Leycestre all the time of the insurrection and tumult at Ely in the accomplishing of all the felonies, treasons and misdeeds, whereof the said Richard was indicted. And specially that the same John, of his malice, at the time when Edmund de Walsyngham was adjudged to death, feloniously came to him and feloniously snatched a purse of Edmund attached to his tunic containing 42-1/2d., and violently assaulted the said Edmund, dragging him to the place of his beheading, and carried away the said money except 12d. thereof which he gave to John Deye of Willingham, who there feloniously beheaded Edmund, for his labour. And hereupon the aforesaid John Buk was taken and brought forthwith before the aforesaid justices and charged touching the premises article by article, in what manner he will make answer thereto or acquit himself. And he says that as to all the matters touching Edmund de Walsyngham whereof he is charged, he came with many others to see the end of the said Edmund and to hear the cause of his death, and not otherwise, and this by the command of divers of the said commons. And he was asked further by whose command he came there and snatched the purse with the money aforesaid from the said Edmund in the form aforesaid, and he said that he believes it was by command of the devil. And he confessed further how and in what manner he dealt with the aforesaid purse with the money aforesaid, as was found above. And to all other presentments made against him he made no further answer. And because it is clear and plain enough, as well by his own acknowledgment as by lawful finding otherwise, that the same John is guilty of all the felonies and treasons aforesaid, therefore by the discretion of the said justices he was drawn and hanged, etc.; and [it was adjudged] that his lands and tenements, goods and chattels, should be forfeit to the lord the King, as law requires. And order was made to Ralph atte Wyk, escheator of the lord the King, that he should make due execution thereof forthwith for the lord the King, etc., because it was found before the aforesaid justices that he has goods and chattels to the value of 20l., which the same Ralph seized forthwith and made further execution, etc. * * * * * [m. 10d.] _Ely._--Adam Clymme was taken as an insurgent traitorously against his allegiance, and because on Saturday next after the feast of Corpus Christi in the 4th year of the reign of King Richard the second after the Conquest, he traitorously with others made insurrection at Ely, feloniously broke and entered the close of Thomas Somenour and there took and carried away divers rolls, estreats of the green wax of the lord the King and the Bishop of Ely, and other muniments touching the Court of the lord the King, and forthwith caused them to be burned there to the prejudice of the crown of the lord the King. Further that the same Adam on Sunday and Monday next following caused to be proclaimed there that no man of law or other officer in the execution of duty should escape without beheading. Further that the same Adam the day and year aforesaid at the time of the insurrection was always wandering armed with arms displayed, bearing a standard, to assemble insurgents, commanding that no man of whatsoever condition he were, free or bond, should obey his lord to do any services or customs, under pain of beheading, otherwise than he should declare to them on behalf of the Great Fellowship. And so he traitorously took upon him royal power. And he came, brought by the sheriff, and was charged before the aforesaid justices touching the premises, in what manner he would acquit himself thereof. And he says that he is not guilty of the premises imputed to him or of any of the premises, and hereof puts himself on the country, etc. And forthwith a jury is made thereon for the lord the King by twelve [good and lawful men] etc., who being chosen hereto, tried and sworn, say on their oath that the aforesaid Adam is guilty of all the articles. By the discretion of the justices the same Adam is drawn and hanged, etc. And it was found there that the same Adam has in the town aforesaid chattels to the value of 32s., which Ralph atte Wyk, escheator of the lord the King, seized forthwith and made further execution for the lord the King, etc. * * * * * _Cambridge._--John Shirle of the county of Nottingham was taken because it was found that he was a vagabond in divers counties the whole time of the disturbance, insurrection and tumult, carrying lies and worthless talk from district to district whereby the peace of the lord the King could be speedily broken and the people disquieted and disturbed; and among other dangerous words, to wit, after the proclamation of the peace of the lord the King made the day and year aforesaid, the assigns[151] of the lord the King being in the town and sitting, he said in a tavern in Bridge Street, Cambridge, where many were assembled to listen to his news and worthless talk, that the stewards of the lord the King, the justices and many other officers and ministers of the King were more worthy to be drawn and hanged and to suffer other lawful pains and torments, than John Balle, chaplain, a traitor and felon lawfully convicted; for he said that he was condemned to death falsely, unjustly and for envy by the said ministers with the King's assent, because he was a true and good man, prophesying things useful to the commons of the realm and telling of wrongs and oppressions done to the people by the King and the ministers aforesaid; and his death shall not go unpunished but within a short space he would well reward both the King and his officers and ministers aforesaid; which sayings and threats redound to the prejudice of the crown of the lord the King and the contempt and manifest disquiet of the people. And hereupon the aforesaid John Shirle was brought forthwith by the sheriff before the aforesaid assigns in Cambridge castle, and was charged touching the premises and diligently examined as well touching his conversation as touching his tarrying and his estate, and the same being acknowledged by him before the aforesaid assigns, his evil behaviour and condition is plainly manifest and clear. And hereupon trustworthy witnesses at that time in his presence, when the aforesaid lies, evil words, threats and worthless talk were spoken by him, were asked for, and they being sworn to speak the truth in this behalf, testify that all the aforesaid words imputed to him were truly spoken by him; and he, again examined, did not deny the premises imputed to him. Therefore by the discretion of the said assigns he was hanged; and order was made to the escheator to enquire diligently of his lands and tenements, goods and chattels, and to make due execution thereof for the lord the King. [Footnote 149: July 20.] [Footnote 150: And eleven others.] [Footnote 151: _i.e._ The justices assigned.] SECTION V TOWNS AND GILDS 1. Payments made to the crown by gilds in the twelfth century, 1179-80--2. Charter of liberties to the borough of Tewkesbury, 1314--3. Charter of liberties to the borough of Gloucester, 1227--4. Dispute between towns touching the payment of toll, 1222--5. Dispute with a lord touching a gild merchant, 1223-4--6. The affiliation of boroughs, 1227--7. Bondman received in a borough, 1237-8--8. An intermunicipal agreement in respect of toll, 1239--9. Enforcement of charter granting freedom from toll, 1416--10. Licence for an alien to be of the gild merchant of London, 1252--11. Dispute between a gild merchant and an abbot, 1304--12. Complaints of the men of Leicester against the lord, 1322--13. Grant of pavage to the lord of a town, 1328--14. Misappropriation of the tolls levied for pavage, 1336--15. Ordinances of the White Tawyers of London, 1346--16. Dispute between Masters and Journeymen, 1396--17. Ordinances of the Dyers of Bristol, 1407--18. Incorporation of the Haberdashers of London, 1448--19. Indenture of Apprenticeship, 1459--20. A runaway apprentice, _c._ 1425--21. Incorporation of a gild for religious and charitable uses, 1447. The origin and early development of towns, the emergence of gild merchant and craft gild, the mutual relationship of the two types of gild, and the part played by each in the evolution of municipal self-government, present problems to which there is no simple solution. The undoubtedly military object of many of the Saxon boroughs fails to explain their economic development; while the possession of a market did not lead of necessity to self-government. Often, indeed, there is little economic difference between a large manor and a small town; the towns pursued agriculture, and the manors engaged in industry. None the less the early borough, with its court co-ordinate with the hundred court, its special peace, and its market, stands out at the time of the Conquest as a distinct variety of _communitas_, and easily became a centre of specialised industry and privileged association. Constitutional and economic growth proceed side by side; a measure of liberty encourages commercial progress, and the profits of trade purchase a larger measure of liberty. In this section an attempt has been made to illustrate the gradual expansion of the economic life of the town from the twelfth century onwards. The twelfth and thirteenth centuries witnessed a great and growing activity; craft gilds and gilds merchant were arising everywhere, and whether licensed or unlicensed, were paying considerable sums to the crown for privileges bought or usurped, (No. 1). The more important boroughs were securing charters from their lords (Nos. 2 and 3), while smaller towns were struggling to win economic freedom, that is to say, local monopoly, against serious obstacles (No. 5). The fate of a town depended much on the lord; the king's boroughs were more favoured than those of an earl or lesser baron, while the latter fared better than towns in the hands of a prelate (Nos. 11 and 12). The exaction of tolls and the claim to exemption from tolls, which prove the existence of considerable intermunicipal trade, were a common cause of litigation. The grant of incompatible privileges to rival communities was a source of profit to the mediæval monarchy; the crown secured payment in hand for the charters, and reaped the benefit of the inevitable dispute that followed (Nos. 4 and 8). The growth of intercourse is further shown by that curious feature of early borough development, the affiliation of distinct groups of towns (No. 6). Nos. 7 and 10 illustrate the coveted privileges of the freedom of a city or borough, and No. 9 the machinery by which a citizen protected himself if his liberty were infringed in another town. The character of tolls imposed by a town for municipal purposes and the possibility of corrupt collectors are shown in Nos. 13 and 14. The specialisation of industry is naturally followed by a differentiation of function, a process which develops normally in the fourteenth century and attains a certain rigidity in the fifteenth. Crafts begin to close their ranks, to lay down elaborate rules of membership, of the conduct of business and the methods of manufacture, to secure incorporation, and to strengthen their hands by establishing disciplinary precedents in relation to the journeymen and apprentices. The competition of the unskilled outsider is suppressed and apprenticeship insisted on (Nos. 15 and 17), the journeyman is restrained (No. 16), and the crafts establish a wide control over the conditions of labour (No. 18). No. 19 is a characteristic indenture of apprenticeship; No. 20 illustrates the tendency to invoke the central authority, which grows in force during the fifteenth century and culminates in the direct control exercised by the Chancellor over gild ordinances in the sixteenth century; while No. 21 is an example of the social religious gild, which was one of the mediæval methods of anticipating the poor law. AUTHORITIES The principal modern writers dealing with the subject of this section are:--Madox, _Firma Burgi_; Maitland, _Township and Burgh_; Merewether & Stephens, _History of the Boroughs_; Ballard, _British Borough Charters_; Bateson, _Borough Customs_(Selden Society); Gross, _The Gild Merchant_; Gross, _The Affiliation of Boroughs_ (Antiquary, XII.); Drinkwater, _Merchant Gild of Shrewsbury_(Salop Archæol. Transactions, N.S. II.); Unwin, _The Gilds and Companies of London_; Unwin, _Industrial Organisation in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries_; Green, _Town Life in the Fifteenth Century_; Toulmin Smith, _English Gilds_ (Early English Text Society); Davies, _History of Southampton_; Hibbert, _Influence and Development of English Gilds_; Hudson, _Leet Jurisdiction in the City of Norwich_; Leonard, _Early History of English Poor Law Relief_; Denton, _England in the Fifteenth Century_. For contemporary records the student may be referred to the following:--Riley, _Memorials of London and London Life_; Riley, _Liber Albus_; Sharpe, _Calendars of Letter Books_; Stevenson, _Records of the Borough of Nottingham_; Bateson, _Records of the Borough of Leicester_; _Court Leet of the City of Norwich_ (Selden Society); Bickley, _The Little Red Book of Bristol_; _Rotuli Cartarum_(Record Commission); and the _Calendars of Patent, Close and Charter Rolls_(Record Office Publications). 1. PAYMENTS MADE TO THE CROWN BY GILDS IN THE TWELFTH CENTURY [_Pipe Roll, 26 Henry II_], 1179-80. The weavers of Oxford render account of 6l. for their gild. They have delivered it into the treasury. And they are quit. The corvesers of Oxford render account of 15s. for an ounce of gold for their gild. They have delivered it into the treasury. And they are quit. The weavers of Huntingdon render account of 40s. for their gild. They have delivered it into the treasury. And they are quit. The weavers of Lincoln render account of 6l. for their gild. They have delivered it into the treasury. And they are quit. The weavers of York render account of 10l. for their gild. They have delivered it into the treasury. And they are quit. The same sheriff [of York] renders account of 2 marks from the gild of glovers and curriers. In the treasury is 1 mark. And they owe 1 mark. The same sheriff renders account of 20s. from the gild of saddlers for [customs which they exact unjustly]. In the treasury is 10s. And it owes 10s. The same sheriff renders account ... of 1 mark from the gild of hosiers by way of mercy ... And he is quit. The citizens of Exeter render account of 40l. for the fine of a plea touching gilds. In the treasury are 20l. And they owe 20l. The same sheriff [of Devon] renders account ... of 1 mark from the borough of Barnstaple for a gild without warrant.... And he is quit. The burgesses of Bodmin render account of 100s. for their false statement and for their gild without warrant. In the treasury are 50s. And they owe 50s. The same sheriff [of Cornwall] renders account ... of 3 marks from the burgesses of Launceston for their gild without warrant.... And he is quit. The same sheriff [of Dorset and Somerset] renders account of 6 marks from the borough of Wareham for a gild without warrant. In the treasury are 3 marks. And it owes 3 marks. The same sheriff renders account ... of 3 marks from the borough of Dorchester for a gild without warrant. And of 2 marks from the borough of Bridport for the same.... And he is quit. The same sheriff renders account ... of 20s. from Axbridge for a gild without warrant. And of 1/2 mark from Langport for the same.... And he is quit. The burgesses of Ilchester [render account of] 20s. for a gild without warrant. The weavers of Winchester render account of 2 marks of gold for their gild. In the treasury are 12l. for 2 marks of gold. And they are quit. The fullers of Winchester render account of 6l. for their gild. They have delivered it into the treasury. And they are quit. The weavers of Nottingham render account of 40s. for their gild. They have delivered it into the treasury. And they are quit. The weavers of London render account of 12l. for their gild. They have delivered it into the treasury. And they are quit. Amercements of Adulterine Gilds in the City of London. The gild whereof Goscelin is alderman owes 30 marks. The gild of pepperers whereof Edward is alderman owes 16 marks. The gild of St. Lazarus whereof Ralph le Barre is alderman owes 25 marks. The gild of goldsmiths whereof Ralph Flael is alderman owes 45 marks. The gild of Bridge whereof Ailwin Finke is alderman owes 15 marks. The gild of Bridge whereof Robert de Bosco is alderman owes 10 marks. The gild of Haliwell whereof Henry son of Godric is alderman owes 20s. The gild of Bridge whereof Walter the Cooper is alderman owes 1 mark. The gild of strangers (_pelegrinorum_) whereof Warner le Turnur is alderman owes 40s. The gild of butchers whereof William Lafeite is alderman owes 1 mark. The gild of clothworkers whereof John Maurus is alderman owes 1 mark. The gild whereof Odo the Watchman is alderman owes 1 mark. The gild of Bridge whereof Thomas the Cook is alderman owes 1 mark. The gild whereof Robert Rochefolet is alderman owes 1 mark. The gild whereof Hugh Leo is alderman owes 1/2 mark. The gild whereof William de Haverhill is alderman owes 10 marks. The gild whereof Thedric Feltrarius is alderman owes 2 marks. The gild of Bridge whereof Peter son of Alan was alderman owes 15 marks. The gild whereof John the White is alderman owes 1 mark. 2. CHARTER OF LIBERTIES TO THE BOROUGH OF TEWKESBURY [_Charter Roll, 11 Edward III, m. 10, No.21_], 1314. Gilbert de Clare, earl of Gloucester and Hertford, to all whom the present letters shall come, greeting. Whereas William and Robert, sometime earls of Gloucester and Hertford,[152] our progenitors, of famous memory, formerly granted and confirmed in turn for them and their heirs by their charters to their burgesses of Tewkesbury and their heirs and successors the liberties below written: First, that the burgesses of the borough aforesaid should have and hold their burgages in the borough aforesaid by free service, to wit, each of them holding one burgage should have and hold it by the service of 12d. a year to be rendered to the same earls, and if holding more should have and hold each of them by the service of 12d. a year together with the service of doing suit to the court of the same earls of the borough aforesaid from three weeks to three weeks, for all service, so that after the decease of any of the burgesses aforesaid, his heir or heirs should enter the burgage or burgages aforesaid, of what age soever he or they should be, to hold the same quit of relief or heriot. And to the same burgesses, each of them, that they might sell, pledge or loan to other burgesses their burgage or burgages aforesaid which they had in the same borough by purchase, at their will, without any ransom to be made, so that those burgesses to whom such burgages were sold, pledged or loaned, should show the charters or writings which they had thereof before the steward of the aforesaid earls in the court of the borough. And if any of them should hold half a burgage, he should hold it with the same liberty with which tenants of a whole burgage should hold and have the same, according to the quantity of his burgage. And that no burgess of the borough aforesaid should by reason of a burgage or half a burgage be in any wise tallaged or make ransom of blood or be disturbed by reason of the sale of his horse, ox or other his chattels whatsoever, but each of them should employ his merchandise without challenge. And to the same burgesses, that they might make their wills and lawfully in their wills bequeath at their pleasure their chattels and burgages which they should hold by purchase. And if it should happen that any of them were impoverished whereby he must sell his burgage, he should first seek from his next hereditary successor before his neighbours three times his necessaries in food and clothing for the poverty of his estate, and if he should refuse to do it for him, it should be lawful for him to sell his burgage at his will for ever without challenge. And to the same burgesses, that they might make bread for sale in their own oven or that of another, and ale for sale in their own brewhouse or that of another, save that they should keep the royal assize. And that they might make ovens, drying-houses, hand mills without hindrance of the earls aforesaid or their bailiffs whomsoever. And that none of them should come without the borough aforesaid by any summons to the hundred of the same earls of the honour of Gloucester in the county aforesaid by reason of their burgages aforesaid. And if a foreigner, who should not be a burgess nor the son of a burgess, should buy a burgage or half a burgage in the same borough, he should come to the court of the borough aforesaid next following and make his fine for entry and do fealty. And that all burgesses who should hold a burgage or half a burgage and should sell bread and ale should come once at the Lawday yearly at the Hockday and there be amerced for breach of the assize, if they ought to be amerced, by the presentment of twelve men; so that each burgess should answer for his household (_manupastu_), sons and tenants, unless they should have been attached for any trespass to answer at the day aforesaid. And to the same burgesses, that they should be quit of toll and of custom within the lordship of the aforesaid earls in the honour of Gloucester and elsewhere in England, according as they used of old; so that no foreigner should buy corn in the borough aforesaid nor put or keep any in a granary beyond eight days, to wit, between the Gules of August[153] and the feast of All Saints[154]; but if he did and were convicted thereof, he should be amerced at the will of the aforesaid earls or their bailiffs; nor after the feast of All Saints or [before] the Gules of August should he buy corn to put and keep in a granary, nor carry any by water without licence of the aforesaid earls or the bailiffs of the borough aforesaid, and he should pay customs. And that no foreigner should be received by the steward, clerk or any other on behalf of the same earls to be within the liberty aforesaid, unless it were testified by lawful men of the borough aforesaid, that he were good and trusty. And if any burgess should be out of the borough at the time of summons of the court aforesaid and could not reasonably be forewarned, he should not be amerced for default. And if any foreigner should be received within the liberty of the borough aforesaid, he should find mainpernors[155] that he would bear himself in good manner and faithfully to the aforesaid earls and their bailiffs, and would be tractable to the commonalty of the borough aforesaid. And that they, the burgesses, should be bailiffs and catch-polls[156] of that borough as often as they should be elected hereto, at the will of the aforesaid earls, their stewards and bailiffs, and by election of the commonalty of the borough aforesaid from year to year. And that the burgesses aforesaid should have common pasture for their beasts in the common pasture of the borough aforesaid, according to their burgages which they have in the same borough, as they have been accustomed hitherto. We, ratifying and approving the gifts and grants aforesaid, grant and confirm them for us and our heirs for ever. These witnesses:--Sirs Bartholomew de Badlesmere, Roger Tyrel, Gilbert of St. Ouen, Giles de Bello Campo, John de Harecourt, Robert de Burs, John Tyrel, knights, Master Richard de Clare, John de Chelmersford, clerks, and others. Given at Rothwell in the county of Northampton, 26 April, 1314, in the seventh year of the reign of King Edward, son of King Edward.[157] [Footnote 152: _temp._ William I.--Stephen. Note that the privileges here confirmed date from the first century after the Conquest.] [Footnote 153: August 1.] [Footnote 154: November 1.] [Footnote 155: _i.e._. Sureties.] [Footnote 156: Constables.] [Footnote 157: Extracted from the charter of confirmation of Edward III.] 3. CHARTER OF LIBERTIES TO THE BOROUGH OF GLOUCESTER [_Charter Roll,11 Henry III, p.1, m. 10_, No. 88], 1227. Henry, King, etc., greeting. Know ye that we have granted and by this our charter confirmed to our burgesses of Gloucester the whole borough of Gloucester with the appurtenances, to hold of us and our heirs for ever at fee farm, rendering yearly 55l. sterling, as they were wont to render the same, and 10l. by tale of increment of farm, at our Exchequer at the term of Easter and at the term of Michaelmas. We have granted also to our burgesses of Gloucester of the merchants' gild that none of them plead without the walls of the borough of Gloucester touching any plea save pleas of foreign tenures, except our moneyers and ministers. We have granted also to them that none of them suffer trial by battle and that touching pleas pertaining to our crown they may deraign[158] according to the ancient custom of the borough. This also we have granted to them that all burgesses of Gloucester of the merchants' gild be quit of toll and lastage[159] and pontage[160] and stallage[161] within fairs and without and throughout seaports of all our lands on this side the sea and beyond the sea, saving in all things the liberties of the city of London, and that none be judged touching a money penalty save according to the ancient law of the borough which they had in the time of our ancestors, and that they justly have all their lands and tenements and sureties and debts, whosoever owe them, and that right be done them according to the custom of the borough touching their lands and tenures which are within the borough, and that pleas touching all their debts by loans which they have made at Gloucester, and touching sureties made there, be held at Gloucester. And if any man in the whole of our land take toll or custom from the men of Gloucester of the merchants' gild, after he have failed to do right, the sheriff of Gloucester or the provost of Gloucester shall take distress thereon at Gloucester, saving in all things the liberties of the city of London. Furthermore for the repair of the borough we have granted to them that they be all quit of "gyeresyeve"[162] and of "scotale,"[163] if our sheriff or any other bailiff exact "scotale." We have granted to them these aforesaid customs and all other liberties and free customs which they had in the times of our ancestors, when they had them well and freely. And if any customs were unjustly levied in the time of war, they shall be annulled. And whosoever shall come to the borough of Gloucester with his wares, of whatsoever place they be, whether strangers or others, shall come, stay and depart in our safe peace, rendering right customs. And let no man disturb them touching this our charter. And we forbid that any man commit wrong or damage or molestation against them thereon on pain of forfeiture of 10l. to us. Wherefore we will, etc. that the aforesaid burgesses and their heirs have and hold all these things aforesaid in inheritance of us and our heirs well and in peace, freely, quietly and honourably, as is above written. We will also and grant that the same our burgesses of Gloucester elect by the common counsel of the borough two of the more lawful and discreet burgesses of Gloucester and present them to our chief justice at Westminster, which two or one of them shall well and faithfully keep the provostship of the borough and shall not be removed so long as they be of good behaviour in their bailiwick, save by the common counsel of the borough. We will also that in the same borough of Gloucester by the common counsel of the burgesses be elected four of the more lawful and discreet men of the borough to keep the pleas of the crown and other things which pertain to us and our crown in the same borough, and to see that the provosts of that borough justly and lawfully treat as well poor as rich, as the charter[164] of the lord King John, our father, which they have thereon, reasonably testifies. We have granted also to the same burgesses of Gloucester that none of our sheriffs intermeddle with them in aught touching any plea or plaint or occasion or any other thing pertaining to the aforesaid borough, saving to us and our heirs for ever pleas of our crown, which ought to be attached by the same our burgesses until the coming of our justices, as is aforesaid. We have granted also to the same that if any bondman of any man stay in the aforesaid borough and maintain himself therein and be in the merchants' gild and hanse and lot and scot with the same our burgesses for a year and a day without claim, thenceforth he shall not be reclaimed by his lord, but shall abide freely in the same borough. These witnesses:--W. Archbishop of York, W. Bishop of Carlisle, H. de Burgo, etc., W. Earl Warenne, Osbert Giffard, Ralph son of Nicholas, Richard de Argentem, our stewards, Henry de Capella, John de Bassingeburn and others. Dated by the hand [of the venerable father Ralph bishop of Chichester, our Chancellor], at Westminster on the sixth day of April in the eleventh year, etc. [Footnote 158: Plead _or_ bring evidence.] [Footnote 159: A toll on the load exacted at fairs and markets, and on the lading of a ship.] [Footnote 160: Bridge toll.] [Footnote 161: Tolls for the erection of stalls or booths.] [Footnote 162: A compulsory annual customary gift.] [Footnote 163: Compulsory purchase of ale.] [Footnote 164: Charter Roll, 1 John, m. 2.] 4. DISPUTE TOUCHING THE PAYMENT OF TOLL IN A BOROUGH [_Bracton's Note-Book, II_, 121, No. 145], 1222. The bailiffs of the city of Lincoln were summoned to answer the burgesses of Beverley wherefore they permit them not to have their liberties which they have by a charter of the lord King John, which liberties they have used hitherto, etc.; whereon the burgesses say that while they came through the middle of the town of Lincoln on their way to the fair of St. Ives, the bailiffs took their pledges and their cloths contrary to their liberty, and that they are injured and suffer damage to the value of 60 marks, and thereof they produce their suit etc. and proffer their charter,[165] which testifies that the King gave to God and St. John and the men of Beverley that they should be free and quit of toll, pontage, passage, pesage, lastage, stallage and wreck and all other such customs, which pertain to the lord the King himself, throughout all the king's land, saving the liberties of London, etc.; wherefore they say that by that charter they always had quittance of the aforesaid customs until the last fair of St. Ives. And the mayor of Lincoln and Robert son of Eudo, bailiffs of Lincoln, come and deny force and tort, but acknowledge indeed that they took toll from the complainants within their town, and this they could well do, because they have charters of King Henry, grandfather of the lord the King, and of King Richard, by which those kings granted to them all the liberties and free customs which they had of the ancestors of those kings, to wit, King Edward and King William and King Henry the grandfather, throughout the whole land of England, and all the liberties which the citizens of London have, saving to the same citizens of London their liberties; and thereof they put forward their charters[166] which witness the same; wherefore they say that by those charters they have always had the liberty of taking toll in their town and always hitherto were in seisin of that liberty, and they crave judgment if by the charter of the lord King John they ought to lose their liberty granted to them by his ancestors. And the burgesses of Beverley say that after the charter of the lord King John they never gave toll, nay rather, they were always quit thereof by that charter, and this they offer to prove, etc. or to make defence that they never gave toll; and being asked if before that charter they gave toll, they say, Yes, and crave judgment hereon and offer to the lord the King two palfreys for an inquisition if after the charter of King John they were always quit of the aforesaid toll, and they are received, and so a jury was made by eight lawful citizens of Lincoln and further by eight lawful men of the vicinage of Lincoln, and let it come on such a day to recognise if those burgesses, when they brought wares through the town of Lincoln, were quit of toll in that town from the first year of the coronation of King John.[167] [Footnote 165: 1 John (1200). _Rot. Cart. p._ 53.] [Footnote 166: 1 John (1200). _Rot. Cart., pp._ 5, 56.] [Footnote 167: See note to No. 8.] 5. DISPUTE WITH A LORD TOUCHING A GILD MERCHANT [_Curia Regis Rolls, Mich. 8 Henry III, m. 6_], 1223-4. _Buckingham._--Alan Basset was summoned to answer the burgesses of Wycombe wherefore he permits them not to have their gild merchant with its appurtenances, as they were wont to have it in the time of the lord King John, when he had that manor in his hand; whereof the burgesses say that in the time when the lord King John had that manor in his hand, and when the lord the King gave it to the same Alan, they had a gild merchant and a liberty which the same Alan has taken away from them, wherefore they are much injured, for by that gild merchant they had this liberty, that no merchant within their town could sell cloths at retail, neither linens nor woollens, unless he were in the gild merchant or by licence of the bailiffs of the burgesses who were in the gild merchant, and furthermore in the same manner could not sell fells or wood or broom[168] or such merchandise, unless he were in the gild or by licence, as aforesaid; and the same Alan contravened this liberty and granted to all merchants and others that they might sell cloths at retail and fells and such wares as they please, and takes 3d. toll; and they used to give for the farm of the lord the King half a mark yearly to have that liberty; and because he has taken away that liberty from them, they are injured and suffer damage to the value of 40 marks, and thereof they produce suit, and if this suffices not, they offer to prove that they had such seisin by the evidence of witnesses (_per vivam vocem_), if they ought, or by the body of a man,[169] or by the country,[170] and they offer 20 marks to have an inquisition thereon. And Alan comes and defends force and tort and says that he has taken no liberties from them, but will speak the truth; the lord King John gave him that manor with all its appurtenances for his homage and service for 20l. a year and for the service of one knight, so that never afterwards did they have a gild merchant, although they often sued for it and murmured among themselves, so that he often asked of them their warrant, if they had any, and they show him none; and the town is amended in that merchants and others can sell their merchandise; and so they ought to have no gild. And the burgesses say that his statement is contrary to right, because after his time, when he had that manor, they had that liberty, both before his time and after, and they offer as before 20 marks to have an inquisition thereon. Touching their warrant they say that they had a charter of King Henry, grandfather of the lord the King, and it was deposited in the church of Wycombe, and there in the time of war was burned in the church, and thereof they put themselves on a jury. And Alan defends that they had no charter thereof nor any warrant, nor ever had seisin of that gild in his time, nor can he admit nor will he admit any inquisition without the lord the King; but indeed it may be true that when they had the manor of the King at farm, then they did what they pleased. A day is given to them on the morrow of Martinmas to hear their judgment, and the burgesses put in their place William son of Harvey and Robert le Taillur.[171] [Footnote 168: Genista tinctoria (dyer's greenweed); "_genetein_" in MS.] [Footnote 169: _i.e._ Trial by battle.] [Footnote 170: _i.e._ Trial by jury.] [Footnote 171: The case was again adjourned and the judgment has not been found.] 6. THE AFFILIATION OF BOROUGHS [_Charter Roll,11 Henry III, p. 1, m. 13, No. 117_], 1227. The King to all, etc., greeting. Know ye that we have granted and by our present charter confirmed to our burgesses of Bedford all their liberties and customs and laws and quittances, which they had in the time of the lord King Henry, our grandfather, specially their gild merchant with all their liberties and customs in lands and islands, in pastures and all other their appurtenances, so that no one who is not in that gild do any trafficking with them in city or borough or town or soke. Moreover we have granted and confirmed to them that they be quit of toll and pontage and stallage and lastage and passage, and of assarts and every other custom throughout the whole of England and Normandy by land and water and by the seashore, "bilande and bistrande," and have all other customs throughout the whole of England and their liberties and laws which they have in common with our citizens of Oxford,[172] and do their trafficking in common with them within London and without and in all other places. And if they have any doubt or contention touching any judgment which they ought to make, they shall send their messengers to Oxford, and what the citizens of Oxford shall adjudge hereon, that they shall hold firm and fixed and certain without doubt, and do the same. And we forbid that they plead without the borough of Bedford in aught whereof they are charged, but of whatsoever they be impleaded, they shall deraign themselves according to the laws and customs of our citizens of Oxford, and this at Bedford and not elsewhere; because they and the citizens of Oxford are of one and the same custom and law and liberty. Wherefore we will and straitly command that our aforesaid burgesses of Bedford have and hold their aforesaid liberties and laws and customs and tenures well and in peace, freely and quietly, fully and honourably, with soc and sac and tol and theam and infangenethef,[173] and with all other their liberties and free customs and quittances, as well and entirely as ever they had them in the time of King Henry, our grandfather, and as fully and freely and entirely as our citizens of Oxford have those liberties and as the charter of King Richard, our uncle, which they have thereof, reasonably testifies. Witnesses as above. Given [at Westminster on 24 March in the 11th year of our reign]. [Footnote 172: Oxford was also affiliated to London by charter of 13 Henry III. [Charter Roll, 13 Henry III., p. 1, m. 12.]] [Footnote 173: _i.e._ General rights of jurisdiction.] 7. BONDMAN RECEIVED IN A BOROUGH [_Bracton's Notebook, III_, 243, No. 1228], 1237-8. Order was made to the bailiffs of Andover that at the first coming of the lord the King to Clarendon they shew cause to the lord the King, wherefore they have detained from Everard le Tyeis William of Amesbury, his bondman and fugitive, inasmuch as he claims him at the time and hours, as he says, etc. And Adam de Marisco and other bailiffs of Andover come and say that the aforesaid William was at one time dwelling at Wilton and was a travelling merchant and married a woman in the town of Andover, and within the year in which he married the same Everard came and sought him as his bondman and fugitive, but they refused to deliver him to him and dared not without the lord the King's command. Afterwards the same Everard comes, and remits and quit-claims to the lord the King and his heirs the aforesaid William with his whole brood, etc. 8. AN INTER-MUNICIPAL AGREEMENT IN RESPECT OF TOLL [_Charter Roll, 23 Henry III, m. 3_], 1239. The King to archbishops, etc. greeting. Know ye that whereas a dispute was raised in our Court before us between our good men of Marlborough, complainants, and our good men of Southampton, deforciants, of toll which the aforesaid men of Southampton took from our men of Marlborough against their liberties which they have by charter of King John, our father, and by our charter, as they asserted; at length by our licence it is covenanted between them on this wise, that all our men of Marlborough, who are in the gild merchant of Marlborough and will establish the same, be quit for ever of all custom and all manner of toll in the town of Southampton and in all the appurtenances thereof, whereof the men of Southampton within their liberty can acquit the said men of Marlborough, notwithstanding that the charter of the same men of Southampton is prior to the charters of the aforesaid men of Marlborough;[174] and in like manner that the men of Southampton be quit of all custom and toll in the town of Marlborough. We, therefore, willing that the aforesaid covenant be firm and stable for ever, grant and confirm it for us and our heirs. Witnesses:--Richard, count of Poitou and earl of Cornwall, our brother, etc., as above [17 June, Westminster]. [Footnote 174: The legal rule evolved in the thirteenth century for cases where the crown granted to one town freedom from toll, and to another town the right to exact toll, was that priority of grant prevailed; _cf._ Bracton _f._ 56_b_. By grants of incompatible charters the crown obtained fees from two sets of petitioners, and also costs from the subsequent litigation.] 9. ENFORCEMENT OF CHARTER GRANTING FREEDOM FROM TOLL THROUGHOUT THE REALM [_Chancery Files_], 1416. Henry by the grace of God King of England and France and Lord of Ireland to John Kerde of Ware Toller, greeting. Whereas among the rest of the liberties and quittances granted to our beloved citizens of our city of London by charters of our progenitors, sometime Kings of England, which we have confirmed by our charter with the clause "_licet_,"[175] it is granted to the same that they and their successors, citizens of the same city, be quit for ever of pavage, pontage, murage,[176] toll and lastage[177] throughout the whole of our realm and the whole of our land and power, as is more fully contained in the charters and confirmation aforesaid: We command you, as we have commanded before, that you permit Thomas Sabarn, citizen of the city aforesaid, as it is said, to be quit of such pavage, pontage, murage, toll and lastage, according to the tenour of the charters and confirmation aforesaid, not molesting or aggrieving him in aught contrary to the tenour of the same, or that you signify to us the cause wherefore you have not obeyed our command before directed to you thereon. Witness myself at Westminster, 25 March in the 4th year of our reign. Sotheworth. [_Endorsed._] The answer of John Kerde withinwritten. I certify to you that I have permitted and will hereafter permit Thomas Sabarn withinwritten to be quit of pavage, pontage, murage, toll and lastage, as is commanded me by this writ, and have not molested or aggrieved him on the same accounts, and will not molest or aggrieve him hereafter. [Footnote 175: Charter Roll, 2 Henry V., p. 2, No. 11. The clause "_licet_" is a provision for the preservation of liberties in spite of non-user.] [Footnote 176: _i.e._ Tolls for the repair of streets, bridges, and walls.] [Footnote 177: _i.e._ A toll on cargoes and on wares entering a market or fair.] 10. LICENCE FOR AN ALIEN TO BE OF THE GILD MERCHANT OF LONDON [_Charter Roll, 37 Henry III, m. 21_], 1252. The King to archbishops, etc., greeting. Know ye that we have granted and by this our charter confirmed to Deutayutus Willelmi, merchant of Florence, that he and his heirs for ever may have this liberty, to wit, that in any tallage to be assessed on the community of our city of London by our command they be not tallaged at more than one mark of silver, and that they, with their own household, may buy, sell and traffic without unlawful gain as freely and quietly throughout the whole of our power as any of our citizens of London; and that the same Deutayutus and his heirs be in the gild merchant of the same city and have all other liberties and free customs, as well within the said city as without, which the same citizens have or shall have or obtain hereafter. Wherefore we will and straitly command for us and our heirs that the aforesaid Deutayutus and his heirs have all the liberties, free customs and quittances aforesaid for ever, as is aforesaid. These witnesses:--Geoffrey de Lezinan, our brother, Peter de Sabaudia, John de Grey, John de Lessinton, Peter Chaceporc, archdeacon of Wells, Master W. de Kilkenny, archdeacon of Coventry, Artald de Sancto Romano, Robert de Muscegros, Robert Wallerand, Stephen Bauzan, Robert le Norreys, Ralph de Bakepuz, Imbert Pugeys and others. Given by our hand at Windsor, 3 November.[178] [Footnote 178: In the thirteenth century aliens were commonly burgesses of English towns (for an instance see below, Section VI, No. 30), and Englishmen were members of foreign communities. In 1326 the Mayor and commonalty of London deprived such aliens of the freedom of the city (Riley Memorials, 151). This document furnishes the sole extant reference to a gild merchant in London. See, however, Crump, in E.H.R., xviii. 315.] 11. DISPUTE BETWEEN THE MERCHANT GILD AND THE ABBOT OF BURY ST. EDMUNDS [_B.M. Add. MSS. 17391, ff. 61-65_], 1304. Pleas at the town of St. Edmund before William de Bereford, W. Howard and W. de Carleton, appointed justices of the lord the King, on Tuesday next after the feast of St. Lucy the Virgin[179] in the thirty-third year of the reign of King Edward son of King Henry. Nicholas Fouk and others by conspiracy premeditated among them at the town aforesaid, and by oath taken among them, making unlawful assemblies of their own authority on Monday next after the feast of the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin Mary in the thirtieth year of the lord the King that now is,[180] ordained and decreed that none should remain among them in the said town having chattels worth 20s. who would not pay them 2s. 1d., which payment they call among themselves hansing-silver, which money they took on that pretext respectively from Reynold del Blackhouse and Robert the Carpenter, men dwelling in the town aforesaid, and also beyond this 12d. of gersom from each of the said Reynold and Robert. And likewise ... they decreed among themselves that every man of the same town having chattels to the value of 10 marks should pay them 46s. 8d., which by that authority they took from Robert Scot, a man dwelling in the aforesaid town. And also the same day and year they decreed among themselves that no man should stay in the aforesaid town beyond a year and a day without being distrained to take oath to maintain their aforesaid assemblies and ordinances.... The aforesaid Nicholas Fouk and others readily acknowledge that the Abbot is lord of the whole town aforesaid, and ought to appoint his bailiffs to hold his court in the same town. But as for the conspiracy aforesaid, etc., they make stout defence that they are not guilty of the aforesaid conspiracy, etc. And as for the Abbot's charge against them that they have made unlawful assemblies in the aforesaid town, decreeing and ordaining that every man dwelling in the same town having chattels to the value of 20s., etc. as above, they say that the aforesaid Abbot makes plaint unjustly, for they say that they have an alderman and a gild merchant in the aforesaid town and are free burgesses, etc., rendering judgments by their alderman of pleas pleaded in the court of the same abbot before his bailiffs in the town aforesaid. And that without any trespasses or unlawful assemblies they meet at their Gildhall in the same town, as often as need be, to treat of the common profit and advantage of the men and burgesses of the aforesaid town, as is quite lawful for them. And that they and their ancestors and predecessors, burgesses, etc., have used such a custom from time whereof no memory is, to wit, of taking 2s. 1d. from every man dwelling in the aforesaid town, being in the tithing of the Abbot of the place aforesaid, having chattels to the value of 20s., that he may trade among them and enjoy their market customs in the same town, and likewise of receiving 46s. 8d. from every man of the town aforesaid having chattels to the value of 10 marks to keep[181] their gild merchant. And that there is the following custom among them beyond this, to wit, that twelve burgesses of the aforesaid town have been accustomed to elect four men of the same town yearly to keep their gild merchant, each of whom shall have chattels to the value of 10 marks. Which four men so elected have been accustomed to be forewarned by two burgesses of the gild aforesaid, who are called _les Dyes_, to keep their gild aforesaid; and the same men so elected have been accustomed to find pledges before the alderman and burgesses in the Gildhall aforesaid to keep the gild aforesaid, or that each of them would pay 46s. 8d., who should refuse to keep that gild. And for the doing hereof the alderman and burgesses in the town aforesaid have been accustomed to distrain every man in the same town having chattels to the value of 10 marks, wishing to trade among them and to enjoy their market customs. And thus then each of the aforesaid four men so elected should enjoy burgess-ship among them and their custom hereafter, and the burgesses of the aforesaid town in form aforesaid have been used to receive 2s. 1d., etc. And this they are ready to verify, whereof they crave judgment, etc.... The jurors say, etc. that ... the Abbot must answer whether the aforesaid Nicholas Fouke and others have a gild merchant in the aforesaid town or not, etc. The abbot says that they have not a gild merchant nor cognisances of pleas pertaining to a gild merchant, nor a commonalty nor a common seal nor a mayor; but they hold a gild at the feast of the Nativity of St. John the Baptist in a certain place to feast and drink together, there holding their unlawful assemblies and taking from every man dwelling in the said town the aforesaid 2s. 1d. and also 46s. 8d., levying such money from the men aforesaid, that the payers thereof may be of their fellowship, by distraints made upon them; and he does not deny that the ancestors of the aforesaid Nicholas and others have been long accustomed to receive such extortions of 2s. 1d. and 46s. 8d., but against the Law Merchant and against the will of the aforesaid payers and against the peace, etc., and beyond the amount of a third part of their goods; and by such extortions and ransoms they claim to make burgesses within his liberty and lordship, which there pertains to the Abbot himself and to no other to be done, etc. A day is given.... It is awarded that the aforesaid Abbot [recover] his damages of 199l. 13s. 4d. against the aforesaid Nicholas and others.... And let the same Nicholas and others be committed to gaol, etc. Afterwards the aforesaid Nicholas and others came and made fine, etc. And let certain others in the dispute be imprisoned for a month owing to their poverty, etc. And the aforesaid Nicholas and others came before the justices and satisfied the lord Abbot, etc.; therefore let them be delivered from prison, etc. [Footnote 179: Tuesday after December 13.] [Footnote 180: Monday after September 8, 1302.] [Footnote 181: _i.e._ To uphold.] 12. COMPLAINTS OF THE MEN OF LEICESTER AGAINST THE LORD [_Inquisitions Miscellaneous, 87, No. 46_], 1322. Inquisition taken at Leicester on Saturday next after the feast of St. Barnabas the Apostle[182] in the 15th year of the reign of King Edward, son of King Edward, before Roger Beler, guardian of the castles, lands and tenements of Thomas, late earl of Lancaster,[183] and other enemies and rebels of the lord the King in the County of Leicester, in the hand of the lord the King by their forfeiture, by the oath of William le Palmere of Leicester.[184].... Who say on their oath that in the time of Edmund, late earl of Leicester, uncle of the lord the King that now is, while he had the lordship of the town aforesaid, the men of the same town who were in the gild of the same town gave nothing for the retailing or sale of cloth or other merchandise, but in the time of Thomas, late earl of Leicester, by distraints of farmers[185] and extortions they were compelled to make heavy fines yearly. Further, in the time of the aforesaid Edmund, the fullers dwelling in the same town gave nothing to any man for exercising that craft, but in the time of Thomas they were compelled to pay 40s. a year, so that the aforesaid farmers would not permit other fullers to come into the same town, whereby none remains in the same town save one only, and he is poor. Further, in the time of Edmund, the butchers of the same town used to give nothing to any man for exercising their trade, but in the time of Thomas they were compelled to give 10s. a year to the farmers. Further, in the time of Edmund, for four days at Christmas no court of pleas of the Portmanmoot used to be holden, but in the time of Thomas by extortions and distraints the farmers[185] used to compel those who owed to others any debt, upon plaint made against them, to pay their debts within the aforesaid four days, or to imprison their bodies until they should have paid. In the time of Edmund vendors of oatmeal sold their meal, giving nothing to any man except toll; in the time of Thomas they were not permitted to sell the aforesaid meal except by great measures, and then the beadles of the farmers of the same town took by extortion from the buyers a great quantity for measuring it, and to have that profit the said beadles gave to the farmers 40s. a year. Further, in the time of Edmund, the farmers of the demesne lands of the same Edmund used to have the dung found in the four high roads and not elsewhere in the lanes; in the time of Thomas, by force and might they collected and took the dung in all the lanes, against the will of the burgesses. Further, in the time of Edmund, from payers of toll the farmers used to take nothing by way of a double toll, and that by view of any of the jurors of the same town; in the time of Thomas the farmers took from payers of toll the heaviest ransoms at their will, exceeding the value of the thing whereon the toll was so paid, and often more than the true value. Further, in the time of Edmund, the porters of the castle of the town of Leicester meddled not in the town of Leicester with the making of any attachments, except with a bailiff of the same town; in the time of Thomas, by force and might they made attachments and other executions without any bailiff of the town, and wrought great wrongs in the said town, whereby the burgesses suffered great grievances. In the time of Edmund, if any burgess were impleaded in the court of the castle, the mayor and bailiffs of the same town used to claim their court and freely have it at the Portmanmoot; in the time of Thomas the farmers refused to admit their claims or to grant their court, but compelled burgesses to answer there by various and heavy distraints. Further, in the time of Edmund, buyers of wool used to hire carts to carry their wool at their will; in the time of Thomas they were compelled to give to the farmers 1d. on each sack and could hire carts only at the will of the said farmers. Further, in the time of Edmund, the foresters of "le Fruth" used not to make attachments in the town of Leicester nor meddle there for any trespasses of dry wood committed; in the time of Thomas, by extortion, force and might, they made attachments both upon those who bought at their doors from poor women carrying dry sticks on their heads, and upon others, and caused the buyers to be amerced at the court of "le Hethilegh." In the time of Edmund, the brewers of the same town used to be amerced once a year according to the measure of their guilt and at the rate of 6d. or 12d. at most; in the time of Thomas, the farmers levied from the same by extortions and heavy ransoms at their will from one half a mark and from another 10s., which they call farms of "Cannemol." Further, in the time of Edmund, the weavers of the same town used to give nothing to any man for exercising their trade; in the time of Thomas the said farmers took by extortion from every weaver 40d. for permission to work in broad cloth. Further, in the time of Edmund the vendors of salt herrings and fish could sell such their merchandise by themselves and their servants (_servos_) with their own hands, giving nothing of their own except toll; in the time of Thomas they were not permitted to sell their merchandise, but the ministers of the farmers deputed hereto sold the same and took great sums of money by extortion. Further, in the time of Edmund, retailers of cloth selling in their windows used not to be amerced except by view of jurors of the same town and once a year at 12d.; in the time of Thomas they were compelled by heavy extortions to make fines at his will. In witness whereof the jurors have set their seals to this inquisition. [Footnote 182: June 11.] [Footnote 183: The necessities of Earl Thomas, leader of the opposition to Edward II., had evidently reacted upon his tenants.] [Footnote 184: And 23 others named.] [Footnote 185: The lord's lessees, responsible for the farm of the town.] 13. GRANT OF PAVAGE TO THE LORD OF A TOWN [_Patent Roll, 2 Edward III, p. 1, m. 5_], 1328. The King to the venerable father in Christ H. by the same grace bishop of Lincoln, greeting. Know ye that we have granted to you, in aid of paving your town of Newark, that from the day of the making of these presents to the end of three years completed next following you take in the same town, by those whom you shall think fit to depute hereto and for whom you will be answerable, the underwritten customs on things for sale coming to the same town, to wit, on each quarter of corn for sale 1/4d., on each horse and mare for sale 1/2d., on each hide of horse and mare, ox and cow, fresh, salted and tanned, for sale, 1/4d., on each cart carrying meat, salted or fresh, for sale, 1-1/2d., on 5 bacons for sale 1/2d., on each salmon, fresh or salt, for sale, 1/4d., on each 100 mackerel for sale 1/2d., on each lamprey for sale 1/2d., on 10 sheep, goats or swine for sale 1d., on 10 fleeces for sale 1/2d., on each 100 woolfells of sheep, goats, stags, hinds, bucks and does for sale 1d., on each 100 fells of lambs, kids, hares, rabbits, foxes, cats and squirrels 1/2d., on each cart-load of sea-fish for sale 2d., on each horse-load of sea-fish for sale 1/2d., on each truss of cloths brought by cart 3d., on each horse-load of cloth for sale or other diverse and minute things for sale coming to the same town 1/2d., on each cart-load of iron for sale 1d., on each 100 of steel for sale 1/4d., on each cart-load of tin for sale 1/2d., on each quarter of woad 2d., on each tun of wine for sale 2d., on each sack of wool for sale 2d., on each horse-load of wool 1d., on each horse-load of apples, pears or nuts for sale 1/4d., on each 100 of linen web and canvas for sale 1/2d., on each 100 of linen for sale 1/4d., on each new cart for sale 1/4d., on each cart laden with timber for sale 1/2d., on each 1000 laths 1-1/2d., on each 100 stockfish and Aberdeen fish 1/2d., on each cart laden with hay or grass for sale 1/4d., on each cart carrying rushes for sale 1d., on each cart-load of heath for sale 1/2d., on each truss of chalons[186] for sale 1/2d., on each horse-load of glass (_verro_) 1/2d., on each horse-load of garlic for sale 1/2d., on each 1000 herrings for sale 1/4d., on each 100 boards for sale 1d., on each cart-load of faggots for sale 1/4d., on each quarter of salt for sale 1/4d., on each dozen horse-loads of coals for sale 1/2d., on each cart-load of coals for sale 1/2d., on each cart-load of brushwood for sale 1/2d., on each horse-load of brushwood for sale by the week 1/4d., on each 1000 nails for house gables (_ad cumilum domus_) for sale 1/4d., on each 100 horse shoes for horses and clout-nails for carts 1/2d., on 2000 of all manner of nails for sale except nails for carts and house gables 1/4d., on each truss of every kind of ware for sale coming to the same town and exceeding the value of 2s., 1/4d. And therefore we command you that you take the customs aforesaid until the end of the said three years in the form aforesaid, and that after the term of the said three years be complete the said customs wholly cease and be annulled. In witness whereof, etc., to endure for the aforesaid three years. Witness the King at Northampton, 8 May. By the King himself. [Footnote 186: Coverlets made at Chalons-sur-Marne.] 14. MISAPPROPRIATION OF THE TOLLS LEVIED FOR PAVAGE [_Fine Roll, 10 Edward III, m. 22_], 1336. The King to his beloved and faithful John de Mounteny, Nicholas de Beaulu, Robert Scuffyn, and William de Merston, greeting. Know ye that whereas on the 8th day of May in the second year of our reign by our letters patent we granted unto the venerable father Henry, bishop of Lincoln, that he should have in the town of Newark pavage for the term of three years next following, and afterwards, wishing to do further grace to the same bishop in this behalf, we granted unto him that from the end of the term aforesaid he should take in the town aforesaid such pavage until the end of four years then next following, the collection of which pavage amounts to no small sum, as it is said; and we have received a petition shown before us and our council, containing that the collectors of the pavage aforesaid in the time aforesaid have detained by them the money which they have collected from that pavage by virtue of the grants aforesaid, and still detain the same, converting it to other uses than to the repair and amendment of that town, as would be fitting, to the deception of us and contrary to the form of the grants aforesaid: We, wishing to apply a remedy in this behalf, as well for us as for the safety of the town aforesaid in times to come, as we are bound, have appointed you, three and two of you, to survey all works, if any have been done by the collectors aforesaid from such money levied and collected during the time of the grants aforesaid in the same town, and to enquire, if need be, of the names of the collectors aforesaid, and to cause those collectors to come before you, three or two of you, and to hear and determine finally the account of all the same collectors of all their receipts from the time aforesaid for such cause, and to distrain the same collectors to apply without delay in such repair all money levied on account of the premises and not applied in the repair aforesaid, and to appoint and depute certain fit collectors of the pavage aforesaid in the town aforesaid of the same town, to collect and levy the money there and to apply the same in the repair and amendment of the pavage aforesaid in times to come, as you shall deem best to be done according to your discretions for our advantage and the safety of the town aforesaid. And therefore we command you that at certain days which you, three or two of you, shall provide herefor, you hear and determine the account aforesaid, and do and accomplish all and singular the premises in the form aforesaid; for we have commanded our sheriff of Nottingham that at certain days which you, three or two of you, shall cause him to know, he cause to come before you, three or two of you, the collectors aforesaid, and as many and such good and lawful men of his bailiwick by whom the truth of the matter in the premises may the better be known and enquired of. In witness whereof, etc. Witness the King at Walsingham, 15 February. By petition of the Council. 15. ORDINANCES OF THE WHITE TAWYERS OF LONDON [_Guildhall Letter-Book F, f. 126_], 1346. In honour of God, of Our Lady, and of all Saints, and for the nurture of tranquillity and peace among the good folks the Megucers, called "_Whittawyers_," the folks of the same trade have, by assent of Richard Lacer, Mayor, and of the Aldermen, ordained the points underwritten. In the first place, they have ordained that they will find a wax candle, to burn before Our Lady in the Church of All Hallows near London Wall. Also, that each person of the said trade shall put in the box such sum as he shall think fit, in aid of maintaining the said candle. Also, if by chance any one of the said trade shall fall into poverty, whether through old age, or because he cannot labour or work, and have nothing with which to help himself; he shall have every week from the said box 7d. for his support if he be a man of good repute. And after his decease, if he have a wife, a woman of good repute, she shall have weekly for her support 7d. from the said box, so long as she shall behave herself well, and keep single. And that no stranger shall work in the said trade, or keep house [for the same] in the city, if he be not an apprentice, or a man admitted to the franchise of the said city. And that no one shall take the serving man of another to work with him, during his term, unless it be with the permission of his master. And if any one of the said trade shall have work in his house that he cannot complete, or if for want of assistance such work shall be in danger of being lost, those of the said trade shall aid him, that so the said work be not lost. And if any one of the said trade shall depart this life, and have not wherewithal to be buried, he shall be buried at the expense of their common box; and when any one of the said trade shall die, all those of the said trade shall go to the Vigil, and make offering on the morrow. And if any serving-man shall conduct himself in any other manner than properly towards his master, and act rebelliously towards him, no one of the said trade shall set him to work, until he shall have made amends before the Mayor and Aldermen; and before them such misprision shall be redressed. And that no one of the said trade shall behave himself the more thoughtlessly, in the way of speaking or acting amiss, by reason of the points aforesaid; and if any one shall do to the contrary thereof, he shall not follow the said trade until he shall have reasonably made amends. And if any one of the said trade shall do to the contrary of any point of the Ordinances aforesaid, and be convicted thereof by good men of the said trade, he shall pay to the Chamber of the Guildhall of London, the first time 2s., the second time 40d., the third time half a mark, and the fourth time 10s., and shall forswear the trade. Also, that the good folks of the same trade shall once in the year be assembled in a certain place, convenient thereto, there to choose two men of the most loyal and befitting of the said trade, to be overseers of work and all other things touching the trade, for that year, which persons shall be presented to the Mayor and Aldermen for the time being, and sworn before them diligently to enquire and make search, and loyally to present to the said Mayor and Aldermen such defaults as they shall find touching the said trade without sparing any one for friendship or for hatred, or in any other manner. And if any one of the said trade shall be found rebellious against the said overseers, so as not to let them properly make their search and assay, as they ought to do; or if he shall absent himself from the meeting aforesaid, without reasonable cause, after due warning by the said overseers, he shall pay to the Chamber, upon the first default, 40d.; and on the second like default, half a mark; and on the third, one mark; and on the fourth, 20s. and shall forswear the trade for ever. Also, that if the overseers shall be found lax and negligent about their duty, or partial to any person, for gift or for friendship, maintaining him, or voluntarily permitting him [to continue] in his default, and shall not present him to the Mayor and Aldermen, as before stated, they are to incur the penalty aforesaid. Also, that each year, at such assemblies of the good folks of the said trade, there shall be chosen overseers, as before stated. And if it shall be found that through laxity or negligence of the said governors such assemblies are not held, each of the said overseers is to incur the said penalty. Also, that all skins falsely and deceitfully wrought in their trade, which the said overseers shall find on sale in the hands of any person, citizen or foreigner, within the franchise, shall be forfeited to the said Chamber, and the worker thereof amerced in manner aforesaid. Also, that no one who has not been an apprentice, and has not finished his term of apprenticeship in the said trade shall be made free of the same trade; unless it be attested by the overseers for the time being or by four persons of the said trade, that such person is able, and sufficiently skilled to be made free of the same. Also, that no one of the said trade shall induce the servant of another to work with him in the same trade, until he has made a proper fine with his first master, at the discretion of the said overseers, or of four reputable men of the said trade. And if any one shall do to the contrary thereof, or receive the serving workman of another to work with him during his term, without leave of the trade, he is to incur the said penalty. Also, that no one shall take for working in the said trade more than they were wont heretofore, on the pain aforesaid, that is to say, for the _dyker_[187] of _Scottes stagges_, half a mark; the _dyker of Yrysshe_, half a mark; the _dyker of Spanysshe stagges_ 10s.; for the hundred of _gotesfelles_, 20s.; the hundred of _rolether_, 16s.; for the hundred skins of _hyndescalves_, 8s.; and for the hundred of _kiddefelles_, 8s.[188] [Footnote 187: A package of ten.] [Footnote 188: Printed in Riley, Memorials, 232.] 16. DISPUTE BETWEEN THE MASTER SADDLERS OF LONDON AND THEIR JOURNEYMEN [_Guildhall, Letter-Book II, f. 309_], 1396. Whereas there had arisen no small dissension and strife between the masters of the trade of Saddlers of London, and the serving-men, called _yomen_, in that trade; because that the serving-men aforesaid against the consent, and without leave of their masters, were wont to array themselves all in a new and like suit once in the year, and often times held divers meetings, at Stratford and elsewhere without the liberty of the said city, as well as in divers places within the city; whereby many inconveniences and perils ensued to the trade aforesaid; and also, very many losses might happen thereto in future times, unless some quick and speedy remedy should by the rulers of the said city be found for the same; therefore the masters of the said trade on the 10th day of the month of July, in the 20th year, etc., made grievous complaint thereon to the excellent men, William More, Mayor, and the Aldermen of the City aforesaid, urgently entreating that, for the reasons before mentioned, they would deign to send for Gilbert Dustone, William Gylowe, John Clay, John Hiltone, William Berigge, and Nicholas Mason, the then governors of the serving-men aforesaid; to appear before them on the 12th day of July then next ensuing. And thereupon, on the same 10th day of July, precept was given to John Parker, serjeant of the Chamber, to give notice to the same persons to be here on the said 12th day of July, etc. Which Governors of the serving-men appeared, and, being interrogated as to the matters aforesaid, they said that time out of mind the serving-men of the said trade had had a certain Fraternity among themselves, and had been wont to array themselves all in like suit once in the year, and, after meeting together at Stratford, on the Feast of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary[189] to come from thence to the Church of St. Vedast, in London, there to hear Mass on the same day, in honour of the said glorious Virgin. But the said masters of the trade asserted to the contrary of all this, and said that the fraternity, and the being so arrayed in like suit among the serving-men, dated from only thirteen years back, and even then had been discontinued of late years; and that under a certain feigned colour of sanctity, many of the serving-men in the trade had influenced the journeymen among them and had formed covins thereon, with the object of raising their wages greatly in excess; to such an extent, namely, that whereas a master in the said trade could before have had a serving-man or journeyman for 40 shillings or 5 marks yearly, and his board, now such a man would not agree with his master for less than 10 or 12 marks or even 10 pounds, yearly; to the great deterioration of the trade.[190] And further, that the serving-men aforesaid according to an ordinance made among themselves, would oftentimes cause the journeymen of the said masters to be summoned by a beadle, thereunto appointed, to attend at Vigils of the dead, who were members of the said Fraternity, and at making offering for them on the morrow, under a certain penalty to be levied; whereby the said masters were very greatly aggrieved, and were injured through such absenting of themselves by the journeymen, so leaving their labours and duties against their wish. For amending and allaying the which grievances and dissensions, the Mayor and Aldermen commanded that six of the said serving-men should attend in the name of the whole of the alleged Fraternity, and communicate with six or eight of the master saddlers aforesaid, etc., both parties to be here, before the said Mayor and Aldermen on the 19th day of July then next ensuing to make report to the Court as to such agreement between them as aforesaid. And further, the Mayor and Aldermen strictly forbade the said serving-men in any manner to hold any meeting thereafter at Stratford aforesaid, or elsewhere without the liberty of the said city on pain of forfeiture of all that unto our Lord the King and to the said city they might forfeit. On which 19th day of July, came here as well the masters aforesaid as the governors of the serving-men; and presented to the Mayor and Aldermen a certain petition, in these words: "Gilbert Dustone, William Gylowe, John Clay, John Hiltone, William Berigge, and Nicholas Mason, do speak on behalf of all their Fraternity and do beg of the Wardens of the Saddlers that they may have and use all the points which heretofore they have used." Which petition having been read and heard, and divers reasons by the said masters unto the Mayor and Aldermen shown, it was determined that the serving-men in the trade aforesaid should in future be under the governance and rule of the masters of such trade; the same as the serving-men in other trades in the same city are wont, and of right are bound to be; and that in future they should have no fraternity, meetings, or covins, or other unlawful things under a penalty, etc. And that the said masters must properly treat and govern their serving-men in the trade in such manner as the serving-men in like trades in the city have been wont to be properly treated and governed. And that if any serving-men should in future wish to make complaint to the Mayor and Aldermen, for the time being, as to any grievance unduly inflicted upon him by the masters aforesaid, such Mayor and Aldermen would give to him his due and speedy meed of justice as to the same.[191] [Footnote 189: August 15.] [Footnote 190: For further evidence of combinations, see below, No. 32.] [Footnote 191: Printed in Riley, Memorials, 542.] 17. ORDINANCES OF THE DYERS OF BRISTOL [_Patent Roll, 13 Henry IV, p. 2, m. 31_], 1407. These are the petition, ordinances and articles, which are granted and confirmed to the masters, burgesses of the craft of dyeing of the town of Bristol ... by the assent and advice of the whole Common Council ... holden in the Gildhall of Bristol ... the 8th year of the reign of King Henry the Fourth after the Conquest, to endure for ever, as well for the honour of the town of Bristol as for the profit and amendment of the said craft; the tenour of which petition and ordinances follows hereafter: To the honourable and discreet Sirs, the Mayor, Sheriff and Bailiffs of the town of Bristol, and to all the honourable folk of the Common Council, the said masters make supplication: Whereas certain persons of the said town of divers crafts, not cunning in the craft of dyeing, who were never apprentices nor masters of the said craft, take upon them divers charges and bargains to dye cloths and wools of many folk of the same town and the country round, which cloths and wools have been divers times ill dressed and worked through their ignorance and lack of knowledge, to the great damage of the owners and scandal of the whole craft aforesaid and of the drapery of the same town; whereupon, most wise Sirs, please it your special grace to grant to the said suppliants the ordinances underwritten, to put out and bring to nought all deceits and damages which could hereafter befal within the craft aforesaid, and this for God and as a work of charity. First, be it ordained and assented that each year two masters of the said craft be elected by the common assent of all the masters of the same craft in the town of Bristol, and their names presented to the Mayor of Bristol in full court of the Gildhall of the same town, and there to be sworn on the Holy Gospels within the quinzaine of Michaelmas at the latest to survey well and lawfully all manner of defects which shall be made henceforward as well in dyed cloths as in wools put in woad within the franchise of Bristol. And if any damage is done to any person through defect of dyeing by any man or woman of the said craft, that then he shall pay sufficient amends to the parties damaged according to the discretion of the said two masters and of four other indifferent persons elected by the Mayor and his Council, as the trespass demands. And if it so be that any man or woman will not abide by the ordinance and award of the said two masters and other indifferent persons elected by the Mayor as before is said, that then the Mayor and his council for the time being shall cause them to be compelled to pay and satisfy the said persons so damaged of all that is adjudged by them. And in case that the said two masters after their oath made be negligent in executing their office touching their said mistery, that they be punished and amerced according to the advice of the Mayor and of the court aforesaid so the use of the chamber and to the common profit as is aforesaid. Further, that no servant or apprentice of the said mistery be henceforth admitted to the liberties of Bristol to be a burgess sworn to exercise the said mistery until it be testified to the court before the Mayor of Bristol by the said two masters that they are able and well learned in the said craft of dyeing, to save and keep the goods of the good folk who are wont to be served for their money in the exercise of the mistery aforesaid. And if any master of the said mistery make any such servant or apprentice, if he be not able and well learned in the said craft, as before is said, he shall incur the penalty of 20s. for each time, to wit, to the use and profit of the commonalty, as before is said, 13s. 4d., and to the masters for their light, 6s. 8d., without any pardon, provided always that the Mayor of the town of Bristol have his power and jurisdiction to accept and make burgesses of each person presented to him, as has been used and accustomed before these times, these ordinances notwithstanding. Further, forasmuch as often before these times divers folk, as well those who have not been apprentices, servants or masters of the said mistery, as other folk who are of other misteries, not cunning nor having knowledge in the aforesaid art of dyeing, have taken upon them to dye cloths and wools put in woad, as well of good folk of the town as of the country round, which, by reason of ill management and through lack of knowledge of the said folk, are greatly impaired of their colours and many other defects to the great loss and damage of the owners of the said cloths and great scandal of the town and shame of the whole craft aforesaid, whereby the masters and apprentices of the said craft of dyeing go vagrant for lack of work, because the said folk of other crafts have been occupied in their said craft, to their great mischief and undoing, therefore it is ordained and assented that henceforward no manner of man of the same craft nor any other mistery do dye any cloth or wool, unless it be presented by the said masters that he be good and able and sufficiently learned in the said craft, upon pain of paying to the Mayor and Bailiffs of the chamber for the use and common profit, as before is said, at the first default 6s. 8d., at the second default 13s. 4d., at the third default 20s., and for each default after the said three defaults 20s., without any pardon, so that the said masters have for their labour the third part arising from the said defaults for their light, provided always that all the burgesses of this town may make their profit for dyeing in their houses their own cloths, as has been used before these times, these ordinances notwithstanding. And after the view of the said petition and ordinances aforesaid by the Mayor and Common Council, it was assented that all the masters of the said mistery of dyeing dwelling within the franchise of Bristol should come before the Mayor to hear their said ordinances and whether they would assent thereto and grant them or not. And by command of the ... Mayor, Ralph Dyer ... and many others of the mistery aforesaid came in their own persons, to whom all the said ordinances were published and declared, and every of them in the presence of the Mayor aforesaid granted and assented to all the ordinances and pains aforesaid, praying of their common assent that the ordinances and pains aforesaid be ratified, confirmed and enrolled of record in the papers of the Gildhall of Bristol, and be put in due execution for ever, saving always to the jurisdiction of the Mayor and Common Council of the town of Bristol that if any ordinance or any new addition hereafter touching the mistery aforesaid which may be profitable as well for the town as for the aforesaid mistery, that then by the advice and ordinance of the Mayor of Bristol for the time being and the Council of the town and also of the masters of the said mistery, they shall be corrected and amended according to good faith and reason and put in due execution, the ordinances aforesaid notwithstanding. Provided also that the dyers abovesaid be bound by these ordinances to make the assay of woad and to work wools and cloths as well in woad as in madder of the goods of all merchants and burgesses of Bristol, taking for their labour reasonably as has been accustomed and used before these times. In witness whereof, at the special prayer and request of the said masters to keep and maintain their ordinances aforesaid, we have put hereto the seal of the office of the Mayoralty of the town of Bristol. Given in the Gildhall of the same town 17 March, 8 Henry IV.[192] [Footnote 192: From the confirmation of 13 Henry IV. Printed in _The Red Book of Bristol_, ii. p. 81.] 18. INCORPORATION OF THE FRATERNITY OF THE HABERDASHERS OF LONDON [_Patent Roll, 26 Henry VI, p. 2, m. 23_], 1448. The King to all to whom, etc., greeting. Know ye that of our especial grace and the inspiration of charity, and for the especial devotion which we bear and have towards the Blessed Virgin Catherine, we have granted and given licence for us and our heirs, as much as in us lies, to our beloved lieges, the men of the mistery of Haberdashers within our city of London, that they may begin, unite, found, create, erect and establish a gild or fraternity in honour of the same Virgin of men of the mistery aforesaid and others, and have and hold that gild or fraternity so begun, united, founded, created, erected and established, and enjoy and exercise the same to them and their successors for all future times to endure; and that they and their successors may increase and augment the same gild or fraternity and hold the gild or fraternity aforesaid of the said mistery of Haberdashers and any persons whom they will receive within the fraternity aforesaid, and may elect and make four wardens from themselves as often as they shall please or need shall be for the governance, custody and rule of the said fraternity for ever, as shall best please them; and that the said wardens and their successors each year may make a livery of vesture of one suit among the brethren and sisters of the same fraternity, and their meetings and gatherings in places of our city aforesaid, and there in honest manner hold and keep their feast of food and drink at the feast of St. Catherine the Virgin, and make ordinances among themselves as often as they shall please and as they shall deem most necessary and opportune, and ordain and rule their mistery and correct and amend defects of their servants by view of the Mayor of the city aforesaid for the time being or of any person whom he shall depute hereto in his place, as they shall deem fit to be done for the greater utility of the commonalty of our people; and that none within the liberty of the city aforesaid keep a shop or house of that mistery, unless he be of the liberty of that city, nor any be admitted to the liberty of the said city in the same mistery, unless he be presented by the aforesaid wardens or their successors and by four other good and lawful men of the same mistery, and it be testified to the Mayor of our said city for the time being that he is good, faithful and fit for the same. And further of our more abundant grace and at the supplication of our said lieges, the men of the mistery aforesaid, we will and grant for us and our heirs, as much as in us lies, that the same wardens and their successors be perpetual and capable and the said fraternity be by itself a solid and perpetual and corporate fraternity, and that that fraternity be hereafter named the fraternity of St. Catherine the Virgin of Haberdashers in the city of London, and the said wardens and their successors [the wardens] of the fraternity of St. Catherine the Virgin of Haberdashers in the city of London, and we incorporate the said wardens and their successors and the fraternity aforesaid to endure for ever, and we make them as it were one body and declare, accept and approve them for one body and hold them for one body. We have granted also for us and our heirs, as far as in us lies, to the aforesaid wardens, that they and their successors, by the name of the wardens of the fraternity of St. Catherine the Virgin of Haberdashers in the city of London, may acquire to them and their successors in fee and perpetuity lands, tenements, rents, annuities and other possessions as well of those which are held of us in free burgage as others, provided that by inquisitions to be taken thereon in due form and returned into the Chancery of us and our heirs it be found that it can be done without damage or prejudice to us or our heirs or others whomsoever, and that they may have a common seal and be impleaded and implead others by the name of the wardens of the fraternity of St. Catherine the Virgin of Haberdashers in the city of London for ever before any judges in any courts, and that they may have and hold to them and their successors all lands and tenements, rents, annuities and other possessions whatsoever acquired by the aforesaid wardens and their successors, and enjoy the same for ever without obstacle, impeachment or hindrance of us or our heirs, our justices, escheators, sheriffs or other bailiffs or ministers of us or our heirs whomsoever, the Statute published touching lands and tenements not to be put in Mortmain, or any other Statute or ordinance made to the contrary, notwithstanding. And further of our more abundant grace we have granted for us and our heirs to our aforesaid lieges and wardens and their successors aforesaid for ever that the same wardens and their successors, wardens of the fraternity aforesaid for the time being, have and make full search as well in and of the mistery of Haberdashers and of every thing touching it, as of all goods and things in any wise belonging to or incumbent on the craft of Haberdashers aforesaid brought or hereafter to be brought by any alien or any aliens from parts remote into our realm of England, when they or any of them shall bring the same to the same our city or the suburbs thereof or within three miles distant round about the said city, and also of each such alien and of such misteries and things which they, our privileged lieges, use or have used before these times, and may present all defects in that behalf found by them as well upon our said lieges as upon aliens, according to their discretions, to the Mayor of our city aforesaid for the time being or his deputy in this behalf, if need be, and correct and reform the same by his survey. And further we will and by these our letters we grant to our aforesaid lieges, the men of the mistery aforesaid, that no officer, minister, artificer, merchant or any other whosoever hereafter search or presume to search in any wise any our privileged liege employing the craft aforesaid nor his goods of haberdashery, save only the four wardens of the craft aforesaid for the time being; so that it be not to the prejudice of the Mayor of our city of London. In witness, etc. Witness the King at Westminster the 3rd day of June. By the King himself and of the said date, etc. 19. INDENTURE OF APPRENTICESHIP [_Ancient Deeds_, A 10022], 1459. This indenture made between John Gibbs of Penzance in the county of Cornwall of the one part and John Goffe, Spaniard, of the other part, witnesses that the aforesaid John Goffe has put himself to the aforesaid John Gibbs to learn the craft of fishing, and to stay with him as apprentice and to serve from the feast of Philip and James[193] next to come after the date of these presents until the end of eight years then next ensuing and fully complete; throughout which term the aforesaid John Goffe shall well and faithfully serve the aforesaid John Gibbs and Agnes his wife as his masters and lords, shall keep their secrets, shall everywhere willingly do their lawful and honourable commands, shall do his masters no injury nor see injury done to them by others, but prevent the same as far as he can, shall not waste his master's goods nor lend them to any man without his special command. And the aforesaid John Gibbs and Agnes his wife shall teach, train and inform or cause the aforesaid John Goffe, their apprentice, to be informed in the craft of fishing in the best way they know, chastising him duly and finding for the same John, their apprentice, food, clothing linen and woollen, and shoes, sufficiently, as befits such an apprentice to be found, during the term aforesaid. And at the end of the term aforesaid the aforesaid John Goffe shall have of the aforesaid John Gibbs and Agnes his wife 20s. sterling without any fraud. In witness whereof the parties aforesaid have interchangeably set their seals to the parts of this indenture. These witnesses:--Richard Bascawen, Robert Martyn and Robert Cosyn and many others. Given at Penzance, 1 April in the 37th year of the reign of King Henry the Sixth after the Conquest of England. [Footnote 193: May 1.] 20. A RUNAWAY APPRENTICE _[Early Chancery Proceedings, File 6, No. 7], c._ 1425. To the most reverend father in God and his most gracious lord, the bishop of Winchester, chancellor of England. Beseecheth meekly William Beverley of London that whereas William Batyngham has been arrested and detained in prison in Salisbury at the suit of the said beseecher, for that he was his apprentice and departed from his service here in London, and has been the whole time since ... wandering in divers towns, as in Winchester, Bristol and elsewhere, so that the said beseecher could not find him until now of late suddenly, and so it is that upon the matter abovesaid his said suit cannot be determined in Salisbury, for that the retaining and departing did not take place within the said town: Please it your most gracious discretion to grant to the said beseecher a writ directed to the mayor, bailiffs and keeper of the gaol there and to each of them to have the body of the said William Batyngham with such a clause "by whatsoever name he be known," before you at a certain day to be limited by you, considering that he has no other remedy, and that for God and in work of charity.[194] [Footnote 194: This case illustrates the growing habit of appealing to the Chancellor's equitable jurisdiction, a characteristic feature of fifteenth century administrative and legal history.] 21. INCORPORATION OF A GILD FOR RELIGIOUS AND CHARITABLE USES [_Patent Roll, 25 Henry VI, p. 2, m. 5_], 1447. The King to all to whom, etc., greeting. Know ye that of our especial grace and out of reverence for the Holy Trinity we have granted and given licence for us and our heirs, as much as in us lies, to Ralph, lord of Cromwell, and Thomas Thurland that they and one of them, to the praise and honour of the Holy Trinity, may begin, found, erect, unite, create and establish a fraternity or gild perpetual in the church of St. Mary of Nottingham of an alderman and two wardens and brethren and sisters of the parishioners of the same church and others who of their devotion shall wish to be of the same fraternity or gild, to endure for perpetual times to come; and that the said alderman and wardens and brethren and sisters of the fraternity or gild aforesaid, when it shall be thus begun, founded, erected, united, created and established, and their successors, be in fact and name one body and one perpetual commonalty, and have perpetual succession and a common seal to serve for the affairs of that fraternity or gild, and be persons able and capable in law to purchase to them and their successors in fee and perpetuity lands and tenements, rents and other possessions whatsoever of persons whomsoever; and that the same alderman and wardens and brethren and sisters and their successors for ever, by the name of the alderman and wardens and brethren and sisters of the fraternity or gild of the Holy Trinity of Nottingham, may plead and be impleaded before any judges soever in any courts and actions whatsoever. And further we will and by these presents we grant that the same alderman and wardens and brethren and sisters and their successors may augment the same fraternity or gild when it shall be thus begun, founded, erected, united, created and established, and receive new brethren and sisters into the same fraternity or gild, as often and when it shall seem to them hereafter necessary and opportune; and also once a year elect and make from themselves and their successors an alderman and two wardens to support the charges of the business touching and concerning the said fraternity or gild, and to rule and govern the same fraternity or gild. And further, of our more abundant grace we have granted and given licence for us and our heirs, as far as in us lies, to the aforesaid alderman and wardens and brethren and sisters and their successors, that, when the same fraternity or gild shall be thus begun, founded, erected, united, created and established, or their successors, for the maintenance of two chaplains to celebrate divine service for the good estate of us and Margaret our consort while we shall live and for our soul when we shall have departed this life and the souls of all our progenitors deceased, and for the good estate of the brethren and sisters of the same fraternity or gild, while they shall live, and for their souls when they shall have departed this life, and the souls of all the faithful departed, in the church aforesaid, according to the ordinance of the aforesaid Ralph, lord of Cromwell, and Thomas, or one of them, or their executors or assigns, to be made in this behalf, and for the relief of the poor and feeble brethren and sisters of the said fraternity or gild, they may purchase lands and tenements, rents and services, which are held of us in chief or burgage or by any other service soever or of others by any service soever, to the value of 20 marks a year beyond reprises, from any person or any persons soever willing to give or grant the same to them, without fine or fee to be taken or paid therefor to the use of us or our heirs, to have and to hold to the same alderman and wardens and brethren and sisters of the fraternity or gild abovesaid and their successors for the maintenance of the said two chaplains and for the relief of the poor and feeble aforesaid, as is said above, for ever; the Statute published touching lands and tenements not to be put in Mortmain, or any other statute or ordinance published or made to the contrary, notwithstanding; provided that it be found by inquisitions duly to be taken thereon and lawfully returned into the Chancery of us and our heirs, that it can be done without damage or prejudice to us or our heirs or others whomsoever. In witness whereof, etc. Witness the King at Bury St. Edmunds, 20 February. By writ of privy seal, and of the date aforesaid by authority of Parliament, and for 20 marks paid in the hanaper. SECTION VI THE REGULATION OF TRADE, INDUSTRY AND COMMERCE 1. Assize of Measures, 1197--2. Grant to the lord of a manor of the assize of bread and ale and other liberties, 1307--3. An offence against the assize of bread, 1316--4. Inquisition touching a proposed market and fair, 1252--5. Grant of a fair at St. Ives to the abbot of Ramsey, 1202--6. Grant of a market at St. Ives to the abbot of Ramsey, 1293--7. Proceedings in the court at the fair of St. Ives, 1288--8. The Statute of Winchester, 1285--9. The recovery of debt on a recognisance, 1293--10. Procedure at a fair pursuant to the Statute for Merchants, 1287--11. The aulnage of cloth, 1291--12. The Ordinance of Labourers, 1349--13. Presentments made before the Justices of Labourers, 1351--14. Excessive prices charged by craftsmen, 1354--15. Fines levied for excessive wages, 1351--16. Writ to enforce payment of excess of wages to the collectors of a subsidy, 1350--17. Application of fines for excessive wages to a subsidy, 1351-2--18. Labour legislation; the Statute of 12 Richard II., 1388--19. Labour legislation; a Bill in Parliament, 23 Henry VI., 1444-5--20. Organisation of the Staple, 1313--21. Arguments for the establishment of home staple towns, 1319--22. Ordinances of the Staple, 1326--23. The election of the mayor and constables of a Staple town, 1358--24. Royal letters patent over-ruled by the custom of the Staple, 1436--25. Prohibition of export of materials for making cloth, 1326--26. Commercial policy, _temp._ Edw. IV.--27. The perils of foreign travel, 1315--28. Grant of letters of marque and reprisals, 1447--29. Grant of liberties to the merchants of Douay, 1260--30. Aliens at a fair, 1270--31. Confirmation of liberties to the merchants of Almain, 1280--32. Alien weavers in London, 1362--33. The hosting of aliens, 1442--34. An offence against Stat. 18 Henry VI. for the hosting of aliens, 1440--35. Imprisonment of an alien craftsman, _c._ 1440--36. Petition against usury, 1376--37. Action upon usury, _c._ 1480. The documents in this section are suggestive rather than comprehensive. No attempt has been made to illustrate the industrial and commercial development of England as a whole; but its more important aspects are indicated, and the machinery of administration outlined. Down to the end of the thirteenth century industry is of local rather than of national importance, and is regulated by custom rather than by law; while there was undoubtedly considerable intercourse between town and town, the conduct of trade, the oversight of conditions of labour, and the settlement of disputes were matters for the townsmen themselves to deal with in accordance with chartered rights or intermunicipal covenants. For example, the unpaid debt of an individual burgess was exacted by the _communitas burgensium_ to which the injured creditor belonged, from any member of the _communitas burgensium_ to which the defaulting debtor belonged, by the method of forcible seizure of goods. Although, therefore, the state attempted to secure uniformity of weights and measures and of cloth, and to maintain the quality and cheapness of the necessaries of life in the interests of traders and consumers alike, none the less the assizes of weights and measures and of cloth (No. 1), of bread and ale (Nos. 2 and 3) and of wine, came to be regarded, as might be expected in a feudal age, as franchises to be purchased by the lord of a manor, or enforced by the elected officers of a town. The regulation of trade and industry shares the characteristic features of its environment. The same is true of early commercial intercourse with foreign communities. The right to hold a fair is a liberty granted by the crown to a lord, and for centuries the great fairs were the chief international marts (Nos. 4-7, 30). The freedom which alien merchants enjoyed under a clause of _Magna Carta_ was extended by charters granting privileges similar in detail to those procured by English towns (Nos. 29-31), and it is not until the reign of Edward I. that a serious attempt is made to nationalise regulation (Nos. 8-11). Thereafter conflicts arise not only between the central legislature and the local chartered body or privileged lord (No. 11), but between a growing self-conscious merchant class and the alien communities which had hitherto controlled the export and import trade of the country (Nos. 21, 22). The State assumes new responsibilities, and Parliament attempts to standardise old and enforce new regulations for the nation at large (Nos. 12, 18, 19, 25). The Statute emerges over against the Charter on the one hand and the Ordinance on the other. The difficulties of Parliament are twofold; it has to fight, first, against old concessions which would be upheld by the Courts (No. 11), and second, against the uncertain operation of the royal prerogative (No. 34). It has often been urged that the mediæval statute was little more than the expression of an ideal, and that administrative machinery was insufficient for its adequate execution. The truth is rather that Parliament was one of several competing regulative institutions, and that notwithstanding the most punctilious and inquisitorial administrative methods, its measures were neutralised by existing privileges and by fresh exemptions extracted from a chronically bankrupt and insincere monarchy. That the administration was not of itself ineffective is clear from the enforcement of the Statutes of Labourers in the fourteenth century (Nos. 12-17) and of the Statute of 18 Henry VI restricting the freedom of aliens in the fifteenth century (Nos. 33, 34). The Crown was always preoccupied with the state of the revenue; statutes are enforced or overridden, according as their operation will benefit or deplete the Exchequer. It was the experience of centuries that gave point to queen Elizabeth's affection for the prerogative. None the less great strides were made in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries towards the end largely achieved in the Tudor period. The Elizabethan legislation sums up and rounds off the work of the previous two hundred years. The regulation of wages and of the conditions of labour (Nos. 12-19), the protection of industry, commerce and shipping, making national trade an important factor in international diplomacy (Nos. 20, 22, 25,27,28), the emergence of a native mercantile class eager to win the export trade for their own country by means of the staple (Nos. 20-24), the jealousy of the alien, growing in intensity throughout the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries (Nos. 21, 33, 34, 35), the development of a home cloth manufacture competing with the best foreign products (Nos. 22, 25, 32), and the provision of remedies against the mediæval bugbear of usury (Nos. 36, 37), all assist in the gradual ripening of a national economy, the fruits of which were gathered first in the Tudor era. AUTHORITIES The principal modern writers dealing with the subject of this section are:--Rogers, _History of Agriculture and Prices_; Rogers, _Six Centuries of Work and Wages_; Cunningham, _Growth of English Industry and Commerce_; Ashley, _Economic History_; Ashley, _James van Artevelde_; Cunningham, _Alien Immigrants_; Putnam, _The Enforcement of the Statutes of Labourers_; Schanz, _Englische Handelspolitik gegen Ende des Mittelalters_; Varenbergh, _Relations diplomatiques entre le Comté de Flandre et l'Angleterre_; Ochenkowski, _England's Wirthschaftliche Entwickelung im Ausgange des Mittelalters_; Höhlbaum, _Hansisches Urkundenbuch_. See also the _English and American Historical Reviews_. Contemporary authorities:--Thomas Aquinas, _De Usuris_; Political Poems and Songs (Wright, Rolls Series); Parliament Rolls (Record Commission); Calendars of Patent, Close and Fine Rolls (Record Office Publications). 1. ASSIZE OF MEASURES [_Roger of Hoveden, Rolls Series_, IV, 33], 1197. It is established that all measures of the whole of England be of the same amount, as well of corn as of vegetables and of like things, to wit, one good horse load; and that this measure be level as well in cities and boroughs as without. Also the measure of wine and ale and of all liquids shall be of the same amount according to the diversity of liquids. Weights and measures also, great and small, shall be of the same amount in the whole realm, according to the diversity of wares. Measures also of corn and liquids, wine and ale, shall have marks put thereon,[195] lest by guile they can be falsified. It is established that woollen cloths, wherever they be made, be made of the same width, to wit, of two ells within the lists,[196] and of the same good quality in the middle and at the sides. Also the ell shall be the same in the whole realm and of the same length, and the ell shall be of iron. It is forbidden to all merchants throughout the whole of the realm that any merchant set in front of his shop red or black cloths or shields or any other thing, whereby the buyers' eyes are often deceived in the choice of good cloth. It is also forbidden that any dye for sale, save black only, be made anywhere in the realm, except in cities or chief boroughs. It is also established that in every city or borough four or six lawful men of the same town, according to the size of the town, together with the sheriff,[197] or with the reeves of the city or borough, if the same be not in the hand of the sheriff, be assigned to keep the assize in this form: that they see and be sure that all things are sold and bought by the same measure, and that all measures are of the same size according to the diversity of wares. And if they find any who shall be confessed or convicted of having sold by other than the established measure, his body shall be taken and sent to prison, and all his chattels shall be seized into the hand of the lord the King, nor shall he be delivered save by the lord the King or his chief justice. Touching the keepers themselves it is established that if they perform this keeping so negligently that they be convicted by others than themselves before the justices of the lord the King of transgressing any written assize either of measures or of the width of cloths, the keepers shall remain at the mercy of the lord the King touching their chattels. It is commanded also that after the feast of the Purification of St. Mary no man in any county sell anything save by the ordained measure, which shall be [everywhere] of the same size; nor after the fair of mid-Lent at Stamford sell any cloth of smaller width than two ells within the lists. [Footnote 195: "_Inclaventur in eis claves._"] [Footnote 196: The selvages.] 2. GRANT TO THE LORD OF A MANOR OF THE ASSIZE OF BREAD AND ALE AND OTHER LIBERTIES [_Inquisitions ad quod damnum_, 63, 16], 1307. _Nottingham._--Inquisition taken at Nottingham before William de Chelardeston, sheriff of Nottingham, on Sunday, a fortnight after Easter in the 35th year of the reign of King Edward, whether the lord the King, without doing prejudice or injury to any man, can grant to his beloved and trusty Peter Pycot that he and his heirs may have for ever in his manor of Ratcliffe upon Soar, in the county of Nottingham, view of frankpledge of his men and tenants of the same manor and whatever pertains to such view, and amends of the assize of bread and ale broken by the same men and tenants, and a pillory and a tumbrel and "infangenethef"[198] and gallows for the execution of judgment, for a fixed rent thereof according to the true value of the same liberties, to be rendered each year by the hands of the sheriff of that county for the time being to the lord the King and his heirs at their Exchequer, or not, and if prejudice or injury should be done to any man by the grant aforesaid, then to whom and in what manner and how, and how much the liberties aforesaid to be possessed in the same manor can be worth yearly according to the true value of the same, by the oath of Robert Pouterel of Thrumpton.[199] ... Who say upon their oath that the lord the King, without doing prejudice or injury to any man, can grant to the aforesaid Peter Pycot that he and his heirs may have for ever in his manor of Ratcliffe upon Soar view of frankpledge.[200] ... They say further that all the liberties aforesaid in the said manor are worth 2s. a year according to the true value thereof. In witness whereof the aforesaid jurors have set their seals to this inquisition. Given at Nottingham the day and year abovesaid. [Footnote 197: Reading _simul cum vicecomite_ for _similiter in vicecomitatu_.] [Footnote 198: The right to take and judge thieves within the manorial precincts.] [Footnote 199: And eleven others named.] [Footnote 200: And the other liberties specified above. For an explanation of view of frankpledge, see note to Section IV., No. 5 above.] 3. AN OFFENCE AGAINST THE ASSIZE OF BREAD [_Guildhall, Letter-Book D, f. 189_], 1316.[201] On the Saturday next before the Feast of the Invention of the Holy Cross,[202] in the 9th year of the reign of King Edward, son of King Edward, Richard de Lughteburghe was attached to make answer as to a certain false wastel[203] loaf of his. And the same Richard said that he was not a baker, and that he did not have that wastel bread baked; but that, as a regrator, he bought it of a certain baker who lives in Southwark. And upon this he was charged by the Mayor and Aldermen with being in partnership with the baker aforesaid, in baking such bread, and sharing with him in the gain thereby, or loss, if such should happen: whereupon, being asked how he would acquit himself thereof, he said that he was not the partner of the said baker, nor had he any share with him; and he put himself upon the country as to the same. Therefore the country was summoned for the Tuesday next ensuing, and he was delivered into the custody of the sheriffs, etc. On which day the said Richard came, and the jury came by John de Estwode and others in the panel named. Which jurors said upon their oath, that the aforesaid Richard is a partner of the said baker for gain in baking the bread aforesaid. Therefore it was adjudged that he should have the punishment of the hurdle. And he was so punished now for the first time, because his loaf was wanting to the amount of 2s. _9d._ in the proper weight of half a mark for the halfpenny wastel loaf. Also Alan de Lyndeseye, baker, was sentenced to the pillory, because he had been convicted of baking _pain demaign_ that was found to be of bad dough within, and good dough without. And because such falsity redounds much to the deception of the people who buy such bread, he was committed for punishment, etc. [Footnote 201: Printed in Riley, Memorials, 119.] [Footnote 202: May 1.] [Footnote 203: Medium quality.] 4. INQUISITION TOUCHING A PROPOSED MARKET AND FAIR [_Inquisitions ad quod damnum_, 1, 21], 1252. Henry by the grace of God King of England, Lord of Ireland, Duke of Normandy and Aquitaine and Count of Anjou, to his mayor and bailiffs of Bristol, greeting. We command you that by the oath of good and lawful men of your town, by whom the truth of the matter may the better be known, you make diligent enquiry if it would be to the nuisance of the town aforesaid if we should grant to our beloved abbot of Pershore that he have a market at his manor of Hawksbury on Monday and a fair there at the feast of St. Matthew in Autumn[204]; and if it be to your nuisance, to what extent; and that without delay you send to us the inquisition made thereon under your seal and the seals of those by whom it shall be made, and this writ. Witness myself at Westminster, 26 February in the 36th year of our reign. Inquisition made by command of the lord the King by the mayor and bailiffs of Bristol, if it would be to the nuisance of the town of Bristol if there were a market on Monday at the manor of Hawksbury which E. abbot of Pershore holds, and if there were a fair there at the feast of St. Matthew in Autumn, by William de Feria, clerk,[205] ... Who say by their oath that it would not be to the nuisance of the town of Bristol in any wise if there were a market on the aforesaid Monday at the said manor of Hawksbury, and a fair there on the aforesaid feast of St. Matthew in Autumn.[206] [Footnote 204: September 21.] [Footnote 205: And eleven others named.] [Footnote 206: The abbot is granted the market and a fair on the eve, day and morrow of the Decollation of St. John the Baptist (August 28-30) by charter dated November 24, 1252 [_Charter Roll, 37 Henry III, m. 19_].] 5. GRANT OF A FAIR AT ST. IVES TO THE ABBEY OF RAMSEY[_Cart. Rams., f._ 191 _b._], 1202. John by the grace of God King of England, etc., greeting. Know ye that we, for our salvation and for the souls of our ancestors and successors, have granted and by our present charter have confirmed to God and the church of St. Mary and St. Benedict of Ramsey, and to the abbot and monks there serving God, a fair at St. Ives, to begin on the fourth day before the feast of St. Laurence and to endure for eight days[207]; to have and to hold for ever, so nevertheless that it be not to the nuisance of neighbouring fairs. Wherefore we will and straitly command that the aforesaid abbot and monks have and hold the aforesaid fair well and in peace, freely and quietly, entirely, fully and honourably, with all liberties and free customs to such fair pertaining. Witnesses:--Robert earl of Leicester, William earl of Arundel, and others. Given by the hand of Simon, archdeacon of Wells, at Harcourt on the seventh day of June in the fourth year of our reign. [Footnote 207: August 6-13.] 6. GRANT OF A MARKET AT ST. IVES TO THE ABBEY OF RAMSEY[_Cart. Rams., f._ 191 _b._], 1293. Edward by the grace of God King of England, lord of Ireland and Duke of Aquitaine, to archbishops, bishops, abbots, priors, earls, barons, justices, sheriffs, reeves, ministers and all his bailiffs and faithful, greeting. Know ye that we have granted and by this our charter confirmed to our beloved in Christ, the abbot and convent of Ramsey, that they and their successors for ever have a market every week on Monday at their manor of St. Ives in the county of Huntingdon, unless that market be to the nuisance of neighbouring markets. Wherefore we will and straitly command, for us and our heirs, that the aforesaid abbot and convent and their successors for ever have the aforesaid market at their manor aforesaid with all the liberties and free customs to such market pertaining, unless that market be to the nuisance of neighbouring markets, as is aforesaid. These witnesses:--the venerable fathers John, of Winchester, Anthony, of Durham, William, of Ely, bishops, William de Valencia, our uncle, Roger le Bygod, earl of Norfolk and marshal of England, John de Warenna, earl of Surrey, Henry de Lascy, earl of Lincoln, William de Bello Campo, earl of Warwick, Robert de Tybetot, Gilbert de Thornton, John de Metingham, Robert de Hertford, Robert Malet, and others. Given by our hand at Westminster on the fourteenth day of May in the twenty-first year of our reign. 7. PROCEEDINGS IN THE COURT AT THE FAIR OF ST. IVES [_Court Roll, 178, 93, m. 1d._], 1288.[208] Court on Saturday [24 April, 1288]. John son of John of Eltisley makes plaint of Roger the Barber that he has unjustly broken a covenant with him, because, whereas the same John was in the town of Ramsey on Monday next after the Epiphany of the Lord last past, a year ago, in the house of Thomas Buk, the said Roger came there and undertook to cure his head of baldness for _9d._, which he paid in hand. On Tuesday the aforesaid Roger put him in plaster, and on Wednesday likewise, and afterwards withdrew from the town, so that from that day to this he would have nothing to do with the matter, to John's damage of 1/2 mark; and he produces suit. The aforesaid Roger, being present, denied [tort and force] and put himself on his law, and in finding pledges of his law withdrew from the bar without licence. Therefore the aforesaid John craved judgment on him as on a man convicted. Wherefore it is awarded that the said Roger satisfy him of the _9d._ principal, and of his damages, which are pardoned him; and that for the trespass he be in mercy, _6d._ Pledge,---- [Footnote 208: Printed in Selden Society Publications, Vol. 23, p. 35.] 8. THE STATUTE OF WINCHESTER, _cc._ 4, 5 [_Statute Roll, 1, m. 41_], 1285. And for the greater security of the country the King has commanded that in the great towns, which are enclosed, the gates be shut from sunset until sunrise; and that no man lodge in the suburbs, or in any foreign part of the town save only in the daytime, nor yet in the daytime, if the host will not answer for him; and that the bailiffs of towns every week, or at the least every fortnight, make enquiry as to all persons lodging in the suburbs, and in foreign parts of the towns; and if they find any who receives or lodges in any manner persons who may be suspected of being against the peace, the bailiffs shall do right therein. And it is commanded that from henceforth watches be kept, as has been used in times past, that is to say, from the day of the Ascension to the day of St. Michael, in every city by six men at every gate; in every borough by twelve men; in every town by six men or four, according to the number of the inhabitants who dwell [in the town], and that they keep watch continually all night, from sunset to sunrise. And if any stranger pass by them, he shall be arrested until morning; and if no suspicion be found, he shall go quit; and if they find cause of suspicion, he shall be delivered to the sheriff forthwith, and he shall receive him without danger, and keep him safely, until he be delivered in due manner. And if they will not suffer themselves to be arrested, hue and cry shall be levied against them, and those who keep watch shall follow with all the town, with the towns near, with hue and cry from town to town, until they be taken and delivered to the sheriff, as before is said; and for the arrest of such strangers none shall be called in question. And further, it is commanded, that highways from one market town to another be enlarged, where there are woods, hedges, or ditches, so that there be neither ditches, underwood, nor bushes wherein a man may lurk to do hurt, near the road, within two hundred feet on the one side, and two hundred feet on the other side, provided that this statute extend not to oaks, or to great woods, so as it be clear underneath. And if by default of the lord who will not abate the ditch, underwood, or bushes in the manner aforesaid, any robberies be done, that the lord be answerable therefor; and if murder be done, that the lord make fine at the King's pleasure. And if the lord be not able to clear away the underwood, that the country aid him in doing it. And the King wills, that in his demesne lands and woods, within his forest and without, the roads be enlarged as aforesaid. And if, perchance, a park be near the highway, it is requisite that the lord of the park diminish his park, so that there be a space of two hundred feet from the highway, as before said, or that he make such a wall, ditch, or hedge, that evil doers will not be able to pass or return, to do evil. 9. THE RECOVERY OF DEBT ON A RECOGNISANCE [_Chancery Files_, 415], 1293. To the reverend and discreet and their dearest lord, J. de Langton, chancellor of the illustrious King of England, Robert le Venur, guardian of the city of Lincoln, and Adam son of Martin of the same city, clerk, deputed to receive recognisances of debts, greeting. With all reverence and honour we make known to your reverend discretion by these presents that Simon le Sage of Scarborough and William Kempe of the same town, of the county of York, and each of them for the whole sum, acknowledged before us that they owe to William le Noyr of Lincoln 28s. sterling to be paid to him or his attorney at the feast of St. Michael in the twenty-first year of the reign of King Edward, according to the form of the statute of the said lord the King published at Westminster. And because the aforesaid Simon and William have not kept the term of their payment at all, we beseech your reverend discretion humbly and devoutly, that you will order a writ to be sent to the sheriff of York to compel the same Simon and William to pay the said money according to the form of the statute aforesaid. May your reverend discretion prosper long and well. Given at Lincoln on Friday next after the feast of St. Martin in the year aforesaid.[209] [Footnote 209: This procedure was first authorised by the Statute of Acton Burnel (1283), the main provisions of which run as follows: "Forasmuch as merchants, who before these times have lent their goods to divers folk, are fallen into poverty, because there was no speedy law provided whereby they could readily recover their debts at the day fixed for payment, and for that reason many merchants have ceased to come to this land with their merchandise to the damage of the merchants and of the whole realm: the King, by himself and his council ... has ordained and established that the merchant who will be sure of his debt cause his debtor to come before the mayor ... and ... to acknowledge the debt and the day of payment, and that the recognisance be enrolled.... And if the debtor pay not at the day fixed for him ... the mayor ... shall forthwith cause the moveables of the debtor to be sold to the amount of the debt ... and the money to be paid without delay to the creditors.... And if the debtor have no moveables in the power of the mayor from which the debt can be levied, but have the same elsewhere in the realm, then the mayor shall send to the Chancellor ... the recognisance made before him ... and the Chancellor shall send a writ to the sheriff in whose bailiwick the debtor shall have moveables, and the sheriff shall cause satisfaction to be made to the creditor.... And if the debtor have no moveables wherefrom the debt can be levied, then his body shall be taken, wheresoever he be found, and kept in prison until he have made satisfaction, or his friends for him." Two years later (1285) the Statute for Merchants strengthened the creditor's security by providing that imprisonment should immediately follow non-payment of the debt.] 10. PROCEDURE AT A FAIR PURSUANT TO THE STATUTE FOR MERCHANTS [_Court Rolls, 178, 96, m. 4_], 1287.[210] Pleas in the Fair of St. Ives, 15 Edward I, in the first year of John, lord Abbot, before William of Stow. At the command of the lord the King, according to the tenour of the letter attached to the present roll, the community of London with the other communities at the fair of St. Ives was summoned to hear the order of the lord the King according to the new form of this statute touching merchants frequenting English fairs, and before them the aforesaid letter was read. And afterwards by the community of the citizens of London there were elected two of the more discreet and trusty men of the same city, to wit, Richard Poyntel and William of Paris, to whom in full court was delivered one of the two seals sent to the keepers of the fair, enclosed under the seal of the lord the King and opened in the presence of the said merchants; and the other seal was delivered in the same court to one Henry of Leicester, clerk and attorney of Sir John de Bauquell, to whom the lord the King committed the merchants' seal, as appears in the letter attached to the present roll:---- Edward by the grace of God King of England, lord of Ireland and duke of Aquitaine, to the keepers of the fair of St. Ives, greeting. Whereas our beloved clerk, John de Bauquell, citizen of London,--to whom we have committed the merchants' seal to be kept, and the office thereof, according to the form of the statute provided hereon by our council, to be executed by him or others fit herefor, whom he shall be pleased to depute hereto, in fairs within our realm during our pleasure,--has deputed Henry of Leicester, clerk, under him in our presence to execute the aforesaid office in his place in the fairs aforesaid: We command you to admit hereto for this turn the aforesaid Henry in place of the aforesaid John: We command you also, that by assent of the community of merchants coming to the same fair you cause to be chosen two lawful merchants of the city of London, who, after taking oath, shall receive recognisances according to the form of our aforesaid statute, after the aforesaid seal, which we are sending to you in a box under our seal, has been opened in their presence, and one piece thereof delivered to the same merchants and the other piece to the aforesaid clerk. Witness Edmund, earl of Cornwall, our kinsman, at Westminster on 22 April in the fifteenth year of our reign.[211] [Footnote 210: Printed in Selden Society Publications, Vol. 23, p. 19] [Footnote 211: The clause of the Statute (1285) relating to fairs runs as follows: "And a seal shall be provided to serve for fairs, and the same seal shall be sent to each fair under the seal of the King by a clerk sworn; and by the keeper of the fair and by the community of the merchants there shall be elected two lawful merchants of the city of London, who shall take oath, and the seal shall be opened before them, and the one piece shall be delivered to the aforesaid merchants, and the other shall remain with the clerk, and before them or one of the merchants, if both cannot be present, the recognisances shall be made."] 11. THE AULNAGE OF CLOTH [_Court Roll, 178, 97, m. 2d._], 1291.[212] Court on Monday [14 May, 1291]. Hamo of Bury St. Edmunds brought a letter patent of Sir Roger de Lisle, clerk of the Great Wardrobe, attached to this roll, ordering that he be admitted by the keepers of the fair of St. Ives to measure woollen cloths made in England, linen and canvas. And because the charter of the lord the King touching the fair orders that no bailiff or minister of the lord the King in any wise interfere with the fair aforesaid or its appurtenances, whereby the Abbot and Convent of Ramsey and their bailiffs should be prevented from having administration of all things pertaining to that fair as well within the town as without for ever, answer was made to the same Hamo by the steward that he would in no wise admit him to execute such office, which would be to the disherison and prejudice of the church of Ramsey and contrary to the liberty specified in the fair-charter, unless Hamo would come into the court and yield up his letter patent into the hands of the steward. To which court he came and of his free will delivered up the aforesaid letter and afterwards craved special grace; and at the instance of the merchants, his letter patent having been abandoned and annulled, he is admitted for the present. [Footnote 212: St. Ives fair court. Printed in Selden Society Publications, Vol. 23, p. 42. This incident illustrates the difficulties of the central administration in dealing with local franchises.] 12. THE ORDINANCE OF LABOURERS [_Close Roll, 23 Edward III, p. 1, m. 8d._], 1349.[213] The King to the sheriff of Kent, greeting. Because a great part of the people and specially of the workmen and servants has now died in this plague, some, seeing the necessity of lords and the scarcity of servants, will not serve unless they receive excessive wages, and others preferring to beg in idleness rather than to seek their livelihood by labour: we, weighing the grave disadvantages which might arise from the dearth specially of tillers and workmen, have had deliberation and treaty hereon with the prelates and nobles and other learned men in session with us, by whose unanimous counsel we have thought fit to ordain that every man and woman of our realm of England, of whatsoever condition, free or servile, able-bodied and under the age of sixty years, not living by trade nor exercising a certain craft, nor having of his own whereof he shall be able to live, or land of his own, in the tilling whereof he shall be able to occupy himself, and not serving another man, shall be bound to serve him who shall require him, if he be required to serve in a suitable service, regard being had to his rank, and shall receive only the wages, liveries, hire or salaries which used to be offered in the places where he should serve in the twentieth year of our reign of England, or in the five or six common years last preceding; provided that lords be preferred to others in the bondmen or tenants of their lands so to be retained in their service; so however that such lords so retain as many as shall be necessary and not more; and if such a man or woman, so required to serve, refuse so to do, the same being proved by two trusty men before the sheriff, bailiff, lord, or constable of the town where this shall come to pass, he shall be taken forthwith by them or any of them and sent to the nearest gaol, there to stay in strait keeping until he find security to serve in the form aforesaid. And if a reaper, mower or other workman or servant, of whatsoever rank or condition he be, retained in the service of any man, withdraw from the said service without reasonable cause or licence before the end of the term agreed upon, he shall undergo the penalty of imprisonment, and none, under the same penalty, shall presume to receive or retain such an one in his service. Furthermore no man shall pay or promise to pay to any man more wages, liveries, hire or salaries than is accustomed, as is aforesaid, nor shall any man in any wise demand or receive the same, under penalty of the double of that which shall be so paid, promised, demanded or received, to go to him who shall feel himself aggrieved hereby; and if none such will prosecute, it shall go to any one of the people who shall prosecute; and such prosecution shall be made in the court of the lord of the place where such a case shall befal; and if the lords of towns or manors shall presume in any wise to contravene our present ordinance, by themselves or their ministers, then prosecution shall be made against them in the form aforesaid in counties, wapentakes and ridings, or other such courts of ours, at a penalty of threefold of that so paid or promised by them or their ministers; and if by chance any one shall have covenanted with any man so to serve for a greater salary before the present ordinance, the latter shall in no wise be bound by reason of the said covenant to pay to such a man more than has been customary at other times; nay, rather, he shall not presume to pay more under the penalty aforesaid. Moreover saddlers, skinners, tawyers, shoemakers, tailors, smiths, carpenters, masons, tilers, boatmen, carters and other artificers and workmen whosoever shall not take for their labour and craft more than used to be paid to such in the twentieth year and other common years preceding in the places in which they chance to be employed, as is aforesaid; and if any shall receive more, he shall be committed to the nearest gaol in the manner aforesaid. Moreover butchers, fishermen, hostlers, brewers, bakers, poulterers and all other sellers of victuals whatsoever shall be bound to sell such victuals for a reasonable price, regard being had to the price at which such victuals are sold in the neighbouring places; so that such sellers have a moderate profit and not excessive, as shall be reasonably required by the distance of the places wherefrom such victuals are carried; and if any man sell such victuals otherwise and be convicted thereof in the form aforesaid, he shall pay the double of that which he shall receive to him that suffered loss, or, for lack of such, to him who will prosecute in this behalf; and the mayor and bailiffs of cities and boroughs, market and other towns, and ports and places by the sea, shall have power to enquire of all and singular who in any wise transgress against this ordinance, at the penalty aforesaid to be levied to the use of those at whose suit such transgressors shall be convicted: and in case the same mayor and bailiffs shall neglect to execute the premises and shall be convicted hereof before the justices appointed by us, then the same mayor and bailiffs shall be compelled by the same justices to pay to such as suffered loss, or, for lack of him, to any other prosecuting, threefold the value of the thing so sold, and none the less shall incur grievous punishment at our hands. And because many sturdy beggars, so long as they can live by begging for alms, refuse to labour, living in idleness and sin and sometimes by thefts and other crimes, no man, under the aforesaid penalty of imprisonment, shall presume under colour of pity or alms to give anything to such as shall be able profitably to labour, or to cherish them in their sloth, that so they may be compelled to labour for the necessaries of life. We order you, straitly enjoining upon you, that you cause all and singular the premises to be publicly proclaimed and kept in the cities, boroughs and market towns, seaports and other places in your bailiwick where you deem expedient, as well within liberties as without, and due execution to be made thereof, as is aforesaid; and that in no wise you omit this, as you love us and the common utility of our realm and will save yourself harmless. Witness the King at Westminster, the eighteenth day of June. By the King himself and the whole council. The like writs are directed to the several sheriffs throughout England. The King to the venerable father in Christ, W. by the same grace bishop of Winchester, greeting. Because a great part of the people, etc., as above, as far as "to labour for the necessaries of life," and then thus: and therefore we request you that you cause the premises to be proclaimed in the several churches and other places of your diocese where you shall deem expedient; commanding rectors, vicars of such churches, ministers and other your subjects that by salutary warnings they beseech and persuade their parishioners to labour and to keep the ordinances aforesaid, as instant necessity demands; and that you constrain the wage-earning chaplains of your said diocese, who, as is said, refuse in like manner to serve without excessive salary, and compel them, under penalty of suspension and interdict, to serve for the accustomed salary, as is expedient; and that you in no wise omit this as you love us and the common utility of our said realm. Witness as above. By the King himself and the whole council. The like letters of request are directed to the several bishops of England and to the guardian of the archbishopric of Canterbury, the see being vacant, under the same date. [Footnote 213: Printed in Putnam _op. cit., p._ 8*, Appendix.] 13. PRESENTMENTS MADE BEFORE THE JUSTICES OF LABOURERS[214] [_Assize Roll, 267, mm. 1, 8_], 1351. Hundred of Chelmsford. The twelve [jurors] present that Arnulph le Hierde of Maldon, late servant of John Dodebroke from Michaelmas, 24 Edward III, until Michaelmas next following, 25 Edward III, for one year and for a quarter of a year next following and for the whole of that time, the said Arnulph took a quarter of wheat for twelve weeks and 5s. a year for his stipend. Further, he took from the feast of St. Peter's Chains until Christmas in the same time 10s. beyond that which he took above; and hereupon the said Arnulph withdrew from his service before the end of the term, to the damage of the said John of 40s., against the Statute, etc.... _Trespass._--Further, they present that Robert Grys of Danbury, potter, makes brass pots and sells them at threefold the price which he used [to take], against the Statute, etc., in oppression of the people. _Trespass._--Further, they say that John Sextayn the younger, tailor, John Banestrat, tailor, Roger atte Tye of Great Baddow, take salaries for their labours from divers folk against the Statute, etc., and this threefold that which they used to take. _Trespass._--Further, they say that William Denk, servant of Geoffrey le Smyth, took from the said Geoffrey 20s. a year, and is at his table, and was sworn before John de Sutton and his fellows to serve according to the Statute, etc., where he should not take but 8s., etc.... _Trespass._--Further, they present that Richard Smyth of Great Baddow commonly takes for his work double that which he used to take, against the Statute. _Trespass._--Further, they present that John Plukkerose, William Smyth of Danbury and William Molt, shoemakers, of Great Baddow, make shoes and sell them at almost double the price which they used [to take], against the Statute, etc., in oppression of the people. _Trespass._--Further, they say that Alan son of Sayer Banstrat of Great Baddow, sawyer, will not serve unless he take for his salary as much as two others take, against the Statute, etc., in oppression of the people.... Grand Inquisition. _Trespass._--Further, they present that John Galion, vicar of Nazeing, will not minister to any the sacrament of marriage unless he have from each man 5s. or 6s., and in this manner by extortion the said John has taken from John Wakerild 4s. 1Od., from William Gurteber 5s., from John Mabely 9s., and from many others to the sum of 20s., in oppression of the people by tort and against the peace.... _Trespass._--Further, they present that John Hindercle took for stipend from the rector of Parndon for the time of August this year 10s. against the Statute. Further, they present that John Hindercle, William Pourche, are butchers and forestallers of victuals, against the Statute. [Footnote 214: Printed in Putnam, _op. cit., p._ 169*, Appendix.] 14. EXCESSIVE PRICES CHARGED BY CRAFTSMEN [_King's Bench, Ancient Indictments, 38, m. 22d._] 1354. Further they [the jurors] say that dyers, drapers and tanners are dwelling in the town of Ware, where they were not wont to be, but within the borough of Hertford, to the grave damage of the lord the King and the lady Queen Isabel, lady of the same town of Hertford, and of the whole commonalty of the town of Hertford aforesaid, and against the liberty of the aforesaid Queen, and that the same dyers and tanners use their craft in too excessive wise, to wit, the aforesaid dyers take for a cloth sometimes half a mark, sometimes 40d. and sometimes more, where they were wont to take for a cloth 6d. only, and the aforesaid tanners buy oxhides and divers other hides at a low price and refuse to sell them unless they gain on the sale fourfold, to the greatest oppression and damage of the whole people. 15. FINES LEVIED FOR EXCESSIVE WAGES, 25 EDWARD III[_Exch. K.R. Estreats_, 11, 2], 1351. Layer de la Hay. From Simon Meller for his excess 40d. From Robert Throstle for the same 6d. From Thomas Poggill for the same 12d. From Roger Bollok for the same 12d. From Geoffrey Edmund for the same 6d. From Richard Tailliour for the same 2s. From Alice Smyth for the same 6d. From John Smart for the same 12d. From Margaret Everard for the same 12d. From Alice Gerlond for the same 12d. From Alice Weper for the same 6d. From Agnes Heyward for the same 12d. From John Crawe for the same 6d. From Christina Bostis for the same 6d. From Richard Cook for the same 12d. From Edmund atte Well for the same 6d. From Walter Bilet for the same 6d. From Geoffrey Sloman for the same 6d. Sum, 16s. 10d. Proved 16. WRIT TO ENFORCE PAYMENT OF EXCESS OF WAGES TO THE COLLECTORS OF A SUBSIDY [_Close Roll, 24 Edward III, p. l, m. 6d._], 1350. The King to his beloved and trusty Walter de Mauny and his fellows, our justices appointed to hear and determine divers trespasses and certain other things contained in our commission made to you, in the county of Northampton, greeting. Whereas lately it was ordained by us and our council that servants, as well men as women, should be bound to serve and should receive only the salaries and wages which used to be offered in the places where they ought to serve in the twentieth year of our reign over England or the five or six common years next preceding, and that all and singular such servants, workmen and artificers ... taking more ... be assessed at the whole additional sum which they shall receive ... and the whole additional sum so received be levied and collected from every of them to our use in relief of the singular towns to which the said artificers, servants and workmen belong, and in aid of payment of the sums at which the same towns or the men thereof are assessed for the tenth and fifteenth now current ...: you, nevertheless, ... attempt to cause such excesses of wages, liveries, hires and salaries ... with the fines made before you ... to be enrolled on your rolls and levied to our use, against the intent of that agreement, as by complaint of the people it has been given us to understand: We ... command you to compel all and singular artificers, servants and workmen, as well men as women, of whatsoever condition they be, convicted or hereafter to be convicted before you of such excessive salaries, liveries, hires or stipends whatsoever received by them in the aforesaid county, as well by imprisonment of their bodies as in other lawful manner which shall seem good to you in this behalf, to pay without delay that which they have so received in excess to the subtaxers and subcollectors of the singular towns to which the same artificers, servants and workmen belong, in aid of payment of the tenth and fifteenth aforesaid, according to the agreement abovesaid. Provided that the fines made or to be made therefor, and other things belonging to us therefrom, be converted to our use, as is just. Witness the King at Westminster, 12 June. By the council 17. APPLICATION OF FINES FOR EXCESSIVE WAGES TO THE SUBSIDY OF A FIFTEENTH [_Subsidy Roll_, 107, 41.], 1351-2. Hundred of Winstree. From the town of East Mersea, 46s. 4-3/4d., from fines of workmen of the same town. From the towns of West Mersea and Fingringhoe, 4l. 8s. 11-3/4d., from fines of workmen of the same town (_sic_). From the towns of Peldon and Abberton, 44s. 7-1/2d., from fines of workmen of the same town _(sic_). From the towns of Wigborough, Great and Little, 62s. 2d., whereof the fifteenth is 12d., the fines of workmen 61s. 2d. From the town of Layer de la Hay, 32s. 9-3/4d., whereof the fifteenth is 2s. 9-3/4d., the fines of workmen 30s. From the town of Layer Breton with Salcott, Virley, 46s. 6d. whereof the fifteenth is 16s. 6d., the fines of workmen 30s. From the town of Layer Marney, 28s. 7-1/4d., whereof the fifteenth is 18s. 7-1/4d., the fines of workmen 10s.; whereof, of the fifteenth, the goods of Robert de Marny[215] in the same town [contribute] 10s. From the town of Langenhoe, 40s. 1d., from the excess of fines of workmen of the same towns (_sic_). Sum of this hundred, 19l. 10s. 2d., whereof from the fifteenth [arises] 38s. 11d.. from fines of workmen 17l. 11s. 3d.[216] [Footnote 215: His lands were for the time being in the King's hand as an escheat.] [Footnote 216: Note that in half the towns in this hundred the inhabitants' share of the subsidy is wholly covered by the fines. The ordinance and statute were enforced in Essex more severely than elsewhere.] 18. LABOUR LEGISLATION; THE STATUTE OF 12 RICHARD II. [_Statute Roll, 2, mm. 13, 12_], 1388.[217] _c._ 3. Further it is agreed and assented that all the Statutes of artificers, labourers, servants and victuallers made as well in the time of our lord the King that now is as in the time of his noble grandfather, whom God assoil, not repealed, be straitly holden and kept and duly executed, and that the said artificers, labourers, servants and victuallers be duly judged by the justices of the peace as well at the suit of the King as of the party, according as the said Statutes require; and that the mayors, bailiffs, and stewards of lords and constables of towns duly do their offices touching such artificers, servants, labourers, and victuallers, and that stocks be in every town for the punishment of the same servants and labourers, as is ordained in the Statutes aforesaid. And furthermore it is ordained and assented that no servant or labourer, be it man or woman, depart at the end of his term out of the hundred, rape or wapentake where he is dwelling, to serve or dwell elsewhere, or by colour of going afar on pilgrimage, unless he carry a letter patent containing the cause of his going and the time of his return, if he ought to return, under the King's seal that shall be assigned hereto and delivered into the keeping of some good man of the hundred or hundreds, rape or wapentake, city and borough, who shall keep the same according to the discretion of the justices of the peace, and lawfully make such letters when need be, and in no other wise on his oath, and that around the said seal be written the name of the county and across the said seal the name of the said hundred, rape, wapentake, city or borough; and if any servant or labourer be found in a city, borough or elsewhere, coming from any place, wandering without such letter, he shall be taken forthwith by the said mayors, bailiffs, stewards or constables and put in the stocks and kept until he have found surety to return to his service or to serve or labour in the town from which he comes, until he have such letter for departing with reasonable cause; and be it remembered that a servant or labourer may freely depart from his service at the end of his term and serve elsewhere, so that he be in certainty with whom, and have such letter as above; but it is not the intent of this ordinance that servants who ride or go on the business of their lords or masters be comprehended within this ordinance during the time of the same business; and if any carry such letter which can be found to be forged or false, he shall go to prison for forty days for the falsity, and further until he have found surety to return and serve and labour as aforesaid. And that none receive a servant or labourer going forth from their hundreds, rape, wapentake, city or borough, without letter testimonial or with a letter, for more than one night, unless it be by reason of illness or other reasonable cause, or unless he will and can serve and labour there by the same testimony, on a penalty to be limited by the justices of the peace; and that as well artificers and craftsmen as servants and apprentices, who are not of great account and of whose craft or mistery men have no great need in time of harvest, be forced to serve in harvest at cutting, gathering and bringing in the corn; and that this statute be duly executed by mayors, bailiffs, stewards and constables of towns on a penalty to be limited and adjudged by the said justices of the peace in their sessions, and that none take above 1d. for making, sealing and delivering the said letter. _c._ 4. And furthermore, because servants and labourers will not and for long time have not been willing to serve and labour without outrageous and excessive hire and much greater than has been given to such servants and labourers in any time past, so that for dearth of the said labourers and servants, husbandmen and tenants of land cannot pay their rents or hardly live on their lands,[218] to the exceeding great damage and loss as well of the lords as of the whole commons; and also because the wages of the said labourers and servants have not been put in certainty before these times; it is agreed and assented that the bailiff for husbandry take 13s. 4d. a year and his clothing once a year at most, the master hind 10s., the carter 10s., the shepherd 10s., the ox-herd 6s. 8d., the cow-herd 6s. 8d., the swineherd 6s., the woman labourer 6s., the dairymaid 6s., the ploughman 7s. at most, and every other labourer and servant according to his degree, and less in the country where less is wont to be given, without clothing, bounty (_curtoisie_) or other reward by covenant.[219] And that no servant of artificers or victuallers within cities, boroughs or other towns take more than the labourers and servants above named according to their estate, without clothing, bounty or other reward by covenant, as is said above. And if any give or take by covenant more than is specified above, at the first time that they shall be attainted thereof they shall pay, as well the givers as the takers, the value of the excess so given or taken, and at the second time of their attainder, double the value of such excess, and at the third time treble the value of such excess; and if the taker so attainted have nothing wherewith to pay the said excess, he shall go to prison for forty days. _c._ 5. Further it is ordained and assented that he or she who is employed in labouring at the plough and cart or other labour or service of husbandry until they be of the age of 12 years shall remain thenceforward at that labour without being put to a mistery or craft; and if any covenant or bond of apprentice be made henceforth to the contrary it shall be holden for nought. _c._ 6. Further, it is agreed and assented that no servant of husbandry or labourer or servant of an artificer or victualler carry henceforward baslard, dagger or sword, on pain of forfeiture of the same, except in time of war for defence of the realm, and then by survey of the arrayers for the time being, or when travelling through the country with their masters or on a message of their masters; but such servants and labourers shall have bows and arrows and use them on Sundays and feast days, and entirely forsake games of ball as well hand as foot and the other games called quoits, dice, casting the stone, skittles and other such unsuitable games; and that the sheriffs, mayors, bailiffs and constables have power to arrest and do arrest all the contraveners hereof and the baslards, daggers and swords aforesaid, and to seize and keep the said baslards, daggers and swords until the session of the justices of the peace, and present them before the said justices in their sessions together with the names of those who carried them. And it is not the King's intent that prejudice be done to the franchises of lords touching the forfeitures due to them. _c._ 7. Further, it is agreed and assented that touching every man who goes begging and is able to serve or labour, it be done with him as with him who departs out of hundreds and other places aforesaid without a letter testimonial, as is said above, excepting people of religion and hermits approved, having letters testimonial of the ordinaries. And that beggars unable to serve remain in the cities and towns where they are dwelling at the time of the proclamation of this Statute; and that if the people of the said cities or towns will not or cannot suffice to find them, the said beggars withdraw to the other towns within the hundred, rape or wapentake, or to the towns where they were born, within forty days after the said proclamation be made, and dwell there continually for their lives. And that with all those who go on pilgrimage as beggars and are able to labour it be done as with the said servants and labourers, if they have not letters testimonial of their pilgrimage under the seals aforesaid. And that the clerks of the Universities who go begging thus have letters testimonial of their chancellor on the same penalty. _c._ 8. Further, it is ordained and assented that those who feign themselves to be men that have travelled out of the realm and have been there imprisoned carry letters testimonial of the captains where they have dwelt, or of the mayors and bailiffs where they make their landing, and that the same mayors and bailiffs enquire of such folk where they have dwelt and with whom and in what place is their dwelling in England; and that the same mayors and bailiffs make them a letter patent under the seal of their office testifying the day of their landing and where they have been, as they have said; and that the said mayors and bailiffs make them swear to keep their right way to their country, unless they have a letter patent under the King's great seal to do otherwise. And that if any such travelled man be found without such letter, it be done with him as with the servants and labourers aforesaid; and this ordinance shall be applied to travelled men who go begging through the country after their landing. _c._ 9. Further it is ordained and assented that the aforesaid ordinances of servants and labourers, beggars and vagrants, hold good and be executed as well in cities and boroughs as in other towns and places within the realm, as well within franchise as without. And that the sheriffs, mayors and bailiffs and keepers of gaols shall be bound and charged to receive the said servants, labourers, beggars and vagrants, and to detain them in prison in the form aforesaid, without letting them to mainprise or bail and without taking fee or aught else from them by themselves or by others, as long as they be thus in prison or at their entry in or issue from the same prison, on pain of paying 100s. to the King. _c._ 10. Further, it is ordained and assented that in every commission of the justices of the peace there be assigned only six justices beside the justices of assize, and that the said six justices hold their sessions in every quarter of the year at least, and this for three days if need be, on pain of being punished according to the advice of the King's council at the suit of every man who will make plaint, and enquire diligently, among other things touching their offices, if the said mayors, bailiffs, stewards and constables and also gaolers have duly made execution of the said ordinances and statutes of servants and labourers, beggars and vagrants, and punish those who are punishable by the said penalty of 100s. on the same penalty, and punish at their discretion those who are found in fault who are not punishable by the said penalty; and that every of the said justices take for his wages 4s. a day for the time of their said sessions, and their clerk 2s. a day, from the fines and amercements arising and forthcoming from the same sessions, by the hands of the sheriffs; and that the lords of franchises be contributors to the said wages according to the proportion of their part of the fines and amercements aforesaid; and that no steward of a lord be assigned in any of the said commissions, and that no association be made to the said justices of the peace[220] after their first commission. And it is not the intent of this statute that the justices of the one Bench and of the other and the serjeants at law, in case they be named in the said commissions, be bound by force of this statute to hold the said sessions four times a year as are the other commissioners, who are continually dwelling in the country, but that they do it when they can well attend hereto. [Footnote 217: This statute is perhaps the most important of all the enactments relating to labourers between the Black Death and the reign of Elizabeth. It distinguishes between the impotent poor and the able-bodied vagabonds, and, besides establishing Quarter sessions, and fixing maximum wages, is the basis of all subsequent Vagrancy and Poor Law legislation. For printed text see Statutes of the Realm, Vol II., 56-59.] [Footnote 218: It is the small man, as well as the great lord, who is injured by the wage-labourers' demands.] [Footnote 219: Compare the wages here allowed with those set out below, No. 19.] [Footnote 220: _i.e._ No additions made to the commission.] 19. LABOUR LEGISLATION; A BILL IN PARLIAMENT, 23 HENRY VI [_Rot. Parl. 23 Henry VI, m. 4, No. 19_], 1444-5. Prayen the Commons of this present Parliament that where the common people of this realm is greatly annoyed because of sudden departing of servants of husbandry from their masters at the end of their terms without due warning made unto their said masters, where if such warning were had they might be purveyed of other servants against the end of their term, and also because that justices of peace many times by favour, prayer or commandment, set so little and so easy fines upon such as be convict before them, that many dread not the execution of the law but greatly are emboldened to offend: That it like the King our Sovereign Lord to ordain by authority of this present Parliament that every servant of husbandry purposing to depart from his master at the end of his term, at the middle of his term or else before make covenant with another man to serve him for the next year, if he be in such case as the law will compel him to serve, the same covenant to be made in the presence of the constables of the towns where such servants at that time be in service; and that the said servant and he that shall so make covenant with him, in presence of the said constables, at the middle of the said term or before, warn the master of the said servant of the said covenant so newly made, so that the same master may purvey him another servant against the end of his term; and if any covenant with any such servant be made in other wise, or that such warning in manner and form abovesaid be not had, the same covenant be void, and the said servant be compelled to serve his former master still for the next year, but if[221] any lawful and reasonable cause being of later time shall require the contrary; also that the salaries and wages of servants, labourers and artificers, exceed not the assessing that followeth, that is to say, the salary of a bailiff of husbandry by year 23s. 4d. and clothing price of 5s. with meat and drink; of a chief hind, a carter, a chief shepherd, 20s. and clothing price of 4s. with meat and drink; a common servant of husbandry 15s. and clothing price of 40d.; a woman servant 10s. and clothing price of 4s. with meat and drink; a child within age of 14 years 6s. and clothing price of 3s. with meat and drink; the same form be observed of salaries of servants with hostlers, victuallers and artificers in cities, boroughs, and elsewhere being, and such as less deserve, less to take, and also in places where less is used to be given, less to be given hereafter. And that from the feast of Easter unto Michaelmas the wages of any freemason or master carpenter exceed not by the day 4d. with meat and drink, and without meat and drink 5-1/2d.; a master tiler or slater, rough mason and mean carpenter and other artificers concerning building, by the day 3d. with meat and drink, and without meat and drink 4-1/2d.; and every other labourer by the day 2d. with meat and drink, and without meat and drink 3-1/2d. And from the feast of Michaelmas unto Easter a freemason and a master carpenter by the day 3d. with meat and drink, and without meat and drink 4-1/2d.; tiler, mean carpenter, rough mason and other artificers aforesaid, by the day 2-1/2d. with meat and drink, and without meat and drink 4d.; and every other workman and labourer by the day 1-1/2d. with meat and drink, and without meat and drink 3d.; and who that less deserves, to take less; provided that the said assessing extend not to labourers in time of harvest about harvest labour, in which the wages of a mower exceed not by the day 4d. with meat and drink, and without meat and drink 6d.; a man reaper or carter 3d. by the day with meat and drink, and without meat and drink 5d.; a woman labourer and other labourers in harvest by the day 2-1/2d. with meat and drink, and without meat and drink 4-1/2d.; and such as are worth less, less to take, and in places where less is used to be taken, less be taken hereafter; and that no artificer, workman or labourer take anything for any holiday nor for no workday, except after the rate of the time of the day in which he labours; and if any person refuse to serve or labour according to the premises, that every justice of the peace in their shires have power at every time to call them to examination thereof, and such as they find defective to commit to prison, there to abide till they have found surety sufficient to serve and labour in form by law required; and if any servant, artificer, workman or labourer, do contrary to the premises or deny his service, occupation or labour, by reason of no giving wages or salaries contrary to this statute, that he lose to the party that will sue in this part 20s.; and that the givers of excessive salaries or wages run in the same pain ... Further, that the justices of peace assess no fine upon any that shall be convict before them of things done against any Statute of Labourers or Artificers or by that cause shall put him in the King's grace, beneath 3s. 4d. ...[222] [Footnote 221: _i.e._ Unless.] [Footnote 222: This bill became a Statute (_Stat._ 23 _Henry VI. c._ 12).] 20. ORGANISATION OF THE STAPLE[223] [_Patent Roll_,6 _Edward II, p._ 2, _m._ 5], 1313. The King to all to whom, etc., greeting. Know ye that whereas before these times divers damages and grievances in many ways have befallen the merchants of our realm, not without damage to our progenitors, sometime Kings of England, and to us, because merchants, as well denizen as alien, buying wools and woolfells within the realm aforesaid and our power, have gone at their pleasure with the same wools and fells, to sell them, to divers places within the lands of Brabant, Flanders and Artois: We, wishing to prevent such damages and grievances and to provide as well as we may for the advantage of us and our merchants of the realm aforesaid, do will and by our council ordain, to endure for ever, that merchants denizen and alien, buying such wools and fells within the realm and power aforesaid and wishing to take the same to the aforesaid lands to sell there, shall take those wools and fells or cause them to be taken to a fixed staple to be ordained and assigned within any of the same lands by the mayor and community of the said merchants of our realm, and to be changed as and when they shall deem expedient, and not to other places in those lands in any wise: granting to the said mayor and merchants of our realm aforesaid, for us and our heirs, that the mayor and council of the same merchants for the time being may impose upon all merchants, denizen and alien, who shall contravene the said ordinance and shall be reasonably convicted thereof by the aforesaid mayor and council of the said merchants, certain money penalties for those offences, and that such money penalties, whereof we or our ministers shall be informed by the aforesaid mayor, shall be levied to our use from the goods and wares of merchants so offending, wheresoever they shall be found within the realm and power aforesaid, by our ministers, according to the information aforesaid and the assessment thereof to be made by the mayor himself, saving always to the said mayor and merchants that of themselves they may reasonably chastise and punish offending merchants, if their goods and wares chance to be found in the staple aforesaid outside our realm and power aforesaid, without interference or hindrance on the part of us or our heirs or our ministers whomsoever, as they have hitherto been wont to do. In witness whereof etc. Witness the King at Canterbury, 20 May. By the King himself. [Footnote 223: This document, afterwards referred to as the Staplers' charter (_cf Patent Roll_, _13 Edward II, m. 19 d_), contains the earliest reference in the English records to an organised body of wool merchants with a mayor and council; it is clear from the last words of the ordinance that both Staple and Staplers were older than the royal interest in them.] 21. ARGUMENTS FOR THE ESTABLISHMENT OF HOME STAPLE TOWNS [_Exch. K.R. Accounts_, 457, 32.], 1319. London. Whereas our lord the King by his writ has signified to us that in particular in his Parliament last holden at York debate was raised touching the establishment of certain places within his realm whereat sales and purchases of wools should be made and not elsewhere; which business (which should turn to the profit of our said lord and of the people of his realm) and also the fixing of the places most convenient herefor, through certain disturbances,[224] remained undetermined; and signified also that divers moneys counterfeiting the coin of our said lord are brought by foreign people into his realm to the subversion of his money and to the prejudice of our said lord; whereon our lord the King wishes to have our advice and counsel; we do him to wit that in full treaty and discussion with divers merchants, citizens and burgesses of the realm, we have agreed, if it please our lord the King, that there be two places established for the said sales and purchases, namely, one on this side Trent, and another beyond, which places should fulfil the conditions below-written, that is to say, the places should be strong, well situated and secure for the repair of foreign merchants and the safety of their persons and their goods, and there should be ready access for all manner of merchandise, an exchange good, easy and prompt, and a good and convenient haven in the same places; and that the law and usages and franchises, which merchants repairing to the Staple in these times have had and used, they should use and enjoy henceforth at the places where they shall be, without being drawn into another law or another custom; and that the foreigners who shall come to the said places go not further in the realm nor send privily or openly by any manner of people to make any purchase of wools elsewhere than at the places established; and hereby the towns of our said lord which are now decayed and impoverished will be restored and enriched. If it be established in the form above written, it will befal to the great profit of our lord the King and of all his realm; principally, by the security of the persons and goods of merchants and other people of the realm, whom in these times death, robberies and other damages without number have in large measure befallen; and also by the increase of the profit of the change of our lord through the plate and bullion which shall be brought there; and also by the drawing of all manner of merchants and their merchandise that shall come there; moreover, owing to the great treasure of the goods of England that is and remains in the power of aliens, tort, trespass, robberies, and homicide cannot be readily redressed nor rightly punished in our parts on this side the sea for fear of the persons and goods which the aliens have in their power[225], whereby they are enriched and emboldened to maintain the mortal enemies of the King, and comfort them with people, arms and victuals; and by the ordinance aforesaid the merchants and the people of our said lord, to whom he can resort when need be, will be enriched, and the enemies of the King impoverished and all alien merchants in his subjection, and other profits without number will arise, which we cannot by any means fully show forth. With regard to money, if it please our lord, let it not be suffered to be brought from the parts beyond the sea, save only gold, plate and bullion; and to do away with the counterfeit money current among the good, wheresoever it be found, let it be pierced and sent to the change.[226] [Footnote 224: The struggle with Thomas, earl of Lancaster.] [Footnote 225: _i.e._, through fear of malicious reprisals abroad; it is urged apparently that by the establishment of staples at home English merchants will stay in the realm and enjoy the profits of commerce without undertaking the risks. The policy of exclusive home staples was thrice attempted without success, in 1326, 1332 and 1353.] [Footnote 226: Endorsed is a list of counties whose representatives agree to the foregoing advice, namely, Middlesex, Essex, Hertford, Buckingham, Bedford, Oxford, Berks, Gloucester, Hereford, Worcester, Salop, Stafford, Chester and Warwick, together with London and Stamford. The arguments presented above were the outcome of a conference between the council, and representatives of cities and boroughs and of the merchants throughout the realm. See Eng. Hist. Rev., Jan. 1914.] 22. ORDINANCES OF THE STAPLE [_Patent Roll_, _19 Edward II, p. 2, m. 8_], 1326. Edward, etc., to the mayor of our city of London, greeting. We command you, straitly enjoining, that the things below written, ordained by us and our council for the common profit and relief of the people of all our realm and power, you cause to be proclaimed and published and straitly kept and observed in our city aforesaid and everywhere in your bailiwick. First, that the staple of the merchants and the merchandise of England, Ireland and Wales, namely, of wools, hides, woolfells and tin, be holden in the same lands and nowhere else, and that too in the places below written, that is to say, at Newcastle upon Tyne, York, Lincoln, Norwich, London, Winchester, Exeter, and Bristol, for England, Dublin, Drogheda and Cork, for Ireland, Shrewsbury, Carmarthen and Cardiff, for Wales. And for the tin of Cornwall, at Lostwithiel and Truro. And for the tin of Devonshire, at Ashburton, and not elsewhere in England, Ireland or Wales. And that all alien people there and not elsewhere in England, Ireland or Wales, may freely buy and seek wools, hides and fells and other merchandise, and tin in Ashburton, Lostwithiel and Truro, and not elsewhere, and when they have bought their merchandise at the said places and in the form abovesaid and paid their customs, and have thereon letters sealed with the seal of the cocket[227], they may carry the said wools, hides, fells, tin and other merchandise into what land soever they will, if it be not into a land that is at war or enmity with us or our realm. And that the merchant strangers be warned hereof. And that no alien by himself or another privily or openly may buy elsewhere wools or other merchandise abovesaid except at the said places, upon forfeiture of the wools or other merchandise abovesaid which he shall have so bought. And that the merchants of England, Ireland and Wales, who wish to carry wools, hides, fells or tin out of the staples to be sold elsewhere, may not carry them from the staples out of our power until they have remained fifteen days at any of the staples to sell them, and then they may go with the said merchandise whither they will, without making or holding a staple anywhere out of the said lands or within the said lands elsewhere than at the places abovesaid. And that all people of England, Ireland and Wales, may sell and buy wools and all other merchandise anywhere that they will in the said lands, so that the sale be not made to aliens except at the staple. And that wools, hides, fells and tin be nowhere carried out of the said lands by aliens or denizens except from the staples aforesaid. And that the merchants of our power make not among themselves any conspiracy or compact to lessen the price of wools or other merchandise abovesaid, or to delay merchant strangers in the purchase or sale of their merchandise, and that those who shall do so and can be attainted hereof be heavily punished according to the ordinance of us and of our good council. And that every man be admitted on our behalf who will sue to attaint and punish such, and that such suit be made before our Chief Justices or others whom we will assign hereto and not elsewhere. And that the merchants and the people of Gascony and of the duchy of Aquitaine, who now are or for the time shall be of the fealty and obedience of us or of our son and heir[228], be holden as denizens and not as aliens in all these affairs. And that all merchants, native and strangers, be subject to the law merchant in all things that touch trafficking at the places of the staples. And that no man or woman of a borough or city, nor the commons of the people outside a borough or city in England, Ireland or Wales, after Christmas next coming, use cloth of their own buying that shall be bought after the said feast of Christmas, unless it be cloth made in England, Ireland or Wales, upon heavy forfeiture and punishment, as we by our good council will ordain hereon. And be it known that by the commons in this case shall be understood all people except the King and Queen, earls and barons, knights and ladies and their children born in wedlock, archbishops and bishops and other persons and people of Holy Church, and seculars, who can spend yearly from their rents 40l. sterling, and this so long as it please us by our good council further to extend this ordinance and prohibition. And that every man and woman of England, Ireland and Wales, may make cloths as long and as short as they shall please. And that people may have the greater will to work upon the making of cloth in England, Ireland and Wales, we will that all people know that we shall grant suitable franchises to fullers, weavers, dyers and other clothworkers who live mainly by this craft, when such franchises be asked of us. And that it be granted to the wool-merchants that they have a mayor of the staples abovesaid. And that all merchant strangers may have the greater will to come into our power and may the more safely stay and return, we take them, their persons and goods, into our protection. And we forbid, upon heavy forfeiture, that anyone do them wrong or injury in person or goods, while they be coming, staying or returning, so that if anyone do them injury contrary to this protection and prohibition, those of the town to which the evildoers shall belong shall be bound to answer for the damages or for the persons of the evildoers, and that the mayor or bailiffs of the town where the shipping is take surety for which they will answer at their peril from the sailors of the same shipping every time that they shall go out of the havens, that they will not do evil or misbehave towards any man contrary to these articles. In witness whereof we have caused these our letters to be sealed with our seal. Given at Kenilworth, 1 May. [Footnote 227: The seal used by the customers.] [Footnote 228: Prince Edward was created duke of Aquitaine on September 10, 1325. _Pat. 19 Edward II, p. 1, m. 25._] 23. THE ELECTION OF THE MAYOR AND CONSTABLES OF A STAPLE TOWN [_Chancery Files_, 582], 1358. To the reverend father in Christ William by divine permission bishop of Winchester and Chancellor of the illustrious lord the King of England and France, his humble mayor and constables and the whole community of merchants of the staple of the lord the King at Westminster, greeting with all reverence and honour. Let your reverend lordship deign to know that on the feast of the Translation of St. Thomas the Martyr[229] in the 32nd year of the reign of the aforesaid lord the King of England after the Conquest, all the merchants, as well alien as denizen, who frequent the said staple, being assembled for the election of a mayor and constables of the same staple for the coming year, as custom is, beginning at the feast of St. Peter's Chains[230] next coming, with unanimous assent and consent we elected Adam Fraunceys to be mayor, and John Pyel and John Tornegeld to be constables of the staple aforesaid for the coming year. May your lordship fare well through time to come. Given in the said staple of Westminster the last day of July in the 32nd year of the reign of King Edward the Third after the Conquest of England[231]. [Footnote 229: July 7.] [Footnote 230: August 1.] [Footnote 231: Ratified by the Crown on July 16 (_Pat. Supp._, 22 _m._ 12).] 24. ROYAL LETTERS PATENT OVERRULED BY THE CUSTOM OF THE STAPLE [_Early Chancery Proceedings, 11, 289_], _c._ 1436. To the reverend father in God the Bishop of Bath, Chancellor of England. Meekly beseecheth your servant, Hugh Dyke, that whereas our lord the King on the second day of December in the fourteenth year of his reign, considering the great kindness which the said Hugh, William Estfield and Hammond Sutton did to him, and specially for that they then granted to lend to our said lord the King the sum of 8,000 marks, and our said lord the King wishing graciously to favour the same William, Hammond and Hugh in this behalf, by his letters patent, by the advice and assent of his council in his Parliament, granted and gave license to the same William, Hammond and Hugh, that in the sale of their wools at the town of Calais they should be preferred before all other merchants there to the value of the sum aforesaid, and that they and every of them, or others in their name whom the said William, Hammond and Hugh would name hereto, might freely sell their wools aforesaid to the value aforesaid within your said town to what person soever and in what manner soever they should wish, before the other merchants aforesaid, and retain by them the sums forthcoming thence without any restriction or partition to be made thereof in the Staple of Calais among the merchants of the same, any statute or ordinance made to the contrary notwithstanding, as is more fully contained in the said letters; and although one Thomas Ketyll, servant to the said Hugh, at the commandment and will of his master, sold a sarpler of wool to a stranger for the sum of 12l. 5s., to have and enjoy to him without any restriction or partition to be made thereof, as parcel of the sum aforesaid, nevertheless Thomas Thurland of Calais, because the said Thomas Ketyll would not deliver the said sum of 12l. 5s. to put the same in partition in the Staple, put him in prison and detained him for a long time contrary to the tenour of the letters aforesaid to the prejudice of our lord the King and the great damage and loss of the said Hugh and Thomas Ketyll. Wherefore please it your benign grace to grant a writ of _subpoena_ directed to the said Thomas Thurland to appear before you in the Chancery of our lord the King upon pain of 30l. to answer as well our lord the King as the said Hugh and Thomas Ketyll touching the premises, and to do right to the parties, by way of charity. 25. PROHIBITION OF EXPORT OF MATERIALS FOR MAKING CLOTH [_Guildhall, Letter-Book E, f. 167_],[232] 1326. Edward by the grace of God, King of England, etc., to our well-beloved Hamon de Chigewelle, Mayor of our city of London, greeting. We have read the letters that you have sent us, in the which you have signified unto us that Flemings, Brabanters and other aliens have been suddenly buying throughout our land all the teasels that they can find; and also are buying butter, madder, woad, fullers' earth, and all other things which pertain to the working of cloth, in order that they may disturb the staple and the common profit of our realm; and further, that you have stopped twenty tuns that were shipped and ready for going beyond sea, at the suit of good folks of our said city; upon your doing the which we do congratulate you, and do command and charge you, that you cause the said tuns well and safely to be kept; and if any such things come into our said city from henceforth, to be sent beyond sea by merchants aliens or denizens, cause them also to be stopped and safely kept, until you shall have had other mandate from us thereon; and you are not to allow any such things to pass through your bailiwick, by reason whereof the profit of our staple may be disturbed. We have also commanded our Chancellor, that by writs under our Great Seal he shall cause it everywhere to be forbidden that any such things shall pass from henceforth out of our realm, in any way whatsoever. Given under our Privy Seal at Saltwood the 21st day of May, in the 19th year of our reign. [Footnote 232: Printed in Riley, Memorials, 149.] 26. COMMERCIAL POLICY [_Political Songs and Poems_, _Rolls Series_, II, 282], _temp._ Edward IV. For there is no realm in no manner degree But they have need to our English commodity; And the cause thereof I will to you express, The which is sooth as the gospel of the mass. Meat, drink and cloth, to every man's sustenance They belong all three, without variance. For whoso lacketh any of these three things, Be they popes or emperors, or so royal kings, It may not stand with them in any prosperity; For whoso lacketh any of these, he suffereth adversity; Whiles this is sooth by your wits discern Of all the realms in the world this beareth the lantern. For of every of these three by God's ordinance, We have sufficiently unto our sustenance, And with the surplusage of one of these three things We might rule and govern all Christian kings. For the merchants come our wools for to buy Or else the cloth that is made thereof surely, Out of divers lands far beyond the sea, To have this merchandise into their country. Therefore let not our wool be sold for nought, Neither our cloth, for they must be sought; And in especial restrain straitly the wool, That the commons of this land may work at the full. And if any wool be sold of this land, Let it be of the worst both to free and bond, And none other in [no] manner wise, For many divers causes, as I can devise. If the wool be coarse, the cloth is mickle the worse, Yet into little they put out of purse As much for carding, spinning and weaving, Fulling, roving, dyeing and shearing; And yet when such cloth is all ywrought, To the maker it availeth little or nought, The price is simple, the cost is never the less, They that worketh such wool in wit be like an ass. For and ye knew the sorrow and heaviness Of the poor people living in distress, How they be oppressed in all manner of thing, In giving them too much weight into the spinning. For nine pounds, I ween, they shall take twelve, This is very truth, as I know myself; Their wages be bated, their weight is increased, Thus the spinners' and carders' avails be all ceased. 27. THE PERILS OF FOREIGN TRAVEL [_Court Roll, 178, 104, m. 3d._],[233] 1315. The King sent his writ to the bailiffs of the abbot of Ramsey of the fair of St. Ives in these words:--Edward by the grace of God King of England, Lord of Ireland and Duke of Aquitaine, to the bailiffs of the abbot of Ramsey of the fair of St. Ives, greeting. Whereas, on the frequent complaint of our beloved cousin, Alice countess Marshal, representing to us that lately by our licence she caused a ship about to sail to the parts beyond seas to be laden with jewels of gold and silver and other her goods and chattels to the value of 2000l., to be taken thence to the said parts to await her coming there; and that John Crabbe, master of a ship of The Mew, Miles of Utenham, Christian Trilling, Crabekyn, nephew of John Crabbe, John Labay and John Winter, together with certain other evildoers of the parts of Flanders, met the aforesaid ship so laden on its way towards the said parts on the sea between Boulogne and Whitsand, and in hostile manner took and carried away the same ship so laden with cloths, jewels and other goods aforesaid, and still detain the same jewels and goods of the aforesaid countess, to her no small damage and loss: we many times requested Robert, count of Flanders, by our special letters to hear the plaint of the aforesaid countess on the premises, to be set forth to the same count by her or her proctor or attorney in this behalf, and thereupon to cause full justice to be done to her touching the said cloths, jewels and other goods so carried off; whereupon the same count afterwards wrote back to us, saying that he had caused certain of the aforesaid evildoers to be punished, and was ready to hand over the others whom he might secure to due punishment, as reason should permit. But, because the aforesaid count delayed to show justice to the said countess touching the restitution of the cloths, jewels and goods aforesaid according to the form of our aforesaid requests, we afterwards thought fit to require him divers times by our special letters to cause due restitution or suitable satisfaction, as right should require, to be made to the same countess for the cloths, jewels, goods and chattels aforesaid. And though the count has received our letters aforesaid and has been many times requested with great diligence on behalf of the same countess by her attorneys or proctors to cause full justice to be done to her in the premises, nevertheless he has neglected to do anything therein at such our requests, although a great part of the same goods had come into his hands, but has altogether failed to show her justice, as the mayor and aldermen of our city of London have made known to us by their letters patent sealed with their common seal. We, refusing to refrain longer from causing the aforesaid countess to be provided with a remedy agreeable to right touching the recovery of her goods aforesaid, command you that you cause to be arrested without delay all goods and wares of the men and merchants of the power and lordship of the said count of Flanders, except the goods and wares of the burgesses and merchants of Ypres, which shall happen to be found within your bailiwick, to the value of 200l. in part satisfaction of the said 2000l., and to be kept under such arrest safely and without detraction or diminution, until you shall have other orders from us thereon; and that you make known to us plainly and openly under your seals what goods and of what sort you cause to be arrested on that account, and whose they are, and also the value thereof, returning to us this writ. For we have commanded the mayor and sheriffs of London to cause to be arrested without delay and to be kept under such arrest, until full satisfaction be made to the aforesaid countess of her said goods so carried off, the goods and wares of the men and merchants of the power of the said count within their bailiwick to the value of 1000l.; and the bailiffs of the town of Great Yarmouth to cause the arrest of goods to the value of 300l.; and the bailiffs of the town of Ipswich to cause the arrest of goods to the value of 300l.; and the bailiffs of the town of Lynn to cause the arrest of goods to the value of the 200l. residue. Witness myself at Westminster on the 24th day of April in the eighth year of our reign. To which writ answer was made that no goods or chattels of the power and lordship of Robert, count of Flanders, were found in the fair of St. Ives after this writ was delivered to us. Therefore nothing at present has been done therein. [Footnote 233: Printed in Selden Society Publications, Vol. 23, p. 93.] 28. GRANT OF LETTERS OF MARQUE AND REPRISALS [_Patent Roll_, 26 _Henry_ VI, _p. 1, m. 27_.], 1447. The King to all to whom, etc., greeting. John Hampshire and Henry May, gentlemen, have shown to us that, whereas they, with twenty nine persons, merchants and mariners, our lieges, in the month of December in the twenty second year of our reign, in a ship called _Clement_ of Hamble, came out of our duchy of Normandy sailing to our realm of England, there came upon them thirty mariners of Brittany and took and carried away the goods and merchandise of the aforesaid John and Henry and other our lieges aforesaid to the value of 1336 marks, and their bonds, indentures and bills making mention of debts to the sum of 700 marks, and beyond this likewise took and carried away the whole tackling of the ship aforesaid and all their victuals found in the same ship, and inhumanly stripped the same John and Henry to their shirts and certain of our other said lieges as well of their shirts as of their other garments, and abandoned and left the said John and Henry and our other lieges abovesaid in the ship aforesaid, bereft and spoiled of all manner of tackling necessary and requisite for the safe conduct of the same ship, in the midst of the sea, in which ship the same John and Henry and the rest of our lieges aforesaid, labouring in tempest and various storms of the sea for three days and three nights together, and despairing of their life in regard to all human aid, and putting all hope and trust of their salvation wholly in God and the glorious Virgin Mary, at length, after the days and nights aforesaid were past, they arrived in port, at least a place of safety, by God's help; and although at the instance of the aforesaid John and Henry we have oft fitly requested our cousin the duke of Brittany by letters of our privy seal that he would cause the same John and Henry to be provided with due and just restitution to be had in this behalf, yet the same John and Henry, using all diligence with due and speedy suit made to the same our cousin in this behalf for three years and more, have not yet obtained and cannot in any wise obtain any restitution thereof, to the gravest expense and no small damage and burden to the same John and Henry; wherefore they have humbly and instantly made supplication to us that we would graciously deign to provide for relief to be made to them in this behalf: We, considering that justice is and has been against all conscience denied or at least delayed to the same John and Henry diligently suing for their right, and willing to make provision that justice or at least the execution of justice perish not in this behalf, as far as in us lies, by the inspiration of piety, therefore, graciously inclining to the supplication of the same John and Henry most benignly made to us in this behalf, have granted to the same John and Henry marque and reprisal, so that they, by themselves or their factors, attorneys or servants having or to have sufficient power from them, and, if the same John and Henry perchance die in the meantime, by their heirs and executors, may take and arrest the bodies, ships, vessels, goods, wares and merchandise of any subjects soever of the aforesaid duke, wheresoever they may be found within our realms, lordships, lands, powers and territories, as well on this side as beyond the sea, by land, sea or water, within liberties and without, to the value of the said 2036 marks, and lawfully and with impunity detain the same until full satisfaction shall have been made to them of that sum and of the whole and entire tackling of the ship aforesaid and of the victuals aforesaid or of the true value of the same, and of the damages, costs, outlays and expenses which they have reasonably sustained and will sustain on our behalf, and, for default of such satisfaction, that they may give, sell, alienate them and dispose and order thereof as with their own goods, as it shall seem to them best to be done, without hindrance, disturbance, vexation or annoyance at the hands of us or our heirs or the officers or ministers of us or our heirs whomsoever. And we give to all and singular our admirals, captains, castellans and their lieutenants and deputies, sheriffs, mayors, bailiffs, constables, searchers, wardens of seaports and other maritime places, masters and mariners of ships and other places whatsoever, and other our officers, ministers, lieges and subjects whomsoever, as well on this side as beyond the sea, by land, sea or water, wheresoever they be stablished, that they be intendant, counselling, aiding and respondent in the premises to the same John and Henry or their factors, attorneys, deputies or servants having or to have sufficient power from the same John and Henry, and, if they die as is aforesaid, then to their heirs or executors, as often as and when they be duly requested by the same John and Henry or either of them or the others aforesaid or any of them on our behalf. In witness, etc. Witness the King at Westminster, 26 September. By writ of privy seal and of the date, etc.[234] [Footnote 234: For an earlier measure for the protection of shipping, see below, Section VII., No. 2.] 29. GRANT OF LIBERTIES TO THE MERCHANTS OF DOUAI [_Charter Roll_, 45 _Henry_ III, _m. 4, No. 32_.], 1260. The King to archbishops, etc. Know ye that we have granted and by this our charter have confirmed for us and our heirs to our beloved burgesses and merchants of Douai that for ever throughout the whole of our land and power they have this liberty, to wit, that they or their goods, found in any place soever in our power, shall not be arrested for any debt for which they are not sureties or principal debtors, unless by chance such debtors be of their commune and power, having goods wherefrom they can make satisfaction for their debts in whole or in part, and unless the burgesses of Douai, by whom that town is governed, fail in justice to those who are of our land and power, and this can be reasonably ascertained; and that the said burgesses and merchants for ever be quit of murages on all their goods, possessions and merchandise throughout our whole realm; and that the burgesses and merchants aforesaid shall not lose their chattels and goods found in their hands or deposited elsewhere by their servants, so far as they can sufficiently prove them to be their own, for the trespass or forfeiture of their servants; and also if the said burgesses and merchants or any of them die within our land and power testate or intestate, we or our heirs will not cause their goods to be confiscated so that their heirs should not entirely have them, so far as the same be proved to be the chattels of the said deceased, provided that sufficient knowledge or proof be had touching the said heirs; and that they with their merchandise may safely come into our land and power and stay there, paying the due and right customs; so also that if at any time there be war between the King of the French or others and us or our heirs, they be forewarned to depart from our realm with their goods within forty days. Wherefore we will and straitly command, for us and our heirs, that the aforesaid burgesses and merchants and their heirs for ever have all the liberties aforewritten throughout the whole of our land and power. And we forbid, upon our forfeiture of 10l., that any man presume to molest or annoy them in aught unjustly contrary to this liberty and our grant. These witnesses:--the venerable father H. bishop of London, Richard de Clare, earl of Gloucester and Hertford, Humphrey de Bohun, earl of Hereford and Essex, Hugh le Bygod, Philip Basset, Hugh le Despenser, our justiciar of England, James de Alditheleg, Roger de Mortuo Mari, John Maunsell, treasurer of York, Robert Walerand, and others. Given by our hand at Westminster, 24 November in the 45th year of our reign.[235] The burgesses and merchants of Douai give the King 100 marks for this charter, which sum should be allowed in the 90l. in which the King is bound to them, whereof there is the King's writ of _liberate_ at the King's Exchequer; and the writ should be searched for and the 100 marks noted therein. [Footnote 235: Charters of this character were granted at this period to almost every town of importance in England.] 30. ALIENS AT A FAIR [_Court Rolls, 178, 93, m. 3_], 1270. Court of Wednesday [14 May, 1270]. Gottschalk of Almain, burgess of Lynn, makes plaint of the communities of Ghent, Poperingen, Douai, Ypres and Lisle, as men of the countess of Flanders, to wit, that whereas the same Gottschalk caused 14 sacks of wool worth 140 marks to be brought from the realm of England to Bruges in Flanders, to trade with it there, and lodged the wool at the house of one Henry Thurold on Sunday next after Ash Wednesday in the forty-ninth year of the reign of King Henry, the bailiffs of the said countess came and arrested the said wool against the peace of the realm and still detain it. Wherefore the same Gottschalk, for the unjust detention of the wool aforesaid, made petition to the lord the King at Kenilworth and elsewhere until now; whereupon the lord the King many times directed his letters to the same countess, asking her to satisfy the same Gottschalk of the aforesaid wool or the price thereof, and she has hitherto neglected to do anything for the same Gottschalk, to his damage of 200 marks; and he produces suit. The aforesaid communities, being present, do not deny the accustomed words of the court[236] or the detention of the aforesaid wool or the damage of the aforesaid Gottschalk, but craved licence to consult forthwith on the matter and withdrew. And afterwards they came, making no defence against the charge of the said Gottschalk, but the men of Ypres presented a charter of certain liberties granted to them by the King's Court, stating that they should not be distrained for any debt unless they were the sureties or principal debtors. For the men of Lisle there came one Alard of Leeuw and showed a charter of the lord the King for himself only, stating that he should not be distrained unless he were a principal debtor or surety. Another man named Peter Blarie of Lisle says that he has no charter. The men also of the communities of Ghent and Douai[237] craved respite until Saturday to show their charters, which they say that they have from the King's Court, and that day was granted to them. The aforesaid Gottschalk, however, craved judgment for the default of the aforesaid merchants; and a day is given to the parties, to wit, to-morrow.... Be it remembered that Gottschalk of Almain, burgess of Lynn, gives to the lord a seventh part of all which he may recover against the communities of Ypres, Ghent, Douai, Poperingen and Lisle, to wit, of the 120 marks which he seeks for 14 sacks of wool detained to his damage of 200 marks. [Footnote 236: _i.e._ "Tort and force."] [Footnote 237: See No. 29 for the charter of Douai.] 31. CONFIRMATION OF LIBERTIES TO THE MERCHANTS OF ALMAIN [_Patent Roll_, 9 _Edward_ I, _m. 1_], 1280. The King to all to whom, etc., greeting. Whereas the lord King Henry, our father, of famous memory, lately granted by his letters patent,[238] which we have inspected, at the instance of Richard, King of the Romans, our uncle, of good memory, to the merchants of the realm of Almain who have a house in the city of London commonly called the Gildhall of the Teutons, that he would maintain and protect them, all and singular, throughout the whole of his realm in all the same liberties and free customs which they have used and enjoyed in the times of him and his progenitors, and would not draw them nor in any wise permit them to be drawn out of such liberties and free customs, as is more fully contained in the letters aforesaid made thereon to the aforesaid merchants: We, wishing that favour to be continued to the same merchants, wish them to be maintained and protected in all the same liberties and free customs which they have used and enjoyed in the times of us and our progenitors, and we will not draw them or in any wise permit them to be drawn out of such liberties and free customs. In witness whereof, etc. Witness the King at Westminster, 18 November. [Footnote 238: June 15, 1260. _Fædera I._, i. 398.] 32. ALIEN WEAVERS IN LONDON [_Guildhall, Letter-Book_ G, _f. 93_],[239] 1362. Unto the most honourable Lords, and rightful, the Mayor and Aldermen of the City of London, humbly pray the Weavers alien working in the same City, that the points and Ordinances underwritten may be granted and allowed to them, for the common profit of the land and of the City and for the saving of their said trade. In the first place, that three good folks of the weavers alien may be ordained and sworn to keep and rule their trade, and the points underwritten. Also, that if any alien shall come to the said city to work in the said trade, and to make his profit, he shall do nothing in the same before he shall have presented himself to the Masters alien of the said trade, and by the said Masters have been examined if he knows his trade or not; and thereupon, let orders be given by the said Masters what he shall take by the day for his work. Also that no one of the said trade of weavers alien shall be so daring as to work at the trade by night. Also, that no one in the said trade shall work at the trade on Saturdays; or on the Eve of Double Feasts after None rung in the parish where he resides. Also, if any workman has served his alien master by the day or by the week, and the said master will not pay the workman for his work, according as they shall have agreed, the good folks who shall be ordained and sworn to keep and rule their said trade, shall have power to forbid the said master to be so daring as to work at the said trade, until he shall have paid his workman what he is bound to pay him. And if he shall do the contrary, and be convicted thereof, let him pay to the Chamber the penalty that is underwritten. Also, whereas heretofore, if any dispute occurred between a master alien in the said trade and his workman, such workman was wont to go to all the workmen within the City in the said trade, and by covin and conspiracy between them made, they would give orders that no one of them should work or submit to serve until the said master and his workman should have agreed; by reason whereof the masters of the said trade were in great trouble, and the people left unserved; it is ordered that, from henceforth if any dispute shall occur between any master alien and his workman in the said trade, the same dispute shall be rectified by the Wardens of the trade. And if any workman who shall have offended, or have misbehaved towards his master alien will not submit to be adjudged before the said Wardens, let such workman be arrested by a Serjeant of the Chamber at the suit of the said Wardens, and brought before the Mayor and Aldermen; and before them let him be punished, at their discretion. Also, if any alien of the said trade shall be found doing mischief in the way of larceny, to the value of 12 pence; the first time, let him make amends to him against whom he shall have so offended, at the discretion of the Masters alien of the said trade. And if he shall be found guilty thereof a second time, let him be brought before the Mayor and Aldermen, and before them be punished according to his deserts. Also if any alien of the said trade shall be found guilty in any point aforesaid, let him be amerced, the first time, in 40 pence, to the use of the Chamber; half a mark, the second time; 20 shillings the third time; and the fourth time, let him forswear the trade in the said city, and every time, let him also pay 12 pence to the Wardens for their trouble. John le Grutteret and Peter Vanthebrok, Flemings, and John Elias, Brabanter, were chosen on the 23rd day of February in the 36th year and sworn to keep and oversee the Articles aforesaid, and the alien men of the same trade. [Footnote 239: Printed in Riley, Memorials, p. 306] 33. THE HOSTING OF ALIENS [_Exch. K.R. Accounts, 128, 31, m. 15_], 1442. This is the view of William Chervyle, surveyor and host ordained and deputed by Robert Clopton, late mayor of the city of London, upon John Mantel, captain of a carrack coming to Sandwich, and James Ryche, scrivan[240] of the said carrack, and James Douhonour, merchants, coming from Sandwich with the said carrack, to survey as well their merchandise found in their keeping and also coming afterwards, as the employment of the same, to wit, the said John Mantell and James Ryche between the 18th day of January, and James Dohonour between the 25th day of January in the 20th year of the reign of our sovereign lord King Henry the Sixth, until the feast of Michaelmas next following. The merchandise coming and found in the said carrack of the said John Mantell and James Ryche and James Dohonour-- First, 14 butts of sweet wine. Further, 30 barrels of the same sweet wine. Further, 144 butts of sweet wine. Further, 10 butts of currant raisins. The merchandise sold by the said John Mantell, James Ryche and James Douhonour:-- First, sold in the month of February to the prior of Canterbury, I butt for 4l. 6s. 8d. Further, to John Brokley, 2 butts for 8l. 6s. 8d. Further, to Andrew Tye, 2 butts for 8l. Further, to John Style, 4 butts for 14l. Further, to Davy Selly, 3 butts for 12l. Further, to Richard Tremayne, 2 butts for 8l. Further, to John Chyppenham, 30 barrels for 16l. Further, sold in the month of March to Simon Eyre, 101 butts for 305l. Further, to John Style, 20 butts for 75l. Further, to John Style, 10 butts for 40l. Further, to Davy Selly, 4 butts for 16l. Further, to Thomas Greye, 3 butts for 11l. 10s. Further, to John atte Wode, 2 butts for 7l. Further, to John Bale, 4 butts for 16l. Further, to Harry Purchase, 3 butts of currant raisins for 29l. Further, to John Gybbe, 3 butts for 29l. Further, to Nicholas Wyfold, 3 butts for 31l. Further, to John Pecok, 1 butt [for] 9l. 10s. Sum of the said sales 639l. 13s. 4d. The purchases made by the said John Mantell and James Ryche and James Dohonour for the employment of the merchandise aforesaid:-- First, bought of Simon Eyre, 200 cloths "westrons" for 305l. Further, of John Brokley, 40 yards of murrey in grain 18l. Further, of Henry Kempe, 5 cloths "Northamptons" 40l. Further, of Philip Malpas, 60 cloths "westrons" 90l. Further, of John Bale, 60 pieces of Suffolk "streyts" for 38l. Further, of William Dyllowe, 10 cloths "Northamptons" 60l. Further, of John Andreu, 8 cloths "Ludlowes" 16l. Further, of Thomas Grey, 1101 quarters of pewter for 15l. Further, of William ----, 40 cloths "westrons" 60l. Further, of John at Wode, 20 cloths "westrons" for 32l. Further, of John Style, 80 Suffolk "streyts" for 46l. Sum of the purchases aforesaid 745l.[241] [Footnote 240: The scrivan (_i.e._, writer) had charge of the merchandise on board.] [Footnote 241: This survey was made pursuant to Stat. 18 Henry VI. The result of the transaction would have delighted the "mercantile" theorist.] 34. AN OFFENCE AGAINST STAT. 18 HENRY VI. FOR THE HOSTING OF ALIENS [_Exch. K.R. Accounts, 128, 31, m. 28_], 1440. I, Stephen Stychemerssh, citizen of the city of London, certify your reverences, the venerable and discreet barons of the Exchequer of the most excellent prince, our lord the King, and all whose interest it is, that on the fifth day of the month of April in the 18th year of the reign of King Henry the Sixth, there were assigned to me, the aforesaid Stephen, by Robert Large, then mayor of the city aforesaid, Surlio Spyngell, Baptista Spyngell, Teras Spyngell, John Bryan, Raphael and Jeronimus, their clerks, merchant strangers, to be under me, the aforesaid Stephen, as their host, to survey all and singular merchandise brought and hereafter to be brought by the aforesaid Surlio, Baptista, Teras, John, Raphael and Jeronimus into the city aforesaid and the suburbs of the same; and upon the assignment aforesaid so made by the aforesaid late mayor, I, the aforesaid Stephen Stychemerssh, went to the aforesaid Surlio, Baptista, Teras, John, Raphael and Jeronimus on the eighth day of April in the said 18th year in the parish of St. Peter in the ward of Bread Street, requiring them to be under my survey and governance according to the form of a Statute [published in the Parliament] holden at Westminster in the said 18th year; which Surlio Spyngell, Baptista Spyngell, Teras Spyngell, John Bryan, Raphael and Jeronimus, though often required by me and after the corporal pain of imprisonment had been inflicted by the aforesaid late mayor and other warnings put upon them, have altogether neglected and contemned and still neglect and contemn to obey or observe the aforesaid statute or ordinance, alleging for themselves certain letters patent[242] of the lord the king under his great seal to them and other merchants of Genoa of a licence granted to them by the said lord the King not to be under any such host, so that touching their merchandise brought from the said fifth day of the month of April or touching the sales of the same merchandise nothing at present has been done by me, nor could I have any knowledge thereof, contrary to the form of the statute or ordinance aforesaid.[243] [Footnote 242: Patent Roll, 18 Henry VI., p. 3, m. 22 (1440).] [Footnote 243: This document illustrates the difficulty of the legislature in its attempts at national regulation. A mediæval statute was not a dead letter, but competed perforce with local liberty and royal prerogative. The crown at once collected fines for breaches of a statute and fees for exemption from its operation.] 35. IMPRISONMENT OF AN ALIEN CRAFTSMAN [_Early Chancery Proceedings, 11, 455_], c. 1440. To the right reverend father in God, the bishop of Bath and Wells, Chancellor of England. Meekly beseecheth your good and gracious lordship your continual orator, Henry Wakyngknyght, goldsmith, tenderly to consider that whereas he, by the Mayor's commandment of London, caused by the subtle suggestion of the Wardens of the Craft of Goldsmiths of London, now late is imprisoned within the Counter in Bread Street, no cause laid against him but only that he is a stranger born, occupying his craft in London, so utterly intending to keep him still in prison for ever to his utter destruction and undoing--howbeit your said orator occupieth not his said craft openly in shops but privily, in no derogation of any franchise or custom of the goldsmiths of London--without your gracious lordship to him be shewed in this behalf. Wherefore please it your said gracious lordship, the premises considered, and also the holy time of Easter now coming, to grant unto your said orator a _corpus cum causa_ directed to the Mayor and Sheriffs of London, commanding them by the same to bring up the body of the said Henry with the cause of his arrest before your lordship into the King's Chancery at a certain day by your lordship to be limited, there to answer in the premises as reason and conscience shall require, for the love of God and in way of charity. [_Endorsed._] Before the lord the King in his Chancery on Monday next, to wit, 23 March. 36. PETITION AGAINST USURY [_Parliament Roll_, 50 _Edward_ III, _No. 158_], 1376. Further, the commons of the land pray that whereas the horrible vice of usury is so spread abroad and used throughout the land that the virtue of charity, without which none can be saved, is wellnigh wholly perished, whereby, as is known too well, a great number of good men have been undone and brought to great poverty: Please it, to the honour of God, to establish in this present Parliament that the ordinance[244] made in the city of London for a remedy of the same, well considered and corrected by your wise council and likewise by the bishop of the same city, be speedily put into execution, without doing favour to any, against every person, of whatsoever condition he be, who shall be hereafter attainted as principal or receiver or broker of such false bargains. And that all the Mayors and Bailiffs of cities and boroughs throughout the realm have the same power to punish all those who shall be attainted of this falsity within their bailiwicks according to the form of the articles comprehended in the same ordinance. And that the same ordinance be kept throughout all the realm, within franchises and without. Answer.--Let the law of old used run herein [Footnote 244: Ordinance dated 1363. _See_ Cunningham, _Growth of English Industry and Commerce, Mediæval Times_, p. 361 _n._] 37. ACTION UPON USURY [_Early Chancery Proceedings_, 64, 291],[245] _c._ 1480. To the right reverend father in God, the Bishop of Lincoln and Chancellor of England. Right humbly beseecheth unto your lordship your Orator William Elryngton of Durham, mercer, that whereas he now 4 years past and more had for a stock of one Richard Elryngton the sum of 30l., wherefore your said Orator was by his obligation bounden unto the said Richard in 40l. and odd silver; which sum of 30l. your said Orator should have to be employed in merchandise, during the space of 7 years, yielding yearly unto the said Richard, for the loan thereof 4l. of lawful money of England, and at the 7 years' end to yield whole unto the said Richard the said sum of 30l.; whereupon your said Suppliant occupied the said sum by the space of 2 years, and paid yearly unto the said Richard 4l.; and after that your said Orator, remembering in his conscience that that bargain was not godly nor profitable, intended and proffered the said Richard his said sum of 30l. again, which to do he refused, but would that your said Orator should perform his bargain. Nevertheless, the said Richard was afterward caused, and in manner compelled, by spiritual men to take again the said 30l., whereupon before sufficient record the said Richard faithfully promised that the said obligation of 40l. and covenants should be cancelled and delivered unto your said Orator, as reason is. Now it is so that the said Richard oweth and is indebted by his obligation in a great sum of money to one John Saumpill, which is now Mayor of Newcastle, wherefore now late the said Richard, by the mean of the said mayor, caused an action of debt upon the said obligation of 40l. to be affirmed before the mayor and sheriff of the said Town of Newcastle, and there by the space almost of 12 months hath sued your said Orator, to his great cost, and this against all truth and conscience, by the mighty favour of the said mayor, by cause he would the rather attain unto his duty, purposeth now by subtle means, to cast and condemn wrongfully your said Orator in the said sum of 40l., to his great hurt and undoing, without your special lordship be unto him shewed in this behalf, wherefore please it your said lordship to consider the premise, thereupon to grant a _certiorari_, direct unto the Mayor and Sheriff of the said Town, to bring up before you the cause, that it may be there examined and ruled as conscience requireth, for the love of God and in way of charity. [Footnote 245: Printed in Abram's _Social England_, 215.] SECTION VII TAXATION CUSTOMS AND CURRENCY [For feudal taxation see Section II.] 1. Form of the taxation of a fifteenth and tenth, 1336--2. Disposition of a subsidy of tonnage and poundage, 1382--3. The king's prise of wines, 1320--4. The custom on wool, 1275--5. The custom on wine, 1302--6. The custom on general imports, 1303--7. Administration of the search, 1303--8. Provision for the currency and the search, 1335--9. Opinions on the state of English money, 1381-2. The following documents illustrate in the first place the sources of royal revenue other than (_a_) the direct rents accruing to the King as a great landlord, (_b_) the payments due to him as feudal overlord, and (_c_) the profits of justice and administration, Nos. 1 and 2 representing the ordinary forms of Parliamentary grants, and Nos. 3 to 6 the prerogative right of the Crown to payments for the privilege of commercial intercourse by way of prise or custom; and in the second place the continuous efforts of mediæval governments to secure a good and easy currency (Nos. 7 to 9), a problem which they failed to solve either by the direct method of forbidding the export and controlling the import of money, or by the indirect method of insisting on the exchange of goods for goods by alien merchants frequenting the realm. AUTHORITIES The principal modern writers dealing with the subject of this section are:--Dowell, _History of Taxation and Taxes in England_; Stubbs, _Constitutional History_; Hall, _Customs Revenue_; Shaw, _History of Currency_; Crump & Hughes, _English Currency_ (Economic Journal, V.). Contemporary authorities:--Wolowski, _Traité de Nicholas Oresme_. 1. FORM OF THE TAXATION OF A FIFTEENTH AND TENTH [_Fine Roll_, 10 _Edward_ III, _m._ 13], 1336. This is the form which the assessors and taxers of the fifteenth, granted to our lord the King in his Parliament holden at Westminster on the Monday next after Sunday in mid-Lent last past, in the tenth year of his reign, by the earls, barons, freemen and the commonalties of all the counties of the realm, and also of the tenth there granted to our said lord the King in all the cities, boroughs and the ancient demesnes of the King, of the same realm, from all their goods which they had on the day of the said grant, ought to observe, and thereby to assess, tax, collect and levy the same fifteenth and tenth in the counties of Northumberland, Cumberland and Westmoreland, to wit, that the chief taxers without delay cause to come before them from each city, borough and other town of the counties, within franchise and without, the more lawful and wealthier men of the same places in such number that therefrom the chief taxers may sufficiently choose four or six of each town, or more if need be, at their discretion, by whom the said taxation and that which pertains thereto to be done may best be done and accomplished; and when they shall have chosen such, then they shall cause them to swear on the Holy Gospels, to wit, those of each town by themselves, that those so sworn will lawfully and fully enquire what goods each man of the same towns had on the said day within house and without, wheresoever they be, without any favour, upon heavy forfeiture, and will lawfully tax all those goods, wheresoever they have come from then till now by sale or otherwise, according to the true value, save the things below excepted in this form, and will cause them to be listed and put on a roll indented quite fully as speedily as they can, and to be delivered to the chief taxers one part under their seals, and retain by themselves the other part under the seals of the chief taxers, and when the chief taxers shall have in such wise received the indentures of those who shall be sworn to tax in cities boroughs and other towns, the same chief taxers shall lawfully and minutely examine such indentures, and if they discover that there is any defect they shall forthwith amend it, so that nothing be concealed, neither for gift nor for reward of a person taxed less than reason requires; and the King wills that the chief taxers go from hundred to hundred and from town to town, where need shall be, to survey and enquire that the subtaxers in the same towns have fully taxed and valued the goods of every man, and if they find anything concealed, amend it forthwith and cause the Treasurer and Barons of the Exchequer to know the names of those who shall have so trespassed, and the manner of their misdeed; and the taxation of the goods of the subtaxers of the towns shall be made by the chief taxers and by other good men whom they choose so to do, so that their goods be well and lawfully taxed in the same manner as those of others. The taxation of the goods of the chief taxers and of their clerks shall be reserved to the Treasurer and Barons of the Exchequer. And the chief taxers, as soon as they shall have received the presentment of the subtaxers shall cause the fifteenth and tenth to be levied to the use of the King without delay and without doing favour to any man, in the form which is enjoined upon them by the commission. And they shall cause to be made two rolls of the said taxation agreeing in all points, and retain the one by them to levy the taxation and have the other at the Exchequer at the feast of St. Peter's Chains next coming, on which day they shall make their first payment. And be it known that in this taxation of the goods of the commonalty of all the counties there shall be excepted armour, mounts, jewels and robes for knights and gentlemen and their wives, and their vessels of gold and silver and brass, and in cities and boroughs shall be excepted a robe for the man and another for his wife and a bed for both, a ring and a buckle of gold or silver, and a girdle of silk, which they use every day, and also a bowl of silver or of mazer from which they drink. And the goods of lepers, where they are governed by a superior who is a leper, shall not be taxed or taken, and if the lepers be governed by a sound master, their goods shall be taxed like those of others. And be it remembered that from people of counties out of cities, boroughs and the king's demesnes whose goods in all exceed not the value of 10s., nothing shall be demanded or levied; and from the goods of people of cities, boroughs and the king's demesnes, which exceed not the value of 6s. in all, nothing shall be demanded or levied. 2. THE DISPOSITION OF A SUBSIDY OF TONNAGE AND POUNDAGE [_K.R. Customs Accounts_, 159, 4], 1382. This indenture made between Thomas Beaupyne of Bristol and John Polymond of Hampton appointed in Parliament to make order for the safe keeping of the sea by means of the subsidy of 6d. in the pound and 2s. on the tun [of wine] on the coasts of the west, granted in the said Parliament for the same cause, of the one part, and William Bast of the other part, witnesseth that the said William has received from the said Thomas and John 180l. of the said subsidy to find a ship and a barge of 180 men to serve our lord the King on the sea for a quarter of a year, the said quarter beginning on Michaelmas Day next or within fifteen days after, as he shall deem best to be done, by the testimony of the mayor of Dartmouth or the admiral's lieutenant in those parts, taking from the commencement of the said voyage 20s. for each man for the said quarter, together with all the profit that he may seize from enemies in the mean time without impeachment, according to the form ordained and agreed upon in the said Parliament, to be on the sea for the preservation of English shipping according to their power, without making for the land of England unless it be through tempest of the sea or other reasonable cause during the said quarter; for the good and lawful performance of which voyage in the manner abovesaid the said William hereby binds himself, his heirs and executors, and all his goods and chattels, moveable and immoveable, to our said lord the King to perform the said voyage as is abovesaid; and the survey of the number of the said men, according to the form of this indenture, shall be made and witnessed by the admiral in those parts or his lieutenant. In witness whereof to these indentures the parties aforesaid have interchangeably put their seals. Written at Exeter, 24 August in the sixth year of the reign of King Richard the Second after the Conquest. 3. THE KING'S PRISE OF WINES [_Fine Roll_, 13 _Edward_ II, _m._ 3], 1320 The King to his beloved clerk, Roger de Northburgh, keeper of his wardrobe, greeting. Whereas we lately confirmed certain ordinances made of late by the prelates and chiefs of our realm, and commanded the same to be observed in all and singular their articles, and in those ordinances it is contained that all gifts and grants made by us to our loss and to the diminution of our crown after 16 March in the third year of our reign, on which day we made our commission to the aforesaid prelates and chiefs touching the making of the said ordinances, ... be wholly revoked, and afterwards we granted to Stephen de Abindon, our butler, our right prise of wines one tun of wine before the mast and one tun of wine behind the mast, at our will, he paying to the merchants from whom he should receive those wines in our name 20s. for each piece and 20s. to us for each piece in our wardrobe; which grant was made after the said 16 March, and is known to redound to our damage: We, wishing the said ordinances to be duly put into execution in this behalf, command you that you fully charge Stephen, in his account of the things pertaining to his office of butler to be rendered before you, with the wines of our right prise aforesaid for the whole time in which the same Stephen was our butler, notwithstanding our grant aforesaid and our commands afterwards following hereon. Witness the King at Odiham, 23 May[246]. By the council. [Footnote 246: The prise of wines was the royal right, limited at least from the time of Edward I., of purchasing 2 tuns of wine from every ship at the rate of 20s. a tun, whatever the market price might be; 60s. a tun was a normal price in the 14th century (_see K.R. Accounts_, 77. 21). The value of this grant to Stephen is obvious.] 4. THE CUSTOM ON WOOL [_Fine Roll_, 3 _Edward I, m._ 24], 1275. For the new custom which is granted by all the great men of the realm and at the prayer of the communities of the merchants of all England, it is provided that in every county in the largest town where there is a port two of the more lawful and able men be elected, who shall have one piece of a seal in keeping, and one man who shall be assigned by that King shall have another piece; and they shall be sworn that they will lawfully receive and answer for the King's money, that is to say, on each sack of wool 1/2 mark, and on each 300 fells which make a sack 1/2 mark, and on each last[247] of hides 1 mark, that shall go out of the realm, as well in Ireland and Wales as in England, within the franchise and without. Furthermore in every port whence ships can sail there shall be two good men sworn that they will not suffer wools, fells or hides to leave without letters patent sealed with the seal which shall be at the chief port in the same county; and if there is any man who goes otherwise therewith out of the realm, he shall lose all the chattels which he has and his body shall be at the King's will. And forasmuch as this business cannot be performed immediately, it is provided that the King send his letters to every sheriff throughout all the realm, and cause it to be proclaimed and forbidden through all the counties that any man, upon forfeiture of his body and of all his chattels, cause wools, fells or hides to be taken out of the land before the feast of Trinity this year, and thereafter by letters patent sealed with the seals as is aforesaid, and not otherwise, upon the aforesaid forfeitures. And the King has granted of his grace that all lordships, through the ports whereof wools or hides shall pass, shall have the forfeitures when they are incurred, each in its port, saving to the King 1/2 mark on each sack of wool and fells, and 1 mark on each last of hides.[248] [Footnote 247: 12 dozen.] [Footnote 248: This and the two following documents fix the normal rates of customs on exported and imported goods for the mediæval period. The custom on wools, woolfells and hides, came to be known as the great or ancient custom.] 5. THE CUSTOM ON WINE [_Charter Roll_, 30 _Edward I, m._ 2], 1302 The King to Archbishops, etc., greeting. Touching the prosperous estate of the merchants of our duchy aforesaid [Aquitaine] a special care weighs upon us, in what wise under our lordship the immunity of tranquillity and full security may be secured to the same merchants for times to come; so, therefore, that their desires may be the more abundantly increased to the service of us and our realm, we, favourably inclining to their petitions, for the fuller assurance of their estate, have deemed fit to ordain and to grant to the same merchants for us and our heirs for ever in the form that follows: First, that all merchant vintners of the duchy aforesaid, safely and securely, under our defence and protection, may come into our said realm of England and everywhere within our power with wines and other merchandise whatsoever and that within the same our realm and power, in cities, boroughs and market-towns, they may traffic in gross[249] as well with denizens or inhabitants of the same realm as with aliens, strangers or friends (_privatis_), and that they may take or carry whither they will, as well within our realm and power aforesaid as also without, their merchandise which they shall happen to bring into the same our realm and power or to buy or otherwise acquire within the same our realm and power, and to do their will therewith, paying the customs which they shall owe, except only wines, which it shall not be lawful for them in any wise to take out of the same our realm and power without our will. Further, that the said merchant vintners of the said duchy may lodge at their will in the cities and towns aforesaid, and stay with their goods at the pleasure of those to whom the inns or houses belong. Further, that every contract entered upon by the same vintners with any persons, whencesoever they be, touching all manner of merchandise, be valid and stable, so that neither of the merchants may disown that contract or withdraw from the same, after God's penny[250] shall have been given and received between the contractors. And if by chance a dispute arise on such a contract, proof shall be made thereof according to the uses and customs of the fairs and towns where the said contract shall happen to be made and entered upon. Further, we remit and quit to the said merchants of the said duchy that ancient prise of two tuns of wine which we used to take from every ship laden with wines touching within our realm or power, one, to wit, before the mast, and the other behind, promising further and granting to the same merchants for us and our heirs for ever that we will in no wise hereafter against the will of the same merchants make or suffer to be made the aforesaid prise or any other of wines or other their wares by us or another or others for any necessity or chance, without payment to be made forthwith according to the price at which the said merchants will sell wines and other wares to others, or other satisfaction wherewith they shall count themselves content, so that a valuation or estimation be not put upon their wines or other wares by us or our ministers. Further, that on each tun of wine gauged, as the seller of the wine shall be bound to supply that which it lacks from the gauge, so he shall be satisfied by the buyer of that which is over the gauge according to the price at which the tun of wine shall be sold. Further, that as soon as ships with new wines touch within our realm and power, old wines, wheresoever they be found in towns or other places to which the said ships shall come, shall be viewed and proved, if they be whole and also uncorrupt, and of those who shall view the said wines, one moiety shall be of merchant vintners of the duchy aforesaid, and the other of good men of the town where this shall be done, and they shall be sworn to do the premises faithfully and without fraud, and they shall do the accustomed justice with corrupt wines. Further, whereas it was of old time accustomed and used that the buyer and seller should pay 1d. for each tun for gauge, each of them, to wit, 1/2d., let it be so done hereafter and observed for a custom. Further, we will that all bailiffs and ministers of fairs, cities, boroughs and market-towns, do speedy justice to the vintners aforesaid who complain before them of wrongs, molestations done to them, debts and any other pleas, from day to day without delay according to the Law Merchant, and if by chance default be found in any of the bailiffs or ministers aforesaid, whereby the same vintners or any of them shall sustain the inconveniences of delay, although the vintner recover his damages against the party in principal, nevertheless the bailiff or other minister shall be punished by us as his guilt demands, and that punishment we grant by favour to the merchant vintners aforesaid to hasten justice for them. Further, that in all sorts of pleas, saving the case of a crime for which the penalty of death is inflicted, where a merchant vintner of the duchy aforesaid shall be impleaded or shall implead another, of whatsoever condition he who is impleaded shall be, stranger or native, in fairs, cities, or boroughs where there shall be a sufficient number of merchant vintners of the duchy aforesaid, and inquest should be made, one moiety of the inquest shall be of such merchant vintners of the duchy aforesaid, and the other moiety of other good and lawful men of that place where that plea shall happen to be, and if it shall happen that a sufficient number of merchant vintners of the duchy aforesaid be not found, there shall be put on the inquest those who shall be found there sufficient of themselves, and the residue shall be of other good and sufficient men of the places in which that plea shall be. Further, that no other exaction or charge of prest shall be in any wise put upon the wines of the said merchants. Further, we have deemed fit to ordain, and we will that ordinance for us and our heirs for ever to be straitly observed, that for any liberty soever which we or our heirs shall grant hereafter, the aforesaid merchant vintners shall not lose the above written liberties or any of them; willing that those liberties extend only to the said merchant vintners of our duchy aforesaid. But for the abovesaid liberties and free customs the merchant vintners aforesaid have granted to us that on each tun of wine which they shall bring or cause to be brought within our realm or power, and whereon they shall be bound to pay freight to mariners, they shall pay by name of custom to us and our heirs, beyond the ancient customs due and paid in money whether to us or to others, 2s. within forty days after the same wines be put ashore out of the ships. And we will that the aforesaid merchant vintners, in respect of wines whereon they shall have paid to us the aforesaid custom of 2s. in one place of our realm or elsewhere within our power, shall be entirely free and quit of payment of the aforesaid custom of 2s. in all other places of our said realm and power; provided that for other merchandise whatsoever which they shall happen to employ within our realm and power they be held to pay to us the same customs which the rest of the merchants shall pay to us for such merchandise. These witnesses:--the venerable father, W. bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, John de Warenna, earl of Surrey, Roger le Bygod, earl of Norfolk and marshal of England, John de Britannia, Hugh le Despenser, William de Brewosa, Walter de Bello Campo, steward of our household, Roger le Brabazon, John de Merk and others. Given by the King's hand at Westminster, 13 August. [Footnote 249: _i.e._ Wholesale.] [Footnote 250: Earnest money.] 6. THE CUSTOM ON GENERAL IMPORTS [_Charter Roll_, 2 _Edward III, m._ 11, _No._ 37], 1303.[251] Edward by the grace of God King of England, Lord of Ireland and Duke of Aquitaine, to archbishops, bishops, abbots, priors, earls, barons, justices, sheriffs, reeves, ministers, and all his bailiffs and faithful, greeting. Touching the good estate of all merchants of the underwritten realms, lands and provinces, to wit, Almain, France, Spain, Portugal, Navarre, Lombardy, Tuscany, Provence, Catalonia, our duchy of Aquitaine, Toulouse, Quercy, Flanders, Brabant, and all other foreign lands and places, by whatsoever name they be known, coming to our realm of England and staying there, an especial anxiety weighs upon us, in what wise under our lordship a means of tranquillity and full security may be devised for the same merchants for times to come: in order therefore that their desires may be rendered apter to the service of us and our realm, we, favourably inclining to their petitions, for the fuller assurance of their estate, have deemed fit to ordain and to grant to the said merchants for us and our heirs for ever as follows: First, to wit, that all merchants of the said realms and lands, safely and securely, under our defence and protection, may come into our said realm of England and everywhere else within our power with their merchandise whatsoever free and quit of murage, pontage and pavage,[252] and that within the same our realm and power in cities, boroughs and market-towns they may traffic in gross only[253] as well with denizens or inhabitants of the same our realm and power aforesaid as with aliens, strangers or friends (_privatis_), so nevertheless that the wares which are commonly called mercery and spices may be sold at retail as before was wont to be done, and that all the aforesaid merchants may cause their merchandise, which they chance to bring to our aforesaid realm and power or to buy or otherwise acquire within the same our realm and power, to be taken or carried whither they will as well within our realm and power aforesaid as without, except to lands of manifest and notorious enemies of our realm, paying the customs which they shall owe, wines only excepted, which it shall not be lawful for them in any wise to take away from the same our realm or power after they shall have been brought within the same our realm or power, without our will and special license. Further, that the aforesaid merchants may lodge at their will in the cities, boroughs and town aforesaid, and stay with their goods at the pleasure of those to whom the inns or houses belong. Further, that every contract entered upon by those merchants with any persons soever, whencesoever they be, touching any sort of merchandise, shall be valid and stable, so that neither of the merchants can withdraw or retire from that contract after God's penny shall have been given and received between the principal contracting persons; and if by chance a dispute arise on such a contract, proof or inquisition shall be made thereof according to the uses and customs of the fairs and towns where the said contract shall happen to be made and entered upon. Further, we promise to the aforesaid merchants for us and our heirs for ever, granting that we will in no wise make or suffer to be made henceforth any prise or arrest or delay on account of prise of their wares, merchandise or other goods by us or another or others for any necessity or case against the will of the same merchants, save upon immediate payment of the price for which the merchants can sell such wares to others, or upon satisfaction otherwise made to them, so that they hold themselves contented; and that no valuation or estimation be set by us or our ministers on their wares, merchandise or goods. Further, we will that all bailiffs and ministers of fairs, cities, boroughs and market-towns do speedy justice to the merchants aforesaid who complain before them from day to day without delay according to the Law Merchant touching all and singular plaints which can be determined by the same law; and if by chance default be found in any of the bailiffs or ministers aforesaid whereby the same merchants or any of them shall sustain the inconveniences of delay, although the merchant recover his damages in principal against the party, nevertheless the bailiff or other minister shall be punished in respect of us as the guilt demands, and that punishment we have granted by way of favour to the merchants aforesaid to hasten justice for them. Further, that in all sorts of pleas, saving the ease of crime for which the penalty of death shall be inflicted, where a merchant shall be impleaded or shall implead another, of whatsoever condition he who is impleaded shall be, stranger or native, in fairs, cities, or boroughs, where there shall be a sufficient number of merchants of the aforesaid lands, and inquest should be made, one moiety of the inquest shall be of the same merchants, and the other moiety of other good and lawful men of that place where that plea shall happen to be, and if a sufficient number of merchants of the said lands be not found, there shall be put on the inquest those who shall be found there fit, and the residue shall be of other men good and fit of the places in which that plea shall be. Further, we will, ordain and decree that in each markettown and fair of our realm aforesaid and elsewhere within our power our weight be set in a certain place, and before weighing the scales shall be seen to be empty in the presence of buyer and seller, and that the arms be level, and that then the weigher weigh level, and when he have put the scales on a level, forthwith move his hands away, so that it remain level; and that throughout our whole realm and power there be one weight and one measure, and that they be marked with the mark of our standard, and that each man may have scales of a quarter and less, where it shall not be against the lord of the place or a liberty granted by us or our ancestors, or against the custom of towns or fairs hitherto observed. Further, we will and grant that a certain loyal and discreet man resident in London be assigned as justice for the said merchants, before whom they may specially plead and speedily recover their debts, if the sheriffs and mayors do not full and speedy justice for them from day to day, and that a commission be made thereon granted out of the present charter to the merchants aforesaid, to wit, of the things which shall be tried between merchants and merchants according to the Law Merchant. Further, we ordain and decree, and for us and our heirs for ever we will that that ordinance and decree be straitly observed, that for each liberty which we or our heirs shall hereafter grant, the aforesaid merchants shall not lose the above written liberties or any of them. But for the obtaining of the aforesaid liberties and free customs and the remission of our prises to them, the said merchants, all and singular, for them and all others of their parts, have granted to us with one heart and mind that on each tun of wine which they shall bring or cause to be brought within our realm or power, whereon they shall be bound to pay freight to the mariners, they shall pay to us and our heirs by name of custom 2s. beyond the ancient customs due and accustomed to be paid in money to us or others within forty days after the said wines be put ashore out of the ships; further, on each sack of wool which the said merchants or others in their name shall buy and take or cause to be bought and taken from our realm, they shall pay 40d. of increment beyond the ancient custom of half a mark which had before been paid; and for a last of hides to be carried out of our realm and power half a mark above that which before was paid of ancient custom; and likewise on 300 woolfells to be taken out of our realm and power 40d. beyond the xed sum which had before been given of ancient custom; further, 2s. on each scarlet and cloth dyed in grain; further, 18d. on each cloth wherein part of the grain is intermixed; further, 12d. on each other cloth without grain; further, 12d. on each quintal of wax. And whereas some of the aforesaid merchants deal in other merchandise as avoir-du-pois and other fine goods, such as cloths of Tars, silk, cendals and other diverse wares, and horses also and other animals, corn and other goods and merchandise which cannot easily be put at a fixed custom, the same merchants have granted to give us and our heirs on each pound of silver of the estimation or value of such goods and merchandise, by what name soever they be known, 3d. in the pound at the entry of those goods and merchandise into our realm and power aforesaid within fifteen days after such goods and merchandise shall have been brought into our realm and power and there unladen or sold; and likewise 3d. on each pound of silver at the export of any such goods and merchandise bought in our realm and power aforesaid, beyond the ancient customs before given to us or others; and touching the value and estimation of such goods and merchandise whereon 3d. on each pound of silver, as is aforesaid, are to be paid, credit shall be given to them by the letters which they shall show from their lords or fellows, and if they have no letters, it shall stand in this behalf by the oaths of the merchants, if they be present, or of their yeomen in the absence of the same merchants. It shall be lawful, moreover, for the fellows of the fellowship of the merchants aforesaid to sell wools within our realm and power aforesaid to other their fellows, and likewise to buy from the same without payment of custom, so, nevertheless, that the said wools come not to such hands that we be defrauded of the custom due to us. And furthermore it is to be known that after the said merchants shall have once paid in the form aforesaid in one place within our realm and power the custom above granted to us for their merchandise, and have their warrant thereof, they shall be free and quit in all other places within our realm and power aforesaid of payment of such custom for the same merchandise or wares by the same warrant, whether such merchandise remain within our realm and power or be carried without, except wines which shall in no wise be taken out of our realm and power aforesaid without our will and license, as is aforesaid. And we will, and for us and our heirs we grant that no exaction, prise or prest or any other charge be in any wise imposed on the persons of the merchants aforesaid, their merchandise or goods, against the form expressed and granted above. These witnesses:--the venerable fathers, Robert, archbishop of Canterbury, primate of all England, Walter, bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, Henry de Lacy, earl of Lincoln, Humphrey de Bohun, earl of Hereford and Essex and constable of England, Aymer de Valencia, Geoffrey de Geynvill, Hugh le Despenser, Walter de Bello Campo, steward of our household, Robert de Bures and others. Given by our hand at Windsor, 1 February in the 31st year of our reign. [Footnote 251: From the confirmation by Edward III, see _Fædera_, II, ii, 747; the charter is not among the enrolments of Edward I. These customs were known as the petty custom, and this charter as the _Caria Mercatoria_.] [Footnote 252: Tolls for the repair of walls, bridges and streets.] [Footnote 253: i.e. Wholesale.] 7. ADMINISTRATION OF THE SEARCH FOR MONEY EXPORTED [_Chancery Miscellanea_, 60, 5, 153], 1303. To the most excellent lord, the lord prince Edward, by the grace of God King of England, Lord of Ireland, Duke of Aquitaine, his humble and devoted mayor and bailiffs of the town of Southampton, obedience, reverence and honour. We have received your command in these words: Edward, by the grace of God, King of England, Lord of Ireland and Duke of Aquitaine, to his mayor and bailiffs of Southampton, greeting. Because we have learnt by an inquisition which we lately caused to be made by our beloved and trusty Robert de Glamorgan and John de la Lee, that Pelegrin de Castello, our merchant of Bayonne, wished to take the 24l.--which you, believing that he wished to carry the same to parts beyond the sea against our prohibition that no man should carry any money or silver in bullion out of our realm, arrested on that account in a ship in our port of Southampton,--to the parts of Devon and Cornwall to buy there lead and tin and other merchandise, and not to parts beyond the sea against the prohibition aforesaid, as you charged against him: We command you, as we have before commanded, that, if the aforesaid 24l. have been arrested for the cause aforesaid and no other, then you cause the same to be delivered without delay to the aforesaid Pelegrin, or that you signify to us the cause wherefor you have refused or were unable to execute our command before directed to you thereon. Wherefore we signify to you that the searchers of the town of Southampton aforesaid, by your writ of the wardrobe sealed with your privy seal directed to the said searchers on 7 January commanding the said 24l. to be brought to Odiham and delivered there into your said wardrobe [paid and delivered the same], of which payment and delivery of the said 24l. so made the aforesaid searchers have a due acquittance of receipt. And by the tenour of these presents we signify that for no other cause were the aforesaid 24l. arrested, save only in the form aforesaid. In witness whereof we transmit to you these our letters sealed with our seal. Given at Southampton, 9 March. Wherefore the same Pelegrin sues for a writ of the lord the King to be directed to the keeper of the wardrobe of the lord the King, for satisfaction to be made to him according to the form of the return of the writ. 8. PROVISIONS FOR THE CURRENCY [_Fine Roll, 9 Edward III. m. 10_], 1335. The King to the sheriff of York, greeting. Forasmuch as we have heard that many folk beyond the sea strive to counterfeit our good money, the sterling of England, with worse money, and to send this bad money into our realm, to the deception of us and the damage and oppression of our people if a remedy be not set thereto; we, willing to prevent such damages and oppressions, and to provide a suitable remedy hereon and that our said good money may be multiplied within our realm and the lands of our power, to the profit of us and our subjects, by assent of the prelates, earls and barons of our said realm assembled in our Parliament holden at York on the morrow of the Ascension last past, have ordained and established the things that ensue in the manner underwritten:-- First, it is provided that no man of religion or other henceforth carry the sterling out of the realm of England, nor silver in plate, nor vessels of gold or silver, on pain of forfeiture of the money, plate or vessel that he shall carry, without special licence from us. Further, that no false money nor counterfeit sterling be brought into the realm or elsewhere in our power, on pain of forfeiture of the money; so always that all folk of what realms or power soever they be, may safely bring to the exchanges for bullion and not elsewhere silver in plate, vessels of silver and all manner of moneys of silver, of what value soever they be, save false money and counterfeit sterling, and there receive good and suitable exchange. And that no sterling halfpenny or farthing be molten to make a vessel or other thing by goldsmiths or others on pain of forfeiture of the money so molten, and that the goldsmith or other who shall have so molten it, be put in prison and there stay until he shall have rendered to us the moiety of that which he shall have so molten, notwithstanding charter or franchise granted or used to the contrary. And that all manner of black money now commonly current in our realm and power be utterly excluded, so that none be current after the month next after proclamation be made, on pain of forfeiture of the same money. And that every man who will sue for us against such as shall commit fraud against this ordinance be admitted hereto and have the fourth penny of that which shall be so deraigned at his suit to our profit. And that the mayor or bailiffs in every port where merchants and ships are take oath of the merchants and masters of ships going and returning that they will commit no fraud against this ordinance in any point. And that there be a table of exchange at Dover and elsewhere where and when it shall seem good to us and our council to make exchanges. And that the wardens of the said tables make exchanges by testimony of the controllers whom we will appoint there. And that no pilgrim pass out of our realm to the parts beyond the sea except at Dover, on pain of imprisonment for a year. And that good ward and strict be made in all places on the seacoast in ports and elsewhere where there is any manner of landing, by good and lawful men sworn, who in our name shall cause diligent search to be made that none, of what condition or estate soever he be, take sterling money, silver in plate, or vessel of gold or silver out of our realm without our licence, nor bring into the said realm or power false money or counterfeit sterling, as is aforesaid, on the pains and forfeitures aforesaid. And the money, vessel or plate so forfeited shall be delivered at our exchanges by indenture, whereof the one part remaining with the searchers shall be delivered at the Exchequer, and by the same indentures the warden of the exchanges shall be charged with that which he shall have received. And that the searchers have of our gift for all their work the fourth penny of as much as they find so forfeited. And if the searchers make release or show favour to any and be attainted hereof they shall be liable to forfeiture of as much as they shall have in goods; and that the hostlers in every port where there is passage shall be sworn to make search upon their guests in like manner as the searchers shall do, and shall have the fourth penny of that which they find forfeit to us, as the said searchers shall have. And it is our intention that the said searchers have power to search the hostels and to inform themselves of the doings of hostlers; and that the hostlers, in case they be found deceitful against the said articles, shall be punished and incur the forfeiture aforesaid. Wherefore we command you, straitly enjoining, that forthwith upon sight of these letters you cause all the articles and points aforesaid to be cried and published in cities and boroughs, market towns, ports and all other places within your bailiwick, as well within franchise as without, where you shall see fit so to do; and that in all other places within your bailiwick where need shall be, except the places where such wardens and searchers shall be deputed by us, you cause such searchers and wardens to be established and sworn to keep and observe this our ordinance in the form aforesaid, on the pains contained in this form; and that you certify the Treasurer and Barons of our Exchequer without delay of the names of those who shall be hereafter assigned by you as searchers and wardens. Given under our great seal at York, 6th June in the 9th year of our reign. In like manner command is given to the several sheriffs throughout England.... _The oath of the searchers._--You shall swear that you will well and lawfully make search of all the things contained in your commission whereof search ought to be made according to the commission, and that you will lawfully perform all the other things contained in the same, and that you will lawfully charge yourself with that which you shall find forfeited to the King and will make a lawful indenture thereof and render a lawful account, and that you will spare none for love or for favour, to have private gain, whereby the King may be a loser. So help you God and his saints. 9. OPINIONS OF OFFICERS OF THE MINT ON THE STATE OF ENGLISH MONEY [_Rot. Parl., III._, 126-7], 1381-2. To our lord the King and to all the lords and commons of his realm, make known, as they have often done before these times without being heard, the officers over the moneys of the Tower of London, how for lack of good ordinance no gold or silver comes into England, but of that which is in England a great part has been and from day to day is carried out of the land, and that which remains in England by fault of the deceit of clippers and otherwise is become right feeble, and from day to day such damage increases. Wherefore please it you to take good counsel and remedy hereon, otherwise we, the said officers, warn you, and before God and before you we will be excused, that if you do not apply a speedy remedy thereto in short time to come, where you think to have 5s. you will not have 4s. _Richard Leicester._--First, as to this that no gold or silver comes into England, but that which is in England is carried beyond the sea, I maintain that it is because the land spends too much in merchandise, as in grocery, mercery and peltry, or wines, red, white and sweet, and also in exchanges made to the Court of Rome in divers ways. Wherefore the remedy seems to me to be that each merchant bringing merchandise into England take out of the commodities of the land as much as his merchandise aforesaid shall amount to; and that none carry gold or silver beyond the sea, as it is ordained by statute. And let a good ordinance be made hereof, as well by search as otherwise. And so meseems that the money that is in England will remain, and great quantity of money and bullion will come from the parts beyond the sea. As to this, that the gold is right feeble because of clipping, there seems to me no other remedy than that gold be generally weighed by those who shall take it; and hereon let proclamation be made, and this will be a smaller loss than to change the money, as may be more fully declared. As to this, that there is a great lack of halfpence and farthings, the Master is bound by his indenture to make halfpence according to the quantity of his work of silver. Let the Warden of the Mint be charged to survey that the Master of the Mint do in all points that which appertains to his office. As to this, that the gold agrees not with the silver, it cannot be amended unless the money be changed. And to change the money in any manner seems to me universal damage to the lords, commons and all the realm, as may be more fully declared. As to this, that new money is made in Flanders and in Scotland, let proclamation be made that all manner of moneys, as well of Flanders, Scotland and all other countries beyond the sea whatsoever, be forbidden from having any currency in England, and that none take them in payment except to bring them for bullion to the coinage of our lord the King. Further, it will be altogether for the better and a very great profit to all the commons, that of the gold money now current, which is so clipped and otherwise impaired, that of this money, when it shall come to the Tower and to the coinage, henceforth our lord the King take for his seigneurage, and the Master for the work for him and his other officers, nothing more than 10d. in the pound. Further there will be an increase of the money and profit to the whole realm if of all other bullion the King take only 12d. for his seigneurage and the Master of the Mint 12d. for his work. _Lincoln, Goldsmith._--To the noble lords of the Council of our lord the King, touching the charge which you have given me, please you to take note of this answer. Touching the first article, that gold and silver is taken out of the realm, the first remedy against this is that no clerk or purveyor be suffered to take any silver or gold or to make any exchange to be taken to the Court of Rome, and no merchant be suffered to pay any money but only merchandise for merchandise; and also that the money of the Noble, at the same weight that it now is, be put at a greater value. And touching the second article, the remedy is that all the money be of one weight, so that the money that is not of the weight ordained be bought according to the value. And touching the third article, the remedy is that halfpence and farthings be made in great plenty. And touching the fourth article, the remedy is that there be one weight and one measure throughout the realm and that no subtle weight be suffered. And touching the fifth article, the remedy is contained above in the first article. _Richard Aylesbury._--As to this, that no gold or silver comes into England, but that which is in England is carried beyond the sea, we maintain that if the merchandise which goes out of England be well and rightly governed, the money that is in England will remain and great plenty of money will come from beyond the sea, that is to say, let not more strange merchandise come within the realm than to the value of the denizen merchandise which passes out of the realm. Further he says that it were good if the Pope's Collector were English and the Pope's money were sent to him in merchandise and not in money, and that the passages of pilgrims and clerks be utterly forbidden, upon pain, etc. And as to this, that the gold is too feeble because of clipping, there seems to us no other remedy than that the gold be generally weighed by those who shall take it, and hereon let proclamation be made. As to this, that the gold agrees not with the silver, it cannot be amended unless the money be changed, and to this we dare not assent for the common damage that might befall. As to this, that new money is made in Flanders and in Scotland, let proclamation be made that all manner of money of Scotland be forbidden. Let other moneys also that come from beyond the sea have no currency in England, and let none take them in payment except at the value to bring for bullion and to the coinage of our lord the King. And let none take gold or silver out of the realm beyond the sea, as it is ordained by Statute, and hereof let good ordinance be made as well by search as otherwise. And further he says, if it please by way of information, that [it would be well] if the pound of gold that is now made in the Tower to the sum of 45 nobles (which pound, because the money thereof is so clipped and otherwise impaired, is worth at present, taking one with another, 41-1/2 nobles), were made into 48 nobles, the noble to be current at the present value; and let the King and the Master and other officers of the Mint take 20d. in each pound for the seigneurage and work and every other thing. PART II: 1485-1660 SECTION I RURAL CONDITIONS 1. Villeinage in the Reign of Elizabeth, 1561--2. Customs of the Manor of High Furness, 1576--3. Petition in Chancery for Restoration to a Copyhold, c. 1550--4. Petition in Chancery for Protection against Breach of Manorial Customs, 1568--5. Lease of the Manor of Ablode to a Farmer, 1516--6. Lease of the Manor of South Newton to a Farmer, 1568--7. The Agrarian Programme of the Pilgrimage of Grace, 1536--8. The Demands of the Rebels led by Ket, 1549--9. Petition to Court of Requests from Tenants Ruined by Transference of a Monastic Estate to lay hands, 1553--10. Petition to Court of Requests to stay Proceedings against Tenants pending the hearing of their Case by the Council of the North, 1576--11. Petition from Freeholders of Wootton Basset for Restoration of Rights of Common, _temp._ Charles I.--12. Petition to Crown of Copyholders of North Wheatley, 1629--13. An Act Avoiding Pulling Down of Towns, 1515--14. The Commission of Inquiry Touching Enclosures, 1517--15. An Act Concerning Farms and Sheep, 1533-4--16. Intervention of Privy Council under Somerset to Protect Tenants, 1549--17. An Act for the Maintenance of Husbandry and Tillage, 1597-8--18. Speech in House of Commons on Enclosures, 1597--19. Speeches in House of Commons on Enclosures, 1601--20. Return to Privy Council of Enclosers furnished by Justices of Lincolnshire, 1637--21. Complaint of Laud's Action on the Commission for Depopulation, 1641. The agrarian changes which attracted attention from the latter part of the fifteenth century to the accession of Elizabeth, and again, to a less degree, at intervals between 1558 and 1660, are a watershed in economic history, separating mediæval from modern England as decisively as did, in other departments of national life, the Reformation and the Tudor monarchy. For the controversial questions surrounding their causes and consequences we must refer the student to the list of books given below. All that can be attempted here is to notice the special points upon which the following documents throw light. In arranging the documents in this section it seemed best not to group them in strict chronological order, but to place together those relating to similar aspects of the subject. Documents 1 to 6 illustrate the status and tenure of different classes of landholders. By the beginning of the sixteenth century personal villeinage has almost disappeared; only one document therefore (No. 1) is given to it. Nor has it seemed necessary to print documents referring specially to the freeholders who, compared with other classes of tenants, were little affected by the agrarian changes. On the other hand, the position of the customary tenants, and of the lessees who farmed manorial demesnes, raises important questions. Documents 2 to 4 illustrate manorial customs and the way in which cases between lords and copyholders turned upon them (Nos 3 and 4). Without entering into controversial questions with regard to copyhold tenure one may say (_a_) that it is customary or villein tenure to which the courts from the beginning of the fifteenth century, first the court of Chancery--before which both these cases come--and then the Common Law courts, have given protection, (_b_) that what the Courts do is to enforce manorial customs, which vary from place to place. It is, therefore, essential for a tenant who wants, _e.g._, to be protected against eviction (No. 3), or against loss of profitable rights (No. 4) to show that the lord is committing a breach of the custom. Hence the dispute (No. 3) as to whether the land at issue is customary land or part of the lord's demesnes. If it is the former the tenants are likely to be protected by the Courts: if it is the latter, they are not. The position of the capitalist farmer, who played so large a part in the rural economy of the sixteenth century, is illustrated by documents 5 and 6. No. 5 is specially interesting as showing how the earlier practice of dividing up the demesne lands among numerous small tenants was replaced by that of leasing them in a block to one large farmer. Documents 7 to 12 illustrate certain points which have already been mentioned, _e.g._, the importance of manorial customs (Nos. 8, 10 and 12). But their peculiar interest consists in the light which they throw on the grievances of the peasants. They suffer from enclosing (Nos. 7, 8, 10, 11), from excessive fines (Nos. 8, 9, 10, 12), and from rack renting (Nos. 8, 9, 12). They are gravely prejudiced by the land speculation following the dissolution of the monasteries (No. 9). They are too poor and too easily intimidated to get redress even when they have a good case (Nos. 10, 11, 12). The justices who ought to administer the acts against depopulation depopulate themselves (No. 8). The peasants' main resource is the Crown and its Prerogative Courts (Nos. 8, 9, 10, 12). Surely the government will protect men who make good soldiers and pay taxes (No. 12)! Occasionally, however, they have some hope of Parliament, _e.g._, in 1536, when the royal officials are in bad odour in the North (No. 7), and under Charles I (No. 11). The exact date of this last document is uncertain. May it not be 1640-1, when the Long Parliament was going to restore all good customs? Documents 13 to 21 illustrate the policy of the government towards the agrarian problem. The government tried to stop depopulation partly for financial and military reasons, partly through a genuine dislike of economic oppression. Its main instruments were four, namely:--(_a_) Statutes (Nos. 13, 15, 17, 18, and 19). Between 1489 and 1597 11 Acts were passed which had as their object the prevention of depopulation, viz., 4 Hen. VII, c. 19, 6 Hen. VIII, c. 5, 7 Hen. VIII, c. 1, 25 Hen. VIII, c. 13, 27 Hen. VIII, c. 22, 5 and 6 Ed. VI, c. 5, 2 and 3 Phil. and Mary, c. 2, 5 Eliz. c. 2, 31 Eliz. c. 7, 39 Eliz. c. 1, 39 Eliz. c. 2,. All these were repealed by 21 James I, c. 25, except the last, which was repealed by the Statute Law Revision Act of 1863. (For a summary of these Acts see Slater, _The English Peasantry and of the Enclosure Common Fields, App. D._) (_b_) Royal Commissions. The first (No. 14) was appointed in 1517: 6 others followed, in 1548, 1566, 1607, 1632, 1635, and 1636 (No. 21). (_c_) Intervention by the Privy Council (Nos. 16 and 20). (_d_) The Prerogative Courts; viz., the Court of Requests (Nos. 9 and 10), the Court of Star Chamber (No. 21), the Council of the North (No. 10), and the Council of Wales (Acts of the Privy Council, New Series, Vol. XXX, pp. 36-7). How far their intervention was successful is an open question, for a discussion of which reference must be made to the books mentioned below. AUTHORITIES The more accessible of the modern writers dealing with agrarian conditions from 1485-1660 are:--Cunningham, _English Industry and Commerce, Early and Middle Ages_, and _ibid._, _Modern Times_, Part I; Ashley, _Economic History_, Vol. I, Part II; Nasse, _The Land Community of the Middle Ages_; Gonner, _Common Land and Inclosure_; Page, _The End of Villeinage in England_; Hasbach, _The English Agricultural Labourer_; Prothero, _Pioneers and Progress of English Agriculture_, and _A History of English Farming_; Johnson, _The Disappearance of the Small Landowner_; Tawney, _The Agrarian Problem in the Sixteenth Century_; Russell, _Ket's Rebellion in Norfolk_; Leadam, _The Domesday of Inclosures_, and in Trans. R.H.S. New Series, Vol. VI; Gay, in Trans. R.H.S., New Series, Vols. XIV and XVIII, and in _The Quarterly Journal of Economics_, Vol. XVIII; Leonard, Trans. R.H.S., New Series, Vol. XIX; Savine in _The Quarterly Journal of Economics_, Vol. XIX. A useful summary of the principle Statutes against Depopulation is given by Slater, _The English Peasantry and the Enclosure of the Common Fields_, App. D. Full bibliographies of this subject are given in _Two Select Bibliographies of Mediæval Historical Study_, by Margaret E. Moore, and in _A Classified List of Printed Original Materials for English Manorial and Agrarian History_, by Francis G. Davenport. The following list of sources does not pretend to be exhaustive. (1) Documents relating to agrarian history are printed in the following works:--Northumberland County History; Baigent, Crondal Records; Surveys of Lands belonging to William, first Earl of Pembroke (Roxburghe Club); Topographer and Genealogist, Vol. I, Surveys of Manors Belonging to the Duke of Devonshire; Chetham Society, Survey of the Manor of Rochdale (ed. by Fishwick); Davenport, History of a Norfolk Manor; Scrope, History of the Manor and Barony of Castle Combe; Strype, Ecclesiastical Memorials; Selden Society, Select Cases in the Court of Star Chamber and Select Cases in the Court of Requests (both edited by Leadam); Leadam, The Domesday of Enclosures; Tawney, The Agrarian Problem in the Sixteenth Century, App. I; Cunningham English Industry and Commerce, Modern Times, Vol. I, App. B. (2) The principal contemporary literary authorities are as follows:--J. Rossus (Rous), Historia regum Angliæ (about 1470, edited by T. Hearne); More, Utopia (1516); Starkey, A Dialogue between Cardinal Pole and Thomas Lupset (about 1537, Early English Text Society, England in the Reign of King Henry VIII); Forest, The Pleasant Poesy of Princely Practice (1548, _ibid._); Fitzherbert, Surveying (1539), and Book of Husbandry (1534); Select Works of Crowley (Early English Text Society); Lever's Sermons (Arber's Reprints); The Common Weal of this Realm of England (about 1549, edited by E.M. Lamond); Certain causes Gathered Together wherein is shewed the Decay of England only by the great Multitude of Sheep (Early English Text Society); Tusser, Five Hundred Points of Good Husbandry (1572); Stubbes, Anatomy of the Abuses in England (1583); Harrison, The Description of Britain (1587, most accessible in Furnivall's Elizabethan England); Trigge, The Humble Petition of Two Sisters (1604); Norden, The Surveyor's Dialogue (1607); Standish, The Common's Complaint (1612), and New Directions of Experience to the Common's Complaint (1613); Bacon, The History of King Henry VII (1622); Powell, Depopulation Arraigned (1636); Fuller, The Holy and Profane State (1642); Halhead, Enclosure Thrown Open, or Depopulation Depopulated (1650); Moore, The Crying Sin of England in not Caring for the Poor (1653); and A Scripture Word Against Enclosure (1656); Pseudonismus, Considerations Concerning Common Fields and Enclosures (1653); Lee, A Vindication of a Regulated Enclosure (1656). 1. VILLEINAGE IN THE REIGN OF ELIZABETH _[Tingey. Selected Records of Norwich, Vol. VI, p. 180_], 1561. Robert Ringwood brought in a certain indenture wherein Lewis Lowth was bound to him to serve as a prentice for seven years, and Mr. John Holdiche came before the Mayor and other Justices and declared that the said Lewis is a bondman to my Lord of Norfolk's grace, and further that he was brought up in husbandry until he was xx years old. Whereupon he was discharged of his service.[254] [Footnote 254: The above case is remarkable as illustrating (_a_) the survival of villeinage as a working reality into the reign of Elizabeth; (_b_) the use of Statute law (growing since the first Statute of Labourers) to supplement the (legally) almost extinct jurisdiction of lord over villein.] 2. CUSTOMS OF THE MANOR OF HIGH FURNESS [_R.O. Duchy of Lancaster; Special Commissions; No. 398_], 1576. [_Presentment of customs of the manor._] For the Queen. 3. That the jury ought to present at the court after every tenant's death or alienation, and who is his heir, and which tenant hath aliened, and to whom, and what, and who ought to be admitted tenant to the same, which presentment and admittance ought to be made in open court and be entered by the steward ... in this form. _Ad hanc curiam juratores presentant quod C.D. tenens customarius hujus manerii, seisitus in dominico suo ut de feodo secundum consuetudinem manerii unius messuagii etc, post ultimam curiam alienavit tenementa predicta cuidam H.F. habenda et tenenda eidem H.F. et heredibus suis secundum consuetudinem manerii, per quod predictus H.F. per consuetudinem manerii debet solvere dominae Reginae pro ingressu suo inde habendo 20s._ 4. No person shall hereafter sell his customary tenement or any part of it, before he first be admitted tenant or come to court, and require to be admitted ... offering his fine for the same. The purchaser of any tenement shall publish the sale at the next court after the purchase, and cause it to be entered on the rolls, that her Majesty may be duly answered of the fines, forfeitures and duties as well of the seller as the purchaser [penalty 20s.]. Any purchaser not so coming to the second court after the purchase shall forfeit 40s., and the lands purchased shall be seized by the steward. 5. As heretofore dividing and portioning of tenements hath caused great decay chiefly of the service due to her Highness for horses, and of her woods, and has been the cause of making a great number of poor people in the lordship, it is now ordered that no one shall divide his tenement or tenements among his children, but that the least part shall be of the ancient yearly rent to her Highness of 6s. 8d., and that before every such division there shall be several houses and ousettes for every part of such tenement. Provided always that it be lawful for any one, who has bought any tenement or farmhold under the yearly rent of 6s. 8d. having houses and ousette upon it, which has been used as a dwelling house, [to leave it] to which of his children he thinks best. And no person holding any part of any tenement shall bargain or put it away to any person except that person who is tenant of the residue of the tenement, if he will buy it at a reasonable price. If not, the tenant may sell it to any other customary tenant of the manor. 10. Every customary tenant and occupier shall uphold his houses according to our custom, forfeiting 6s. 8d. _toties quoties_. 11. No person shall fell timber without delivery of the bailiff, who shall deliver necessary timber to every tenant or occupier according to our custom. 12. No tenant or occupier shall sell underwood, etc., nor cut down any other man's wood in the lordship. Penalty 3s. 4d., half to her Highness, half to the party grieved. Every tenant so grieved may have his action for damages in the court of the lordship. 13. No tenant is to stop any common way nor turn aside a beck. Penalty 6s. 8d. For the tenants. 1. Any tenant, lawfully seised of a messuage or tenement in fee to him and his heirs according to the custom of the manor, might and may lawfully give or sell the same by writing, and that the steward or his deputy ought to be made privy to it at or before next court under penalty of 20s. The tenant may without the privity of the steward give his tenement in writing by his last will to which of his sons he thinks best, or any other person. If any customary tenant die seised of an estate of inheritance without a will or devise, then his eldest son or next cousin ought to have the tenement, as his next heir, according to the custom of the manor. 2. If any customary tenant die seised of a customary tenement, having no sons but a daughter or daughters, then the eldest daughter being unpreferred in marriage shall have the tenement as his next heir, ... and she shall pay to her younger sister, if she have but one sister, 20 years' ancient rent, as is answered to her Majesty; and if she have more than one sister, she shall pay 40 years' ancient rent to be equally divided among them. 3. The widow of any customary tenant having any estate of inheritance ought to have her widowright, viz., one-third of the same, as long as she is unmarried and chaste, according to our custom. 4. For the avoiding of great trouble in the agreements with younger brothers, it is now ordered that the oldest son shall pay to his brothers in the form following:-- If there is but 1 brother, 12 years' ancient rent. If there are 2 brothers, 16 years' ancient rent, to be equally divided. If there be 3 or more, 20 years' ancient rent, to be equally divided. Provided that any father being a tenant may make a will dividing the money among his sons as he think best, provided he exceed not these sums and rates. 5. Whereas great inconvenience has grown by certain persons that at the marriages of sons or daughters have promised their tenements to the same son or daughter and their heirs according to the custom of the manor, and afterwards put the tenement away to another person, it is ordered, that whatever tenements a tenant shall promise to his son or daughter being his sole heir apparent at the time of his or her marriage, the same ought to come to them according to the same covenant, which ought to be showed at the next court. 6. If a tenant has a child, not his heir, an idiot or impotent, and die without disposition of his tenement, the same child shall be sustained out of the said tenement by direction of the steward or his deputy and 4 men sworn in court. 7. Finally be it agreed that no bye-law shall be any way prejudicial to her Majesty. 3. PETITION IN CHANCERY FOR RESTORATION TO A COPYHOLD [_Record Commission. Chancery Proceedings, Ed. VI_], c. 1550. Richard Cullyer and John Cullyer _v._ Thomas Knyvett, esquire. To quiet Plaintiff in possession of certain land holden of the manor of Cromwell in Wymondham by copy of court roll, according to the custom of the said manor. To the right honorable Sir Richard Rich, knight, lord Rich and lord Chancellor of England. In most humble wise sheweth and complaineth unto your lordship your daily orators, Richard Cullyer of Wymondham in the county of Norfolk, yeoman, and John Cullyer his son, that where one Edmund Mychell was seised in his demesne as of fee of and in twenty acres of land lying in Wymondham aforesaid, holden of the manor of Cromwell, in Wymondham aforesaid, by copy of court roll at will of the lord of the said manor, according to the custom of the said manor, which twenty acres of land have used to be demised and demittable by copy of court roll for term of life, lives, or in fee, to be holden at will of the lord of the said manor by copy of court roll, according to the custom of the said manor time out of remembrance of man; and the said Edmund Mychell, so being seised of the said twenty acres, for a sum of money to him paid by the said Richard Cullyer, the father, did surrender the said twenty acres according to the custom of the said manor, by the name of twenty acres of bond land enclosed in a close called Reading, in Brawyck, in Wymondham aforesaid, into the hands of the lords of the said manor by the hands of William Smythe, in the presence of Geoffry Symondes and John Love, being then copyholders of the said manor, to the use of your said orators, their heirs and assigns: By force whereof your said orators, after that they had paid the accustomable fine due for the same to the lords of the said manor, were admitted tenants thereof, to hold the same, to them and their heirs, at will of the lord of the said manor by copy of court roll, according to the custom of the said manor, and from the time of the said surrender which was made, as is aforesaid, thirty years past; and continued seised of the said twenty acres in their demesne as of fee, as tenants at will, by copy of court roll, according to the custom of the said manor; and have received and taken the profits thereof, doing and paying the rents, customs and services of the same to the lords of the same manor, according to the custom of the said manor; and at their great travail, costs, and charges have stubbed, drained, and dyked the premises, whereby they have improved the said twenty acres and made it much better than it was at the time that the same was surrendered to them as is aforesaid: And now so it is, right honorable lord, that the moiety of the said manor is descended to one Thomas Knyvett esquire, as son and heir to Sir Edmund Knyvett, knight, deceased, who, of a covetous mind, contrary to the mind and without the assent of one John Flowrdew, gentleman, who is tenant in common with him of the said manor land, of late claimed ten acres of the said twenty acres to be the demesnes of the said manor, and have prohibited your said orators to occupy the same ten acres; and because your said orators doth not leave the occupation thereof, the said Thomas Knyvett hath divers times disturbed the possession of your orators in the premises by taking of divers distresses, and now of late have taken and distrained in the said close four steers and one bull of the value of five pounds, of the goods and chattels of the said John Cullyer, one of your said orators; which the said Thomas did impound and withhold from your said orators until deliverance was made to him thereof by virtue of the King's majesty's writ of _replevin_; which writ of _replevin_ is removed into the King's court of his common pleas at Westminster, by a writ of _recordere facias [sic]_, where the said suit doth yet depend undetermined; and forasmuch as your said beseechers have no better estate in the premises but as copyholders according to the custom of the said manor, and that the court rolls of the said manor, whereby your beseechers should prove the said twenty acres to be an ancient copyhold land, do remain in the possession of the said Thomas Knyvett, and for that also that your orators be poor men and the said Thomas Knyvett a gentleman of great worship, your said poor orators be most like to lose their said land, and to be clearly without remedy in the premises, unless your lordship's favour be to them shewed in that behalf: In consideration whereof, it may please your lordship to grant the King's most gracious writ of _subpoena_, to be directed to the said Thomas Knyvett, commanding him by virtue thereof personally to appear before your lordship in the King's most honorable court of Chancery at a certain day, and under a certain pain, by your lordship to be appointed, then and there to answer the premises, and further to abide to such order therein as shall seem to your lordship agreeing to equity and good conscience; and your poor orators shall daily pray for the prosperous estate of your good lordships in honour long to continue. _Answer._ The answer of Thomas Knivet, esquire, to the bill of complaint of Richard Cullyer and John Cullyer, plaintiffs. The said defendant saith, that the said bill of complaint is uncertain and untrue in itself, and insufficient in the law to be answered unto, and that the matters therein contained be untruly surmised by the said complainants to the only intent to put the said defendant to vexation, trouble and cost, and is grounded of malice, they the said complainants having no colour of right, title, nor interest unto the said land mentioned in the said bill of complaint; and he, the said defendant, to the matters contained in the same bill, doth think that he by the order of the right honorable court shall not be compelled any further to answer, but be dismissed out of the same for the insufficiency thereof, with his reasonable costs and charges by him sustained in that behalf; Yet nevertheless, if he, the said defendant, shall be compelled any further to answer to the same bill, then he, the same defendant, for further answer saith that the said land, lying in Brawyck Reading mentioned in the said bill of complaint, is and have been time out of mind parcel of the demesnes of the said moiety of the said manor of Cromwell, in Wymondham; and he, the said defendant, for further answer saith, that one Sir Edmund Knyvett, father to the said defendant, and all his ancestors of long time before him, have been seised of one estate of inheritance of the moiety of the said manor, and one-half of the said manor of Cromwell, and that the said Sir Edmund, and all his ancestors, of long time have been seised of the premises with the appurtenances as parcel of the said manor, in their demesne as of fee, and had the possession thereof, and so seised, died thereof by protestation seised; after whose death the premises descended and came and of right ought to descend and come unto the said defendant, as to the son and next heir of the said Sir Edmund, by force whereof he, the same defendant, entered into the premises, and was and is thereof seised in his demesne as of fee, and the same complainants, claiming the premises by force of a surrender made unto them, the said complainants, by one Edmund Mychell in the time of one [_blank_] being guardian of the said Sir Edmund, and having the custody of the body and lands of the said Sir Edmund during his minority, where nothing in right nor law can pass by the same surrender, but the same is utterly void to bind the said defendant, did enter; upon whom the said defendant did re-enter, as it was lawful for him to do, without that the said Edmund Mychell was lawfully seised in his demesne as of fee, of the lands mentioned in the said bill by copy of court roll at will of the lord according to the custom of the said manor, as in the said bill is untruly alleged, or that the said Edmund Mychell had any lawful interest in the same, or could lawfully make any good or effectual surrender of the same to the said complainants, or that the premises have been used to be demitted or be demittable by copy of court roll for term of life or lives, or in fee, to be holden at the will of the lord by copy of court roll, according to the custom of the said manor time out of mind, as in the said bill of complaint is also untruly alleged, for he, the said defendant, saith that by divers ancient precedents and court rolls ready to be shewed to your honourable court it may appear that the same hath been letten for term of years by the lords of the said manor after the time being unto them, by whom the said complainants claim; or that the same Edmund Mychell for a sum of money to him paid by Richard Cullyer, their father, did surrender the premises, as in the same bill is also untruly alleged, for he, the said defendant, saith, that he the same Edmund had no right nor lawful interest to surrender the same; and if any such surrender were, yet the said defendant saith that the same is verily void in law; or that the said complainants paid any fine for the premises, or were admitted tenants to hold at the will of the lord, as in the same bill is also untruly alleged. And if any such were, yet the same being paid unto his father's said guardian, and their admission by the said guardian, the premises being of the demesnes of the said manor, ought not in no wise to bind him; and without that any other thing mentioned in the said bill of complaint here in this answer not sufficiently confessed, and avoided, traversed, or denied, is true or material to be answered unto, all which matters the said defendant is ready to aver and prove, as this right honorable court shall award. Whereupon the said defendant prayeth to be dismissed out of this right honorable court with his reasonable costs and charges by him sustained in that behalf. REPLICATION The replication of Richard Cullyer and John Cullyer, to the answer of Thomas Knyvett esquire. The said complainants by protestation that the said answer is insufficient in the law for further replication say that the said bill of complaint is certain and sufficient in the law to be answered unto, and for further replication say that the said twenty acres mentioned in the said bill is ancient copyhold land, and have been used to be demised by copy of court roll, according to the custom of the said manor of Cromwell time out of remembrance of man, as is alleged in the said bill, and say also that the said twenty acres lieth now enclosed and have lien enclosed by the space of sixty years or thereabout with other lands and tenements holden by copy of court roll of the manor of Gresshawgh in Wymondham aforesaid, which said twenty acres about the first or second year of the reign of King Henry the Seventh, before that time with other of the said lands then also enclosed did lie open as fields, and in the time of the reign of King Edward the Fourth the said twenty acres were holden, used, and occupied by copy of court roll, according to the custom of the said manor, to one Edmund Cullyer and his heirs, by the name of the third part of one enclose called Reading, being bond or customary land in Wymondham aforesaid, to hold the same to the said Edmund and his heirs by copy of court roll, at will of the lord of the said manor according to the custom of the said manor; upon which grant the said Edmund paid a fine to the lord of the said manor and was admitted tenant thereof, by force whereof the said Edmund Cullyer was seised of the said twenty acres in his demesne as of fee by copy of court roll at will of the lord of the said manor, according to the custom of the said manor, and the said Edmund so being seised of the said twenty acres, the same did surrender according to the custom of the said manor to one Thomas Plomer and his heirs, by virtue whereof the said Thomas Plomer was admitted tenant of the said twenty acres, according to the custom of the said manor, and was seised of the said twenty acres in his demesne as of fee according to the custom of the said manor, and paid the accustomable fine thereof for the same to the lord of the said manor, and did the other services and paid the rents thereof according to the custom of the said manor; and the said Thomas Plomer so being seised of the said twenty acres the same did surrender according to the custom of the said manor to the said Edmund Mychell named in the said bill, by virtue whereof the said Edmund Mychell was lawfully admitted tenant to the premises, according to the custom of the said manor, and was seised thereof in his demesne as of fee according to the said custom, and paid the accustomable fine for the same to the lord of the said manor, and did the services and paid also the rents thereof accordingly, and the said Edmund Mychell so being seised of the premises according to the custom of the said manor, the same according to the said custom did surrender to the said complainants, as is alleged in the said bill; by virtue whereof the said complainants were admitted tenants of the premises and paid the fine thereof, and have done all services, and paid the rents and customs pertaining thereto, according to the custom of the said manor of Cromwell, and hath bestowed great costs upon the same, whereby the said twenty acres be much better than they were at such time as the said complainants were admitted tenants thereto, as in the said bill it is further alleged. And the said complainants do further reply and say in all and everything as they before in their said bill have said, without that,[255] that the said land lying in Brawicke Reading mentioned in the said bill is and have been time out of mind of man parcel of demesnes of the moiety of the said manor of Cromwell, or that the said Sir Edmund had the possession of the said twenty acres, or were seised thereof, otherwise than by the payment of the rents of the same by the said complainants and others, that did hold the same by copy of the said Sir Edmund; and without that the said Sir Edmund died seised thereof, or that the same did descend to the said defendant as demesnes of the said manor discharged of the said tenure, by copy of court roll according to the custom of the said manor; for the said complainants say that the said Sir Edmund during all his life did permit and suffer the said complainants to enjoy the premises according to the custom of the said manor, without let or gainsaying, which the said Sir Edmund would not have done if the said complainants had not had a just right and title to have had the same; without that, that the said complainants did claim the premises only by a surrender made to the said Mychell by the guardian of the said Sir Edmund during his minority, or that the surrender made by the said Mychell during the minority of the said Sir Edmund is void by the law or that the law is that nothing can pass by a surrender made during the said minority, or that a surrender made then is void, or that the premises have been letten for years as is alleged in the said bill; and the said complainants for replication do reply and say in all and every thing, matter, and sentence as they before in their said bill have said; without that, that any other things in this replication not sufficiently replied unto, denied, traversed, or confessed and avoided is true, all which matters the said complainants are ready to verify as this honorable court will award, and pray as they before have prayed. [Footnote 255: _i.e._ Not admitting.] 4. PETITION IN CHANCERY FOR PROTECTION AGAINST BREACH OF MANORIAL CUSTOMS [R.O. _Chancery Proceedings; Series II, Bundle 196, No. 25_], 1568. To the right honorable Sir Nicholas Bacon, knight, Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England. In most humble wise sheweth and complaineth to your good Lordship your daily orators John Wyat, John Blake, John Whittington, Thomas Knight, Thomas Ellis, Thomas Moris, Richard Cooke, Symon Lucas, and Richard Blake, with divers other poor men to the number of forty, customary tenants of the manor of Slindon in the County of Sussex.[period? or comma?] That where they and their ancestors and those whose estate they have in the said customary tenements, parcel of the said manor (time out of memory of man) have been seised to them and to their heirs for ever according to the custom of the said manor, all and every which customs of late one Anthony Kempe esquire, lord of the said manor, hath diversely, contrary to conscience and equity, devised and imagined by divers indirect means to break, annihilate, and infringe, and your said orators hath diversely vexed and troubled by the order of the common laws and menaceth to expel your said orators out of their several tenements unless they will pay other customs and services than they of right ought to do by the customs of the said manor. For where by the custom of the said manor your Lordship's said orators and those whose estate they or any of them have in the premises, have been lawfully and quietly seised of the said tenements customary in their demesne as of fee according to the custom of the said manor for the several services thereupon due and accustomed, clearly discharged of all day works, licences of marriage or fines for the same, and having always free liberty to let all and singular the premises aforesaid without any licence beforehand to be obtained of the lords of the said manor for the time being, neither have further at any time done any manner of services whatsoever out of the said manor: And also where after the death of every of the said customary tenants, having a whole yardland, there hath been due for heriot only the best beast, and if such have no beast, then 10s. in money only; and after the death of every tenant holding half a yardland 6s. 8d. for relief only, and after the death of every cottager 6d. only, and at every alienation of a yardland 10s. in money, and at every alienation of a half yardland 6s. 8d. in money, and at the alienation of every cottage 6d., and at the death and alienation of every tenant one whole year's rent only for and in the name of a fine, over and besides the only heriot or relief aforesaid, and suit of court and other services in this bill specified: And where by the further custom of the said manor the lords of the said manor for the time being by the custom of the said manor should make no seizure or forfeiture for waste done in their cottages customary, unless the same be severally presented at the several Courts to be holden one half year after another, and the same yet then not reformed within one month after; And where the cutting down of any the woods standing and growing upon their several tenements customary for house-bote, fire-bote, plough-bote, cart-bote, gate-bote and hedge-bote, and such like hath not heretofore been taken for waste but always as lawful to do by the custom of the said manor; And where also by the further custom of the said manor, where any forfeiture is committed, perpetrated or done for any offence whatsoever whereby there is given cause of seizure and forfeiture to the lord of the manor for the time being, yet by the custom of the same manor, the said forfeiture notwithstanding, they to whom the same so forfeited should descend, remain, come, or grow after the death of such tenant so offending, should and may lawfully claim all and singular such tenements so forfeited or seized after the death of such offender, as though no such forfeiture had been made; And where by the custom of the said manor all and every the tenants of the said manor should and ought to have from time to time in the woods of the lord of the said manor sufficient timber for reparations of their said tenements customary at the assignment of the lord or his officers, and if the lord the same refuse to do upon reasonable request being thereof made to the said lord or his steward of his court for the time being, if then their said tenements decay, or fall down in default of reparations, there shall nor ought any forfeiture or seizure to be made for any such waste; And where the widows of the tenants customary of the said manor should and ought by the custom of the said manor have their widow's estate for one penny only; And where by their further custom the eldest son, brother or next cousin, male or female, should inherit and have the said customaries and after the decease of their ancestors only; And where by the custom of the said manor it is lawful for the said tenants as aforesaid to assign and demise the several tenements for years to any person or persons at their will and pleasure, yet nevertheless by the custom of the said manor it hath been lawful for the lord of the said manor misliking the said undertenant upon one year's warning to expel and put out such tenant, after which it shall be lawful for the said tenants that so did demise or let their tenements to re-enter and the same to enjoy as before, and after to let the same as before to any person or persons in manner and form aforesaid, until such person shall be by the lord misliked and expulsed as aforesaid; And where by the further custom of the said manor the said tenants and every of them and their heirs and assigns should and ought to have the masting of their own hogs in the time of mast in the north woods of the said manor of Slindon, and likewise the pasturing of their cattle and sheep in the said woods and in all other the lord's commons of the said manor, paying for the ovissing[256] and masting of every hog 2d. only; And whereas by the further custom of the said manor the tenants aforesaid have and may at their will and pleasure surrender into the hands of two tenants of the said manor out of the court, or into the hands of the lord or his steward in the court, to the use of any person or person of such estate as they shall declare and limit upon the said surrender, yet nevertheless by the custom of the said manor it is not lawful for any tenant of the said manor to convey, surrender or alienate any one part, parcel or piece of their tenement customary, unless he give and surrender the whole to the use of one only person in possession; And where the youngest tenant of any customary tenement for the time being ought to be crier in the lord's court by the custom of the said manor: All which customs are not only to be proved to be the old and ancient customs of the said manor, but also now of late the said Anthony Kempe hath by his deed indented declared the same to be true in manner and form as it is before alleged; And where by the said Indenture the said Anthony Kempe hath further, for and in consideration of a further and a new rent of eight pounds to him granted, and for and in consideration of twenty pounds to him paid, and for and in consideration to make a perpetual and final end of all controversies heretofore moved and after to be moved, doth further covenant and grant in the said indenture that it shall be lawful for the customary tenants and copyholders of the said manor to enclose, and sever, and severally to hold to them and to their heirs and assigns forever six score acres of land, parcel of the wastes of the lords of the said manor, wherein they now have common, in such place convenient to be limited before the feast of Easter next coming, by consent of two persons to be named by the said Anthony Kempe and two other persons by the said tenants; All the which premises notwithstanding, the said Anthony Kempe doth against all conscience utterly deny unto your Lordship's said orators their said customs and the aforesaid further agreement according to the said indenture, and doth daily vex your said orators quietly to have and enjoy their said customary tenants [_sic_] with their appurtenances according to the customs aforesaid. May it therefore please your good lordship the premises favourably tendering to grant the Queen's Majesty's writ of _subpoena_ to be directed to the said Anthony Kempe commanding him thereby personally to appear in this honourable Court at a day certain in the said writ of _subpoena_ mentioned, then and there upon his corporal oath to answer to the premises and to abide such order therein as to your Lordship shall upon the truth of the matter appearing seem according to equity; and your said poor orators shall daily pray to God for the continual preservation of your honor. EDWARD FENNER. [Footnote 256: _i.e._ Pasturing.] 5. LEASE[257] OF THE MANOR OF ABLODE TO A FARMER [_Rolls Series. Historia et Cartularium Monasterii Gloucestriæ, Vol. III, pp. 291-5_], 1516. This indenture made on the 5th day of October in the seventh year of King Henry VIII between William ... Abbot of St. Peter ... of the one part and Richard Cockes and Catharine his wife ... and William and John, sons of the said Richard and Catharine, of the other part, witnesseth, that the aforesaid Abbot and Convent ... have leased, demised, and to farm let to Richard, Catharine, William, and John, the site of their Manor of Ablode, situated in the county of Gloucester, with all its houses, buildings, arable lands, meadows, feedings and pastures, dovecotes, weir, waters, fishpools, and rabbit warrens, with all and everything thereto pertaining. And the said abbot and convent have leased to the aforesaid ... divers goods and chattels, moveable, and immoveable, pertaining to the said manor. ... Moreover the said abbot and convent have leased to the said ... 320 sheep remaining for stock on the said manor, priced per head at 16d., which amounts in all to the sum of 21l. 6s. 8d., together with their meadows, pastures and all easements ... needed for the support of the said sheep.... Furthermore the said abbot and convent have leased to the aforesaid ... divers lands and demesne meadows belonging to the said manor, when the reversion thereof shall in any way have occurred, which lands and demesne meadows are now occupied by the customary tenants of the lord, as is plain from the rental drawn on the back of the present indenture.... And it shall be lawful for the aforesaid Richard, Catharine, William and John, or any of them to introduce at their pleasure new tenants on all those demesne lands aforesaid, now in the hands of the tenants there, whenever the aforesaid reversion shall have fallen in. [Footnote 257: The most interesting clauses in the lease are (_a_) that which relates to the leasing of the stock of the manor ("Stock and land lease"); (_b_) the last, which shows how the practice of leasing a manor to one large farmer replaced the earlier practice of leasing parts of it to numerous small tenants.] 6. LEASE OF THE MANOR OF SOUTH NEWTON TO A FARMER [_Roxburghe Club, Surveys of the lands belonging to William Earl of Pembroke_], 1568. John Rabbett holds to himself and his assigns, by an indenture dated November 28 in the fourth year of Elizabeth, at a fine of £120, the whole site of the farm of the Manor of South Newton in the county of Wilts., all its demesne lands, meadows, marshes, pastures, commons, fisheries, and the customary works of the tenants in South Newton, Stovord, and Childhampton, with all and singular their appurtenances in the above-mentioned South Newton belonging to the site and the farm or of old demised to farm with the above-mentioned site, as fully as Lewis ap Jevan had and occupied it, and also one virgate of land and one ham of meadow, lying in the afore-mentioned South Newton, called the Parson's yardland and ham with a sheep pasture, ... excepted and altogether reserved to the lord and his heirs the advowson of the vicarage there; the said John Rabbett and his assigns to have and to hold the aforesaid ... from Michaelmas before this indenture for the full term of 21 years, paying thence yearly to the lord for the aforesaid farm and site with its appurtenances per bs. 12d. 4l. 10 quarters of wheat prec. cap. 4d. 6s. 8d. 20 capons, per bs. 8d. 106s. 8d. 29 quarters of barley, prec. cap. 4d. 6s. 8d. 20 pigeons, per bs. 3d. 26s. 8d. [_sic_] 10 quarters of oats prec. cap. 4d. 4s. 12 great fish called great Trouts. and for the aforesaid virgate of land ... 13s. at the usual terms, with all other clauses and agreements, as is set forth at length in the indenture placed in the register. And be it known that the grain, capons, and pigeons and fish are valued at the rate written above the head of each kind. And there belong to the farm of arable land 55 acres in Middlefield, 60 acres in Westfield, and 60 acres in Eastfield, and one meadow called Long Ham lying in a close and containing 11-1/2 acres, and the cropping of one meadow called Duttenham lying in the west part of Wishford containing 10-1/2 acres, one meadow called Beymeade containing 4-1/2 acres lying on the north-west side of South Newton, and one curtilage near the barn containing 2 acres, and a hill called the Down estimated to contain 100 acres, and it is able to keep 500 sheep, 36 cattle, and 12 horses. And there belong to the aforesaid virgate of land, called the Parson's Yardland, of arable land in Southfield 6-1/2 acres, in Middlefield 8-1/2 acres, in Northfield 6 acres, and one ham of meadow, pasture for 10 cows, 1 bull, and 120 sheep with the farmer, 14s. 4l. Wheat 10 qrs. 106s. 8d. Barley 20 qrs. 26s. 8d. Oats 10 qrs. 6s. 8d. Capons 20. 6s. 8d. Pigeons 20. 4s. Fish 12. 7. THE AGRARIAN PROGRAMME OF THE PILGRIMAGE OF GRACE [_Gairdner, Letters and Papers, Hen. VIII, Vol_. xi, 1246], 1536. 9. That the lands in Westmoreland, Cumberland, Dent, Sedbergh, Furness, and the abbey lands in Mashamshire, Kyrkbyshire, Notherdale, may be by tenant right, and the Lords to have, at every change, 2 years rent for gressum, according to the grant now made by the Lords to the Commons there. This is to be done by Act of Parliament. 13. The statute for enclosures and intacks to be put in execution, and all enclosures and intacks since 4 Hen. VII to be pulled down, except mountains, forests, and parks. 8. THE DEMANDS OF THE REBELS LED BY KET [_Harl. MSS. 304, f. 75. Printed by Russell, Ket's Rebellion in Norfolk, p. 48_], 1549. We pray your grace that where it is enacted for enclosing that it be not hurtful to such as have enclosed saffron grounds, for they be greatly chargeable to them, and that from henceforth no man shall enclose any more.[258] We certify your grace that whereas the lords of the manors hath been charged with certe free rent, the same lords hath sought means to charge the freeholders to pay the same rent, contrary to right. We pray your grace that no lord of no manor shall common upon the commons. We pray that priests from henceforth shall purchase no lands neither free nor Bondy, and the lands that they have in possession may be letten to temporal men, as they were in the first year of the reign of King Henry the VII. We pray that reed ground and meadow ground may be at such price as they were in the first year of King Henry the VII. We pray that all marshes that are holden of the King's Majesty by free rent or of any other, may be again at the price that they were in the first year of King Henry VII. We pray that all bushels within your realm be of one stice, that is to say, to be in measure viii gallons. We pray that [priests] or vicars that be [not able] to preach and set forth the word of God to his parishioners may be thereby put from his benefice, and the parishioners there to choose another, or else the patron or lord of the town. We pray that the payments of castleward rent, and blanch farm and office lands, which hath been accustomed to be gathered of the tenements, whereas we suppose the lords ought to pay the same to their bailiffs for their rents gathering, and not the tenants. We pray that no man under the degree of a knight or esquire keep a dove house, except it hath been of an old ancient custom. We pray that all freeholders and copyholders may take the profits of all commons, and there to common, and the lords not to common nor take profits of the same. We pray that no feodary within your shires shall be a councillor to any man in his office making, whereby the King may be truly served, so that a man being of good conscience may be yearly chosen to the same office by the commons of the same shire. We pray your grace to take all liberty of let into your own hands whereby all men may quietly enjoy their commons with all profits. We pray that copyhold land that is unreasonably rented may go as it did in the first year of King Henry VII, and that at the death of a tenant or at a sale the same lands to be charged with an easy fine as a capon or a reasonable [sum] of money for a remembrance. We pray that no priest [shall be chaplain] nor no other officer to any man of honour or worship, but only to be resident upon their benefices whereby their parishioners may be instructed with the laws of God. We pray that all bond men may be made free, for God made all free with his precious blood-shedding. We pray that rivers may be free and common to all men for fishing and passage. We pray that no man shall be put by your escheator and feodary to find any office unless he holdeth of your Grace in chief or capite above xl._l_ by year. We pray that the poor mariners or fishermen may have the whole profits of their fishings as porpoises, grampuses, whales or any great fish, so it be not prejudicial to your Grace. We pray that every proprietary parson or vicar having a benefice of xv._l_ or more by year shall either by themselves or by some other person teach poor men's children of their parish the book called the catechism and the primer. We pray that it be not lawful to the lords of any manor to purchase lands freely and to let them out again by copy of court roll to their great advancement and to the undoing of your poor subjects. We pray that no proprietary parson or vicar, in consideration of avoiding trouble and suit between them and their poor parishioners which they daily do precede and attempt, shall from henceforth take for the full contentation [_i.e._ satisfaction] of all the tenths which now they do receive but viiid of the noble in the full discharge of all other tithes. We pray that no man under the degree of [_blank_] shall keep any conies upon any of their own freehold or copyhold unless he pale them in so that it shall not be to the commons' nuisance. We pray that no person, of what estate, degree or condition he be, shall from henceforth sell the wardship of any child, but that the same child if he live to his full age shall be at his own chosen concerning his marriage, the King's wards only except. We pray that no manner of person having a manor of his own shall be no other lord's bailiff but only his own. We pray that no lord knight nor gentleman shall have or take in farm any spiritual promotion. We pray that your Grace to give license and authority by your gracious commission under your great seal to such commissioners as your poor commons hath chosen, or as many of them as your Majesty and your council shall appoint and think meet, for to redress and reform all such good laws, statutes, proclamations, and all other your proceedings, which hath been hidden by your justices of your peace, sheriffs, escheators, and other your officers from your poor commons, since the first year of the reign of your noble grandfather King Henry VII. We pray that those your officers that hath offended your Grace and your commons, and so proved by the complaint of your poor commons, do give unto these poor men so assembled iiijd. every day so long as they have remained there. We pray that no lord, knight, esquire nor gentleman do graze nor feed any bullocks or sheep if he may spend forty pounds a year by his lands, but only for the provision of his house. By me, Robt. Kett. " " Thomas Aldryche. Thomas Cod. [Footnote 258: Some doubt has been expressed as to the interpretation of these words. They should probably be read as referring to enclosures made not by lords or by large farmers, but by the peasants themselves. The rebels point out that a considerable number of people have spent capital on hedging and ditching their lands for the better cultivation of saffron, and therefore ask that, while other enclosures should be pulled down, a special exception may be made in favour of this particular kind of enclosure.] 9. PETITION TO COURT OF REQUESTS FROM TENANTS RUINED BY TRANSFERENCE OF A MONASTIC ESTATE TO LAY HANDS[259] [_R.O. Requests Proceedings, Bundle 23, No. 13_], 1553. Inhabitants of Whitby _v._ York. To [the] Queen's Highness our most dread Sovereign Lady and to her most honorable Council. 1553. Lamentably complaining sheweth unto your Highness and to ... Council your poor obedient subjects and daily orators, poor husbandmen the ... of Halkesgarthe and Senseker in Whitby Strand in the County of York, that the said inhabitants, late being tenants of the dissolved Monastery of Whitby [afore]said, after it was come into the hands of our late sovereign lord King Henry ... and after that it did come to the hands and possession of the late Duke of Northumb[erland] and of late purchased of him by one Sir John Yorke, knight, who is now in possession of the premises; which said Sir John Yorke hath lately been there and kept court on the said premises at two sundry times; which said Sir John Yorke of his extort power and might, and by great and sore threatenings of the said tenants and inhabitants there, and by other means, hath gotten from them all the leases [that were in their] custodies and possession, and unreasonably hath raised and ... rents and excessively hath gressomed, fined, pilled and ... maketh inquiry all about for your poor orators with great ... do suppose if he could find them, he would lay the ... because they should not be able to exhibit this their bill of c[omplaint] ... and your said Council, how he hath fined them and raised ... and yearly rents, if your said orators should still bear and pay, appear by a bill hereunto annexed your orators hands or marks thereto ... of the old [rents] the [ne]w by them ... to be paid unto the said Sir John Yorke ... thereby shall be utterly undone in this world ... favour, help and succour with speedy [remedy] ... consideration of the premises and forasmuch as your said orators and ancestors of your said poor orators have holden and enjoyed the premises according to the old ancient custom, old rents and old fines, as hereunder it may plainly appear, without enhancing, or raising, without vexation or trouble, and in consideration also that the said Sir John Yorke is a man of power and might, lands, goods, and possessions ... greatly friended, and your poor orators being sore afraid to be imprisoned by him, and also very poor men, and not able to sue against him, nor hath no remedy but only to sue ... Majesty of your most gracious goodness ... said Council, to call before your Majesty and your said C[ouncil] ... and to take order in the premises, that your poor orators according to justice, right, and good conscience may peaceably enjoy all the premises, paying their old accustomed rents and fines, according as they and their ancestors have done, time out of mind of man. And your said poor orators shall daily pray to God for the prosperous preservation of your Majesty in your most Royal Estate long to reign, and for your most honourable Council long to continue. Endorsed.... 21 October The tenants and inhabitants of Senseker and Halkesgarthe in Whitby Strand in the County of York desire to have Sir John Yorke called before the Council and to take order that your orators may have.... _The Names of the tenants of Halkesgarthe and Senseker._ The old The new And the rent. rent. fine. First John Coward 24s. 3l. 16d. 33s. 4d. From Henry Russell 42s. 11-1/2d. 4l. 7s. 3d. 3l. 6s. 8d. From Elisabeth Postgate, widow 18s. 10d. 41s. 5d. 18s. From Thomas Robynson 12s. 11-1/2d. 40s. 7d. 33s. 4d. From John Robynson 10s. 2d. 33s. 4d. 33s. 4d. From James Browne 16s. 1d. 36s. 10d. 24s. 6d. From Robert Lyne 16s. 4d. 33s. 10d. 13s. 4d. From John Nattris 7s. 8d. 15s. 10s. From Robert Stor 23s. 5d. 50s. 2d. 15s From Thomas Coward 14s. 9d. 31s. 2s. 6d. From Thomas Hodshon 20s. 5d. 50s. 8d. 24s. From William Walker 7s. 3d. 17s. 5s. From Henry Tomson 11s. 3-1/2d. From Henry Coverdaill 15s. 36s. 11s. 8d. From Nicholas Grame 22s. 6d. 46s. 8d. 3s. From William Postgate 28s. 7d. 3l. 6s. 8d. 23s. 6d. From William Brown 13s. 4d. 26s. 8d. 24s.10d. From Robert Jefrayson 14s. 30s. 3s. 4d. From William Bois and Robert Jefrayson 34s. 8d. 3l. 6s. 8d. 13s. 4d. From Robert Barker 14s. 6d. 30s. 2s. 8d. From Christofer Jefrayson 10s. 8d. 26s. 8d. 3s. 4d. From Richard Colson and Isabell Colson, widow 31s. 3l. 2s. From Robert Sutton and Kateryn Sutton, widow 23s. 4d. 53s. 4d. 36s. 8d. From Thomas Postgate, younger, and Henry Russell 27s. 6d. 3l. 6s. 8d. 37s. From Thomas Postgate the elder, Suthwait house 18s. 3d. 46s. 8d. 23s. 4d. From Robert Huntrodes 50s. 2d. 5l. 16s. 8d. 7s. At Lammas last past my Lady Yorke at Whitby earnestly demanded of the said Robert Michaelmas farm before hand, insomuch he durst not hold it but paid it to her, the sum of 58s. 4d. From William Jakson, likewise paid 20s. for his farm afore hand. From Maryon Huntrodes, widow 50s. 2d. 5l. 16s. 8d. 7s. Sum:-- Sum:-- Sum:-- 28l. 19s. 8-1/2d. 64l. 9s. 9d. 23l. 15s. 8d. [Endorsed.] Bill versus Yorke. Orders and Decrees. 24th day of October in the first year of the reign of Queen Mary. Be it remembered that the cause brought afore the Queen's Council in Her Majesty's Court of Requests at the suit as well of Robert Stor as William Poskett and William Browne, tenants to Sir John Yorke, knight, in the Lordship of Whitby in the County of York, is now ordered by the said Council by the agreement of the said Sir John, who hath promised that the said parties afore named, and every of them, shall have and quietly enjoy their tenements and holds during the years and terms in their leases and copies yet enduring, paying their rents and farms accustomed without any interruption to the contrary or any other by him or in his name or procurement. [Footnote 259: This document, though very imperfect, is interesting as illustrating (_a_) the land speculation which followed the dissolution of the monasteries, (_b_) the rack-renting of tenants which such speculation naturally produced.] 10. PETITION TO COURT OF REQUESTS TO STAY PROCEEDINGS AGAINST TENANTS PENDING THE HEARING OF THEIR CASE BEFORE THE COUNCIL OF THE NORTH [_R.O. Requests Proceedings. Bundle III, No. 24_], 1576. _To the Queen's most excellent Majesty._ In most humble wise sheweth unto your Majesty your poor subject Thomas Langhorne, and other the inhabitants and residents of the lordship of Thornthwaite in your county of Westmoreland, that whereas your suppliant and other of the inhabitants and residents of the lordship aforesaid, and their ancestors time out of memory of man, have quietly had and enjoyed from heir to heir according to their ancient custom in consideration of their service to be in readiness with horse,[260] harness and other furniture to serve your Majesty at their own costs and charges in defence of your realm against the Scots, which custom hath been sufficiently approved and allowed before your Majesty's President and Council at York, as by a decree ready to be shewed more at large it may appear. But so it is, and if it please your Majesty, that Sir Henry Curwyn, knight, lord of the lordship aforesaid, hath since the beginning of your Majesty's reign expelled out of one piece of Shapps parish within the said lordship, where there was but thirteen tenants, twelve of them he hath expelled and taken their land from them and enclosed it into his demesnes, whereby your Majesty's service for the same is utterly taken away: and also the said Sir Henry Curwyn, lord of the lordship aforesaid, hath of late surrendered over the same lordship to Nicholas Curwyn, gentleman, his son and heir, which Sir Henry and Nicholas do excessively fine the poor tenants and specially your orator, who was forced to pay them for the fine of his tenement, being but 13s. 10d. by year, 31l. 6s. 8d., and was admitted tenant to the said Nicholas Curwyn, who notwithstanding hath contrary to all right and conscience granted a lease of your subject's tenement to one Henry Curwyn, servant to the same Nicholas, in the nature of an _ejection firm_[261] here at the common law, and hath by your Majesty's writ arrested your orator to appear in your Highness' Bench at Westminster to the utter undoing of your said poor subject, his wife and five children for ever, being not able to defend his rightful cause: May it therefore please your most excellent Majesty that order may be set down by your Majesty and your most honourable council that none of the lordship aforesaid may be expelled out and from their tenant rights until their said custom shall be tried and examined before the Lord President of York for the time being, and that your Majesty's said subject may not be constrained to answer any suit here at the Common Law concerning their tenant right. And your said orators shall according to their bounden duties pray to God for the preservation of your most Royal Majesty long to live and reign over us. [Endorsed.] 18 May, 1586. Your humble subject Thomas Langhorne, one of the tenants of the lordship of Thornthwaite in the county of Westmoreland, being molested in their tenant right by one Henry Curwyn, servant unto Nicholas Curwyn, lord of the said manor, desire most humbly that all actions at the Common Laws here at Westminster might be stayed and the full hearing of the matter reserved to the Lord President at York. 25 May, 18 Elizabeth. Writ of injunction granted, as appears, etc. [Footnote 260: For this form of customary tenure, "border tenure," see _Northumberland County History_, _passim_.] [Footnote 261: _i.e._ an _ejectio firmae_, an action of ejectment. See Pollock and Maitland, _History of English Law_. Vol. II. p. 109.] 11. PETITION FROM FREEHOLDERS OF WOOTTON BASSETT FOR RESTORATION OF RIGHTS OF COMMON [_Topographer and Genealogist, Vol. III_], _temp._ Charles I. To the Right Honourable House of Parliament now assembled, the humble petition of the Mayor and Free Tenants of the Borough of Wootton Basset in the County of Wilts. Humbly showeth to this Honourable House, That whereas the Mayor and Free Tenants of the said Borough, by relation of our ancient predecessors, had and did hold unto them free common of pasture for the feeding of all sorts of other beasts, as cows, etc., without stint, be they never so many, in and through Eastern Great Park, which said park contained by estimation 2000 acres of ground or upwards; and in the second and third year of the reign of King Philip and Queen Mary the manor of Wootton Basset aforesaid came by patent into the hands and possession of one Sir Francis Englefield, knight, who, in short time after he was thereof possessed, did enclose the said park; and in consideration of the common of pasture that the free tenants of the borough had in the said park did grant, condescend and lease out unto the said free tenants of the said borough to use as common amongst them that parcel of the said Great Park which formerly was and now is called by the name of Wootton Lawnd, which was but a small portion to that privilege which they had before it, [and] doth not contain by estimation above 100 acres; but the free tenants being therewith contented, the mayor and free tenants did equally stint the said ground or common, as followeth:--that is to say to the mayor of the town for the time being two cows feeding, and to the constable one cow feeding, and to every inhabitant of the said borough, each and every of them, one cow feeding and no more, as well the poor as the rich, and every one to make and maintain a certain parcel or bound set forth to every person; and ever after that inclosure for the space of fifty and six years or thereabouts any messuage, burgage or tenement that was bought or sold within the said borough did always buy and sell the said cows-leaze together with the said messuage or burgage as part member of the same, as doth and may appear by divers deeds which are yet to be seen; and about which time, as we are informed and do verily believe, that Sir Francis Englefield, heir of the aforesaid Sir Francis Englefield, did by some means gain the charter of our town into his hands, and as lately we have heard his successor now keepeth it; and we do believe that at the same time he did likewise gain the deed of the said common, and he thereby knowing that the town had nothing to show for their rights of common but by prescription, did begin suits in law with the said free tenants for their common, and did vex them with so many suits in law for the space of seven or eight years at the least, and never suffer anyone to come to trial in all that space, but did divers times attempt to gain his possession thereof by putting in of divers sorts of cattle, in so much that at length, when his servants did put in cows by force into the said common, many times and present upon the putting of them in, the Lord in his mercy did send thunder and lightning from heaven, which did make the cattle of the said Francis Englefield to run so violent out of the said ground that at one time one of the beasts was killed therewith; and it was so often that people that were not there in presence to see it, when it thundered, would say Sir Francis Englefield's men were putting in their cattle into the Lawnd, and so it was, and as soon as those cattle were gone forth it would presently be very calm and fair, and the cattle of the town would never stir but follow their feeding as at other times, and never offer to move out of the way but did follow their feeding. And this did continue so long, he being too powerful for them, that the said free tenants were not able to wage law any longer; for one John Rous, one of the free tenants, was thereby enforced to sell all his land (to the value of £500) with following the suits in law, and many others were thereby impoverished and were thereby forced to yield up their right and take a lease of their said common of the said Sir Francis Englefield for term of his life. And the said mayor and free tenants hath now lost their right of common in the said Lawnd near about twenty years, which this Sir Francis Englefield, his heirs and his trustees, now detaineth from them. Likewise the said Sir Francis Englefield hath taken away their shops or shambles standing in the middle of the street in the market-place from the town, and hath given them to a stranger that liveth not in the town.... And he hath altered and doth seek ways and means to take the election of the mayor of our town to himself; for whereas the mayor is chosen at the law-day and the jury did ever make choice of two men of the town and the lord of the manor was to appoint one of them to serve, which the lord of the manor refused, and caused one to stay in two years together divers times, which is a breach of our custom. And as for our common we do verily believe that no corporation in England so much is wronged as we are. For we are put out of all the common that ever we had and have not so much as one foot of common left unto us, nor never shall have any. We are thereby grown so in poverty, unless it please God to move the hearts of this Honourable House to commiserate our cause, and to enact something for us, that we may enjoy our right again. And your orators shall be ever bound to pray for your health and prosperity to the Lord. [here follow 23 signatures.] Divers hands more we might have had, but that many of them doth rent bargains of the lord of the manor, and they are fearful that they shall be put forth of their bargains; and then they shall not tell how to live. Otherwise they would have set to their hands. 12. PETITION TO CROWN OF COPYHOLDERS OF NORTH WHEATLEY [_S.P.D. Charles I, Vol. 151, No. 38_], 1629. To the King's most Excellent Majesty. The humble petition of your Majesty's poor and distressed tenants of your manor of North Wheatley in the county of Nottingham belonging to your Majesty's Duchy of Lancaster. Most humbly shewing: That your poor subjects have time out of mind been copyholders of lands of inheritance to them and their heirs for ever of the manor aforesaid, and paid for every oxgang of land xvis. viiid. rent, and paid heretofore upon every alienation xiid. for every oxgang, but now of late, about 4_o_ Jacobi by an order of the Duchy Court they pay xis. vid. upon every alienation for every acre, which amounteth now to 45s. an oxgang. And whereas some of your tenants of the said manor have heretofore held and do now hold certain oxgangs of lands belonging to the said manor by copy from 21 years to 21 years, and have paid for the same upon every copy 2s., and for every oxgang 16s. 8d. per annum, they now of late, by an order in the Duchy Court, hold the same by lease under the Duchy Seal, and pay 6l. 13s. 4d. for a fine upon every lease and 16s. 8d. rent with an increase of 6s. 8d. more towards your Majesty's provision. And whereas in 11_o_ Edw. 4_i_, your petitioners did by copy of court roll hold the demesnes of the said manor for term of years at 9l. 6s. 8d. per annum, they afterwards in 6_o_ Eliz. held the same demesnes by lease under the seal of the Duchy for 21 years, at the like rent. And ten years before their lease was expired, they employed one Mr. Markham in trust to get their lease renewed, who procured a new lease of the demesnes in his own name for 21 years at the old rent, and afterwards, contrary to the trust committed to him, increased and raised the rent thereof upon the tenants to his own private benefit to 56l. per annum. And whereas the woods belonging to the said manor hath within the memory of man been the only common belonging to the said town, paying yearly for the herbage and pannage thereof 6s. 8d., they now also hold the same under the Duchy Seal at 16l. 16s. 2d. per annum. And whereas the court rolls and records of the said manor have always heretofore been kept under several locks and keys, whereof your Majesty's stewards have kept one key and your Majesty's tenants (in regard it concerned their particular inheritances) have kept another key; but now they are at the pleasure of the stewards and officers transported from place to place, and the now purchasers do demand the custody of them, which may be most prejudicial to your Majesty's poor tenants. Now forasmuch as your Majesty hath been pleased to sell the said manor unto the City of London, who have sold the same unto Mr. John Cartwright and Mr. Tho. Brudnell, gent.: and for that your petitioners and tenants there (being in number two hundred poor men, and there being 11 of your Majesty's tenants there, that bear arms for the defence of your Majesty's realm, and 12 that pay your Majesty subsidies, fifteens, and loans) are all now like to be utterly undone, in case the said Mr. Cartwright and Mr. Brudnell should (as they say they will) take away from your tenants the said demesnes and woods after the expiration of their leases, and that your poor tenants should be left to the wills of the purchasers for their fines, or that the records and court rolls should not be kept as in former times in some private place, where the purchasers and tenants may both have the custody and view of them as occasion shall serve; May it therefore please your sacred Majesty that such order may be taken in the premises for the relief of your poor tenants of the manor aforesaid, that they may not be dispossessed of the demesnes and leases, and that they may know the certainty of their fines for the copyhold, demesnes and leases, and may have the court rolls and records safely kept as formerly they have been, and that your Majesty will be further pleased to refer the consideration, hearing, ordering and determination of the premises unto such noblemen, or other four gentlemen of esteem in the country, whom your Majesty shall be pleased to appoint, that are neighbours unto your tenants, and do best know their estate and grievances. That they or any two or three of them may take such order, and so settle the business between the purchasers and your poor tenants, as they in their wisdom and discretion shall judge to be reasonable and fitting, or to certify your Majesty how they find the same and in whose default it is they cannot determine thereof. And your poor tenants as in all humble duty bound will daily pray for your Majesty. Whitehall, this 10th of November, 1629. His Majesty is graciously pleased to refer the consideration of this request to the commissioners for sale of his lands, that upon the report unto his Majesty of their opinion and advice his Majesty may give further order therein. DORCHESTER. 13. AN ACT AVOIDING PULLING DOWN OF TOWNS [_7 Hen. VIII, c. 1. Statutes of the Realm, Vol. III, pp. 176-7_], 1515. The King our Sovereign Lord calling to his most blessed remembrance that where great inconveniences be and daily increase by dislocation, pulling down, and destruction of houses and towns within this realm, and laying to pasture lands which customably have been manured and occupied with tillage and husbandry, whereby idleness doth increase, for where in some one town 200 persons, men and women and children, and their ancestors out of time of mind, were daily occupied and lived by sowing corn and grains, breeding of cattle, and other increase necessary for man's sustenance, and now the said persons and their progenies be minished and decreased, whereby the husbandry which is the greatest commodity of this realm for sustenance of man is greatly decayed, Churches destroyed, the service of God withdrawn, Christian people there buried not prayed for, the patrons and curates wronged, cities, market towns brought to great ruin and decay, necessaries for man's sustenance made scarce and dear, the people sore minished in the realm, whereby the power and defence thereof is enfeebled and impaired, to the high displeasure of God and against his laws and to the subversion of the common weal of this realm and dislocation of the same, if substantial and speedy remedy be not thereof provided; wherefore the King our Sovereign Lord, by the advice and assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and the Commons, in this present Parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, ordaineth, stablisheth and enacteth, that all such towns, villages, boroughs and hamlets, tything houses and other habitations in any parish or parishes within this realm, whereof the more part the first day of this present parliament was or were used and occupied to tillage and husbandry, [as] by the owner or owners thereof for their singular profit, avail, and lucre wilfully since the said first day be or hereafter shall be suffered or caused to fall down and decay, whereby the husbandry of the said towns, villages, boroughs, hamlets, tithings houses and other habitations and parishes within this realm been or hereafter shall be decayed, and turned from the said use and occupation of husbandry and tillage into pasture, shall be by the said owner or owners, their heirs, successors or assigns or other for them, within one year next after such wilful decay, re-edified and made again meet and convenient for people to dwell and inhabit in the same, and to have use and therein to exercise husbandry and tillage as at the said first day of this present parliament or since was there used, occupied and had, after the manner and usage of the country where the said land lieth, at the cost and charges of the same owner or owners, their heirs, successors or assigns. And if since the said first day of this present parliament any lands which at the same first day or since were commonly used in tillage, been enclosed or from henceforth shall be enclosed and turned only to pasture, whereby any house of husbandry within this realm is or shall be hereafter decayed, that then all such lands shall be by the same owner or owners, their heirs, successors or assigns or other for them, within one year next ensuing the same decay, put in tillage, and exercised, used and occupied in husbandry and tillage, as they were the first said day of this present parliament or any time since, after the manner and usage of the country where such land lieth; and if any person or persons do contrary to the premises or any of them, that then it be lawful to the King, if any such lands or houses be holden of him immediately, after office or inquisition found thereof comprehending the same matter of record, or to the lords of the fees, if any such lands or houses [have] been holden of immediately, without office or inquisition thereof had, to receive yearly half the value of the issues and profits of any such lands whereof the house or houses of husbandry be not so maintained and sustained, and the same half deal of the issues and profits to have, hold and keep to his or their own use without anything thereof to be paid or given, to such time as the same house or houses be sufficiently re-edified, built or repaired again, for the exercising and occupying of husbandry; and immediately after that, as well the interest and title given by this Act to our Sovereign Lord the King as to the lords of the fee to cease and no longer to endure; and that it shall be lawful to the owner and owners of such lands, house or houses holden immediately of our said Sovereign Lord the King to have and enjoy the same and to take the issues and profits thereof as if no such office or inquisition had never been had nor made; and that no manner of freehold be in the King nor in any such lord or lords by virtue of this act or taking of any such profits of or in any such lands in no manner of form, but only the King and the said lord or lords have power to take, receive and have the said issues and profits as is abovesaid, and therefore the King or the said lord or lords to have power to distrain for the same issues and profits to be had and perceived by them in form abovesaid by authority of this present act.... 14. THE COMMISSION[262] OF INQUIRY TOUCHING ENCLOSURES [_Patent Roll 9 Hen. VIII, p. 2, m. 6d._], 1517. The King to his beloved and faithful John Veysy, dean of our Chapel, Andrew Wyndesore, knight, and Roger Wegeston, late of Leicester, greeting. Whereas of late in times past divers our lieges, not having before their eyes either God or the benefit and advantage of our realm or the defence of the same, have enclosed with hedges and dykes and other enclosures certain towns, hamlets and other places within this our realm of England, where many of our subjects dwelt and there yearly and assiduously occupied and exercised tillage and husbandry, and have expelled and ejected the same our subjects dwelling therein from their holdings and farms, and have reduced the country round the houses, towns and hamlets aforesaid, and the fields and lands within the same, to pasture and for flocks of sheep and other animals to graze there for the sake of their private gain and profit, and have imparked certain great fields and pasture and woods of the same in large and broad parks, and certain others in augmentation of parks for deer only to graze there, whereby the same towns, hamlets and places are not only brought to desolation, but also the houses and buildings of the same are brought to so great ruin, that no vestige of the same at the present is left, and our subjects, who have dwelt in the said places and there occupied and exercised tillage and husbandry, are now brought to idleness, which is the step-mother of virtues, and daily live in idleness, and the crops and breeding of cattle that were bred and nourished by the same tillers and husbandmen dwelling in the same towns, hamlets and places for human sustenance, are withdrawn and entirely voided from the same places, and the churches and chapels there hallowed are destroyed and divine services there taken away, and the memory of souls of Christians buried there utterly and wholly perished, and many other inestimable damages grow therefrom and daily hereafter will grow, to the greatest desolation and undoing of our realm and diminution of our subjects, unless an opportune remedy for the reformation of the same be swiftly and speedily applied: We, as we are duly bound, desiring to reform the aforesaid and wishing to be certified touching the same, what and how many towns and hamlets and how many houses and buildings have been thrown down from the feast of St. Michael the Archangel in the fourth year of the reign of the most illustrious lord Henry, late King of England, the Seventh, our father, and how many and how great lands which were then in tillage are now enclosed and converted to pasture, and how many and how great parks have been imparked for the feeding of deer since the same feast, and what lands have been enclosed in any parks or any park, which then were or was, for the amplifying and enlarging of such parks, have therefore appointed you and two of you to enquire by oath of good and lawful men of the counties of Oxford, Berks, Warwick, Leicester, Bedford, Buckingham, and Northampton, as well within liberties as without, and by other ways, manners and means whereby you shall or may the better learn the truth, what and how many towns, how many houses and buildings have been thrown down from the aforesaid feast, and how many and how great lands which were then in tillage are now converted to pasture, and how many and how great parks have been enclosed for the feeding of deer on this side the same feast, and what lands have been enclosed in any parks or any park, which then were or was, for the enlargement of such parks, and by whom, where, when, how and in what manner, and touching other articles and circumstances in any wise concerning the premises, according to the tenour and effect of certain articles specified in a bill to these presents annexed. And therefore we command you that you attend diligently to the premises and do and execute the same with effect. And by the tenour of these presents we command our sheriffs of the counties aforesaid that at certain days and places, which you shall cause them to know, they cause to come before you or two of you as many and such good and lawful men of their bailiwick by whom the truth of the matter may the better be known and enquired of; and that you certify us in our Chancery of what you shall do in the premises in three weeks from the day of St. Michael next coming, together with this commission. In witness whereof, etc. Witness the King at Westminster, the 28th day of May. [Footnote 262: Similar letters are addressed to other Commissioners directing them to make similar inquiries in other parts of the country. The Commission was appointed by Wolsey. Its returns are important as a source of information both on the said conditions of the period and on the administrative methods of the Tudor statesmen (see Leadam, _Domesday of Enclosures_) and subsequent Commissions were appointed in 1548, 1566, 1607, 1632, 1635, and 1636, the last three being prompted partly by the desire to raise money by means of fines.] 15. AN ACT CONCERNING FARMS AND SHEEP [_25 Hen. VIII, c. 13. Statutes of the Realm, Vol. III, p. 451_], 1533-4. Forasmuch as divers and sundry [persons] of the king's subjects of this realm, to whom God of his goodness hath disposed great plenty and abundance of moveable substance, now of late within few years have daily studied, practised and invented ways and means how they might accumulate and gather together into few hands as well great multitude of farms as great plenty of cattle and in especial sheep, putting such lands as they can get to pasture and not to tillage, whereby they have not only pulled down churches and towns and enhanced the old rates of their rents of the possessions of this realm, or else brought it to such excessive fines that no poor man is able to meddle with it, but also have raised and enhanced the prices of all manner of corn, cattle, wool, pigs, geese, hens, chickens, eggs and such other almost double above the prices which hath been accustomed, by reason whereof a marvellous multitude and number of people of this realm be not able to provide meat, drink and clothes necessary for themselves, their wives and children, but be so discouraged with misery and poverty that they fall daily to theft, robbery and other inconvenience, or pitifully die for hunger and cold; and as it is thought by the King's most humble and loving subjects that one of the greatest occasions that moveth and provoketh those greedy and covetous people so to accumulate and keep in their hands such great portions and parties of the grounds and lands of this realm from the occupying of the poor husbandmen, and so to use it in pasture and not in tillage, is only the great profit that cometh of sheep, which now be coming to a few persons' hands of this realm in respect of the whole number of the King's subjects, that some have 24 thousand, some 20 thousand, and some more and some less, by which a good sheep for victual that was accustomed to be sold for 2s. 4d. or 3s. at the most, is now sold for 6s. 5s. or 4s. at the least; and a stone of clothing wool that in some shires of this realm was accustomed to be sold for 18d. or 20d. is now sold for 4s. or 3s. 4d. at the least, and in some countries where it hath been sold for 2s. 4d. or 2s., or 3s. at the most, it is now sold for 5s. or 4s. 8d. at the least, and so raised in every part of this realm; which things thus used be principally to the high displeasure of Almighty God, to the decay of the hospitality of this realm, to the diminishing of the King's people, and to the hindrance of the clothmaking, whereby many poor people hath been accustomed to be set on work, and in conclusion if remedy be not found it may turn to the utter destruction and dislocation of this realm, which God defend; it may therefore please the King's Highness of his most gracious and godly disposition, and the Lords Spiritual and Temporal of their goodness and charity, with the assent of the Commons in this present parliament assembled, to ordain and enact by authority of the same, that no person or persons from the feast of St. Michael the Archangel which shall be in the year of Our Lord God 1535 shall keep occupy or have in his possession in his own proper lands, nor in the possession, lands or grounds of any other which he shall have or occupy in farm, nor otherwise have of his own proper cattle in use, possession or property, by any manner of means, fraud, craft or covyn, above the number of 2,000 sheep at one time within any part of this realm of all sorts and kinds, upon pain to lose and forfeit for every sheep that any person or persons shall have or keep above the number limited by this act, 3s. 4d., the one half to the King our Sovereign Lord, and the other half to such person as will sue for the same.... It is also further enacted by authority aforesaid that no manner person after the said feast of the nativity of Our Lord shall receive or take for term of life, years or at will, by indenture, copy of court roll or otherwise, any more houses, tenements of husbandry, whereunto any lands are belonging in town, village, hamlet or tithing within this realm above the number of two such holds or tenements; and that no manner person shall have or occupy any such holds so newly taken to the number of two as is before expressed, except he or they be dwelling within the same parishes where such holds be, upon the pain of forfeiture for every week that he or they shall have, occupy, or take any profits of such holds contrary to this act 3s. 4d., the moiety of which forfeiture to be to the King our Sovereign Lord and the other moiety to the party that will sue for the same..... 16. INTERVENTION OF PRIVY COUNCIL UNDER SOMERSET TO PROTECT TENANTS[263] [_Acts of Privy Council, p. 540_], 1549. 28 June, 1549. An Order taken upon complaint made to the Lord Protector and other of the King's Majesty's Privy Council for the town of Godmanchester. First, all and every person within the said town having any more houses of habitation than one in his possession, or any site of a house whereupon a house of habitation hath been with [in] [_blank_] years standing, shall at and before the Feast of St. Michael in the year of our Lord God 1549 let or demise every the said house with the land thereto accustomed, besides one, to a convenient person, if any that shall require, upon the usual rent, and upon every site now having no house of habitation shall before the said Feast of St. Michael in the same year build a house for habitation and thereto allot so much as thereto was heretofore belonging, and the same shall let and demise, if any that will hire, upon the accustomed rent. Item, every person having converted any house or habitation unto any other use shall before Michaelmas next coming revert to the use of habitation as it was before, and the same shall let to any which that require upon the accustomed rent, and every person forthwith shall for every house of habitation, decayed site of habitation, and for every house of habitation converted to other use during the time of his possession, maintain and keep the King's watch and other common charges of the town in like manner as hath been heretofore of them used. Item, whereas there is a great number of acres, lately belonging to certain gilds there, it is ordered that the same shall be divided to the inhabitants thereof in this manner; that is to say, to every ploughland 5 acres, and to every cottage or artificer there dwelling, or which hereafter upon the houses to be new builded shall dwell, one acre; and if the number do not extend, then every ploughland 4, and so for lack of that rate every ploughland 3; and the residue of the said acres falling after that rate to be divided amongst the cottages, paying for every of the said acres 3s. 4d. and above. Item, also whereas there be certain groves of wood destroyed and turned to pasture in the same town, every such grove being so altered shall be by the owner thereof again (having been so altered within this 20 years before Michaelmas next coming) enclosed and preserved for wood, saving so much of the same to be reserved for a high way for the owner as in those cases the like is there used, the same high way to be severed by hedge from the rest of the grove; and where the groves be so destroyed that there remaineth no hope of growth, the owner thereof shall before the next season following meet for the same set it with wood or sow it with acorns or otherwise as the same may best be for growth of wood. Provided nevertheless if any manner person have converted any house of habitation or any site of habitation to his necessary use about his own house, so that the same should be great inconvenience to be reverted to the first and old use, then in that case the owner shall be discharged if he for every such habitation so altered do build a like house in some other convenient like place, and the same to use to all purposes as before is said of the like. The bailiffs be commanded to bring their grant by charter to the Lord Protector at All Hallow tide next coming. For the observation of which orders the bailiffs and others of that town be bound in recognisance before the said Protector and Council. Henry Frear } Have acknowledged and each of them has Thomas Trecy } acknowledged that they owe to the Lord John Clark } the King by themselves 100l. sterling. Upon condition to perform the articles above mentioned. [Footnote 263: For Somersets popular agrarian policy, see Pollard, _The Protector Somerset_, and, especially, the introduction to the _Commonwealth of this Realm of England_ (edited by Lamond).] 17. AN ACT FOR THE MAINTENANCE OF HUSBANDRY AND TILLAGE [_39 Eliz. c. 2, Statutes of the Realm, Vol. IV., Part II. pp. 893-96_], 1597-8. Whereas the strength and flourishing estate of this kingdom hath been always and is greatly upheld and advanced by the maintenance of the plough and tillage, being the occasion of the increase and multiplying of people both for service in the wars and in times of peace, being also a principal means that people are set on work, and thereby withdrawn from idleness, drunkenness, unlawful games and all other lewd practices and conditions of life; and whereas by the same means of tillage and husbandry the greater part of the subjects are preserved from extreme poverty in a competent estate of maintenance and means to live, and the wealth of the realm is kept dispersed and distributed in many hands, where it is more ready to answer all necessary charges for the service of the realm; and whereas also the said husbandry and tillage is a cause that the realm doth more stand upon itself, without depending upon foreign countries either for bringing in of corn in time of scarcity, or for vent and utterance of our own commodities being in over great abundance; and whereas from the 27th year of King Henry VIII of famous memory, until the five and thirtieth year of Her Majesty's most happy reign, there was always in force some law which did ordain a conversion and continuance of a certain quantity and apportion of land in tillage not to be altered; and that in the last parliament held in the said five and thirtieth year of her Majesty's reign, partly by reason of the great plenty and cheapness of grain at that time within this realm, and partly by reason of the imperfection and obscurity of the law made in that case, the same was discontinued; since which time there have grown many more depopulations, by turning tillage into pasture, than at any time for the like number of years heretofore: Be it enacted ... that whereas any lands or grounds at any time since the seventeenth of November in the first year of Her Majesty's reign have been converted to sheep pastures or to the fattening or grazing of cattle, the same lands having been tillable lands, fields or grounds such as have been used in tillage by the space of twelve years together at the least next before such conversion, according to the nature of the soil and course of husbandry used in that part of the country, all such lands and grounds as aforesaid shall, before the first day of May which shall be in the year of Our Lord God 1599, be restored to tillage, or laid for tillage in such sort as the whole ground, according to the nature of that soil and course of husbandry used in that part of the country, be within three years at the least turned to tillage by the occupiers and possessors thereof, and so shall be continued for ever. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that all lands and grounds which now are used in tillage or for tillage, having been tillable lands, fields or grounds, such as next before the first day of this present parliament have been by the space of twelve years together at the least used in tillage or for tillage, according to the nature of the soil and course of husbandry used in that part of the country, shall not be converted to any sheep pasture or to the grazing or fattening of cattle by the occupiers or possessors thereof, but shall, according to the nature of that soil and course of husbandry used in that part of the country, continue to be used in tillage or for tillage for corn or grain, and not for waste.... And be it enacted by the authority aforesaid, that if any person or body politic or corporate shall offend against the premises, every such person or body politic or corporate so offending shall lose and forfeit for every acre not restored or not continued as aforesaid, the sum of twenty shillings for every year that he or they so offend; and that the said penalties or forfeitures shall be divided in three equal parts, whereof one third part to be to the Queen's Majesty, her heirs and successors to her and their own use (and) one other third part to the Queen's Majesty, her heirs and successors for relief of the poor in the parish where the offence shall be committed ... and the other third part to such person as will sue for the same in any court of record at Westminster.... Provided also, that this act shall not extend to any counties within this realm of England, but such only as shall be hereafter specified; that is to say, the counties of Northampton, Leicester, Warwick, Buckingham, Bedford, Oxford, Berkshire, the Isle of Wight, Gloucester, Worcester, Nottingham, Hampshire, Wiltshire, Somerset, Dorset, Derby, Rutland, Lincoln, Hereford, Cambridge, Huntingdon, York, Pembroke in South Wales, and the Bishopric of Durham and Northumberland, and the counties of all the cities and corporations lying situate and being within the counties aforesaid, or confining to the same, and the Ainsty of the county of the city of York. 18. SPEECH IN HOUSE OF COMMONS ON ENCLOSURES [_Hist. MSS. Com. MSS. of Marquis of Salisbury, Part VII, pp. 541-3_], 1597[264]. But now, as if all these wrongs should be redressed, and all the cries and curses of the poor should be removed, it hath pleased you, Mr. Speaker, to exhibit this bill to our view as a complete remedy. I will not say 'it is worse than the disease.' But this I may truly say, 'It is too weak for the disease!' Three things I find exactly and providently respected. First, that the law is general, without exception, drawing in the purchaser as well as the first offender, whereat, howsoever some may shake their heads, as pressed with their own grief, yet is there no new imposition charged upon them, but such as is grounded upon the common law. For being without contradiction that this turning of the earth to sloth and idleness, whereby it cannot fructify to the common good, is the greatest and most dangerous nuisance and damage to the common people, the law hath provided that the treasure of wickedness shall profit nothing, but that the nuisance shall be reformed in the hands of the people that come in upon the best consideration.... And 26 Eliz. in the Exchequer, in Claypole's case, an exhibition was exhibited upon the Statute of 4 Hen. VII[265] against a purchaser for converting of tillage into pasture, and adjudged good, though the purchaser were not the converter, but only a contriver of the first conversion. So as this new law tends but for an explanation of the old, that every one by the eye may be informed what ought by the hand to be amended. Nay, though it be not fit, Mr. Speaker, to be published among the ruder sort, who, if they were privy to their own strength and liberty allowed them by the law, would be as unbridled and untamed beasts, yet is it not unfit to be delivered in this place of council, that is, that where the wrong and mischief spreads to an universality, there the people may be their own justices, as in 6 Ed. II and 8 Ed. III Ass. 154 and 447 it is adjudged that if a wall be raised atraverse the way that leadeth to the Church all the parishioners may beat it down, and 9 Ed. IV 445, if the course of a water that runs to a town be stopped or diverted all the inhabitants may break it down. Are the people thus interested in the Church wherein their souls are fed, and shall we not think them to be as deeply interested in the corn and increase of the earth that feeds and maintains their bodies? Therefore most wisely hath the gentleman that penned the law pressed the case upon the purchaser that he plough, lest the people plot to circumvent him. The second thing so well provided is ... that it turns one eye backward to cure the ancient complaints and old festered disease of dearth and scarcity that hath been so long among us, and turns the other eye forward to cut out, as it were, the core that might draw on hereafter mischiefs of the same nature; where the gentleman that framed this bill hath dealt like a most skilful chirurgien, not clapping on a plaster to cover the sore that it spread no further, but searching into the very depths of the wound, that the life and strength which hath so long been in decay by the wasting of towns and countries may at length again be quickened and repaired. The third thing most politicly respected is the intercourse and change of ground to be converted into tillage, keeping a just proportion. For it fareth with the earth as with other creatures that through continual labour grow faint and feeble-hearted, and therefore, if it be so far driven as to be out of breath, we may now by this law resort to a more lusty and proud piece of ground while the first gathers strength, which will be a means that the earth yearly shall be surcharged with burden of her own excess. And this did the former lawmakers overslip, tyeing the land once tilled to a perpetual bondage and servitude of being ever tilled. But this threefold benefit I find crossed and encountered with a fourfold mildness and moderation fit to have a keen edge and sharpness set upon it, wherein I acknowledge my master that drew this project to have shewed himself like a tender-hearted physician, who coming to a patient possessed and full of corrupt and evil humours, will not hastily stir the body, but apply gentle and easy recipes. But surely, Mr. Speaker, a desperate disease must have a desperate medicine, and some wounds will not be healed but by incision. The first moderation I mislike in this new law is that the most cunning and skilful offender shall altogether slip the collar; for if a man have decayed a whole town by enclosures, and hath rid his hand of it by exchange with Her Majesty, taking from her ancient enclosed pastures naturally yielding after the rate that his forced enclosed ground can yield upon such corrupt improvement, and to justify the true value shall take a lease back again of the Queen, the man is an occupier within the words of this law. But by your favour, Mr. Speaker, not within the intent of this law to plough this new enclosure, because Her Majesty is in reversion, and this law doth not extend neither to her nor to her farmers. And that none might escape it were good that all of this kind might be enforced either to a contribution toward the poor,[266] who are chiefly wronged, or to the breaking up of the grounds he received from Her Majesty because they come in lieu of the former. The second moderation that would be amended is in the imposition of the pain ... which is but 10s. yearly for every acre not converted. By your favour, Mr. Speaker, it is too easy: and I will tell you, Sir, the ears of our great sheep-masters do hang at the door of this house, and myself have heard since this matter grew in question to be reformed, that some, enquiring and understanding the truths of the penalty, have prepared themselves to adventure 10s. upon the certainty of the gain of 30s. at the least. The third moderation is in the exception that exempts grounds mown for hay to be converted into tillage. And, if it please you, Sir, the first resolutions our enclosed gentlemen have is to sort and proportion their grounds into two divisions, the one for walks whereon their sheep may feed in the fresh summer, the other for hay whereon their sheep may feed in the hard winter; so that these grounds that carry hay have been as oil to keep the fire flaming and therefore no reason why they should be shielded and protected from the ploughshare. The fourth moderation is that after this reconversion there is no restraint, but that every one may keep all the land ploughed in his own hands; whereupon will follow that as now there is scarcity of corn and plenty of such as would be owners, so then there will be plenty of corn, but scarcity of such as can be owners. For until our gentlemen that now enclose much, and then must plough much, shall meet with more compassion toward the poor than they have done, their small will be as small as it hath been, and then every one will be either an engrosser under false pretence of large housekeeping, or else a transporter by virtue of some license he will hope to purchase. And therefore it were good that every one should be rated how much he should keep in his own hands, and that not after the proportions of his present estimation; as, if a man hath lifted up his countenance by reason of this unnatural and cruel improvement after the rate of a gentleman of a thousand pounds by year, where the same quantity of land before would yield but a hundred pounds by year, I would have this man ruled after his old reckoning.... We sit now in judgment over ourselves: therefore as this bill entered at first with a short prayer 'God speed the plough.' so I wish it may end with such success as the plough may speed the poor. (Endorsed: 1597. To Mr. Speaker against enclosures.) [Footnote 264: Two Acts against depopulation were passed in this year, 39 Eliz., c. 1, and 39 Eliz., c. 2 (see No. 17 of this section). The name of the member making the following speech is not known.] [Footnote 265: 4 Hen. VII, c. 19, by which all occupiers of 20 acres and upwards which have been tilled for the last three years are to maintain them in tillage.] [Footnote 266: For the exaction of such a contribution see Section IV, No. 20 of this Part.] 19. SPEECHES IN HOUSE OF COMMONS ON ENCLOSURES [_D'Ewes Journal, p. 674_], 1601[267]. The points to be considered of in the continuance of Statutes were read, and offered still to dispute whether the Statute of Tillage should be continued. Mr. Johnson said, In the time of Dearth, when we made this statute, it was not considered that the hand of God was upon us; and now corn is cheap; if too cheap, the Husbandman is undone, whom we must provide for, for he is the staple man of the kingdom. And so after many arguments he concluded the Statute to be repealed. Mr. Bacon said the old commendation of Italy by the Poet was _potens viris atque ubere glebae_, and it stands not with the policy of the State that the wealth of the kingdom should be engrossed into a few graziers' hands. And if you will put in so many provisoes as be desired, you will make it useless. The Husbandman is a strong and hardy man, the good footman. Which is a chief observation of good warriors, etc. So he concluded the statutes not to be repealed. Sir Walter Raleigh said, I think the law fit to be repealed; for many poor men are not able to find seed to sow so much as they are bound to plough, which they must do, or incur the penalty of the law. Besides, all nations abound with corn. France offered the Queen to serve Ireland with corn for 16s. a quarter, which is but 2s. the bushel; if we should sell it so here, the ploughman would be beggared. The low countryman and the Hollander, which never soweth corn, hath by his industry such plenty that they will serve other nations. The Spaniard, who often wanteth corn, had we never so much plenty, will not be beholding to the Englishman for it.... And therefore I think the best course is to set it at liberty, and leave every man free, which is the desire of a true Englishman. Mr. Secretary Cecil said, I do not dwell in the country. I am not acquainted with the plough. But I think that whosoever doth not maintain the plough destroys this kingdom.... My motion therefore shall be that this law may not be repealed, except former laws may be in force and revived. Say that a glut of corn should be, have we not sufficient remedy by transportation, which is allowable by the policy of all nations?... I am sure when warrants go from the Council for levying of men in the countries, and the certificates be returned unto us again, we find the greatest part of them to be ploughmen. And excepting Sir Thomas More's Utopia, or some such feigned commonwealth, you shall never find but the ploughman is chiefly provided for, the neglect whereof will not only bring a general, but a particular damage to every man.... If we debar tillage, we give scope to the depopulator; and then if the poor being thrust out of their houses go to dwell with others, straight we catch them with the Statute of Inmates; if they wander abroad they are within danger of the Statute of the Poor to be whipped. [Footnote 267: No action was taken to amend or repeal existing laws. For Bacon's views see his _History of King Henry_ VII.] 20. RETURN TO PRIVY COUNCIL OF ENCLOSERS FURNISHED BY JUSTICES OF LINCOLNSHIRE [_S.P.D. Charles I, Vol. 206, No. 7_], _c._ 1637. _Lincoln._--An abstract of such depopulators as have been hitherto dealt withal in Lincolnshire, and received their pardon. The persons in number 9 The sum of their fines 300l. The number of houses by bond to be erected 33 The time for the erection, within one year The number of farms to be continued that are now standing 22 The fines are already paid. Sir Charles Hussey, knt. Fine 80l. Bond of 200 marks, with condition to set up in Honington 8 farmhouses with barns, etc., and to lay to every house 30 acres of land, and to keep 10 acres thereof yearly in tillage. Sir Henry Ayscough, knt. Fine 20l. Bond 200 marks. To set up 8 farmhouses in Blibroughe with 30 acres to every farm, and 12 thereof to be kept yearly in tilth. Sir Hamond Whichcoote, knt. Fine 40l. Bond 200 marks. To set up 8 farmhouses, etc., in Harpswell, with 40 acres to every house; and 16 thereof in tillage. Sir Edward Carre, knt. Fine 30l. Bond 100l. To set up 2 farmhouses in Branswell, and 1 in Aswarby with 40 acres to every house, 16 in tillage. Sir William Wraye, knt. Fine 30l. Bond 100l. To set up in Gaynesby 2 farmhouses with 2 acres at least to either, 10 in tillage, and to continue 2 farms more in Grainsby and 3 in Newbell and Longworth, with the same quantity, as is now used there, a third part in tilth. Sir Edmund Bussye, knt. Fine 10l. Bond 100l. To set up one farmhouse in Thorpe with 40 acres, 14 thereof in tillage, and to continue 14 farms in Hedor, Oseby, Aseby, and Thorpe, as they now are, with a third part in tillage. Richard Rosetor, esqr. Fine 10l. Bond 50l. To set up one farm in Limber with 40 acres, 16 in tillage, and to continue 1 farm in Limber, and 2 in Sereby, _ut sup._ Robert Tirwhitt, esqr. Fine 10l. Bond 50l. To set up one farm in Cameringham with 40 acres, 16 in tillage. John Tredway, gent. Fine 10l. Bond 40l. To set up one farm in Gelson with 30 acres, 10 thereof in tillage. [Endorsed.] Lincoln Depopulators fined and pardoned and the reformations to be made. 21. COMPLAINT OF LAUD'S ACTION ON THE COMMISSION FOR DEPOPULATION [_S.P.D. Charles I, Vol. 497, No. 10_], 1641. That upon the Commission of enquiry after depopulation, the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury and other the Commissioners, at the solicitation of Tho. Hussey, gent, did direct a letter in nature of a Commission to certain persons within the County of Wilts, to certify what number of acres in South Marston in the parish of Highworth were converted from arable to pasture, and what number of ploughs were laid down, etc. Whereupon the Archdeacon with two others did return certificate, to the Lord Archbishop, etc. Upon this certificate, Mr. Anth. Hungerford, Mr. Southby, with 15 others, were convented before his Grace and the other Commissioners at the Council Board, where, being charged with conversion; Mr. Anth. Hungerford and Mr. Southby with some others did aver that they had made no conversion, other than they had when they came to be owners thereof. His Grace said that they were to look no further than to the owners. And certificate was returned that so many acres were converted and so many ploughs let down. They alleged that this certificate was false and made without their privity, and therefore Mr. Hungerford in the behalf of the rest did desire that they might not be judged upon that certificate; but that they might have the like favour as Mr. Hussey had, to have certificates of the same nature directed to other Commissioners, or a Commission, if it might be granted, to examine upon oath whereby the truth might better appear. His Grace replied to Mr. Hungerford, "Since you desire it and are so earnest for it you shall not have it."[268] They did offer to make proof that since the conversion there were more habitations of men of ability and fewer poor, and that whereas the King had before 4 or 5 soldiers of the trained band he had now 9 there; that the impropriation was much better to be let. His Grace said to the rest of the Lords, "We must deal with these gentlemen as with those of Tedbury, to take 150l. fine, and to lay open the enclosures." Which they refusing to do they were there threatened with an information to be brought against them in the Star Chamber. And accordingly were within a short time after by the said Mr. Hussey served with _subpoenas_ at Mr. Attorney his suit in the Star Chamber: And this, as Mr. Hussey told Mr. Hungerford, was done by my Lord Archbishop his command. [Endorsed.] Depopulation. Mr. Hungerford and Mr. Southby. (1641.) [Footnote 268: See Clarendon, _History of the Rebellion I_, 204. "And the revenue of too many of the Court consisted principally in enclosures, and improvements of that nature, which he [_i. e_., Laud], still opposed passionately except they were founded upon law; and then, if it would bring profit to the King, how old and obsolete soever the law was, he thought he might justly advise the prosecution. And so he did a little too much countenance the Commission for Depopulation, which brought much charge and trouble upon the people, which was likewise cast upon his account."] SECTION II TOWNS AND GILDS 1. A Protest at Coventry against a Gild's Exclusiveness, 1495--2. A Complaint from Coventry as to Inter-municipal Tariffs, 1498--3. The Municipal Regulation of Wages at Norwich, 1518--4. The Municipal Regulation of Markets at Coventry, 1520--5. The Municipal Regulation of Wages at Coventry, 1524--6. An Act for Avoiding of Exactions taken upon Apprentices in Cities, Boroughs, and Towns Corporate, 1536--7. An Act whereby certain Chantries, Colleges, Free Chapels, and the Possessions of the same be given to the King's Majesty, 1547--8. Regrant to Coventry and Lynn of Gild Lands Confiscated under 1 Ed. VI, c. 14 (the preceding Act), 1548--9. A Petition of the Bakers of Rye to the Mayor, Jurats, and Council to Prevent the Brewers taking their trade, 1575--10. Letter to Lord Cobham from the Mayor and Jurats of Rye concerning the Preceding Petition, 1575--11. The Municipal Regulation of the Entry into Trade at Nottingham, 1578-9--12. The Municipal Regulation of Markets at Southampton, 1587--13. The Municipal Regulation of Wages at Chester, 1591--14. The Company of Journeymen Weavers of Gloucester, 1602--15. Petition of Weavers who are not Burgesses, 1604-5--16. Extracts from the London Clothworkers' Court Book, 1537-1627--17. The Feltmakers' Joint-Stock Project, 1611--18. The Case of the Tailors of Ipswich, 1615--19. The Grievances of the Journeymen Weavers of London, _c._ 1649. The documents in this section illustrate certain aspects of the life of towns and gilds from 1485-1660. In the first half of the sixteenth century two important changes in the legal position of gilds were made by Act of Parliament, (i) Owing to the growing complaints of their exclusiveness (Nos. 1 and 6). Parliament had already by 15 Hen. VI, c. 6, and 19 Hen. VII, c. 7, compelled gilds to submit their ordinances to the approval of extra-municipal authorities before they became valid (Nos. 6 and 17). By 22 Hen. VIII it fixed 2s. 6d. as the maximum fee to be charged persons entering and 3s. 4d. as the maximum fee for persons leaving their apprenticeship. By 28 Hen. VIII c. 5 it forbad restrictive agreements designed to prevent apprentices or journeymen starting in trade on their own account (No. 6). (ii.) By 37 Hen. VIII c. 4 and 1 Ed. VI. c. 14 (No. 7) Parliament confiscated for the benefit of the Crown that part of gild property which was applied to religious purposes. The latter Act was, however, strongly opposed in the House of Commons, and the confiscated estates were restored to two towns, Coventry and King's Lynn (No. 8). Apart from these changes towns and gilds pursued in the sixteenth century much the same economic policy as in earlier ages. They imposed inter-municipal tariffs (No. 2), and regulated markets (Nos. 4 and 12), wages (Nos. 3, 5, and 13), apprenticeship and the entry into trades (Nos. 1, 9, 10, 11, 15) on high moral grounds (No. 10), but sometimes with consequences unpleasant to those who were excluded (Nos. 1 and 15). Indeed their anxiety to preserve their monopoly occasionally brought them into conflict with the law, which "abhors all monopolies" (No. 18). Inside the gilds, however, a momentous change was going on. The fifteenth century had seen the rise within gilds of "yeomanry" organizations consisting of journeymen, of which an example is given below (No. 14, and Part I, Section V, No. 16). In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the gilds, at least in the larger towns, represented a wide range of interests, from the mercantile capitalist to the industrial small master, and it was often of such small masters, whose numbers appear to have increased in the sixteenth century, that the "yeomanry" then consisted (No. 16). They tended, however, to be at the mercy of the large capitalists, and occasionally under the first two Stuarts, who favoured them, they endeavoured to protect themselves by joint-stock enterprise (No. 17). In the middle of the seventeenth century a reverse movement was taking place. Small masters were becoming journeymen, and in London journeymen were engaged under the Commonwealth in active agitation. Their organization was that of an embryo trade union; their doctrine the application to industrial affairs of the theory of the social contract (No. 19). AUTHORITIES The more accessible of the modern writers dealing with the subject of this section are Cunningham, _English Industry and Commerce, Modern Times_, Vol. I; Ashley, _Economic History_, Vol. I, Part II, Chap. I and II; Gross, _The Gild Merchant_; Abram, _Social England in the Fifteenth Century_; Mrs. Green, _English Town Life in the Fifteenth Century_; Dunlop and Denman, _English Apprenticeship and Child Labour_; Unwin, _Industrial Organization in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries_, and _The Gilds and Companies of London_; Webb, _English Local Government, The Manor and Borough_; Brentano, _Gilds and Trade Unions_; Toulmin Smith, _English Gilds_; Rogers, _Six Centuries of Work and Wages_. Bibliographies are given in Gross, _op. cit._ (the most complete); Cunningham _op. cit._, Vol. II, pp. 943-998; Ashley, _op. cit._, pp. 3-5 and 66-68; Abram, _op. cit._, pp. 229-238; Dunlop and Denman, _op. cit._, pp. 355-363; Unwin, _Industrial Organization in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries_, pp. 263-270. * * * * * The student may also consult the following:-- (1) _Documentary Authorities_:--The records of numerous towns and gilds have been published, and only a few can be mentioned here:--Stevenson, Records of Nottingham; Tingey, Records of Norwich; Bateson, Records of Leicester; Morris, Chester in the Plantagenet and Tudor Reigns; Turner, Select Records of Oxford; Harris, The Coventry Leet Book (E.E.T.S.); Bickley, The Little Red Book of Bristol; Guilding, Records of the Borough of Reading; Publications of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Report 14, App. viii (Bury St. Edmunds); 15, App. x (Coventry), 12, App. ix (Gloucester), 13, App. iv (Hereford); 9, App. i (Ipswich); 14, App. viii (Lincoln); 15, App. x (Shrewsbury). (2) _Literary Authorities_:--The number of contemporary writers dealing with gild and town life is not large. The most important are: Drei Volkswirthschaftliche Denkscriften aus der Zeit Heinrich VIII, von England, edited by Pauli; Starkey, A Dialogue Between Cardinal Pole and Thomas Lupset (E.E.T.S.); England in the Reign of King Henry VIII; The Commonwealth of this Realm of England (edited by Lamond); Crowley, Select Works (E.E.T.S.); Lever's Sermons (in Arber Reprints: where criticisms will be found on the confiscation of gild property); Harrison, A Description of Britain; Roxburghe Club, A Dialogue or Confabulation Between two Travellers. 1. A PROTEST AT COVENTRY AGAINST A GILD'S EXCLUSIVENESS [_Coventry Leet Book, Vol. II, pp. 566-7_], 1495. 1495. Mem.: that within vii days after Lammas there was a bill set upon the north church door in St. Michael's Church by some evil disposed person unknown, the tenor whereof hereafter ensueth:-- Be it known and understand This city should be free and now is bond. Dame Good Eve made it free, And now there be customs for wool and drapery. Also it is made that no prentice shall be But xiii pennies pay shall he. That act did Robert Green,[269] Wherefore he had many a curse, I ween. [Footnote 269: Robert Green was chosen Mayor of Coventry in 1494.] 2. A COMPLAINT FROM COVENTRY AS TO INTER-MUNICIPAL TARIFFS [_Coventry Leet Book, Part I, p. 592_], 1498. Oct. 18th, 1498 ... And on the morrow the Mayor presented a bill to the said Prince desiring by the same that he would please to desire the prior of Coventry to pay at his desire the murage money which he had withdrawn the space of 20 years, and also showed his Grace by the same bill how the citizens of Coventry were troubled by their merchandizes in Bristol, Gloucester, and Worcester, and compelled to pay toll and other customs contrary to their liberties. Upon which bill letters went out to Bristol, Gloucester, and Worcester, desiring by the same that the said citizens of Coventry might pass free without any custom paying after their liberty, or else they appear in London _crastino St. Martini_ then next following. 3. THE MUNICIPAL REGULATION OF WAGES AT NORWICH [_Tingey. Selected Records of Norwich, II, p. 110_], 1518. Sept. 21st, 1518. It is agreed that from henceforth no artificer shall employ apprentice working by the day, viz., carpenters, masons, tilers, reeders, by taking for the wage of such an apprentice more than one penny a day until he has been appointed to better wages or salary by the headman of that craft in the presence of the Mayor for the time being. And if any one shall do contrary, he shall forfeit 12d., to be levied from the goods of the master of that apprentice. 4. THE MUNICIPAL REGULATION OF MARKETS AT COVENTRY [_Coventry Leet Book, Part III, pp. 674-5_], 1520. October 10, 1520. Memorandum that the Xth day of October and in the [eleventh] year of the reign of King Henry VIII, then Master John Bond being Mayor of the City of Coventry, the price of all manner of corn and grain began to rise. Whereupon a view was taken by the said Mayor and his brethren what stores of all manner of corn, and what number of people was then within the said city, men, women and children, etc. * * * * * [Here follow particulars of the number of persons and amount of grain in each ward.] Summa Totalis of } { In Malt, 2405 qrs. the people then } { In Rye and Mastlin, 100 being within the } Summa Totalis { qrs. 1 strike. city, of men } 6601 persons. { In wheat, 47 qrs. women and children. } { In Oats, 39 qrs. 2 strike. } { In Pease, 18 qrs. 2 strike. Also a view by him taken what substance of malt was then brewed within the city weekly by the common brewers that brewed to sell.... The number of all the common brewers in the city ... 68. Item, they brewed weekly in malt 146 qrs. 1 bus. Mem., that there was brought into this said city the Friday before Christmas Day in the year of the said John Bond then being Mayor, by his labour and his friends, to help sustain the city with corn, of all manner of grain Summa 97 qrs. 6 strike. Mem., that there was at that time 43 bakers within the city, which did bake weekly amongst all 120 qrs. of wheat and 12, besides pease and rye. 5. THE MUNICIPAL REGULATION OF WAGES AT COVENTRY [_Coventry Leet Book, Part III, pp. 688-9_], 1524. [Enacted] that the weavers of this city shall have for the weaving of every cloth, to the making whereof goeth and is put 80 and 8 lb. of wool or more to the number of 80 lb. and 16, 5s. for the weaving of every such cloth; and if the said cloth contain above the said number then the weaving to be paid for as the parties can agree, and if the cloth contain under the said number, then the owner to pay for weaving but 4s. 6d. And if the cloth be made of rests or green wool, then to pay as the parties can agree; and the payment to be made in ready money and not in wares as it is wont to be, and who refuses thus to do, and so proved before Master Mayor, to forfeit for every said default 3s. 4d., to be levied by the searchers of the said craft of weavers, with an officer to them appointed by the said Mayor, to the use of the common box. [Enacted] that every clothier within this city shall pay for walking of every cloth of green wool or middle work, 3s. 4d., and for every cloth of fine wool as the clothier and walker can agree, and that the clothier do pay therefore in ready money and not in wares. 6. AN ACT FOR AVOIDING OF EXACTIONS TAKEN UPON APPRENTICES IN CITIES, BOROUGHS AND TOWNS CORPORATE [_28 Hen. VIII, c. 5. Statutes of the Realm, Vol. IV, Part I, pp. 286-8_], 1536. Where in the parliament begun at London the third of November in the 21st year of the reign of our most dread Lord King Henry the eight, and from thence adjourned and prorogued to Westminster the 16 day of January in the 22 year of the reign of our said Sovereign Lord and there then also holden, it was and it is recited, that where before that time it was established and enacted in the 19 year of our late Sovereign Lord King Henry the VIIth, that no masters, warden and fellowship of crafts, or any of them, nor any rulers of guilds or fraternities, should take upon them any acts or ordinances nor to execute any acts or ordinances by them before that time made or then hereafter to be made, in disheritance or diminution of the prerogative of the King nor of other nor against the common profit of the people, but if the same acts or ordinances were examined or approved by the chancellor, treasurer of England or chief justice of either bench or 3 of them, or before the justices of assize in their circuit or progress in the shire where such acts or ordinances be made, upon pain of forfeiture of £40 for every time that they do the contrary, as more plainly in the said act doth appear; since which time divers wardens and fellowships have made acts and ordinances, that every apprentice should pay at his first entry in their common hall to the wardens of the same fellowship some of them 40s., some 30s., some 20s., some 13s. 4d., some 6s. 8d., some 3s. 4d. after their own sinister minds and pleasure, contrary to the meaning of the said act made in the said 19 year of the reign of the said late King Henry the VIIth and to the great hurt of the King's true subjects putting their children to be apprentices: It was therefore in the said parliament holden at Westminster in the said 22 year of the reign of King Henry the eight, established and enacted by the King our Sovereign Lord by the advice of his Lords, Spiritual and Temporal, and of the Commons in the same parliament assembled and by the authority of the same, that no master, wardens or fellowships of crafts or masters or any of them, nor any rulers of fraternities should take from thenceforth of any apprentice or of any other person or persons for the entry of any apprentice into their said fellowship above the sum of 2s. 6d., nor for his entry when his years and term is expired and ended, above 3s. 4d. upon pain of forfeiture of £40 for every time that they do to the contrary.... Since which said several acts established and made (as is aforesaid), divers masters, wardens and fellowships of crafts have by cautell and subtil means compassed and practised to defraud and delude the said good and wholesome statutes, causing divers apprentices or young men immediately after their years be expired, or that they may be made free of their occupation or fellowship, to be sworn upon the Holy Evangelist at their first entry that they nor any of them after their years or term expired shall not set up or open any shop, house nor [cellar] nor occupy as free men, without the assent and licence of the master, wardens or fellowships of their occupations, upon pain of forfeiting their freedom or other like penalty; by reason whereof the said apprentices and journeymen be put to as much or more charges thereby than they beforetime were put unto for the obtaining and entering of their freedom, to the great hurt and impoverishment of the said apprentices and journeymen and other their friends; For remedy whereof be it now by the authority of this present parliament established, ordained and enacted, that no master, wardens or fellowships of crafts nor any of them, nor any rulers of guilds fraternities or brotherhoods, from henceforth compel or cause any apprentice or journeyman, by oath or bond heretofore made or hereafter to be made or otherwise, that he after his apprenticeship or term expired, shall not set up nor keep any shop house nor cellar, nor occupy as a freeman without licence of the masters, wardens or fellowships of his or their occupation for and concerning the same; nor by any means exact or take of any such apprentices or journeyman nor any other occupying for themselves, nor of any other persons for them, after his or their said years expired, any sum of money or other things for or concerning his or their freedom or occupation, otherwise or in any other manner than before is recited limited and appointed in the said former act made in the said 22 year of the reign of King Henry the eight; upon the pain to forfeit for every time that they or any of them shall offend contrary to this act £40.... 7. AN ACT WHEREBY CERTAIN CHANTRIES, COLLEGES, FREE CHAPELS, AND THE POSSESSIONS OF THE SAME BE GIVEN TO THE KING'S MAJESTY [_1 Ed. VI, c. 14. Statutes of the Realm, Vol. IV, Part I, p. 24_], 1547. The King's most loving subjects, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and the Commons, in this present parliament assembled, considering that a great part of superstition and errors in Christian religion hath been brought into the minds and estimation of men, by reason of the ignorance of their very true and perfect salvation through the death of Jesus Christ, and by devising and phantasing vain opinions of purgatory and masses satisfactory to be done for them which be departed, the which doctrine and vain opinion by nothing more is maintained and upholden than by the abuse of trentalls, chantries and other provisions made for the continuance of the said blindness and ignorance; and further considering and understanding that the alteration, change and amendment of the same, and converting to good and godly uses, as in erecting of grammar schools to the education of youth in virtue and godliness, the further augmenting of the universities and better provision for the poor and needy, cannot in this present parliament be provided and conveniently done, nor cannot nor ought to any other manner person be committed than to the King's Highness, whose Majesty with and by the advice of his Highness most prudent council can and will most wisely and beneficially both for the honour of God and the weal of this his Majesty's realm, order, alter, convert and dispose the same.... [Clause reciting 37 Hen. VIII, c. 4.][270] ... It is now ordained and enacted by the King our Sovereign Lord, with the assent of the Lords and Commons in this present parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, that all manner of colleges, free chapels and chantries, having been or _in esse_ within five years next before the first day of this present parliament, which were not in actual and real possession of the said late king, nor in the actual and real possession of the king our sovereign lord that now is, nor excepted in the said former act in form abovesaid, other than such as by the king's commissions in form hereafter mentioned shall be altered, transposed or changed, and all manors, lands, tenements, rents, tythes, pensions, portions and other hereditaments and things above-mentioned belonging to them or any of them, and also all manors, lands, tenements, rents and other hereditaments and things above-mentioned, by any manner of assurance, conveyance, will, devise or otherwise had, made, suffered, acknowledged or declared, given, assigned, limited or appointed to the finding of any priest to have continuance for ever, and wherewith or whereby any priest was sustained, maintained or found, within five years next before the first day of this present parliament, which were not in the actual and real possession of the said late King, nor in the actual and real possession of our Sovereign Lord the King that now is, and also all annual rents, profits, and emoluments, at any time within five years next before the beginning of this present parliament employed, paid or bestowed toward or for the maintenance, supportation or finding of any stipendiary priest intended by any act or writing to have continuance for ever, shall by the authority of this present parliament, immediately after the feast of Easter next coming, be adjudged and deemed and also be in very actual and real possession and seisin of the King our Sovereign Lord and his heirs and successors for ever; without any office or other inquisition thereof to be had or found, and in as large and ample manner and form as the priests, wardens, masters, ministers, governors, rulers or other incumbents of them or any of them at any time within five years next before the beginning of this present parliament had occupied or enjoyed, or now hath, occupieth or enjoyeth the same; and as though all and singular the said colleges, free chapels, chantries, stipends, salaries of priests and the said manors, lands, tenements and other the premises whatsoever they be, and every of them, were in this present act specially, particularly, and certainly rehearsed, named and expressed, by express words, names and surnames, corporations, titles and faculties, and in their natures, kinds and qualities.... And over that be it ordained and enacted by the authority of this present parliament, that where any manors, lands, tenements, tythes, pensions, portions, rents, profits, or other hereditaments, by any manner of assurance, conveyance, will, devise or otherwise at any time heretofore had, made, suffered, acknowledged or declared, were given assigned or appointed to or for the maintenance, sustentation or finding of any priest or divers priests for term of certain years yet continuing, and that any priest hath been maintained, sustained or found with the same or with the revenues or profits thereof within five years last past, that the king from the said feast of Easter next coming shall have and enjoy in every behalf for and during all such time to come every such and like things, tenements, hereditaments, profits and emoluments as the priest or priests ought or should have had for or toward his or their maintenance, sustenance or finding, and for no longer or further time, nor for any other profit, advantage or commodity thereof to be taken.... ... And be it ordained and enacted by the authority of this present parliament, that the King our Sovereign Lord, his heirs and successors, from the said feast of Easter next coming, shall have hold, perceive and enjoy for ever, all lands, tenements, rents and other hereditaments which, by any manner of assurance, conveyance, wills, will, devise or otherwise at any time heretofore had made suffered, acknowledged, or declared, were given, assigned or appointed to go or be employed wholly to the finding or maintenance of any anniversary or obit or other like thing, intent, or purpose, or of any light or lamp in any church or chapel to have continuance for ever, which hath been kept or maintained within five years next before the said first day of this present parliament. ... And furthermore be it ordained and enacted by the authority aforesaid, that the King our Sovereign Lord shall from the said feast of Easter next coming have and enjoy to him, his heirs and successors for ever, all fraternities, brotherhoods and guilds being within the realm of England and Wales and other the king's dominions, and all manors, lands, tenements and other hereditaments belonging to them or any of them, other than such corporations, guilds, fraternities, companies and fellowships of mysteries or crafts, and the manors, lands, tenements, and other hereditaments pertaining to the said corporations, guilds, fraternities, companies and fellowships of mysteries or crafts above mentioned, and shall by virtue of this act be judged and deemed in actual and real possession of our said Sovereign Lord the King, his heirs and successors from the said feast of Easter next coming for ever, without any inquisitions or office thereof to be had or found.... And also be it ordained and enacted by the authority aforesaid, that our said Sovereign Lord the King, his heirs and successors, at his and their will and pleasure, may direct his and their commission and commissions under the great seal of England to such persons as it shall please him, and that the same commissioners, or two of them at the least, shall have full power and authority by virtue of this Act and of the said commission, as well to survey all and singular lay corporations, guilds, fraternities, companies and fellowships of mysteries or crafts incorporate, and every of them, as all other the said fraternities, brotherhoods and guilds within the limit of their commission to them directed, and all the evidences, compositions, books of accounts and other writings of every of them, to the intent thereby to know what money and other things was paid or bestowed to the finding or maintenance of any priest or priests, anniversary, or obit or other like thing, light or lamp, by them or any of them; as also to enquire, search and try, by all such ways and means as to them shall be thought meet and convenient, what manors, lands, tenements, rents and other hereditaments, profits, commodities, emoluments and other things be given, limited, or appointed to our said Lord the King by this act, within the limits of their commission: and also that the same commissioners or two of them at the least, by virtue of this act and of the commission to them directed, shall have full power and authority to assign and shall appoint, in every such place where guild, fraternity, the priest or incumbent of any chantry _in esse_ the first day of this present parliament, by the foundation, ordinance, [the] first institution thereof should or ought to have kept a grammar school or a preacher, and so hath done since the feast of St. Michael the Archangel last past, lands, tenements and other hereditaments of every such chantry, guild and fraternity to remain and continue in succession to a schoolmaster or preacher for ever, for and toward the keeping of a grammar school or preaching, and for such godly intents and purposes and in such manner and form as the same commissioners or two of them at the least shall assign or appoint: and also to make and ordain a vicar to have perpetuity for ever in every parish church, the first day of this present parliament being a college, free chapel, or chantry, or appropriated and annexed or united to any college, free chapel, or chantry that shall come to the king's hands by virtue of this act, and to endow every such vicar sufficiently, having respect to his cure and charge; the same endowment to be to every vicar and to his successors for ever, without any other license or grant of the King, the bishop, or other officers of the diocese: ... ... And also be it ordained and enacted by the authority of this present parliament that our Sovereign Lord the King shall have and enjoy all such goods, chattels, jewels, plate, ornaments and other moveables, as were or be the common goods of every such college, chantry, free chapel, or stipendiary priest belonging or annexed to the furniture or service of their several foundations, or abused of any of the said corporations in the abuses aforesaid, the property whereof was not altered nor changed before the 8 day of December in the year of our Lord God 1547.... [Footnote 270: This and the following document deal with the confiscation of that part of the property of gilds which was devoted to religious purposes. The Act printed above was a re-enactment with some important variations of an Act of 1545 (37 Hen. VIII, c. 4). For its object and effect see Ashley, _Economic History_, Vol. I, part II, pp. 142-145, and pp. 184-187, who gives reasons for disagreeing with the statement of Thorold Rogers (_Six Centuries of Work and Wages_, pp. 347-350, and _The Economic Interpretation of English History_, p. 15) that the Act "suppressed" the craft gilds; Pollard, _The Political History of England_ 1547-1603, pp. 17-20 ("the greatest educational opportunity in English history was lost, and the interests of the nation were sacrificed to those of its aristocracy"); Leach, _English Schools at the Reformation_, p. 68; Toulmin Smith's _English Gilds_. Lever (_Sermons_ 1550, Arber's Reprints, pp. 32, 73, and 81) complains bitterly of the use to which the confiscated property was put. "For in suppressing of abbeys, cloisters, colleges, and chantries, the intent of the King's Majesty that dead is, was, and of this our King now is, very godly.... Howbeit covetous officers have so used this matter that even those goods which did serve to the relief of the poor, the maintenance of learning, and to comfortable necessary hospitality in the Commonwealth, be now turned to maintain worldly, wicked, covetous ambition." ... "Your Majesty hath had given and received by Act of Parliament, colleges, chantries, and gilds for many good considerations, and especially, as appeareth in the same Act, for erecting of grammar schools to the education of youth in virtue and godliness, to the further augmenting of the Universities, and better provision for the poor and needy. But now many grammar schools, and much charitable provision for the poor be taken, sold, and made away, to the great slander of you and your laws, to the utter discomfort of the poor, to the grievous offence of the people, to the most miserable drowning of youth in ignorance, and for decay of the Universities."] 8. REGRANT TO COVENTRY AND LYNN OF GILD LANDS CONFISCATED UNDER I ED. VI, c. 14. [_Acts of the Privy Council, New Series, pp 193-5_], 1548. At Westminster, Sunday, the vith of May, 1548 Whereas in the last parliament, holden at Westminster in November, the first year of the King's Majesty's reign, among other articles contained in the act for colleges and chantry lands, etc., to be given unto his Highness, it was also inserted that the lands pertaining to all guilds and brotherhoods within this realm should pass unto his Majesty by way of like gift, at which time divers then being of the lower house did not only reason and argue against that article made for the guildable lands, but also incensed many others to hold with them, among the which none were stiffer nor more busily went about to impugn the said articles than the burgesses for the town of Lynn, in the county of Norfolk, and the burgesses of the city of Coventry, in the county of Warwick; the burgesses of Lynn alleging that the guild lands belonging to their said town were given for so good a purpose (that is to say, for the maintenance and keeping up of the pier and seabanks there, which being untended to would be the loss of a great deal of low ground of the country adjoining), as it were great pity the same should be alienated from them as long as they employed it to so necessary an use; and semblably they of Coventry declaring that where that city was of much fame and antiquity, some times very wealthy though now of late years brought into decay and poverty, and had not to the furniture of the whole multitude of the Commons there, being to the number of xi or xii thousand housling people, but two churches wherein God's service is done, whereof the one, that is to say, the church of Corpus Christi, was specially maintained of the revenues of such guild lands lying only in houses and tenements within the town as had been given heretofore by diverse persons to that use and others no less beneficial to the supporting of that city; if therefore now by the act the same lands should pass from them it should be a manifest cause of the utter desolation of the city, as long as the people, when the churches were no longer supported, nor God's service done therein, and the other uses and employments of those lands omitted, should be of force constrained to abandon the city and seek new dwelling places, which should be more loss unto the King's Majesty by losing so [much] of the yearly fee farm there, and subversion of so notable a town, than the accruing of a sort of old houses and cottages pertaining to the guilds and chantries of the said cities, should be of value or profit to his Majesty, as long as his Highness should be at more cost with the reparations of the same than the yearly rents would amount unto. In respect of which their allegations and great labour made herein unto the House, such of his Highness Council as were of the same House there present thought it very likely and apparent that not only that article for the guildable lands should be dashed, but also that the whole body of the act might either sustain peril or hindrance being already engrossed, and the time of the Parliament Prorogation hard at hand, unless by some good policy the principal speakers against the passing of that article might be stayed; whereupon they did anticipate this matter with the Lord Protector's Grace and others of the Lords of his Highness Council, who, pondering on the one part how the guildable lands throughout this realm amounted to no small yearly value, which by the article aforesaid were to be accrued to his Majesty's possessions of the Crown; and on the other part weighing in a multitude of free voices what moment the labour of a few setters on had been of heretofore in like cases, thought it better to stay and content them of Lynn and Coventry by granting to them to have and enjoy their guild lands, etc., as they did before, than through their means, on whose importune labour and suggestion the great part of the Lower House rested, to have the article defaced, and so his Majesty to forego the whole guild lands throughout the realm; and for these respects and also for avoiding of the proviso which the said burgesses would have had added for the guilds to this article, which might have ministered occasion to others to have laboured for the like, they resolved that certain of his Highness' Councillors being of the Lower House should persuade with the said burgesses of Lynn and Coventry to desist from further speaking or labouring against the said article, upon promise to them that if they meddled no further against it, his Majesty, once having the guildable lands granted unto him by the act as it was penned unto him, should make them over a new grant of the lands pertaining then unto their guilds, etc., to be had and used to them as afore. Which thing the said Councillors did execute as was devised, and thereby stayed the speakers against it, so as the act passed with the clause for guildable lands accordingly. And now seeing that the Mayors and others of the said city of Coventry and town of Lynn by reason of that promise so made unto them have humbly made suit unto the Lord Protector's Grace and Council aforesaid that the same may be performed unto them, which promise his Grace and the said Council do think that his Highness is bound in honour to observe, although it were not so that indeed those lands which belonged to the guild at Lynn cannot well be taken from them, being so allotted and employed to the maintenance of the pier and seabanks there, which of necessity as was alleged, require daily reparations, no more than the guild and chantry lands at Coventry upon the foresaid considerations could conveniently (as was thought) be taken from them without putting the said city to apparent danger of desolation; it was therefore this day ordained, and by the accord and assent of the Lord Protector's Grace and others of his Highness Council decreed, that letters patents should be made in due form under the King's Majesty's Great Seal of England whereby the said guild lands belonging to the two churches at Coventry should be newly granted unto them of the city for ever, and the lands lately pertaining to the guild of Lynn also granted unto that town for ever, to be used to such like purpose and intent as aforetimes by force of their grants they were limited to do accordingly. 9. A PETITION OF THE BAKERS OF RYE TO THE MAYOR, JURATS AND COUNCIL TO PREVENT THE BREWERS TAKING THEIR TRADE [_Hist. MSS. Com, Thirteenth Report, App. Part IV, p. 45_], 1575. Whereas, as well in ancient time as now of late days, good and wholesome laws have been by the State of this realm devised, ordained, and enacted for the better maintenance of the subjects of the same; amongst which laws it is ordained how each sort of people, being handicraftsmen or of occupation, should use the trade and living wherein they have been lawfully trained up and served for the same as the said laws do appoint; nevertheless, it may please your worships, divers persons do seek unto themselves by sinister ways and contrary to those good laws certain trades to live by, and not only to live by but inordinately to gain, to the utter overthrow of their neighbours which have lawfully used those occupations, and served for the same according to the said laws. Amongst which sort of people certain of the brewers of this town use the trade and occupation of bakers, not having been apprentices to the same, nor so lawfully served in the same trade as they thereby may justly challenge to use the said occupation of baking, to the utter impoverishment of the bakers of the said town, their wives, children, and families, and contrary to the law, equity, and good conscience; whereby we whose names are underwritten shall be constrained to give over, and for themselves to seek some other means to live, and to leave our wives and children, if in time remedy be not provided by your worships for the same. James Welles. John Mylles. Edward Turner. Philip Caudy. William Gold. 10. LETTER TO LORD COBHAM FROM THE MAYOR AND JURATS OF RYE CONCERNING THE PRECEDING PETITION [_ibid., pp. 47-8_], 1575. Upon the lamentable complaint of our poor neighbours the bakers, we did with good and long deliberation consider of their cause, and finding that their decay is such as without speedy reformation they shall not have wherewith to maintain their wives, children, and family, which are not few in number, a thing in conscience to be lamented, and we for remission in duty to be greatly blamed; and since the overthrow of these poor men is happened by reason of the brewers (who ought by the laws of this realm not to be bakers also) have by our sufferance (but the rather for that Robert Jackson is towards your Lordship) used both to bake and brew of long time, whereby Robert Jackson (God be thanked) is grown to good wealth, and the whole company of the bakers thereby utterly impoverished, and finding that by no reasonable persuasion from us, neither with the lamentable complaint of the bakers, those brewers would leave baking, we were driven by justice and conscience to provide for their relief the speedier. Whereupon we did, with consent of Mayor, Jurats, and Common Council, make a certain decree, lawful, as we think, for the better maintenance of them, their wives, children and family, a matter in civil government worth looking into when the state of a common weal is preferred before the private gain of a few, which decree we required Mr. Gaymer to acquaint your Honour with, at his last being with you, who upon his return advertised us that your Lordship had the view thereof, and also of your Honour's well liking of the same, humbly beseeching your good Lordship's aid and continuance therein, whereof we have no doubt, being a matter that doth concern (and that according to the laws of the realm) the relief of those who are brought to the brink of decay. 11. THE MUNICIPAL REGULATION OF THE ENTRY INTO TRADES AT NOTTINGHAM [_Stevenson, Nottingham Records, Vol. IV, p. 186_], 1578-9. 1578-9, March 9. Memorandum also, that all manner of prentices already bound and to be bound to bring their indentures to be enrolled before May day next, or else every master to forfeit 12d. And the Mayor to admit no burgess but by consent of the Wardens of the occupation in default of the Wardens; and to have a special regard that such have been and served as apprentices and been enabled, according to the statute of anno 5 of Queen Elizabeth. 12. MUNICIPAL REGULATION OF MARKETS AT SOUTHAMPTON [_Hearnshaw, Southampton Court Leet Records, Vol. I, Part II, p. 256_], 1587. _Item_ we present that Mr. Brawycke, who, it is said ... was bound unto your worships for the serving of the inhabitants of this town with candles at 2d. the lb., having all the tallow of the victuallers to this town at a price reasonable to his good liking and great commodity many years, restraining all others from having any part thereof by virtue of his grant from your worships as aforesaid, a scarcity of tallow now happening for one year, doth presently refuse to serve the inhabitants at any reasonable price, and the best cheap that is to be had is 3d., and many times 4d. the lb.; a happy man that can make his bargain so well to take it when there is profit and refuse to serve when the profit faileth, and to raise it at his own will for his best advantage, and to tie all men and himself to be at liberty; the artificers and the poorer sort of people are most of all pinched, wherewith they, with the rest, find themselves aggrieved, so desire your worships thoroughly to consider thereof. 13. THE MUNICIPAL REGULATION OF WAGES AT CHESTER [_Morris, Chester in the Plantagenet and Tudor Reigns, p. 436_], 1591. 30 July, 33 Eliz. And at the same assembly Mr. Mayor delivered the corporation of the wrights and slaters, letting to understand of their great exactions of the citizens and servants, whereby they deserved to be disfranchised and their corporations dissolved. Whereupon it was thought most meet that Mr. Mayor do call before him the aldermen and stewards thereof, and take them in bond for redress and remedy of all such wrongs ... and in the meantime their corporation to be retained and also receive and give from time to time such wages as shall be appointed by the Mayor for the time being. 14. THE COMPANY OF JOURNEYMEN WEAVERS OF GLOUCESTER [_Hist. MSS. Com., Twelfth Report, App. Part IX, pp.416-418_], 1602. Thos. Machyn, Mayor of the City of Gloucester, to all to whom, etc. Know ye that there came this day into the Court of the aldermen there divers of the journeymen weavers of the said city in the name of their whole fellowship of journeymen, and signified by their petition that whereas before this time sundry good ordinances have been made and granted by, and agreed upon by and between the master weavers of the said city, known by the name of the Warden and Fraternity of St. Anne of the weavers in the town of Gloucester, and the said journeymen, for the good order and government of man and for their better relief; and some disuse of the same has been of late years through the negligence of some of the said journeymen, and upon this untrue intendment that some of the said ordinances were not warrantable by the laws of this realm, nor convenient for the public good of the said city; it has therefore seemed fit to us, the Mayor and Aldermen, not only thoroughly to consider the said articles, but also to consider such books of compositions as have been heretofore given to the said company or fraternity of weavers, either by our predecessors or by the justices of assize of the county of the city; we have therefore called before us the Wardens and Stewards of the said fraternity or company to hear what they could or would say thereupon for our better information, requiring them further to shew us their books of compositions; who very willingly and orderly brought before us the several books hereafter mentioned; one book approved by the Justices of Assize, dated 10 Nov., 24 Henry VII, another book granted by our predecessors, also allowed by the Justices of Assize, dated 13 March, 4 Edward VI. We, having fully considered the said books, are pleased, with the consent of the present Warden and Stewards of the said Company of Weavers and of others the masters of the said Company occupying the trade of weaving within the said city, to allow that the journeymen of the said trade in the said city may in quiet and orderly sort at any time hereafter congregate and meet together at any fit place within the said city and such time of the day, between the hours of seven of the clock in the forenoon and four of the clock in the afternoon, as to them shall be thought fit and convenient, ever giving notice to the Warden of the said Company of weavers or, in his absence, to one of the stewards of the said fraternity one day before, at the least, of their meaning and purpose to meet, to the intent that if the said Warden or any of the said Company of the master weavers shall think or know anything meet to be considered of and conferred of between them, that the same might be proposed and so concluded of as might stand with equity and good order, and to the end that a quiet and peaceable demeanour with orderly and civil usage may be by and among the said whole company of journeymen at all times hereafter observed, and that the one to the other of them may give that brotherly aid and Christian relief as best may be for their helps, some of them being young men and bachelors having neither houses of their own or family, and some others of great years burdened with the charge of wife and many children; it is therefore thought good by us, with the assent of the said master-weavers, that they the said journeymen shall and lawfully may yearly, on the day of Saint Peter the Apostle, meet together and choose two honest and discreet journeymen of the elder and discreetest sort of them to be their Stewards for the year ensuing, which Stewards shall have power and authority to assemble and call together all the journeymen of the said art or others whatsoever professing and using the trade of weaving in the said city or suburbs of the same not being masters, and they so being assembled to confer among themselves of all such good means and orders as best may be for the good of their society and to the only ends and purposes before mentioned; which said journeymen being so chosen shall take upon them the said office of Stewardship and shall execute all and singular the following ordinances, either of them refusing the said office to forfeit 40s.; and the said Stewards shall be yearly presented on St. Ann's day by six of the elder and better sort of their Company of journeymen unto the Warden and Stewards of the said Company of Weavers at such time and place as shall be by them appointed, there to understand what to them doth pertain as servants of the said trade of weaving, or by virtue of their composition or grants made heretofore, or hereafter to be made, etc., all of which they shall faithfully promise by giving of their hands to perform and cause to be performed, on pain of 20s. [Detailed ordinances follow. They require journeymen who are strangers to produce a certificate of apprenticeship and testimony of good behaviour, and to pay on admission 8d. to the fellowship of journeymen. Other journeymen are to pay 4d. on admission, and all are to pay 1d. per quarter "to the relief of the poorer sort of the said fellowship." Journeymen embezzling yarn are to be expelled, and those absent from the election of new stewards are to be fined 3s. 4d. The company of journeymen shall do nothing prejudicial "towards the Warden and his Company ... of the said art ... of weavers, either by raising ... their wages or otherwise."] 15. A PETITION OF WEAVERS WHO ARE NOT BURGESSES [_Nottingham Records, Vol. IV, pp. 274-5_], 1604-5. To the worshipful master mayor and his brethren. Be it known, Right Worshipful, that we be a certain number of poor weavers who do use our trade within this town of Nottingham, thereby to maintain ourselves our wives and children, according to the laws of God and the King's Majesty's laws. It is not unknown unto your worship how the burgess weavers have sought, and at this present do seek, to put us down from working, thereby to work the utter undoing of us and of our poor families. We humbly do entreat your Worships' favours with equity to consider of our poor estates, who do not offend them nor work within their freedom or composition, if they have any. Your Worships may understand they do trouble us more of malice than for any hindrance they receive by us, for that we see men of other trades, both in this corporation and others, not being burgesses, yet work in manner as we do, unmolested or troubled. Therefore we beseech your Worships that we may have liberty to use our trades for the maintenance of ourselves, our wives, and children, and if there be anything due either to Master Mayor or any of his Worships' officers we are ready to discharge it; but as for the weavers, we know no reason or authority they have to claim anything of us, neither do we find ourselves able to bear so heavy a burden as they would lay upon us. 16. EXTRACTS FROM THE LONDON CLOTHWORKERS' COURT BOOK [_Unwin, Industrial Organization in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, pp. 229-234_], 1537-1627. July 13, 1 Mary. All the company had warning to keep their servants from unlawful assemblies and that they have no talk of the council's matters as they will answer at their uttermost perils. January 16, 1-2 Mary. The wardens of the yeomanry brought into the hall a new chest with iii locks and iii keys to serve to put their money in, wherein was by them put in ready money xiiijl. vis. xid., the Mr. of the Company having one key, the upper warden of the yeomanry another key, and one of the assistants of the yeomanry to have the third key. Also it was agreed that the said Wardens of the Yeomanry shall have such orders as hath been here taken, concerning such articles as they ought amongst themselves to observe, to be entered in their book to the intent they may better keep them. July 13, 2 Mary. It is agreed that from henceforth all such apprentices as shall come out of their years, being of the handicraft, shall before they be sworn be tried and seen by the Wardens of the Yeomanry, whether they be workmen able to serve in the common weal or not. * * * * * November 29, 1567. This day the whole company of the handicraftsmen were warned to be here according to the order taken by the last court day, and these articles following were read unto them, and they all with one voice consented to every of the said articles, and made humble request with willing hearts as they professed that these said orders may be forthwith put in execution with diligence, affirming the same orders to be profitable to them all. Item that there shall be eight or ten persons elected and chosen by the wardens and assistants to have the view of all the merchants' cloths hereafter to be wrought within the company, and that no person of this company to fold, take, or press or to deliver to the owner any merchant's cloth before the same cloth be viewed and seen by two of the said persons so appointed. And the said cloths so by them seen and found truly wrought, that is to say rowed, barbed, first-coursed and shorn from the one end to the other according to the statute last made, they to set the common seal of the house to every such cloth in token of true workmanship done upon the same. And every such cloth as shall be by the said searchers or any of them found faulty in workmanship, or that shall be folded, tacked, pressed, or delivered to the owner before it be viewed and sealed in form aforesaid, every workman of such cloth or cloths to pay for a fine of every such cloth xxs. ... * * * * * December 6, 1591. This day also at the earnest suit and request and upon the full agreement of those of the assistants and livery of the Company being of the handicraft, the Wardens of the Yeomanry, their assistants and xxiiij more of the said yeomanry, it was by this Court fully ordered and agreed that there shall be four of the said yeomanry appointed to be sealers to seal all such woollen cloth as the merchants or any of them shall appoint and deliver to any of this company to be dressed to the intent to be transported over sea, etc. ... and that every clothworker shall send for the sealers when his cloth is ready. January 16, 1610-11. The humble suit of your worships servants of the yeomanry. First, we entreat your worship that the upper Warden of the Yeomanry's account may be yearly audited according to an old custom carefully provided for by your worships predecessors, (that is to say) by two from your worships Court of Assistants and two of our Ancients of the yeomanry. Secondly, we humbly entreat your worship that the remainder of the quarterage, your worships' officers being paid, may remain in the yeomanry's chest according to an old custom, our worshipful Master of this Company for the time being to keep one key, the upper Wardens of the Yeomanry to keep another key, and one of the Ancients of the Assistants of the Yeomanry to keep the third key. Thirdly, we desire of your worship that the upper warden of the yeomanry may have one of his Ancients last being in his place to sit by him and assist him in his accompts and to show him wherein the Company is wronged. Fourthly, we desire that when we shall find our officer of the yeomanry to be slack and remiss in doing of his duty in his service which he ought to do for the good of the Company, and the same duly proved against him, that we of the yeomanry may have full authority to dismiss him at our own discretion, but not without the consent of the Master and Wardens and Assistants of this Company for the time being first had and obtained in that behalf. These Petitions and requests of the yeomanry were granted and agreed upon by the Master, Wardens and Assistants present at the said court holden the said sixteenth day of January 1610 aforesaid. * * * * * June 13, 1627. Whereas ... Suit was commenced in Court of King's Bench at Westminster by the Wardens of Yeomanry in the name of Master and Wardens against divers Merchant Adventurers upon viii Elizabeth, which yet dependeth in the said court undetermined, and the said Wardens of Yeomanry considering that the proceedings in like suits formerly commenced have been stopped by some special command of the King and State upon the solicitation of the said Merchant Adventurers being strong in purse and friends, have bethought themselves of a way or mean to prevent the said Merchant Adventurers from the like, and to that purpose have dealt with a Gentleman named Mr. George Kirke of the King's Majesty's Bedchamber, very gracious with his Majesty, who for a fourth part of this moiety of all penalties, forfeitures which shall be obtained or gotten upon any recovery to be had against any of the said Merchant Adventurers upon any action or suit brought or to be brought, sued, commenced, etc., hath undertaken to do his best and to use all the credit and means he can to his Majesty that there be no stop or stay in course of law for the solicitation or procurement of the said Merchant Adventurers in suits already brought or to be brought. [The Wardens of Yeomanry ask that the Court may record the agreement.] 17. THE FELTMAKERS' JOINT-STOCK PROJECT[271] [_Cotton MSS. Titus B.V. 117_], _c._ 1611. The state of the Feltmakers' Case, with some propositions on their part to remedy the mischiefs they now are constrained to endure. The feltmakers were by decrees in Star Chamber united to the Company of the Haberdashers, London, and did sit with them in their hall for government of the trade, till they, finding themselves rather oppressed by them than any way cherished or abuses reformed, thereupon by suit obtained a charter from his Majesty by which they were incorporated a body of themselves by the name of Master, Wardens and Commonalty of the Art and Mystery of Feltmakers of London and 4 miles compass. Hereupon by allowance of the Lord Mayor they published their charter, took them a hall, and accordingly did and do govern their company. Afterwards considering that they were a trade and company of themselves by whom many thousands do live besides their company, namely, the hat trimmers, band makers, hat dyers and hat sellers, which are the haberdashers, and yet nevertheless they were extremely kept under by the haberdashers engrossing the commodity of wools brought in merely for their trade of hatmaking and for no other use, and by that means having both the means of the feltmakers' trade (for wool) and the means of their maintenance (for buying their wares being made) all in their power, by which the feltmakers in general (except some few in particular) do find themselves much wronged, and by means of it and their daily threats did fear the overthrow of their trade: whereupon the generality petitioning to the company of the hard case they lived in, notwithstanding their extreme sore labour, besought them to provide some means for their relief and prevention of what might ensue. The company then by means made them a stock to buy the wools imported for the company at the best hand; but being opposed by the haberdashers, the prices by that means were enhanced, and yet the sale of their wares made kept in bondage as before, whereby many of their trade have been impoverished, many forced to leave their trade, and many to forsake the city, by which means all that now live of feltmaking as pickers, carders, trimmers, bandmakers, dyers and hatsellers are much hindered, the trade being drawn into the country. Hereupon the company became (as often before) humble suitors for their freedom, which by opposition of the Company of Haberdashers and their false suggestions to the court, they could not obtain--howbeit a Committee of Aldermen have certified it to be fit--neither are suffered to have liberty to search for the abuses of their trade under warrant from the Lord Mayor, which formerly they have often done; besides, their shops threatened to be shut up, notwithstanding their inhabiting of the city many years. Now the company seeing the extreme malice of the haberdashers, and that the sale of their wares lieth solely in them, whereby many are forced to hawk their hats made contrary to the statutes, and sell at far less rates than they can truly afford them, only to buy victual, whereby if some redress be not had many will be undone or forced to go into the country, to the great damage of the trade in general and overthrow of the corporation which they much desire to support: they have considered to raise them a stock to take in all men's wares when they be made, to avoid hawking, and to encourage men to follow their trade and continue within the corporation, for the benefit of all parties, the city, the trade and company, and all that trim and sell hats and live by that trade, without desire of enhancing the price of anything or damage to any man. The stock they purpose to be 25,000l., to be resident in some convenient place of the suburbs, where men may take notice to have money for their wares if they will bring them, being made good and at such rates as they may well be afforded, by judgment of sworn men of the trade, who shall rate them both inward and outward, so as the poor shall sell much better than they have done the other sort, howbeit they sell cheaper by 2s. in the pound than for the most part they have done; yet having a certain market and ready money to buy wool again; and, in that then they shall be in no hazard of loss by trusting, as now they do, their gain will be much more. 1. The corporation will flourish. 2. Felts will be better made in that every man shall have price for his ware as his workmanship is. 3. The trade, being much used in the country, will revert into the city, to the benefit of the city and all that live by the trade. 4. The haberdasher shall buy good wares more generally than now and at as cheap rates as he now usually buyeth (the times of the year and prices of wool considered), and be sorted with much more ease and content than now he is. 5. The haberdasher of mean estate shall be in much better case than now, for that every man shall have good wares without culling according to their sorts. 6. The commonwealth shall be better served in that now they shall have good wares for their money. 7. The stock cannot but be gainful to the stockers, in that the hats, according to their goodness, shall come in at 2s. in the pound profit upon the sale, merely out of the feltmaker's labour, who is equally benefited by the certain stock. Besides, the often return of the stock at 2s. in the pound cannot but give content to the stockers. 8. The stock shall be sufficiently secured were it never so much, in that they shall deliver no money without a sufficient value of wares. Their sale will be certain in that without buying the haberdashers cannot uphold their trade. Besides, no man shall have benefit of the stock except he will bring all the ware he makes to it (except it be a hat or two specially made, and that with the privilege of the stockers). Besides, if at any time the stock shall be full of ware and want money, the company by a general consent can forbear bringing in or slack their making for a time. But so it is that once in a year all felts will off, of what nature soever. 9. The wares being of necessity to be bought, the stockers will need not trust except they will but upon good security, which will make men more wary in buying. [Footnote 271: Unwin, _Industrial Organization in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries_, pp. 240-42,] 18. THE CASE OF THE TAILORS OF IPSWICH[272] [_Coke's Reports, Part XI, pp. 53-55_], 1615. Trin. II, Jac. Reg. King's Bench. [The Master, Wardens, and Community of the Tailors and Workers of cloth of the town of Ipswich in the County of Suffolk brought an action for 13l. 13s. 4d. against William Sheninge. They allege (i) that by the letters patent incorporating them they had power to make reasonable rules and ordinances and to impose fines for breach of them; (ii) that they had made a rule that no person occupying any of the said trades in Ipswich should keep any shop or chamber, or exercise the said faculties, or any of them, or take an apprentice or journeyman, till he should present himself to the Master and Wardens of the said society, should prove that he had served an apprenticeship, and should be admitted as a sufficient workman, on pain of 5 marks fine; (iii) that in accordance with 19 Hen. vii., cap. 7, they had submitted these rules to the justices of assize, who had allowed them; (iv) that William Sheninge had worked 20 days as a tailor without complying. The defendant pleaded he was an apprentice by the space of 7 years, that he had been retained as domestic servant for a year and that as such he made garments for him, his wife, and children, which is the same use and exercise wherein the plaintiffs demur.] And in this case upon argument at the Bar and Bench, divers points were resolved-- 1. That at the Common Law no man could be prohibited from working in any lawful trade, for the law abhors idleness ... and especially in young men, who ought in their youth ... to learn lawful trades and sciences which are profitable to the common weal.... And therefore the law abhors all monopolies, which prohibit any from working in any lawful trade. And that appears in 2 H. 5, 56. A dyer was bound that he should not use the dyers' craft for 2 years, and there Hull holds that the bond was against the common law, and by God if the plaintiff was here he should go to prison till he paid a fine to the king; so for the same reason, if an husbandman is bound that he shall not sow his land, the bond is against the common law.... And if he who undertakes upon him to work is unskilful, his ignorance is a sufficient punishment to him ... and if any one takes him to work and spoils it, an action on the case lies against him. And the Statute of 5 Eliz. 4, which prohibits every person from using or exercising any craft, mystery, or occupation unless he has been an apprentice by the space of 7 years was not enacted only to the intent that workmen should be skilful, but also that youth should not be nourished in idleness, but brought up and educated in lawful sciences and trades: and therefore it appears that without an Act of Parliament none can be prohibited from working in any lawful trade. Also the common law doth not prohibit any person from using several Arts or mysteries at his pleasure.... 2. That the said Restraint of the defendant for more than the said Act of 5 Eliz. has made was against law, and therefore for as much as the Statute has not restrained him who has served as an apprentice for seven years from exercising the trade of a tailor, the said ordinance can't prohibit him from exercising his trade till he has presented himself before them, or till they allow him to be a workman; for these are against the liberty and freedom of the subject, and are a means of extortion in drawing money from them, either by delay or some other subtil device or by oppression of young Tradesmen by the old and rich of the same Trade, not permitting them to work in their trade freely; and all this is against the Common Law and the commonwealth. But ordinances for the good order and government of men of Trades and Mysteries are good, but not to restrain any one in his lawful mystery. 3. It was resolved that the said branch of the Act of 5 Eliz. is intended of a public use and exercise of a trade to all who will come, and not of him who is a private cook, tailor, brewer, baker, etc., in the house of any for the use of a family, and therefore the said ordinance had been good and consonant to law. Such a private exercise and use had not been within it, for every one may work in such a private manner, although he has never been an apprentice in the trade. 4. It was resolved that the Statute of 19 H. 7, cap. 7, doth not corroborate any of the ordinances made by any corporation, which are so allowed and approved as the Statute speaks, but leaves them to be affirmed as good, or disaffirmed as unlawful, by the law; the sole benefit which the corporation obtains by such allowance is that they shall not incur the penalty of 40l. mentioned in the Act, if they put in use any ordinances which are against the king's prerogative, or the common profit of the people. Judgment for defendant. [Footnote 272: This case is important as an illustration of the attitude of the Common Law Courts towards rules made in restraint of trade. See below, section III of this Part, Nos. 17 and 24.] 19. THE GRIEVANCES OF THE JOURNEYMEN WEAVERS OF LONDON [_Gildhall Library. The case of the Commonalty of the Corporation of Weavers of London truly stated_],[273] _c._ 1649. Humbly presented to the consideration of the honourable House of Commons. All legal jurisdictions over a number of people or society of men must either be primitive or derivative. Now primitive jurisdiction is undoubtedly in the whole body, and not in one or more members, all men being by nature equal to other; and all jurisdictive power over them, being founded by a compact and agreement with them, is invested in one or more persons, who represent the whole, and by the consent of the whole are empowered to govern by such rules of equality towards all, so that both governor and governed may know certainly what the one may command and what the other must obey; without the performance of which mutual contract all obligations are cancelled, and that jurisdictive power returns unto its first spring (the people) from whence it was conveyed. And doubtless whatever power our Governors of the Corporation of Weavers may pretend and plead for, if they had any rationally, they had it at first from the whole body, as it stands incorporated into a civil society of men walking by such rules, established for the preservation of the trade, advancement and encouragement of the profession thereof. And if it be objected that they had a charter granted them by the King, wherein they are invested that power they challenge, we answer that there is not any one liberty that is granted to them but that is also granted to the meanest member of the said company. The words of the charter are these:-- [Here follows a copy of the charter granted by King Henry II to the Weavers of London.] So that it is clear that this grant was not to so many particular men, but to the whole society; and what power soever any person or persons were afterwards invested withall must of necessity be by the consent, election, and approbation of the whole body; and if our Egyptian taskmasters have any further commission for their usurped power over us, why do they not produce it? Certainly, if they could, they would. But having none they plead custom and precedents, both which they will find but broken reeds to lean upon, but rotten props to support their worm-eaten sovereignty. 1. For first, there must be these two things to make a custom valid: (i) Usage; (ii) Time. Yet that time must be such whereof there is no memory of man, and the usage must be peaceable, without interruption. But both these are wanting to strengthen their claim to their pretended power over us. 2. Suppose there were a custom, and that it had been time out of mind also, yet if long usurpations of power could make the exercise thereof legal, the very foundation of just government were subverted. 3. No custom against an Act of Parliament is valid in law. But the custom claimed by our governors is against the very fundamental constitutions both of all civil societies and of several Acts of Parliament, which ordain that all elections shall be free, chiefly 3 of Ed. I, chap. 5, by virtue of which the people choose all their officers and magistrates in the several parishes and precincts in this kingdom. And if it be according to law in the major, the commonwealth, it must consequently hold in the minor, a particular corporation or civil society of men, as we are, etc. 4. But customs are only valid when reasonable.... Now nothing in the world can be more unreasonable than that such a number of men as 16 should have liberty to exercise a power over as many thousands, without, nay against, their wills, consent, or election ..., the challenge and exercise of such a power over a people being the perfectest badge of slavery that men can be subjected to. But we shall proceed in a discovery of those oppressions and abuses which we complain so much against in our governors. 1st Charge. They have admitted aliens to be members for sums of money, contrary to the statutes of the realm, orders of the Lord Mayor and Court of Aldermen, customs of the city, and ordinances of the company.... They have brought in by their own confession three hundred and twelve strangers to be masters of the said company, and have taken for their admittance 5l. a man, which amounted to 1,560l., or thereabouts.... They object that the strangers admitted are broad weavers and deal not in the commodities that we trade in, viz., ribbon, lace, etc. The objection is false; for most of us can, and many of us have wrought, as good broad stuffs as are nowadays made, and would do still, were it not for the vast number of strangers (which have engrossed the trade).... And if it be demanded how or by what means they got the trade into their hands, we answer that at the beginning of the war many of us and our servants engaged for the Parliament, and, in our absence, they, being generally malignant, staying at home, and keeping servants all of their own country, never employing any English, as they by law ought, by degrees got all the trading, so that now the war is ended, and we returned to follow our callings, we can get no employment. By which means many hundreds have been forced to leave the trade, as to be porters, labourers, water-bearers, etc., and many forced to take relief from the several parishes wherein they dwell.... 2nd Charge. They have admitted natives to weave and set up weaving in their gild, without serving seven years, contrary to the statutes, orders and customs aforesaid, as hath been proved by several witnesses before the Committee of the honourable House. 3rd Charge. They exact extraordinary fees of those persons that they make free or admit, taking a silver spoon of an ounce and a half weight, and five shillings and eightpence in money, contrary to the Statute of 22 of Hen. VIII, chap. 4, and 28 of Hen. VIII, chap. 5.... 4th Charge. They have deprived the commonalty of their rights in their first ordinance, which saith the bailiffs are to be chosen by the bailiffs, wardens, assistants, and commonalty, which ordinance is grounded upon the Statute of 3rd of Ed. I, chap. 5, which saith elections ought to be free, etc. As touching the right of election, sufficient hath been spoken in the preamble before these charges; only give us leave to insert a few particulars in answer to their objection. 1. Whereas they object, that the commonalty are represented in the livery of the said company, we answer:--Legal representatives must be legally chosen by the persons represented, or else they cannot, or at least ought not, to be bound by their determinations. But the livery-men of our company are chosen by the bailiffs and governors, and not by the commonalty, so may properly be called the governors' representatives and not ours, we being never called upon to give our voice in their elections. Neither are they, indeed, elected, but brought in for 5l. a man. In lieu whereof they are invested with a peculiar privilege above others, by being empowered to keep more servants than ordinary, by which means the commonalty is destroyed also.... 5th Charge. They have dismissed the yeomanry contrary to six several orders made with their consent by the Lord Mayor and Court of Assistants. But they object that they have not dismissed them, etc. If they had not dismissed them, what needed so many several orders to be made to the contrary? But we desire you to take notice that the yeomanry did consist of sixteen persons which were authorized by the aforesaid six several orders to search and find out the abuses in trade, viz., intruders that had not served seven years, and that none but serviceable goods might be made for the commonwealth. Now, because these governors gain by intruders, making them pay for their permission, and driving the greatest trade, making much light and deceitful work, therefore they have dismissed the said yeomanry, by reason whereof both the said evils are continued. Besides, the yeomanry by the said orders were to have the journeymen's quarteridges for their pains, but now being by them dismissed they gather the quarteridges and share it among themselves. 6th Charge. That they have wasted the treasure and stock of the company in byways, and have not made that provision for the poor members of the company as by their trust they ought to have done. So that what with their feastings, defending vexatious suits contrary to law, purchasing a monopoly, large fees for councillors, bills, demurrers, suits against weavers of other companies, etc., they have in one year out of the company's stock and income (which amounted but to 791l. 5s. 5d.) spent 566l. 19s. 8d., which year's account agrees with their disbursements other years also; and for 200l. given by one Mr. Ralph Hamon to purchase land for the poor, they have purchased none to this day, but have shared the money among themselves.... The premises considered, and all other circumstances duly weighed, our desires for the freedom of elections being both legal and rational, our sufferings and abuses under usurping pretended governors so abusive and offensive, our wants so great, company so numerous, trading so little, and that too devoured by strangers, ... we therefore hope that all these things put together will be of such weight with all conscientious, godly men in this honourable House of Commons, as that we shall not need to fear your willing assistance for the redressing of these great evils and granting our just desires. The speedy performance whereof will not only gain unto you the prayers of many thousand persons who are ready to perish for want of trading, but also engage them, as heretofore, so for the future, to stand by you in your greatest necessities, for the strengthening your hands in the execution of justice and judgment, and redress of the oppressions of the nation. [Footnote 273: Part of this document is quoted by Unwin, _Industrial Organization in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries_, pp. 205-6.] SECTION III THE REGULATION OF INDUSTRY BY THE STATE 1. Proposals for the Regulation of the Cloth Manufacture (_temp_ Henry VIII)--2. Administrative Difficulties in the Regulation of the Manufacture of Cloth, 1537--3. An Act Touching Weavers, 1555--4. Enactment of Common Council of London as to Age of Ending Apprenticeship, 1556--5. William Cecil's Industrial Programme, 1559--6. The Statute of Artificers, 1563--7. Proposals for the Better Administration of the Statute of Artificers, 1572--8. Draft of a Bill Fixing Minimum Rates for Spinners and Weavers, 1593--9. Draft Piece-list Submitted for Ratification to the Wiltshire Justices by Clothiers and Weavers, 1602--10. An Act Empowering Justices to fix Minimum Rates of Payment, 1603-04--11. Administration of Acts Regulating the Manufacture of Cloth, 1603--12. Assessment made by the Justices of Wiltshire, dealing mainly with other than Textile Workers, 1604--13. Assessment made by the Justices of Wiltshire dealing mainly with Textile Workers, 1605--14. Administration of Wage Clauses of Statute of Artificers, 1605-08--15. Administration of Apprenticeship Clause of the Statute of Artificers, 1607-08--16. The Organisation of the Woollen Industry, 1615--17. Proceedings on the Apprenticeship Clauses of the Statute of Artificers, 1615--18. A Petition to Fix Wages Addressed to the Justices by the Textile Workers of Wiltshire, 1623--19. Appointment by Privy Council of Commissioners to Investigate Grievances of Textile Workers in East Anglia, 1630--20. Report to Privy Council of Commissioners appointed above, 1630--21. High Wages in the New World, 1645--22. Young Men and Maids Ordered to Enter Service, 1655--23. Request to Justices of Grand Jury of Worcestershire to Assess Wages, 1661--24. Proceedings on the Apprenticeship Clauses of the Statute of Artificers, 1669. The documents in this section illustrate the regulation of industrial relationships by the government of the Tudors and of the first two Stuarts. The principal aims of their policy were to check the movement of the textile industries from the town to country districts (Nos. 3 and 6), to prevent the concentration of industry in the hands of capitalists (Nos. 3 and 11), or the creation of a necessitous proletariat (No. 4), to exercise a police supervision over the movement of labour (Nos. 6, 7 and 14), to maintain the quality of English goods (No. 2), to prevent class encroaching on class (Nos. 5 and 6) either through the wage earner demanding excessive wages (No. 5) or through the employer beating them down unduly (Nos. 8, 10, 19, 20), in short to crystallize existing relationships with such changes only as the economic developments of recent years, particularly the fall in the value of money (No. 6), and the spread of the textile industries into rural districts (No. 3) made inevitable. The system was developed in numerous Acts, of which the most important are given below (Nos. 3, 6 and 10). The most comprehensive measure was the Statute of Artificers of 1563 (No. 6). There was little original in this Act. Just as the Statutes forbidding depopulation (Part II, section I) really only developed manorial customaries into a national system, and the Poor Law Statutes (Part II, section IV) were based on the experiments of municipal authorities, so the Statute of Artificers was based partly on the practices of gilds (Part II, section II), partly on the mediæval Statutes of Labourers (see Part I, section VI, Nos. 12--19). Indeed, Cecil's original proposal (No. 5) seems to have been to re-enact 12 Richard II, cap. 3, which the rise in prices had made out of date. If seriously entertained, this idea must have been discarded. The most important innovation introduced by the statute in its final form was the substitution of a system of industrial regulation applying to almost the whole country for regulations applying to particular localities and particular trades. The most important parts of the Statute of Artificers were those relating to apprenticeship and to the assessment of wages. The former, if we may judge by the proceedings of the County Justices (Nos. 11 & 15) and of municipal authorities (Part II, section II, Nos. 9, 10, 11, 15), seem to have been administered with considerable strictness, which was only to be expected in view of the interest which gilds, boroughs, traders and craftsmen generally had in seeing that they were carried out. Judicial interpretations seem, however, to have begun at an early date to whittle them away to some extent (No. 17), for the Judges disliked rules "in restraint of trade" (No. 24 and section II, No. 18). The wage clauses of the Statute present a more difficult problem. There is no doubt that their object was to fix a maximum (not a minimum) wage for agricultural labour (Nos. 6 and 14), which, however, should move with movements in prices. This policy was not so oppressive as it appears to us, because of the wide distribution of landed property, the consequent fact that comparatively few rural workers depended entirely upon wages for their living, and the relatively small difference between the social position of the small farmer or master craftsman and the hired persons whom they employed. In a colony like Massachusetts, where the policy of fixing maximum wages was adopted, its motive was seen in the simplest form (No. 21). Even in England, however, the same motives were at work to a less degree (Nos. 5, 22 and 23). The policy of fixing a maximum wage was, in fact, on a par with that of fixing prices, and probably popular with the small masters and small landholders, who formed a large proportion of the urban and rural population. It did not come to an end with the destruction of the absolute monarchy, but continued, with fair regularity, down to 1688, and, after that, with much less regularity, at any rate to 1762. The regulation of wages did not, however, only aim at fixing a maximum. It also aimed on some, perhaps rare, occasions at fixing a minimum, at any rate for workers in the textile industries. These latter were treated in a special way, because the development of capitalism in the textile industries (Nos. 2, 3, 8, 16 and 19) had created a wage problem of a modern kind, at any rate in the south and east of England, such as did not yet exist in agriculture. Municipal authorities had in the past fixed minimum rates for textile workers (section II, No. 5). In 1593 four Bills were drafted which proposed to do the same by legislation, of which one is printed below (No. 8), and in 1603-04 an Act (No. 10) was passed to this effect. Two examples of the establishment of minimum rates are given from the proceedings of the Wiltshire Quarter Sessions, in 1602 and 1623. In the former case (No. 9) a piece list was drafted by a committee of clothiers and weavers, which was subsequently issued without alteration by the Justices (No. 13). In the latter case (No. 18) the textile workers of Wiltshire asked the Justices to enforce the assessment of wages on their employers, and the Justices complied by ordering the rates to be published at Devizes. This shows that the regulation of wages did in some cases protect the workers. Naturally, however, the Justices required stimulating in this part of their duties, and during the period of Charles I's personal government the Privy Council intervened to compel them to fix rates, as it did to compel them to administer the Poor Laws. In 1630 it received a petition from the textile workers of Suffolk and Essex complaining that their wages had been reduced, and appointed commissioners to investigate the matter (No. 19), who compelled the employers to raise wages (No. 20). The policy of fixing _minimum_ rates seems to have come to an end with the fall of the absolute monarchy in 1640, though it was occasionally revived by Parliament in the sixteenth century. (Part III, section III, Nos. 3, 4 and 15). AUTHORITIES The more accessible of the modern writers dealing with the subject of this section are:--Cunningham, _English Industry and Commerce, Modern Times_, Part I; Ashley, _Economic History_, Vol. I, Part II, Chap, iii; Unwin, _Industrial Organisation in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries_; Abram, _Social England in the Fifteenth Century_; Dunlop and Denman, _English Apprenticeship and Child Labour_; Rogers, _Six Centuries of Work and Wages_; Hewins, _English Trade and Finance in the Seventeenth Century_; Schanz, _Englische Handelspolitik Gegen Ende des Mittelalters_; Tawney in _Die Vierteljahrschrift für Sozial und Wirtschaftsgeschichte_, Band XI and XII, Heft 8 and 9; Macarthur, in E.H.R., Vols. IX, XIII and XV; Hewins in _Economic Journal_, Vol. VIII; Hutchins, _ibid._, Vol. X. Bibliographies are given by Cunningham, _op. cit._, pp. 943-998; Unwin, _op. cit._, pp. 263-270; Ashley, _op. cit._, pp. 190-1, 243-8; Abram, _op. cit._, pp. 229-238; Dunlop & Denman, _op. cit._, pp. 355-63; the student may also consult the following:-- (1) _Documentary authorities_, 1485-1660:--The most important printed sources of information for the administration of the industrial legislation of the 16th century are Town Records (see bibliographies, especially those of Unwin and of Dunlop & Denman), and the Proceedings of the County Justices contained in the following works:--Hamilton, Devonshire Quarter Sessions from Queen Elizabeth to Queen Anne; Atkinson, Quarter Session Records of the North Riding of Yorkshire; Willis Bund, Worcester County Records, division I; Cox, Three Centuries of Derbyshire Annals; Hardy, Hertford Quarter Session Records; Hardy & Page, Bedfordshire County Quarter Sessions; volumes published by the Historical MSS. Commission, especially Vol. I; Victoria County History, _passim_. (2) _Literary authorities._--The law is explained by numerous writers of legal text books, _e.g._, Fitzherbert, The Book Belonging to a Justice of the Peace; Lambard, Eirenarcha; Sheppard, Whole Office of the County Justice of the Peace. Cases before the courts concerning apprenticeship are quoted in the Reports of Coke and Croke. Sidelights on contemporary opinion may be obtained from Rotuli Parliamentorum III, 269, 330, 352; IV, 330-331, 352; V, 110; More, Utopia; Starkey, A Dialogue between Cardinal Pole and Thomas Lupset (Early English Text Society, England in the Reign of King Henry VIII); Forest, The Pleasant Poesy of Princely Practice (_ibid._); The Commonweal of this Realm of England (edited by E.R. Lamond); King Edward's Remains, a Discourse about the Reformation of many abuses (printed in Burnet's History of the Reformation); Winthrop's Journal; Petty, A Treatise of Taxes and Contributions, Chapter I, Section 4. 1. PROPOSALS FOR THE REGULATION OF THE CLOTH MANUFACTURE[274] [_Brit. Mus. Cotton MSS., Titus B. I, fol. 189_], _temp._ Hen. VIII. Articles to be certified to my lord privy seal according to his letter for the complaint of the weavers in the seven hundreds in the country of Kent. First, that no clothier, that hath not had exercise in his youth by the space of two years at the least in the craft of weaving, use or have in his house or at his commandment any loom. Item, that no clothier weaver using to make coloured clothes shall use, have, or occupy in his house or at his assignment any more than one loom. Item, that if the cloth-maker have cause to complain upon the weaver for not duly and truly working of their clothes or the weaver cause to complain upon the clothier for not paying him his duty for the said weaving, that then the party grieved shall complain to the next justice of peace, and he shall assign one indifferent weaver and one indifferent clothier to examine the cause of variance and to assess what amends the party grieved shall have. And the party to stand and abide the order so made. Item, where it is ordered by the statute of anno 4 E. 4 _capitulo primo_, that the clothier shall pay ready money to the weavers and spinners and other their artificers, that the said statute shall be put in due execution. Item, if any clothier, tailor, cordwainer or other artificer, by what name or names soever he or they be called, that hereafter shall fortune to come out of any shire other than out of the said shire of Kent into any of the 7 hundreds there to seek service and to have work, that then he or they that will or shall happen to take him or them into his or their service or services, shall before one of the justices of the peace be bound unto the king by way of recognisance in such sum as by the discretion of the said justice shall be appointed; that the said person so by him taken into service shall be of good behaviour during the time that he shall be in his service, and that the said justice be not compellable to certify the same recognisance, unless the same recognisance be forfeited. And this to be done from time to time, as often as the justice of the peace shall think convenient. And if any man retain any man in his service without putting in surety, as is above said, that then the justice of the peace to have authority to commit such person or persons to ward, there to remain by his discretion. EDWARD WOTTON. THOMAS WYLFFORD. [Footnote 274: Quoted Schanz, Vol. II, pp. 660-1.] 2. ADMINISTRATIVE DIFFICULTIES IN THE REGULATION OF THE MANUFACTURE OF CLOTH[275] [_Brit. Mus. Cotton MSS. Titus B. V, fol. 187_], 1537. Before my right hearty commendations to your good lordship. It may please the same to understand, that divers of the clothmakers in these parts have been with me, declaring unto me, that in case they shall be compelled to make cloth from Michaelmas forwards according to the king's act, it shall cause them and other of their occupation to cease and forbear clothmaking, saying, that it is impossible to keep the breadth of the cloth limited by the act, and also that the weavers, being very poor men, have not nor be able to provide looms and sleys to weave clothes according to the act. Whereunto I answered them, that there is much slander in outward parts for false clothmaking, and for remedy thereof this act was provided; and or ever the act was made, there were divers clothmakers spoken with, who affirmed, that it was reasonable; wherefore I told them that I thought that they did rather seek occasion to continue still false clothmaking, than put their good endeavour to make true cloth according to the act; and also I shewed to them, that the King's Highness had suspended the same act by a long time by his proclamation, to the intent that they might provide looms and other necessaries for the making of true cloth according to the act, wherefore I marvelled much that they had been so negligent in the provision thereof, declaring unto them, that I thought that the King's Highness would not defer the execution of the act any longer; which it seemed to me they lamented very sorely, saying that they would leave their occupying for the time; for they could not by no possible means make cloth according to the act, and specially for their breadth; and I bade them take heed and beware, for I thought, they might perform the act, if they had good will and good zeal to the common weal; and if they by obstinacy or wilfulness would leave clothmaking, whereby percase might grow murmur and sedition among the people for lack of work, that then it would be laid to their charges, to their perils and utter undoings. Whereunto they said obediently, that they would do that lay in their possible powers, but more they could not, beseeching me, that I would be a means to the King's Highness once again to suspend the act, which I would not promise them to do, and so left them for this time in despair of this matter; and so now advertise your good lordship thereof, to the intent that, if it seem by your wisdom convenient, ye may move the King's Majesty hereof to the intent, his Grace's pleasure may be known, whether his Highness of his goodness would yet suspend the act for one other year, which in my poor opinion, if so may stand with his Grace's pleasure, shall not be much amiss, beseeching your good lordship, that I may be advertised hereof as soon as you conveniently may; for Michaelmas is the last day of the old proclamation for this matter; and thus fare your good lordship as heartily well as I would myself. Written at Terlyng the 23rd day of September. Your[s] assuredly to his preservation (?) THOMAS AUDELEY, lord chancellor. [Footnote 275: Schanz, Vol. II, pp. 662-3.] 3. AN ACT TOUCHING WEAVERS[276] [_2 & 3 Phil. & Mary, c. xi. Statutes of the Realm, Vol. IV, Part I, p. 286-87_], 1555. Forasmuch as the weavers of this realm have, as well at this present parliament as at divers other times, complained that the rich and wealthy clothiers do many ways oppress them, some by setting up and keeping in their houses divers looms, and keeping and maintaining them by journeymen and persons unskilful, to the decay of a great number of artificers which were brought up in the said science of weaving, their family and household, some by ingrossing of looms into their hands and possession, and letting them out at such unreasonable rents as the poor artificers are not able to maintain themselves, much less their wives, family and children, some also by giving much less wages and hire for the weaving and workmanship of [cloth] than in times past they did, whereby they are enforced utterly to forsake their art and occupation wherein they have been brought up: It is therefore, for remedy of the premises, and for the avoiding of a great number of inconveniences which may grow (if in time it be not foreseen) ordained, established and enacted, by authority of this present parliament, that no person using the feat or mistery of clothmaking and dwelling out of a city, borough, market town or corporate town, shall from the feast of St. Michael the Archangel now next ensuing, keep, retain or have in his or their house or possession any more or above one woollen loom at one time, nor shall by any means directly or indirectly receive or take any manner profit, gain or commodity by letting or setting any loom, or any house wherein any loom is or shall be used and occupied, which shall be together by him set or let, upon pain of forfeiture for every week that any person shall do contrary to the tenour and true meaning hereof 20s. And be it further ordained and enacted by like authority, that no woollen weaver using or exercising the feat or mistery of weaving, and dwelling out of city, borough, market town or town corporate, shall after the said feast have or keep at any time above the number of two woollen looms, or receive any profit, gain or commodity, directly or indirectly as is aforesaid, by any more than two looms at one time, upon pain to forfeit for every week that any person shall offend or do to the contrary 20s. And it is further ordained and enacted by like authority, that no person which shall after the said feast, use, exercise or occupy only the feat or mistery of a weaver, and not clothmaking, shall during the time that he shall use the feat or mistery of a weaver, keep or have any tucking mill, or shall use or exercise the feat or mistery of a [tucker] or dyer, upon pain to forfeit for every week that he shall so do 20s. And it is further enacted by like authority, that no person which after the said feast shall use, exercise or occupy the feat or mistery of a tucker or fuller, shall during the time that he shall so use the said feat or mistery, keep or have any loom in his house or possession, or shall directly or indirectly take any profit or commodity by the same, upon pain to forfeit for every week 20s. And it is further ordained and enacted by like authority, that no person whatsoever, which heretofore hath not used or exercised the feat, mistery or art of clothmaking, shall after the said feast, make or weave or cause to be made or woven any kind of broad white woollen cloths, but only in a city, borough, town corporate or market town, or else in such place or places where such cloths have been used to be commonly made by the space of ten years next before the making this act; upon pain of forfeiture for every cloth otherwise made five pounds. Provided always and be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that it shall not be lawful to any person or persons being a weaver, or that doth or shall use the art or mistery of a weaver or weaving, dwelling out of a city, borough, town corporate or market town, to have in his and their service any more or above the number of two apprentices at one time; upon pain to forfeit for every time that he shall offend or do contrary to this branch or article the sum of ten pounds. And further be it enacted by the authority aforesaid, that it shall not be lawful to or for any person or persons to set up the art or mistery of weaving, after the said feast of St. Michael, unless the same person or persons so setting up the same art or mistery of weaving, have been apprentice to the same art or mistery, or exercised the same, by the space of 7 years at the least; upon pain of twenty pounds to be forfeited to the King and Queen's Majesties, her Grace's heirs or successors, the one moiety of all which forfeitures shall be to the King and Queen's Highnesses, heirs [and] successors, and the other moiety to him or them that will sue for the same in any court of record by action of debt, bill, plaint or information, wherein no wager of law, essoigne or protection shall be admitted or allowed for the defendant. ... Provided always, and be it enacted by the authority aforesaid, that this act or anything therein contained shall [not] in any way extend or be prejudicial to any person or persons that doth or shall dwell in the counties of York, Cumberland, Northumberland or Westmoreland; but that they and every of them shall and may have and keep looms in their houses, and do and exercise all and every thing and things for or concerning spinning, weaving, cloth working and clothmaking in the said counties, as they or any of them might have done or exercised lawfully before the making of this statute; anything contained in this statute to the contrary in any way notwithstanding. [Footnote 276: This Act suggests that something like a factory system may have been growing up in the sixteenth century: See Ashley, _Economic History_, Vol. II, The Woollen Industry.] 4. ENACTMENT OF COMMON COUNCIL OF LONDON AS TO AGE OF ENDING APPRENTICESHIP[277] [_Arber, Stationers' Records, I, p. xli_],[278] 1556. For as much as great poverty, penury, and lack of living hath of late years followed, ... and one of the chiefest occasions thereof, as it is thought, ... is by reason of the over hasty marriages and over soon setting up of households of and by the youth and young folks of the said city [of London], which hath commonly used, and yet do, to marry themselves as soon as ever they come out of their apprenticehood, be they ever so young and unskilful, yea, and often times many of them so poor that they scantily have of their proper goods wherewith to buy their marriage apparel ... and forasmuch as the chiefest occasion of the said inconveniences, as it is very evident, is by reason that divers and sundry apprentices, as well of the said artificers as also of other citizens of the said city, are commonly bound for so few years that their terms of apprenticeability expireth and endeth oversoon, and that they are there upon incontinently made free of the said city; ... for remedy, stay, and reformation whereof it is ordained ... that no manner of persons ... shall be any manner of ways or means made free of the said city ... until such time as he and they shall severally attain to the age of 24 years. [Footnote 277: This enactment is interesting as offering a precedent followed in the Statute of Artificers (No. 6 of this section), and as showing one of the social reasons for compulsory apprenticeship, which probably somewhat postponed the age of marriage. (See No. 11 of this section.)] [Footnote 278: Quoted Dunlop and Denman, _English Apprenticeship and Child Labour_, pp. 52-3.] 5. WILLIAM CECIL'S INDUSTRIAL PROGRAMME[279] [_Hist. MSS. Com. MSS. of the Marquis of Salisbury, Part I, pp. 162-3_], 1559. Considerations delivered to the Parliament, 1559. 1. _Vagabonds._--That the statute I Edward VI, Chap, viii., concerning idle persons and vagabonds being made slaves, now repealed, be revived with additions. 2. _Labourers and Servants._--That the Statutes 12 Richard II, Chap. iii, "that no servant or labourer at the end of this term depart out of the hundred or place where he dwells," etc., and 13 Richard II, Chap. viii., ordering the Justices at every session to appoint by proclamation the wages of workers, etc., be confirmed with the addition "that no man hereafter receive into service any servant without a testimonial from the master he last dwelt with, sealed with a Parish Seal kept by the constable or churchwarden, witnessing he left with the free license of his master, penalty £10." So, by the hands of the masters, servants may be reduced to obedience, which shall reduce obedience to the Prince and to God also; by the looseness of the time no other remedy is left but by awe of law to acquaint men with virtue again, whereby the Reformation of religion may be brought in credit, with the amendment of manners, the want whereof has been imputed as a thing grown by the liberty of the Gospel, etc. 3. _Husbandry._--That the Statutes, 4 Hen VII, Chap. 9, "for re-edifying houses of husbandry, and to avoid the decay of towns and villages," and 5 Edward VI, Chap. 5, "for maintenance of husbandry and tillage," be put in execution. 4. _Purchase of Lands._--No husbandman, yeoman or artificer to purchase above 5l. by the year of inheritance, save in cities, towns and boroughs, for their better repair; one mansion house only to be purchased over and above the said yearly value. The common purchasing thereof is the ground of dearth of victuals, raising of rents, etc. 5. _Merchants._--No merchant to purchase above £50 a year of inheritance, except aldermen and sheriffs of London, who, because they approach to the degree of knighthood, may purchase to the value of £200. 6. _Apprentices._--None to be received apprentice except his father may spend 40s. a year of freehold, nor to be apprenticed to a merchant except his father spend £10 a year of freehold, or be descended from a gentleman a merchant. Through the idleness of these professions so many embrace them that they are only a cloak for vagabonds and thieves, and there is such a decay of husbandry that masters cannot get skilful servants to till the ground without unreasonable wages, etc.... [Footnote 279: Compare this with the following document (No. 6). It will be observed that Cecil's proposals as to wages are more drastic than the actual provision of the Statute of Artificers.] 6. AN ACT TOUCHING DIVERS ORDERS FOR ARTIFICERS, LABOURERS, SERVANTS OF HUSBANDRY AND APPRENTICES [_5 Eliz. c. iv. Statutes of the Realm, Vol. IV, Part I, pp. 414-22_], 1563. I. Although there remain in force presently a great number of statutes concerning ... apprentices, servants and labourers, as well in husbandry as in divers other ... occupations, yet partly for the imperfection and contrariety ... in sundry of the said laws, and for the variety and number of them, and chiefly for that the wages and allowances limited in many of the said statutes are in divers places too small ... respecting the advancement of prices ... the said laws cannot conveniently without the greatest grief and burden of the poor labourer and hired man be put in due execution; and as the said statutes were at the time of the making of them thought to be very good and beneficial ..., as divers of them yet are, so if the substance of as many of the said laws as are meet to be continued shall be digested and reduced into one sole law, and in the same an uniform order prescribed ..., there is good hope that it will come to pass that the same law, being duly executed, should banish idleness, advance husbandry and yield unto the hired person both in the time of scarcity and in the time of plenty a convenient proportion of wages: Be it therefore enacted.... That as much of the statutes heretofore made as concern the hiring, keeping, departing, working, wages or order of servants, workmen, artificers, apprentices and labourers ... shall be from and after the last day of September next ensuing repealed.... II. No person after the aforesaid last day of September ... shall be retained, hired or taken into service to work for any less time than for one whole year in any of the sciences ... or arts of clothiers, woollen cloth weavers, tuckers, fullers, cloth workers, shearmen, dyers, hosiers, tailors, shoemakers, tanners, pewterers, bakers, brewers, glovers, cutlers smiths, farriers, curriers, sadlers, spurriers, turners, cappers, hat-makers or feltmakers, bowyers, fletchers, arrowhead-makers, butchers, cooks, or millers. III. Every person being unmarried and every other person being under the age of thirty years that after the feast of Easter next shall marry, and having been brought up in any of the said arts [etc.] or that hath exercised any of them by the space of three years or more, and not having lands, tenements [etc.] copyhold or freehold of an estate of inheritance or for term of lives of the clear yearly value of 40s. nor being worth of his own goods the clear value of 10l., ..., not being retained with any person in husbandry or in any of the aforesaid arts ... nor in any other art, nor in household or in any office with any nobleman, gentleman or others, ..., nor having a convenient farm or other holding in tillage whereupon he may employ his labour, shall (during the time that he shall so be unmarried or under the age of 30 years), upon request made by any person using the art or mystery wherein the said person so required hath been exercised as is aforesaid, be retained and shall not refuse to serve according to the tenor of this Statute upon the pain and penalty hereafter mentioned. IV. No person which shall retain any servant shall put away his said servant, and no person retained according to this Statute shall depart from his master, mistress or dame before the end of his term, upon the pain hereafter mentioned, unless it be for some reasonable cause to be allowed before two Justices of Peace, or one at the least, or before the mayor or other chief officer of the city, borough or town corporate wherein the said master [etc.] inhabiteth, to whom any of the parties grieved shall complain; which said justices or chief officer shall have the hearing and ordering of the matter between the said master [etc.] and servant, according to the equity of the cause; and no such master [etc.] shall put away any such servant at the end of his term, or any such servant depart from his said master [etc.] at the end of his term, without one quarter warning given ... upon the pain hereafter ensuing. V. Every person between the age of 12 years and the age of 60 years not being lawfully retained nor apprentice with any fisherman or mariner haunting the seas, nor being in service with any carrier of any corn, grain or meal for provision of the city of London, nor with any husbandman in husbandry, nor in any city [etc.] in any of the arts ... appointed by this Statute to have apprentices, nor being retained ... for the digging ... melting ... making of any silver [or other metals, coal, etc.], nor being occupied in the making of any glass, nor being a gentleman born, nor being a student or scholar in any of the universities or in any school, nor having [lands or goods, as above, section 3], nor having a father or mother then living or other ancestor whose heir apparent he is then having lands [etc.] of the yearly value of £10 or above, or goods or chattels of the value of 40l., nor being a necessary or convenient officer or servant lawfully retained as is aforesaid, nor having a convenient farm or holding ... nor being otherwise lawfully retained according to the true meaning of this Statute, shall ... by virtue of this Statute be compelled to be retained to serve in husbandry by the year with any person that keepeth husbandry and will require any such person so to serve. VI. [Penalty on masters unduly dismissing servants, 40s.: on servants unduly departing or refusing to serve, imprisonment.] VII. None of the said retained persons in husbandry or in any of the arts or sciences above remembered, after the time of his retainer expired, shall depart forth of one city, town or parish to another nor out of the ... hundred nor out of the county where he last served, to serve in any other city ... or county, unless he have a testimonial under the seal of the said city or of the constable or other head officer and of two other honest householders of the city, town or parish where he last served, declaring his lawful departure, ..., which testimonial shall be delivered unto the said servant and also registered by the parson of the parish where such master [etc.] shall dwell.... VIII. [Penalty on a servant departing without such testimonial, imprisonment or whipping; on any one hiring him, 5l.] IX. All artificers and labourers being hired for wages by the day or week shall betwixt the midst of the months of March and September be at their work at or before 5 of the clock in the morning, and continue at work until betwixt 7 and 8 of the clock at night, except it be in the time of breakfast, dinner or drinking, the which times at the most shall not exceed above 2 1/2 hours in the day ... and all the said artificers and labourers between the midst of September and the midst of March shall be at their work from the spring of the day in the morning until the night of the same day, except it be in time afore appointed for breakfast and dinner, upon pain to forfeit one penny for every hour's absence to be deducted out of his wages. X. [Penalty on artificers, etc., breaking contract with employers, imprisonment and fine of 5l.] XI. And for the declaration what wages servants, labourers and artificers, either by the year or day or otherwise, shall receive, be it enacted, That the justices of the peace of every shire ... within the limits of their several commissions ... and the sheriff of that county if he conveniently may, and every mayor, bailiff or other head officer within any city ... wherein is any justice of peace, within the limits of the said city ... shall before the 10th day of June next coming, and afterward yearly at every general sessions first to be holden after Easter, or at some time convenient within six weeks next following Easter, calling unto them such discreet and grave persons of the said county or city as they shall think meet, and conferring together respecting the plenty or scarcity of the time and other circumstances necessary to be considered, have authority within the limits of their several commissions to rate and appoint the wages as well of such of the said artificers ... or any other labourer, servant or workman whose wages in time past hath been by any law rated and appointed, as also the wages of all other labourers, artificers [etc.] which have not been rated, as they shall think meet to be rated [etc.] by the year or by the day, week, month or other wise, with meat and drink or without meat and drink, and what wages every workman or labourer shall take by the great for mowing, reaping or threshing [and other agricultural employment] and for any other kind of reasonable labours or service, and shall yearly, before the 12th day of July next after the said assessment made, certify the same ... with the considerations and causes thereof into the Court of Chancery[280]; whereupon it shall be lawful to the Lord Chancellor of England [or] Lord Keeper upon declaration thereof to the Queen's Majesty ... or to the Lords and others of the Privy Council to cause to be printed and sent down before the 1st day of September next after the said certificate into every county ... proclamations containing the several rates appointed ... with commandment ... to all persons ... straitly to observe the same, and to all Justices [etc.] to see the same duly and severely observed ...; upon receipt whereof the said Sheriffs, Justices [etc.] shall cause the same proclamation to be entered of record ... and shall forthwith in open markets upon the market days before Michaelmas then ensuing cause the same proclamation to be proclaimed ... and to be fixed in some convenient place ...: and if the said sheriffs, justices [etc.] shall at their said general sessions or at any time after within six weeks ... think it convenient to retain for the year then to come the rates of wages that they certified the year before or to change them, then they shall before the said 12th day of July yearly certify into the said Court of Chancery their resolutions, to the intent that proclamations may accordingly be renewed and sent down, and if it shall happen that there be no need of any alteration ... then the proclamations for the year past shall remain in force.... XII. [Penalty on Justices absent from sessions for rating wages, 5l.] XIII. [Penalty for giving wages higher than the rate, ten days' imprisonment and fine of 5l.; for receiving the same, twenty-one days' imprisonment.] XIV. [Penalty on servants, etc., assaulting masters, etc., one year's imprisonment.] XV. Provided that in the time of hay or corn harvest the Justices of Peace and also the constable or other head officer of every township upon request ... may cause all such artificers and persons as be meet to labour ... to serve by the day for the mowing ... or inning of corn, grain and hay, and that none of the said persons shall refuse so to do, upon pain to suffer imprisonment in the stocks by the space of two days and one night.... XVI. [Proviso for persons going harvesting into other counties.] XVII. Two justices of peace, the mayor or other head officer of any city (etc.) and two aldermen or two other discreet burgesses ... if there be no aldermen, may appoint any such woman as is of the age of 12 years and under the age of 40 years and unmarried and forth of service ... to be retained or serve by the year or by the week or day for such wages and in such reasonable sort as they shall think meet; and if any such woman shall refuse so to serve, then it shall be lawful for the said justices [etc.] to commit such woman to ward until she shall be bounden to serve as aforesaid. XVIII. And for the better advancement of husbandry and tillage and to the intent that such as are fit to be made apprentices to husbandry may be bounden thereunto, ... every person being a householder and having half a ploughland at the least in tillage may receive as an apprentice any person above the age of 10 years and under the age of 18 years to serve in husbandry until his age of 21 years at the least, or until the age of 24 years as the parties can agree ... XIX. Every person being an householder and 24 years old at the least, dwelling in any city or town corporate and exercising any art, mistery or manual occupation there, may after the feast of St. John Baptist next coming ... retain the son of any freeman not occupying husbandry nor being a labourer and inhabiting in the same or in any other city or town incorporate, to be bound as an apprentice after the custom and order of the city of London for 7 years at the least, so as the term of such apprentice do not expire afore such apprentice shall be of the age of 24 years at the least. XX. Provided that it shall not be lawful to any person dwelling in any city or town corporate exercising any of the misteries or crafts of a merchant trafficking into any parts beyond the sea, mercer, draper, goldsmith, ironmonger, embroiderer or clothier that doth put cloth to making and sale, to take any apprentice or servant to be instructed in any of the arts [etc.] which they exercise, except such servant or apprentice be his son, or else that the father or mother of such apprentice or servant shall have ... lands, tenements (etc.) of the clear yearly value of 40s. of one estate of inheritance or freehold at the least.... XXI. From and after the said feast of St. John the Baptist next, it shall be lawful to every person being an householder and 24 years old at the least and not occupying husbandry nor being a labourer dwelling in any town not being incorporate that is a market town ... and exercising any art, mistery or manual occupation ... to have in like manner to apprentices the children of any other artificer not occupying husbandry nor being a labourer, which shall inhabit in the same or in any other such market town within the same shire, to serve as apprentices as is aforesaid to any such art [etc.] as hath been usually exercised in any such market town where such apprentice shall be bound. XXII. Provided that it shall not be lawful to any person dwelling in any such market town exercising the art of a merchant trafficking into the parts beyond the seas, mercer [etc. as above, section XX] to take any apprentice or in any wise to instruct any person in the arts [etc.] last before recited, after the feast of St. John Baptist aforesaid, except such servant or apprentice shall be his son, or else that the father or mother of such apprentice shall have lands [etc.] of the clear yearly value of 3l. of one estate of inheritance or freehold at the least.... XXIII. From and after the said feast it shall be lawful to any person exercising the art of a smith, wheelwright, ploughwright, millwright, carpenter, rough mason, plaisterer, sawyer, lime-burner, brickmaker, bricklayer, tiler, slater, healyer, tilemaker, linen-weaver, turner, cooper, millers, earthen potters, woollen weaver weaving housewives' or household cloth only and none other, cloth-fuller otherwise called tucker or walker, burner of ore and wood ashes, thatcher or shingler, wheresoever he shall dwell, to have the son of any person as apprentice ... albeit the father or mother of any such apprentice have not any lands, tenements or hereditaments. XXIV. After the first day of May next coming it shall not be lawful to any person, other than such as now do lawfully exercise any art, mistery or manual occupation, to exercise any craft now used within the realm of England or Wales, except he shall have been brought up therein seven years at the least as apprentice in manner abovesaid, nor to set any person on work in such occupation being not a workman at this day, except he shall have been apprentice as is aforesaid, or else having served as an apprentice will become a journeyman or be hired by the year; upon pain that every person willingly offending shall forfeit for every default 40s. for every month. XXV. Provided that no person exercising the art of a woollen cloth weaver, other than such as be inhabiting within the counties of Cumberland, Westmoreland, Lancaster, and Wales, weaving friezes, cottons or housewives' cloth only, making and weaving woollen cloth commonly sold by any clothier, shall have any apprentice or shall instruct any person in the science of weaving aforesaid in any place (cities, towns corporate, and market towns only except), unless such person be his son, or else that the father or mother of such apprentice or servant shall ... have lands [etc.] to the clear yearly value of 3l. of an estate of inheritance or freehold ... upon pain of forfeiture of 20s. for every month. XXVI. Every person that shall have three apprentices in any of the said crafts of a cloth-maker, fuller, shearman, weaver, tailor or shoemaker shall keep one journeyman, and for every other apprentice above the number of the said three apprentices one other journeyman, upon pain of every default therein, 10l. XXVII. [Proviso for worsted-makers of Norwich.] XXVIII. If any person shall be required by any householder having half a ploughland at the least in tillage to be an apprentice and to serve in husbandry, or in any other kind of art before expressed, and shall refuse so to do, then upon the complaint of such housekeeper made to one Justice of Peace of the county wherein the said refusal is made, or of such householder inhabiting in any city, town corporate, or market town to the mayor, bailiffs or head officer of the said city [etc.] ... they shall have full power to send for the same person so refusing; and if the said Justice or head officer shall think the said person meet to serve as an apprentice in that art ... the said Justice or head officer shall have power ... to commit him unto ward, there to remain until he will be bounden to serve ... and if any such master shall evil entreat his apprentice ... or the apprentice do not his duty to his master, then the said master or apprentice being grieved shall repair unto one Justice of Peace within the said county or to the head officer of the place where the said master dwelleth, who shall ... take such order and direction between the said master and his apprentice as the equity of the case shall require; and if for want of good conformity in the said master the said Justice or head officer cannot compound the matter between him and his apprentice, then the said Justice or head officer shall take bond of the said master to appear at the next sessions then to be holden in the said county or within the said city [etc.] ... and upon his appearance and hearing of the matter ... if it be thought meet unto them to discharge the said apprentice, then the said Justices or four of them at the least, whereof one to be of the quorum, or the said head officer, with the consent of three other of his brethren or men of best reputation within the said city [etc.] shall have power ... to pronounce that they have discharged the said apprentice of his apprenticehood ...: and if the default shall be found to be in the apprentice, then the said Justices or head officer, with the assistants aforesaid, shall cause such due punishment to be ministered unto him as by their wisdom and discretions shall be thought meet. XXIX. Provided that no person shall by force of this Statute be bounden to enter into any apprenticeship, other than such as be under the age of 21 years. XXX. And to the end that this Statute may from time to time be ... put in good execution ... be it enacted, That the Justices of Peace of every county, dividing themselves into several limits, and likewise every mayor or head officer of any city or town corporate, shall yearly between the feast of St. Michael the Archangel and the Nativity of our Lord, and between the feast of the Annunciation of our Lady and the feast of the Nativity of St. John Baptist ... make a special and diligent inquiry of the branches and articles of this Statute and of the good execution of the same, and where they shall find any defaults to see the same severely corrected and punished without favour ... or displeasure. XXXI.... Every Justice of Peace, mayor, or head officer, for every day that he shall sit in the execution of this Statute, shall have allowed unto him 5s. to be paid ... of the fines [etc.] due by force of this Statute.... XXXII. [Procedure for recovery of penalties.] XXXIII. Provided always that this Act shall not be prejudicial to the cities of London and Norwich, or to the lawful liberties [etc.] of the same cities for the having of apprentices. XXXIV. [Contracts of apprenticeship contrary to this Act to be void, and a penalty of 10l.] XXXV. [Contracts of apprenticeship to hold good though made while the apprentice is under age.] [Footnote 280: This provision was repealed in 1597.] 7. PROPOSALS FOR THE BETTER ADMINISTRATION OF THE STATUTE OF ARTIFICERS [_S.P.D., Eliz., Vol. 88, No. 11_], 1572. Whereas there passed an act in the Parliament holden at Westminster in the fifth year of the reign of our most gracious Sovereign Lady the Queen's Majesty that now is, touching divers good and laudable orders for artificers, labourers, servants of husbandry, and apprentices; in the which act, amongst divers and sundry good branches therein contained, there are two specially to be noted, which, as it should seem, were then and therein specially enacted for the only means of the better maintaining of the same act in the full strength and virtue, according to the true meaning thereof: which have been, and yet daily are, as well by the subtle devices of some lewd servants, as also by the disorderly dealings of some masters, mistresses, and dames, not only neglected, but also wilfully violated and broken, whereby the true, good and godly meaning of the same act, for so good and laudable an order provided in that behalf, doth and will daily grow to be accounted as frustrate and of none effect: and as it now already is the chief, or only, cause of the great number of idle vagabonds, wherewith the realm at this present is so replenished: so, without it shall please the Queen's Majesty by good advice to provide some speedy remedy therefore, it will not only be a means of the increasing of them but also of their maintenance. The two branches to be noted are these:-- The points wherein the masters, mistresses, dames, and servants do so abuse the two foresaid branches, that they be in a manner to frustrate. It is too manifest, that divers and sundry servants, retained as well in husbandry as in other the arts and sciences aforesaid, and others out of those sciences throughout the whole Realm do daily, notwithstanding this act, and without any fear of the penalty thereof, at their pleasures before the time of their covenanted service be expired, either purloin somewhat from their masters, mistresses, and dames, and so suddenly run away, or else, not willing to be rebuked for their faults, do quarrel with them, and so boldly depart away without any certificate[281] or testimonial for their discharge: and being thus disorderly departed do forge a testimonial, or get one to forge it for them, although they give 12d. or 2s. for the doing thereof, whereas, if they had orderly departed, [it] should have cost them but 2d.: and with such testimonial dare boldly pass from one shire to another, yea some time from one parish to another, and there be retained till they find the like means, or pick the like occasion to depart in like disorder. And the very cause why they dare thus boldly and disorderly depart, leaving their masters, mistresses, and dames destitute in their most need, is for that no order is kept, according to the Statute, in the making, signing, and delivering of the testimonials: but [they] be made by the masters themselves or by some other in their houses that can write, and being so disorderly made, do, as disorderly, sign and deliver the same without calling either parson, vicar, or other officer to the same: which is a very good cause for a very simple servant, seeing how slight a testimonial will serve him to pass with, to move him to forge the like at all times after to serve his turn. And yet if they were orderly made, signed, and delivered, according to Statute, it could no better serve his turn to pass with than one of these: for if he pass a shire or two off from the place where he last served, neither the marks nor names thereunto signed be there known scarce to one among a thousand. For the second branch.--It is likewise too manifest, that there be many masters, mistresses and dames, knowing how much the order of these certificates or testimonials be abused, which have not letted to retain such servants so departed without showing any certificates or testimonials at all, willing for necessity's sake to retain rather a simple vagabond coming without his certificate, than a subtle vagabond coming with his forged testimonials, as he doubteth, and yet perchance is true indeed. But that is too hard for them to know, for that the names therein are to them unknown, and the places, far asunder, not easy to be tried: and so sometime an honest poor servant indeed passeth unhired for want of good order keeping in these testimonials, and a very vagabond indeed is some time hired in hope of his simplicity. And the masters, mistresses, and dames be commonly deceived by both kinds when they stand in most need of their service. The cause why these good and laudable orders run to such decay by the foresaid abuses, is, for that no one person hath any benefit, worth the pains, and charges, to look to the redress hereof: the same being so hard and painful a matter to be done throughout the realm, and therewithall so chargeable. Therefore if it may please the Queen's Majesty of her Highness' most gracious benignity, for the better and speedier reformation hereof, to appoint and give authority by her Majesty's Letters Patents for term of years unto us, her Highness' most humble subjects, Richard Carmarden and Edmond Mathew, our deputies and assigns, to give out one uniform order of testimonials to every shire and parish throughout the realm at our only costs and charges, taking therefore in recompense as well of our said costs and charges, as also for our travails which we shall bestow therein, no more than is already limited by the said Statute, which is but two pence for every testimonial:[282] and that also these articles here following may be annexed to the said Statute by this Parliament. First, That there be no other certificates or testimonials used in the realm, to be delivered to any servants by any person or persons, but only such as shall be made and delivered by such as her Majesty hath or shall appoint by her Highness' Letters Patents to do the same. Secondly, That every servant so departing and having received one of the same certificates or testimonials, and seeking again to serve, shall first deliver, to such as shall be there appointed to be the officer's deputies, his old testimonial cancelled, before he be again retained. And thirdly, That none of the said certificates or testimonials, so orderly delivered to any servant, shall be any discharge for him to pass with for any longer time than for one month after the date thereof: and if any person be taken with any testimonial, the date thereof being so expired, then to be lawful for every head officer to take the said testimonial from him, and to deliver the same cancelled to the officer's deputy and to force him to serve or to be, etc. [Footnote 281: For the working of the system of certificates, see No. 14, pp. 352-3.] [Footnote 282: For this method of delegating administration to private speculators see Section V of this Part, Nos. 14 and 22.] 8. DRAFT OF A BILL FIXING MINIMUM RATES FOR SPINNERS AND WEAVERS [_S.P.D., Eliz., Vol. 244, No. 129_], 1593. An Act as well to avoid deceits done by spinners of woollen yarn, and weavers of woollen cloths, and to increase their wages, as also to reform the great abuses and oppressions done to her Majesty's good subjects by regrators of woollen yarn, commonly called yarn choppers or jobbers of yarn. Forasmuch as divers Laws and Statutes have been heretofore ordained for the true making of woollen cloths, and divers penalties, in some cases of money, and in some other cases of the cloths themselves, are by the same Laws and Statutes imposed upon clothiers, by whom many thousands of her Majesty's subjects are set to work, and maintained; and that it falleth out many times, that divers faults punishable even with the loss of their cloths without the clothiers' fault are voluntarily committed by their spinners and weavers, by the one's deceitful spinning their yarn, and by the other's false weaving the same into cloth; and forasmuch as necessity doth partly enforce them thereunto, for lack of sufficient wages and allowance for their workmanship at the hands of the clothier, whereby to sustain the poor estate of themselves, their wives and children; at the humble petition as well of the said clothiers, as also of their said spinners and weavers, and first for the avoiding of all deceitful dealing between the clothiers and their weavers, Be it enacted by the Queen's most excellent Majesty, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and the Commons, in this present parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same:--That all wool which, after the feast of Easter next, shall be delivered for or by any clothier to any person or persons to be spun, shall be delivered by true and lawful weight, and that all and every spinner and spinners shall deliver again to or for such clothier yarn of the same wool by the same true and lawful weight (all necessary waste thereof excepted) without concealing any part thereof, or deceitfully putting thereunto any oil, water, or other thing, upon pain that every spinner doing the contrary shall forfeit four times the value that such deceit by any such spinner committed or done shall amount unto. And for the better relief of all and every the said spinner and spinners, be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that after the said feast all and every clothier and clothiers and spinsters to the market shall pay for the spinning of every pound weight of the best sorting warp three pence, of every pound weight of the second warp two pence halfpenny, of every pound weight of the worst warp to be used in sorting cloths two pence farthing, of every pound weight of the best abbs[283] two pence halfpenny, of every pound weight of the best sorting abbs two pence, and of every pound weight of the worst sorting abbs to be used in sorting cloths three halfpence farthing, of every pound weight of single list three halfpence, upon pain to forfeit for every penny that any such clothier shall withhold or detain from any spinner contrary to the charitable intent of this statute twelve pence. To avoid all evil and corrupt dealing between clothiers and their weavers, be it enacted by the authority aforesaid:--That all and every weaver and weavers which after the said feast, shall have the weaving of any woollen yarn to be webbed into cloth, shall weave, work, and put into the web, for cloth to be made thereof, as much and all the same yarn, as any clothier, or any other person for or in the behalf of any clothier, shall deliver to the same weaver with his used mark put to the same, without changing, or any parcel thereof leaving out of the same web, or else shall restore to the same clothier the surplusage of the same yarn, if any shall be left not put into the same web, without deceitfully putting of any deceivable brine, moisture, sand, dust, or other thing thereunto, upon pain to forfeit four times the value that such deceit by any such weaver committed or done shall amount unto. And for the better relief of all and every the said weaver and weavers be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that after the said feast all and every clothier and clothiers shall pay for the weaving of every ell[284] containing three pounds weight in yarn, of every broad listed cloth, as it shall be laid upon the bar and which shall be woven in a fourteen hundred sley, sixteen pence, for the weaving of every ell, containing three pounds weight and three-quarters in yarn of every broad listed cloth, as it shall be laid upon the bar and which shall be woven in a thirteen hundred sley, fourteen pence, and for every beer[285] between thirteen hundred and fourteen hundred twelve pence, for the weaving of every ell containing three pounds weight and three-quarters at the least in yarn of every broad listed cloth as it shall be laid upon the bar and which shall be woven in a twelve hundred sley, ten pence, and for every beer between twelve hundred and thirteen hundred two shillings, for weaving of every ell containing three pounds weight and an half at the least in yarn of every broad listed cloth as it shall be laid upon the bar and which shall be woven in a eleven hundred sley, eight pence, and for every beer between eleven hundred and twelve hundred, twelve pence, for weaving of every ell containing three pounds weight and an half at the least in yarn of every broad listed cloth as it shall be laid upon the bar and which shall be woven in a ten hundred sley, six pence, and for every beer between ten hundred and eleven hundred twelve pence, for weaving of every broad listed cloth, that shall be woven in a sley under a ten hundred, and that shall contain thirty ells as it shall be laid upon the bar, twelve shillings, for the weaving of every broad listed cloth that shall be woven in a sley under a ten hundred, and that shall contain eight and twenty ells as it shall be laid upon the bar, ten shillings, for weaving of every narrow listed sorting cloth that shall be woven in a ten hundred sley, ten shillings, for the weaving of every narrow listed sorting cloth that shall be woven in a nine hundred sley, nine shillings, for the weaving of every narrow listed sorting cloth that shall be woven in an eight hundred sley, eight shillings, and for the weaving of every beer over and above in any of the said sleys of the said narrow listed cloths three pence, upon pain to forfeit for every penny that any clothier shall withhold or detain from any weaver contrary to the true intent of this act twelve pence. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid that wheresoever any greater wages hath been heretofore usually given for spinning any of the sorts of yarn aforesaid or for weaving any of the sorts of cloths aforesaid, that there and in all such place the same wages or greater shall after the said feast be given without any diminution thereof, upon pain that every clothier shall forfeit for every penny that he or she shall so detain from any spinner or weaver contrary to the true intent of this act twelve pence, any the rate or wages before in this act particularly limited and appointed to weavers notwithstanding. And be it further enacted by the said authority, that after the said feast no clothier, for the weaving of any his or her white cloths, shall use or cause to be used any sley of less breadth than eleven quarters and three nails of the yard in white work beside the list, upon pain to forfeit for every such default ten shillings. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid that after the said feast no clothier shall use any warping bar that shall contain any greater length than three yards from one pin to another upon pain to forfeit for every such default ten shillings. And further be it enacted by the authority aforesaid that justices of assize in their circuits, justices of peace in their sessions, sheriffs in their turns, stewards in their leets and lawdays, mayors, sheriffs, and bailiffs of cities, boroughs and towns corporate in their courts, shall and may inquire, hear, and determine from time to time all and every the said offences committed and done within the limits of their several jurisdictions and authorities. [Here follow provisions as to the division of fines.] And forasmuch as divers evil-disposed persons commonly called yarn choppers or jobbers of woollen yarn, wanting the fear of God, and caring only for their own private gain without having any regard to the maintenance of the commonwealth, using no trade either of making woollen cloths, or of any other thing made of woollen yarn, inverting the true intent of the statute made in the eighth year of our late Sovereign Lord King Henry the sixth among other things especially to destroy the falsity of regrators of yarn called yarn choppers, to their own malicious purpose, do in every fair and market buy up and get into their hands so great quantities of woollen yarn, that the clothiers and others using lawful trade wherein woollen yarn must need be occupied, and by which trade many thousands of her Majesty's poor subjects are relieved, are driven for their necessity sake to buy the same at their hands deceitfully handled and at such unreasonable price as they list to set upon the same, whereby the clothiers and others using divers lawful ways and means for the employment of woollen yarn, are very greatly hindered, and such drones, idle members and evil weeds in a commonwealth by such oppressions maintained and greatly enriched, for remedy whereof be it enacted established and ordained by the authority aforesaid:--That no manner of person or persons shall after the said feast of Easter next buy, bargain, take, or make any promise for bargain or sale of or for any woollen yarn but only such person or persons as are known to be makers of woollen cloth or other thing made of woollen yarn or mixed with woollen yarn, his or their wife or wives or his or their children, apprentices or servants, inhabiting in his or their mansion house or houses, and who shall or may lawfully make of the said woollen yarn any kind of bayes, knit hose, arras, tapestry, coverlets, or any other thing or things used to be made of woollen yarn or mixed with woollen yarn, upon pain of forfeiture of all woollen yarn to be bought, or whereof any promise for bargain or sale thereof shall be taken or made contrary to the true meaning of this act, in whose hands soever any such woollen yarn shall be found, and further to incur all the pains and penalties limited to yarn choppers by the said act made in the eighth year of King Henry the sixth. [Here follows provisions as to the division of fines.] [Footnote 283: _i.e._, wefts.] [Footnote 284: The words from "ell" to "fourteen hundred" have been crossed out in the original, and the rest of the passage as far as the end of the paragraph (p. 339) is bracketed as if for cancellation. Interlined is the following substituted clause, to be read after the words "for the weaving of every":--"of their best fine cloths vjs. viijd., and for their second sort of fine cloths iiijs., and for their least sort of fine cloths iijs., and for the best sort of sorting cloths ijs., and for the middle and least sort of sorting cloths or pack cloths with narrow lists, xviijd., more than was given by any clothier in any of the said counties or elsewhere of like making for the weaving of every or any of the said sorts of cloths at or before the feast of Xmas last past."] [Footnote 285: _i.e._, the (variable) number of ends into which a warp is divided in the process of warping.] 9. DRAFT PIECE-LIST SUBMITTED FOR RATIFICATION TO THE WILTSHIRE JUSTICES BY CLOTHIERS AND WEAVERS [_Hist. MSS. Com., Vol. I, p. 162, The Records of Quarter Sessions in the County of Wiltshire_], 1602. Apud Trowbridge, 30 December A.o. xlv{to} Elizabethae Reginae. The just proportions of the several works put forth by the Clothiers of the County of Wilts both to the Weavers and Spinners, with the valuation of the wages according as every sorts of work do deserve by reason of the fineness of the wool and spinning of every sort of work; as also by reason of the hard working of every sort with the usual numbers of hundreds, beers[286] and abbs which is commonly put forth to every several cloth, which is the best rate by which we can keep apportion, set down by us the clothiers of the said county. _Imprimis_ we think a weaver is worth to have for the weaving of a cloth of 700 viis. And for every beer above 700 and under 800 iid. The spinning of these sorts of warp is worth the pound iid. And the spinning of the abb is worth the pound 1d. ob. _Item_, one of 800 of white work is worth the weaving viiis. And for every beer above 800 and under 900[287] iid. ob. The spinning of these sorts of warp worth the pound iid. ob. The spinning of the Abbe worth the pound id. ob. These sorts of broad lists are more worth than the narrow lists by the cloth xiid. The hanking is worth xiid. [Scales are also given for 900, 1000, 1100, and 1200 lbs. A graduated rise in price varying from xiid. in the case of a cloth of 900 lbs. to iis. for a cloth of 1100 to 1200 lbs. is awarded; for every beere id. up to vid., and for every pound of abbe above 54 and not above 60 xviiid., and above 60 lbs. xxd.] Clothiers Signing-- William Yerbury. Nicholas Phippe. John Usher. Walter Yerbury. John Yewe. Edward Cogswell. Richard Dycke. Weavers Signing-- Hugh Watts. Henry Cappe. William Rundell. Henry Prior. Thomas Lavington. Bartholomew Skege. [Footnote 286: For the meaning of "beer" and "abb" see notes to document No. 8.] [Footnote 287: Instead of "about 800 under 900," as printed in _op. cit._] 10. AN ACT EMPOWERING JUSTICES TO FIX MINIMUM RATES OF PAYMENT [_1 James I, c. 6. Statutes of the Realm, Vol. IV, Part II, pp. 1022-24_], 1603-04. ... And whereas the said act [_i.e._ 5 Eliz., c. iv] hath not, according to the true meaning thereof, been duly put in execution, whereby the rates of wages for poor artificers, labourers and other persons whose wages were meant to be rated by the said act, have not been rated and proportioned according to the plenty, scarcity, necessity, and respect of the time, which was politicly intended by the said act, by reason that ambiguity and question have risen and been made whether the rating of all manner artificers, workmen and workwomen, his and their wages, other than such as by some statute and law have been rated, or else such as did work about husbandry, should or might be rated by the said law; Forasmuch as the said law hath been found beneficial for the commonwealth, be it enacted by authority of this present parliament, that the said statute, and the authority by the same statute given to any person or persons for assessing and rating of wages, and the authority to them in the said act committed, shall be expounded and construed, and shall by force of this act give authority to all persons having any such authority to rate wages of any labourers, weavers, spinsters, and workmen or workwomen whatsoever, either working by the day, week, month, year, or taking any work at any person or persons' hands whatsoever, to be done in great or otherwise.... And furthermore be it enacted by the authority aforesaid, that if any clothier or other shall refuse to obey the said order, rate or assessment of wages as aforesaid, and shall not pay so much or so great wages to their weavers, spinsters, workmen or workwomen as shall be so set down rated and appointed, according to the true meaning of this act, that then every clothier and other person and persons so offending shall forfeit and lose for every such offence, to the party aggrieved, ten shillings: and that if the said offence and offences of not paying so much or so great wages to their said workmen, workwomen and others shall be confessed by the offender, or that the same shall be proved by two sufficient and lawful witnesses before the justices of peace in their quarter sessions of the peace, the justices of assize in their sessions, or before any two justices of the peace, whereof one to be of the quorum; that then every such person shall forthwith stand and be in law convicted thereof; which said forfeiture of ten shillings shall be levied by distress and sale of the offenders goods, by warrant from the said justices before whom any such conviction shall be had; which sale shall be good in law against any such offender or offenders.... Provided nevertheless and be it enacted by the authority aforesaid, That no clothier, being a justice of peace in any precinct or liberty, shall be any rater of any wages for any weaver, tucker, spinster, or other artizan that dependeth upon the making of cloth; and in case there be not above the number of two justices of peace within such precinct or liberty but such as are clothiers, that in such case the same wages shall be rated and assessed by the major part of the common council of such precinct or liberty, and such justice or justices of peace (if any there be) as are not clothiers. 11. ADMINISTRATION IN WILTSHIRE OF ACTS REGULATING THE MANUFACTURE OF CLOTH [_Hist. MSS. Com., Vol. I, pp. 74-5_], 1603. Orders agreed upon for the occupation of weavers.[288] _First_, that no person using the trade of weaving woollen cloth be suffered to keep more looms than that the statute made ao v{to} Elizabethae alloweth. 2. _Item_, that all such persons as are now permitted to be master weaver, and themselves have not served their full term of apprenticeship, whether he be above or under the age of xxxtie years and married or unmarried, shall not make or take any apprentice to serve him as apprentice hereafter, neither shall any serve him as an apprentice. 3. _Item_, that every such person permitted to be a master weaver which hath not served his full years of apprenticeship shall not keep above one loom going; and no apprentice to work with him but a journeyman or journeymen. 4. _Item_, none hereafter to be made apprentice to the art of weaving broad cloth but according to the form of the statute _ut supra_. 5. _Item_, that all such as are now allowed to be apprentices, their names to be registered, and none hereafter to be made apprentices but such persons as are appointed overseers of the said occupation to be first made acquainted thereof, to the end no abuse may be suffered, nor unlawful shift used to defraud the true meaning of the said statute. 6. _Item_, that no weaver shall sell his apprentice and take another before the first have served seven years. 7. _Item_, that none shall work as a journeyman except he bring certificate that he hath served full seven years, or his master to testify the same. 8. _Item_, that no clothman shall keep above one loom in his house, neither any weaver that hath a ploughland shall keep more than one loom in his house. 9. _Item_, that no weaver shall keep two apprentices in one loom working except one of them be in his last year. 10. _Item_, that no apprentice shall come forth of his covenant of apprenticeship before he be four and twenty years of age, to avoid young marriages and the increase of poor people. 11. _Item_, that no person or persons shall keep any loom or looms going in any other house or houses beside their own, or maintain any to do the same. 12. _Item_, that all those that have entered into the trade of broad weaving contrary to the statute within these two years may be expelled and put from the same trade, and all those that are journeyman (_sic_) and have not served their time, if they be not married, may return and serve their seven years out, or else to be put from their occupation. 13. _Item_, that all those that are entered in contrary to the statute, having other things to live upon, may be expelled, and put from the trade. 14. _Item_, that all weavers dwelling in any town corporate, borough, or market town, may call into their fellowship all weavers dwelling within three miles compass of any of the said towns, as well journeymen and [as?] masters, and that there may be so many overseers of these said companies as may be fit for the same. 15. _Item_, that every master weaver of these several companies may have a meeting once every quarter, whereby they may have the examination of those things that may be amiss amongst them, to the end no disorder rise amongst them as in time past hath been, and that every broad weaver keeping a loom may give quarterly ivd. towards the relief of their poor brethren that shall need. 16. _Item_, that the master of every several company may call before them every particular offender in matters pertaining to their occupation, whether it be master or journeyman or apprentice, to the end that drunkenness, idleness, or pilfering of their masters' stuff may be punished by laws fit for any of these offences. 17. _Item_, that any of those that shall disobey any of these good orders that are set down, that there may be such penalties inflicted upon any such persons as may be able to suffice them, and shall be agreeable with the laws of the realm, and by such persons as are thereunto authorised by the statutes and laws. James Martin. Henry Martyn. G. Tooker. Hen. Poole. James Ley. Thos. Hungerforde. Edmund Lamberte. [Footnote 288: The original heading, for which that above was afterwards substituted, runs:--"A table to be presented for and concerning the occupation of weaving by the sworn men unto Henry Priour authorized for that purpose." It is probable that the "sworn men" were clothiers and weavers (see No. 9), and that Henry Priour was a justice.] 12. ASSESSMENT MADE BY THE JUSTICES OF WILTSHIRE, DEALING MAINLY WITH OTHER THAN TEXTILE WORKERS [_Hist. MSS. Com., Vol. I, pp. 162-167, The Records of Quarter Sessions in the County of Wilts_], 1604. ... third day of May in the first year of our Sovereign Lord James by the grace of God King of England ... Defender of the Faith, and upon diligent respect and consideration by ... for the time ... according to the form of a statute made in the first[289] year of the reign of our late Sovereign Lady Queen ... hereafter particularly ensueth. _Wages by the year for husbandry._ A bailiff of husbandry shall not take by the year of wages above liiis. iiiid. and a livery or xs. for the same. A chief shepherd which keepeth one thousand sheep and above shall not take by the year of wages above xls., and a livery or viiis. for the same, and pasture or feeding for xxt sheep all the year or xiid. for every of them. A shepherd which keepeth six hundred sheep shall not take of wages above xxiiis. iiid., and a livery or vis. for the same, and feeding for ten sheep all the year or xiid. for every of them. A chief hind of husbandry and a chief carter shall not take by the year of wages above xls. and a livery or viiis. A common servant of husbandry and a common shepherd above the age of xxi years shall not take by the year [either of] them of wages above xxxiiis. iiiid. and a livery or vis. viiid. for the same. All other servants and shepherds under xxi years and above xvi years shall not take by the year of wages above xxs. and a livery or vs. for the same. A chief woman servant shall not take by the year of wages above xxxs. and a livery or vs. for the same. Every other woman servant above xvi years of age shall not take by the year of wages above xxs. and a livery or vs. for the same. _Wages by the day for labourers in harvest and at all other times of the year in husbandry._ Mowers of grain by the day with meat and drink shall not take of wages above vd. and without meat and drink not above xd. Men labourers in haymaking or gripping of lent corn shall not take by the day with meat and drink of wages above iiiid. and without meat and drink not above viiid. Women labourers in haymaking or gripping of lent corn shall not take by the day with meat and drink of wages above iiid. and without not above vid. Mowers of corn shall not take by the day with meat and drink of wages above vd., and without meat and drink not above xd. Men reapers of wheat and rye shall not take by the day with meat and drink of wages not above vd., and without meat and drink not above xd. Women reapers of wheat and rye shall not take by the day with meat and drink not above iiiid. and without meat and drink not above ixd. Every hedger, ditcher, thresher and other like labourer in husbandry not afore named shall not take by the day from Michaelmas to the Annunciation of our Lady of wages with meat and drink not above iiid., and without meat and drink not above viid., and that at the election of the hirer; and from the Annunciation of our Lady unto Michaelmas of wages by the day with meat and drink not above iiiid., and without meat and drink not above viiid., and that at the election of the hirer. _Wages for Taskwork without Meat and Drink._ For reaping and binding of wheat, rye, or beans, for every acre by the lug not above xxd. Mowing of barley for every acre by lug not above vd. Mowing of oats for every acre by lug not above iiiid. Hacking or hawming of pease or fatches for every acre by lug not above xiid. Mowing of grass for every acre by lug not above xd. Making of hay for every acre by lug not above ixd. Threshing of wheat, rye, pease, beans, or fatches, for every quarter, not above xd. Threshing of barley or oats for every quarter not above vid. Ditching, planting, and hedging of a perch containing sixteen foot and a half in length, three foot in depth, and five foot in breadth in gravel or stony ground, and setting the same with two chests of plants and making hedge for every perch, not above vid. Ditching, planting, and hedging after the same order in other sandy or easy grounds, by the lug of like awise not above vd. Making of hedge for every perch not above 1d. Making of plaisted hedge and other fenced hedge more strong and scouring of the ditch, for every perch not above iid. Paling and railing with one rail, felling and clearing of timber and digging of the holes for the posts, for every perch not above xd. Railing with double rails with felling and clearing of timber and digging of the holes for the posts, for every perch not above vd. Railing with single rail after the same sort, for every perch not above iiid. Sawing of board or timber for every hundred not above xviid. _Wages by the day for these artificers following._ For a Master Carpenter } None of these shall take by the For a Master Free Mason } day from Michaelmas to the For a Master rough Mason } Anunciation of our lady with For a Master Bricklayer } meat and drink of wages not For a Master Plumber } above vd., and without meat and For a Master Glazier } drink not above xd. For a Master Carver } And from the Annunciation of For a Master Joiner } our Lady to Michaelmas not For a Master Millwright } above vid., with meat and drink, For a Master Wheelwright } and without meat and drink not For a Master Plasterer } above xid., by the day. For every common workman or journeyman of these sciences from Michaelmas to the Annunciation of our Lady of wages by the day with meat and drink not above iiid., and without meat and drink not above viid.; and from the Annunciation of our Lady to Michaelmas with meat and drink not above iiiid., and without meat and drink not above viid. For every apprentice of these sciences and for every labourer to attend to serve them, from Michaelmas to the Annunciation of our Lady with meat and drink not above iid., and without meat and drink not above vd., and from the Annunciation of our Lady to Michaelmas with meat and drink not above iiid., and without meat and drink not above viid. _Wages by the day for these occupations following_:-- For a chief ploughwright by the day from Michaelmas to the Annunciation of our Lady with meat and drink not above iiiid., and without meat and drink not above viiid.; and from the Annunciation of our Lady to Michaelmas with meat and drink not above vd., and without meat and drink not above xd. For sawyers the couple from Michaelmas to the Annunciation of our Lady with meat and drink not above viiid., and without meat and drink not above xvid.; and from the Annunciation of our Lady to Michaelmas with meat and drink not above xd., and without meat and drink not above xviiid. So always that the owner of the saw do have for every day 1d. more than his fellow. For a Hellyer or Tiler } For a Shingler } Every one of these to take by the For a Brickmaker } day from Michaelmas to the Annunciation For a Limeburner } of our Lady with meat and For a Lathmaker } drink not above iiid., and without For a Quarrier } meat and drink not above viid. For a Pavier or Pitcher } For a Collier } And from the Annunciation of our For a Bondcaster } Lady to Michaelmas with meat and For a Thatcher } drink not above iiiid., and without For a Chandler } meat and drink not above viiid. For a Tinker } For a Painter } _Wages by the year for the journeymen of these occupations following with meat and drink._ For a miller by the year with meat and drink of wages not above xls., and a livery, or vis., viiid., for the same. For a loader to the mill of wages not above xxvis., viiid., and a livery, or vis., for the same. For a dyer, for a brewer, for a tanner, for a linen weaver, the chiefest to take by the year of wages not above ls., and all other common workmen of the same occupation of wages by the year not above xls. without any livery. A Shoemaker } A Currier } A Woollen Weaver } The chiefest of these to take by the A Tucker } year of wages not above xls. A Fuller } A Shearman } A Clothworker } A Hosier } and every common workman of the the A Tailor } same occupation to take by the year A Baker } of wages not above xxvis., viiid. A Glover } A Girdler } A Spurrier } A Capper } A Hatter } A Feltmaker } A Bowyer } The chiefest of these to take by the A Fletcher } year of wages not above xls. An Arrowhead-maker } A Butcher } A Fishmonger } A Pewterer } A Cutler } A Smith } and every common workman of the A Sadler } same occupations to take by the year A Furrier or Skinner } of wages not above xxvis., viiid. A Parchment-maker } A Cooper } A Earthen Potmaker } A Turner } Every master weaver or chief workman in that trade, working duly and truly, shall have of wages for weaving of a cloth of what sort soever after the rate of [_blank_] the day and every other ordinary workman of that trade, working as aforesaid, shall have for weaving of a cloth of what sort soever after the rate of [_blank_]; but they shall not take their wages for every day that they shall be about the making of a cloth, but only for so many days as good workmen of that trade following their labour duly and painfully may, if they will, make such a cloth. Every master tucker, following his labour duly and painfully, shall take of wages by the week not above [_blank_], and every ordinary workman of the same trade, following his labour as aforesaid, shall take of wages by the week not above [_blank_]. Every woman spinner's wage shall be such as, following her labour duly and painfully, she may make it account to [_blank_] the day. James Mervin. Wm. Eyre. Edw. Penruddock. Jasper More. John Dauntsey. Alexander Tutt. Jo. Ernlle. James Ley. Henry Martyn. [Footnote 289: A mistake for fifth (see No. 6).] 13. ASSESSMENT MADE BY THE JUSTICES OF WILTSHIRE, DEALING MAINLY WITH TEXTILE WORKERS [_Hist. MSS. Com., Vol. I, pp. 167-168, The Records of Quarter Sessions in the County of Wilts_], 1605. _Wiltshire._--The declaration of the general rates of wages of servants, labourers, artificers, handycraftsmen, weavers, spinsters, workmen and workwomen within the foresaid county assessed and rated by the Justices of the Peace of the foresaid county, whose hands and seals are hereunder to these presents set, at the General Sessions of the Peace of the said county holden at the Devizes in the said county the ninth day of April in the year of the reign of our Sovereign Lord James by the grace of God, etc...., according to the Statutes in that case made and provided. _Imprimis_, that the rates of the wages of servants, labourers, artificers, and handicraftsmen within the said county shall continue and be for this year now next ensuing in all respects as they were rated and assessed the last year next before. _Item_ that the rates of wages of the weavers and spinsters shall be for this year now next ensuing as follows, viz.:-- A weaver for weaving a cloth of 700 viis. And for every beer[290] above 700 and under 800 iid. 700 A spinner for spinning of a pound of these sorts of warp shall have iid. And for a pound of abb spinning id. ob. _Item_ for weaving of a cloth of 800 viiis. And for every beer above 800 and under 900 iid. ob. 800 A spinner for spinning of a pound of these sorts of warp shall have iid. ob. And for a pound of abb id. ob. For a weaving of a broad listed white of this making ixs. For the hanking thereof xiid. _Item_ for weaving of a cloth of 900 ixs. For every beer above 900 and under 1000 iiid. 900 A spinner for spinning of a pound of these sorts of warp shall have iid. ob. q. For the spinning of a pound of abb of that sort id. ob. q. And for every pound of abb wrought into a cloth above 54 and not above 60 xiid. _Item_ for weaving of a cloth of 1000 xs. For every beer above 1000 and under 1100 iiiid. 1000 For every pound of abb above 54 and not above 60 xiid. For every pound of abb above 60 xvid. A spinner for spinning of a pound of these sorts of warp shall have iiid. ob. And for a pound of abb iid. _Item_ for weaving of a cloth of 1100 being narrow listed with 54_li_ of abb xiis. For every beer above 1100 and not above 1200 vid. For every pound of abb above 54 and not above 60 xviiid. 1100 For every pound of abb above 60 pound xxd. and A spinner for spinning a pound of these 1200 sorts of warp shall have iiiid. And for a pound of abb iid. ob. For weaving of the broad listed whites of the three sorts of cloth next before mentioned xiiis. vid. For the hanking of them xiid. James Mervin. Wa. Longe. Wm. Eyre. Jo. Ernele. Jaspar More. Edward Penrudock. H. Sadler. Jo. Dauntesey. John Hungerford. Wm. Bayles. Jo. Warneford. W. Blacker. Edw. Rede. Henry Martyn. G. Tooker. Anth. Hungerford. La. Hyde. [Footnote 290: For the meaning of "beer" and "abb" see notes to document No. 8.] 14. ADMINISTRATION OF THE WAGE CLAUSES OF THE STATUTE OF ARTIFICERS [_Atkinson, North Riding Quarter Sessions, Vol. I, pp._ 27, 60, 69, 99, 105], 1605-8. Jan. 17th, 1605. [Presented by the Jury.] John Bulmer of West Cottam, husbandman, for hiring servants without recording their names and salaries before the Chief Constable, _contra formam statuti_, etc., and also Rob. Harrison and Will Keldell both of the same, for the like.... Helmesly, Jan. 8, 1606. The inhabitants of Thirkleby, (Great and Little), for refusing to give the names of their servants and their wages to the constables of the said town or to the Head Constables. The inhabitants of Kilbornes, Over and Nether, for the like and for giving their servants more wages than the statute doth allow. Thomas Gibson, of Easingwold, for retaining and accepting into his service one Will Thompson without shewing to the Head Officer, Curate or Churchwarden any lawful testimonial. Will Burnett, of Bawker, for refusing to pay pence for entering his servants' names; Cuthbert Ivyson, of Awdwarke, husbandman, for retaining Tim Johnson, servant, at husbandry for 46s., contrary to the rates assessed by the Justices. Thirske, April 14, 1607. Thomas Grange of East Harlesey, for refusing to give a note of his servants and their wages. Malton, Jan. 12, 1607. Jane Kay of Fawdington within the constabulary of Bagby, for denying to give the names of her servants, nor tickets nor rates of her servants. Malton, Jan. 12, 1607. Alice Sharrow, of New Milnes in Seazey parish, for taking more wages of Will Bell of Kascall than, etc. Malton, Jan. 12, 1607. Thos. Wawne of Thorp Rawe, yeoman, for giving wages to ... Rymer his servant, exceeding the rate set down by the Justices. 15. ADMINISTRATION OF THE APPRENTICESHIP CLAUSES OF THE STATUTE OF ARTIFICERS [_Atkinson, North Riding Quarter Sessions, Vol. I, pp._ 106 and 121], 1607-8. Malton, Jan. 12, 1607. [Presented by the Jury.] Thomas Cooke, ... webster, for trading, having never served vii years' apprentice.... Rob. Pybus of Beedall, for buying barley to malt to sell without license, and also useth the trade of malting, he being a very young man, unmarried, which is contrary to the statute. Helmesley, July 12, 1608. Rob. Richardson of Sawdon, carpenter, for using that trade, having been but two years apprentice. Fr. Storry of Gristropp, carpenter, for retaining one John Milborne and John Palmer as apprentices without indenture. 16. THE ORGANISATION OF THE WOOLLEN INDUSTRY[291] [_S.P.D. James I, Vol._ LXXX, 13], 1615. The breeders of wool in all countries are of three sorts-- 1. First those that are men of great estate, having both grounds and stock of their own, and are beforehand in wealth. These can afford to delay the selling of their wools and to stay the clothiers' leisure for the payment to increase the price. The number of these is small. 2. Those that do rent the king's, noblemen's and gents' grounds and deal as largely as either their stock or credit will afford. These are many and breed great store of wool; most of them do usually either sell their wools beforehand, or promise the refusal of them for money which they borrowed at the spring of the year to buy them sheep to breed the wool, they then having need of money to pay their Lady-day rent and to double their stock upon the ground as the spring time requireth, and at that time the clothiers disburse their stock in yams to lay up in stock against hay-time and harvest when their spinning fails. So that then farmers and clothiers have greatest want of money at one time. 3. The general number of husbandmen in all the wool countries that have small livings, whereof every one usually hath some wool, though not much. They are many in numbers in all countries and have great store of wool, though in small parcels. Many of these also do borrow money of the wool merchant to buy sheep to stock their commons. Their parcels being so small, the times of selling so divers, the distance of place so great between the clothier and them, it would be their undoing to stay the clothier's leisure for the time of their sale, or to be subject to him for the price.... These wools are usually converted by four sorts of people. 1. The rich clothier that buyeth his wool of the grower in the wool countries, and makes his whole year's provision beforehand and lays it up in store, and in the winter time hath it spun by his own spinsters and woven by his own weavers and fulled by his own tuckers, and all at the lowest rate for wages. These clothiers could well spare the wool buyers that they might likewise have wool at their own prices, and the rather because many of them be brogging clothiers and sell again very much, if not most, of the wool they buy. 2. The second is the meaner clothier that seldom or never travels into the wool country to buy his wool, but borrows the most part of it at the market, and sets many poor on work, clothes it presently, and sells his cloth in some countries upon the bare thread, as in Devonshire and Yorkshire, and others dress it and sell it in London for ready money, and then comes to the wool market and pays the old debt and borrows more. Of this sort there are great store, that live well and grow rich and set thousands on work; they cannot miss the wool chapman, for if they do they must presently put off all their workfolk, and become servants to the rich clothier for 4d. or 6d. a day, which is a poor living. 3. The third sort are such clothiers that have not stock enough to bestow, some in wool and some in yarn, and to forbear some in cloth as the rich clothiers do, and they buy but little or no wool, but do weekly buy their yarn in the markets, and presently make it into cloth and sell it for ready money, and so buy yarn again; which yarn is weekly brought into the markets by a great number of poor people that will not spin to the clothier for small wages; but have stock enough to set themselves on work, and do weekly buy their wool in the market by very small parcels according to their use and weekly return it in yarn, and make good profit thereof, having their benefit both of their labour and of the merchandise, and live exceeding well. These yarn-makers are so many in number that it is supposed by men of judgment that more than half the cloths that are made in Wilts, Gloucester, and Somersetshire is made by the means of these yarn-makers and poor clothiers that depend weekly upon the wool chapman, which serves them weekly with wool either for money or credit. 4. The fourth sort is of them of the new drapery, which are thousands of poor people inhabiting near the ports and coasts from Yarmouth to Plymouth and in many great cities and towns, as London, Norwich, Colchester, Canterbury, Southampton, Exeter and many others. These people by their great industry and skill do spend a great part of the coarse wools growing in the kingdom, and that at as high a price or higher than the clothiers do the finest wools of this country, as appeareth by a particular hereunto annexed.... [Footnote 291: Quoted Unwin, _Industrial Organization in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries_, App. A, II.] 17. PROCEEDINGS ON APPRENTICESHIP CLAUSES OF 5 ELIZ., c. 4 [_Reports of Special Cases Touching Several Customs and Liberties of the City of London, collected by Sir H. Calthrop_, 1655], 1615. _Hil._ 12, _Iac._ 1 [Tolley's case]. It was agreed and resolved that an upholsterer is not a trade within that Stat. For first it is not a trade that is mentioned in any of the branches of the Statute, howsoever in all parts of the Statute there is mention made of 61 several trades and misteries. And if the artizans which at that time were assistants unto the committees for the expressing of all manner of trades had thought that the trade of an upholsterer had been such a trade that required art and skill for the encouraging of it, they would not have failed to make mention of it.... Thirdly the trade of an upholsterer doth not require any art or skill for the exercizing of it, inasmuch as he hath all things made to his hand, and it is only to dispose them in order after such time as they are brought to him ... and so he is like Aesop's bird which borroweth of every bird a feather, his art resting merely in the overseeing and disposition of such things which other men work, and in the putting of feathers into tick, and sewing them up when he hath done, the which one that hath been an apprentice unto it but seven days is able to perform. And the intent of this Statute was not to extend unto any other trade but such as required art and skill for the managing of them; and therefore it was adjudged in the Exchequer upon an information against one [space] in the 42nd year of the late Queen Eliz. that a costermonger was not a trade intended by the Statute of 5 Eliz., because his art was in the selling of apples, which required no skill or experience for the exercise of it. So an husbandman, tankardbearer, brickmaker, porter, miller, and such like trades are not within the Statute of 5 Eliz., cap 4, so as none may exercize them but such a one as hath been an apprentice by the space of 7 years; for they are arts which require ability of body rather than skill. 18. A PETITION TO FIX WAGES ADDRESSED TO THE JUSTICES BY THE TEXTILE WORKERS OF WILTSHIRE [_Historical MSS. Commission, Vol. I, p. 94. The Records of Quarter Sessions in the County of Wilts._], 1623. May it please you to be informed of the distressed estate of most of the weavers, spinners, and others that work on the making of woollen clothes, that are not able by their diligent labours to get their livings, by reason that the clothiers at their will have made their work extreme hard, and abated wages what they please. And some of them make such their workfolks to do their household businesses, to trudge in their errands, spool their chains, twist their list, do every command, without giving them bread, drink, or money for many days' labour. May it please you therefore, for the redressing of these enormities done by the clothiers, to appoint certain grave and discreet persons to view the straitness of works, to assess rates for wages according to the desert of their works, now especially in this great dearth of corn, that the poor artificers of these works of woollen cloth may not perish for want of food, while they are painful in their callings, so shall many families be bound to pray for your worships' happiness and eternal felicity. _Order signed by nine justices._ The petitioners to set down their names to this petition, and the place of their dwelling, and the clothiers dwelling next to the places of their habitations to be warned to be at Devizes the Thursday in the next Whitsun week, to confer with us hereabouts, that they call others grieved herein to attend us at that time.[292] [Footnote 292: The final result of the meeting was that the Justices ordered the rates fixed to be published on market day at Devizes.] 19. APPOINTMENT BY PRIVY COUNCIL OF COMMISSIONERS TO INVESTIGATE GRIEVANCES OF TEXTILE WORKERS IN EAST ANGLIA [_Privy Council Register. Charles I, Vol. 6, pp. 350-1_], 1630. At Whitehall the 16th February, 1630. Present: Lord Treasurer. Lord Privy Seal Lord High Chamberlain. Earl Marshall. Earl of Dorset. Lord V. Dorchester. Lord V. Wentworth. Lord V. Falkland. Lord Bishop of Winton. Lord Newburgh. Mr. Treasurer. Mr. Comptroller. Mr. Secretary Coke. Whereas a petition was this day presented to the Board by Sylvia Harbert, widow, on the behalf of herself and divers others, showing that the poor spinsters, weavers and combers of wool in Sudbury and the places near adjoining thereunto, in the counties of Suffolk and Essex, are of late by the clothiers there (who are now grown rich by the labours of the said poor people) so much abridged of their former and usual wages, that they (who in times past maintained their families in good sort) are now in such distress by the abatement of their wages in these times of scarcity and dearth, that they are constrained to sell their beds, wheels and working tools for want of bread, as by the petition itself doth more at large appear, wherein the petitioners humbly sought to be relieved by some directions from this Board:--their Lordships upon consideration had thereof, have thought fit and ordered that the petition being first signed by the Clerk of the Council attendant shall be recommended to Sir Robert Crane, Bart., Sir Thomas Wiseman, Sir William Maxey, Sir Drewe Deane, Kt., Thomas Eden, Doctor of the Civil Law, Henry Gent, Esq., and Robert Warren, Justices of the Peace of the counties aforesaid, Richard Skinner and Benjamin Fisher, Aldermen of Sudbury, or to any four of them, whereof one Justice of the Peace of each county, and one of the said aldermen, to be three, who are hereby authorised and required to call before them such persons on either side, as they think fittest to inform them of the true state of these complaints, and thereupon to settle such a course for the relief of the petitioners by causing just and orderly payment to be made them of their due and accustomed wages, as that they may have no further cause to complain, nor the Board be further troubled herewithall. And in case any particular person shall be found (either out of the hardness of his heart towards the poor, or out of private ends or humours) refractory to such courses as the said commissioners shall think reasonable and just, that then they bind over every such person to answer the same before the Board. 20. REPORT TO PRIVY COUNCIL OF COMMISSIONERS APPOINTED ABOVE[293] [_S.P.D. Charles I, Vol. 189, No. 40_], 1630. Right Honourable and our very good Lord, We have according to your lordship's order from the Council Board, dated the 16th day of February, 1630, under the hand of the Clerk of the Council, called before us the saymakers, spinsters, weavers and combers, of Sudbury and the towns adjoining, and have examined the cause of the saymakers abating the wages of the spinsters, weavers and combers; and asking the saymakers why they did so abate, their answer was that all of that trade in other parts of the Kingdom did the like; but if it might be reformed in all other parts, they were content to give such wages as we should set down. Whereupon we did order, with the good liking of all parties, as in this enclosed paper is set down. We therefore humbly pray your lordships that the like order may be taken throughout all the kingdom with men of that trade, by way of His Majesty's proclamation, or any other order which may seem best to your lordships' wisdoms; for if the like order be not more general than to Sudbury and the towns adjacent, it must necessarily be their ruin and utter undoing. And so commending the same to your lordships' further direction, we humbly rest, your lordships' in all services to be commanded. This xxvith of April, 1631. Tho. Wyseman. Willi. Maxey. Dra Deane. He. Gent. R. Wareyn. Richard Skynner. Ben Fissher. _Endorsed_, 27 April, 1631. from the Justices of the Peace in the county of Essex concerning the Saymakers, Spinsters, Weavers and Combers of Sudbury. _Essex._ An order made at our meeting at Halsted in the said county the eighth day of April Anno domini 1631 by virtue of an order from the Lords of the Council. It is ordered and agreed upon by us whose names are hereunder written, that the saymakers within the town of Sudbury in Suffolk shall pay unto the spinsters for spinning of every seven knots, one penny, and to have no deduction of their wages, and that the reel whereon the yarn is reeled to be a yard in length, and no longer, and we do further order, that for all the white sayes under five pounds weight the saymaker shall give unto the weaver twelve pence the pound for the weaving thereof, and for the sayes that shall be above five pounds and under ten pounds to give twelve pence the pound, abating six pence in the piece for the weaving thereof, and for the mingled sayes containing eight or nine pounds, nine shillings, and so proportionably as it shall contain more or less in weight. This our order to continue until the 15th day of May next ensuing, except from the Council there shall be other order taken. Thos. Wyseman. Willi. Maxey. Dra. Deane. R. Wareyn. Ri. Skynner. Beniamine Fissher. [Footnote 293: No. 19.] 21. HIGH WAGES IN THE NEW WORLD [_Winthrop's Journal, Vol. II, p. 220_], 1645. The war in England kept servants from coming to us, so as those we had could not be hired, when their times were out, but upon unreasonable terms, and we found it very difficult to pay their wages to their content (for money was very scarce). I may upon this occasion report a passage between one Rowley and his servant. The master, being forced to sell a pair of his oxen to pay a servant his wages, told his servant he could keep him no longer, not knowing how to pay him the next year. The servant answered he would serve him for more of his cattle. 'But how shall I do' (saith the master) 'when all my cattle are gone?' The servant replied, 'You shall then serve me, and so you may have your cattle again.' 22. YOUNG MEN AND MAIDS ORDERED TO ENTER SERVICE [_Hist. MSS. Com., Vol. I., p. 132_], 1655. At an adjourned sessions on 5 June an order was made that, whereas the rate of wages fixed for servants and labourers had been proclaimed, but young people, both men and maids, fitting for service, will not go abroad to service without they may have excessive wages, but will rather work at home at their own hands, whereby the rating of wages will take little effect, therefore no young men or maids fitting to go abroad to service (their parents not being of ability to keep them) shall remain at home, but shall with all convenient speed betake themselves to service for the wages aforesaid, which if they refuse to do the Justices shall proceed against them. 23. REQUEST TO JUSTICES OF GRAND JURY OF WORCESTERSHIRE TO ASSESS WAGES [_Hist. MSS. Com., Vol. I, p. 322_], 1661. Presentments by the Grand Jury. 1661, Ap. 23. We desire that the overseers of parishes may not be hereafter compelled to provide houses for such young persons as will marry before they have provided themselves with a settling. We desire that servants' wages may be rated according to the statute, for we find the unreasonableness of servants' wages a great grievance so that the servants are grown so proud and idle that the master cannot be known from the servant except it be because the servant wears better clothes than his master.[294] We desire that the statute for setting poor men's children to apprenticeship be more duly observed, for we find the usual course is that if any are apprenticed it is to some petty trade, and when they have served their apprenticeship they are not able to live by their trades, whereby not being bred to labour they are not fit for husbandry. We therefore desire that such children may be set to husbandry for the benefit of tillage and the good of the commonwealth. [Footnote 294: The last clause is scratched through in the original.] 24. PROCEEDINGS ON APPRENTICESHIP CLAUSES OF STATUTE OF ARTIFICERS[295] [_Privy Council Register, Oct. 29, 1669_]. Upon reading this day at the board the humble Petition of Francis Kiderbey of Framlingham ... draper, setting forth that he served his apprenticeship for 7 years in the City of London to a Tailor, whereby he came to the knowledge and skill of all sorts of cloth, and used and exercised the same for a long time; that the petitioner's occasions calling him to live in Framlingham aforesaid, and that town wanting one that dealt in cloth, the petitioner set up a shop for selling the same, and thereby got a good livelihood for himself and family; yet some, out of malice, hath caused three bills of Indictment to be presented against him at the sessions held at Woodbridge for that county upon the Statute made 5 Eliz. c. 4, whereby it is provided that none shall use any manual occupations but he that hath been bound seven years an apprentice to the same, which Statute, though not repealed, yet has been by most of the Judges looked upon as inconvenient to trade and to the increase of inventions; that the Petitioner hath removed the said indictments into the Court of King's Bench, where judgment will be given against him, that statute being still in force, and therefore praying that his Majesty will be pleased to give order to his Attorney-General to enter a _non prosequi_ for stopping proceedings against him. It was ordered by his Majesty in Council that it be and it is hereby referred to Mr. Attorney-General to examine the truth of the Petitioner's case, and upon consideration thereof to report to his Majesty in Council his opinion thereupon, and how far he conceives it may be fit for his Majesty to gratify the Petitioner in his said request. [On Dec. 17, 1669, the Attorney-General reported that Kiderbey was liable to the penalty of the Statute, but that the indictments being in the King's name, his Majesty might order a _non processe_ to be entered; which was ordered to be done.] [Footnote 295: Quoted Unwin, _Industrial Organization in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries_, App. A, VII.] SECTION IV THE RELIEF OF THE POOR AND THE REGULATION OF PRICES 1. Regulations made at Chester as to Beggars, 1539--2. A Proclamation Concerning Corn and Grain to be brought into open Markets to be sold, 1545--3. Administration of Poor Relief at Norwich, 1571--4. The first Act Directing the Levy of a Compulsory Poor Rate, 1572--5. The first Act Requiring the Unemployed to be set to Work, 1575-6--6. Report of Justices to Council Concerning Scarcity in Norfolk, 1586--7. Orders devised by the Special Commandment of the Queen's Majesty for the Relief and Ease of the Present Dearth of Grain Within the Realm, 1586--8. The Poor Law Act of 1601--9. A note of the Grievances of the Parish of Eldersfield, 1618--10. Petition to Justices of Wiltshire for Permission to Settle in a Parish, 1618--11. Letter from Privy Council to Justices of Cloth-making Counties, 1621-2--12. Letter from Privy Council to the Deputy Lieutenants and Justices of the Peace in the Counties of Suffolk and Essex concerning the Employment of the Poor, 1629--13. The Licensing of Badgers in Somersetshire, 1630--14. Badgers Licensed at Somersetshire Quarter Sessions, 1630--15. The Supplying of Bristol with Grain, 1630-1--16. Proceedings against Engrossers and other Offenders, 1631--17. Order of Somersetshire Justices Granting a Settlement to a Labourer, 1630-1--18. Report of Derbyshire Justices on their Proceedings, 1631--19. Letter from Privy Council to Justices of Rutlandshire, 1631--20. Judgment in the Star Chamber against an Engrosser of Corn, 1631. The national system of Poor Relief which was built up in the course of the sixteenth century was composed of three elements, experiments of municipal authorities, Parliamentary legislation, supervision and stimulus supplied by the Privy Council. The first step taken by towns was usually to organize begging by granting licences to certain authorized beggars, while punishing the idler (No. 1); the next to provide establishments where necessitous persons could be set to work on materials provided at the public expense (No. 3). The action of the State followed the same lines of development. During the first three quarters of the sixteenth century it (_a_) left the provision of the funds needed for relief to private charity, (_b_) directed the relief of the "impotent poor," but treated all able-bodied persons in one category, that of "sturdy rogues." But in 1572 it recognized the inadequacy of voluntary contributions by directing the levy of a compulsory poor rate (No. 4), and in 1576 made the important innovation of discriminating between persons unemployed because they could not get work and persons unemployed because they did not want work, by enacting that the former should be set to work on materials provided for them, and that the latter should be committed to the House of Correction (No. 5). The system was completed by the Act for the Relief of the Poor of 1601 (No. 8). Its administration was in the hands of the Justices of the Peace, who were much occupied with questions of settlement (Nos. 9, 10, 17), with carrying out instructions sent to them by the Privy Council for relieving distress (Nos. 12 and 19), and with making reports to the Privy Council of their proceedings (No. 18). The provision of relief was never intended to be, and down to 1640 was not, the sole method of coping with problems of distress. It was in its origin associated with measures of a preventive character, attempts to prevent the eviction of peasants (Part II, Section I, Nos. 9, 10, 13-17, 20 and 21), occasional attempts to raise wages (Part II, section III, Nos. 10, 18, 19 and 20), attempts to prevent employers dismissing workpeople in times of trade depression (No. 11), attempts to regulate the price of food stuffs and to secure adequate supplies for the markets (Nos. 2, 6, 7, 13, 14, 15, 16, 20). In the latter matter, as in many others, the Tudor governments tried to make a regularly administered national system out of what had for centuries been the practices of local bodies. The Justices of the Peace were required in 1545 to inspect barns and to compel the owners of supplies of grain to sell it in open market (No. 3). Under Elizabeth the system was elaborated. The Justices from time to time made returns to the Privy Council of the stocks of grain available (No. 6), and of the prices ruling (No. 18); and extremely detailed instructions for their guidance were drawn up by Burleigh in 1586 (No. 7). The licensing of "Badgers," or dealers in corn, was part of their regular business (Nos. 13 and 14); the movement of grain from one district to another was carefully supervised (No. 15); and engrossers and regrators were frequently brought before them (No. 16). The efficiency of the system depended very largely on the close supervision of local government and economic affairs by the Privy Council, and on the fact that offenders against public policy could be tried before the Court of Star Chamber. One case before that Court is printed below (No. 20). It is interesting as showing both the economic ideas upon which the policy of regulating prices was based, and the way in which attempts to supervise economic relationships brought the government into collision with the interests of the middle and commercial classes. AUTHORITIES The only modern English writer who deals adequately with the subject of this section is Miss E.M. Leonard, _The Early History of English Poor Relief_. Short accounts of different aspects of the subject are given by Cunningham, _English Industry and Commerce, Modern Times_, Part I; Ashley, _Economic History_, Chap. V; Nicholls, _History of the Poor Law_; Rogers, _Six Centuries of Work and Wages_; Tawney, _The Agrarian Problem in the Sixteenth Century_; Gasquet, _Henry VIII and the English Monasteries_; _Oxford Historical and Literary Studies_, I, _Elizabethan Rogues and Vagabonds and their Representation in Contemporary Literature_, by Frank Aydelotte; _Oxford Studies in Social and Legal History_, Vol. III, _One Hundred Years of Poor Law Administration in a Warwickshire Village_, by A.W. Ashby. The student may also consult the following:-- (1) _Documentary authorities_:--Municipal Records (see bibliographies and references under section II) and Quarter Sessions Records (see bibliographies and references under section III); the Statutes of the Realm, Acts of the Privy Council, Calendars of State Papers Domestic, especially under Elizabeth; Reports of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, especially Vol. I (containing Quarter Sessions Proceedings of Wiltshire and Worcestershire), the volumes containing a report on the papers of the Marquis of Salisbury (in particular Part VII), and a report on the papers of the Marquis of Lothian (pp. 76-80). (2) Reference to questions of pauperism and prices will be found in contemporary literary authorities set out under section I, in particular in the works of More, Crowley, Lever, Stubbes, Harrison, Bacon and Moore, and in the Commonwealth of this realm of England. Awdeley, Fraternity of Vagabonds (1561, Early English Text Society), gives an amusing account of the habits of vagrants. 1. REGULATIONS MADE AT CHESTER AS TO BEGGARS [_Morris. Chester in the Plantagenet and Tudor Reigns, pp. 355, 356_], 1539. Henry Gee, Mayor, 31 Henry VIII. [1539]. Forasmuch as by reason of the great number of multitude of valiant idle persons and vagabonds which be strong and able to serve and labour for their livings, and yet daily go on begging within the same city, so that the poor impotent and indigent people and inhabiting within the same city and having no other means to get their living but only by the charitable alms of good Christian people daily want and be destitute of the same, to the great displeasure of Almighty God and contrary to good conscience and the wholesome statute and laws of our sovereign Lord the King in such case made and provided; for reformation whereof it is ordained and established by the said city ... that the number and names of all indigent and needy mendicant people shall be searched, known and written, and thereupon divided in xv parts, and every of them assigned to what ward they shall resort and beg within the said city, and in no other place within the same, and their names to be written in a bill and set up in every man's house within every ward for knowledge to whom they shall give their alms and to no other. And if any other person or persons come to any man or woman's door, house or person to beg, not having his name in the bill within that man's or woman's houses, then the same man or woman to give unto the same beggar no manner alms or relief but rather to bring or send him to the stocks within the same ward, or else to deliver him to the constable of the same ward or the alderman's deputy within the same ward, and he to put him in the stocks, there to remain by the space of a day and a night; and yet, every man and woman that shall offend in using themselves contrary to this ordinance concerning such valiant beggars shall for every such offence forfeit xiid., to be levied to the use of the common box by the commandment of the alderman of the same ward, and for default of payment thereof the same man or woman so offending to be committed to the ward by the mayor till it be paid. And if any of the indigent and poor needy beggars [beg] at any time in any other place within this city out of the ward to them assigned as is aforesaid, then the same beggar so offending to be punished by the mayor's discretion. And further it is ordered that all manner of idle persons, being able to labour abiding within the said city and not admitted to live by alms within the said city, shall every workday in the morning in the time of winter at vi of the clock, and in time of summer at iiii of the clock, resort and come unto the high cross of the said city, and there to offer themselves to be hired to labour for their living according to the king's laws and his statutes provided for labourers; and if any person or persons do refuse so to do, then he or they so refusing to be committed to ward by the mayor of the said city for the time being, there to remain unto such time he or they so refusing hath found sufficient sureties to be bound by recognisance before the said mayor in a certain sum, so to [do] accordingly to the King's laws and statutes aforesaid. 2. A PROCLAMATION ... CONCERNING CORN AND GRAIN TO BE CONVEYED AND BROUGHT INTO OPEN MARKETS TO BE SOLD [_Br. M. Harleian MSS. 442, fo._ 211][296], 1545. Forasmuch as it is come to the knowledge of our Sovereign Lord the King, how that divers persons, as well his own subjects as others, having more respect to their own private lucre and advantage than to the common weal of this his Highness's realm, have by divers and sundry means accumulated and got into their hands and possession a great number and multitude of corn and grain, far above the necessary finding of their households, sowing of their lands, paying their rent-corn and performing of their lawful bargains of corn without fraud or intrigue; and the same of their covetous minds do wilfully detain and keep in their possessions without bringing any part or parcel thereof into any market to be sold, intending thereby for to cause the prices of corn to rise, so that they may sell their corn and grain at such unreasonable prices as they will themselves; by reason whereof the prices of corn and grains ... be raised to such excessive and high prices, that his Majesty's loving subjects cannot gain with their great labours and pains sufficient to pay for their convenient victuals and sustenance, and worse are like to be hereafter, unless speedy remedy be provided in that behalf; his Highness, therefore, by the advice of his said most honourable council, and by authority of the said act of parliament made in the said 31st year of his Majesty's reign, straightly chargeth and commandeth all justices of peace ... within 20 days next ensuing the publishing of this proclamation according to the said act, and oftener after that by their discretions, to assemble themselves together ... and that the said justices ... or two of them at the least, shall with all convenient speed search the houses, barns and yards of such persons as have been accustomed or used to sell corn and grain, and have abundance of corn and grain more than shall be necessary for the sowing of their lands, paying their rent-corn, performing their said lawful bargains of corn, and finding of their houses until the feast of All Saints next coming; and where they shall find any such abundance or surplus, shall by their discretions straightly ... command in the name of our said sovereign lord the king the owner or owners thereof to convey and bring or cause to be brought such part and portion of their said corn and grain unto the market or markets there near adjoining, or to have such other market or markets, where they afore time have used or accustomed to sell their corn there to be sold at, and during such time as shall be thought meet by the said justices of the peace or two of them at the least; the same justices delivering unto every of the said owner and owners a bill subscribed with their hands, mentioning and declaring the days, places, number and certainty of the bringing of the said corn and grain to the said market and markets to be sold, as is aforesaid, according to their said commandments and appointments; and if any person or persons do wilfully refuse to convey or bring or cause to be brought unto the said market or markets to be sold such part or portion of any such corn and grain as by the said justices or two of them at the least, shall be to him and them limited and appointed as is aforesaid, that then every such person and persons so offending shall lose and forfeit for every bushel ... 3s. and 4d. ... This proclamation to continue and endure until the feast of All Saints next coming and no longer.... [Footnote 296: Quoted Schanz, _op. cit._, Vol. II, pp. 669-671.] 3. ADMINISTRATION OF POOR RELIEF AT NORWICH [_Leonard, Early History of English Poor Relief, pp. 311-314_], 1571. [It is ordered] 1. First, that no person or persons old or young shall be suffered to go abroad after a general warning given, or be found a-begging in the streets at the sermon or at any man's door or at any place within the city, in pain of six stripes with a whip. 2. That not any person or persons shall sustain or feed any such beggars at their doors, in pain of such fine as is appointed by statute, and further to pay for every time fourpence, to be collected by the deacons, and to go to the use of the poor of the said City. 3. Item that at the house called the Normans in the convenientest place therefore, shall be appointed a working place, as well for men as for women, viz. for the men to be prepared fourteen malt querns to grind malt and such exercises; and for the women to spin and card and such like exercises. Which working place shall contain to set twelve persons or more upon work, which persons shall be kept as prisoners to work for meat and drink for the space of twenty and one days at the least, and longer if cause serve, and they shall not eat but as they can earn (except some friend will be bound for them), that the city shall no more be troubled with them; with this proviso that such persons as shall be thither committed shall be such as be able to work and daily notwithstanding will not work but rather beg, or be without master or husband, or else be vagabonds or loiterers. Which persons shall begin their works at five of the clock in summer, viz. from our Lady the Annunciation until Michelmas, and shall end their works at eight of the clock at night, and in Winter to begin at six of the clock from Michelmas to our Lady, and to end at seven of the clock at night or half an hour past, with the allowance of one half hour or more to eat and a quarter of an hour to spend in prayer. And every one sent thither shall be by warrant from the mayor or his deputy or deputies to the bailiff there, upon which warrant the bailiff shall be bound to receive everyone so sent and set them a-work. And those that shall refuse to do their works to them appointed or keep their hours, to be punished by the whip at the discretion of the wardens or bailiff of the house. * * * * * For the bailiff of Bridewell. Item, upon the said authority be also appointed another officer, to be called the bailiff of Bridewell, who is also to be resident there with his wife and family, who shall take the charge by inventory from the wardens of all bedding and other utensils delivered unto him to the use of the workfolks, who shall yearly account with the wardens for the same. And also shall take charge of such vagabonds, men and women, as to them shall be committed, enforcing them to work by the hours aforesaid. The men to grind malt and other works, and the women to use their hand-deed and, except that they work, not to eat. And to take of them for their victual, and fuel, or other necessaries as the price shall be rated and there set up. And to allow them for their work by the pound (or otherwise) as shall be rated and set up, and shall use such correction as is aforesaid. And also shall receive all stuff thither brought and see the same truly and well used and safely delivered. And he to provide him of such servants as in his absence or his wife's shall see the works done as it ought to be, and to do the house business, as washing, making of beds, baking and also to be expert in hand-deed to spin, card, etc. And also to provide one officer surveyor, to go daily about the city, with a staff in his hand, to arrest whom that is apt for Bridewell and bring them to master mayor or to any of the committees be commanded thither. And as he goeth abroad he shall certify how the works in every ward are ordered and occupied, and shall inform master mayor, the committees or his master thereof. And he shall resort to the deacons in every ward, and be aiding unto them to bring such as be new comers into the city to master mayor, the same presently to be sent away again to the place they came from. And likewise shall bring all disordered persons to be punished to Bridewell if such shall dwell in any ward, and shall give his whole attendance thereupon. And the said bailiff shall be allowed for himself, his wife, servants and surveyors, (if he shall be charged with his whole number of prisoners,) for meat, drink and wages thirty pounds by year, whereof he shall pay forty shillings a year to a priest to minister service to them twice a week, or else, if he have less charge, to have after the rate as by the discretion of the committees and wardens of Bridewell shall be thought convenient or as they can agree.... * * * * * Orders for children and others in wards. Item, that there be also appointed by the committees or commissioners for every single ward so many select women as shall suffice to receive of persons within that ward, viz. of women, maidens or children that shall be appointed unto them by the committees or deacons, to work or learn letters in their house or houses, of the most poorest children whose parents are not able to pay for their learning or of women and maids that live idly or be disordered to the number of six, eight, ten or twelve at the most in any one of their houses. The same to be driven to work and learn, by the hours appointed in Bridewell and with such corrections, till their hands be brought into such use and their bodies to such pains as labour and learning shall be easier to them than idleness, and as they shall of themselves be able to live of their own works with their families as others do. And every such select woman appointed to take charge of such aforesaid, shall see that such as to them be committed shall do their works truly and workmanly and be learned profitably, or else to lay sharp correction upon them; and every such select woman doing her duty to teach or cause to be taught or set a-work, to have for her pains in that behalf twenty shillings by year every one of them so appointed and nominated. And whosoever select woman so appointed shall refuse the same being thereunto appointed, shall suffer imprisonment by the space of twenty days at the least. 4. THE FIRST ACT DIRECTING THE LEVY OF A COMPULSORY POOR RATE [_14 Eliz. c._ 5. _Statutes of the Realm, Vol. IV, Part I, pp. 590-98_], 1572. ... And when the number of the said poor people forced to live upon alms be by that means truly known, the said justices, mayors, sheriffs, bailiffs and other officers shall within like convenient time devise and appoint, within every their said several divisions, meet and convenient places by their discretions to settle the same poor people for their habitations and abidings, if the parish within the which they shall be found shall not or will not provide for them; and shall also within like convenient time number all the said poor people within their said several limits, and thereupon (having regard to the number) set down what portion the weekly charge towards the relief and sustentation of the said poor people will amount unto within every their said several divisions and limits; and that done, they ... shall by their good discretions tax and assess all and every the inhabitants, dwelling in all and every city, borough, town, village, hamlet and place known within the said limits and divisions, to such weekly charge as they and every of them shall weekly contribute towards the relief of the said poor people, and the names of all such inhabitants taxed shall also enter into the said register book together with their taxation, and also shall by their discretion within every their said divisions and limits appoint or see collectors for one whole year to be appointed of the said weekly portion, which shall collect and gather the said proportion, and make delivery of so much thereof, according to the discretion of the said justices ... and other officers, to the said poor people, as the said justices ... and other officers shall appoint them: and also shall appoint the overseers of the said poor people by their discretions, to continue also for one whole year; and if they do refuse to be overseers, then every of them so refusing to forfeit ten shillings for every such default. 5. THE FIRST ACT REQUIRING THE UNEMPLOYED TO BE SET TO WORK [_18 Eliz. c. 3. Statutes of the Realm, Vol. IV, Part I, pp. 610-13_], 1575-6. ... Also to the intent youth may be accustomed and brought up in labour and work, and thus not like to grow to be idle rogues, and to the intent also that such as be already grown up in idleness and so [be] rogues at this present, may not have any just excuse in saying that they cannot get any service or work, and then without any favour or toleration worthy to be executed, and that other poor and needy persons being willing to work may be set on work: be it ordered and enacted by the authority aforesaid, that in every city and town corporate within this realm, a competent store and stock of wool, hemp, flax, iron or other stuff, by the appointment and order of the mayor, bailiffs, justices or other head officers having rule in the said cities or towns corporate (of themselves and all others the inhabitants within their several authorities to be taxed, levied and gathered), shall be provided.... Collectors and governors of the poor from time to time (as cause requireth) shall and may, of the same stock and store, deliver to such poor and needy person a competent portion to be wrought into yarn or other matter within such time and in such sort as in discretions shall be from time to time limited and prefixed, and the same afterwards, being wrought, to be from time to time delivered to the said collectors and governors of the poor, for which they shall make payment to them which work the same according to the desert of the work, and of new deliver more to be wrought; and so from time to time to deliver stuff unwrought and receive the same again wrought as often as cause shall require; which hemp, wool, flax or other stuff wrought from time to time, shall be sold by the said collectors and governors of the poor either at some market or other place, and at such time as they shall think meet, and with the money coming of the sale, to buy more stuff in such wise as the stocks or store shall not be decayed in value.... 6. REPORT OF JUSTICES TO COUNCIL CONCERNING SCARCITY IN NORFOLK[297] [_S.P.D. Eliz., Vol. 191, No. 12_], 1586. May it please your honours, after the remembrance of our humble duties to be advertized; that for a further proceeding in the accomplishment of your honourable letters concerning the furnishing of the markets with corn, we have according to our former letters of the ixth of June last, met here together this day for conference therein. And perusing all our notes and proceedings together, we find that throughout this shire by such order as we have taken with owners and farmers and also badgers and buyers of corn and grain, the markets are by them plentifully served every market day with corn, and the same sold at reasonable rates, viz. wheat at xxiis., the quarter, rye at xvis., malt at xiiiis., and barley at xiis., of which kinds of corn the poorer sort are by persuasion served at meaner prices. And so we doubt not but it shall likewise continue according to our direction until it shall please God that new corn may be used. And hereof thinking it best in performance of our duties to advertize your honours, we humbly take our leave. From Attlebrigge the xith of July 1586. Your ho: humble at commandment ... [Signature of Justices.] [Footnote 297: Quoted Leonard, _Early History of English Poor Relief_, pp. 316-17.] 7. ORDERS DEVISED BY THE SPECIAL COMMANDMENT OF THE QUEEN'S MAJESTY FOR THE RELIEF AND EASE OF THE PRESENT DEARTH OF GRAIN WITHIN THE REALM [_Lansdowne MSS., 48, f. 128, No. 54_[298]], 1586. That the sheriffs and justices of the peace by speedy warning of the sheriff shall immediately upon receipt of these orders assemble themselves together, and shall take amongst them into their charge by several divisions all the hundreds, rapes, or wapentakes of the said county. _Item_, every company so allotted out shall forthwith direct their precepts unto the said sheriff to warn the high constables, under-constables, and others the most honest and substantial inhabitants ... to appear before them, ... and upon the appearance of the said persons they shall divide them into so many juries as they shall think meet, giving instruction to the said sheriff to return as few of such as be known great farmers for corn or have store of grain to sell as he can; ... _Item_, they shall first declare the cause why they are sent for ... and then they shall give them the oath following:-- The Juries' Oath. You shall swear, etc., that you shall enquire and make true and due search and trial what number of persons every householder that hath corn in their barns, stacks or otherwhere, as well justices of the peace as others whatsoever within the parish of ..., have in their houses; what number of acres they have certainly to be sown this year with any manner of grain; what bargains they have made with any persons for any kind of grain to be sold by or to them; to whom and by whom and upon what price they have made the same, and what quantity of any manner of grain they or any other have in their barns, garners, lofts, cellars or floors or otherwise to be delivered unto them upon any bargain. _Item_, what number of badgers, ladders, broggers or carriers of corn do inhabit within the said parish, and whither they do use to carry their corn they buy, and where they do usually buy the same and what their names be, and how long they have used that trade, and by whose license, and to see the same licenses of what tenor they are of. _Item_, what number of maltmakers, bakers, common brewers or tipplers dwell within the said parish, and who they are by name, and how long they have used that trade, and how much they bake or brew in the week, and what other trade they have whereby otherwise to live. _Item_, who within the same parish be the great buyers of corn, or do buy, or have bought any corn or grain, to sell again, or have sold it again since midsummer last. _Item_, who within the same parish buyeth or have bought or sold any corn upon the ground, of whom and to whom hath the same been bought or sold and at what prices, and to certify unto us of the premises and of every part thereof. That the said justices of the peace, having received ... the verdicts of the said juries, ... shall call ... such persons before them of every parish as upon the presentment so made shall appear to have corn to spare, and upon due consideration of the number of persons which each hath in his house according to their qualities, and of the quantity of grain the party hath toward the finding of the same or otherwise to be spent in his house and sowing of his grounds, allowing to every householder for his expenses in his house for every person thereof according to their quality sufficient corn for bread and drink, between this and the next harvest, and for their seed after the rate of the sowing of that country upon an acre; and (_sic_) that they shall bind all such as shall appear to have more of any kind of grain than shall serve to uses above mentioned, as well justices of the peace as other, by recognizance in some good reasonable sums of money to observe the orders ensuing, viz., ... You shall bring or cause to be brought weekly so many quarters or bushels of corn as wheat, rye, barley, malt, peas, beans, or other grain, or so much thereof as shall not be directly sold to the poor artificers or day labourers of the parish within which you dwell by order of the justice of the peace of the division within which you do dwell or two of them, to the market of ..., there to be by you or at your assignment sold unto the Queen's subjects in open market by half quarters, two bushels, one bushel or less as the buyer shall require of you, and not in greater quantity, except it be a badger or carrier of corn admitted according to the statute, or to a common known brewer or baker, ... and you shall not willingly leave any part of your corn unsold if money be offered to you for the same by any that are permitted to buy the same after the usual price of the market there that day, neither shall you from the beginning of the market to the full end thereof keep or cause to be kept any part of your said corn out of the open sight of the market.... Ye shall buy no corn to sell it again. Ye shall neither buy nor sell any manner of corn but in the open market, unless the same be to poor handicraftsmen or day-labourers within the parish where you do dwell that cannot conveniently come to the market towns by reason of distance of place, according to such direction as shall be given unto you in that behalf by the justices of the peace of that division within which you do dwell, or two of them, and to none of these above one bushel at a time. That the justices of the peace within their several divisions have special regard that engrossers of corn be carefully seen unto and severely punished according to the law, and where such are found, to make certificate thereof and of the proofs to the Queen Majesty's attorney general for the time being, who is directed speedily to inform against them for the same, and to see also that none be permitted to buy any corn to sell again but by special license. That they take order with the common bakers for the baking of rye, barley, peas, and beans for the use of the poor, and that they appoint special and fit persons diligently to see their people well dealt withall by the common bakers and brewers in all towns and places in their weight and assize, and effectually to enquire for and search out the default therein, and thereupon to give order for punishment of the offenders severely according to the law, and where any notable offence shall be in the bakers, to cause the bread to be sold to the poorer sort under the ordinary prices in part of punishment of the baker. That no badgers of corn, bakers or brewers, do buy any grain, or covin or bargain for the same, but in the time of open market, and that but by license under the hand of the justices of the division where they do dwell, or three of them, and that they weekly bring their license with them to the market where they do either buy or sell, and that the license contain how much grain of what kind and for what place they are licensed to buy and carry, that there be set down upon the license the day, place, quantity and price the corn is bought at, that they take but measurably for the carriage, baking and brewing thereof, that they show their book weekly to such as the justice of the division wherein they dwell shall appoint, being no bakers or badgers of corn. And that those persons every 14 days make report to the justice of the division wherein they dwell how the people are dealt withall by the badgers, bakers and brewers. And that such as have otherwise sufficient to live on, or that are known to be of any crime or evil behaviour, be not permitted to be badgers of corn, nor any badgers to be permitted but such as the statute doth limit, and that none be permitted to buy or provide corn in the market in gross as badger or baker and such like, upon pain of imprisonment, until one hour after the full market be begun, that the poor may be first served. That the said justices, or two or one of them, at the least, in every division, shall be personally present at every market within their several divisions to see the orders to be taken by the authority hereof to be well observed, and the poor people provided of necessary corn, and that with as much favour in the prices as by earnest persuasion of the justices may be obtained; ... That all good means and persuasions be used by the justices in their several divisions that the poor may be served of corn at convenient and charitable prices. That there be no buying or bargaining for any kind of corn but in open market, and that the justices in their several divisions restrain common maltsters of making barley-malt in those countries and places where there be oats sufficient to make malt of for the use of the people, and to restrain as well the brewing of barley-malt by or for ale houses or common tipplers in those countries and places, as also the excess use of any kind of malt by all common brewers in all alehouses and common tippling houses wheresoever, and that sufficient bonds be taken of all common brewers, maltsters and common tipplers, according to the true meaning of this article, and that the unnecessary number of alehouses and common tipplers be forthwith suppressed in all places, and that direction be given to all tippling houses, taverns and alehouses not to suffer any persons to repair thither to eat and drink at unseasonable times. That the justices use all other good means that are not mentioned in these orders that the markets be well served and the poor relieved in their provisions during this time of dearth, and that no expense of any grain meet for bread to feed men be wasted upon feeding of beasts, neither that any be spent in making of a stuff called starch, as of late there hath been discovered great quantity expended in that vain matter being in no sort to be suffered to continue. That the justices be straightly commanded to see by all good means that the able people be set on work, the houses of correction provided and furnished, and there idle vagabonds to be punished. That the justices do their best to have convenient stock to be provided in every division or other place, according to the statute for setting the poor awork, and the justices to use all other good and politic means within their several divisions to continue and maintain the poor people in work within the parish, or at the furthest, within the hundred or division. That the maimed or hurt soldiers and all other impotent persons be carefully seen unto to be relieved within their several parishes, hundreds or divisions, according to the law therefor provided, and that where the provisions formerly made be not sufficient it may be now for this time of dearth increased; and where one parish is not able to give sufficient relief to such their poor, that parish to have the supply of such parishes near adjoining as have fewer poor and are better able to give relief, and that no vagabond or sturdy beggar, or any that may otherwise get their living by their labours, be not suffered to wander abroad under colour of begging in any town or highway, and that the justices do presently give order that there be persons sufficiently weaponed to assist the constables of every town to attach such vagabonds both in their town-side and highways, and to commit them to prison without bail, but as two of the justices of the peace near that division shall order, and if the township shall not observe this order for the attaching and punishment of the said vagabonds, then the justices shall see due punishment by fine upon the whole township, or upon such parties in the town as shall be found in fault. That the justices of the peace do once every month certify their doings and proceedings by force of these instructions unto the sheriff of the said county, in which certificate they shall also make certificate of such justices as shall be absent from any of these services, and the true cause of their absence, and shall also certify the usual prices of all kinds of grain in their markets for that month past, of all which the same sheriff to certify the Privy Council once in every forty days at the farthest, so as that default in any justice that shall be absent may be duly considered and corrected by authority of his Majesty's council as reason shall require, and so as such persons as are placed as justices for their credit may not continue in those rooms, wherein they shall be found not disposed to attend such a necessary and godly service as this is, but others of better disposition may supply those rooms, if there shall be need of any such number, as in most places is thought not very needful, the number being in common opinion more hurtful than profitable to justice. And if any shall offend against the true meaning of these instructions, or any part thereof, or shall use any sinister means to the defrauding thereof, that such be severely punished according to the laws, and for such obstinate persons as shall not conform themselves the justices shall at their pleasure bind to appear before the Queen Majesty's Privy Council by a day certain, there to be further dealt with by severe punishment for the better ensample of all others.... [Footnote 298: Quoted Leonard, _Early History of English Poor Relief_, pp. 318-26.] 8. THE POOR LAW ACT OF 1601 [_43 and 44 Eliz. c. 2. Statutes of the Realm, Vol. IV, Part II, pp. 962-5_], 1601. Be it enacted by the authority of this present parliament, that the churchwardens of every parish, and four, three or two substantial householders there as shall be thought meet, having respect to the apportion and greatness of the same parish or parishes, to be nominated yearly in Easter week or within one month after Easter, under the hand and seal of two or more justices of the peace in the same county, whereof one to be of the _quorum_, dwelling in or near the same parish or division where the same parish doth lie, shall be called overseers of the poor of the same parish: and they or the greater part of them shall take order from time to time, by and with the consent of two or more such justices of peace as is aforesaid, for setting to work of the children of all such whose parents shall not by the said churchwardens and overseers or the greater part of them be thought able to keep and maintain their children; and also for setting to work all such persons married or unmarried having no means to maintain them, [or] use no ordinary and daily trade of life to get their living by; and also to raise weekly or otherwise, by taxation of every inhabitant parson, vicar and other, and of every occupier of lands, houses, tithes impropriate or propriations of tythes, coal mines or saleable underwoods, in the said parish, in such competent sum and sums of money as they shall think fit, a convenient stock of flax, hemp, wool, thread, iron and other necessary ware and stuff to set the poor on work, and also competent sums of money for and towards the necessary relief of the lame, impotent, old, blind and such other among them being poor and not able to work, and also for the putting out of such children to be apprentices, to be gathered out of the same parish according to the ability of the same parish; and to do and execute all other things as well for the disposing of the said stock as otherwise concerning the premises as to them shall seem convenient: which said churchwardens and overseers so to be nominated, or such of them as shall not be let by sickness or other just excuse to be allowed by two such justices of peace or more as aforesaid, shall meet together at the least once every month in the church of the said parish, upon the Sunday in the afternoon after Divine Service, there to consider of some good course to be taken and of some meet order to be set down in the premises, and shall within four days after the end of their year and after other overseers nominated as aforesaid, make and yield up to such two justices of peace as is aforesaid a true and perfect account of all sums of money by them received, or rated and assessed and not received, and also of such stock as shall be in their hands or in the hands of any of the poor to work, and of all other things concerning their said office; and such sum or sums of money as shall be in their hands shall pay and deliver over to the said churchwardens and overseers newly nominated and appointed as aforesaid; ... And be it further enacted that it shall be lawful for the said churchwardens and overseers, or the greater part of them, by the assent of any two justices of the peace aforesaid, to bind any such children as aforesaid to be apprentices, where they shall see convenient, till such man-child shall come to the age of four and twenty years, and such woman-child to the age of one and twenty years, or the time of her marriage; the same to be as effectual to all purposes as if such child were of full age, and by indenture of covenant bound him or herself. And the said justices of peace or any of them to send to the house of correction or common gaol such as shall not employ themselves to work, being appointed thereunto as aforesaid. 9. A NOTE OF THE GRIEVANCES OF THE PARISH OF ELDERSFIELD [_Hist. MSS. Com. Vol. I, pp. 298-299_], 1618. There are divers poor people in the said parish which are a great charge. Giles Cooke, not of our parish, married a widow's daughter within our parish, which widow is poor and lives in a small cottage, which is like to be a charge. Joan Whiple had lived 40 years and upward in the parish with a brother, as a servant to him; and now that she has grown old and weak he has put her off to the parish; she was taken begging within the parish and was sent to Teddington, where she said she was born, but that parish has sent her back again. Elzander Man, born in Forthampton, in the county of Gloucester, married a wife within the parish, who was received by her mother till she had two children; the said wife is now dead, and he is gone into Gloucestershire and has left his children to the keeping of the parish. Thomas Jones, born at Harfield, in the county of Gloucester, married a wife within the parish, and has two children; the said Jones being now gone, the parishioners would know if they might send the woman to her husband, or to the place where she or her husband was born.... Francis Gatfield has gone from the parish, leaving his child and some goods and money; the child is left in charge of the parish and the goods with his brother and sister; the parishioners desire to know whether they may not avoid keeping the child or seize the said goods towards its maintenance. 10. PETITION TO JUSTICES OF WILTSHIRE FOR PERMISSION TO SETTLE IN A PARISH [_Hist. MSS. Com., Vol. I, p. 298_], 1618. Petitioner doth give you to understand that he was born in Stockton within this county, and has been bred up in the same parish, and most of my time in service; and have taken great pains for my living all my time since I was able, and of late I fortuned to marry with an honest young woman, and my parishioners not willing that I should bring her in the parish, saying we would breed a charge among them. Then I took a house in Bewdley, and there my wife doth yet dwell and in confines thereabouts, and I send or bring my wife the best relief I am able, and now the parish of Bewdley will not suffer her to dwell there for doubt of further charge. Right worshipful, I most humbly crave your good aid and help in this my distress, or else my poor wife and child are like to perish without the doors. And this, right worshipful, I do humbly crave, that by your good help and order to the parish of Stockton I may have a house there to bring my wife and child unto, that I may help them the best I can. 11. LETTER FROM PRIVY COUNCIL TO JUSTICES OF CLOTH-MAKING COUNTIES[299] [_Privy Council Register, Feb. 9th, 1621-2_], 1621-2. We do hereby require you to call before you such clothiers as you shall think fitting, and to deal effectually with them for the employment of such weavers, spinners and other persons as are now out of work, where we may not omit to let you know, that as we have employed our best endeavours in favour of the clothiers both for the vent of their cloth and for moderation in the price of wool (of which we hope they shall speedily find the effects), so may we not endure that the clothiers in that or any other county should at their pleasure, and without giving knowledge thereof unto this Board, dismiss their workfolks, who, being many in number and most of them of the poorer sort, are in such cases likely by their clamours to disturb the quiet and government of those parts wherein they live. And if there shall be found greater numbers of poor people than the clothiers can receive and employ, we think it fit and accordingly require you to take order for putting the statute in execution, whereby there is provision made in that behalf by raising of public stocks for the employment of such in that trade as want work. Wherein if any clothier shall after sufficient warning refuse or neglect to appear before you, or otherwise shall obstinately deny to yield to such overtures in this case as shall be reasonable and just, you shall take good bonds of them for refusing to appear before us, and immediately certify their names unto this Board ...; this being the rule by which both the woolgrower, the clothier and merchant must be governed, that whosoever had a part of the gain in profitable times since his Majesty's happy reign, must now in the decay of trade ... bear a part of the public losses as may best conduce to the good of the public and the maintenance of the general trade. [Footnote 299: Quoted Leonard, _Early History of English Poor Relief_, pp. 147-8.] 12. LETTER FROM PRIVY COUNCIL TO THE DEPUTY LIEUTENANTS AND JUSTICES OF THE PEACE IN THE COUNTIES OF SUFFOLK AND ESSEX CONCERNING THE EMPLOYMENT OF THE POOR[300] [_Privy Council Register, Chas. I, Vol. V, f. 263_], 1629. Whereas we by special directions of his Majesty did lately commend unto your care the present state of those parts of your county where the poor clothiers and their workmen at present destitute of work might some other way be employed or for the time be relieved till some obstructions to trade were removed, as also to keep in order those that are loose and ill disposed people; to which end his Majesty, by advice of his Privy Council and the Judges, hath lately published a proclamation declaring his pleasure and command in what manner the truly poor and impotent should be relieved, those of able bodies should be set on work and employed in honest labour, and the sturdy, idle and dangerous rogues and vagabonds should be repressed and punished, which proclamation you shall herewith likewise receive; now, because we understand that in your county there is more than ordinary occasion to use all diligence and industry at this time, we have thought fit to put you more particularly in mind thereof, and in answer of your letters to let you know that it is the resolution of all the judges, that by the law you have sufficient power and ought to raise means out of the several parishes, if they be of ability, or otherwise in their defect, in their several hundreds, lathes or wapentakes, and for want of their ability (to set your poor on work and to relieve the aged and impotent not able to work) in the whole body of the county; wherefore his Majesty commands that the ways provided by law in these cases be duly followed with all diligence and possible speed. You are required to understand the true state of the country from the ministers, churchwardens and overseers of the several parishes within your several divisions. And what rests herein to be done by order at the quarter sessions, the judges advise that for this purpose you may call the quarter sessions sooner then the ordinary set times, and do that which in this case is so requisite. Further we let you to know, that such hath been his Majesty's care and personal pains taken to remove these impediments that of late have been to trade, and to open a free vent to the commodities of your country, that yourselves will shortly see the fruits of it to your comforts; nevertheless in the meantime these things provided by the law, and the helps that by your care may be added, are in no sort to be neglected, but exactly pursued; of which your proceedings we, are to be advertised that so we may render account thereof to his Majesty. And so, etc. [Footnote 300: Quoted Leonard, _Early History of English Poor Relief, pp. 336-7_.] 13. THE LICENSING OF BADGERS IN SOMERSETSHIRE [_Somerset Quarter Sessions Records, Vol. 24, p. 120_], 1630. This Court taking notice of the great prices of corn and butter and cheese and all other commodities, it was ordered that from henceforth no badger whatsoever be licensed but in open sessions, and shall first enter into recognizance and be entered by the clerk of the peace into his book of records, and also that all maltsters do the like before any justice do sign and seal his licence. 14. BADGERS LICENSED AT SOMERSETSHIRE QUARTER SESSIONS [_Somerset Quarter Sessions Records, Vol. 24, p. 119_], 1630. To Edith Doddington of Hilbishopps, widow, to be a badger of butter and cheese and to carry the same into the counties of Wilts, Hampshire, Dorset and Devon, and to return again laden with corn, and to sell it again in any fair or market within this county during one whole year now next ensuing; and she is not to travel with above three horses, mares, or geldings at the most part; for performance whereof Mr. Symes is to take her recognizance, granted by John Homer, John Symes, John Harington. To Thomas Rawlings of Lympsham to buy corn in the counties of Wilts and Somerset to sell the same again in the city of Bristol, Mr. Harington to take the recognizance. Ro. Phelipps, Pa. Godwyn. To Anthony Banbury of Pitney to buy barley and oats, and the same to convert into malt, and to sell again in any fair, and to travel not with above two horses, geldings or mares at the most. Ro. Phelipps, He. Berkley, Pa. Godwyn, John Harington. 15. THE SUPPLYING OF BRISTOL WITH GRAIN [_Somerset Quarter Sessions Records, Vol. 24, pp. 145-6, No. 33_], 1630-1. Whereas it is entreated on the behalf of the city of Bristol that their purveyors, drivers, and higglers may buy and carry away for the necessary provision of the said city such quantities of corn as may be conveniently spared within the markets of this county, and that they may freely carry through the said county such corn and grain as they shall buy in the counties adjacent: It is therefore thought fit and ordered, that these purveyors, drivers and higglers may buy, drive, and carry in and through the said county such proportions thereof as shall by us the justices of peace in our several divisions be thought convenient to be bought, driven, and carried and no more, so as the said purveyors, drivers and higglers be lawfully licensed so to do; and this our order to stand in force for the space of forty days, that in the mean time a joint conference may be had according to his Majesty's directions in that behalf with some of the magistrates of the said city and of the justices of such adjacent counties as the premises shall concern, and this Bench doth depute Sir Henry Berkeley, Sir John Horner, Kts., Robte Hopton, Esqr., and Sir Ralph Hopton, Knight, or any three or two of them to meet, treat and conclude with them in the said conference. 16. PROCEEDING AGAINST ENGROSSERS AND OTHER OFFENDERS [_Somerset Quarter Sessions Records, Vol. 24, p. 152, No. 19_], 1631. General Sessions of the Peace held at Ivelchester the 19th, 20th, 21st and 22nd days of April, 7 Charles (1631). Richard Granger maketh oath against William Hurde of Walton, yeoman, James Hurde of the same, Richard Pinckard of the same, yeoman, for buying corn in ground; against Jacob Hill of Halse, using a trade of clothing not being apprentice, William Rowswell of Wellington for regrating of cheese, Jacob Androwse of Bridgwater and Thomas Prinne of Somerton, partners, for buying corn in ground, John Durston of Wilton for buying and selling within five weeks, George Thome of Stogursey and John Brewer of Combwitch for the same offence, Edmund Galle of Bridgwater for taking extortion, Richard. Barker of Godnye in the parish of Meare for maintaining a cottage that hath not four acres of land. 17. ORDER OF SOMERSETSHIRE JUSTICES GRANTING A SETTLEMENT TO A LABOURER [_Somerset Quarter Sessions Records, Vol. 24, p. 139, No. 4_], 1630-1. General Sessions of the Peace held at Wells the 11th, 12th, 13th and 14th days of January, 6 Charles. Lyonell Wills having petitioned this Court, showing that whereas he hath remained in the parish of Tintenhull for the space of five years now last past, three years whereof he served as a labouring servant, and the two last years as a married man, although not with the consent of some of the parish, and during the said two latter years after he became a married man he endeavoured to take a house within the said parish for his money without any charge to the said parish; and some of the said parish hath forbidden him to remain there any longer and threateneth him, and those that would set or let him any house, to impose great pains on them that shall receive him or let him any house, whereby he is inforced to travel from place to place with his wife and children, and thereby doubteth that he shall in the end be taken as a vagrant; which, the Court taking into consideration, have thought fit to order that the said Lionell Wills be settled at Tintenhull, as they conceiveth by law he ought to be, if his petition be true. And that the said parishioners upon sight of this order do there receive him, and suffer him to be and abide, until they shall show good cause to the contrary to this Court. And that they do suffer him to take a house for his money within the said parish, which if they shall refuse to do, or impose any fines or pains upon those that shall set or let any house unto him or shall be willing thereunto, that then upon complaint thereof made unto Sir Robte Phelipps, Knight, or Thomas Lyte, Esqr., or either of them, they finding his petition to be true will be pleased to bind all such parties to the next Sessions as shall refuse thus to receive him or to trouble any that shall let set them a house to dwell in. 18. REPORT OF DERBYSHIRE JUSTICES ON THEIR PROCEEDINGS [_S.P.D., Charles I, Vol. 202, No. 54_], 1631. Wirksworth Wapentake. To Francis Bradshawe, Esq., High Sheriff of the County of Derby. Sir, In pursuit of the orders and directions given us in command as well by the printed book as also by several letters sent unto us from the right honourable the lords of her Majesty's most honourable Privy Council, we, whose names are hereunder written, having within our allotment the wapentake or hundred of Wirksworth, have had monthly meetings within the said hundred and have summoned both the high constable, petty constables, churchwardens, and overseers of the poor within that division and hundred to appear before us. 1. And first we have made diligent inquiry how all the said officers and others have done their duties in execution of the laws mentioned in the Commission, and what persons have offended against any of them, and punished such as we have found faulty. 2. We have taken care that the lords and parishioners of every town relieve the poor thereof, and they are not suffered to straggle or beg up and down either in their parishes or elsewhere. But such poor as have transgressed have been punished according to law, and the impotent poor there are carefully relieved. We have also taken especial care that both the stewards of leets and ourselves in particular have taken care for the reformation of abuses in bakers, alehousekeepers, breaking of assize, forestallers and regrators, against tradesmen of all sorts for selling with underweight, and have made search in market towns and other places and taken away and burned very many false weights and measures, and taken order for the punishing of the said offenders. 3. We have made special inquiry of such poor children as are fit to be bound apprentices to husbandry and otherwise, and of such as are fit to take apprentices, and therein we have taken such course as by law is required. And we find none refuse to take apprentices, being thereunto required. 4. We do not find upon our inquiry that the statute for labourers and ordering of wages is deluded, and the common fashion of none essoyning of course is restrained. 5. The weekly taxations for relief of the poor in these times of scarcity is raised to higher rates, and we have further observed the course appointed in the fifth article. 6. We have taken order the petty constables within our said division are chosen of the ablest parishioners. 7. Watches in the night and warding by day are appointed in every town for apprehension of rogues and for good order, and we have taken order to punish such as we have found faulty. 8. We have taken care that the high constable doth his duty in presenting to us the defaults of the petty constables for not punishing the rogues and in presenting to us the defaulters. 9. We find none presented to us that live out of service and refuse to work for reasonable wages. 10. We have one House of Correction at Ashborn within our wapentake, which is near the town prison, where such as are committed are kept to work. 11. We have punished several persons for harbouring rogues in their barns and outhouses, and have observed the further directions of the 11th article. 12. We have had care to see that all defects and defaults in the amending of highways be redressed, and the defaulters have been presented to the next quarter sessions and punished. And as touching their lordships' letters and orders directed concerning corn and enclosures, we do at our monthly meetings take a strict account that the former orders therein taken by us in pursuit thereof be duly observed and put in execution, and particularly none sell such corn (as they are appointed to sell out of the market) but to the poor of the said parish. And neither the petty constable nor any other officer can (as they inform us) present any engrossers of corn, etc., or forestallers of markets. The prices of corn (considering the times) are not on our markets in our opinion unreasonable, but are as follow, viz., wheat for the strike 5s., four peck making a strike, rye 4s., barley 3s. 4d., malt 5s., peas 4s., oats 2s. 6d. We have made especial inquiry touching enclosures made within these two years, but find very few within our division, for the most of our wapentake hath been long since enclosed. Howsoever some few hath been presented, which we have commanded to throw down, and have stayed the proceedings of such enclosures as have been lately begun and are not finished. We have no maltmakers in this wapentake but for their own use. We have put down a full third part of all the alehouses within this wapentake; yet there are so great a multitude of poor miners within this wapentake that we are enforced to leave more alehousekeepers than otherwise we would. We have taken order for the binding all cooks, alehousekeepers, victuallers and butchers within this hundred that they neither dress nor suffer to be dressed or eaten any flesh during the time of Lent or other days prohibited, and our recognizances to that purpose do remain with the Clerk of the Peace, to be by him certified according to the statute. John Fitzherbert. Chr. Fulwood. 19. LETTER FROM PRIVY COUNCIL TO JUSTICES OF RUTLANDSHIRE[301] [_Privy Council Register, Vol. VI, f. 345_], 1631. Whereas we have been made acquainted with a letter written by John Wildbore, a Minister in and about Tinwell within that county, to a friend of his here, wherein after some mention by him made of the present want and misery sustained by the poorer sort in those parts through the dearth of corn and the want of work, he doth advertize in particular some speeches uttered by a shoemaker of Uppingham (whose name we find not) tending to the stirring up of the poor thereabout to a mutiny and insurrection; which information was as followeth, _in hæc verba_: "Hearest thou?" saith a shoemaker of Uppingham to a poor man of Liddington, "If thou wilt be secret I will make a motion to thee." "What is your motion?" saith the other. Then said the shoemaker, "The poor men of Okeham have sent to us poor men of Uppingham, and if you poor men of Liddington will join with us, we will rise, and the poor of Okeham say they can have all the armour of the country in their power within half an hour, and in faith (saith he) we will rifle the churls." Upon consideration had thereof, however this Board is not easily credulous of light reports nor apt to take impression from the vain speeches or ejaculations of some mean and contemptible persons; yet because it sorts well with the care and providence of a state to prevent all occasions which ill-affected persons may otherwise lay hold of under pretence and colour of the necessity of the time, we have thought good hereby to will and require you, the Deputy Lieuts. and Justices of peace next adjoining, forthwith to apprehend and take a more particular examination as well of the said shoemaker as of such others as you shall think fit concerning the advertizement aforesaid; and that you take especial care that the arms of that county in and about those parts be safely disposed of; and likewise (which is indeed most considerable and the best means to prevent all disorders in this kind) that you deal effectually in causing the market to be well supplied with corn and the poor to be served at reasonable prices and set on work by those of the richer sort, and by raising of stock to relieve and set them on work according to the laws. All which we recommend to your especial care, and require an account from you of your doings and proceedings herein with all convenient expedition. And so, etc. [Footnote 301: Quoted Leonard, _Early History of English Poor Relief_, pp. 338-9.] 20. JUDGMENT IN THE STAR CHAMBER AGAINST AN ENGROSSER OF CORN [_Camden Society. Cases in the Courts of Star Chamber and High Commission, edited by S.R. Gardiner_], 1631. _In Camera Stellata, Michaelmas, 7o Caroli._ One Archer of Southchurch in Essex was brought _ore tenus_, being then charged by Mr. Attorney-General for keeping in his corn, and consequently for enhancing the price of corn the last year, which offence Mr. Attorney affirmed to be of high nature and evil consequence, to the undoing of the poor and _malum in se_, and then desired his examination taken before the Lord Keeper might be read. His examination purported that he had seen at the time of his examining a presentment that was made against him by the Grand Jury at the last Assizes in Essex before Justice Vernon for the said offence of keeping in his corn and enhancing; and for that he had made a bargain to sell the poor of the town where he dwelled rye for 7s. a bushell, and afterwards refused to perform his bargain unless he might have nine shillings a bushell: he denied his bargain, but for his excuse said, he sold to the towns about him for the poor, wheat at 7s. and 8s. a bushell, and at the latter end of the year for 5s., and rye for 7s., and 6s., etc., and some for 3s. and 6d. the bushell. He confessed he kept in his corn till June, and that he had 8 quarters of wheat, 60 quarters of rye, and 100 quarters of oats, and that his family were himself and his wife and daughters, two maids, and a man; he confessed that he sold none or very little of his corn in Rochford hundred where he dwelt, though he were commanded so to do by the Earl of Warwick; yet for his defence he further alleged that his barn was not visited by any justices or officers according to his Majesty's late proclamation and orders for that purpose, and that he had no notice of the said proclamation and orders; lastly, he confessed he sold most of his corn at London and Chelmsford, and that he bought his seed corn out of market, etc. His examination aforesaid was shewed to him and he confessed it to be true, and acknowledged his hand thereunto subscribed before it was read in court; and it being read, the Lord Keeper demanded of Archer what he could there say for himself, and what answer he would make to this accusation. The said Archer saith that he could make no other answer than he had made in his examination, and submitted himself to the mercy of the Court. Mr. Attorney desired that their Lordships would proceed to sentence the said Archer according to his desert, and withall prayed that a precedent of a sentence given in the Star Chamber in the 29 and 30 of Queen Elizabeth against one Framingham of Norfolk in the like case might be read before their Lordships gave their sentence in this cause; and it was read. The said Framingham was accused upon his own confession in this Court _ore tenus_ for destroying of husbandry in making cottages of his tenants' houses, taking away the land and letting it lie to pasture in his own hands, and letting the cottages at dear rates, and forstalling the markets, and enhancing the prices of corn, whereupon he was fined 500l. to the Queen, and ordered to pay 40l. to the poor, and to stand upon a stool in Cheapside with a paper on his head declaring his offence, and to lay his land again to the cottages, and to let them at reasonable rates. Justice Harvey delivered his opinion, that whereas it hath pleased God to send a plentiful year, and yet the price of corn continued very high, himself and the rest of the Justices of the Peace that were in the last Quarter Sessions in Hertfordshire assembled, did advise among themselves how they might deal with the country to bring down the price, but they were afraid to meddle with any thing upon experience of their ill-taking what was so well intended by his Majesty, that by the late orders, thereupon taking occasion to go on and raise the prices of corn higher; he was of opinion that this man's punishment or example will do a great deal more good than all their orders which they might have made at the Sessions; and therefore he declared his offence to be very great, and fit to be punished in this Court; and adjudged him to pay 100 marks fine to the King, and 10l. to the poor, and to stand upon the pillory in Newgate Market an hour with a paper, wherein the cause of his standing there was to be written, put upon his hat, "For enhancing the price of corn"; and then to be led through Cheapside to Leadenhall Market, and there likewise to stand upon the pillory one hour more with the same paper upon his hat, and after this to be sent to Chelmsford, and there likewise in the market to stand upon the pillory. Sir Thomas Richardson affirmed this offence to be an offence at the common law long before the King's proclamation and orders, and also against some statutes, that his keeping in his corn and not bringing it into the next markets by little and little as he ought to have done, and selling it at other markets when the price was as high as he would have it, was an enhancing the price of corn, and that the Justices in Essex did at the common law inquire of such enhancing the price of any victuals, and corn was certainly victual, bread the staff of man's life, and that keeping in of his corn in this manner was enhancing the prices of corn, which is punishable by the statute as well as forestallings, and approved of his Majesty's pious and honourable care for his people. Also he observed in the defendant's confession that he was guilty of forestalling the market, in buying seed corn out of market and not bringing so much of his own to supply the same in the next market. He therefore condemned the said Archer to be guilty of the said offences, and agreed in his said fine to the King, and would have him pay as much to the poor as the 100 marks wanted of 100l. The Bishop of London[302] observed with Mr. Attorney that this was _malum in se_, and that this Archer was guilty of a most foul offence, which the Prophet hath in a very energetical phrase, "grinding the faces of the poor." He commended highly that speech of Justice Harvey, that this last year's famine was made by man and not by God, solicited by the hard-heartedness of men, and commended this observation as being made by his Majesty. And thereupon undertook to clear the wisdom of the Church, in ordaining to pray to God that he would be pleased to turn his scarcity and dearth, which cruel men (but He never) made, through His goodness and mercy into cheapness and plenty. He said that God taketh away the hardness and cruelty of men's hearts, which was the cause of the famine or scarcity, and He only; and therefore the Church hath very wisely ordained as aforesaid. He is glad to hear it declared to be an offence against the common law of this realm; and, therefore, seeing it had pleased God to load the earth so richly, and also to send so dry a time for the inning the same in the harvest, for, if that had wanted, all that abundance had been but an uncomfortable load, as we by our sins had deserved and was threatened, and yet for all this plenty corn was at an extreme rate, and they boast among themselves now they can keep their corn as long as they list and no fear of moulding, he thinks fit this man be made an example that others may fear to offend in the like kind. And assenteth to his fine to be 100 marks, and thinks fit, seeing he hath ground the faces of the poor, he should therefore help to seal them again, and pay 10l. to the poor; and the rest of the former sentence he assented unto. The Earl of Danby consented to the sentence in all, adding that he should pay but 10l. to the poor, and to stand likewise upon the pillory at the Palace, because some of all countries might take notice thereof. The Earl of Dorset concurred in his sentence with the Earl of Danby, and commended my Lord Keeper and Mr. Attorney for their care and pains in bringing him to justice, and wished that inquiry should be made if the Justices of the Peace had made default in not visiting the said Archer's barns. But as for the Earl of Warwick, Sir Thomas Richardson had well declared that Lords and Peers of the Parliament were exempted from the services of the said orders, and yet that the Lord of Warwick out of his care had admonished him, etc. Lord Privy Seal gave his sentence in few words, that Archer was guilty by his own confession of a very great offence, and well worthy the sentence aforesaid, and in full consented to it. The Lord Keeper did affirm that it was indeed a good work to bring this man forth to be here sentenced, but that it was brought about by means of Justice Vernon, who informed him of the said Archer as being the only man presented in all his circuit for offending in this kind, and that to him this was to be attributed. He was of opinion, that the said Archer was guilty of enhancing the price of corn by keeping in his corn, as is confessed, in this time of scarcity, which was not a scarcity made by God (for there was enough to be had at dear prices and high rates). He affirmed the same to be an offence as well against the common law as against some statutes, and also he would not leave out against his Majesty's proclamation and orders, for his Lordship held there was an aggravation to his offence. And his Lordship declared further (and wished it might be taken notice of, as well as of what had already been spoken, for that much had been said that day of singular use and benefit for the commonwealth), that these were no new opinions. And to that purpose showed that in the old charge to the quest of inquiry in the King's Bench, this enhancing the prices, not only of corn but of any other commodities, was inquirable and to be there punished; also [he] cited a statute whereby those that agree to keep up the price of any commodities, agreeing to sell all at one price, and those that raise false news to bring down the price of any commodities from what they are justly worth, are punishable; as those that raised news that there were great wars beyond sea, and there would be no vent for cloth, and told the same in the country at Coxsall, for that the prices of wools fell there, and they were punished for it. And his Lordship vouched a precedent of one for procuring the raising the price of a certain commodity, for which he was informed against in the King's Bench, and though his Counsel alleged that he had done nothing, he had but spoken, and his offence was in words only, yet he was adjudged an enhancer for but advising the same. And [he] vouched a statute or proclamation in the time of H. 8 for setting the prices on corn, and the like orders and proclamations in the times of E. 6, Queen Eliz. and King James, and agreed it to be well spoken by the Earl of Dorset, that if any shall do any thing tending to depopulation, over and besides his punishment, he shall be enjoined to populate as much, as the said Framingham was: and vouched a book case, where one complaining against another for letting down a sea wall, so that not only his, but diverse other men's grounds were surrounded, the judgment was given in the common pleas that the plaintiff should recover his damages, and the defendant should also make up the said wall at his costs and charges. And thereupon his said Lordship consented to the highest censure against the said Archer for his forestalling the market and keeping in his corn to the enhancing of the price, to the great hurt of the common people, especially the poor labourer: and committed Archer to the Fleet from whence he came. [Footnote 302: _i.e._ Laud.] SECTION V THE ENCOURAGEMENT OF INDUSTRY AND COMMERCE 1. Letters Patent granted to the Cabots by Henry VII, 1496--2. The Merchant Adventurers' Case for Allowing the Export of Undressed Cloth, 1514-36--3. The Rise in Prices, the Encouragement of Corn growing, and the Protection of Manufactures, c. 1549--4. Sir Thomas Gresham on the Fall of the Exchanges, 1558--5. The Reasons why Bullion is Exported [_temp. Eliz._]--6. The Italian Merchants Explain the Foreign Exchanges, 1576--7. An Act Avoiding divers Foreign Wares made by Handicraftsmen Beyond the Seas, 1562--8. An Act Touching Cloth Workers and Cloth Ready Wrought to be Shipped over the Sea, 1566--9. Incorporation of a Joint Stock Mining Company, 1568.--10. An Act for the Increase of Tillage, 1571--11. Instructions for an English Factor in Turkey, 1582--12. The Advantages of Colonies, 1583--13. Lord Burghley to Sir Christopher Hatton on the State of Trade, 1587--14. A List of Patents and Monopolies, 1603--15. Instructions Touching the Bill for Free Trade, 1604--16. The Establishment of a Company to Export Dyed and Dressed Cloth in Place of the Merchant Adventurers, 1616--17. Sir Julius Cæsar's proposals for Reviving the Trade in Cloths, 1616--18. The Grant of a Monopoly for the Manufacture of Soap, 1623--19. The Statute of Monopolies, 1623-4--20. An Act for the Free Trade of Welsh Cloths, 1623-4--21. The Economic Policy of Strafford in Ireland, 1636--22. Revocation of Commissions, Patents, and Monopolies Granted by the Crown, 1639--23. Ordinance Establishing an Excise, 1643. The attempts made between 1405 and 1660 to develop industry and commerce are usually known as "the Mercantile System." But the name is an unfortunate one. The mercantile system was not specially mercantile; for, as preceding sections have shown, government interference was not confined to matters of commerce; nor was it a system, but a collection of opportunist expedients, nearly all of which had been tried in preceding centuries. It is true, however, that after the accession of Elizabeth, the efforts already made under Henry VII and Henry VIII to foster commerce (_see_ Schanz, _Englische Handelspolitik gegen Ende des Mittelalters_) were carried on with greater persistency and deliberation. It is from this period, therefore, that the documents in this section are principally drawn. The most pressing economic problem in the middle of the sixteenth century was the fall in the value of money, caused, principally, by the influx of silver from America, but to a less extent by the debasement of the currency, which led to a rise in prices (No. 3), and a disturbance of the foreign exchanges (Nos. 4 and 5), and which could be met to some small extent by calling in the base coin (Nos. 4 and 5). This the government did in 1560. In 1570, in its anxiety to prevent the efflux of bullion, it took steps to impose a special tax on all exchange transactions, but such a tax was really a tax on banking, and its consequences, according to the business houses concerned, were disastrous (No. 6). The most certain way, however, of securing adequate supplies of bullion was thought to consist in checking imports and encouraging exports (Nos. 3 and 5); and the policy was strengthened by other considerations (No. 3). The general policy under Elizabeth was to discourage imports in order to prevent unemployment at home (Nos. 3 and 7), to encourage corn-growing by allowing the export of wheat, except in times of scarcity, on payment of a small duty (Nos. 3 and 10), and to encourage the export of manufactured articles rather than of raw materials, especially the export of dyed and finished cloth (Nos. 3, 8, 11 and 12), any interruption of which caused distress (No. 13). The policy which had been pursued under Henry VIII threatened the vested interests of the Merchants Adventurers, who complained that they could not find markets for finished cloth (No. 2). In the reign of James I a more ambitious attempt was made in the same direction, and in 1614, when the abrupt dissolution of Parliament had left the government in financial difficulties, a plan was initiated for preventing the exportation of cloths not dyed and dressed in England. As the Merchant Adventurers refused to be a party to it, a new company was established to carry on the desired trade, and was granted a charter in 1616 (No. 16). The result of this policy was a tariff war with the Netherlands and acute distress at home, and, after various suggestions for reviving trade had been made (No. 17), the abandonment of the undertaking. The political motives of mercantilism, as well as its economic aims, are illustrated by Strafford's account of his policy in Ireland (No. 21). Of more enduring importance, perhaps, than mercantilist schemes were the development of Joint-Stock Companies (No. 9), the expansion of commercial enterprize (No. 11), and the attempts to establish colonies (No. 12). Among the methods for fostering industry, and incidentally for raising an unparliamentary revenue, the granting of patents and monopolies holds an important place. These patents ranged from grants of the sole conduct of important industries (Nos. 14 and 18) to grants of trifling offices of profit and pensions (Nos. 14 and 22). The reaction against the interference of the Crown with trade is excellently expressed in the report of the Committee on "the Bill for Free Trade" (No. 15), a document which, in spite of the fact that the Bill was dropped, is of the highest economic and constitutional importance (_see_ Gardiner, Vol. I, pp. 188-190). It is concerned primarily with monopolies enjoyed by trading companies, such as the Company of Merchant Adventurers, the Eastland Company, and the Russia Company. But its arguments apply _a fortiori_ to patents granted to individuals, and throw much light on the nature of the economic opposition to the Stuarts. The effect of the attitude of Parliament was seen later in the Act abolishing internal and local restrictions on the trade in woollen cloths (No. 20), in the Statute of Monopolies (No. 19), and in the revocation by Charles in 1639 of patents granted during the period of personal government (No. 22). The place occupied by monopolies in the Stuarts' fiscal system was later, when the Civil War began, partially filled by the Excise (No. 23). AUTHORITIES There is no book covering the commercial history of the whole period. The most useful works are:--Schanz, _Englische Handelspolitik gegen Ende des Mittelalters_; Cunningham, _English Industry and Commerce, Modern Times_, Part I; Scott, _Constitution and Finance of English Joint Stock Companies_; Busch, _England Under the Tudors_; Gardiner, _History of England 1603-1642_; Unwin, _Industrial Organization in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries_; Rogers, _English Industrial and Commercial Supremacy_, and _The Economic Interpretation of History_; Ehrenberg, _Das Zeitalter der Fugger_; Price, _The English Patents of Monopoly_; Hewins, _English Trade and Finance in the Seventeenth Century_; Kennedy, _English Taxation, 1640-1799_; Schmoller, _Mercantilism_ (translated by Ashley); Keith, _Commercial Relations Between England and Scotland_; Murray, _Commercial Relations Between England and Ireland_; Beer, _The Old Colonial System_; Durham, _Relations of the Crown to Trade under James I_ (Trans. R.H.S., New Series, Vol. XIII). The student may also consult the following:-- (1) _Documentary Sources_:--Gairdner, Letters and Papers of Henry VIII; S.P. Dom. from 1558 to 1660; The Acts of the Privy Council; The Commons Journals; and the Statutes of the Realm, which are particularly instructive on the subject of commercial policy. An invaluable collection of documents is given by Schanz, _op. cit._, Vol. II; and useful, though smaller ones, by Scott, Price, Cunningham, and Unwin. (2) _Literary Sources_:--Starkey, Dialogue Between Cardinal Pole and Thomas Lupset; The Italian Narration of England (Camden E.E.T.S. Society, 1847); Dudley, The Tree of Commonwealth (1509); Drei Volkswirtschaftliche Denkschriften aus der Zeit Heinrich VIII von England, edited by Pauli; The Commonwealth of this Realm of England; Wilson, Discourse upon Usury (1572); Malynes, A Treatise of the Canker of England's Commonwealth (1601); Wheeler, Treatise of Commerce (1601); Malynes, Consuetudo vel Lex Mercatoria (1622); Misselden, Free Trade (1622); Bacon, History of King Henry VII (1622); Knowler, Letters and Despatches of Thomas Wentworth, Earl of Strafford; Robinson, England's Safety in Trade's Increase (1641). 1. LETTERS PATENT GRANTED TO THE CABOTS BY HENRY VII [_R.O. Pat. 4 Ed. VI, p. 6_], 1496. The King to all to whom, etc., greeting. It is manifest to us by inspection of the rolls of our Chancery that the lord Henry the Seventh, late King of England, our dearest grand father, caused his letters patent to be made in these words: Henry by the grace of God King of England and France and Lord of Ireland, to all to whom the present letters shall come, greeting. Be it known and manifest that we have given and granted, and by these presents we do give and grant for us and our heirs to our beloved John Cabot, citizen of Venice, and Lewis, Sebastian and Sanctus, sons of the said John, and the heirs and deputies of them and every of them, full and free authority, faculty and power to sail to all parts, regions and gulfs of the sea, east, west and north, under our banners, standards, and ensigns, with five ships or boats of whatsoever portage or kind they be, and with as many sailors and men as they wish to take with them in the said ships at their own and the others' costs and expenses, to find, discover and search out any isles, countries, regions or provinces of heathens and infidels whomsoever set in any part of the world soever, which have been before these times unknown to all Christians. We have granted also to the same and to every of them and to the heirs and deputies of them and every of them, and given licence for them to affix our aforesaid banners and ensigns in any town, castle, isle or solid land soever newly found by them; and that the aforenamed John and his sons or heirs and the deputies of the same may subjugate, occupy and possess any such towns, castles and islands found by them which can be subjugated, occupied and possessed, as our vassals and governors, lieutenants and deputies of the same, acquiring for us the lordship, title and jurisdiction of the same towns, castles, islands and solid land so found; so, nevertheless, that of all fruits, profits, emoluments, commodities, gains and obventions arising from such voyages, the aforesaid John and his sons and heirs and their deputies be held and bound to pay to us for every voyage, as often as they touch at our port of Bristol, at which alone they are held and bound to touch, after deducting the necessary costs and expenses made by them, a fifth part of their capital gain made whether in wares or in money; giving and granting to them and their heirs and deputies that they be free and immune from all payment of customs on all and singular goods and wares which they bring back with them from those places so newly found. And further we have given and granted to the same and to their heirs and deputies that all lands, farms, isles, towns, castles and places whatsoever found by them, as many as shall be found by them, may not be frequented or visited by any other our subjects soever without licence of the aforesaid John and his sons and their deputies, under pain of loss as well of the ships or boats as of all goods whatsoever presuming to sail to those places so found; willing and most straitly commanding all and singular our subjects set as well on land as on sea that they give good assistance to the aforesaid John and his sons and deputies and show all their favour and aid as well in manning the ships or boats as in provision of equipment and victuals to be bought for their money and all other things to be provided for them to be taken for the said voyage. In witness whereof we have caused these our letters patent to be made. Witness myself at Westminster, 5 April in the 11th year of our reign. And we, because the letters aforesaid have been lost by mischance, as the aforesaid Sebastian, appearing in person before us in our Chancery, has taken a corporal oath, and that he will restore those letters to us into the same our Chancery to be cancelled there, if he shall find them hereafter, have deemed fit to exemplify by these presents the tenour of the enrolment of the letters aforesaid, at the request of the same Sebastian. In witness whereof these our letters, etc. Witness the King at Westminster, 4 June. 2. THE MERCHANT ADVENTURERS' CASE FOR ALLOWING THE EXPORT OF UNDRESSED CLOTH [_Br. M. Cotton MS. Tib. D. VIII, f. 40_[303]], 1514-1536. Considerations alleged by the governor and fellowship of merchant adventurers to prove how it were more for the universal wealth of the realm of England to convey and send over the sea to the markets accustomed cloths of all prices, not dressed nor shorn, than cloths dressed and shorn. First it is to be noted, marked and considered, that in few years after the act of Parliament made, that no sort of cloths draped and made within the realm of England being above the price of five marks sterling the piece should be conveyed over the sea undressed and unshorn, the same sort of cloths, which at that day were bought for five marks, be now at this present day by the industry of the said merchants uttering the said cloths sold within the realm for four pounds sterling, which is a great enriching of the whole realm, so that the said merchants think it to stand with reason and conscience, that those sort of cloths, of four pounds the piece, ought to be reputed and taken, in regard of the act, after cloths of five marks the piece. _Item_ the merchants of those parts buying English cloths will in no wise meddle with any cloths, that be dressed, unless they may have them at a price far under the foot; for it is in experience daily, that the merchants of England conveying over the sea a sort of cloths every of them being of like length and goodness, whereof the one half of them have dressed and shorn and the other half undressed and unshorn, the said merchants shall sell those cloths being undressed five shillings dearer in every cloth, than those that be dressed; also those cloths undressed be meet and ready for every man and the other dressed but only for one man, so that against one cloth dressed the merchants of England shall sell five hundred undressed, whereby it appeareth, that it were for the common weal and great enriching to the realm of England to send over into those parts all sorts of cloths undressed and but a singular and private wealth to dress any such cloths; for there be many more in number, that live by making of cloths and selling of the same, than there be that live by dressing of cloths. _Item_ the common people of those parts, by whom the most part of those cloths be consumed, do use in their garments sundry colours not accustomed to be worn here in England, which colours cannot be made, unless they buy their cloths undressed; for the dressing of cloths here and there vary and alter so much, that the dressing will take in manner none of their colours. And in case the merchants of England should bring over such cloths dressed, they should not only be undone in the sale of them, but also it were to be doubted, that in brief time after they would wholly relinquish the buying and wearing of any English cloths in those parts, which God defend. _Item_ there be certain coarse cloths named long Glemsters, and notwithstanding their coarseness the King's Grace is paid for a cloth and a third part in his custom; and if the buyer will cut off 6 or 8 yards of the said cloth, he may lawfully convey it over notwithstanding the act, which should be a great loss in the sale and an occasion that the strangers should not buy them, wherefore the said governor and merchants say, that the said cloths ought of right to pass for cloths under five marks the piece. _Item_ at this present day, our Lord be thanked, there is shipped and conveyed out of England into those parts more number of cloths of all sorts and there uttered sold and consumed, than ever hath been in memory of man; and considering, cloth is now there in such high estimation and hath so good vent, the said merchants think, under correction, that it were not necessary, but an utter peril and danger, to attempt them to any other purpose to alter them out of this good trade, which our Lord continue. _Item_ the inhabitants of those parts by the make of English cloths in frieze consume, waste and spend a great quantity and number of them, which frieze undoubtedly after their using and wearing cannot be made of English cloths dressed here, so that by the only means thereof it should be a great diminution and decay to the common weal of this realm, if the said act for dressing of cloths should take place or effect. _Item_ the inhabitants of the realm of England have the buying and selling of the wool, one with another, they have also the carding, spinning, weaving, fulling and the first sale of such cloths, and the inhabitants of those parts have only the dressing and shearing of certain of the said cloths, whereby the inhabitants there been a little relieved and a few number of them for a time set to work; yet by means thereof the rulers and honest burgesses of the towns be desirous to have the nation of England to haunt their said towns, and entertain them with much familiarity and friendship. And it is much to be feared and doubted, that if the realm of England should all covet and they to have no relief nor comfort by the same, that they of Antwerp and other places, studying their common weal, would not only find means ways and occasions to expel the nation from them, but also that no English cloths should be there consumed nor sold, which our Lord defend. [Footnote 303: Quoted Schanz, Vol. II, pp. 571-3.] 3. THE RISE IN PRICES, THE ENCOURAGEMENT OF CORN-GROWING, AND THE PROTECTION OF MANUFACTURES [_The Commonweal of this Realm of England_], _c._ 1549. _f. 17b-f. 20._ _Knight._ How can that be? What maketh it the matter what sort of coin we have amongst ourselves, so it be current from one hand to another, yea, if it were made of leather? _Doctor._ Ye see, men commonly say so; but the truth is contrary; as not only I could prove by common reason, but also that proof and experience hath already declared the same. But now we do not reason of the causes of these griefs, but what state of men be grieved indeed by this dearth of things; and albeit I find every man grieved by it in one thing or other, yet considering that, as many of them as have wares to sell, do enhance as much in the price of all things that they sell as was enhanced before in the price of things that they must buy; as the merchant, if he buy dear, he will sell dear again. So the artificers, as cappers, clothiers, shoemakers and farriers, have respect large enough, in selling their wares, to the price of victual, wool and iron, which they buy. I have seen a cap for 14d., as good as I can get now for 2s. 5d.; of cloth ye have heard how the price is risen. Then a pair of shoes costeth me 12d. now, that I have in my days bought a better for 6d. Then I can get never a horse shod under 10d. or 12d. [now], where I have seen the common price was 6d. for shoeing of a horse round, yea, and 8d. (at the most) till now of late. I cannot, therefore, understand that these men have greatest grief by this common and universal dearth, but rather such as have their livings and stipends rated at a certainty, as common labourers at 6d. the day, journeymen of all occupations, serving men [at] 40s. the year, and gentlemen whose lands are let out by them or their ancestors either for lives or for term of years, so as they can not enhance the rent thereof though they would, and yet have the price enhanced by them of every thing that they buy. Yea the King's Highness, whereof we spake nothing all this while, as he hath most of yearly revenues and that certain, so hath he most lost by this dearth, and by the alteration especially of the coin. For like as a man, that hath a great number of servants under him, if he would grant that they should pay him [pins] weekly where [before] they paid him [pence], I think he should be most loser himself. So we be all but gatherers for the King's Majesty, that be his subjects; we have but every man a poor living; the clear gains cometh for the most [part] to the King's grace. Now if his Grace do take of us the overplus of our getting in this new coin, where he was wont to be paid in other good coin, I report me to you whether that will go as far as the other, in proportion of his necessaries and of the Realm. I think plainly no; for though his Highness might, within his own realm, have things at his own price, as his Grace can not indeed without great grudge of his magistrates and subjects; yea, since his Majesty must have from beyond the seas many things necessary not only for his Grace's household and ornaments, as well for his grace's person and family, as of his horses, which [percase] might be by his Grace somewhat moderated, but also for the furniture of his wars, which by no means can be spared; as armour, and all kinds of artillery, anchors, cables, pitch, tar, iron, steel, handguns, gunpowder, and many other things more than I can reckon, which his Grace must needs buy from beyond the seas, at the price the stranger will set him them at. I pass over the enhancement of the charges of his Grace's household, which is common to his grace with all other noble men. [Therefore], I say, his Majesty hath most loss, by this common dearth, of all other; and not only loss, but danger to the Realm and all his subjects, if his Grace should want treasure to purchase the said habiliments and necessaries for war, or to find soldiers in time of need, which passeth all other private losses that we spake of. _Capper._ We hear say, that the King's Majesty maketh up his losses that way by the gains which he hath by the mint another way. If that be too short, he supplieth that lack by subsidies and impositions of his subjects, so as his Grace can not lack, so long as his subjects have it. _Doctor._ You say well there. So long as the subjects have it, so it is meet the King should have it; but what and they have it not? for they cannot have it, when there is no treasure left within the realm. And as touching the mint I account the profit much like as if a man would take his wood up by the roots, to make [the more profit thereof at one time, and ever after to lose] the profit that might grow thereof yearly, or to pull the wool of his sheep by the root. And as for the subsidies; how can they be large when the subjects have little to depart with? and yet that way of gathering treasure is not always most safe for the prince's surety; for we see many times the profits of such subsidies spent in appeasing of the people that are moved to sedition partly by occasion of the same.... * * * * * _f. 31b-f. 34._ _Doctor._ Mary, the first way [_sc._ to equalize the profits of tillage and pasture-farming] is to make that wool be of as base a price [to] the breeder thereof as the corn is; and that shall be, if you make alike restraint of wools, for passing over the sea unwrought, as ye make of corn. Ye have a law made that no corn shall pass over and it be above a noble a quarter; if it be under ye give free liberty for it to pass over; let wool be restrained likewise, for passing over, so long as it is above 12s. 4d. the tod; and when it is under let it have free passage; that is one way. Another is, to increase the custom of wool that passeth over unwrought; and by that the price of it shall be based to the breeders, and yet the price over the sea shall be never the less. But that is increased in the price thereof [on] strangers shall come unto the King's Highness; which is as profitable to the Realm as though it came to the breeders, and might relieve them of their subsidies. Thus far as touching the bringing down the price of wools; now to the enhancing of the same price in corn, to be as equivalent to the husbandman as wool should be. And that might be brought to pass if ye will let it have as free passage over sea at all times, as ye have now for wool. _Merchant._ By the first two ways men would send less wool over sea than they do now; and, by that way, the King's customs and profits of his staple should be minished; by your latter way, the price of corn should be much enhanced, wherewith men should be much grieved. _Doctor._ I wot well it would be dear at the first; but if I can persuade you that it were reasonable it were so, and that the same could be no hindrance to the Realm universally, but great profit to the same, then I think we would be content it should be so; and as touching the King's custom, I will speak afterward. _Merchant._ I will grant, if you can show me that. _Doctor._ I will essay it, albeit the matter be somewhat intricate, and as I showed you before, at the first face will displease many; for they will say, Would you make corn dearer than it is? Have you dearth enough else without that? Nay I pray you find means to have it better cheap, if it may be, it is dear enough already; and such other like reasons would be said. But now let the husbandman answer such men again. Have not the grazers raised the price of your wools and pelts? and you merchant men, clothiers and cappers, raised the price of your merchandize and wares over it was wont to be in manner double? Is it not as good reason then I should raise the price of my corn? What reason is it that you should be at large, and I to be restrained? Either let us all be restrained together, or else let us all be at like liberty. Ye may sell [your wool] over the sea, your fells, your tallow, your cheese, your butter, your leather, which riseth all by grazings, at your pleasure, and that for the dearest penny ye can get for them. And I shall not send out my corn, except it be at 10d. the bushel or under. That is as much to say, as we that be husbandmen should not sell our wares, except it be for nothing, or for so little we shall not be able to live thereof. Think you that if the husbandman here did speak these words, that he did not speak them reasonable? _Husbandman._ I thank you with all my heart; for you have spoken in the matter more than I could do myself, and yet nothing but that is true. We felt the harm, but we wist not what was the cause thereof; many of us saw, 12 years ago, that our profits was but small by the ploughs; and therefore divers of my neighbours that had, in times past, some two, some three, some four ploughs of their own, have laid down, some of them [part, and some of them all] their teams, and turned either part or all their arable ground into pasture, and thereby have waxed very rich men. And every day some of us encloseth a [plot] of his ground to pasture; and were it not that our ground lieth in the common fields, intermingled one with another, I think also our fields had been enclosed, of a common agreement of all the township, long ere this time. And to say the truth, I, that have enclosed little or nothing of my ground, could [never be able] to make up my lord's rent were it not for a little breed of neat, sheep, swine, geese, and hens that I do rear upon my ground; whereof, because the price is somewhat round, I make more clear profit than I do of all my corn; and yet I have but a bare living, by reason that many things do belong to husbandry which now be exceeding chargeable over they were in times past. _Capper._ Though this reason of master doctor's here doth please you well that be husbandmen, yet it pleaseth us that be artificers nothing at all, which must buy both bread, corn and malt for our penny. And whereas you, master doctor, say it were as good reason that the husbandman would raise the price of his corn, and have as free vent of the same over sea as we [do and have of our wares], I cannot greatly deny that; but yet I say, that every man hath need of corn, and so they have not of other wares so much. _Doctor._ Therefore the more necessary that corn is, the more be the men to be cherished that reared it; for if they see there be not so much profit in using the plough as they see in other feats, think you not that they will leave that trade, and fall to the other that they see more profitable? as ye may perceive by the doings of this honest man's neighbours, which have turned their arable land to pasture, because they see more profit by pasture than by tillage. Is it not an old saying in [Latin], _honos alit artes_, that is to say, profit or advancement nourisheth every faculty; which saying is so true, that it is allowed by the common judgement of all men. We must understand also that all things that should be done in a common wealth be not to be forced, or to be constrained by the straight penalties of the law; but some so, and some other by allurement and rewards rather. For what law can compel men to be industrious in travail, and labour of their bodies, or studious to learn any science or knowledge of the mind? to these things they may be well provoked, encouraged, and allured, if they that be industrious and painful be well rewarded for their pains, and be suffered to take gains and wealth as reward of their labours. And so likewise [they] that be learned, if they be advanced and honoured according to their forwardness in learning, every man will then study either to be industrious in bodily labour, or studious in things that pertain to knowledge. Take this reward from them, and go about to compel them by laws thereto, what man will plough or dig the ground, or exercise any manual occupation wherein is any pain? Or who will adventure over seas for any merchandise? or use any faculty wherein any peril or danger should be, seeing his reward shall be no more than his that sitteth still? But ye will percase answer me, that all their rewards shall not be taken away, but part of it. Yet then you must grant me, that as if all their rewards were taken from them, all these faculties must needs decay; so if part of that reward be minished, the use of those faculties shall minish withall, after the rate; and so they shall be the less occupied, the less they be rewarded and esteemed. But now to our purpose; I think it more necessary to devise a mean how husbandry might be more occupied, rather than less, which I cannot perceive how it may be brought to pass, but as men do see the more gains therein, the gladder they will occupy the feat. And this to be true [that] some things in a common wealth must be forced with pains and some by rewards allured [may appear] by that that the wise and politic senator Tully writeth, saying, that it was the words of Solon, which was one of the seven men of Greece, and of those seven the only man that made laws, that a common wealth was holden up by things chiefly, that is, by reward and pain; of which words I gather that men should be provoked to good deeds by rewards and price, and [to] abstain from evil doings by pains. Trow you, if husbandmen be not better cherished and provoked than they be to exercise to plough, but in process of time so many ploughs will be laid down (as I fear me there be already) that if an unfruitful year should happen amongst, us, as commonly doth once in seven years, we should then not have only dearth, but also such scarceness of corn, that we should be driven to seek it from outward parts, and pay dear for it.... * * * * * _f. 34b-f. 38._ _Doctor._ You have heard that by the free vent and sale of corn, the husbandman's profit is advanced. Then it is showed how every man naturally will follow that wherein he seeth most profit. Therefore men will the gladder occupy husbandry. And the more do occupy husbandry, the more plenty of corn must needs be; and the more plenty of corn there is, thereof better cheap; and also the more will be spared over that that shall suffice the realm; and then, that may be spared in a good year shall bring us again other corn, or else the commodities of other countries necessary for us. Then the more husbandry is occupied, the more universal breed should be of all victuals, as of neat, sheep, swine, geese, eggs, butter, and cheese, for all these are reared much of corn. _Knight._ If men should sell, when a good reasonable year is, all that is overplus when the realm is served, what should we do if a barren year should happen, when no store of corn is left of the good year before? _Doctor._ First, you must consider that men be sure they will keep enough to serve themselves within the realm, or they sell any forth of the same; and having liberty to sell at their pleasure, doubt ye not, but they had liefer sell their corn 2d. or 4d. better cheap within the realm, than to be at charges with carrying, and peril of adventure, in sending it over the sea, and sell it dearer (except it be for much more gains). And thus men, being provoked with lucre, will keep the more corn, looking for a dear year in the country, whereby must need be the greater store. And though they did not so, but should sell over the sea all that they might spare over that serveth the realm when the year is plentiful, yet by reason that, through the means aforesaid, more ploughs are set to work than would suffice the realm in a plentiful year, if a scarce year should fall after, the corn of so many ploughs, as in a good year would be more than enough, in [an unfruitful] year at the least should be sufficient to serve the realm. And so should the realm be served with enough of corn in a scarce year, and in a plenteous year no more than enough, which might be sold over the sea for great treasure or other commodities; where now, in a plentiful year, we seek to have as much as may suffice the realm. Then if a scarce year should happen, we must needs lack of our own to serve, and be driven to buy from beyond the sea. And then, if they were as envious as we are, might they not say, when we required any corn of them, that seeing they could get none from us, when we had plenty, why should they let us have any corn when we have scarcity? Surely common reason would that one region should help another when it lacketh. And therefore God hath ordained that no country should have all commodities; but that, that one lacketh, another bringeth forth, and that, that one country lacketh this year, another hath plenty thereof the same year, to the intent that one may know they have need of another's help, and thereby love and society to grow amongst all the more. But here we will do as though we had need of no other country in the earth, but to live all of ourselves; and [as] though we might make the market of all things as we list ourselves; for though God is bountiful unto us and sendeth us many great commodities, yet we could not live without the commodities of others. And, for an ensample, of iron [and] salt, though we have competently thereof, yet we have not the third part to suffice the realm; and that [can] in no wise be spared if we will occupy husbandry. Then tar, resin, pitch, oil, steel, we have none at all; as for wines, spices, linen cloth, silks, and collars, though we might live so without them, yet far from any civility should it be. As I deny not [but many things we might have here sufficiently that we buy now beyond the seas, and] many things we might spare wholly; whereof, if time shall serve, I will talk more hereafter. But now to return to the first point that I spake of before, to be one of the means to bring husbandry up, that is by abasing the estimation of wool and fells; though I take not that way to be as good as the other, for I do not allow that mean that may base any of our commodities except it be for the enhancement of a better commodity, but if both commodities may be enhanced together, as by the last device I think they might be, I allow that way better; nevertheless whereas you, brother merchant, showed before that either by restraining of wools or other commodities, till they were equivalent within the realm after the rate of the corn, or by enhancing the custom of wool and other the said commodities, were brought like to the corn in proportion, the King's Highness' custom should be minished, I think not so. For the one way, as much as he should have for the more wool vented over, so much should he have for the less wool at a greater custom vented over. And the other way is, as much as his Grace should lose by his custom of wool, so much or more should his Grace win by the custom of clothes made within the realm. But one thing I do note by this latter device, that if they should take place, we must do; that is, if we keep within us much of our commodities, we must spare many other things that we have now from beyond the seas; for we must always take heed that we buy no more of strangers than we sell them [for so we should empoverish ourselves and enrich them]. For he were no good husband that hath no other yearly revenues but of husbandry to live on, that will buy more in the market than he selleth again. And that is a point we might save much by of our treasure, in this realm, if we would. And I marvel no man taketh heed unto it, what number first of trifles cometh hither from beyond the seas, that we might either clean spare, or else make them within our own realm, for the which we pay inestimable treasure every year, or else exchange substantial wares and necessary for them, for the which we might receive great treasure. Of the which sort I mean glasses, as well looking as drinking, as to glass windows, dials, tables, cards, balls, puppets, penhorns, inkhorns, toothpicks, gloves, knives, daggers, pouches, brooches, agletes, buttons of silk and silver, earthen pots, pins, points, hawk's bells, paper both white and brown, and a thousand like things, that might either be clean spared, or else made within the realm sufficient for us. And as for some things, they make it of our own commodities and send it us again; whereby they set their people on work, and do exhaust much treasure out of this realm. As of our wool they make cloth, caps, and carses; of our fells they make Spanish skins, gloves, girdles; of our tin, salts, spoons and dishes; of our broken linen cloth and rags, paper both white and brown. What treasure, think you, goeth out of this realm for every of these things? And then for all together it exceedeth my estimation. There is no man that can be contented with any other gloves than is made in France or in Spain; or carse, but it must be of Flanders dye; nor cloth, but it must be of French dye or fresadow; nor brooch nor aglet, but of Venice making or Milanese; nor dagger, sword, nor girdle, or knife, but of Spanish making; no, not so much as a spur, but it must be fetched at the milliner's hand. I have seen within these twenty years, when there were not of these haberdashers that sell French or Milan caps, glasses, as well looking as drinking, yea, all manner vessels of the same stuff; painted cruses, gay daggers, knives, swords, and girdles that is able to make any temperate man to gaze on them, and to buy somewhat, though it serve to no purpose necessary. What need they beyond the sea to travel to Peru or such far country, or to try out the sands of the river Tagus in Spain [Pactolus] in Asia and Ganges in India, to get amongst them small sparks of gold, or to dig the bowels of the earth, for the mine of silver and gold, when they can of unclean clay, not far sought for, and of [pebble] stones and fern roots make [good] gold and silver more than a great many of gold mines would make. I think not so little as a hundred thousand pound a year is fetched of our treasure for things of no value of themselves, but only for the labours of the workers of the same, which are set on work all of our charges. What grossness be we of, that see it and suffer such a continual spoil to be made of our goods and treasure, by such means and specially, that will suffer our own commodities to go, and set strangers on work, and then to buy them again at their hands; as of our wool they make and dye carses, fresadows, broadcloths, and caps beyond the seas, and bring them hither to be sold again; wherein note, I pray you, what they do make us pay at the end for our stuff again, for the stranger custom, for the workmanship, and colours, and lastly for the second custom in the return of the wares into the realm again; whereas, with working the same within our realm, our own men should be set on work at the charges of strangers; the custom should be borne all by strangers to the king, and the clear gains to remain within the realm.... * * * * * _f. 53b-f. 55._ And now, because we are entered into communication of artificers, I will make this division of them. Some of them do but bring money out of the country; some other, that which they do get, they spend again in the country; and the third sort of artificers be they that do bring treasure into the country. Of the first, I reckon all mercers, grocers, vintners, haberdashers, milliners, and such as do sell wares growing beyond the seas, and do fetch out our treasure of the same. Which kind of artificers, as I reckon them tolerable, and yet are not so necessary in a commonwealth but they might be best spared of all other; yet if we had not other artificers, to bring in as much treasure as they bring forth, we should be great losers by them. Of the second sort be these: shoemakers, tailors, carpenters, masons, tilers, butchers, brewers, bakers, victuallers of all sorts, which like as they get their living in the country, so they spend it; but they bring in no treasure unto us. Therefore we must [cherish] well the third sort; and these be clothiers, tanners, cappers, and worsted makers only that I know, [which] by their misteries and faculties, do bring in any treasure. As for our wool, fells, tin, lead, butter and cheese, these be the commodities that the ground bears, requiring the industry of a few persons; and if we should only trust to such, and devise nothing else to occupy ourselves, a few persons would serve us for the rearing of such things, and few also [it would] find; and so should the realm be like a [grange], better furnished with beasts than with men; whereby it might be subject to the spoil of other nations about. Which is the more to be feared and eschewed, because the country of his own kind is apt to bring forth such things, as is said before, for the breed of cattle, than for such things as [be] for the nourishment of men, if Pomponius Mela be to be believed, which describing the island, saith thus: _plana, ingens, fecunda, verum iis que pecora quam homines benignius alunt_. That is to say, it is plain, large and plentiful, but of those things that nourisheth beasts more kindly than men. So many forests, chases, parks, marshes and waste grounds, that be more here than most commonly elsewhere, declare the same not to be all in vain that he affirms; that hath not so much arable ground, vines, olives, fruits, and such as be most necessary for the food of men. And as they require many hands in the culture, so they find most persons food; as France, Spain and divers other countries have. Therefore as much ground, as here is apt for those things, would be [turned] (as much as may be) to such uses as may find most persons. And over that, towns and cities would be replenished with all kinds of artificers; not only clothiers which as yet were our natural occupation, but with cappers, glovers, paper makers, glasiers, pointers, goldsmiths, blacksmiths of all sorts, coverlet makers, needle makers, pinners and such other; so as we should not only have enough of such things to serve our realm, and save an infinite treasure that goeth now over for so many of the same, but also might spare of such things ready wrought to be sold over, whereby we should fetch again other necessary commodities and treasures. And thus should be both replenished the realm of people able to defend it, and also win much treasure to the same. Such occupations alone do enrich divers countries, that be else barren of themselves; and what riches they bring to the country where they be well used, the country of Flanders and Germany do well declare; where, through such occupations, it hath so many and wealthy cities, that were incredible in so little ground to be. Wherefore in my mind they are far wide of right consideration, that would have none or less clothing within the realm, because it is sometimes occasion of business or tumults, for lack of vent. There is nothing every way so commodious or necessary for men's use, but it is sometime by ill handling occasion of displeasure; no, not fire and water, that be so necessary as nothing can be more. 4. SIR THOMAS GRESHAM ON THE FALL OF THE EXCHANGES [_Burgon's Life and Times of Sir Thomas Gresham, Vol. I, Appendix No. XXI, pages 483-486_]. 1558. To the Queen's most excellent Majesty. It may please your Majesty to understand, that the first occasion of the fall of the exchange did grow by the King's Majesty, your late father, in abasing his coin from vi ounces fine to iii ounces fine. Whereupon the exchange fell from xxvis. viiid. to xiiis. ivd. which was the occasion that all your fine gold was conveyed out of this your realm. Secondly, by the reason of his wars, the King's Majesty fell into great debt in Flanders. And for the payment thereof they had no other device but pay it by exchange, and to carry over his fine gold for the payment of the same. Thirdly, the great freedom of the Steelyard and granting of licence for the carrying of your wool and other commodities out of your realm, which is now one of the chief points that your Majesty hath to foresee in this your common weal; that you never restore the steads called the Steelyard again to their privilege, which hath been the chief point of the undoing of this your realm, and the merchants of the same. Now, for redress of these things, in an. xvcli [1551] the King's Majesty, your late brother, called me to be his agent, and reposed a more trust in me, as well for the payment of his debts beyond the seas, as for the raising of the exchange, being then at xvs. and xvis. the pound; and your money current, as it is at this present, being not in value xs. First, I practised with the King and my lord of Northumberland to overthrow the Steelyard, or else it could not be brought to pass, for that they would keep down the exchange by this consideration; whereas your own merchants payeth outwards xivd. upon a cloth custom, they pay but ixd.; and likewise, for all such wares as was brought into your realm, your own mere merchants payeth xiid. upon the pound, the Steelyard paid but iiid. upon the pound, which is vs. difference upon the hundredth: and as they were men that ran all upon the exchange for the buying of their commodities, what did they pass to give a lower price than your own merchants, when they got vl. in the hundred by your custom? Which in process of time would have undone your whole realm, and your merchants of the same. Secondly, I practised with the King's Majesty, your brother, to come in credit with his own mere merchants: and when time served, I practised with them at a set shipping, the exchange being still at xvis., that every man should pay the King xvs. upon a cloth in Antwerp, to pay at double usage xxs. in London; which the King's Majesty paid them royally, which did amount to the sum of lxml. And so, vi months after, I practised the like upon their commodities for the sum of lxxml. [£70,000] to pay for every pound sterling xxiis.: so by this means, I made plenty of money, and scarcity, and brought into the King's hands, which raised, the exchange to xxiiis. ivd. And by this means I did not only bring the King's Majesty, your brother, out of debt, whereby I saved him vi or viis. upon the pound, but saved his treasure within the realm, as therein Mr. Secretary Cecil was most privy unto. Thirdly, I did likewise cause all foreign coins to be unvalued, whereby it might be brought into the mint to his Majesty's most fordle[304]; at which time the King your brother died, and for my reward of service, the Bishop of Winchester sought to undo me, and whatsoever I said in these matters I should not be credited: and against all wisdom, the said Bishop went and valued the French crown at vis. ivd., and the pistole at vis. iid., and the silver royal at vid. _ob._ Whereupon, immediately, the exchange fell to xxs. vid. and xxis., and there hath kept ever since. And so consequently after this rate and manner, I brought the Queen's Majesty, your sister, out of debt of the sum of ccccxxxvml. [£435,000]. Fourthly, by this it may plainly appear to your Highness, as the exchange is the thing that eats out all princes, to the whole destruction of their common weal, if it be not substantially looked unto, so likewise the exchange is the chief and richest thing only above all other, to restore your Majesty and your realm to fine gold and silver, and is the mean that makes all foreign commodities and your own commodities with all kind of victuals good cheap, and likewise keeps your fine gold and silver within your realm. As, for example to your Highness, the exchange being at this present at xxiis., all merchants seek to bring into your realm fine gold and silver; for if he should deliver it by exchange, he disburses xxiis. Flemish to have xxs. sterling: and to bring it in gold and silver he shall make thereof xxis. ivd.--whereby he saves viiid. in the pound: which profit, if the exchange should keep but after this rate of xxiis. in few years you should have a wealthy realm, for here the treasure should continue for ever; for that all men should find more profit by vl. in the hundred to deliver it per exchange, than to carry it over in money. So consequently the higher the exchange riseth, the more shall your Majesty and your realm and common weal flourish, which thing is only kept up by art and God's providence; for the coin of this your realm doth not correspond in fineness not xs. the pound. Finally, and it please your majesty to restore this your realm into such state, as heretofore it hath been; first, your Highness hath no other ways, but when time and opportunity serveth, to bring your base money into fine of xi ounces fine, and so gold after the rate. Secondly, not to restore the Steelyard to their usurped privileges. Thirdly, to grant as few licences as you can. Fourthly, to come in as small debt as you can beyond seas. Fifthly, to keep up your credit, and specially with your own merchants, for it is they must stand by you at all events in your necessity. And thus I shall most humbly beseech your Majesty to accept this my [poor writing in good] part; wherein I shall from time to time, as opportunity doth serve, put your Highness in remembrance, according to the trust your Majesty hath reposed in me; beseeching the Lord to give me the grace and fortune that my service may always be acceptable to your Highness; as knoweth our Lord, whom preserve your noble Majesty in health, and long to reign over us with increase of honour. By your Majesty's most humble and faithful obedient subject, THOMAS GRESHAM, _Mercer_. [Footnote 304: _i.e._ Fordeal, or advantage.] 5. THE REASONS WHY BULLION IS EXPORTED [_Br. M. Cotton Ms. Otho. E. x., f. 145_[305]], _temp._ ELIZABETH. Where the Queen's Majesty is moved, that for the staying of the transportation of gold she will be pleased either to call in all gold by proclamation and then to coin it anew again with more alloy, or else that her Majesty should call in no gold, but coin new and utter them at higher rate than now, it seemeth the matters intend, that it is transported for the richness only, and, being either based by alloy or dearly priced, no more would be transported. But if all the true causes of this late transportation be considered, that will not be sufficient to stay gold within. The true causes, that it is transported, be these with others: 1. Some is carried into the Low Countries, because the exchange hath been high and the gold of greater prices there than here. 2. These dear years much hath been carried out to buy corn with, wherein somewhat endeavour hath been, because the return paid no custom. 3. Very much hath been transported to provide foreign commodities, because this realm spendeth more of them, than the same commodities transported amount unto, as it is supposed and as may be perceived by the wines, silks, lawns, gold-lace, silver-lace and such like here spent. 4. Much is conveyed by strangers, that bring in their country commodities and will not employ the price in English commodities, because their customs be great. 5. The like is sometimes done by English merchants for the paying of debts or providing of foreign commodities, for the saving of custom outward being also great. 6. Much bullion hath been transported, because the merchants and goldsmiths could not of long time have it coined and delivered in due time out of the mint. 7. Some by captains, soldiers and others, that might not be searched. 8. Some by the help of the mintmen in thirty-shilling-pieces upon pretence to make great gain thereof to her Majesty. The second cause will now cease of itself; the fourth, fifth, sixth and eighth may be removed by good orders to be taken; the seventh by peace amongst princes; the first will never be taken away further than shall please the bankers and rich merchants of the Low Countries, who joining with the rich Flemings dwelling will be able with their money and cunning to make the exchange to rise and fall, as they shall think good for their gain or our loss. And the governors there, finding by their mint-masters and merchants the alteration of the English standards and values of gold, being more vigilant, provident and skilful in such matters than the English, will at their pleasures cry up and down the currency of English coin, be it never so base, at such times and in such manner as [the]y will, draw it from home to their ... lnes and melt it or return it back at their pleasures for their own gain and our loss, unless they will agree and take order, that it shall be always current there at the same value that it is here, without alteration. But the third _causa causarum_ being taken away, which is to be wished for, although not to be hoped for in haste, all the rest and all other like causes of transportation must need cease withall or at the least do little hurt; for if England would spend less of foreign commodities than the home commodities will pay for, then the remain must of necessity be returned of silver or gold; but if otherwise, then it will fare in England in short time as it doth with a man of great yearly living, that spendeth more yearly than his own revenue, and spendeth of the stock besides. And so it is concluded, that for these reasons neither the baseing of the standards nor the raising of the values of the coin of gold is like to stay it from transportation. [Footnote 305: Quoted Schanz. _op. cit._, Vol. II, pp. 648-9.] 6. THE ITALIAN MERCHANTS EXPLAIN THE FOREIGN EXCHANGES TO SIR THOMAS GRESHAM AND OTHER ROYAL COMMISSIONERS [_Ms. of Lord Calthorpe, Vol. XX, f. 68_[306]], 1576. Forasmuch as your worships have required, that we, the merchants Italians, should show present your worships with more brevity, than we have done afore, in what points doth grieve us the new imposition and order, that hath been set upon the exchange, although it is not easily utter it in few words, nevertheless we have set it forth as briefly as we can. Therefore it may please your worships to understand, that the chiefest living and maintenance that we have is upon the commissions that are sent unto us of our friends from beyond the seas to sell foreign wares here in London and buy English wares for to send over. The trade of the foreign wares for England will much decay because of the imposition and difficulty upon the exchange; for such our friends, that did send such commodities as alum, woad, canvas, silks, wines and other necessary things for the intent to reiterate shortly after the sending hither such commodities, so soon as they knew they were here arrived, did use to take up money by exchange for London; and if the said wares were not sold or money not due, they gave here commission to their factors to take it up by rechange again; and so in time of an usage or double usage of Antwerp, an usage or a fair at Lyons, this matter might be well compassed without any great loss, and by this mean they might help themselves with their money of their wares a great while before that it were money in deed; but now that they shall know, that the exchange will give them such loss by the payment of this fee besides the ordinary interest that is used to come upon the exchange, they shall not be able to continue this trade nor to reiterate so often the same. Therefore there shall ensue a great diminishing of the Queen's custom inwards, and that the English people shall pay the dearer for the necessary foreign commodities, and we particularly shall remain destitute of these commissions and factories. We say likewise of the trade of others our commissioners, that did use to send for English commodities as cloths and others being not forbidden and inward, they send nothing or very little; for those, that ought here to buy for themselves, might in two manners furnish the money, the one causing money to be remitted unto them from beyond the seas, and the other in taking money here in London by exchange. Touching the first manner they shall lack much of that help; for money shall not be remitted unto them, for because in foreign places there shall be found no man that will take up money by exchange for London, knowing that it shall be more damageable unto them than other places as much as this fee doth import, which will always fall upon the debtor, and he shall scarcely find money here in London to take up by exchange; so little will be exchange that hereafter will be made, therefore our commission outward will fail unto us, as we have said above of these inward, and the Queen's customs outwards also will much decay, and the English people, that did utter at good prices the commodities and handicrafts, shall not be able to do it as afore they were, they shall suffer much damage and discommodity. Besides this the free exchange hath been an instrument whereby the merchants might pay honourably their debts at their day; for if one ought, for a manner of an example, this day a sum of money, it should be a dishonour unto him to desire his creditors to tarry a seven night, a fortnight or 20 days, until he should retain money for debts due unto him. But to pay his said debt, he might presently take up money by exchange to Lyons, Antwerp and then, after he had received his money, he might remit there for the same time that he took it up, and so with little loss compass his business. But now in such case considering that he shall be forced to pay two times this imposition one in the taking and the other in the delivering so shortly after, the interest of few days will cost him too much; therefore he shall be fain to restrain his trade and shall not be able to accept his friends' debts and changes he did before. Likewise those of us shall find too much charges, that made double exchanges for service of the English merchants, as for example they took money of your vintners for Bordeaux, and to the intent that the said money might be ready there, they did exchange it for Lyons or other places being content of any small profit; now that they must pay two times this imposition and that the ordinary brokerage, that often times they did save, they now shall not save, they shall need to make their reckoning and ask greater price of the vintners, the which peradventure will find it so heavy beside his part of the fee which he must pay, that he might take an evil occasion to send over the money. We made also oftentimes amongst us double exchanges without any broker, which was, for a manner of example, that one of us had money in Venice and would bring into this realm French wares, and another hath money in Lyons and would bring wares out of Italy, and so they did agree together to give one to another mutual letters of exchange the one for Lyons and the other for Venice; and whereas such double exchange of the value of 100_li._ had no charge at all, now it shall have charge 35s., for the fee shall be paid for every one of the 2 bills of exchange, which is 25s. and 10s. brokerage, that now is not to be escaped, maketh up the 35s., so that we shall be fain utterly to leave of these double exchanges, that we made as well for the commodity of the merchants of your nation as of ourselves to the intent still to serve to the ease and trade of merchandise. But[307] the order yet is of more trouble and impediment, than the very imposition; for though the fee were in a manner but a penny in every hundredth pound, it were needful to find a means that the Queen's Majesty should not be defrauded of the same, the which we cannot invent or imagine, without that register shall be kept of all our doings and that our books shall be seen and our letters opened, the which thing will be an extreme prejudice unto our occupations, and we would have taken pain more at large to express the same, if that your worships had not the experience and knowledge better than us of this matter. Touching the standard of the English money, that you complain of is kept low by reason of the free exchange, we can say nothing but that our exchanges are made with a mutual consent between merchant and merchant, and that the abundance of the deliverers or of the takers make the exchange rise or fall; and this occasion doth counterpoise this place of London with the others; for if you will compel a needful person to take up for exchange for Antwerp at 26s. Flemish for every pound sterling, when the exchange is there at 24s., he shall leave off to take it, but will cause money to be remitted to him from thence according to the course of the exchange there. But some do complain of some strangers, that bring into England merchandises for more value than that they send out. We say, that the cause of this is the inequalities of the customs outwards; for a stranger cannot send into Flanders or into France a piece of cloth or kersey, except it should stand him dearer than he might have them there in those places at an Englishman's hands. Besides that it is to be considered, that the most part of commodities of this realm, that in times before might be transported out, now they be utterly forbidden as well corn, leather, tallow, or else charged with great licence as undressed cloths and others, so that it is not possible for strangers to meddle there withall; nevertheless we do deny, that the overplus of the amounting of the strange wares should be sent over by us in ready money, but we deliver it by exchange unto your English merchants, that may better traffic outwardly, and if we do at lower price than the value of the standard, we are very sorry and we would very gladly it were otherwise. That be the damages difficulties and inconveniences, that by this order shall happen, that is to say, for our part the whole destitution of all our friends' commission, whereupon was grounded our living and maintenance; damage unto Queen's Majesty for the diminishing of her customs for greater sum than the importance of the rent of this fee, though that exchanges should be in such frequency and number as they have been heretofore; the which thing cannot be, for very few exchange will be made; damage also to the common weal, for they shall pay dear for foreign wares for the scarcity that shall be here of the same, and they shall not so well sell the commodities of the realm, as they have done afore; and finally a dangerous occasion may be presented to some to carry away the money out of the realm, the which thing the free exchange doth avoid, and for this intent it is to be thought that it was instituted. Therefore we, considering that among all restraints, troubles or impediments, that ever was set against the trade of merchants in any place, this is the troublesomest, we beseech your worships to examine it and to report to her Majesty and to her honourable council upon this matter even as God Almighty shall inspire you for the common profit and wealth of this realm. [Footnote 306: Quoted Schanz, _op. cit._, pp. 642-6. It will be observed that the Italian merchants' knowledge of English is apparently somewhat defective.] [Footnote 307: "Bothe" in MS.] 7. AN ACT AVOIDING DIVERS FOREIGN WARES MADE BY HANDICRAFTSMEN BEYOND THE SEAS [_5 Eliz. c. 7, Statutes of the Realm, Vol. IV, Part I, pp. 428-429_], 1562. Whereas heretofore the artificers of this realm of England (as well within the city of London as within other cities, towns and boroughs of the same realm) that is to wit, girdlers, cutlers, saddlers, glovers, point-makers, and such like handicraftsmen, have been in the said faculties greatly wrought, and greatly set on work, as well for the sustentation of themselves, their wives and families, as for a good education of a great part of the youth of this realm in good art and laudable exercise, besides the manifold benefits, that by means or by reason of their knowledges, inventions, and continual travel, daily and universally came to the whole estate of the commonwealth of this said realm: II. Yet notwithstanding so now it is, that by reason of the abundance of foreign wares brought into this realm from the parts of beyond the seas, the said artificers are not only less occupied, and thereby utterly impoverished, the youth not trained in the said sciences and exercises, and thereby the said faculties, and the exquisite knowledges thereof, like in short time within this realm to decay; but also divers cities and towns within this realm of England much thereby impaired, the whole realm greatly endamaged, and other countries notably enriched, and the people thereof well set on work, to their commodities and livings, in the arts and sciences aforesaid, and to the great discouragement of skilful workmen of this realm, being in very deed nothing inferior to any stranger in the faculties aforesaid. III. For reformation whereof, be it enacted by our sovereign lady the Queen's Highness, and by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and the Commons of this present parliament assembled and by the authority of the same, that no person or persons whatsoever, from or after the feast of the Nativity of St. John Baptist now next ensuing, shall bring or cause to be brought into this realm of England from the parts of beyond the seas, any girdles, harness for girdles, rapiers, daggers, knives, hilts, pummels, lockets, chapes, dagger-blades, handles, scabbards, and sheaths for knives, saddles, horse-harness, stirrups, bits, gloves, points, leather-laces or pins, being ready made or wrought in any parts of beyond the seas, to be sold, bartered or exchanged within this realm of England or Wales; upon pain to forfeit all such wares so to be brought contrary to the true meaning of this act, in whose hands soever they or any of them shall be found, or the very value thereof. This act to continue and endure to the end of the next parliament. 8. AN ACT TOUCHING CLOTH-WORKERS AND CLOTHS READY WROUGHT TO BE SHIPPED OVER THE SEA [_8 Eliz. c. 6, Statutes of the Realm, Vol. IV, Part I, p. 489_], 1566. For the better employment and relief of great multitudes of the Queen's Majesty subjects, using the art and labour of cloth-working, it may please the Queen's most excellent Majesty, at the most humble suit of her said subjects, that it be enacted, and be it enacted by the authority of this present parliament:--That from henceforth for every nine clothes unwrought, hereafter to be shipped or carried into any the parts beyond the seas, contrary to the form of any statute heretofore made and now remaining in strength, by force of any licence hereafter to be granted, the party that shall ship and carry over the same, shall ship and carry over also one like woollen cloth of like sort, length, breadth and goodness, ready wrought and dressed; that is to say, rowed, barbed, first coursed and shorn from the one end to the other, so that every tenth cloth passing over the seas in form aforesaid may and shall be dressed within this realm, before the same shall be shipped or transported over, upon pain to forfeit for every such nine clothes so to be shipped or transported contrary to the meaning of this act, ten pounds. Provided always, that every such tenth cloth so to be transported ready wrought, shall not be accounted any of the clothes permitted to be transported by force of such licence, but that such person as shall have such licence may transport according to such licence the full number of clothes unwrought mentioned in the same licence, over and above the number of such tenth clothes which they shall be compelled to ship and carry over by force of this statute. And be it further enacted by authority aforesaid, that from the last day of February now next coming, no person shall ship or carry into the parts beyond the seas, contrary to the form of any statute heretofore made now remaining in force, any cloth commonly called Kentish cloth or Suffolk cloth, made or to be made in the counties of Kent or Suffolk, unwrought and undressed within this realm; that is to say, not rowed, barbed, first coursed and shorn; upon pain to forfeit for every such cloth, commonly called Kentish or Suffolk cloth, made or to be made in either of the said counties, so to be shipped or transported contrary to the form of this statute, forty shillings; and that no licence for transporting of any cloth or clothes shall be construed or expounded to extend to any such Kentish or Suffolk cloth, made or to be made in either of the said counties to be from henceforth transported.... 9. INCORPORATION OF A JOINT-STOCK MINING COMPANY [_Patent Rolls,_[308] _10 Eliz., Part V_], 1568. Elizabeth by the Grace of God, etc. To all unto whom these presents shall come, greeting. Whereas we ... have ... given and granted full power, license and authority to Thomas Thurland, clerk, ... and to Daniel Houghsetter, a German born ... to search ... for all manner of monies or ores of gold, silver, copper, or quicksilver, within our counties of York, Lancaster, Cumberland, Westmoreland, Cornwall, Devon, Gloucestershire and Worcestershire, and within our principality of Wales, or in any of them, and the same to try out, convert, and use to their most profit and commodity.... And whereas our pleasure, intent, and meaning in our said Letters Patent was that, for the better help and more commodity of the said Thomas Thurland and Daniel Houghsetter and their several assignees, they ... might ... grant ... parts and portions of the said licenses ... and thereupon their several assignees have ... granted ... to ... William, Earl of Pembroke, and Robert, Earl of Leicestershire, and to ... James, Lord Mountjoy, and to Sir William Cecil, knight, our principal secretary, and John Tamworth and John Dudley, esquires, Leonell Duchet, citizen and alderman of London, Benedict Spynola, of London, merchant, John Lover, William Winter, Anthony Duchett, of the County of Westmoreland, gentlemen ... Daniel Ulstett, a German born [and ten others], divers parts and portions of the licenses, powers, authorities, privileges, benefits and immunities aforesaid; By force whereof the said Thomas Thurland and Daniel Houghsetter ... have travailed in the search, work and experiment of the mines and ores aforesaid ... and have now brought the said work to very good effect, whereby great benefit is like to come to us and this our Realm of England, which also will the rather come to pass if the persons ... having interest in the privileges aforesaid might by our grant be incorporated and made a perpetual body politic; ... Know ye, therefore, that we ... do give and grant to the aforenamed William Earl of Pembroke [and the others as above] that they by the name of Governor, Assistants, and Commonalty for the Mines Royal shall be from henceforth one body politic in itself incorporate, and a perpetual society of themselves both in deed and name.... And, further, we ... will and grant ... that they ... shall and may not only admit into the said corporation and society such and as many persons as by the statutes ... shall be prescribed ... so that every such person ... shall ... have for the term of his life at the least the benefit of a quarter of one four-and-twenty part of the licenses, powers, authorities, privileges, benefits and communities aforesaid, ... but also shall and may minister to every such person to be admitted an oath tending to the due performing and keeping of the rules, statutes, and ordinances in form aforesaid to be made ... [Footnote 308: Printed by the Selden Society, Vol. 28, pp. 4-15.] 10. AN ACT FOR THE INCREASE OF TILLAGE [_13 Eliz. c. 13. Statutes of the Realm, Vol. IV, Part I, pp. 547-48_], 1571. For the better increase of tillage, and for maintenance and increase of the navy and mariners of this realm, be it enacted, that from and after the feast of the Nativity of St. John Baptist next coming, it shall be lawful to all and every person and persons being subjects of the Queen's Majesty, her heirs and successors, and inhabiting within her highness' realms and dominions, only out of such ports and creeks where are or shall be resident a customer or collector of subsidy of tonnage and poundage, or one of their deputies, and not elsewhere, to load, carry or transport any wheat, rye, barley, malt, peas or beans into any parts beyond the seas, being in amity with this realm, and not prohibited by any restraint or proclamation, only to sell as a merchandize in ships carriers or other vessels bearing cross sails, whereof any English born subjects inhabiting within her Highness' realms and dominions then shall be the only owners, at all such times as the several prices thereof shall be so reasonable and moderate in the several counties where any such transportation shall be intended as that no prohibition shall be made, either by the Queen's Majesty, her heirs or successors, by proclamation to be made in the shiretown or in any port towns of the county, or else by some order of the lord president and council in the north, or the lord president and council in Wales, within their several jurisdictions, or of the justices of assizes at their sessions in other shires out of the jurisdiction of the said two presidents and councils, or by the more part of the justices of the peace of the county at their quarter sessions, in this manner following; that is, the said lord president and councils of the shires within their jurisdiction, the justices of assize at their several sessions in other shires out of the said jurisdictions belonging to the said councils in the north and in Wales, yearly shall, upon conference had with the inhabitants of the country of the cheapness and dearth of any the said kinds of grain within the countries within jurisdictions of the said councils, or in the other countries within the limits of the said justices of assize, by their discretion determine whether it shall be meet at anytime to permit any grain to be carried out of the realm by any port within the said several jurisdictions or limits, and so shall in writing under their hands and seals cause and make a determination either for permission or prohibition, and the same cause to be by the sheriff of the counties published and affixed in as many accustomed market towns and ports within the said shire as they shall think convenient, and in such manner as the Queen's Majesty's proclamations are usually published and affixed; which determination of the said presidents and councils in their jurisdictions, and of the justices of assize in their limits, shall continue in force for the time, place, and manner therein expressed until the said presidents and councils shall otherwise order, or until the justices of assize at their being in their said circuits in every of the said counties shall alter or otherwise order the same, except the same shall be otherwise in the mean time altered or countermanded by the Queen's Majesty, her heirs or successors, or by some order of the justices of the peace in the counties situated out of the jurisdictions of the said two councils in their quarter sessions to be holden in the meantime, or the greater part of them, shall find the same determination of the justices of assize to be hurtful to the county by means of dearth, or to be a great hindrance to tillage by means of too much cheapness, and shall by their writings under their hands and seals make any determination to the contrary, either for permission or prohibition of carrying of any kind of grain out of the realm; ... ... Provided nevertheless, that neither any of the said presidents and councils, nor the said justices of assize nor the said justices of peace above mentioned, shall publish any their determinations above mentioned until the same shall be first by writing notified to the Queen's Majesty or to her privy council, and by her Majesty or her privy council shall be liked and allowed. Provided also, that the Queen's Majesty, her heirs and successors, shall have and receive by the customers and officers of her ports for the custom or poundage of every quarter of wheat to be transported by force of this statute, twelve pence, and of every quarter of any other grain, eight pence, and of every quarter of wheat that shall be by any special licence hereafter to be granted transported out of the realm, and not by force of this statute, two shillings, and of every quarter of other grain, sixteen pence, notwithstanding any manner of words that shall be contained or inserted in any licences to the contrary; which said several sums, so to be had or taken as custom or poundage, to be in full satisfaction of all manner of custom or poundage for the said corn or grain by any constitution, order, statute, law or custom heretofore made, used, or taken for transporting of any such manner of corn or grain. Provided also and be it enacted by the authority of this present parliament, that the Queen's Majesty, her heirs and successors, may at all times by her writ of proclamation to be published generally in the whole realm, or in the counties of this realm where any port towns are, command that no person shall by virtue of this act transport or carry out any manner of grain to any parts out of her dominions, either generally out of any port in the realm, or particularly out of any special ports to be in the same proclamation named; and that it shall not be lawful for any person to carry out any such grain contrary to the tenor of the same proclamation, upon such pains as by the laws of the realm are and have been provided. 11. INSTRUCTIONS FOR AN ENGLISH FACTOR IN TURKEY [_Hakluyt. The Principal Voyages of the English Nation_], 1582. ... And for that of many things that tend to the common benefit of the State, some tend more and some less, I find that no one thing, after one another, is greater than clothing, and the things incident to the same. And understanding that you are of right good capacity, and become a factor at Constantinople, and in other parts of Turkey, I find no man fitter of all the English factors there than you. And therefore I am so bold to put you in mind and to tell you wherein with some endeavour you may chance to do your country much good, and give an infinite sort of the poor people occasion to pray for you here throughout the realm. This that I mean is in matter of cloth, etc. 1. First, you cannot deny but that this realm yieldeth the most fine wool, the most soft, the most strong wool, the most durable in cloth, and most apt of nature of all others to receive dye, and that no island or any one kingdom so small doth yield so great abundance of the same.... 2. There is no commodity of this realm that may set so many poor subjects on work, as this doth, that doth bring in so much treasure, and so much enrich the merchant, and so much employ the navy of this realm, as this commodity of our wool doth. Ample and full vent of this noble and rich commodity is it that the commonweal of this realm doth require. Spain now aboundeth with wool, and the same are clothed. Turkey hath wools, and so have divers provinces of Christendom and of heatheners, and cloth is made of the same in divers places. 1. But if England have the most fine and the most excellent wools of the world in all respects (as it cannot be denied but it hath). 2. If there may be added to the same excellent artificial, and true making, and excellent dyeing. 3. Then no doubt but that we shall have vent for our cloths, though the rest of the world did abound much more with wool than it doth.... But if foreign nations turn their wools, inferior to ours, into truer and more excellent made cloth, and shall dye the same in truer, surer, and more excellent and more delectable colours, then shall they sell and make ample vent of their cloths, when the English cloth of better wool shall rest unsold, to the spoil of the merchant, of the clothier, and of the breeder of the wool, and to the turning to bag and wallet of the infinite number of the poor people employed in clothing in several degrees of labour here in England. Which things weighed, I am to tell you what things I wish you in this realm, and after in Turkey, to endeavour from time to time, as your leisure may permit the same. Before you out of the realm, that you learn: 1. To know wool, all kinds of cloth made in this realm, and all other employments of wool, home or foreign.... All the deceits in clothmaking ... The faults in weaving. The faults in walking, rowing, burling, and in racking the cloth above measure upon the tenters.... 2. Then to learn of the dyers to discern all kinds of colours, as which be good and sure, and which will not hold; which be fair, and which not.... 3. Then to take the names of all the materials and substances used in this city or in the realm in dyeing of cloth or silk.... 4. These things superficially learned in the realm before you go, you are fitter in foreign parts to serve your country.... What you shall do in Turkey, besides the business of your factorship. 1. Forasmuch as it is reported that the woollen cloths dyed in Turkey be most excellently dyed, you shall send home unto this realm certain ... pieces of shred, to be brought to the Dyers' Hall, there to be shewed, partly to remove out of their heads the too great opinion they have conceived of their own cunning, and partly to move them for shame to endeavour to learn more knowledge, to the honour of their country of England and to the universal benefit of the realm. 2. You shall devise to amend the dyeing of England, by carrying hence an apt young man brought up in the art, or by bringing one or other from thence of skill, or rather to devise to bring one for silks, and another for wool and for woollen cloth.... 3. Then to learn to know all the materials and substances that the Turks use in dyeing, be they of herbs, simple or compound, be they plants, barks, wood, berries, seeds, grains, or mineral matter.... 5. And in any wise, if anile that coloureth blue be a natural commodity of those parts, and if it be compounded of an herb, to send the same into this realm by seed, or by root in barrel of earth, with all the whole order of sowing, setting, planting, replanting, and with the compounding of the same, that it may become a natural commodity in this realm, as woad is, to this end, that the high price of foreign woad (which devoureth yearly great treasure) may be brought down.... 8. The wools being natural, and excellent colours for dyeing by this means here also natural, in all the art of clothing then we want but one only special thing. For in this so temperate a climate our people may labour the year throughout ... and the people of this realm by the great and blessed abundance of victual are cheaply fed, and therefore may afford their labour cheap. And where the clothiers in Flanders, by the flatness of their rivers, cannot make water-mills for their cloths, but are forced to dress and thicken all their cloths by the foot and by the labour of men, whereby their cloths are raised to an higher price, we in England have in all shires store of mills upon falling rivers.... Then we have also, for scouring our cloths, earths and clays.... Then also have we some reasonable store of alum and copperas here, made for dyeing.... Then we have many good waters apt for dyeing, and people to spin and to do the rest of all the labours we want not. So as there wanteth, if colours might be brought in and made natural, but only oil; the want whereof if any man could devise to supply at the full with anything that might become natural in this realm, he, whatsoever he were that could bring it about, might deserve immortal fame in this our commonwealth.... 10. And if you shall find that they make any cloth of any kind not made in this realm, that is there of great use, then to bring of the same into this realm some "mowsters,"[309] that our people may fall into the trade, and prepare the same for Turkey. For the more kinds of cloth we can devise to make, the more ample vent of our commodity we shall have, and the more sale of the labour of our poor subjects that else for lack of labour become idle and burdenous to the commonweal, and hurtful to many. And in England we are in our clothing trade to frame ourselves according to the desires of foreign nations, be it that they desire thick or thin, broad or narrow, long or short, white or black. 11. But with this proviso always, that our cloth pass out with as much labour of our people as may be, wherein great consideration ought to be had. For (if vent might so admit), as it were the greatest madness in the world for us to vent our wool not clothed, so were it madness to vent our wool in part or on the whole turned into broad cloth, if we might vent the same in kersies; for there is a great difference to our people between the clothing of a sack of wool in the one and the like sack of wool in the other, of which I wish the merchant of England to have a great care as he may for the universal benefit of the poor; and the turning of a sack of wool into bonnets is better than both, etc. And also not to carry out of the realm any cloth white, but dyed, if it may be, that the subjects of this realm may take as much benefit as is possible, and rather to seek the vent of the cloths dyed with the natural colours of England than such as be dyed with foreign colours. Thus giving you occasion, by way of a little remembrance, to have desire to do your country good, you shall, if you have any inclination to such good, do more good to the poor ready to starve for relief than ever any subject did in this realm by building of almshouses, and by giving of lands and goods to the relief of the poor. Thus may you help to drive idleness, the mother of most mischief, out of the realm, and win you perpetual fame, and the prayer of the poor, which is more worth than all the gold of Peru and of all the West Indies. [Footnote 309: _i.e._ Samples.] 12. THE ADVANTAGES OF COLONIES [_A True Report of the late Discoveries and Possession Taken in the Right of the Crown of England of the Newfound Lands by ... Sir Humfrey Gilbert_[310]; _Hakluyt's Principal Voyages of the English Nation_], 1583. ... The fourth chapter sheweth how that the trade, traffic, and planting in these countries is likely to prove very profitable to the whole realm in general. Now to show how the same is likely to prove very profitable and beneficial generally to the whole realm. It is very certain that the greatest jewel of this realm, and the chiefest strength and force of the same, for defence or offence in martial matter and manner, is the multitude of ships, masters, and mariners ready to assist the most stately and royal navy of her Majesty, which by reason of this voyage shall have both increase and maintenance. And it is well known that in sundry places of this realm ships have been built and set forth of late days for the trade of fishing only; yet, notwithstanding, the fish which is taken and brought into England by the English navy of fishermen will not suffice for the expense of this realm four months, if there were none else brought of strangers. And the chiefest cause why our English men do not go so far westerly as the especial fishing places do lie, both for plenty and greatness of fish, is for that they have no succour and known safe harbour in those parts. But if our nation were once planted there or thereabouts, whereas they now fish but for two months in the year, they might then fish for so long as pleased themselves ... which being brought to pass shall increase the number of our ships and mariners. Moreover, it is well known that all savages ... will take marvellous delight in any garment, be it never so simple, as a shirt, a blue, yellow, red, or green cotton cassock, a cap, or such like, and will take incredible pains for such a trifle, ... which being so, what vent for our English cloths will thereby ensue, and how great benefit to all such persons and artificers, whose names are quoted in the margin, I leave to such as are discreet.... To what end need I endeavour myself by arguments to prove that by this voyage our navy and navigation shall be enlarged, when as there needeth none other reason than the manifest and late example of the near neighbours to this realm, the Kings of Spain and Portugal, who, since the first discovery of the Indies, have not only mightily enlarged their dominions, greatly enriched themselves and their subjects, but have also, by just account, trebled the number of their ships, masters and mariners, a matter of no small moment and importance? Besides this, it will prove a general benefit unto our country, that, through this occasion, not only a great number of men which do now live idly at home, and are burdenous, chargeable, and unprofitable to this realm, shall hereby be set on work, but also children of twelve or fourteen years of age, or under, may be kept from idleness, in making of a thousand kinds of trifling things, which will be good merchandise for that country. And, moreover, our idle women (which the realm may well spare) shall also be employed on plucking, drying, and sorting of feathers, in pulling, beating, and working of hemp, and in gathering of cotton, and divers things right necessary for dyeing. All which things are to be found in those countries most plentifully. And the men may employ themselves in dragging for pearl, working for mines, and in matters of husbandry, and likewise in hunting the whale for trane, and making casks to put the same in, besides in fishing for cod, salmon and herring, drying, salting and barrelling the same, and felling of trees, hewing and sawing of them, and such like work, meet for those persons that are no men of art or science. Many other things may be found to the great relief and good employment of no small number of the natural subjects of this realm, which do now live here idly, to the common annoy of the whole State. Neither may I here omit the great hope and likelihood of a passage beyond the Grand Bay into the South Seas, confirmed by sundry authors to be found leading to Cataia, the Moluccas and Spiceries, whereby may ensue as general a benefit to the realm, or greater than yet hath been spoken of, without either such charges or other inconveniences, as, by the tedious tract of time and peril, which the ordinary passage to those parts at this day doth minister.... I must now, according to my promise, show forth some probable reasons that the adventurers in this journey are to take particular profit by the same. It is, therefore, convenient that I do divide the adventurers into two sorts, the noblemen and gentlemen by themselves, and the merchants by themselves. For, as I do hear, it is meant that there shall be one society of the noblemen and gentlemen, and another society of the merchants; and yet not so divided, but that each society may freely and frankly trade and traffic one with the other. And first to bend my speech to the noblemen and gentlemen, who do chiefly seek a temperate climate, wholesome air, fertile soil, and a strong place by nature whereupon they may fortify, and there either plant themselves or such other persons as they shall think good to send to be lords of that place and country:--To them I say that all these things are very easy to be found within the degrees of 30 and 60 aforesaid, either by south or north, both in the continent and in islands thereunto adjoining, at their choice ... and in the whole tract of that land, by the description of as many as have been there, great plenty of mineral matter of all sorts, and in very many places both stones of price, pearl and chrystal, and great store of beasts, birds, and fowls, both for pleasure and necessary use of man are to be found.... And now for the better contemplation and satisfaction of such worshipful, honest-minded and well-disposed merchants as have a desire to the furtherance of every good and commendable action, I will first say unto them, as I have done before to the noblemen and gentlemen, that within the degrees aforesaid is doubtless to be found the most wholesome and best temperature of air, fertility of soil, and every other commodity or merchandise, for the which, with no small peril, we do travel into Barbary, Spain, Portugal, France, Italy, Muscovy and Eastland, and yet, to the end my argument shall not altogether stand upon likelihoods and presumptions, I say that such persons as have discovered and travelled those parts do testify that they have found in those countries all these things following, namely:--[a list of beasts, birds, fishes, trees, minerals, etc.] ... Now for the trial hereof, considering that in the articles of the society of the adventurers in this voyage there is provision made that no adventurer shall be bound to any further charge than his first adventure, and notwithstanding keep still to himself, his children, his apprentices and servants, his and their freedom for trade and traffic, which is a privilege that adventurers in other voyages have not; and in the said articles it is likewise provided that none other than such as have adventured in the first voyage, or shall become adventurers in this supply, at any time hereafter are to be admitted in the said society, but as redemptionaries, which will be very chargeable; therefore, generally, I say unto all such, according to the old proverb. "Nothing venture, nothing have" ... The sixth chapter sheweth that the traffic and planting in those countries shall be unto the savages themselves very beneficial and gainful.... ... First and chiefly, in respect of the most happy and gladsome tidings of the most glorious gospel of our Saviour Jesus Christ, whereby they may be brought from falsehood to truth, from darkness to light, from the highway of death to the path of life, from superstitious idolatry to sincere Christianity, from the devil to Christ, from hell to heaven. And if in respect of all the commodities they can yield us (were they many more) that they should but receive but this only benefit of Christianity, they were more than fully recompensed. But hereunto it may be objected that the Gospel must be freely preached, for such was the example of the apostles.... Yet for answer we may say with St. Paul: If we have sown unto you heavenly things, do you think it much that we should reap your carnal things? And withal, The workman is worthy of his hire. These heavenly tidings which those labourers our countrymen (as messengers of God's great goodness and mercy) will voluntarily present unto them, do far exceed their earthly riches.... [Footnote 310: Gilbert was drowned in the "Squirrel" on September 9th, 1583. The above document purports to have been written after the return of the "Golden Hind," but before the loss of the "Squirrel" was certainly known.] 13. LORD BURGHLEY TO SIR CHRISTOPHER HATTON ON THE STATE OF TRADE [_Sir H. Nicholas, Memoirs of Sir Christopher Hatton, pp. 470-2_], 1587. TO THE LORD CHANCELLOR. My Lord, I am sorry that my pains are such as I cannot attend on you to-day in the Star Chamber, having yesterday, by more zeal of service in the Exchequer Chamber than of regard to my harms, so weakened and pained my leg, as I cannot stir it out of my bed; but this my declaration of my state is to no purpose to occupy your Lordship withal. This great matter of the lack of vent, not only of clothes, which presently is the greatest, but of all other English commodities which are restrained from Spain, Portugal, Barbary, France, Flanders, Hamburgh, and the States, cannot but in process of time work a great change and dangerous issue to the people of the realm, who, heretofore, in time of outward peace, lived thereby, and without it must either perish for want, or fall into violence to feed and fill their lewd appetites with open spoils of others, which is the fruit of rebellion; but it is in vain to remember this to your Lordship, that is so notorious as there need no repetition thereof. The evil being seen and like daily to increase beyond all good remedies, it is our duties that are Councillors to think of some remedies in time, before the same become remediless; and briefly the best means of remedy must follow the consideration of the causes of this evil, and so _contrariis contraria curare_. The original cause is apparently the contentions and enmities betwixt the King of Spain and his countries, and her Majesty and her countries. The reduction hereof to amity betwixt the Princes, and to open traffic according to the ancient treaties of intercourse, would be the sovereign remedy; but this may be wished sooner than speedily effectuated. But yet, seeing there is a signification notified of the good inclination of both the Princes, and a great necessity to press them both thereto for the suagement of their people, it were pity any course should be taken either to hinder this or not to hasten it, which surely in the Low Countries would be done, with whatsoever a reasonable cost may be, to keep the enemy from victuals, and to withstand his enterprises against our friends until this next harvest; and by this proceeding against him, there is no doubt but he will yield to all reasonable conditions meet both for her Majesty and her protected friends; otherwise, if the good fortune of our friends do decay, and the enemy recover that which he now lacketh, that is store of victuals, he will either underhand make peace with our friends, whom he shall find both weak and timorous, and leave her Majesty in danger for recovery of all that she hath spent, and in greater charges to maintain her two cautionary towns against the whole Low Countries than two Boulognes were, or else he will, being puffed with pride, make a very Spanish conquest of Holland and Zealand,--a matter terrible to be thought of, but most terrible to be felt. But to insist upon this remedy is as yet in vain, and therefore such other poor helps are to be thought of as may somewhat mitigate the accidents present, and stay the increase thereof, whereof when I do bethink myself, I find no one simple remedy, but rather compounded of divers simples, and to say truly they are but simple remedies, until peace may ensue, which is the sovereign sole medicine of all. To have vent increase, there must be more buyers and shippers than there are, and seeing our merchants say that they cannot have sales sufficient, 1. It were good that the Steelyard men were licensed to trade as they were wont to do, with condition upon good bonds that our merchants adventurers shall have their former liberties in Hamburgh; 2. These Steelyard merchants must also have a dispensation to carry a competent number of unwrought cloths that are coarse, which are the cloths whereof the great stay is in the Realm. 3. Beside this, the merchant strangers might have a like dispensation for the buying and shipping of a competent number of like white coarse cloths. 4. And if her Majesty, for some reasonable time, would abate only 2s. upon a cloth, I think there would grow no loss to her Majesty, having respect to the multitude of the cloths that should be carried, whereas now the strangers carry few, but upon licences, for which her Majesty hath no strangers' customs, but English. 5. The strangers also must have liberty to buy in Blackwell Hall, or else there may be a staple set up in Westminster, out of the liberties of the City of London, which, rather than London would suffer, I think they will grant liberty to strangers in respect to the hallage money which they shall lease. Notwithstanding all these shows of remedies, I could wish that our merchants adventurers were made acquainted herewith, and to be warned, that if they shall not amend the prices to clothiers for their coarse cloths, whereby the clothiers may be reasonably apparent gainers, and that to be put in practice this next week, that then her Majesty will give authority to put the former helps in practice. Thus, my good Lord, because I understand you are to go to the Court this afternoon, I have thought good to scribble, as I do (lying in pain) these few cogitations, submitting them to a more mature disquisition. Your Lordship's most assured, W. BURGHLEY. 14. A LIST OF PATENTS AND MONOPOLIES [_Lodge. Illustrations of British History, Vol. III, pp.. 159,[311] ff._] 33. Eliz.--A grant to Reynold Hopton only, and no other, to make flasks, touch-boxes, powder-boxes, and bullet-boxes, for 15 years. 34 Eliz.--A grant to Simon Farmer and John Craford only, and no other, to transport list shreds of woollen cloth, and all manner of horns, for 21 years. 35 Eliz.--A grant to Bryan Annesley, solely, and no other, to buy and provide steel beyond sea and sell the same within this realm for 21 years. 36 Eliz.--A grant to Robert Alexander only, and no other, to buy and bring in anise-seeds, sumach, etc., for 21 years. 39 Eliz.--A grant to John Spillman only, and no other, to buy linen rags, and to make paper. 40 Eliz.--A grant to Ede Schetts, and his assignees only, and no other, to buy and transport ashes and old shoes for 7 years. 36 Eliz.--A grant to [_blank_] only, and no other, to provide and bring in all Spanish wools for making of felt hats, for 20 years. 34 Eliz.--A grant that Sir Jerome Bowes, and no other, shall make glasses for 12 years. 42 Eliz.--A grant made to Harding and others only, concerning saltpeter. 41 Eliz.--A grant that Brigham and Wimmes shall only have the pre-emption of tin. Other Monopolies for one man only and no other-- To register all writings and assurances between merchants, called policies. To make spangles. To print the Psalms of David. To print Cornelius Tacitus. To sow woad in certain numbers of shires. To print grammars, primers, and other school books. To print the law. To print all manner of songs in parts. To make mathematical instruments. To plainish and hollow silver vessels. That one man and no other shall make writs of _subpoena_ in Chancery, Sir Thomas George. To write all writs of supplication and _supersedeas_ for the peace and good behaviour, and all pardons of outlawry, George Carew. To draw leases in possession made by the King, Sir Edward Stafford. To engross all leases by the great seal. Licenses and Dispensations to one man only, of the Penalty of Penal Laws, and Power given to license others-- [18] Eliz.--A license to Sir Edward Dyer, to pardon and dispense with tanning of leather, contrary to the statute of 5 Eliz., and to license any man to be a tanner. 30 Eliz.--A patent to Sir Walter Raleigh, to make licenses for keeping of taverns and retailing of wines throughout England. 31 Eliz.--The grant to John Ashley and Thomas Windebank, to have all forfeitures and penalties for burning of timber trees to make iron, contrary to the statute of 1 Eliz. 36 Eliz.--A license to Roger Bineon, and others, to take the whole forfeiture of the statute of 5th and 6th of Edw. VI, for pulling down gig-mills. 37 Eliz.--A license to William Smith only, and no others, to take the benefit of the statute of 5 Eliz. for gashing of hides, and barking of trees. 38 Eliz.--A license to Thomas Cornwallis only, and no other, to make grants and licenses for keeping of gaming-houses, and using of unlawful games, contrary to the statute of 33 Henry VIII. 39 Eliz.--A license to William Carre, for nine years, to authorize and license any person to brew beer to be transported beyond sea. 40 Eliz.--A license to Richard Coningsby, to give license for buying of tin throughout England. 41 Eliz.--A license to Richard Carnithen only, to bring in Irish yarn for seven years. _Impositions._ 41 Eliz.--A grant to Bevis Bulmer to have an imposition of sea-coal, paying £6,200 rent for 21 years. 36 Eliz.--A grant made to John Parker, Esq., to have twelve-pence for filing of every bill in Chancery in respect whereof the subject is to be discharged of payment of anything of search. 41 Eliz.--A license to trade the Levant Seas with currants only, paying £4,000 per annum. Particular licenses to transport certain numbers of pelts of sheep-skins and lambskins. Certain numbers of woollen cloths. Certain numbers of dickers of calf-skins. _New Inventions._ Only and no other, so as they were never used in England before. To inn and drain [_blank_] grounds. To take water fowl. To make devices of safe-keeping of corn. To make a device for soldiers to carry necessary provisions. [Footnote 311: Quoted, _English Patents of Monopoly_, Appendix c, W.H. Price, 1603.] 15. INSTRUCTIONS TOUCHING THE BILL FOR FREE TRADE [_Journals of the House of Commons, Vol. I, p. 218_], 1604. The Committees from the House of the Commons sat five whole afternoons upon these Bills; there was a great concourse of clothiers and merchants, of all parts of the realm, and especially of London; who were so divided, as that all the clothiers, and, in effect, all the merchants of England, complained grievously of the engrossing and restraint of trade by the rich merchants of London, as being to the undoing, or great hindrance, of all the rest; and of London merchants, three parts joined in the same complaint against a fourth part; and of that fourth part, some standing stiffly for their own company, yet repined at other companies. Divers writings and informations were exhibited on both parts; learned Counsel was heard for the Bill, and divers of the principal Aldermen of London against it; all reasons exactly weighed and examined; the Bill, together with the reasons on both sides, was returned and reported by the Committees to the House; where, at the third reading, it was three several days debated, and in the end passed with great consent and applause of the House (as being for the exceeding benefit of all the land) scarce forty voices dissenting from it. The most weighty reasons for the enlargement of trade were these: _Natural Right._--All free subjects are born inheritable, as to their land, so also to the free exercise of their industry in those trades, whereto they apply themselves and whereby they are to live. Merchandize being the chief and richest of all other, and of greater extent and importance than all the rest, it is against the natural right and liberty of the subjects of England to restrain it into the hands of some few, as now it is; for although there may be now some five or six thousand persons, counting children and prentices, free of the several Companies of the Merchants, in the whole; yet apparent it is, that the Governors of these Companies, by their monopolizing orders, have so handled the matter, as that the mass of the whole trade of all the realm is in the hands of some two hundred persons at the most, the rest serving for a shew only, and reaping small benefit. _Judgement of Parliament._--The law stands for it; and a law made 12th of Henry the Seventh, never repealed by Parliament, only restrained since by charters, unduly, or by untrue suggestions, procured (by which means all other monopolies have had their original) and the first of those charters since the making of that statute (which was purchased in the end of the reign of Henry the Seventh, at what time Empson and Dudley were instruments of so much wronging and oppressing the people) yet doth in no wise restrain this liberty of free trade, but expressly allow it (with a reverence unto that very act in the 12th of this reign) and so continued till the reign of Queen Elizabeth. _Examples of Nations._--The example of all other nations generally in the world, who avoid in themselves, and hate in us, this monopolizing way of traffic; for it cannot be otherwise counted than a monopoly, when so large a commodity is restrained into the hands of so few in proportion, to the prejudice of all other who by law and natural right might have interest therein. And whereas some allege that there are like Companies in other countries, as of the East Indies in Lesbone, the House of Contraction there, the Fontego at Venice, the Travesana at Noremberg, these allegations are either untrue or unproper. There are places of assembly for merchants, and to consult for good orders in all other countries, but without restraint of trading from any man; and how traffic, by this freedom, doth flourish in other countries, and principally in the Low Countries, far more than in ours, is apparent to all the world. _Wealth._--The increase of the wealth generally of all the land by the ready vent of all the commodities to the merchants at higher rate; for where many buyers are, ware grows dearer; and they that buy dear at home, must sell dear abroad: this also will make our people more industrious. _Equal Distribution._--The more equal distribution of the wealth of the land, which is a great stability and strength to the realm, even as the equal distributing of the nourishment in a man's body; the contrary whereof is inconvenient in all estates, and oftentimes breaks out into mischief, when too much fullness doth puff up some by presumption, and too much emptiness leaves the rest in perpetual discontent, the mother of desire of innovations and troubles: and this is the proper fruit of monopolies. Example may be in London, and the rest of the realm: The custom and impost of London come to a hundred and ten thousand pound a year, and of the rest of the whole realm but to seventeen thousand pound. _Strength._--The increase of shipping, and especially of mariners, in all ports in England. How greatly the mariners of the realm have decayed in all places of latter times, and with how great danger of the state in these late wars, is known to them who have been employed in that kind of service; who do also attribute the cause thereof to this restraint of trade; free traffic being the breeder and maintainer of ships and mariners, as by memorable example in the Low Countries may be seen. _Profit of the Crown._--The increase of custom and subsidy to the King, which doth necessarily follow the increase of foreign traffic and wealth. And they which say otherwise, will dare to say anything. These reasons are in great part set down in the Act of the 12th of Henry VIIth; other particular reasons there are, which this present time doth not yield. _Opportunity Abroad._--Under our gracious Salamon, a Prince of wisdom and peace, we are like to be in league or amity with all nations; whereby, as there will be greater freedom abroad to trade to all places, so fit to have greater at home for all persons to trade. This alteration of times may make that fit now, which in times of hostility might have seemed unfit. _Necessity at Home._--And as there will be greater opportunity abroad, so also much greater necessity at home; for what else shall become of gentlemen's younger sons, who cannot live by arms when there is no wars, and learning preferments are common to all and mean? So that nothing remains fit for them, save only merchandize (and such is the use of other politic nations) unless they turn serving men, which is a poor inheritance. The general reasons to continue the restraint of trade, and the answer to them, were these: _Imputation of the State._--It is a taint to the King and State, that these restrained companies should be called or counted monopolies; and by this Act we insist and strengthen the complaint of the Haven Towns and other nations against the State for suffering such companies. _Answer._--The same reason doth justify all the monopolies that ever were. It is no touch to the State if abuses creep in, but if reformation, desired by parliament, be denied. But surely this taint doth no ways attaint his Majesty, who hath declared himself a just enemy to all these unjust monopolies. _Not Monopolies._--These Companies are not monopolies; for a monopoly is, when liberty of selling, due to all men by right, is restrained to one, with prejudice of all others. _Answer._--The name of monopoly, though taken originally for personal unity, yet is fitly extended to all improportionable paucity of the sellers in regard of the ware which is sold. If ten men had the only sale of all the horses in England, this were a monopoly; much more the Company of Merchant Adventurers, which, in effect not above two hundred, have the managing of the two third parts of the clothing of this realm, which might well maintain many thousand merchants more. And with how great prejudice this is sundry ways to all the land, let example suffice; let the cry of all the clothiers of England testify, and the utter overthrow of infinite poor persons, which live by them and their works. For the clothiers having no utterance of their cloth but to the merchant adventurers, they, by complot among themselves, will buy but at what time, what quality, and what price themselves list; whereby the clothiers are fain often to return with loss, to lay their cloths to pawn, to slack their trade, to the utter ruin of their poor workmen, with their wives and children. _Keeping up our Commodities._--These Companies keep up the price of our commodities abroad, by avoiding an over-glut of our commodities in places whereto they trade. And this experience doth witness; for our cloth is of late years much dearer than in former times; whereas contrarywise, when trade is free, many sellers will make ware cheap and of less estimation. _Answer._--It is true that all monopolies keep up their commodities for their own private lucre; but they do it unjustly, and to the discontent of all other men; which hath been the cause of so many edicts of the Empire against the Company of Merchant Adventurers, which hath driven them so often to shift their marts; and is the cause, that our merchants are so generally hated, no other nation Christian either using or enduring such restrained Companies in matter of merchandizes. Howbeit both by reason and experience we may conjecture that there is no greater [_blank_] that if trade be made free, our commodities will much abate their price abroad; for the merchants must first buy their commodities at home; and where many buyers are, wares will grow dearer; and buying dear at home, he must sell dear abroad. For it is not true that there will be a greater glut of our commodities in foreign parts; the sellers will be more, but the wares sold will be much the same, especially in those principal commodities, which grow out of the land. It is the store of the merchandize, not the multitude of merchants, which doth make things cheaper. Besides, when trade is free, it is likely that many young men will seek out new places, and trade further for great benefit; whereby the glut in the former places will be less. The weakness of their argument of experience is plain; for not cloth only, but all other things in the world are risen greatly in price; and in France, where there is no Companies, our kerseys are sold at exceeding good price, and as dear, in proportion, as broad cloths by the Merchant Adventurers. But if it were so, that they kept up our commodities abroad, so do they, by the same skill, foreign commodities at home: so a few rich men do gain by their out-going, and the whole land doth lose much more by their return. They say that they gain little by return of foreign commodities. There lieth a mystery, for it is true, and will be avowed upon certain knowledge, that upon the arrival of the Merchant Adventurers' fleet, the commodities, on the other side, are ordinarily raised at least twenty in the hundred; for so do they quit one wrong with another. But hereby the loss still falls heavy on the subject, who is damnified now again in the commodities returned, as he was before in the engrossing of those which were issued. _Venting all Now._--The Companies that now are, do vent all the commodities of the land, and yet are they hardly able to live one by another. _Answer._--It is not all vented, which the land might spare; and that by reason of the courses held by these Companies, to their own excessive gain, and certain loss of all other men: besides, when traffic shall flourish with us, as doth in other countries, where trade is free, and namely in the Low Countries, who thereby have supported the huge charge of their long wars, things merchantable will increase daily by this encouragement to the subjects' industry, even as there they do; for natural commodities are more than trebled by access of art and industry; and howsoever, yet the division of wealth will be more equal; for now, by the plotting of the governor of these Companies, some few overgrown men devour the wealth, and make merry, whilst the rest, even of their own Companies, do want and weep. _Prenticeship Necessary._--This Act makes it lawful to become merchants without prenticeship; which is an injury to them which have served, and hurt to them that serve not; who, venturing unskilfully, shall be sure of loss. _Answer._--The loss of new merchants, it may be, is as much the desire, as fear of the objectors; but they that have served, have their skill for their labour; and they that serve not, must be at charge of a factor, or join with their friends, and learn skill by them; or at least wise men adventure their stocks with other men, after the fashion of the Low Countries, and other places, where trade doth flourish. By the same reason young gentlemen might be kept from their lands, for want of skill to govern them. _Dissolving Companies._--This Act, by enlarging the Companies, and giving free access to all men, doth in effect dissolve them; for hardly are they able to govern those that are in already; and where government faileth, there will be certain confusion. _Answer._--This Act dissolveth no Company, taketh away no good government. Those orders in Companies, which tend to monopoly, it abrogateth: orders for necessary contribution to public charges it establisheth; the rest it leaves as it found them, neither in worse state, nor better. It is weakness to say, that a greater multitude cannot be governed; for so neither Kings in their Dominions and subjects, nor cities in their amplitude should increase. If for matter of merchandize there were no such government at all, nor more than there is for our merchants in France, or hath been at Stade, for divers years past, or than there is in the Low Countries, where are the best merchants in the world; yet provident men would consult and join together in that which were for their common benefit, ease, and safety. Such Companies there are in other countries, but no such monopolies as ours are. _Joint Stock Necessary._--This Act is against trading in a joint stock together, which in long and dangerous voyages (as to Musco, and especially the East Indies) is necessary; for in that voyage one alone will not adventure; besides the merchants must keep some port there amongst the infidels. _Answer._--It is true that it is fit to trade to the East Indies with a joint stock, and so do the Hollanders; this Act therefore doth not forbid men to trade in a joint stock, if they list, and see it fit; only forbiddeth to constrain men to trade so against their wills; which heretofore in other trades, and at this day in the Muscovie trade, doth turn to the great damage both of the Commonwealth and of the particular persons so constrained to trade. The Muscovie Company, consisting of eight score, or thereabouts, have fifteen directors, who manage the whole trade; these limit to every man the proportion of stock which he shall trade for, make one purse and stock of all, and consign it into the hands of one agent at Musco, and so again, at their return, to one agent at London, who sell all, and give such account as they please. This is a strong and a shameful monopoly--a monopoly in a monopoly--both abroad and at home. A whole Company, by this means, is become as one man, who alone hath the uttering of all the commodities of so great a country. The inconveniences, which have ensued thereof, are three apparent. First, by this means they vent less of our commodities; for, by reason of the one agent, they vent all through his hands; by which means the Hollanders have come in between us; who, trading thither in several with our own English commodities (which are most proper for that country) utter much more than our own merchants, and make quicker return; which has occasioned many Englishmen to join in trade with the Hollanders, to the detriment of the King's Majesty in his customs. And by this means that trade is like utterly to decay; for the Hollanders have grown in short time from two ships to above twenty; this spring they are gone to Muscovie with near thirty ships, and our men but with seven. The like fell out in the Turkie Company, when they constrained men to a joint stock; since the breaking of which combination, there go four ships for one. Secondly, in their return with Muscovie commodities, they greatly prejudice the Commonwealth and State. Example in cordage, which they bring home in such scarcity, and sell so dearly, as that they have raised it in short time from twenty to thirty shillings; yea, to sell their ware dear, they have contracted with the buyer not to bring any more of that commodity within three years after. Thirdly, this is hurtful to all the young merchants of their own Company, who cannot forbear their stock so long as now they do, and desire to employ their own industry in managing it, and having oftentimes been all damnified by the breaking of that general factor. _Public Charges._--In divers places, as namely, in Turkey and Muscovy, the merchants are at charge of sending presents, maintaining ambassadors, consuls, and agents, which are otherwise also necessary for the service of his Majesty, and of the State; these charges are now defrayed by these Companies. _Answer._--This matter is expressly provided for by this Act, that all that trade to those places shall be contributory to those charges. _The New Merchants will give over._--The like attempt for free trade was in Anno 1588, at what time liberty being given to all men to buy cloths at Westminster, the Merchant Adventurers gave over to trade at all; whereby the cloth of the land lying on the clothier's hands, they were forced, by petition, to get the former restraint restored. _Answer._--This is true, and the same mischief were likely to ensue again; for it is said, that the same policy is now in speech in their Company. But the times being well altered from war to peace, this mischief would be but short, and other merchants soon grow to take their places, if they should, as (being rich) they may, forsake them. But it were to be trusted that this stomachness, being to their own loss, would not long continue. Howsoever, it doth not stand with the dignity of parliament either to fear or favour the frowardness of any subject. _The Rich will eat out the Poor._--If poor merchants should trade together with the rich, the rich beyond the seas would buy out the poor, being not able to sell at the instant, to make themselves savers; and so there would grow a monopoly _ex facto_. _Answer._--This reason sheweth thus much, that a crafty head, with a greedy heart, and a rich purse, is able to take advantage of the need of his neighbour (which no man doubteth of); but if the difficulties and dishonesties should deter men from action, and not rather increase their diligence and wariness, then should there be no trading at all in any sort. _Strangers will eat out the English._--If all men may be merchants, the sons of strangers denized will, in time, eat out the natural merchants of this kingdom. _Answer._--If the sons of strangers become natural English, why should they not [have] a subject's part? And more they cannot reap. If any further mischief should grow, it might at all times by a new Act be easily remedied. _All Men may go out of the Realm._--If trade be free for all men, then all may become merchants, and under that pretext any may go out of the realm; which will be good news for the papists. _Answer._--This conceit is weak; for so it may be said that all men may become mariners, and so quit the kingdom; and it is provided by express words of the bill that they may not go out of the realm but for their present traffic. _Against London._--This Act is against London, and the wealth thereof, which is necessary to be upheld, being the head city of the kingdom. _Answer._--Nay, it is for London, unless we will confine London into some two hundred men's purses; the rest of the City of London, together with the whole realm, sue mainly for this bill; and they cry, they are undone, if it should be crossed. _Hurt to the King's Customs._--It will be prejudicial to the King's customs, who in other parts will easier be deceived than here in London. _Answer._--Nothing can be more clear than that if transport and return of merchandize will increase by this Act, also the King's customs, which depend thereon, must withal increase: And if this Bill may pass, if the King be pleased to let his custom to farm, to give 5,000l. a year more than, _communibus annis_, hath been made these last years. The deceiving of the King is now, when, for want of this freedom, men are enforced to purchase the vent of their commodities out of creeks, because they cannot be admitted to public trade; whereas otherwise they should have no reason to hazard their whole estate, for the saving of so reasonable a duty. As for faults in officers, they may as well happen in London, as in any other place. _Decay of Great Ships._--During freedom of trade, small ships would be employed to vent our commodities, and so our great ships, being the guard of the land, would decay. It is war, more than traffic that maintaineth great ships; and therefore, if any decay grow, it will be chiefly by peace, which the wisdom of the State will have a regard of; but for as much depends of traffic, no doubt the number of smaller ships will grow by this freedom, and especially mariners, whereof the want is greatest, and of whom the smallest vessels are the proper nurseries. But that the great ships will decay, doth not necessarily follow; for the main trade of all the white cloth, and much of other kind, is shipped from the Port of London, and will be still, it being the fittest Port of the kingdom for Germanie and the Low Countries, where the Merchant Adventurers' trade only lieth; who shall have little cause to alter their shipping. Then the Levent Sea, Muscovy, and East Indies, whither we trade with great ships, the employing of them will be still requisite in the merchants' discretion; for otherwise both the commodity of the returned will be less, and the adventure too great in so rich lading not to provide for more than ordinary assurance against the common hazard at sea. Other particular reasons there are, for restraint of trade in favour of certain Company. _Merchant Adventurers._--The Company of Merchant Adventurers is very ancient, and they have heretofore been great credit to the Kings, for borrowing money in the Low Countries and Germany. _Answer._--The Company indeed is as ancient as Thomas of Beckett, their founder, and may still continue. Their restraining of others, which this Bill doth seek to redress, is not so ancient, and was so disallowed by parliament in the twelfth year of Henry the seventh; which Act stands impeached by particular charter, but never by consent of the realm repealed. But in truth this Company, being the spring of all monopolies, and engrossing the grand staple commodities of cloth into so few men's hands, deserves least favour. The credit of the King hath been in the cloth (not in their persons) which will be as much hereafter, as heretofore. _Muscovy Company._--The Muscovy Company, by reason of the chargeable invention of that trade two and fifty years since, and their often great loss, was established by Act of Parliament in the eighth year of Queen Elizabeth. _Answer._--The chargeable invention hath been a reason worthy of respect thirty or forty years ago, when the inventors were living, and their charge not recompensed by counter-vailable gain; which since it hath been their loss, hath been their own fault, in employing one factor, who hath abused them all. Private Acts for favour, when the cause thereof is ceased, are often revoked. Howbeit this Bill dissolveth no Company, only enlargeth them, and abrogateth their unjust orders for monopolies. _An Argument Unanswerable._--Another argument there is, not to be answered by reason, but by their integrity and love of their country, who shall be assaulted with it. In sum, the Bill is a good Bill, though not in all points, perhaps, so perfect as it might be; which defects may be soon remedied and supplied in future parliament. * * * * * Sir Edward Sandys proceeded in the report, and delivered in the two Bills for free trade; the first (being the principal Bill) with amendments; which were twice read; and the Bill, upon question, ordered to be ingrossed. 16. THE ESTABLISHMENT OF A COMPANY TO EXPORT DYED AND DRESSED CLOTH, IN PLACE OF THE MERCHANT ADVENTURERS[312] [_Pat. Rolls, 13 James I, p. 2_], 1616-17. James by the Grace of God, etc.: We have often and in divers manners expressed ourselves ... what an earnest desire and constant resolution we have that, as the reducing of wools into clothing was the act of our noble Progenitor King Edward the Third, so the reducing of the trade of white cloths, which is but an imperfect thing towards the wealth and good of this our Kingdom, unto the trade of cloths dyed and dressed, might be the work of our time, To which purpose we did first invite the ancient Company of Merchant Adventurers to undertake the same, who upon allegation or pretence of impossibility refused. Whereupon nevertheless not discouraged but determined to maintain our princely resolution against impediments and difficulties in a work so excellent, We did find means to draw and procure divers persons of good quality within our City of London and elsewhere with great alacrity and commendable zeal to give a beginning to this our purpose, In respect whereof, for that above all things We were to take a princely care that between the cessation of the old trade and the inception and settling of the new there should not be any stand of cloth nor failing or deadness in the vent thereof, whereby the work which is so good for the future might prove dangerous in the entrance thereof, we were inforced to grant several licences under our Great Seal unto the said persons for a trade of whites to be temporary and in the interim until this work by due and seasonable degrees without inconvenience of precipitation might be happily accomplished, giving them likewise some powers of assembling, keeping of Courts and the like, but yet without any actual incorporation of them, But notwithstanding, having evermore in contemplation our first end, We have still provoked and urged on the said persons unto whom the trade is now transferred to some certainty of offer and undertaking concerning a proportion of cloths dressed and dyed to be annually exported, and the same proportion to increase and multiply in such sort as may be a fruitful beginning of so good a work and also an assured pledge of the continuation thereof in due time. Whereupon the said persons or new Company have before the Lords of our Privy Council absolutely condescended and agreed at a Court holden the seventeenth day of June one thousand six hundred and fifteen, that thirty-six thousand cloths shall be dressed and dyed out of such cloths white as were formerly used to be shipped out by the old Company undressed and undyed.... ... And did further promise and profess with all cheerfulness to proceed as it shall please God to give ability and the trade encouragement to the settling of the whole trade of cloths dressed and dyed, which is the end desired. Wherefore We, in our princely judgement foreseeing that as long as the said new Company shall remain not incorporated it doth much weaken both the endeavour and expectation which belongeth to this work, as if it were a thing but only in deliberation and agitation and not fully and thoroughly established, have thought it now a fit time to extend our princely grace unto them for their incorporation and to indue and invest them with such liberties and privileges as the old Company formerly had, with such additions and augmentations as the merit of concurrence to so good an end may require, with this, nevertheless, that because the nature of the present liberties and privileges must of necessity differ from those which shall be fit and requisite when the whole trade shall be overcome and settled, there be therefore a power in Us to revoke or alter the same. Know ye therefore that We ... by these presents have given, granted and confirmed, and for Us our heirs and successors do give, grant and confirm, unto our right trusty and right well beloved Cousin and Counsellor Thomas, Earl of Suffolk, Lord High Treasurer of England [and others named], and to every of them, and to all and every such person and persons whatsoever our loving subjects as shall, between this and the feast of St. Michael the Archangel next ensuing come in, subscribe, and be admitted of their Society, That they and every of them, their and every of their sons and apprentices according to the constitutions and ordinances hereafter by the Company to be made and presented, shall be one Fellowship and Commonalty and one body corporate and politic in deed and in name, by the name of Governor, Assistants, and Fellowship of the King's Merchants Adventurers of the New Trade of London. [Power to have common seal, etc.]: [There shall be one Governor, William Cokayne, Alderman of our City of London, to be the first and present Governor, to continue till June 24 next] and from thence until the said William Cokayne or some other of the said Fellowship or Company shall in due manner be chosen and sworn to the said office according to the ordinances and provisions hereafter in these presents expressed and declared, if he the said William Cokayne shall so long live: [And further] there shall be from henceforth for ever hereafter one or more, not exceeding the number of six, of the said Company or Fellowship to be elected and chosen, which shall be called the Deputy or Deputies of the said Company or Fellowship: ... And furthermore We for Us, our heirs and successors, do by these presents grant and confirm to the said [Fellowship] and their successors that it shall and may be lawful to and for them and every of them, and their successors for ever, hereafter to trade, traffic, and occupy and use the trade and feat of merchandise unto, from and with the Town of Callice in the Realm of France and the marches thereof, and into, from and with all and every the countries of Holland, Zeland, Brabant, Flaunders, West Frizeland and all other the countries nigh thereunto adjoining heretofore under the obeisance of the Dukes of Burgundy, or into East Frizeland and Hamborough and the Territories of the same, and into from and with the countries of Germany and all the Territories, Provinces, Cities and Towns thereof with all manner of woollen cloths, kersies, wares, commodities and merchandises whatsoever not prohibited, without any let contradiction or interruption of Us, our heirs or successors, or of any other person or persons whatsoever: And our will and pleasure is, and We do hereby for Us, our heirs and successors, grant and confirm unto the said [Fellowship &c.], that the said Governor or Deputy and the said Assistants or the more part of them for the time being, being at least thirteen, shall from henceforth for ever have, use and exercise full jurisdiction, power and authority lawfully to rule and govern the same Company or Fellowship and their successors, and all and every merchants and members of the same, in all their private causes, suits, quarrels, misdemeanours, offences and complaints among them touching the said trade, as well here in England as beyond the seas in Callice and the marches thereof, and also in the Countries and Towns of Holland [etc. Germany, etc., as above] rising, moved and to be moved.... And moreover We ... do by these presents grant unto the said [Fellowship, etc.] that the said Governor, Deputy and Assistants, or thirteen of them at the least, and their successors for the time being from time to time and at all times from henceforth, shall and may enact, establish, allow and confirm, and also revoke, disannul and repeal all and every act and acts, laws, and ordinances heretofore had or made by the said [Fellowship, etc.] or by what name or names or additions soever, and also shall and may from henceforth from time to time and at all times hereafter for ever enact, make, ordain and establish acts, laws, constitutions and ordinances [for the good government of the Fellowship] and of every merchant and peculiar member of the same Fellowship or body corporate [and also of all our subjects] intermeddling exercising or using the feat or trade of the said [Fellowship] by any means, as well here in England as in the said countries towns and places beyond the seas, so that the said acts laws [etc.] be not hurtful to any the rights of our Crown, honour, dignity royal or prerogative, or to the diminution of the common weal of this our Realm or contrary to any our laws and statutes.... And that the said [Fellowship, or thirteen as aforesaid] shall and may take order with every the subject or subjects of Us our heirs and successors, not being of the said Company and trading or haunting the said countries or places beyond the seas or any of them for merchandise, and compel every of them by fines, forfeitures, penalties, imprisonments or otherwise to obey, hold and perform all such orders, acts and ordinances that hereafter shall be ordained, made, allowed or confirmed by the said [Fellowship or majority as above] for the good government, rule, order and condition of the said subject or subjects, so as the state of the said Company be not by them impeached or hindered but by all means and ways maintained and continued. And that all such forfeitures fines [etc.] so as aforesaid to be levied and taken shall be for evermore to the use and behoof of the said [Fellowship, etc.] ... And also We will, and for Us, our heirs and successors, by these presents do grant to the said [Fellowship] that the said [Fellowship or a majority, thirteen at least, as above] shall have full and whole power and authority to impose and lay, and also to take and levy, all reasonable impositions and sums of money whatsoever as well upon all persons trading into the said countries as also upon the merchandise to be transported and carried into the countries, towns, provinces and territories before rehearsed or any of them either by water or land.... And, for the better encouragement of the said Company or Fellowship ... We do hereby for Us our heirs and successors straitly charge and command all and singular the customers, comptrollers, searchers, surveyors, waiters and all others the officers and ministers of Us our heirs and successors for the time being in all every or any of our ports, havens, creeks and the members of the same within our Realms and Dominions ... that they and every of them ... shall not at any time or times hereafter wilfully permit or suffer any of the subjects of Us our heirs or successors or any aliens denizens or strangers to freight, lade or ship out in any ship, crayer, lighter or other vessel whatsoever any goods wares or merchandises whatsoever (being native commodities of this Realm) for any of the said territories, countries and towns before-mentioned wherein the said [Fellowship etc.] according to the intent of these presents are to trade and traffic, but such goods, wares and merchandises only whose entries shall be subscribed and allowed by the Governor or Deputy of the said Company for the time being by bill or writing subscribed with his or their hand or hands, or such other person or persons as by the said Governor or Company shall be thereunto named and appointed, and in such ship or ships or other vessel or vessels only as shall be named in such bills or writings.... And for the better encouragement of the said [Fellowship] to proceed in exportation of cloths dressed and dyed here in this our Realm, which will tend so much to the common weal of the same, and which by the said Company or Fellowship cannot as yet in such full manner be perfected as that they can have sufficient vent for the said dressed and dyed cloths in foreign parts without a temporary liberty to export cloths white, until by continuance of time they shall be further enabled and encouraged, We do by these presents ... give and grant unto the said [Fellowship etc.] full and free liberty, licence, power, privilege, authority and immunity that they or any of them, by themselves or by their or any of their servants, factors or agents, at their or any of their liberties and pleasures yearly and every year shall and may provide and buy, or cause to be provided and bought, within this our Realm of England and other our Dominions for their or any of their proper use or uses the number of thirty thousand woollen cloths unrowed unbarbed and unshorn and not fully and ready dressed and wrought, of which said number of thirty thousand cloths yearly five and twenty thousand shall be every cloth above the value or price of six pounds of lawful money of England, and the number of five thousand cloths residue of the said yearly number of thirty thousand cloths uncoloured or white above the value or price of four pounds of lawful money of England, or of any higher or greater prices whatsoever, ... and the same from this our Realm of England into the towns of Callice and the marches thereof in the Realm of France and into the countries and towns of Holland [etc., as above] to transport, send, convey, ship and carry over or cause to be transported, sent, shipped, conveyed and carried over there to be by them unladen, discharged, vented, sold ... or otherwise disposed ... and from thence to freight, lade, ship, return, import and bring back into this our said Kingdom or into any part thereof all such wares, commodities, goods and merchandises already not prohibited as to them or any of them their servants, factors or agents shall seem good, paying to Us our heirs and successors our duties and customs due and to be paid for the same, and further paying unto our trusty and well-beloved Cousin the Earl of Cumberland, his executors or assigns, for every white unwrought or undressed woollen cloth so to be by them or any of them shipped or transported out of this Realm under the warrant of his present licence over and above the said thirty thousand cloths two shillings and eight pence.... And our will and pleasure is, and We do hereby declare our Royal intent and meaning to be, and the said [Fellowship, etc.] do covenant, promise and agree to and with Us our heirs and successors by these presents, that they and their successors shall from time to time and at all times do their utmost endeavours that after the end and expiration of the said three years ensuing, during which the proportion of thirty-six thousand cloths are undertaken to be exported as is before in these presents expressed, that their trade of exporting and merchandising into the foresaid countries, provinces, towns and places aforesaid of woollen cloths may be wholly reduced unto the venting of such cloths only as shall be dyed and dressed here within this our Realm and other our Dominions, so far forth as it shall please God to give them and their successors ability and the trade encouragement, anything in these presents contained to the contrary notwithstanding: ... ... Provided also that these our Letters Patents or any matter or thing therein contained shall not extend to give authority or power to the said [Fellowship of the King's Merchants, etc.] or to any member or person of the said Company to transport or carry out of the realm any cloths, kersies, wares, commodities or merchandises whatsoever, which by the laws and statutes of this Realm are restrained or prohibited to be transported or carried over the seas, otherwise than according to the true intent and meaning of these presents, unless they shall obtain and procure licence for the same. [Footnote 312: Printed in the publications of the Selden Society, Vol. 28, pp. 78-98.] 17. SIR JULIUS CAESAR'S PROPOSALS FOR REVIVING THE TRADE IN CLOTHS [_Lansdowne MSS._,[313] _clii. 56, f. 271_], 1616. Means to avoid the present stand of cloth-- (1) Commissioners honest and substantial and sufficient for skill to be presently appointed for the view of the cloth weekly to Blackwell Hall, and the faulty cloth to be returned upon the clothier with imprisonment till he put in security to answer it in the law; and the good to be justly valued, according to the usual prices for these two years past, and the new Merchant Adventurers enforced to buy the same. (2) So many of the new Merchant Adventurers as shall refuse to lay out for cloth such sums as they have subscribed for to be presently committed, to abide the censure of the Star Chamber for abusing of his Majesty and the State in so desperate and dangerous a case as this is. (3) The fines of them to be employed in the buying of cloth for the riddance of the market. (4) So many in London as are thought worth 10,000l. to be moved by my Lord Mayor to buy up clothes for 1,000l. at the least; especially all woollen drapers of half that worth, viz., 5,000l. (5) Express commandment and present example of King's Counsellors and Courtiers and all their servants to wear nothing but broad cloth in their gowns, cloaks, girths, robes or breeches till Easter next, to the end that woollen drapers may be encouraged to buy the cloth made or to be made before that day; or else on pain of imprisonment not to come into Court.... (10) And if it be doubtful whether these proceedings agree with law, the answer is that they do, for the law giveth place to parlous cases of State and leaveth them to be provided for by the wisdom of the King and his Counsellors; and _Salus reipublicæ suprema lex est_, which is a sufficient answer to all cavillers and peevish lawyers. [Footnote 313: Quoted, Unwin, _Industrial Organization in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries_, pp. 192-3.] 18. THE GRANT OF A MONOPOLY FOR THE MANUFACTURE OF SOAP [_W.H. Price, The English Patents of Monopoly, Appendix W._], 1623. James, by the grace of God, etc., to all to whom these presents shall come, greeting. Whereas We, by our letters patents ... did give and grant unto our well-beloved subjects Roger Jones and Andrew Palmer, their executors, administrators, and assigns, full and free liberty, license, power, privilege, and authority that they, ... and none other, by themselves, their deputies, servants, factors, or workmen, should or might at all and every time and times thereafter, and from time to time, during the term of twenty and one years next ensuing the date of the said letters patents, ... use, exercise, practice, and put in use ... the mistery, art, way, means, and trade of "making of hard soap with the material called barilla, and without the use of any fire in the boiling and making thereof, and also of the making of soft soap without the use of fire in the boiling thereof," with such privileges and clauses as in said letters patents are contained and may more at large appear: And whereas since the granting of the said letters patents the said Roger Jones and Andrew Palmer, and such others, their assistants, as by great expense and travail have aided and assisted them in perfecting the said invention, have found out and added to their former invention many particulars conducing much to the profitableness and perfection of the work, both in the use of native and home commodities of this kingdom in the working and composition of the said soaps, and thereby in sparing and saving many thousands yearly which are now expended on foreign commodities bought and brought from beyond the seas, and employed here in the making of soap, in the manner now ordinarily used; ... Forasmuch as such profitable inventions are not at once and at the first brought to their full perfection, We hold it fit in justice and honour to give all encouragement to such our loving subjects as shall employ their travails, industries, and purses to the furthering of the common good, and to reward them to the full with the fruits of their own labours; and forasmuch also as the said Roger Jones and Andrew Palmer have now approved their inventions and skill to be such as deserveth encouragement, their soap, made (_blank_) the material of our kingdom only, being found to be as sweet and good as the best soft soap now already made, and to extend further in the use thereof, as they in the behalf of themselves and their assistants have also made offer unto us to respect our own particular profit, in such measure as that the loss we may receive in our customs and other duties by the not importing of foreign commodities for the making of soap as in former times, shall by their industries be recommended unto us, our heirs, and successors, in certainty with good advantage; and our loving subjects, who have long complained of the bad and stinking soap now ordinarily in use, shall have good, sweet, and serviceable soap for their money, and yet shall not have the price thereof raised upon them above the usual rate of the best sweet soap now made and sold by the soap-boilers. Know ye, that We, for the considerations aforesaid, of our especial grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion, have given and granted, and by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, do give and grant unto the said Roger Jones and Andrew Palmer on the behalf of themselves and their assistants, full and free liberty, license, power, privilege and authority that they, the said Roger Jones and Andrew Palmer, their executors, administrators, and assigns, by themselves or their deputies, servants, factors, or workmen, and none other, shall and may at all and every time and times hereafter, and from time to time during the term of twenty and one years next ensuing the date of these presents, at their own proper costs and charges, use, exercise, practice, and put in use, within our said realms of England and Ireland and dominion of Wales, and our town of Berwick, at their liberty and pleasure, the mistery, art, way and means of making of hard soap and soft soap, as well with the materials and in such manner as in the said former letters patents are expressed, as also of burning and preparing of bean-straw, pea-straw, kelp, fern, and other vegetables to be found in our own dominions, into ordinary ashes or into potashes, and with the said materials of the ashes of bean or pea straw, and kelp, fern, and all other vegetables whatsoever not formerly and ordinarily used or practised within these our realms and dominions to make soap hard or soft, at their will and pleasure, and in such way or form as they have invented or devised; and also of the using of the assay glass for trying of their lye and making of hard and soft soap by their said new inventions, in the way of making of the said soaps by sundry motions, and not boiling of the same with the expense of much fuel, in such sort as was formerly accustomed by such as now usually make soap in and about our city of London and elsewhere in our said dominions; ... and to the end that this our pleasure may be the better effected, and the said Roger Jones and Andrew Palmer may the more fully enjoy the benefit of this our grant, We will, and for us, our heirs and successors, do straightly charge, inhibit, and command, and do also of our especial grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion, for us, our heirs and successors, grant to the said Roger Jones and Andrew Palmer, their executors, administrators, and assigns, that no person or persons whatsoever born within any our realms or dominions, nor any other person or persons whatsoever, either denizens or strangers born in any foreign realm or country whatsoever, of what estate, degree, or condition soever he or they be or shall be, other than the said Roger Jones and Andrew Palmer, their executors, administrators, and assigns or such as shall by them or some of them be set on work or authorised, shall or may, at any time or times during the said term of one and twenty years hereby granted or mentioned, or intended to be granted, practice, use, exercise, or put in use the said mistery, art, way, means, or trade of making the said hard or soft soaps with any the materials aforesaid, ... And to the end it may the better appear when any such soap shall be made contrary to the true intent and meaning of these presents, for us, our heirs, and successors, give and grant full liberty, power, and authority unto the said Roger Jones and Andrew Palmer, their executors, administrators, and assigns, that a stamp or stamps, seal or seals, to be engraven with a rose and crown, shall be stamped, sealed, or marked on all the soaps by them or any of them to be made in manner and form before declared, the better to distinguish their said soap from all counterfeit soap, either hard or soft, made or to be made by any person or persons contrary to the true intent and meaning of these presents or of the letters patents before recited, which seal or stamp so to be made as aforesaid We do by these presents will and command be set upon the hard soap, and upon the firkins, barrels, and other vessels containing the said soft soap so to be made, and shall not be set upon soaps hard or soft made by any other person or persons whatsoever contrary to the true intent of these presents, but shall be set and fixed only upon such soap as shall be from time to time made by the said Roger Jones and Andrew Palmer, their executors, administrators, or assigns, according as is herein before setdown, and no other; and further, We do by these presents grant that it shall and may be lawful to and for the said Roger Jones and Andrew Palmer, their executors, administrators, or assigns, or any of them, by himself or themselves, or by his, their, or any of their deputies, factors, or servants, at any time or times convenient, and from time to time during the said term of one and twenty years, with assistance of a constable or some other officer, to enter into all and every place and places, house and houses, where they or any of them shall have any just cause to suspect any such hard soap or soft soap, or soap-ashes, or potashes, to be made or endeavoured to be made or stamped or sealed, or to be sold or uttered or set to sale, contrary to the true intent and meaning of these presents or of the letters patents before recited, or any vessels, engines, or instruments to be erected, framed, or used contrary to the true meaning hereof, ... and finding any such, to seize the hard soaps and soft soaps, and potashes, and other ashes hereby granted so made to the use of us, our heirs, and successors: ... And forasmuch as the public having an interest herein, which by the enhancing of the prices of the commodities aforesaid may be prejudiced and damnified, our will and pleasure is, and we do hereby straightly charge and command, that they the said Roger Jones and Andrew Palmer, their executors, administrators, and assigns, or any other person or persons by them to be authorised for the making of the said hard soap or soft soap, shall not, at any time during the said term of one and twenty years, sell, or cause to be sold, the said hard soap or soft soap, by them or any of them to be made as aforesaid, at any higher or dearer rates and prices than hard soap and soft soap of the best sorts and kinds were most usually sold for, within the space of seven years now last past before the date of these presents. And further, We do hereby charge and command all and singular justices of peace, mayors, sheriffs, constables, headboroughs, comptrollers, customers, searchers, waiters, and all other officers and ministers to whom it shall or may appertain, to be aiding and assisting in all lawful and convenient manner unto the said Roger Jones and Andrew Palmer, their executors, administrators, deputies, and assigns, in the due execution of these our letters patents, as they tender our pleasure and will avoid our indignation and displeasure in the contrary.... 19. THE STATUTE OF MONOPOLIES [_21 James I, c. 3, Statutes of the Realm, Vol. IV, Part. II, pp. 1212-14_], 1623-4. Forasmuch as your most excellent Majesty, ..., did, in the year of our Lord God one thousand six hundred and ten, publish in print to the whole realm and to all posterity, that all grants of monopolies and of the benefit of any penal laws, or of power to dispense with the law, or to compound for the forfeiture, are contrary to your Majesty's laws ...; and whereas your Majesty was further graciously pleased expressly to command that no suitor should presume to move your Majesty for matters of that nature: yet nevertheless upon misinformations and untrue pretences of public good, many such grants have been unduly obtained and unlawfully put in execution, ...; for avoiding whereof and preventing of all the like in time to come, may it please your Majesty, at the humble suit of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Commons in this present Parliament, that all monopolies and all commissions, grants, licenses, charters, and letters patents heretofore made or granted to any person or persons, bodies politic or corporate whatsoever, of or for the sole buying, selling, making, working, or using of anything within this realm or the dominion of Wales ... are altogether contrary to the laws of this realm, and so are and shall be utterly void and of none effect, and in no wise to be put in use or execution. II. And be it further declared and enacted by the authority aforesaid that all monopolies and all such commissions, grants, licenses, charters, letters patents, proclamations, inhibitions, restraints, warrants of assistance, and all other matters and things tending as aforesaid and the force and validity of them and every of them ought to be, and shall be forever hereafter examined, heard, tried, and determined by and according to the common law of this realm and not otherwise. III. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid that all person and persons, bodies politic and corporate whatsoever, which now are or hereafter shall be, shall stand and be disabled and incapable to have, use, exercise, or put in use any monopoly or any such commission, grant, license, charters, letters patents, proclamations, inhibition, restraint, warrant of assistance, or other matter or thing tending as aforesaid, or any liberty, power, or faculty grounded or pretended to be grounded upon them or any of them. IV. [Persons aggrieved by monopolists to recover at Common Law treble the damages incurred.] V. Provided nevertheless, and be it declared and enacted that any declaration before mentioned shall not extend to any letters patents, and grants of privilege, for the term of one and twenty years or under, heretofore made of the sole working or making of any manner of new manufacture within this realm, to the first and true inventor or inventors of such manufactures which others at the time of making of such letters patent and grants did not use, so they be not contrary to the law nor mischievous to the state, by raising of the prices of commodities at home, or hurt of trade, or generally inconvenient, but that the same shall be of such force as they were or should be if this act had not been made, and of none other: and if the same were made for more than one and twenty years, that then the same for the term of one and twenty years only, to be accounted from the date of the first letters patents and grants thereof made, shall be of such force as they were or should have been if the same had been made but for the term of one and twenty years only, and as if this act had never been had or made, and of none other. VI. Provided also, and be it declared and enacted, that any declaration before mentioned shall not extend to any letters patents and grants of privileges for the term of fourteen years or under, hereafter to be made of the sole working or making of any manner of new manufactures within this realm, to the true and first inventor and inventors of such manufactures which others at the time of making such letters patents and grants shall not use, so as also they be not contrary to the law nor mischievous to the state, by raising prices of commodities at home, or hurt of trade, or generally inconvenient, the said fourteen years to be accounted from the date of the first letters patents or grants of such privilege hereafter to be made, but that the same shall be of such force as they should be if this act had never been made and of none other. VII. [This Act not to be prejudicial to grants conferred by Act of Parliament.] VIII. [This Act not to extend to warrants directed to judges to compound for forfeitures under penal statutes.] IX. Provided also, and it is hereby further intended, declared, and enacted that this act or anything therein contained shall not in any wise extend or be prejudicial unto the city of London, or to any city, borough, or town corporate within this realm, for or concerning any grants, charters, or letters patents to them or any of them made or granted, or for or concerning any custom or customs used by or within them or any of them or unto any corporations, companies, or fellowships of any art, trade, occupation, or mistery, or to any companies or societies of merchants within this realm, erected for the maintenance, enlargement, or ordering of any trade of merchandise, but that the same charters, customs, corporations, companies, fellowships and societies, and their liberties, privileges, powers and immunities shall be and continue of such force and effect as they were before the making of this act, and of none other: anything before in this act contained to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding. X. [This Act not to extend to grants relating to printing, the manufacture of saltpetre or gunpowder, the casting of ordnance or shot, or to offices other than those created by royal proclamation.] XI. [This Act not to extend to grants relating to alum or alum-mines.] XII. [This Act not to extend to the fellowship of the Host-men of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, or to grants or commissions relating to the licensing of taverns.] XIII. [This Act not to extend to any grant or privilege concerning the manufacture of glass given to Sir Robert Mansell, or to a grant for the transportation of calf-skins made to James Maxwell.] XIV. [This Act not to extend to a grant concerning the making of smalt made to Abraham Baker, nor to a grant concerning the melting and casting of iron ore made to Edward, Lord Dudley.] 20. AN ACT FOR THE FREE TRADE OF WELSH CLOTHES,[314] [_2 James I, c. 9, Statutes of the Realm, Vol. IV, Part II, pp. 1218-19_], 1623-4. Whereas the trade of making of Welsh clothes, friezes, linings and plains within the principality and dominion of Wales, is and hath been of long continuance, in the using and exercising whereof many thousands of the poorer sort of the inhabitants there in precedent ages have been set on work in spinning, carding, weaving, fulling, cottoning and shearing, whereby they (having free liberty to sell them to whom and where they would) not only relieved and maintained themselves and their families in good sort, but also grew to such wealth and means of living as they were thereby enabled to pay and discharge all duties, mizes, charges, subsidies and taxations which were upon them imposed or rated in their several counties, parishes and places wherein they dwelled, for the relief of the poor, and the service of the King and the commonwealth; and whereas also the drapers of the town of Shrewsbury, in the county of Salop, have of late obtained some orders of restraint, whereby the inhabitants of Wales find themselves much prejudiced in the freedom of their markets for buying and selling of their clothes, to their great damage, as was verified by the general voice of the knights and burgesses of the twelve shires of Wales and of the county of Monmouth: for remedy whereof, be it declared and enacted by the King's most excellent Majesty, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons in this present parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, that it shall and may be lawful to and for all and every his Majesty's subjects inhabiting or dwelling, or which at any time shall inhabit or dwell within the said dominion of Wales, or any part thereof, freely to sell by way of barter or otherwise, all or any their Welsh clothes, cottons, friezes, linings or plains, at their wills and pleasures, to any person or persons who lawfully by the laws and statutes of this realm may buy the same; and that it shall and may also be lawful for any person and persons who by the laws or statutes of this realm may lawfully buy such clothes, and other the premises, freely to buy the same of any person or persons inhabiting or dwelling, or which hereafter shall inhabit or dwell, within the said dominion of Wales: any charter, grant, act, order or any thing else heretofore made or done, or hereafter to be made or done, to the contrary notwithstanding. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that it shall and may be lawful to and for any person or persons using or which shall use the trade of merchandize, to transport into any the parts beyond the seas any of the said Welsh clothes, cottons, friezes, linings and plains, out of any ports or havens within this realm of England or dominion of Wales, or out of any the members thereof, where his majesty, his heirs or successors, have or shall then have officers attending to search, view and control the same, and to receive the King's Majesty's customs and other duties due and payable for the same; so as always the customs and other duties payable for such clothes and other premises so to be transported, shall be justly and duly paid for the same; and so as always the said Welsh clothes, cottons, friezes, linings and plains, before the transporting thereof, shall be fulled, cottoned and sheared as in former times they have used to be; and that no person shall transport the said clothes in other manner than as aforesaid, upon pain to forfeit the whole value of such clothes so to be transported contrary to the true meaning of this act.... Provided always, that this act or anything therein contained, shall not give power or authority to any foreigner or foreigners to buy and sell by way of retail any the said Welsh clothes, cottons, friezes, linings or plains within the town of Shrewsbury, or in any other corporate town or privileged place, contrary to any lawful charter, grant, custom, privilege or liberty in the same town or place now being or used. [Footnote 314: This Act should be read in connection with the Statute of Monopolies (No. 19) and with the Instructions touching the Bill for Free Trade (No. 15), as representing the ideas of parliament as to the desirability of Free Trade within the country.] 21. THE ECONOMIC POLICY OF STRAFFORD IN IRELAND [_Knowler, Letters and Despatches of Thomas Wentworth, Earl of Strafford, Vol. II, pp. 19, 20, Letters of Strafford to the Master of the Rolls, July 25, 1636_], 1636. The last of my generals was that of trade, which I discoursed in this manner; I let them see how the merchants trading thither had been spoiled by the pirates before my coming, as well in his Majesty's harbours, as at sea, a ship fired in the port of Dublin, in sight of His Majesty's Castle, and there continued burning, and the pirate lading and returning from the ship two days together to the mighty scandal of the State; that the shipping for want of money came so late in the year, that all the mischief was done before they came, which commonly was not before the latter end of July, but that now the monies duly answered unto the Exchequer here, the ships had been for these two last years upon the coast by the beginning of March, five or six of the _Biscayners_ taken within the Channel, imprisoned, and after released upon their promise not to exercise any hostility hereafter within the Channel; a great ship of the Duke of _Macqueda_ taken on the west coast, and thereby so discouraged them, that the merchant hath not lost anything since my arrival there, nor were so much as heard of a _Biscayner_ these last two summers. This hath been a means that Trade hath increased exceedingly, and so will still (if we have peace), to the honour of his Majesty, and the enriching of his people. That the trade here was not only much greater, but rightly conditioned, the native commodities exported being in value at least a third, if not double, the value to the foreign commodities imported; a certain sign that the Commonwealth gathers upon their neighbours. That there was little or no manufacture amongst them, but some small beginnings towards a clothing trade, which I had and so should still discourage all I could, unless otherwise directed by his Majesty and their lordships, in regard it would trench not only upon the clothings of England, being our staple commodity, so as if they should manufacture their own wools, which grew to very great quantities, we should not only lose the profit we made now by indraping their wools, but his Majesty lose extremely by his customs, and, in conclusion, it might be feared they would beat us out of the trade itself, by underselling us, which they were well able to do. Besides in reasons of State so long as they did not indrape their own wools, they must of necessity fetch their clothing from us, and consequently in a sort depend upon us for their livelihood, and thereby become so dependent upon this Crown as they could not depart from us without nakedness to themselves and children. Yet have I endeavoured another way to set them on work, and that is by bringing in the making and trade of linen cloth, the rather in regard the women are all naturally bred to spinning, that the Irish earth is apt for bearing of flax, and that this manufacture would be in the conclusion rather a benefit than other to this Kingdom. I have therefore sent for the flax seed into Holland, being of a better sort than we have any, sown this year a thousand pounds worth of it (finding by some I sew the last year, that it takes there very well), I have sent for workmen out of the Low Countries and forth of France, and set up already six or seven looms, which, if please God to bless us this year, I trust so to invite them to follow it, when they see the great profit arising thereby, as that they shall generally take to it and employ themselves that way, which if they do I am confident it will prove a mighty business, considering that in all probability we shall be able to undersell the linen cloths of Holland and France at least twenty in the hundred. My humble advice in the conclusion for the increase of trade was, that his Majesty should not suffer any act of hostility to be offered to any merchants or their goods within the Channel, which was to be preserved and privileged, as the greatest of his Majesty's ports, in the same nature and property as the Venetian State do their Gulf, and the King of Denmark his Sound, and therefore I humbly besought his Majesty and their lordships that it might accordingly be remembered and provided for in all future treaties with foreign princes. Upon the summing up of all which, I did represent that Kingdom to his Majesty and the lords as a growing people that would increase beyond all expectation if it were now a little favoured in this their first spring, and not discouraged by harder usage than either English or Scotch found. The instances I gave were the imposition upon coals, wherein the Irish were not treated as English, but as foreigners, by imposing four shillings upon a tun, which was full as much as either French or Dutch paid; next, that excessive rate set upon a horse or mare to be transported forth of this Kingdom, so as I did not know how the army should be provided for the King's service, there not being in that Kingdom of their own breed to furnish those occasions; and lastly eighteenpence set upon every live beast that comes thence, all which will be a great discouragement for any to transplant themselves and children into a country where they shall presently be dealt withal as aliens, be denied the favours and the graces afforded to other subjects, and utterly quell and cut off any increase of trade by nipping it and overburdening it thus in the bud. 22. REVOCATION OF COMMISSIONS, PATENTS AND MONOPOLIES GRANTED BY THE CROWN [_Soc. Ant. Proc. Coll._,[315] _April 15, 1639_]. Whereas divers grants, licenses, privileges, and commissions have been procured from his Majesty,.., which since upon experience hath been found prejudicial and inconvenient to his people, contrary to his Majesty's gracious intention in granting the same; And whereas also upon like suggestions, there hath been obtained from his Majesty, the lords and others of his Privy Council, divers warrants and letters of assistance for the execution of those grants, licenses, privileges, and commissions according to his Majesty's good intention and meaning therein. Forasmuch as his most excellent Majesty (whose royal ear and providence is ever intent on the public good of his people) doth now discern that the particular grants, licenses, and commissions hereafter expressed, have been found in consequence far from those grounds and reasons wherefore they were founded, and in their execution have been notoriously abused, he is now pleased of his mere grace and favour to all his loving subjects (with the advice of his Privy Council) by his regal power to publish and declare the several commissions and licenses hereafter following, whether the same have passed his great seal, privy seal, signet, and sign manual, or any of them, to be from hence utterly void, revoked, and hereby determined. That is to say:-- A commission for cottages and inmates touching scrivenors and brokers. A commission for compounding with offenders touching tobacco. A commission for compounding with offenders touching butter. A commission for compounding with offenders touching logwood. A commission for compounding with sheriffs for selling under-sheriffs' places. A commission for compounding with offenders for destruction of woods for iron-works. A commission for concealments and encroachments within 20 miles of London. A license to transport sheep and lambskins. A commission to take men bound to dress no venison, pheasants, or partridges in inns, alehouses, ordinaries, and taverns. A commission touching licensing of wine-casks. A commission for licensing of brewers. A license for sole transporting of lamperns[316] and all proclamations, warrants, or letters of assistance for putting in execution of the said commissions or licenses be from henceforth declared void, determined, and hereby revoked to all intents and purposes. And his Majesty in like favour and ease to his subjects is further pleased to declare his royal will and pleasure to be, that the particular grants hereafter mentioned (upon feigned suggestions, obtained from him, to public damages) whereby the same have passed his Majesty's great seal, privy seal, signet, or sign manual or any of them, shall not hereafter be put in execution, viz.: A grant for weighing of hay and straw in London and Westminster and 3 miles compass. An office of register to the commission for bankrupts in divers counties of the realm. An office or grant for gauging of red herrings. An office or grant for the marking of iron made within the realm. An office or grant for sealing of bone lace. A grant for making and gauging of butter casks. A grant of privilege touching kelp and seaweed. A grant for sealing of linen cloth. A grant for gathering of rags. An office or grant of factor for Scottish merchants. An office or grant for searching and sealing of foreign hops. A grant for sealing of buttons. All grants of fines, penalties, and forfeitures before judgment granted, or mentioned to be granted, by letters patents, privy seals, signet, sign manual, or otherwise. All patents for new inventions not put in practice within 3 years next after the date of the said grants. And the several grants of incorporation made unto-- Hatband-makers. Gutstring-makers. Spectacle-makers. Comb-makers. Tobacco-pipe-makers. Butchers and Horners. And his Majesty doth further require and command that there shall be a proceeding against the said patentees by _quo warranto_ or _scire facias_ to recall the said grants and patents, unless they will voluntarily surrender and yield up the same: and also all proclamations, warrants, or letters of assistance obtained from his Majesty or the lords and others of his Privy Council for execution thereof, from henceforth utterly to cease and be determined, and are hereby absolutely revoked and recalled. And his Majesty doth further expressly charge and command all and singular the patentees, grantees, or others any ways interested or claiming under the aforenamed grants, licenses, or commissions, or any of them and their deputies, that they or any of them do not at any time hereafter presume to put in use or execution any of the said grants, commissions, or licenses, or any thing therein contained, or any proclamations, warrants, or letters of assistance obtained in that behalf, upon pain of his Majesty's indignation, and to be proceeded against as contemners of his Majesty's royal commands, whereof he will require a strict account. Given at our Manor of York the 9th of April in the 15th year of our reign, 1639. [Footnote 315: Quoted, W.H. Price, _English Patents of Monopoly_, Appendix B.] [Footnote 316: _i.e._ lampreys.] 23. ORDINANCE ESTABLISHING AN EXCISE [_Firth and Rait, Acts and Ordinances of the Interregnum, Vol. I, pp. 202-14_], 1643. An ordinance for the speedy raising and levying of monies, set by way of charge or new impost, on the several commodities mentioned in the schedule hereunto annexed; as well for the securing of trade as for the maintenance of the forces raised for the defence of the King and Parliament, both by sea and land, as for and towards the payments of the debts of the commonwealth, for which the public faith is, or shall be, given. The Lords and Commons now assembled in Parliament, taking into their serious consideration the great danger that this kingdom lyeth under, through the implacable malice and treachery of Papists and other wicked persons; ... And forasmuch as many great levies have been already made ... which the well-affected party to the Protestant religion have hitherto willingly paid, to their great charge, and the malignants of this kingdom have hitherto practised by all cunning ways and means how to evade and elude the payment of any part thereof; By reason whereof the Lords and Commons do hold it fit that some constant and equal way for the levying of monies for the future maintenance of the Parliament forces ... may be ... established, whereby the said malignants and neutrals may be brought to and compelled to pay their proportionable parts of the aforesaid charge.... I. Be it therefore ordered, ordained and declared by the said Lords and Commons, that the several rates and charges in a schedule hereunto annexed and contained shall be set and laid ... upon all and every the commodities in the said schedule particularly expressed.... II. Be it further ordained ... that ... an office ... shall be ... erected ... in the City of London, called ... by the name of the Office of Excise or New Impost, whereof there shall be eight Commissioners to govern the same.... V. That the like office and so many of such officers shall be ... erected ... in all the counties of the realm of England, dominion of Wales, and town of Berwick, and all other the cities ... as the said eight Commissioners ... think fit to nominate.... VII. That the said office in all places where it shall be placed shall be kept open in the week days from eight ... till eleven, and from two till five ..., for the entering and registering the names and surnames, as well of the sellers, buyers and makers of all and every the commodities in the said schedule mentioned, and of the several qualities thereof, as for the receiving of all monies as shall be due upon the sale.... XI. That if any of the sellers of the said commodities shall refuse or neglect to make a true entry of the said commodities ... that then he or they ... shall forfeit to the use of the commonwealth four times the true value of the goods and commodities so by him or them neglected to be entered or delivered.... XV. That this ordinance shall begin to take place and effect from the 25th of July, 1643, and from thence to continue only for three years then next ensuing, unless both Houses of Parliament, during that time, shall declare that it shall continue for any longer time.... In this schedule is contained the charge and excise which ... is set and imposed, to be paid on the several commodities hereafter mentioned. [Here follows schedule of rates and commodities.] PART III: 1660-1846 SECTION I INDUSTRIAL ORGANISATION AND SOCIAL CONDITIONS 1. Defoe's Account of the West Riding Cloth Industry, 1724--2. Defoe's Account of the Woollen Trade, _temp._ George II.--3. Defoe's Account of the Corn Trade, _temp._ George II.--4. Defoe's Account of the Coal Trade, _temp._ George II.--5. A Description of Middlemen in the Woollen Industry, 1739.--6. Report on the Condition of Children in Lancashire Cotton Factories, 1796--7. The Newcastle Coal Vend, 1771-1830--8. The old Apprenticeship System in the Woollen Industry, 1806--9. A Petition of Cotton Weavers, 1807--10. Depression of Wages and its Causes in the Cotton Industry, 1812--11. Evidence of the Condition of Children in Factories, 1816--12. Change in the Cotton Industry and the Introduction of Power-loom Weaving, 1785-1807--13. Evidence by Factory Workers of the Condition of Children, 1832--14. Women's and Children's Labour in Mines, 1842--15. Description of the Condition of Manchester by John Robertson, Surgeon, 1840. The documents in this section are intended to illustrate changes in industry and their effects on social conditions between 1660 and 1846. Eight extracts illustrate the condition of industries in the period, their structure, organisation and methods (Nos. 1 to 5, 7, 8 and 12). The first five refer to the early part of the eighteenth century and have a double interest. They record the old conditions in the woollen industry and the wool, corn and coal trades, and enable us to estimate the completeness of the change which was coming (Nos. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5). They show also how far advanced already was the organisation of markets and middlemen, and vertical control. A description of the conditions of the old apprenticeship system in the woollen industry is added (No. 8). Evidence before Committees on the Coal Trade gives an account of the important monopoly agreements and limitations of output which the peculiar conditions of the industry produced (No. 7). An example of the mechanical inventions which revolutionised industry at the close of the period is taken from an autobiographical pamphlet by a pioneer in power-loom cotton weaving (No. 12). The pressure of industrial change on human life had been felt for some time before the application of new motive-power to machinery took full effect. The fluctuations of the cotton weaving industry and the depression of wages, aggravated by the French wars and trade restrictions, are illustrated by a petition of weavers (No. 9) and by evidence before a committee on the Orders in Council (No. 10). The rest of the extracts refer chiefly to the employment of children under the new industrial conditions. The report of Dr. Perceval in 1796 (No. 6) helped to produce the original Factory Act (See Pt. III, Section III, No. 9). The evidence of Peel and Owen before the committee of 1816 is given as the testimony of exceptional employers (No. 11). It supplements the picture painted by children, parents and overseers before Sadler's committee (No. 13). The Commission of 1842 (No. 14) supplies evidence of the conditions under which women and children worked in the coal mines. A brief description by a surgeon of the condition of Manchester in 1840 is added as giving some indication of the part played by housing conditions in the Industrial Revolution (No. 15). AUTHORITIES On Industrial Organisation the principal modern writers are Unwin, _Industrial Organisation in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries_; Cunningham, _English Industry and Commerce, Modern Times_; Mantoux, _La Révolution Industrielle_; Toynbee, _The Industrial Revolution_; Marx, _Capital_, Vol. II; Hobson, _The Evolution of Modern Capitalism_, _Social England_ (edited Traill); H. Levy, _Monopoly and Competition_. Consult also Smiles, _Lives of the Engineers_, _Lives of Boulton and Watt_, _Industrial Biography_; Meteyard, _Life of Wedgwood_; Chapman, _The Cotton Industry_; Galloway, _Annals of Coalmining_; Boyd, _History of the Coal Trade_; Lloyd, _The Cutlery Trades_; Leone Levi, _History of British Commerce_; Porter, _The Progress of the Nation_, and _The Victoria County History_, _passim_ (articles on social and economic history and on industries). For social conditions and changes consult Mantoux, Cunningham, Marx, and other writers above-mentioned, and Hutchins, _The Public Health Agitation_; Cooke Taylor, _The Factory System_ and _Introduction to the Factory System_; Webb, _History of Trade Unionism_. Bibliographies are given by Cunningham, _op. cit._, Part II; Unwin, _op. cit._; Mantoux, _op. cit._; _Social England_; Hutchins and Harrison, _History of Factory Legislation_; Webb, _op. cit._; Cambridge Modern History, Vol. X. _Contemporary._--(1) The chief printed documentary evidence is to be found in the numerous reports of Committees and Commissions. For children's employment see the following Reports: on the State of Children in Manufactories, 1816 (III); on the Bill to regulate the labour of Children, 1832; on Children in Factories, 1833 (XX and XXI); on Children in Mines and Manufactories, 1842 (XV, XVI, XVII); on Children's Employment, 1843 (XII-XV). On conditions of wages and employment see Reports on Petitions; of Framework Knitters, 1778-1779; of Woolcombers, 1794; of Calico Printers, 1804 (V) and 1806 (III); of Hand-loom Weavers: 1834 (X) and 1835 (XIII), 1839 (XIII) and 1840 (XXII and XXIV); also Reports on the Apprenticeship Laws, 1813 (IV); on the Woollen Manufacture, 1806 (III); on Silk and Ribbon Weavers, 1818 (X). The organisation of the Coal Industry is described in Reports on the Coal Trade. See also the Letter Books of Holroyd and Hill (ed. Heaton, Halifax Bankfield Museum Notes, Series II, No. 3). (2) Contemporary literary evidence for the earlier part of the period is to be found in Defoe, A Tour through the Whole Island of Great Britain, and The Complete English Tradesman; Smith, Memoirs of Wool (a collection); Young, Tour through the North of England, gives a brief survey of the Country in 1770. The changes in industrial methods are described in W. Radcliffe, Origin of the New System of Manufacture, commonly called Power-loom Weaving, Memoir of Edmund Cartwright, and Histories of the Cotton Manufactures by Ure and Baines. Life under the new conditions is described by Gaskell, The Manufacturing Population, and Artizans and Machinery, and Owen, Observations on the Manufacturing System. See also G. Dyer, The Complaints of the Poor People of England; C. Hall, The Effects of Civilisation; J. Brown, Memoir of Robert Blincoe (a child factory-worker); and, for public health, Kay, Moral and Physical Condition of the Working Classes; Richardson, The Health of Nations (Chadwick's writings); Reports 1800 (X) and 1830 (VII); Sanitary Conditions in large towns are described in Reports on Health of Towns, 1840 (XI) and 1845 (XVIII), and on Sanitary Conditions, 1844 (XVII). 1. DEFOE'S ACCOUNT OF THE WEST RIDING CLOTH INDUSTRY [_D. Defoe, A Tour Through Great Britain, Vol. III, pp. 144-146, Ed. 1769_], 1724. From Blackstone Edge to Halifax is eight miles; and all the way, except from Sowerby to Halifax, is thus up hill and down; so that, I suppose, we mounted up to the clouds, and descended to the water-level, about eight times in that little part of the journey. But now I must observe to you, that after we passed the second hill, and were come down into the valley again; and so still the nearer we came to Halifax, we found the houses thicker, and the villages greater in every bottom; and not only so, but the sides of the hills, which were very steep every way were spread with houses; for the land being divided into small inclosures, from two acres to six or seven each, seldom more, every three or four pieces of land had an house belonging to them. In short, after we had mounted the third hill we found the country one continued village, though every way mountainous, hardly an house standing out of a speaking distance from another; and as the day cleared up, we could see at every house a tenter, and on almost every tenter a piece of cloth, kersie, or shalloon; which are the three articles of this country's labour. In the course of our road among the houses, we found at every one of them a little rill or gutter of running water; if the house was above the road, it came from it, and crossed the way to run to another; if the house was below us, it crossed us from some other distant house above it; and at every considerable house was a manufactory; which not being able to be carried on without water, these little streams were so parted and guided by gutters or pipes, that not one of the houses wanted its necessary appendage of a rivulet. Again, as the dyeing-houses, scouring-shops, and places where they use this water, emit it tinged with the drugs of the dyeing vat, and with the oil, the soap, the tallow, and other ingredients used by the clothiers in dressing and scouring, etc., the lands through which it passes, which otherwise would be exceeding barren, are enriched by it to a degree beyond imagination. Then, as every clothier must necessarily keep one horse, at least, to fetch home his wool and his provisions from the market, to carry his yarn to the spinners, his manufacture to the fulling-mill, and when finished, to the market to be sold, and the like; so every one generally keeps a cow or two for his family. By this means, the small pieces of inclosed land about each house are occupied; and, by being thus fed, are still farther improved from the dung of the cattle. As for corn, they scarce sow enough to feed their poultry. Such, it seems, has been the bounty of nature to this county, that two things essential to life, and more particularly to the business followed here, are found in it, and in such a situation as is not to be met with in any part of England, if in the world beside; I mean coals, and running water on the tops of the highest hills. I doubt not but there are both springs and coals lower in these hills; but were they to fetch them thence, it is probable the pits would be too full of water: it is easy, however, to fetch them from the upper parts, the horses going light up, and coming down loaden. This place, then, seems to have been designed by providence for the very purposes to which it is now allotted, for carrying on a manufacture, which can nowhere be so easily supplied with the conveniences necessary for it. Nor is the industry of the people wanting to second these advantages. Though we met few people without doors, yet within we saw the houses full of lusty fellows, some at the dye-vat, some at the loom, others dressing the cloths; the women and children carding, or spinning; all employed from the youngest to the oldest; scarce any thing above four years old, but its hands were sufficient for its own support. Nor a beggar to be seen, nor an idle person, except here and there in an alms-house, built for those that are ancient, and past working. The people in general live long; they enjoy a good air; and under such circumstances hard labour is naturally attended with the blessing of health, if not riches. From this account, you will easily imagine, that some of these remote parts of the North are the most populous places of Great Britain, London and its neighbourhood excepted. 2. DEFOE'S ACCOUNT OF THE WOOL TRADE AND WOOLLEN INDUSTRIES [_D. Defoe, The Complete English Tradesman, Ed. 1841, Vol. II, pp. 188-93_], _temp._ George II. First, the wool itself, being taken from the sheep's back, either by the shearer, the farmer, or by the fellmonger from the skin, becomes a subject of trade; and is either sold to the stapler, or wool merchant, and by him to the manufacturer, or is carried by the farmer and fellmonger, as is sometimes the case, to the particular counties where it is consumed. These staplers and wool dealers are scattered all over the kingdom, and are a very important and considerable sort of tradesmen, being the first tradesmen into whose hands the said wool comes for sale: the principal towns in England where they are found to be in any numbers together, are in London, or Southwark rather, being principally in Barnaby Street, and the town of Blandford in Dorsetshire; there are also some in Norwich and in Lincolnshire, and in Leicestershire a great many. Stourbridge fair is famous for the great quantity of wool sold there, and which goes beyond any other fairs or markets in all the north or east parts of England. But wherever the wool is carried, and by whomsoever it is sold, this of course brings it to the first part of its manufacturing; and this consists of two operations: 1. Combing. 2. Carding. The combers are a particular set of people, and the combing a trade by itself; the carding, on the other hand, is chiefly done by workmen hired by the clothiers themselves; the combers buy the wool in the fleece or in the pack, and when it is combed, put it on to the next operation on their own account. The carding is generally done by hired servants, as above; these operations hand on the wool to the next, which is common to both, viz., the spinning. But before it comes this length, it requires a prodigious number of people, horses, carts or wagons, to carry it from place to place; for the people of those countries where the wool is grown, or taken as above, are not the people who spin it into yarn. On the contrary, some whole counties and parts of counties are employed in spinning, who see nothing of any manufacture among them, the mere spinning only excepted. Thus the weavers of Norwich and of the parts adjacent, and the weavers of Spitalfields in London, send exceeding great quantities of wool into remote counties to be spun, besides what they spin in both those populous counties of Norfolk and Suffolk; particularly they employ almost the whole counties of Cambridge, Bedford, and Hertford; and besides that, as if all this part of England was not sufficient for them, they send a very great quantity of wool one hundred and fifty miles by land carriage to the north, as far as Westmoreland, to be spun; and the yarn is brought back in the same manner to London and to Norwich. This vast consumption of wool in Norfolk and Suffolk is supplied chiefly out of Lincolnshire, a county famous for the large sheep bred up for the supply of the London markets, as the western manufacturers are supplied from Leicestershire; of which in its place. Nor is all this sufficient still; but as if all England was not able to spin sufficient to the manufacture, a very great quantity of yarn, ready spun, is brought from Ireland, landed at Bristol, and brought from thence by land carriage to London, and then to Norwich also. The county of Essex, a large and exceedingly populous county, is chiefly taken up with the great manufacture of bays and perpets; the consumption of wool for this manufacture is chiefly bought of the staplers in London; the sorting, oiling, combing, or otherwise preparing the wool, is the work of the master manufacturer or bay maker; and the yarn is generally spun in the same county, the extent of it being not less than between fifty and sixty miles' square, and full of great and populous towns, such as Colchester, Braintree, Coggeshall, Chelmsford, Billericay, Bishop Stortford, Saffron Walden, Waltham, Romford, and innumerable smaller but very populous villages, and, in a word, the whole county full of people. The western part of England, superior both in manufactures and in numbers of people also, are not to be supplied either with wool or with spinning, among themselves, notwithstanding two such articles in both, as no other part of England can come up to by a great deal, viz.: 1. Notwithstanding the prodigious numbers of sheep fed upon those almost boundless downs and plains in the counties of Dorset, Wilts, Gloucester, Somerset, and Hampshire, where the multitudes, not of sheep only, but even of flocks of sheep, are not to be reckoned up; insomuch that the people of Dorchester say there are six hundred thousand sheep always feeding within six miles round that one town. 2. Notwithstanding the large and most populous counties of Wilts, Somerset, Gloucester, and Devon, in which the manufacture being so exceeding great, all the women inhabitants may be supposed to be thoroughly employed in spinning the yarn for them, and in which counties are, besides, the populous cities of Exeter, Salisbury, Wells, Bath, Bristol, and Gloucester; I say besides these, the greatest towns, and the greatest number of them that any other part of the whole kingdom of Great Britain can show, some of which exceed even the great towns of Leeds, Wakefield, Sheffield, etc., in the North; such as Taunton, Devizes, Tiverton, Crediton, Bradford, Trowbridge, Westbury, Froome, Stroud, Biddeford, Barnstaple, Dartmouth, Bridgewater, Mynhead, Poole, Weymouth, Dorchester, Blandford, Wimbourn, Sherbourne, Cirencester, Honiton, Warminster, Tewksbury, Tedbury, Malmsbury, and abundance of others, too many to set down; all which I mention, because those who pretend to have calculated the numbers of people employed in these four counties assure me that there are not so few as a million of people constantly employed there in spinning and weaving for the woollen manufacture only; that besides the great cities, towns, and seaports, mentioned above, there are not less than one hundred and twenty market towns, six large cities, and fifteen hundred parishes, some of which are exceeding full of people. And yet, notwithstanding all this, such is the greatness of this prodigious manufacture, that they are said to take yearly thirty thousand packs of wool, and twenty-five thousand packs of yarn ready spun from Ireland. From hence, take a short view of the middle part of England: Leicester, Northampton, and Warwick shires have a prodigious number of large sheep, which, as is said of Lincolnshire, are bred for the London markets; the wool, consequently, is of an exceeding long staple, and the fineness is known also to be extraordinary. This wool is brought every week, Tuesday and Friday, to the market at Cirencester, on the edge of Gloucester and Wilts; the quantity is supposed to be at least five hundred packs of wool per week. Here it is bought by the woolcombers and carders of Tedbury, Malmsbury, and the towns on all that side of Wilts and Gloucester, besides what the clothiers themselves buy; these carry it out far and near among the poor people of all the adjacent countries, for the spinning; and having made the yarn, they supply that manufacture as far as Froome, Warminster, and Taunton; and thus the west country is furnished. The north requires another inspection; the rest of the Leicestershire wool merchants, who do not bring their wool southward, carry it forward to the north, to Wakefield, Leeds, and Halifax; here they mix it with, and use it among the northern wool, which is not esteemed so fine. Not forgetting, notwithstanding, that they have a great deal of very fine wool, and of a good staple, from the wolds or downs in the East Hiding of Yorkshire, and from the bishoprick of Durham, more especially the banks of the Tees, where, for a long way, the grounds are rich, and the sheep thought to be the largest in England. Hither all the finest wool of those countries is brought; and the coarser sort, and the Scots' wool, which comes into Halifax, Rochdale, Bury, and the manufacturing towns of Lancashire, Westmoreland, and Cumberland, are employed in the coarser manufactures of those countries, such as kerseys, half-thicks, yarn stockings, duffields, rugs, Turkey work, chairs, and many other useful things, which those countries abound in. 3. DEFOE'S ACCOUNT OF THE CORN TRADE [_D. Defoe, The Complete English Tradesman, Ed. 1841, Vol. II, pp. 177-182_], _temp._ George II. As the corn trade is of such consequence to us, for the shipping off the overplus, so it is a very considerable business in itself; the principal people concerned in it, as a trade, are, though very numerous, yet but of four denominations;-- 1. Cornfactors; 2. Mealmen; 3. Maltsters; 4. Carriers. 1. Cornfactors; these, as corn is now become a considerable article of trade, as well foreign as inland, are now exceeding numerous; and though we had them at first only in London, yet now they are also in all the great corn markets and ports where corn is exported through the whole island of Britain; and in all those ports they generally correspond with the corn factors in England. Those in the country ride about among the farmers, and buy the corn even in the barn before it is threshed; nay, sometimes they buy it in the field standing, not only before it is reaped, but before it is ripe. This subtle business is very profitable; for, by this means, cunningly taking advantage of the farmers, by letting them have money before-hand, which they, poor men, often want, they buy cheap when there is a prospect of corn being dear; yet sometimes they are mistaken too, and are caught in their own snare; but indeed, that is but seldom; and were they famed for their honesty, as much as they generally are for their understanding in business, they might boast of having a very shining character. 2. Mealmen; these generally live either in London or within thirty miles of it, that employment chiefly relating to the markets of London; they formerly were the general buyers of corn, that is to say, wheat and rye, in all the great markets about London, or within thirty or forty miles of London, which corn they used to bring to the nearest mills they could find to the market, and there have it ground, and then sell the meal to the shopkeepers, called mealmen, in London. But a few years past have given a new turn to this trade, for now the bakers in London, and the parts adjacent, go to the markets themselves, and have cut out the shopkeeping mealmen; so the bakers are the mealmen, and sell the fine flour to private families, as the mealmen used to do. And as the bakers have cut out the meal shops in London, so the millers have cut out the mealmen in the country; and whereas they formerly only ground the corn for the mealmen, they now scorn that trade, buy the corn, and grind it for themselves; so the baker goes to the miller for his meal, and the miller goes to the market for the corn. It is true, this is an anticipation in trade, and is against a stated wholesome rule of commerce, that trade ought to pass through as many hands as it can; and that the circulation of trade, like that of the blood, is the life of the commerce. But I am not directing to what should be, but telling what is; it is certain the mealmen are, in a manner, cut out of the trade, both in London and in the country, except it be those country mealmen who send meal to London by barges, from all the countries bordering on the Thames, or on any navigable river running into the Thames west; and some about Chichester, Arundel, and the coast of Sussex and Hampshire, who send meal by sea; and these are a kind of meal merchants, and have factors at London to sell it for them--either at Queenhithe, the great meal-market of England, or at other smaller markets. By this change of the trade, the millers, especially in that part of England which is near the Thames, who in former times were esteemed people of a very mean employment, are now become men of vast business; and it is not an uncommon thing to have mills upon some of the large rivers near the town, which are let for three or four hundred pounds a year rent. 3. Maltsters; these are now no longer farmers, and, as might be said, working labouring people, as was formerly the case, when the public expense of beer and ale, and the number of alehouses, was not so great, but generally the most considerable farmers malted their own barley, especially in the towns and counties, from whence they supplied London, and almost every farmhouse of note. As the demand for malt increased, those farmers found it for their purpose to make more and larger quantities of malt, than the barley they themselves sowed would supply; and so bought the barley at the smaller farms about them; till at length the market for malt still increasing, and the profits likewise encouraging, they sought far and near for barley; and at this time the malting trade at Ware, Hertford, Royston, Hitchin, and other towns on that side of Hertfordshire, fetch their barley twenty, thirty, or forty miles; and all the barley they can get out of the counties of Essex, Cambridge, Bedford, Huntingdon, and even as far as Suffolk, is little enough to supply them; and the like it is at all the malt-making towns upon the river of Thames, where the malt trade is carried on for supply of London, such as Kingston, Chertsey, Windsor, High Wycombe, Reading, Wallingford, Abingdon, Thame, Oxford, and all the towns adjacent; and at Abingdon in particular, they have a barley market, where you see every market-day four or five hundred carts and wagons of barley to be sold at a time, standing in rows in the market-place, besides the vast quantity carried directly to the maltsters' houses. The malt trade thus increasing, it soon came out of the hands of the farmers; for either the farmers found so much business, and to so much advantage, in the malting-trade, that they left off ploughing, and put off their farms, sticking wholly to the malt; or other men, encouraged by the apparent advantage of the malting-trade, set it up by itself, and bought their barley, as is said above, of the farmers, when their malt trade first increased; or both these together, which is most probable; and thus malting became a trade by itself. Again, though the farmers then generally left off malting in the manner as above, yet they did not wholly throw themselves out of the profit of the trade, but hired the making of their own malt; that is, to put out their barley to the malthouses to be made on their account; and this occasioned many men to erect malthouses, chiefly to make malt only for other people, at so much per quarter, as they could agree; and at intervals, if they wanted full employ, then they made it for themselves; of these I shall say more presently. Under the head of corn factors, I might have taken notice, that there are many of those factors who sell no other grain than malt; and are, as we may say, agents for the maltsters who stay in the country, and only send up their goods; and assistants to those maltsters who come up themselves. The mentioning these factors again here, naturally brings me to observe a new way of buying and selling of corn, as well as malt, which is introduced by these factors; a practice greatly increased of late, though it is an unlawful way of dealing, and many ways prejudicial to the markets; and this is buying of corn by samples only. The case is thus:-- The farmer, who has perhaps twenty load of wheat in his barn, rubs out only a few handfuls of it with his hand, and puts it into a little money-bag; and with this sample, as it is called, in his pocket, away he goes to market. When he comes thither, he stands with his little bag in his hand, at a particular place where such business is done, and thither the factors or buyers come also; the factor looks on the sample, asks his price, bids, and then buys; and that not a sack or a load, but the whole quantity; and away they go together to the next inn, to adjust the bargain, the manner of delivery, the payment, etc. Thus the whole barn, or stack, or mow of corn, is sold at once; and not only so, but it is odds but the factor deals with him ever after, by coming to his house; and so the farmer troubles the market no more. This kind of trade is chiefly carried on in those market-towns which are at a small distance from London, or at least from the river Thames; such as Romford, Dartford, Grayes, Rochester, Maidstone, Chelmsford, Malden, Colchester, Ipswich, and so down on both sides the river to the North Foreland, and particularly at Margate and Whitstable, on one side; and to the coast of Suffolk, and along the coast both ways beyond, and likewise up the river. Also, At these markets you may see, that, besides the market-house, where a small quantity of corn perhaps is seen, the place mentioned above, where the farmers and factors meet, is like a little exchange, where all the rest of the business is transacted, and where a hundred times the quantity of corn is bought and sold, as appears in sacks in the market-house; it is thus, in particular, at Grayes, and at Dartford: and though on a market-day there are very few wagons with corn to be seen in the market, yet the street or market-place, nay, the towns and inns, are thronged with farmers and samples on one hand, and with mealmen, London bakers, millers, and cornfactors, and other buyers, on the other. The rest of the week you see the wagons and carts continually coming all night and all day, laden with corn of all sorts, to be delivered on board the hoys, where the hoymen stand ready to receive it, and generally to pay for it also: and thus a prodigious corn trade is managed in the market, and little or nothing to be seen of it. 4. DEFOE'S ACCOUNT OF THE COAL TRADE [_D. Defoe, The Complete English Tradesman, Ed. 1841, Vol. II, pp. 172-173_], _temp._ George II. The Newcastle coals, brought by sea to London, are bought at the pit, or at the steath or wharf, for under five shillings per chaldron; I suppose I speak with the most; but when they come to London, are not delivered to the consumers under from twenty-five to thirty shillings per chaldron; and when they are a third time loaded on board the lighters in the Thames, and carried through bridge, then loaded a fourth time into the great west country barges, and carried up the river, perhaps to Oxford or Abingdon, and thence loaded a fifth time in carts or wagons, and carried perhaps ten or fifteen, or twenty miles to the last consumer; by this time they are sometimes sold from forty-five to fifty shillings per chaldron; so that the five shillings first cost, including five shillings tax, is increased to five times the prime cost. And because I have mentioned the frequent loading and unloading the coals, it is necessary to explain it here once for all, because it may give a light into the nature of this river and coast commerce, not in this thing only, but in many others; these loadings are thus:-- 1. They are dug in the pit a vast depth in the ground, sometimes fifty, sixty, to a hundred fathoms; and being loaded (for so the miners call it) into a great basket or tub, are drawn up by a wheel and horse, or horses, to the top of the shaft, or pit mouth, and there thrown out upon the great heap, to lie ready against the ships come into the port to demand them. 2. They are then loaded again into a great machine called a wagon; which by the means of an artificial road, called a wagon-way, goes with the help of but one horse, and carries two chaldron, or more, at a time, and this, sometimes, three or four miles to the nearest river or water carriage they come at; and there they are either thrown into, or from, a great storehouse, called a steath, made so artificially, with one part close to or hanging over the water, that the lighters or keels can come close to, or under it, and the coals be at once shot out of the wagon into the said lighters, which carry them to the ships, which I call the first loading upon the water. 5. A DESCRIPTION OF MIDDLEMEN IN THE WOOLLEN INDUSTRY [_J. Smith, The Memoirs of Wool, Vol. II, pp. 310-313, 1747_], 1739. THE TYRANNY OF THE BLACKWEL-HALL FACTORS. The sufferings of the poor employed in working up Spanish wool, are not owing to the unmercifulness of the clothiers, but the tyranny of Blackwel-Hall factors; who though originally but the servants of the makers, are now become their masters, and not only theirs, but the wool merchants and drapers too. Perhaps, sir, you may ask how it is possible that these men, who style themselves but factors or agents, could find means to lord it as tyrants over their employers? Why thus: they have managed it so, that the merchant dare not sell his wool to the clothier, nor the clothier presume to buy it of the merchant. On this grand point their whole power is founded. To make this clear, sir, you are to understand, that in the year 1695, the clothiers finding themselves in much the same circumstances they are at present, by their credit given to the drapers on one hand, and their being obliged to purchase wool of the factors, on the other, applied in a body to parliament for relief, and an act was accordingly past for restoring to them Blackwel-Hall for a market, limiting the credit to be given for their goods, to six months; obliging the factor to demand notes of hand of the draper, payable in that term, for the use of the clothier, on penalty of forfeiting double the value of the debt; and in case the draper refused to give such notes, so demanded, fining him 20s. For a little while, this act had its desired effect; these notes were immediately returned to the clothier, who carried them to market for wool, etc., and by that means, made them answer in trade almost as well as cash itself. The factors thus stripped of the most valuable part of their business, immediately concerted such measures as rendered the whole act ineffectual, and put it in their power to tyrannize over the clothiers as much as ever. This was done, by tampering with those of the trade, whose circumstances were most precarious, who induced by the promise of a speedy sale for their goods, prior to those of any other maker, were easily prevailed upon to forego the advantage of the notes granted them by Parliament. This fatal precedent being once set, the factors instantly exacted a like compliance from all the rest; and if any refused not one piece of their cloth was sold. By which means, being obliged to keep their workmen employed in the interval, their whole stock, though ever so large, was exhausted; and the more stock they had, the more it became their interest to truckle to their old oppressors, and again take off their wool on what terms they pleased. This important point carried, like true politicians, they resolved to pursue their blow, and add some new acquisitions to what they possessed before. Accordingly, they again allowed the drapers such unreasonable credit, that it was impossible for the most substantial clothier to carry on the trade, while the returns were so slow and precarious. On an universal complaint therefore of this grievance, they graciously condescended to insure the debt to be paid, twelve months after it was contracted; but in return of so great a favour, insisted on two and a half per cent. as a reward; and if any was rash or stubborn enough to disrelish or oppose this new imposition, he had the mortification to wait six months longer for his money, that is to say, a year and a half in all; which, together with the three months the cloth is in making, and three that (one piece with another) it continues in the hall, before it is sold off, make two years in the whole. Now let any one judge how large a stock is absolutely necessary to carry on a trade, under all these disadvantages, particularly when 'tis recollected, that the clothier is obliged to pay his workmen ready money all this while, whether his goods are vended or no; and that the modest factor always insists on his being paid for his wool, with the first money he receives for the cloth. Neither is even this all. But if the clothier, hard drove by so vast and so continued a charge, should be compelled, as too many are, to draw upon the factor for money before 'tis due, according to their calculation, one misfortune makes way for another; and he must pay an extravagant premium for the advance, probably, of his own money. Nor are you to wonder, sir, that these worthy gentlemen are so solicitous to monopolise the whole market of Spanish wool; since, on a medium, they get four pounds on every pack. Now a considerable clothier may be supposed to work up 80 packs a year; which is in a manner a rent charge of 320l. to the factor annually; for it is more than probable that this very wool is purchased with the clothiers' cash; and while the factor grows rich without any risk, and with very little trouble the clothier is doubly excised, both for what he receives, and what is not only withheld, but employed so manifestly to his prejudice. 'Tis farther to be observed, that as by far the greatest part of a clothiers' stock must of necessity be lodged in the factors hands, if he (the clothier) happens to break, or die insolvent (as in spite of a whole life of toil and industry, many of them do) the factor immediately seizes on the whole; it being (says he) a pledge for money advanced, wool sold, etc., so that the rest of the creditors seldom receive a farthing, while he, to whom the poor man's calamity is principally owing, runs away with all. Besides these capital grievances, there are several others, which though inferior in degree, are, when added together, no small increase of the load; such as the factors lumping the charges for warehouse-room in the hall, porterage, pressing, packing, etc., every article of which ought to be particular; as likewise sending out cloths to the drapers at the expense of the clothier, not for sale; but one would be almost tempted to think, to supply the shops with the paper and packthread they are secured with; since they are returned stripp'd of both, tumbled from end to end, exposed to all weather and accidents, and in such a condition as renders it absolutely necessary to have them cleaned, pressed, and packed anew. And all this, after they have been out of the hall six or eight weeks; though the above quoted act of Parliament provides that every cloth shall be reputed sold, after it hath been detained eight days. One would think, sir, I had already mentioned grievances enough, not only to justify the clothier, but to excite the concern of the whole people in their favour, and the aid of the legislature in their redress. But there is yet another behind, which ought not to be omitted. It is this. These worthy factors, not content with all these various methods of oppression, to crown the whole, often set up people to act as master clothiers, on their stock, during any little glut of business; and as it is easy to imagine, give all the cloth so made, the preference of the market, though perhaps in all respects, least deserving of it. Hence, those that trade on their own bottoms, and employ the poor in good and bad times alike, are liable to all the disadvantages of the one, with little or no share in the benefits of the other. And hence, more people are admitted into trade, than the trade can possibly maintain; which opens a new door to the tumults and riots so lately felt. 6. REPORT ON THE CONDITION OF CHILDREN IN LANCASHIRE COTTON FACTORIES [_Report of Committee on State of Children in Manufactories, 1816 (III), pp. 139-140_], 1796. Resolutions for the consideration of the Manchester Board of Health, by Dr. Perceval, January 25, 1796. It has already been stated that the objects of the present institution are to prevent the generation of diseases; to obviate the spreading of them by contagion; and to shorten the duration of those which exist, by affording the necessary aids and comforts to the sick. In the prosecution of this interesting undertaking, the Board have had their attention particularly directed to the large cotton factories established in the town and neighbourhood of Manchester; and they feel it a duty incumbent on them to lay before the public the result of their inquiries:-- 1. It appears that the children and others who work in the large factories, are peculiarly disposed to be affected by the contagion of fever, and that when such infection is received, it is rapidly propagated, not only amongst those who are crowded together in the same apartments, but in the families and neighbourhoods to which they belong. 2. The large factories are generally injurious to the constitution of those employed in them, even where no particular diseases prevail, from the close confinement which is enjoined, from the debilitating effects of hot or impure air, and from the want of the active exercises which nature points out as essential in childhood and youth, to invigorate the system, and to fit our species for the employments and for the duties of manhood. 3. The untimely labour of the night, and the protracted labour of the day, with respect to children, not only tends to diminish future expectations as to the general sum of life and industry, by impairing the strength and destroying the vital stamina of the rising generation, but it too often gives encouragement to idleness, extravagance and profligacy in the parents, who, contrary to the order of nature, subsist by the oppression of their offspring. 4. It appears that the children employed in factories are generally debarred from all opportunities of education, and from moral or religious instruction. 5. From the excellent regulations which subsist in several cotton factories, it appears that many of these evils may, in a considerable degree, be obviated; we are therefore warranted by experience, and are assured we shall have the support of the liberal proprietors of these factories, in proposing an application for Parliamentary aid (if other methods appear not likely to effect the purpose), to establish a general system of laws for the wise, humane, and equal government of all such works. 7. THE NEWCASTLE COAL VEND [_Reports from Committees on the Coal Trade, 1800 (X), p. 540, and 1830 (VIII), pp. 6 and 254-5_], 1771-1830. (_a_) 1800. _Evidence of Francis Thompson (formerly manager of Washington colliery)._ Is there any regulation or limit as to price they[317] may give to the coal-owners? In August, September, and October, 1771, I found great irregularities in the Coal Trade, particularly with respect to the measure. I communicated my sentiments to two of the most respectable agents of the owners ...; upon which it was agreed that a meeting should be had of the coal owners belonging to Sunderland, to be convened by me, and the coal owners at Newcastle, to be convened by a Mr. Gibson and Mr. Morrison, which was done; and we had three or four meetings, and I was appointed Secretary.... Since that time, according to the best enquiries I have been able to make, the coal owners have had frequent meetings for the purpose of stipulating the vends[318]; that is, that five of the collieries of the best coals, viz., Walls End, Walker, Wellington, Hebburn, and Heyton, are permitted to vend the greatest proportion, and at the best price; after that there is a second class, which sells one shilling per chaldron lower, being coals of an inferior quality, and also less in proportion as to quantity; there is likewise a third class, at a shilling less than the second, and who are allowed to sell a still less proportion as to quantity. By what means do you understand those vends have been limited? By the meetings of the coal owners frequently for the purpose of ascertaining the vends. Was there any positive agreement for that purpose? That cannot be well known, being contrary to Act of Parliament. (_b_) 1830.[319] The proprietors of the best coals are called upon to name the price at which they intend to sell their coals for the succeeding twelve months; according to this price, the remaining proprietors fix their prices; this being accomplished, each colliery is requested to send in a statement of the different sorts of coals they raise, and the powers of the colliery; that is, the quantity that each particular colliery could raise at full work; and upon these statements the committee, assuming an imaginary basis, fix the relative proportions, as to quantity, between all the collieries, which proportions are observed, whatever quantity the markets may demand. The committee then meet once a month, and according to the probable demand of the ensuing month, they issue so much per 1000 to the different collieries; that is, if they give me an imaginary basis of 30,000 and my neighbour 20,000, according to the quality of our coal and our power of raising them in the monthly quantity; if they issue 100 to 1000, I raise and sell 3,000 during the month, and my neighbour 2,000; but in fixing the relative quantities, if we take 800,000 chaldrons as the probable demand of the different markets for the year; if the markets should require more, an increased quantity would be given out monthly, so as to raise the annual quantity to meet that demand, were it double the original quantity. _Evidence of Robert William Brandling._[320] What means have been resorted to in the north of England, with a view to keep the price of coal at such a rate as should compensate the owners of these collieries in which the expense of raising is the greatest? We have entered into a regulation at different times, which regulation is in existence now, and which has for its object to secure us a fair uniform remunerating price, and enables us to sell our coals at the port of shipment under our immediate inspection, instead of being driven by a fighting trade, to become the carrier of our coals, and to sell them by third persons in the markets to which they are consigned; thereby trusting our interests to those over whom we have no direct control whatever. So that practically the real quantity to be sold is fixed with reference to each colliery each month? Yes. The basis originally fixed, is the proportion taken between all the collieries? It is merely an imaginary quantity to fix the relative proportions. Has the scale of prices now in operation been varied materially from that which was adopted when the regulation of the vend was last on? I have already stated in my evidence that ours is a competition price, that we endeavour to get the best price we can, which is a little below what the consumer can get the same article for elsewhere. In the regulation in 1828 we found we had fixed our prices too high; the consequence was, it created an immediate influx of coals from Scotland, Wales and Yorkshire, and more especially from Stockton; so that when the coal-owners met together, to enter into another arrangement last year, we were obliged to fix our prices a little lower. [Footnote 317: The fitters or agents between coal-owners and ship-owners.] [Footnote 318: The name by which the agreements as to output were known.] [Footnote 319: Report from Committee on the Coal Trade, 1830 (VIII), p. 6.] [Footnote 320: _Ibid._ pp. 254-5.] 8. THE OLD APPRENTICESHIP SYSTEM IN THE WOOLLEN INDUSTRY [_Report of Committee on the Woollen Industry, 1806 (III), p. 5_], 1806. _Evidence of Mr. James Ellis_,[321] 18 _April_, 1806. Do you instruct this apprentice in the different branches of the trade? As far as he has been capable I have done. Will you enumerate the different branches of the trade which you yourself learnt, and in which you instruct your apprentice? I learnt to be a spinner before I went apprentice; my apprentice was only eleven years old when I took him; when I went apprentice I was a strong boy, and I was put to weaving first; I never was employed in bobbin winding myself while I was apprentice; I had learned part of the business with my father-in-law before I went; I knew how to wind bobbins and to warp; after that I learned to weave; we had two apprentices, and after I had been there a little while we used to spin and weave our webs; while one was spinning the other was weaving. Did you also learn to buy your own wool? Yes; I had the prospect of being a master when I came out of my time, and therefore my master took care I should learn that. Does that branch require great skill? Yes, it does; I found myself very deficient when I was loose. Different sorts of wool are applicable to different dyes and different manufactures? Yes; I was frequently obliged to resort to my master for information as to the dyeing and buying wool. Does it not require great skill to dye according to pattern, even when you have bought wool? Yes. Were you also instructed in that? Yes; I kept an account all the time I was apprentice of the principal part of the colours we dyed, and practised the dyeing: I always assisted in dyeing; I was not kept constantly to weaving and spinning; my master fitted me rather for a master than a journeyman. And you instruct your apprentice in the same line? Yes; we think it a scandal when an apprentice is loose if he is not fit for his business; we take pride in their being fit for their business, and we teach them all they will take. [Footnote 321: A clothier of Harmley, near Leeds, working with an apprentice, two hired journeymen and a boy, and giving some work out.] 9. A PETITION OF COTTON WEAVERS [_House of Commons Journals, 47 Geo. III, 1807, Feb. 26_], 1807. A petition of the several Journeymen Cotton Weavers resident in the counties of Lancaster, Chester, York, and Derby, was presented and read; setting forth, That the petitioners suffer great hardships by the reduction of their wages, and that whenever the demand for goods becomes slack, many master manufacturers adopt the expedient of reducing wages, thereby compelling the petitioners, in order to obtain a livelihood, to manufacture greater quantities of goods at a time when they are absolutely not wanted, and that great quantities of goods so manufactured are sacrificed in the market at low prices, to the manifest injury of the fair dealer, and the great oppression of the petitioners, who are reduced one half of the wages they are justly entitled to, and in many cases, are not able to earn more than nine shillings per week: And therefore praying, That leave may be given to bring in a bill to regulate, from time to time, the wages of the petitioners. 10.--DEPRESSION OF WAGES AND ITS CAUSES IN THE COTTON INDUSTRY [_Report of Committee on Orders in Council_, 1812 (_III_),_pp_. 218 _and_ 267-272], 1812. _Thursday, May 14, 1812._ _Evidence of James Kay_ (_cotton and woollen manufacturer, of Bury_). What used to be the price of cotton per piece in 1807?--I took out the manufacturing prices for three years before 1807, and four years since. Those are minutes from your own books?--Yes, in May, 1805, for the quality goods called Blackburn supers we gave six shillings; in May, 1806, we gave the same; in May, 1807, we gave the same; in November, 1807, we dropped them to 5s. 6d.; in December, 1807, to 5s.; in January 1808 to 4s. 6d.; in May 1808 they were at 4s.; it was at the time they were very much distressed, and rioting. In May, 1809, we gave 4s., in March, 1810, we, gave 7s.; in April, 6s.; and in May the same. In May, 1811, we again gave 4s.; and at the present time we give 4s. 6d. _Evidence of Jeremiah Bury_ (_cotton manufacturer of Stockport_). _Friday, May 15, 1812._ What might a man make at weaving, in the year 1810?--A man weaving plain work, in the year 1810, might make probably from 12s. to 15s. a week. At plain work now what may a person earn?--The same man now would not make more than ten or twelve shillings. What might a man in full employment, in 1810, make in spinning?-- ... I apprehend that a man might make from fifteen to twenty-five shillings a week in spinning. What will the same man make now?--I think a man now might make from thirteen or fourteen to eighteen shillings. Do you ever recollect so great distress as there is at present?--Never; I have known the trade these thirty years, but I never knew anything like it. Your manufactures went to the Continent pretty extensively till the year 1807?--Yes, we sold to the merchants who sent to the Continent. Can you tell what interrupted that trade?--We had no further trade when the Continent was shut up. To what is the want of trade owing?--The want of market for our goods. To what is the want of market owing?--It is impossible for me to say, but I believe if we had an opening in America, we should have sufficient market for our goods; when we lost the Continental trade we had America to depend upon, now we have lost America we have no regular markets to depend upon. 11.--EVIDENCE OF THE CONDITION OF CHILDREN IN FACTORIES [_Report of Committee on Children in Manufactories_, 1816 (_III_), _pp_. 89 _and_ 132-133], 1816. _Mr. Robert Owen, again called in, and examined._ Have you anything to add to your evidence of yesterday?--Some questions were put to me yesterday respecting the early age at which children are employed at Stockport; I knew I had made a memorandum at the time, but I could not then put my hand upon it; I have since found it; and I can now reply to the questions regarding those cases. Mr. George Oughton, secretary to the Sunday school in Stockport, informed me about a fortnight ago, in the presence of an individual, who will probably be here in the course of the morning, that he knows a little girl of the name of Hannah Downham, who was employed in a mill at Stockport at the age of four. Mr. Turner, treasurer to the Sunday school, knows a boy that was employed in a mill at Stockport when he was only three years old. Mr. Turner and Mr. Oughton, if they were sent for would, I have no doubt, state these cases before the Committee. They were mentioned to you as a rare instance?--They were mentioned to me in the midst of a very numerous assembly of very respectable people; I inquired of them whether they knew, as they were surrounded with, I believe, two or three thousand children at the time, what was the age at which children were generally admitted into cotton mills; their answer was, Some at five, many at six, and a greater number at seven. I have also received very important information from a very respectable individual at Manchester, relative to the age at which children are employed, the hours they are kept to work, and a variety of other particulars from very authentic sources. Name those sources?--Mr. Nathaniel Gould and Mr. George Gould. Does the information you propose to give come from the manufactory to which it relates?--No manufacturer would give information against himself. State what you know relative to the number of hours which children and others are employed in their attendance on mills and manufactories?--About a fortnight ago I was in Leeds; and in conversation with Mr. Gott, whose name is well-known to many gentlemen in this room, he stated to me that it was a common practice, when the woollen trade was going on well, to work sixteen hours in the day: I was also informed by Mr. Marshall, who is another principal, and considered a highly respectable manufacturer in Leeds, that it was a common practice to work at flax-mills there sixteen hours a day whenever the trade went well: I was also informed by Mr. Gott, that when the Bill, generally known by the name of Sir Robert Peel's Bill, was brought in last session of Parliament, the night-work at Leeds was put an end to. In Stockport, on Sunday fortnight, I saw a number of small children going to the church; they appeared to me to be going from a Sunday school; the master was with them; I stopped the master, and asked him what he knew of the circumstances of the manufacturers in Stockport; he said he knew a great deal, because he himself had formerly, for many years, been a spinner in those mills; his name is Robert Mayor, of the National School in Stockport; he stated that he was willing to make oath that mills in Stockport, within the last twelve months, had been worked from three and four o'clock in the morning until nine at night, that he himself has frequently worked those hours. _Sir Robert Peel, Bart_. The house in which I have a concern gave employment at one time to near one thousand children of this description. Having other pursuits, it was not often in my power to visit the factories, but whenever such visits were made, I was struck with the uniform appearance of bad health, and, in many cases, stinted growth of the children; the hours of labour were regulated by the interest of the overseer, whose remuneration depending on the quantity of the work done, he was often induced to make the poor children work excessive hours, and to stop their complaints by trifling bribes. Finding our own factories under such management, and learning that the like practices prevailed in other parts of the kingdom where similar machinery was in use, the children being much over-worked, and often little or no regard paid to cleanliness and ventilation in the buildings; having the assistance of Dr. Percival and other eminent medical gentlemen of Manchester, together with some distinguished characters both in and out of Parliament, I brought in a Bill in the Forty-second year of the King, for the regulation of factories containing such parish apprentices. The hours of work allowed by that Bill being fewer in number than those formerly practised, a visible improvement in the health and general appearance of the children soon became evident, and since the complete operation of the Act contagious disorders have rarely occurred. Diffident of my own abilities to originate legislative measures, I should have contented myself with the one alluded to, had I not perceived, that, owing to the present use of steam power in factories, the Forty-second of the King is likely to become a dead letter. Large buildings are now erected, not only as formerly on the banks of streams, but in the midst of populous towns, and instead of parish apprentices being sought after, the children of the surrounding poor are preferred, whose masters being free from the operation of the former Act of Parliament are subjected to no limitation of time in the prosecution of their business, though children are frequently admitted there to work thirteen to fourteen hours per day, at the tender age of seven years, and even in some cases still younger. I need not ask the Committee to give an opinion of the consequence of such a baneful practice upon the health and well-being of these little creatures, particularly after having heard the sentiments of those eminent medical men who have been examined before us; but I most anxiously press upon the Committee, that unless some parliamentary interference takes place, the benefits of the Apprentice Bill will soon be entirely lost, the practice of employing parish apprentices will cease, their places will be wholly supplied by other children, between whom and their masters no permanent contract is likely to exist, and for whose good treatment there will not be the slightest security. Such indiscriminate and unlimited employment of the poor, consisting of a great proportion of the inhabitants of trading districts, will be attended with effects to the rising generation so serious and alarming, that I cannot contemplate them without dismay, and thus that great effort of British ingenuity, whereby the machinery of our manufactures has been brought to such perfection, instead of being a blessing to the nation, will be converted into the bitterest curse. Gentlemen, if parish apprentices were formerly deemed worthy of the care of Parliament, I trust you will not withhold from the unprotected children of the present day an equal measure of mercy, as they have no masters who are obliged to support them in sickness or during unfavourable periods of trade. 12.--CHANGE IN THE COTTON INDUSTRY AND THE INTRODUCTION OF POWER-LOOM WEAVING [_William Radcliffe, The Origin of Power-Loom Weaving_, 1828, _pp._ 9-10, _etc._], _c._ 1785-1807. The principal estates being gone from the family, my father resorted to the common but never-failing resource for subsistence at that period, viz., the loom for men, and the cards and hand-wheel for women and boys. He married a spinster (in my etymology of the word) and my mother taught me (while too young to weave) to earn my bread by carding and spinning cotton, winding linen or cotton weft for my father and elder brothers at the loom, until I became of sufficient age and strength for my father to put me into a loom. After the practical experience of a few years, any young man who was industrious and careful, might then, from his earnings as a weaver, lay by sufficient to set him up as a manufacturer, and though but few of the great body of weavers had the courage to embark in the attempt, I was one of the few. Availing myself of the improvements that came out while I was in my teens, by the time I was married (at the age of 24, in 1785), with my little savings, and a practical knowledge of every process from the cotton-bag to the piece of cloth, such as carding by hand or by the engine, spinning by the hand-wheel or jenny, winding, warping, sizing, looming the web, and weaving either by hand or fly-shuttle, I was ready to commence business for myself; and by the year 1789, I was well established, and employed many hands both in spinning and weaving, as a master manufacturer. From 1789 to 1794, my chief business was the sale of muslin warps, sized and ready for the loom (being the first who sold cotton twist in that state, chiefly to Mr. Oldknow, the father of the muslin trade in our country). Some warps I sent to Glasgow and Paisley. I also manufactured a few muslins myself, and had a warehouse in Manchester for my general business. * * * * * At Midsummer, 1801, on taking[322] stock very accurately we[323] found we had upwards of £11,000 in our concern; I had also a landed estate in Mellor, in which was comprehended Podmore, where my father was born, with a rent roll, and good tenants of upwards of £350 per annum, charged with about £1,800 on mortgage. Mr. Ross's father was a merchant and magistrate in Montrose, and rich, and, my partner being an only son, could at any time lend us a few thousands, which he afterwards did to the amount of £6,000, including the £2,500 paid down on the formation of our partnership. With this real capital--an unlimited credit (£5,000 with our bankers amongst the rest), an excellent trade, and every prospect of its continuing so for a time, we came to the conclusion of purchasing the premises in the Hillgate, from Mr. Oldknow and Mr. Arkwright, then standing empty, which I never should have thought of for a moment, but from what had passed at the Castle Inn, for the sole purpose of filling them with looms, etc., on some new plan, and just so much spinning machinery as would supply the looms with weft. But beyond the common warping, sizing, weaving, etc., all was a chaos before me; yet so confident was I, that with such assistance as I could call in, we should succeed, that before I began I laid a trifling wager with my partner, that in two years from the time I commenced, I produced 500 pieces of 7-8ths and 9-8ths printing cambrics, all wove in the building in one week by some new process, which I won easily. And as the price for weaving alone when we began was 17s. per piece, and had never been below 16s. at any time, we thought we were justified in what we were doing, even if little improvement could be found. And if the goods made abroad from the annually increasing export of twist, and their prohibitions of our goods in consequence, had not gradually reduced this price of weaving from 17s. (with a profit of 10 to 20 per cent. to the master), to 4s. to the weaver (and no profit to the master!), we should have been handsomely rewarded by our trade. But to return from this digression, we concluded our contract about Michaelmas with Messrs. Oldknow and Arkwright, for the premises above mentioned; and I brought my family to Stockport in the latter end of December, 1801. I must here observe that we had at that time a large concern in Mellor, that with its various branches for putting out work, employing upwards of 1000 weavers, widely spread over the borders of three counties, in a vast variety of plain and fancy goods, all of which had been raised (like a gathering snowball) from a single spindle, or single loom by myself, and was then upon such a system as apparently might go on without my personal attention. * * * * * I shut myself up (as it were) in the mill on the 2nd January, 1802,[324] and with joiners, turners, filers, etc., etc., set to work; my first step was some looms in the common way in every respect, which I knew would produce the cloth so much wanted, and in some degree cover our weekly expenses. Before the end of the month I began to divide the labour of the weavers, employing one room to dress the whole web, in a small frame for the purpose, ready for the looms in another room, so that the young weaver had nothing to learn but to weave; and we found this a great improvement, for besides the advantage of learning a young weaver in a few days, we found that by weaving the web as it were back again, the weft was driven up by the reed the way the brushes had laid the fibres down with the paste, so that we could make good cloth in the upper rooms with the dressed yarn quite dry, which could not be done in the old way of dressing, when the weft was drove up against the points of the fibres, which shewed us the reason why all weavers are obliged to work in damp cellars, and must weave up their dressing, about a yard long, before the yarn becomes dry, or it spoils. This accomplished, I told my men I must have some motion attached to either traddles or the lathe, by machinery, that would take up the cloth as it was wove, so that the shed might always be of the same dimensions, and of course the blow of the lathe always moving the same distance, would make the cloth more even than could possibly be done in the old way, except by very skilful and careful weavers. This motion to the loom being at length accomplished to our satisfaction, I set Johnson to plan for the warping and dressing, suggesting several ideas myself. His uncommon genius led him to propose many things to me, but I pointed out objections to them all, and set him to work again. His mind was so teased with difficulties, that he began to relieve it by drinking for several days together (to which he was too much addicted) but for this I never upbraided him, or deducted his wages for the time, knowing that we were approaching our object; at length we brought out the present plan, only that the undressed yarn was all on one side, and the brush to be applied was first by hand, then by a cylinder, and lastly the crank motion. * * * * * The partnership being thus dissolved,[325] I proceeded in my business with a double prospect of success; first, by the real business I was doing weekly, of 6 to 700 pieces per week, of printing cambrics, mostly woven in the factory, and the other part in weaving-families in the neighbourhood, on the small looms I had furnished to them, delivering them dressed warps on the beam, and pin-cops for the weft. This system had now become practicable, and was so greatly approved of by the weavers, that, had I weathered the calm, which soon after came upon my credit, I might, in a short time, have had all my looms in the dwellings of the operative weavers on the plan I had been driving at from the first, and from the superior advantage of machine dressing. The evenness produced by this mode of preparation, and the working in my loom, not only rendered these goods of ready sale, but gave me a weekly profit of 90l. to 100l., which, along with the second branch of income that formed my double prospect, viz., the premiums of licenses under patent rights beginning to pour in from the first houses in the trade, to the amount of 1,500l., in the eight months from the first of July, 1806, to March, 1807, when my vessel became quite becalmed. * * * * * In the year 1770,[326] the land in our township was occupied by between fifty to sixty farmers; rents, to the best of my recollection, did not exceed 10s. per statute acre, and out of these fifty or sixty farmers, there were only six or seven who raised their rents directly from the produce of their farms; all the rest got their rent partly in some branch of trade, such as spinning and weaving woollen, linen, or cotton. The cottagers were employed entirely in this manner, except for a few weeks in the harvest. Being one of those cottagers, and intimately acquainted with all the rest, as well as every farmer, I am the better able to relate particularly how the change from the old system of hand-labour to the new one of machinery operated in raising the price of land in the subdivision I am speaking of. Cottage rents at that time, with convenient loomshop and a small garden attached, were from one and a half to two guineas per annum. The father of a family would earn from eight shillings to half a guinea at his loom, and his sons, if he had one, two, or three alongside of him, six or eight shillings each per week; but the great sheet anchor of all cottages and small farms was the labour attached to the hand-wheel, and when it is considered that it required six to eight hands to prepare and spin yarn, of any of the three materials I have mentioned, sufficient for the consumption of one weaver,--this shews clearly the inexhaustible source there was for labour for every person from the age of seven to eighty years (who retained their sight and could move their hands) to earn their bread, say one to three shillings per week, without going to the parish. * * * * * From the year 1770 to 1788[327] a complete change had gradually been effected in the spinning of yarns. That of wool had disappeared altogether, and that of linen was also nearly gone; cotton, cotton, cotton, was become the almost universal material for employment. The hand-wheels, with the exception of one establishment, were all thrown into lumber-rooms, the yarn was all spun on common jennies, the carding for all numbers, up to 40 hanks in the pound, was done on carding engines; but the finer numbers of 60 to 80 were still carded by hand, it being a general opinion at that time that machine-carding would never answer for fine numbers. In weaving no great alteration had taken place during these eighteen years, save the introduction of the fly-shuttle, a change in the woollen looms to fustians and calico, and the linen nearly gone, except the few fabrics in which there was a mixture of cotton. To the best of my recollection there was no increase of looms during this period,--but rather a decrease. I shall confine myself to the families in my own neighbourhood.[328] These families, up to the time I have been speaking of, whether as cottagers or small farmers, had supported themselves by the different occupations I have mentioned in spinning and manufacturing, as their progenitors from the earliest institutions of society had done before them. But the mule-twist now coming into vogue, for the warp, as well as weft, added to the water-twist and common jenny yarns, with an increasing demand for every fabric the loom could produce, put all hands in request of every age and description. The fabrics made from wool or linen vanished, while the old loomshops being insufficient, every lumber-room, even old barns, cart-houses, and outbuildings of any description were repaired, windows broke through the old blank walls, and all fitted up for loomshops. This source of making room being at length exhausted, new weavers' cottages with loomshops rose up in every direction; all immediately filled, and when in full work the weekly circulation of money, as the price of labour only, rose to five times the amount ever before experienced in this subdivision, every family bringing home weekly 40, 60, 80, 100, or even 120 shillings per week!!! [Footnote 322: _Ibid._ pp. 15-16.] [Footnote 323: Radcliffe and his partner Ross.] [Footnote 324: _Ibid._ pp. 20-21.] [Footnote 325: _Ibid._ p. 41.] [Footnote 326: _Ibid._ pp. 59-60.] [Footnote 327: _Ibid._ pp. 61-62.] [Footnote 328: _Ibid._ p. 65.] 13. EVIDENCE BY FACTORY WORKERS OF THE CONDITION OF CHILDREN [_Report of Committee on Factory Children's Labour_, 1831-2 (_XV_), _p._ 192, _etc._], 1832. _Evidence of Samuel Coulson._ 5047. At what time in the morning, in the brisk time, did those girls go to the mills? In the brisk time, for about six weeks, they have gone at 3 o'clock in the morning, and ended at 10, or nearly half past at night. 5049. What intervals were allowed for rest or refreshment during those nineteen hours of labour? Breakfast a quarter of an hour, and dinner half an hour, and drinking a quarter of an hour. 5051. Was any of that time taken up in cleaning the machinery? They generally had to do what they call dry down; sometimes this took the whole of the time at breakfast or drinking, and they were to get their dinner or breakfast as they could; if not, it was brought home. 5054. Had you not great difficulty in awakening your children to this excessive labour? Yes, in the early time we had them to take up asleep and shake them, when we got them on the floor to dress them, before we could get them off to their work; but not so in the common hours. 5056. Supposing they had been a little too late, what would have been the consequence during the long hours? They were quartered in the longest hours, the same as in the shortest time. 5057. What do you mean by quartering? A quarter was taken off. 5058. If they had been how much too late? Five minutes. 5059. What was the length of time they could be in bed during those long hours? It was near 11 o'clock before we could get them into bed after getting a little victuals, and then at morning my mistress used to stop up all night, for fear that we could not get them ready for the time; sometimes we have gone to bed, and one of us generally awoke. 5060. What time did you get them up in the morning? In general me or my mistress got up at 2 o'clock to dress them. 5061. So that they had not above four hours' sleep at this time? No, they had not. 5062. For how long together was it? About six weeks it held; it was only done when the throng was very much on; it was not often that. 5063. The common hours of labour were from 6 in the morning till half-past eight at night? Yes. 5064. With the same intervals for food? Yes, just the same. 5065. Were the children excessively fatigued by this labour? Many times; we have cried often when we have given them the little victualling we had to give them; we had to shake them, and they have fallen to sleep with the victuals in their mouths many a time. 5066. Had any of them any accident in consequence of this labour? Yes, my eldest daughter when she went first there; she had been about five weeks, and used to fettle the frames when they were running, and my eldest girl agreed with one of the others to fettle hers that time, that she would do her work; while she was learning more about the work, the overlooker came by and said, "Ann, what are you doing there?" she said, "I am doing it for my companion, in order that I may know more about it," he said, "Let go, drop it this minute," and the cog caught her forefinger nail, and screwed it off below the knuckle, and she was five weeks in Leeds Infirmary. 5067. Has she lost that finger? It is cut off at the second joint. 5068. Were her wages paid during that time? As soon as the accident happened the wages were totally stopped; indeed, I did not know which way to get her cured, and I do not know how it would have been cured but for the Infirmary. 5069. Were the wages stopped at the half-day? She was stopped a quarter of a day; it was done about four o'clock. 5072. Did this excessive term of labour occasion much cruelty also? Yes, with being so very much fatigued the strap was very frequently used. 5073. Have any of your children been strapped? "Yes, every one; the eldest daughter; I was up in Lancashire a fortnight, and when I got home I saw her shoulders, and I said, "Ann, what is the matter?" she said, "The overlooker has strapped me; but," she said, "do not go to the overlooker, for if you do we shall lose our work"; I said I would not if she would tell me the truth as to what caused it. "Well," she said, "I will tell you, father." She says, "I was fettling the waste, and the girl I had learning had got so perfect she could keep the side up till I could fettle the waste; the overlooker came round," and said, "What are you doing?" I said, "I am fettling while the other girl keeps the upper end up"; he said, "Drop it this minute;" she said, "No, I must go on with this"; and because she did not do it, he took a strap, and beat her between the shoulders. My wife was out at the time, and when she came in she said her back was beat nearly to a jelly; and the rest of the girls encouraged her to go to Mrs. Varley, and she went to her, and she rubbed it with a part of a glass of rum, and gave her an old silk handkerchief to cover the place with till it got well." 5080. What was the wages in the short hours? Three shillings a week each. 5081. When they wrought those very long hours what did they get? Three shillings and sevenpence halfpenny. 5082. For all that additional labour they had only 7-1/2d. a week additional? No more. 5083. Could you dispose of their wages, when they had received them, as you wished: did you understand that? They never said anything to me; but the children have said, "If we do not bring some little from the shop I am afraid we shall lose our work." And sometimes they used to bring a bit of sugar or some little oddment, generally of their own head. 5084. That is, they were expected to lay out part of their wages under the truck system? Yes. 5086. Had your children any opportunity of sitting during those long days of labour? No; they were in general, whether there was work for them to do or not, to move backwards and forwards till something came to their hands. 5118. At the time they worked those long hours, would it have been in their power to work a shorter number of hours, taking the 3s.? They must either go on at the long hours, or else be turned off. _Evidence of Gillett Sharpe._[329] 5484. Have you had any children, yourself, working at these mills? Yes. 5488. What sort of mill did she go to? To a worsted manufactory; but it so happened with her that her stepmother dying, I took her away to manage the affairs of my house; she was very young to be sure, but she did what I had to do, except what I hired out, and she is very healthy and strong; but with regard to my boy, Edwin, he was a proverb for being active and straight before he went; there is a portion of ground of considerable extent, opposite to a building in our neighbourhood, and that boy would run seven times round that piece of ground, and come in without being much fatigued; but when he had gone to the mill some time, perhaps about three years, he began to be weak in his knees; and it went on to that degree, that he could scarcely walk; I had three steps up into my house, and I have seen that boy get hold of the sides of the door to assist his getting up into the house; many a one advised me to take him away; they said he would be ruined, and made quite a cripple; but I was a poor man, and could not afford to take him away, having a large family, six children, under my care; they are not all mine, but I have to act as a father to them; he still continued to go, but during the last six or seven months the factory has been short of work; they spin for commission; and it has so happened that they have worked less hours since last November than they formerly did, not being able to obtain so much work; and he is very much improved in that time with regard to the strength of his knees, and it has been observed by the neighbours that he grows a little, but he is bent in one knee. 5492. Have you had any other children on whom this labour has had a similar effect? Yes, I have a daughter Barbara; she went to the mill between 7 and 8 years of age; she was straight then, but, however, a few years back, about three years since, she fell weak and lame in one of her knees, and she was off her work in consequence; but, however, in a few weeks she got a little recovered and went to the mill again, and she has continued to go there ever since, and she has got very much bow-legged, the legs are bent outwards. _Evidence of Elizabeth Bentley._[330] 5127. What age are you? Twenty-three. 5128. Where do you live? At Leeds. 5129. What time did you begin to work at a factory? When I was six years old. 5130. At whose factory did you work? Mr. Busk's. 5131. What kind of mill is it? Flax-mill. 5132. What was your business in that mill? I was a little doffer. 5133. What were your hours of labour in that mill? From 5 in the morning till 9 at night, when they were thronged. 5134. For how long a time together have you worked that excessive length of time? For about half a year. 5214. You are considerably deformed in your person in consequence of this labour? Yes, I am. 5215. At what time did it come on? I was about 13 years old when it began coming, and it has got worse since; it is five years since my mother died, and my mother was never able to get me a pair of good stays to hold me up, and when my mother died I had to do for myself, and got me a pair. 5216. Were you perfectly straight and healthy before you worked at a mill? Yes, I was as straight a little girl as ever went up and down town. 5217. Were you straight till you were 13? Yes, I was. 5218. Have you been attended to by any medical gentleman at Leeds or the neighbourhood? Yes, I have been under Mr. Hares. 5219. To what did he attribute it? He said it was owing to hard labour, and working in the factories. _Evidence of Mr. Charles Stewart._[331] 8094. Does that length of standing and of exertion tend to deform the limbs of the children so employed? Yes, that is my opinion; I took an examination of those that were employed under me in that flat. 8095. In which of Mr. Boyack's mills are you employed? In a tow-mill. 8097. The New Ward Mill, is it? Yes; there are fifty hands in the room altogether, old and young; and I found that out of that fifty there were nine who had entered the mill before they were nine years of age, who are now above thirteen years of age. 8098. Having been at that employment then, four years? Yes; and out of those nine, there were six who were splayfooted, and three who were not; the three who were not splayfooted were worse upon their legs than those who were; and one was most remarkably bow-legged; she informed me she was perfectly straight before she entered the mills. 8099. What was that girl's name? Margaret Webster. 8100. You say she was remarkably bow-legged, was it very observable? Very observable; I can hardly describe the woman's deformity, from the way in which she walks; but I have passed by, and thought that I was far from her, and have got on her shins as I was going past her. 8103. Have you made any other examination? I have examined those who had not entered the mills till after twelve years of age, and found that out of fifty there were fourteen of this class; two of them were splayfooted, and one with her ankle a little wrong; the others were all perfectly straight. [Footnote 329: _Ibid._ p. 209, Numbers 5484, 5488, 5492.] [Footnote 330: _Ibid._ p. 195, Numbers 5127-5219.] [Footnote 331: _Ibid._ p. 353, Numbers 8094-8103.] 14.--WOMEN'S AND CHILDREN'S LABOUR IN MINES [_Children's Employment Commission, Mines_, 1842 (_XV_), _p._ 24, _etc._], 1842. Sex: Employment of Girls and Women in Coal Mines. Districts in which Girls and Women are Employed Underground. 119. In England, exclusive of Wales, it is only in some of the colliery districts of Yorkshire and Lancashire that female children of tender age and young and adult women are allowed to descend into the coal mines and regularly to perform the same kinds of underground work, and to work for the same numbers of hours, as boys and men; but in the East of Scotland their employment in the pits is general; and in South Wales it is not uncommon. 120. West Riding of Yorkshire: Southern Part.--In many of the collieries in this district, as far as relates to the underground employment, there is no distinction of sex, but the labour is distributed indifferently among both sexes, excepting that it is comparatively rare for the women to hew or get the coals, although there are numerous instances in which they regularly perform even this work. In great numbers of the coal-pits in this district the men work in a state of perfect nakedness, and are in this state assisted in their labour by females of all ages, from girls of six years old to women of twenty-one, these females being themselves quite naked down to the waist. 121. "Girls," says the Sub-Commissioner, "regularly perform all the various offices of trapping, hurrying, filling, riddling, tipping, and occasionally getting, just as they are performed by boys. One of the most disgusting sights I have ever seen was that of young females, dressed like boys in trousers, crawling on all fours, with belts round their waists and chains passing between their legs, at day pits at Hunshelf Bank, and in many small pits near Holmfrith and New Mills: it exists also in several other places. I visited the Hunshelf Colliery on the 18th of January: it is a day pit; that is there is no shaft or descent; the gate or entrance is at the side of a bank, and nearly horizontal. The gate was not more than a yard high, and in some places not above two feet. When I arrived at the board or workings of the pit I found at one of the side-boards down a narrow passage a girl of fourteen years of age, in boy's clothes, picking down the coal with the regular pick used by the men. She was half sitting, half lying, at her work, and said she found it tired her very much, and of course she didn't like it. The place where she was at work was not two feet high. Further on were men at work lying on their sides and getting. No less than six girls out of eighteen men and children are employed in this pit. Whilst I was in the pit the Rev. Mr. Bruce, of Wadsley, and the Rev. Mr. Nelson, of Rotherham, who accompanied me, and remained outside, saw another girl of ten years of age, also dressed in boy's clothes, who was employed in hurrying, and these gentlemen saw her at work. She was a nice-looking little child, but of course as black as a tinker, and with a little necklace round her throat." _Conclusions._[332] From the whole of the evidence which has been collected, and of which we have thus endeavoured to give a digest, we find-- In regard to Coal Mines-- 1. That instances occur in which children are taken into these mines to work as early as four years of age, sometimes at five, and between five and six, not unfrequently between six and seven, and often from seven to eight, while from eight to nine is the ordinary age at which employment in these mines commences. 2. That a very large proportion of the persons employed in carrying on the work of these mines is under thirteen years of age; and a still larger proportion between thirteen and eighteen. 3. That in several districts female children begin to work in these mines at the same early ages as the males. 7. That the nature of the employment which is assigned to the youngest children, generally that of "trapping," requires that they should be in the pit as soon as the work of the day commences, and, according to the present system, that they should not leave the pit before the work of the day is at an end. 8. That although this employment scarcely deserves the name of labour, yet, as the children engaged in it are commonly excluded from light and are always without companions, it would, were it not for the passing and re-passing of the coal carriages, amount to solitary confinement of the worst order. 9. That in those districts in which the seams of coal are so thick that horses go direct to the workings, or in which the side passages from the workings to the horseways are not of any great length, the lights in the main ways render the situation of these children comparatively less cheerless, dull, and stupefying; but that in some districts they remain in solitude and darkness during the whole time they are in the pit, and, according to their own account, many of them never see the light of day for weeks together during the greater part of the winter season, excepting on those days in the week when work is not going on, and on the Sundays. 10. That at different ages, from six years old and upwards, the hard work of pushing and dragging the carriages of coal from the workings to the main ways, or to the foot of the shaft, begins; a labour which all classes of witnesses concur in stating requires the unremitting exertion of all the physical power which the young workers possess. 11. That, in the districts in which females are taken down into the coal mines, both sexes are employed together in precisely the same kind of labour, and work for the same number of hours; that the girls and boys, and the young men and young women, and even married women and women with child, commonly work almost naked, and the men, in many mines, quite naked; and that all classes of witnesses bear testimony to the demoralizing influence of the employment of females underground. 13. That when the workpeople are in full employment, the regular hours of work for children and young persons are rarely less than eleven; more often they are twelve; in some districts they are thirteen; and in one district they are generally fourteen and upwards. 14. That in the great majority of these mines night-work is a part of the ordinary system of labour, more or less regularly carried on according to the demand for coals, and one which the whole body of evidence shows to act most injuriously both on the physical and moral condition of the workpeople, and more especially on that of the children and young persons. 15. DESCRIPTION OF THE CONDITION OF MANCHESTER BY JOHN ROBERTSON, SURGEON [_Report of Committee on Health of Towns_, 1840 (_XI_), _pp._ 221-222, _App. II_], 1840. Until twelve years ago there was no paving and sewering Act in any of the townships; even in the township of Manchester, containing in the year 1831 upwards of 142,000 inhabitants, this was the case; and the disgraceful condition of the streets and sewers on the invasion of the cholera you have no doubt learned from Dr. Kay's able and valuable pamphlet.[333] At the present time the paving of the streets proceeds rapidly in every direction, and great attention is given to the drains. Upon the whole, it is gratifying to bear testimony to the zeal of the authorities in carrying on the salutary improvements, especially when it is known that no street can be paved and sewered without the consent of the owners of property, unless a certain large proportion of the land on either side is built upon. Owing to this cause several important streets remain to this hour disgraceful nuisances. Manchester has no Building Act, and hence, with the exception of certain central streets, over which the Police Act gives the Commissioners power, each proprietor builds as he pleases. New cottages, with or without cellars, huddled together row behind row, may be seen springing up in many parts, but especially in the township of Manchester, where the land is higher in price than the land for cottage sites in other townships is. With such proceedings as these the authorities cannot interfere. A cottage row may be badly drained, the streets may be full of pits, brimful of stagnant water, the receptacle of dead cats and dogs, yet no one may find fault. The number of cellar residences, you have probably learned from the papers published by the Manchester Statistical Society, is very great in all quarters of the town; and even in Hulme, a large portion of which consists of cottages recently erected, the same practice is continued. That it is an evil must be obvious on the slightest consideration, for how can a hole underground of from 12 to 15 feet square admit of ventilation so as to fit it for a human habitation? We have no authorised inspector of dwellings and streets. If an epidemic disease were to invade, as happened in 1832, the authorities would probably order inspection, as they did on that occasion, but it would be merely by general permission, not of right. So long as this and other great manufacturing towns were multiplying and extending their branches of manufacture and were prosperous, every fresh addition of operatives found employment, good wages, and plenty of food; and so long as the families of working people are well fed, it is certain they maintain their health in a surprising manner, even in cellars and other close dwellings. Now, however, the case is different. Food is dear, labour scarce, and wages in many branches very low; consequently, as might be expected, disease and death are making unusual havoc. In the years 1833, 1834, 1835, and 1836 (years of prosperity), the number of fever cases admitted into the Manchester House of Recovery amounted only to 1,685, or 421 per annum; while in the two pinching years, 1838 and 1839, the number admitted was 2,414, or 1,207 per annum. It is in such a depressed state of the manufacturing districts as at present exists that unpaved and badly sewered streets, narrow alleys, close, unventilated courts and cellars, exhibit their malign influence in augmenting the sufferings which that greatest of all physical evils, want of sufficient food, inflicts on young and old in large towns, but especially on the young. Manchester has no public park or other grounds where the population can walk and breathe the fresh air. New streets are rapidly extending in every direction, and so great already is the expanse of the town, that those who live in the more populous quarters can seldom hope to see the green face of nature.... In this respect Manchester is disgracefully defective; more so, perhaps, than any other town in the empire. Every advantage of this nature has been sacrificed to the getting of money in the shape of ground-rents. [Footnote 332: _Ibid._ p. 255, etc.] [Footnote 333: J.P. Kay. _Moral and Physical Condition of the Working Classes in Manchester_, 1832.] SECTION II AGRICULTURE AND ENCLOSURE 1. Enclosure Proceedings in the Court of Chancery, 1671--2. Advice to the Stewards of Estates, 1731--3. Procedure for Enclosure by Private Act, 1766--4. Farming in Norfolk, 1771--5. A Petition against Enclosure, 1797--6. Extracts on Enclosure from the Surveys of the Board of Agriculture, 1798-1809--7. Arthur Young's Criticism of Enclosure, 1801--8. Enclosure Consolidating Act, 1801--9. General Enclosure Act, 1845. Progress in methods of agriculture (No. 4) and the movement towards enclosure and consolidation (Nos. 1-3 and 5-9) are the subjects illustrated in this section. Great advances were made in the science and practice of farming between the end of the Commonwealth and the repeal of the Corn Laws. But the controversial subject of enclosure overshadows everything else. And, as is shown by the extract from Arthur Young's account of the famous Norfolk farming, agricultural progress was closely connected with enclosure and consolidation (No. 4). Specimens are given of two stages of enclosure proceedings (No. 1 and No. 3), which suggest that voluntary agreements ratified in Chancery gradually merged in enclosure by Act, compulsory upon a dissatisfied minority. The Awards, on which the justice or injustice of the settlement would in some degree depend, are generally too long for quotation. But the General Act of 1801 (No. 8) was an attempt to codify the best existing practice, and gives a general view of the practice of the best Commissioners. A mass of controversial literature on both sides deals with the reasons and effects of the enclosures. The advantages, from the point of view of a large landowner, are set out in a text book for land stewards (No. 2). The reverse side, as it appeared to the small holder, is given in a petition, which was fruitless, against the enclosure of a Northamptonshire village (No. 5). Arthur Young's criticism of the way in which the process was carried out is of great importance, because he had been the most strenuous advocate of enclosing and because he had had unrivalled opportunities of judging the change, both as an independent traveller and as secretary of the Board of Agriculture (No. 7). The best printed material for an independent judgment is to be found in the surveys made by this, a semi-official Society of Agriculture, whose agents, with easily recognisable degrees of impartiality, describe the objects, methods and results of the enclosing movement in different counties. Extracts are given from their reports (No. 6), together with the first real reform of procedure, made when the nineteenth century was far advanced, so as to safeguard the interests of the peasantry (No. 9). AUTHORITIES The most important modern books on the subject are:--Hammond, _The Village Labourer_; Gonner, _Common Land and Inclosure_; Prothero, _English Farming Past and Present_; Hasbach, _The English Agricultural Labourer_; Levy, _Large and Small Holdings_; Johnson, _The Disappearance of the Small Landowner_; Slater, _The English Peasantry and the Enclosure of the Common Fields_; Ashby, _One Hundred Years of Poor Law Administration in a Warwickshire village_ in _Oxford Studies in Social and Legal History_, Vol. III; Leonard in _Transactions of the Royal Historical Society_, 3rd Series, Vol. XIX. Bibliographies in Hasbach, Hammond, Levy, and Cunningham, _English Industry and Commerce, Modern Times_, Part II. _Contemporary_ (1).--Records of late seventeenth century enclosures may be found in Chancery Enrolled Decrees, and Enclosures Awards in Proceedings in Chancery (Public Record Office, and some copies in Durham Court of Chancery). Eighteenth century material includes petitions in Journals of the House of Commons; proceedings in Parliament, ditto; Awards, in custody of Clerks of the Peace and of County Councils--a Return of Commons (Inclosure Awards) to the House of Commons, 1904, shows where they are to be found. There are reports of Committees on Cultivation of Waste, etc., 1795 (IX), ditto, 1797 (IX), ditto, 1800 (IX); on Inclosure, 1844 (V), on Allotments, 1843 (VII). _Contemporary_ (2) _Literary Authorities_.--The best descriptions of agriculture are to be found in Arthur Young's various Tours (1768-71) in The Annals of Agriculture (1784-1815), and in the Reports made to the Board of Agriculture; Reports on individual counties (partial list in Hasbach's bibliography), a General Report (1808), and Reviews of Reports for different sections of the country (by William Marshall, 1808-17). Cobbett's Rural Rides are more literary and political and less official (1830). For agricultural progress, see J. Tull, The New Horse-hoeing Husbandry (1731), and Young _passim_; for the legal aspect, The Law of Commons (1698); for contemporary opinion, D. Davies, The Case of Labourers in Husbandry (1795), Young, An Enquiry into the Propriety of Applying Wastes, etc. (1802), and a long list of pamphlets (bibliography in Hasbach). 1. ENCLOSURE PROCEEDINGS IN THE COURT OF CHANCERY [_Entry Book on the Division of Commons, etc., in the Durham Court of Chancery, Book M, No._ 482, 1671-1676 (_Original in Public Record Office_)], 1671. _Division of the Town Fields of Bishop Auckland_, October, 1671 Forasmuch as heretofore by order and decree of this Court bearing date the fifteenth day of September last past, made between the parties above named, for the reasons then appearing to this Court it was then ordered and decreed by the consent of all the said parties ... that all the lands and grounds lying and being in the three common fields called the Hitherfield, Midlefield and Fairfield lying at Bishop Auckland, therein mentioned should ... be forthwith measured and divided according to the agreements and consents of the said parties, ... and also that every of the said parties should have his and their particular shares, parts, and proportions therein particularly allotted and set forth in severalty unto him and them, to be by them respectively hedged, fenced, enclosed and enjoyed in severalty for ever thenafter for the better husbandry and improvement thereof.... And now upon the motion of Mr. William Brabart ... alleging that since the making of the said decree several of the parties thereunto, perceiving that some of the defendants, formerly being the chief opposers of the said intended division, have obtained their shares in the premisses to be in such part thereof as themselves desired, their said parts being small and inconsiderable, they have therefore of late descended from their shares and parts of the premisses formerly by them desired or consented unto and do now endeavour to have their proportionate parts to lie in other parts and places of the premisses, to the great decay, hindrance, and obstruction of the said division, notwithstanding their former consents thereunto. It was therefore humbly prayed by the said Counsel that a Commission might be awarded out of this Court to indifferent Commissioners ... as well for the hearing of all the said objections ... as also to view and divide all the said premisses and to appoint and set forth to every of the said parties their proportionable parts therein. [_August, 1672, Decree of the Court._] Forasmuch as ... every owner's share hath been duly set out ... and yet nevertheless one of the said defendants hath endeavoured to obstruct the said division ... it is therefore now thought fit and so ordered by the Right Honourable Sir Francis Goodriche Knight, Chancellor of the County of Durham and Sadberge, that the Award ... shall stand absolutely confirmed and decreed unless good cause be shown to the contrary at the next sitting at Durham. 2. ADVICE TO THE STEWARDS OF ESTATES [_Edward Lawrence, The Duty and Office of a Land Steward, 3rd Ed._, 1731, _pp._ 25, 26, _and_ 39], 1731. A Steward should not forget to make the best enquiry into the disposition of any of the freeholders within or near any of his Lord's manors to sell their lands, that he may use his best endeavours to purchase them at as reasonable a price, as may be for his Lord's advantage and convenience--especially in such manors, where improvements are to be made by inclosing commons and common-field; which (as every one, who is acquainted with the late improvement in agriculture, must know) is not a little advantageous to the nation in general, as well as highly profitable to the undertaker. If the freeholders cannot all be persuaded to sell, yet at least an agreement for inclosing should be pushed forward by the steward, and a scheme laid, wherein it may appear that an exact and proportional share will be allotted to every proprietor; persuading them first, if possible, to sign a form of agreement, and then to choose commissioners on both sides. If the Steward be a man of good sense, he will find a necessity for making a use of it all, in rooting out superstition from amongst them, as what is so great a hindrance to all noble improvements? The substance of what is proper for the proprietors to sign before an inclosure is to be made, may be conceived in some such form as followeth. "Whereas it is found, by long experience, that common or open fields, wherever they are suffered or continued, are great hindrances to a public good, and the honest improvement which every one might make of his own, by diligence and a seasonable charge: and, whereas the common objections hitherto raised against inclosures are founded on mistakes, as if inclosures contributed either to hurt or ruin the poor; whilst it is plain that (when an enclosure is once resolved on) the poor will be employed for many years, in planting and preserving the hedges, and afterwards will be set to work both in the tillage and pasture, wherein they may get an honest livelihood: And whereas all or most of the inconveniences and misfortunes which usually attend the open wastes and common fields have been fatally experienced at----, to the great discouragement of industry and good husbandry in the freeholders, viz., that the poor take their advantage to pilfer, and steal, and trespass; that the corn is subject to be spoiled by cattle, that stray out of the commons and highways adjacent; that the tenants or owners, if they would secure the fruits of their labours to themselves, are obliged either to keep exact time in sowing and reaping or else to be subject to the damage and inconvenience that must attend the lazy practices of those who sow unseasonably, suffering their corn to stand to the beginning of winter, thereby hindering the whole parish from eating the herbage of the common field till the frosts have spoiled the most of it," etc., etc. * * * * * To conclude this article upon commons,[334] I would advise all noblemen and gentlemen, whose tenants hold their lands by Copy of Court Roll for three lives, not to let them renew, except they will agree to deliver up their Copy, in order to alter the tenure by converting it to leasehold on lives. This method will put a stop to that unreasonable custom of the widow holding a life by her free-bench, which is a fourth life, not covenanted for in the Copy, but only pretended to by custom; which deprives the lord of an undoubted right of making the best, and doing what he will with his own. [Footnote 334: p. 39.] 3. PROCEDURE FOR ENCLOSURE BY PRIVATE ACT, _January &c._, 1766 [_Commons Journals, Vol._ XXX, 1765-6, _p. 459, etc._], 1766. A Petition of Stephen Croft, the Younger, Esquire, Lord of the manor of Stillington, in the county of York, and owner of several estates, within the said manor and parish of Stillington, and also Improprietor of the Great Tithes there; of the Reverend James Worsley, Clerk, Prebandary of the Prebend of Stillington aforesaid, patron of the Vicarage of Stillington aforesaid, of the Reverend Lawrence Sterne, Clerk, Vicar of the said parish,[335] and of William Stainforth, Esquire, and of several other persons, whose names are thereunto subscribed, being also owners of copyhold messuages, cottages, estates, and other properties, within the said parish; was presented to the House and read; setting forth, that, within the said manor and parish, is a common, or waste, called Stillington Common, and also open fields and ings,[336] which, in their present situation, are incapable of improvement; and that it would be of great advantage to the several persons interested in the said common, fields and ings, if they were enclosed and divided into specific allotments, and all rights of common and average thereon, or upon any other commonable lands in the said parish, were extinguished, or if the said common was so inclosed, and a power given to the several proprietors and owners of estates in the said fields and ings, to flat and inclose the same, first making satisfaction to the improprietor upon the tithes thereof; and after the flatting and inclosing the same, all right of common, or average, was to cease; and therefore praying, that leave may be given to bring in a Bill for the purposes aforesaid, or any of them, in such manner, and under such regulations, as the House shall deem meet. Ordered, That leave be given to bring in a Bill pursuant to the prayer of the said petition: and that Mr. Cholmley, Sir George Savile, and Sir Joseph Mawbey, do prepare and bring in the same. [_February 3._--Bill presented to the House and read a first time.] _February 10, 1766._[337] A Bill for inclosing and dividing the common waste grounds, open fields, open meadows, grounds, and ings, within the parish of Stillington, in the county of York, was read a second time. Resolved, That the Bill be committed to Mr. Cholmley, Mr. Fonereau, Sir John Taines [etc., etc.]; and all the members who serve for the counties of York, Nottingham, Northumberland, and Durham: and they are to meet this afternoon, at five of the clock, in the Speaker's Chamber. _February 27._[338] Mr. Cholmley reported from the Committee, to whom the Bill for inclosing and dividing the common waste grounds [etc.] within the parish of Stillington, in the county of York, was committed. That the Committee had examined the allegations of the Bill; and found the same to be true; and that the parties concerned had given their consent to the Bill, to the satisfaction of the Committee, except the proprietors of sixty acres of land in the said fields and ings, who refused their consent to the inclosure, and the proprietors of twenty seven acres of land, who were not at home when application was made for their consents; and that the whole of the said fields and ings contain six hundred acres or thereabouts; and also, except the proprietors of eight common rights, who refused to consent, and the proprietors of seven common rights, who were from home when application was made for their consents; and that the whole number of common rights are eighty-nine; and that no person appeared before the Committee to oppose the Bill; and that the Committee had gone through the Bill, and made several amendments thereunto; which they had directed him to report to the House; and he read the report in his place; and afterwards delivered the Bill, with the amendments, in at the Clerk's Table; where the amendments were once read throughout; and then a second time, one by one; and, upon the Question severally put thereon, were agreed to by the House; and several amendments were made, by the House, to the Bill. Ordered, that the Bill, with the amendments be ingrossed. [_March 3._ The Bill read a third time and passed. Sent to the House of Lords. _March 18._ Reported that the Lords agreed to the Bill without amendment. The King's Assent given to the Bill.] [Footnote 335: Author of _Tristram Shandy_.] [Footnote 336: _i.e._ Meadows.] [Footnote 337: _Ibid._ p. 522.] [Footnote 338: _Ibid._ p. 610.] 4. FARMING IN NORFOLK [_A. Young, The Farmer's Tour_, 1771, _Vol. II, Letter XIV, pp._ 150, 156, 161], 1771. As I shall presently leave Norfolk it will not be improper to give a slight review of the husbandry which has rendered the name of this county so famous in the farming world. Pointing out the practices which have succeeded so nobly here, may perhaps be of some use to other countries possessed of the same advantages, but unknowing in the art to use them. From forty to fifty years ago, all the northern and western, and a part of the eastern tracts of the county, were sheep walks, let so low as from 6d. to 1s. 6d. and 2s. an acre. Much of it was in this condition only thirty years ago. The great improvements have been made by means of the following circumstances. First. By inclosing without the assistance of parliament. Second. By a spirited use of marl and clay. Third. By the introduction of an excellent course of crops. Fourth. By the culture of turnips well hand-hoed. Fifth. By the culture of clover and ray-grass. Sixth. By landlords granting long leases. Seventh. By the country being divided chiefly into large farms. * * * * * _The Course of Crops._[339] After the best managed inclosure, and the most spirited conduct in marling, still the whole success of the undertaking depends on this point: No fortune will be made in Norfolk by farming, unless a judicious course of crops be pursued. That which has been chiefly adopted by the Norfolk farmers is, 1. Turnips. 2. Barley. 3. Clover: or clover and ray-grass. 4. Wheat. * * * * * _Large Farms._[340] If the preceding articles are properly reviewed, it will at once be apparent that no small farmers could effect such great things as have been done in Norfolk. Inclosing, marling, and keeping a flock of sheep large enough for folding, belong absolutely and exclusively to great farmers.... Nor should it be forgotten that the best husbandry in Norfolk is that of the largest farmers.... Great farms have been the soul of the Norfolk culture: split them into tenures of an hundred pounds a year, you will find nothing but beggars and weeds in the whole county. [Footnote 339: _Ibid._ p. 156.] [Footnote 340: _Ibid._ p. 161.] 5. A PETITION AGAINST ENCLOSURE [_Commons Journals_[341] _July 19, 1797_], 1797. A Petition of the hereunder-signed small Proprietors of Land and Persons entitled to Rights of Common [at Raunds, Northamptonshire]. That the petitioners beg leave to represent to the House that, under the pretence of improving lands in the same parish, the cottagers and other persons entitled to right of common on the lands intended to be enclosed, will be deprived of an inestimable privilege, which they now enjoy, of turning a certain number of their cows, calves, and sheep, on and over the said lands; a privilege that enables them not only to maintain themselves and their families in the depth of winter, when they cannot, even for their money, obtain from the occupiers of other lands the smallest portion of milk or whey for such necessary purpose, but in addition to this, they can now supply the grazier with young or lean stock at a reasonable price, to fatten and bring to market at a more moderate rate for general consumption, which they conceive to be the most rational and effectual way of establishing public plenty and cheapness of provision; and they further conceive, that a more ruinous effect of this enclosure will be the almost total depopulation of their town, now filled with bold and hardy husbandmen, from among whom, and the inhabitants of other open parishes, the nation has hitherto derived its greatest strength and glory, in the supply of its fleets and armies, and driving them, from necessity and want of employ, in vast crowds, into manufacturing towns, where the very nature of their employment, over the loom or the forge, soon may waste their strength, and consequently debilitate their posterity, and by imperceptible degrees obliterate that great principle of obedience to the Laws of God and their country, which forms the character of the simple and artless villagers, more equally distributed through the open counties, and on which so much depends the good order and government of the state. These are some of the injuries to themselves as individuals, and of the ill consequences to the public, which the petitioners conceive will follow from this, as they have already done from many enclosures, but which they did not think they were entitled to lay before the House (the constitutional patron and protector of the poor) until it unhappily came to their own lot to be exposed to them through the Bill now pending. [Footnote 341: Quoted Hammond, _The Village Labourer_, pp. 39-40.] 6. EXTRACTS ON ENCLOSURE FROM THE SURVEYS OF THE BOARD OF AGRICULTURE, 1798-1809. _Somersetshire_ [_J. Billingsley, Somerset_, 1798, _pp._ 48-50 _and_ 52]. Let us begin with taking a view of the objections which have been started to this species of improvement, and see if we cannot prove them to be for the most part either false or frivolous. 1st. Invasion of the rights and interest of the cottagers. * * * * * The foremost of these objections carries with it the appearance of a humane attention to the comfort of the poor; but a brief investigation will lessen its influence, if not totally refute it. There are but two modes of enclosing commons. First, by unanimous consent of the parties claiming rights, who delegate power to commissioners, chosen by themselves, to ascertain their validity, and divide them accordingly, under covenants and agreements properly drawn and executed for the purpose. Or secondly, by act of parliament obtained by the petition of a certain proportion of the commoners, both in number and value, whereby a minority, sanctioned only by ignorance, prejudice, or selfishness, is precluded from defeating the ends of private advantage and public utility. In point of economy, the first of these methods is most eligible, as it saves the expense of an act of parliament, with an equal security to the proprietors. But it is seldom practised unless in commons on a small scale, from the difficulty of procuring the consent of every individual claimant, without which it cannot be accomplished. In either of these methods, it is manifest that the right of the cottager cannot be invaded; since with respect to legal or equitable construction, he stands precisely on the same ground with his more opulent neighbours; and as to his interest, I can truly declare that, in all cases which have fallen within my observation, inclosures have meliorated his condition, by exciting a spirit of activity and industry, whereby habits of sloth have been by degrees overcome, and supineness and inactivity have been exchanged for vigour and exertion. * * * * * Besides, moral effects of an injurious tendency accrue to the cottager from a reliance on the imaginary benefits of stocking a common. The possession of a cow or two, with a hog, and a few geese, naturally exalts the peasant, in his own conception, above his brothers in the same rank of society. It inspires some degree of confidence in a property, inadequate to his support. In sauntering after his cattle, he acquires a habit of indolence. Quarter, half, and occasionally whole days are imperceptibly lost. Day labour becomes disgusting; the aversion increases by indulgence; and at length the sale of a half-fed calf, or hog, furnishes the means of adding intemperance to idleness. The sale of the cow frequently succeeds, and its wretched and disappointed possessor, unwilling to resume the daily and regular course of labour, from whence he drew his former subsistence, by various modes of artifice and imposition, exacts from the poor's rate the relief to which he is in no degree entitled. _Lincolnshire_ [_Arthur Young, Lincoln_, 1799, _pp._ 85-6]. [Evidence of Elmhurst, a Commissioner under Enclosure Act.] Another observation I at the first made, and ever after put in practice, was this, always to begin to line out and allot for the smallest proprietors first (whether rich or poor) in every parish, so as to make such allotment as proper and convenient for the occupation of such, or their tenant (as that might be) to occupy; and so on, from the smallest to the greatest: for it is for the advantage of the greatest and most opulent proprietors that a bill is presented and act passed; and at their requests, and not the small ones; and, as the little ones would have no weight by opposition, they must submit, was it ever so disadvantageous to them; as it very often happens; and, therefore, there can be no partiality in defending those who cannot help or defend themselves; and a little man may as well have nothing allotted to him, as to have it so far off, or so inconvenient for him, that it is not worth his having, as it would prevent his going to his daily labour; and, therefore, he must sell his property to his rich and opulent adjoining neighbours; and that, in some measure, decreases population. _Norfolk_ [_Young, Norfolk_, 1804, _pp_. 82, 86, 94, 135, 156]. _Bintrey and Twiford._[342] Enclosed 1795. Poor. There were 20, acres allotted for fuel, let by the parish. There were 46 commonable rights; the whole divided according to value; very few little proprietors; but small occupiers suffered. _Brancaster._[343] Enclosed 1755. Poor. Very well off; Barrow-hills, a common of 65 acres, allotted to them; and each dwelling-house has a right to keep the two cows or heifers; or a mare and foal; or two horses; and also to cut furze. _Cranworth_, _Remieston_, _Southborough_.[344] Enclosed 1796. Poor. They kept geese on the common, of which they are deprived. But in fuel they are benefited; an allotment not to exceed 1/20 let, and the rent applied in coals for all not occupying above 5l. a year: this is to the advantage of those at Southborough, having enough allowed for their consumption; at Cranworth the poor are more numerous, and the coals of little use. _Ludham._[345] The commons were enclosed in 1801: all cottagers that claimed had allotments; and one for fuel to the whole; but the cottages did not belong to the poor; the allotments in general went to the larger proprietors, and the poor consequently were left, in this respect, destitute; many cows were kept before, few now. All the poor very much against the measure. _Sayham and Ovington._[346] Enclosed 1800. Poor.--An allotment of not less than 50l. a year, for distributing to the poor in coals, was ordered by the act; it let for 98l. There were 100 commonable right houses. They used to sell a cottage of 3l. a year, with a right, for 80l. For each, four acres were allotted: and the cottage with this allotment would now sell for 160l. And what is very remarkable, every man who proved to the Commissioners that they had been in the habit of keeping stock on the common, was considered as possessing a common-right and had an allotment in lieu of it. Nor was it an unpopular measure, for there were only two men against it from the first to the last. _Gloucestershire_ [_Thomas Rudge, Gloucester_, 1807, _pp._ 92-93]. In all Acts of Inclosure, it might perhaps be proper, as it would certainly be equitable, to relieve the pressure which weighs on small proprietors, in a degree not proportioned to the advantages they derive from them: for it should be remembered, that the expence of fencing a small allotment is considerable greater than that of a larger one, according to the quantity; that is, a square piece of land containing ten acres will cost half as much as forty, though only of one-fourth value. This disproportion occasions much reluctance in the class of proprietors before-mentioned; and though it is frequently overcome by the superior influence of the great landholders, yet the injustice of it cannot but strike the considerate mind with conviction.[347] _Leicestershire_ [_William Pitt, Leicester_, 1809, _pp._ 15,16 _and_ 166]. The enclosure of this vale[348] has not at all, I believe, hitherto lessened the number of its inhabitants, as the farms are small, and few changes of tenantry have taken place. The farmer and his family take a hand in the business, yet few can do without a male and female servant, and labourer, who may have a family: these with the necessary mechanics, blacksmith, wheelwright, tailor, weaver, etc., form a considerable population in each village, I should suppose about 10 or 12 to every 100 acres.... As the tendency of the country is to pasture and feeding, the rejected occupier and his family must emigrate into towns, or elsewhere, for employ. The management of the Duke of Rutland's property has always been conducted in the most liberal and benevolent manner; yet I think the enclosure of a rich district, and converting it to grass, has a natural tendency to decrease the population of that district; less corn is certainly now raised in Belvoir than in its open state. Mr. Ainsworth complains that labourers have not in general sufficient gardens, nor even cottages, for want of which they are driven into towns; and that in many cases by enclosures the cottages have been suffered to go to decay, as the land would let for as much rent without them to the larger farmers, and by turning it to grass, fewer labourers' cottages are wanting. _Northamptonshire_ [_William Pitt, Northampton_, 1809, _p._ 70]. From the observations I have made in this county, I have no doubt but, if the average produce of common fields be three quarters per acre, the same land will, after a little rest as grass, and the improvements to be effected by enclosure, produce, on an average, four quarters per acre; and I believe that the produce of every common field may be increased in a like proportion by enclosure and an improved cultivation. [Footnote 342: p. 82.] [Footnote 343: p. 86.] [Footnote 344: p. 94.] [Footnote 345: p. 135.] [Footnote 346: p. 156.] [Footnote 347: The expenses of enclosure of an average amount were calculated by the Board of Agriculture at 497l. for the Act, 259l. for the Survey, 344l. for the Commissioners, 550l. 7s. 6d. for fencing, etc. General Report on Enclosures, 1808.] [Footnote 348: Belvoir.] 7. ARTHUR YOUNG'S CRITICISM OF ENCLOSURE [_Young, An Inquiry into the Propriety of Applying Wastes, etc._, 1801, _pp._ 13 _and_ 42], 1801. Go to an alehouse kitchen of an old enclosed country, and there you will see the origin of poverty and poor rates. For whom are they to be sober? For whom are they to save? (Such are their questions.) For the parish? If I am diligent, shall I have leave to build a cottage? If I am sober, shall I have land for a cow? If I am frugal, shall I have half an acre of potatoes? You offer no motives; you have nothing but a parish officer and a workhouse! Bring me another pot. * * * * * Objection VIII. Wastes are as much property as my house. Will a farmer give up his right of commonage? I will not dispute their meaning[349]; but the poor look to facts, not meanings: and the fact is, that by nineteen enclosure bills in twenty they are injured, in some grossly injured. It may be said that commissioners are sworn to do justice. What is that to the people who suffer? It must be generally known that they suffer in their own opinions, and yet enclosures go on by commissioners, who dissipate the poor people's cows wherever they come, as well those kept legally as those which are not. What is it to the poor man to be told that the Houses of Parliament are extremely tender of property, while the father of the family is forced to sell his cow and his land because the one is not competent to the other; and being deprived of the only motive to industry, squanders the money, contracts bad habits, enlists for a soldier, and leaves the wife and children to the parish? If enclosures were beneficial to the poor, rates would not rise as in other parishes after an act to enclose. The poor in these parishes may say, and with truth, _Parliament may be tender of property_; _all I know is, I had a cow, and act of Parliament has taken it from me_. And thousands may make this speech with truth. 8. ENCLOSURE CONSOLIDATING ACT [_Statutes, Geo. III, 109_], 1801. An Act for consolidating in one act certain provisions usually inserted in acts of inclosure; and for facilitating the mode of proving the several facts usually required on the passing of such acts. II. No commissioner shall be capable of being a purchaser of any part or parts of the lands, tenements, or hereditaments within any parish in which the lands and grounds intended to be inclosed are situate, either in his own name, or in the name or names of any person or persons, until five years after the date and execution of the award to be made by any such commissioner or commissioners. IV. And be it further enacted, that a true, exact, and particular survey, admeasurement, plan, and valuation, of all the lands and grounds to be divided, allotted, and inclosed by any such act, and also of all the messuages, cottages, orchards, gardens, homesteads, ancient inclosed lands and grounds, within any such parish or manor, shall be made and reduced in writing, by such commissioner or commissioners, or by such other person or persons as he or they shall nominate and appoint, as soon as conveniently may be, for the purposes of such act. VI. And be it further enacted, that all persons, and bodies corporate or politic, who shall have or claim any common or other right to or in any such lands so to be inclosed, shall deliver or cause to be delivered to such commissioner or commissioners, or one of them, at some one of such meetings as the said commissioner or commissioners shall appoint for the purpose (or within such further time, if any, as the said commissioner or commissioners shall for some special reason think proper to allow for that purpose) an account or schedule in writing, signed by them, or their respective husbands, guardians, trustees, committees, or agents, of such their respective rights or claims, and therein describe the lands and grounds, and the respective messuages, lands, tenements, and hereditaments, in respect whereof they shall respectively claim to be entitled to any and which of such rights in and upon the same or any part thereof, with the name or names of the person or persons then in the actual possession thereof, and the particular computed quantities of the same respectively, and of what nature and extent such right is, and also in what rights, and for what estates and interests, they claim the same respectively, distinguishing the freehold from the copyhold or leasehold; or on non-compliance therewith, every of them making default therein shall, as far only as respects any claim so neglected to be delivered, be totally barred and excluded of and from all right and title in or upon such lands so to be divided respectively, and of and from all benefit and advantage in or to any share or allotment thereof. [All objections must be delivered in writing to the commissioners before the meeting appointed to consider objections.] VII. Provided also, and be it further enacted, that nothing herein contained shall authorise such commissioner or commissioners to hear and determine any difference or dispute which may arise, touching the right or title to any lands, tenements, or hereditaments, but such commissioner or commissioners shall assign and set out the several allotments directed to be made unto the person or persons, who, at the time of the division and inclosure, shall have the actual seisin or possession of the lands, tenements, or hereditaments, in lieu or in right whereof such allotment shall be respectively made. [VIII. Commissioners, before making any allotments, to appoint public carriage roads, and prepare a map thereof to be deposited with their clerk, and give notice thereof, and appoint a meeting, at which, if any person shall object, the commissioners, with a justice of the division, shall determine the matter.] XII. And be it further enacted, that such commissioner or commissioners in making the several allotments directed by any such act, shall have due regard as well to the situation of the respective houses or homesteads of the proprietors, as to the quantity and quality of the lands and grounds to be allotted to them respectively, so far as may be consistent with the general convenience of the said proprietors; and that such commissioner or commissioners in making the said allotments shall have particular regard to the convenience of the owners or proprietors of the smallest estates in the lands and grounds directed to be allotted and exchanged. XIV. And be it further enacted, that the several shares of and in any lands or grounds shall, when so allotted, be and be taken to be in full bar of and satisfaction and compensation for their several and respective lands, grounds, rights of common, and all other rights; and that from and immediately after the making the said division and allotments, and the execution of the award, all rights whatsoever, by such act intended to be extinguished, belonging to or claimed by any person or persons whomsoever, bodies politic or corporate, in, over, or upon such lands or grounds, shall cease, determine, and be for ever extinguished. [XXIV and XXIX. If allotments are not enclosed and fenced within an appointed time the commissioners may have the work done and charge the expense to the proprietor or let the allotment and apply the rents till the expenses are paid. If it has been provided by an act that the expenses of obtaining and executing it are to be shared among the proprietors of allotments the commissioners may levy them by distress and sale of the goods of those who fail to pay at the appointed times.] XXXII. And be it further enacted, that in case it shall be provided by any such act, that the expenses attending the same shall be paid by sale of any part of the land so to be inclosed, the said commissioner or commissioners shall mark and set out such part or parts of the said waste or commonable lands, as in his or their opinion will by sale thereof raise a sum of money sufficient to pay and discharge all such charges and expenses as may by any such act be directed to be paid and discharged out of the same; and the said commissioner or commissioners shall sell such part or parts of the said lands to any person or persons for the best price or prices that can be gotten for the same. XXXV. And be it further enacted, that as soon as conveniently may be after the division and allotment of the said lands and grounds shall be finished, pursuant to the purport and directions of this or any such act, the said commissioner or commissioners shall form and draw up, or cause to be formed and drawn up, an award in writing, which shall express the quantity of acres, roods, and perches, in statute measure, contained in the said lands and grounds, and the quantity of each and every part and parcel thereof which shall be so allotted, assigned, or exchanged, and the situations and descriptions of the same respectively, and shall also contain a description of the roads, ways, footpaths, watercourses, watering places, quarries, bridges, fences, and land marks, set out and appointed by the said commissioner or commissioners respectively as aforesaid, and all such other rules, orders, agreements, regulations, directions, and determinations, as the said commissioner or commissioners shall think necessary, proper, or beneficial to the parties; which said award shall be fairly ingrossed or written on parchment, and shall be read and executed by the commissioner or commissioners, in the presence of the proprietors who may attend at a special general meeting called for that purpose, of which ten days' notice at least shall be given in some paper to be named in such act and circulating in the county, which execution of such award shall be proclaimed the next Sunday in the church of the parish in which such lands shall be, from the time of which proclamation only, and not before, such award shall be considered as complete. XL. And be it further enacted and declared that nothing in such act contained shall lessen, prejudice, or defeat the right, title, or interest of any lord or lady of any manor or lordship, or reputed manor or lordship, within the jurisdiction or limits whereof the lands and grounds thereby directed to be divided and allotted are situate, lying, and being of, in, or to the seigniories, rights, and royalties incident or belonging to such manor or lordship, or reputed manor or lordship, or to the lord or lady thereof, or to any person or persons claiming under him or her, but the same (other than and except the interest and other property as is or are meant or intended to be barred by such act) shall remain, in as full, ample, and beneficial manner, to all intents and purposes, as he or she might or ought to have held or enjoyed such rights before the passing of such act, or in case the same had never been made. [Footnote 349: _Ibid._ p. 42.] 9. GENERAL ENCLOSURE ACT [_Statutes_, 8 _and_ 9 _Victoria_, 118], 1845. An act to facilitate the inclosure and improvement of commons and lands held in common, the exchange of lands, and the division of intermixed lands; to provide remedies for defective or incomplete executions, and for the non-execution of the powers of general and local inclosure acts; and to provide for the revival of such powers in certain cases. ... Be it therefore enacted ... that it shall be lawful for one of her Majesty's principal secretaries of State to appoint any two fit persons to be commissioners under this act ... and the commissioners shall, with the first commissioner of her Majesty's woods, forests, land reserves, works and buildings for the time being, be the commissioners for carrying this act into execution. [Assistant commissioners may be appointed to whom powers may be delegated. Village greens may not be enclosed. Land near towns and land subject to unlimited rights of pasture, etc., may not be enclosed without special direction of parliament.] XXX. And be it enacted, that in the provisional order of the commissioners concerning the enclosures under the provisions of this act of any waste land of any manor on which the tenants of such manor have rights of common, or of any other land subject to rights of common which may be exercised all times of the year, and which shall not be limited by number or stints, it shall be lawful for the commissioners to require ... the appropriation of an allotment for the purpose of exercise and recreation for the inhabitants of the neighbourhood [10 acres for a population of 10,000; 8 for 5,000 to 10,000, etc.] XXXI. [In similar cases the commissioners may order the appropriation of such an allotment for the labouring poor as the commissioners shall think necessary.] L. All encroachments and enclosures, other than enclosures duly authorised by the custom of the manor of which such land shall be parcel ... within twenty years next before the first meeting for the examination of claims ... shall be deemed parcel of the land subject to be enclosed; provided always that in case ... it shall appear to the commissioners just or reasonable that rights or interests in the lands to be enclosed should be allowed to the persons in possession of such encroachments, it shall be lawful for the commissioners ... to direct what rights shall be allowed. [Encroachments of twenty years standing to be deemed old enclosures.] SECTION III GOVERNMENT REGULATION OF WAGES, CONDITIONS OF EMPLOYMENT, AND PUBLIC HEALTH 1. An Act against Truck, 1701--2. A Wages Assessment at a Warwickshire Quarter Sessions, 1738--3. Spitalfields Weavers Act, 1773--4. A Middlesex Wages Assessment under the Spitalfields Act, 1773--5. Agricultural Labourers' Proposals for a Sliding Scale of Wages, 1795--6. Debates on Whitbread's Minimum Wage Bill, 1795-6--7. Arbitration Act for the Cotton Industry, 1800--8. Amendment of the Arbitration Act, 1804--9. The First Factory Act, 1802--9A. Minutes of Committee on Children in Factories--10. Calico Printers' Petition for Regulation, 1804--11. Report on Calico Printers' Petition, 1806--12. Cotton Weavers' Petition against the Repeal of 5 Elizabeth c. 4, 1813--13. Debates on the Regulation of Apprentices, 1813-1814--14. Resolutions of the Watchmakers on Apprenticeship, 1817--15. Report of Committee on the Ribbon Weavers, 1818--16. The Cotton Factory Act of 1819--17. Oastler's First Letter on Yorkshire Slavery, 1830--18. Factory Act, 1833--19. Proposals for a Wages Board for Hand-loom Weavers, 1834--20. Coal Mines Regulation Act, 1842--21. Debate on Factory Legislation, 1844--22. Factory Act, 1844--23. Recommendations of the Commission on the Health of Towns, 1845. The eighteenth century was nearly a blank period in the history of direct regulation of industrial conditions by the State. There was no systematic intervention on the scale of Tudor or Victorian times; and political opinion hardened against the principle and destroyed the machinery which had been inherited from the sixteenth century. Such machinery, for the regulation of wages, was still occasionally used in the early part of the eighteenth century, as is shown by occasional examples of wages assessments at Quarter Sessions (No. 2). Acts were passed for individual trades forbidding the practice of paying wages in truck (No. 1). Local pressure even obtained a special Act providing for the regulation of London silk-weavers' wages (No. 3, No. 4). This Spitalfields Act was used as a precedent for the proposals to extend the policy of regulation, which began to fill the Journals of the House of Commons during the period when the new machinery and methods and the French wars dislocated employment and wages. Examples are given of petitions asking that wages should be regulated and that the limitation of apprentices should be enforced under the statute 5 Elizabeth c. 4, to which attention had been called (Nos. 10, 11, 12 and 14). Independent attempts were made to set up a minimum wage, directly and through wages-boards (Nos. 5, 6 and 19). All these applications ended in complete failure. Parliament provided a system of arbitration for the cotton industry (Nos. 7 and 8), but repealed both the wages and apprenticeship clauses of the Elizabethan Act. Contemporary opinion in Parliament relied on the working of free bargaining and economic forces (Debates on Whitbread's Bill and on Apprenticeship, Nos. 6 and 13). The history of Factory legislation (Nos. 9, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 22) shows how the policy of non-interference was abandoned in another field. The employment of children in the new factories was one result of the eighteenth century system of Poor relief. It produced horrors which the first Factory Act was designed to remedy (No. 9). But the use of steam-power and the growth of big industrial districts led to the wholesale employment of children not under the Poor Law. Public opinion was at last aroused by the campaigns of Oastler and others, who pointed to the contrast between the Anti-Slavery agitation and the conditions of the English mills (No. 17). The successive Acts of 1819, 1833, 1842 and 1844 (Nos. 16, 18, 20, 22) show how legislators were forced to extend the principle of regulation from children to young persons and women, and from cotton mills to other textile factories and to mines. In the debate on the Act of 1844 the respective points of view of the Tory philanthropist, the political economist, and the manufacturer, were dramatically contrasted (No. 21). The last extract is from one of a series of reports on the condition of great industrial towns (No. 23), by which Chadwick, a disciple of Bentham and a champion of the new Poor-law, forced Parliament to interfere in the economic control of town life. AUTHORITIES For modern writers on general conditions, see Authorities for Section I. The history of agitation for Factory legislation is to be found in Hutchins and Harrison, _History of Factory Legislation_; Von Plener _Die Englische Fabrikgesetzgebung_; Alfred (S. Kydd), _The Factory Movement_; Cooke Taylor, _The Factory System and the Factory Acts_; Keeling, _Child Labour in the United Kingdom_, Part I. Details of the agitation are given in Hodder, _Life of Shaftesbury_; Podmore, _Life of Owen_; Hutchins, _The Public Health Agitation_; Greenwood, Richard Oastler. A general view is given in Dicey, _Law and Opinion in England_; Kirkman Gray, _Philanthropy and the State_; Held, _Zwei Bücher zur Sozialen Geschichte Englands_. Bibliographies are in Hutchins and Harrison, _op. cit._; Cunningham, _op. cit._; and Cambridge Modern History, Vol. XII. _Contemporary._--See Authorities for Section I. In addition, for Wages Assessments under the Spitalfields Act in 1784 and 1795, see collection in British Museum, 1029, p. 4. The Reports of Factory Inspectors are valuable sources after 1833. See also Hansard Parliamentary Debates on Wages, and Factory Legislation, 1795, 1813-14, 1816, 1832-3, 1844, 1846. The chief contemporary literary sources for general conditions are given under Section I. The Factory legislation movement is described by some of the actors: Owen, Observations on the Manufacturing System; Oastler, Yorkshire Slavery, Life and Opinions, Letters from the Fleet, etc.; Memoir of the Life and Writings of Michael Sadler; Nassau Senior, Letters on the Factory Act; L. Horner, On the Employment of Children in Factories. 1. AN ACT AGAINST TRUCK [_Statutes_, 1 _Anne_ 2, 18], 1701. An act for the more effectual preventing the abuses and frauds of persons imployed in the working up the woollen, linen, fustian, cotton, and iron manufactures of this kingdom. * * * * * III. And to prevent the oppression of the labourers and workmen imployed in the woollen, linen, fustian, cotton and iron manufacture, be it enacted by the authority aforesaid, That all payments and satisfactions hereafter to be made to any of the same labourers and workmen, for any work by them done in the same manufacture, shall be by the lawful coin of this realm, and not by any cloth, victuals, or commodities, in lieu thereof: and all wool delivered out to be wrought up, shall be so delivered, with declaration of the true weight thereof, on pain that every offender, in either of the said cases, shall forfeit and pay to such labourer or worker, double the value of what shall be due for such work by him, her, or them done; and if any such labourer or worker shall be guilty of any such fraud or default in the work by him, her, or them done, then such labourer or worker shall allow and answer to the owner of such work double the damages thereby sustained. [_Cf._ 12 Geo. I. c. 34, sec. iii.--"every clothier, sergemaker or woollen or worsted stuffmaker, or person concerned in making any woollen cloths, serges or stuffs, or any wise concerned in employing woolcombers weavers or other labourers in the woollen manufactory, shall ... pay unto all persons by them employed ... the full wages or other price agreed on in good and lawful money of this kingdom; and shall not pay the said wages ... or any part thereof, in goods or by way of truck."] 2. A WAGES ASSESSMENT AT WARWICKSHIRE QUARTER SESSIONS [_Ashby_, _The Poor Law in a Warwickshire Village_ (_Oxford Studies in Social and Legal History_, _Vol. III_, _p._ 175)], 1738. The particular rate of wages of all manner of artificers, labourers, and servants, as well by the day with meat and drink as without, as also by the whole year in gross or by task, made and provided, having a special regard and consideration to the prices of provisions and all other circumstances necessary to be considered at this time. April, 1738. £ s. d. Every servant in husbandry by the year 5 10 0 Second servant 4 0 0 Servant boy from 14 to 18 years of age 2 10 0 Servant boy from 11 to 14 1 0 0 Every head servant maid by the year 3 0 0 Second maid servant 2 10 0 Labourers from Martinmas to March 25 by the day 0 0 8 From March 25 to harvest and after harvest to Martinmas 0 0 9 Every mower of grass by the day, with drink 0 1 0 " without drink 0 1 2 Every woman in haymaking, with drink 0 0 5 " without drink 0 0 6 Every woman in corn harvest, with drink 0 0 6 " without drink 0 0 7 Every carpenter by the day, March 25 to St Michael's, with drink 0 1 0 " without drink 0 1 2 From Michaelmas to Lady Day, with drink 0 0 10 " without drink 0 1 0 Every mason by the day in summer, with drink 0 0 10 " without drink 0 1 0 Every mason by the day in winter, with drink 0 0 10 " without drink 0 1 0 Thatcher by day, summer and winter 0 1 0 Weeders of corn by the day 0 0 4 [This was still in force in 1773.] 3. SPITALFIELDS WEAVERS ACT [_Statutes_, 13 _Geo. III_, 68], 1773. An Act to impower the magistrates therein mentioned to settle and regulate the wages of persons employed in the Silk Manufacture within their respective jurisdictions. Whereas it would be for the benefit of persons employed in the Silk Manufacture, if the magistrates were impowered to settle, between the master weavers and their journeymen, the price of labour in the several branches of the said manufacture; be it therefore enacted by the King's most excellent Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the Lords spiritual and temporal, and Commons, in this present Parliament, assembled and by the authority of the same, that from and after the first day of July, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-three, the wages and prices for work of the journeymen weavers within the city of London shall be settled, regulated, and declared, by the Lord Mayor, Recorder and Aldermen, of the said city; and in all places in the county of Middlesex, by the Justices of the Peace for the said county; and in all places within the city and liberty of Westminster, at the General Quarter Sessions of the peace holden in and for the said city and liberty; and in all places within the liberty of the Tower of London, at the General Quarter Sessions of the Peace holden in and for the said liberty, at their General Quarter Sessions of the Peace respectively; and the Lord Mayor, Recorder and Aldermen of the city of London, and the said Justices of the Peace, are hereby respectively authorised and impowered, from time to time, upon application being made to them for that purpose, to settle, regulate, order, and declare the wages and prices of work of the journeymen weavers working within their respective jurisdictions as aforesaid; and shall and may, within the space of fourteen days next after the making every such order, cause the same to be printed and published, at the reasonable expense of the person or persons applying for the same, three times, in any two daily newspapers published in London or Westminster; which publication shall be deemed and allowed to be sufficient notice and publication thereof; and from and after publication thereof, all weavers, and their journeymen, are hereby strictly required to observe the same. And be it further enacted, that if after the said first day of July, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-three, any master weaver, within either of the aforesaid districts, shall give more or less wages, or pay larger or less prices, to any of the journeymen weavers aforesaid, for their work, than shall be settled or allowed as aforesaid, and shall be convicted of the said offences before any two of His Majesty's Justices of the Peace, within either of the districts or jurisdictions aforesaid where the said offence shall be committed, on the oath or oaths of one or more credible witness or witnesses, he shall forfeit the sum of fifty pounds; to be levied by distress and sale of the offender's goods; and the said penalty, when recovered, shall be paid into the hands of the Master of the Weavers' Company, first deducting the expense of such prosecution, to be distributed by him, in conjunction with the Wardens of the said company, to any distressed journeymen weavers or their families, who shall have been last employed in either of the aforesaid jurisdictions, at their discretion. And be it further enacted, that if any journeyman weaver or weavers within the districts aforesaid, shall ask, receive, or take more or less wages, or larger or less prices for their work than shall be settled by the respective quarter-sessions, as aforesaid; or shall enter into any combination to raise the wages or prices of the said work, or for this purpose shall decoy, solicit, or intimidate, any journeyman or journeymen weavers within the districts aforesaid, so that he or they quit their masters, for whom they shall then be employed; or shall assemble themselves in any numbers exceeding the number of ten, in order to frame or deliver petitions or other representations, touching their wages or prices of work, except to the said Justices of the Peace, or to the Lord Mayor, Recorder, and Aldermen of the city of London, at their respective Quarter Sessions, and shall be convicted of any of the said offences, on the oath or oaths of one or more credible witness or witnesses, before any two or more of His Majesty's Justices of the Peace, within either of the districts or jurisdictions aforesaid where the offence shall be committed, [he or they] shall forfeit a sum not exceeding forty shillings: And if the said forfeiture be not immediately paid, it shall and may be lawful for the said Justices to commit the said offender to the House of Correction, to hard labour, for any time not exceeding three months; the said forfeiture, when recovered, to be applied in the same manner as the forfeiture of fifty pounds afore-mentioned. And be it further enacted, that it shall and may be lawful for any two Justices of the Peace, within the limits and jurisdictions aforesaid, on information upon oath made before them by any person or persons whatsoever, that there is reason to suspect that any master or journeyman weaver, within the districts or jurisdictions aforesaid, hath been guilty of any of the offences aforesaid, at request of such informant, to issue their summons, in writing, signed by any such two Justices, requiring any clerk, foreman, apprentice, servant, or other person or persons employed or retained by such person so suspected to have offended, or any other person or persons whatsoever, whose attendance shall appear necessary for the purpose of giving evidence in the premises, to attend and testify concerning the premises: And if any person so summoned shall not attend, and proof shall be made of the service of such summons either personally or by leaving the same at the last or usual place of abode of such person, it shall be lawful for such two Justices, or any other two Justices of the Peace acting for such county or place, and they are hereby required (unless a reasonable excuse be made for such non-attendance to the satisfaction of such justices) to issue their warrant, under their hands and seals, for the apprehending and bringing him or her before them, or some other two or more Justices of the Peace acting for such county or place, to be examined touching the premises; and if any such person so attending or being brought before such Justices, shall refuse to be examined or give their testimony touching the premises, such person shall by the said justices be committed to the House of Correction for one month, there to remain, unless he or she shall sooner submit to be examined and give testimony as the law requires. And be it further enacted, that if any master weaver residing within the limits aforesaid, shall, directly or indirectly, in any manner whatsoever, retain or employ any journeyman weaver out of or beyond the limits aforesaid, with intent or design to elude or evade this act, or shall give, allow, or pay, or cause to be given, allowed, or paid, to such journeyman, any more or less wages than shall be settled, as aforesaid, every such person shall, for every such offence, forfeit fifty pounds; to be sued for by action of debt, in any of His Majesty's Courts of Record at Westminster, wherein no essoin, protection, or wager of law, or more than one imparlance, shall be allowed, and wherein the ordinary costs of the suit shall be paid; one moiety of which said forfeiture, when recovered, shall belong and be paid to His Majesty and His successors, and the other moiety to the person who shall sue for the same. Provided always, and be it further enacted, that nothing in this act contained shall extend, or be construed to extend, to fix, control, or regulate, the wages or allowances to be paid to servants in the said business of a weaver, _bona fide_ retained and employed as foreman. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that from and after the passing of this act, no person or persons, being silk weavers, residing within the districts aforesaid, shall have in his or their service at any one time more than two apprentices, upon pain of forfeiting for every offence the sum of twenty pounds; to be levied by distress and sale of the offender's goods and chattels, upon conviction, on the oath or oaths of one or more credible witness or witnesses, before two Justices of the Peace within either of the jurisdictions aforesaid where the said offence shall be committed, and the said penalty, when recovered, shall be paid into the hands of the Master of the Weavers' Company, to be applied by him, as aforesaid, and the said Justices are hereby authorised and required to discharge every such apprentice or apprentices exceeding the number of two. 4. A MIDDLESEX WAGES ASSESSMENT UNDER THE SPITALFIELDS ACT [_Public Record Office_, _H.O._ 86, 26], 1773. Sir John Fielding presents his respects to the Earl of Suffolk and acquaints him that he had the pleasure yesterday of assisting at the general Quarter Sessions for the county of Middlesex to carry into execution the late Act of Parliament for the regulating of the wages of journeymen weavers in Spitalfields, etc., and the wages were then settled by a numerous and unanimous bench to the entire satisfaction of those masters and journeymen weavers who appeared there in behalf of their respective bodies, and I sincerely hope that this step will prove a radical cure for all tumultuous assemblies from that quarter so disrespectful to the King and so disagreeable to Government, as it will amply reward your Lordship's judicious attention to a matter so conducive to peace and good order, for by this statute your Lordship has conveyed contentment to the minds of thousands of his Majesty's subjects. The Act for the appointment of clergymen with proper salaries agreeable to my proposals was also carried into execution to attend the gaols, and this preventive step will, I am persuaded, be attended with very salutary effects; and as the important business of the sessions is over, I hope your Lordship will take the advantage of my Lord North's leisure to settle the affair regarding my general prevention plan which now lies before him for his Majesty's approbation. I am, with unfeigned truth, my Lord, Your Lordship's respectful and the public's faithful Servant. Sir John Fielding, 9th July, 1773. 5. AGRICULTURAL LABOURERS' PROPOSALS FOR A SLIDING SCALE OF WAGES [_Annals of Agriculture, Vol. XXV, p. 503_[350]], 1795. At a numerous meeting of the day labourers of the little parishes of Heacham, Snettisham, and Sedgford, this day, 5th November, in the parish church of Heacham, in the county of Norfolk, in order to take into consideration the best and most peaceable mode of obtaining a redress of all the severe and peculiar hardships under which they have for many years so patiently suffered, the following resolutions were unanimously agreed to:--1st, That _the labourer is worthy of his hire_, and that the mode of lessening his distresses, as hath been lately the fashion, by selling him flour under the market price, and thereby rendering him an object of a parish rate, is not only an indecent insult on his lowly and humble situation (in itself sufficiently mortifying from his degrading dependence on the caprice of his employer) but a fallacious mode of relief, and every way inadequate to a radical redress of the manifold distresses of his calamitous state. 2nd, That the price of labour should, at all times, be proportioned to the price of wheat, which should invariably be regulated by the average price of that necessary article of life; and that the price of labour, as specified in the annexed plan, is not only well calculated to make the labourer happy without being injurious to the farmer, but it appears to us the only rational means of securing the permanent happiness of this valuable and useful class of men, and, if adopted in its full extent, will have an immediate and powerful effect in reducing, if it does not entirely annihilate, that disgraceful and enormous tax on the public--the Poor Rate. _Plan of the Prices of Labour Proportionate to the Price of Wheat._ per last. per day When wheat shall be 14l. the price of labour shall be 1s. 2d. " " " 16 " " " 1s. 4d. " " " 18 " " " 1s. 6d. " " " 20 " " " 1s. 8d. " " " 22 " " " 1s. 10d. " " " 24 " " " 2s. 0d. " " " 26 " " " 2s. 2d. When wheat shall be 28l. the price of labour shall be 2s. 4d. " " " 30 " " " 2s. 6d. " " " 32 " " " 2s. 8d. " " " 34 " " " 2s. 10d. " " " 36 " " " 3s. 0d. And so on, according to this proportion. 3rd. That a petition to parliament to regulate the price of labour, conformable to the above plan, be immediately adopted; and that the day labourers throughout the county be invited to associate and co-operate in this necessary application to parliament, as a peaceable, legal, and probable mode of obtaining relief; and, in doing this, no time should be lost, as the petition must be presented before the 29th January, 1796. 4th. That one shilling shall be paid into the hands of the treasurer by every labourer, in order to defray the expenses of advertising, attending on meetings, and paying counsel to support their petition in parliament. 5th. That as soon as the sense of the day labourers of this county, or a majority of them, shall be made known to the clerk of the meeting, a general meeting shall be appointed, in some central town, in order to agree upon the best and easiest mode of getting the petition signed: when it will be requested that one labourer, properly instructed, may be deputed to represent two or three contiguous parishes, and to attend the above intended meeting with a list of all the labourers in the parishes he shall represent, and pay their respective subscriptions; and that the labourer, so deputed, shall be allowed two shillings and sixpence a day for his time, and two shillings and sixpence a day for his expenses. 6th. That Adam Moore, clerk of the meeting, be directed to have the above resolutions, with the names of the farmers and labourers who have subscribed to and approved them, advertised in one Norwich and one London paper; when it is hoped that the above plan of a petition to parliament will not only be approved and immediately adopted by the day labourer of this county, but by the labourers of every county in the kingdom. 7th. That all letters, _post paid_, addressed to Adam Moore, labourer, at Heacham, near Lynn, Norfolk, will be duly noticed. [Footnote 350: Quoted Hammond, _The Village Labourer_, pp. 137-9.] 6. DEBATES ON WHITBREAD'S MINIMUM WAGE BILL [_Parliamentary History, Vol. XXXIII, cols. 700-15_], 1795-6. _Debate in the Commons on Mr. Whitbread's Bill to regulate the wages of Labourers in Husbandry. December 9._ Mr. Whitbread presented to the House a bill "to explain and amend so much of the act of the 5th of Elizabeth, intituled: 'An act containing divers orders for artificers, labourers, servants of husbandry and apprentices,'" as empowers justices of the peace, at, or within six weeks after, every general quarter sessions held at Easter, to regulate the wages of labourers in husbandry. The bill was read a first time. On the motion for the second reading, Mr. Whitbread said, that he had brought forward this bill under the idea that it was possible, by adopting its regulations, to give great relief to a very numerous and useful class of the community. The act of Elizabeth empowered justices of the peace to fix the maximum of labour. This bill went only to empower them to fix the minimum. However the House might decide with respect to his bill, he trusted at least that the act of Elizabeth would be repealed. _Mr. Fox_ said, that the bill was undoubtedly a bill of great delicacy and importance, and with respect to which, he admitted that, to a considerable extent, there might exist a rational difference of opinion. The act of Elizabeth, as his hon. friend had truly stated, empowered the justices to fix the highest price of labour, but it gave them no power to fix the lowest. It secured the master from a risk that could but seldom occur, of being charged exorbitantly for the quantity of service; but it did not authorise the magistrate to protect the poor from the injustice of a griping and avaricious employer, who might be disposed to take advantage of their necessities, and undervalue the rate of their service. If the price of labour was adequate to the support of the poor at ordinary times, though not equal to the accidental high price of provisions at the present moment, it might be contended that there was less necessity for any new legislative regulation. But, taking the average price of labour for some years past, including that period during which the scarcity had operated, no man could deny that the price of labour was greatly disproportionate to the rate of provisions. That the general price of labour should be adequate to the support of the general mass of the community was indisputably a right principle. They all knew that a very extensive tax was exacted from the country, under the denomination of poor-rates, and that such a tax must be continued. It was understood that to this fund none could apply, but those few to whom, from particular circumstances, their labour might not be sufficiently productive to secure an adequate support. But he feared that the reverse was the case; that the exception was with respect to the few who derived sufficient means of subsistence from their labour, and that the great mass of the labouring part of the community were under the necessity of applying to this fund for relief. If the House, as was proposed, were to form an association, in order to pledge themselves to use only a particular sort of bread, with a view to diminish the pressure of the scarcity, ought they not at the same time to form an association in order to raise the price of labour to a rate proportionate to the price of articles of subsistence? With this view, he called upon the House to consider the principle of the bill, and its provisions. He would call upon them also to attend to the subject, in a constitutional view, though he could not hope, from the complexion of recent transactions, that this was a view of the subject which would have great weight. It was not fitting in a free country that the great body of the people should depend upon the charity of the rich. In the election of members of Parliament, all those were strictly excluded from exercising any franchise, with a very few exceptions, who had at any time received relief from the parish. Was it becoming in a country like this, that the general mass of the labouring part of the community, excepting those who derived relief from the bounty and generosity of individuals, should be excluded from the exercise of their most important privilege as freemen! He admitted many of the rich to be humane and charitable; but he could not allow that those who were the most useful and industrious members of society should depend upon a fund so precarious and degrading, as the occasional supplies derived from their bounty. If the price of provisions had for two years been such as to put every poor man under the necessity of applying for the aid of parochial charity, and if that circumstance constituted a positive disqualification with respect to the exercise of a constitutional right, what, he asked, was the state of a country which first compelled every poor man to dependence, and then reduced him to servitude? If they were to go into associations, pledging themselves to use a particular sort of bread, with a view to alleviate the scarcity, it was surely of more importance that they should associate in order to redress the more material grievance, and strike at the fundamental source of the evil. With this view he should be glad to see an association in order to put the price of labour upon a footing adequate to the rate of provisions. If the regulations of the present bill should not be adopted, he should be happy that any other legislative enactments should be brought forward in order to afford relief and protection to the poor. The bill was ordered to be read a second time on the 3rd of February, and to be printed. _February 12th, 1796._ The order of the day being read for the second reading of the bill, _Mr. Whitbread_ said, that ample time had been given for members to consider maturely its object and regulations, and to collect from their constituents such information as they might require. For his own part, every inquiry he had instigated, convinced him of the necessity of remedying the grievances of the industrious poor by some legislative provisions. Whether those which he had suggested were the most proper to be adopted, was a question for the decision of the House? Having bestowed considerable pains in drawing up the bill, he might have left it for their consideration upon its merits alone, did not the novelty of the measure demand a few words in explanation. He felt as much as any man how greatly it was to be desired that there should be no legislative interference in matters of this nature, and that the price of labour, like every other commodity, should be left to find its own level. From reasonings upon the subject, the result was, that it always would find its level. But the deductions of reason were confuted by experience; for he appealed to the sense of the House, whether the situation of the labouring poor in this country was such as any feeling or liberal mind would wish? He did not mean that the wages of the labourer were inadequate for his subsistence and comfort in times of temporary scarcity, and unusual hardship; but even at the period preceding such distress, the evil had prevailed. In most parts of the country, the labourer had long been struggling with increasing misery, till the pressure had become almost too grievous to be endured, while the patience of the sufferers under their accumulated distresses had been conspicuous and exemplary. And did not such distress, supported with so much fortitude, merit relief from the legislature? Were it necessary to refer to any authority, he would quote the writings of Dr. Price, in which he showed that in the course of two centuries, the price of labour had not increased more than three or at most fourfold; whereas the price of meat had increased in the proportion of six or seven; and that of clothing, no less than fourteen or fifteen-fold in the same period. The poor-rates, too, had increased since the beginning of the century from £600,000, at which they were then estimated, to upwards of three millions. Nor was this prodigious increase in the poor rates to be ascribed to the advance of population; for it was doubtful whether any such increase had taken place. At the present period the contrary seemed to be the case. By the pressure of the times, marriage was discouraged; and among the laborious classes of the community, the birth of a child, instead of being hailed as a blessing, was considered as a curse. For this serious evil a remedy was required, and to this the bill was directed. It was his wish to rescue the labouring poor from a state of slavish dependence; to enable the husbandman, who dedicated his days to incessant toil, to feed, to clothe, and to lodge his family with some degree of comfort; to exempt the youth of the country from the necessity of entering the army or the navy, and from flocking to great towns for subsistence; and to put it in the power of him who ploughed and sowed and threshed the corn, to taste of the fruits of his industry, by giving him a right to a part of the produce of his labour. Such were the grounds upon which the bill in question was built. To those who dreaded everything that wore the aspect of innovation, and reprobated every measure that was new, he would say that here there was no departure from established precedents, no introduction of unknown principles. The statute of the 5th of Elizabeth was enacted expressly for the purpose of regulating the price of labour. This statute was acted upon for forty years, when it was afterwards amended by a subsequent one in the reign of James the 1st, bearing a similar title. He would not be understood as commending the principle of these statutes: on the contrary, he was of opinion that they operated as a clog to industry, by permitting justices to fix the maximum of labour. But so late as the 8th of his majesty, justices were empowered to regulate the wages of tailors, and even now the lord mayor and council of London control those of the silk weavers. To those who were afraid of entrusting justices with power, he should only say, that he left the power where he found it. At present they were possessed of the power to oppress the labourer; and this bill only invested them with the additional power to redress his grievances. By fixing the minimum of the wages of labour, a comfortable subsistence was secured to industry, and at the same time greater exertions were prompted by the hope of greater reward. To some, perhaps, the time of bringing this subject forward might appear exceptional. There were those who would say, if the labourers were not distressed, why agitate a question for which no necessity calls, and awaken desires which are not felt? Others would maintain, that it was unseasonable to direct the public attention to such a subject, while the pressure of distress might excite discontents, or raise improper expectations. To these he could only answer, that he was not one who could see wise and salutary measures sacrificed to the pretended inconvenience of the times; and that he was of opinion that what was proper to be done could scarcely be done out of season. He then moved, "that the bill be now read a second time." _Mr. Pitt_ said, that in the interval which had taken place since the first reading of the bill, he had paid considerable attention to the subject, and endeavoured to collect information from the best sources to which he had access. The evil was certainly of such a nature as to render it of importance to find out a proper remedy, but the nature of the remedy involved discussions of such a delicate and intricate nature, that none should be adopted without being maturely weighed. The present situation of the labouring poor in this country was certainly not such as could be wished, upon any principle, either of humanity, or policy. That class had of late been exposed to hardships which they all concurred in lamenting, and were equally actuated by a desire to remove. He would not argue how far the comparison of the state of the labourer, relieved as it had been by a display of beneficence never surpassed at any period, with the state of this class of the community in former times, was just, though he was convinced that the representations were exaggerated. At any rate, the comparisons were not accurate, because they did not embrace a comprehensive view of the relative situations. He gave the hon. gentleman ample credit for his good intentions in bringing the present bill into parliament, though he was afraid that its provisions were such as it would be impolitic, upon the whole, to adopt; and such as, if adopted, would be found to be inadequate to the purposes proposed. The authority of Dr. Price had been adduced to show the great advance that had taken place on every article of subsistence, compared with the slow increase of the wages of labour. But the statement of Dr. Price was erroneous, as he compared the earnings of the labourer at the period when the comparison is instituted, with the price of provisions, and the earnings of the labourer at the present day, with the price of the same articles, without adverting to the change of circumstances, and to the difference of provisions. Corn, which was then almost the only food of the labourer, was now supplied by cheaper substitutions, and it was unfair to conclude that the wages of labour were so far from keeping pace with the price of provisions, because they could no longer purchase the same quantity of an article for which the labourer had no longer the same demand. The simple question now to be considered was, whether the remedy for the evil, which was admitted to a certain extent to exist, was to be obtained by giving to the justices the power to regulate the price of labour, and by endeavouring to establish by authority, what would be much better accomplished by the unassisted operation of principles? It was unnecessary to argue the general expediency of any legislative interference, as the principles had been perfectly recognised by the hon. gentleman himself. The most celebrated writers upon political economy, and the experience of those states where arts had flourished the most, bore ample testimony of their truth. They had only to enquire, therefore, whether the present case was strong enough for the exception, and whether the means proposed were suited to the object intended? The hon. gentleman imagined that he had on his side of the question the support of experience in this country, and appealed to certain laws upon the statute-book, in confirmation of his proposition. He did not find himself called upon to defend the principle of these statutes, but they were certainly introduced for purposes widely different from the object of the present bill. They were enacted to guard the industry of the country from being checked by a general combination among labourers; and the bill now under consideration was introduced solely for the purpose of remedying the inconveniences which labourers sustain from the disproportion existing between the price of labour and the price of living. He had the satisfaction to hear the hon. gentleman acknowledge, that if the price of labour could be made to find its own level, it would be much more desirable than to assess it by arbitrary statute, which in the execution was liable to abuse on the one hand, and inefficacy on the other. If the remedy succeeded according to the most sanguine expectations, it only established what would have been better effected by principle; and if it failed, on the one hand it might produce the severest oppression, and on the other hand encourage the most profligate idleness and extravagance. Was it not better for the House, then, to consider the operation of general principles, and rely upon the effects of their unconfined exercise? Was it not wiser to reflect what remedy might be adopted, at once more general in its principles, and more comprehensive in its object, less exceptional in its example, and less dangerous in its application? They should look to the instances where interference had shackled industry, and where the best intentions have often produced the most pernicious effects. It was indeed the most absurd bigotry, in asserting the general principle, to exclude the exception; but trade, industry and barter would always find their own level, and be impeded by regulations which violated their natural operation, and deranged their proper effect. This being granted, he appealed to the judgment of the House, whether it was better to refer the matter entirely to the discretion of a magistrate, or to endeavour to find out the causes of the evil, and by removing the causes, to apply a remedy more justifiable in its principle, more easy in the execution, more effectual in its operations, in fine, more consonant to every sound and rational policy. The evil, in his opinion, originated in a great measure in the abuses which had crept into the poor-laws of this country, and the complicated mode of executing them. The poor-laws of this country, however wise in their original institution, had contributed to fetter the circulation of labour, and to substitute a system of abuses, in room of the evils which they humanely meant to redress, and by engrafting upon a defective plan defective remedies produced nothing but confusion and disorder. The laws of settlements prevented the workman from going to that market where he could dispose of his industry to the greatest advantage, and the capitalist from employing the person who was qualified to procure him the best returns for his advances. These laws had at once increased the burthens of the poor, and taken from the collective resources of the state to supply wants which their operation had occasioned, and to alleviate a poverty which they tended to perpetuate. Such were the institutions which misguided benevolence had introduced, and, with such warnings to deter, it would be wise to distrust a similar mode of conduct, and to endeavour to discover remedies of a different nature. The country had not yet experienced the full benefit of the laws that had already been passed to correct the errors which he had explained. From the attention he had bestowed upon the subject, and from the enquiries he had been able to make of others, he was disposed to think we had not yet gone far enough, and to entertain an opinion that many advantages might be derived, and much of the evil now complained of removed, by an extension of those reformations in the poor-laws which had been begun. The encouragement of friendly societies would contribute to alleviate that immense charge with which the public was loaded in the support of the poor, and provide by savings of industry for the comfort of distress. Now the parish officer could not remove the workman, merely because he apprehended he might be burthensome, but it was necessary that he should be actually chargeable. But from the pressure of a temporary distress might the industrious mechanic be transported from the place where his exertions could be useful to himself and his family, to a quarter where he would become a burthen without the capacity of even being able to provide for himself. To remedy such a great striking grievance, the laws of settlement ought to undergo a radical amendment. He conceived, that to promote the free circulation of labour, to remove the obstacles by which industry is prohibited from availing itself of its resources, would go far to remedy the evils, and diminish the necessity of applying for relief to the poor-rates. In the course of a few years, this freedom from the vexatious restraint which the laws imposed would supersede the object of their institutions. The advantages would be widely diffused, the wealth of the nation would be increased, the poor man rendered not only more comfortable, but more virtuous, and the weight of poor-rates, with which the landed interest is loaded, greatly diminished. He should wish, therefore, that an opportunity were given of restoring the original purity of the poor laws, and of removing those corruptions by which they had been obscured. He was convinced, that the evils which they had occasioned did not arise out of their original constitution, but coincided with the opinion of Blackstone, that, in proportion as the wise regulations that were established in the long and glorious reign of Queen Elizabeth, have been superseded by subsequent enactments, the utility of the institution has been impaired, and the benevolence of the plan rendered fruitless. While he thus had expressed those sentiments which the discussion naturally prompted, it might not, perhaps, be improper, on such an occasion, to lay before the House the ideas floating in his mind, though not digested with sufficient accuracy, nor arranged with a proper degree of clearness. Neither what the hon. gentleman proposed, nor what he himself had suggested, were remedies adequate to the evil it was intended to remove. Supposing, however, the two modes of remedying the evil were on a par in effect, the preference in principle was clearly due to that which was least arbitrary in its nature; but it was not difficult to perceive that the remedy proposed by the hon. gentleman would either be completely ineffectual, or such as far to over-reach its mark. As there was a difference in the numbers which compose the families of the labouring poor, it must necessarily require less to support a small family. Now by the regulations proposed, either the man with a small family would have too much wages, or the man with a large family, who had done most service to his country, would have too little. So that were the minimum fixed upon the standard of a large family, it might operate as encouragement to idleness on one part of the community; and if it were fixed on the standard of a small family, those would not enjoy the benefit of it for whose relief it was intended. What measure then could be found to supply the defect? Let us, said he, make relief in cases where there are a number of children, a matter of right and an honour, instead of a ground for opprobrium and contempt. This will make a large family a blessing, and not a curse; and this will draw a proper line of distinction between those who are able to provide for themselves by their labour, and those who, after having enriched their country with a number of children, have a claim upon its assistance for their support. All this, however, he would confess, was not enough, if they did not engraft upon it resolutions to discourage relief where it was not wanted. If such means could be practised as that of supplying the necessities of those who required assistance by giving it in labour or affording employment, which is the principle of the act of Elizabeth, the most important advantages would be gained. They would thus benefit those to whom they afforded relief, not only by the assistance bestowed, but by giving habits of industry and frugality, and, in furnishing a temporary bounty, enable them to make permanent provision for themselves. By giving effect to the operation of friendly societies, individuals would be rescued from becoming a burthen upon the public, and, if necessary, be enabled to subsist upon a fund which their own industry contributed to raise. These great points of granting relief according to the number of children, preventing removals at the caprice of the parish officer, and making them subscribe to friendly societies, would tend, in a very great degree, to remove every complaint to which the present partial remedy could be applied. Experience had already shown how much could be done by the industry of children and the advantages of early employing them in such branches of manufacture as they are capable to execute. The extension of schools of industry was also an object of material importance. If any one would take the trouble to compute the amount of all the earnings of the children who are already educated in this manner, he would be surprised, when he came to consider the weight which their support by their own labours took off the country, and the addition which, by the fruits of their toil, and the habits to which they were formed, was made to its internal opulence. The suggestion of these schools was originally drawn from Lord Hale and Mr. Locke, and upon such authority he had no difficulty in recommending the plan to the encouragement of the legislature. Much might be effected by a plan of this nature susceptible of constant improvement. Such a plan would convert the relief granted to the poor into an encouragement to industry, instead of being, as it is by the present poor laws, a premium to idleness and a school for sloth. There were also a number of subordinate circumstances to which it was necessary to attend. The law which prohibits giving relief where any visible property remains should be abolished. That degrading condition should be withdrawn. No temporary occasion should force a British subject to part with the last shilling of his little capital, and compel him to descend to a state of wretchedness from which he could never recover, merely that he might be entitled to a casual supply. Another mode also of materially assisting the industrious poor was, the advancing of small capitals, which might be repaid in two or three years, while the person who repaid it would probably have made an addition to his income. This might put him who received them in the way of acquiring what might place him in a situation to make permanent provision for himself. These were the general ideas which had occurred to him upon the subject; if they should be approved of by any gentleman in the House, they might perhaps appear at a future time in a more accurate shape than he could pretend to give them. He could not, however, let this opportunity slip without throwing them out. He was aware that they would require to be very maturely considered. He was aware also of a fundamental difficulty, that of insuring the diligent execution of any law that should be enacted. This could only be done by presenting to those who should be entrusted with the execution motives to emulation, and by a frequent inspection of their conduct as to diligence and fidelity. Were he to suggest an outline, it would be this. To provide some new mode of inspection by parishes, or by hundreds--to report to the magistrates at the petty sessions, with a liberty of appeal from them to the general quarter sessions, where the justice should be empowered to take cognizance of the conduct of the different commissioners, and to remedy whatever defects should be found to exist. That an annual report should be made to parliament, and that parliament should impose upon itself the duty of tracing the effect of its system from year to year, till it should be fully matured. That there should be a standing order of the House for this purpose, and in a word, that there should be an annual budget opened, containing the details of the whole system of poor-laws, by which the legislature would show that they had a constant and a watchful eye upon the interests of the poorest and most neglected part of the community. He was not vain enough to imagine that these ideas were the result of his own investigations, but he was happy to say that they arose from a careful examination of the subject, and an extensive survey of the opinions of others. He would only add that it was a subject of the utmost importance, and that he would do everything in his power to bring forward or promote such measures as would conduce to the interest of the country. He gave the hon. gentleman every possible credit for his humane and laudable motives, yet seeing the subject in the light in which he did, he was compelled to give his negative to the motion. _Mr. Lechmere_ said, that the bill was not only founded in humanity, but policy also. The late alarming scarcity ought to induce every man who wished to encourage the industrious poor, to promote every plan of relief for them at such a crisis. No agricultural labourer could at present support himself and his family with comfort; for a barley loaf was at the enormous price of 12-1/2d., while the whole of the labourer's daily wages amounted to no more than one shilling. _Haud ignara mali, miseris succurrere disco_, was a noble sentiment; but he would rather have the labourer enjoy the honest fruits of his industry, than be obliged to receive his due as an eleemosynary gift. It appeared to him that the minimum of agricultural labour should be fixed. _Mr. Buxton_ said, that the bill did not appear likely to be of much service, for if the price of labour were to be fixed by the justices of peace, he feared many industrious people would be thrown out of employ, and become a burthen to their respective parishes. The people he alluded to were those who by sickness or old age were rendered incapable of doing so much as a common labourer, and who consequently would be rejected for persons of more strength and activity. He had consulted with various well informed farmers and gentlemen in Norfolk who unanimously concurred in opinions that the bill would be injurious. _Mr. Vansittart_ commended the hon. gentleman who introduced the bill, for his humane intentions, but he had no hesitation in voting against it, because he thought any arbitrary regulations of the justices of the peace, in the price of labour, would be a greater evil than that already complained of. The bill appeared to him unnecessary, as the law since the reign of James I, enabled the magistrate to fix the price of labour. _Mr. Burdon_ did not think that the industrious poor were in that wretched situation stated by some gentlemen. The industrious labourer, in many instances, was able to support his family, and lay up something for his old age. From the average price of labour for some years, the House must perceive that the wages of the labourer were considerably increased. The friendly societies, if they continued to extend, would be productive of infinite good. As to the bill, he was convinced of its inadequacy to correct the abuses of which it complained. He recommended rather to repeal the act of Elizabeth than set it up as a precedent to act upon. _Mr. Fox_ said that no man was more against the idea of compulsion as to the price of labour than he was. The question now was, not on the general principle, but on that particular state of the law, which rendered some measure necessary to be adopted for the relief of the labouring poor, while the law, as it stood, was saddled with so many restrictions. He approved of the bill proposed by his hon. friend, as calculated to correct that which was bad in its present operation, and to secure at least to the labourer the means of partial relief. But if the House objected to the measure as improper, if they were of the opinion that it was not the most judicious or desirable that might be applied, he hoped they would go to the root of the evil, and provide some remedy adequate to the extent of the grievance. If, therefore, they should give a negative to the second reading of the bill, he should consider that by so doing they pledged themselves to take the subject into their early and most serious consideration. If what his hon. friend had brought forward should induce the House to go into a full examination of the subject, and to provide a remedy commensurate to the evil, he would not only have accomplished his own benevolent intentions, but would have done a much greater service to the country, than even if the bill which he had now brought forward were adopted. _Mr. Whitbread_ said:--"I cannot but congratulate the House on the able and eloquent speech of the chancellor of the exchequer. At the same time I must remark that if the poor laws were actually such, as the right hon. gentleman has stated they ought to be, it would not have been necessary for me to have brought forward any proposition; but I am afraid that facts and experience will be found undeniably to confirm my assertion, that the poor in this country are in a state scarcely consistent with the character of a civilised country. As to what the right hon. gentleman has stated about the price of labour finding its own level, he does not recollect that, till the level be found, the industrious poor labour under the pressure of immediate suffering. If the expedients he has proposed should succeed, they are matters of future regulation, and not calculated to afford relief which the exigencies of the times so imperiously demand. If it should be possible to a considerable degree to promote industry among the children of the poor, and to destroy the oppressive restrictions with respect to settlements, still it will be a considerable time before the price of labour will have found its level. Even if more effectual regulations should afterwards be adopted, still this bill is eligible as a temporary relief. It does not compel the magistrates to act: it only empowers them to take measures according to the exigency of the times. It has been stated as an objection to the bill, that it goes to fix the price of labour, but gentlemen do not attend to the circumstances, that it does not go to determine what should be the general price of labour, but only what should be the least price of labour under particular circumstances. As to the particular case of labourers, who have to provide for a number of children, the wisest thing for government, instead of putting the relief afforded to such on the footing of a charity, supplied, perhaps, from a precarious fund, and dealt with a reluctant hand, would be at once to institute a liberal premium for the encouragement of large families. There is just one circumstance to which I shall advert, before I conclude, namely, the wretched manner in which the poor are lodged. It is such as ought not to be suffered in a country like this, proud of its freedom, and boasting of the equal rights of all its subjects. The landlord, who lets the ground upon lease to the farmer, does not consider himself as bound to repair the cottages. The farmer, who has only a temporary interest in the property, feels no anxiety on the subject. The cottage, dismantled and mouldering to decay, affords neither warmth nor shelter to the poor inhabitant, who is left exposed to the fury of the elements and the inclemency of every season. If a negative should be put upon the second reading of the bill, I shall then move for leave to bring in a bill to repeal the statute of Elizabeth, and afterwards for a committee to take into consideration the state of the poor laws." The motion was negatived. After which, the bill was ordered to be read a second time on that day three months. 7. ARBITRATION ACT FOR THE COTTON INDUSTRY [_Statutes, 39 and 40 Geo. III, 90_], 1800. An act for settling disputes that may arise between masters and workmen engaged in the cotton manufacture in that part of Great Britain called England. That, from and after the first day of August in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred, in all cases that shall or may arise within that part of Great Britain called England, where the masters and workmen cannot agree respecting the price or prices to be paid for work done, or to be done, in the said manufacture, whether such dispute shall happen or arise between them respecting the reduction or advance of wages or any injury or damage done, or alleged to have been done, by the workmen to the work, or respecting any delay, or supposed delay, on the part of the workmen in finishing the work or the not finishing such work in a good and workmanlike manner; and also in all cases where the workmen are to be employed to work any new pattern which shall require them to purchase any new implements of manufacture for the working thereof, and the masters and workmen cannot agree upon the compensation to be made to such workmen for or in respect thereof, and also respecting the length of all pieces of cotton goods, or the wages or compensation to be paid for all pieces of cotton goods that are made of any great or extraordinary length, and respecting the manufacture of cravats, shawls, polycat, romall, and other handkerchiefs, and the number to be contained in one piece of such handkerchiefs, and the wages to be paid in respect thereof, and in all cases of dispute or difference arising or happening by and between the masters and workmen employed in such manufacture, out of, for, or touching such trade or manufacture, which cannot be otherwise mutually adjusted and settled by and between them; it shall and may be lawful, and it is hereby declared to be lawful, for such masters and workmen, between whom such dispute or difference shall arise as aforesaid, or either of them, to demand and have an arbitration or reference of such matter or matters in dispute, and each of them is hereby authorised and empowered forthwith to nominate and appoint an arbitrator for and on his respective part and behalf, to arbitrate and determine such matter or matters in dispute as aforesaid, and such arbitrators so appointed as aforesaid, after they shall have accepted and taken upon them the business of the said arbitration, are hereby authorised and required to summon before them, and examine upon oath the parties and their witnesses (which oath the said arbitrators are hereby authorised and required to administer according to the form set forth in the schedule to this act), and forthwith to proceed to hear and determine the complaints of the parties and the matter or matters in dispute between them, and the award to be made by such arbitrators shall in all cases be final and conclusive between the parties; but in case such arbitrators so appointed cannot agree to decide such matter or matters in dispute so to be referred to them as aforesaid, and do not make and sign their award within the space of three days after the signing of the said submission, that then they shall forthwith, and without delay, go before and attend upon one of his Majesty's justices of the peace acting in and for the county, riding, city, liberty, division, township, or place, and residing nearest to the place where such dispute shall happen and be referred, and state to such justice the points in difference between them the said arbitrators, which points in difference the said justice shall and he is hereby authorised and required to hear and determine, which determination of such justice shall be made and signed within the space of three days after the expiration of the time hereby allowed the arbitrators to make and sign their award, and shall be final and conclusive between the parties so differing as aforesaid. [In cases of dispute the points of difference shall be stated to a justice whose award shall be final. Justices who are cotton manufacturers cannot act.] 8. AMENDMENT OF THE ARBITRATION ACT [_Statutes, 44 Geo. III, 87_], 1804. An act to amend an act, passed in the thirty-ninth and fortieth years of his present Majesty, intituled, An act for settling disputes that may arise between masters and workmen engaged in the cotton manufacture in that part of Great Britain called England. II. And be it further enacted, that, in all cases where an arbitration may be demanded by the said recited act, where the party complaining and the party complained of shall come before or agree, by any writing under their hands, to abide by the determination of any justice of the peace or magistrate of any county, city, town, or place, within which the parties reside, it shall and may be lawful for such justice of the peace or magistrate to hear and finally determine in a summary manner the matter in dispute between such parties; but if such parties shall not come before, or so agree to abide by the determination of such justice of the peace or magistrate, then it shall be lawful for any such justice or magistrate, and such justice of the peace or magistrate is hereby required, on complaint made before him, and proof by the examination of the party, making such complaint, that application has been made to the person or persons against whom such cause of complaint has arisen, or his, her, or their agent or agents, if such dispute has arisen with such agent or agents, to settle such dispute, and that the same has not been settled upon such complaint being made, or where the dispute relates to a bad warp, such cause of complaint shall not be done away within forty-eight hours after such application, to summon before him such person or persons, or agent or agents, on some day not exceeding three days, exclusive of Sunday, before the making such complaint, giving notice to the person making such complaint of the time and place appointed in such summons for the attendance of such person or persons, agent or agents, as aforesaid; and if at such time and place the person or persons so summoned shall not appear by himself, or send some person on his, her, or their behalf, to settle such dispute, or appearing shall not do away such cause of complaint, then and in such case it shall be lawful for such justice, and he is hereby required, at the request of either of such parties, to nominate arbitrators or referees for settling the matters in dispute; and such justice shall then and there at such meeting propose not less than four nor more than six persons, one-half of whom shall be master-manufacturers or agents or foremen of some master-manufacturer, and the other half of whom shall be weavers in such manufacture (such respective persons residing in or near to the place where such dispute shall have arisen) out of which master-manufacturers, agents, or foremen, the master engaged in such dispute, or his agent, shall choose one, and out of which weavers so proposed, the weaver or his agent, shall choose another, who shall have full power to hear and finally determine such dispute; and the said justice shall thereupon appoint a place of meeting according to the directions of this act, and also a day for the meeting, notice of which nomination, and of the day of meeting, shall thereupon be given to the persons so nominated arbitrators or referees, and to any party to any such dispute, who may not have attended the meeting before such justice as aforesaid. [For criticism of the act see Petition of Cotton Weavers, 1813, Pt. III, Section III, No. 12, page 576.] 9. THE FIRST FACTORY ACT [_Statutes, 42 Geo. III, 87_], 1802. An act for the preservation of the health and morals of apprentices and others, employed in cotton and other mills, and cotton and other factories. ... All such mills and factories within _Great Britain and Ireland_, wherein three or more apprentices, or twenty or more other persons, shall at any time be employed, shall be subject to the several rules and regulations contained in this act; ... II. And be it enacted, that all and every the rooms and apartments in or belonging to any such mill or factory shall, twice at least in every year, be well and sufficiently washed with quick lime and water over every part of the walls and ceiling thereof; and that due care and attention shall be paid by the master or mistress of such mills or factories to provide a sufficient number of windows and openings in such rooms or apartments, to insure a proper supply of fresh air in and through the same. III. And be it further enacted, that every such master or mistress shall constantly supply every apprentice during the term of his or her apprenticeship with two whole and complete suits of clothing.... IV. And be it further enacted, that no apprentice that now is or hereafter shall be bound to any such master or mistress shall be employed or compelled to work for more than twelve hours in any one day (reckoning from six of the clock in the morning to nine of the clock at night), exclusive of the time that may be occupied by such apprentice in eating the necessary meals: Provided always, that, from and after the first day of June one thousand eight hundred and three, no apprentice shall be employed or compelled to work upon any occasion whatever between the hours of nine of the clock at night and six of the clock in the morning. VI. And be it further enacted, that every such apprentice shall be instructed, in some part of every working day, for the first four years at least of his or her apprenticeship.... VII. And be it further enacted, that the room or apartment in which any male apprentice shall sleep shall be entirely separate and distinct from the room or apartment in which any female apprentice shall sleep, and that not more than two apprentices shall in any case sleep in the same bed. VIII. And be it further enacted, that every apprentice, or (in case the apprentices shall attend in classes) every such class, shall for the space of one hour at least every Sunday be instructed and examined in the principles of the Christian religion ... and such master or mistress shall send all his or her apprentices under the care of some proper person, once in a month at least, to attend during divine service in the church of the parish ... or in some licensed place of divine worship; and in case the apprentices cannot conveniently attend such church or chapel ... the master or mistress ... shall cause divine service to be performed in some convenient room or place in or adjoining to the mill or factory.... IX. And be it further enacted, that the justices of the peace for every county ... shall ... appoint two persons, not interested in, or in any way connected with, any such mills or factories, to be visitors ...; one of whom shall be a justice of peace ... and the other shall be a clergyman of the Established Church.... 9A. MINUTES OF COMMITTEE ON CHILDREN IN FACTORIES, 1816 (III), _p._ 277. _Examination of Richard Arkwright, June 7, 1816._ _Q._ What is your opinion of the Act known under the name of Sir Robert Peel's Bill? I could wish to confine myself to facts as much as possible. What have you known of that Act? That Act has not been followed up, with respect to the visiting of magistrates, for these thirteen years. I think they visited my mills at Cromford twice. _p._ 278. Are you of opinion that Sir Robert Peel's Bill, which passed in the year 1802, has accomplished much benefit for the children, for whose protection it was intended? I certainly thought that the discussions upon that Bill, and the Bill itself, did a great deal of good, but that can be only matter of opinion. 10. CALICO PRINTERS' PETITION FOR REGULATION [_Commons Journals, Vol. LIX, Feb. 22, 1804_], 1804. A petition of several journeymen calico printers, and others working in that trade, in the counties of Lancaster, Derby, Chester, and Stafford, in England, and in the counties of Lanark, Renfrew, Dumbarton, Stirling, and Perth in Scotland, was presented to the House, and read; setting forth that great numbers of the petitioners and other journeymen calico printers have, for a series of years past, been greatly distressed for want of work in their trade, and that this distress has chiefly arisen from a very general, if not universal, practice of the master calico printers in the counties above enumerated, who systematically carry on the said trade by employing in it, in many instances, a greater number of out-door apprentices than of journeymen, and, upon an average, nearly two of such apprentices to three journeymen, a practice of great injury to the petitioners, their families, and, ultimately, even to the apprentices themselves; and that one of the injurious effects, to the petitioners by this system is, that, in many instances boys are taken as apprentices to the said trade or business on verbal agreement, whereby they are at liberty to absent themselves from the service and control of their masters on any trifling disagreement, and are generally replaced by others, thereby creating an overstock of hands in the said trade: And therefore praying, That leave may be given to bring in a bill to regulate the trade or business of calico printers. Ordered, that the said petition be referred to the consideration of a committee. 11. REPORT ON CALICO PRINTERS' PETITION [_Commons Journals, Vol. LXI, July 17, 1806_], 1806. Your committee have naturally endeavoured to ascertain the cause of those discontents, and, as far as they have been able to collect from the minutes of evidence referred to them, they find it has arisen principally from the multiplication of apprentices. That this has gone to an extent, and that the disproportion of apprentices to journeymen exists to a degree, far beyond that understood to prevail in any other mechanical profession whatever, appears to your committee in several instances. In one instance, that of the shop of Berry and Co. of Lancashire, they find that 55 apprentices were employed, and only two journeymen; in another, that of the shop of Tod and Co. of Dumbarton, there were 60 apprentices, and only two journeymen. Such a disproportion, your committee conceive, must strike as extraordinary any one in the least degree acquainted with the custom of trade. The practice of introducing such an increased number of apprentices, which commenced about the year 1790, does not appear from the minutes of evidence to have proceeded from any scarcity of hands to supply the demands of the masters, or make up the work required; on the contrary, it appears that in the course of the period when this excessive multiplication of apprentices went on, a number of journeymen were seeking in vain for employment. With regard to the multiplication of apprentices, while your committee declare that they are not friendly to the idea of imposing any restrictions upon trade, they are ready to state that the inclination of their minds is this, that either all restrictions ought to be abolished, and the masters and journeymen left to settle matters between themselves, or an additional restriction ought to be introduced to counteract the evils obviously resulting from the restrictions which already exist. This restriction your committee mean of course to apply to apprentices; and if a precedent were wanted to justify such a measure, they would refer to the case of the silk weavers, and that of other trades, which are to be found on the Statute Book. In the instance of the silk weavers, no more than two apprentices can be legally taken by any master, whatever may be the number of his journeymen; and yet, since the enactment of this law, no scarcity of hands has ever been complained of in that flourishing branch of trade. Indeed, throughout all the mechanical professions, it is, as far as has come to the knowledge of any of the members of your committee, the general rule, that no master shall have more than two or three apprentices at the most. This general rule is conceived to be established through an understanding between the masters and the journeymen. The salutary effects of leaving the masters and journeymen to settle their affairs between themselves, is particularly exemplified in the calico printing business: for, although in Lancashire and Derbyshire, etc., where there is nearly a proportion of one apprentice to one journeyman, and between masters and journeymen a consequent jealousy, productive of perpetual variance and confusion; there is in the neighbourhood of London, where a different feeling prevails, and where matters are amicably adjusted between the parties, a very different proportion of apprentices and journeymen. In 14 shops examined by one of the witnesses, in 1803, the number of journeymen were 216, the apprentices only 37. But to return to the subject of restrictions: your committee are persuaded that as the Legislature has thought proper to interpose its authority, to prevent the journeymen from concerting measures among themselves to settle their affairs with the masters, it would be ready to remove any complaints which might arise from advantage taken by the masters of the existence of such restriction. The wisdom and humanity of Parliament would shrink from sanctioning the Combination Law, if it appeared to them, at the time of its enactment, likely to operate only in favour of the strong, and against the weak; if it had any apparent tendency to secure impunity to oppressors, and to give an undue advantage to the masters, who can combine with little danger of detection, and who can carry their projects into execution with little fear of opposition. The Legislature could never mean to injure the man, whose only desire is to derive a subsistence from his labour, and that indeed is all a journeyman calico printer can look to; for, from the particular nature of his trade, differing much from others, he cannot, from the capital required, ever calculate upon becoming a master. 12. COTTON WEAVERS' PETITION AGAINST THE REPEAL OF 5 ELIZABETH C. 4 [_Commons Journals, Vol. LXVIII, Feb. 25, 1813_], 1813. A petition of several cotton weavers resident in the division of Bolton Le Moors, in the county of Lancaster, was presented and read; setting forth, that the petitioners are much concerned to learn that a bill has been brought into the House to repeal so much of the Statute 5 Elizabeth, as empowers and requires the magistrates, in their respective jurisdictions, to rate and settle the prices to be paid to labourers, handicrafts, spinners, weavers, etc.; and that the petitioners have endured almost constant reductions in the prices of their labour for many years, with sometimes a trifling advance, but during the last thirty months they have continued, with very little alteration, so low, that the average wages of cotton weavers do not exceed 5s. per week, though other trades in general earn from 20s. to 30s. per week; and that the extravagant prices of provisions of all kinds render it impossible for the petitioners to procure food for themselves and families, and the parishes are so burthened that an adequate supply cannot be had from that quarter; and that, in the 40th year of His present Majesty a law was made to settle disputes between masters and workmen[351]; which law having been found capable of evasion, and evaded, became unavailing: after which, in 1802, 1803, and 1804, applications being made to amend that of the 40th, another law was made, varying in some points from the former; but this also is found unavailing, inasmuch as no one conviction before a magistrate under this law has ever been confirmed at any Quarter Sessions of the Peace; and that several applications have since been made to the House to enact such laws as they would judge suitable to afford relief to the trade, in which masters and workmen joined, but hitherto without any effect; and that, about twelve months since, it was found that the Statute of 5 Eliz. (if acted upon) was competent to afford the desired relief, and it was resorted to in certain cases, but the want of generality prevented its obtaining at that time, especially as it can be acted on only at the Easter Quarter Sessions, or six weeks thereafter; and that, as petitions to the magistrates were almost general at the last Quarter Sessions, and all graciously received at each different jurisdiction, much hope was entertained that at the next Easter sessions the magistrates would settle the wages of the petitioners, and they obtain food by their industry; and that the present bill to repeal the aforesaid law has sunk the spirits of the petitioners beyond description, having no hope left: the former laws made for their security being unavailing, there is no protection for their sole property, which is their labour; and that, although the said law of 5 Eliz. was wisely designed to protect all trades and workmen, yet none will essentially suffer by its repeal save the cotton weavers: the silk weavers have law to secure their prices, as have other artizans; tradesmen generally receive their contracted wages, but cotton weavers, when their work is done, know not what they shall receive, as that depends on the goodness of the employer's heart: And that the petitioners, therefore, most humbly, and earnestly pray, that the House, for the aforesaid reasons, will not repeal the said Statute of 5 Eliz., it being the only law by which they can hope any relief from their present misery; and the existing laws being evaded, this would afford, when acted upon, prices somewhat suitable to the prices of provisions in adverse times; but should the House see it proper to repeal the said law, the petitioners pray, that in that case it will enact a law to secure and grant such wages to the petitioners as will enable them to live by their industry, equally beneficial to masters and workmen. Ordered, That the said Petition do lie upon the Table. [The wages clauses of 5 Eliz. 4 were repealed by 53 Geo. III, 40, 1813.] [Footnote 351: See above. Pt. III, Section III, Nos. 7 and 8. p. 568 and p. 570.] 13. DEBATES ON THE REGULATION OF APPRENTICES [_Parl. Debates, Series I, Vol. XXV, Cols. 1120-1131; XXVII, 423-425, 563-574, 879-884_], 1813-1814. APPRENTICES.--_Mr. Rose_ adverted to the petition[352] he presented the other day, which was signed by above 800 masters and 13,000 journeymen in London; and by 1,154 masters and 17,517 journeymen in the country; making above 32,000 in all. The policy of the system began in Edward the 3rd. Some had doubted the effects of the law, and deemed all restrictions injurious to commerce: others considered the want of restrictions more dangerous, and contended that the present system had encouraged habits of industry. The courts had, in general, narrowed the spirit and application of the restrictions. He thought that if the existing law was not to be enforced, it ought to be amended or repealed. A petition signed by such a number of tradesmen was deserving the most attentive consideration. He should therefore move that the petition be referred to a committee. _Mr. Serjeant Onslow_ allowed that the number of signatures to the petition entitled it to a respectful consideration. As to the allegations of the petition, he thought it very extraordinary that the petitioners should really expect that parliament would allow them to bring actions upon this statute, against whom they pleased, well-founded or ill-founded, without being subject to costs in case of failure. From his experience in a certain judicial situation, he could say, and he believed he might appeal to all his professional friends about him for the confirmation of his statement, that he never knew any indictment brought under this statute except against a person of great skill and acquirements. The preamble of the Act stated its object to be "to prevent the introduction of unskilful workmen": and yet no indictments were ever brought against unskilful workmen, but only against very skilful and ingenious men. This shewed pretty clearly the spirit in which such prosecutions were brought. _Mr. D. Giddy_ said, that he should not vote for the committee, if he did not think it likely that the resolution they would come to would be directly opposite to that which was expected by the petitioners. He certainly did entertain great doubts, whether in the present state of the commercial world there was any use in those apprenticeships, although they might have been necessary in the infancy of commerce. It frequently happened, that a young man had not a talent for that particular business to which he had been bound an apprentice, and was yet possessed of other talents, by the exercise of which he might obtain a most respectable subsistence. It appealed to him a cruel hardship to fetter the minds and limbs of men, so as to prevent their obtaining a subsistence by the fair exercise of their talents and of their limbs. As to what was said of corporate rights, obtained by apprenticeship, he thought that made it the less necessary to add penalties. If those corporate rights, however, were to be considered of real value, he thought it a great hardship that they could not be obtained in any other way than by serving an apprenticeship. _Mr. Butterworth_ also felt inclined to disapprove of the Act as highly injurious to trade in general, and to rising talent. In illustration of the hardships of the Act, and of the manner in which it was generally enforced, he mentioned a case which had come within his own immediate observation. In an office of which he had the command, there was a young man of great skill, and consequently of great value to his employers; he, however, had not served the regular apprenticeship, and his fellow-workmen therefore combined against him, demanding his discharge. He (Mr. B.) interfered on behalf of the young man, but in vain; for the conspiracy amongst the workmen attained that height that their request was obliged to be complied with. The young man was discharged, and though skilful in that particular trade, he had been compelled to sell the furniture, the produce of his industry, to support a wife and family, who were dependent on him for support. He did not oppose the committee, because he was convinced that the determination would be in favour of the repeal of the 5th of Elizabeth. The petition was then referred to a committee. _Wednesday, April 6, 1814._[353] APPRENTICE LAWS.--_Mr. H. Davis_ presented a petition from certain master manufacturers of the city of Bristol, praying that so much of the Act of the 5th of Elizabeth, cap. 4, as inflicted penalties on persons exercising trades to which they had not served regular apprenticeships, should be repealed. Ordered to lie on the table. _Mr. P. Moore_ presented a petition from the manufacturers of Coventry, praying that that part of the 5th of Elizabeth, cap. 4, which inflicted penalties on persons exercising trades to which they had not served regular apprenticeships, should be rendered efficient. He should merely move "that the petition do lie on the table"; but, before he sat down, he wished to enquire of the learned gentleman (Mr. Serjeant Onslow) who had given notice of his intention to introduce a Bill on the subject, whether he meant, in his proposed measure, to confine himself merely to the repeal of that part of the 5th of Elizabeth which sanctioned those penalties, or to do away with the Act altogether? He also wished to know whether the learned gentleman intended to push his Bill through the different stages in the present session; or, having introduced it, to let it lie over till the next? In his opinion a committee ought to be appointed, in the first instance, to examine the whole of the petitions that had been presented relative to the 5th of Elizabeth, and also to look into the provisions of that Act. _Mr. Serjeant Onslow_ said, most unquestionably he did not mean to go beyond the terms of his notice, in the measure he should introduce. He had stated explicitly the part of the Act that he wished to have repealed, and he had not since altered his determination. With respect to the second point of the hon. gentleman's interrogatory, "Whether he intended to hurry the Bill through the House?" he would answer that he certainly did not. But the hon. gentleman seemed to forget that the present period was virtually almost the commencement of the session, and that very important business was yet to come on. He (Serjeant Onslow) certainly did wish to have the sense of the House taken on the Bill, before the session terminated. And this, he thought, could be done without any imputation of hurry. In the last session the Treasurer of the Navy (Mr. Rose) had presented a petition from a great number of persons who were desirous that the penalties should be continued; and moved for a committee to investigate the allegations of the petitioners. A committee was granted--it sat from day to day--and the evidence adduced before it was printed. He (Serjeant Onslow) enquired of that right hon. gentleman whether he intended to found any motion on this evidence? And, understanding that he did not, he stated, at the close of the last session, that he would himself submit a motion on the subject. Soon after parliament met he gave notice of a motion for the 30th of November; but, in consequence of a number of gentlemen who represented large manufacturing districts (particularly the hon. member for Yorkshire) not being then in town, he postponed it till the 22nd of February, and had finally put it off till the 27th of the present month--knowing that a call of the House would take place before that period, which would ensure a full attendance when the proposed measure came to be discussed. That the country was not unprepared for it, was evident from the numerous petitions which had been presented in favour of it. Petitions of that nature had been received from Leeds, Birmingham, Huddersfield, Bristol, and many other populous neighbourhoods. Several petitions had been presented against it. How they were procured he did not know; but the language in all of them appeared nearly the same. With respect to the principal trade carried on by the constituents of the hon. gentleman, it would not be at all affected by the new Bill, because it was already guarded by a variety of enactments totally independent of the 5th of Elizabeth. _Mr. P. Moore_ said it was very true that his constituents (the freemen of Coventry) were obliged by Act of Parliament to serve a regular apprenticeship, before they could carry on the business alluded to by the learned gentleman. Now they were alarmed lest by the proposed Bill they should be deprived of a right which they had long enjoyed. They therefore were anxious that the Bill should not be hurried through the House. The petition was ordered to lie on the table. _Wednesday, April 27, 1814._[354] APPRENTICESHIP LAWS.--_Mr. Serjeant Onslow_ rose to move for leave to bring in a Bill to repeal part of an Act, passed in the 5th year of Elizabeth, entitled "An Act containing divers orders for artificers, labourers, servants of husbandry, and apprentices." ... The reign of Queen Elizabeth, though glorious, was not one in which sound principles of commerce were known; and a perusal of the other clauses of the Act, as well as the one creating the penalties for exercising trades contrary to its provisions, would fully confirm that assertion; indeed it did not seem to be the object of that statute to favour manufactures; it rather seemed to be intended to make them subservient to a most mistaken notion of favour to the landed interest. So little was political economy then understood that the idea never seemed to have occurred, that agriculture was best promoted by the prosperity of commerce and manufactures; and that restraints on them defeated the end they aimed at, and discouraged that very employment which they ought to promote.... Apprenticeships had been looked upon as favourable to the morals of youth, and he was very far from wishing to discourage them; but he did not wish them to be an indispensable qualification for legally carrying on trades.... Apprenticeships were as common in trades not within the statute as in those that were within what had been called the protection, but what he thought the curse, of the statute.... _Mr. Philips._--The persons most competent to form regulations with respect to trade were the master manufacturers, whose interest it was to have goods of the best fabric; and no legislative enactment could ever effect so much in producing that result, as the merely leaving things to their own course and operation. The proof of this was to be found in the fact that the manufactures for which the country was most famous, were precisely those to which this Act did not apply. If this narrow principle had been carried into every branch of art, the machinery of Sir Richard Arkwright would have been lost to the country--and the genius of Mr. Watt, whose inventions had added more to the productive powers of the empire, than if the population had been increased one half, would have been still unknown. The hon. gentleman then proceeded to point out the evil effects which arose from the system of combination among tradesmen [workmen]. Leave was given to bring in the Bill. _Friday, May 13, 1814._[355] APPRENTICE LAWS.--_Mr. Serjeant Onslow_ moved the second reading of the Bill, which was warmly opposed by _Sir Fred. Flood_, who, though a friend to liberty, disliked licentiousness. The Bill went to abrogate that most salutary law of the 5th of Elizabeth, and to revive the practice which had previously existed from Edward the Third's time. It would be destructive of the interests of persons who served their apprenticeships, and paid for education in their respective trades, and ruinous to the morals of youth. It would be hurtful to commerce, to mechanics, to manufacture and to the Stamp Act. The present law had lasted 220 years. He proposed to postpone the second reading to that day six months. _Mr. Protheroe_ seconded the motion, as the Bill proceeded on no general comprehensive system, but simply on a repeal without any efficient substitute for what was to be repealed. He objected to the measure in a moral point of view; in which respect he was upheld by the opinions of Lord Coke and Sir Wm. Blackstone. He had heard much of vexatious prosecutions under the Act of Elizabeth; but, on enquiry, he found that at Bristol for the last 20 years, there had not been one such prosecution. If apprenticeships were more encouraged, he was satisfied that combinations among journeymen would almost entirely be put an end to. If the House were to lower its attention down to the humble cottage, they would there see the advantages of this system, in beholding careful masters provided for the youths, who, in addition, were provided with food and clothing, while their morals were protected. He should be happy that the present Bill were withdrawn, and some measure unaccompanied by its disadvantages were introduced. _Mr. Hart Davis_ could not disguise from himself that the present measure was attended with many difficulties. It would undoubtedly be of great advantage to our manufacturers that the present law should be repealed, and that every restraint should be removed from the rising generation. Supposing a person brought up to a trade for which from his constitution he was not fit, was he to be excluded from pursuing any other pursuit, or occupation whatever? Suppose the trade of button-makers, which was a trade that speedily passed away; or of gun-makers, of whom probably 40,000 might be in a few months thrown out of employment, was it to be held that they could follow no other occupation, but must remain a burden upon the community? The more he considered the present measure, the more he was satisfied of its utility. _Mr. Protheroe_ explained that he could wish a general review of the whole system. _Mr. Giddy_ thought if any one measure more than another could be said to involve the general rights of mankind, the present was that measure. What was this but the general right of the inhabitants of this country to employ the energies of their mind and body in the way they themselves pleased? And if a system were to be continued by which men were deprived of this general and undoubted right, it seemed to be incumbent on those who contended for the continuance of such a restriction to shew on what principle it was founded. If gentlemen attended to the time in which the law in question was passed, they would find it was a period in which many ill-advised monopolies had been granted, and one in which remonstrances on that subject had been made by the House of Commons on the impolicy of such a system, which had not been much attended to. Nothing, he was convinced, had contributed so much as the law in question to check the progress in our arts and manufactures. _Sir C. Mordaunt_, on the part of his constituents, the manufacturers of Birmingham, was strongly in favour of the present repeal. If the law, as it now stood, were put in force, it would have the effect of imposing the strongest possible fetters upon ingenuity and industry. _Mr. Thompson_ liked liberty; and doing so, he wished to see every man have the liberty of employing his hands and his genius in the best way he could to his own advantage, and for the benefit of the country. This no man was at liberty to do, so long as the present law remained in force. He wished the law totally repealed, though the Bill did not go so far. The present law was necessarily broken every day. It was clear that the judges always wished to evade it, when they could do so. He knew a case of two men who were prosecuted under the Act for sawing a piece of wood; another, of a good and bad baker in the same town; where the bad one, finding that the good one had not served a regular apprenticeship, had him turned out, and got liberty to poison all his neighbours with his bad bread. Some years ago the printers struck, and there was a difficulty in getting even the parliamentary papers printed. Let those who chose it bind their children as apprentices; but let not others be compelled to do the same. Instances of the absurdity of the law would be innumerable. It was none the better for the age of it, which the worthy baronet had stated. It was, in fact, superannuated; and it was much the kindest way to let it die quietly, and so confer an advantage both on the country and Ireland. Lord Ellenborough once got the coach-makers out of a scrape ingeniously enough. They were attacked as wheelmakers; but his lordship said that coaches could not have been known in Elizabeth's days, as that queen went to parliament on horseback. He perfectly agreed in the opinion which Lord Mansfield had given, in speaking of the Act of Elizabeth, that "it was against the natural rights of man, and contrary to the common law rights of the land." _Mr. Rose_ considered this as a subject of extraordinary difficulty. After all that had been said, he could not help thinking that if the Bill were passed into law, it would put an end to apprenticeships altogether; for no person would subject himself to a seven years' servitude when he knew that having fulfilled his indenture, he would only be on a level with a man who perhaps had not been one year at the business. He was willing to examine and improve the 5th of Elizabeth, but would not agree to this unqualified repeal. _Sir J. Newport_ was surprised that the hon. baronet (Sir F. Flood) should be so anxious to perpetuate a statute which never was law in Ireland; and yet in that country, where no such penalties as those inflicted by the 5th of Elizabeth existed, the system of apprenticeships was freely and voluntarily adopted. He thought, on every principle of justice, that the subject was entitled to make use of his abilities and industry in those pursuits most beneficial to his interests. _Sir S. Romilly_ had been applied to on the subject of the present Bill, by the constituents of two hon. gentlemen who had already delivered their sentiments on the measure this night (Messrs. Protheroe and Davis). He felt the highest respect for the gentlemen who had so applied to him on the subject of the present Bill; but his opinion of the measure being decidedly opposite to theirs, he thought he should not be acting a manly part were he either to abstain from voting on the Bill, or were he to content himself with a silent vote on this occasion. He was satisfied that there were reasons sufficiently strong to support the system of apprenticeships in those trades in which a number of years were requisite to the acquiring a knowledge of them, without the assistance of the law as it now stood. This law, which went to prohibit a man from the exercise of that trade for which he was fit, he therefore thought ought to be repealed. For what was it but to take from a poor man the only property he possessed--his genius and industry--and to drive him into a workhouse; or to force him to abandon his country, and to forsake his wife and family. These were the moral consequences which the House was to look for from a perseverance in the law as it now stood. _Alderman Atkins_ hoped that some clause might be introduced into the Bill when it was in the committee, that would give sufficient encouragement to the apprentice system; while, at the same time, the abuses of it might be remedied. _Sir F. Flood_, seeing the sense of the House against him, withdrew his amendment. _Mr. Canning_ wished the Bill to go into the committee. He was aware that the subject was attended with considerable difficulties. The difficulty would be to find the means of doing away the abuses complained of, without doing away the system altogether, which he was convinced was useful to the perfection of our manufactures, and still more useful as affecting the morality of the lower orders. _Mr. Serjeant Best_ said that if no other member introduced a clause to that effect, he himself should feel it his duty to propose one. He thought the penal clauses of the Act of Elizabeth should certainly be repealed, but that at the same time it was much better that young people should not be left without some control. He thought that at present the masters had much more advantages from the services of the apprentices, than the apprentices had from the instruction of the master, as most of those trades might be learned in a very short time. He therefore wished that part of the earnings might go to the parents, as an encouragement to the system. _Mr. P. Moore_ opposed the Bill, because he thought that its enactment would operate seriously to the prejudice of our manufactures both in skill and reputation. Indeed, such had been found the effect of the partial repeal of the statute of Elizabeth with respect to the woollen manufacture.[356] For although the Yorkshire tag had formerly been a sufficient recommendation upon the continent, yet since the repeal alluded to, our pieces of woollen manufactures were examined yard by yard before they were purchased. _Mr. Lockhart_ expressed his opinion, that this Bill, if enacted, should only operate prospectively; that is, that it should not become effective until a certain period; so that those mechanics who had served apprenticeships upon the faith of the existing law, should not be injured by its operation, by being thrown out of employment at a period of life when they could not devote themselves to any other profession than that to which they had been reared. _Mr. B. Shaw_ deprecated the idea that morality was likely to be endangered, or our manufactures injured, by the enactment of the Bill under consideration; for Scotland, to which the Act of Elizabeth never extended, was never found in any degree inferior in morality or skill in manufacture. _Mr. W. Smith_ observed, that he never heard of any proposition of reform which was not likely to be inconvenient to some persons; and therefore he was not surprised at the assertion, that the adoption of the Bill before the House would operate to injure the interests of particular persons. The apprehension of such injury was, however, in his judgment, unfounded. But still, those who expressed the apprehension were entitled to attention; and the objections which certain petitioners urged against this Bill, would, he had no doubt, meet all due consideration in the committee. The fact was, as to the statute of Elizabeth, that its existence served to create monopolies; and the effect of those monopolies was, that when the demand for an article was large, the price was enhanced to the public; while, when the demand became small, many workmen were thrown out of employment. Therefore, the repeal of that statute would tend to serve both the public and the workmen. As to the argument advanced in support of the statute of Elizabeth, merely in consequence of its antiquity, he could not admit that it had any force. He declared that his ears were quite tired of the phrase "the wisdom of our ancestors," which phrase was, in fact, calculated only to impose upon the superficial. For, after all, what did this phrase mean? The world was younger in the time of our ancestors, although they were older than us. Time, Lord Bacon said, was the greatest innovator; and if, at this advanced time of the world, after all our experience, we could not improve upon the system of our ancestors, our intellects must be what would hardly be asserted, not only quite unequal to theirs, but infinitely inferior. How, then, could it be pretended, that the same legislative arrangements applied in the reign of Elizabeth, when the trade of the whole British Empire was not equal to that of the port of London at this day, was strictly applicable at present, and suited to our improved situation? _Mr. Serjeant Onslow_ replied, and, observing upon the petitions on the table against the Bill, expressed his conviction that they were not the unsolicited acts of the petitioners; as indeed appeared from several placards about town, inviting signatures to such petitions; and those petitioners, he meant especially the journeymen mechanics, would find the repeal of the Act of Elizabeth rather materially serviceable, than in any degree injurious to their interests. The Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed on Tuesday. [The apprenticeship regulations of the 5 Eliz. c. 4 were abolished by 54 Geo. III. 96, 1814.] [Footnote 352: For enforcing the Statute of Apprentices.] [Footnote 353: Parliamentary Debates, Series I, Cols. 423-25, Vol. XXVII.] [Footnote 354: Parliamentary Debates, Series I, Vol. XXVII, Cols. 563-74.] [Footnote 355: Parliamentary Debates, Series I, Vol. XXVII, Cols. 879-884.] [Footnote 356: The apprenticeship regulations in the woollen industries had been set aside by Acts of Parliament, 1803 and 1809.] 14. RESOLUTIONS OF THE WATCHMAKERS ON APPRENTICESHIP [_Report of Committee on Petitions of the Watchmakers, 1817 (VI)_], 1817. 1. That the obvious intention of our ancestors, in enacting the statute of the 5 Elizabeth, cap. 4, was to produce and maintain a competent number and perpetual succession of masters and journeymen, of practical experience, to promote, secure, and render permanent the prosperity of the national arts and manufactures, honestly wrought by their ability and talents, inculcated by a mechanical education, called a seven years' apprenticeship; whereby according to the memorable words of the statute itself "it will come to pass, that the same law (being duly executed) should banish idleness, advance husbandry, and yield unto the hired person, both in time of scarcity and in time of plenty, a convenient proportion of wages." 2. That it is by apprenticeships, that the practitioners in the arts and manufactures attain the high degree of perfection, whereby British productions have arrived at the great estimation in which they were heretofore held in foreign markets. 8. That the apprenticed artisans have, collectively and individually, an unquestionable right to expect the most extended protection from the Legislature, in the quiet and exclusive use and enjoyment of their several and respective arts and trades, which the law has already conferred upon them as a property, as much as it has secured the property of the stockholder in the public funds; and it is clearly unjust to take the whole of the ancient established property and rights of any one class of the community, unless, at the same time, the rights and property of the whole commonwealth should be dissolved, and parcelled out anew for the public good. 10. That in consequence of too minute a division of labour, injudiciously allowed in several manufactures, the workmen employed are not enabled to make throughout any one article however simple, or even to maintain themselves by their industry. 11. That the unlimited or promiscuous introduction of various descriptions of persons without apprenticeship into the manufactures occasions a surplus of manufacturing poor, and an unnecessary competition, ruinous to the commercial capital and industry of the nation; because the overflow of goods causes all the productions of the manufacturies to fall in price, and be sold to foreigners for less money than they cost in making; which deficiencies are necessarily made up by the ruin of the master manufacturers, bankruptcies, and dividends to creditors; and are the cause of increased parochial and other rates, thus necessarily created, for the support of the poor workmen, who are deprived of the fair price of their honest labour. 17. That the system of apprenticeships, whether considered in a religious, political or moral point of view, is highly beneficial to the State, and from the neglect thereof is to be attributed the great defalcation of public morals, the numerous frauds committed in trade, the increased numbers of juvenile criminals, public trials and executions. 18. That the pretensions to the allowance of universal uncontrolled freedom of action to every individual founded upon the same delusive theoretical principles which fostered the French Revolution, are wholly inapplicable to the insular situation of this Kingdom, and if allowed to prevail, will hasten the destruction of the social system so happily arranged in the existing form and substance of the British constitution, established by law. 19. That the meeting highly approves the proceedings of the 62,875 masters and journeymen, who have already presented petitions, to the House of Commons, praying for leave to bring a Bill into Parliament to amend, extend and make more effectual the statute of apprenticeship, 5 Elizabeth, chap. 4. 21. That the most effectual preventive against and check upon combinations of journeymen, as also of masters in any trade, is for the persons engaged in such trades to take apprentices as required by law. 15. REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON THE RIBBON WEAVERS [_Report of Committee on the Ribbon Weavers, 1818 (IX)_], 1818. Your Committee also report, That it appears by the examination that the silk, and ribbon weavers in particular, are and have been for some time past suffering great privations and distress, arising out of inadequate wages; that such distress has had the effect of reducing thousands of them to seek parochial aid, and have, in consequence, increased the poor-rate, especially in the parishes of Coventry and in the County of Warwick, where the ribbon trade is the staple manufacture, to an extent too burdensome to be much longer borne. That the low rate of wages complained of by the Petitioners is not in consequence of the want of trade, it having been proved to your committee that there are as many silk goods, particularly ribbons, now making, as at any former time. That a system of half-pay apprenticeship has been resorted to, which has been attended with ruinous consequences to the morals of such apprentices, and exceedingly injurious to the trade. That the evils complained of do not exist in London, Westminster, and Middlesex; which your committee believe to be owing to the provisions of the act called the Spitalfields Act, which extend to those places, the effects of which are fully detailed in the evidence. That the whole of the masters and weavers in the Ribbon Trade concur in the propriety of an extension of the Spitalfields Act. Your Committee are, therefore, of opinion, that it is absolutely necessary, for the protection of the weavers in the silk trade, and the ribbon trade in particular, and to enable them to support themselves and families, and also for protecting the parishes in which these trades are carried on, that some legislative interference should take place; and your committee think that a remedy could be found in the extension of the provisions of the Spitalfields and Dublin Acts, or at least a trial of that extension for a period of a few years, by way of experiment. Your committee cannot but remark, that whilst the Statute of 5th Elizabeth, c. 4, was in force, that the distressing circumstances now complained of, never occurred. 3 June, 1818. 16. THE COTTON FACTORY ACT OF 1819 [_Statutes, 59 Geo. III, 66_], 1819. An Act to make further Provisions for the Regulation of Cotton Mills and Factories, and for the better Preservation of the Health of young Persons employed therein. I. No child shall be employed in any description of work, for the spinning of cotton wool into yarn, or in any previous preparation of such wool, until he or she shall have attained the full age of nine years. II. And be it further enacted, that no person, being under the age of sixteen years, shall be employed in any description of work whatsoever, in spinning cotton wool into yarn, or in the previous preparation of such wool, or in the cleaning or repairing of any mill, manufactory or building, or any millwork or machinery therein, for more than twelve hours in any one day, exclusive of the necessary time for meals; such twelve hours to be between the hours of five o'clock in the morning and nine o'clock in the evening. III. And be it further enacted, that there shall be allowed to every such person, in the course of every day, not less than half an hour to breakfast, and not less than one full hour for dinner; such hour for dinner to be between the hours of eleven o'clock in forenoon and two o'clock in the afternoon. IV. Provided nevertheless, and be it further enacted, that if at any time, in any such mill, manufactory or buildings as are situated upon streams of water, time shall be lost in consequence of the want of a due supply, or of an excess of water, then and in every such case, and so often as the same shall happen, it shall be lawful for the proprietors of any such mill, manufactory or building, to extend the before mentioned time of daily labour, after the rate of one additional hour per day, until such lost time shall have been made good, but no longer. V. And be it further enacted, that the ceilings and interior walls of every such mill, manufactory, or building shall be washed with quick lime and water twice in every year. 17. OASTLER'S FIRST LETTER ON YORKSHIRE SLAVERY [_The Leeds Mercury, Saturday, October 16, 1830_], 1830. Slavery in Yorkshire. To the editors of the Leeds Mercury. "It is the pride of Britain that a Slave cannot exist on her soil; and if I read the genius of her constitution aright, I find that Slavery is most abhorrent to it--that the air which Britons breathe is free--the ground on which they tread is sacred to liberty." Rev. R.W. Hamilton's Speech at the Meeting held in the Cloth-Hall Yard, Sept. 22nd, 1830.[357] Gentlemen,--No heart responded with truer accents to the sounds of liberty which were heard in the Leeds Cloth-hall yard, on the 22nd instant, than did mine, and from none could more sincere and earnest prayers arise to the throne of Heaven, that hereafter Slavery might only be known to Britain in the pages of her history. One shade alone obscured my pleasure, arising not from any difference in principle, but from the want of application of the general principle _to the whole Empire_. The pious and able champions of _Negro_ liberty and _Colonial_ rights should, if I mistake not, have gone farther than they did; or perhaps, to speak more correctly, before they had travelled so far as the West Indies, should, at least for a few moments, have sojourned in our immediate neighbourhood, and have directed the attention of the meeting to scenes of misery, acts of oppression and victims of Slavery, even on the threshold of our homes! Let the truth speak out, appalling as the statements may appear. The fact is true. Thousands of our fellow-creatures and fellow-subjects, both male and female, the inhabitants of a _Yorkshire-town_, (Yorkshire now represented in Parliament by the giant of anti-slavery principles,[358]) are at this very moment existing in a state of slavery _more horrid_ than are the victims of that hellish system--"_Colonial Slavery._" These innocent creatures drawl out unpitied their short but miserable existence, in a place famed for its profession of religious zeal, whose inhabitants are ever foremost in _professing_ "Temperance" and "Reformation," and are striving to outrun their neighbours in Missionary exertions, and would fain send the Bible to the farthest corner of the Globe--aye in the very place where the anti-slavery fever rages most furiously, her _apparent charity_ is not more admired on earth, than her _real_ cruelty is abhorred in heaven. The very streets which receive the droppings of an "Anti-Slavery Society" are every morning wet with the tears of innocent victims at the accursed shrine of avarice, who are compelled (not by the cart-whip of the negro slave-driver) but by the dread of the equally appalling thong or strap of the overlooker, to hasten half-dressed, _but not half-fed_, to those magazines of British Infantile Slavery--_the Worsted Mills in the town and neighbourhood of Bradford_!!! * * * * * Thousands of little children, both male and female, _but principally female_, from SEVEN to fourteen years, are daily _compelled_ to _labour_ from six o'clock in the morning to seven in the evening with only--Britons, blush whilst you read it!--_with only thirty minutes allowed for eating and recreation_. * * * * * The Blacks may be fairly compared to beasts of burden _kept for their master's use_. The whites to those _which others keep and let for hire\_! If I have succeeded in calling the attention of your readers to the horrid and abominable system on which the worsted mills in and near Bradford are conducted, I have done some good. Why should not children working in them be protected by legislative enactments, as well as those who work in cotton mills. Christians should feel and act for those whom Christ so eminently loved and declared that "of such is the kingdom of heaven." Your insertion of the above in the Leeds Mercury, at your earliest convenience, will oblige, Gentlemen, Your most obedient servant, Richard Oastler. Fixby Hall, near Huddersfield, Sept. 29th, 1830. [Footnote 357: September 22, 1830, an anti-Slavery meeting at the Coloured Cloth Hall, Leeds, addressed by Lord Morpeth, Henry Brougham, etc., in favour of the abolition of Slavery in the British colonies.] [Footnote 358: Brougham.] 18. FACTORY ACT [_Statutes, 3 and 4 Wm. IV, 103_], 1833. An Act to regulate the Labour of Children and young Persons in the Mills and Factories of the United Kingdom. ... no person under eighteen years of age shall be allowed to work in the night, that is to say between the hours of half-past eight o'clock in the evening and half-past five o'clock in the morning, except as hereinafter provided, in or about any cotton, woollen, worsted, hemp, flax, tow, linen, or silk mill or factory.... II. And be it further enacted, that no person under the age of eighteen years shall be employed in any such mill or factory in such description of work as aforesaid more than twelve hours in any one day, nor more than sixty-nine hours in any one week, except as hereinafter provided. VI. And be it further enacted, that there shall be allowed in the course of every day not less than one and a half hours for meals to every such person restricted as hereinbefore provided to the performance of twelve hours work daily. VII. And be it enacted, that from and after the first day of January one thousand eight hundred and thirty-four it shall not be lawful for any person whatsoever to employ in any factory or mill as aforesaid, except in mills for the manufacture of silk, any child who shall not have completed his or her ninth year of age. VIII. And be it further enacted, that from and after the expiration of six months after the passing of this act, it shall not be lawful for any person whatsoever to employ, keep, or allow to remain in any factory or mill as aforesaid for a longer time than forty-eight hours in any one week, nor for a longer time than nine hours in any one day, except as herein provided, any child who shall not have completed his or her eleventh year of age, or after the expiration of eighteen months from the passing of this act any child who shall not have completed his or her twelfth year of age, or after the expiration of thirty months from the passing of this act any child who shall not have completed his or her thirteenth year of age: Provided nevertheless, that in mills for the manufacture of silk children under the age of thirteen years shall be allowed to work ten hours in any one day. [XI. No child under thirteen to be employed without a certificate that the child is of normal strength and appearance.] XVII.... it shall be lawful for His Majesty by Warrant under his Sign Manual to appoint during His Majesty's pleasure four persons to be Inspectors of factories and places where the labour of children and young persons under eighteen years of age is employed, ... and such Inspectors or any of them are hereby empowered to enter any factory or mill, and any school attached or belonging thereto, at all times and seasons by day or by night, when such mills or factories are at work.... XVIII. And be it further enacted, that the said Inspectors or any of them shall have power and are hereby required to make all such rules, regulations, and orders as may be necessary for the due execution of this act, which rules, regulations, and orders shall be binding on all persons subject to the provisions of this act; and such inspectors are also hereby authorised and required to enforce the attendance at school of children employed in factories according to the provisions of this act.... XX. And be it further enacted, that from and after the expiration of six months from the passing of this act, every child hereinbefore restricted to the performance of forty-eight hours of labour in any one week shall, so long as such child shall be within the said restricted age, attend some school.... 19. PROPOSALS FOR A WAGES BOARD FOR HAND-LOOM WEAVERS [_First Report from Committee on Hand-loom Weavers' Petitions, 1834 (X), pp. 48-9_], 1834. _Evidence of Hugh Mackenzie, June 28, 1834._ Have the goodness to explain to the Committee ... what are the boards of trade for which you have sent up petitions to the House? We have endeavoured upon many occasions to make this system of a board of trade, which we pray for, as well understood as possible.... Now the old Spitalfields Act every one that is not friendly to the present proposed plans of boards of trade never fails to bring forward as an objection, as a thing which has been practically tried and failed. There is, however, nothing more different. The Spitalfields Act carried its own ruin in its constitution; it was framed upon the principle of being local, and confined to one place only. It was impossible that such an act could stand long, for whilst competition went on in the country, other manufacturers who were only at ten miles distance, or anywhere where the act did not extend, were at liberty to set up the same kind of work, and pay for it, without any transgression of the law, at a great reduction. This being the case, the trade of Spitalfields then began to spread to different parts of the country where the act did not extend; the consequence was, that Spitalfields was soon undersold by cheaper goods than it could make itself, and this led to the ruin of the Spitalfields Act. But had the thing been made general, and extended over the whole nation, the towns in the neighbourhood could not have underwrought Spitalfields; they would have been on the same footing. Had that act been made general, it would have been very good for the country at large; not the fixed price that the Spitalfields Act contained, but the minimum, the lowest price; it might rise and fall according to the circumstances of the trade. Now our views of it are exactly and principally founded upon that; a board of trade that shall extend over the whole nation, and that it shall be under one superintending head. We suppose that that superintending head could be nothing short of His Majesty's Board of Trade in London, and that boards of trade in local places in the country, who are only branches, locally established, not to do as themselves pleased, but they are to be all subordinate to one general board: that these boards shall be at all times guided by the circumstances of the times; and that this data, or lowest minimum of price, shall be taken from what the manufacturer or manufacturers of respectability are able and willing to pay, provided that others were obliged to pay the same prices with him, and that he could not be undersold in the market: that the foreign trade shall by no means be excluded from the consideration of the board; they are to be taken into consideration whether it is expedient that the prices shall be brought down a little, or up a little, just as the nature of trade might require.... Have you any parties introduced in these boards of trade consisting of masters and workmen, who would belong to neither party, who would act in conjunction with them in arbitrating where there was a difference of opinion whether the master paid too little or too much wages? Yes, we had conceived that the self-interest of both parties might induce them to differ, supposing an equal number of manufacturers and weavers composed this board; and one party under such circumstances must of course be in the wrong. Now the only arbiter that could be brought forth under such circumstances must be a neutral, that was pretty well versed in the nature of trade, and that arbitrator could be none other than His Majesty's Board of Trade in London. In Glasgow or anywhere in Scotland, have you a board of trade in operation upon the principles you approve of, that you think would answer all purposes? It is going on just now; it is working at Paisley very finely, and at Glasgow. * * * * * Just explain those principles as far as you can? The working of the Paisley board at the present time, and the working of the Glasgow board, are exactly upon the same principles. The principle is this, that for all the species of work made at Paisley, the manufacturers made out a table of prices, and the weavers made out another; they were reciprocally handed to each other for correction, and the result was, they came to a mutual agreement; they entered into a 12 months' agreement, that they would issue no more work out to their workmen below the minimum price fixed, say it was 1s. for a certain fabric.[359] [Footnote 359: _Cf._ Fielden's proposals, as reported by the Committee's Second Report, 1835 (XIII), p. 14. "The principal feature of Mr. Fielden's Bill is, that returns shall be made every three or six months of the prices of weaving paid by the smallest number of manufacturers, who collectively made one-half of the goods of any description in the parish or township whence the returns are sent, and the average of the highest prices paid by a majority of such manufacturers, shall be the lowest price to be paid in such parish or township during the succeeding three or six months. The effects of the measure would be to withdraw from the worst-paying masters the power which they now possess of regulating wages, and to confer it upon those whose object it is to raise the condition and character of the workpeople."] 20. COAL MINES REGULATION ACT [_Statutes 5 and 6, Victoria 99_], 1842. An Act to prohibit the employment of women and girls in mines and collieries, to regulate the employment of boys, and to make other provisions relating to persons working therein. ... That from and after the passing of this act it shall not be lawful for any owner of any mine or colliery whatsoever to employ any female person within any mine or colliery, or permit any female person to work or be therein, for the purpose of working therein, other than such as were at or before the passing of this act employed within such mine or colliery; and that from and after three calendar months from the passing of this act it shall not be lawful for any owner of any mine or colliery to employ any female person who at the passing of this act shall be under the age of eighteen years within any mine or colliery.... II.... That from and after the first day of March, one thousand eight hundred and forty-three, it shall not be lawful for any owner of any mine or colliery to employ any male person under the age of ten years ... other than such as at the passing of this act shall have attained the age of nine years, and were at or before the passing of this act employed within such mine or colliery. III.... That it shall be lawful for one of Her Majesty's principal Secretaries of State, if and when he shall think fit, to appoint any proper person or persons to visit and inspect any mine or colliery; and it shall be lawful for every person so authorised to enter and examine such mine or colliery ... at all times and seasons, by day or by night, and to make inquiry touching any matter within the provisions of this act; ... [VII. No provision of the Act to affect employment on the surface.] X. And whereas the practice of paying wages to workmen at public houses is found to be highly injurious to the best interests of the working classes; be it therefore enacted, that from and after the expiration of three months from the passing of this act no proprietor or worker of any mine or colliery, or other person, shall pay or cause to be paid any wages ... at or within any tavern, public house, beer shop, or other house of entertainment. [XI. Wages so paid can be recovered as if no payment made.] 21. DEBATE ON FACTORY LEGISLATION [_Parliamentary Debates, 3rd Series, Vol. 73, Cols. 1073-1151_], 1844. Hours of Labour in Factories. House of Commons in Committee on the Factories Bill. March 15, 1844. _Lord Ashley_ rose to propose the amendment of which he had given notice-- "That, the word 'night' shall be taken to mean from six o'clock in the evening to six o'clock in the following morning; and the word 'mealtime' shall be taken to mean an interval of cessation from work for the purpose of rest and refreshment, at the rate of two hours a day, with a view to effect a limitation of the hours of labour to ten in the day." The form of my amendment (said the noble Lord) requires some preliminary explanation. I move it in its present shape at the suggestion of my right hon. friend and the Government, though I fear that in adopting that course I subject myself to some disadvantage. The House will allow me at the outset to explain my amendment. I propose that the word "night," in this clause shall be taken to mean from six o'clock in the evening till six on the following morning, that will leave twelve clear hours during which work shall cease, and I propose further, that out of the twelve hours of day, there shall be two hours during which there shall be a cessation of labour; but that no person shall be affected by this amendment, except those who, under clause ten, are guaranteed against night-work, children, and young persons under thirteen years of age. If I succeed in this amendment it will be necessary to make some corresponding alteration in the eighth clause. The tenth clause I propose to leave, as that will afford an opportunity of giving some relaxation through the summer months. During the winter months, that is from the 15th of October to the 15th of March, hours of labour are not to exceed ten, two being for meals; but during the summer months, that is from the 15th of March to the 15th of October, the hours to be twelve and two for meals, making fourteen in the whole. Now, I would say with a view to conciliate opposition, that though I shall be ready to propose, as I intend to do, to limit the labour of all young persons and children to ten hours in each day, I am yet willing to obtain that object in parts and by degrees; that is, I propose to limit the hours of labour for such persons to eleven hours a day from the 1st of October in the present year, and ten hours a day from the 1st of October, 1845. Nearly eleven years have now elapsed since I first made the proposition to the House which I shall renew this night. Never, at any time, have I felt greater apprehension or even anxiety; not through any fear of personal defeat, for disappointment is "the badge of all our tribe;" but because I know well the hostility that I have aroused, and the certain issues of indiscretion on my part affecting the welfare of those who have so long confided their hopes and interests to my charge. And here let me anticipate the constant, but unjust, accusation that I am animated by a peculiar hostility against factory masters, and I have always selected them as exclusive objects of attack. I must assert that the charge, though specious, is altogether untrue. I began, I admit, this public movement by an effort to improve the condition of the factories; but this I did, not because I ascribed to that department of industry a monopoly of all that was pernicious and cruel, but because it was then before the public eye, comprised the wealthiest and most responsible proprietors, and presented the greatest facilities for legislation. As soon as I had the power, I showed my impartiality by moving the House for the Children's Employment Commission. The curious in human suffering may decide on the respective merits of the several reports; but factory labour has no longer an unquestionable pre-eminence of ill fame; and we are called upon to give relief, not because it is the worst system, but because it is oppressive, and yet capable of alleviation. Sir, I confess that ten years of experience have taught me that avarice and cruelty are not the peculiar and inherent qualities of any one class or occupation--they will ever be found where the means of profit are combined with great and, virtually, irresponsible power--they will be found wherever interest and selfishness have a purpose to serve, and a favourable opportunity. * * * * * This will conclude the statement that I have to make to the House--and now, sir, who will assert that these things should be permitted to exist? Who will hesitate to apply the axe to the root of the tree, or, at least, endeavour to lop off some of its deadliest branches? What arguments from general principles will they adduce against my proposition? What, drawn from peculiar circumstances? They cannot urge that particular causes in England give rise to particular results; the same cause prevails in various countries; and wherever it is found, it produces the same effects. I have already stated its operation in France, in Russia, in Switzerland, in Austria, and in Prussia; I may add also in America; for I perceive by the papers of the 1st of February, that a Bill has been proposed in the Legislature of Pennsylvania, to place all persons under the age of sixteen within the protection of the "ten hours" limit. I never thought that we should have learned justice from the City of Philadelphia. In October last I visited an immense establishment in Austria, which gives employment to several hundred hands; I went over the whole, and conversed with the managers, who detailed to me the same evils and the same fruits as those I have narrated to the House--prolonged labour of sixteen, and seventeen hours, intense fatigue, enfeebled frame, frequent consumptive disorders, and early deaths--yet the locality had every advantage; well-built and airy houses in a fine open country, and a rural district; nevertheless, so injurious are the effects, that the manager added, stating at the same time the testimony of many others who resided in districts where mills are more abundant, that, in ten years from the time at which he spoke, "there would hardly be a man in the whole of those neighbourhoods fit to carry a musket." Let me remind, too, the House of the mighty change which has taken place among the opponents to this question. When I first brought it forward in 1833, I could scarcely number a dozen masters on my side, I now count them by hundreds. We have had, from the West Riding of Yorkshire, a petition signed by 300 mill-owners, praying for a limitation of labour to ten hours in the day. Some of the best names in Lancashire openly support me. I have letters from others who secretly wish me well, but hesitate to proclaim their adherence; and even among the members of the Anti-Corn-Law League, I may boast of many firm and efficient friends. Sir, under all the aspects in which it can be viewed, this system of things must be abrogated or restrained--it affects the internal tranquillity of those vast provinces, and all relations between employer and employed--it forms a perpetual grievance and ever comes uppermost among their complaints in all times of difficulty and discontent. It disturbs the order of nature, and the rights of the labouring men, by ejecting the males from the workshop, and filling their places by females, who are thus withdrawn from all their domestic duties and exposed to insufferable toil at half the wages that would be assigned to males, for the support of their families. It affects--nay, more, it absolutely annihilates, all the arrangements and provisions of domestic economy--thrift and management are altogether impossible; had they twice the amount of their present wages, they would be but slightly benefited--everything runs to waste; the house and children are deserted; the wife can do nothing for her husband and family; she can neither cook, wash, repair clothes, nor take charge of the infants; all must be paid for out of her scanty earnings, and, after all, most imperfectly done. Dirt, discomfort, ignorance, recklessness, are the portion of such households; the wife has no time for learning in her youth, and none for practice in her riper age; the females are most unequal to the duties of the men in the factories; and all things go to rack and ruin, because the men can discharge at home no one of the especial duties that Providence has assigned to the females. Why need I detain the House by a specification of these injurious results? They will find them stated at painful length in the Second Report of the Children's Employment Commission. Consider it, too, under its physical aspect! Will the House turn a deaf ear to the complaints of suffering that resound from all quarters? Will it be indifferent to the physical consequences on the rising generation? You have the authority of the Government Commissioner, Dr. Hawkins, a gentleman well skilled in medical statistics-- "I have never been (he tells you) in any town in Great Britain or in Europe, in which degeneracy of form and colour from the national standard has been so obvious as in Manchester." I have, moreover, the authority of one of the most ardent antagonists, himself a mighty mill-owner, that, if the present system of labour be persevered in, the "county of Lancaster will speedily become a province of pigmies." The toil of the females has hitherto been considered the characteristic of savage life; but we, in the height of our refinement, impose on the wives and daughters of England a burthen from which, at least during pregnancy, they would be exempted even in slave-holding states, and among the Indians of America. But every consideration sinks to nothing compared with that which springs from the contemplation of the moral mischiefs this system engenders and sustains. You are poisoning the very sources of order and happiness and virtue; you are tearing up, root and branch, all the relations of families to each other; you are annulling, as it were, the institution of domestic life, decreed by Providence Himself, the wisest and kindest of earthly ordinances, the mainstay of social peace and virtue, and therein of national security. _Right Hon. Sir J.R.G. Graham[360]:_ Sir, I never rose to discharge any duty in this House which I considered at the same time more painful and more imperative. The pain, I must admit, is considerably increased by the eloquence of the address which my noble friend has just concluded, and especially of the passage which marked the close of his speech. The noble lord has asked whether any man will be found in this House to resist the proposal which he has thought it his duty to make, and he has appealed to considerations of justice and mercy, intimating, if not directly, at least by implication, that resistance to his motion is inconsistent both with justice and mercy. I, on the other hand, having due regard to those sacred principles which my noble friend has invoked, am bound, on my own part, and on the part of the Government, to offer to the proposal of the noble Lord my decided opposition. The noble lord said, the time is come when, in his opinion, it is necessary to lay the axe to the root of the tree. Before we do this let me entreat the Committee carefully to consider what is that tree which we are to lay prostrate. If it be, as I suppose, the tree of the commercial greatness of this country, I am satisfied that although some of its fruits may be bitter, yet upon the whole it has produced that greatness, that wealth, that prosperity, which make these small islands most remarkable in the history of the civilised world, which, upon the whole, diffuse happiness amidst this great community, and render this nation one of the most civilised, if not the most civilised, and powerful on the face of the globe. * * * * * My noble friend stated that he would not enter into the commercial part of the question; but if I can show that the inevitable result of the abridgement of time will be the diminution of wages to the employed, then I say, with reference to the interests of the working classes themselves, there never was a more doubtful question before Parliament than this. The House will remember that the branches of manufacture affected by this Bill are dependent upon machinery. Such is the rapidity with which improvements are made, that no machinery can last more than twelve or thirteen years without alterations; and master manufacturers have been obliged to pull down machinery that was perfectly sound and good to make the necessary alterations which competition forces upon them. Well, then, it is necessary to replace machinery in the course of twelve or thirteen years. You are now discussing whether you shall abridge by one-sixth the period of time in which capital is to be replaced, all interest upon it paid, and the original outlay restored. Such an abridgement would render it impossible that capital with interest should be restored. Then in the close race of competition which our manufacturers are now running with foreign competitors, it must be considered what effect this reduction of one-sixth of the hours of labour would have upon them. The question in its bearing upon competition must be carefully considered; and I have been informed that in that respect such a step would be fatal to many of our manufacturers--a feather would turn the scale: an extra pound weight would lose the race. But that would not be the first effect. The first effect would fall upon the operative. It is notorious that a great part of the power of the mill-owners, a power which alone justifies such legislation as this, arises from the redundant supply of labour. It follows that when a master is pressed upon by your legislation, he will compensate himself by forcing upon those in his employ a decrease of wages. I believe the large majority of intelligent operatives comprehend that proposition thoroughly. I have seen many, and conversed with them, and they have admitted that the proposal involves a necessary decrease of wages. In the report presented in 1841 by my excellent friend Mr. Horner, who has discharged with the most honourable fidelity the duty of inspector of factories, there is information upon this point, and with the permission of the House I will read a passage--a single passage only--but one which goes to the root of the whole subject. Mr. Horner said: "I have made an estimate of the loss a mill would sustain from working eleven hours a day only instead of twelve, and I find it would amount to £850 per annum. If it were reduced to ten hours, it would be about £1,530 per annum. Unless, therefore, the mill-owner can obtain a proportionately higher price for the commodity, he must reduce wages or abandon his trade. I have made some calculations as to the probable reduction of wages, and of the whole loss that would be thrown on the operatives. I make the amount in the case of eleven hours a day to be 13 per cent., and in the case of ten hours a day 25 per cent. at the present average rate of wages." Now, I believe this to be perfectly accurate. The question then arises, whether you shall create in the manufacturing districts one sudden general fall of wages to the amount of 25 per cent? I believe that the adoption of the motion of my noble friend would produce that effect. Though I am most anxious to take every precaution with regard to infant labour--though I am as firmly resolved as my noble friend to urge upon the House to put a limit upon female labour, still, upon the whole, I cannot recommend the House to adopt an enactment which limits the labour of young persons to a shorter period than twelve hours. _Mr. T. Milner Gibson_[361]: As the right hon. baronet had alluded to the argument of not destroying the profits upon manufactures, he (Mr. Gibson) would read some remarks upon that point by Mr. Senior, a gentleman whose name would be of great weight with hon. members. In 1836 or 1837, Mr. Senior, with some other gentlemen, went into the manufacturing districts with the view of ascertaining the effect of factory legislation, and making observations upon the factory population. Mr. Senior wrote a letter dated the 28th March, 1837, to Mr. Poulett Thomson to the following effect:-- "Under the present law, no mill in which persons under eighteen years of age are employed (and, therefore, scarcely any mill at all), can be worked more than eleven and a half hours a day, that is twelve hours for five days in a week, and nine on Saturday. The following analysis will show that in a mill so worked the whole net profit is derived from the last hour. I will suppose a manufacturer of 100,000l.--80,000l. in his mill and machinery, and 20,000l. in raw material and wages. The annual return of that mill, supposing the capital to be turned once a year, and gross profits to be 15 per cent., ought to be goods worth 115,000l. produced by the constant conversion and reconversion of the 20,000l. circulating capital, from money into goods and from goods into money, in periods of rather more than two months. Of this 115,000l., each of the 23 half hours of work produces 5-115ths, or 1-23rd. Of these 23-23rds (constituting the whole 115,000l.) 20, that is to say, 100,000l. out of the 115,000l., simply replace the capital; 1-23rd (or 5,000l. out of the 115,000l.) makes up for the deterioration of the mill and machinery. The remaining 2-23rds, the last two of the twenty-three half hours of every day, produce the net profit of 10 per cent. If, therefore (prices remaining the same), the factory could be kept at work thirteen hours instead of eleven and a half, by an addition of about 2,600l. to the circulating capital, the net profit would be more than doubled. On the other hand, if the hours of working were reduced by one hour per day (prices remaining the same), net profit would be destroyed; if they were reduced by an hour and a half, even gross profit would be destroyed. The circulating capital would be replaced, but there would be no fund to compensate the progressive deterioration of the fixed capital." It was clear that this principle of Mr. Senior's was sound, and if hon. gentlemen would consider it carefully they would find it indisputable. The House would consider whether they would not, as the right hon. baronet had expressed it, be affecting the safety and stability of the great staple manufactures, under the impression that they were legislating humanely for the working classes, while, in point of fact, the result would be that by the depreciation of manufactures, the greatest possible injury would be inflicted upon the operatives. _Mr. J. Bright_[362] said, It is with unfeigned reluctance that I rise to speak, having so recently addressed the House at some length, but being intimately connected with the branch of industry which is affected by the proposition now under consideration, and having lived all my life among the population most interested in this Bill, and having listened most attentively for more than two hours to the speech of the noble lord, the member for Dorsetshire, I think I am entitled to be heard on the question now under discussion. I have listened to that speech without much surprise, because I have heard or read the same speech, or one very like it, on former occasions, and I did not suppose that any material change had taken place in the opinions of the noble lord. It appears to me, however, that he has taken a one-sided view, a most unjust and unfair view of the question; it may not be intentionally, but still a view which cannot be borne out by facts; a view, moreover, which factory inspectors and their reports will not corroborate, and one which, if it influence the decision of this House, will be most prejudicial to that very class which the noble lord intends to serve. The right hon. baronet, the Secretary for the Home Department, who is, I presume, the promoter of this Bill, should have given the House some reason for the introduction of a new Factory Bill. No such reason has yet been given, and I am at a loss to discover any grounds on which it can with fairness be asserted that the Bill now in operation has failed in its effect. I know the inspectors affirm that it cannot be fully carried out. Every body who knows anything of the manufactories of the North, knew when it was passed that it could not be fully carried out; and the proposition now made, is to render this impracticable Act more stringent. In a trade so extensive, employing so many people, carried on under circumstances ever varying, no Act of Parliament interfering with the minute details of its management, can ever be fully carried out. I am not one who will venture to say that the manufacturing districts of this country are a paradise; I believe there are in those districts evils great and serious; but whatever evils do there exist are referable to other causes than to the existence of factories and long chimneys. Most of the statements which the noble lord has read, would be just as applicable to Birmingham, or to this metropolis, as to the northern districts; and as he read them over, with respect to the ignorance and intemperance of the people, the disobedience of children to their parents, the sufferings of mothers, and the privations which the children endure, I felt that there was scarcely a complaint which has been made against the manufacturing districts of the north of England, which might not be urged with at least as much force against the poorest portion of the population of every large city in Great Britain and Ireland. But among the population of Lancashire and Yorkshire, where towns are so numerous as almost to touch each other, these evils are more observable than in a population less densely crowded together. I can prove, however, and I do not wish to be as one-sided as the noble lord, I can prove from authorities, which are at least as worthy of attention as his, the very reverse in many respects of what he has stated as the true state of those districts. Now the Committee will bear in mind that a large portion of the documents which the noble lord has quoted, have neither dates nor names. I can give dates and names, and I feel confident that the authorities I shall cite are worthy of the deepest attention. I must go over the grounds of complaint which the noble lord has urged, and although I may run the risk of being a little tedious, yet considering that for two hours or more I have listened to the charges which he has made, I do think that, connected as I am most intimately with the population and the district to which the noble lord has alluded, I have a right to an audience for the counter-statement which I have to make. Now, with respect to the health of the persons employed, and I will speak more particularly of the cotton trade, with which I am more immediately connected, Mr. Harrison, the inspecting surgeon for Preston, says:-- "I have made very particular inquiries respecting the health of every child whom I have examined, and I find that the average annual sickness of each child is not more than four days; at least not more than four days are lost by each child in a year in consequence of sickness. This includes disorders of every kind, for the most part induced by causes wholly unconnected with factory labour. I have been not a little surprised to find so little sickness which can fairly be attributed to mill work. I have met with very few children who have suffered from injuries occasioned by machinery; and the protection, especially in new factories, is now so complete, that accidents will, I doubt not, speedily become rare. I have not met with a single instance, out of 1,656 children whom I examined, of deformity that is referable to factory labour. It must be admitted that factory children do not present the same blooming, robust appearance, as is witnessed among children who labour in the open air; but I question if they are not more exempt from acute disease, and do not, on the whole, suffer less sickness than those who are regarded as having more healthy employments." This was the statement of a man who had for a long time been inspecting-surgeon in a district where there are a large number of mills, and it may be taken as a fair criterion of the rest. In the analysis of the Factory Report, page 16, I find the following statement:-- "In conclusion, then, it is proved, by a preponderance of seventy-two witnesses against seventeen, that the health of those employed in cotton mills is nowise inferior to that in other occupations; and, secondly, it is proved by tables drawn up by the secretary of a sick club, and by the more extensive tables of a London actuary, that the health of the factory children is decidedly superior to that of the labouring poor otherwise employed." From the Factory Inspector's Reports in 1834 I have extracted the following testimony, and no doubt this evidence is quite as good as if it had been given this year; for from that time to this there has been a progressive improvement in everything relating to the management of the factories of the north of England. "The general tenor of all the medical reports in my possession confirms Mr. Harrison's view of factory labour on the health of the younger branches of working hands. It is decidedly not injurious to health or longevity, compared with other employments." Then, in page 51, Mr. Saunders says, "It appears in evidence, that of all employments to which children are subjected, those carried on in factories are among the least laborious, and of all departments of in-door labour, amongst the least unwholesome." Mr. Horner says, "It is gratifying to be able to state, that I have not had a single complaint laid before me either on the part of the masters against their servants, or of the servants against their masters; nor have I seen or heard of any instance of ill-treatment of children, or of injury to their health by their employment." And on the 21st of July, 1834, speaking on the employment of children, he says: "And as their occupation in the mills is so light as to cause no bodily fatigue, they would pass their eight hours there as beneficially as at home; indeed, in most cases, far more so." * * * * * I think I have now said enough with regard to this part of the subject--apparently too much for hon. gentlemen opposite, who appear only anxious to hear and applaud one side, and many of whom have not even heard that. But notwithstanding all these facts I admit there are evils, serious evils, and much distress in the manufacturing districts; many are still out of employment, and in many branches of trade wages are low. We have violent fluctuations in trade, and periods when multitudes endure great suffering and it becomes this House to inquire why do these fluctuations occur, and what is the great cause of their suffering. I attribute much of this to the mistaken and unjust policy pursued by this House, with respect to the trade and industry of the country. Hitherto manufacturers have had no fair chance: you have interfered with their natural progress, you have crippled them by your restrictions, you have at times almost destroyed them by monopolies, you have made them the sources of your public revenue, and the upholders of your rents, but at your hands they have never to this moment received justice and fair dealing. I do not charge the noble lord with dishonesty, but I am confident if he had looked at this question with as anxious a desire to discover truth, as he has to find materials for his case, he would have found many subjects of congratulation to counterbalance every one which he would have had reason to deplore. The noble lord and hon. gentlemen opposite, when they view from their distant eminence the state of the manufacturing districts, look through the right end of the telescope; what they see is thus brought near to them, and is greatly magnified; but when they are asked to look at the rural districts, they reverse the telescope and then everything is thrown to the greatest possible distance and is diminished as much as possible. * * * * * The noble lord, the Member for Liverpool, says, he is most anxious to improve the condition of the working classes; he points to more education, a higher state of morals, better food and better clothing, as the result of the adoption of the proposition now before the House. But there is one thing that the noble lord has failed to prove; he has failed to show how working only ten hours will give the people more sugar. The noble lord is the representative of the sugar monopolists of Liverpool, and, after voting to deprive the people of sugar, he is perfectly consistent in denying them the liberty even to work. The people ask for freedom for their industry, for the removal of the shackles on their trade; you deny it to them, and then forbid them to labour, as if working less would give them more food, whilst your monopoly laws make food scarce and dear. Give them liberty to work, give them the market of the world for their produce, give them the power to live comfortably, and increasing means and increasing intelligence will speedily render them independent enough and wise enough to bring the duration of labour to that point at which life shall be passed with less of irksome toil of every kind, and more of recreation and enjoyment. It is because I am convinced this project is now impracticable, and that under our present oppressive legislation, it would make all past injustice only more intolerable, that I shall vote against the proposition which the noble lord, the member for Dorset, has submitted to the House. [Footnote 360: _Ibid._ Cols. 1101-2 and 1108-9.] [Footnote 361: _Ibid._ Cols. 1111-2.] [Footnote 362: _Ibid._ Cols. 1132-5, 1148 and 1150-1.] 22. Factory Act [_Statutes_ 7 _ana_ 8, _Victoria_ 15], 1844. An Act to amend the Laws relating to Labour in Factories. XX. And be it enacted, that no child or young person shall be allowed to clean any part of the mill-gearing in a factory while the same is in motion for the purpose of propelling any part of the manufacturing machinery; and no child or young person shall be allowed to work between the fixed and traversing part of any self-acting machine while the latter is in motion by the action of the steam engine, water-wheel, or other mechanical power. XXI. And be it enacted, that every fly-wheel directly connected with the steam engine or water-wheel or other mechanical power, whether in the engine house or not, and every part of a steam engine and water-wheel, and every hoist or teagle, near to which children or young persons are liable to pass or be employed, and all parts of the mill-gearing in a factory, shall be securely fenced; and every wheel-race not otherwise secured shall be fenced close to the edge of the wheel-race; and the said protection to each part shall not be removed while the parts required to be fenced are in motion by the action of the steam engine, water-wheel, or other mechanical power for any manufacturing process. XXIV. And be it enacted, that one of Her Majesty's principal Secretaries of State, on the report and recommendation of an inspector, may empower such inspector to direct one or more actions to be brought in the name and on behalf of any person who shall be reported by such inspector to have received any bodily injury from the machinery of any factory, for the recovery of damages for and on behalf of such person. XXIX. And be it enacted, that every child who shall have completed his eighth year, and shall have obtained the surgical certificate required by this act of having completed his eighth year, may be employed in a factory in the same manner and under the same regulations as children who have completed their ninth year; but no child under eight years of age shall be employed in any factory. XXX. And be it enacted, that no child shall be employed in any factory more than six hours and thirty minutes in any one day, save as hereinafter excepted, unless the dinner time of the young persons in such factory shall begin at one of the clock, in which case children beginning to work in the morning may work for seven hours in one day; and no child who shall have been employed in a factory before noon of any day shall be employed in the same or any other factory, either for the purpose of recovering lost time or otherwise, after one of the clock in the afternoon of the same day, save in the cases when children may work on alternate days, or in silk factories more than seven hours in any one day, as hereinafter provided. XXXI. And be it enacted, that in any factory in which the labour of young persons is restricted to ten hours in any one day it shall be lawful to employ any child ten hours in any one day on three alternate days of every week, provided that such child shall not be employed in any manner in the same or in any other factory on two successive days, nor after half past four of the clock in the afternoon of any Saturday: Provided always, that the parent or person having direct benefit from the wages of any child so employed shall cause such child to attend some school for at least five hours between the hours of eight of the clock in the morning and six of the clock in the afternoon of the same day on each week day preceding each day of employment in the factory, unless such preceding day shall be a Saturday, when no school attendance of such child shall be required: Provided also, that on Monday in every week after that in which such child began to work in the factory, or any other day appointed for that purpose by the inspector of the District, the occupier of the factory shall obtain a certificate from a schoolmaster, according to the form and directions given in the schedule (A) to this act annexed, that such child has attended school as required by this act; but it shall not be lawful to employ any child in a factory more than seven hours in any one day, until the owner of the factory shall have sent a notice in writing to the inspector of the district of his intention to restrict the hours of labour of young persons in the factory to ten hours a day, and to employ children ten hours a day; and if such occupier of a factory shall at any time cease so to employ children ten hours a day he shall not again employ any child in his factory more than seven hours in any one day until he shall have sent a further notice to the inspector in the manner hereinbefore provided. XXXII. And be it enacted, that no female above the age of eighteen years shall be employed in any factory save for the same time and in the same manner as young persons may be employed in factories; and that any person who shall be convicted of employing a female above the age of eighteen years for any longer time or in any other manner shall for every such offence be adjudged to pay the same penalty as is provided in the like case for employing a young person contrary to law: provided always, that nothing herein or in the Factory Act contained as to certificates of age shall be taken to apply to females above the age of eighteen years. 23. RECOMMENDATIONS OF THE COMMISSION ON THE HEALTH OF TOWNS [_Second Report of Commissioners on State of Large Towns and Populous Districts (XVIII), 1845, pp. 13-68_], 1845. That in all cases the local administrative body appointed for the purpose have the special charge and direction of all the works required for sanitary purposes, but that the Crown possess a general power of supervision. That before the adoption of any general measure for drainage a plan and survey upon a proper scale, including all necessary details, be obtained, and submitted for approval to a competent authority. That the Crown be empowered to define and to enlarge from time to time the area for drainage included within the jurisdiction of the local administrative body. That, upon representation being made by the municipal or other authority, or by a certain number of the inhabitants of any town or district, or part thereof, setting forth defects in the condition of such place, as to drainage, sewerage, paving, cleansing, or other sanitary matters, the Crown appoint a competent person to inspect and report upon the state of the defects, and, if satisfied of the necessity, have power to enforce upon the local administrative body the due execution of the law. That the management of the drainage of the entire area, as defined for each district, be placed under one jurisdiction. That the construction of sewers, branch sewers, and house drains, be entrusted to the local administrative body. That the duty of providing the funds necessary to be imposed upon the local administrative body, and that the cost of making the main and branch sewers be equitably distributed among the owners of the properties benefited; and that the expense of making the house-drains be charged upon the owners of the house, to which the drains are attached, etc. That some restriction be placed on the proportionate rates in the pound to be levied in one year, but if the local administrative body finds that there is need for larger funds, for the immediate execution of works for sanitary measures, than can be provided by such rates, it be empowered to raise, by loan on security of the rates, subject to the approval of the Crown, such sums as may be requisite for effecting the objects in view. That provision always be made for the gradual liquidation of such debts, within a given number of years. That the whole of the paving, and the construction of the surface of all streets, courts and alleys be placed under the management of the same authority as the drainage. That the provisions in local Acts, vesting the right to all the dust, ashes, and street refuse in the local administrative body, be made general; and that the cleansing of all privies and cess-pools at proper times, and on due notice, be exclusively entrusted to it. That it be rendered imperative on the local administrative body, charged with the management of the sewerage and drainage, to procure a supply of water in sufficient quantities not only for the domestic needs of the inhabitants, but also for cleansing the streets, scouring the sewers and drains, and the extinction of fire.... That measures be adopted for promoting a proper system of ventilation in all edifices for public assemblage and resort, especially those for the education of youth. That, on complaint of the parish medical or other authorised officer, that any house or premises are in such a filthy and unwholesome state as to endanger the health of the public, and an infectious disorder exists therein, the local administrative body have power to require the landlord to cleanse it properly, without delay; and in case of his neglect or inability, to do so by its own officers, and recover the expense from the landlord. That the local administrative body have power to appoint, subject to the approval of the Crown, a medical officer properly qualified to inspect and report periodically upon the sanitary condition of the town or district, to ascertain the true causes of disease and death, more especially of epidemics increasing the rates of mortality, and the circumstances which originate and maintain such diseases, and injuriously affect the public health of such town or populous district. [Provisions for abating factory exhalations and nuisances; for regulating the width of new courts, the accommodation of cellar-dwellings and the sanitation of new houses; for power to buy out new water companies at the end of a term of years; for controlling lodging-houses; for providing public spaces and walks.][363] [Footnote 363: The first general Public Health Act (1848) was based on this report and that of the Select Committee on the Health of Towns, 1840 (XI)] SECTION IV COMBINATIONS OF WORKMEN 1. A Strike of the Journeymen Feltmakers, 1696-99--2. A Petition of Master Tailors against Combination among the Journeymen, 1721--3. A Dispute in the Northumberland and Durham Coal Industry, 1765--4. Sickness and Unemployment Benefit Clubs among the Woolcombers, 1794--5. Combination Act, 1799--6. Combination Act, 1800--7. The Scottish Weavers' Strike, 1812--8. The Repeal of the Combination Acts, 1824--9. A Prosecution of Strikers under the Common Law of Conspiracy, 1810--10. An Act Revising the Law affecting Combinations, 1825--11. The Conviction of the Dorchester Labourers, 1834--12. An Address of the Working Men's Association to Queen Victoria, 1837--13. A Chartist Manifesto on the Sacred Month, 1839--14. The Rochdale Pioneers, 1844. The history of modern Trade Unions is separated from that of earlier combinations by the industrial changes of the eighteenth century and by the alterations in the law affecting them. Illustrations of combinations are given from the seventeenth century (No. 1), the early middle and later eighteenth century (Nos. 2, 3 and 4) and the early nineteenth century (Nos. 7 and 11). The most important changes in the law were made towards the close of the period (Nos. 5, 6, 8, 10). The strike of the Journeymen Feltmakers (No. 1) shows a well-organised body of London craftsmen at the end of the seventeenth century fighting the chartered Company on a wages question in a time of rising prices. The struggle was long, and ended, in 1699, in arbitration by Members of Parliament. The Journeymen Tailors' combination against which the Master Tailors appealed to Parliament in 1721 (No. 2) was also a London organisation, and claimed to control the hours of labour as well as wages. The woolcombers (No. 4) were early famous for combined action, and their system was remarkable for the way in which it combined a fighting trade policy with Friendly Benefit. The declaration of the miners in the northern coalfield (No. 3) refers to one of the recurring struggles over the yearly Bindings. The result of the strike is unknown. The Master Tailors and the employers in some other trades were successful in procuring special Acts of Parliament forbidding combinations (No. 2, note). At the end of the eighteenth century the two general Combination Acts made most kinds of trade union action specifically illegal (No. 5 and No. 6). Combination still survived, but their leaders were always open to attack in emergencies like that of the Scotch weavers' strike (No. 7). Their special liability under the Act of 1800 was removed in 1824, and, though an outburst of strikes led to a revision of the law, the skilled assistance of Francis Place and Hume saved the Trade Unions from being thrust back into their former position (Nos. 8 and 10). But organised striking could also be brought within the common law of conspiracy. Strikers had been proceeded against in this way before (No. 9); and this liability remained after 1825, as well as liability under an Act against oaths of secrecy (No. 11). The case of the Dorchester agricultural labourers (No. 11) also serves to illustrate the great, though short-lived enthusiasm of the Trade Union movement in the 'thirties. Its failure was followed by the rise of Chartism. The immediate objects of the Chartists were political, but their real grievances and ideals were economic, as their early manifestos plainly show (No. 12); and their leaders wavered between political methods and the direct action of the general strike (No. 13). The Rochdale Pioneers co-operative society (No. 14) was founded in the middle of this period of Trade Union and Chartist agitation, and illustrates a third parallel development of working-men's combinations under the stress of the Industrial Revolution. AUTHORITIES Modern books: The standard history is S. and B. Webb, _History of Trade Unionism_: for the legal position, Dicey, _Law and Opinion in England_; Schloesser and Clark, _Legal Position of Trade Unions_; for the seventeenth century, Unwin, _Industrial Organization_. Miners' combinations are described in Fynes, _The Miners of Northumberland and Durham_, Tailors' Combinations in Galton, _The Tailoring Trade_ (Select Documents, Introduction). Wallas' _Life of Francis Place_ gives an account of the repeal of the Combination Acts, Podmore, _Life of Owen_, describes the forward movement among trade unions. For early co-operative history see Holyoake, _The Rochdale Pioneers_. The most complete accounts of the Chartists are in Dolléans' _Chartisme_, and _Beer_, _Geschichte des Socialismus in England_, Part II, of which an English translation is to appear shortly. Bibliographies in S. and B. Webb, _op. cit._ and _Industrial Democracy_; Unwin, _op. cit._, Galton, _op. cit._, Cunningham _op. cit._, and Fay, _Co-operation at Home and Abroad_. _Contemporary._--1. _Documentary authorities_: Records of a seventeenth century strike are printed in Unwin, _Industrial Organisation_, App. A. Petitions by weavers, feltmakers, etc., are to be found in the House of Commons Journals, Vols. 27, 36 and _passim_. Galton, _op. cit._, covers the eighteenth century. For collections of price lists, _e.g._, tailors, printers, brushmakers, bookbinders, basketmakers, see Webb., _op. cit._ bibliography; also for early rules and minutes of the Unions of keelmen, cotton spinners, miners, etc. Official material for the history of the Combination Acts and their repeal is in the Report from Committee on Artizans and Machinery, 1824 (V), and on Combination Acts, 1825 (IV). There was a Report on Friendly Societies in 1825 (X). 2. _Literary authorities._--Descriptions by those who were actors in the events of the early nineteenth century are given in the Life of Robert Owen (by himself), in The life and Struggles of William Lovett (by himself), and The life of Thomas Cooper (by himself). Early Trade and Chartist Journals are important sources:--The United Trades Co-operative Journal, 1830, The Poor Man's Guardian, 1831-5, The Crisis 1832-4, The Ten Hours' Advocate, 1846-7, The Stone Masons' Circular, 1834. Other material for the early history of combinations is to be found in rare pamphlets, such as A Voice from the Coal Mines, 1825 (see Webb Bibliographies, _op. cit._). 1. A STRIKE OF THE JOURNEYMEN FELTMAKERS[364] [_Feltmakers' Court Book_],1696-99. _November 16th, 1696._ It is agreed and ordered by this Court that from and after the 21st day of this present month of November until the month of September next coming, the wages to be given by the master workmen of the Mistery living within the city of London and four miles compass of the same to the journeymen of the trade making of hats shall be as followeth (that is to say):-- s. d. A Beaver 3 0 with diet. A hat of any price from 18s. to a Beaver 2 6 " " " " 16s. price 2 4 " " " " 14s. " 2 2 " " " " 12s. " 1 10 " " " " 10s. " 1 6 " " " " 8s. or any other price up to 10s. 1 2 " " " " 7s. or 6s. 1 0 " " " " 5s. 0 9 " " And also that if the journeymen free of this Company do not accept of the wages before set down and expressed of, and from any workmaster living within the limits aforesaid, then and in such case it shall and may be lawful for all and every workmaster living without the freedom of the city to employ and set to work as a journeyman any person or persons of the Mistery being natives of this kingdom, so as such person or persons in that case to be employed make proof before a Court of Assistants of this Company that he or they have served his or their apprenticeship of seven years in the said Mistery. Upon which proof so made and on payment of the sum of twenty shillings fine to the use of the Company, besides the Clerk and Beadle fees according to ancient custom, such person or persons may be admitted a foreign journeyman or journeymen of this Company, any bye-law or bye-laws, ordinance or ordinances of this Company to the contrary thereof in any wise notwithstanding. And it is further ordered that none of the masters or journeymen of the Mistery do give or take more than the rates above mentioned upon pain that the party offending shall forfeit for every time he shall be found to act contrary to the true meaning of the above order such sum of money, not exceeding the sum of 5l., as the Court of Assistants of this Company shall think fit to impose on him or them. * * * * * _Nov. 30th, 1696._ Geo. Burkeridge and others to the number of 12 journeymen of the Mistery to this Court on behalf of themselves and all the journeymen of the trade within the limits of the Corporation, that they are come to a resolution among themselves not to accept of any less wages for making of hats than what they formerly received and desire that the late Order for lessening their wages may be set aside. * * * * * _June 20th,1698._ George Burkeridge, Thomas Newby and one other journeyman came to this Court on behalf of themselves and the other journeymen for the accommodation of the matters in difference between them and the Company, and offered that in order thereto all matters relating to the trade might stand on the same foot as in 1682 and suits touching the singeing boys to be forborne. After long debate thereupon had, the Court acquainted them, that if they would give an ingenuous account and full discovery of their combinations and collections of money against the Company by Wednesday next, they might expect some favour, which the journeymen promised to comply with. _August 5th, 1698._ The Master reported to this Court that the committee appointed last Court to meet several journeymen of the trade with Mr. Cox and Mr. Cholmley in order to accommodate the matters in difference between the masters and journeymen, who had then declared their sorrow for their unlawful combinations to raise their wages and promised to subscribe an Instrument declaring the same, and that they would for the future be obedient to the bye-laws of the Company and discover all such evil practices. And a draft of such Instrument or submission being read, it is ordered that the same be engrossed with such alteration as the Clerk shall think fit and be signed by the persons indicted and fifteen more of such of the journeymen as the Master and Wardens shall direct. And thereupon the prosecutions shall be stayed. [The Instrument.] We whose hands are hereunto subscribed and set, being journeymen Feltmakers in and about the city of London and borough of Southwark, do hereby acknowledge:--that we with other journeymen of the said trade have held several meetings wherein we have conspired and combined together to enhance the prices for making of hats, for which several of us now stand indicted, and being now greatly sensible and fully convinced of the unlawfulness of such conspiracies do hereby declare our hearty and unfeigned sorrow for the same, and we and every one of us do hereby promise and agree to and with the Master, Wardens and Commonalty of the Company of Feltmakers, London, that neither we nor any of us (nor any other journeyman of the trade with our or any of our privity or consent) shall or will at any time hereafter do any act or thing whatsoever that may in any wise tend to the promoting or encouraging of such conspiracies or combinations. But that we and every of us shall and will do all that in us lieth to discourage and prevent such conspiracies and combinations for the future, and also will endeavour to raise and collect money among the journeymen Feltmakers what they shall freely contribute and pay towards prosecuting the French or any other unlawful workers in the said Trade. And for that purpose shall and will truly pay such money that shall be raised by such contributions into the hands of the Master of the said Company for the time being. And we do further promise that we will for the time to come behave and demean ourselves tractable and conformable to the government and bye-laws of the said Company. _July 3rd,1699._ The Masters reported to this Court that on Tuesday last he attended, with others of the Company, on the Parliament Members for the County of Surrey, according to a Rule of the Court made by the Lord Chief Justice Holt at the last Assizes at Kingston. And after hearing them and the defendants and other journeymen of the trade, they made an award and therein made no other alteration of the rates than 2d. allowance on a Beaver, a penny on a 14s. hat, and a penny allowance on an 8s., and so on to a 10s. hat, and they directed the indictment to be discharged and bill in Chancery to be dismissed. [Footnote 364: Quoted in Unwin, _Industrial Organization in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries_, App. A. pp. 248-52.] 2. A PETITION OF MASTER TAILORS AGAINST COMBINATION AMONG THE JOURNEYMEN[365] [_British Museum, f._ 816 _m._, 14 (_II_)],1721. The case of the Master Tailors residing within the Cities of London and Westminster, in relation to the great Abuses committed by their Journeymen. Humbly offered to the consideration of Parliament. The Journeymen Tailors in and about the cities of London and Westminster, to the number of seven thousand and upwards, have lately entered into a combination to raise their wages, and leave off working an hour sooner than they used to do; and for the better carrying on their design, have subscribed their respective names in books prepared for that purpose, at the several houses of call or resort (being public houses in and about London and Westminster) where they use; and collect several considerable sums of money to defend any prosecutions against them. At this time there are but few of them come to work at all, and most of those that do, insist upon, and have, twelve shillings and ninepence per week (instead of ten shillings and ninepence per week, the usual wages), and leave off work at eight of the clock at night (instead of nine, their usual hour, time out of mind), and very great numbers of them go loitering about the town, and seduce and corrupt all they can meet: to the great hindrance and prejudice of trade. Upon complaint made to some of His Majesty's Justices of the Peace, they have issued out their warrants against these offenders as loiterers; by virtue whereof some of them have been bound over to the Sessions, and others have been taken up, and bound over to appear in His Majesty's Court of King's Bench at Westminster, and the subscription books seized by virtue of the Secretary of State's warrant: Yet they still continue obstinate, and persist not only in putting the abovesaid difficulties upon their masters, to the great prejudice of trade in general; but also in collecting great sums of money to support their unlawful combinations and confederacies. This combination of the Journeymen Tailors is and may be attended with many evil consequences: inasmuch as the public is deprived of the benefit of the labour of a considerable number of the subjects of this kingdom, and the families of several of these journeymen thereby impoverished, and likely to become a charge and burden to the public: And the very persons themselves who are under this unlawful combination, choosing rather to live in idleness, than to work at their usual rates and hours, will not only become useless and burdensome, but also very dangerous to the public; and are of very ill example to journeymen in all other trades; as is sufficiently seen in the Journeymen Curriers, Smiths, Farriers, Sail-makers, Coach-makers, and artificers of divers other arts and misteries, who have actually entered into confederacies of the like nature; and the Journeymen Carpenters, Bricklayers and Joiners have taken some steps for that purpose, and only wait to see the event of others. These Journeymen Tailors, when there is a hurry of business against the King's Birth-day, or for making of mourning or wedding garments (as often happens) or other holidays, and always the summer seasons, are not content with the unreasonable rates they at present insist upon; but have demanded, and have had three or four shillings a day, and sometimes more; otherwise they will not work; and at such times some will not work at all; which is a great disappointment to gentlemen, and an imposition to the masters; and, if suffered to go on, must increase the charge of making clothes considerably. As to the said houses of call, or public-houses, there are a great number of them in London and the suburbs, where these journeymen tailors frequently meet and use, and spend all or the greatest part of the moneys they receive for their wages; and the masters of these houses of call, support, encourage and abet these journeymen in their unlawful combinations for raising their wages, and lessening their hours. The laws now in being for regulating of artificers, labourers, and servants, were made in the fifth of Queen Elizabeth, and might well be adapted for these times; but not altogether so proper for the trade of London and Westminster, &c., as it is now carried on. Therefore, the masters humbly hope this honourable house will take such measures, by passing of a law for redress of the public grievances aforesaid, or grant such other relief, as in their great wisdom shall seem meet.[366] [Footnote 365: Quoted in F.W. Galton, _The Tailoring Trade_, pp. 1-4.] [Footnote 366: A Committee of the House of Commons reported on this petition "that the petitioners have fully proved the allegations," February 16, 1721. The Journeymen petitioned in reply. Stat. 7 Geo. I, 1 c. 3 (1721) declared combinations among the journeymen tailors unlawful in London, Westminster, and the Bills of Mortality, and fixed the hours of labour, thirteen, and the maximum wages, two shillings a day, from the end of March to the end of June, and one and eightpence for the rest of the year. Justices were given power to alter the rates at Quarter Sessions.] 3. A DISPUTE IN THE NORTHHUMBERLAND AND DURHAM COAL INDUSTRY [_Newcastle Chronicle, September 21, 1765_], 1765. Whereas several scandalous and false reports have been and still continue to be spread abroad in the country concerning the Pitmen in the Counties of Durham and Northumberland absenting from their respective employments before the expiration of their Bonds: This is therefore to inform the Public that most of the Pitmen in the aforesaid Counties of Durham and Northumberland were bound the latter end of August, and the remainder of them were bound the beginning of September, 1764, and they served till the 24th or 25th of August, 1765, which they expect is the due time of their servitude; but the honourable Gentlemen in the Coal Trade will not let them be free till the 11th of November, 1765, which, instead of 11 months and 15 days, the respective time of their Bonds, is upwards of 14 months. So they leave the most censorious to judge whether they be right or wrong. For they are of opinion that they are free from any Bond wherein they were bound.--And an advertisement appearing in the newspapers last week commanding all persons not to employ any Pitmen whatever for the support of themselves and families, it is confidently believed that they who were the authors of the said advertisement are designed to reduce the industrious poor of the aforesaid counties to the greatest misery: as all the necessaries of Life are at such exorbitant prices, that it is impossible for them to support their families without using some other lawful means, which they will and are determined to do, as the said advertisement has caused the people whom they were employed under to discharge them from their service:--Likewise the said honourable Gentlemen have agreed and signed an Article, not to employ any Pitmen that has served in any other colliery the year before; which will reduce them to still greater hardships, as they will be obliged to serve in the same colliery for life; which they conjecture will take away the ancient character of this Kingdom as being a free nation.--So the Pitmen are not designed to work for or serve any of the said Gentlemen, in any of their collieries, till they be fully satisfied that the said Article is dissolved, and new Bonds and Agreements made and entered into for the year ensuing. 4. SICKNESS AND UNEMPLOYMENT BENEFIT CLUBS AMONG THE WOOLCOMBERS [_House of Commons Journals, Vol._ XLIX, _pp._ 323-4], 1794. March 13, 1794. Report on Woolcombers' Petitions, 323. William Gates being asked whether it was usual to go from place to place to seek employment, he said it was, and that their clubs or societies subsist them till they get work.... And being asked, whether there are any number of woolcombers who do not belong to the societies, he said, "There are some, but not one in one hundred that does not belong to some society." Jonathan Sowton ... was asked, of what nature the clubs were. He said, "It is a contribution upon every woolcomber (who is willing to be a member of a club) according to the exigencies of their affairs: the one end of it is to enable the woolcombers to travel from place to place to seek for employment, when work is scarce where he resides; and the other end of it is to have relief when he is sick wherever he may be; and if he should die to be buried by the club; and it is necessary for him, to entitle himself to be relieved by these clubs, to have a certificate from the club to which he belongs, that he has behaved well in and to the woolcombing trade, and that he is an honest man; but if he defrauds anybody, he loses his claim to that certificate, and to the advantages belonging to it."[367] [Footnote 367: _Cf._ A Proclamation against combinations in the Woolcombing industry (in Notes and Queries, Series III, Vol. 12, September 21, 1867, pp. 224-5) in February, 1718, reciting that their Societies interfered in questions of prices and apprentices and, if a member was thrown out of work on account of such interference, "they fed them with money till they could again get employment, in order to oblige their masters to employ them for want of other hands."] 5. COMBINATION ACT [_Statutes_,39 _Geo. III_, 86], 1799. ... All contracts, covenants, and agreements whatsoever, in writing or not in writing, at any time or times heretofore made or entered into by any journeymen manufacturers or other workmen, or other persons within this kingdom, for obtaining an advance of wages of them or any of them, or any other journeymen manufacturers or other workmen, or other persons in manufacture, trade, or business, or for lessening or altering their or any of their usual hours or time of working or for decreasing the quantity of work, or for preventing or hindering any person or persons from employing whomsoever he, she, or they shall think proper to employ in his, her, or their manufacture, trade, or business, in the conduct or management thereof, shall be and the same are hereby declared to be illegal, null, and void, to all intents and purposes whatsoever. [Workmen making such agreements or combinations, or endeavouring to prevent others from hiring themselves or to induce them to quit work, or attending a meeting or persuading others to attend a meeting for such purposes, are made liable to three months imprisonment in common gaol or two months in the house of correction.] 6. COMBINATION ACT [_Statutes_, 39 _and_40 _Geo. III, c._ 106], 1800. An Act to repeal an Act, passed in the last session of Parliament, intituled, An Act to prevent unlawful combinations of workmen; and to substitute other provisions in lieu thereof. [All contracts heretofore entered into for obtaining an advance of wages, altering the usual time of working, decreasing the quantity of work, &c. (except contracts between masters and men) shall be void.] II. And be it further enacted, that no journeyman, workman, or other person shall at any time after the passing of this act make or enter into, or be concerned in the making of or entering into any such contract, covenant, or agreement, in writing or not in writing, as is hereinbefore declared to be an illegal covenant, contract, or agreement; and every journeyman and workman or other person who, after the passing of this act, shall be guilty of any of the said offences, being thereof lawfully convicted, within three calendar months next after the offence shall have been committed, shall, by order of such justices, be committed to and confined in the common gaol, within his or their jurisdiction, for any time not exceeding three calendar months, or at the discretion of such justices shall be committed to some house of correction within the same jurisdiction, there to remain and to be kept to hard labour for any time not exceeding two calendar months. III. And be it further enacted, that every journeyman or workman, or other person, who shall at any time after the passing of this act enter into any combination to obtain an advance of wages, or to lessen or alter the hours or duration of the time of working, or to decrease the quantity of work, or for any other purpose contrary to this act, or who shall, by giving money, or by persuasion, solicitation, or intimidation, or any other means, wilfully and maliciously endeavour to prevent any unhired or unemployed journeyman or workman, or other person, in any manufacture, trade, or business, or any other person wanting employment in such manufacture, trade, or business, from hiring himself to any manufacturer or tradesman, or person conducting any manufacture, trade, or business, or who shall, for the purpose of obtaining an advance of wages, or for any other purpose contrary to the provisions of this act, wilfully and maliciously decoy, persuade, solicit, intimidate, influence, or prevail, or attempt or endeavour to prevail, on any journeyman or workman, or other person hired or employed, or to be hired or employed in any such manufacture, trade, or business, to quit or leave his work, service, or employment, or who shall wilfully and maliciously hinder or prevent any manufacturer or tradesman, or other person, from employing in his or her manufacture, trade, or business, such journeymen, workmen, and other persons as he or she shall think proper, or who, being hired or employed, shall, without any just or reasonable cause, refuse to work with any other journeyman or workman employed or hired to work therein, and who shall be lawfully convicted of any of the said offences, shall, by order of such justices, be committed to and be confined in the common gaol, within his or their jurisdiction, for any time not exceeding three calendar months; or otherwise be committed to some house of correction within the same jurisdiction, there to remain and to be kept to hard labour for any time not exceeding two calendar months. IV. And for the more effectual suppression of all combinations amongst journeymen, workmen, and other persons employed in any manufacture, trade or business, be it further enacted, that all and every persons and person whomsoever, (whether employed in any such manufacture, trade, or business, or not), who shall attend any meeting had or held for the purpose of making or entering into any contract, covenant, or agreement, by this act declared to be illegal, or of entering into, supporting, maintaining, continuing, or carrying on any combination for any purpose by this act declared to be illegal, or who shall summons, give notice to, call upon, persuade, entice, solicit, or by intimidation, or any other means, endeavour to induce any journeyman, workman, or other person employed in any manufacture, trade, or business, to attend any such meeting, or who shall collect, demand, ask, or receive any sum of money from any such journeyman, workman, or other person, for any of the purposes aforesaid, or who shall persuade, entice, solicit, or by intimidation, or any other means, endeavour to induce any such journeyman, workman, or other person to enter into or be concerned in any such combination, or who shall pay any sum of money, or make or enter into any subscription or contribution, for or towards the support or encouragement of any such illegal meeting or combination, and who shall be lawfully convicted of any of the said offences, within three calendar months next after the offence shall have been committed, shall, by order of such justices, be committed to and confined in the common gaol within his or their jurisdiction, for any time not exceeding three calendar months, or otherwise be committed to some house of correction within the same jurisdiction, there to remain and be kept to hard labour for any time not exceeding two calendar months. VI. And be it further enacted, that all sums of money which at any time heretofore have been paid or given as a subscription or contribution for or towards any of the purposes prohibited by this act, and shall, for the space of three calendar months next after the passing of this act, remain undivided in the hands of any treasurer, collector, receiver, trustee, agent, or other person, or placed out at interest, and all sums of money which shall at any time after the passing of this act, be paid or given as a subscription or contribution for or towards any of the purposes prohibited by this act, shall be forfeited, one moiety thereof to his Majesty, and the other moiety to such person as will sue for the same in any of his Majesty's courts of record at Westminster; and any treasurer, collector, receiver, trustee, agent, or other person in whose hands or in whose name any such sum of money shall be, or shall be placed out, or unto whom the same shall have been paid or given, shall and may be sued for the same as forfeited as aforesaid. [All contracts between masters or other persons for reducing the wages of workmen or for altering the hours of work or for increasing the quantity of work, are to be void. Masters convicted of such agreements, shall be fined 20l.: half to go to the Crown, half to the informer and the poor of the parish.] XVIII. And whereas it will be a great convenience and advantage to masters and workmen engaged in manufactures, that a cheap and summary mode be established for settling all disputes that may arise between them respecting wages and work; be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that, from and after the first day of August in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred, in all cases that shall or may arise within that part of Great Britain called England, where the masters and workmen cannot agree respecting the price or prices to be paid for work actually done in any manufacture, or any injury or damage done or alleged to have been done by the workmen to the work, or respecting any delay or supposed delay on the part of the workmen in finishing the work, or the not finishing such work in a good and workmanlike manner, or according to any contract; and in all cases of dispute or difference, touching any contract or agreement for work or wages between masters and workmen in any trade or manufacture, which cannot be otherwise mutually adjusted and settled by and between them, it shall and may be, and it is hereby declared to be lawful for such masters and workmen between whom such dispute or difference shall arise as aforesaid, or either of them, to demand and have an arbitration or reference of such matter or matters in dispute; and each of them is hereby authorized and empowered forthwith to nominate and appoint an arbitrator for and on his respective part and behalf, to arbitrate and determine such matter or matters in dispute as aforesaid by writing, subscribed by him in the presence of and attested by one witness, in the form expressed in the second schedule to this Act; and to deliver the same personally to the other party, or to leave the same for him at his usual place of abode, and to require the other party to name an arbitrator in like manner within two days after such reference to arbitrators shall have been so demanded; and such arbitrators so appointed as aforesaid, after they shall have accepted and taken upon them the business of the said arbitration, are hereby authorised and required to summon before them, and examine upon oath the parties and their witnesses, (which oath the said arbitrators are hereby authorised and required to administer according to the form set forth in the second schedule to this act), and forthwith to proceed to hear and determine the complaints of the parties, and the matter or matters in dispute between them; and the award to be made by such arbitrators within the time being after limited, shall in all cases be final and conclusive between the parties; but in case such arbitrators so appointed shall not agree to decide such matter or matters in dispute, so to be referred to them as aforesaid, and shall not make and sign their award within the space of three days after the signing of the submission to their award by both parties, that then it shall be lawful for the parties or either of them to require such arbitrators forthwith and without delay to go before and attend upon one of his Majesty's justices of the peace acting in and for the county, riding, city, liberty, division, or place where such dispute shall happen and be referred, and state to such justice the points in difference between them the said arbitrators, which points in difference the said justice shall and is hereby authorised and required to hear and determine and for that purpose to examine the parties and their witnesses upon oath, if he shall think fit.[368] [Footnote 368: Compare Pt. III. Section III, Nos. 7 and 8 Arbitration Acts, pp. 568 & 570.] 7. THE SCOTTISH WEAVERS' STRIKE [_Report from Committee on Artizans and Machinery_, 1824 (_V_), _pp._ 60-63], 1812. Evidence of Mr. Alex. Richmond. 23 February, 1824. Were you one of the delegates appointed by the workmen in Glasgow? Yes; on the failure of the last application to Parliament the association turned its attention to some Acts of Parliament that were discovered, empowering the justices of the peace to affix rates of wages, with a view to raising the wages; the fact was, fluctuation was a greater evil perhaps, than the lowness of the rate; previous to that period, fluctuations, to the extent of thirty per cent., took place in the course of a month, in the price of labour; an attempt was made to get an extra-judicial arrangement with the masters; the masters were divided in opinion upon the point, some of them were for a regulation, others opposed it; after several ineffectual attempts to come to an arrangement with that part of the masters who opposed it, part of the masters being in the interest of the operatives, at last a process was entered before the quarter sessions. Will you state how the process proceeded? The justices of the peace found the rate demanded reasonable; it was amended in some instances, and the masters immediately refused to pay the rate. Our counsel in the process had consented, for the purpose of obviating the difficulties and getting over the objections that might be made against the expediency, to withdraw the imperative part of the prayer; the prayer of the petition originally founded upon, prayed, that they might be compelled to pay the price, but it was only a declaratory decision, as the imperative part was withdrawn, for the purpose of preventing the difficulty; we then, as the masters refused to pay, tried every method of getting an extra-judicial decision. The present Lord Justice Clerk had been a member of the Committee of the House of Commons in 1809, and appeared decidedly opposed to the principle of interference; and we conceived from the sentiments of the court, that though they had decided the law, if we went on the expediency of the case, we might very likely lose, and we determined therefore to try the experiment of striking work. What was the result of this strike? About three weeks after the effort commenced, there was a direct interference, on the part of government, to suppress it, by the apprehension of all the parties concerned. What do you mean by the apprehension of all the parties concerned? There was a committee of five, who had conducted the process during the whole period, and we were all apprehended and committed to gaol. You were one of the five? I was. Under what law were you apprehended? There was no specific law. There was a case I might have mentioned, but as it applies to the combination, I will introduce it here. In 1811, a combination had taken place amongst the cotton spinners; and in a case that was aggravated by assault, that was tried at the Glasgow circuit, the present Lord President Hope, who then presided, stated it as an aggravation of the crime of combination, that there was a clear remedy in law, as the magistrates had full power and authority to affix rates of wages, or settle disputes: that was the ground on which we entered the action in 1812. In the face of this, after having acted upon it on this principle, the mere act of striking work in a body was construed as an infringement of the Combination Law; and after having acted upon the authority of Lord President Hope, we were convicted, on what law I am yet at a loss to know. Have there been any combinations, or any individuals prosecuted for combinations, since that period? The only other branch of the cotton trade that ever had an association or combination efficient in Scotland, was the calico printers, and they were the next that were followed by the suppression of the cotton weavers' branch in 1815. In what manner were they broken up? By the interference of government; immediately after this case, the Lord Advocate proceeded against them, as public prosecutor in Scotland. Were they paid higher than other mechanics? Yes: their wages frequently averaged from forty to fifty shillings a week, previous to that; now they are down from twelve to fifteen shillings. 8. THE REPEAL OF THE COMBINATION ACTS [_Statutes_, 5 _Geo. IV_, 95], 1824. An Act to repeal the Laws relative to the Combination of Workman; and for other purposes. [A large number of statutes, wholly or partly repealed, including 39 & 40 Geo. III., 106, except the arbitration clauses.] II. And be it further enacted, that journeymen, workmen or other persons who shall enter into any combination to obtain an advance, or to fix the rate of wages, or to lessen or alter the hours or duration of the time of working, or to decrease the quantity of work, or to induce another to depart from his service before the end of the time or term for which he is hired, or to quit or return his work before the same shall be finished, or, not being hired, to refuse to enter into work or employment, or to regulate the mode of carrying on any manufacture, trade or business, or the management thereof, shall not therefore be subject or liable to any indictment or prosecution for conspiracy, or to any other criminal information or punishment whatever, under the common or the statute law. III. And be it further enacted, that masters, employers or other persons, who shall enter into any combination to lower or to fix the rate of wages, or to increase or alter the hours or duration of the time of working, or to increase the quantity of work, or to regulate the mode of carrying on any manufacture trade or business, or the management thereof, shall not therefore be subject or liable to any indictment or prosecution, or for conspiracy, or to any other criminal information or punishment whatever, under the common or the statute law. V. And be it further enacted, that if any person, by violence to the person or property, by threats or by intimidation, shall wilfully or maliciously force another to depart from his hiring or work before the end of the time or term for which he is hired, or return his work before the same shall be finished, or damnify, spoil or destroy any machinery, tools, goods, wares or work, or prevent any person not being hired from accepting any work or employment; or if any person shall wilfully or maliciously use or employ violence to the person or property, threats or intimidation towards another on account of his not complying with or conforming to any rules, orders, resolutions or regulations made to obtain an advance of wages, or to lessen or alter the hours of working, or to decrease the quantity of work, or to regulate the mode of carrying on any manufacture, trade or business, or the management thereof; or if any person, by violence to the person or property, by threats or by intimidation, shall wilfully or maliciously force any master or mistress manufacturer, his or her foreman or agent, to make any alteration in their mode of regulating, managing, conducting or carrying on their manufacture, trade or business; every person so offending, or causing, procuring, aiding, abetting or assisting in such offence, being convicted thereof in manner hereafter mentioned, shall be imprisoned only, or imprisoned and kept to hard labour, for any time not exceeding two calendar months. VI. And be it further enacted, that if any persons shall combine, and by violence to the person or property or by threats or intimidation, wilfully and maliciously force another to depart from his service before the end of the time or term for which he or she is hired, or return his or her work before the same shall be finished, or damnify, spoil or destroy any machinery, tools, goods, wares or work, or prevent any person not being hired from accepting any work or employment; or if any persons so combined shall wilfully or maliciously use or employ violence to the person or property, or threats or intimidation towards another, on account of his or her not complying with or conforming to any rules, orders, resolutions or regulations made to obtain an advance of wages, or to lessen or alter the hours of working, or to decrease the quantity of work, or to regulate the mode of carrying on any manufacture, trade or business, or the management thereof; or if any persons shall combine, and by violence to the person or property, or by threats or intimidation, wilfully or maliciously force any master or mistress manufacturer, his or her foreman or agent, to make any alteration in their mode of regulating, managing, conducting or carrying on their manufacture, trade or business; each and every person so offending, or causing, procuring, aiding, abetting or assisting in such offence, being convicted thereof in manner hereinafter mentioned, shall be imprisoned only, or imprisoned and kept to hard labour, for any time not exceeding two calendar months. 9. A PROSECUTION OF STRIKERS UNDER THE COMMON LAW OF CONSPIRACY [_The Times, June 4, 1824_], 1810. _To the Editor of the Times._ SIR,-- That the Committee have proceeded, I will not say rashly, but, upon misinformation, will be evident from a slight attention to the evidence of Mr. Richard Taylor, printer. In reply to some introductory questions, he states that he has been a printer some 20 years--that he has turned his attention to the combination laws--and that his opinion is, that they are of no service. He afterwards states as follows:-- "There were some men imprisoned for combining a great many years ago, and that created a great deal of misunderstanding; for they were some of the most respectable of the workmen--those who had been intrusted by their fellow-workmen at large to negotiate an advance of prices with the masters; and of course the inflicting of imprisonment on men who are generally respected was a thing which created a great deal of ill-blood: a deal of mischief was the consequence of it." Mr. Richard Taylor, then, here states that a great deal of mischief was effected by that prosecution. But what will the Committee say, if, when that evidence is put right, it shall be found to reflect not upon the Combination Laws now attempted to be repealed, but upon the old common law, which it is intended to leave in force? Mr. Taylor makes a slight mistake as to the fact; which mistake being corrected, the whole tide of his argument is turned away from the Combination Laws, and made to bear upon the common law for conspiracy.... ... How Mr. Taylor, knowing that some of the offenders in that case were sentenced to two years' imprisonment, and knowing, at the same time, that the Combination Laws do not admit of an imprisonment for more than three months, should yet say that those men were tried upon the Combination Laws, is most inconceivable. I am, Sir, etc., J.W.[369] [Footnote 369: John Walter, proprietor of _The Times_.] 10. AN ACT REVISING THE LAW AFFECTING COMBINATIONS [_Statutes_, 6 _Geo. IV_, 109], 1825. An Act to repeal the Laws relating to the combination of Workmen, and to make other Provisions in lieu thereof. III. And be it further enacted, that from and after the passing of this act, if any person shall by violence to the person or property or by threats or intimidation, or by molesting or in any way obstructing another, force or endeavour to force any journeyman, manufacturer, workman, or other person hired or employed in any manufacture, trade, or business to depart from his hiring, employment, or work, or to return his work before the same shall be finished, or prevent or endeavour to prevent any journeyman, manufacturer, workman, or other person not being hired or employed from hiring himself to or from accepting work or employment from any person or persons; or if any person shall use or employ violence to the person or property of another, or threats or intimidation, or shall molest or in any way obstruct another for the purpose of forcing or inducing such person to belong to any club or association, or to contribute to any common fund, or to pay any fine or penalty, or on account of his not belonging to any particular club or association, or not having contributed or having refused to contribute to any common fund, or to pay any fine or penalty, or on account of his not having complied or of his refusing to comply with any rules, orders, resolutions, or regulations made to obtain an advance or to reduce the rate of wages, or to lessen or alter the hours of working, or to decrease or alter the quantity of work, or to regulate the mode or carrying on any manufacture, trade, or business, or the management thereof; or if any person shall by violence to the person or property of another, or by threats or intimidation, or by molesting or in any way obstructing another, force or endeavour to force any manufacturer or person carrying on any trade or business to make an alteration in his mode of regulating, managing, conducting, or carrying on such manufacture, trade or business, or to limit the number of his apprentices, or the number or description of his journeymen, workmen or servants; every person so offending, or aiding, abetting, or assisting therein, being convicted thereof in manner hereinafter mentioned, shall be imprisoned only, or shall and may be imprisoned and kept to hard labour, for any time not exceeding three calendar months. IV. Provided always, and be it enacted, that this act shall not extend to subject any persons to punishment who shall meet together for the sole purpose of consulting upon and determining the rate of wages or prices which the persons present at such meeting, or any of them, shall require or demand for his or their work, or the hours or time for which he or they shall work, in any manufacture, trade or business, or who shall enter into any agreement, verbal or written, among themselves, for the purpose of fixing the rate of wages or prices which the parties entering into such agreement, or any of them, shall require or demand for his or their work, or the hours of time for which he or they will work, in any manufacture, trade, or business; and that persons so meeting for the purposes aforesaid, or entering into any such agreement as aforesaid, shall not be liable to any prosecution or penalty for so doing; any law or statute to the contrary notwithstanding. V. Provided also, and be it further enacted, that this act shall not extend to subject any persons to punishment who shall meet together for the sole purpose of consulting upon and determining the rate of wages or prices which the persons present at such meeting, or any of them, shall pay to his or their journeymen, workmen, or servants for their work, or the hours, or time of working, in any manufacture, trade, or business; or who shall enter into any agreement, verbal or written, among themselves, for the purpose of fixing the rate of wages or prices which the parties entering into such agreement, or any of them, shall pay to his or their journeymen, workmen, or servants for their work, or the hours or time of working, in any manufacture, trade or business; and that persons so meeting for the purposes aforesaid, or entering into any such agreement as aforesaid, shall not be liable to any prosecution or penalty for so doing, any law or statute to the contrary notwithstanding. 11. THE CONVICTION OF THE DORCHESTER LABOURERS [_The Times, March 20, 1834_], 1834. Spring Assizes, Western Circuit, Dorchester. Monday, March 17. Crown Court (before Baron Williams). Administering unlawful oaths. James Lovelace, George Lovelace, Thomas Stanfield, John Stanfield, James Hammet, and James Brine were indicted for administering ... a certain unlawful oath and engagement, purporting to bind the person taking the same not to inform or give evidence against any associate, and not to reveal or discover any such unlawful combination.[370] ... John Lock.--I live at Half Puddle. I went to Toll Puddle a fortnight before Christmas. I know the prisoner James Brine. I saw him that evening at John Woolley's. He called me out and I went with him. He took me to Thomas Stanfield's, and asked me if I would go in with him. I refused and went away. I saw him in about a fortnight afterwards in a barn. He asked me if I would go to Toll Puddle with him. I agreed to do so. James Hammet was then with him. Edward Legg, Richard Peary, Henry Courtney, and Elias Riggs were with us. They joined us as we were going along. One of them asked if there would not be something to pay, and one said there would be 1s. to pay on entering, and 1d. a week after. We all went into Thomas Stanfield's house into a room upstairs. John Stanfield came to the door of the room. I saw James Lovelace and George Lovelace go along the passage. One of the men asked if we were ready. We said, yes. One of them said, "Then bind your eyes," and we took out handkerchiefs and bound over our eyes. They then led us into another room on the same floor. Someone then read a paper, but I don't know what the meaning of it was. After that we were asked to kneel down, which we did. Then there was some more reading; I don't know what it was about. It seemed to be out of some part of the Bible. Then we got up and took off the bandages from our eyes. I had then seen James Lovelace and John Stanfield in the room. Some one read again, but I don't know what it was, and then we were told to kiss the book, when our eyes were unblinded, and I saw the book, which looked like a little Bible. I then saw all the prisoners there. James Lovelace had on a white dress, it was not a smock-frock. They told us the rules, that we should have to pay 1s. then, and a 1d. a week afterwards, to support the men when they were standing out from their work. They said we were as brothers; that when we were to stop for wages we should not tell our masters ourselves, but that the masters would have a note or a letter sent to them. * * * * * Mrs. Francis Wetham.--I am the wife of a painter in the town. In October, last year, James Lovelace and another person came to our shop; he said he wanted something painted from a design he had brought; he had two papers with him, on one was a representation of a skull, and on the other a skeleton arm extended with a scythe; he said it was to be painted on canvas, a complete skeleton on a dark ground, six feet high; over the head, "Remember thine end." I asked him what it was for, whether a flag or a sign; he told me it was a secret for a society, and he would tell me no more; if I wanted further information I was to send to him, "J. Lovelace, Toll Puddle." * * * * * The following letter was then put in and read:-- Bere Heath, Feb. 1, 1834. Brother, We met this evening for the purpose of forming our committee. There was 16 present, of whom 10 was chosen--namely, a president, vice-president, secretary, treasurer, warden, conductor, three outside guardians and one inside guardian. All seemed united in heart, and expressed his approval of the meeting. Father and Hallett wished very much to join us, but wish it not to be known. I advised them to come Tuesday evening at 6 o'clock, and I would send for you to come at that time, if possible, and enter them, that they may be gone before the company come. I received a note this morning which gave me great encouragement, and I am led to acknowledge the force of union. (Signed by the secretary.) The following rules were then put in and read:-- _General Rules._ 1. That this Society be called the Friendly Society of Agricultural Labourers. * * * * * 20. That if any master attempts to reduce the wages of his workmen, if they are members of this order, they shall instantly communicate the same to the corresponding secretary, in order that they may receive the support of the grand lodge; and in the meantime they shall use their utmost endeavours to finish the work they may have in hand, if any, and shall assist each other, so that they may all leave the place together, and with as much promptitude as possible. 21. That if any member of this society ... solely on account of his taking an active part in the affairs of this order ... shall be discharged from his employment ... then the whole body of men at that place shall instantly leave that place, and no member of this society shall be allowed to take work at such place until such member be reinstated in his situation. [22. If a member divulge any secret of the society, members throughout the country shall refuse to work with him.] 23. That the object of this society can never be promoted by any act or acts of violence, but, on the contrary, all such proceedings must tend to injure the cause and destroy the society itself. This order therefore will not countenance any violation of the laws.[371] [Footnote 370: The indictment was framed on 37 Geo. III, 123, against seditious and illegal confederacies.] [Footnote 371: The prisoners were found Guilty. On March 19 they were sentenced to seven years' transportation. April 16, Lord Howick, in answer to a question in Parliament, said that he believed their ship had already sailed. The remainder of their sentence was remitted in 1836.] 12. AN ADDRESS OF THE WORKING MEN'S ASSOCIATION TO QUEEN VICTORIA [_The Life and Struggles of William Lovett_, _pp._ 124-8], 1837. Madam, While we approach your Majesty in the spirit of plain men seeking their political and social rights, apart from mere names, forms, or useless ceremonies, we yield to none in the just fulfilment of our duties, or in the ardent wish that our country may be made to advance to the highest point of prosperity and happiness.... The country over which your Majesty has been called on to preside, has by the powers and industry of its inhabitants been made to teem with abundance, and were all its resources wisely developed and justly distributed, would impart ample means of happiness to all its inhabitants. But, by many monstrous anomalies springing out of the constitution of society, the corruptions of government, and the defective education of mankind, we find the bulk of the nation toiling slaves from birth till death--thousands wanting food, or subsisting on the scantiest pittance, having neither time nor means to obtain instruction, much less of cultivating the higher faculties and brightest affections, but forced by their situation to engender enmity, jealousy, and contention, and too often to become the victims of intemperance and crime. * * * * * The exclusive few have ever been intent in keeping the people ignorant and deluded, and have sedulously administered to their vices and fomented their prejudices. Hence the use of their privileges and distinctions to allure the wealthy and corrupt the innocent; hence their desire to retain within their own circle all the powers of the Legislative and Executive, all the riches of Church and State.... To this baneful source of exclusive political power may be traced the persecutions of fanaticism, the feuds of superstition, and most of the wars and carnage which disgrace our history. To this pernicious origin may justly be attributed the unremitted toil and wretchedness of your Majesty's industrious people, together with most of the vices and crimes springing from poverty and ignorance, which, in a country blessed by nature, enriched by art, and boasting of her progress and knowledge, mock her humanity and degrade her character. * * * * * We entreat your Majesty that, whoever may be in your ministry, you will instruct them, as a first and essential measure of reform, to prepare a bill for extending the Right of Suffrage to all the adult population of the kingdom; excepting such as may be justly incapacitated by crime or defection of the light of reason; together with such other essential details as shall enable all men to exercise their political rights unmolested. 13. A CHARTIST MANIFESTO ON THE SACRED MONTH [_William Lovett, Life and Struggles_, _p._ 214], 1839. We respectfully submit the following propositions for your serious consideration[372]:-- That at all the simultaneous public meetings to be held for the purpose of petitioning the Queen to call good men to her councils, as well as at all subsequent meetings of your unions or associations up to the 1st of July, you submit the following questions to the people there assembled:-- 1. Whether they will be prepared, at the request of the Convention, to withdraw all sums of money they may individually or collectively have placed in savings banks, private banks, or in the hands of any person hostile to their just rights? 2. Whether, at the same request, they will be prepared immediately to convert all their paper money into gold and silver? 3. Whether, if the Convention shall determine that a sacred month will be necessary to prepare the millions to secure the charter of their political salvation, they will firmly resolve to abstain from their labours during that period, as well as from the use of all intoxicating drinks? 4. Whether, according to their old constitutional right--a right which modern legislators would fain annihilate--they have prepared themselves with the arms of freemen to defend the laws and constitutional privileges their ancestors bequeathed to them? [Footnote 372: Addressed to the Chartist Convention.] 14. THE ROCHDALE PIONEERS [_Industrial Co-operation_, _Ed. Catherine Webb_, _pp._ 68-9], 1844. The objects of this Society are to form arrangements for the pecuniary benefit and improvement of the social and domestic condition of its members, by raising a sufficient amount of capital, in shares of one pound each, to bring into operation the following plans and arrangements:-- The establishment of a Store for the sale of provisions, clothing, etc. The building, purchasing, or erecting a number of houses, in which those members desiring to assist each other in improving their domestic and social condition may reside. To commence the manufacture of such articles as the Society may determine upon, for the employment of such members as may be without employment, or who may be suffering in consequence of repeated reductions in their wages. As a further benefit and security to the members of this Society, the Society shall purchase or rent an estate or estates of land, which shall be cultivated by the members who may be out of employment or whose labour may be badly remunerated. That, as soon as practicable, this Society shall proceed to arrange the powers of production, distribution, education and government: or, in other words, to establish a self-supporting home colony of united interests, or assist other societies in establishing such colonies. That, for the promotion of sobriety, a Temperance Hotel be opened in one of the Society's houses as soon as convenient. SECTION V THE RELIEF OF THE POOR 1. Settlement Law, 1662--2. Defoe's pamphlet "Giving Alms no Charity," 1704--3. The Workhouse Test Act, 1722--4. Gilbert's Act, 1782--5. Speenhamland "Act of Parliament," 1795--6. The Workhouse System, 1797--7. Two Varieties of the Roundsman System of Relief, 1797--8. Another Example of the Roundsman System, 1808--9. Report of the Poor Law Commission, 1834--10. The Poor Law Amendment Act, 1834--11. Outdoor Relief Prohibitory Order, 1844. The national organisation of poor-relief was permanently affected by the constitutional troubles of the seventeenth century. Supervision and pressure from a central authority were removed and were not again strongly felt till near the close of this period. This change shows itself in the documentary evidence; national regulation is rare and comes only as the result of a special emergency or panic (Nos. 1, 3, 4, 10). The Settlement Act of 1662 (No. 1), with its successors, was an attempt to meet the special local difficulties which sprang from the want of central control and uniformity. The Act of 1722 provided the machinery for the more drastic treatment of the poor advocated in Defoe's pamphlet (No. 2), by means of a workhouse and a system of tests for relief; for this purpose unions of parishes could be formed (No. 3). Gilbert's Act (No. 4) in the last quarter of the century was a reversion to milder policy; it was intended to distinguish more clearly the different classes of poor relieved, to provide suitable treatment for the old infirm and children in institutions, and to find employment for the able-bodied. It illustrates the growing pressure of industrial changes on the working classes, as well as the current of humanitarian feeling which ran a broken course from this time to the end of the period. It was an adoptive, not a compulsory, Act, and no more legislative changes of the first importance were made till 1834. Meanwhile vast transformations were being made in town and, especially, in country life, and the destitution line was crossed by a whole section of the nation. The Settlement laws were relaxed, but, after Pitt's abortive proposals in 1795, Parliament stood aside. The initiative was thus left to the local authority. The so-called Speenhamland Act of Parliament (No. 5) is the classic instance of the methods of supplementary allowances adopted by the Justices in various counties. Its aim was humane; its effect, to check the pressure for higher wages, was not intended (see No. 5, note). The eighteenth century system produced great local variety, some examples of which are given from the survey published by Eden in 1797 (Nos. 6 and 7). The official workhouse, the farming of the poor to a contractor, the employment of the poor within the workhouse, and the relief of the rates by the Roundsman system of servile labour are described (Nos. 6 and 7. See also No. 8). The Poor Law Commission of 1834 (No. 9) was the culminating point of a reaction against the results of the previous half century. Its intention was to make a clean sweep of tradition and to reassert the principle of uniformity. Its authors, in the spirit of their age, hoped to make their reform negatively, by cutting away influences which corrupted human nature. The extracts (No. 9) show their leading principles and recommendations. The Act of 1834 (No. 10) embodied their conclusions, leaving a large discretion to a new central authority. The Regulations and Orders (No. 11) of these Commissioners and their successors, the Poor Law and Local Government Boards, were, henceforward, the chief directing force of Poor Relief policy. AUTHORITIES Nicholls' _History of the English Poor Law_, Mackay, ditto (a continuation), and Fowle, _The Poor Law_, are general modern descriptions. Webb, _English Poor Law Policy_, is an historical criticism of the system from 1834; see also Kirkman Gray, _Philanthropy and the State_. The eighteenth century is described in Cunningham, _Growth of English Industry and Commerce, Modern Times_; Webb, _English Local Government, The Parish and the County_; Redlich and Hirst, _Local Government in England_, Vol. I; Hammond, _The Village Labourer_, c. 7; Hasbach, _The English Agricultural Labourer_, _c._ 3 and _c._ 4, and Mantoux, _La Révolution Industrielle_. Ashby, _The Poor Law in a Warwickshire Village_ (in Oxford Studies in Social and Legal History, Vol. III), provides illustrations. Bibliographies in Hasbach and Cunningham, _op. cit._ _Contemporary_ (1) _Documentary Sources_.--The best collection of contemporary statistics, of paupers, diet, cost, etc., in the eighteenth century is given in Eden, The State of the Poor. The Report of the 1834 Commission (XXVII and XXVIII) describes conditions and the new policy. See also Report of Committees on the Poor Law, 1817 (VI) and 1819 (III), and Report of Committee on Labourers' Wages, 1824 (VI). (2) _Literary authorities._--Illustrations of contemporary opinion can be found for different periods in Defoe, Giving Alms no Charity, Reports of the Society for Bettering the Condition of the Poor (1795-1808), Rose, Observations on the Poor Law. A municipal system is described in Cary, The Proceedings of the Corporation of Bristol. A general survey was made in the middle of the eighteenth century by Burn, History of the Poor Laws, and at the end by Eden, The State of the Poor. 1. SETTLEMENT LAW [_Statutes_, 14 _Charles II_, _c._ 12], 1662. An Act for the better relief of the poor of this kingdom. Whereas the necessity, number and continual increase of the poor, not only within the Cities of London and Westminster with the liberties of each of them, but also through the whole kingdom of England and Dominion of Wales, is very great and exceeding burdensome, being occasioned by reason of some defects in the law concerning the settling of the poor and for want of a due provision of the regulations of relief and employment in such parishes or places where they are legally settled, which doth enforce many to turn incorrigible rogues and others to perish for want, together with the neglect of the faithful execution of such laws and statutes as have formerly been made for the apprehending of rogues and vagabonds and for the good of the poor. For remedy whereof and for the preventing the perishing of any of the poor, whether old or young, for want of such supplies as are necessary, may it please your most Excellent Majesty that it may be enacted ... that whereas by reason of some defects in the law poor people are not restrained from going from one parish to another and therefore do endeavour to settle themselves in those parishes where there is the best stock, the largest commons or wastes to build cottages, and the most woods for them to burn and destroy and when they have consumed it then to another parish, and at last become rogues and vagabonds to the great discouragement of parishes to provide stocks where it is liable to be devoured by strangers ... it shall and may be lawful upon complaint made by the churchwardens or overseers of the poor of any parish to any Justice of Peace, within forty days after any such person or persons coming so to settle, as aforesaid in any tenement under the yearly value of ten pounds for any two justices of the peace whereof one to be of the Quorum of the division where any person or persons that are likely to be chargeable to the parish shall come to inhabit, by their warrant to remove and convey such person or persons to such parish where he or they were last legally settled either as a native householder sojourner apprentice or servant for the space of forty days at the least unless he or they give sufficient security for the discharge of the said parish to be allowed by the said Justices. [II. Appeal to Quarter Sessions. III. Persons allowed to go for the Harvest into another parish if they have a certificate of settlement in their original parish. IV. Provision for setting up workhouses in London and within the Bills of Mortality.] [VI. and XXIII. The President and Governors of such workhouses may set rogues and vagrants to work in the workhouse with the consent of the Privy Council. Justices of the Peace may sentence disorderly persons and "sturdy beggars" to transportation not exceeding seven years. Persons allowed to go for the harvest into another parish if they have a certificate of settlement in their original parish. Provision made for setting up workhouses in London and within the Bills of Mortality. The President and Governors of such workhouses may set rogues and vagrants to work in the workhouse. Justices of the Peace may, with the leave of the Privy Council, sentence disorderly persons and "sturdy beggars" to transportation not exceeding seven years.][373] [Footnote 373: Amended by 8 and 9 Wm. and Mary, 30. Persons with certificates from churchwardens of their parishes, acknowledging them to be inhabitants, not to be removed from any other parish till chargeable and then to be chargeable in the parish where the certificates were given. Any one receiving relief to wear a badge. Also by 35 Geo. III, 101. "No poor person shall be removed ... to the place of his or her last legal settlement, until such person shall have become actually chargeable to the parish."] 2. DEFOE'S PAMPHLET, "GIVING ALMS NO CHARITY" [_D. Defoe, Giving Alms no Charity, etc._], 1704. I humbly crave leave to lay these heads down as fundamental maxims, which I am ready at any time to defend and make out. 1. There is in England more labour than hands to perform it, and consequently a want of people, not of employment. 2. No man in England, of sound limbs and senses, can be poor merely for want of work. 3. All our workhouses, corporations and charities for employing the poor, and setting them to work, as now they are employed, or any Acts of Parliament, to empower overseers of parishes, or parishes themselves, to employ the poor, except as shall be hereafter excepted, are, and will be public nuisances, mischiefs to the nation which serve to the ruin of families and the increase of the poor. 4. That it is a regulation of the poor that is wanted in England, not a setting them to work. * * * * * The poverty and exigence of the poor in England is plainly derived from one of these two particular causes, _Casualty or Crime._ By Casualty, I mean sickness of families, loss of limbs or sight, and any, either natural or accidental, impotence as to labour. The crimes of our people, and from whence their poverty derives, as the visible and direct fountains are: 1. Luxury. 2. Sloth. 3. Pride. This is so apparent in every place, that I think it needs no explication; that English labouring people eat and drink, but especially the latter, three times as much in value as any sort of foreigners of the same dimensions in the world. * * * * * There is a general taint of slothfulness upon our poor, there is nothing more frequent, than for an Englishman to work till he has got his pocket full of money, and then go and be idle, or perhaps drunk, till it is all gone, and perhaps he himself in debt; and ask him in his cups what he intends, he will tell you honestly, he will drink as long as it lasts, and then go to work for more. 3. THE WORKHOUSE TEST ACT [_Statutes_, 9 _Geo. I_ _c._ 7], 1722. An Act for amending the laws relating to the settlement, employment and relief of the poor. IV. And for the greater ease of parishes in the relief of the poor, be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that it shall and may be lawful for the churchwardens and overseers of the poor in any parish, town, township or place, with the consent of the major part of the parishioners or inhabitants of the same parish, town, township or place, in vestry, or other parish or public meeting for that purpose assembled, or of so many of them as shall be so assembled, upon usual notice thereof first given, to purchase or hire any house or houses in the same parish, township or place, and to contract with any person or persons for the lodging, keeping, maintaining and employing any or all such poor in their respective parishes, townships or places, as shall desire to receive relief or collection from the same parish, and there to keep, maintain and employ all such poor persons, and take the benefit of the work, labour and service of any such poor person or persons, who shall be kept or maintained in any such house or houses, for the better maintenance and relief of such poor person or persons, who shall be there kept or maintained; and in case any poor person or persons of any parish, town, township or place, where such house or houses shall be so purchased or hired, shall refuse to be lodged, kept or maintained in such house or houses, such poor person or persons so refusing shall be put out of the book or books where the names of the persons who ought to receive collection in the said parish, town, township or place, are to be registered, and shall not be entitled to ask or receive collection or relief from the churchwardens and overseers of the poor of the same parish, town or township; and where any parish, town or township shall be too small to purchase or hire such house or houses for the poor of their own parish only, it shall and may be lawful for two or more such parishes, towns or townships or places, with the consent of the major part of the parishioners or inhabitants, and with the approbation of any justice of peace dwelling in or near any such parish, town or place, signified under his hand and seal, to unite in purchasing, hiring, or taking such house, for the lodging, keeping and maintaining of the poor of the several parishes, townships or places so uniting, and there to keep, maintain and employ the poor of the parishes so uniting, and to take and have the benefit of the work, labour or service of any poor there kept and maintained, for the better maintenance and relief of the poor there kept, maintained and employed; and that if any poor person or persons in the respective parishes, townships or places so uniting, shall refuse to be lodged, kept and maintained in the house, hired or taken for such uniting parishes, townships or places, he, she or they so refusing, shall be put out of the collection-book, where his, her or their names were registered, and shall not be entitled to ask or demand relief or collection from the churchwardens and overseers of the poor in their respective parishes, townships or places; and that it shall and may be lawful for the churchwardens and overseers of the poor, with the consent of the major part of the parishioners or inhabitants, to contract with the churchwardens and overseers of the poor of any other parish, township or place, for the lodging, maintaining or employing, of any poor person or persons of such other parish, township or place, as to them shall seem meet; and in case any poor person or persons of such other parish, township or place, shall refuse to be lodged, maintained and employed in such house or houses, he, she or they so refusing, shall be put out of the collection-book of such other parish, township or place, where his, her or their names were registered, and shall not be entitled to ask, demand or receive any relief or collection from the churchwardens and overseers of the poor of his, her or their respective parish, township or place: provided always, that no poor person or persons, his, her or their apprentice, child or children, shall acquire a settlement in the parish, town or place, to which he, she or they are removed by virtue of this act. No person or persons shall be deemed, adjudged or taken, to acquire or gain any settlement in any parish or place, for or by virtue of any purchase of any estate or interest in such parish or place, whereof the consideration for such purchase doth not amount to the sum of thirty pounds, _bona fide_ paid, for any longer or further time than such person or persons shall inhabit in such estate, and shall then be liable to be removed to such parish or place, where such person or persons were last legally settled, before the said purchase and inhabitancy therein. VI. No person or persons whatsoever, who shall be taxed, rated or assessed to the scavenger or repairs of the highway, and shall duly pay the same, shall be deemed or taken to have any legal settlement in any city, parish, town or hamlet, for or by reason of his, her or their paying to such scavenger's rate or repairs of the highway as aforesaid; any law to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding. 4. GILBERT'S ACT [_Statutes_, 22 _George III_, _c._ 83], 1782. An act for the better relief and employment of the poor. Whereas notwithstanding the many laws now in being for the relief and employment of the poor, and the great sums of money raised for those purposes, their sufferings and distresses are nevertheless very grievous; and, by the incapacity, negligence, or misconduct of overseers, the money raised for the relief of the poor is frequently misapplied, and sometimes expended in defraying the charges of litigations about settlements indiscreetly and unadvisedly carried on.... VII. And be it further enacted, that it shall and may be lawful for two justices of the peace of the limit where such poor house shall be, or be so agreed to be situated, and they are hereby required, as soon as conveniently may be after such agreement shall have been made as aforesaid, upon application to them by two or more of the persons who shall have signed such agreement, and upon producing the same to them, to appoint one of the persons so recommended to be guardian of the poor for each of such parishes, townships, and places, in the form contained in the said schedule, No. VII, or to that or the like effect; and every such guardian shall attend the monthly meetings hereby directed to be holden, and execute the several powers and authorities given to guardians by this act, and shall have, and is hereby invested with, all the powers and authorities given to overseers of the poor by any other act or acts of parliament. XVII. The guardians of the poor of the several parishes, townships and places which shall adopt the provisions of this act, shall provide a suitable and convenient house or houses, with proper buildings and accommodations thereto, when wanted. And, to render the provisions of this act more practicable and beneficial, be it further enacted, that no person shall be sent to such poor house or houses, except such as are become indigent by old age, sickness, or infirmities, and are unable to acquire a maintenance by their labour; and except such orphan children as shall be sent thither by order of the guardian or guardians of the poor, with the approbation of the visitor; and except such children as shall necessarily go with their mothers thither for sustenance. XXX. And, be it further enacted, that all infant children of tender years, and who, from accident or misfortune, shall become chargeable to the parish or place to which they belong, may either be sent to such poor house as aforesaid, or be placed by the guardian or guardians of the poor, with the approbation of the visitor, with some reputable person or persons in or near the parish, township, or place, to which they belong, at such weekly allowance as shall be agreed upon between the parish officers and such person or persons with the approbation of the visitor, until such child or children shall be of sufficient age to be put into service, or bound apprentice to husbandry, or some trade or occupation; and a list of the names of every child so placed out, and by whom and where kept, shall be given to the visitor; who shall see that they are properly treated, or cause them to be removed, and placed under the care of some other person or persons, if he finds just cause so to do; and when every such child shall attain such age, he or she shall be so placed out, at the expense of the parish, township, or place, to which he or she shall belong, according to the laws in being: provided nevertheless, that if the parents or relations of any poor child sent to such house, or so placed out as aforesaid, or any other responsible person, shall desire to receive and provide for any such poor child or children, and signify the same to the guardians at their monthly meeting, the guardians shall, and are hereby required to dismiss, or cause to be dismissed, such child or children from the poor-house, or from the care of such person or persons as aforesaid, and deliver him, her, or them, to the parent, relation, or other person so applying as aforesaid: provided also, that nothing herein contained shall give any power to separate any child or children, under the age of seven years, from his, her, or their parent or parents, without the consent of such parent or parents. XXXI. And be it further enacted, that all idle or disorderly persons who are able, but unwilling, to work or maintain themselves and their families, shall be prosecuted by the guardians of the poor of the several parishes, townships, and places, wherein they reside, and punished in such manner as idle and disorderly persons are directed to be by the statute made in the seventeenth year of the reign of his late majesty King George the Second; and if any guardian shall neglect to make complaint thereof, against every such person or persons, to some neighbouring justice of the peace, within ten days after it shall come to his knowledge, he shall, for every such neglect, forfeit a sum not exceeding five pounds, nor less than twenty shillings, one moiety whereof, when recovered, shall be paid to the informer, and the other moiety to be disposed of as the other forfeitures are hereinafter directed to be applied. XXXII. And be it further enacted, that where there shall be, in any parish, township, or place, any poor person or persons who shall be able and willing to work, but who cannot get employment, it shall and may be lawful for the guardian of the poor of such parish, township or place, and he is hereby required, on application made to him by or on behalf of such poor person, to agree for the labour of such poor person or persons, at any work or employment suited to his or her strength and capacity, in any parish, township or place, near the place of his or her residence, and to maintain, or cause such person or persons to be properly maintained, lodged, and provided for, until such employment shall be procured, and during the time of such work, and to receive the money to be earned by such work or labour, and apply it in such maintenance, as far as the same will go, and make up the deficiency, if any; and if the same shall happen to exceed the money expended in such maintenance, to account for the surplus, which shall afterwards, within one calendar month, be given to such poor person or persons who shall have earned such money, if no further expenses shall be then incurred on his or her account to exhaust the same. And in case such poor person or persons shall refuse to work, or run away from such work or employment, complaint shall be made thereof by the guardian to some justice or justices of the peace in or near the said parish, township, or place; who shall enquire into the same upon oath, and on conviction punish such offender or offenders, by committing him, her, or them, to the house of correction, there to be kept to hard labour for any time not exceeding three calendar months, nor less than one calendar month. XLI. And whereas it frequently happens that poor children, pregnant women, or poor persons afflicted with sickness, or some bodily infirmity, are enticed, taken, or conveyed by parish officers, or other persons, from one parish or place to another, without any legal order of removal, in order to ease the one parish or place, and to burden the other with such poor person: for remedy thereof, be it further enacted, that, when any guardian, or other person or persons, shall so entice, take, convey, or remove, or cause or procure to be so enticed, taken, conveyed, or removed, any such poor person or persons from one parish or place to another, which shall adopt the provisions of this act, without an order of removal from two justices of the peace for that purpose, every person or persons so offending shall, for every such offence, forfeit a sum not exceeding twenty pounds, nor less than five pounds. 5. SPEENHAMLAND "ACT OF PARLIAMENT" [_The Reading Mercury, May 11, 1795_], 1795. Berkshire, to wit. At a General Meeting of the Justices of this County, together with several discreet persons assembled by public advertisement,[374] on Wednesday the 6th day of May, 1795, at the Pelican Inn in Speenhamland (in pursuance of an order of the last Court of General Quarter Sessions) for the purpose of rating Husbandry Wages, by the day or week, if then approved of, [names of those present].... Resolved unanimously, That the present state of the Poor does require further assistance than has been generally given them. Resolved, That it is not expedient for the Magistrates to grant that assistance by regulating the Wages of Day Labourers, according to the directions of the Statutes of the 5th Elizabeth and 1st James: But the Magistrates very earnestly recommend to the Farmers and others throughout the county, to increase the pay of their Labourers in proportion to the present price of provisions; and agreeable thereto, the Magistrates now present, have unanimously resolved that they will, in their several divisions, make the following calculations and allowances for relief of all poor and industrious men and their families, who to the satisfaction of the Justices of their Parish, shall endeavour (as far as they can) for their own support and maintenance. That is to say, When the Gallon Loaf of Second Flour, weighing 8lb. 11ozs. shall cost 1s. Then every poor and industrious man shall have for his own support 3s. weekly, either produced by his own or his family's labour, or an allowance from the poor rates, and for the support of his wife and every other of his family, 1s. 6d. When the Gallon Loaf shall cost 1s. 4d. Then every poor and industrious man shall have 4s. weekly for his own, and 1s. and 10d. for the support of every other of his family. And so in proportion, as the price of bread rise or falls (that is to say) 3d. to the man, and 1d. to every other of the family, on every 1d. which the loaf rise above 1s. By order of the Meeting, W. BUDD, Deputy Clerk of the Peace.[375] [Footnote 374: _Reading Mercury_, May 4, contained an advertisement of a general meeting of justices "to limit, direct, and appoint the wages of day labourers."] [Footnote 375: Simultaneously the Magistrates published a recommendation to overseers to grow potatoes, setting poor people to work and offering them one-third or one-fourth of the crop, and to sell at 1s. a bushel; also to get in a stock of peat, faggots, furze, etc., in the summer and to sell at a loss in the winter.] 6. THE WORKHOUSE SYSTEM [_Eden, The State of the Poor, 1797, Vol. II, pp. 168-9_], 1797. _Stanhope (Durham)._ The poor have been farmed for many years: about fifteen years ago they were farmed for 250l.; but the expense has gradually increased since that period: the year before last, the expense was 495l., and last year 494l.; and the Contractor says that he shall lose 100l. by his last bargain, and will not take the poor this year under 700l. Twenty-two poor people are at present in the house, and 100 families receive weekly relief out of it: these out-poor, the Contractor says, will cost him 450l. for the year ending at May-day next. The Poor-house was built about fifteen years ago; it is, like most others in the hands of contractors, in a dirty state. _Preston (Lancashire)_[376]. The number of poor in the workhouse a few weeks ago, was as follows:-- Men 26 Women 39 Boys 47 Girls 40 --- Total 152 --- At present there are 158 or 159 in the house. The number of out-poor at present is 70; they cost about 10l. a week. The workhouse is built on a tolerable plan, but wants apartments for the sick. There are 4 or 5 beds in a room: the bedsteads are made of iron, and the beds are stuffed with chaff: white-washing and other means of keeping the house clean, seem rather neglected. It is said that about 15 die in a year in the house. About 20 acres of land were inclosed from the common, for the use of the house, for keeping cows horses, and pigs; raising potatoes, etc.: this plot of ground is much improved by cultivation. Nothing is manufactured for the use of the house. The boys and girls are employed in weaving calicoes, till they are able to earn their living elsewhere. Old women wind cotton; a few, who can work, are employed in husbandry, gardening, and other occupations: no account of their earnings could be obtained. _St. Martin-in-the-Fields_ (_London_)[377]. The poor of this parish are partly relieved at home, and partly maintained in the workhouse in Castle-street, Leicester Fields. There are, at present, about 240 weekly out-pensioners, besides a considerable number of poor on the casual list. Of 573, the number of poor at present in the workhouse, 473 are adults and 100 children; of which 54 are boys, 21 girls, able to work, and 25 infants. Their principal employment is spinning flax, picking hair, carding wool, etc.; their annual earnings, on an average of a few years past, amount to about £150. It was once attempted to establish a manufacture in the house; but the badness of the situation for business, the want of room for workshops, and the difficulty of compelling the able poor to pay proper attention to work, rendered the project unsuccessful. Between 70 and 80 children belonging to this parish are, generally, out at nurse in the country: a weekly allowance of 3s. (lately advanced to 3s. 6d.) is paid with each child. At 7 or 8 years of age, the children are taken into the house, and taught a little reading, etc., for three or four years, and then put out apprentices. _Bulcamp_ (_Suffolk_)[378]. The poor of 46 incorporated parishes in the hundred of Blything, are maintained in a house of industry, which is situated on an eminence in the parish of Bulcamp. The expense of erection was 12,000l.; the house was opened for the reception of the poor in October, 1766. The whole annual sum, to be paid by the parishes (which was fixed at the average of seven years' expenditure, previous to their incorporation), was 3,084l. 12s. 8d.; in 1780 half the debt was paid off, and the rates reduced one-eighth, or to 2,699l. 1s. 1d.; in June, 1791, the whole debt was discharged. The rates have been continued at the reduced sum of 2,699l. 1s. 1d. In 1793, the corporation found it necessary to apply to Parliament for farther powers, relative to the binding out poor children apprentices, which cost 350l. 15s. The work done in this house is chiefly spinning for the Norwich manufacture: clothes and bedding, etc., for the house, are also made at home. The following were the last week's earnings: an account of the annual earnings could not be procured; but it appears that they have been about 8l. a week, or 400l. a year, for several weeks past. Worsted spinners 4l. 3s. 1-3/4d. Tow spinners 1l. 12s. 1d. Sempstresses 0l. 7s. 3d. Tailors 0l. 9s. 0d. Knitters 0l. 8s. 0d. Weavers 0l. 7s. 0d. Shoemakers 0l. 16s. 0d. ----------------- Total earnings for one week 8l. 2s. 5-3/4d. ----------------- Number of paupers in the house in June, in each of the following years (the average number in the year must, probably, be more), and Table of Mortality:-- Years. No. of Persons. Deaths. 1782 297 87 1783 298 69 1784 265 76 1785 295 82 1786 143 70 1787 256 67 1788 290 52 1789 207 37 1790 192 18 1791 235 34 1792 243 9 1793 260 23 1794 270 37 -------- Average of 13 years 50-11/13 -------- The number at present in the house is 40 men, 60 women, and 255 children: total 355. The house is very roomy and convenient. The beds are chiefly of feathers: the dormitories and other rooms are kept very clean. More work is done now than formerly; but owing to lowness of wages, the receipts have decreased. The number of deaths is very great, and, I presume, rather arises from the number of old persons admitted into the house than from any inattention towards the sick. [Footnote 376: _Ibid._, p. 368.] [Footnote 377: _Ibid._, p. 440] [Footnote 378: _Ibid._, p. 678.] 7. TWO VARIETIES OF THE ROUNDSMAN SYSTEM OF RELIEF [_Eden, The State of the Poor, 1797, Vol. II, p. 29 and p. 384_], 1797. (_a_) _Winslow_ (_Buckinghamshire_) There seems to be a great want of employment: most of the labourers are (as it is termed), on the Rounds; that is, they go to work from one house to another round the parish. In winter sometimes 40 persons are on the rounds. They are wholly paid by the parish, unless the householders choose to employ them; and from these circumstances, labourers often become very lazy, and imperious. Children, above ten years old, are put on the rounds, and receive from the parish from 1s. 6d. to 3s. a week. (_b_) _Kibworth Beauchamp_ (Leicestershire)[379]. In the winter, and at other times, when a man is out of work, he applies to the overseer, who sends him from house to house, to get employ: the housekeeper, who employs him, is obliged to give him victuals, and 6d. a day; and the parish adds 4d. (total, 10d. a day) for the support of his family; persons working in this manner are called rounds-men, from their going round the village or township for employ. [Footnote 379: Eden, _The State of the Poor_, Vol. II, p. 384.] 8. ANOTHER EXAMPLE OF THE ROUNDSMAN SYSTEM [_Thomas Batchelor, The Agriculture of Bedfordshire (Agricultural Surveys), 1808, pp. 608-9_], 1808. _Bedfordshire._ The increase of population has caused a deficiency of employment, which is so remarkable in some seasons, that a great proportion of the labourers "go the rounds." This practice is not modern; but as it is not supposed to be sanctioned by law, it may be proper to describe the nature of it, and its general consequences. When a labourer can obtain no employment he applies to the acting overseer, from whom he passes on to the different farmers all round the parish, being employed by each of them after the rate of one day for every 20l. rent. The allowance to a labourer on the rounds, is commonly 2d. per day below the pay of other labourers, which is found to be a necessary check upon those who love liberty better than labour. Boys receive from 4d. to 6d. per day on the rounds, the whole of which is often repaid to the farmers by the overseers. About half the pay of the men is returned in the same manner, and the farmers often receive in this way the amount of from 2d. to 4d. in the pound rent, which consequently causes the apparent expense of the poor to exceed the truth. The practice in question has a very bad effect on the industry of the poor: they are often employed in trivial business; the boys in particular are of little use in the winter season. The men are careful not to earn more than they receive, and seem to think it the safer extreme to perform too little rather than too much. 9. REPORT OF THE POOR LAW COMMISSION [_Report from Commission on the Poor Laws, 1834 (XXVII), pp. 297, 228, 47, 261-262, 306-307_], 1834. We recommend, therefore, the appointment of a Central Board to control the administration of the Poor Laws; with such assistant Commissioners as may be found requisite; and that the Commissioners be empowered and directed to frame and enforce regulations for the government of workhouses, and as to the nature and amount of the relief to be given and the labour to be exacted in them, and that such regulations shall, as far as may be practicable, be uniform throughout the country. * * * * * It may be assumed that in the administration of relief, the public is warranted in imposing such conditions on the individual relieved, as are conducive to the benefit either of the individual himself, or of the country at large, at whose expense he is to be relieved.[380] The first and most essential of all conditions, a principle which we find universally admitted, even by those whose practice is at variance with it, is that his situation on the whole shall not be made really or apparently so eligible as the situation of the independent labourer of the lowest class. Throughout the evidence it is shown, that in proportion as the condition of any pauper is elevated above the condition of independent labourers, the condition of the independent class is depressed; their industry is impaired, their employment becomes unsteady, and its remuneration in wages is diminished. Such persons, therefore, are under the strongest inducements to quit the less eligible class of labourers and enter the more eligible class of paupers. The converse is the effect when the pauper class is placed in its proper position, below the condition of the independent labourer. Every penny bestowed, that tends to render the condition of the paupers more eligible than that of the independent labourer, is a bounty on indolence and vice. We have found, that as the poor's rates are at present administered, they operate as bounties of this description to the amount of several millions annually. * * * * * Another evil connected with out-door relief, and arising from its undefined character, is the natural tendency to award to the deserving more than is necessary, or where more than necessary relief is afforded to all, to distinguish the deserving by extra allowances.[381] ... The whole evidence shows the danger of such an attempt. It appears that such endeavours to constitute the distributors of relief into a tribunal for the reward of merit, out of the property of others, have not only failed in effecting the benevolent intentions of their promoters, but have become sources of fraud on the part of the distributors, and of discontent and violence on the part of the claimants. * * * * * The chief specific measures which we recommend are:[382]-- First, that except as to medical attendance, and subject to the exception respecting apprenticeship hereinafter stated, all relief whatever to able-bodied persons or to their families, otherwise than in well-regulated workhouses (_i.e._, places where they may be set to work according to the spirit and intention of the 43rd of Elizabeth), shall be declared unlawful, and shall cease, in manner and at periods hereafter specified; and that all relief afforded in respect of children under the age of 16, shall be considered as afforded to their parents. At least four classes are necessary:[383]--(1) The aged and really impotent; (2) The children; (3) The able-bodied females; (4) The able-bodied males. Of whom we trust that the two latter will be the least numerous classes. It appears to us that both the requisite classification and the requisite superintendence may be better obtained in separate buildings than under a single roof.... Each class might thus receive an appropriate treatment; the old might enjoy their indulgences without torment from the boisterous; the children be educated, and the able-bodied subjected to such courses of labour and discipline as will repel the indolent and vicious. [Footnote 380: _Ibid._, p. 228.] [Footnote 381: _Ibid._, p. 47.] [Footnote 382: _Ibid._, pp. 261-2.] [Footnote 383: p. 306-7.] 10. THE POOR LAW AMENDMENT ACT [_Statutes, 4 and 5 Wm. IV, 76_], 1834. An Act for the Amendment and better Administration of the Laws relating to the Poor in England and Wales. Whereas it is expedient to alter and amend the Laws relating to the Relief of poor Persons in England and Wales: Be it therefore enacted ... that it shall be lawful for His Majesty, His Heirs and Successors, by Warrant under the Royal Sign Manual, to appoint three fit persons to be Commissioners to carry this Act into execution.... XV. And be it further enacted, ... for executing the powers given to them by this Act the said Commissioners shall and are hereby authorized and required, from time to time as they shall see occasion, to make and issue all such rules, orders, and regulations for the management of the poor, for the government of workhouses and the education of the children therein, and for the management of parish poor children under the provisions of an Act made and passed in the seventh year of the reign of His late Majesty King George the Third, intituled _An Act for the better Regulation of Parish poor Children of the several Parishes therein mentioned within the Bills of Mortality_, and the superintending, inspecting, and regulating of the Houses wherein such poor children are kept and maintained, and for the apprenticing the children of poor persons, and for the guidance and control of all Guardians, Vestries, and Parish officers, so far as relates to the management or relief of the poor, and the keeping, examining, auditing, and allowing of accounts, and making and entering into contracts in all matters relating to such management or relief, or to any expenditure for the relief of the poor, and for carrying this Act into execution in all other respects, as they shall think proper; and the said Commissioners may, at their discretion, from time to time suspend, alter, or rescind such rules, orders, and regulations, or any of them: provided always that nothing in this Act contained shall be construed as enabling the said commissioners or any of them to interfere in any individual case for the purpose of ordering relief. XXVI. And be it further enacted, that it shall be lawful for the said commissioners, by order under their hands and seal, to declare so many parishes as they may think fit to be united for the administration of the laws for the relief of the poor, and such parishes shall thereupon be deemed a Union for such purpose, ... but, notwithstanding ... each of the said parishes shall be separately chargeable with and liable to defray the expense of its own poor, whether relieved in or out of any such workhouse. XXXVIII. And be it further enacted, that where any parishes shall be united by order or with concurrence of the said commissioners for the administration of the laws for the relief of the poor, a Board of Guardians of the poor for such Union shall be constituted and chosen, and the workhouse or workhouses of such Union shall be governed, and the relief of the poor in such Union shall be administered, by such Board of Guardians; and the said Guardians shall be elected by the ratepayers, and by such owners of property in the parishes forming such Union as shall in manner hereinafter mentioned require to have their names entered as entitled to vote as owners in the books of such parishes respectively. 11. OUTDOOR RELIEF PROHIBITORY ORDER [_11th Annual Report of the Poor Law Commissioners, pp. 29-33_], 1844. _Amended General Orders._--_Regulating the Belief of Able-Bodied Poor Persons._ 1. Every able-bodied person, male or female, requiring relief from any parish within any of the said Unions, shall be relieved wholly in the workhouse of the Union, together with such of the family of every such able-bodied person as may be resident with him or her, and they not be in employment, and together with the wife of every such able-bodied male person, if he be a married man, and if she be resident with him; save and except in the following cases:-- 1st. Where such person shall require relief on account of sudden and urgent necessity. 2nd. Where such person shall require relief on account of any sickness, accident, or bodily or mental infirmity affecting such person, or any of his or her family. * * * * * 4th. Where such person, being a widow, shall be in the first six months of her widowhood. 5th. Where such person shall be a widow, and have a legitimate child or legitimate children dependent upon her, and incapable of earning his, her, or their livelihood, and have no illegitimate child born after the commencement of her widowhood. * * * * * 7th. Where such person shall be the wife, or child, of any able-bodied man who shall be in the service of Her Majesty as soldier, sailor, or marine. * * * * * Given under our hands and Seal of Office, this 21st day of December, in the year of our Lord 1 thousand 8 hundred and 44. (Signed) GEO. NICHOLLS. G.C. LEWIS. EDWARD W. HEAD. SECTION VI FINANCE AND FOREIGN TRADE 1. Act abolishing Tenure by Knight Service, etc., 1660--2. Navigation Act, 1660--3. Proposals for Free Export of Gold and Silver, 1660--4. An Attack on the Navigation Acts, c. 1663--5. Free Coinage at the Mint Proclaimed, 1666--6. The East India Company and the Interlopers, 1684--7. Foundation of the Bank of England, 1694--8. The Need for the Recoinage of 1696--9. Speech by Sir Robert Walpole on the Salt Duties, 1732--10. Pitt's Sinking Fund Act, 1786--11. The Suspension of Cash Payments, 1797--12. Pitt's Speech on the Income Tax, 1798--13. Foreign Trade in the early Nineteenth Century, 1812--14. Debate on the Corn Law, 1815--15. The Corn Law of 1815--16. Free Trade Petition, 1820--17. The Foundation of the Anti-Corn-Law League, 1839--18. The Bank Charter Act, 1844--19. Debate on the Corn Laws, 1846. This section illustrates various departments of Government policy: taxation and revenue (Nos. 1, 9 and 12), public debts (Nos. 7 and 10), fiscal and trade policy (Nos. 1, 2, 4, 6, 13-17, 19), the coinage (Nos. 3, 5 and 8), and the national Bank (Nos. 7, 11, and 18). The specimens of revenue policy begin with the Act by which Charles II abandoned feudal dues in exchange for a general and hereditary excise (No. 1). The principle involved in this transaction may be compared with Sir Robert Walpole's remarks on the question of justice in taxation (No. 9) and with Pitt's speech on introducing the Income Tax in 1798, which also gives a survey of the whole financial position and a defence of the policy of paying for wars out of hand (No. 12). The opposite policy, of war-loans, had been adopted earlier, and the French wars of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries established the funding system. An outline is given of the Sinking Fund by which it was supposed that this national liability could be reduced while it was being created (No. 10). The foundation of the Bank of England (No. 7) was an important step in the policy of national loans as well as an encouragement to the growth of capital and capitalist industry. The French wars at the end of the eighteenth century produced a crisis in the management of the Bank's reserve; an official report explains the causes of the panic which led to the suspension of cash payments and also shows the deliberate policy by which the suspension was continued till 1819 (No. 11). This was the first controversy of great importance on the subject of currency since the seventeenth century, when the government of Charles II had adopted the policy of allowing free export and free coinage of Gold and Silver (Nos. 3 and 5). The gradual deterioration of the coinage which led to the recoinage of 1696 is illustrated by a contemporary description (No. 8). The Bank Charter Act (No. 18) shows the financial aspect of rapid national expansion in the nineteenth century and the method adopted to give stability to credit by limiting the issue of unsupported paper currency, in the period before the triumph of the cheque system. The Navigation Act of Charles the second's reign (No. 2) formed part of a system by which the State set itself to encourage particular industries and took a part in the struggle for commercial leadership. (See also Nos. 4 and 6.) The complications of this policy with considerations of revenue and particular interests rapidly increased, while the manufacturing export trade became more important (No. 13). A reaction led by the Economists had begun in the latter part of the eighteenth century. In the nineteenth century the battle raged over the special protection successfully claimed by the Agricultural Interest in the depression at the end of the Napoleonic wars (No. 15). The debates and petitions (No. 14, No. 16, No. 19) bristle with the new Political Economy. They also give an indication of the new social class created by the Industrial Revolution and of the struggle of the landowners with the North of England manufacturers who founded and financed the Anti-Corn-Law League, the most successful of all political associations for an economic object (No. 17). AUTHORITIES The most important modern authorities on taxation and finance are: Dowell, _History of Taxation and Taxes_; Seligman, _The Income Tax_; Kennedy, _English Taxation_,1640-1799: on currency and banking, Shaw, _History of the Currency_; Andréadés, _History of the Bank of England_; Thorold Rogers, _The First Nine Years of the Bank of England_; Bagehot, _Lombard Street_: on commercial and fiscal policy; Day, _History of Commerce_; Levi, _History of British Commerce_; Hewins, _English Trade and Finance_; Beer, _The Old Colonial System_ and _British Colonial Policy_; Hertz, _The Old Colonial System_; Ashley, _Surveys_; Cunningham, _Growth of English Industry and Commerce, Modern Times_, and _Rise and Decline of the Free Trade Movement_; Bruce, _Annals of the East India Company_; Holland, _The Fall of Protection_; Morley, _Life of Cobden_; Trevelyan, _Life of Bright_; Nicholson, _The English Corn Laws_. Smart, _Economic Annals of the Nineteenth Century_, analyses economic debates, legislation and conditions in the early nineteenth century. Bibliographies in Cunningham, _op. cit._, Day _op. cit._, Cambridge Modern History, Vols. VI and X, and Grant Robertson, _England Under the Hanoverians_. _Contemporary._--Parliamentary Paper, XXXV, 1869, gives a summary of public revenue and expenditure, 1688-1869. Important documents for financial history are contained in the seventeenth century Treasury Papers (ed. Shaw). The Advice of the Council of Trade on the Exportation of Gold and Silver, 1660, is in McCulloch's Collection of Tracts on Money. The official history of the suspension of cash payments is in the Reports of Committees on the Restriction in Payments, 1797 (XI), on the High Price of Gold, 1810 (III), and on Cash Payments, 1819 (III). A collection of literary authorities on monetary questions was made by McCulloch, "A Select Collection of Scarce and Valuable Tracts on Money"; it includes Petty's Quantulumcunque, Isaac Newton's Representations, etc. For contemporary opinion on taxation and finance, see Petty, Taxes and Taxation Price; Observations on Reversionary Payments, and The State of the Public Debts; Smith, The Wealth of Nations, and the Speeches of Pitt (Everyman Series), and of Cobden (edited Bright and Rogers). For foreign commerce consult The Diary and Consultation Book of Fort St. George (ed. Pringle), and Reports of Commons Committee on Orders in Council, 1812, together with the pamphlet literature on Colonial policy (see Cunningham _op. cit._ and McCulloch's Select Collection of Tracts on Commerce). 1. ACT ABOLISHING TENURE BY KNIGHT SERVICE, ETC. [_Statutes, 12 Charles II, 24_], 1660. It is hereby enacted that the Court of Wards and Liveries and all Wardships, Liveries, Primer-Seizins, and Ouster-le-mains, values, and forfeitures of marriages by reason of any tenure of the King's majesty or of any other knight's service, and all mean rates and all other gifts, grants, charges incident or arising for or by reason of wardships [etc.], be taken away and discharged. And that all fines for alienation, seizures, and pardons for alienations, tenure by homage [etc.], also Aide pur file marrier et pur farer fitz chivalier, and all other charges incident thereunto, be likewise taken away and discharged, as from February 24, 1645. And that all tenures by knight's service of the King, or of any other person and by knight service in capite, and by socage in capite of the King, and the fruits and consequents thereof--be taken away and discharged. And all tenures of any Honours, manors, lands, tenements, or hereditaments of any estate of inheritance at the common law, held either of the King or of any other person or persons, bodies politic or corporate are hereby enacted to be turned into free and common socage to all intents and purposes. [Purveyance and Pre-emption abolished.] XIV. And now to the intent and purpose that his Majesty, his heirs and successors, may receive a full and ample recompence--there shall be paid unto the King's majesty his heirs and successors forever hereafter in recompence as aforesaid the several rates [etc.] following:-- [1s. 3d. a barrel of beer sold above 6s. a barrel. 3d. a barrel of beer sold at 6s. or below 6s. a barrel. 2d. a gallon of spirits imported. 3s. a barrel of beer imported. 1d. a gallon of aqua-vitae, etc.] 2. NAVIGATION ACT [_Statutes, 12 Chas. II, 18_], 1660. An Act for the encouraging and increasing of shipping and navigation. For the increase of shipping and encouragement of the navigation of this nation wherein, under the good providence and protection of God, the wealth, safety and strength of this kingdom is so much concerned; be it enacted by the King's most excellent majesty, and by the lords and commons in this present parliament assembled, and by the authority thereof, that from and after the first day of December one thousand six hundred and sixty, and from thenceforward, no goods or commodities whatsoever shall be imported into or exported out of any lands, islands, plantations or territories to his Majesty belonging or in his possession, or which may hereafter belong unto or be in the possession of his Majesty, his heirs and successors, in Asia, Africa or America, in any other ship or ships, vessel or vessels whatsoever, but in such ships or vessels as do truly and without fraud belong only to the people of England or Ireland, dominion of Wales or town of Berwick-upon-Tweed, or are of the built of and belonging to any the said lands, islands, plantations or territories, as the proprietors and right owners thereof, and whereof the master and three-fourths of the mariners at least are English. And it is further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that no goods or commodities that are of foreign growth, production or manufacture, and which are brought into England, Ireland, Wales, the islands of Guernsey and Jersey, or town of Berwick-upon-Tweed, in English-built shipping, or other shipping belonging to some of the aforesaid places, and navigated by English mariners, as aforesaid, shall be shipped or brought from any other place or places, country or countries, but only from those of the said growth, production or manufacture, or from those ports where the said goods and commodities can only, or are, or usually have been, first shipped for transportation, and from none other places or countries. 3. PROPOSALS FOR FREE EXPORTATION OF GOLD AND SILVER [_McCulloch, Tracts on Money,1856, pp. 145_], 1660. Advice of his Majesty's Council of Trade, concerning the Exportation of Gold and Silver in Foreign Coins and Bullion. [Concluded Dec. 11, 1660.] ... Supposing that it were of absolute necessity to restrain all money and bullion, once imported, to be kept within this kingdom. It then came under consideration whether either the laws hitherto made in that behalf are, or that it be possible to make a law, adequate to prevent the exportation thereof. And here we were convinced, by experience, that the laws of this kingdom (hitherto made) have been of no effect to the end thereby designed; and looking abroad, as there are nowhere more strict and severe laws against the exportation of coin and bullion than in Spain and France, we found all to be to as little purpose. We then, thirdly, enquired what loadstone attracted this metal by force of nature to itself, against all human providence or prevention; and soon found that it was alone the present course of trade and traffic throughout the world.... And therefore, in the fourth place, we discovered that, as it is impossible by any laws to restrain money and bullion against the use that traffic finds for the same; so also the adhering to this principle of restraining thereof discourageth, as well all natives as foreigners, to import any money or bullion--where the exportation thereof is forbidden them. From whence, fifthly, the many advantages (thereby given away clearly to the stranger from the English) present themselves; for the stranger, knowing we must be furnished in one of these places for our occasions, make us pay dearly for our accommodation. So that, to wind up all that has been said, the result of the several reasons and arguments herein summed up seemed to be this: that time and experience instruct, and the present state of traffic throughout the world require, that, for the increase of the stock of money in these your Majesty's kingdoms, some way of liberty for the exportation, at least of foreign coin and bullion, should be found out, and put in execution; which hath produced the humble advice offered in the preceding paper. 4. AN ATTACK ON THE NAVIGATION ACT[384] [_P.R.O. Colonial Papers, Vol. XXXVI, No. 88_], _c._ 1663. _To the King's Most Excellent Majesty._ _The Humble Remonstrance_ of John Bland, of London, Merchant, on the behalf of the Inhabitants and Planters of Virginia and Maryland. Most humbly representing unto your Majesty the inevitable destruction of these colonies, if so be that the late Act for increase of trade and shipping be not as to them dispensed with; for it will not only ruinate the inhabitants and planters, but make desolate the largest, fertilist, and most glorious plantations under Your Majesty's Dominion; the which, if otherwise suspended, will produce the greatest advantage to this nation's commerce and considerablest income to Your Majesty's revenue, that any part of the world doth to which we trade. [Rejoinder to argument that the Dutch prohibit English trade with their Indian Dominions. The American colonies are in need of customers. Why should the Dutch be prevented from dealing with them?] Virginia and Maryland are colonies, which though capable of better commodities, yet for the present afford only these, tobacco chiefly, then in the next place corn and cattle, commodities almost in every country whatever to be had; withal they are such commodities, that except purchased in these plantations so cheap as not elsewhere so to be had, none would ever go thither to fetch them, no, not we ourselves. Which being so, then certainly it cannot stand with wisdom to hinder the Hollanders from going thither. Then again, if you keep thence the Hollanders, can it be believed that from England more ships will be sent than are able to bring thence what tobacco England will spend? If they do bring more, must they not lose both stock and block, principal and charges?... A further prejudice doth evidently attend the commerce by this Act, not only in debarring Hollanders from trading to these colonies, but thereby we do likewise debar ourselves; for, by the Act, no English ships can load any goods in Virginia and Maryland to transport to any country but our own territories.... I demand then, if it would not be better to let our English ships, loading in those colonies, to go whither they please, and pay in the places where they do trade (if it will not be dispensed with otherwise), the same customs to your Majesty as they should have done in England, or give bills from thence to pay it in England? Certainly this would be more beneficial to the commerce, and security both for the ships and goods, and advantageous to your Majesty; for whilst they are coming to England they might be at the end of their intended voyages and obtain a market, which haply in England could not be had.... If that notwithstanding what is by the foregoing particulars declared, it may seem reasonable that the Act shall stand in force.... Then let me on behalf of the said colonies of Virginia and Maryland make these following proposals which I hope will appear but equitable; and I dare undertake for them, that they will be very well satisfied, that those few tobacconists that have engrossed that trade into their hands, shall still continue in it without moving further against them therein. First, that the traders to Virginia and Maryland from England shall furnish and supply the planters and inhabitants of these colonies with all sorts of commodities and necessaries which they may want or desire, at as cheap rates and prices as the Hollanders used to have when the Hollander was admitted to trade hither. Secondly, that the said traders out of England to these colonies shall not only buy of the planters such tobacco in the colonies as is fit for England, but take off all that shall be yearly made by them, at as good rates and prices as the Hollanders used to give.... By way of accommodation this I propose. Let all Hollanders and other nations whatsoever freely trade into Virginia and Maryland, and bring thither and carry thence whatever they please, and to counterpoise the cheapness of their sailing, with dearness of our ships, to pay a set duty and imposition that may countervail the same; and when what they paid formerly will not do it, let it be doubled and trebled, as shall be thought meet, yet still with this caution, that it may not make it as bad as if they were totally prohibited. In the next place, that all English ships that do go thither to trade, and carry goods to any other country besides England, may be freed of any custom there, more than some certain duty to the use of the colonies.... [Footnote 384: Quoted in _The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography_, Vol. I, pp. 142-145.] 5. FREE COINAGE OF BULLION AT THE MINT PROCLAIMED [_Statutes, 18 Chas._ II, 5], 1666. Whereas it is most obvious that the plenty of current coins of gold and silver of this kingdom is of great advantage to trade and commerce ... be it enacted ... that whatsoever person or persons, native or foreigner, alien or stranger, shall from and after the twentieth day of December one thousand six hundred sixty and six, bring in any foreign coin, plate or bullion of gold or silver, in mass, molten or alloyed, or any sort of manufacture of gold or silver, into his Majesty's mint or mints within the kingdom of England, to be there melted down and coined into the current coins of this kingdom, shall have the same there assayed, melted down and coined with all convenient speed, without any defalcation, diminution or charge for the assaying, coinage or waste in coinage: so as that for every pound troy of crown or standard gold that shall be brought in and delivered by him or them ... there shall be delivered ... a pound troy of the current coins of this kingdom, of crown or standard gold. 6. THE EAST INDIA COMPANY AND THE INTERLOPERS [_Diary and Consultation Book of Fort St. George, Ed. Pringle Series I, Vol. III, p. 49_], 1684. _To Sir John Wetwangs, Commander of ship Royal James._ His Majesty the King of England our Sovereign Lord having granted the Honourable East India Company full power and authority to enter into any ship or vessel, and to make seizure of the same, that shall be found in these parts of the East Indies, contrary to his royal will and pleasure,[385] ... we therefore, the Agent and Council of Fort St. George, for the said Honourable East India Company, do ... (there being now an Interlopers' ship, the _Constantinople_, merchant, John Smith, master, at Covelon), require you immediately to repair aboard your ship, weigh anchor, and set sail for that port of Covelon, and there seize upon the said Interlopers' ship and bring her into this Road of Madras.... Dated in Fort St. George the sixth day of June, 1684. WILLIAM GYFFORD. JOHN BIGRIG. ELIHU YALE. JOHN NICKS. JOHN LITTLETON. JOHN GRAY. [Footnote 385: New Charter granted Aug. 9, 1683.] 7. FOUNDATION OF THE BANK OF ENGLAND [_Statutes, 5 & 6, Wm. & Mary, 20_], 1694. An Act for granting to their Majesties several rates and duties upon tunnage of ships and vessels, and upon beer, ale, and other liquors, for securing certain recompences and advantages in the said act mentioned, to such persons as shall voluntarily advance the sum of fifteen hundred thousand pounds, towards the carrying on the war against France. XIX. And be it farther enacted by the authority aforesaid, that it shall and may be lawful to and for their Majesties, by commission under the great seal of England, to authorize and appoint any number of persons to take and receive all such voluntary subscriptions as shall be made on or before the first day of August, which shall be in the year of our Lord one thousand six hundred ninety four, by any person or persons, natives or foreigners, bodies politic or corporate. XX. And be it further enacted, that it shall and may be lawful to and for their Majesties, by letters patents under the great seal of England, to limit, direct, and appoint, how and in what manner and proportions, and under what rules and directions, the said sum of twelve hundred thousand pounds, part of the said sum of fifteen hundred thousand pounds, and the said yearly sum of one hundred thousand pounds, part of the said yearly sum of one hundred and forty thousand pounds, and every or any part or proportion thereof, may be assignable or transferable, assigned or transferred, to such person or persons only as shall freely and voluntarily accept of the same, and not otherwise; and to incorporate all and every such subscribers and contributors, their heirs, successors, or assigns, to be one body corporate and politic, by the name of the governor and company of the bank of England, and, by the same name of the governor and company of the bank of England, to have perpetual succession, and a common seal. XXVIII. Provided, that nothing herein contained shall any ways be construed to hinder the said corporation from dealing in bills of exchange, or in buying or selling bullion, gold, or silver, or in selling any goods, wares, or merchandize whatsoever, which shall really and _bona fide_ be left or deposited with the said corporation for money lent and advanced thereon, and which shall not be redeemed at the time agreed on, or within three months after, or from selling such goods as shall or may be the produce of lands purchased by the said corporation. 8. THE NEED FOR THE RECOINAGE OF 1696 [_H. Haynes, Brief Memoirs Relating to the Silver and Gold Coins of England (in Lansdowne MSS, 801, British Museum_), _fs._ 33-48]. The silver money of England as well as the coins of all other countries are liable to abuse by these three following methods: 1st, by alteration of the standard appointed by public authority. 2nd, by melting them down and converting the metal to other uses. 3rd, by exporting them into foreign countries, to carry on a trade. And by all those methods was the whole stock of the cash of this kingdom excessively impaired before the late grand coinage. For 1st. the standard of our silver moneys appointed by the Government was notoriously violated. By standard is here meant that particular weight and fineness in the silver moneys which was settled by Queen Elizabeth and continued all her time, and after it, through the reigns of all her several successors down to her present Majesty, and was lately confirmed by Act of Parliament.... These were the just weights, and the legal fineness of our silver moneys coined with the hammer, of which sort the far greater part of the cash of the whole kingdom did consist; but they were very liable to be clipped and diminished in their weight, because very few of these pieces were of a just assize when they first came out of the Mint. So many pieces, I suppose, were by the Moneyers cut out of a bar of standard silver, as did pretty exactly answer the pound weight Troy; and the tale of the pieces required in that weight, by the Indenture of the Mint: but though all the pieces together might come near the pound weight or be within remedy; yet divers of them compared one with the other were very disproportionable, as was too well known to many persons, who picked out the heavy pieces, and threw them into the melting pot, to fit them for exportation, or to supply the silver smiths. [Pieces of hammered money, "though never clipped, did many of them in their weight and value want or exceed the legal standard." Crowns varied from 5s. 3d. to 4s. 9d., half-crowns from 3s. to 2s. 4d., etc.] According to the best observation of Goldsmiths[386] and others the clipping of our coins began to be discoverable in great receipts a little after the Dutch war in 1672, but it made no great progress at first for some years: and the silver moneys of Queen Elizabeth were very little diminished.... But the yearly loss by clipping made terrible advances every year from 1686.... In the later end of 1695[387] the public loss upon all the clipped money then actually current (if one may judge of the whole by the foregoing table) was at least 45 per cent. by mere clipping and light counterfeit pieces, which upon the whole running silver cash of the kingdom amounts to 2,250,000l.[388] ... The whole kingdom was in a general distraction by the badness of the silver coin and the rise of guineas, for no one knew what to trust to; the landlord knew not in what to receive his rents, nor the tenant in what to pay them. Neither of them could foretell the value of his moneys to-morrow. The merchant could not foresee the worth of his wares at two or three days distance, and was at a loss to set a price upon his goods. Everybody was afraid to engage in any new contracts, and as shy in performing old ones, the King subsisted his forces in foreign parts at the disadvantage of seven or eight per cent. interest and five per cent. premio for money borrowed here, besides the loss by the Exchange abroad: and how to provide for the next year's expense, was a mystery. [Footnote 386: _Ibid._ folio 38.] [Footnote 387: _Ibid._ folio 40.] [Footnote 388: _Ibid._ folio 48.] 9. SPEECH BY SIR ROBERT WALPOLE ON THE SALT DUTIES [_Parliamentary History (Cobbett), Vol. VIII, Col. 943_], 1732. _House of Commons. Debate on Sir Robert Walpole's motion for Salt Duties. February 9, 1732._ Sir Robert Walpole stood up and spoke as follows:-- Mr. Speaker, As there is nothing his Majesty has more at heart than the giving all possible ease to his subjects; so, whenever he is necessarily obliged to desire assistance from them for the immediate support of the government, he desires that they would choose those ways and means for raising the annual supplies, which are least burthensome to the people, and which makes the load fall equally upon the subjects in general. When money is to be raised for the public good, for the security of all, he thinks that every one ought to contribute his share, in proportion to the benefit that he is thereby to receive. As to the manner, sir, of raising taxes upon the people, it is a certain maxim that that tax which is the most equal and the most general, is the most just, and the least burthensome. Where every man contributes a small share, a great sum may be raised for the public service, without any man's being sensible of what he pays; whereas a small sum, raised upon a few, lies heavy upon each particular man, and is the more grievous, in that it is unjust; for where the benefit is mutual, the expense ought to be in common. Of all the taxes I ever could think of, there is not one more general nor one less felt, than that of the duty upon salt. The duty upon salt is a tax that every man in the nation contributes to according to his circumstances and condition in life; every subject contributes something; if he be a poor man, he contributes so small a trifle, it will hardly bear a name; if he be rich, he lives more luxuriously, and consequently contributes more; and if he be a man of a great estate, he keeps a great number of servants, and must therefore contribute a great deal. Upon the other hand, there is no tax that ever was laid upon the people of this nation, that is more unjust and unequal than the Land Tax. The landholders bear but a small proportion to the people of this nation, or of any nation; yet no man contributes any the least share to this tax, but he that is possessed of a land estate; and yet this tax has been continued without intermission for above these 40 years. 10. PITT'S SINKING FUND ACT [_Statutes, 26 Geo. III, 31_], 1786. An Act for vesting certain sums in commissioners, at the end of every quarter of a year, to be by them applied to the reduction of the national debt. [£250,000 is to be set apart quarterly out of the sinking fund.] IV. Provided always, and be it enacted by the authority aforesaid, that if at any time it should happen, that at the end of the year ending the fifth day of January, one thousand seven hundred and eighty seven, or at the end of any future year, computed as aforesaid, after provision shall have been made for all payments for which monies are previously to be set apart or issued according to the directions of this act, the said surpluses, excesses, and overplus monies, composing the sinking fund, shall not be sufficient to make good as well all such deficiencies as shall have arisen during such year, as the payment of the sum of two hundred and fifty thousand pounds then due, in every such case, the amount of such deficiency or deficiencies, whether the same shall have arisen in any preceding quarter or quarters within such year, or in the quarter ending on the fifth day of January on which such year shall end, shall not be carried forward as a charge on the said sinking fund at the end of the next succeeding quarter, but shall be made good out of any aids or supplies which shall be or shall have been granted by parliament for the service of the then current year; and the amount of such deficiency or deficiencies so to be made good, shall be issued to the governor and company of the bank of England, in the manner hereinafter directed, within ten days after monies sufficient to answer the same shall have been paid into his Majesty's receipt of exchequer, on account of any such aids or supplies. V. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that the monies so set apart, at the end of any quarter of a year ending as aforesaid, or of any year computed as aforesaid either for the payment of the sum of two hundred and fifty thousand pounds due at the end of such quarter, or of any part thereof, or for making good such deficiency or deficiencies as aforesaid, shall forthwith be issued and paid to the governor and company of the bank of England, and shall by them be placed to an account to be raised in their books, and to be intituled, The account of the commissioners appointed by act of parliament for applying certain sums of money annually to the reduction at the national debt: and that as well all such monies, as any other monies which shall be paid to the governor and company of the bank of England by virtue of this act, to be placed to the said account, shall be applied by the commissioners hereinafter appointed towards the reduction of the national debt, in the manner hereinafter directed, and to no other intent or purpose, and in no other manner whatever. X. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that all monies whatever, which shall be placed from time to time to the account of the said commissioners by virtue of this act, shall be applied by them either in payments for the redemption of such redeemable public annuities as shall be at or above par, in such manner and at such periods as shall be directed by any future act or acts of parliament, or to the purchase of any public annuities below par in the manner hereinafter directed. 11. THE SUSPENSION OF CASH PAYMENTS [_Reports of Committees on Bank of England, 1797 and 1826, in Reports 1826 (III), pp. 142 and 255-256_], 1797. The alarm of Invasion [in 1796-1797] which, when an immediate attack was first apprehended in Ireland, had occasioned some extraordinary demand for cash on the Bank of England, in the months of December and January last, began in February to produce similar results in the north of England. Your Committee find, that in consequence of this apprehension, the farmers suddenly brought the produce of their lands to sale, and carried the notes of the County Banks, which they had collected by those and other means, into those banks for payment; that this unusual and sudden demand for cash reduced the several banks at Newcastle to the necessity of suspending their payments in specie, and of availing themselves of all the means in their power of procuring a speedy supply of cash from the metropolis; that the effects of this demand on the Newcastle banks and their suspension of payments in cash, soon spread over various parts of the country, from whence similar applications were consequently made to the metropolis for cash; that the alarm thus diffused not only occasioned an increased demand for cash in the country, but probably a disposition in many to hoard what was thus obtained; that this call on the metropolis, through whatever channels, directly affected the Bank of England, as the great repository of cash, and was in the course of still further operation upon it, when stopped by the Minute of Council of the 26th of February.[389] * * * * * Your Committee find, that the Court of Directors of the Bank did, on the 26th October 1797, come to a Resolution, a copy of which is subjoined to this Report. Your Committee, having further examined the Governor and Deputy Governor, as to what may be meant by the political circumstances mentioned in that resolution, find, that they understand by them, the state of hostility in which the nation is still involved, and particularly such apprehensions as may be entertained of invasion, either in Ireland or in this country, together with the possibility there may be of advances being to be made from this country to Ireland; and that from these circumstances so explained, and from the nature of the war, and the avowed purpose of the enemy to attack this country by means of its public credit, and to distress it in its financial operations, they are led to think that it will be expedient to continue the restriction now subsisting, with the reserve for partial issues of cash, at the discretion of the Bank, of the nature of that contained in the present Acts; and that it may be so continued, without injury to the credit of the Bank, and to the advantage of the nation. "_Resolved_, that it is the opinion of this Court,[390] that the Governor and Company of the Bank of England are enabled to issue Specie, in any manner that may be deemed necessary for the accommodation of the public; and the Court have no hesitation to declare that the affairs of the Bank are in such a state, that it can with safety resume its accustomed functions, if the political circumstances of the country do not render it inexpedient: but the Directors deeming it foreign to their province to judge of these points, wish to submit to the wisdom of Parliament, whether, as it has been once judged proper to lay a restriction on the payment of the bank in cash, it may, or may not, be prudent to continue the same?"[391] [Footnote 389: The Minute of February 26, 1797, suspended the obligation of the Bank of England to pay coin for its notes.] [Footnote 390: Copy of a Resolution of the Court of Directors of the Bank of England at a meeting on Thursday, October 26, 1797.] [Footnote 391: The Bank of England resumed cash payments, 1819.] 12. PITT'S SPEECH ON THE INCOME TAX [_Speeches of William Pitt, edited W.S. Hathaway, 1806, Vol. III, pp. 282-333_], 1798. I shall begin by stating what has been voted as the amount of the supply under the head of the services for the navy, with the exception of what is necessary for the transport services. All these accounts have this day been laid before us; and it appears that the total sum for the ordinaries and extra-ordinaries of the navy and transport services amounts to 13,642,000l., being the same sum, within a very small amount, as was granted in the course of last session, and which I have the satisfaction of assuring the committee is likely to prove sufficient for the whole expenses of the navy, without leaving any necessity for augmentation. The next head of expense is the army, in which the estimates amount to 8,840,000l. ... Under the head of ordnance services, including the expenses which have not been provided for, there has been voted the sum of 1,570,000l. The next article is that of the miscellaneous services. The plantation estimates have already been voted, but there are other minuter parts of these services which have not yet undergone a discussion in this house. The amount will be rather less than it was last session. I state it [at] 600,000l. To this is to be added the usual sum voted towards the redemption of the national debt, above the annual million, which is 200,000l. There are other sums, which are generally voted under the head of deficiency of grants. Among these is a sum due for interest on treasury and exchequer bills paid off, amounting to 565,000l.; the discount on prompt payments upon the loan, amounting to 210,000l.; the interest on exchequer bills circulated within the year, and charged upon the succeeding year, 300,000l.; in addition to this, there is the deficiency of the land and malt in the act passed two years ago, amounting to 300,000l. These sums swell the total of the supply to 29,272,000l. This total, sir, does not differ in any material degree from the amount of the supply of last session. [He then estimates prospective sources of revenue: Land and malt taxes 2,750,000l. Lottery 200,000l. Produce of the consolidated fund 1,500,000l. Import and Export taxes 1,700,000l. ------------- 6,150,000l.] The remainder of the sum is that which must be raised either by a tax within the year, in the same manner as the assessed tax bill of last year, or by a loan. It will be to be considered, how the committee will divide that remaining sum between them. The sum to be provided for is upwards of twenty-three millions. Gentlemen will recollect that, in the debates upon the subject of the assessed taxes last session, two fundamental principles were established as the rule by which we should be guided in providing for the supplies for the service of the year. These were, first, to reduce the total amount to be at present raised by a loan; and next, as far as it was not reducible, to reduce it to such a limit, that no more loan should be raised than a temporary tax should defray within a limited time. In the first place, the tax acceded to by the House last session[392] was for the purpose of providing for the supplies of the year; and in the next place, for the purpose of extinguishing the loan raised in that year. From the modifications, however, which that measure underwent after its being first proposed, the produce of it was diminished to a considerable extent. Other means indeed were adopted to remedy the deficiency which was thus occasioned. The voluntary and cheerful efforts which, so honourably to individuals and to the country, came in aid of the assessed taxes, and the superior produce of the exports and imports beyond the estimate, brought the amount of the sums raised to that at which they had been calculated. The different articles were estimated at seven millions and a half, and this sum was fully covered by the actual receipts under the distinct heads. It gives me, indeed, the most heartfelt satisfaction to state, that notwithstanding the difficulties which the measure encountered from the shameful evasion, or rather the scandalous frauds by which its effects were counteracted, the total amount which was expected has yet been realized. The meanness which shrunk from fair and equal contribution has been compensated to the public by the voluntary exertions of patriotism. The produce of the assessed taxes, under all the modifications, and all the evasions, is four millions. I had taken it at four and a half after the modifications. The deficiency is supplied by the excess on head of voluntary contributions.... Satisfactory as it must be to review the circumstances to which we owe those advantages, and the benefits which the mode of raising the supplies to a considerable extent adopted last session has produced, it is unnecessary for me to state that, however the principle may deserve our approbation, it is still much to be desired that its effects should be more extensive, and its application more efficient.... Every circumstance in our situation, every event in the retrospect of our affairs, every thing which strikes our view as we look around us, demonstrates the advantages of the system of raising a considerable part of the supplies within the year, and ought to induce us to enforce it more effectually to prevent those frauds, which an imperfect criterion and a loose facility of modification have introduced; to repress those evasions so disgraceful to the country, so injurious to those who honourably discharge their equal contribution, and, above all, so detrimental to the great object of national advantage which it is intended to promote. In these sentiments, our leading principle should be to guard against all evasion, to endeavour by a fair and strict application to realize that full tenth, which it was the original purpose of the measure of the assessed taxes to obtain, and to extend this as far as possible in every direction, till it may be necessary clearly to mark the modification, or to renounce, in certain instances, the application of it altogether. If then, the committee assent to this principle, they must feel the necessity of following it up by a more comprehensive scale and by more efficient provisions. They will perceive the necessity of obtaining a more specific statement of income, than the loose scale of modification, which, under the former measure, permitted such fraud and evasion. If such a provision be requisite to correct the abuses of a collection, to obviate the artifices of dishonesty, to extend the utility of the whole system, it will be found that many of the regulations of the old measure will be adapted to a more comprehensive and efficient application of the principle. If regulations can be devised to prevent an undue abatement, and to proportion the burden to the real ability, means must be employed to reach those resources which, _primâ facie_, it is impossible under the present system of the assessed taxes to touch. While inaccuracy, fraud, inequality, be grievances which it is desirable to remedy, it will be an additional satisfaction, that when compelled to adopt means to prevent the defects of which we complain, we shall be enabled likewise to improve and to extend the benefits we have obtained. The experience which we have had upon the subject, proves that we must correct and remedy, in order to secure the advantages which the measure is calculated to afford. It is in our power to make them our own. I think I can show that whatever benefit the principle upon which we have begun to act, is fitted to bestow, may by a liberal, fair and efficient application, be carried to an extent far greater than has yet been obtained, an extent equal to every object of great and magnanimous effort, to every purpose of national safety and glory, to every advantage of permanent credit and of increased prosperity. Impressed then with the importance of the subject, convinced that we ought, as far as possible, to prevent all evasion and fraud, it remains for us to consider, by what means these defects may be redressed, by what means a more equal scale of contributions can be applied, and a more extensive effect obtained. For this purpose it is my intention to propose, that the presumption founded upon the assessed taxes shall be laid aside, and that a general tax shall be imposed upon all the leading branches of income. No scale of income indeed which can be devised will be perfectly free from the objection of inequality, or entirely cut off the possibility of evasion. All that can be attempted is, to approach as near as circumstances will permit to a fair and equal contribution.... The details of a measure which attempts an end so great and important, must necessarily require serious and mature deliberation. At present all that I can pretend to do is, to lay before the committee an outline of the plan which endeavours to combine every thing at which such a measure ought to aim. This outline I shall now proceed to develop to the committee as clearly and distinctly as I am able. * * * * * The next point for consideration then, is the mode of contribution which shall be adopted. On this head it is my intention to propose that no income under 60l. a year shall be called upon to contribute, and that the scale of modification up to 200l. a year, as in assessed taxes, shall be introduced with restriction. The quota which will then be called for ought to amount to a full tenth of the contributor's income. The mode proposed of obtaining this contribution differs from that pursued in the assessed taxes, as instead of trebling their amount, the statement of income is to proceed from the party himself. [A detailed estimate of income from different sources follows. One-fifth is deducted to allow for the remission of taxation on incomes under 60l. and graduation under 200l. from 1/120 to 1/10.] For the sake of greater clearness I will recapitulate the heads in the same order that I have followed:-- The land rental, then, after deducting one-fifth, I estimate at 20,000,000l. The tenant's rental of land, deducting two-thirds of rack rent, I take at 6,000,000l. The amount of tythes, deducting one-fifth 4,000,000l. The produce of mines, canal navigation, etc., deducting one-fifth 3,000,000l. The rental of houses, deducting one-fifth 5,000,000l. The profits of professions 2,000,000l. The rental of Scotland, taking it at one-eighth of that of England 5,000,000l. The income of persons resident in Great Britain drawn from possessions beyond seas 5,000,000l. The amount of annuities, from the public funds, after deducting one-fifth for exemptions and modifications 12,000,000l. The profits on the capital employed in our foreign commerce 12,000,000l. The profits on the capital employed in domestic trade, and the profits of skill and industry 28,000,000l. ------------ In all 102,000,000l. ------------ Upon this sum a tax of 10 per cent. is likely to produce 10,000,000l. a year, and this is the sum which is likely to result from the measure, and at which I shall assume it. * * * * * I trust that it will not be necessary for me to go into any detail of argument to convince the committee of the advantages of the beneficial mode adopted last session, of raising a considerable part of the supplies within the year.... It will be manifest to every gentleman on the slightest consideration of the subject, that, in the end, the measure of raising the supplies within the year is the cheapest and the most salutary course that a wise people can pursue; and when it is considered that there is a saving of at least one-twelfth upon all that is raised, gentlemen will not suffer a superstitious fear, and jealousy of the danger of exposing the secrecy of income, to combat with a measure that is so pregnant with benefits to the nation. If gentlemen will take into their consideration the probable duration of peace and war, calculated from the experience of past times, they will be convinced of the immeasurable importance of striving to raise the supplies within the year, rather than accumulating a permanent debt. The experience of the last hundred, fifty, or forty years, will show how little confidence we can have in the duration of peace, and it ought to convince us how important it is to establish a system that will prepare us for every emergency, give stability to strength, and perpetual renovations to resource. I think I could make it apparent to gentlemen that in any war, of the duration of six years, the plan of funding all the expenses to be incurred in carrying it on, would leave at the end of it a greater burden permanently upon the nation than would be sustained, than they would have to incur for the six years only of its continuance, and one year beyond it, provided that they made the sacrifice of a tenth of their income. In the old, unwise, and destructive way of raising the supplies by a permanent fund, without any provision for its redemption, a war so carried on entails the burden upon the age and upon their posterity for ever. This has, to be sure, in a great measure, been done away and corrected, by the salutary and valuable system which has been adopted of the redemption fund. But that fund cannot accomplish the end in a shorter period than forty years, and during all that time the expenses of a war so funded must weigh down and press upon the people. If, on the contrary, it had at an earlier period of our history been resolved to adopt the present mode of raising the supplies within the year; if, for instance, after the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, the scheme of redemption had been adopted and persevered in to this time, we should not now, for the seventh year of the war, have had more to raise from the pockets of the people than what we have now to pay of permanent taxes, together with about a fourth of what it would be necessary to lay on in addition for this year. Fortunately, we have at last established the redemption fund: the benefits of it are already felt; they will every year be more and more acknowledged; and in addition to this it is only necessary, that instead of consulting a present advantage, and throwing the burden, as heretofore, upon posterity, we shall fairly meet it ourselves, and lay the foundation of a system that shall make us independent of all the future events of the world.[393] [Footnote 392: The Triple Assessment, based on the individual's previous payment to the various taxes on expenditure which Pitt had grouped together as the Assessed Taxes.] [Footnote 393: The income tax was recast in 1803, when Schedules of different sources of income, instead of a general return, were introduced. It was again revised in 1806. In 1816 it was repealed. Peel reintroduced it in 1842 for three years, and it then became permanent.] 13. FOREIGN TRADE IN THE EARLY NINETEENTH CENTURY [_Committee on Orders in Council, Reports 1812 (III)_, _pp._ 38, 40, 41, 132-133, 522-523], _c._ 1812. [Evidence of Joseph Shaw, Chairman of Birmingham Chamber of Foreign Commerce and exporter of hardwares.] Have you had occasion to make any estimate, founded upon your own inquiries, of the number of workmen employed in the Birmingham manufactory[394]--and the neighbouring towns? I never particularly estimated for the whole of them, but in the year 1808 I took an estimate of the people employed in the American trade.... Those that could be ascertained to be (as nearly as could be) exclusively employed in the American trade were 50,000, exclusive of the nail trade, which employed from twenty to thirty thousand [of whom two-thirds were engaged in the American trade]. * * * * * Can you state to the Committee, from your observation, what proportion the foreign trade generally bears to the trade for home consumption?... I should think it was considerably more than one half, including the United States. Do you think it would amount to two-thirds? I should think not far from it.... Do you think the foreign trade is equal to two-thirds of the whole manufacture?--When the foreign trade is the same as in the year 1810, not in its present state; it is now very different.... * * * * * To what cause do you ascribe the diminution of your trade to the Continent?--The risk of sending goods into many ports of the Continent is too great.... * * * * * Then it is the French, Berlin, and other decrees that have produced this diminution of your trade to the Continent?--To my own particular trade. I cannot say how it is as to others. [Evidence of John Bailey, exporter and home factor of Sheffield goods.] What are the principal articles manufactured at Sheffield?--They are very numerous, I can present a list of them to the House; the principal articles are cutlery, files, edged tools, saws, and a great variety of other heavy articles. * * * * * Can you speak to the population of Sheffield, and such parts of the neighbouring parishes as are concerned in the Sheffield manufacture?--The population of the parish of Sheffield, as returned by the overseers in the year 1811, was 53,000 odd; but including those parts of parishes in which Sheffield goods are manufactured, the population amounts to 60,000 at least. Can you tell what proportion of hands are employed in manufacturing for the American market?--For the American market, about 4,000 male adults, and 2,000 women and children, making a total of 6,000. * * * * * How many do you estimate are employed in manufacturing for the home trade?--Six thousand male adults, and one thousand women and children. How many do you calculate are employed in the remaining parts of the Sheffield trade, namely, manufactures for the foreign market, exclusive of the American?--Two thousand male adults, and one thousand women and children. This last market includes Spain and Portugal?--Spain, Portugal, the West Indies, South America, and Canada, with some few other parts. What proportion does the American market bear to the home market, as far as regards the Sheffield goods?--The American exports amount, as nearly as I have been able to ascertain, to one-third of the whole manufactures of Sheffield; the home trade to, I think, three-sixths. [He adds that the American trade had been affected by the Orders in Council and the Non-importation Act of the United States. The home trade with towns in the American trade had been injured also. Goods to the value of £400,000 were waiting in Sheffield and Liverpool warehouses.] * * * * * [Evidence of Robert MacKerrell, London merchant, dealing in cottons and muslins, and manufacturer of Paisley.] Can you inform the Committee what the state of the trade was in the years 1808, 1809, 1810, and 1811?--In 1807 we felt the whole effect of the Berlin decree, we were entirely excluded from the Continent; I speak with regard to my own transactions and those of a vast number of my friends. We had in 1807, and previous to that, trades to the South of Europe, particularly in Portugal, which were uninterrupted, but which were likewise put an end to by the French invasion in November of that year. In 1808 the trade revived considerably; a great quantity of our goods, and of English merchandise, was introduced into the Continent through Heligoland; considerable exports were made to the Baltic; the trade in the Mediterranean increased very considerably; a very great trade was opened to this country in consequence of the Royal Family of Portugal removing to the Brazils, which likewise made an opening to Spanish South America. In 1809 the trade through Heligoland was most extensive; Bonaparte had his hands full with the Emperor of Germany and with the Spaniards, and had no time to attend to the coast; the trade during that year I may say was uninterrupted. The trade to the Mediterranean increased very much; the quantity of goods taken out that year greatly exceeded any previous year, for reasons that at that time we could not account for. The trade to the Brazils was equally extensive with the year before, vast exportations took place to South America, and in general, trade in the line in which I am engaged was reckoned a fair trade; the markets were never heavy. [The Orders in Council increased the English export trade to the South of Europe, and Africa and the Levant were supplied with English substitutes for Continental cottons and linens.] What has been the state of your trade for the last eighteen months, and, as far as you have been informed, of the country in general?--The state of the trade during the last eighteen months has been depressed; for the last twelve months it has been recovering, but for the six months previous it was very much depressed indeed. To what do you attribute that depression?--We attribute the depression of trade which took place to the effect of the Berlin and Milan decrees. [Northern Europe, the Baltic, etc., were shut against English trade, and English ships were sequestered even in Swedish ports.] [Footnote 394: Brassfounding, hardware, plated ware, jewellery, etc.] 14. DEBATE ON THE CORN LAW [_Parliamentary History, 1st Series, Vol. XXIX, Cols. 798-818_], 1815. _House of Commons. February 17, 1815._ _The State of the Corn Laws._ The _Hon. Frederick Robinson_ immediately rose.... He had never disguised from himself, and he was not ashamed to confess it, the extreme difficulty, as well as the extreme importance, of this question. He could not, however, but feel that the prejudices on this subject had, from further inquiry, been very much removed. But, above all, he was happy to see that the misrepresentations, for so he thought they were, with respect to the motives of those who supported this measure, and with reference to the effects which it was likely to produce, were done away with. There did not now exist in the public mind the feeling by which it was before influenced. It was not now supposed that the object sought to be accomplished by the alteration of the corn law was the mean and base and paltry one of getting, for a particular class of society, a certain profit at the expense of the rest. "For my part," said Mr. Robinson, "I declare to God, if I thought this was the motive which actuated any individual who supported the alteration; and, above all, if I conceived that such would be the effect of the measure, no consideration on earth could tempt me to bring it forward." ... * * * * * ... The general result of his reasoning was, in the first place, that it was quite impossible for us safely to rely on a foreign import. If they so did, a necessary result would be a diminution of our own produce, which would become more and more extensive every year, and consequently call for a greater annual supply from foreign countries--a supply which must progressively increase as the agriculture of the kingdom became less encouraged; and that, when the fatal moment arrived, the system of foreign supply would prove completely illusory. The next point to be considered was the extent to which protection should be given. That was a point on which, undoubtedly, a difference of opinion was most likely to prevail. Some gentlemen would be for going considerably higher than others. Many thought the prohibition ought to be carried to a price considerably above that, without he obtained which it was conceived the agriculturalist could not cultivate. Others would wish that it should be placed much lower; and contend that because a particular species and degree of burden was likely to be removed, the protecting price ought to be much reduced. Now he would be inclined to agree to the first of these propositions, if the necessary effect of it would not be to bring up the price of corn to the highest possible rate, within the limits of the sum at which importation should commence. This certainly might be the case at the first moment, but he believed the ultimate result would not be so. He thought the final effect of the system would be to give such a powerful support to our own agriculture as would greatly increase the general produce of the country. It would excite a strong competition between the different parts of England, and between England and Ireland; so that the growth of corn, if Providence blessed us with favourable seasons, would be sufficiently large to afford an ample supply for the people of this country, and would enable them to be fed at a much cheaper rate, in the long run, than could be effected by the adoption of any other system. * * * * * _Mr. Philips_ professed himself equally inclined either to proceed with, or defer the discussion, as might be most agreeable to the wishes of the House. Several members calling out "Go on," he began by stating his entire concurrence in the opinion of the right hon. gentleman who had moved the resolutions, that this was not a question on which the interests of the commercial and agricultural classes were at variance, but one in which those interests, when fairly and liberally considered, would be found to accord; for no resolution upon it calculated to promote the general prosperity of the country could be adopted without materially benefiting both classes. But if this were not the case, if the question were one in which the interests of two or more descriptions of our fellow-subjects were opposed, he should say that it was the duty of parliament not to legislate for the advantage of one class in contradistinction to, or at the expense of another, but to legislate for the benefit of the whole community. Looking at the question under the influence of this principle, he could not help feeling and expressing some surprise at the occasion of their present deliberations. What was the object of their deliberations? To provide a remedy for the low price of corn. That which all ages and countries had considered as a great national benefit was now discovered to be a great evil, against which we were imperiously called to legislate in self-defence. The real object of the resolutions, however disguised and disavowed, was to raise the price of corn. [Here Mr. Robinson expressed his dissent.] Mr. Philips proceeded to say that this not only was their object, but if that object were not attained, the advocates of the resolutions would regard them as nugatory. The right hon. gentleman must at least allow that their object was to raise the present price of grain; but he contended that moderation and uniformity of price would be their ultimate effect. It did seem somewhat inconsistent, on the part of the hon. gentleman, to tell the House that the effectual way to lower price was to acquiesce in a measure expressly intended to raise it. But how are this moderation and uniformity of price to be produced? By contracting the market of supply. Thus, while in all other instances moderation and uniformity of price are found to be in proportion to the extent of the market of supply, in the instance of corn they are to be in proportion to the limitation of it: and in a commodity peculiarly liable to be affected by the variation of seasons, moderation and uniformity of price, and abundance, are to be attained by preventing importations from foreign countries correcting the effect of varieties of climate, and of a scanty harvest in our own. To him it appeared that no measure could be better calculated to produce directly opposite consequences. * * * * * In considering the relation between the price of provisions and of labour, Mr. Philips observed that it was necessary to distinguish the countries and the trades from which examples were taken. In a new country where the value of land is extremely low, and agriculture rapidly progressive, in a new and thriving manufacture, the price of labour may be so high in proportion to that of the necessaries of life as to be little affected by their fluctuations.... But this state of things cannot exist in old manufactures, such as those generally established in this country, where competition has reduced profits, and that reduction of profit has brought the wages of the labourer to a level with his subsistence in tolerable comfort. In such manufactures if you raise the price of provisions without proportionately raising that of labour, to what privations and evils must you necessarily expose the labourer! He was ready to admit with the noble lord[395] that, _ceteris paribus_, the immediate effect of a high advance of provisions might probably be a reduction of the price of labour; because labourers being desirous of obtaining the same comforts that they had been used to, might be stimulated to more diligence. They might work sixteen hours a day instead of ten, and thus the competition for employment being increased among the same number of workmen, without any increase of demand, the price of labour might fall. But will any person contend that this state of affairs can long continue? The labourer must go to the parish, or turn to some more profitable employment, if by chance any can be found, or he must emigrate, or work himself out by overstrained exertion. The proportion being then altered between the demand for labour and the supply, its price will rise. This effect sooner or later must happen, but till it has actually taken place how dreadful must be the situation of the labourer! * * * * * Having thus shown both by reasoning and by reference to facts, that the price of provisions must ultimately and on the average regulate that of labour, he proceeded to show the effect that an advance of provisions must have on our manufacturing interests. And here Mr. Philips said that he wished on such topics, to reduce his reasoning as much as possible to numerical calculation. He would suppose, for the sake of argument, without at all entering into the enquiry, that three-fifths, or 60 per cent. of the labourer's wages were spent in provisions, and that provisions were 80 per cent. dearer here than they were in France, or any manufacturing country on the continent. By multiplying 60 by 80, and dividing by 100, the committee would see that the excess of the price of labour here above that of France would, from these datas, and according to his reasoning, be 48 per cent. He wished the committee to consider what must be the effect of such an excessive price of labour employed in our manufactures, when compared with the low price of labour employed in the manufactures of France, and what an advantage it must give to the French manufacturers in their attempts to rival us on the continent. * * * * * [After quoting Malthus] he observed that there were two ways of equalising subsistence and population, one by increasing food, the other by limiting population, and warned the committee against being led into measures whose tendency might be to produce that effect in the latter way. Why (said Mr. Philips) should a commercial and manufacturing country like this have such a jealousy and dread of the importation of corn? An importation of corn cannot take place without a corresponding export of commodities on which British industry has been employed. The export will increase your wealth, that wealth will increase your population, and that increased population will produce an increased demand for your agricultural produce.... Mr. Philips observed that no country in the world was so interested as this in establishing the principle of free trade, because no other country could profit equally by the general recognition of that principle. Foreign nations, mistaking, like the advocates of the regulation before the committee, the circumstances which have operated against our wealth for the causes of it, are now following our example. They are prohibiting or imposing restraints on the import of our fabrics, in order to encourage their own manufactures, from which they will receive inferior fabrics at a higher price. Let us convince them, by an example, of their mistake. Let us convince them that by leaving industry and enterprise unfettered, and by allowing capital to take its natural and voluntary direction, we are persuaded that the true interests of this country and of every other will be most effectually promoted. Mr. Philips proceeded to say that Great Britain was geographically a commercial country, that commerce had stimulated her agriculture rather than agriculture had stimulated her commerce. It had given wealth to her people, and diffused fertility over her soil. Take care, said he, that in attempting to change the natural character of your country, you do not stop the progress of national prosperity.... [Footnote 395: Lord Lauderdale in evidence before a committee of the House of Lords.] 15. THE CORN LAW OF 1815 [_Statutes, 55 Geo. III, 26_] An Act to amend the laws now in force regulating the Importation of Corn. [Corn may at all times be imported and warehoused free of duty.] III. And be it further enacted, that such foreign corn, meal or flour, shall and may be permitted to be imported into the said United Kingdom, for home consumption, under and subject to the provisions and regulations now in force, without payment of any duty whatever, whenever the average prices of the several sorts of British corn, made up and published in the manner now by law required, shall be at or above the prices hereafter mentioned; that is to say, whenever wheat shall be at or above the price of eighty shillings per quarter; whenever rye, pease and beans shall be at or above the price of fifty-three shillings per quarter; whenever barley, beer or bigg shall be at or above the price of forty shillings per quarter; and whenever oats shall be at or above the price of twenty-seven shillings per quarter. IV. And be it further enacted, that whenever the average prices of British corn so made up and published shall respectively be below the prices hereinbefore stated, no foreign corn, or meal, or flour made from any of the respective sorts of foreign corn hereinbefore enumerated, shall be allowed to be imported into the United Kingdom for the purpose of home consumption, or taken out of warehouse for that purpose. V. And be it further enacted, that the average price of the several sorts of British corn, by which the importation of foreign corn, meal or flour, into the United Kingdom shall be regulated and governed, shall continue to be made up and published in any manner now required by law; but that if it shall hereafter at any time after the importation of foreign corn, meal or flour shall be permitted, under the provisions of this Act, appear that the average prices of the different sorts of British corn respectively in the six weeks immediately succeeding the fifteenth day of February, the fifteenth day of May, the fifteenth day of August and the fifteenth day of November in each year, shall have fallen below the prices at which foreign corn, meal or flour may be, under the provisions of this Act, allowed to be imported for home consumption, no such foreign corn, meal or flour shall be allowed to be imported into the United Kingdom for home consumption from any place between the rivers Eyder and Bidassoa, both inclusive, until a new average shall be made up and published in the London Gazette for regulating the importation into the United Kingdom for the succeeding quarter. 16. FREE TRADE PETITION[396] [_Commons Journals, Vol. LXXV._], 1820. The Petition, etc., Humbly sheweth That foreign commerce is eminently conducive to the wealth and prosperity of a country, by enabling it to import the commodities for the production of which the soil, climate, capital, and industry of other countries are best calculated, and to export in payment those articles for which its own situation is better adapted. That freedom from restraint is calculated to give the utmost extension to foreign trade, and the best direction to the capital and industry of the country. That the maxim of buying in the cheapest market and selling in the dearest, which regulates every merchant in his individual dealings, is strictly applicable as the best rule for the trade of the whole nation. That a policy founded on these principles would render the commerce of the world an interchange of mutual advantages, and diffuse an increase of wealth and enjoyments among the inhabitants of each State. That, unfortunately, a policy the very reverse of this has been, and is, more or less, adopted and acted upon by the Government of this and of every other country.... That the prevailing prejudices in favour of the protective or restrictive system may be traced to the erroneous supposition that every importation of foreign commodities occasions a diminution or discouragement of our own productions to the same extent, whereas it may be clearly shown that although the particular description of production which could not stand against unrestrained foreign competition would be discouraged, yet, as no importation could be continued for any length of time without a corresponding exportation, direct or indirect, there would be an encouragement, for the purpose of that exportation, of some other production to which our situation might be better suited, thus affording at least an equal, and probably a greater, and certainly a more beneficial employment to our own capital and labour. * * * * * That, among the other evils of the restrictive or protective system, not the least is, that the artificial protection of one branch of industry, or source of production, against foreign competition, is set up as a ground of claim by other branches for similar protection, so that if the reasoning upon which these restrictive or prohibitory regulations are founded were followed out consistently, it would not stop short of excluding us from all foreign commerce whatsoever. And the same train of argument, which, with corresponding prohibitions and protective duties, should exclude us from foreign trade, might be brought forward to justify the re-enactment of restrictions upon the interchange of productions (unconnected with public revenue) among the kingdoms composing the union, or among the counties of the same kingdom. That an investigation of the effects of the restrictive system at this time is peculiarly called for, as it may, in the opinions of your petitioners, lead to a strong presumption that the distress which now so generally prevails is considerably aggravated by that system, and that some relief may be obtained by the earliest practicable removal of such of the restraints as may be shown to be most injurious to the capital and industry of the community, and to be attended with no compensating benefit to the public revenue. That a declaration against the anti-commercial principles of our restrictive system is of the more importance at the present juncture inasmuch as, in several instances of recent occurrence, the merchants and manufacturers in foreign States have assailed their respective Governments with applications for further protective or prohibitory duties and regulations, urging the example and authority of this country, against which they are almost exclusively directed, as a sanction for the policy of such measures. And certainly, if the reasoning upon which our restrictions have been defended is worth anything, it will apply in behalf of the regulations of foreign States against us. They insist upon our superiority in capital and machinery, as we do upon their comparative exemption from taxation, and with equal foundation. That nothing would more tend to counteract the commercial hostility of foreign States than the adoption of a more enlightened and more conciliatory policy on the part of this country. That, although, as a matter of mere diplomacy, it may sometimes answer to hold out the removal of particular prohibitions, or high duties, as depending upon corresponding concessions by other States in our favour, it does not follow that we should maintain our restrictions in cases where the desired concessions on their part cannot be obtained. Our restrictions would not be the less prejudicial to our capital and industry because other Governments persisted in preserving impolitic regulations. * * * * * That in thus declaring, as your petitioners do, their conviction of the impolicy and injustice of the restrictive system, and in desiring every practicable relaxation of it, they have in view only such parts of it as are not connected, or are only subordinately so, with the public revenue. As long as the necessity for the present amount of revenue subsists, your petitioners cannot expect so important a branch of it as the Customs to be given up, nor to be materially diminished, unless some substitute, less objectionable, be suggested. But it is against every restrictive regulation of trade not essential to the revenue--against all duties merely protective from foreign competition--and against the excess of such duties as are partly for the purpose of revenue and partly for that of protection, that the prayer of the present petition is respectfully submitted to the wisdom of Parliament. [Footnote 396: Quoted in Hirst, _Free Trade and the Manchester School_, pp. 118-121.] 17. THE FOUNDATION OF THE ANTI-CORN-LAW LEAGUE [_History of the Anti-Corn-Law League by Archibald Prentice, I, pp. 101-2, 1853_], 1839. _Resolutions of meeting of delegates at Manchester, January 23, 1839._ Resolved--1. That this meeting of representatives from all the great sections of our manufacturing and commercial population, solemnly declare it to be their conviction that the prosperity of the great staples upon which their capital and industry are employed, is in imminent danger from the operation of the laws which interdict or interfere with the exchange of their productions for the corn and other produce of foreign nations, and thus check our trade, and artificially enhance the price of food in this country; and believing that the facts upon which this judgment is formed are little known, and of such national importance as to call for their disclosure before the people's representatives, they earnestly recommend that petitions be immediately forwarded from all parts of the Kingdom, praying to be heard by counsel and evidence at the bar of the House of Commons in the approaching session of Parliament. 2. That in order to secure unity and efficiency of action this meeting recommends that delegates be appointed by the several Anti-Corn-Law Associations of the kingdom. Those manufacturing and commercial towns not already possessing such societies are earnestly recommended to form Anti-Corn-Law Associations; and in case they require information or advice, they are invited to put themselves immediately in correspondence with the Manchester Association, whose fundamental rule, prohibiting the discussion of any party or political topics, is especially recommended for the adoption of all similar bodies elsewhere. 3. That the agricultural proprietor, capitalist, and labourer are benefited equally with the trader, by the creation and circulation of the wealth of the country; and this meeting appeals to all those classes to co-operate for the removal of a monopoly which, by restricting the foreign commerce of the country, retards the increase of the population, and restrains the growth of towns; thus depriving them of the manifold resources to be derived from the augmenting numbers and wealth of the country. 4. That this meeting cannot separate without expressing its deep sympathy with the present privations of that great and valuable class of their countrymen who earn their daily bread by the sweat of their brow; many of whom are now suffering from hunger in the midst of boundless fields of employment, rendered unproductive solely by those unjust laws which prevent the exchange of the products of their industry for the food of other countries. So long as a plentiful supply of the first necessaries of life is denied by acts of the British legislation to the great body of the nation, so long will the government and the country be justly exposed to all the evils resulting from the discontent of the people. With a view to avert so great a danger by an act of universal justice, this meeting pledges itself to a united, energetic, and persevering effort for the total and immediate repeal of all laws affecting the free importation of grain.[397] [Footnote 397: The Anti-Corn-Law League was created on the recommendation of a delegate meeting, March 20 following.] 18. THE BANK CHARTER ACT [_Statutes 7 and 8 Victoria 32_], 1844. An Act to regulate the Issue of Bank Notes, and for giving to the Governor and Company of the Bank of England certain Privileges for a limited Period. Be it enacted that from and after the thirty-first day of August, one thousand eight hundred and forty-four, the issue of Promissory Notes of the Governor and Company of the Bank of England, payable on demand, shall be separated and thenceforth kept wholly distinct from the general Banking business of the said Governor and Company; and the business of and relating to such issue shall be thenceforth conducted and carried on by the said Governor and Company in a separate department, to be called "The Issue Department of the Bank of England," subject to the rules and regulations hereinafter contained; and it shall be lawful for the Court of Directors of the said Governor and Company, if they shall think fit, to appoint a committee or committees of directors for the conduct and management of such Issue Department of the Bank of England, and from time to time remove the members, and define, alter, and regulate the constitution and powers of such committee, as they shall think fit, subject to any bye-laws, rules or regulations which may be made for that purpose: provided nevertheless, that the said Issue Department shall always be kept separate and distinct from the Banking Department of the said Governor and Company. II. And be it enacted, that upon the thirty-first day of August, one thousand eight hundred and forty-four, there shall be transferred, appropriated, and set apart by the said Governor and Company to the Issue Department of the Bank of England securities to the value of fourteen million pounds, whereof the debt due by the public to the said Governor and Company shall be and be deemed a part; and there shall also at the same time be transferred, appropriated, and set apart by the said Governor and Company to the said Issue Department so much of the gold coin and gold and silver bullion then held by the Bank of England as shall not be required by the Banking Department thereof; and thereupon there shall be delivered out of the said Issue Department into the said Banking Department of the Bank of England such an amount of Bank of England notes as, together with the Bank of England notes then in circulation, shall be equal to the aggregate amount of the securities, coin and bullion so transferred to the said Issue Department of the Bank of England; and the whole amount of Bank of England notes then in circulation, including those delivered to the Banking Department of the Bank of England as aforesaid, shall be deemed to be issued on the credit of such securities, coin, and bullion so appropriated and set apart to the said Issue Department; and from thenceforth it shall not be lawful for the said Governor and Company to increase the amount of securities for the time being in the said Issue Department, save as hereinafter is mentioned, but it shall be lawful for the said Governor and Company to diminish the amount of such securities, and again to increase the same to any sum not exceeding in the whole the sum of fourteen million pounds, and so from time to time as they shall see occasion; and from and after such transfer and appropriation to the said Issue Department as aforesaid it shall not be lawful for the said Governor and Company to issue Bank of England notes, either into the Banking Department of the Bank of England, or to any persons or person whatsoever, save in exchange for other Bank of England notes, or for gold coin or for gold or silver bullion received or purchased for the said Issue Department under the provisions of this Act, or in exchange for securities acquired and taken in the said Issue Department under the provisions herein contained: provided always, that it shall be lawful for the said Governor and Company in their Banking Department to issue all such Bank of England notes as they shall at any time receive from the said Issue Department or otherwise, in the same manner in all respects as such issue would be lawful to any other person or persons. IV. And be it enacted, that from and after the thirty-first day of August, one thousand eight hundred and forty-four, all persons shall be entitled to demand from the Issue Department of the Bank of England, Bank of England notes in exchange for gold bullion, at the rate of three pounds, seventeen shillings and ninepence per ounce of standard gold. Provided always, that the said Governor and Company shall in all cases be entitled to require such gold bullion to be melted and assayed by persons approved by the said Governor and Company at the expense of the parties tendering such gold bullion. V. Provided always, and be it enacted, that if any banker who on the sixth day of May one thousand eight hundred and forty-four was issuing his own bank notes, shall cease to issue his own bank notes, it shall be lawful for Her Majesty in Council at any time after the cessation of such issue, upon the application of the said Governor and Company, to authorize and empower the said Governor and Company to increase the amount of securities in the said Issue Department beyond the total sum or value of fourteen million pounds, and thereupon to issue additional Bank of England notes to an amount not exceeding such increased amount of securities specified in such Order in Council, and so from time to time: provided always that such increased amount of securities specified in such Order in Council shall in no case exceed the proportion of two thirds the amount of bank notes which the banker so ceasing to issue may have been authorized to issue under the provisions of this Act; and every such order in Council shall be published in the next succeeding _London Gazette_. XII. And be it enacted, that if any banker in any part of the United Kingdom who after the passing of this act shall be entitled to issue bank notes shall become bankrupt, or shall cease to carry on the business of a banker, or shall discontinue the issue of bank notes, either by agreement with the Governor and Company of the Bank of England or otherwise, it shall not be lawful for such Banker at any time thereafter to issue any such notes. XIV. Provided always, and be it enacted, That if it shall be made to appear to the Commissioners of stamps and taxes that any two or more banks have, by written contract or agreement (which contract or agreement shall be produced to the said Commissioners), become united within the twelve weeks next preceding such twenty-seventh day of April as aforesaid, it shall be lawful for the said Commissioners to ascertain the average amount of the notes of each such bank in the manner hereinbefore directed, and to certify the average amount of the notes of the two or more banks so united as the amount which the united Bank shall thereafter be authorized to issue, subject to the regulations of this Act. 19. DEBATE ON THE CORN LAWS [_Parliamentary Debates, 3rd Series, Vol. 73, Cols. 68, 69-71, 849-850, 1345-1347_], 1846. _Address in Answer to Her Majesty's Speech, January 22nd, 1846._ _House of Commons._ _Sir Robert Peel._ Sir, the immediate cause which led to the dissolution of the Government in the early part of last December, was that great and mysterious calamity which caused a lamentable failure in an article of food on which great numbers of the people in this part of the United Kingdom, and still larger numbers in the sister kingdom, depended mainly for their subsistence. That was the immediate and proximate cause, which led to the dissolution of the Government. But it would be unfair and uncandid on my part, if I attached undue importance to that particular cause. It certainly appeared to me to preclude further delay, and to require immediate decision--decision not only upon the measures which it was necessary at the time to adopt, but also as to the course to be ultimately taken with regard to the laws which govern the importation of grain. I will not assign to that cause too much weight. I will not withhold the homage which is due to the progress of reason and to truth, by denying that my opinions on the subject of protection have undergone a change. * * * * * Sir, those who contend for the removal of impediments upon the import of a great article of subsistence, such as corn, start with an immense advantage in the argument. The natural presumption is in favour of free and unrestricted importation. It may, indeed, be possible to combat that presumption; it may be possible to meet its advocates in the field of argument, by showing that there are other and greater advantages arising out of the system of prohibition than out of the system of unrestricted intercourse; but even those who so contend will, I think, admit that the natural feelings of mankind are strongly in favour of the absence of all restriction, and that the presumption is so strong, that we must combat it by an avowal of some great public danger to be avoided, or some great public benefit to be obtained by restriction on the importation of food. We all admit that the argument in favour of high protection or prohibition on the ground that it is for the benefit of a particular class, is untenable. The most strenuous advocates for protection have abandoned that argument; they rest, and wisely rest, the defence of protective duties upon higher principles. They have alleged, as I have myself alleged, that there were public reasons for retaining this protection. Sir, circumstances made it absolutely necessary for me, occupying the public station I do, and seeing the duty that must unavoidably devolve on me--it became absolutely necessary for me maturely to consider whether the grounds on which an alteration of the Corn Laws can be resisted are tenable. The arguments in favour of protection must be based either on the principle that protection to domestic industry is in itself sound policy, and that, therefore, agriculture, being a branch of domestic industry, is entitled to share in that protection; or, that in a country like ours, encumbered with an enormous load of debt, and subject to great taxation, it is necessary that domestic industry should be protected from competition with foreigners; or, again--the interests of the great body of the community, the laborious classes, being committed in this question--that the rate of wages varies with the price of provisions, that high prices imply high wages, and that low wages are the concomitants of low prices. Further, it may be said, that the land is entitled to protection on account of some peculiar burdens which it bears. But that is a question of justice rather than of policy; I have always felt and maintained that the land is subject to peculiar burdens; but you have the power of weakening the force of that argument by the removal of the burden, or making compensation. The first three objections to the removal of protection are objections founded on considerations of public policy. The last is a question of justice, which may be determined by giving some counterbalancing advantage. Now, I want not to deprive those who, arguing _a priori_, without the benefit of experience, have come to the conclusion that protection is objectionable in principle--I want not to deprive them of any of the credit which is fairly their due. Reason, unaided by experience, brought conviction to their minds. My opinions have been modified by the experience of the last three years. I have had the means and opportunity of comparing the results of periods of abundance and low prices with periods of scarcity and high prices. I have carefully watched the effects of the one system, and of the other--first, of the policy we have been steadily pursuing for some years, viz., the removal of protection from domestic industry; and next, of the policy which the friends of protection recommend. I have also had an opportunity of marking from day to day the effect upon great social interests of freedom of trade and comparative abundance. I have not failed to note the results of preceding years, and to contrast them with the results of the last three years; and I am led to the conclusion that the main grounds of public policy on which protection has been defended are not tenable; at least, I cannot maintain them. I do not believe, after the experience of the last three years, that the rate of wages varies with the price of food. I do not believe that with high prices, wages will necessarily rise in the same ratio. I do not believe that a low price of food necessarily implies a low rate of wages. Neither can I maintain that protection to domestic industry is necessarily good. _Adjourned Debate. February 13, 1846._ _House of Commons._ SIR DOUGLAS HOWARD said:[398] I have often imagined--and it was for this that I moved for, and obtained the order of this House for, the extensive returns which are now preparing, namely, the various colonial tariffs and commercial relations at present subsisting between all the Colonies of the Empire and the mother country, and between the Colonies themselves--that it might really be possible to treat Colonies like counties of the country, not only in direct trade with the United Kingdom, but in commercial intercourse with each other, by free trade among ourselves, under a reasonable moderate degree of protection from without, and so resolve the United Kingdom, and all her Colonies and possessions, into a commercial union such as might defy all rivalry, and defeat all combinations. Then might colonization proceed on a gigantic scale--then might British capital animate British labour, on British soil, for British objects, throughout the extended dominions of the British Empire. Such an union is the United States of America--a confederation of sovereign States, leagued together for commercial and political purposes, with the most perfect free trade within, and a stringent protection from without; and signally, surely, has that commercial league succeeded and flourished. Such an union, too, is the German Customs League; and it has succeeded to an extent that really is, in so short a time, miraculous. But free trade--the extinction of the protective principle--the repeal of the differential duties--would at once convert all our Colonies, in a commercial sense, into as many independent States. The colonial consumer of British productions would then be released from his part of the compact--that of dealing, in preference, with the British producer; and the British consumer of such articles as the Colonies produce, absolved from his; each party would be free to buy in the cheapest, and sell in the dearest market. I defy any hon. member opposite to say that this would not be a virtual dissolution of the colonial system. _Adjourned Debate. February 20, 1846._ MR. B. DISRAELI:[399] I have now nearly concluded the observations which I shall address to the House. I have omitted a great deal which I wished to urge upon the House; and I sincerely wish that what I have said had been urged with more ability; but I have endeavoured not to make a mere Corn Law speech; I have only taken corn as an illustration; but I don't like my friends here to enter upon that Corn Law debate which I suppose is impending, under a mistaken notion of the position in which they stand. I never did rest my defence of the Corn Laws on the burdens to which the land is subject. I believe that there are burdens, heavy burdens, on the land; but the land has great honours, and he who has great honours must have great burdens. But I wish them to bear in mind that their cause must be sustained by great principles. I venture feebly and slightly to indicate those principles, principles of high policy, on which their system ought to be sustained. First, without reference to England, looking at all countries, I say that it is the first duty of the Minister, and the first interest of the State, to maintain a balance between the two great branches of national industry; that is a principle which has been recognised by all great Ministers for the last two hundred years; and the reasons upon which it rests are so obvious, that it can hardly be necessary to mention them. Why we should maintain that balance between the two great branches of national industry, involves political considerations--social considerations, affecting the happiness, prosperity, and morality of the people, as well as the stability of the State. But I go further; I say that in England we are bound to do more--I repeat what I have repeated before, that in this country there are special reasons why we should not only maintain the balance between the two branches of our national industry, but why we should give a preponderance--I do not say a predominance, which was the word ascribed by the hon. member for Manchester to the noble lord the member for London, but which he never used--why we should give a preponderance, for that is the proper and constitutional word, to the agricultural branch; and the reason is, because in England we have a territorial Constitution. We have thrown upon the land the revenues of the Church, the administration of justice, and the estate of the poor; and this has been done, not to gratify the pride, or pamper the luxury of the proprietors of the land, but because, in a territorial Constitution, you, and those whom you have succeeded, have found the only security for self-government--the only barrier against that centralising system which has taken root in other countries. I have always maintained these opinions; my constituents are not landlords; they are not aristocrats; they are not great capitalists; they are the children of industry and toil; and they believe, first, that their material interests are involved in a system which favours native industry, by insuring at the same time real competition; but they believe also that their social and political interests are involved in a system by which their rights and liberties have been guaranteed; and I agree with them--I have these old-fashioned notions. I know that we have been told, and by one who on this subject should be the highest authority, that we shall derive from this great struggle, not merely the repeal of the Corn Laws, but the transfer of power from one class to another--to one distinguished for its intelligence and wealth, the manufacturers of England. My conscience assures me that I have not been slow in doing justice to the intelligence of that class; certain I am, that I am not one of those who envy them their wide and deserved prosperity; but I must confess my deep mortification, that in an age of political regeneration, when all social evils are ascribed to the operation of class interests, it should be suggested that we are to be rescued from the alleged power of one class only to sink under the avowed dominion of another. I, for one, if this is to be the end of all our struggles--if this is to be the great result of this enlightened age--I, for one, protest against the ignominious catastrophe. I believe that the monarchy of England, its sovereignty mitigated by the acknowledged authority of the estates of the realm, has its root in the hearts of the people, and is capable of securing the happiness of the nation and the power of the State. But, Sir, if this be a worn-out dream; if, indeed, there is to be a change, I, for one, anxious as I am to maintain the present polity of this country, ready to make as many sacrifices as any man for that object--if there is to be this great change, I, for one, hope that the foundations of it may be deep, the scheme comprehensive, and that instead of falling under such a thraldom, under the thraldom of Capital--under the thraldom of those who, while they boast of their intelligence, are more proud of their wealth--if we must find a new force to maintain the ancient throne and immemorial monarchy of England, I, for one, hope that we may find that novel power in the invigorating energies of an educated and enfranchised people. [Footnote 398: _Ibid._ cols. 849-50.] [Footnote 399: _Ibid._, cols. 1345-1347.] INDEX Acts of Parliament (_see_ Statutes) Administration, central (_see_ Chancery, Commissions, Councils, Crown, Exchequer, House of Commons, Parliament, Statutes); local (_see_ Boroughs, County Courts, Hundreds, Justices, Parishes, Sheriffs) Agrarian changes, in Middle Ages, 53, 54, 83, 85-87; in Tudor and Stuart periods, 227, 228, 234-277; in 18th and 19th centuries, 523, 524, 525-542, 552 Agriculture, advantages of large scale, 530, 531; capitalist, 228; depression of, in 16th century, 407-412; effect of Corn Laws on, 692-698 (_see also_ Corn Laws); encouragement of, by Tudor and Stuart monarchy, 229, 260-277, 428-430; improvements in, effected in 18th century, 523, 526, 530, 531, 532-536; manorial, 3-9, 16, 17, 53-110, 227-277; do., developments in, 53, 54, 83, 85-87; provision for harvest labour, 78, 173, 328, 329, 347, 648; reaction of commerce and industry on, 582, 697; state of, in 18th and 19th centuries, 523-542 (_see also_ Arable, Commons, Common Fields, Depopulation, Enclosures, Land, Manor, Pasture, Smallholders) Agriculture, Board of, surveys of, 524, 532-536 Agricultural houses and buildings, decay and restoration of, 267, 268, 272, 275, 276, 324, 392, 536, 567 Agricultural labourers, 7, 8, 62-64, 78, 164, 165, 170, 171-174,176-178, 324, 353, 355, 408; apprenticeship of, 324, 325, 330, 388; combinations of, 55, 105-110, 552, 553, 638-640; condition of, in 19th century, 695, 696; hiring of, 164-168, 170-174, 176-178; housing of, 567; regulation of conditions of service of, 171-178, 325-333, 352, 360, 361; regulation of hours of, 327; regulation of wages of, 173, 177, 328, 329, 342, 343, 346, 347, 351, 353, 360, 361, 405, 546, 547, 552-554; restrictions of, as to apprenticeship to crafts, 174, 361 Alehouses, taverns, 378, 473, 536; increase of, in 18th century, 489; meeting of journeymen associations in, 624; patent for licensing of, 442; payment of wages in, prohibited, 599 Aliens, burgesses of English towns, 27, 28_n_; jealousy of, 153, 186, 199, 200 Alien craftsmen, imported into Ireland, 471; in London, 195-197, 199 Alien merchants, 127, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 189, 192-195, 197-199, 420; admitted to a London company, 309; arrest of goods of, 189, 190; customs granted by, 208-216; freedom of trade granted to, 127, 152, 209, 212; of Almain, 194; of Flanders, 193, 194; of France, 192, 193; of Italy, 43, 127, 199, 420-424 Almshouses, 483 Anti-Corn-Law League, foundation of, 701. Anti-Slavery Society, 593 Apprentices, 113, 136, 138, 141, 142, 143, 147, 231, 282, 283, 295, 296, 300, 305, 307, 324-326, 330-334, 341, 344, 345, 348, 353, 356, 361, 437, 444, 455, 499, 500; disciplinary rules touching, 113, 147, 345; in factories, 571, 572; fees exacted from, 284-286; limitation of numbers of, in textile industry, 322; oaths exacted from by masters, 285, 286; pauper, 381, 505; proportion of, to journeymen, regulations as to, 332, 550, 551, 573, 574; runaway, 148; unindentured, 353 Apprenticeship, 138, 174, 314, 479, 499, 500, 588, 589; custom of London as to, 330; debates in House of Commons on, 577-588; effect of compulsory, on marriage, 322, 323_n_, 344; enactment as to age of ending, 323, 344; enforcement of statute as to, 386; evasion of, by a company, 310; fees on entering and leaving, 280; half-pay, 590; indentures of, 113, 147, 295; municipal regulation of, 295, 305-307; of agricultural labourers, 325, 330, 388; to crafts, restricted, 174, 361; of pauper children, 381, 388, 504, 652; to woollen industry, 499, 500 Approvers, criminal, 39 Arable land, conversion of, to pasture, 55, 260-277, 392, 407, 408, 409; enclosure of (_see_ Enclosure); on a 14th century manor, 56 Artificers, Statute of (_see_ Statutes) Assarts, 89 Assizes, 88, 89, 93, 97; grand, 95; of bread and ale, 37, 80, 117, 118, 133, 152, 155, 156, 388; of cloth, 152, 154, 155, 319; suspension of, 319, 320; of _mort d'ancestor_, 94; of novel disseisin, 88, 89, 93, 94, 96, 97_n_; of weights and measures, 152, 154, 377, 388; of wine, 152 Ball, John, and the Peasants' Revolt, 109 Bankers and Banking, 398, 420 Bankrupts, 474 Banks, 506; country, 681 Bank of England, 667; foundation of, 668, 676; suspension of cash payments by, 681 Bee-keeping, 7 Beer, patent for export of, 442 Beggars, 166, 174, 175, 176, 324, 388, 483; licensing of, 363, 364, 366 (_see also_ Poor, Vagrants) Berlin Decrees, effect of, on commerce, 690, 692 Black Death, the, 54, 55, 65_n_, 102, 103, 104, 105, 164 Blackwell Hall, the London cloth market, 440, 460, 492-495 Bondage land (_see_ Villeinage) Bondmen (_see_ Villeins) Bordiers, 16, 17; in boroughs, 12, 13 Boroughs and towns, 10-25, 279-312; in Domesday Book, 4; affiliation of, 112, 124; assessment of wages by, 315; bakehouses in, 13; bondmen received in, 121, 125; charters to (_see_ Charters); charters to, confiscated 257; courts in, 12, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 125, 129, 131, 132; crimes in, fines and forfeitures for, 14, 15; customs in, 10-14; bequest of burgages, 117; cannemol, 133; gyeresyeve, 120; scotale, 120; decay of, alleged, 180, 425; election of officers in, 118, 120, 121, 257; exclusiveness of, 118; farmers of, 131; farms of, 10-14, 37, 119, 123, 292; fines, gersums, in, 12; gildhalls in, 4, 10, 129, 137, 141, 142, 144; hansing-silver exacted in, 128; hosting in, 160; hosting of aliens in, 197-199, 209, 212, 213; housecarles in, 14; hue and cry in, 160; Jewries in, 43, 45, 46, 47, 48, 50; the king's, tallage assessed on, 35; king's demesne in, 13; lords of, 32; lords of, disputes with and complaints against, 123, 128, 131; mayors and bailiffs of, 32, 48, 118, 121, 122, 130, 132, 136-145, 147, 157, 160, 165, 166, 172-175, 181, 189, 192, 195, 200-202, 206, 214, 216, 231, 282-284, 294-297, 299, 303, 309, 327-329, 332, 333, 340, 366, 367, 370-372; origin of, 111; reeves of, 10, 32, 155; rents in, 10, 13, 14, 15; rents in, enhancement of, 521; sanitary conditions in, in nineteenth century, 519, 520; do, recommendations for improvement of, 614-616; stewards of, 117, 118; supervision of strangers in, 160; watch and ward in, 160, 389 (_see also_ Market Towns) Borough tolls, 10, 112, 119-123, 125-127, 131-135, 212, 282; disputes touching, 121, 126; exemption from, 119, 120, 121, 124, 126, 127; exemption of Jews from, 45; intermunicipal agreement on, 126 (_see also_ Lastage, Murage, Passage, Pavage, Pesage, Pontage, Stallage) Bracton, quotations from, 75_n._, 97_n._, 126 Bracton's Note Book, 88-90, 92, 93, 95-97 Brewers, Stuart patent for licensing, 473 Bridewells, 370, 371 (_see also_ Houses of Correction, Workhouses) Brokerage, 422, 423 Bullion, export of, 203, 216-223, 398, 416, 419, 420, 668, 671, 672; free coinage of, at the Mint, 674 (_see also_ Currency, Mint). Burgage tenure, 117 Cabots, the, 400-402 Calico-printers, journeymen, grievances of, 573-576 Capital, discussion on employment of, in factories, 606, 607 Capitalism, Disraeli's protest against domination of, 710, 711; growth of, 668; in textile industries, 314, 315, 317, 320-322; in agriculture, 228 Capitalists, 561; mercantile, 280 Cartbote, 242 Cecil, Lord, industrial programme of, 323-324 Chancery, court of, 106, 146, 150, 236; appeals to, by an alleged villein, 100; by copyholders, 85, 234, 241; by a craftsman, 148, 199; by a woolmerchant, 186; touching usury, 201; certifications into, 328; equitable jurisdiction of, 87, 148_n._, 228; original writs of, 48; patents to make writs and file bills in, 441, 442; protection of customary tenure in, 87_n._, 228, 235, 241 Chantries, 286-293 Charters, 152, 153; of Henry II., 45, 124, 308; of Richard I., 125; of John, 44, 121, 122, 124, 126, 158; of Henry III., 119, 124, 126, 127, 192; of Edward I., 158, 164, 208, 211; of Edward III., 119_n._, 211; of Gilbert de Clare, 116; to alien towns and merchants, 152, 192, 194, 199, 208, 211; to boroughs, 116, 119, 121, 122, 124, 125, 126, 127; to craft-gilds and companies, 144, 303, 308, 399, 427, 454, 461. Chartists, 618; manifestoes of, 618, 641, 642. Chevage, 72, 73, 74, 75 Child-labour, 436; half-timers, 613; Oastler's campaign against, 544, 592-594; in coalmines, 516-9, 598, 599; in factories, 480, 495, 496, 502-505, 510-516, 544, 571-573, 591-595, 600, 609, 610, 612-614; in woollen industry, 483 Children's Employment Commission, 600, 603. Churches, free fees of, exempted from taxation, 33 Churchwardens, administrative duties of, touching labour and poor relief, 324, 648 Civil War, the, 310, 399, 475 Cloth, assize of, 152, 154, 155, 319; suspension of, 319, 320; aulnage of, 163, 164; customs on (_see Customs_); industry (_see_ Woollen Cloth); retailing of, 131 (_see also_ Woollen Cloth) Coal Industry, commission on employment in, 480, 516-519; condition of, in 18th century, 479, 491-492; act regulating, 598; dispute between employers and workmen in, 625; hours of labour in, 517-519; inspectors of, 598; production, transport and distribution in, 491, 492; regulation of prices and limitation of output in, 497-499; woman and child labour in, 516-519, 598, 599 Coin, clipping of, 678 Colonial preference, 708 Colonies, advantages of, 434-438; effect of Navigation Act on, 672-674; wages in, 315, 360 Combinations, of masters, 590, 634; of journeymen, 138-141, 196, 549, 560, 583, 590, 617-643; of agricultural labourers, 105-110, 552, 553, 618, 638-641; of bricklayers, 624; of carpenters, 624; of coach-makers, curriers, farriers, smiths and sailmakers, 623; of coalminers, 625; of feltmakers, 617, 619-622; of joiners, 624; of tailors, 617, 618, 622-624; of woolcombers, 617, 626 Combination Acts, 575, 618, 626, 627-631, 633, 636-638; repeal of, 633 Commissions, Royal, on depopulation, 276, 277_n_; on enclosure, 229, 262, 262_n._; on child labour, 600, 603; on health in towns, 614-616; on industrial conditions, in textile industry, 316; in coal mines, 480, 516-519; on Poor Law, 661; petitions for, 260 Common fields, 54; disadvantages of, 527; distribution of strips in, 22, 55, 73, 76; enclosure of, 73, 525, 526, 527, 528, 529, 540, 541; regulation of, 76-79; system, 54 Common Law, and copyholders, 86, 87, 88, 228, 241, 255; and enclosure, 88, 89, 271; and villeinage, 89-97; and restraint of trade, 305-307, 315, 361, 362; and engrossing of corn, 393; and monopolies, 466; and combinations, 618, 634-636 Common pasture, 57, 58, 77, 88, 89, 259, 531; enclosure of, 88, 89, 257; in boroughs, 119; rights of, stinted by agreement, 256 Commons or Wastes, 54, 249; enclosure of, 54, 55, 63, 64, 87, 88, 244, 256, 257, 526-529, 532, 534, 540, 541; encroachments on, 54, 63, 64, 542; objection to lords commoning on, 248; rights on, 54, 529, 531, 534, 535, 538, 541 Companies, Industrial, 280 (_see also_ Craft-gilds, Mining); Stuart patents of incorporation of, revoked, 474 Companies, Mercantile, monopoly of, discussed, 443-453; Staplers, 153, 178-186, 484, 485; Merchant Adventurers, 302, 398, 399, 402-404, 446, 447, 449, 450, 452, 453, 454; new company of, incorporation of, 454-460; East India Company, interlopers and, 675; Eastland Company, 399; Muscovy Company, 399, 449, 450, 452, 453; Turkey Company, 431, 450 Co-operative Societies, 618, 643 Copyhold, 228, 234-240, 248-250, 254-259, 326, 527, 528, 538; conversion of, to leasehold, 538; eviction from, 85-87 (_see also_ Customary holdings, Villeinage) Copyholders, 228, 244; of inheritance, 258 (_see also_ Customary tenants, Villeins) Corn-badgers, 365, 375-377, 385, 386; -carriers, 326, 375, 376, 385, 487, 488; -factors, 487-491; engrossing and engrossers of, 376, 386, 389, 391-396; export and import of, 398, 407-411, 424, 428-430, 487; do., discussed, 274, 407-412; Laws, of 1815, 697; do., debates on, 692, 705; do., repeal of, 523; price of, fluctuations in, 368; do., means of enhancing, 407-412; production of, fluctuations in, 273-275; regulation of price and distribution of, 367, 368, 374-378, 385, 386, 389, 391-396; trade, condition of, in 18th century, 479, 487-491 (_see also_ Customs) Coroners, 27, 38, 39 Cost of living, in 19th century, 521 Costermongers, excluded from operation of Statute of Artificers, 356 Cotters, cotmen, 5, 9, 61, 63, 65, 242 Cotton industry, in the 18th and 19th centuries, 545, 546, 571, 572, 576, 577; arbitration on disputes in, 544, 568-571; depression of wages in, 500, 501; fluctuations in, 480; introduction of power loom weaving in, 505-510; petition of journeymen in, to House of Commons, 480, 500 (_see also_ Factories) Council, the King's, 48; Privy, 328, 455, 473, 474; intervention of, 229; for the protection of tenants, 266; for the regulation of wages, 316; for the regulation of prices, 365, 368; for the relief of the poor, 363, 364, 379, 382-384, 390, 649; of the North, 429, 430; of Wales, 429, 430 Council, Orders in, effect of, on industry and commerce, 480, 691 County courts, 34, 94 Courts, Royal (_see_ Chancery, Requests, Star Chamber, Wards and Liveries) Craft-gilds, 111, 131, 133, 279, 315; adulterine, 114-116; censured, 296; charters to, protected in the Statute of Monopolies, 467; common box of, 136, 137; control of trade and industry by, 136-147, 284, 297-299, 300, 303, 307-311, 345; dependence of industrial on mercantile, 302-305; election of officers of, 137, 138, 142, 145, 309, 310, 311; exclusiveness of, 142, 143, 145, 280, 282, 299, 307, 361; incorporation of, 113, 144, 305, 308, 474; litigation of, 311; the livery of, 310; monopoly of, 280, 306, 311; municipal control of, 137-144, 147; ordinances of, 136-144, 195-197, 297; state supervision of, 113, 279, 284, 285, 286, 306, 307; religious aspect of, 136, 137, 139, 140, 144, 145, 280, 289, 290; restraint of trading by, 469; (_see also_ Apprentices, Journeymen, Yeomanry) Craft-gilds and Companies of London, Clothworkers, 300-302; Feltmakers, 302; incorporation of, 303; Haberdashers, 302-304; incorporation of, 144-146; Weavers, alien, ordinances of, 195-197; Whitetawyers, ordinances of, 136-138 Craftsmen, alien, ordinances of, 195; classification of, in Tudor period, 414; desire of, for cheap corn, 409; for protection, 426; excessive prices charged by, 165, 166, 168, 169; excluded from operation of Statute of Artificers, 356; licensed to exercise more than one craft, 70; limited to one craft, 70, 294, 295, 306, 321 (_see also_ Apprentices, Industry, Journeymen, Labour, Labourers, Prices, Wages) Credit, trading on, 305, 416-418, 420-424, 493-495 Crown, indebtedness of the, 153, 416-418 Currency, condition of, in fourteenth century, 217-223; in seventeenth century, 668, 677, 678; debasement of, 398, 405, 406, 416-418; discussions on, 220, 405; provisions for, 180, 181; recoinage of Queen Elizabeth, 419, 677; recoinage of 1696, 668, 677, 678 (_see also_ Bullion, Mint) Customary holdings, 228; alienation of, 243, 258; bequest of, 233, 234; cotlands, 63; custom touching inheritance of, 233, 234; dayworks, 64; division of, among heirs, 232; eviction from, 254, 255, 263; fines for entry on, 66, 67, 68, 69, 86, 229, 233, 235, 238, 239, 240, 249, 251, 259; do., enhancement of, 229, 249, 251, 253, 255, 265; forelands, 62; forfeited, 242, 243; lease of, 55, 76, 80, 83, 84, 85, 86, 91, 235, 238, 241, 242, 254, 255, 258, 259; oxgangs, 258; sale and purchase of, 233, 234; yardlands, 242 (_see also_ Copyhold, Landmeasures, Leasehold, Manor) Customary tenants, 5-9, 23, 24, 54, 80-86, 228, 232-246, 251-255; eviction of, 364; grant of manor to, 81; lease of manor to, 81 (_see also_ Bordiers, Copyholders, Cotters, Manor, Serfs, Villeins) Customary tenure, 54, 55 Customs, the, in Middle Ages, 203, 207-216; in London and the outports, contrasted, 445; in American colonies, suggested, 673; on imports, 211-216, 401; exemption of the Cabots from, 401; on cloth, 403, 412, 417, 440, 459, 469, 471; on coal, 472; on exported corn, 398, 407, 430; on wine, 208, 214; on wool, 207, 215, 407, 413 Debt, the National, 676, 677; measures for reduction of, 679-681 Debts, recovery of, in Middle Ages, 161-163, 192 Defoe, Daniel, his accounts of eighteenth century industrial and trade conditions, 482-492; his criticism of Poor Laws, 649 Demesne, ancient, 36, 89; tenants of, 36, 55, 90, 91 Demesne lands, in boroughs, 132; in manors, 6, 9, 16, 17, 32, 33, 54, 56, 57, 64, 228, 237, 238, 240, 245, 246, 254, 258, 259; farmers of, 228; lease of, 259; lying in scattered strips, 76 Demesnes, the king's, 21, 36, 161; tallage assessed on, 35, 65 Depopulation, caused by the Black Death, 65-68, 102, 164; in rural districts, 267, 269, 395, 531, 536; acts against, 229, 260, 270_n._, 315 _Dialogus de Scaccario_, 4_n._ Diminishing Returns, Law of, 272 Discovery, voyages of, 400-402 Disraeli, Benjamin, protest of, against capitalist domination, 710, 711 Domesday Book, 3, 4, 20, 40_n_, 54; extracts from, 9-17 Domestic System, 355, 483, 508 Dorchester Agricultural Labourers Union, 618, 638-641; rules of, 640, 641 Dyeing, English and foreign, 155, 432, 433 Dyers of Bristol, ordinances of, 141-144 Eastland Merchants, 399 Economic theory and opinion, in eighteenth century, 488, 559, 590, 668; of state regulation, 365 (_see also_ Mercantile Theory) Education, of working classes, 611, 711 (_see also_ Schools, industrial) Edward I, charters of, 158, 164; enquiry of, touching royal rights and feudal liberties, 36-40 Enclosures of land, in Middle Ages, 54, 229; in sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, 229, 247, 248_n._, 389; in eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, 482, 483, 523-542; advocated, 526, 527; effect of, on cottagers, 532; expense of fencing, 535, 539; petition against, 531; speeches in House of Commons on, 270-275; statutes against, 247; by Act of Parliament, 523, 528, 532-542; do., expense of, 532, 535_n._; by agreement ratified in Chancery, 523, 525, 526, 530; of arable, 260-277, 408; of common fields, 73, 525, 526, 527, 528, 529, 540, 541; of common pasture, 88, 89, 257; of waste, 54, 55, 87, 88, 244, 526-529, 532, 534, 540, 541; Consolidating Act, 537; General Act, 541 Encroachments (_see_ Purprestures) Escheat (_see_ Feudal Incidents) Escheators, 20, 23-26, 30, 31, 40, 107-110, 249, 250; offences of, 40; office of, 20, 21 Exchange, letters of, 421-424 Exchanges, foreign, fluctuations and manipulation of, 398, 416-424; tax on, 398, 420-424; certifications into, 35, 47; fines paid in, 34 Excise, 399, 475-6, 667; imposition of, in lieu of feudal dues, 670; Walpole's proposal for, on salt, 678-9 Factories, growth of, checked in Tudor Period, 320, 321, 344; cotton, 495, 496, 591 (_see also_ Cotton Industry); child labour in, 480, 495, 496, 502-505, 510-516, 544, 571-573, 591-595, 600, 609, 610, 612-614; effect of, on health of operatives 495, 496, 503-505, 511, 514-516, 609, 610; hours of labour in, 503, 510-516, 591-593, 594, 595, 599-614; inspection of, by magistrates and parsons, 572, 573; do., by state inspectors, 595, 609, 610, 612; wages in, 512, 513; woman labour in, 614 Factory Acts, 480, 503, 504, 544, 545, 571-573, 591, 594-596, 612-614; alleged failure of, 608; debate on, in House of Commons, 599-612 Factory system, 320_n._ Fairs, 121, 152, 155, 157, 158, 159, 162, 163, 164, 188, 193, 209, 210, 213, 340, 421, 484; courts of, proceedings in, 159, 162, 163, 188, 193; granted to the lord of a manor, 157, 158; tolls at, 119 Fealty, 70 Felony, concealment of, 38 Feltmakers, journeymen, strike of, 617, 619-622 Feodary, 21, 249 Feudal, army, 4; commendation, 11, 16; commutation of services for rent, 21; courts or sokes, 12, 15, 16; customs and services, 5, 37; do., castleguard, 29; do., foreign, 29; do., commutations of, 27; franchises and liberties, 4, 39, 152 (_see also_ Gallows, Frankpledge, Infangenethef, Sac and soc); do., enquiry touching, 36-40; incidents, escheat, 33, 36, 81, 82, 83; do., relief, 25, 65, 70, 116, 242; do., wardship and marriage, 26, 27, 29-31, 34, 40, 65, 68, 69, 237, 250, 670; knight's fees, 21, 33, 34, 36, 38; do., the king's, alienation of, 36; subinfeudation, 21, 28, 29; tenants, thegns, 14, 15; tenures, frankalmoin, 12, 22, 32, 90; do., knight service, 13, 15, 21, 23, 27, 32, 34, 69, 123, 670; do., payment of fines in lieu of, 34; do., serjeanty, 21, 27, 33, 34; do., grand, 24; do., petty, 25; socage, free, 26, 670 Feudal System, the, 19-22; documents illustrating, 22-41 Firebote, 242 Fiscal policy, documents illustrating, 207-216, 416, 424, 440-476, 667, 670, 671, 672-674, 689-702, 705-711 Fishing, fishmongers and fishermen, 133, 166, 326, 435 Forelanders, 62 Forestallers, 168, 388 Frankpledge, view of, 65, 80, 82, 84, 156 Free trade, 468_n._; arguments for, 696, 698-701; Sir Edwin Sandys' Bill for, 399, 443-453 Freehold, 48, 88, 89, 90, 93, 97 250, 324, 326, 332 Freeholders, 23, 65, 87, 91, 228, 248, 255, 256, 257, 526 Freemen, 7, 9, 16, 17, 32, 96, 101; marriage of, to bondwomen, 72 French Revolution, 590 French wars, in 18th and 19th centuries, effect of, on industry and commerce, 480, 501, 544, 689, 690 Friendly Societies, 561, 566, 640 Gallows, feudal liberty of, 37, 156 Gatebote, 242 Gebur, 6 Geneat, 5 _Gerefa_, 3 Gigmills, 442 Gild, at Dover, 4, 10 Gilds, craft (_see_ Craft-gilds) Gilds, lands of, confiscation of, 280, 286-294; do., exceptions to, 291-294; do., distribution of, by agreement, 267 Gilds, merchant, 111, 112, 114, 115, 119, 120, 121, 123, 124, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131; characteristic features of, defined, 130; disputes of, with lords, 123, 128; privileges of, 123; restraint of trade by, 123 Gilds, social, 148-150 Half-time Child Labour, 613 Health, Public, effect of factory conditions on, 496, 503-505, 511, 514-516, 609, 610; in towns, 519, 520; recommendations of commission on, 614-616; provision for, in factories (_see_ Factory Acts) Hedgebote, 242 Henry II., charters of, 45, 124, 308 Henry III., charters of, 119, 124, 126, 127 Heriots, 65, 84, 116, 242 Highways, enlarged for safety of merchants and travellers, 160, 161 Homage, 59, 70, 123 House of Commons, Bills in, on labourers and wages (1388), 176; on minimum rates in textile industry (1593), 336; on free trade (1604), 443; on minimum wages (1795), 554; on factories (1844), 599; debates in, on enclosures (1597, 1601), 270-275; on the confiscation of gild lands (1548), 292; on salt duties (1732), 678; on Whitbread's minimum wage bill (1795), 554; on the income tax (1798), 683; on apprenticeship (1813-14), 577; on the Corn Laws (1815, 1846), 692, 705; on factory legislation (1844), 599; petitions of journeymen to, 307-312, 573, 624 Housebote, 242 Houses of Correction, 364, 378, 381, 389, 627 (_see also_ Bridewells, Workhouses) Hundred aid, 80 Hundred, the, as a geographical unit, 12, 17; as an administrative unit, 9, 32, 36-38, 47, 111, 172, 174, 324, 327, 374, 379, 384; as a feudal liberty, 15, 37, 117; bailiffs of, 32; farms of, 36-37; do., enhancement of, 38 Hurdle, punishment of the, 157 Income Tax, 667; objections to, 688; Pitt's speech on, 683 Industrial Revolution, 480, 509, 617, 618, 668 Industrial riots, 495 Industries (_see_ Calico printers, Coal, Cotton, Craft-gilds, Feltmakers, Iron, Linen, Woollen Cloth) Industry, changes in organisation of, in 18th century, 479, 480, 617; encouragement of, by patents, 467; migration of, to suburbs and country districts, 304, 314, 321; municipal regulation of, 195-197, 280, 282-284, 294-299 (_see also_ Craft-gilds, Markets, Prices, Wages); protection of small masters by Stuarts, 280; state encouragement of, 399; state regulation of, 313-362; do., delegated to private speculators, 336_n._; in country districts, 14; in manors, 70, 111 (_see also_ Combinations, Craft-gilds, Craftsmen, Labour, Prices, Wages) Infangenethef, 125, 156, 156_n._ Inquisitions, royal, 38 Interlopers, and the East India Company, 675 Irish Potato Famine, 705, 706 Iron industry, in 18th century, 545 Iron-works, 55; accounts of, 103-105; Elizabethan patent as to, 442 Jews, the, charter of liberties to, 44; conversion of, 46; chirographs and chests of, 46, 49, 50; debts to, 44-51; exemption of, from tolls, 45; expulsion of, 51; function of, 43; grant of, 47; justices of, 46, 47, 48, 50; litigation between Christians and, 44, 47, 48; ordinances touching, 45, 48, 51; pledging of land to, 48, 49; prohibited from acquiring freehold, 48, 49; restrictions on worship of, 45; royal protection of, 43, 44; tallage assessed on, 46; transferred from town to town, 43, 50 John, King, charters of, 44, 126, 158 Joint Stock Companies, 399; incorporation of, 427 Journeymen, yeomen, servants 113, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 280, 285, 286, 297-299, 305, 310, 311, 325-332, 334-336, 341, 344, 345, 349, 350, 499_n._, 547-551, 588, 589; associations of, 138-141, 280, 297-299, 307-312; do., common fund of, 298, 299, 301; combinations of (_see_ Combinations); disciplinary rules as to, 113, 137, 140, 141, 345; disputes between masters and, 137, 138-141, 196 (_see also_ Labour disputes); petitions of, to House of Commons, 500; proportion of, to apprentices, fixed, 332, 550, 551, 573, 574; wages of, effect of fall in value of money on, 405; do., regulation of (_see_ Wages); (_see also_ Agricultural Labourers, Calico Printers, Feltmakers, Tailors, Weavers, Woolcombers) Justice, administration of royal and feudal, 19, 20, 36_n._, 39 (_see also_ King's Bench) Justices, 105, 106, 109, 110, 128, 155, 170, 183, 229 Justices of assize, 26, 55, 90, 93-96, 285, 297, 340, 343, 391, 429, 430, 622 Justices of the Bench, 75, 176, 285 Justices of the Jews, 46, 47, 48, 50 Justices of the Peace, administration of Statutes of Labourers and Artificers by, 172, 173, 176, 178, 231, 326, 329, 333, 352, 353, 356, 577; attacked in the Peasants' Revolt, 106, 107; inspection of factories by, 572, 573; intervention in industrial disputes by, 569, 570, 576, 623, 631; regulation of apprenticeship by, 332, 333, 344, 352; regulation of cloth industry by, 318, 340, 343, 358, 359; regulation of export of corn by, 429, 430; regulation of markets and prices by, 368, 373-380, 385, 386, 388, 389, 391-396; regulation of poor relief by, 364, 372, 380, 564, 646; regulation and assessment of wages by, 314, 315, 316, 324, 328, 329, 341-343, 345, 351, 352, 353, 356, 359, 361, 546-551, 554, 558, 565, 566, 577, 624_n._, 631, 632; returns to Privy Council made by, on enclosure, 275; do., on the cloth industry, 318; do., on scarcity of corn, 373-374 (_see also_ Quarter Sessions) Justiciar, 36 Ket's Rebellion, 247 King's Bench, 623 Knight service (_see_ Feudal) Knighthood, respite from, 39 Knights, 87 Knight's Fees (_see_ Feudal) Labour, cheap, deprecated, 589; Child and Woman (_see_ Child labour, Women); disputes, arbitration in, 544, 568-571, 617, 630 (_see also_ Combinations, Craft-gilds, Journeymen); hours of, 630, 637; do., in agriculture 327; do., in factories, 503, 510-516, 591-593, 594, 595, 599-614; do., in mines, 516-519 Labour, movement of, 164-166, 172-177, 314; effect of Poor Laws on, 561; effect of enclosure on, 532 Labourers, Ordinance of (1349), 164; Statutes of (_see_ Statutes) Land, alienation of, without licence, 30; do., fines for, 670; disseisins of, 38, 88, 89, 93, 96, 97; extents of, 40; limitation of purchase of, by merchants, husbandmen and artificers, 324; low rents of, in eighteenth century, 509; measures of:-- acres, _passim_; bovates, 66, 67, 68, 69, 92; carucates, 16, 32, 33; fardels, 24; hides, 9, 15, 16, 17, 28, 29, 32, 54; league, 16, 17; ploughlands, 32; roods, _passim_; selions, 61; virgates, 13, 23, 27, 28, 29, 54, 59, 60, 61, 62, 84, 95, 246, 247; ownership of, as qualification for apprenticeship, 330; pledged to Jews, 48, 49; speculation in, 229, 251, 259; waste committed in, by escheators, 40; (_see also_ Agriculture, Enclosures, Feudal, Manor) Landowners, competition of manufacturing interest with, 600, 668, 694, 710 Lastage, 24, 119, 122, 124, 127 Laud, agrarian policy of, 276, 277 Law Merchant, 130, 210, 213, 214 Leasehold, 55, 87, 228, 530, 539; (_see also_ Copyhold, Customary holdings, Manor) Leyrwite, 71, 84 Linen manufacture, in Ireland, establishment of, 471 Local Government Board, 646 London, craft-gilds and companies of (_see_ Craft-gilds); mercantile interest concentrated in, 443; merchant gild of, 127; regulation of entry into companies in, 309; regulation of usury in, 200 Lords, mesne, 36 Machinery, accidents to children, in cleaning, 512, 609; Arkwright's and Watt's inventions, 582; discouraged by Tudors, 321, 442, 544; effect of, on industry, 480; introduction and development of, 505-510; regulations for cleaning, 612 _Magna Carta_, 20, 22, 31_n._, 36_n._, 152 Manor, the Saxon, 3, 4, 5-9; in Domesday Book, 9, 16, 17; documents illustrating, 3-9, 16, 17, 53-102, 155, 158, 232-255, 258; the king's, alienation of, 36; common fields in (_see_ Common Fields); courts, 20, 22, 36_n._, 54, 89; do., proceedings before, 65-75, 95, 232; do., pleas and perquisites of, 65, 80, 81; court rolls, 54, 55, 85, 234-236, 238-240, 259, 527; do., extracts from, 65-75; custom and customs of, 54, 66-75, 228, 229, 232-235, 238-244, 254-259 (_see also_ Cartbote, Firebote, Gatebote, Hedgebote, Housebote, Pannage, Ploughbote); do., breach of, by lords, 241, 248, 249, 251, 252, 254, 258, 259; do., repudiated by tenants, 108; do., touching inheritance, 243; do., touching widows, 234; do., grass-swine, 5 (_see also_ Pannage); do., leph, 58; customaries, 56, 232, 314; customary services in, 24, 54, 57-61, 64, 80-82, 84, 85, 90-93, 96, 241, 246; do., commutation of, for rent, 21, 27, 28, 55, 60-62, 85; do., boon-works, 6, 7, 85, 92; do., castle-guard, 248; do., heriots (_see_ Heriots); do., of being crier in the lord's court, 244; do., of serving with horses against the Scots, 254; do., reliefs (_see_ Reliefs); do., suit of court, 70, 242; demesne lands of (_see_ Demesne); extent of, 56; fines, gersoms, and forfeitures in, 17, 232; do., for entry, 80, 242, 247; do., enhancement of, 254; do., for offences, 66-75; do., for marriage, 80, 90, 92, 93, 96, 241, 243 (_see also_ Merchet); do., for waste committed, 242, 243; grant of, to customary tenants, at fee farm, 81; leases of, to farmers, 55, 85, 91, 245, 246; do., to tenants, 55, 79, 91; lords of, 5-9, 21, 37, 66-76, 90-100, 161, 228, 232, 235-246, 248-255, 259, 541; do., grant of liberties to, 156; officers of, 3, 5-8; bailiffs, 36, 57, 58, 65, 72, 80, 81, 82, 95, 233, 250; hayward, 8, 79; radman, 17; reeves, 5, 9, 17, 32, 80; do., complaints against, 84; serjeant, 81; stewards, 32, 37, 70, 74, 172, 173, 232, 233, 243, 259, 340, 526; woodward, 8; rents, 5-9, 23, 56, 57, 59, 60, 62, 63, 64, 79, 86, 92; do., decay of, 83; do., enhanced, 252, 253; rents of assize, 60, 63; social and economic development of, 53, 54, 227-230; stock, 6-8, 16, 17, 57, 58, 61, 77-81; strips, 8, 9, 22; tenants, 3, 21, 54, 55, 57 (_see also_ Bordiers, Copyholders, Cotters, Customary tenants, Forelanders, Freeholders, Freemen, Gebur, Geneat, Serfs, Sokemen, Villeins); do., marriage of, 65; sub-tenants, 64; waste (_see_ Commons) Markets, 14, 58, 69, 111, 257, 340; customs in, 129; for corn, 488-491; for woollen goods, 484, 485, 493; granted to the lord of a manor, 157, 158; organisation of, in eighteenth century, 479, 487-491; regulation of, by justices of the peace, 364, 365, 367, 374-378, 385, 386, 388, 389, 391-396; do., by towns, 280, 283, 296; sale and purchase by samples in, 490, 491 Market towns, 34, 166, 209, 210, 213, 260, 321, 322, 331 (_see also_ Boroughs) Marque and Reprisals, letters of, 190 Mercantile System, 397, 398, 399 Mercantile Companies (_see_ Companies) Mercantile Theory, 220-222, 420; expounded, 407-416 Merchants (_see_ Aliens, Companies, Corn, Gilds, Middlemen, Staple, Wool) Merchet, 71, 93 (_see also_ Manor, fines for marriage) Middlemen, 479; corn badgers, 365, 375-7, 385, 386; corn factors, 487-491; mealmen, 487, 488, 491; wool-merchants, 354, 355 (_see also_ Staple); in woollen industry, 492-495; yarn-jobbers 336, 340, 341 Milan Decrees, 692 Mills, 9, 11, 16, 79; fulling, 483; tucking, 321 (_see also_ Factories, Gigmills) Miners, 326, 389 (_see also_ Coal Industry) Mining Company, incorporation of, 427 Mint, 220, 417; coinage of money at, before 1696, 677, 678; free coinage of bullion at, 674; profits of, 221, 222, 406 (_see also_ Moneyers) Monasteries, effect of dissolution of, 229, 251 Money, fall in value of, 314, 398, 405, 406; regulation of export and import of, 216-223 Moneyers, 12, 13, 119 Monopoly and monopolies, 480, 497, 584, 587, 611 (_see also_ Patents); of craft and merchant gilds, 112; of mercantile companies, 443-453 Murage, 126, 127, 212, 282 Muscovy or Russia Merchants, 399, 449, 450, 452, 453 Navigation Act (1660), 670; attack on, 672-674 Newcastle Coal Vend, 497 Norman Conquest, the, 3, 4, 53, 54, 55, 90; effects of, on boroughs, 10-14; do., on rural population, 54, 55 North-West Passage, 436 Oastler, Richard, campaign of, against child labour, 544, 592-594 Orders in Council, effect of, on British industry and trade, 480, 501, 691 Outdoor relief, condemned by Poor Law Commission (1834), 662; prohibitory order as to, 665 Pannage, 58, 61, 243, 259 Parish, as a unit for poor relief, 372, 379, 380, 647; overseers (_see_ Poor) Parliament, 20, 103, 180, 206, 217, 229, 261, 537; and minimum wages, 316; petitions to, 553; regulation of trade and industry by, 153, 160-163, 171-178 (_see also_ House of Commons) Passage, 122, 124 Pasture, reconversion of, to arable, 271-273, 275, 276 (_see also_ Arable, Common, Enclosures) Patents and Monopolies, 399, 443-453, 461, 465-468, 472-474; list of, 440-443; revoked, 472-475 Paupers (_see_ Poor) Pavage, 126, 127, 133-135, 212; collectors of, 135 Peasants' revolt, the, 55, 105-110; burning of muniments in, 108 Perceval, Dr., report of, on child labour, in factories, 480, 495 Pesage, 122 Picketing, 549, 627, 637 Pilgrimage of Grace, agrarian programme of, 247 Pillory, punishment of the, 156, 157, 393, 394 Piracy, 188-192 Place, Francis, 618 Pleas, of _quo warranto_, 40_n._; of replevin, 37 Ploughbote, 242 Pontage, 119, 122, 124, 126, 127, 212 Poor, analysis of classes of, in 19th century, 663; children, apprenticing of, 381, 388, 504, 652; do., boarding out of, 653, 654; do., education of, 663; farmed to contractors, 646, 657; fines for enhancing price of corn, reserved to, 392, 393; guardians of, 652, 653, 654, 655, 663, 664; impotent, 174, 175, 364, 378, 388; impotent and idle, distinguished, 174, 175, 364; licensed to beg, 174, 175; overseers of, 372, 380, 381, 384, 648, 660, 661; do., misconduct of, 652; proportionate taxation of, 35; provision made by gilds for, 136, 150; provision made by enclosure acts for, 534, 535; provision of food for, 377; provision of work for, 364, 367, 369-371, 373, 378, 380, 383, 384, 389, 391, 648 (_see also_ Houses of Correction, Workhouses); rates, 468, 533, 536, 537, 552, 555, 561, 562, 651,662; do., made compulsory, 364, 372, 380; do., increase of, in 18th century, 557; relief of, in Middle Ages, 113, 150, 174, 175; do., in 16th and 17th centuries, 272, 287_n._, 363-391, 647; do., in 18th and 19th centuries, 544, 649-665; do., by craft and other gilds, 113, 150, 311, 345; do., by parishes, 270; do., by towns, 363, 366, 369, 649; do., by journeymen associations, 299; do., by private charity, 364, 366; do., Pitt's suggested changes in, 563-565, 647; do., unions of parishes for, 651, 664, 665; settlement of, 364, 372, 381, 382, 386, 387, 561, 647, 651, 655 Poor Laws, 275, 366, 372, 373, 380, 567, 646, 648, 652; administration of, by justices of the peace (_see_ Justices of the Peace); 18th century abuses in, 560-562; inspectors advocated for, 564; Amendment Act (1834), 545, 646, 663; Settlement Act (1662), 645, 647; Workhouse Test Act (1722), 650; Gilbert's Act (1782), 645, 652; Speenhamland "Act of Parliament" (1795), 646, 655; Board, 646; Commission (1834), 646; do., recommendations of, 661-663 Poverty, alleged causes of, in 18th century, 649 _Precipe_, writs of, 21, 36, 36_n._ Prerogative, the royal, 153 Prerogative Courts, 229, 230 (_see also_ Requests and Star Chamber, Courts of) Prices, enhancement of, 265, 368, 391-396, 404, 405, 407-411; regulation of, by Privy Council and Justices of the Peace, 341, 364; rise in, after the Black Death, 166, 168, 169; do., in Tudor period, 314; do., in 18th and 19th centuries, 555-559, 565-567, 576, 692-696, 707; of coal, regulation of, 497-499; of grain, 283; and wages, lack of correspondence between, 553, 555-559, 565-567, 576, 695, 696 Price of wines, 45, 206, 209, 214 Privy Council (_see_ Council, Privy) Profit, a just, views on, 294, 295, 296, 367, 368 Protection, for native manufactures, 425 Protective tariffs, arguments for and against, 696, 698-701, 706-711; for revenue, 700 Purprestures or Encroachments, 38, 54, 63, 64, 542 Quarter Sessions, 173, 176, 316, 324, 343, 345, 351, 352, 356, 392, 429, 543, 546, 548, 549, 551, 576, 577, 623, 648, 656 (_see also_ Justices of the Peace) Rackrenting, 251_n._, 252, 253, 265 Regrators, 156, 336, 386, 388 Reliefs, 25, 65, 70, 116, 242 Revenue, the national, 153, 667; effect of debasement of coin on, 405, 406 (_see also_ Customs, Excise, Taxation) Report of Committee on Ribbon weavers, 590, 591 Richard I., charter of, 125 Riots, agrarian (_see_ Ket, Peasants' Revolt, Pilgrimage of Grace); industrial, 495 Rochdale Pioneers, 618 Roundsmen, 646, 660, 661 Sac and Soc, 10, 11, 125 Saltpans mentioned in Domesday Book, 17 Schools, 249, 287; fine for attending, 84; industrial, in 18th century, 563; provision for, in 16th century, 287, 290 Scotch weavers, strike of, 618, 631-633 Scutage, 21, 29, 33, 34_n._, 80 Seisin, 122; feudal conception of, 63_n._ Serfs, 7, 9, 16, 17, 75_n._, 323 Sheep, restriction of numbers of, to be owned by individuals, 264-266 Sheep-graziers and sheep-grazing, 250, 264-266, 269, 274, 407, 408, 530, 531; in 18th century, 484-487 Sheriffs, 6, 9, 13, 15, 17, 19, 20, 27, 32, 34, 35, 40, 46-48, 50, 90, 94, 109, 114, 115, 120, 121, 136, 155-157, 160, 161, 164, 165, 174, 175, 189, 192, 200-202, 214, 250, 264, 324, 329, 372, 374, 379, 429, 473; offences of, 38, 39 Sheriff's aid, 80 Sheriffs' tourns, 38, 340 Shipping and Ships, 10, 188, 190, 191, 192, 197, 206, 210, 401, 402, 431, 675; encouragement and protection of, 153, 190, 206, 428, 437, 670, 671 (_see also_ Navigation Act) Silkweavers (_see_ Spitalfields) Sinking Fund, 667, 689; Act, 679 Small holders, enclosure disadvantageous to, 531, 532, 534, 535, 537 Small holdings, consolidation of, 523, 530, 541 Soap manufacture, 461-465 Social Contract, theory of, 281, 308 Sokemen, socmen, 9; bond, 36; free, 36 Somerset, Lord, Protector, 292, 293; agrarian policy of, 266 Speenhamland "Act of Parliament," 646 Spitalfields, silk weavers of, 484 Spitalfields Act, authorising the regulation of wages of London silk-weavers, 544, 547-551, 558, 575, 577, 591, 596 Stallage, 119, 122, 124 Staple, the, 153, 178-185, 407; custom of partition in, 185; mayor, council and merchants of, 179, 180, 182, 183, 184, 185 Staplers, 484, 485. (_See also_ Wool merchants) Star Chamber, Court of, 302, 365, 460; case in, 391 Statutes, 153; touching alienation of land, 69; touching depopulation, 315 (_see also below_); touching enclosure, 247 (_see also below_); of Merton (1234), 87; of Marlborough (1267), 37; of Acton Burnel (1283), 162; of Merchants (1285), 161-163; of Winchester (1285), 160; of Mortmain, 146, 150; of Quia Emptores (1290), 29_n._; of Labourers, 153, 168, 171-178, 231, 314, 323, 325, 367, 388 (_see also below_); of Monopolies, 399, 465-468 (_see also below_); of Inmates, 275; Poor Law, 275, 366 (_see also below_); 3 Edward I., touching freedom of elections, 309, 310; 12 Richard II., touching labourers, 171, 314, 323; 13 Richard II., touching wages, 324; 8 Henry VI., touching regrators of yarn, 340; 15 Henry VI., touching gild ordinances, 279; 18 Henry VI., touching hosting of aliens, 153, 198, 199; 4 Edward IV., touching truck, 318; 4 Henry VII., touching depopulation, 229, 271_n._, 324; 12 Henry VII., touching merchant companies, 444, 445, 453; 19 Henry VII., touching gild ordinances, 279, 284, 307; 6 Henry VIII., touching depopulation, 229; 7 Henry VIII. ditto, 229, 260; 22 Henry VIII., touching gilds, 280, 285, 310; 25 Henry VIII., touching depopulation, 229, 264; 27 Henry VIII., ditto, 229, 269; 28 Henry VIII., touching gilds, 280, 284; 31 Henry VIII., touching cornmarkets, 368; 33 Henry VIII., touching gaming houses, 442; 35 Henry VIII., touching depopulation, 269; 37 Henry VIII., touching gilds and chantries, 280, 287_n._; 1 Edward VI., ditto, 280, 286, 291; do., touching vagrants, 323; 5 Edward VI., touching depopulation, 324; 5 and 6 Edward VI., ditto, 229; do., touching gig-mills, 442; 3 Philip and Mary, touching depopulation, 229; 5 Elizabeth, touching depopulation, 229; do., touching weavers, 344; 5 Elizabeth, Statute of Artificers, 306, 307, 315, 325-336, 361, 424, 442, 544, 557, 576, 591, 624, 656; apprenticeship clauses of, 544, 579-589, 590; do., administration of, 353, 361; do., repeal of, 588; wages clauses of, 544, 576, 577; do., administration of, 341, 352; do., repeal of, petition against, 576; breaches of, 334, 342, 352, 353, 361; proceedings before Privy Council on, 361, 362; 19th century opinion on, 576-589; 8 Elizabeth, touching export of cloth, 426; establishing Muscovy Company, 453; 13 Elizabeth, touching export of corn, 428; 14 Elizabeth, touching compulsory poor rate, 372; 31 Elizabeth, touching depopulation, 229; 39 Elizabeth, ditto, 229, 268, 270_n._; 43 Elizabeth, touching poor relief, 364, 380, 662; 1 James I., ditto, 343, 557, 656; 21 James I., touching depopulation, 229; 21 James I., touching monopolies, 465; 12 Charles II., Navigation Act, 670; 14 Charles II., Settlement Act, 647; 7 George I., touching combinations, 624; 9 George I., touching workhouses, 650; 12 George I., touching truck, 546; 7 George III., touching poor relief, 663; 13 George III., Spitalfields Act, 547; 39 George III., touching combinations, 626; 26 George III., touching Sinking Fund, 679; 39 and 40 George III., touching industrial arbitration, 568, 570, 576; 39 and 40 George III., touching combinations, 618, 627, 633; 41 George III., touching enclosures, 537; 42 George III., touching factories, 504; 44 George III., touching industrial arbitration, 570, 576; 54 George I I., touching apprenticeship, 588; 55 George III., Corn Law, 697; 59 George III., Factory Act, 591; 3 and 4 William IV., ditto, 594; 4 and 5 William IV., Poor Law Amendment Act, 663; 7 and 8 Victoria, Factory Act, 612; do., Bank Charter Act, 702; 8 and 9 Victoria, General Enclosure Act, 541 Statute Law Revision Act (1863), 229 Steam power, use of, 544 Steelyard, the, 416, 417, 418, 440 Stock and land leases, 79, 81_n._, 245, 246 Stocks, punishment of, 172, 329, 366 Stafford, policy of, in Ireland, 399, 470-472 Strikers, prosecuted under law of conspiracy, 635 Strikes, 196, 617, 618, 619-622, 631-633, 635 (_see also_ Combinations, Labour disputes) Stuarts, the, fiscal methods of, 399 (_see also_ Patents) Tailors, journeymen, combination of, 617, 622-624 Tariff war, with Netherlands, 399 Taxation, 203-216, 667; aids, 29; carucage, 21, 32; do., fines for evasion of, 32, 33; geld, 12, 15, 16; Parliamentary subsidies, 406, 468; tonnage and poundage, 206; Parliamentary tenths and fifteenths, 170, 171; do., assessment of, 204, 205; scutage (_see_ Scutage); tallage, 27, 65, 80, 82, 93, 117, 127; do., assessment of, in London, 35; do., assessed on Jews, 46; Pitt on incidence of, 686 (_see also_ Income Tax); Walpole on incidence of, 679 Taxes, the Assessed, 684 Tenures of land (_see_ Burgage, Copyhold, Customary tenure, Feudal, Freehold, Leasehold, Villeinage) Testimonials or certificates of service, 172, 174, 175, 324, 327, 334-336, 353 Theam, 125 Tin, internal trade in, patent for, 442 Tithes, 249, 288, 289, 380, 528 Tolls (_see_ Boroughs, Fairs, Lastage, Markets, Murage, Passage, Pavage, Pesage, Stallage) Towns (_see_ Boroughs) Trade, Internal, combinations in restraint of, 108, 128-130 (_see also_ Craft-gilds, Gilds Merchant, Trade Unions); intermunicipal, 112, 119, 120, 121, 122, 124, 125, 126, 127, 133, 134, 152, 280, 282; municipal regulation of, 280, 282, 283, 294-299; state regulation of, 152, 153, 160-178; restrictions on, by a lord, 133; of aliens in England, 127 Trade, Colonial, effect of Navigation Act on, 672-674 Trade, Foreign, 152, 698-701; condition of, in 1587, 438-440; do., in 19th century, 689-692; depression of, 364, 383; encouragement of export and checking of import, 398, 399, 407-416, 424, 425, 426, 431-434, 439, 440, 454-461; export of dressed cloth, 398, 399, 402-404, 426, 454-461, 469; export of undressed cloth, 398, 399, 402-404, 424, 426, 454, 459; fluctuations of, 610; fostering of, 397, 398; instructions to a factor in Turkey, 431-434; perils of, 181, 188-192; protection of, 153, 187; relative merits of exports and imports discussed, 413, 421-425; with Africa, 691; with the Baltic, 691; with Canada, 690; with Continent, 502, 690; with East Indies, 452; with Flanders, 413; with France, 413; with Italy, 413; with Levant, 452, 691; with Low Countries, 179; with Portugal, 690, 691; with Russia, 449, 450, 452; with South America, 690, 691; with Spain, 413, 690; with United States, 502, 689, 690, 691; with West Indies, 690 Trade, Board of, 597 Trade boards, local, advocated, 596, 597 Trade Unions, 281, 617, 618; benefit clubs of, 618, 626; funds of, 629, 637 (_see also_ Combinations, Journeymen, Labour disputes) Trial by battle, 119, 123 Trial by jury, 123 Truck, 284, 318, 513; acts against, 318, 544, 545 Tumbrel, 156 Turkey Company, 431, 450 Unemployment, 364, 366, 369-373, 383, 390, 398, 573, 611 Unions of parishes for relief of poor, 651, 664, 665 Universities, 287, 287_n._ Usury, 44, 45, 49, 51, 154; London ordinance touching, 200; petition in Chancery touching, 201; petition in Parliament touching, 200 Utopia, Sir Thomas More's, 275 Vagrants, 323, 335, 366, 369, 378, 379, 384, 388, 647, 648, 654 (_see also_ Beggars, Bridewells, Houses of Correction, Labourers, Ordinance of, Poor, Workhouses) Village greens, excluded from enclosure act, 541 Villeins, bondmen, 9, 16, 17, 32, 36, 54, 55, 69, 71-75, 90-102, 165, 231, 249; actions brought by, 55; flight of, 55; grant of, 55, 98; imprisonment of, 99, 100, 101; licensed to leave a manor, 72, 75; manumission of, 55, 97; received in boroughs, 121, 125; regardant, 101; runaway, 69, 73, 74, 75, 125 Villeinage (status), 75, 228; acknowledgment of, 93, 94; cases before the Courts touching, 88-90, 92-97; survival of, in sixteenth century, 228, 231 Villeinage (tenure), bondage land, 24, 32, 54, 55, 66, 67, 68, 69, 84, 86, 235, 239, 248; grant of, by charter, 97 Wages, allowances in aid of, 646, 656; assessment of, under Statutes of Artificers, 314, 316, 325, 328, 329, 341-343, 345-353, 356-7, 359, 543, 546-7, 554, 576, 577, 631-2; do., abandoned, 576-7, 656; do., draft bill in House of Commons for, 336-341; do., petitions and requests for, 356-7, 361; do., under Spitalfields Act, 544, 547-551, 558; conspiracies to raise, 139, 140, 196; demand of excessive, 139, 140, 164-174, 176, 314, 324, 360, 361; depression of, 188, 314, 357, 358, 359, 507, 521, 590, 605; do., in cotton industry, 500, 501; in colonies, 315, 360; maximum, 315, 554; maximum, fixed by Statute, 153, 173, 174, 176, 177, 178, 624_n._; minimum, 315, 316, 342, 544; do., bill in House of Commons for, 554-568; proclamation of, by justices, under Stat. 13 Richard II, 323_n._, 324; proposals for a sliding scale of, for agricultural labourers, 552-53; rates of, fixed by journeymen combinations, 620-622, 623, 624, 630, 637, 638; regulation of, by towns, 280, 282, 284, 296, 316; do., by wages boards, 544 Wages boards, advocated, 596, 597; in Scotland, 597 Wales, Council of, 429, 430 Wardpenny, 80 Wardship and marriage (_see_ Feudal) Wards and Liveries, Court of, 21, 670 Waste (_see_ Commons) Watchmakers, resolutions of, on apprenticeship, 588 Water power, 592; in woollen industry, 482 Weavers Act (1555), 320 Weavers, Cotton, journeymen, petition of, to House of Commons, 500; hand-loom, proposals for wages boards by, 596, 597 Weights and measures, 132, 154, 155, 214, 248, 388; assize of (_see_ Assizes) Women, employment of, in agriculture, 7, 8, 173, 177, 178, 329, 346, 347, 547; in coal mines, 598, 599; in woollen industry, 350, 483; suggestions for employment of, in colonies, 436 Wool, 55, 265, 282, 284, 303; export of, 179-185, 187, 193, 407; growers, 355, 483; merchants, 132, 355, 484, 487 (_see also_ Staple and Staplers); price of, 407; Spanish, 431; do., import of, 494; do., patent to import, 441; do., worked in England, 492 Woolcombers, benefit clubs of, 626 Woollen Cloth Industry, 154, 183, 184, 187, 188, 265, 282, 284, 357-360, 383, 399, 432, 503; apprenticeship in, 499, 500; do., abolished, 587, 587_n_; condition of, in eighteenth century, 479, 482-487, 492-495, 545, 546; credit trading in, 493-95; dyeing in, 141-144; fraudulent workmanship in, 432; geographical distribution of, 484; hiring of looms in, 320, 321; limitation of number of looms, to clothiers, 318, 321, 344; organisation of, in seventeenth century, 354; state regulation of, 317-322, 330, 331, 336-341, 343, 344, 345, 350, 351, 352, 357-360, 382, 383, 398, 399, 402-404, 426, 454-461; in Ireland, discouraged by Strafford, 471 Woollen Cloth Trade, internal trade in, 399, 404, 468-470; export trade in, 198, 301, 398, 399, 402-404, 421, 426, 427, 431-434, 438, 440, 441, 446, 447, 450, 453-461, 469; do., patent for, 443; foreign criticism of English cloth, 319, 587 Workhouses, 369-372, 380, 586, 646, 648, 649; character of work provided in, 369, 370, 657-659; mortality in, 659, 660 Workhouse Test Act (1722), 650 Working Men's Association, address of, to Queen Victoria, 641 Wreck of sea, 37, 40, 122 Writs, 39, 101; return of, 37; service of carrying, 28, 63; of Chancery, 48; of Jewry, 44, 48; of _certiorari_, 202; of _corpus cum causa_, 200; of _precipe_, 36; of _quo warranto_, 474; of _recordari facias_, 236; of _replevin_, 236; of right, the little, 55, 91; _of scire facias_, 474; of _subpoena_, 186, 244, 277 Yarn, imported from Ireland, 485, 486 Yeomanry organisations, 280, 300, 302 (_see also_ Craft-gilds, Journeymen) Young, Arthur, his account of farming in Norfolk, 523, 530, 534; his advocacy of enclosures, 524; his criticism of commissioners' methods, 536, 537